bloom - Forgotten Books

LANSING B . BLOOM

M X T . CHEETHAM

NUMBER l—January, 1935

Bourke on the Southwest, VI Lansing B . Bloom 1

mes m the Ofi ate Documents F. W:Hodge

"

36

and Gal‘

isteo Lansmg B . Bloom 48

e"

a1‘

nyMonument, Dr . H . C . Gossard 51

ews z ;

Hackett . Picardo’

s Treatise on‘

the Limits bf

Erna. Fergusson

of Taoé . Giorgio Bellol i

numbers (except Vol: I , 1 , 2 , and

Volumes I-II can b e supplied at

each.

Address business communicati

Museum, Santa Fe , N . mi anus

NEW MEXICO

HIST ORICAL REVIEW

Editors

LANSING B . BLOOM PAUL A . F. WALTER

Assomfltes

PERCY M. BALDWIN E. DANA JOHNSON

FRANK T . CHEETHAM REV. THEODOSIUS MEYER

VOLUME x

PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY

THE H ISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO

THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO

CONTENTS

NUMBER 1—JANUARY , 1935

Bourke on the Southwest , VI L . B . Bloom

Pueblo Names in the Ofiate Documents F. W. Hodge

Alburquerque and Galisteo, 1706 L . B . Bloom

The Kearny Monument, Las Vegas H . C . Gossard

Reviews

Hackett, Picha f

rdo’

s Treatise on

L . B . B .

Aless io Robles , Saltillo eu la legenda , J E.

Englekirk

Gillmor and Wetherill , Tr

o

ade'rs to the Navajos .

Erna Fergusson

Boyer, Ariz ona in Literature . P. A . F. W

Grant, When Old Trails Were New

Giorgio Bel loli

Calvin, Sky D etermines . T . M. Pearce

Wilgus, Modern Hispanic Ameri ca . L . B . B .

NUMBER 2—APRIL , 1935

CivilGovernment and Soc iety in New Mexico in the

17th Century0

. F. V . Scholes

Notes on the Lineage of Diego de Vargas

J . M. E spinosa

Forts Robidoux and Kit Carson in Northeastern Utah

A . B . Reagan

Col. Buell ’s Expedition into Mexico in 1880

M. L . Crimmins

Old Roads and New Highways in the Southwest

Maud D . Sullivan

Eugene Manlove Rhodes , 1869-1934 L.

(

B;Bloom

Vi CONTENTS

A Blossom of Barren Lands (poem ) Eugene M. Rhodes 151

The Governors of New Mexico L . B . Bloom 152

Reviews :

Lesser , The Pawnee Ghost D ance Hand Game, D

D . Brand

Gambrell , Mim beau B . Lamar Crusader

F. M. Kercheville

Faunce, D esert Wife and

Reichard, Spider Woman, A . Esther Wilkie

Wyllys, Pioneer Padre: the life of Kino. L . B . B .

Noél Torre Revello, Estudios y documentos para

la histomia delarte colonial, vol. I, L. B . B .

Notes and CommentsThe D iego de Vargas Notes .

Governor Pile and the Archives .

The Mil itary Escort of 1834.

Possible Origin of“Luminarios .

PaulA . F. Walter .

NUMBER 3—JULY , 1935

The Spanish Military Chapels in Santa Fé and the

Reredos of Our Lady of Light A. von Wuthenau 175

The First Decade of the Inquisition in New Mexico

F. V. Scholes 195

A Trade-Invoice of 1638 L. B . Bloom 242

NUMBER 4—OCTOBER , 1935

Ofiate a Marauder ? G. P. Hammond 249

Bourke on the Southwest, VII L . B . Bloom 271

Kit Carson , Catholic Father Claudius Antony 323

Rewews :

Richardson Rister, The Greater Southwest

Thomas , After Coronado : Spanish ExplorationNortheast of New Mexico, 1696-1727 , L. B . B . 339

CONTENTS

Otero, My Life the Frontier , 1864-1882

P. A . F. W.

Notes :

The Frederick Webb Hodge Anniversary Publica

tion Fund

Errata

Index

vi i

340

ILLUSTRATIONS

The Great West m 1876, map fae mg 1

Gen’

l Crook’

s Trailfrom Camp Apache to MoquiVi llages , 1874

The Founding of Albuquerque, facsimi le of ms .

(1706 )

Diego de Vargas Coat of Arms

Eugene Manlove Rhodes“The Yucca blooms above its thorn ,

Carved Stone Reredos at Santa Fé as It is Today

Urrutia’s Map of Santa Fé (c . 1768 )

Stone Panel , Our Lady of Light between

Frontispiece from Cofradia Constitution,

1766

Title-Page of the Cofradia Constitution

The Reredos in the Old Cathedral

Kit Carson’

s Baptismal Record

Carson’s Marriage Record

BurialRecord of Carson and His Wife

NEW MEX ICO H ISTOR ICAL

REVIEW

JANUARY, 1935

BOURKE ON THE SOUTHWEST , VI

Edited by LANSING B . BLOOM

CHAPTER IX

ARIZONA NOTES,1873-74

OR THE next two years Lieutenant Bourke remained in

the Department of Arizona as“acting engineer offi cer

”

and as aide-de-camp to General Crook .

‘

The records extant

for this period are rather meager : a single volume of notes ;two newspaper articles which were published , one in San

Francisco and the other in Boston ;and a few casualdetai ls .

In spite of the fact that Crook had the Indian situationin Arizona well in hand after h is winter campaign

, it would

b e a mistake to think that scouting and fi ghting abruptly

stopped in March , Fights with renegades averaged

two a month during the next two years ;there was a six

weeks’

scout from San Carlos—again in the dead of winter ,and a two-months ’ scout in the B ill Wil l iams mountains inthe spring of 187

What part Bourke had in these operations is not known ,

but it is clear that he trailed over most of Arizona and at

least once he was across in Sonora :

1 . Compare with chronologica l record given in NEW Maxxco H ISTORICAL REVIEW ,

VIII, 5-7 .

2 . See the list of engagements , in NEW Msxxco 1113101110111. REVIEW ,IX

, 165-167 .

8 . He itman , H is toricalR egis ter , II , 438-441. On August 19, 1874, occurred thefi ght at Adobe Walls , Texas .

2 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

[Oct. 4, 1874] Today is the feast of Saint Franciswhich I spent, with so much interest and amusement, last year, at Magdalena, Sonora , Mexico.

No details of that visit are found , but years later Bourke

wrote up for a newspaper friend in Boston what he says“is a true story of the hanging of four murderers in Tucson,

Arizona , early in September , He may have wit

nessed this incident on h is way to Sonora . One of the vic

tims named Williss had been in j ail for a year ;the others

had Spanish names , and the story of their crime and exp ia

tion reads l ike a dime-novel . It was publ ished in Boston (a

sample of Bourke’

s humor perhaps ) with the black-type

heading : A Tucson Tragedy : a True Tale of Terror :

Kn ights of the Green Cloth , and the Pawnbroker ’s LastPledge.

”

The single notebook of 1874begins September 22 Witha brief diary of a march from Camp Verde to

'

san Carlos .

Under date of September 25 he writes :

Passed old Camp Reno on our R [ ight] today, alsotwo l ittle streams flow ing into Tonto Ck . from W.

Passed a number of old Aztec ruins today . Examined one and found it to b e the remains of a temple“teocall i .” An outer wall of rock had enclosed ahouse, having a court-yard , in center of whichcould still b e d iscerned a three-terraced teocalli ,with foundation of an altar on top . An en

trance through the house discovered signs of an

attempt at making arches

Af ter arriving at San Carlos, he recorded :

Indians had a b ig dance tonight The con

dition of affairs on the San Carlos we found astonish ing and gratifying . Indians present numbered875 . A11 living in vi llages with regular streets ,hous es of brush 12

'

high , bunks elevated two feetabove the ground . Every morn ing at 7 o

’

c . theirvillages are pol iced with the greatest care and

every Sunday an inspection is made to see that no

4. Under date of Sept. 5 , 1887 , Bourke pasted the n ewspaper clipp ing with thecomment : I wrote it W hile at Rockvi lle , Maryland , last fall.”

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during the present season . Indians all seemorderly and well-disciplined . Post in fi ne order .

Scenery is beautiful . Maj . Babcock relieved fromthe Department today . News received by courierof our Indians from Camp Verde, under guideZeib er , having killed 13 renegades . Three of our

Indians killed in the fi ght.

The Apaches seem to put a hi gh estimateon the telegraph line, without, of course, understanding its mode of operation . Last fall, whilePitone, Alchisay, and Uclenny were in Prescott, Isent a telegram from them to their friends on theReserve, h aving it carried by courier from Tucsonto this place [Camp Apache] . Greatly to theirsurprise, a party of their friends met them on the

mountains outside of the post, anxious to see whattruth there was in the mysterious message so

quickly conveyed . Lieut. and Mrs . R ice leavehere next week for Omaha Via Santa Fe and Den

ver . Ogilby’

s and Worth’s companies of the 8th

Inf . may b e with us tomorrow, in which case theGeneral and myself will depart for Prescott byTuesday , Randall

’

s Company leaving on sameday .

Two Apaches are confi ned in guard-house forattempting to cut ofi r

‘

their wives ’ noses—the punishment among this tribe for conj ugal infi delity.

Major Randall is determined to put an end to thisand other cruel and inhuman customs of the

Apache nation .

Many sincere friends of these Indians regretthat the philanthropy supposed to actuate thoseintrusted with their charge is not superior to themercenary influences of trade . The shrewdnessand discernment of the savage are known to b e

great; for every departure from an establ ishedrule, their curiosity demands an explanation . Not

icing that every seventh day, the store at the mi litary post was closed , they learned the day was“Domingo

”or Sunday and an opportunity was im

proved of informing them this cessation from business was in obedience to the Almighty

’

s commandsand in His honor . But while such an interpreta

BOURKE ON THE SOUTHWEST 5

tion was of itself comprehensible enough , a collateral circumstances threw a shade of suspicion uponthe integri ty of the translation . The establishmentat the Indian Agency under the supervision and

control of the Agent himself, was and is still keptopen for business every day without distinction ,

to the no small wonder of the aborigines incapableof appreciating the rel igious conversation of men

whose actions assure the world fi lthy lucre aloneis the object of their coming to Arizona .

Gen ’l Crook held a long conference with theIndians today . They asked for another agent, saying Mr . Roberts was a l iar whi le Major Randallalways spoke truth . We

’

re glad to see Gen ’lCrook and sorry to have Maj

’

r Randall leave .

Hoped Major Ogi lby would prove as good a commander .

Been busy all day laying in suppl ies for our

trip to the Moqui pueblos and the Grand Cafion of

the Colorado.

Oct. 7th ,1 874 (Wednesday ) . Left camp

Apache at 9 A . M. , accompanied by three Indianguides ,

“Mickey Free,” Santos , and Huero

[At] 5 miles met 2 Co’

s of 8th Inf . under Lieut .Craig . . [At] 18 miles came to forks of road ,right hand branch , N .N .E . to New MexicoM ickey Free says tomorrow we shall camp on

Shevelon’

s Fork, called by the Apaches Sin Lin ;on Friday the Colorado Chiquito will b e reached

,

and on Sunday the Moqui Vi llage of Orayb e .

Oct . 8th . . At Cooley’s ranch, established

last year , found good , comfortable adobe houses ,and outbuildings and corrals of pine fencing.

Crop this year consisted of lb s . barley .

Stock numbered between 230 and 250 head

The party continued its march northward,Lieutenant

Bourke as usual making h is careful fi eldnotes, accompanied

by detail maps of the route followed . The chief interest inhis record lies in the fact that it was his fi rst Visit to theHopi pueblos and in his ethnological observations . A few

years later he was to make a more extended study of this


people and there are few details in this fi rst record which

he did not use in his later writings .

7

Shortly after his return to Prescott, he made his fi rst

essay into the fi eld of scientifi c writing with an article which

he sent to the Daily Alta California in San Francisco. It

was published With the heading,

“The Moquis of Arizona : a

Brief Description of their Towns, Their Manners and Gus

toms.

” 8 It reveals a wide fami liarity with historical

sources, including the voluminous government reports of

Whipple, Beale, Ives , and Wheeler , but in this respect it

has less value than in its ethnological data . Bourke was not

in a position to verify or correct the historical vagaries and

surmises of earl ier writers , with the result that h is state

ments as to historical facts are sometimes at fault . The

value of h is work, both historically and ethnologically, l ies

in the observing and interpreting of h is own times . In the

case of the Hopi pueblos this may b e i llustrated by a few

quotations from the notebook and from the above newspaper

article, supplementing the information which is to b e found

in his later publ ications .

The squaws keep the interior of their housescreditably clean , but the streets are rather squalid ,fi lled with garbage and emitting a perfume of pu

trid vegetation , drying meat, goats , sheep , donkeys

[ burros] , manure, dogs, chickens , and other smellsfor which no name can b e assigned . Coleridgemight have come to the Moqui villages before stigmati z ing the smells of Cologne . Furnaces are

to b e seen , cyl indrical holes one foot in diameterand 2 feet deep , l ined with cement and used as

ovens for baking corn .

Of the religion of the people we learned nothing, altho we saw in nearly every house paintedpieces of wood marked with rude representationsof the human fi gure, probably idols .

7 . See var ious t itles in the Bourke bibliography, NEW MEXICO H ISTORICAL REVIEW .

VIII, 11-15.

8 . Bourke says that this was published as a monograph, b ut no such copy hasbeen located . Doubtless the text was ident ica l with that of the Californ ia newspaper.

BOURKE ON THE SOUTHWEST

Of the value of our money they could scarcelyb e made to understand an idea—they knew wel lthat with it in Santa Fé , Salt Lake C ity , and Prescott could b e bought muslins and cal icoes and powder, but of the worth to b e assigned each note itwas a matter of the greatest diffi culty to makethem bel ieve anything. A bargain j ust concludedwith them often was broken through their beingdispleased with some fi gure in the engraving .

When a woman ’

s fi gure formed part of the p icture,success most frequently attached to our bargain .

In trade they showed themselves more keen and

we would have had no trouble in disposing of a lotof bright red flannelshirts at almost any valuation .

One of the hardest duties a young offi cer can

b e called upon to perform is to purchase grainafter dark from a set of rapacious , ignorant, onesixteenth civilized savages and have to do thiswithout the necessary small change, while the Indians insolently r idicule as spurious any estimateof a greenback gr eater than a dollar .

“

“Mickey Free,”our Apache sergeant, proved

equal as a trickster to any of h is adversaries and tohear him expatiate with unblushing efi

’

ronteryupon the almost priceless value of the paper moneyin his possession , one would think the knaves werenot all dead yet. For two dollars he purchased b etter blankets than we could get for ten , and,

morethan that, the Moquis seemed to lie under lastingobl igations to the young imp .

Today [October 13] General Crook had a longtalk with the Moquis, telling them they must ceasecommerce with all Apaches not on the Reserves ,

9. Some light is thrown on how the money diffi culty was met by entries on the

fi y-leafOct . 12 . Borrowed from Sergeant Green Cahill .25 ; CahillScott $10.

Oct . 13. Genera l Crook borrowed of Hawes $20;of Cahill $5 : of Mr .Lewis $2 ;

and of Lt . Bourke 10, and of Scott $5.

Oct. 16 . Camp on Colorado Chiqu ito, pa id Cahi ll $5 be ing for himselfand for the men of the es cort—money borrowed Oct . 12th .

This was donewith the knowledge and consent of the Sergeant of the es cort .

Oct. 19. Camp on W . slope of San Franc isco Mounta in , pa id Mr. Scott $10 borrowed from h im Oct . 12 . General Crook des ired me to note he had borrowed$4 from Mr. Lewis Oct . 14th .

”

8

10.

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

which they promised to do. Besides , they agreedto let us have pounds of shelled corn at 4cents a pound in sacks ;a very l iberal deductionfrom the outrageous impositions of yesterday .

They are also to give us a guide hence to Orayb e,their main Village, and, if the General wishes, fromthere to the Colorado Caii on . Our Apache

guides left us today to return to the S ierraBlanca .

The Village of Orayb e is now in a condition of decadence and not perhaps as populous as

the three Visited yesterday . The supply of wateris more ample and the soil seemingly more generous ;in every direction , look where you will , are

forests of peach trees, the limbs of not a few breaking down under their burden of the delicious fruit,upon which our hungry soldiers are now delightedly feasting . Not even in New Jersey, Maryland ,Tennessee, Michigan , or Cal ifornia, famed for

their pomological productions , can b e found fruitsof better size for the table, more j uicy or moregrateful flavor than those lying on the groundabout us in hundreds of bushels and which the

squaws , in clusters of half a dozen, are engaged indrying on the sandstone benches on the southernside of the mesa . Probably thousands of poundsare at this moment exposed within a radius of

three miles from camp . The Indians here say

there is a Mormon settlement on the l ine of tomorrow

’

s march . Not being able to obtain a guide atOrayb e, General Crook was reluctantly compelledto return towards Prescott. The Moquis have nodoors , no window-shutters, and no window-panes .

In very cold weather warmth is. afforded by closingdooorways with fur coverlids .

10

The Moquis are a thri fty, frugal and industrious people—one of the few native tribeswhich do not impose all the drudgery of domesticand outdoor labor upon the women . The wilderand nobler Apache and Navajo disdain the effeminate Moqui , over Whom their superioritymust b econceded in every manly and barbaric virtue.

Excerpts from the notebook of 1874.


mander more for what he tried to do than for whathe really won .

11

Bourke expressed regret in h is notebook that the partyhad been unable to visit the Grand Cafion , but as they ap

proached the Colorado Chiquito river they passed through

the Petrifi ed Forest :

For four mi les the country was fi ne red sand ,strewn with fragments of basalt, flint, and a va

riety of porphyry, base fi int and crystals of red

jasper of small size . Petri fi ed wood could b e seen

in profusion , so nearly resembling fuel that hadcamp been made old soldiers would have been misled into raising it from the ground . At times the

petrifi ed chips, spl inters , and blocks reminded us

of the floor of a carpenter’

s shop . Trees petrifi edin the stump with stone branches lying near theparent stem were also passed but no silicifi ed twigswere met with .

”

So closes out the record of our brief stay in thecountry of the Moquis—a nation interesting in

many points as being one of the two or three maintaining the same domain today as they did whenCortez landed at Vera Cruz , and possessing all theindustrial arts which can b e acquired by a peopleunacquainted with the working of metals . Whilewe have made the journey not without some profi tand great interest to ourselves, it is not one to b e

repeated with advantage . Inhospitality, mendaciousness, rapacity, and fi lth are not the qualitiesto contemplate which one cares to travel for 80miles across a desert without wood or grass and

with only one watering place of importance and

that one the stream on which we have made camptonight, with current so turbid and sedimentary

11 . Ex cerpts from the D aily Alta. Californ ia of D ec . 14, 1874.

12 . This comment is rather different from that with which , some years later,Bourke ended h is art icle on General Crook in the Indian Country (Century Magazin e,xli , 660)

‘

No better descr iption of this great forest has ever been given than the one

made by the fi rs t Amenican trapper who v is ited it fi fty years ago.

‘

Podners ,’

he

sa id to h is comrades on return ing to Taos , New Mex ico, for the winter , ‘ I seed a

pewtrifi ed forest of pewtri fi ed trees , wi th the ir pewtrifi ed limbs chock-full of

pewtri fi ed birds , a-sing in ’

of pewtri fi ed songs .

’


that after bathing in it our faces and hands are encrusted with red clay and sand . Everyone in theparty rejoices at being once more across the l ine

separating us from“God

’

s country” where once at

least each day can b e found a pleasant spot for abivouac alongside some purl ing stream or near

some crystal spring .

Our absence from Prescott has been , for allthat

, replete with much of interest and importance . The operations of the mil itary posts and Indian reservations at Camps Verde, Apache, and

San Carlos have been inspected ;the strange towns

of the strange Moquis visited , and much scenery,good , bad , and indifferent, plain , mountain , fruitful fi eld and arid desert, bubbl ing spring of crystalfreshness and stagnant pool of slime and alkal i ,seen and experienced with varying sensations of

pleasure or discomfort, but all al ike laid away inthe recesses of memory as episodes in one of the

most pleasant trips of our military career .

”

CHAPTER X

FROM WH IPPLE TO SAN FRANCISCO

March 12th,

General Crook received telegraphicnotifi cation from Adjutant General Townsend of his assignment to duty as Commanding General of the Departmentof the Platte , with Headquarters at Omaha : also congratu

latory telegrams from Major G . M. Randall , Colonel Coppinger and other offi cers of h is old Regiment of the 23rdInfantry . Colonel A . V. Kautz , 8th Infantry, assigned totake command of the Department of Arizona , with h is

brevet grade of Major General . The above information ,

altho’ anticipated for some time, caused no little excitementwhen offi cially conveyed to our l ittle community of FortWhipple. No one can doubt the affection entertained forGen’l Crook by the offi cers and soldiers of h is command andby their families ;and altho with pleasure he accepts thenew cond ition of things , he and his staff wil l leave with

13. From the notebook of 1874.

1. Beginn ing the Bourke notebook of Ma rch 12-April25, 1875.


many deep and unfeigned regrets the refi ned and hospitablecircle of Fort Whipple and cherish with unalloyed affectionreminiscences of the joyful days passed there .

2

Mrs . Kautz , Mrs . and Miss Lynch, and Mrs . Thomasimmediately concerted the necessary preliminaries for acompl imentary Ball and supper to b e tendered the Generaland staff prior to their departure.

Nearly six years have dragged their sluggish coursealong since fi rst I crossed the Rio Grande with a fresh commission and eager aspirations for glory : dear comradeshave died , friends have come and gone, posts have been es

tablished and discontinued , yet still I have staid , apparentlya fi xture of the soil. But few other offi cers have had thegood fortune to witness the operations carried on againstthe hostile Apaches , from their inception to their closeand not one perhaps had the same opportunity of formingan acquaintance with this Territory and its people. Now

to new scenes and to new acquaintances , the hand of Des

tiny carries us ;may they b e as bright and as noble as thosewe leave behind !

March 13th , Sunday. Telegrams of regret receivedfrom Ewing, Coll ingwood , Nelson , Rockwell and otherfriends .

Message sent to Major Ogleby, 8th Infantry, acquainting h im with the fact of the General

’

s release from duty inthis Dept" Busily engaged all this day and the 14th innecessary preparations for our departure which will probably take place on or about the 25th inst . Honorable ColesBashf ord , Sec

’y of State for Arizona, transmitted by telegraph the resolutions of thanks to Gen ’l Crook, h is offi cers

and men , for the noble services performed by them in Ari

zona , passed by the Territorial Legislature.

Joint Resolution of Thanks to Gen . George Crook

Be i t resolved by the Legislative Assembly of theTerr itory of Ariz ona . That the thanks of the

people of Arizona Territory are due and throughtheir Representatives in the 8th Legislative Assembly are hereby tendered to that gallant soldier ,Brigadier General

‘

George Crook , and the offi cers

2 . The nex t page holds a clipp ing from th e Oakland (Cali f. ) Tri bune , Mar . 12,

which discusses Crook ’s tran sfer .

3. Mai . Fred D . Ogilby had, it will b e remembered , succeeded Randa ll at CampApache .


and men under his command for the noble services

they have rendered this country in subduing the

hordes of hostile Indians that had , until the advent

of General Crook in our Territory held the countryunder a reign of terror and civilization in check .

Tha twe recogn ize the fact that the pol icy that Gen

eral Crook has pursued has been the means and

the only means that could have effected the fi nal

grand achievement of peace within our Territoryand immunity from depredations from the savages .

Making war as he has, with vigor when war hadto b e waged and being merciful and just at all timesto those in his power , he has not only commandedthe respect but won the esteem of the savagesthemselves .

Tha t the Secretary of the Territory b e instructedto transmit a copy these Resolutions to GeneralCrook and to the Secretary of War and to all thepapers printed in this Territory.

Approved , February 12th , 1875 .

March. 15 th . The General Crook club rooms at FortWhipple are being elegantly decorated for the Ball of nextTuesday [Weds ] evening : festoons of evergreens hangfrom the walls , while the ceil ings are adorned with starsand wreathes of the same material . Over each window hangguidons and sabres and the regimental standards of the 8thInfantry , bear ing the proud record of noble service, occupythe corners . Whether j udged by the number of guests invited to participate or the elaborate nature of the preparations made for the occasion , there is no reason to doubtthat it willb e one of the fi nest affairs ever known on the

Pacifi c coast .A committee of

’

promment citizens of Prescott calledupon Gen ’l . Crook this morning, presenting a letter from aconvention held last night at the Court House, asking thatGen

’

l . Crook hold a farewell reception to afford the greatthrong of his admirers an opportunity of manifesting theirdeep sense of his integr ity, valor and abi lity as a true gentleman and soldier .


Prescott, March 16th , 1875 .

To Brig. Gen ’l . George Crook,Headquarters Department of Arizona ,

At an informal meeting of a large number of

citizens of Prescott and Vicinity, when the subjectof your early departure from our midst was discussed , it was thought proper to say to you that,although you have been among us for nearly fouryears , although your services are as fami liar as

household words ,”

yet a large portion of our

people have never met you personally and manyindeed do not today know you by sight .

The desire, therefore, to meet you is universaland it was decided to ask if you would set apart anevening when our people could see you, accompanied by your Staff , at the Court House in Prescott,take you by the hand , thank you for the peace our

Territory enjoys and b id you good-bye.

We are, General ,Very Respectfully &c .

T . J BUTLERCommittee . C . P. HEAD

THOMAS CORDIS

As the hour of our departure approaches , the sceneryaround Fort Whipple seems to grow more lovely, coquettishly adding new graces to the beauties we have known so

long. Old Thumb Butte lifts his scraggy head above thegeneral contour of the S ierra Prieta , which white withsnow bounds our Vista on the West and South ;to the North,San Francisco Mt’n wrapped in a mantle of virgin white,pure as the sai nt whose name it bears , looms up into a cloudless sky, a noble landmark, one which wi ll long hold a fondplace in our memory . Even the p ine trees on the hill-sidegrow more majestic as if they sought to entice us to stay .

A sky of immaculate blue, a temperature serene as thatof Italy and an atmosphere unrufi ied save by the softestZephyrs , combine to make our last days at Whipple themost charming of those we have spent here .

March 19th . The ground this morning is covered witha light drapery of snow and a bracing north east wind


assures us that Winter has as yet no intention of relinquishing his Dominion over Northern Arizona . General Kautz ’sstaff as thus far known will consist of Lieut. Thomas Wilhelm , 8th Inf . , A . D . C . and Adjutant General and Lieut. E .

D . Thomas , 5th Cav A . D . C . and Engineer Ofi‘icer . Invi

tations for the Farewell Ball , of Wednesday evening nextare now issued ;one may b e seen on the foregoing page .

A l ist of invited guests and a programme of the danceswill b e found over the leaf . The extracts herein containedare cl ipped from the editorial columns of the

“ArizonaMiner,

”of March 2oth ,

A prominent decoration in the ball-room is to b e seen

above the heads of the musicians ; it consists of a large

golden star , nearly covered with a wreath of evergreen ,

inside of which , surrounding a portrait of the General , mayb e read the legend in German text,

“Arizona’

s best friend .

March 20th . Turned over Engineering property to mysuccessor , Lieut . E . D . Thomas , 5th Cav .

March 22nd. General Crook rel inquished command of

the Department this morning in orders , General and Special ,hereto appended .

General Kautz assumed control , issuing General Orders ,No. 8 , in which his staff is announcedf

Many invited guests arrived to—day , which fact, addedto the bustle incident to the transfer of the Head Qrs . , imparted an air of decided activity to Fort Whipple .

Lieutenants Powell , Loshe, Pitcher (8th ) , Carter , 6thCav . , Captain Porter, 8th Inf . , Colonel Nelson , U. S .

\

A

Colonel and Mrs . Mason , 5th Cav . , Major and Mrs . Brayton , 8th Inf . , were among those reaching Hd. Qrs . on thisdate .

March 23rd. The compl imentary reception tenderedGeneral Crook by the citizens of Prescott in the name of thepeople of Arizona , took place to-night at 7 o

’clock , in the newbrick building known as Hatz

’

s Restaurant . All of the

offi cers and ladies stationed at and Visiting Fort Whipplewere conveyed to town in ambulances belonging to the Q. M.

Depot, and for a short time the hum and rattle of wheelsbore a faint resemblance to Broadway . Upon coming totown , the party was received by a delegation from the main

4. The list of guests fi lls three pages ; and three more hold clipp ings from Ari

zona papers .

5 . The fi rst of these is counters igned by Bourke , the second by Thomas .


committee on reception and headed by the 8th Inf . bandproceeded to the place of convention . Here upon an elevated, carpeted dais were seats for General Crook and

Kautz and their respective staffs ;nearest the stage, rows ofarm-chairs were devoted to the use of the great number of

ladies present whose bright toilettes were admirably set off

by the dark clothing of the surging mass of male humanitybehind them .

Behind the platform and above it a canopy formed of

the national standard made a simple and becoming decoration to screen the hero of the occasion .

Above the arm-chair in which General Crook took hisplace, hung h is portrait embowered in evergreen and en

closed in the words ,“Firm

,Just, Brave, True.

”

Mayor Luke, chairman , then addressed the General asfollows :

“In the name of the people of Prescott, I welcome you,

General Crook, the hero of Arizona ;”and afterwards pre

sented to the audience Hon . John A . Rush who, in_

a tellingspeech, expressed the sentiment of regret of the people of

Arizona to learn of Gen ’l Crook’s assignment to new fi elds

of duty . The reply, made by the General was terse, emphatic , full of feeling and productive of round after roundof applause. In succession remarks were then made byGeneral Kautz , Captain Nickerson , Lieut. Bourke and

others, those of Nickerson being especially good and fi nelydelivered .

Telegrams were read to the audience expressing a sympathy of Views and a coincidence of regrets on the part ofthe towns of Tucson , Yuma , Phoenix, &c . The entire audience, numbering considerably over 300, now came forwardin single fi le to shake the hands of General Crook and h is

staff , it was certainly a deeply suggestive scene this spectacle of merchant, miner , arti z an , farmer and laborer , struggl ing forward to b id God-speed to the man they had learnedto love as their Savior and Deliverer .

Probably never in the history of our Union has such aspontaneous ebullition of feel ing been witnessed on the frontier . Everything about the affair betokened the earnestness with which the citizens had entered into it, all seemingto feel they were saying Farewell to one who had been not

merely a soldier executing orders but a friend truly devotedto their welfare .


fi nal exercises of Farewell . A sky of immaculate blue,mountain scenery sweet beyond compare , a temperature of

celestial serenity were the auxiliaries giving additionalbrightness and beauty to the gala array of carriages, horsesand people drawn up on the summit of a little flat knol l inthe center of which the departing guests took station . Champagne and other stimulants were soon in generous circulation and after a few moments ’ desultory conversation , Gen

eral Kautz called the assembly to order and in a speech re

plete with w it and good points , bade an affectionate farewel l to the late Department Commander and staff and

wished them new honors in their new fi elds of duty .

Shaking hands for the last time now followed and amidthe sobs of the ladies and tears of the sternest men this mel

ancholy duty was at last accomplished . Over 125 peoplewere on the ground .

8

A runaway team of horses broke the elegant carriageof Major Wilhelm , seriously inj uring as was fi rst thought,Mrs . Wilhelm ;but, fortunately, only a slight fright wasexperienced .

Old San Francisco reared h is snowy head above thescene looking majestic as an ancient king;one last fond lookat the snowy crowned monarch of the Sierras, one lastfonder , more l ingering look at our beloved friends and, amiduproarious cheers for General Crook, Captain Nickersonand Lieut . Bourke, we shook from our feet the dust of theAztlan and commenced our journey to the land of the Dacotahs . Another star gleams in the horizon of the future .

“

Camped at old Camp Hualpai . 37 miles .

March 26th . Moved toWillow Springs 45 m.

March 2 7th . Moved to Beales Springs 40m.

M(LTCh 28th . Moved toMojave (Fort) 36 m.

These days ’ marches were without any special incident ;on the 26th , we met at Anvil Rock, General Morgan and

Lieut . Savage returning from General Court Martial dutyat Moj ave . Received a letter from Captain Byrne, 12thInf . As we approached Moj ave, the weather grew very

8 . Bourke names many of these ; and follows with two pages of cl ipp ings fromthe Ar izona Min er , Apr . 27 .

9. Here Bourke has sketched an epaulette showing two stars ! Crook was com

m iss ioned a br igadier genera l Oct . 29,’

73, and did not become a major general untilApr . 6, 1888.

10. Capt . Tommy Byrne is already known to the reader . He should not be

confused with Capt .

“Jimmy Burn s .


warm and our faces were badly burned in the sun . The

banks of the Colorado were fringed with cottonwood and

willow trees in full bloom and far as the eye could reach thesinuous course of the turbid stream which connects our newDepartment With the old could b e traced .

At the fort, an old-time hosp itality awaited us ;Capt.and Mrs . Thompson, Lieut. Allen ,

Dr . and Mrs . Lawrence,Mr . Ben Spear, Mr . Paul Bréon , Mr . Charles Schroeder and

some others had assembled to greet us on our arrival . The

Battery belched forth its salute of (13) thirteen guns, afterwhich an elegant dinner was served at the residence of Capt.Thompson , the post commander . To-morrow, Easter Monday

,March 29th , we are to cross the Colorado river , ascend

the mountain known as Pi-Ute Hill and begin our journeyacross the desert of Southern Cal ifornia .

Easter Monday, March 29th . Transferred our heavywagons across the Colorado river at day—break ;partook of

an elegant breakfast with the Thompsons and received thefarewel l greetings of a number of friends with whom we

exchanged pledges of champagne . About started forthe Ferry and were soon being pulled across the river by thesturdy arms of Mojave Charons ;

11 when on the Nevada side,one of our mules becoming frightened made a rush overboard and in doing so impaled himself upon one of the heavyiron bolts on the side of the vessel , tearing a gash in h is

breast about two inches in d iameter and six in depth . Thisaccident occasioned some delay but we were soon cl imbingslowly up the steep grade of the Eastern slope of the Pi

Ute Mountains : twelve miles out from Camp Moj ave, passedthe boundary monument between Nevada and California,making two states and one territory within whose l imits wehad been in one day ;i . e. Arizona , Nevada and Californ ia .

Descending this mountain range on the other side, our

course lay across a barren , rocky and sandy plain for nearly12 mi les when we reached Pi-Ute Springs , a beautiful littlejet of water in a rift of barren hills . The stone buildingsand corrals here were constructed as a p icket station by the9th Infantry in bygone days . Water is forced from its

b ed by a small hydraul ic ram, in fi ne working order .

Through the courteous consideration of Capt. Thompson, we

11. To those familiar with the Colorado river at that point and with the MohaveDesert beyond , this metaphoric a llus ion to the River Styx and the ferryman to Hadeswill not seem incongruous .


were overtaken shortly before getting to this point by acourier with a copy of the latest number of the Amlz onaWeekly Miner , with an account of the ceremonies incidentto the General

’

s departure . Extracts from it are insertedalso the valedictory editorial of the

“Arizona Sentinel .”

Heard last n ight and to-day that the Companies of the 12thInf . , now in Arizona, are to b e removed and the posts on theriver now occupied by them garrisoned by companies fromthe interior of Arizona .

To-day the wind blew bitter cold from the north-west .Tuesday, March 3oth . A long, uninteresting drive of

forty (40) miles to Marl Springs, through a country barrenand devoid of

“

picturesque adornment, with no vegetationsave the wild date, cactus, Spanish Bayonet, soap-weed and

artemesia;with rugged masses of Basalt, p iled like Ossaupon Pel ion in grand rel ief with the arid desert below .

Lunched midway on the journey at Rock Springs . FoundMarl Spring station a l ittle “

dug-out excavated in the sideof a mountain marl ;the joists supporting the roof weregnarly branches of the stunted mountain cedar pecul iar tothis section ;the thatching was formed of the leaves of the

wild date palm and limbs of various species of cactus .

The thorny .plants indigenous to Southern Cal iforniaand Arizona had been brought into requisition to constituterail ings and fences for the corrals and other appurtenantsof the house.

In the“dug-out proper , a small den, in dimensions 15

by 20feet, served as a sitting room , general sleeping apartment and bar-room . On one side some sacks of barley werep iled up ready for issue and sale to passing teams ;on theother , a counter provided with a small decrepit pair of Fairbank’s scales , was the only ornament . Behind this arrangedon a set of weak-minded shelves , were a few cans of peaches,tomatoes and peas ;yeast-powders , sardines , candles, heavyshirts , p ickles , matches , cigars , and tobacco, in promiscuousconfusion and perhaps not aggregating in value $200.

Dismal as this place was , it yet parodied the functionsof a mecca to weary prospectors who hied from the adjacentb ills to learn at the “

station” the latest news or what passedfor news With these poor people.

Who had “struck it rich” in the Greenwood ;whose

drift had “

got in on”the

“pay streak;” what Scotty Smith

’

s

ore was probably worth to the ton ;were“things lively

”


down to Cerbat ;who was running the station at Sody,Why Wallace

“

got sho and how—in lazy continuity, the

talk drifted slowly along from meridian until far after sun

set.

The raiment of the miners was as monotonous as theirconversation ; cow-skin boots , old patched pants , coarsewoolen shirts and hats which had a look of having been bornsecond-hand .

Yet to these hardy prospectors our nation is largelyindebted for much of its mater ial development and prosperity on the Pacifi c coast;the mines of Washoe, Arizona ,Pike’s Peak, Boise, and Panamint owe their discovery to thevery class of men whose colloquoy and appearance are re

ferred to in these pages ;seldom do any of the poor wretchesmake money, like straws on the wave of a fast-advancingcivilization they float along helplessly until they strandforever on some barren shore and become an example and

a mockery to the children growing up in the mining towns .

Sometimes, one more fortunate than his comrades will manage to sel l at a fair fi gure mineral ledges he has

“prospected”

and“located ;

”and then for a brief carnival the d issolute

and depraved run riot with his hard-earned gains ;when thelast dollar has gone, with no companion save a pack muleand dog, no fortune except a pannier or two of provisions,a pick, shovel and horn-spoon , away from the gl itteringlamps and squeaky music of the faro-banks which stand tohim as the semblance of an alluring civilization , away to thedesolate plains and rugged mountains, descending gloomycaiions or slowly cl imbing dizzy precip ices, away, restlessas the Wandering Jew , until the sharp twang of the

Apache’s b ow brings rest to the weary feet or until , worsefate, old age shall surprise him decrepit and almost imbecile,despised as a suppl iant by the same gin-mills which tracetheir fi rst prosperity to h is old-time prodig

'

ality.

m

March 313t. The character of country remained un

changed, except that during forepart of the day , wild datepalms were much more numerous than at any other time onthe trip . The last six or seven miles of the thirty-sixpassed over to-day led us across the dry b ed of a dry lake ,known as

“Soda Lake,”about seven miles in average width

and nearly thirty in length . The painful, snowy whiteness

12. Another clipp ing from the Arizona Miner (Apr . 9) comments on“Sher idan ,

Crook, and Kautz.


of this vast mineral deposit unrelieved by a single stem of

vegetation ,prepares the mind for the information that from

this point Northward runs Death Valley,” where no liv

ing creature exists, and where not infrequently prospectorsand travellers have perished for want of food and water .

According to Lieut. Wheeler’

s (U. S . A . ) calculations thisstation of Soda Lake is 200feet below sea level . A bubblingspring of crystal water springs to the surface near the doorof the house;experienced travellers avoid its use as, beingimpregnated with soda , it has the eff ect of a drastic purgative. As a detersive, nothing can b e imagined better . al

though it slightly corrodes the skin .

This station consists of (2 ) two good adobe houses withshingle roofs and a stone kitchen .

At this station, we found a very curious and entertaining

“record” book of the arrivals at the station ;the follow

ing will better serve to convey an idea of the scope and

character of the volume than a more extended description :“Tuesday, Mar . 5th , Drunken Irishman , Two Mexicans ,

broncos, Dutchman same who was here last week, JudgeDixon , Dr . Sawyer, a teamster , two miners unknown ,

SamPatterson .

AprilI st. Marched through very deep sand to CampCady, 36 m. , requiring 14hours for the journey ;observedalong route how the sand blasts had carved and fashionedthe hardest rocks into fantastic shapes . Lunched at “

the

caves,”in a low , narrow b ox caiion of the Mojave River .

Deep gashes and cracks in the rocks about indicate the

action of earthquakes . Country very barren ;nearly destitute of wood , water and grass . Found Camp Cady an old

government post of adobes , rather dilapidated and rapidlygoing to ruin .

April2nd. Made a rapid march of 40miles over an

improved country to the “Cottonwoods,” where, fi nding the

road to Bakersfi eld impracticable for heavy wagons, Gen’l

C . changed h is intention and determined to move direct toSpadra , the terminus of the R . R . Lunched this a . m. at the“Fishponds,

”20miles out;the character of our food on this

trip has been excellent . The l iberality of our kind-heartedfriends at Prescott and Fort Whipple has kept us suppliedwith champagne, claret, whiskey, brandy, turkey, chicken,

cake and other delicacies grateful to the weary and hungrytraveller .


Slept this night under the ramada had a fel ine con

cert I cannot soon forget . An old tom-cat whose body b eyond a doubt contained the soul of Rossini or Mendelsohn

set up a most infernal squalling at foot of my b ed and atend of each p iece would retire behind a cottonwood pillar

evidently to compose some new symphony as we could hearhim run through the gamut of all the Cat music since thedays of George Washingt on . My sleep for this reason wasslightly impaired .

Saturday, April3rd,1875 . Moved to Freer

’

s Ranch38mi les ;for fi rst 20miles, l ine of travel lay through a forest of date palms, afterwards belts of scrub juniper . Progressing Los Angelesward, the houses and farm buildingsimproved greatly in appearance with each mile of way .

Sunday,April4th . When we awoke this a . m. , a heavy

sea-fog overspread the whole face of the country, obscuringthe Cucamongo and San Bernardino Mountains near by,

which we saw yesterday covered with snow . The pass inwhich this ranch is situated is called Cajon Pass and

through it the R . R . to Arizona is to b e built.” Passed along

through a tributary, gorgeous in emerald green tapestry,variegated with countless wild flowers . The adjacent fi eldscovered with green and russet were l ighted up by the rays ofthe morning sun , straggling through the now fast dissipating clouds . Farmhouses on every side, showing every evi

dence of thrift and comfort, vineyards with thousands uponthousands of vines ;orange, apple, peach , English walnutand ol ive trees and b ee-hives by the hundred were to b eViewed on either hand . At 10a . m. passed the Cucamongo

”

ranch , renowned for the fi ne grade of wine there manufac

tured. The road was most excellent and our vehicles thundered along with the velocity of a R . R . train . At

p . m. reached Spadra , the terminus of the R . R . running E .

from Los Angeles . Found it a collection of hastily con

structed houses, grog—shops &c . , tenanted by R . R . employeesand evincing signs of life, greatly different from the quietapathy to which we had become accustomed in Arizona .

That evening, General Crook and stafl"and a small

party of friends dined at Rueb ottom’

s .

Monday, April5 th . A short ride on the R . R . broughtus to Los Angeles, and carried us through the heart of semi

13. Not until the spring of 1881 was ra il connect ion with the East completedthrough southern Ari zona and New Mex ico.


trop ical Californ ia . The egotism and incl ination to boasting of the Cal ifornians now seemed pardonable and j ustifi able as we were called upon to contemplate the magn ifi cent

vista of fi elds , glowing in purple, green and gold with abackground of sun upon the deeply-scarred flanks of the

mountain ridges . Vineyards , alternating with orange

groves and bordered by fi elds of alfalfa which stretched tothe l imit of Vision , wel l-constructed ranches , great herds of

cattle and droves of sheep , spoke in praise of the sub stan

tial wealth of the country, whi le the noble old MissionChurch of San Gabriel , reaching its buttresses to within50 yards of the iron rai ls appealed to men to devote somel ittle care to the accumulation of treasure not of this world .

The rich haciendas of Shorb , Wilson , Stoneman and otherslined the way and prepared us in some measure for the

bright l ittle city of the Angels , in whose streets to-day madspeculation and legitimate business distract the attentionand almost banish the recollection of the fact that its foundation in 1781 , by the Spaniards , was the extension of the

Cathol ic religion among the neighboring tribes of aborigines . The hospital ity of the gentry of Los Angeles is al

ready proverbial ;in their treatment of Gen’l Crook’s party,

the old reputation of the community was fully sustained .

“

The same evening, we started by rail to San Fernando,31 miles ;thence by stage to Bakersfi eld;the

“San Fernando

cut,”156 feet deep , 400 yards long, through a ridge or

stratum of indurated clay and sand is a dangerous pass ,j ust admitting one team at a time, and is a favorite resortfor the robbers lurki ng throughout Southern Cal iforn ia .

Old Fort Tejon , now known as Beale’s Springs ‘ 5

is a situation deserving of a more general reputation for beauty,salubrity and value. Nestling in among lofty snow and pineclad mountains, many l ittle bubbl ing brooks fi nd their wayfrom the rocky fastness across the grassy turf and amongthe clumps of oak trees which almost hide the buildings . Asour vehicle slowly drove through its l imits , ourselves andcompanions forgot in the enjoyment of the moment thebitter cold of the night previous and the petty d iscomfortsinseparable from all stage travell ing.

14. Th e Los Angeles Express , Apr. 6 , carr ied an interview with General Crookwhich here fi lls s ix pages . And many other clipp ings of this approx imate date are

scattered through th e subsequent notes .

15 . Not to b e confused with the Bea le’

s Springs 43 mi les east of Fort Mojave .

See N . M. H IST. REV IX . 183.


CHAPTER XI

EASTWARD THROUGH UTAH

With vivid recollections of the ovation tendered theGeneral by his numerous warm friends on the Pacifi c coastand escorted by a delegation of admirers, our _

transconti

nentaljourney began at Oakland at 6 a . m. of the 13th April .Governor Pacheco of Cal ifornia met the General at

Sacramento,in a very hearty and kindly manner , presenting

some prominent gentlemen who had accompanied him to the

depot. One of them , Major George B . Sanford , 1st Cavalry,U. S . A .

At Ogden, Utah , the disagreeable news was borneacross the wires of the break in the U. P. R . R . near Greenriver, caused by the unexpected floods which the melting oflast winter ’

s heavy snows had occasioned .

We now turned S . on the Utah R . R . going to Salt Lakewhere General J E . Smith and his officers were awaitingGeneral Crook at the R . R . depot and conducted himself andstaff to the Walker House, one of the two prominent hotelswhere quarters had been prepared for them . After dinner,we were driven to the post of Camp Douglass, 3mi les fromtown and 700feet above it. Here we found the garrison of

6 companies and Hd. Qrs . of the 14th Infantry, pleasantlysituated in regard to everything except offi cers

’ quarterswhich were very inferior and very old.

General Crook was called upon by all the offi cers and

their families and was also honored by a salute accordingto his brevet rank : after witnessing dress-parade, we re

turned to our hotel in town .

Salt Lake has been so much written about and so

greatly studied that perhaps it is better understood than any

of our cities on the frontier and a diffuse description of it

is not necessary in this place. We found it a community ofsome people, mostly professing with more or lessfervor, the polygamic tenets of the

“Church of Latter DaySaints of Jesus Christ,

” called generally “Mormons .

”The

situation of the town in contiguity to the Great Salt Lakeand on a barren alkali flat is most unpromising but the patience and ski ll of the religious fanatics making the fi rst

settlements have overcome many almost insuperable obstacles andmade the desert truly to bloom as a rose . The streets


are 80feet wide, with canals full of running water on eitherside and shade and fruit trees in abundance around all thedwellings and in front of them . The manufactures of the

vicinity are yet feeble, but promise very valuable results intime : salt can b e obtained from the lake water in the wonderfulratio of 1 to 4! Woolen goods of very excel lent texture are produced in quantities suffi cient for all domesticdemands .

1

Two fi ne hotels , the Townsend House and the WalkerHouse, the fi rst a Mormon , the second a Genti le establishment, afford accommodations of no mean order to wearytravellers . The Walker House is provided with hot and coldbaths, electric bells, gas, fi rst class B illiard rooms , new car

pets and furniture and all the modern conveniences .

April1 6 th . General Clauson , so styled , son- in-law of

Brigham Young, Colonel Hooper, formerly delegate to Congress, and other representative men of the Mormon commun ity paid their respects to General Crook and gave him amessage from President Young, asking him to Visit the headof the Mormon Church at his residence, the Lion House;Mr . Young offered as an apology for not fi rst call ing uponGeneral Crook the increasing burden of h is years and the

remembrance of a gross insult off ered him when last at the“Walker House.

”Accordingly, under escort of the gentle

men mentioned General Crook and staff proceeded to the“Lion

”or

“Bee House, a structure irregular in plan ,

butvast in size, built of stone and surrounded by a close of considerable area ;the wall , bounding the precincts is of con

crete, defended by buttresses of the same material . Overthe main entrance, a lion couchant is seen and on the veryapex of the building, a golden beehive, emblem of intelligentindustry , adopted by the Mormons as one of their symbols,attracts the notice of the passer by. This building serves,among other purposes , as the residence of many of Brigham Young

’

s wives or concubines, but his favorite harlotshave special domiciles alloted for their use.

“Amel ia ’s”

1. A c lipp ing follows from the Army and Navy Jou rnal, Apri l. 24, 1875 ,

to which Bourke had evidently sent cop ies of the Arizona Miner . The latter is

quoted : “S ince General Crook must go away, we are pleased to know that Genera]

Kautz succeeds h im , instead of a stranger to this Department . Arizona is a s lumbering volcano, so to speak, that is liable to break out into a state of eruption at any

moment , and it wi ll requ ire a steady hand . . in case of another upheaval, to keep fromgett ing scorched by the red-hot fi re and br imstone that the Apache Devi l knows so

well how to st ir up .


house, inhabited by the youngest and prettiest of h is harem ,

is built according to the latest Chicago touch , with Mansardroof, bay Windows and projecting balconies . A portion of

the“Lion

” house is laid off for use as Offi ces of variouskinds and in one of these, the main reception room , BrighamYoung awaited General Crook

’

s approach , surrounded bythe Grand Council , the Apostles , Elders and other dignitaries of his sect. The meeting was cordial and interestingand endured long enough to afford me an opportunity of

noting what was important or valuable for future reference .

Portraits of the long l ine of Mormon bishops ranged aboutthe walls gave the room the semblance of a cheap picture

gallery ;the artistic execution of these paintings was veryinferior and spoke very forcibly of the artist’s want of talentin his art or the homely traits of the dead and gone rulers ofZion ;in general , the shrewd , penetrating sensual and coldblooded looks of these believers in the text of Moroni insp ired the observer With repugnance and disgust;the sameaspect of low cunning, lechery, avarice and grasping ambition , combined with some share of practical business tactcan b e discerned in the faces of Brigham Young and h is

l iving associates .

Brigham Young in age is 75, corpulent of body, massivein frame and yet very bright intellectually . Animal passions strongly marked in countenance and evidently a man

of no common character , but, as I think, has no faith in thecreed he inculcates as the only means of salvation . All theMormon leaders are in manners plausible and in conversation insinuating;their courtesy to offi cers of the Army sta

tioned among them is very marked ;from motives of pol icy,they avoid a conflict with the mil itary forces , not perceivingapparently that a more insidious and more deadly agentthan War has already seized upon the throat of their powerand is quietly but surely and rapidly suffocating it. The

Pacifi c R . R . has effected a greater revolution in Utah thansoldiers could have done in the time elapsed since

its completion [ in Mormonism with its sal ient feature, polygamy, can exist only in the isolation of our GreatWestern Sol itude and this seclusion once rudely broken inupon by the iron messengers of a nobler civilization and

more exalted rel igion , the disc iples of Smith and Young,

unable to fi nd new deserts , unacquainted with more secludedfastnesses must submit to a destiny of dispersion and ex


tinction . If in twenty years, the vast edifi ces erected by thissingular rel igion yet stand , it wi ll b e among an assemblageof unsympathizing and cynical antagonists jealous of the

presence in their midst of the smallest vestige of the creedthat but lately ruled the valleys of Utah .

The Mormons profess a belief in the Holy B ible and in

the text of a supplementary book written or engraved on

sheets of copper by Moroni , represented as an angel of God;yet neither of these volumes commands the respect accordedthe

“revelations ,

” dictated by God to his chosen people bythe mouths of h is duly designated Apostles . These “

revelations” are varied and comprehensive in character , rangingfrom a decision upon questions of dogm a to counsels in matters of business ;Grace and Green Groceries, Religious re

generation and Railway management, Architecture and

Growth in Hol iness curiously m ingle and alternate in the

Fatidical [prophetic] enunciations with which BrighamYoung regularly edifi es the devout and regales the skeptical .The Mormons adopting the keystone of Cathol ic teachingSubmission to authority—c arry the doctrine of Blind Obedience from Religion to Pol itics and Commerce;the churchprescribes , and proscribes ;what article of Faith shall b ebel ieved and what article of merchandise shall b e patronizedcome equally within the j urisdiction of the B ishops, whosedomination now somewhat impaired is yet of great potency .

Every street corner has its store bearing aloft the signof a human eye, surrounded by a cabal istic symbol ;

Z . C . M. I .

Holiness to the Lord .

(eye )Cheap Dry Goods

and

Groceries .

Z. C . M. I . Zion ’

s Co-Operative Mercantile Institute .

To these establ ishments , the pious Mormons wend theirway, buying and sell ing one to the other that trade may as

far as possible b e kept from the hands of the Gentiles .

Nevertheless some of the mercantile fi rms of strongeststanding, are conducted not alone by Gentiles but by seced

ers from their own Faith . The House of Walker Bro’

s ,

doing an annual business of millions , bears the name of


young men who have openly defi ed the authority of Brighamand the church .

Little can b e said of polygamy except reprobation , and

scorn ;the women who knowingly submit to a condition.

of

concubinage in a Christian country would maybe have b ecome prostitutes in the absence of such a rel igious dispensation ;yet there are among the Mormon women examplesof keenness and intelligence and in my own conversationwith them I was not favored with any confi dentialoutburstsagainst the degrading, soul-destroying influences by poly

gamy such as enl iven the pages and chapters of books and

treatises by travellers generally.

The Mormons claim , and the claim must b e allowed ,that by their unaided energy they have overcome obstaclessuch as no other settlers in our

‘midst have ever had to en

counter , making what once was the most frightful solitudeof the Great American Desert blossom as the rose . Theircity is a glorious exponent of the powers of man and rankshigh in the l ist of corporations to b e noted for careful drainage, good ventilation , abundance of foliage, well-arranged

gardens and common-sense dwelling houses . The equabilityof the cl imate, the charm of the majestic mountain scenerynear by, the abundance and cheapness of fruit, vegetablesand all articles of diet and the present accessibility by R . R .

promise a bright and happy future for the valley of the

Great Salt Lake when the objectionable rel igious featureshall have been el iminated .

The noble ranges , snow clad from Jannary to Decemb er , known as the Wahsatch and Oquirrh Mountains hemin the valley on R . and L . and from their ore-seamed flankshave already commenced to yield rich returns in silver , ironand copper , a bright harbinger of the metallic harvest Utahwill furn ish the world after better development .

Salt Lake C ity has but few buildings of note and none

of much beauty .

All tourists are expected to Visit the Tabernacle, as thecathedral of the Mormons is called ;here courteous attendants will always b e found to escort and inform visitors . Its

ground plan is an el lipse with transverse and conj ugate diameters of 250 and 125 feet. 40 feet above floorings, thered sandstone walls give support to the trusses and strutsbearing the ell ipsoidal wooden roof, 68 feet from the upperextremity of its vertical conj ugate axis to the planking


below and 77 feet from the wooden shingles on the exteriorto the same point. Any glowing anticipation of architec

tural elegance is brusquely dissipated upon seeing thisenormous stone mud-turtle, for such it resembles ;the builders sacrifi ced all aspirations after a beautiful ideal to themore important demands of ventilation , acoustics and ca

pacity.

Fifteen thousand can b e placed within its walls, most ofthe audience can b e seated and in case of fi re the broaddoors, placed not more than 25 feet apart insure the safetyof the vast multitude worshipping there on solemn occasions . The pecul iar mathematical confi guration of the

bui ldings causes every note of the organ , every sentence of

the preacher and the words of the singer to b e heard witha refreshing and unusual distinctness in all parts of the

edifi ce .

The organ;claimed to b e the 2nd largest in the U. S

and the 4th or 5th largest in the world is 48 feet from ped

estal to crest of pipes, of which it now has 2300, with theintention on the part of the Mormon authorities to augmentthis number to 3200 as soon as possible : it wi ll then b e

worked by hydraulic power .

During our visit, workmen were inside the organ, busyin its repair ;one of the elders of the church courteously invited us to go inside the vast instrument and for a few minutes we moved about am id immense pipes of all sizes and

tones . This instrument’

s especial merit is the mellownessand depth of its tone and simple beauty of its external appearance.

The Mormons declare themselves very proud of a production from their own resources, erected by their own

people.

Upon gala days , this tabernac le is adorned in greatprofusion and not always in good taste with flags, banners,standards, evergreen wreaths and festoons ;this occasionsan odd architectural innovation in the hundreds of holesbored in the ceiling and walls the use of which is a problemof difi

‘

i cult solution until the guide explains that throughthem ropes and cables are passed to sustain the scaffoldingthe workmen must use in getting the necessary decorationsinto position .

On the spandrels of the arches supporting the gallerieswere affi xed mottoes , some of which I write from actual


transcript Obedience is better than Sacrifi ce,” “Suffer

Little children to come unto me,” “We thank thee, O God,

for a prophet !” “Keep your armor bright,” “God bless our

teachers ,” “

The kingdom of God or nothing,

” “Honor thyfather and mother,

” “Praise the Lord , Hallelujah ,” “Glory

to God in the Highest,” “The Pioneers of 1847 “

Be temperate in all things ,

” “Utah’s best crop, children , &c . &c . &c .

This building, fi rst commenced in 1864, was completedin 1867 ;an average of 300workmen being employed on it

for that time .

Near the tabernacle, a temple of very imposing character is in course of erection in granite of fi ne crystall izationbrought from near the “Emma Mine .

”In elevation it is

almost a reproduction of Westminster Abbey .

2

The Mormons say all this labor has been in sequence ofplans submitted to Brigham in a “

revelation” by an Angel :the celestial visitant’s knowledge of architecture is worthyof much commendation .

The hotels of Salt Lake, the Walker and TownsendHouses , already mentioned , are very carefully conducted ,and rarely fail to give satisfaction to all whomay visit them .

During our stay, the“break” on the R . R . caused many pas

sengers , anxious to escape the inconveniences of an enforceddetention at Ogden, to imitate our example and seek themore pleasant accommodations of the Mormon capital . Eachhotel was crowded to its utmost and in a spirit of rivalrywhich pervades every principle of their management, therespective proprietors , gave a number of very enjoyablel ittle hops , participated in by a majority of the guests fromeach establishment. The Townsend House is supported byMormon capital , its rival representing the moneyed interestsof the Genti le population . At the former house were metmany young ladies belonging to the principal families of

Brgiham Young’

s church : one of them , I was informed , wasthe 28th daughter in a family . Very l ittle soc ial intercourseis maintained between the conflicting rel igious elementspeopl ing the valley of Deseret ;both parties seem anxious toconcil iate the good-will of the mil itary authorities, who inturn are very careful not to incl ine, in their offi cialrelations ,toward either side .

r

2 . In San Franc isco and in Salt Lake C ity Bourke secured a number of photographs of the bu ildings and scenery of which he wr ites , and these were inserte d inh is notes , together with numerous c lipp ings from those c it ies and from Omaha .


stead of two days reached our destination . Our passengersdetermined to make the best of a b ad bargain ;as we hadall been previously acquainted with each other or with common friends of long standing, we became sociable morerapidly, even than is the rule on the Overland road .

Our party comprised : General George Crook, U. S .

Army ;Captain A . H . Nickerson , U. S . A A . D . C Mrs.

A . H . Nickerson and l ittle daughter , Florence;Cutter McAllister , Esq. , and Miss J G . McAllister , San Francisco;Chico Forster, Esq. , Los Angeles ;W. B . Hellman, Esqand family, Los Angeles ;Thomas Mott, Esq. , Los Angeles ;Archibald Colquhoun , Esq. , London , Eng W. B . Lyon, EsqLos Angeles ;Mrs . Keeney, Albert Morrow, Esq. , J C .

Stubbs , Esq, and Mrs . Stubbs , all of San Francisco;and thewriter .

At Laramie city , General I . N . Palmer, U. S . A . , Colonel2nd Cavalry, comd

’g the post of Fort Sanders , met GeneralCrook on the train and as we slowly passed the post, theband , drawn up in line played a few compl imentary strains,acknowledged as best we could by waving of handkerchiefsto the ofli cers (Clarke and Fowler ) in charge.

At Cheyenne, Gen’l Reynolds, Colonel of the 3rd Cav

alry, awaited General Crook’

s coming. Among the offi cers

with him we saw many old famil iar faces and found our

hands warmly grasped by friends we had known in the

troublous days in Arizona .

The next day, April 25th , our congenial party brokeup, the Gen

’l and h is staff remaining in Omaha , the others

going by various l ines East and Southeast to New York andSaint Louis . Scarcely had we been shown to our rooms inthe Grand Central Hotel when the notes of the

“GeneralCrook March ,

” played by the band of his old regiment, the23rd Infantry , broke upon the air and a long l ine of Offi

cers , most of whom had served under General Crook fromBritish America to Mexico, filed up the main stairwayheaded by the soldierly fi gure of Colonel R . I . Dodge. Our

long journey fi ttingly and delightfully terminated in a warmwelcome from old comrades whose bread and blankets wehad so often shared on crag and in cafion , across mountainsand desert in the glorious days of the long ago.

Lieut—Col. R . I . Dodge, Lieut. and Adjutant CharlesB ird , Lieut . and R . Q. M. W. F. Price, Lieut . F. Dodge, Cap


tain O. W. Pol lock, Captain Charles Wheaten, Lieut. P.

Broderick, Lieutenant O. L . Wieting, and Lieut. Lockwoodwere among those of former Arizona acquaintance, who atth is early opportunity paid their devoirs to the new Commander of the Dep

’t . General Brisbin , 2nd Cavalry, Captains Eagan and Wells, Lieuts . Allison and Sibley of the

same regiment were among the new friends met at th is time.

A full and very accurate description of the complimentaryreception tendered by the Merchant’s club, in behalf of thepeople of Omaha , wi ll b e found herein, extracted from the

pages of the local journals .

The next morning, General Crook assumed commandof the Department of the Platte and announced the membersof his staff ;

8

nothing of importance in the Department couldwell b e transacted until after consultation with Lt. Gen ’

l.P. H . Sheridan, to see whom Gen’l Crook went, May 1st, toChicago, taking me with him.

As will appear later , General Phi l Sheridan was to be

the one chiefly instrumental in the return of Bourke to theSouthwest in 1881, under special assignment to continue hi s

ethnological research .

3. This announcement was dated at Omaha April 27 . Capta in N ickersonLieutenant Bourke were cont inued as a ides-de-camp .

PUEBLO NAMES IN THE ONATE DOCUMENTS

By F. W . HODGE

EVERY student of Spanish-Indian contact in the South

west from the time of Bandelier, covering a period of

more than half a century, has been beset by the confusion

of Pueblo Indian names occurring in the chronicles as pub

lished in the Pacheco y Cé rdenas Colecci én de D ocumentos

Inéditos, Madrid , 1864-1884. Oi these none certainly have

been more perplexing than the names referred to in the

documents concerning the Ofi ate conquest and colonization

in the last,

years of the sixteenth century, especially the“Treslado de la posesion que en nombre de Sn Magi tomo

Don Juan de Onate de los reynos y Provincias de la nueb a

Mexico y de las ob ediencias y Vasallaje que los yndios de

Algunos pueblos de los dichos Reynos y Provincias le Dieron

en eldicho nombre (1598 ) and“Discurso de la Jornada y

Camino que,

desde 1a nueb a espaiia hizo elCampo de Su Magd

A la nueb a Mexico,” both of which are printed in Volume

XVI of the work cited .

As every one knows , the Pacheco y Gardenas Coleccién

is replete with inaccuracies , while the misprinting of proper

names is notorious . To prevent further error so far as

possible (for the names of tribes and settlements are by no

means always easy to read ) I venture to correct those that

are printed in the two documents , and also in a partial du

pl icate of one of them which includes only the Obediencia

y Vasallaje of the Province of Zuni . In the fi rst of these

especially many corrections are necessary . It is not expected

that much information respecting the appl ication of all the

names appearing in the“Treslado can b e added , for when

Ofiate assembled the representatives of various pueblos at

Santo Domingo on July 7 , 1598 , and also took the vows of

obedience and vassalage of the remaining pueblos later , his

evident aim was to include by name every settlement of

36

PUEBLO NAMES IN THE ONATE DOCUMENTS 37

which any of the Indians had knowledge, with the result

that various pueblos were repeated in the varying languages

of the informants , hence a worse j umble would b e diffi cult

to imagine. To make confusion worse confounded , the

scribes who copied the documents for the Pacheco y Garde

nas Coleccton were often extremely careless , and that the

printers were not always paragons of accuracy we may b e

sure?

In the following every effort has been made to insure

accuracy by examining with care photostat Copies of the

original documents cited in which the names occur , in the

hope that future students may avoid the pitfalls to which

others have been subjected . In the not distant future it is

hoped that these and other documents pertaining to the

Oiiate colonization may b e published in full , a hope that will

probably b e real ized sooner or later in publications of the

Quivira Society.

All the Indian or pseudo-Indian names wi ll here be

noted , the fi rst being those as they appear in the printed

Coleeci én , followed by the names, in Italics, as given in the

manuscripts , and by brief explanatory notes when neces

sary .

Abbo, Abo. The well-known Piro pueblo east of the Rio Grande whichbecame the seat of San Gregorio mission in 1629.

Abo, see Abbo.

Acacagua . Evidently the same as Acacagu i . See Accafu i .

Acacagu i , see Accafu i .

Accafui , Acacagui . An unidentifi ed Tigua pueblo.

Acogiya ,Acotz iya . Apparently a fusion of Aco (Acoma ) and T z iya

(Tsia or Sia ) .

Acoli . Evidently a Tigua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio Grande .

Acolocu , Acolueu . Probably one of the Tigua pueblos east of the Rio

Grande .

Acoma , see Yacco.

Aggéy, Agyei . Evidently a Tigua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio

Grande.

1. For example , in the caption of the .“Treslado the copyist or the pr inter gives

u s Judios”for Indies , and in the

“Discurso the date 1526 is given for 1596 .


Aguatuyba. Mentioned by error as the name of a Hopi captain” instead of the pueblo of Awatob i .

Aguicob i , see Aguscob i .

Agu iuocob i , see Aguscob i .

Aguscob i , Provincia de Zahi . The“province of Agu scob i is men

tioned in the manuscript in the words “Pueblo de Aguiuocob i ,

Provincia de Zufi i ,”b ut spelled Aguscob i in the printed text as

before. The pueblo is later given as Aguicob i . This was the

Zuni pueblo of Hawikuh .

Alipoti , Olipoti A Keres pueblo.

Alle . Evidently a T igua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio Grande .

Amaxa . Evidently a T igua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio Grande .

Amo. A Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande. Accordingto the list this would seem to have been the southernmost puebloon that side of the r iver .

Apena , Apona . Evidently a T igua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio

Grande.

Apona , see Apena .

Aponitre, Apom'

tz e. Apparently a Piro pueblo on the east side of the

Rio Grande .

Aponitz e, see Aponitre.

Aquiabo, see Aquicabo.

Aquicabo, Aquia bo. Apparently a Piro pueblo on the e ast side of the

Rio Grande. Bancroft (Ari z . and N . Mex .,135 ) misprints it

Aquicato.

Aquima, see Aquinsa .

Aquinsa , Aguima . The Zufi i pueblo of Kiakima .

Ategua , see Atepua .

Atepua , Ategua . A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande.

Bancroft (Ari z . and N . Mex 135 ) misprints it Atepira .

Atica , see Ytri z a Atica .

Atripuy. A province consisting of forty-two pueblos , apparentlyPiro, on both sides of the Rio Grande, which were the last settlements on the river going southward. Mentioned a lso (Atz igues )as a pueblo of the Jumano in the region of the Salinas east of the

Rio Grande .

Atuyama . Given with Chein as two T igua or Piro pueblos in the

print, b ut in the manuscript the names appear as Atuya , Nya

chein (or Mdchein) .

Atz igues, see Atripuy.

Awatob i , see Aguatuyba.

Axauti . A Tigua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio Grande.


Axol. A Tewa pueblo, possibly the same as Axoytz e , given as a Tiguasett lement .

Axoytre , Axoytz e. G iven as a 'Chiguas (Tigua ) pueblo. See Axol.

Aychini , Cachin . An unidentifi ed pueblo. Compare Atuyama .

q ui . A Piro pueblo on the east s ide of the Rio Grande .

q uiyn , Ay-qu in . A pueblo of the Trios or T z ios (T z ias , Sia

Mentioned a lso under the form q uian Perhaps con

fused with q ui , given as a Piro settlement .

Baguacat , Kutis . These two names in the printed document appearin the manuscript in the single form Baguacatxuti . The pueblois not identifi ed.

Bove, Bone . The name of the Tewa pueblo of San Ildefonso (Santylefonsso) as recorded.

Caatri , Catré . A Jemez pueblo. In the manuscript list the name

is spelled Caa tz o, followed by Catz oho. Unidentifi ed.

Caatz o, see Caatri .

Cach ichi . Probably a form of Katishtya , the pueblo of San Felipe .

Calciati . Apparently a Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande .

Qamitre , Cami tz e. Given as a Chiguas (Tigua ) pueblo.

Camitr ia , Cami tz a . A Tewa pueblo the ru ins of which Bandeliercla imed to have found in Rio Arri ba county. Compare Camitreand Comi tre, which may b e the same

,although given as a Trios

(Tz ios , Sia ) pueblo as well as a name for San Felipe . See alsoCastixes.

Camitz a , see Camitria .

Ganabi . The Zuni pueblo of Kyanawe or Kechipawan .

Canocan . A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande.

Cantemachuc , see Cantensapue.

Cantensapue, Cantemaehuc . A Piro pueblo on the west side of the RioGrande.

Castixes , Cas tixe, called Sant Philipe and Comitre (Comi tz e) .

Castixes is the Spanish form of Katishtya , the native name of

San Felipe (called Kacht’ya at Laguna ) . See Camitri a;Comitre.

Catréo, see Caatri .

Catz oho,see Caatri .

Caypa , Sant Joan . The Tewa pueblo of San Juan .

Ceca . Mentioned as a Jemez pueblo in the second printed list and

the second manuscript list . In the fi rst printed list it is misspelled Lecca , and in the corresponding manuscript it appearsto b e Cecca.

Chealo, Cheula. Probably the group of Tigua pueblos east of the Rio

Grande . Bandelier believed it to b e the pueblo of Chili li, but in

the documents it is given as a province.


Chein , see Atuyama .

Cherechos . The Queres (Keres ) ;probably confused with Querechos ,the Apache of the Plains , as Cheres a lso is given. See Hores .

Cheres . The Keres or Queres;misprinted Hares, q. v .

Chiguas . The T igua .

Chiu , see Dhiu .

Chochiti . The pueblo of Cochiti .Ciénega de Carabajal . A Tano pueblo (Tewa name Tz iguma) in the

va lley of the Rio Santa Fe 12 mi les southwest of Santa Fé .

Ci z entetpi , see Cuza.

Coaqueria , Coaquina . The Zufi i pueblo of Kwakina .

Cochiti . The Keres pueblo of that name .

Cohuna , see Gouna .

Comitre, Comitée . The pueblo of San Felipe . Bandelier thoughtComitre to b e an error for Tamita , the name of the mesa at the

base of which San Felipe originally stood , but Comitre , it is seen ,

is an error for Comitz e . The name is given also as that of a

Trios (Tz ios or Sia?) pueblo. See also Castixes .

Comitz e , see Comitre.

Couna , Cohuna . A Tigua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio Grande .

Cuanrab i , Cuawrabi. A Hopi pueblo;probably the result of a mis

understanding of the name , unless intended for Walpi , wh ich isnot otherwise mentioned . It is not Oraibi (see Nayb i ) .

Guchin , see Aychini .

Cueléce. Probably the same as Quelotetrey (Quellotez ei ) , a Jumano

vi llage.

Cumaque , see Zumaque .

Cunquile . Apparently a Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio

Grande.

Cunquilipinoy. Erroneous fusion of Cunquili and Pinoe, apparentlythe names of two Piro pueblos on the east side of the Rio Grande .

Cutz alitz entegi . A T igua or a Piro pueblo noted in the manuscript,I

but in the print it appears as two pueblos , Cuza”

and“Ci z en

tetpi .”

Cuza. Given as a T igua or a Piro pueblo, b ut in the manuscr ipt thisand

“Ci z entetpl appear as Cu tz alitz entegi .

Cuz aya, Gaz aga . Probably one of the Tigua pueblos east of the Rio

Grande. Bandelier believed it to b e Quarai .Dhiu , Chiu . A T igua or a P iro pueblo east of the Rio Grande .

Emmes, Emes , Emmes . The Jemez .

m a, see Encaqu iagualcaca .

Encaquiagualcaca . Mentioned in print apparently as a Piro puebloon the east side of the Rio Grande , but in the manuscript it is


Junétre , Junetre . Probably one of the T igua pueblos east of the Rio

Grande . Bandelier believed it to b e Taj ique , although there wasan early Tewa pueblo of the same name.

Juni , Tz uni , Zuni . The pueblos of the Zufi i .

Kech ipawan, see Ganabi .Keres , see Cherechos;Cheres .

Kiakima , see Aquinsa .

Kyanawe, see Canab i .

Lecca ,see Ceca .

Macaqui . The Zuni pueblo of Matsaki .

Machcin , see Atuyama.

Matsaki , see Maaequi .

Mecastria . Given as a Jemez pueblo. A confusion of the last syllables of Quiamera and Fia in the printed copy. In the manuscriptwe fi nd Quiameca T z ia and Quiameca T z ia . T z ia is Sia .

Mohoce , Mohoqui , Mohuqui . Identical with Moqui , or Hopi .Napeya . The Tigua pueblo of Sandia;from the native name Nafiat.

Nayb i , Orayb i . A Hopi pueblo.

Nueva Sevi lla , Naebu Seuilla . A Piro pueblo, identifi ed with Sevilleta .

Nyachein , see Atuyama .

Ohaha , see Ojana.

Ojana , Ohuhu A Tano pueblo south of the hamlet of Tejon in

Sandoval county, according to Bandelier .

Orayb i , see Nayb i .

Paaco, Paaco. Bandelier believed this to b e the Tano pueblo of San

Pedro, south of the mining camp of that name in Santa Fé county.

Paniete. Given as a pueblo in the print, but the manuscr ipt reads “de

los pueblos de poniente .

Pataotrey, Pataotz ei . A Jumano pueblo.

Peccos, Pecos , Pecos . The well-known pueblo of that name .

Peecheu , see Pelchiu .

Peéguey, see Preguey.

Peequias , see Pesquis .

Peixolée , Peixoloe. A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande.

Pelchui , Peecheu. Mentioned with other Keres pueblos,including

Tamaya (Santa Ana ) and Yacco (Acoma ) .

Pencoana . A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande .

Penjeacu . A piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande .

Pequen . A pueblo of unknown affi liation , but possibly Pecos , calledPéku at Sandia and Isleta, Pe

’

ahko at Santa Ana , Peakdni at

Laguna .

Pesquis , Peequias , A Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande.

Peytre , Peydoe. A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande.


Piamato.Given as a Chiguas (Tigua ) pueblo; unidentifi ed. See

Xiomato, mentioned as a Tewa pueblo.

Piaqui , Piaque . A Chiguas (Tigua ) pueblo. Bandelier thought it tob e possibly identifi able With Pahquetooai , a traditional vi llage of

the T igua of Isleta .

Picur ies, Ficar ies . The T igua pueblo of Picuris .

Pilopué , Pilopue. A Piro pueblo on the west side of‘

the Rio Grande .

Pinoe.Apparently a Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande .

See Cunqu ilipinoy.

Piomato, see Xiomato.

Pipen , see Poxen .

Polooca, Poloaca . A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande .

Popen , see Poxen .

Potre, Fotze , see Poz e.

Poxen ,Popen Pipen A Tigua pueblo;mentioned in connec

tion wi th Puarai (Puaréy) .

Poz e,Potre , Fotz e. A Jemez pueblo. In two places in the manuscript

the spelling is Fotze .

Preguey, Peeguey. A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande .

Preguey. A Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande .

Puaray, Ph arat. A Tigua pueblo, noted in history .

Pueblo Quemada . Either a Tano pueblo, known as T z enatay, at the

site of La Bajada , 20mi les southwest of Santa Fé , or a Tano or

Tewa village , also known as La Quemada , 6 mi les southwest of

Santa Fé .

Pura . Given as a Tigua pueblo, evidently identical with Puaray

(Puarai ) , which is mentioned in the same connection .

Qualacu, Qualacu . A Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande,mentioned in the D iscurso as next to the most souther ly settlement

on that side of the r iver . In the list of pueblos assigned to FrayJuan Claros, however , evidently in order from north to south ,Qualacu is followed by Texa and Amo.

Qualahamo, see Tecahanqualahamo.

Quanqui z , Quauquiz . A Tigua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio

Grande.

Queelquelfi , Quelquelu. A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio'

Grande.

Quellotez ei , see Quelotetrey.

Quelotetrey, Quellotez ei . A Jumano pueblo.

Quelquelu , see Queelquelu .

Quemada , see Pueblo Quemada .

Quiaguacalca , see Encaquiagualcaca .


Quialpo. Apparently a Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio

Grande .

Quiamera , Quiameca , Guiamecd. A Jamez pueblo. See Guayoguia ;

Mecastria;Yxcaguayo.

Quiapo, Quiapo. Apparently a Piro pueblo on the east side of the

Rio Grande.

Quigu i , see Guipui .

Quiomaqu i , Quiomaqui . A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio

Grande.

Quiotraco, Qwiotz aco. Mentioned as a Tewa pueblo, poss ibly the same

as Qu ioyoco.

Quioyaco, Qu ioyoco. An unidentifi ed Chiguas (Tigua ) pueblo.

Quipana , Qu ipacha . A Tano pueblo located by Bandelier south of the

hamlet of Tejon in Sandoval county.

Qui-Ubaco, Qu i Ubaca. A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio

Grande.

Quiusta . A Jemez pueblo, possibly identica l with Giusiwa , the seat

of San Diego mission.

Rayados , Rrayados , see Xumanas .

San Cristéb al, see Sant Xupal.Sandia , see Napeya .

San Gabriel . The Spanish name of the Tewa pueblo of Yukewingge

at the mouth of the Rio Chama .

San Joan Batista , Sant Joan Baptism. The Tewa pueblo of San Juan ,

named San Juan de los Caballeros by Ofi ate.

Santa Ana . The Keres pueblo of that name , which still exists . Nativename Tamaya.

Santa Ana , S ta Ana , see Glisteo.

Santa Clara. The Tewa pueblo of the same name.

Sant Chripstobal, Sant Xpoual. Important Tano pueblo betweenGalisteo and Pecos; native name Pant-ham-ba , according to

Bandelier.

Sant Joan , Sant Juan , see Caypa .

Sant Joan Baptista , Sant Juan baptism. Probably a Piro pueblo at

the site of Sabinal .

Sant Marcos. A Tano pueblo, at which some Keres seem a lso to havelived, 18 miles southwest of Santa Fé . Native name , Kwakaa .

Sant Phelipe, see Castixes .

Sarai , see Kalay.

Sevilleta , see Nueva Sevi lle .


Sant Ylefonso, Sant ylefonsso, the Tewa pueblo of San Ildefonso.

Sant ylefonsso, see Bove.

Sia , see Tria , Trios.

Tamaya. A Keres pueblo belonging to the province of Trias (T z ias ,Sia ) ; identifi ed wi th Santa Ana , the natives of which ca ll itTamaya. The name appears also as Tamy in the documents .

Taos, Taos . The well-known Tigua pueblo. See Tayberon .

Tayberon , Tayber in. A name applied to the Tigua pueblo of Taos .

Tecahanqualahamo. Mentioned as a pueblo, evidently of the Piro, onthe west side of the Rio Grande. In the manuscript, however , thetwo pueblos of Tecahan and Qualahamo are given .

Teeytraan , Teeytz aan . A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio

Grande.

Tegualpa, Tegualpa . Probably one of the Tigua pueblos ea st of the

Rio Grande .

Teguas , see Tepuas.

Teipana , see Teypama.

Tepfi as , Teguas . The Tewa .

Tercao, Teroua. A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande .

Texa . A Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande .

Teyaxa . A Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande;probablyTanque ?

Teypamé , Teipana , Teypama , Teypana . A Piro pueblo on the westside of the Rio Grande, named Socorro by Ofiate .

Tigua , see Chiguas .

Tipoti. Mentioned with Keres pueblos;possibly the name of an in

dividual , as allthe Keres pueblos of the period are otherwise ac

counted for.

Tohol . A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande.

Tojagua , Tamagna . Mentioned with other Keres pueblos . CompareTéwakwa , a former Jemez pueblo.

Toxagua, see Tojagua .

Trea Guatitruti , see Fiapuz i ;Tryiti .Trelagfi , Tz elaqui. A Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande .

Trelaquepzi . Apparently a Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio

Grande;mentioned in the printed copy, but not in the manu

script.

Trenaquelde la mesi lla , Tz em quelde la mesilla . A Piro pueblo—thelast one down the Rio Grande on the west side .

1. The Greek letetrs Xp (equiva lent to Chr”) were used to abbrev iate the

name“Christ (Span ish Cr is to. )—Ed itor.


Treyey, Tz eyey. A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande .

Treypual, Tz eygual. A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande .

Tria , Tz ia . The Keres pueblo of Sia .

Triapi , Tz iatz i . A Tewa pueblo.

Triaque , Tz iaque. A Tewa pueblo.

Trias, Tz ias . A form of the pueblo name now generally called Sia'

.

In the present document it is referred to as a province .

Triati , Tz iati . This name appears to be confused with T z ia (Sia ) . Cf .

Tryiti ;T z iaque , T z iatz i .

Trimati , Tz iymatz i . An unidentifi ed Tigua pueblo.

Trios , Tz ios . Synonymous with the name of the pueblo of Sia ,called

Tsia, not Zia ,by its inhabitants .

Triyti , see Tryiti .

Troomax iaquino, Tz éomaxiaqui fmo. A Tewa pueblo, the ru ins of whichBandelier claimed to have found in Rio Arriba county.

Trula , Tz ula . A Piro pueblo on the west side of the Rio Grande .

Truni , Tz uni . The six pueblos forming Zuni .Tryiti . Given as a Jemez pueblo, spelled Tr iyti in the fi rst printedlist;evidently confused with Guatitruti in the second printed listand wi th Guatitz eiti in the second manuscript list . In the

fi rst manuscript list it is s iti .

Tuchiamas. An unidentifi ed Tigua pueblo.

Tuz ahe . Seemingly a Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande .

Tz ea Guatitz eti , see Fiapu z i .

Tz elaqui , see Trelagfi .

Tz enaquel, see Trenaquel.

T z enatay, see Pueblo Quemada .

Tz eyéy, see Treyey.

Tz eygual, see Treypual.

Tz iaguatz i , see Fiapu z i .

T z iaque, see Triapi .

Tz iaque, see Triaque .

Tz iati , see Triati .

T z iatz i , see Triapi .

Tz ijaatico, see Ytri z a Atica .

Tz ios, see Trios .

T z iymatz i , see Trimati .

Tz omax iaquimo, see Troomax iaquino.

Tzula , see Trula .

Tz uni , see Truni .

s iti , see Tryiti .

Vareato, Veareato. Apparently a Tigua pueblo.

Veareato, see Varcato.


Vumahein . Apparently a Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio

Grande .

Wa lpi , see Cuanrab i .

Wé sotsé , see Guayotri .Xala, see Ka lay.

Xalay, Xala . Evidently the T igua name (Surat) of Zu ii i .

Xiaméla , Xiamela . A Tigua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio Grande .

Xatée , Xatoe. A Tigua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio Grande .

Xiomato. A Tewa pueblo;probably the same as Piomato.

Xumanas , Xumases , Xumanas , Xunw nes . The Jumanos , evidently a

Caddoan tribe, called also Rrayados , with -which compare the tattooing custom of the Wichita , called Pants Piques by the French .

Xumupami , Xumupavi . The Hopi pueblo of Shongopovi .Xutis , see Baguacat .

Yacco. Mentioned as a pueblo of the province of Trias (Tz ias ) ,which was Sia . An evident mistake for Aco, or Acoma .

Yanamo, see Yancomo.

Yancomo, Yunamo. A Piro pueblo on the east side of the Rio Grande.

Yates , Yatez . Believed by Bandelier to b e San Marcos , the native

name of which was Yatz e .

Yhohota , see Hohota.

Yucaopi , Yncohocpi . An unidentifi ed pueblo.

Yonalus, Yonalu. A Tigua or a Piro pueblo east of the Rio Grande.

Bancroft (Ari z ona and New Mexico,135 ) misspelled it Xonalfi s.

Ytri z a , Atica . A confusion of“y

T z ijaatico in the manuscript. An

unidentifi ed pueblo.

Yxcaguayo, Yjar Guayogu ia . Yxcaguayo, Yjar Guayo. A Jemezpueblo. Guayogu ia in the printed document is composed of

Guayo and guia , the fi rst part of the name of Guiameca or Quiameca , given as another Jemez pueblo.

Zumaque , Cumaque . A Piro pueblo on the west s ide of the Rio Grande .

Zuni , see Juni ;Truni .

ALBURQUERQUE AND GALISTEO

CERTIFICATE OF THEIR FOUNDING , 1706

Edited by LANSING B . BLOOM

AST summer the University of New Mexico received from :

the Rockefeller Foundation a grant in aid for the con

tinning of the archive work in Mexico which had been begun

there by the writer during the fall of 1930. One of the

smaller documents which were photographed during August

is the interesting certifi cate of the founding of Albuquerque

and the re-founding of Gal isteo. It is here translated , and is

accompanied by a facsimile reproduction of the original .1

[ I] Don Francisco Cuerbo y Valdez , Caballero of

the Order of Santiago, Governor and Captain General of this Kingdom and [the] provinces of New

Mexico, and Castellan of his forces and Presidiosfor H [ is] M [ajesty] &c.

CERTIFY to His Majesty (whom may God guard for manyyears ) , to his Viceroys , Presidents , Governors , and otherOffi cials :

That I founded a Villa on the margin and meadows ofthe Rio delNorte in a goodly place of fi elds, waters , pasturage, and timber , distant from this Villa of Santa Fe abouttwenty-two leagues, giving to it as titular Patron the mostglorious Apostle of the Indies San Francisco Xavier , call ingit and naming it the Villa of Alburquerque [ I located it]in a good site, keeping in mind what is prescribed by HisMajesty in his Royal Laws of the Recopilacion , Book IV ,

Title VII , and there are now thirty-fi ve families settledthere, comprising 252 persons , large and small . The Church

[ is already] completed , capacious and appropriate, withpart of the dwell ing for the Religious Minister, the RoyalHouses [are] begun , and the other houses of the settlersfi nished with their corrals , acequias ditched and running,fi elds [ already] sowed—all well arranged and without anyexpense to the Royal Treasury .

1. The document was found in the Archivo General de la Nac i6n (Mex ico ) ,secc ién de las Prov inc ias Internas , tomo 36 , ramo 5 .

ALBURQUERQUE AND GALISTEO 49

Likewise I CERTIFY

[ that ] I settled the old Pueblo of Galisteo with 150f ami lies of Christian Indians of the Tano nation who werefound dispersed since the year of 1702 [and] l iving in theother pueb los , ranches and frontiers in poverty and misfortune, whereas today they are found assembled and veryhappy in their said Pueblo entitled Santa Maria de Gracia deGalisteo;

2

and it has been completely rebuilt, and also theChurch and Convent [ but] without m inister , church-bel ls ,or ornaments ;and the fi elds sowed and cultivated—likewiseuntil now without cost to the Royal Treasury, both one and

the other [of the] new settlements . Thus I certify, and inorder to validate it I give this certifi cation as testimony of

its truth , in this Villa of Santa Fé, on the 23rd day of the

month of April , 1706 , signed by my hand , sealed with theseal of my arms, and witnessed by the subscribed secretaryof government and war, and on this ordinary paper sincethere is no legal paper nor is there any in these parts .

[ signed]FRANCISCO CUERBO Y VALDES (rubric )

By order of the Sr . Governor and Captain General :

[ S igned] Alfonsso Rael de AguilarSecretary of government and war

So far as the wording of this certifi cate goes , the date

of the actual founding might have been much earlier than

Apri l 23, 1706—even back in the previous year . Other doc

uments , however , in the archives at Santa Fé defi nitely placeit in the year so that it must have occurred during

that spring and only shortly before the date of the certi

fi cate.

Unfortunately the offi cialrecord of the actual founding

seems to b e lost beyond any hope of recovery . The“instru

mento de la fundacién” as it was called may have included

the written petition of those who wished to settle in the newVilla ; it certainly embodied the written authorization of

2. Bancroft , Ariz ona. and N ew Mex ico, 228 , misread this name Santa Maria de

Grado, and confused Galisteo with Santa Cru z. Hodge , Handbook of Amer icans

Indians , I . 482, also gives the name incorrectly.

8. The year is defi n itely stated in a pet ition addressed in 1708 by the res identsof Alburquerque to the counc il at Santa Fe . Twitchell , Span ish Archives , I , no. 1205.

‘


Governor Cuervo y Valdes, and also the formal proceedings

whereby the settlers were placed in possession . Responsi

b ility for its loss or disappearance would seem to lie with

Captain Martin Hurtado who was the fi rst alcalde mayor of

Alburquerque and who held that offi ce until 17 Five years

b urquerque brought before Gov . Juan Domingo de Busta

mante, protesting against three local grants which CaptainHurtado had made while he was alcalde and without consult

ing“ todo elcomun de esta Villa .

”The governor had said

that the instrument of the founding of the villa was neces

sary , and therefore they petitioned Bustamante to order

Hurtado to show this document before the governor or else

explain where it then was .

“ It appears that Bustamante

started an investigation—but the last pages of the record

are gone . We should l ike to know what Hurtado had to say,

but even if he still had in his possession in 1727 the instru

mento de la fundacién de esta villa,”it would now seem to b e

irreparably lost .

When was the City of Albuquerque founded ? The most

defi nite reply that can b e made is : “In the spring of 1706 .

As to Gal isteo, the Indian pueblo which was reestab

lished by Governor Cuervo y Valdes stood a mile and a half

northeast of the present Spanish—American plaza of the

same name . In sp ite of its“hundred and fi fty families,

”6

this pueblo was a failure and it entirely disappeared toward

the end of the eighteenth century . It was decimated by

smallpox and by persistent hostilities of the Comanches,until in 1794the few survivors abandoned their pueblo and

moved down the Galisteo river and were absorbed by the

pueblo of Santo Domingo.

4. Twitchell, Span ish Arch ives , II , no. 319; h is res ignation in February ,5 . The pet it ion , in incomp lete form , was found at the Ban croft Library,

Berkeley. It was dated June 20, 1727.

6 . Hodge , op . c it. , has“90 Indians whereas the tota l indivi duals must have

been about ten t imes that number. He has been mislead by Bandelier‘

and Bancroftwho strangely con fused the records as to this pueblo with those of Santa Cruz de laCafi ada which was refounded by Gov. Diego de Vargas in 1695, north of Santa Fé .

DEDICATION OF THE KEARNY MONUMENT

LAS VEGAS, NEW MEXICO, AUGUST 15, 1934

Address by DR. H . C . GOSSARD, President of the

NormalUniversity

WE ARE gathered today on a hi storic spot. Nearly four

centuries ago Coronado and h is soldiers presumably

encamped near here and marched by this site . Many of

the great fi gures of United States history have been in

this plaza . Here passed the old Santa Fé Trail and over it

went that long stream of traders and pioneers . For many

years this town was a cattle capitol of the southwest .

We are not only gathered on a historic spot but we

have also met to commemorate a great historical event

through the recognition of a great historical,character .

This man was Stephen W. Kearny, soldier and statesman .

The event was h is issuing of the proclamation that declared

this land to b e a part of the republ ic of the United States .

Let us p icture the scene eighty-eight years ago today.

It is eight o’clock in the morning. The plaza is fi lled with

the soldiers coming from the army of seventeen hundred

men camped last night on the Gallinas north of town . The

house tops and windows about the plaza are fi lled with the

citizens of the community . General Kearny has taken his

place on the roof of a nearby building. He reads this proc

lamation and follows it by giving the oath of allegiance to

the alcalde, Don Juan de Dios Maes . The column of soldiers

forms and is led by General Kearny along the Santa Fé

Trail to repeat this proc lamation at Tecolote, San Miguel ,Pecos , and Santa Fé . Today we are recognizing this man

and this event by the ded ication of this monument .

This dedication is signifi cant and worthy as seen by a

personal analysis of the character of the man , his acts , and

their signifi cance to us as citizens of this community , this


state and the nation . The personal l ife of General Kearny

is largely the history of a soldier-statesman from 1812 to

1848 . Time does not permit our covering the history of that

period .

The proc lamation issued on this spot in 1846 revealed

b oth the character of General Kearny and his breadth as a

statesman . Briefly, it informed the citizens of the south

west that they were citizens of the United States of America

and that he and his sold iers had come as friends to protect

their persons and property, that they would not b e asked to

take up arms against their own people and that they should

continue in the paths of peace and their crops, herds and

homes would not b e disturbed . If any damage should b e

done by his army it would b e paid for by the United States .

They would b e protected from the roving Indians . They

were to have fullest religious freedom .

Another statesmanl ike act of General Kearny was his

issuance of the Kearny Code, September 22, 1846 . Gen

eral Kearny gave the credit for this code to Colonel A . W.

Doniphan and to Willard P. Hall who was later to b e gov

ernor of Missouri . This material was derived from the laws

of Mexico, modifi ed in part to conform to the constitution

and laws of the United States . It also was derived in part

from the laws of Missouri , Texas and Coahuila . It was

copied on an old press in Spanish and English by Captain

David Waldo, uncle of Henry Waldo of Las Vegas . The sig

nifi cance of this code lies in the fact that it has continued

basic to the laws of New Mexico even to this day . The code

preserved the mode of thought, the legal practice, and the

customs of the people of this area .

Through the Kearny Proclamation and the Kearny

Code and the entire conduct of General Kearny we see his

breadth of thought and statesmanlike mind . He was an

honorable gentleman , chivalrous, generous, j ust . He was a

faithful ofi i cer , loyal to his duty and devoted to his country.

He was a soldier , gentleman , and statesman . We would ,

DEDICATION OF THE KEARNY MONUMENT 53

through this monument, hold h im up as an example to our

selves and to our children .

Here today we establish our recogn ition and apprecia

tion of something more than General Stephen W . Kearny.

We recognize the signifi cance, to the Southwest and to the

United States, of this soil becoming a part of our Republic .

To the citizens of the Southwest this change of sovereigntybrought rel ief from the severe strife that had so long cursed

Mexico. It led to the early development of a safer l ife under

the control of the peoples of the Southwest . Also, it brought

the fruits of peace, and freedom from the curse of war

and from the attacks of the Indians . To the United States

this act brought potential wealth . The gold of Cal ifornia,the rich copper ores of Arizona , and the vast agricultural

and horticultural resources of Arizona and New Mexico

were added to the potential wealth of our nation . Through

the control of the Pacifi c ports , the United States was put in

command of the Pacifi c Ocean . It brought to our country

natural boundaries , but it also brought something far

greater and more signifi cant than all this . It brought to our

people the cultures of the Spanish folks and the Pueblo In

dians . These cultures are increasingly influencing Ameri

can l ife through their color , their l iterature , their music,paintings , folk lore, and folk customs .

Today, most fi ttingly, we dedicate this monument that

preserves in imperishable stone the l ife and growth of what

was once a living tree . May it b e an imperishable symbol ofthe life it recognizes . We dedicate this appropriate monu

ment to you , Brigadier-General Stephen Watts Kearny, inrecognition of your exemplary l ife and to commemorate thesignifi cance of the events of eighty-e ight years ago which

were enacted in this historic plaza .

BOOK REVIEWS

Pieardo’

s Treatise on the Limits of 1.07.17:s and

Texas , I-I I . Edited by Charles W . Hackett . (Austin , Uni

versity of Texas Press , vol. I 1931 ;vol. II 1934. Pages xx

630; xv-618 four folding maps ; bibliography, index .

each . )In a long sub -title, Pichardo

’

s monumental production

of 1811 is properly described as“an argumentative histori

cal treatise written to disprove the claim of the United

States that Texas was included in the Louisiana Purchase of

1803”(italics ours ) . The treatise is really a compendium

and digest of everything which Father Pichardo could fi nd

to throw light upon the question . How comprehensive and

exhaustive the result was is shown by the bulk of these two

volumes . Dr . Hackett has employed eight-point type for all

of his quoted matter and yet he felt constrained to abridge

Pichardo’

s text by omitting over half of it i It would b e in

teresting to know whether any offi cialof the Spanish gov

ernment ever read the entire report—except perhaps the

long-suffering fi scalwho had to digest and report upon it.

That it was “argumentative”is evident in all its parts .

Father Pichardo was commissioned for a defi nite task, andwe fi nd repeatedly that he quotes from earlier writers whoseinterpretation or assumption if favorable to his argument )Pichardo accepts and defends , or (if unfavorable) he con

tests—often advancing assumptions of his own which at

times seem quite unwarranted .

Recognizing its argumentative character ,what b istori

cal value does the treatise have ? By reason of his offi cial

appointment, Pichardo was enabled to ransack the archivesand other depositories of Spain and of New Spain , and he

gathered a formidable array of authorities which are listedin the two bibliographies . Moreover , Dr . Hackett , in his

careful and i lluminating editorial work, has drawn upon thework of many later writers—also indicated in the b ibli


the map of 1811 with which he i llustrated h is treatise has

the title “New Mexico and Adjacent Lands” ! Perhaps alsoit willclear up a point which has puzzled Southwestern stu

dents with regard to Father Morn’

s Viaj e de Yndias y

D iario delNuevo Mexico (II , This diary relates to

present Texas but not to present New Mexico, but it is intel

ligible if “New Mexico” is understood in the broader his

toric meaning.

Father Morfi , by the way, never visited the present

New Mexico, and his D escripcion Geografi ca de Nueva Mex

ico (II , 544) was not original with h im. He took it verba

tim as it was suppl ied to him by a former missionary at

Zuii i , Padre Damian Martinez . This fact was unknown to

Dr . Thomas when he published his Forgotten Fronti er s

and he credited it to Morfi . In this he agreed with

Pichardo (I I , 97 ) and now he has been followed by Hackett

(I I , 329)Again , in various references to governors of New Mex

ico (especial ly II , 257 , 276 , 365 , 370, 512 ) Dr . Hackett has

relied on Bolton , overlooking the fact that the latter‘

says

that he copied his l ist from Bancroft . Since Bancroft wrote

in 1889 this l ist has been extensively revised and can b e

found in the last four issues of the New Memico Blue Book

(1926-1934) It is regrettable to fi nd, even in the editorial

notes, names misspelled and errors in dates , relatively unim

portant as this may b e .

A feature of Pichardo’

s treatise which will probably

b e of paramount interest to students of the Southwest, as

pointed out by D r . Hackett in his preface, is the argument

that the legendary “Quivira” country lay in the present east

ern Texas . It is an intriguing idea, and if the reader ac

cepts the sources as Pichardo interprets them , and if he

overlooks the suppositions which crop out so frequently , he

2 . The Texas” part of this map is reproduced in volume I on page 474; the

enti re map is p laced in a jacket at the back of volume II .3. The p lagiar ism is man ifest by collating the Morfi document wi th the

Delgado manuscript which immediately follows it in A . G . M H istoria 25.

4. H . E. Bolton , Gu ide to Archives of Mex ico 478-474.

BOOK REVIEWS 57

wil l fi nd himself with Coronado in eastern Texas—and then

he must solve (with Pichardo) the problem of identifying

the quicker and more direct route by which Coronado re

turned to Tiguex on the upper Rio Grande !

However one may question the deductions of Father

Pichardo, he will cred it him with hav ing carried through a

most formidable task and with havmg given to us a perfect

mine of Texas source mater ial . The translating and edit

ing by Dr . Hackett and his col leagues is of a very high or

der ; and the press Work is admirable—very few typo

graphical erors have been noted . The authorities of the

University of Texas are to b e congratulated on a most aus

picious series of studies which is inaugurated by these two

volumes .—L. B . B .

Umversi ty of New Mexico.

Saltillo eh la histon e y en la leyenda . By Vito Alessio

Robles . (México, A. delBosque, 1934. (With illustrations

and maps . )This is the second of what we hope will form a series of

popular histories of the most important and most colorful

provincial cities of Mexico. When Vito Alessio Robles sub

mitted his thoroughly readable account of the,history and

legends of that exotic seaport of“Manila galleon” fame ,

(Acapulco en la histor ia, y eh la leyenda ,Mexico, he

scored an immediate success , and was urged from all sides

to follow it up with another on some equally interesting

city . While it would appear extremely diffi cult at fi rst to

decide upon some spot quite as reminiscent of the past and

as signifi cant historically, culturally , and spiritually as the

distant port of tropical Acapulco, one is prone to concur

rather promptly with the writer’

s choice of Saltillo. And

j ust as Acapulco has ceased to b e “but a point on the map

and l ives again in the fascinating pages of her recent chron

icle, so too is Salti llo born anew in this account of her proud

past , vital historically and fruitful in legend .


No one was better qualifi ed for the pleasurable duty of

garnering the data and the lore necessary for the present

work than Vito Alessio Robles , historian of Coahuila and

Saltillo’

s own son . The j ust regional pride that moved his

pen and the intimate acquaintance with folk material that

served to animate and to lighten the true historical narra

tive, were h is by right of birth;by choice of enriching these

endowments , he has delved into the archives of his country

and state, has acquired valuable manuscripts and'

many

copies of rare documents , and has shared his fi nds in such

publications asx

h is Bi bliografia, de Coahuila (Mexico, 1927 )Francisco de Urdi ’hola y clNorte de la Nueva Espaha (Mex

ico, and other studies . His intoxication with the

pure bracing air and the rugged pastoral beauty of the val

ley of Saltillo has been prompted , if not defi nitely guided ,into its present channel of expression by the exemplary

achievements of one of Hispanic-America ’s most inspired

historians , also of Saltillo, Carlos Pereyra .

In his opening pages the writer stresses the key posi

tion Saltillo is recovering in recent years , due to the many

improved channels of communication that now l ink that

city with other points in the republ ic and with the United

States . Easily and quickly accessible today by road , espe

cially from Monterrey and the north , the city is destined

to become the summer haven for northern Mexico and for

the“Yankee” tourist . With this thought before him,

Ales

sioRobles impresses his readers with a very moving description of its material beauties, its unexcelled climate, and the

as yet unmarred colonial aspect and sp irit that make of

Saltillo a most attractive tourist center .

Saltillo, he tells us , was founded sometime around 1575 ,and,

in all probability, as an outpost for the provisioning of

the mining centers . Santiago de Saltillo, for so it was

called in its early years , soon became the commercial and

Spiritual metropolis of northern Mexico and the“fecund ,

generous mother of the most important towns of ElNuevo

Reino de Le6n , Nueva Vizcaya , Coahuila , Texas , and Nuevo

BOOK REVIEWS 59

Santander . Its preeminence, historically and soc ially ,throughout the long colonial period , continued well into the

fi rst century of independence from Spain and contributed

largely to its being chosen as the capital of Coahuila . Today

Saltillo is often referred to as the Athenas de México”b e

cause of the remarkable number of scientists , artists , liter

ati , and musicians who claim its famous Ateneo“Fuente

”

as their alma mater .

From among the many and varied episodes and legends

that color its colonial past , Alessio Robles reconstructs in

interesting detail the founding of Nueva Tlaxcala of Saltillo

in 1591 by the four hundred families from the Republic of

Tlaxcala who settled there upon the request of the Viceroy

for the protection of the Spanish colonists from the native

tribes ;the search for Gran Quivira , when all Saltillo left

everything behind to follow and apprehend Castaiio de Sosa

who, without authorization from Mexico C ity, had set out

in quest of the fabled spot ;the legend that grew up about

the revered Urdifi ola who, because of being suddenly and

mysteriously imprisoned , was forced to cede the conquest of

New Mexico to Juan de Oiiate ;the persecution of Carabajal ,“tan obstinado y pérfi do j udio, que decia que si no hubiera

Inquisicién en estos reinos , contaria él por los dedos de sus

manos los catélicos cristianos, y se dejé quemar vivo and

the legends that grace the image of“ElSanto Cristo de la

Capilla .

”

We are told of the annual feria of Saltillo, as famed as

those of Acapulco and Jalapa ;of the part the city played

in the War for Independence;of the dynamic personal ity of

Ramos Arizpe;of the battle of Buena-Vista,lost to Taylor

(asserts Alessio Robles ) only because Santa Anna ’s “mag

nifi cos soldados espontaneos” had reached the limit of

human endurance—he denies the charge that the Mexican

general prevented h is troops from winn ing the day ;and of

other events that bring us down to the Saltillo that we know

today .


The book is well illustrated with views of the city and

with maps and sketches of its location , of its highways , and

of the b attlefi eld of Buena—Vista . A select bibliography and

a very attractive j acket, the work of Bolai‘

ios Cacho, are ad

ditionalfeatures of the volume. Save for an occasional

typographical error , it is a well printed and well edited

work .

It is no easy task to present so large and so var ied an

amount of material in a coherent and smooth-fi ow ing ao

count . Possibly the present work could have been more

carefully planned . There is much repetition of subject mat

ter from one chapter to another, a weakness that could have

been corrected in the fi naldrafting of the study . Consistent

with this weakness is the tendency to stress certain events

to the detriment of others ; this is _particularly apparent

when some event is , so far as one can determine from the

text, not as intimately woven into the historical pattern of

Saltillo as some other . These are but minor failings , how

ever, that do not detract from the general excellence of the

work or disqual ify it from becoming a worthy successor to

its companion-study .—JOHN E. ENGLEKIRK .

Universi ty of New Mex ico.

Traders to the Navajos . Frances Gillmor and Louisa

Wade Wetherill . (Boston , Houghton Mitflin Company, 1934

265 pp . , Illustrated ) .

Frances Gillmor has written an important book, has

made a record that should have been made long ago. She

writes as an easterner to whom everything western—Indians, deserts, the stern ways of p ioneering—are terrify

ingly and thrillingly new . Things that were commonplace

to the Wetherills were as strange to Miss Gillmor as MarcoPolo adventuring in Cathay . And she writes well . So her

book has glamour , maybe a b it too wide-eyed , but charming

for all that . And she was level-headed enough to realizewhen she went to spend a summer at Kayenta that she had

BOOK REVIEWS 61

at hand one of the most remarkable women in the South

west.Louisa Wade was born in Colorado and has lived her

whole life in that state, in New Mexico, and in Arizona .

When she was very young, she married John Wetherill , the

very type of intelligent pioneer . He has not only fought and

conquered the desert and its Indians ;he has known what

he was doing;he is a student of the backgrounds in ruins

and in old legends . He has discovered some of the most not

able ruins in the Southwest, and as guide he has brought to

them some of the best archaeologists we have.

Mrs . Wetherill , possibly because she l ived closer to the

Indians while her husband ran cattle, is the one who knows

the Navajos . They say she speaks their language better

than she does English . Navajos look to her as to their best

friend . Mrs . Wetherill moves quietly, but her eyes flash

l ike l ightning, seeing everything, understanding everything.

Her voice can b e deep and smooth , or deep enough to scare

a malefactor to death . She is a force, that woman . She has

lived widely, deeply, and well . Out of simple l iving on

ranches and at remote trading posts she has accumulated

such riches that a marked trail has been beaten to her door

by everyone who would understand Navajos . One of those

rare people who achieve true culture out of what is at hand ,she learned Navajo because she needed it. She learned

legends, customs , bel iefs and manners as one learns from

daily association . She had to understand Indian medica

tion because often there was no other . It was only when

students began to come to her for help that Louisa Weth

erill real ized that she had a priceless record , valuable for

all time. So she began to write down what she knew and

to collect sand-paintings and songs . Her material accumu

lated for years before Frances Gil lmor undertook to put it

into shape for publ ication . Her book may prove to b e most

valuable as an introduction . She has told the l ife of.

the

Wetherills and she has cleverly incorporated much data

from Mrs . Wetherill’

s collection . But not all . There is still a


store of knowledge there which must some day. b e made

available .

Everyone who has known and appreciated the Wether

ils must b e grateful to Miss Gillmor for presenting them so

sympathetically and so intelligently . For all of us feel , as

Witter Bynner wrote in their guest book years ago :

John and Louisa Wetheri ll

I don ’t forget and never will .—ERNA FERGUSSON .

Albuquerque

Ar iz ona in Li terature. By Mary G . Boyer . (The Ar

thur H . Clark Company, Glendale, Calif . 574 pp . ) The

compilation of a regional anthology such as this for Arizona

by Mary G . Boyer , associate professor of English, Arizona

State Teachers College, is apt to b e very much a labor of

love rather than an undertaking for profi t. The only re

ward for the research and industry it implies is the satis

faction of fi nding gems buried in the dross of time, the res

cuing from oblivion of fragments of creative work which

deserve to b e enjoyed again by present, and perhaps, future

generations of students and other readers in the locality in

which the anthology has its roots . In a narrower sense

practically all l iterature is local even though in its broader

aspects universal in appeal . There is the locus of author

ship , though the work itself relates itself to distant climes .

There is also the background or atmosphere which may b e

placed in a locality having no relation to the birthplace or

residence of the author . Thus in the present volume the

compiler had to select her material from two entirely dif

ferent sources . Not one in ten of the more than one hun

dred and fi fty authors cited is a native of Arizona . Tomost

of them other regions can lay greater claim,both as to

nativity and length of residence .

The compiler found her material not merely in readily

accessible books , magazines and newspapers but also in un

published manuscripts and in small private editions of books


King, Harold Bell Wright, Lorab elMarie Wallace, Zane

Gray, Dama Margaret Smith , Frances Gillmor , Robert

Ames Bennet, Jack O’

Connor , Neil E. Cook , James Willard

Schultz , Annie Fellows Johnston ;of these only O’

Connor

and Cook are native Arizonans .

More than one hundred pages are given to Poetry ,much of it quotable and some of it stil l current . The Cow

boy poems of Badger Clarke and the swinging verses of

Sharlott Hall , perhaps are the most characteristic of the

The night wind whines in the chaparral and grieves in themesquite gloom ;

It talks of a land it never knew ; it smells of white plumbloom ;

It is full of voices I used to hear—voices I’ve tried to forget;Strange, with the things that lie between, how they haunt

and hold me yet !

John P. Clum , fi rst U. S . Weather Bureau observer in

Santa Fé sixty-four years ago, later Indian agent, whose

contributions on the Apache campalgns ln recent numbers

of the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW are classics, is

characterized as the“dean of Arizona pioneers ,

”and his

tribute to “Nellie Cashman” is the fi rst contribution under“B iography and Autobiography which is followed by

Description and Exposition,

” Humorists ’ Writings ,Legends ,

” “Criticisms,”and last of all “Spanish Transla

tions” (from Castaneda’

s account of the Coronado Expedi

tion , Antonio Espejo, Juan de Onate, Eusebio Francisco

Kino, and Francisco Garcés ) conclude the volume . There is

a convenient index of authors and titles , and we fi nd also

reproductions of the words and music of two Arizona songs

and a frontispiece in color by Jack Van Ryder, a noted Ari

zona painter . The book is handsome in typography and the

A. H . Clark Company deserves our gratitude for the publi

cation of works on Southwestern history and biography that

otherwise might fi nd diffi culty in seeing the light of day.

One can only wish that some day some one will go to the

BOOK REVIEWS 65

trouble, and experience the joy, of compiling a similar an

thology for New Mexico, the only change to b e suggested

being that it b e issued in several small octavo volumes ih

stead of one large, heavy octavo of almost 600 pages on

heavy paper .

-P. A . F. W .

Santa Fé .

When Old Trails Were New : the S tory of Taos . By

Blanche C . Grant . (Press of the Pioneers , New York, 1933;

This Story of Taos, commendable at any time, acquires

a greater importance now that arsonry, the doubtful bene

fi ts of Incorporation, an all-too-conscious civic spirit, the

Laurentian and other cults and dynamic symmetry threaten

to change irreparably the physical and spiritual physiognomy of the old village .

The Frontier Life is dying of natural death , the saddest

of all , in sp ite of all the artifi cialinhalations and injections

of festive ceremonies , rodeos , bailes , mantillas and guitars .

One might as wel l face bravely the fact that it has already

become history and put it down and enjoy it vicariously in

books .

Most of the fi rst part of this story is already known to

the more diligent citizens of New Mexico through i ts

original sources (Prince, Garrard , Inman , Ruxton et al. )which are here patiently integrated with extracts from l ittle

accessible documents and publ ications in out of state libra

ries, the whole deftly amalgamated so as to produce a pleas

ant continuity .

No doubt the portion of the book that will awaken the

greatest interest will b e the one deal ing with the Kit Carson

period , as it is the more abundantly documented and more

closely associated with Taos .

Also very enjoyable, and mostly unknown to all but a

few old-timers , is the next period deal ing with the various

mining enterprises whose memories still cl ing to the ghost

towns of the neighborhood . The abundance of anecdotes


springing therefrom wil l not fail to interest people ao

quainted with either places or protagonists .

Last but not least merit of this book, on whose story it

is wise not to expatiate, is its bringing Taos up-to-date, and

settling once and forever the thorny subject of which artist

arrived fi rst, where. It cheered us considerably to see some

credit being given at last to the pioneers of the art colony

now sadly wrestl ing their merit (a faithful respect for en

chanting tradition and nature, both wel l worth p ictorial per

petuation and representation ) from their more clever suc

cessors who renounce vociferously the Spirit of the Place in

favour of standard Frenchy experimentations .

One wishes that at times the author would allow the

facts to tel l their undeniably romantic story without the

accompaniment of some obviously sentimental strings, but

even such minor stylistic defects do not detract from the

intrinsic merit of this patient , orderly and loving tribute to

the last citadel of Frontier Life .—GIORGIO BELLOLI .

Santa Fé .

Sky D etermines . By Ross Calvin , Ph .D . (The Macmillan Company, 1934. 355 pages ;i llustrative photographs;bibl iography ;index .

“Sky determines , writes Dr . Calvin at the outset of

each chapter in his book—determines desert, mountains,plants , animals , forests , peoples , vocational pursuits . This

theme, challenging as it is to information and to observation

and arresting to imagination , is also challengingly ambigu

ous . D r . Calvin has presented vividly and exactly the char

acter of Southwestern l ife—the mesquite, “low , armored ,

sprangl ing shrub with the odd habit of lying buried , all but

its head , in a sandy, red-earth dune, until some Mexican

wood-digger exhumes it for h is fi replace,” which he calls

“probably the greatest water-collector in the world” ;thetalus beds below sandstone cl iffs , the dissected plateaus

which form mesas , the deep gashes in earth which are

arroyo beds and barrancas ;the l ife-zones of flora and fauna

BOOK REVIEWS 67

which embrace not only the native denizens of plains and

forest but also the dwellers of torrid desert and Arctic

Alpine summit. I know of no book that has brought to

gether more effectively the facts of the New Mexican scene

and the esthetic rewards “sky determined

” than this book .

Mary Austin in The Land of Little Rain and The Land ofJourney

’

s Ending has leaned heavily upon D r . Calvin’

s the

sis in interpreting the ways of nature and the ways of man .

Because she did not so thoroughly pursue the single theme,“sky determines,

”she did not draw so great a mass of ar

resting detail to so defi nite an end nor set up so positive a

point of View to b e defended .

Long beforethe author brings the name of Huntington

into the study the reader anticipates Ellsworth Hunting

ton ’

s point of v1ew , that of the geographicdetermin ist . And

the reader fi nds h is reserve developing in the same direction

that reserve develops toward any hypothesis which is too ex

elusive .

“Sky determines” how far and how much ?“Earth Mother ,

”the Navajos write in their creation

myths, joined with“Father Sky

”to determine First Woman

and First Man . By the six world wombs were Zuni auces

tors determined from the Nadir , Zenith , and four cardinal

points . To Shipapustill are prayer-feathers lowered before

the new houses at Shalako in Zufi i . The eyes of Pueblefi os

as well as the movements of their dance rhythms turn down

ward as well as upward in ceremony and worship . How

much are l ife germs determined by their own val idity ;how

much of a destined course in the pattern of plant or man isundetermined by Sky ?

Certainly much to thwart Sky is mentioned in New

Mexico’

s history and in this book . I suppose Sky is determining one way or the other . But I propose a second book

for D r . Calvin to write,“Man and Nature Against Sky .

The over-grazing which is determining many developmentsin New Mexico today was not Sky-determined , though theSky has made rebuttal to the argument . Storage dams are

l ikely to determine other than what the Sky wills, if money


and labor hold out. Fertilizers from our own potash wil l

answer the impoverishment of aridity and the sun’

s too wel

come gaze. Emigrant trees and grasses may combat a na

tive Sky with equal determination . Sky-Water is drawn

from earth or somethi ng neighbor to it .

All this does not end a debate which D r . Calvin ’

s book

could start . The chapter on“Forests” is to my mind most

suggestively and effectively wr itten ;the chapter on Mex

icanos the least so. In the latter chapter , the author is

too little acquainted with the educational , pol itical , and eco

nomic progress of the native population as it fi lls the schools,tills the soil , elects the sheriffs and j ustices of the peace,operates service stations and grocery stores up the Rio

Grande Valley to the State Capitol .

It cannot b e shown that the Sky in New Mexico had

any more to do with the innate depravity of B illy the Kid

than the Sky in Chicago contributed to the same callowness

in AlCapone . In both cases , however , the scene was , if not

determining, playing its part in shaping careers . There are

few who have treated the .New Mexican scene more fully

or more intell igently than the author of this book .

T . M. PEARCE.

Un iversi ty of New Memico.

Mode'

rn H ispanic America . Edited by A . Curtis Wilgus .

(George Washington University Press , 1933; x+630 pp . ,

index . )This is the fi rst volume of a new series , Studies in

Hispanic American Affairs,”inaugurated by George Wash

ington University . It is not a textbook, as the name might

suggest, but is a group of papers presented in a Seminar

Conference by sixteen of the participants, gathered at theuniversity in August, 1932 , in its

“Center of Inter-AmericanStudies .

”

Dr . A . Curtis Wilgus , director of the Center , acted as

editor and himself contributed the introductory and the con

cluding papers . In the former he gives an excellent survey

BOOK .REVIEWS 69

and history of the growing interest in Hispanic America evi

dent in our country in courses of study offered , textbooks ,writings based on research , special periodicals, societies , and

conferences . This survey is followed by thr ee papers which

were given by D r . Mary W . Will iams to supply the historic

background of“ Invasion and Occupation ,

” “Political and

Economic Administration ,

”and

“The Roman Church in the

Indies .

”

The attention of the seminar was centered upon the

modern period , and in the remaining nineteen papers as

many d iff erent subjects—economic, cultural , and interna

tional—are discussed . As is always the case in such a col

laboration , there is unevenness of quality and yet the re

sult as a whole is informative and stimulating . This was to

b e expected from a group which included such participants

as J A . Robertson , J Fred Rippy, W . R . Manning, S . Guy

Inman , Clarence F . Jones, N . A . N . Cleven,Cecil K . Jones .

The reader who has l ittle acquaintance with Hispanic America will fi nd in this book an excellent approach to the wholesubject;while the best- informed readers wi ll b e wel l repaid

by its perusal .

The volume is indexed but there is no general b ibliography with any of the papers . Six of the most important

papers are , however , annotated . L . B . B .

The H istoricalSoc iety of New Mex ico

Organiz ed D ecember 26 , 1859

PAST PRESIDENTS

1859 COL. JOHN B . GRAYSON, U. S. A.

1861—MAJ . JAMES L. DONALDSON , U. S. A.

1863 HON . KIRBY BENEDICTadjourned sine die, Sept. 23, 1 868

re-established D ec. 2 7, 1 880

1881 HON . WILLIAM G . RITCH1883 HON . L. BRADFORD PRINCE1923 HON . FRANK W. CLANCY1925 COL. RALPH E. TWITCHELL1926 PAUL A . F. WALTER

OFFICERS FOR 1934-1935

PAUL WALTER, Pres ident

FRANCIS T . CHEETHAM , Vice-President

COL. Josn D . SENA, Vice-PresidentLANSING B . BLOOM, Cor . Sec

’

y-Treas .

M1ss HESTER JONES , Recording Sec’y

FELLOWS

PERCY M. BALDWINRALPH P. BIEBERWILLIAM C. B INKLEYLANSING B . BLOOMHERBERT E. BOLTONAURELIO M. ESPINOSACHARLES W . HACKETTGEORGE P. HAMMOND

EDGAR L. HEWETTFREDERICK W. HonesALFRED V. KIDDERJ . LLOYD MECHAMTHEODOSIUS MEYER, O. F. M.

FRANCE V. SCHOLESALFRED B . THOMASPAUL A . F. WALTER

Article 5. Elections . At the October meeting of each odd-numberedyear , a nominating committee shall b e named by the president of theSociety and such committee shall make its report to the Society at

the November meeting. Nominations may b e made from the floor

and the Society shall , in open meeting, proceed to elect its offi cers byballot, those nominees receiving a majority of the votes cast for the

respective offi ces to b e declared elected .

Article 6. Dues . Dues shall b e for each ca lendar year , and

shall entitle members to receive bulletins as published and also the

HistoricalReview .

Article Publications . All publications of the Society and the selection and editing of matter for publication shall b e under the directionand control of the Executive Counci l .

Article 8 . Meetings . Monthly meetings of the Society sha ll b e held at

the rooms of the Society on the third Tuesday of each month at

eight P. M. The Executive Counci l shall meet at any time upon callof the President or of three of its members .

Article 9. Quorums . Seven members of the Society and three mem

bers of the Executive Counci l, shall constitute quorums .

Article 10. Amendments . Amendments to this constitution shall b ecome operative after being recommended by the Executive Counci land approved by two-thirds of the members present and voting at

any regular monthly meeting; provided, that notice of the proposedamendment shall have been given at a regular meeting of the Society .

at least four weeks prior to the meeting when such proposed amend

ment is passed upon by the Society.

Students and friends of Southwestern History are cordially ihvited to become members . Applications should b e addressed to the

corresponding secretary , Mr. Lansing B . B loom, Santa Fe,N. Mex

The H istoricalSoc iety of New Mex ico(INCORPORATED)

Organiz ed D ecember 2 6, 1859

PAST PRESIDENTS

1859 COL. JOHN B . GRAYSON, U. S. A.

1861—MAJ . JAMES L. DONALDSON, U. S. A.

1863 HON . KIRBY BENEDICTad journed sine die , Sep t. 28 , 1 883

re-es tablished D ec . 27, 1 880

1881 HON . WILLIAM G. Rrrcn

1883 HON . L. BRADFORD PRINCE1923—H0N . FRANK W. CLANCY1925 COL. RALPH E. Twrrcnm

1926 PAUL A. F. WALTER


PAUL WALTER, PresidentFRANCIS T. CHEE'

I‘HAM, Vice-President

Con. Joss D . SENA, Vice-PresidentLANSING B . BLOOM, Cor . Sec

’

y-Treas .

MISS Hss'rss JONES , Recording Sec’

y

FELLOWS

PERCY M. BALDWINRALPH P. BIEBERWILLIAM C . BINKLEYLANSING B . BLOOM

HERBERT E. BOLTONAURELIO M. Esrmoss

CHARLES W. HACKETTGEORGE P. HAMMOND

EDGAR L. s m'

r

FREDERICK W. Hone] :ALFRED V. KIDDEB

J. LLOYD MECHAMTnnonosms MEYER, O. F. M.

FRANCE V. Scs omasALFRED B . THOMASPAUL A. F. WALTER

CONSTITUTIONOF THE

HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO(As amended Nov. 19, 1929)

Article 1 . Name. This Society shall b e called the Historical Societyof New Mexico.

Article 2. Objects and Operation . The objects of the Society shall be ,in general , the promotion of historical studies;and in particular , thediscovery, collection , preservation , and publication of historical material, especially such as relates to New Mexico.

Article 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members , Fellows, Life Members and Honorary Life Members .

(a ) Members . Persons recommended by the Executive Counciland elected by the Society may become members .

(b ) Fellows . Members who show, by published work, specialaptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi

ately following the adoption of this Constitution , the ExecutiveCouncil shall elect fi ve Fellows , and the body thus created may thereafter elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the ExecutiveCounci l. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-fi ve.

(0) Life Members . In addition‘

to life members of the HistoricalSociety of New .Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such otherbenefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one time

the sum of fi fty dollars , or shall present to the Society an equivalentin books , manuscripts , portraits, or other acceptable material of an

historic nature,may upon recommendation by the Executive Counci l

and election by the Society, b e classed as Life Members .

(d) Honorary Life Memb ers . Persons who have rendered emi

nent service to New Mexico and others who have , by published work,contributed to the historical literature of New Mexico or the Southwest, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommendedby the Executive Counci l and elected by the Society.

Article 4. Offi cers . The elective offi cers of the Society shall b e a

president, two vice-presidents , a corresponding secretary and treas

arer , and a recording secretary;and these fi ve offi cers shall constitutethe Executive Councilwith full administrative powers .

Offi cers shall qualify on Jannary 1st following their election , and

shall hold othee for the term of two years and unti l their successorsshall have been elected and qualifi ed.

Article 5. Elections . At the October meeting of each odd-numberedyear, a nominating committee shall be named by the president of theSociety and such committee shall make its report to the Society at

the November meeting. Nominations may b e made from the floor

and the Society shall , in open meeting, proceed to elect its offi cers by

ballot, those nominees receiving a majority of the votes cast for the

respective offi ces to be declared elected.

Article 6. Dues . Dues shall b e for each calendar year , and

shall entitle members to receive bulletins as published and also the

His toricalReview .

Article 7. Publications . Allpublications of the Society and the selection and editing of matter for publication shall b e under the directionand control of the Executive Counci l.

Article 8 . Meetings . Monthly meetings of the Society shall b e held atthe rooms of the Society on the third Tuesday of each month at

eight P. M. The Executive Council shall meet at any time upon callof the President or of three of its members .

Article 9. Quorums . Seven members of the Society and three members of the Executive Counci l, shall constitute quorums .

Article 10. Amendments . Amendments to this constitution shal l b ecome operative after being recommended by the Executive Counci land approved by two-thirds of the members present and voting at

any regular monthly meeting;provided , that notice of the proposedamendment shall have been given at a regular meeting of the Society,at least four weeks prior to the meeting when such proposed amend»ment is passed upon by the Society.

Students and friends of Southwestern History are cordially ihvited to become members. Applications should b e addressed to the

corresponding secretary, Mr. Lansing B . Bloom, Santa Fe, N. Mex

N EW MEX ICO H ISTOR ICAL

REV IEW

VOL. X APRIL, 1935 No. 2

CIVIL GOVERNMENT AND SOCIETY IN NEW

MEXICO IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

By FRANCE V. SCHOLES

HIS ESSAY will describe b riefly the form and character

of government in the province of New Mexico in the

period preceding the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, the character of

the non-aborig'inal population, and the bases of provincial

eizonomics .

1

A. NEW MEXICO AND NEW SPAIN

New Mexico in the seventeenth century was the vast

northland, extending from the Rio Colorado eastward to theGreat Plains, and from the northern frontier of the prov

ince of New Biscay northward to the Strait of Anian . Noattempt was made to defi ne its limits , for there was no

need ;and Spain was willing that the area comprised under

the phrase,“the Kingdom and Provinces of New Mexico,

”

should remain as indefi nite as possible, for any delimitation

of boundaries would have implied a limit on her claim to the

entire trans-Mississipp i country . Even to the southward ,where New Mexico had her contacts with New .Spain , there

was no defi nite boundary set up between New Mexi co and

1. The materials on whi ch this essay is based cons ist mostly of manuscriptsources in the archives of Mex ico and Spain which the author has invest igated duringrecent years in preparation for h is two projected studies : (1 ) Church and S ta te in

New Mexico in the Seven teen th Cen tury; (2 ) History of New Mexico, 1 58 9-1682 .

These manuscript materials are so extens ive that no attempt will b e made here to c ite

them. ex cept in cases where a s ingle c itat ion can be used to i llustrate a particularpoint. Mos t of the essay cons ists of generalizations based on the whole range of


New B iscay prior to 1680. The desert wastes of Chihuahua

were an effective barrier to the rapid extension of settle

ment from either the north or the south , so that questions of

j urisdictional l imits of the two provinces were l argely

theoretical .

Thus New Mexico may b e thought of as Spain’

s claim

to the north country—an emp ire in itself, stretching for

hundreds of miles in all directions . The New Mexicans

themselves knew little about the greater part of this vast

land , although exploring expeditions were sent out to the

frontiers from time to time to test its possibilities . The

area over which the provincial authorities exercised effec

tive jurisdiction was defi nitely l imited , and comprised only

a fraction of the total which bore the name of New Mexico.

It extended from the pueblo of Taos on the north to the

pueblo of Seneca, and later to the Manso-Suma area, on

the south ,“and from the Hopi towns of eastern Arizona on

the west to the pueblo of Pecos on the east. Even within

this l imited area settlement was sparse, and there were

great reaches entirely uninhabited .

The province of New Mexico formed a part of the Vice

royalty of New Spain . It had been the desire of Ofiate to b e

independent of all supervisory authority in the New World

and to b e subject directly to the king and council in Spain,

but hi s efforts to this end were never crowned with success.

’

After the resignation of Ofi ate, responsibility for the gov

ernment of New Mexico was assumed by the viceregal

authorities of New Spain . Governors of the province were

appointed by the Viceroy who exercised a general super

vision over military and civil administration . The audiencia

of Mexico became the court of appeal , and it actively advised

2. The ElPaso m iss ions were founded and admin istered by New Mex ican friars.under the protection and patronage of the governors of the prov ince , b ut apparentlythe issue of actua l legal jur isdiction over the ElPaso area never became a pract icalproblem unt il after the Pueblo Revolt when the Span ish refugees were settlednea r the Pass . Cf . E. Hughes , The B eg inn ings of Settlemen t in the ElPaso District.

(Berkeley, passim.

3. G . P. Hammond , Don Juan de C ha ts and the Founding of N ew Mex ico (Santa

Fé , pass im .


in a few notorious cases , thi s could not offset the evil effects

of abuses which had been allowed to go unpunished for

years .

B . THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNOR

The contract by which Juan de Onate was granted

authority to conquer and colonize New Mexico gave him and

his heirs for two generations the title of Adelantado, Gov

ernor, and Captain General . He and his family also t e

ceived certain important privileges and exemptions, admin

istrative and fi scal, of the sort usually granted to founders

of new provinces . When Onate resigned his offi ces and

titles in 1607, the Viceroy appointed Juan Martinez de Montoya , one of Ofiate

’

s captains , to act as governor ad interim

pending the decision concerning the fate of the colony, but

the cabildo of San Gabriel refused to accept the appointment

and on its own responsibil ity named Ofiate’

s young son , Don

Cristobal , to govern .

‘The Oiiates , father and son, Were,

therefore, in charge of the province unti l the winter of

1609-1610when Pedro de Peralta , a new appointee, arrived

and assumed control . Administration of the province was

based henceforth on general colonial legislation and policy,instead of on a special contract between the Crown and the

local leader . The title of Adelantado was dropped , and

Peralta and his successors had the usual rank and titles of

Governor and Captain General.

During the period from 1609 to 1680twenty-three reg

ularly appointed governors ruled the province. The average

term of ofi‘ice was thus slightly more than three years, which

was the term provided by law .

“The shortest was about six

months and the longest exactly seven years .

” Appointments

4. Hammond , op . cit , passim .

5. Recopilacton de 1418 levee de las Ind ias , lib. v . tit. i . ley x . The patent of

ap pointment of Gov. Anton io de Oterm in , appointed in 1677, stated e ten idopor v ien de elij iros y nombraros como por la presente os eli jo y nombro por mi

t or. y capn . gen]. por t iempo de tree (afi os ) y poco mas o menos , etc . T itulo decor. y Capn . gen]. 8 Feb 1677. -Miscellaneous vic eregalorders and decrees conc ern

ing New Mex ico. 1673-1677. Archivo Genera l y Publi co de la Nacién , Mexico (to be

cited hereafter as A. G . Rea les Cédulas y Ordenes , Duplicados , Tomo 31.

6 . Th e shortest term was that of Juan Fl6res de S ierra y Valdez , spring to

fall. 1641 : the longest was that of Juan de Eulate . Dec . 22, 1618, to Dec . 21, 1625 .

CIVIL GOVERNMENT IN NEW MEXICO

were made in Mexico City, but the actual term of othee beganonly when the new governor arr ived and received the bastén

of offi ce from hi s predecessor . Salary, which was two thou

sand pesos annually, began with the date of departure from

Mexico City and ended with the date of transfer of author

ity to a successor in New Mexico. In the case of absence or

death of a governor , control was assumed by the cabildo of

Santa Fé or by a l ieutenant appointed by the regular incumbent.’

It was the governor ’s function to promote the general

advancement of the province, to secure the administration

of j ustice, to defend the province from internal revolt and

from attack by outside enemies, especially the marauding

nomads , to foster and protect the missions, and to protect

the settled Pueblo Indians from abuse and exploitation . The

governor was at once the pol itical leader of the province, the

commander-in-chief of its military establ ishment, its legis

lator on all matters of local provincial pol icy, and its most

important judicial offi cer . His powers were wide enough to

permit an honest and energetic man to maintain discipl ine

and secure justice, or to make it possible for a self-seekingoffi cialto become a local tyrant .“

7 . In 1641 , Gov . Juan Flé res de S ierra y Va ldez , rea liz ing that he was dying.

appointed a well-known soldier , Franc isco G6mez , to rule as lieutenant-governor in hisplace . But the cabi ldo of Santa Fé re fused to accept this arrangement , and assumed

8 . The powers which the governor ex erc ised were defi ned in the general legislation on colon ial admin istrat ion and in the instruct ion given to each governor at the

t ime of h is appointment . The Recop ilacié 'n and Solé ran z o’

s commentaries (PoliticoIndiana ) conta in the essent ial general legis lation . The

“Ordenanzas para los

nuevos descubrimientos ,

”1573, (Col. doc. inédit. de Ameri ca v Oceom

'

a, XVI .142-187 ) should be consulted , and also Oi

'

iate’

s contract in C . W . Hackett , Historicaldocumen ts relating to New Mexi co, Nueva Vizcaya and approaches thereto. to 1 773

(Wash . I , 225-255. The instructions issued to Peralta in 1609 and those givento Otermin in 1677 have been preserved . They are practica lly identica l so it is

apparent that the governor’s instructions followed a set formula which was variedon ly wi th regard to spec ial problems aris ing from t ime to t ime . Peralta ’

s instructionhas been pr inted , Span ish text and English trans lat ion , by L . B . B loom and I . L.

Chaves , Ynstruccié n a Peralta ,

”NEW MEX. H IST. REV IV 178-187 Oter

min ’

s instruction :“Ynstrucc ién de lo que a de guardar don Anton io Oterm in in

Miscellaneous viceregal orders and decrees con cern ing New Mex ico. 1 673-1677.

A. G . M Beales Cédulas y Ordenes , Duplicados , Tomo 81 . In 1621 spec ial instructions


The obligation to promote the general welfare of the

province implied a wide range of authority . The governor

was empowered to issue necessary ordinances and decrees ,general and spec ial ;to divide the province into lesser ad

ministrative districts ; to appoint lesser offi cials; and to

supervi se the government of the Villa de Santa Fé and of

the rural subdivisions or j urisdictions.

” It is his duty toassist in every possible manner the growth and well being

of the non-aboriginal commun ity : to select suitable sites for

settlements , taking care that the population was not unduly

scattered ;to foster the growth of the Villa de Santa Fé and

the maintenance there of an adequate soldier-encomendero

citizenry ;to supervise the assignment of lands and water

rights outside the Villa de Santa Fé ;and to prevent the citi

zens from absenting themselves from the province without

his license.

’mHe was responsible also for the maintenance

of public buildings , such as the Casa Real , strongholds and

forts , and supply depots , and for maintenance of roads and

communicati ons, especially the Camino Real through the

Rio Grande valley to ElPaso and New Spain . Once duringhis term of offi ce the governor was expected to make a for

mal Vi sitation of his province in order to inquire into the

state of the community , to correct abuses and to make any

necessary changes in the local administration .

11 Although

the visitation had a certain value in giving the governor

9. Cf .“Ordenan zas para los nuevos descubrimientos , and Ofi ate

’

s contract

10. Ins truction to Peralta.

11 . Recopilac ién . lib. v. tit. i i , leyes xv-xx i .

were sent to Custodian Perea and Governor Eulate . During the years preceding 1621the c ivi l and eccles iastica l authorit ies had fi led a series of charges and counter-chargesw ith the Viceroy as the result of bitter controversy between the Church and State .

The instruct ion s were intended to br ing peace to the two jurisdictions and dealt withmany phases of genera l prov in c ial policy . The fi rst , dated Jan . 9, 1621, addressed toCustodian Perea , was in the form of a real prov isién , issued in the name of the

Crown , in order to give it espec ia l authority. It has been published in English translat ion by L . B . Bloom in NEW MEX. H IST. REV V 288-298 . The second . datedFeb . 5 , 1621 , addressed to Governor Eulate , has also been published by Bloom, Span ishtext and English trans lat ion , in NEW MEX. H IST. REV III 357-380. Th e foursets of i nstruct ions will be c ited indiv idua lly as Ins truction to Peralta,, Instruction to


tion of friars laboring in dangerous areas, and the most important problem of fi nding a solution of the perennial

Apache menace . He was responsible for the general direc

tion of all military campaigns, distribution of arms and

ammunition , assignment of soldiers for escort and gar

rison duty, and the maintenance of discipline . During theearly years of the seventeenth century

‘

the mi litary phasesof provincial administration were limited mostly to the protection of friars at missions, and escort for the supply cara

van . During the second half of the century, however , the

problem changed for the growing danger from the Apaches

became the most 1mportant phase of defense and in the 1670sit was the paramount provincial problem .

The formal m il itary establishment of the province was

small and loosely organized , for prior to 1680there was noregular presidio or paid garrison . Occasionally soldiers

were sent out from New Spain on a salary for a stated term ,

but the core of the local military force was a group of pro

f essionalsoldier-citizens whomade mi litary service and par

ticipation in the political affairs of the province a life job .

They were paid no regular salary by the Crown ,

“5 but they

received encomiendas, the revenues from which were to

b e in lieu of salary . Most of them , moreover, supple

mented the income which they received from their eucom

ienda by farrmng and stock raising on their own account.

15. It appears that prior to 1681 encomenderos somet imes served as escort

for the supply caravans , as well as for friars at dangerous m issions . Cf . Ins truction

to Eulate. The treasury accounts indicate that payment was made in certain

cases for escort duty for the caravans . Conta dur ia 726 . After 1631 the

supply caravan had its own spec ial escort pa id by the Crown . See terms of the

1681 contract in F. V . Scholes ,

“The supply servi ce of the New Mex ico m iss ions in

the seventeenth century , NEW MEX. H IST. REV V p . 111 . In 1664 a new

contract regulating the supply serv ice was made and ex-Governor Manso, to whomthe new contract was granted , agreed to pay the cost of the escort . Scholes , op . cit. ,

p . 398.

in the Recop ilaci én , lib. v , t it . x i i , leyes x 11, xxvi . For precedent with regard to the

appelate jur isdiction of a governor over subordinate alca ldes mayores see Recop ila

eidu , lib. v , tit . x 11, ley xxvi i , which provided for appea l from the a lcaldes mayores of

the R io de la Plata to the governors of the same . Onate’

s contract , based on the"Ordenanzas para los nuevos descubr imientos , prov ided sp ec i fi cally for such

appellate jur isdiction over both the alcaldes ordinar ios of v illas and a lca ldes mayores .


The only paid military ofi icial, except the governor, was the

armorer who received three hundred and fi fty pesos a year .

The number of these encomendero-soldiers was set at thirty

fi ve. They formed the professional service and many of

them attained the rank of captain or higher . They were to

be ready at all times to answer a summons to do escort duty

and to serve in small groups as local pueblo guards . In

times of special crisis they assumed command of larger

levies consisting of fi fty or one hundred Spaniards and

mestizos and a much larger force of Indian allies . Over

these professional soldiers the governors exercised direct

control and authority. They appointed all of the offi cers and

they allocated the encomiendas from which the professionals

derived a part of their income . It was possible, therefore,for the governors to build up a defi nite military faction

favorable to their own interest .

Financial administration was a very minor phase of

the governor’

s activity . Ofiate had received permission to

establish a branch treasury , regulate mining, etc .

“ As a

matter of fact, very l ittle revenue, if any at all , was derived

from the province. There is no evidence that mining was

successfully carried ou, even on a minor scale, so that there

were no fi fths to b e collected . There were no royal tributes,for all of the Indians were subject to encomienda . Tithes

were paid by the non-aboriginal community but it does not

appear that the Crown collected its share. The half-annate

(media anata ) was levied on the governor ’s salary, but it

was collected in Mexico C ity . Whether New Mexico wasexempt from the alcabala , or sales tax, cannot b e determinedbut there is no evidence to prove that it was collected on theprimitive intra-provincial commerce.

The obligation of the civil authorities to cc-operate inthe entire missionary program , both in the active teaching

16. Of . Ofi ate’

s contract .

17. The media anata was collected on Governor Samaniego's salary in 1652 and

probably on the salary of all other governors during the remainder of the periodprior to 1680. I em indebted to Prof L. B . B loom (who has made an intensive

study of the materia ls in Contaduria ) for information on this point.


of the new faith and in the maintenance of mission disci

pline, was stated in numerous royal orders and decrees .

”

There could b e no doubt concerning the duty of the governor

in this respect. It was expected that he would set a good

example to the Indians, an example not only of good , moral

living but also of respect and deference for the friars . It

was h is duty also to assist actively in the conversions , to

exhort the lndians to accept the new faith , to aid in the

building of churches , and to encourage the Indians to aid

the friars and to honor and obey them . Above all , it was

necessary that the civi l authorities should support the friars

not only in enforcing attendance at mass , but also in stainp

ing out concubinage and the practice of the old ceremonials .

How inadequately some of the governors and other

civi l offi cers fulfi lled all these obl igations is indicated byeven the most casual study of the documentary sources for

the seventeenth century. They failed often to assist in the

active program of conversion and teaching, but more impor

tant was the lack of co—operation in the maintenance of

mission discipl ine. Several governors were accused of

inciting the Indians to acts of disobedience and violence .

Mendizabal and the clergy quarreled over the question of

corporal punishment for infractions of discipline. Ou the

highly important question of the old ceremonial dances the

governors followed a vacillating pol icy . Some governors ,like Eulate and Mendizabal , encouraged the Indians to per

form the old ritual . Ou the other hand , there were occasions

when the Indians were severely punished for loyalty to the

old ways, and more than once native priests were rounded

up, whipped , and some of them hanged . It is not surprising

that the Indians soon lost all respect for their new masters ,both friars and soldiers , and came to mistrust the whole

Spanish community and to react violently against the entire

fund of Spanish culture.

The governor’

s authority and influence over Indian

relations were of the greatest importance . Spanish legisla

18. Recopilaci én , lib. i , tit. i , leyes i i. v-xvi .


price. The governors eagerly pressed groups of Indians

into service to range over the mountains and gather large

supplies of thi s del icacy . Indian artisans were employed tobuild wagons and carts for the transport of all these goods

to the markets of New Spain . Usually the governors

shipped out these accumulated stocks of goods, either at the

end of their terms, or took advantage of the return journey

of the mission supply service. Occasionally, however, they

organized special caravans, and pressed Indians into serv

ice as servants and muleteers . It was sometimes charged

that no proyision was made for the immediate return of

these Indians to New Mexico, or for their l iving while in

New Spain , and that consequently many never returned , or

had to undergo privation and hardship until they could join

the next mission caravan on its way to New Mexico.

Not only were these trading ventures in direct viola

tion of royal legislation which forbade the governors to

engage in any sort of business or trade,“ but there is ample

evidence also that the Indians were often forced to labor

without pay and that even when wages were paid they fell

far short of the standard scale of pay or that the goods

which were given in exchange (and all labor was paid in

kind ) were often valued far above their true worth . When

Governor Mendiz ab al’

s residencia was being taken in 1661,the attorney for the Indians claimed that Mendizabal owed

in balances due more than twenty-four hundred pesos to the

Indians for various services, or an equivalent of more than

nineteen thousand days of labor at the rate of one reala

day. Mendizabal insisted that many of the claims were

exaggerated or that they had already been paid , but even

if the sum total were cut in half it would still b e clear proof

of the manner in which a governor could exploit Indians .

When the complete residencia record was presented before

the audiencia for fi nal j udgment, Mendizabal was found

guilty on the general charge of illegal use of Indian labor.

”

19. Recop ilaciow, l ib. 5, t it. 11, ley x lvi i .20. The res idencia is in A . G . M. , Tierras , Tomo 8268.


Actual enslavement of adult Pueblo Indians was rare,

and was usually a punishment for certain crimes . There is

direct and irrefutable evidence, however, that Governor

Eulate sometimes gave written permission to soldiers to

seize Indian orphans as house servants . The clergy insisted

that these unfortunate children were subj ected to perpetual

servitude and they were hunted down ,

“as if they were

branded slaves,” if they fled from their masters . It may be

doubted, however, whether the authorities regarded them as

slaves . It is more likely that the permits or vales by which

seizures were authorized were issued on the presumption

that the master of such a seized orphan would teach and in

doctrinate him, and serve as a sort of guardian , and that in

return for such protection and training the master had a

claim on the orphan’

s services .

”1Of course this might eas ily

mean actual , if not legal slavery , for the same theory

appears to have been the basis of the Apache slave system tobe described below. Whether this practice of impressing

Pueblo children as house servants was generally practiced

throughout the country cannot b e determined. It was a

common practice during Eulate’

s administration , and

Father Perea declared in 1633 that Governor Mora Ceballos

permitted the seizure of boys and girls who had no need for

guardianship .

” But this is all the evidence we have . It is

suffi cient, however, to indicate a certain trend , which might

become permanent unless stopped by active denunciation

and res istance.

The capture of Apaches , especially boys and girls , to b e

used as house servants , was, however , a common practice,and the governors received their share of these spoils of

frontier warfare . The relations of the Pueblos to the

Apaches and Navahos during the seventeenth century alternated between peace and hosti lity j ust as they had in the

21. The evidence on th is point is in a m isc e llaneous group of letters , dec larations ,etc . in A . G . M. Inqu is ic ién , Tomo 856 , 6 . 257-817. A few spec imen voles are i h

cluded in the exped iente.

22. Friar Estevan de Perea to the Holy Ofi ce , 2 Oct. , 1682 . A . G . M. Inquis it ion , Tomo 804.


past;but as the century advanced there was a defi nite in

crease in the amount of hostility, for instead of bringingpeace to the nomads and the Pueblos the Spaniards were

responsible for a sharpening of the old feuds .

The Span iards brought to New Mexico horses , fi re

arms, and knives, and thus made possible that kind of guer

i lla warfare which has ever since been inseparably con

nected with the name Apache. The governors and soldiers

of the new Hispanic community saw in the Apaches and

Navahos a source of profi t and they were quick to take ad

vantage of the commercial possibilities of such frontier

pueblos as the pueblo of Pecos and the Tompiro villages,which had traded with the Apaches long before the Span

iard arrived . Not content with the profi ts of trade in these

frontier vi llages , the Spaniards sent expeditions to the

buffalo plains to trade with the Apaches direct. But such

exped itions had the habit of degenerating into hostil ities

during which captives were made on both sides, the Span

iards seizing young boys and girls as slaves, and the

Apaches, horses and guns . From these simple beginn ings

was built up the long and sad story of the Apache tribes in

their relations with the European .

The Spaniards found these ventures extremely profi t

able. Buffalo hides and Apache slaves found a ready sale

not only in New Mexico, but also in New Spain , and the

royal prohibitions against slave raids were usually futile

in the face of a real profi t. It was easy to argue that the

Apaches thus captured were not being traded as slaves but

that they were being deposited in the homes of Christian

fami lies where they would receive Christian teaching and

save their souls . Such sophistry did not prevent the slave

girls and boys from -h aving a value of thirty or forty pesos ,or , more correctly, the value of one good mule.

”s What is

most deplorable of all is the fact that the provincial gov

23. Th e prices are found in the records of Mendi z abal’

s res idencia, A . G . M.,

Tier ras ,Tomo 3268. It is indicated that the Pueblos also lea rned th e profi t to be

ga ined from making capt ives of the nomads , in order to trade them to the Span iardsfor hors es , mules , and sheep .


Thus the governor ’

s power and influence were ex ten

sive and were easily expanded either by generous interpre

tations of instructions or by extra-legal action . All of the

governors were jealous of their prerogatives and sensitive

of their position as representatives of the Crown . They

set the standard and tone of provincial administration . They

came into contact with every provincial citizen of impor

tance, and the character of government easily took on a

personal aspect. Very much depended , therefore, on the

abil ity, character, and personality of the men who were

appointed tothe post .

The governors who served in New Mexico prior to 1680were, with one exception, men who had had no previous ex

perience in New Mexican affairs . Many of them , however,had served the Crown in some naval , mil itary, or adminis

trative capacity, as corregidores or alcaldes mayores in New

Spain or Peru , as offi cers in the galleon service, as aides to

the Viceroy, or as garrison commanders . A few of them

may have had formal university training, but most of themhad been trained only in the rough and tumble of colonial

administration . In making appointments the viceroys

sometimes took advantage of the opportunity to reward a

favorite and some of them may not have been adverse to

accepting a bribe. In 1647 one of the New Mexican friars ,writing a general complaint to the king, was quite explicit

in his statement that some of the governors were mere

creatures of the Viceroy and owed their appointment to the

purchase of the viceroy’s favor .

”

Present knowledge of the governors is confi ned mostly

to a few individuals who incurred the wrath of the clergy,and the character of these men , as described in the friar

complaints , is far from complimentary . Even if we dis

count heavily the denunciations of the friars there remains

ample proof of the fact that some of them were arbitrary in

their conduct of the government, openly immoral , crass , and

28. Friar Andrés Suarez to the king, 26 Oct. , 1647. Enclosure in A . G . M. ,

Beales Cé dulas y Ordenes , Princ ipales , Tomo III, No. 103.

own) GOVERNMENT IN NEW MEXICO

entirely unscrupulous . The most'

generalcomplaint that can

be laid up against them as a group was their eager and per

sistent desire to squeeze a profi t out of their otfi ce . The sal

ary was fairly good , as compared with other offi cialsal

aries in New Spain, but it was not the salary that made men

accept an appointment in a province fi fteen hundred mi lesfrom Mexico C ity . It was the opportunity for gain . Their

profi ts fromtrade, stock-raising, and exploitation of Indian

labor were, in some cases , far in excess of their salary .

It must not b e supposed , however, that there were no

means of curbing the tyranny and greed of a self-seeking

governor or of punishing him for malfeasance in ofl‘ice.

Every governor was obliged to submit to a formal residencia

at the end of h is term of offi ce. The residencia was requ ired

of all important administrators throughout Spanish America and the Crown had laid down defi nite regulations con

cerning it.

” That it did not achieve the end intended is only

too well known, and New Mexico was no exception in this

respect . Bribery was employed to thwart justice and more

than one governor went free on that account .80 On the other

hand , in a few cases for which there is defi nite direct in

formation in any amount, it is clear that the residencia could

b e, and sometimes was, a serious matter . The most detailed

residencia report that we have is for Bernardo Lépez de

Mendizabal , who was governor from 1659 to 1661 . Mendi

z ab al’

s pol icies aroused the bitter opposition of the Church

and of a considerable faction of the civil community, and

very serious charges were brought against him during his

residencia which was conducted by his successor , Diego de

Penalosa Briceiio, who did not hesitate to take advantage

of Mendi z ab al’

s diffi culties for his own personal profi t. The

residencia and the trial by the Inquisition in Mexico C ity,

29. Recopilacién , lib . v , tit. xv.

30. The clergy accused Governor Lu is de Rosas of accepting a bribe from Gov

ernor Franc isco de Baeza . Pet it ion of Juan Franc isco de Salazar , 5 July, 1641, inExpediente sobre elIevantamiento, etc . A . G . I Patronato 244, No. 7. Friar AndresSuarez in h is letter to the king, Oct . 26 , 1647, accused the governor in ofi ice at thattime of s imilar offense . See note 28 sup ra .


to which he was subjected in 1663-1664, ruined Mendizabal

fi nancially and so undermined his already del icate health

that he died before the Inquisition decided his case.

81An

other means of checking arbitrary government was the

power and influence of the cabildo of Santa Fé , for , although

this group was frequently controlled by the governor , there

are instances which indicate that the cabildo sometimes of

fered strenuous resistance to a governor and his pol icies .

82

Most important, however , was the influence and authority of

the Church . This consisted not only of such strictly eccle

siasticalweapons as ex-communication and penance, but

also of active opposition to certain pol icies of administra

tion . Moreover, the authority of the Inquisition , once it

was established in New Mexico, became a weapon of fi rst

importance.

In 1682 Governor Otermin faced the danger of open

sedition among the discontented refugees who were l iving

near ElPaso after the tragic revolt of 1680. The attempted

reconquest of 1681-1682 had fai led , food was scarce, and

there was real danger that the Indians of ElPaso, aided by

the Apaches and rebel Pueblos , might attack the Spanish

settlements . Many of the soldiers wanted to abandon the

area and move to New B iscay, and when Otermin refused

to accept these proposals several of the soldiers fled toMex

ico City . There they presented serious charges against

Otermin and accused h im of actions which , so they said , had

directly provoked the Pueblo Revolt. In his own defense

Otermin wrote a long letter to the Viceroy, in Which he declared that the governors of New Mexico had always been

subjected to criticism, opposition, and even violence on the

part of malcontents , lay or ecclesiastical , among the Span

ish community . For example, Peralta had been unjustly

imprisoned by Friar Isidro Ordonez , prelate of the Fran

ciscans , in conspiracy with a faction of the soldiers . Oppo

31. A . G . M T ierras , Tomosx

3268 , 3293, 3286 : Inqu is icién , Tomos 587, 593, 594.

32. The cabildo and Mendizaba l were on very b ad terms , and the procurator of

the v illa presented a b itter denunciat ion of Mendizabal before his judge of res idenc ia.


losa were ruined by their New Mexico experience . Oter

min might also have added other items to his bill of particu

lars , Vi z . , that Bernardino de Ceballos was excommunicated

because he failed to co-operate with the clergy in executing

an ecclesiastical sentence, that Eulate found his match in

Friar Estevan de Perea , and that the clergy lodged bitter

complaints with the Viceroy concerning Baeza and his

pol icies .

“

But in many cases the governors had only themselves to

blame for their diffi culties , and it would b e easy to b e very

severe in denunciation of the provincial governors in New

Mexico prior to 1680. Proud and haughty, frequently

greedy and crass, ruthless sometimes, some of them guilty of

grave immorality, they brought to the administration of the

province a spirit that was frequently inconsistent with peace

and quiet and sometimes defi nitely detrimental to the prog

ress, not only of the Church and the missions, but also of the“

struggling lay community . But theirs was no easy task .

Boldness in policy and forcefulness in action were required

to govern a province l ike New Mexico. The governors had

to make their own decisions and stand by them , for New

Spain was far away . They dealt with turbulent men, real

frontiersmen, and they had to match their wits with some

of the keenest ecclesiastics who served in the missions of

New Spain . With all their faults they kept the colony in

tact for eighty years , and when tragedy marched over the

land in 1680, Otermin displayed true soldierly qualities and

was able to make an orderly retreat from Santa Fé to the

safety of the ElPaso country.

C . Lassen OFFICIALS

The governor was assisted in the administration of

provincial business by several lesser offi cials and by the ca

hildo of the Vi lla de Santa Fé . The most important of the

lesser offi cials were the secretary of government and war,

84. My Church and S tate in New Mex ico in the Seven teenth C en tury wi ll contain a deta iled dis cuss ion of many of these inc idents .

CIVIL GOVERNMENT IN NEW MEXICO 91

the lieutenant-governor, and the alcaldes mayores, all oiwhom were appointed by the governor and held othee at hi s

pleasure .

The secretary of government and war was the notary

who attested all offi cialdocuments and papers issued in thegovernor’s name. But he was more than a mere notary . He

was an active adviser on all problems , and an energetic

secretary could have a profound influence over administra

tion . Many governors probably welcomed the services of

an able secretary who had had several years of experience

in the province, for most of them knew nothing about their

province before they arrived . The secretary was the man

on whom they relied for advice and suggestion , and it was

he who was the buffer between the colony on the one hand

and the governor on the other . The post frequently went to

a Jnemb er of one of the older famil ies or some well known

soldier-citizen .

Lieutenant governors were appointed from time to time

to perform special duties, such as a visitation of the prov

ince in the name of the governor, to administer the province

during the absence of the governor, or to assume control

over a portion of the provincial area . From about 1660

onward it was customary to divide the province into two

major subdivisions or administrative districts . These were

known as the Rio Arriba and the Rio Abajo, i . e . , the

upper and lower portions of the Rio Grande valley and the

neighboring districts . This administrative innovation was

the result, in part, of the increas ing non-aboriginal population in the middle and lower portions of the valley, and, inpart, of the need for a more active defensive pol icy in the

lower area where the Apaches were especially active. The

governor commanded the Rio Arriba , and the l ieutenantgovernor the Rio Abajo.

The alcaldes mayores administered lesser rural dis

tricts or subdivisions called jurisdictions

There were at least six , perhaps eight, of these units i nto

35. The term alcaldia mayor was seldom used before 1680.


which the entire provincial area, with the exception of the

Vi lla de Santa Fé and its district, was subdivided . The

alcaldes mayores were members of that soldier-citizen-en

comendero group that formed the core of the local military

establishment. Their functions were of considerable im

portance for they were the men who came into direct daily

contact with the Indian vi llages , the missions, and the estan

cias of the non-aboriginal population . Their most impor

tant duties were probably pol ice and j udicial , viz . , to admin

ister petty justice, to adjust differences concerning lands

and water rights , to assist the friars in the maintenance of

mission discipline, to oversee the employment of Indians as

house servants , farm laborers , and herdsmen by the Span

ish and caste ranchers , and to supervise the routine of

pueblo life, working with and through the petty Indian mag

istrates and offi cials?“The character of local administration

carried on by these men varied according to the pol icies and

instructions of the governors who appointed them , for al

though there were certain cases in which alcaldes mayores

resisted what they bel ieved to b e an evil and detrimental

pol icy of the central provincial government, these men

were obliged , in the main , to carry out the orders which

came to them from Santa Fé . In certain instances, more

over , they were nothing more than tools of the governors,not only in exploitation of Indian labor , but also in an open

and avowed policy of opposition to the friars and their

work . None of them is more famous than Captain Nicolas

de Aguilar , mestizo and ex—murderer from New B iscay, whowas so thorough in his execution of Governor Mendiz ab al

’

s

36 . The differen ce between the alcaldes mayores of New Mex ico and those greateroffi c ials who adm in istered the alcaldias mayores of New Spa in proper were not so

much a matter of function as of authority . The a lca ldes mayores of New Spa inproper were really prov in c ia l governors without the t it le , and from an admin istrativestandpoint governors and alca ldes mayores were practica lly on the same level. In

New Mex ico they were subordinate ofi i cers , appointed by and respons ible to the

governor. But the funct ions of the a lcaldes mayores in both New Mex ico and New

Spa in were much the same . The author ity to set up loca l adm in istrat ive districts and

to appoint the ir offi cers was granted or iginally to Oiiate , b ut there was probably littleneed for such loca l machinery unt il miss ionary ente rprise had been extended over a

cons iderable part of the Pueblo area .


group of pueblos in the valleys to the north, but also to the

southern pueblos and to those whi ch lay on the eastern and

western frontiers . To this new site and the settlement

which slowly grew up there was given the name of Santa

Fé . Laying out of the villa and the sites for the principal

buildings was probably done ln the spring of 1610,asand the

Spanish population of San Gabriel was transferred to it

during the succeeding months as rap idly as buildings could

b e erected . From that time to the present Santa Fé has

remained the c apital of New Mexico. The Villa de San

Gabriel was a bandoned , and during the remainder of the

period prior to the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 Santa Fé was

probably the only organized community in the province wi th

full local government .”

The government of the villa was in the hands of four

regidores, or council-men , elected annually by the citizens,and two alcaldes ordinarios , or magistrates, elected by the

regidores . They were assisted by an alguacil , or bailiff ,and a notary elected by them . All elections were subject to

the confi rmation of the governor . The offi cialand collective

title for this group of local offi cers was“Cabildo, Justicia, y

Regimiento de la Villa de Santa Fé . The cabildo had the

authority to make ordinances for the government of the

villa , subj ect to the governor’

s approval , to mark off the les

ser vecindades, or wards , to assign to the citizens house lots,lands for gardens, vineyards and pasturage and the neces

sary water rights . The two alcaldes ordinarlos had civi l and

criminal jurisdiction in all cases within the villa and its

38. L . B . Bloom,Wh en was Santa Fé founded ? NEW Max . H IST. RSV" . IV

188-194.

39.There is some indicat ion that in the early 1630

’

s an effort was made to

found a new v illa—“la V illa de Nuestra Se fi ora de la Piedad de Cerralvo.

”The ac

counts in A . G . I Contadur ia , legs . 729, 732, have records of payments to poblaw

dares be ing sent out to this new settlement . In the papers of the Inquis it ion there isreference to one Diego de Santa Cruz , “

alca lde o

'

rdinar io de la Va . de Nra. Sra . de

la P iedad de Seraluo que se comiensa a poblar ,

”etc . A . G . M. , Inquisicién

872, Exp . 16 . But there is no evidence to indicate that the v illa was actually established and ma inta ined . Probably the plans never got beyond the election of offi cers

and the sending out of a few pa id pobladores . One of the pobladores sent out in 1631,

Roque de Cassaus , xwas alca lde ord inario of the Vi lla de Santa Fé in 1 639 and appearsto have lived in Santa Fé from the year 1632.


jurisdiction, except that cases involving Indians came under

the sole authority of the governor or his lieutenant.“0

The cabildo had an influence which extended beyond the

limits of the villa . It was spokesman of the entire com

munity both in pleas to the governor and in petitions to the

Viceroy and the king. On one occasion it assumed full

authority for the government of the province on the death

of the regular governor ,‘ 1

and on another occasion the vice

regal authorities gave it authority to act in certain matters

when it was feared that the governor would not obey in

structions .

“2 Moreover, the governor was instructed to seek

its advice on all matters of importance,“so that it became

a sort of advisory council for the entire province. The right

to confi rm all local elections gave the governor an opportu

nity, however, to secure the election of persons favorable to

his interests .

In general the cabildo represented the soldier-citizen

group, which was the dominant class in the community . A

few prominent families were able to maintain a noticeably

frequent representation among the regidores and alcaldes

ordinarios . The gachupin and creole elements tried at fi rst

to maintain a fair measure of control , but before long mes

tiz os were admitted to full participation . After all , the

number of el igible persons was small , and probably most of

the citizens of any consequence had a turn at offi ce sooner

or later . Thus the government of Santa Fé was the only

form of self-government in the province, and for that reason

it deserves more than passing notice.

40. Instruc tion to Peralta.

41. In 1641, after the death of Flores y Va ldes.

42. In 1660 Governor Manso fled his residencia and la id before the Vi ceroy and

audiencia serious charges against h is successor, ‘Mendizabal . The Viceroy issued cer

ta in orders which Manso was to take with h im on his return to New Mexi co, and

fearing that Mendizabal might not execute them, the cabildo was instructed to exe

cute them. For documents on Manso’

s res idenc ia , see A . G . M., T ierras , Tomo 3286 .

43. Ins tru ction to Eulate .


D . POPULATION AND SOCIETY

The non-aboriginal population of New Mexico was a

heterogeneous group made up of Spaniards , creoles, castes ,and Mexican Indians . The total number probably never ex

ceeded twenty-fi ve hundred during the period from 1598 to

1680, and the average was much less than that . During the

fi rst three or four decades after the founding of the province

the totalwas probably less than one thousand , and at the

time of the Pueblo Revolt it was between twenty-three and

twenty-four hundred .

“The most important center of non

aboriginal population was the Vi lla de Santa Fé ;but as the

number of Spaniard and castes slowly increased , especially

during the second half of the century, small hamlets were

formed and more and more farmlands were occupied at

points where water, labor, and land were available. The

most important rural areas were the valleys north of Santa

Fé and the middle Rio Grande valley between Santo

Domingo and the Piro district .

More important than the size of the population and its

distribution was its character . Prior to 1680New Mexico

was not a colony in the real sense of the word . There was

little to attract colonists , for the agricultural resources were

limited , trade was mere barter , and minerals, except salt,were not being exploited . The raison d

’

etre of the province

was the missions, and the non-aboriginal population was

there mostly to sustain and defend them . The soldiers were

the leaders of the community and gave it its character . If ,

in the end, these men founded local famil ies which became

44.Four hundred and one persons , including twenty-one friars , were reported

killed or m iss ing dur ing the Pueblo Revolt . The refugees who were able to reach theElPaso country numb ered 1946 persons . Of these 155 were able to bear arms . At

least 500 were servants , and among these there must have been a number of Pueblosand Apaches . Adding the number of killed and m issing to the number of refugeesgives a tota l of about 2347, inc luding servants . These stat ist ics are in Autos tocantes

alAlsamiento de los Indios de la Prov inc ia de la Nueb a Mex ico. 1680-1681 . A . G . MProv inc ias Internas ,

Tomo 37, Exp . 6. It is apparent from many manuscr ipt sourcesthat during the fi fteen years preceding 1680 New Mex ico suffered from the doublemenace of fam ine and Apache ra ids , so that the tota l of 2347 on the eve of the

revolt in 1680 may represent a tota l populat ion lower than that of 1665-1670. In

any case , the max imum probably never ex ceeded 2500.


more densely settled areas of New Spain . Life on the frontier put men on their own , and if a mestizo made a good sol

dier , he was a welcome member of the community .Many

of them attained high mi litary rank, and some became al

caldes mayores or members of the cabildo of Santa Fé .

But despite the easy and free intermingling of classesand despite the fact also that noman could attain any great

measure of wealth in New Mexico, there was clearly a fairly

well defi ned local aristocracy based on fami ly, service tothe Crown , and worldly possessions . The contemporary

documents bear unconscious witness to the prominence of afew families

‘

who were descended from the loyal assoc iatesof Onate, or from men who had migrated to the provinceearly in its history. Loyal service to the Crown was theirproudest boast and many of them enjoyed the rank of

hidalgo that was granted to men who had served a term of

years in the province.

“ Sons followed fathers in the pro

fession of arms and as holders of local political and military

offi ce. These men formed the core of that smallcaste of

professional soldier-citizens, that small standing military

force ready to do escort for the friars or to lead hastily

raised levies against the nomads . It was'

this group which

set the standard for the rest, which upheld mi litary tradi

tions on a far away frontier . They were true professional

servants of the Crown . Their wealth was greater than that

of families of lesser social standing;the best lands were

theirs ;they had greater opportunities to engage in trade;and they probably received the best encomiendas . In the

main they tried to keep their blood pure, but in this respect

they battled against heavy odds .

A few of these families are worthy of espec ial notice .

There was the Lucero de Godoy family, for example, con

sistent producer of soldiers and offi cials of rank . . Another

was the Gémez clan, fi ercely loyal to civi l authority in case

46. The Ordenanzas para los nuevos des cubrimientos , prov ided for grantof th is privilege to fi rst settlers in new areas and by cédula of July 8, 1602, it was

spec i fi cally granted to soldiers who served for fi ve years during the conquest and pacication of New Mex ico. A . G . M. Beales Cédulas y Ordenes . Dupli cadas . Tomo 4.f . 47.


of conflict with the Church . Still another was the Domin

guez de Mendoza family which produced the most distin

guished soldier in New Mexico in the seventeenth century .

"

Other fami lies of prominence were the Marquez , Romero,Baca , and the Duran y Chavez l ines . These names appear

in the documents of the early seventeenth century, and in

the muster-rolls formed in 1680-1681 subsequent to the

Pueblo Revolt these same names are there .

But this discussion of the prominence of a few fami

lies does not imply the existence of any considerable degree

of social refi nement. On the contrary , New Mexican l ife

was characterized by a roughness , a lack of luxury and

refi nement, a crudeness , and a striking degree of ignorance

that is apparent throughout all the documents . Moral

laxity was widespread and a man’

s frailties were quickly

known . Truth was not a jealously guarded virtue. Charges

of false witness appear frequently in the contemporary doc

uments , and there is ample proof that they were often j usti

fi ed. The influence of the Indians was apparent in many

ways , but none more strikingly than in the prevalence of

superstition in the practice of which they were apt teachers .

Finally, the province received its quota of fugitive criminals

and riff-rafi’

, the of‘

f-scourings of the mining camps farther

south .

Formal education was practically non-existent. The

youth of the better famil ies entered the military service at

an early age, and the rough Indian warfare became theirschool and preparation for l ife . Father Benavides waxed

enthusiastic about the mission schools where “reading

,writ

ing, singing and instrument playing ”were taught .“ What

ever may have been expected from these schools in the b e

47. I refer here to Jnan Dominguez de Mendoza, who served for some fi fty years

from about 1640 to 1690. He held every m ilitary rank open to a c itizen of the province , and was frequently commander of the troops sent out to the frontiers against the

Apaches . He was lieutenant-governor four t imes . In 1684he was leader of the expe

dition which vi s ited the Jumano country in central Texas . Servic ios personales del

Maestre de Campo Don Juan Domingues y Mendoza . B iblioteca Nac iona l , Madrid.Ma. 19258 .

48. Memor ial (Ayer p . 22.


ginning, they soon became l ittle more than pious hopes .

Father Perea, whose more than twenty years of service in

the province as compared with the less than four years

which Benavides served, was probably a more reliable wit

ness . In 1632 he wrote to the Holy Offi ce deploring the gen

eral conditions of ignorance and the prevalence of super

stition .

“ If the friars maintained schools , only a small

group of children ever received instruction in them . A few

Indians were taught to serve as interpreters , to ass ist at the

altar, to sing in the choir, and the chi ldren from the more

prominent fami lies of the soldier-citizens received an ele

mentary training. Some indication of the i lliteracy of the

province may b e gained by consulting the muster-rolls . In

1681, when plans were being made to attempt the recovery

of the province after the tragic events of 1680, the governor

called for a general muster of available men . As each man

passed muster, he testifi ed concerning the country of his

birth, how many horses and mules he could offer for the

campaign , and the condition of his weapons . Those who

could sign their own names did, so, and in the case of those

who could not, it was so stated . In one of these lists we

fi nd the names of one hundred and forty-seven persons able

to bear arms, and of these one hundred and thirty-one were

natives of New Mexico and sixteen were natives of Spain

and Mexico. E ighty-fi ve of the total could not sign their

own names and of these eighty-two were natives of New

Mexico. Only three out of the sixteen Spaniards and Mexi

cans were able to sign .

”In the case of women the i ll iteracy

was worse. Many women appeared before the agent of

Inquisition during the years 1626 to 1680 and more than

ninety per cent could not sign their depositions . In 1631 ,

When thirty-three women testifi ed, not one of them could

sign . Frontier conditions these !

49. Friar Estevan de Perea to the Holy Offi ce . 10 Nov . , 1631 . A . G . M. In

qu is icion , Tomo 372, Exp . 19.

50. These muster-rolls are in Tes timon io de autos or iginales , rem it idos por dn .

Anton io de Oterm in Govr. y Capn . Gra l. de las Provas . de la N . Mex ico. al

Exmo. Sr. Conde de Paredes 1681 , Mex ico. Biblioteca Nac ional , Legajos Series ,Leg . 2 , doc . 2 .


the infi rmary. Only one of these buildings still stands , the

Church of San Miguel . The private dwellings of the citi

zens were one-story adobe and stone buildings of a few

rooms . The streets—ii there were streets—were probablynone too wide and were deep with dust .

The population of Santa Fé in the seventeenth centurywas never more than a few hundred . Besides the governor

and the clergy the most important inhabitants were the

professional encomendero-soldiers, for their obl igations as

encomenderos included not only mi l itary service but also

formal citizenshi p in the Villa de Santa Fé . In short , the

Indian tributes were used to assure a minimum population

for the capital of the province as wel l as a standing militaryforce . If many of these soldier-citizens also acquired estan

cias in the country, where they could supplement their en

comienda revenues by agriculture and stockraising, the

obl igation of formal citizenship was not removed .

151

In addi

tion to these citizens and their fami lies, there were a fewartisans , a few floaters who came and went with the miss ion

supply caravans, now and then a few mining prospectors,and numerous house servants , slaves , and Indians . Santa

Fé was a cross-section of the entire community from the

highest to the lowest, from the best to the worst.

The ordinary round of l ife must have been monotonous,broken now and then by the arrival of a new governor , the

events of an Indian campaign , the hanging of a criminal at

the gibbet, or the scandal caused by a brawl over a card

51.This c itizenship obligat ion is indicated in several incidenta l statements in the

documents . For example , in 1636 Governor Bae za and Custodian Quiros disagreed overthe obligations of the encomenderos to act as escort without pay for friars going todangerous miss ion areas . The governor ins isted that the sole obligat ion was to

“ass is t” in the V illa of Santa Fé para q as ist iesen en esta n illa de Sta fee

donde ab i en de hazer bes indad y no para otra n inguna cossa mas de les hordenare al

goueror , etc . Auto, Sept . 27 , 1636. Diferentes Autos de molest ias Hechos a los

Vez os de la nua . mex co. Por Los Re ligiosos y la soberan ia Conque Vsen Jur ion . A .

G . M Prov inc ias Internas , Tomo 34, Exp . 1 . Baeza was wrong in his ins istence thatthe grants of en comienda did not imply an automatic obligat ion to do escort duty, buthis statement about c it izenship in Santa Fé was no doubt correct . Governor Men

di z ab al, who governed the province from 1659 to 1661, sometimes summoned encomen

deros from the country to Santa Fé , much to their disgust , for such summons tre

quent ly interfered with management of their farms and herds .


table . The men spent much of their time in the saddle;

either in some form of military activity or in managing

their farms and herding their l ivestock . For the women the

duties of childbearing and the home were a heavy burden ,

lightened only by the aid of Apache slaves or servants from

the pueblos . For both men and Women recreation and

amusements were few . For the men there were the gam

bling tables , the rough sport of the plaza , or obliging amigos

of whom there was apparently no lack . For the women

there were the treasured associations of bosom friends , end

less gossip about some local scandal , or the consolation of

an Indian servant who knew how to prepare potions and

powders guaranteed to bring back the love of a wayward

husband . The Casa Real , where the governor and his

retinue l ived , was the social center of the community . The

soldiers spent many a long winter evening there in conver

sation W ith the governor, eagerly listening to his tales of

other lands, of Peru , of New Granada, and of encounters

with the buccaneers in the galleon service. From him they

borrowed a few books, ,for in the l ists of belongi ngs of Gov

ernors Mendizabal and Penalosa we fi nd such books as D on

Quixote, Leb rija’

s grammar , and a few devotional works .

Some of the governors tried to bring Wi th them toNew Mex

ico the trappings of position . Governor Mendizabal and his

wife‘

b rought a carriage, a fi ne b ed and b ed hangings, gilded

writing desks, silver plate, expensive clothes , l inens, velvets ,silks, cordovan boots, etc . Perhaps they had an eye for

business , for they did not fail to avail themselves of the

Opportunity to make a neat profi t by bartering some of thisfi nery for goods or property of local New Mexican origin

that would fi nd a ready sale in New Spain . Even a battered

writing desk was worth at least one Apache slave girl , per

haps two, in a land where the capture of one more Indian or

so meant little effort . For both men and women the church

and the convent offered another means of escape from the

monotony of existence . In the pageantry of the mass and

in the processions which now and then passed through the


streets, the citizens saw a little of what in distant lands was

the gorgeous splendor of the Church . The friars were the

one really learned class in the community, and in private

conversations with these men and in the sermons which

they preached , the people heard the best standards of speech

in the province. A friar was usually a welcome visitor in

the home, for he, like the governor, had seen other placesand other lands . Some of them brought the solace of

medical skill and knowledge, and it is j ust that we should

pause to note the name of one of these early ministers of

mercy—Friar Geronimo de Pedraza .

Primitive Santa Fé ! Venerable Santa Fé ! A raw

frontier community, but also an outpost for Spain and the

Church . For all their vices and lack of refi nement the citi

zens of that isolated community far away on the fringe of

things were doing their duty—blindly perhaps, but doing it.

Material rewards came only to a few . For most men , sol

diers and friars al ike, the only reward was knowledge of

loyal service to king and the faith .

The fundamental problems of pol itical and rel igious

experience were essentially the same in Santa Fé as in less

isolated and more cultured centers . Heresy was j ust as

great a sin there as in Mexico City,—greater, perhaps, b ecause the influence of unorthodoxy might b e more immedi

ate . The Inquisition could not afford to neglect even this

northern outpost, and in 1626 the authority of the dread

tribunal was established there . Likewise the basic problems

of the proper relations between Church and State presented

themselves in this struggl ing; community with the same per

sistence as in Zacatecas , Guadalajara, Mérida , or Puebla,but because the community was so small and unlettered the

factional consequences of Church and State controversies

cut through to the very foundations of society . From the

Casa Real the governor thundered decrees against prelates

and friars . On the doors of San Miguel were posted excom

munications against governor and lowly citizen, and from

its pulpit were read edicts of the faith against heresy and


they worked as day laborers, the Pueblos learned the prin

ciples of breeding and herding. They slowly acquired a few

an imals of their own and were quick to see the advantages

accruing from such possessions , although it is clear that the

raising of stock never had such a profound effect on Pueblo

life as it did on that of the Navahos . The Pueblos have al

Ways remained true to the soil , although they have learned

to use animals as adjunct to cultivation ;but for the Nava

hos the herding of sheep has, in recent years, become almost

a tribal profession . In the seventeenth century the most

important herds were owned by the mission friars and

were tended by the Pueblo herdsmen .

Both the cultivation of the soil and the breeding of

stock raised defi nite problems of land and labor . At the

time of the conquest the Pueblos were already in possession

of much of the best land and the best water rights . The

Spaniards in seeking sites for settlement and for farm land

and range were forbidden to encroach upon the pueblos and

their communal holdings . This was required , not only

under the general policy of the Crown which had been

evolved for the protection of aboriginal rights ,“ but also in

a specifi c instruction to the governor of the province.

“The

Spaniards found it impossible, however, to resist the temp

tation of good land , water, and accessible labor, and as thenon-aboriginal population slowly increased and as the encomendero fami lies became more and more attached to the landas farmers and breeders of stock, the land question rapidlybecame a major provincial problem . There was land enough,

54. Recopilacion , lib. iv , tit . x 11, Ieyes ix , x11 ; lib. v i , tit , i i i , leyes xx-xxu .

55. Ins truction to Eulate, 1621 : Ass i m ismo se a entendido que los en comenderosde esas Prou incias y otras personas t ienen tamb ien sus estanc ias de los dichos ganados cerca de los pueblos y sementeras de los indios con que les hazen muchos Dafi os

y para que no los Reciuan Dare is orden como se ponga Remedio en esto tratando de

ello con mucho cuidado y aduertiendo que las estanc ias de ganado mayor

an de estar apartadas por lo menos tres leguas de los pueblos y milpas : Y la

Cana llada de los soldados Dare is orden que este apartada de los Dichos pueblos y

milpas a lo menos tres Ieguas excepto lo muy forcoso que esto se Recoz era de nochey se traera trabado de dia de forma que no haga dano y no proh iu ireis que los

Dichos indios guarden sus sementaras y milpas . y las de los rrelig iossos antes

admit ireis las denunciac iones que hi z ieren en Razon de los Da fi os que se les ub ieren

causado ha z iendoles Just ica brene y ssumariamente .

”


and more, for all who needed it, except that many lands that

m ight have been available—and are available now—couldnot b e used then because they were exposed to the attacks of

the Apaches . These nomads, sweeping down on exposed

herds or cultivated fi elds , could easily drive off hundreds of

cattle and stock or destroy corn and other grain before

any defense could b e organized . Lands had to b e close in .

Moreover, the estancieros l iked to b e near the missions in

order to have a supply of Indian labor close at hand .

The friars were quick to denounce any encroachment on

the communal holdings of the Pueblos by the estancieros ,and the land problem became a source of bitter controversy

between the civil and ecclesiastical j urisdictions . There can

b e no doubt that the estancieros frequently violated both the

spirit and the letter of the general legislation and the special

instructions to the provincial governor on such matters,and that sometimes Indian lands were del iberately occupied ,even with the consent and knowledge of the governors and

the lesser provincial offi cials .

“As a matter of fact, some

of the governors themselves engaged in herding,”and it was

natural that they should adopt the point of view of the lay

community . On the other hand , the friars were not invul~

nerable, for at each pueblo plots of land were set aside to

b e cultivated for the friar , and large herds of stock owned

by the mission shared the pueblo range . The civil authori

ties could not b e reconciled to the fact that the soldiers

could not legally use the lands of the pueblos, whereas the

friars had use of both cultivable land and range . In 1639

the cabildo of Santa Fé addressed an appeal to the Viceroyin which it was stated that the friars had more stock than

56 . Friar Estevan de Perea b itterly denoun ced the soldiers and the governor on

this point in a letter to the Holy Offi ce , 30 Oct. , 1683. A . G . M Inqu is ic ién ,Tomo

380, f . 231.

57. D i z ese Tamb ien que Vos elDicho gouernador tene is en esa s dichas proninc ias a lgunas es tanc ias de ganados mayores . y porque a la obligac ion vro ofi cio y

leyes de estos Re inos no podeis tener esta grangeria n i otras estareis aduert ido de

ello para no contrauen ir a lo ass i Dispuesto por Derecho so 10 pena del."

Ins truct ion

to Eula te. 1621. Governor Mendizaba l (1659-1661 ) acqu ired cattle , horses , and mules .which he gra zed at the pueblo of Taos , or nearby .


the citizens that they had horses in plenty although some

of the soldiers had none ;that each mission friar had one

to two thousand sheep, whereas there were few laymen who

had more than a hundred .

“The friars always defended

their use of lands both for cultivation and for range on three

grounds : 1 ) that all of their food had to b e raised on the

spot and that they had the right to a certain amount of cul

tivable land and range on that account;(2 ) that in case of

famine they frequently fed large numbers of Indians and

Spaniards from their reserves of food and livestock;and

(3) that only by exporting cattle and other livestock could

they obtain the funds necessary for the purchase of those

ecclesiastical ornaments, vestments, and other church fur

nishings not supplied by direct subvention from the Crown .

They always asserted also that the complaints made by the

laymen were greatly exaggerated . During the years from

1659to 1661 this question became a major issue between the

governor and the clergy . The friars stated that the gov

ernor’

s policy on Indian labor and pueblo administration

had deprived them of the necessary herdsmen , and that they

had suffered a loss of more than six thousand head of stock

at fourteen pueblos . At the mission of Santo Domingo (the

ecclesiastical capital ) alone the loss had been more than

one thousand .

” These fi gures indicate either a gross exag

geration on the part of the friars with respect to their losses,or that they actually possessed livestock in great quantity .

It was the same old story that characterized the history

of frontier missions everywhere. The clergy took the point

of view that missionary enterprise came fi rst, and that the

lay community existed for the protection and support of the

Church in the prosecution of its labors . There is much justifi cation for this point of view in New Mexico in the sev

enteenth century, for the rel igious motive was probably the

58 . Letter of the cabildo of Santa Fé to the Viceroy, 21 Feb 1639. Letters of

Rogue de Cassaus and others of Santa Fé , 1639. A . G . M. Provinc ias Internas , Tomo35 , Exp . 5.

59. Proceso contra Mendizabal in A . G . M Inquis ic ién , Tomo 593;Res idencia deMendizaba l , A . G . M Tierras . Tomo 3268.


to the exchange of a few agricultural products, or to the

purchase of slaves with cattle, horses , and other l ivestock .

Trade between New Mexico and New Spain was car

ried on even in the face of great diffi culty. The main route

of trade was between Parral and the Rio Grande, the same

as that followed by the miss ion supply caravan . A lesser

trade route was from the middle Rio Grande to Sonora by

way of the Mimbres valley. The exports from New Mexicowere limited to a few products such as salt, pinon , hides,mantas, l ivestock, and slaves . The imports were in part

luxuries and in part certain necessities that New Mexico

could not produce. Iron and hardware of all kinds, but es

pecially axes, hammers , saws , plow shares, keys, locks ,wagon tires, nails, and crowbars , had to b e imported from

New Spain . Among the luxury goods were chocolate and

sugar, the fi ne leathers , boots and shoes, l inens, silks, vel

vets, and other articles of clothing . Guns, sabres, and pow

der and ball formed another group of imports, but these

were usually furnished by the Crown . Both the friars and

civi l authorities imported paper and ink and a few bookson law, grammar, and theology. The mission supply trains

brought medicines and a few fancy groceries for the infi rmary, and carpets , vestments , candelabra , vessels, and altar

coverings for the service of the churches .

Export and import involved an expenditure of consid

erable capital , so that only a few persons could afford to

engage in it. Merchants of Zacatecas and Parral some

times “staked a trader with a supply of goods to b e taken

to New Mexico to b e exchanged for New Mexican products .

Within New Mexico there were few private individuals who

had the capital or the necessary means of transportation to

undertake inter-provincial trading ventures . The friars and

the governors were probably the most important exporters .

The friars exported livestock to the mines of New Biscay,and used the proceeds in the purchase of vestments, organs,images, and other church accessories . The governors were

able to use their offi cialposition to accumulate supplies of


hides , coarse textiles, salt, and pifion, and a goodly number

of slaves t o be resold in New Spain on their return . Some

even had the foresight to import supplies of luxury goods at

the time of their arrival in the province which they ex

changed for goods of localorigin . Both the friars and the

governors made use of the mission supply caravan and its

military escort for the transportation of their goods and

for protection of the trai l herds . This early trade between

New Mexico and the mines of New Spain met real needs and

paid good profi ts . The Santa Fé trade was old long beforethe days of Young, Becknell , and Armijo.

NOTES ON THE LINEAGE OF DON DIEGO DE

VARGAS , RECONQUEROR OF NEW MEXICO

By J MANUEL ESPINOSA

HE exploits of Don Diego de Vargas, governor of New

Mexico during the critical years 1691-1697 , and againin 1703-1704, are well known—the prodigious story of how

with a handful of men he reconquered and recolonized theregion for Spain following the bloody Pueblo Indian up

rising of 1680, and its twelve succeeding years of Pueblo

Independence, and planted there for all time the seeds of

Spanish culture . The“D e Vargas Fiesta” held each year

at Santa Fé brings these heroic deeds to memory . But

Vargas, the man , has remained little known . Something

of his ancestry and early l ife is brought together here for

the fi rst time. The interesting lineage of Vargas is worth

recording, for his background explains much of his own

life . Persistent ransacking of the archives of Spain and

Mexico wi ll some day reveal a fuller story .

1

The history of the Vargas family of Madrid , the one

to which The Reconqueror was born ,is much of the history

of Spain , for it sent forth some of the greatest fi gures in the

annals of the kingdom . The family genealogy was elabor

ately worked out and published by Don D iego’

s grandson,

Diego Lopez de Zarate, in a work in two parts entitled Breve

descripcion genealogica de la ilustre quanta antiquissima

casa de los Vargas de Madri d (Madrid , He

1 . I am espec ia lly indebted to Sefi or José Pérez Balsera for hav ing placed at

my disposal a copy of h is volume entitled Laudemus viros gloriosos et paren tes

nos tras in generation e sua, (Madr id , as well as other data . This book, a

family genealogy privately printed by h im for his children , is a m ine of documentarymateria l perta in ing to the house of Vargas. It conta ins photostatic reproduct ionsof many pert inent documents . Seiior Balsera is a co-relat ive of Don Diego de Vargas ,and now occup ies the old ancestral home in Madrid .

2 . The comp lete title is as follows : Brave descrip cion gen ealogica de la {lustre

qua n ta an tiquissima casa. de los Vargas de Madrid, cuyo passeador actual, o leg i timo

tronco verdadero as Don D iego Joseph Lop ez de Zarate Vargas Pimen tel Zapata y

Lu jan Pon ze de Leon Zep eda Alvarez Con trera s y Salinas, Marques de Villanue 'va ,

y de la Nava de Varcim s , Cap itan viva de infan teria , agregado al estado mayor de

112


brothers by memorable deeds in the decisive Battle of Las

Navas de Tolosa in 1912 , and at Jerez .

s Then there was

Garci Pérez de Vargas, that famous captain Who showed

such valor in the conquest of Cordoba in 1236 , Jaén in 1246 ,and in all Andalusia in the service of the Saint King Fer

dinand (Ferdinand III of Leon and Casti le, 1198and who played such an important part in the capture of

Sevi lla in 1248 that h is name was engraved in marble with

those of Hercules, Julius Caesar , and Saint Ferdinand . This

inscription , which may still b e seen on one of the gateways

to the city of Sevi lla, reads : “Hercules built me—JuliusCaesar surrounded me with high walls and towers—and the

saint king conquered me—wi th Garci Pérez deDon D iego’s paternal grandfather was Don Lorenzo

de Vargas Zapata , knight of the Order of Santiago, bap

tiz ed at Madri d on May 31, 1589. He fought in Italy as

an offi cer in the Spanish army for fi fty years . First in the

galleys of Naples ;in 1611 with the Marquis of Santa Cruz

at the Battle of Querquenes, where he j umped to shore and

fought valiantly in the front l ines;in 1612 helping burn the

ships that were attacking the fortress of La Goleta, Tunis,and in other engagements while protecting the isles of Gozo

and Malta from the Turks and in the Levant with Prince

Filbert . Later he served at different times as governor and

captain of war of the principate of C itra and Basilicata , the

county of Molise, and Rijoles . In all of these posts he is

said to have accredited himself in a manner worthy of his

i llustrious blood .

10Don Lorenzo was the eldest of four chil

dren . His father , captain of infantry for a long time under

Philip II and Philip III , was also a knight of the Order of

Santiago, and his grandfather served as procurator of the

famous military order .

11

8 . I b id 113.

9.

“Offi cialstatement of the consecration of the Chape l of San Isidro on Pretfl

de Santistéb an Street as a place of public worship , Madrid , October 14, in

Balsera , 113-114.

.10. José Anton io A lvarez y Baena , H i jos de Madr id ilustrea en san tidad , dig

m’

dad, armas , ciencias y artea (Madrid, 1778991 , 4 III , 377.

11. I b id 11, 113.

DON DIEGO DE VARGAS 115

Among the contemporary relatives of Don Lorenzo’

s

paternal grandfather, and those of the generation j ust pre

ceding, there were numbered a host of renowned Vargases :

the Don Diego’

s and Don Francisco’

s , and Don Gutierre de

Vargas . One Don Diego de Vargas, corregidor of Toro,Spain, served loyally under King John II of Castile (1406

1454) in the Battle of Olmedo.

12

His son , another Don

D iego was regidor of Madrid in the time of the Catholic

Kings ;and a son of the latter, Don D iego de Vargas y

Vivero, was a royal page of Charles V.

“To Don Diego de

Vargas y Vivero was born a Don Francisco de Vargas, who

after taking part in the conquest of Granada served as al

calde of the Alcazar or Royal Fortress at Madrid , and for

thirty years as regidor of the capital , after which he was

succeeded by his son .

“

Don Francisco de Vargas was held in such confi dence

as a councilor of the Catholic Kings and Charles V, that the

statement “Averigiielo Vargas,

”or

“Ask Vargas,

” came to

b e a popular saying, and even.

the title of plays by the great

dramatist Tirso de Molina and others . In 1520he served

as governor of the kingdom during one of the emperor’

s

sojourns in Germany . He owned much property in Madrid ,including the vast grounds of the Casa de Campo across the

Manzanares River from the royal palace . These grounds

were later purchased by the king as a country estate, and

when asked one time at court why he did not remove the

Vargas coat of arms from the house there, Phi l ip II an

swered :“Leave them , for those of such loyal vassals look

well on the royal house .

”His son was Don Gutierre de

Vargas , B ishop of Plasencia .

Then there was the Licentiate Francisco de Vargas, at

one time Spanish ambassador to Rome and Venice respec

12. Lopez de Zarate , op . cat 73.

13. I b id .

14. Documen tos delarch ivo generalde la villa. de Madrid , in terp retados y coloc

cionados par D . Vic en te Domingo Palac io (Madrid , quoted in Ba lsera , 50-51 .

15 , Lu is Balleste ros Robles , Diccionario b iogrdfi co Matritens e (Madr id ,

16. Balsera , 53.


tively. With his secretary Alonso Zorri lla he was one of

the two principal lay doctors of theology and canon law at

the Council of Trent. His principal activities in the council

were during the period from 1562 to 1563, as indicated by

his copious correspondence with Philip'

II, the archbishop

of Granada , the bishop of Lerida, the Marquis of Pescara ,and other notables during this period .

Our Don Diego’

s paternal grandmother , Dona Antonia

de Cepeda Venegas Ponce de Leon , the wife of Don Lor

enzo de Vargas Zapata , was of ancestry equal to that of her

husband in nobility . She was born in Trinidad de los

Mussos , Granada, to Captain Don Alonso Sanchez de

Cepeda , of Granada, and Dofia Juana Venegas Ponce de

Leon, of Santa Fé de Bogota . Don Alonso was at that time

governor and captain general of New Granada .

“ Through

her father Dona Antonia was closely related to Santa

Teresa de Jcsus, the famous Spanish mystic and celebrated

literary fi gure of the Golden Age of Spanish l iterature.

Santa Teresa was paternal grand-niece of Don Alonso San

chez de Cepeda’

s great-grandfather, and Don Alonso’

s pa

ternal grandmother was the sister of the saint’s paternal

grandmother ; in short, Dofi a Antonia and Santa Teresa

were second cousins .

”

On her mother ’

s side Doii a Antonia’

s ancestors came

to America wi th the fi rst conquerors . Her great—grandfather , Don Pedro Ponce de Leon , was governor of Vene

z uela from 1565 to His daughter Juana married

Marshall Hernan de Venegas , a Cordovan who had come to

the New World with the men of Gonzalo Jiménez de Ques

ada . Venegas was one of the principal leaders in the con

quest of the Chibchas . In 1554 he was Victorious as the

leader of an expedition sent by Governor Luis Alonso de

17. Encyclop edia un iversalilus trada (Espasa ) , LXIV , 121 ; Bals era , op . c it. , 51.

The correspondence referred to, which is int he archives at S imancas and the Biblioteca Nac ional in Madrid, is listed in Balsera , 52-53.

18 . I b id.

19. C f . the genealogical chart comp i led by Balsera , i b id 135, and documents

from the National Archive , Madrid , c ited in this same work, 7-39.

20. Ib id 45-46 .


period and an interesting treatise on the tax levied on the

people of Messina by the Duke of Osuna .

”

In short, this was the house of Vargas . The blood of

conquerors ran unmistakably in Don Diego’s veins . Here

was no“swineherd of Truj illo,

” but rather the élite of sev

enteenth century Spain . In culture and refi nement, indeedon a number of other counts , Vargas the Reconqueror of

New Mexico reminds one very much of Cortés the Con

queror of Mexico. Young Vargas could add little to the

lustre of the family name, but he could at least try to live

up to it, and this he did, even though his great wealth would

have permitted a l ife of blissful leisure . His vast estate, the

accumulation of centuries , included : the principal Vargas

houses at Madrid , on Almendro Street, bordering those of

the Count of Paredes , and an income of two thousand ducats

rent from some houses on the same street ;other houses on

the Plaza Mayor ;the Vargas altar , next to the main altar

in the church of San Francisco elGrande;2°the patronage

founded by Dofi a Inés Venegas Ponce de Leén for the pur

pose of marrying orphans and feed ing students , with its

revenues of alcab alas from the salt works of Ocai‘

ia and its

territory ;the Chaplaincy and patronage founded by Dofia

Aldonza de Lujan . His esta te also included the Vargas

palace and estate in Torrelaguna, including grain fi elds ,

ol ive orchards , and arable lands ;pasture grounds at Los

Garifi os and vineyards in the town of Buytrago;two fi elds

and enclosures in the region of Miraflores in the S ierra

Choca and between Querica and Guadix ;the estate in the

city of Granada ;the crop lands in the neighborhood of Val

de Prelagos, Salamanca , and Torre Mocha ;the estate in the

regi on of Camarma de Esteduela, with their olive orchards

and pigeon lofts ;the estate of the Vargas family in Mexico

25. Alvarez y Baena . op . I , 39.

26. The Vargas altar was built in the thirteenth century. It is wr itten thatSa int Franc is of Assis i se lected the location where it was bu ilt in gratitude towardthe Vargas family for a spec ial favor. (Ba lsera ,

The a ltar was improved in1459 and 1510. It had eleven tombs e laborate ly sculptured in marble , a labaster and

jasper as well as the tombs of other descendants unt il the n ineteenth century . (Ib id .)93,

DON DIEGO DE VARGAS 119

City, comprising rents , houses, and revenues

'

from the land .

2 2

Vargas the Reconqueror was born at Madrid , Spain , on

Novemb er0

8 , 1643, h is full baptismal name being Diego

José de Vargas Zapata y Lujan Ponce de Leon y Contreras .

28

(He died at Bernalil lo, New Mexico, in 1704, while attempt

ing to save the sacred chal ice from the burning church

which had been set fi re to by hostile Indians )”Ou May 5,

1664, he married the wealthy Dona Beatriz Pimentel of

Torrelaguna .

"0On February 19 of the following year was

born their only child , a daughter , Maria Isab el.m Vargas

came to America soon after, making h is residence in New

Spain . In Mexico C ity he left two sons and a daughter ,“not

by legitimate wife, born between the years 1680and 1685 .

Strange as it may seem , despite his family and property con

nections in old Spain, these three Mexican born children are

the only relatives Vargas mentions in h is will , and he died

owing four thousand pesos to the royal treasury .

32

Prior to his appointment to the New Mexico post, Var

gas held a number of responsible government positions in

New Spain . During the viceroyalty of the Marquis of Man

27 .

“ Inventory of the Vargas estate , September 23, 1719, quoted in Ba lsera , 71

expedien te of 1692 c ited in Twitche ll , Old San ta Fé , The S tory of New Mex ico’s

Anci en t Cap ital (Santa Fé , 87-88, and h is Span ish Archives of N ew Mexi co,

II, 133.

28 . Expedien te de casamien to, no. 1 6 4, Nat iona l Archive , Madrid ,printed in Balsera , 65. (Conta ins th e baptismal record of Vargas . ) Later, for hisservi ces in New Mex ico, he was rewarded with the t itle of Marqu is of 1a Nava de

Barc inas or Bracinas .

29. Based on the inscript ion on the Vargas portra it in the family chape l at

Madrid . It reads as follows : “El Senor Don Diego de Bargas Zapata Lujan Ponce

de Leon , Marques de la Naba de Barc inas , delOrden de Santiago, Gobernador , Conqu istador , Pac ifi cador , y Cap itan General delNuebo MeJ1co, perdio la V ida eu Com

pafi a Rasa por libertar las Vases Sagradas en elS itio de Bernalillo, afi o de MDCCIV .

”

The following is an English trans lat ion :“Senor Don Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan

Pon ce de Leon , Marqu is of La Nava de Barc inas , of the Order of Santiago,governor,

conqueror , pac i fi cator , and capta in-genera l of New Mex ico ; he los t h is life in openbattle while attempt ing to rescue the sacred vessels at the s iege of Bernalillo, the yearMDCCIV . (For a description of this portra it cf . my art icle in the San ta Fe New

Mex ican , September 1 , 1934, I ,

30. Exp edien te de casamien to, no. a fi o 1 694, op . c it Ba ls era , 71 . (Reproduct ion of Vargas ’ marriage cert ifi cate ) .

31. Ba lsera , 65 , 135 .

32 . Twitchell , Span ish Arch ives of N ew Mex ico, I , 304. See be low, editorialcomment on this paragraph .


cera (1665-1673) he administered with credit the alcaldiamayor of Teutila, in the province of Oaxaca . And in the

time of the archbishop Viceroy Fray Payo Enriquez Afan de

Rivera (1673 he was named j usticia mayor of the

min ing town of Tlalpujagua, in Michoacan . This mining

camp had almost been lost in 1679, at which time the depu

ties and miners had all fled. Vargas also served as admin

istrator of the royal quicksilver supply during this admin

istration . He discharged these duties so meritoriously in

the royal service that he was recommended to the Viceroy

of New Spain by King Charles II in a royal cédula of Feb

ruary 6, 1683, and thenceforward he was held in especially

high esteem by all the viceroys . This was especially true in

the case of the Count of Galve, who ruled during the criti

cal years of the reconquest.”

33. Restaurac ion del Nuevo Mex ico por Don Diego de Vargas Zapata , as

cribed to a religions of the province of Santo Evangelio, in the General Arch ive of

the nat ion , Mex ico C ity, Histor ic», tomo 2 ; cited in Irv ing A . Leonard , The Mercur io

Vola nte of Don Carlos de S igiiem 7 061mm (Los Angeles , 31.


Novemb re, 1831 , pur etablire maison traitte a la ry vert ou

wyte” (Antoine Robidoux passed this way November 13,

1831, to establ ish a trading house on the Green or White

River) .

DENIS JULIEN

It would probably not b e out of place to add a note hereabout this Denis Julien .

When Major J W. Powell made his famous trips downthe

’

Colorado river in 1869 and 1872 he discovered that a“D . Julien had preceded him and left his carvings on the

canyon walls 43 years before, a man of mystery of whomsearch was made even at the Vatican in Rome, it being b elieved that he had possibly been a missionary of the Cath

‘

ol ic Church in these parts .

On August 6, 1930, the writer found a carving on In

scription Rock, east of the Uintah river, east of Mrs . Dan

iels’ place, about halfway between Fort Duchesne and

Wh iterocks , near where the Robidoux fort of the early

trapping days was located , which reads, Denis Julien,

This led to investigations which brought out the

following concerning this man of mystery .

It is found that he either acted as guide for Robidoux

or accompanied his trading expedition to the Uintah Basin

in 1831, leading that same year to the establishing of Fort

Robidoux (also called Fort Uintah or Winty, as previously

noted ) , near the present Whiterocks . It would therefore

seem that he made the carving on the rock near Mrs .

Daniels’ place sometime in December of that year

The records of the St. Louis Cathedral as to births and

deaths and baptisms give entries concerning this man’

s

family as follows

Julien, Marie Jos . ,born May 5, 1793, daughter

of Denis Julien and Oath . (Indian ) baptized April15, 1798 . Julien , Pierre Paschal , 18 mos . old, sameparents , baptized October 25 , 1801 . Julien, Etienne,5 years old, same parents, baptized October 21,

FORTS ROBIDOUX AND KIT CARSON

1804. Julien ,Paschal , 9 years old, son of Denis

Julien and Cath . (Indian ) buried Feb . 3, 1809.

Denis Julien was one of many French Canadians of St.

Louis and made a business of trapping and trading with

the Indians . In 1807 , he was granted a license to trade with

the“Sioux and Iowas in the superintendency of Louisiana .

This license was renewed in 1810, with Pierre Choteaux as

surety .

In 1800Denis Julien and his brother Etienne2

volun

teered “for service in Louisiana ,

”in an artillery company

organized by Gov . Will iam Clark and captained by Benj amin

O’

Fallon . Next we fi nd in the old papers on fi le in the St .

Louis library an order for“358 barrels of lead belonging to

Denis Julien , which is being shipped by Antoine Busebois

to William Clark, on Mr . Wilson’

s barge . We next fi nd the

Robidoux inscription near Fruita, Colorado, which Denis

Julien probably carved for Robidoux, of the date of Novem

b er 13 1831 ;and then his own inscription on“ Inscription

Rock, of the same year . His name appears twice on thisrock, at one place with the name

“Larva or Jarva,” probably

the name of another trapper .

After 1831 there is no further notice of this man unti l

he took a journey down the Green-Colorado river in 1836 .

Here he carved his name as“D . Julien

”on the rock walls at

fi ve different places, as seen by Powell ;one near the lower

end of Cataract Canyon ;one on the east side of Labyrinth

Canyon , about half way around“Bowknot Bend ,

”of the

date of 16 Mai”

;the Hell Roaring inscription , of the dateof

“3Mai

”;one on the right wall of Stillwater Canyon ,

fourmiles above the mouth of Green river ;and another in theupper end of Cataract Canyon , all dated The last

inscription is dated “16 Mai

, and it is supposed thathe actually tried to navigate the dangerous rapids of Cataract Canyon and that he lost his life in those swirl ingwaters .

2 . Probably the Stephen Julien who rendered such good service as gu ide to

Maj . S . H . Long’s expedit ion in 1820.


We shall now have various accounts of trips to Fort

Robidoux.

THEKIT CARSON STORY

The Carson story is here gi ven . with corrected dates

asf

supplied by Miss Blanche Grant, since Carson was dic

tating from memory .

We arrived at Taos in October 1832 disposedof [our] beaver for a good sum, and everything of mountain l ife was forgotten for the present.

At Taos, I found Captain Lee [ Stephen Louis Lee] ofthe U. S . A ., a partner of Bent and St. Vrain . He purchased

goods to trade with the trappers . I joined him, and in

the latter part of the month of November we started forthe mountains to nud trappers .

We followed the old Spanish trai l to California till westruck White river , took down White river till we struckGreen river, crossed Green river toWinty [Uintah] , one ofits tributaries . There we found Mr . Robidoux. He had a

party of some twenty men that were trapping and trad ing.

‘

The snow was now commencing to fall and we con

cluded to go into winter quarters . We found a place thatanswered every purpose on the mouth of the Winty. We

passed a very pleasant winter and in March we heard ofMr . Fitzpatrick and Bridger being on Snake river . Duringthe winter a Californ ia Indian of Rob idoux

’

s party ran off

with six animals—some of them worth two hundred dollars

per head . Robidoux came to me and requested that I pursue him. I spoke to Captain Lee and he informed me thatI might use my pleasure . There was a Ute village close by;I got one of the Indians to accompany me . We were furh ished with two fi ne animals and took the trail the runawayhad taken down the river , his object being to make Califorma .

When traveling about one hundred miles the animal ofthe Indian gave out. He would not accompany me further,but I was determined not to give up the chase. I continuedin pursuit and in 30miles I overtook the Indian with the

3. Escalante and modern geographers cons idered the U intah to b e an affluent of

the Duchesne , while allthe interven ing wr iters and exp lorers cons idered the Uintahthe ma in stream and the Duchesne its afi iuent. This expla ins many of the pointswhich have puzzled investigators .

.NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

night before . I tried several times to preach to them ;butwith l ittle, if any effect .

Here I heard the mountain men tell of the miserablestate of the Indian root-diggers . N umbers of them wouldb e found dead from pure starvation ;having no guns to kil lgame with, and poor shelters to l ive in , and no clothing ex

cept some few skins . These creatures have been known,

when pressed with hunger, to kill their children and eat

them ;and to gather up crickets and ants and dry them in

the sun, and pound them into dust and make bread of the

mixture to eat. These creatures when travel ing in a hurry ,will leave their lame and bl ind to perish in the wilderness .

Here we have a striking example of the depravity of the

heathen in their natural state. I was also told here, of aFrenchman, who l ived with an Indian woman , and whenone of his children became burdensome, he dug a grave and

buried it alive ! At another time he took one of his childrenand tied it to a tree , and called it a

“target”and shot and

ki lled it.

Trappers’

Use of Squaws

Mr . Rub edeau had collected several of the Indiansquaws and young Indians, to take to New Mexico, and keptsome of them for his own use ! The Spaniards would buythem for wives . This place is equal to any I ever saw for

wickedness . The French and the Spaniards are all RomanCatholics , but are as wicked men , I think, as ever lived . No

one who has not, l ike me, witnessed it, can have any idea oftheir wickedness . Some of these people at the Fort are fatand dirty, and idle and greasy .

July 27th we started from Rub edeau’

s Fort, over theWinty river , and next crossed Green andWhite rivers . Nextnight we lay on Sugar Creek,

‘

the water of which was so

bitter we could scarcely drink it. Here two of Rub edeau’

s

squaws ran away, and we had to wait two days until hecould send back to the Fort for another squaw, for companyfor himf

The Sage journalis as follows

4.Bitter creek , about forty-fi ve miles southeast of Ouray, Utah .

5 . Joseph W i lliams , Tour of Oregon.

6 . Rocky Moun tain L ife; ar , S tartling S cenes and Perilous Adven tures in the

Far West}By Rufus B . Sage , 1841-1844. See a lso J . Cec il A lter , Utah the S toned

Doma in ,vol. 1


A small party from a trading establishment on the

waters of Green river, who had Visited Taos for the procurement of a fresh supply of goods were about to return ,

and I avai led myself of the occasion to make one of theirnumber .

On the 7th of October [ 1842] we were under way . Our

party consisted of three Frenchmen and fi ve Spaniards,under the direction of a man named Roub ideau, formerlyfrom St. Louis, Mo. Some eight pack mules, laden at therate of two hundred and fi fty pounds each , conveyed aquantity of goods ; these headed by a gu ide, followed,

in

Indian fi le, and the remainder of the company, mounted on

horseback, brought up the rear .

Crossing the DelNorte, we soon after struck into alarge trai l bearing a westerly course ;following which , onthe 13th instant, we crossed the main ridge of the RockyMountains by a feasible pass at the southern extremity of

the Sierra de Anahuac range, and found ourselves upon thewaters of the Pacifi c .

Six days subsequent, we reached Roub ideau’

s Fort, atthe forks of the Uintah , having passed several large streamsin our course, as well as the two principal branches whichunite to form the Colorado. This being the point of destination, our journey here came to a temporary close.

Roub ideau’

s Fort is situated on the right bank of the

Uintah The trade of this post is conducted principallywith the trapping parties frequenting the Big Bear , Green ,

Grand, and Colorado r ivers , with their numerous tributaries , in search of fur-bearing game.

A small business is also carried on with the Snake and

Utah Indians l iving in the neighborhood of the establishment. The common articles of dealing are horses, withbeaver , otter , deer, sheep , and elk skins, in. barter for amunition , fi re-arms, knives, tobacco, beads, awls, etc .

The Utahs and Snakes afford some of the largest andbest fi nished sheep and deer skins I ever beheld—a singleskin sometimes being amply suffi cient for common sizedpantaloons . These skins are dressed so neatly as frequentlyto attain a snowy whiteness , and possess the softness of

velvet.They may b e purchased for the trifling consideration of

eight or ten charges of amunition each , or two or three awls,or any other thing of proportional value. Skins are very


abundant in these parts , as the natives , owing to the scarcityof buffalo, subsist entirely upon small game, which is foundin immense quantities . This trade is quite profitable. The

articles procured so cheaply, when taken to Santa Fe and

the neighboring towns, fi nd a ready cash market at pricesranging from one to two dollars each

CAPTAIN JOHN C . FREMONT

In 1844and 1845, Captain John C . Fremont visited the

Uintah Basin in which Fort Robidoux was located , according

to U. S . Commi ssioner John R . Bartlett’

s Map of the West

of 1850, 1851, 1852 and 1853;and his Map of the West also

shows “Frémoht’s Route 1843

” through Fort Uintah (Robi

doux ) . The maps, however , do not agree, as the route of

1845 on the fi rst map is the route of 1843 on the second .

The route of 1843seems, however , to have missed Fort Robi

doux, as it was down Beaver river—the usual trappers’

route to the mouth of Weber river . The route of 1844shows

him going eastward from Utah Lake by way of Fort Robi

doux on his way out of the region . Extracts from his jour

nalare presented herewith z’

Turning our faces once more eastward [ after havingspent three days at Utah Lake] on the morning of the 27

[of May, 1844] we left the Utah Lake, and continued for twodays to ascend the Spanish Fork We descended by anarrow ravine, in which was a rap idly gathered l ittle branchof the Uintah .

The next day we descended along the river , and aboutnoon reached a point where three forks came togetherWe camped at evening on another tributary to the Uintah,called the Duchesne Fork the name it bears is probablythat of some old French trapper .

June 1 . We left today the Duchesne Fork, and aftertravel ing over a broken country for about sixteen miles ,arrived at noon at another considerable branch, a river of

great velocity, to which the trappers have improperly giventhe name Lake Fork . The name appl ied to it by the Indians

7 . Report of the Explor ing Expedition to the Rocky Mou n tains in the year 1842 ,

and to Oregon and Nor th Californ ia in the years 1 848-1844. By Brevet Captain J . 0.

Fremont .


and the Uintah Boarding school . An old dugout, near there,is also said to b e where Kit Carson traded with the Indians

when he Visited the fort in 1833-34. John Harmes now owns

(runs ) B ig Tom’

s allotment;while Ignacio Tom lives on it.

FORT KIT CARSON

In Kit Carson ’

s account of his trip to what is now the

Uintah Basin in northeastern Utah for the purpose of trad

ing with Fort Rob idoux ,

’

near the present Whiterocks, he

states : “The snow was now commencing to fall and we con

cluded to go into winter quarters [winter of 1832 We

found a place that answered every purpose on the mouth of

theWinty It is therefore evident that h is quarters for

that winter were somewhere in the vicinity of Ouray (Utah )at the j unction of Green , White andWinty (Uintah ) rivers ,the latter now being called the Duchesne in its lower course.

We looked for this winter fort and found it, now re

duced to wall mounds, in the woods on the east side of

Green river, about a mile opposite (southeast of the mouth

of the Duchesne, the then Winty river .

The writer’

s attention was fi rst called to this fort-build

ing by Wallace Stark and C . A . Broome of Ouray, Utah , the

latter also stating that there are the remains in ground-plan

mounds , of a similarly built fort-building, on the east side

of Green river, some miles farther to the southward down

the river . W. J Willes, an employee of the Daly hotel at

203Broadway, Salt Lake C ity, also told the writer that when

he was wrangling cattle on the range in these parts in 1873

he saw the two forts above, and that they were reduced to

wall mounds as they are now . Who occupied the south fort

can not even b e conjectured at this time.

The fort-building which is here named Fort Kit Car

son ,

”is laid off in an approximately north-south direction .

Its east and west walls are about 95 feet in length each , and

the north and south walls 78 feet each . Outside the in

closure but connected with the fort wall were two bastions

(towers ) which l ike the walls were made of earth (adobe)


and j udging from the mounds , must have been quite a b it

higher than the fort.

One of these towers abutted the southwest corner so

that it controlled the south and west sides of the fort, its

mound now being 22 feet in an east-west direction and 16

feet in a north-south direction . The other bastion , whose

mound is now 18 feet in an east-west direction and a little

over 15 feet in a northeast-southwest direction , abuts the

notheast corner of the fort so that it controlled the east and

north sides of that edifi ce.

Some distance south of the fort inclosure there are also

the remains of a wall which conjecturally was constructed

so as not to give room for ramming of the main wall in

battering-ram fashion with pole ends , should the place b e

attacked . Within the inclosure there was a tier of rooms on

both the east and west sides , with a plaza between .

It would seem from records at hand that Kit Carson ,

during this winter (1832-33) occupied the same site as that

of Sta . Serafi na , which is given in Bulletin No. 870 of the

United States Geological Survey as occupying this site.

It might b e well to add that Antoine Rob ideaux , who

then had Fort Winte near the present Wh iterocks in the

Uintah Basin , Utah , at that time jointly occupied this fort

with Kit Carson in the winter of 1832-33.

After Kit Carson’

s time this same fort was occupied by

the Hudson Bay people and exactly what happened during

their occupancy is yet not clear . This much , however, is

certain , that there was friction between it and the AmericanFur Company . At that time the Hudson Bay people had

a boathouse at a landing on the island southwest of the

mouth of the Duchesne River and across the river about due

west of the fort, from a notice which was seen in some pub

lication, a record of whi ch was not made at the time. Thereis also a record that

x

there was an attempt to capture the

horses belonging to this fort, presumably by'

the AmericanFur Company people—some records seem to indicate thatRob ideaux

’

s people were the ones who attempted to cap


ture the H . B . Company’

s horses , and the horses were run

into the plaza to save them from falling into their hands .

A further note on this fort location and troubles that

arose over its occupancy by the Hudson Bay people is given

by Harrison C . Dale z"

The Hudson ’

s Bay Company at a later period [ laterthan Ashley’s visit in 1825 and Rob ideaux

’

s establishingFort White in 1831] undertook to penetrate this country [oithe Uintah] . Sir William Dummond Stewart in a letter toWilliam L . Sublette, dated Head of Blue Fork , August 27,1838 , writes ,

“The H . B . Company have established a fort

on the Winty [Uinta] and Andy’

s people [the men in theemploy of Andrew Drips, agent of the American Fur Company] will b e driven from there, if the government does nottake some steps .

” Sublette Mss . , Carton 12 , Missouri HistoricalSociety .

8 . The Ashley Smith Explorations , end The Discovery of a CentralRoute to the

Pacifi c, 1822-2 5 (A . H . Clark Company ) , 152. footnote .


were disarmed and were being moved to San Carlos Reservation .

1

They soon broke loose and again went roaming.

Ou March 15, 1879, S . A . Russell , the Indian agent on the

Mescalero Reservation, found Victorio and h is Warm

Spring Apaches camped on his reservation .

Shortly afterwards they went on the warpath and this

time they were joined by about two hundred and fi fty Mes

caleros . They left a trail of blood that, it is said , cost four

hundred lives among the Americans and Mexicans . General

Pope reported seventy-three citizens killed in this outbreak,

with the name and date in most cases . W. W. Mi lls , in hisForty Years at ElPaso wrote on September 24, 1880, as

follows about Victorio : Considering the number of his

braves, he is the greatest commander, white or red, who ever

roamed these plains . For more than a year he has out

maneuvered our offi cers with six times his number and all

the appurtenances of war and when he has not out-gen

eraled them , he has whipped them.

”

During this period the MilitaryDepartment of Texaswas divided into fi ve sub -districts, one of which , the dis

trict of the Pecos , lay in West Texas” and included Forts

Concho, Davis , Stockton , and Griffi n . It was commanded

by Colonel B . H . Grierson (mentioned below ) who in the

summer of 1880successfully repelled Victorio and his band ,driving them from the Big Bend country back into Mexico.

The stage was then set for the closing scene in the drama

of the Apache chief Victorio.

2

1 . See John P. Clum , Geron imo,

”in NEW MEX. H IST. REV III , 1-40, for an

account of this transfer .

2. Car l C . Rister gives an excellent account of the Texan phase in the operationsof this summer in h is chapter on

“The V ictorio War ,

”in The Sou thwestern Fron tier.

1 865-1881 , b ut he barely a lludes tb the New Mex ico phase , which is here described .On the other hand, as wi ll be seen , Colonel Buell correctly represents Gr ierson as co

operat ing in the Big Bend country by keep ing the Apache fugit ives out of that part of

the .front ier.

George Pearson Buell was a nat ive of Indiana and served with dist inction as a

commiss ioned offi cer during the C ivil War. In 1866 he was appointed lieutenantcolonel of the 29th Infantry, and in 1869 was transferred to the 11th Infantry. In

March . 1879, he was made colonel of the 15th Infantry, in which pos it ion he servedunt il h is death on May 31, 1883.

COL . BUELL’S EXPEDITION INTO MEXICO 135

The fol lowing report of Colonel Buell shows what steps

were taken by our troops in New Mex ico to apprehend Vic

torio and his Indians . I have not seen it publ ished before,and it was in manuscript when I saw it in the Old Fi les

Section of the Adjutant General ’s Ofi ‘ice.

Extracts from Report of ColonelGeorge P. Buell, 1 5th

Infantry, Commanding Post of Fort Stanton ,

New Mexi co, Dated Novemb er 20, 1880:

About September 15th , arrangements had been com

pleted with Colonel Terrazas and Chihuahua authorities fora movement into Mexico, as wi ll b e hereafter shown . In

structions were sent Captain Beyer,8 at ElPaso, to hold

himself and command in readiness to move west on h is backtrai l to the Eastern Potril lo Mountains , near the line , and

there take up the Indian trail , making a night march thenight of the 23rd September—notifying him that Maney

‘

.with his scouts would move south into Mexico from a pointin the West Potrillo Mounta ins , and that the Cumm ings and

Knight’

s Ranche commands would b e concentrated at Palomas Lake “

early the morning of the 24th , and that General Carr’s command “ would b e in the vicinity of BoccoGrando [Boca Grande] Pass the same day . Eachcolumn was furn ished a number of citizen scouts , for the

3. Charles D . Beyer was born in New York b ut en listed from Louis iana in the

regu lar army in 1858 . He served wi th the let Infantry and at the close of the C ivi lWar was 2nd lieutenant of the 818 t U. S . colored Infantry. In June , 1867, he was

commiss ioned captain in the 4lst Infantry ;was transferred in November 1869 to the

24th Infantry, and in January 1871 to'

the 9th Cavalry. He was dismissed from the

service in 1884, and died in 1898.

4. James Allison Maney was a‘nat ive of Tennessee and graduated from the

U. S . Military Academy in July 1873. Ass igned to the 16th In fantry as z ud lieutenant in June 1877 , he was soon transferred to the 15th Infantry . H is promotion to

a fi rst lieutenancy (23 Sept 1885 ) was subsequent to the t ime of this expedit ion .

5. Pa lomas is 12 m iles south of Columbus , N . M where the pun it ive expeditionunder General Pershing camped on March 15 , 1916—the ir fi rst in Mex ico.

6. Eugene Asa Carr was at this t ime colone l of the 6th Cavalry (comm iss ioned29 April. , 1879) and was not promoted to the rank of br igadier general until 19July 1892 , b ut he was at this t ime a brevet brigadier genera l from h is service in the

C ivil War . Born in New York , he graduated at West Point in September 1846 . H is

fi rst commiss ion was as a 2nd lieutenan t with the Mounted R ifles (1 July 1850) and

h is record until h is ret irement (15 Feb 1893) was one of long and dist ingu ishedserv ice . He received numerous c itations for bravery during the C iv il War . Somewhatafter this expedit ion he was commanding officer of the Departmen t of New Mex ico(1888-1890) and h is cavalry accoutrements are a prized possess ion of the H istor icalSoc iety at Santa Fé .


purpose of communicating daily with me, and for the purpose of cutting any trails between the Rio Grande and the

Bocco Grando Pass , should Victorio attempt to pass north byscattering his command whi le my whole command would b emoving south .

It should b e understood that the only fear I had inmaking the move into Old Mexico was that Victorio woulddouble on me, and slip North with his whole command , andturn up probably in the Black Range,

’ while my commandwould b e in the Guzman 8

or Santa Maria Mountains,”in

Old Mexico. This was the fear not only of the citizens,whose confi dence I then had , but also of the offi cers of the

9th Cavalry, who had already had an experience of a yearwith Victorio. Consequently, to prevent this from occurring without my knowledge, I employed a number of the

best posted citizen scouts , to advance with each column,

by which means I not only kept in daily communication withthe whole command , but could detect early any attempt ofVictorio to move North , by cutting his trails .

An agreement was made, as I supposed , between Terrazas, Carr , and myself, that Carr

’

s command should b e atBocco Grando Pass the morning of the 24th of September,that the Cummings and Knight

’

s Ranch command should b eat Palomas Lake early the morning of the 24th , or before,and that Maney

’

s and Beyer’

s command should b e on the

l ine, ready to make night marches into Mexico, the night ofthe 23rd, communicating with me by courier at PalomasLake the morning of the 24th , thence moving towards thelower end of Guzman Lake, Beyer following the trail whichwas supposed led in that direction .

The 19th of September, my supply-train was startedfrom Cummings , under charge of Capt. Hartz ,

10

15th Infantry, on the west side of the Florida Mountains,

11

via

Cow and Curracilla Springs , to Lake Palomas, in MexicoCaptain Hartz having orders to report at Cow Springs to

7. Th e B lack Range is 50m iles north of Deming , N . Mex .

8 . Guzman is 40 m iles south of Columbus , N . Mex .

9. Santa Mar ia is 60miles south of Columbus .

10. W ilson Tweed Hartz, a native of Pennsylvan ia , rece ived several brevets for

C iv il War service . In 1866 he was ass igned as a 2ud lieutenant to the 15th Infantrywas made a let lieutenant the next year , and capta in from 23 August, 1877. He

rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel before his retirement, 31 May 1900.

11. The Florida Mounta ins are 10miles southeast of Deming .


Infantry, reported to me the night of the 24th , on Caralitas

‘ 7 River, south of Polomas Lake. Lieut . Mills , however,could not tell me the whereabouts of Gen . Carr and Command . Scouts were sent, but fai led to reach him, for

reasons best known to himself . Gen . Carr failed to join mein Old Mexico. At Polomas Lake I received couriers fromboth Beyer and Maney,

and found Capt. Theaker , of the

Knight’

s Ranche command , and supply-train most promptand on time . Through information received from my citiz en scouts , it soon became evident that Victorio likewise hadscouts watching our movements . It likewise became evi

dent that he was surprised with the knowledge that we hadentered Mexico, as was afterwards shown by his signs and

trails . Instead of attempting to move north between mycolumns, he changed the course of the band pursued byBeyer into the Candelaria Mountains,

18

and moved suchportions of his band as were camped near Guzman into theCandelaria Mountains l ikewise. Ou approaching GuzmanLake, the 25th , my command was joined by Muncy

’

s scouts .I delayed my command part of a day at Guzman Springs,and one whole day at Santa Maria Springs, waiting forCarr .

Being fully satisfi ed, from information received bymeans of citizen scouts , that Victorio had fled with hi s

Whole command to the South and East, I started CaptainJack Crawford , chief of Scouts , from Santa Maria Springs,with three citizen scouts selected by himself, to proceed eastnortheast, via Capt. Beyer’s camp , far toward the Rio

Grande, to cut any trails, fearing Victorio would attempt toturn Beyer

’

s left '

flank, passing north near to and west ofPaso delNorte. I also sent dispatches to ElPaso, asking thatthe line of the Rio Grande might b e watched closely, and

l ikewise to Gen . Grierson ,

“who was watching a portion of

the Rio Grande line, and who was prepared to aid me all hecould under his orders, and that any information of Victo

rio’

s attempt to move in that direction might b e furn ishedme promptly . From this point I also sent dispatches toTerrazas , believing we would get a fi ght with Victorio in

17 . Corralitos .

18. The Candela ria Mounta ins are 60 miles south of ElPaso.

19. Ben jam in H . Grierson , nat ive of Pennsylvan ia, entered the C iv il War fromIllinois , rece iv ing several c itat ions for gallantry. Ou 28 July , 1866 , he became colonelof the loth Cavalry and so served unt il Apri l, 1890. He was commanding offi cer for

the Department of New Mexico 1886-1888, just prior to Genera l Carr .

COL . BUELL’S EXPEDITION INTO MEXICO

the Candelaria Mountains , some sixty miles south of east,I also sent orders to Captain Beyer to send scouts forward ,if possible, into the Candelaria Mountains by night, on thetrail he was pursuing, and notifying h im that I would enterthe Candelaria Mountains the night of the 29th , with Cavalry command and scouts, pursuing the Indian trail fromGuzman and Santa Maria through the Santa Maria Mountains and across San Blas Plain . When Captain Beyer wasabout preparing to comply with these orders, his whole herdwas stampeded by the carelessness of an inexperienced sen

tinel fi ring his gun in the n ight at an imaginary Indian ,

while the animals were all sleeping. This, of course, lefthis command afoot . He was at once ordered to cache hisproperty, to send a suffi cient number of men and scouts afterthe stampeded stock, and to carry out his original orderswith the remainder of his command , on foot . The stock thusstampeded was afterwards recovered , with the exception of

a few animals, and so l ikewise was the cached property.

This accident, of course, broke down Captain Beyer’

s command as an effective force, and it became necessary to sendLieut . Goodwin 2° back with a few men and scouts to gatherup the scattered property, etc .

The 28th , at Santa Maria Springs, I cut loose with theCavalry and 30 Infantry volunteers , under Lieut . Cornish ,

m

and Thurston ,

"2of the 15th and l6th Infantry, and the pack

train, with as many days’

rations as it was possible to carry .

Sending the Infantry column and supply-train , under thecommand of Major Osborne, up the Santa Maria River , ViaOjo Caliente,

28

Caraz al,“San J to El Lucero,

26 I

20. Milla rd Fi llmore Goodwin , nat ive of New York, was appointed to West Pointfrom Arizona and graduated in 1867. He was 2nd lieutenant 9th Cavalry,

from 14

June , 1872 ;lst lieutenant from 4 Apr 1879: and regimental quartermaster from 1

Jan 1881 to 1 May, 1883. He res igned from the serv ice the following August.

21. George Anthony Corn ish , nat ive of A labama , graduated from West Point in1869. He was 2nd l ieutenant , 15th Infantry, from 13 June, 1873, and lst l ieutenantfrom 25 Jan . , 1876—the commiss ion held at this t ime.

22 . Walter A lon zo Thurston , native of Alabama , was in the c lass of 1875 at

West Point and became a 2nd lieutenant , l6th Infantry, on 13 June , 1879, on ly a

few months before this campa ign .

23. Ojo Cal iente , 90mi les south of ElPaso.

24. Carrizal, where on June 21 , 1916 , Capt . Charles T . Boyd , lst Lieut . Henry R.

Ada ir , and s ix men of Troop C , 10 Cavalry, were ki lled , four were wounded and eighttaken prisoners . Troop K lost four killed , one offi cer and six men wounded, fi fteenprisoners .

25. San José de Patos .

26 . ElLucero, 50 miles southeast of Lake Santa Mar ia.


marched with the Cavalry command east on the Indian trail ,b ivouacing toward morning on the eastern slope of the

Santa Maria Mountains . During most of the day of the

29th ,my Cavalry Command bivouaced , and was hidden b e

hind some small buttes in San Blas Plain , as shown ln map .

The night of the 29th , we marched into the north end of

the Candelaria Mountains , expecting to meet the enemy,not yet having learned of his departure to the South and

east. The day of the 3oth , my command moved through theCandelaria Mountai ns to the south end, expecting to fi nd

suffi cient water for the command . In this I was disap

pointed . From advance scouts sent into the mountains byCapta in Beyer,

“ I learned that the enemy’

s rear-guard hadleft a few nights previous . I found the Candelaria Moun

tains very sparcely provided with water , and very vulnerable had the enemy chosen to make fi ght there. CaptainBeyer

’

s command entered the Candelaria Mountains themorning of the 3oth , and joined my command October lst,at ElLucero, whence I was forced to move to obtain waterfor the command , which we had had very little of since leaving Santa Maria Springs, the 28th . At this point I receiveda communication from Terrazas that Victorio had gonetoward the Pino Mountains southeast, and that his command would b e at the Boraccho, (which is a pass in the

mountains ) where there was a good spring of water, aboutthe 5th or 6th of October—Victorio having gotten out of the

Candelaria Mountains before Terrazas got h is troops inpos ition , as was contemplated , we both, the Mexican and

American troops, became the pursuers .

At ElLucero, I learned through my citizen and Indianscouts the exact course of Victorio

’

s trail , which was verydistinct. The supply-train , under command of Major Osborne, reported tome the 2nd of October at ElLucero. Notbeing able to get a good knowledge of the country south and

east of Chihuahua road , and having such limited pack transportation , my best and only course was to move on the Chihuahua road to Canta Recia , thus keep ing my command tothe north of Victorio.

Up to this point and date, we had been unable to locatethe enemy after his departure from the Candelaria Mountains, and it was feared he had scattered and was trying tosl ip north between the Baraccho Mountains and Grierson’

s


Much as I regretted to give up the chase, I felt that Iwas in Mexico by the invitation of the Chihuahua or stateauthorities more than by any legal or proper right. I feltsatisfi ed that Terrazas had received an intimation or orderto forbid my advancing farther toward Chihuahua

, and thathe had sent this message to me in the most gentlemanlymanner . I therefore commenced the withdrawal of my ad

vance the loth day of October, and started back myself the10th , en route to the American side of the Rio Grande.

Very respectfully,Your obed ient servant,

(S igned ) GEO. P. BUELL,Colonel 15th Infantry,

CommandingOffi cialextract copy .

E. R . PLATT,A . A . General .

It wil l b e noted that in this offi cialtranscript from our

War Department records there are two deletions . Perhaps

Colonel Buell expressed himself too frankly for publication

as to our troops being practically ordered out of Mexico at

the very moment when Victorio had been run to earth . The

facts are that on the very day (October 9) on which the“request

”was transmitted by Terrazas to Buell , the Mexican

troops fought the Apaches in the Tres Costillos Mountains .

Victorio and eighty-six of his warriors were killed and

eighty-nine squaws and children were captured . These

prisoners were l ater exhibited in Mexico City, where most

of them died . The chief Nane and fi fty warriors got away

and joined Geronimo—but that is another story .

As for Colonel Buell , within twenty-four hours after the

withdrawal of our troops began , a courier overtook h im with

news of the Mexican success and the death of Victorio.

While directing his warriors from an elevated position on

the b attlefi eld he had been shot by a Tarahumara Indian

soldier at long rifle range. Thus died one of the greatest

scourges of the Southwestern

29. Rather curiously Richardson and Rister , The Greater Sou thwest, 324, say

that V ictorio was killed in 1883. Yet Rister, The Sou thwestern Fron tier , 216, g ives

part of the above facts with c itation to Baht, Romance of the Davis Mountains and

the B ig B end Coun try.

OLD ROADS AND NEW HIGHWAYS IN THE

SOUTHWEST 1

By MAUD BURLIN SULLIVAN

TH IS title should continue in a rather Thackerayish manner,

“in which a public library endeavors to revive a

tradition for the community . It is not our purpose to pre

sent a series of historical facts in connection with each trai l

mentioned , nor to give the hi story of the trails themselves,but rather to show how the romance and adventure sur

rounding them were used to stimulate an interest in the

whole subject of Southwest history .

The Southwest is young . Its cities have been built by

those hardy and determined Americans who have only

recently written the fi nalchapter to the story of their long

and active lives . Our“Mayflower

”was that fi rst covered

wagon which appeared over the mountain road , making its

slow progress down toward“the Pass to the North , to the

broad valley of the Rio Grande . Others came in great

numbers in search of fortune, or health , or j ust an adven

ture. These knew little or nothing of the history so closely

interwoven with Spain’

s great period of exploration , nor

of that far older Indian civi lization which archaeologists

have revealed to as during the past twenty years . Nor does

the present generation know much about them .

A simple way of approaching the subject was to bring

home to our people the history underlying the highways of

the Southwest. To do this it was necessary to go back over

the period of Spanish exploration and to bring to life those

who had crossed the country before trails were in existence .

Roads and trails are fascinating things in themselves . Aris

ing from man’

s need for communication and transportation ,

they generally followed some old wel l known path possibly

fi rst made by animals, and as time drove this need onward ,

1 . A paper read before the American l rary Assoc iat ion at Los Angeles , June1930, by Mrs . Sullivan , librarian of the ElPaso Public Library.


and in different directions , the trails became traveled roads .

The rough-going trails of these explorers and pioneers in

time developed into the smooth broad highways of today .

Our fi rst venture was a course in S outhwest historywhich was given to a group of business women . This workwas followed by another venture of real importance, when

RlPaso celebrated its 5oth birthday in 1922 . The prepara

tion for thi s festival in which so many citizens took part

taxed the resources of the l ibrary to the utmost, but it also

served to introduce the subject in all its fascination to a

much wider audience.

Later several lectures were given under the auspices ofscientifi c and literary societies. The problem of showing

routes and locations of the early explorations so that persons

in the audience could see them , led us to enlarge the map in

Dr. Bolton ’

s charming book, Spanish Borderlands . This

map as fi nally completed measured four and one-half by

seven feet. The journeys were outlined in bright colors,plainly Visible in a medium size lecture hall . The amazing

wanderings of Cabeza de Vaca and his companions across

Texas always captivated an audience . There is no more

thrilling tale of adventure in the annals of our history .

In tracing the footsteps of these gallant adventurers, it

had not occurred to us that anyone in the audience would

dispute the various geographical points mentioned as’

hav

ing been visited by each explorer . At the fi rst lecture when

this map was used , there were several men in the audience

who could scarcely wait for an opportunity to speak . One

loyal Texas felt moved to protest that Cabeza de Vaca did

not travel on the South side of the Rio Grande, but crossed

Texas to the Pecos river ;while a New Mexican asserted

that this journey through Texas extended into New Mexico,and a long stop was made where the Governor

’

s pala'

ce now

stands !

Another theory was advanced in regard to the plants

growing in that part of Texas indicated on the map where

Cabeza de Vaca stopped because of the food value of the veg


came a defi nite objective for travelers after reading the

story . Resting in its great shadow in 1605, Onate was the

fi rst to carve with his dagger his name and the discovery of

the Sea of the South (The Gulf of Cal ifornia )In the usual descriptive material issued from various

sources for the b enefi t of the motorist, there are few , if any,

references to Count Juchereau de St. Denis, whose story is

one of the most del ightful romances . The long road called

on some old maps Elcamino delrey, on others The Old San

Antonio Road , crossing Texas from Natchitoches to Coa

huila , Mexico, was established partly through the energetic

efforts of St. Denis to open a trade route for the French .

Railroads and highways in Texas cross and recross this

old road . St. Denis is described as good to look at, very

brave and always ready for the most entrancing dangers .

The story of his exploits would make excellent material for

the novel ists , and for the so- called fi ctionalbiographer. We

found the account in Grace King’

s New Orleans , the place

and the people, one of the best to interest the average reader .

Travelers from ElPaso to Santa Fé drive along the

modern Old Spanish Trail part of the way, and also cross the

path of the famous Jornada delMuerto, its name implying

all the terrors experienced by those who traversed this b ar

ren desert. Humboldt, writing in describes it as “30

leagues in length , destitute of water . We hear of it often

in descriptions of various journeys , and nowhere more viv

idly than when Doniphan led his famous company of Missourians over its fateful path .

There are no terrors now , at least not of the same kind,as one speeds across these desert highways . It is not, how

ever, diffi cult to Visualize all that took place on this historic

ground . The age-old hills and rugged bare mountains stand

grey and silent in the brilliant sunlight, as they watch the

procession of the years and man ’

s endless struggle to con

quer nature.

One of the most interesting accounts of early road

bui lding is gi ven in the reports of the Secretary of War,

OLD ROADS AND HIGHWAYS 147

published in 1850, giving the reconnaissances of routes from

San Antonio to ElPaso, the project being to establish a

permanent military road from the Gulf of Mexico to El

Paso. To those who know the country it is fascinating to

read of the day’s fi ndings as recorded.

in these reports . The

distance travelled , the climate, every detai l of the country is

mentioned . We ride today, swiftly and in comfort over thi s

road with no thought of the slow, arduous labor of that fi rst

trail blazing journey .

When gold was discovered in California , the question of

the day became “What is the best route to California It

is frequently heard today . The well known trails were the

Oregon Trail , and the Santa Fé . Little was said about the

routes through the Southwest . There were four new roads

into the Rio Grande Valley, three of which passed through

ElPaso, the Mexican town on the west side of the Rio

Grande, known then as Paso delNorte. In 1888 it was given

its present name of Juarez , after Mexico’

s great man , Beni

to Juarez .

It was noted with some amusement how active the

states of Arkansas and Texas were during this period inadvertising the advantages of certain routes . No tourist

travelogue or folder of today contains more alluring tales

of“How sunshine spends the winter” than the articles which

appeared in the newspapers of that day . From a note in

Bieber’

s“Southwestern trails to California ,

”we fi nd this

item taken from the Houston D emocratic Telegraph and

Texas Regis ter of February 15, 1849:“These emigrants ,

therefore, may actually b e digging in the gold mines of San

Francisco or Los Angeles , before the emigrants left at St.

Louis can commence their journey . The peach trees here

are in blossom , the'

gras s is springing up fresh upon the

prairies , and the spring birds are singing merrily, while

according to telegraph accounts , St. Louis’ cold chilly w in

ter still chains the rivers with icy bands and covers the

Prairies with his snowy mantle . Not“B igger and better

”

roads but“Warmer and safer seems to have been the

slogan .


ElPaso was the important halfway place on these dif

ferent southern routes , and was a veritable oas is in the

desert . Here these emigrants rested before continuing their

journey, and purchased supplies from Mexican and Missouri merchants . It was during this period that the Ameri

can city of ElPaso had its real beginning.

2

One route for cattle drivers from Austin to Fort Yuma

followed the emigrant trail . The map of this route shows

every water hole and the locations of forts ;the two great

needs for such journeys, water and protection from the In

dians . The opening chapter of Emerson Hough’

s S tory ofthe Cowboy contains a fi ne description of the Long Trail of

the cattle range.

With the great increase in motoring during the past

ten years there were more requests for books on early New

Mexico history . Stopping at some Indian village or passing

the ruins of an old fort, many of these travelers wished to

learn something of an apparently unknown country.

Using an automobile road map , places of interest on

different routes to California were selected , and a few books

were listed which would make the journey more profi table.

As this way of reading became more popular , the scope of

the motor trave logues was enlarged to include a wider fi eld

in the Southwest, as well as the roads close to the city . A

small folder is distributed through the Automobile Club,hotels , and camps, mentioning b riefly a few places of his

toric interest to visit, and that the l ibrary has material about

them .

‘

In this agreeable method of presenting Southwest his

tory, incidents were selected here and there from different

periods, or wherever a character or event suggested some

central point for starting a new search for adventure. In

recent years, the Southwest has frequently been the subject

for study groups and various club programs . Our enlarged

map is often loaned to these groups .

2 . Bartlett , PersonalNarrative of Exploration , 18 50-58 gave the pb pulation as

about in the Mexican town and 400 on the American s ide.

PASO POR AQUI

1869-1934

UCH was the felicitous phrase selected by Gene Rhodes

hims elf for h is epitaph . It will b e inscribed upon the

monument which , it is hoped , will soon mark his last rest

ing place.

1

Of course the phrase is historically famous , for

j ust 330years ago it was carved on the face of Inscription

Rock when Don Juan de Onate was returning from his

journey to the Gulf of Cal ifornia, but it took on new mean

ing when Gene Rhodes used it as the title of one of his fi rst

stories of New Mexico life . And now it has added signifi

cance as an epitaph : he passed this way.

Shy and unassuming, lovably irascible at times , impa

tient of sham in any form ,loyal in h is friendships and gen

erous to a fault, Gene Rhodes saw l ife in its true values—and

he interpreted l ife with his intriguing l isp and a quizzical

gleam in his eye . He was a del ightful companion with whom

to lounge and chat over a pipe before an open fi re. Clean

and wholesome in thought, interested and interesting, origi

naland stimulating in ideas , he always called out the best in

man or woman .

Cowboy, student of life, master of prose , lover of ani

mals and children and all kindred spirits , seeker after truth

and beauty,

“he passed this way and h is memory will ever

remain fresh and sweet in the hearts of those who knew h im.

Recently in our editorial browsing, we came across an

early poem that was dated at Engle, New Mexico, and was

fi rst publ ished in Anyone who Visits Rhodes Pass in

the early summer will see along the trail the towering yuccas,“tas velas delSaffior

”

(the candles of the Lord )—and per

haps he wi ll see them as Gene Rhodes saw them .—L . B . B .

1 . Any of our readers who wish to part ic ipate in this Rhodes memor ia l may

send the ir checks to Mrs . A lice Corbin H enderson , Camino delMonte Sol, Santa Fé.

The fund is now being collected with a v iew to p lac ing the monument this summer.

2. In The Land of Sunshine, XI (Oct . , 251.

EUGENE MANLOVE RHODES

Photo by U. S . Fores t Serv ice

TH E YUCCA m FLOWER

THE GOVERNORS OF NEW MEXICO

By LANSING B . BLOOM

NEW MEXICO can show a longer line of governors than

any other State in the Union . Beginning in 1598 and

continuing over a span of 337 years to date, New Mexico has

been successively a province of Spain ;a province, territory,and department under Mexico;and a territory and state of

the United States .

In view of the fact that the records at Santa Fé were

destroyed in the Indian Rebell ion of 1680, it is not surpris

ing that our. knowledge of these governors has long re

mained incomplete . The l ist as compiled by Bancroft1 had

serious gaps and mistakes , yet his work was basic and it is

sti ll quoted as authoritative . Some of h is errors may b e

found in the works of H . E. Bolton ,

”R . E. Twitchell,

aB . M.

Read ,‘

and C . F. Coan ,

‘

and in the writings of other authors

who have depended on the works j ust mentioned .

”As one

result of study begun in 1910 in the archival records in

Santa Fé, Washington , and at other depositories in this

country, a number of corrections as to various governors

were established ,1and in recent years archives which have

been secured in Spain and in Mexico have yielded a mass of

1 . H . H . Bancroft, H is tory of Ari z ona. and New Mex ico 253-254 and

pass im. He includes fi ve who never served and omits eight who did, and many of

the terms as shown are incorrect .

2. H . E. Bolton , Gu ide to Materials for the His tory of the U. S . in the Princi palArchives of Mexico 473-474, cop ies the Bancroft list without any change.

3. R. E. Twitchell , L ead ing Facts of New Mexican His tory, 2 vols . (1911

passim, also follows Bancroft.4. B . M. Read, H istoric. Ilustrada de Nuevo Mex ico (1911 ) and Illustrated H ie

tory of N ew Mexico also depended upon Bancroft.5. C . F. Coan , A History of New Mexico, 3 vols . (1925 ) and A Shorter History

of New Mexico, 2 vols . The latter is s imply an abridged mimeog'raphed ed ition of the former ; both follow Bancroft for the Span ish period , b ut in the laterperiods show some corrections due to research which had by then been done.

6 . As recent a work as that of C . W . Hackett, Pichardo’e Trea tis e on the Limits

of Lou is iana and Texas , vol. II (1934) passion , quotes Bolton (who cop ied Ban

croft ) as to the governors of New Mex ico.

7. Espec ia lly as to the Mex ican per iod in New Mexico under Mex ican Administration , 1821 published in Old San ta Fé, vols . I-II (1913 passim.

THE GOVERNORS OF NEW MEXICO

detailed information .

8 This mater1alwas used for the re

vised list given to the Secretary of State and published in the

New Mexi co Blue Book of 1925-1926 . Further revision was

made in the four subsequent issues but even in the last one

(1933-1934) the copy supplied was not very carefully fol

lowed ;moreover that publication is not always available

outside of New Mexico. It seems desirable, therefore, to

give in our quarterly the complete list as it now stands .

Does such a chronological record make dry reading?

Possibly so, and yet even a glance will show that it is a

perfect galaxy of great family names, distinguished in Spain

and in the New World . Military titles are numerous of

course, but three of the Spaniards were admirals—beforethey came to New Mexico ! Some were of noble rank many

were kn ights of the military orders of Santiago, Alcantara,and Calatrava . Some of them lay in prison for months, even

years ;others were haled before the Inquisition ; at least

three were assassinated . Glory and ignominy, romance and

tragedy, lie thick upon the pages of our early history .

”

The list as gi ven is consecutive throughout except for'

the years 1846-1848 when mi litary and civi l rule were paral

lelbut held by d ifferent men . When the term ad inter im

has been used , it indicates that the previous incumbent had

died , resigned , or been removed from othee.

If allthe men and women were included who served as

temporary or “acting” governors during this third of a mil

lenium, the l ist would b e interminably long and involved.

For example, Cristéb alde Oiiate was acting governor in

8. During a yea r of research in Spa in (1928 w ith the a id of Mrs . B loom.

a wealth of deta iled informat ion was gathered . Some of this came from S imancas

and Madrid , b ut mos t of it was found in Sev ille , espec ially in the fi nan c ial records,the Secci én de Con taduria of the Archivo Generalde Ind ie s . This was particularlytrue for the 17th century, the period in which the archives at Santa Fé had so litt le.

Later some deta i ls as to various governors turned up in the archive materia l securedin Mex ico C ity in 1930, and aga in in the summer of 1934.

Much of this material has been used in papers which have been published inthe NEW MEXICO H ISTORICAL Rsvmw , vols . I-IX (1926 and in B loom and Don

nelly, N ew Mex ico H istory and C ivics

9. See , for example , the papers by F . V . Scholes and J . M. Esp inosa in this


1604-1605 when he was a youth of only sixteen years and

while his father was on h is famous journey to the Gulf of

California ;but after Don Juan resigned , Don Cristébalwas

elected by the colonists in Cab ildo Abierto and served until

the arrival of Peralta . Therefore he belongs in the list as

shown .

The term acting wil l b e found in the list at only two

places : in 1844 and in 1846 . Late in 1843 the Mexican

authorities closed New Mexico for some months against the

commerce from the United States—and Manuel Armijo lost

interest in the governorship , resigning fi rst the military ,and then the civi l , authority and going to his home in Albu

querque. In 1846 again , upon the approach of the invad

ing army under General S . W. Kearny, Manuel Armijo de

serted his post and fled the country . Vigi l ’s proclamation as“gobernador politico y militar interino”10

explains the includ

ing of his name in the list, brief as his tenure was .

There have been countless other “acting ” governors,and recent secretaries of state have included such names in

the list.11 This is interesting as a matter of record , but in

the l ist as here given it has seemed best to show only the

names of those who have held the offi ce when it was defi

nitely vacated by the preceding incumbent .

GOVERNORS OF NEW MEXICO(List as revised by Lansing B . B loom)

UNDER SPAN ISH RULE, 1598-1822

Don Juan de Ofiate, adelantadoDon Cristébalde Oiiate , adelantado (governor ad interim

by election of the colonists )Don Pedro de Pera ltaAdmiral don Bernardino de CeballosDon Juan de EulateAdmiral don Phelipe Sotelo OssorioCapt. don Francisco Manuel de Si lva NietoCapt. don Francisco de la Mora y Ceballos

10. Reproduced in facs imile by B . M. Read, Illustrated H istory of N ew Mexico,

665. A translat ion of the text is given at pp . 430-431.

11. See N ew Mex ico Blue Book, last four issues (1926


Capt. don Pedro Fermin de MendinuetaDon Francisco Treb élNavarro, ad interimLieut.-Col. don Juan Bautista de AnzaDon Fernando de la ConchaLieut-Col. don Fernando ChacénCol. don Joaquin delReal AlencasterDon Alberto Maynez , ad interimLieut-Col. don José Manrique , ad interimDon Alberto Maynez, ad interimDon

,Pedro Maria de Allande , cd inten

'

mCapt. don Facundo Melgares , ad inten

‘

m

UNDER MEXICAN RULE

Francisco Xavier ChavesCol.José Antonio ViscarraBartolomé BacaCol. Antonio NarbonaManuel ArmijoJosé Antonio ChavesSantiago AbreuFrancisco SarracinoCol. Albino PérezManuel Armijo (2nd time )Mariano Chavez, actingFelipe Sena , acting

General Mariano Martinez de Lejanz aJosé Chavez y Casti llo, ad interimManuel Armijo (3rd time )Juan Bautista Vigil y Alari d , acting

UNDER UN ITED STATES RULE

1846 Gen. Stephen W . 1846—1847 Charles Bent1847—1848 Donaciano Vigi l

1846—1848 Col. Sterling Price

1848—1849 Col. J M. Washington1849—1851 Col. John Munroe

TerritorialGovernment

1851—1852 James S. Calhoun1852 John Greiner , ad inter im1852—1853 Wi lliam Carr Lane

THE GOVERNORS OF NEW MEXICO 157

W. S . Messervy, ad intem'

mDavid MeriwetherW. W. H. Davis, ad inter imAbraham BencherHenry ConnellyW . F. M. Arny, ad interimRobert B. MitchellWi lliam A. Pi leMarsh GiddingsWi lliam G. Ritch , cd interimSamuel B . AxtellLew WallaceLionel A. SheldonEdmund G . RossL. Bradford PrinceWi lliam T. ThorntonMiguel A . OteroHerbert J HagermanJ Wallace Reynolds , ad interimGeorge CurryWilliam J . Mills

S tate Governmen t

Wi lliam C . McDonaldEzequiel Cabeza de BacaWashington E. Lindsey, ad inten

’

m

Octaviano A . Larraz olo

Merritt C . MechemJames F. HinkleArthur T. B ennett

Richard C . Di llonArthur SeligmanAndrew Hockenhull , cd in terimC lyde Tingley

BOOK REVIEWS

The Pawnee Ghost D ance Hand Game—A Study ofCulturalChange, by Alexander Lesser . Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology , volume xvi , Columb iaUniversity Press, N Y . , 1934, x , 337 pp. ,

biblio

graphy, no index, 3plates and 13 fi gures in the text .In this recent Contribution to Anthropology,

”the Boas

school has added further to its studies in the content and

technique of American ethnology . D r . Lesser has made a

seemingly careful and cri tical use of such authorities as

Mooney, Culin , Murie and Densmore, to supplement study

among the Pawnee in Oklahoma in 1930 and 1931 . The

result is the most comprehensive and up-to-date study of the

Ghost Dance, in its ceremonial expression among the Pawnee , available .

The author, after b riefly stating the nineteenth century

history of the Pawnee in their relations with the American

government, has ably developed the thesis that the Ghost

Dance Hand Games “were the chief intellectual product of

Pawnee culture in the last forty years” (pg. These

games had their inception in the idealogy of the Ghost Dance“religion” that swept over most of the American tribes that

had come to a cultural impasse by 1890.The Pawnee were

led,almost forced , into adoption of the Ghost Dance religion

by reason of the conditions arising from their pathetic his

tory of the past hundred years .

When the United States acquired the Louisiana terri

tory in 1804, the Pawnee were the powerful and numerous

people (about souls) l iving in agricultural villages in

the eastern and central portions of what became modern

Kansas and Nebraska . The treaties of 1818 and 1825 estab

lished peace and friendship between the United States and

the Pawnee bands . Thereafter the Pawnee considered them

selves allies of the American government—giving early aid

as scouts against other Plains Indians, and more recently in


the despair occasioned by their poor health and increas ing

death rate were added cultural losses by the abandonment of

buffalo hunts (by and the suppression of polygamy,time-honored mourning customs, med icine-men ,

dances ,gambl ing, etc . Intemperance and the breakup of communal

life added the fi nishing touches to the physical and moral

col lapse of a once virile culture. So was the stage set when

the Ghost Dance cult arose in the West.

The Ghost Dance cult of the Paiute Wavoka extended

a hope and promise of the peaceful return of the good old

pre-white days—abundance of buffalo, a carefree life

enriched by the old ceremonies , and the company of those

who had gone before. Christian idealogy was incorporated

to the extent of an insistence on peaceful relations with thewhites , and the association of the Christ with the cult

theology . Starting in Nevada in 1889, the cult was flourish

ing throughout much of the Plains area by 1892 , by which

time most of the Pawnees were involved . The Pawnee re

ceived their impetus directly ' from southern Oklahoma

through the l ocal prophet Frank White . The particular

form of the cult, however , was derived from the Arapahocenter to the north . Although consisting mainly of periodic

dances , associated with vision-trances , the Ghost Dance cult

was feared by the government agents because of the warlike

turn that certain of the Dakota had given it. The opposition

of the Indian agents was therefore d irected against its overt

manifestations . Th is was used , by interested whites, as a

powerful argument with the Pawnee to accept the breakup

of their reservation and the allotment of lands in severalty,as thus they would b e American citizens, not subject to the

authority of the agents . The Pawnee accepted this unham

pered citizenship and continued to dance. But the new life

did not elevate the Pawnee in the manner expected by the

government when making the allotments . Income from the

sale of surplus tribal lands, the government annuity of

and rentals from lands leased to whites gave the

Pawnee (now reduced to 759 souls) enough money to make

BOOK REVIEWS 161

their own working of the land unnecessary . Th is freedom

of action, plus the desire for social gatherings not normally

possible to a people scattered in isolated farmsteads , led

to an increased emphasis on the Ghost Dance gatherings .

The Ghost Dance cult soon became the most important

item in the l ife of the Pawnee . Not only did it provide hope

for a betterment of their life (which had become so hopeless

that suicide among the young had become quite'

common) ,but also the old tribal rituals and ceremonies could b e re

gained through visions . This was a very important fact, as

tribal tradition had required that the rituals associated with

bundles, societies and games should b e handed down by oral

instruction and example—which had not been possible due tothe increased and early mortal ity of the learned , and the loss

of necessary environmental cond itions . The hysteria of the

Ghost Dance, augmented by peyote drinking among many,allowed for the resurrection of many of the old ceremonies

through vision revelation of the appropriate rituals . This

revival of Pawnee aboriginal culture naturally was mani

fested in the most overt and remembered elements—certain

bundles, societies and games . The ancient guessing games

were best remembered by the tribe, and thus the hand game

gained an important part in the Ghost Dance ritual .

Through an elaborate discussion of the Pawnee Ghost

Dance Hand Game, the author has been able to trace thetransformation of a cultural item—from a gambling gameplayed by men as a representation of warfare, to a sacred

game played by both sexes as an expression or determinationof faith . The old Pawnee hand game, fi rst described fully

in this work , was played between bands or with friendly.

tr ibes . It was part of the guessing game complex that pre

vailed in western and Central aboriginal America . The hand

game form consisted of hiding two counters in the hands of

two individuals (four hand type) representing one side,band or tribe, the location of which counters had then to b e

guessed (according to certain rules ) by a representative of

the opposing side. E ight tally sticks were involved , and


when all of these sticks (representing points ) had been won

by one side that particular game was over . Normally a

series of games was played , with individual betting in each

game . It was essentially a gambl ing game, with resultant

gain or loss of material wealth . Variants of this game were

played over much of western America . The idea of playing

a hand game with the Ghost Dance originated with the Ar

apsho, but the game as resurrected among the Pawnee was

essentially their old game in a somewhat altered form .

The Ghost Dance was performed by the Pawnee as a

Visible prayer for the betterment of their lot. The hand

game, as played with the Ghost Dance, completely lost its

gambling nature and embodied a test or expression of the

faith or good fortune”of the participants . The sides were

determined by spirit affi liations (crow or eagle) discovered

in Ghost Dance visions . Incorporated in the ritual of the

game were numerous items belonging to the fundamental

Pawnee theology, e .g. , complex smoke offerings of tobacco.

The complicated smoke offerings expressed Pawnee cosmol

ogy, as in the clockwise circuit of the p ipe (representing the

movements of the stars around the North Star ) . For the

Christian , the cross typifi es Christ ;but for many this an

cient symbol represented the Morning Star . Numerous

variants of the hand game arose, as different individuals

received Ghost Dance revelations . The paraphernal ia and

ritualof each game were determ ined by the Ghost Dance

Vision . These “revealed” games belonged to the visionaries ;

but there were also derived or modifi ed variants—developedby friends, relatives, or because of rel igion . One of the

most interesting and singular results of the Ghost Dance

Hand Games has been their use by Christian Pawnee congre

gations, such as the Baptist . The church hand games diff er

from the secular in eliminating Ghost Dances and songs

from intervals between games, in substituting a prayer for

the smoke offering, and in concluding with a grace instead

of a consumption of corn and other food .


The book begins with a very domestic scene (the birth

of young Lamar ) on a plantation in Georgia on the six

teenth day of August, 1798 . Many rambl ing anecdotes and

stories carry the life of Lamar from hi s early boyhood,through his school days, and early manhood . Many of these

stories quoted from the writings of Lamar ’s friends give

excellent sidelights on the character of the future president

of Texas, a young man, modest, blue-eyed , kind , eloquent,"

with “a pleasant vein of satire in his nature but always

expressed in words and in a manner which plucked away its

sting.

” Southern eloquence, not to say bombast, is not lack

ing in many of the anecdotes .

Lamar decided about 1830 to leave Georgia and go to

Texas and grow up with the country . He had heard strange

tales from across the Sabine.

“He had thought of writing

a history of Texas ;he decided now to help make Texas his

tory ,”says the writer . The Texas revolution was near at

hand , and Lamar determined that“in the event of a revo

lutionary struggle,”he would make her destiny (that of

Texas ) his own for good or ill.

The writer uses many absorbing pages to describe the

struggle between Texas and Mexi co. All the blood , and

thunder , and butchery of the Texas Revolution fillthe pages

brim full . It is signifi cant that the Mexicans always butcher

the Texans while the Texans only slay or killthe Mexi cans .

These are merely evidences of old prej udices which would

b e much better forgiven and forgotten by both peoples con

cerned .

Sam Houston , David G . Burnet, Rusk , the Mexican

general Santa Anna, and many others stalk very life-l ike

through the pages of the book . The reader gets the distinct

impression that neither Houston nor Lamar is the real hero

of the story , but rather that that place is reserved for

Burnet.

The writer carries the story of Lamar through the hec

tic days in Texas, through Nicaragua as an ambassador , to

the death of Lamar on December 19, 1859. The adopted

Texan is highly praised for his work for public education .

BOOK REVIEWS 165

The style used in the book is quite amateurish at times .

Many awkward constructions are found . There are entire

ly too many sentences beginning with“and

”;while exclam

ation marks are used much too freely . A homespun and

healthy humor adds savor and r ealism to the biography, as

on one desperate occasion when Secretary of War Rusk of

Texas, says that the Texans are“in a hell of a fi x .

”He

promptly sugested that they all go to the saloon , get a drink,and then fi ght their way out. Such was the spirit of the

times .

The work is well illustrated with pictures and maps .

The rather extensive bibl iography should have included

the work of such men as Bancroft, Binkley, Coan, and

Twitchell on the Southwest.

To the person wishing to recapture the spirit of thosestirrlng days of the Texas Revolution , the work is certainly

w orth while . As long as the author treats of events which

transpired in Texas he is on sure ground ;the chapter on the

New Mexico campaign is the least ably handled . However,the book is undoubtedly sound , for the most part, and al

ways absorbingly interesting. This cannot b e said of all

books in either History or B iography .

F. M. KERCHEVILLE.

University of New Mexico.

D esert Wife, by Hilda Faunce . With i llustrations by

W. Langdon Kihn . (Boston , Little, Brown, and Company,1934.

Spider Woman, by Gladys A . Reichard ; a story of

Navajo weavers and chanters . (N. Y The Macmillan Company, 1934.

Among the books that have been written recently about

the Navaho and his country, are D esert Wife by HildaFaunce, and Spider Woman by Gladys A . Reichard . Both

authors have l ived among the Navahos and have writtenfrom fi rst hand experience.


D esert Wife is the true story of a p ioneer woman who

left beautiful Oregon to establish a new home in the desert

country of Arizona . The author writes of her experiences

during the four year period of the World War . Because of

the war , the Indians were required to enlist, and Ken , the

author’

s husband , was forced to use common sense and give

advice to prevent an uprising. If they were called to fi ght,Ken promised to accompany them . During this period ,influenz a and smallpox were prevalent . The author became

a true friend ;she could give vaccine which made a sore to

prevent the “sickness with the sores .

” “The book is not

only an unforgettable account of a little-known people, but

an exciting record of courage and endurance under condi

tions which will seem to the average reader almost unbear

able.

”

Unl ike Mrs . Faunce, Miss Reichard was not forced to

live among the Navahos , but chose to do so for her own

information and study . Miss Reichard is a doctor of phil

osophy in Barnard Col lege in New York City, and is the

author of SocialLife of the Navajos . She wanted to learn

particularly the art of weaving . She was fortunate to b e

with a family who accepted her as one of them . She lived

in her own hogan near by, and in this way learned of their

clan and kinship . Her determination to learn to weave

won the respect and interest of Maria Antonia, who in turn

was quite patient to teach her .

Sp ider Woman instructed the Navajo women how to

weave on a loom which Spider Man told them how to make.

”

From this old legend , Miss Reichard takes her title‘

for a

most interesting and informative book. In drawing upon

her many experiences and knowledge of Navaho l ife, she

has presented them as a sincere and an active people. She

tel ls of the diffi culty of gathering herbs for the dyes and of

the process in making the dyes ;of the setting up of a loom

and the art of weaving in the various patterns ;and of the

ceremonies, such as a wedding, the War Dance, and the

Shooting Chant. The book is illustrated with many photo

graphs .


The reviewer was curious to fi nd how Dr . Wylls hadtreated the controversy between Father Kino and the Mexi

can savant Sigiienz a y Gongora . In h is chapter “A Cornet

and a Controversy”he has handled the matter very skill

fully, but at best the young missionary appears as a medie

valscholastic who was rather defi cient in courtesy . Dr .

Leonard in his Mercurio Volante gives the other side of the

picture.

A question of greater importance is raised by a para

graph on page 128 . After a fi ght with the Apaches at the

rancheria of Santa Cruz in March, 1698, we are given the

strange spectacle of Father Kino himself taking the offi cial

ta lly of scalps to the authorities to ensure the correct pay

ment of the bounty due his Pimas . What was Father Kino’s

attitude toward the Apaches ? Did he have any missionary

interest in them ? The reader may turn the pages of this

book from fi rst to last without fi nding any suggestion that

the Jesuits of that time tried to evangelize them . Some fi ftyyears before, the Franciscans in New Mexico were trying to

work among the various Apache tribes , and Father Bena

vides speaks very plainly in his Memorialof the slavingactivities of the Spaniards which were defeating the efforts

of the missionaries. Probably herein is found the answer to

the question . By the time of Father Kino relations between

Spaniard and Apache were defi nitely hosti le;the Apaches

were not thought of as human beings with souls to b e saved

but as enemies to b e fought ofi'

incessantly.

“Scalp bounties

were to b e a feature of the next two hundred years .

Father Kino’s missionary zeal was centered in Pimerih

Alta , a region vast in extent and diffi cult in all conscience.

Within his chosen fi eld the record of h is achievements is a

most remarkable one and it is a satisfaction to have it in the

form as here presented .

Unfortunately the paper and binding are poor;several

illustrations are misplaced . The maps and decorations are

excellent, proof—reading has been good . Peralta did not

found Santa Fé in 1609 (p .—L. B . B .

BOOK REVIEWS 169

Estudios y Documentos para la Historia delArte

Colonial, vol. I . (S . A . Casa Jacobo Peuser, Lda . , Buenos

Aires, 1934;large quarto, pp. xv+193, 45 plates, indices . )With this sumptuous volume the Institute of Historical

Investigations which was inaugurated some years ago by

the faculty of philosophy and letters at the University of

Buenos Aires, Argentina , has begun to publish an important

series of studies in the fi eld of Hispanic colonial art. After

an explanatory foreword by the general director of the

Institute, D . Emilio Ravignani , comes the study of“Vice

regal Architecture” by Don Martin S . Noel (pp. 1

followed by the “Documentary Supplement” by Don José

Torre Revello (pp. 113

The range of the study is indicated by the general index .

Sr . Noel begins with a brief statement regarding docu

mentary material related to his subject found in the Archivo

General de Indias in Sevilla and in h is notes gives valuablebibliographical information as to previous work in this fi eld

of research . He then evaluates the documents presented in

the work of 1829 by Eugenio Llaguno y Amirola : Noticiasde los arqm

’

tectos y'

arquitectam de Espafi a desde su res

tauraci én In two other chapters Sr . Noel discusses“Character of the Spanish architecture which influenced

the viceregal arts” and“Creole reactions and other esthetic

currents which exercised their influence on Hispanic

American architecture.

”

Sr . Torre Revello presents his discuss ion of documentary material in three parts .

“Rel igious architecture” illus

trated by the cathedrals of Panama and Concepcion (Chile)and the church of Our Lady of the Forsaken (Lima ) and

that of Quillota (Chile) . Under “C ities and plazas” he discusses the cities of Panama and Quito, and the plaz a mayorof Panama . For

“civil architecture” he fi nds material inthe various municipal buildings of San Martin de la Concha ,Arequipa , and Valparaiso. His n ineteen plates are takendirectly from the archive, the twenty-fi ve plates with thetext of Sr . Noel are beautiful half-tone reproductions .

L . B . B .

NOTES AND COMMENTS

The D iego de Vargas Notes .—Dr . José Manuel Espinosa ,

now at Washington University, St. Louis, has made a real

contribution to our knowledge of the Reconquistador . Someof his statements, however, seem to contrad ict facts as theyare known from other sources .

He states that Vargas came to America soon after February 19, 1665, and while Mancera was Viceroy (1665-1673)that he was an alcalde mayor in Oaxaca . Under the next

Viceroy (1673-1680) he was a justicz'

a mayor and an admin

istrator of quicksilver . In the Archive in Seville

Mexico, 276 ) is a letter from Gadi z , dated January 1 , 1673,in which “

Don D iego de Vargas Capata y Lujan”says that

since h is appointment as messenger (cappitan delPliego del

avisso que havia de yr a la Nueva Espafia) he has been wait

ing for his dispatches for six months ready to sail . He has

not only used up his salary but all his means and asks for

money from the treasury with which to buy necessaries for

h is journey when the dispatches come . The Council at

Madrid responded'

with two hundred pesos and a promise of

reimbursement.

Was this the later governor of New Mexico, or a Vargas

of a collateral branch of the family ? If the former, he might

have reached New Spain in time to become an alcalde mayor

during 1673. The above letter was s igned , so a photostat

copy should answer the question , as the governor’

s signa

ture is well known .

Dr . Espinosa might have made fuller use of the will ,which was publ ished in full by Twitchell , Spanish Arch ives ,

I , 301-310. It reveals the interesting fact that Vargas’

two

sons were with him in New Mexico and he provided in h is

will for their return to Mexico C ity . Also there is another

r elative mentioned—Don Antonio Maldonado Zapata . As

for the debt of pesos to the royal treasury, the will

shows that this was merely two years’

salary in advance


loads of ancient documents pertaining to the early hi story ofNew Mexico, and Barela, having more sense than the pigheaded Pi le or his secretary at once real ized the importanceof getting hold of the archi ves . He dumped off his load ofwood and Pi le gave h im permission to haul off two wagonloads of the old papers . Barela did this and a few years ago,when such a rumpus was kicked up about Pile’s unpardonable vandalism , he brought back and returned to the Librarian the bulk of them , but retained a share. Today hebrought in and turned over to Judge Ellison

a

the remainder,numbering in all some 200pages whi ch he had saved fromthe wreck inaugurated by Pi le.

—P. A . F. W.

TheMilitaryEscort of 1884.—Readers who are interested in

the history of the Santa Fé Trail have perhaps read the

paper on “Mil itary Escorts” which we published eight years

ago. (Vol. I I , 175-193, 269-304) Recently Mr . Fred S.

Perrine who contributed that paper wrote from Oregon C itythat he had come across further mention of the escort of

1834in Niles’ Weekly Register of September 20, 1834. As

will b e seen, it is a passage from a letter which Captain

Wharton wrote at about the time when he was preparing hi s

longer offi cialreport :

A captain of dragoons thus writes to hi s friend in Philadelphia , under date Fort Gibson , Aug. 4:

I have very recently returned to thi s place after a verylong, fatiguing and peri lous march with my company to and

from the boundary line between this country and the republic of Mexico. It was not the trip I contemplated when I lastwrote you, but one on which I was very unexpectedly sentwith my company only—the duty consisted in escorting thecaravan of traders from the frontiers of Missouri to theextreme boundary of our country, on their journey to SantaFé, in Mexico. I have not time to state all our privations,fatigues , &c . in detail—I will therefore simply say, that wemet the two dreaded enemies of the traders, the Camanchesand the Pawnee Mahaws . With the fi rst we were on the eveof a fi ght, both parties having formed the line, and the wordof command

“charge,” being on my very tongue’s end, when

the Indians fi red their guns in the air , some dismounted

2. Samuel Ell ison was the Territorial librarian from 1880 to 1889.

NOTES AND COMMENTS 173

from their horses, and others threw their bows and arrowson the ground , while they begged for peace, and assured us

of their friendship . This was whi le we were with the

traders, who had about 100wagons of merchandise along.

After we had parted with the caravan , and were returning,we met the Pawnees . We had prepared for battle, but theIndians ran up and offered their hands—we had a council ,and smoked the pipe of peace with them . Subsequently wemet the Kansas and Little Ossages, whom we knew to b e

friendly, for we had with us one of the latter tribe as aguide. In their company we marched several days , our

encampments at night not being more than 400yards apart .We were absent 68 days, our last flour having been issuedthe day before we got here;our sugar had given out longbefore . Our horses on reaching here were quite brokendown . The rest of our regiment is absent in a differentdirection, on very hard service. So you will perceive thatwe

“bold dragoons have not an easy time of it.

Possi ble Origin of Luminafi os .—It is an old Spanish cus

tom in New Mexico to decorate houses with luminaries on

Christmas Eve and on the eve of Saints’

days .

Luminaflos are made by partly fi lling grocers’

paper

bags with sand , and inserting a candle in the sand . The

luminaxrios are placed on the tops of walls around the flat

roofs and, when l ighted at night, produce a very pleasing

effect. Many citizens of Albuquerque, not of Spanish ex

traction, have adopted the custom of displaying luminaries

on Chr istmas Eve . Members of the faculty and residents in

fraternity houses are acquiring the habit of using this type

of decoration on the eve of Homecoming day .

That the roots of this custom lie buried in antiquity is

strongly suspected . W. Warde Fowler in his SocialLife at

Rome (Macmillan , 1910) pp . 267-268 , says :“We must look

upon the lighting of streets as quite an exceptional event

[ in ancient Rome] . This happened , for example, on the

night of the famous fi fth of December, 63B .C . , when C icero

returned to his house after the execution of the conspira

tors : people placed lamps and torches at their doors, and

women showed lights from the roofs of the houses .

”


Information of this practice through the intervening

centuries should b e assembled .—LYNN B . MITCHELL .

Paul A . F . Watten—As the forms for this 1ssue are

closed , it is a pleasure to report that our colleague has

escaped from the surgeons at Johns Hopkins and is back

safe and sound at his . home in Santa Fé . Now if he wi ll

stay away from his bank for a month or more, and refrainfrom heavy drinking, an inordinate use of tobacco, and the

excitement of such games as poker, chuza , and monte, a

rapid convalescence may b e expected .

Speaking seriously, a three—hour operation With the

necessity of a“

blood-transfusion would seem to suggest the

wisdom of being moderate in the demands upon one’

s

strength until it has been fully re-establ ished . Mr . Walter’s

many friends in this country and abroad will hope that he

show the proper discretion, and that he may b e spared for

many years yet of the valued service which he has so longgiven .

—L. B . B .

”‘

Ass’

oci a

dybf fLi‘

g

2, and,

s commumcations

N M. manuscru:


Organiz ed D ecemb er 2 6 , 1 859

PAST PRESIDENTS

1859 Con. JOHN B . Gmr son, U. S. A.


1863 HON . KIRBY BENEDICTadjourned sine die , Sept. 28 . 1 868

re-es tablished D ec . 27, 1 880

1881 HON . WILLIAM G . Rrrcn

1883 HON . L. BRADFORD PRINCE1923 HON . FRANK W . CLAN CY1925 Con RALPH E. Twrrcnm

1926 PAUL A. F. WALTER


PAUL A. F.

FRANCIS T. Cnm m, Vice-Presiden t

COL. J083 D . SENA, Vice-Preside‘

nt

LANSING B . BLOOM, Cor . Sec’

y-Treas .

MISS Bas'rsa JONES , Recording Sec’

y

FELLOWS

PERCY M. BALDWINRALPH P. BmsssWILLIAM C . BINKLEYLANSING B . BLOOM

HERBERT E. BOLTONAURELIO M. ESPINOSACHARLES W. BACKB’I‘TGEORGE P. HAMMOND

EDGAR L. HEWETTFREDERICK W. Hones:ALFRED V. KIDDERJ. LLOYD MacawTHEODOSIUS MEYER, O. F.

FRANCE V. Scnow s

ALFRED B . THOMASPAUL A. F. WALTER

CONSTITUTIONOF THE

HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO(As amended Nov. 19

,1929)

Article 1 . Name . This Society shall b e called the Histor ical Societyof New Mexico.

Article 2. Objects and Operation . The objects of the Society shall be ,

in general , the promotion of historica l studies;and in particular, thediscovery, collection , preservation , and publication of historical materisl, especially such as relates to New Mexico.

Article 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members , Fellows , Life Members and Honorary Life Members.

(a ) Memb ers . Persons recommended by the Executive Counci land elected by the Society may become members.

(b ) Fellows . Members who show, by published work, specialaptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi

ately following the adoption of this Constitution, the ExecutiveCouncil shall elect fi ve Fellows , and the body thus created may thereafter elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the ExecutiveCounci l. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-fi ve.

(c ) Life Members . In addition to life members of the HistoricalSociety of New Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such otherbenefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one time

the sum of fi fty dollars, or shall present to the Society an equivalentin books , manuscripts, portraits , or other acceptable material of an

historic nature, may upon recommendation by the Executive Counci land election by the Society, be classed as Life Members.

(d) Honorary Life Memb ers . Persons who have rendered emi

nent service to New Mexico and others who have , by published work,contributed to the histori cal literature of New Mexico or the Southwest, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommendedby the Executive Council and elected by the Society.

Article 4. Oflicers . The elective offi cers of the Society shall be a


urer, and a recording secretary;and these fi ve offi cers shall constitutethe Executive Councilwith full administrative powers .

Offi cers shall qualify on January lst following their election , and

shall hold offi ce for the term of two years and unti l their successorsshall have been elected and qualifi ed.

Photo by T . H armon Parkhurs t

CARVED STONE Rm nos AT SANTA FE AS IT Is TODAY


American to go to a drugstore or to a movie or do something

l ikewise familiar to him.

Santa Fé was, of course, no exception . The most out

standing mi litary chapel ever erected there was the one on

the south side of the plaza, made famous by its b ig stone

carved reredos of Our Lady of Light, which was donated byGovernor Francisco AntonioMarin delValle in 1761 . How

ever, long before Governor delValle arrived it was an old

tradition in Santa Fé to have a military chapel , and—ifTwitchel l is correct in his quotation —also to dedicate thisplace of worship to “

Our Lady of Light .” The fi rst church

ever to b e used in Santa Fé was probably a mi litary chapel

connected with , or rather placed in, the southeast tower of

the Palace. It is Very unlikely that the hermi ta of San

Miguel—a provisionary structure for the Tlaxcalan In

dians in the barr io de Analco—r-was built before the Spaniards themselves had a place of worship . Of course, the

tower-chapel in the Palace was much too small to serve both

soldiers and Indians, a fact which must have led to the

building of San Miguel . When Fray Benavides arrived

later the number of settlers had so multipl ied that

neither of the‘

two chapels was suffi cient to meet the increas

ing demands and so he set out to build h is parroquia , at that

time the third place of worship in Santa Fé .

The tower-chapel , however , interests us most not,only

because it originated the tradition of a military chapel dedi

cated to Our Lady of Light, but also because it was the only

one which was not destroyed during the Indian rebellion of

1680. In the report of Otermin it is expressly mentioned

that the Indians did not succeed in burning down the heavy

door of the“hermita de Nuestra Senora de la Luz

”in the

2. R . E. Twitchell , Old San ta Fé page 54. The veneration of Our Ladyof Light ,” (see ill . , page 182 ) w as introduced into Mex ico on ly in 1732 (shrine in

Cathedra l of Leon , State of Guanajuato ) . Th e t itle of“Our Lady of Light ," given

to the blessed V irgin , was however much older . It was used a lready by St . Thomas

of Canterbury and also by St . Fran c is Xav ier , who apparently enrolled himself and hiscompan ions in a confratern ity of Our Lady of Light before sett ing out for the Indies

See W i lliam. J . Walsh , The appari tions and shrines of H eaven’s br ight

Queen (New York 1904) Vol. III , page 239 E.

SPANISH MILITARY CHAPELS IN SANTA FE 177

tower of the Palace . Otermin later evacuated the Palace ,

unmolested , leaving the entire structure intact for the thir

teen years of occupation by the rebell ious Indians . When

the Spaniards came back8 they clearly recognized the Palace

building, on top of and around which , the Indians had

erected their pueblo, in spite of the many alterations carried

out by the rebels which notably included a b ig wall around

the whole pueblo. One of the most interesting Indian “adap

tations,” however , was the simple procedure by which they

had turned the round tower-chapel into a kiva . The big

entrance door (which they had not managed to burn down )was walled up, the interior cleared of everything which had

been in it, a hole made in the roof, a ladder put down that

hole, and ready was the kiva .

No wonder that under this perfect disguise the former

chapel not only escaped the sharp eyes of de Vargas who

had, of course, never seen the pre-rebellion Santa Fé, but

also escaped recognition by the few old timers whom he had

with him, on h is second entrance into Santa Fé on Decem

b er l6th , 1693. De Vargas , camping outside of the town

in order to fi nd out what the Indians really had in their

minds, was immediately concerned about having at least a

provisionary chapel prepared for the winter . Thi s led to

the well known inspection trip of de Vargas of Dec . 18th and

to his order for roofi ng the San Miguel Chapel , an order

which the Indians refused to carry out owing to the severelycold weather and snowfall in the mountains whi ch made

diffi cult the cutting and haul ing down of timber . There is

no reason to see in this refusal already a sign of rebellion

3. Allthe following items are based on the de Vargas Journal I wish toacknowledge gratefully the help given me by Prof. H . E. Bolton in Berkeley , Cal in

letting me use his privately own ed complete transcript of the Journal (Nuevo Mex ico

Restaurac i én Quaderno 3, Mex ico C ity ) . Th e pages subsequently quoted—d e V . J . Tr.

—are the pages of that transcr ipt .

4. Probably somewhere in the direct ion of what are now the Garita hills to the

north . It is un like ly that the s ite of the 1693 camp was exactly the same as in 1692,

s ince it took de Vargas such a long t ime to fi nd“a more protected place” in the

“out

lets and slopes near the villa. De Vargas speaks constantly of des cending (bajar)to the c ity which he could have done on ly from a norther ly direct ion . See de V . J .

Tr . , pages 120, 127 , 130, 235, and Twitchell , Old Santa Fé , page 124.


on the part of the Indians , because it really was very cold

during that December in Santa Fé . Only two days later the

Indians themselves , through their chief by the name of

Joseph ,

‘ proposed to de Vargas to open the walled up door

of the former tower chapel , whi ch had become part of theirestufa . De Vargas describes in detail how he went downthrough the roof of the kiva to fi nd out the possibility of

turning it into a chapel (of course without knowing that it

had already been one) how he decided to follow the sugges

tion of the Indians , and how he gave orders to have thechanges executed .

The subsequent story‘

of the de Vargas journal

describing theopening of the kiva door is so interesting and

colorful and gives such a good insight into the character and

wit of de Vargas and h is relationship with the padres that

I would rather let de Vargas speak for himself

They opened the door on that day [Dec . 20th] , whiteWashed the interior and built the foundation for the altar .

Then I also made them open a door from the inside of the

estufa into an adjoining house to gi ve a sacristy and l ivingquarters to the Missionary priest, and although they arguedagainst it I persuaded them , so that they also opened thatparticular door in the back . They white-washed two n icerooms and built a fi replace in one of them . After havingseen it, the padre thought it very good , but I thought it evenbetter (le pereoto

'

bien y a, mi mejor) , because I recognizedthat if the treachery that we expected on the part of the Ind ians should become true, I could easily have made an opening so that my soldiers could enter the said fortress of the

Indians . Then I sent word to the Very Rev . Father Custodio that the estufa was all prepared for a chapel . But whenthe appointed Father Guardian came down to inspect it hesaid that one could not celebrate mass in the estufa becauseit had served as a place for their idolatry and diabolicalmeetings and dances and fi nally that this was a prohibitedplace for reasons of h is own ;to which I repl ied that I didnot want to have any controversy with him and that I could

5 . de V . J . Tr . , page 127 .

6 . de V . J . Tr . , page 128 .

7. de V . J . Tr . , page 237.


Unfortunately Governor Cubero, after having put de

Vargas into j ail , destroyed all the Indian additions, probably

under the pretext of having the Palace and city of Santa Fé

brought back to its pre-rebellion appearance . Luckily, the

de Vargas church, in which the bones of Father Juan de

Jesus , a martyr from Jemez, were buried so solemnly in

16941 ‘

and which later in 1704became the resting place for

the body of de Vargas himself, escaped the reforming fury

of Cubero. Until San Miguel (1709 and the Parroquia

(1711-1714) were rebuilt, it was probably used as the par

ish church .

mIn 1715 itwas already called the old church of

St. Francis” and it must have been destroyed shortly after

that, as not being in conformity with the famous city regu

lations of 1715 when the plaza and all the streets leading to

it were restored to their original state . In 1732“oldtimers”

had to b e called in to testify as to the location of the church .

At that time its foundations were still discernible.

“ Probably

in a few years nothing more was visible and one of the most

interesting and glamorous places in the history of New

Mexico had disappeared . Now motor-cars are rolling over

11. Accomodaron dhos huessos y ca lavera en una ca ja de z edro con eu llave poniendoles en una funda de Damasco mandar in de dos colores carmes i y amarillo y as i

mesmo eu otra de b reta fi a nueba con una colon ia negra y quedaron eu elquarto dondeyo duermo que ins inue aldho Rdo P. V ize Custodio se pasarian els iquente dia [Aug .

11, 1694] a tras ladarlos a la Cap illa y parroqu ia de esta dha V illa “ypas

aron a tras ladar y enterrar los huessos y ca lavera puesta en la dha caxa cerada y cla

vada a la capilla qu e s irve de Parroqu ia deste pr esidio. Lo qua] hi z ieron a. cllado de cl

evangelio eu elaltar mayor as ist iendo yo dho Gov. y Cap .n Gen . con el concurso de

Soldados y ve z inos que se hallavan en esta dha Vi lla (Ita l ics ours . )“habido

z eleb radolas ex equias funerales y m isa de cuerpo presente con la solemnidad toda que

sse puso eu este pa is de V . J Tr . , Vol. 1694-6, pages 277, 313.

12. The architect was Flores de Vergera . See“Test imon io delgasto de Cap illa

delGlorioso,San Miguel echo por Flores de Vergera y los demas que en else con

tiene” from October 1709, Ritch collect ion No. 48, Hunt ington Library, Pasadena . At

that time Agust in Flores was mayordomo “de la hermandad del Glorioso Archangel

San Miguel eu elBarrio [ de Analcol.

”

13. San ta Fé Arch ives , I , No. 8 .

Th e name would indicate that it was perhaps us ed for some t ime by the membersof the third order of St . Francis . It is generally believed that the pen itente movement

originated from that church . If they or any one e lse ever removed the body of

de Vargas is uncerta in . At least I do not know of any document which wouldindicate that the body was transferred from its fi rst buria l place to the ,Parroquia .

14. The church protruded 7 vams into the plaza (See San ta, Fé Arch I , No. 8 )

and up to 3374 s am e towards the nex t house to the place of Juan Lucero de Godoy(which forme r ly be longed to Diego de Ar ias ) . San ta Fé Arch" I , 758.


this very spot, the occupants having not the faintest idea

that they are driving over the burying places of the great

re-conqueror of New Mexico, de Vargas, and of a Catholic

martyr priest.

But l ife went on in Santa Fé . The garrison still existed

and the soldiers had to have their place of worship . It is

quite pos sible and even likely that Governor Valverde y Cos

sio had already built the next mil itary chapel between 1717

and 1719, this time on the south side of the plaza just oppo

site the Palace . At least Twitchel l seems to have thought

so.

” Thus the tradition of the soldier chapel was probably

continued until the builder of the largest military church in

Santa Fé, Governor Marin delValle, arrived in 1754. All

this happened in spite of the fact that from the second quar

ter of the 18th century on, more and more trouble was

brewing between the governors and the clergy in New

Mexico.

The close relationship between the Cathol ic Church and

the secular power , which was on the one side the secret for

the extraordinary successes of the Spaniards in America ,

was bound to become on the other side, especially if falling

into the hands of inadequate people, the source of endless

friction and detrimentalconsequences . Constantly hundreds

of little and also many b ig problems had to b e settled b e

tween the two powers, which called for an intell igent and

benevolent handling on both sides . And both sides were

certainly not always intelligent and benevolent . In the re

moteness and isolation of New Mexico as in many other

sections of the Colonial Empire, in which neither governor

nor priest could b e controlled very effectively by a higher

authority , human rel ations got more and more important

and—usually more intense . In one case there might b e a

foolish and tyrannical governor (and many documentary

evidences for such cases exist ) and a highly understanding

15. Twitchell , Old San ta Fé , page 50, 154.

Con curring F. W . Hodge , reprint of Fray Benav ides ’ Memoria l , note 30. Unfortunately I em not yet able to fi nd any documentary proof for the statement thatGov . Valverde built the castrense at his private cost .


and most intell igent clergyman ;in another case a wel l educated and far-seeing governor might have to deal with asimple and primitive padre, who, perhaps in spite of his

religious zeal , was quite ignorant with regard to the pol itical

necessities of the secular power . Yet in these and other

cases the respective representatives were most likely to

insist fi rmly on their own point of view, which—as soon as

it came to a show—down—they would try to convey in longand imploring letters to their respective higher authorities ,in Mexico or Spain .

In the midst of this especially quarrelsome time betweenthe governors of New Mexico and the Franciscan friars, who

since the fi rst conquest controlled allthe churches in that

province, Don Francisco Antonio Marin delValle was sent

out to Santa Fé to rule New Mexico for the crown of Spain .

It is only natural that the newly appointed governor should

have tried to get as much information as possible about the

conditions in this remote section of the country before he

started out on his long trip to Santa Fé to take over hi s

offi ce on the lst of August 1754. His chief sources of knowl

edge were without doubt the accounts of former governors

or offi cials from Santa Fé or their reports in the chancery of

the Viceroy in Mexico C ity . The picture thus gained was

very l ikely to b e one-sided and preconceived as far as the

fi ght with the padres was concerned. The Franciscans on

the other hand had done everything they could for the last

twenty years to accuse the governors in the most violent

terms . In many letters and reports to the Father Provin

cials in Mexico City they complained over and over again

about the inefi i cient management, bad conduct, and many

other evi ls of their worldly rulers . The Father Provincials

slowly had gathered a great deal of material against the gov

ernors of New Mexico which they intended to use eventually

before the Viceroy.

mThe governors knew of this activity of

16 . Notic ias lamentables acaec idas eu la Nueva Mex ico, y atrasos que cadadia se experimentan , asi en lo esp ir itua l como en lo temporal . Escritos por elRev .

Padre Juan Sans de Lezaun and“ Informe delPadre Kdo Provinc ia l Fr. Pedro

Serrano alExmo Sr V irrey Marquis de Cru i llas sobre la custodia de elNuevo Mex ico

Cour tesy L i turg icalAr ts Society

OUR LADY or LIGH TS tone Pane l , Formerly Part of Reredos

Cou rtesy W. B . S tephens , Mex ico C ity

NUESTRA SENORA DE LA LUZFrontisp iece (actua l s ize ) of th e Cofradia Constitut ion ,

published in Mex ico C ity , 1766

Cour tesy W . B . S teph ens , Mex ico City

TITLE-PAGE or TH E COFRADIA CONSTITUTION , DRAFTED INSANTA FE, 1760


erected in 1761 in the mi litary chapel of Santa Fé, capti

yating in its quiet and serene beauty and fascinating

through its intricate but harmonious blending of Spanish

and Indian motives of decoration, carries the name of pre

cisely the same Francisco Marin delValle who, as governor

of New Mexico from 1754 to 1761, seems to have been

always in trouble with his ecclesiastical counterplayers .

Unfortunately very little is known about the life of

delValle. Except for some samples of h is neat and culti

yated signature and a few rather short but prec ise reports ,which show perhaps a slightly bureaucratic inclination,

hardly anything is left to explain the mind of one Francisco

AntonioMarin delValle who seems to have been j ust another

titleholder on that long l ist of “Gobernadores y Capitanes

Generales” of New Mexico of the 18th century . In contrast

to this lack of historical evidence stands the fact that he and

his wife, Dofi a Maria Martinez de Ugarte, gave the immense

stone carved altarpiece to Santa Fé , which , as far as artistic

and histori cal value is concerned , outshines every other relic

that has come to us from those times .

How the stone retablo happened to b e erected in Santa

Fé was for long a great puzzle. Fortunately there are two

documents of the 18th century which actually mention the

Castrense and the'

reredos . One is the report or journal of

B ishop Pedro Tamarén of Durango,”owho visited Santa Fé

in 1760, to the King of Spain ;the other one is a recently

found copy of the constitution of a religious society founded

by Governor Marin delValle in Santa Fé under the aus

pioes of the above mentioned bishop .

21

The Visit of Bishop Tamarén, as the visit‘

of any bishop

in those early days , was an event of tremendous importance

in the life of Santa Fé , especial ly with regard to the church

20. Informe del obispo Pedro Tamarén , Durango 1765 Manuscript , BancroftLibrary, Berkeley, Cal. The manuscript is a very good 19th century copy. It was

sold to Bancroft out of the Ram irez collection in London in 1881.

21. Mr. W . B . Stephens of Mex ico City discovered this li ttle book and very kindlysent a complete photostat copy to Henry R . Wagner of San Mar ino, Cal if. Mr . Wag

ner presented it to the H istorica l Soc iety of N . Mex . The t itle—page and frontisp ieceare reproduced herewith .


organizations . Since the incident of 1730 (when B ishopCrespo had been refused entrance to several Franciscan

Miss ions, on the ground that they had to obey only their

Provincial in Mexico) the bishops of Durango were prob

ably not inclined to look with much favor on the representa

tiyes of the Seraphic Order in New Mexico. Yet the visit of

Bishop Eli z acochea in 1737 seems to have been quite har

monious and B ishop Tamarén—as far as we can j udge from

hi s report—was certainly not prej udiced against the Fran

ciseau Friars when he came to New Mexico. On the other

hand one can easi ly recognize that he l iked the activities of

Governor Marin delValle, and was obviously impressed by

the honorfuland markedly courteous and cordial reception

given him by delValle .

The fi rst to come and greet the bishop in Albuquerque

was , however , not the governor (how delicate but the Rev .

Vicar Santiago de Roybal , the only secular priest and the

juez ecclesidstico of the province, stationed in Santa Fé and

probably a good friend of delValle. In Sandia a detachment

of twenty soldiers and a captain met the bishop to act as his

escort . In Santo Domingo the governor himself appeared ,welcomed the bishop , put his own carriage at the disposal of

the prelate, and left again on horseback for Santa Fé . The

night before entering the capital , Tamarén spent at Los

Alamos where, on the special command of the governor, a

good supper had been prepared for him. The next day, and

these are the words of Tamarén himself ,’2

a short distance from Santa Fé the Governor , with an in

numerable and distinguished following, came out to greetme, descended from h is horse and entered with me into mycarriage . This reception was a markedly choice one. We

proceeded between vast crowds of people towards the cityand the entrance into Santa Fé was carried out with thesame solemnity which the Roman Ceremonial prescribes forCathedrals . After this function the Governor establ ishedme in his own Palace , moved himself to another house and

also provided me with meals during my entire stay , all of

22 . Pedro Tamarén , Informe , page 133.


which I accepted . Exactly the same thing had happened inElPasowhere I had to accept a simi lar offer of the Captain .

They both had made these arrangements , as I heard , inaccordance with the custom practiced between their predecessors and my predecessors , also with regard to letting mehave all the mules and horses that I needed on my trip .

Governor del, Valle seems to have been very fond of

impressive ceremonies . Only a year before (1759) he had

arranged—and thi s was a nice move on his part towards the

padres—for the transfer of the bodies of two Franciscan

friars of the 17th century to Santa Fé and their solemnburial in the apse of the Parroquia.

mNow he had even

bigger plans to celebrate the presence of B ishop Tamaron ,

by the building of a large new church and the founding of a

religious society of Our Lady of Light in Santa Fé . The

constitutions of this society which , as already said, were

recently found in Mexico C ity, and which are an excellent

example of the strange mixture of State power and religious

ideas, throw added light on the procedure which took place

during those days in Santa Fe. After a dedication to Our

Blessed Virgin, the constitutions stipulate in fi fteen chap

ters and forty-seven paragraphs, the aims of the congrega

tion, its members , offi cers, institutions, assemblies , fi estas,etc .

“An especially elaborate system had been worked out

23. It is a strange coincidence that these graves are now located with the del

Valle reredos in the same backroom behind the present cathedral of Santa Fe.

24. See I llus . page 190.

“Constitut ions of the congregation of Our Lady of Light erected in the villaof Santa Fé, cap ital of the province of New Mexi co, and approved by the Most Illustrious Se iior D . Pedro Tamarén , Bishop of Durango. At his expense , published byD . Francisco Anton io Mar in delValle. former Governor and Capta in General of thesa id Province, Pres ident of his congregat ion . Devoting themselves to the same

Sovere ign Empress. Printed in Mexico with the necessary licenses b y D . Phelipe de

Zi’

u‘

i iga, y Ontiveros , in the street de la Palma, The general outline of the

constitut ion is as followsPart 1. Dedication to the B lessed Virg in .

Part 2 . The Constitution, addressed to the bishopChapter I . General rules of congregation .

Chapter II . The defunct members of the congregat ion .

Chapter III. The assembly places .

Chapter IV. The order of procedure during assemblies , and the seat ing,to b e

Chapter V . The duties and pre-eminences of the pres ident (Hermano Mayor ) .

Chapter VI . The dut ies and pre-éminences of the counc ilors .

Chapter VII . The secretary of the Congregat ion .

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW 4

length and nine in width and has a transept. E ight leaguesfrom here they had discovered a vein of very white stone,from which they were fetching the necessary [material]for a reredos , to b e placed behind the main altar , which wasalmost completely carved . After they had completed thealtar as well as the church it was solemnly dedicated and Iwas informed that all the decorations were now completed .

The chief promoter of this church was the same GovernorFranciscoMarin delValle who also founded a religious society while I was in Santa Fé . I assisted at the fi rst assemblyof the society and personally approved its constitutions .

”

After these two statements it is safe to say that, if not

all , at least a great part of the reredos was actually made of

native stone of New Mexico and that the panel of Our Ladyof Light, now also kept in the back room behind the Oathedral, was originally in the center of the retablo. We know

now that the Castrense was at least a very substantially re

built church if not an entirely new structure, it was alreadywell under way in May 1760, and probably was fi nished a

26.

“Eu la Plaza se fabricaba una muy buena Igles ia , dedicada a la Madre Seiiora

de la Luz que t iene tre inta varas de largo, y neuve de ancho con su Cruzero, se hab iadescubierto ocho leguas de a lli una Beta de p iedra mu i blanca , de donde so condujo lanecessaria para un retablo, llenase la testers del altar mayor, que estaba ya casi

labrado, elqua l despues se concluyo, y la Igles ia tamb ien , se celebro la dedicacion , y se

me av iso estan todo bien adornado, elpr inc ipal fomento de esta Igles ia fue elmismo

Gobernador D . Francisco Marin delValle Quien dispuso juntamente 1a fundac ion de

una cofradia cual se instituyo estando yo a lli , as isti a la primera junta , y todo lo

apro Pedro Tamarén , Informe, page 184.

Bernardo de Miera y Pacheco.

J uan Phelip e de R ivera .

Franc isco Guer rero. Miguelde Aliri .

Manuel Bernardo Garvi z u . Thor i b io B ertiz .Before me :

J uan Bap tis te de Ugarte,

Not [ ar io] Gl. (General) y de V is its .

Part 5. Noti fi cation , June 6th , 1760, of two offi cials who could not b e present at

the fi rst junta . S igned : Carlos Fernandez, Lucas Maya ; Before me : Ber

na rdo de Miera y Pacheco, sec’y of the Congregation .

Part 6. Diligencia , June 7th , 1760, by the Hermano Mayor , direct ing that the

above records b e cop ied in a book with the names of the members , and thata record of attendance be kept.

Part 7. Licenc ia delordinario (Mex ico C ity, June 7th ,

“elSr. Dr . D . Joseph Becerra Moreno, Abogado de esta Rea l Audienc ia , y depressos delSanto Ome io de la Inquis icion , Canon igo” etc . , for the print ingof th is book of constitut ions .


year later . The dedication most likely took place in May

1761 about the time when delValle introduced his successor,Gov. Manuel de Portillo y Urrisola (May 13th 1761 )

The style of the retablo has always been, and still re

mains , diffi cult to explain . Parts of it, especially the strue

ture of the framework, would b e attributed , if found in

Europe , to the l6th century if found in Mexico, to the i 7thcentury but in Santa Fé apparently it was made as late as

the 18th century although in the spirit of former times.

Judged from the point of view of art it has a great deal of

resemblance to some of the work of the Zacatecas schoolof stone carving,

”and, seen in this l ight, the letters of two

Franciscan friars which were incorporated into a report of

the Father Provincial Pedro Serrano to the Viceroy in 1761,deserve to b e mentioned .

On January 15th, 1760, Father Sans de Lezaun writes

The hatred with which he [ the Governor Marin delValle]has persecuted the poor Missionaries of this , my province,has been such that they from the custodia have not onlyexperienced nothing but troubles, inj uries and slights , butalso he [delValle] said in clear terms to the fathers Lezaunand Abadiano in Chihuahua that he had already determinedto hand over the missions delNorte to the province of

Zacatecas and place for their prelate the Father Fr . MiguelGonzales, native of said province, and to choose for it thenecessary religious and that afterwards he would give themdirections . Because for this and yet for much more, he hadas Vice-Patron the necessary powers .

”

Further on the provincial , Father Serrano, cites a letter

of Father Abadiano of May 2nd, 1760, in which he wri tes of“the great anxieties in which he found himself surroundedby dangers and Without food , he had come down to Chihuahua in order to return to said Mission , even to give in it hisl ife. The Governor obstructed his designs in Chihuahua,urging the Father Custodio of Zacatecas for Religious forthe missions delNorte;remaining fi rm in his opinion thatnone of the religious of this Province of the Holy Gospelshould return ; these iniquitous projects and slights , Sr .

27. Notably to the north porta l of the Cathedra l of Zacatecas .

28. Boyce Tr . , pages 120-122.


Excellency, were, since this Governor had negotiated or

tempted (tratado o tentado) the minds of the Jesuit fathersby various colloquies , in order to introduce said Jesui tfathers into our Missions

”

;

and later on he cites another letter of Fray Abad iano in

which the Franciscan is warning that

the Governor, thinking to introduce said Jesuit fathersinto our Missions , ordered the Father Benito Renaldini ,Visitador of the Missions of the Sacred Company, to b e

called , whowas staying in the Mission of Coyachie . Havingprepared this Project, the Father answered that this couldnot b e considered as the Franciscan Fathers were in possession and had failed in nothing, as they were very wellinformed .

These letters show not only that Marin delValle had

been in Chihuahua and possibly in Zacatecas early in 1760

but that he had frightened the poor Franciscans beyond

reason by his proposal to introduce Jesuits into New Mexico.

That delValle was strongly in favor of the Jesuits—perhaps even educated by them—is rather obvious . The fact

that St. Ignatius is one of the Saints on the reredos that the

veneration of Our Lady of Light was originally introduced

into Mexico by Jesuit fathers ;and fi nally that the name of

h is wife was Maria Ignacia, all point in the same direction .

It is easy to understand on the other hand why the

Franciscans , whose order had been founded by St. Francis

against“the arrogance of wealth and against the arrogance

of academic learning,

”did not l ike the development of a b ig

new secularchurch ln Santa Fé . They really bore the main

brunt of labor’

for the pacifi cation and Christianization in

the whole province, and nobody seemed to show very much

understanding or apprec iation of the extremely diffi cult task

they had to cope with . Even the bishops Were perhaps not

always understanding enough . It was a very different thing,

for instance, to decree theoretically that every padre had to

learn as soon as possible the many different languages of the

Indians and to execute that decree practically under the

most adverse circumstances . B ishop Tamarén , who cer

tainly was not j ust a prince of the church in s ilk robes but a


very practical far-see ing man, knew this very well , and his

criticism of the padres in this respect is a moderate one .

He had the most enormous diocese to rule—including manyJesuit Missions in Sonora and Arizona—and it is astonish

ing to see the remarkable energy with which he succeeded

in visiting personally even the remotest places of his district

for instance , Truchas and Trampas, on his way to Picuris )When he came to Santa Fé he had to act, no doubt, as paci

fi er between the governor and the padres . Was it, perhaps ,due to h is influence that the image of Our Lady of Light was

placed between St. Ignatius and one of the outstanding

American saints of the Seraphic Order , St. Francis Solano?

Be that as it may, shortly after h is visit the New Mi li

tary Chapel of Our Lady of Light was standing, and it

played an important part in the life of the Capital , at least

as long as a Royal Spanish garrison was stationed in Santa

Fé .

The subsequent story of this church is a sad one. It is

the story of the decl ine and breaking up of the Mexican

colonial Emp ire, the decadence of Spanish power in America . The church saw its last b ig days in the time of the

Mexican Republ ic . During the fi rst governorship of Manuel

Armijo (1827-1829) he went regularly with the whole garrison force of Santa Fé in full uniform to attend servicesthere . In 1832 however the building was already in very

bad repair and the fol lowing fourteen years of neglect,caused by the pol itical turmoil of those days did the rest ofthe damage, letting the chapel fall into the m1serable state inwhich Lieut. J W . Abert of the U. S . Engineer corps foundit in 1847 . Abert belonged to that small group of an ex

tremely cultivated avant garde of the Ameri can Army whichdid such excellent work in preserving for posterity a genuinepicture of the terri tory they had just conquered . He writeswith regard to the Castrense

29. Report of Lieut. J . W . Abert to Col. J . J . Abert , Chief of the corps of topographical engineers in Emery , Abert , Cook , Notes of a Military Reconnam cmce from


This morning [October 6th , 1846] I visited the Capillade los Soldados or Mi litary Chapel . I was told that thisChapel was in use some fourteen years ago and was the richest church in New Mexico. It was dedicated to NuestraSefi ora de la Luz (Our Lady of Light) in the Facade abovethe door, there is a large rectangular slab of free stone elaborately carved . It represents Our Lady of Light in the

act of rescuing a human being from the j aws of Satan,

whilst angels are crowning her ;the whole is executed inbasso '

relie'vo.

80

One here fi nds human bones and skulls scattered about the church ;these belonged to wealthy individuals who could afford to purchase the privilege of being deposited beneath the

’

floor of the building in which so manyorisons would b e offered to Heaven, hoping that theseprayers would procure absolution for their sins . But a fewyears ago the roof of the church fell in ;no more prayershave since been offered there, and the wealthy have not evenfound a quiet resting place .

—October 7th . Again I visitedthe ruins of the Military chapel in the plaza , in order tomake a sketch of a large tablet that stands back of the altar .

This is a beautiful piece of art, and represents the principalMexican Saints . Above all is Santa Maria , then St. Jagoriding over the turbaned heads of his enemies ;on the rightis St. Juan de Pomesan, the background ornamented withan aqueduct;under him is St. Francis Xavier , baptizing theIndians ;and in the background conical huts , such as are

built by the rudest tribes . On the left is San José , and belowhim St. Francis de Santa Fe, standing on two globes . At

the bottom of the tablet are two elliptical spaces, containingthe following inscription

[here a drawing of inscription is shown]which we deciphered as follows : A devocion de Sehor Dn

FcoAnton Marin delValle, gobem dor y capi tan generaldeeste reino. Y de su esposa Dna Maria, Ignacia Martinez dc

Ugarte Aha Christiano 1 761 . The church was doubtlesserected many years previous .

30. At what time the stone s lab of Our Lady of Light was taken out of the

reredos and the wooden fi gure of San Juan Cap istrano (now in the lower center of

the reredos , see ill. front isp iece ) was put in its place is not known . The whole frame

of the cente r n iche in which the wooden statue is now placed , is obvious ly not in its

orig inal place.

After 1859 the stone panel of Our Lady of Light was used for some t ime aboveone of the doors of the Loretta Convent , until it joined the fate of the reredos and

was put away in the back room of the Cathedra l.


put up at the back wall of the apse behind the main altar ,and was in continuous use for over twenty years in the prin

eipe l church of the city.

But once the construction of the modern Cathedral gotsuffi ciently advanced, this important remnant of the last

Spanish Military chapel was separated fi rst by a canvas and

then , probably in 1894(six years after Lamy’

s death ) by a

wall from the rest of the church . Unfortunately, the Graf

ton Bakers had defi nitely triumphed over the DonacianoVigi lsl”

The time of Spanish soldiers in Santa Fé is gone;New

Mexico has joined the Union of the U. S . of America . Yet

Spanish language , Spanish custom , and Spanish culture,are . still alive in New Mexico and there 1s no logical reason

why they should b e disregarded and wiped out forever . On

the contrary an old tradition like that of the Spaniards

should b e more than welcome to a new country. And yet

there is the old reredos of Santa Fé, one of the most charm

ing and signifi cant relics of Spanish cultural achievements ,still defi nitely hidden away in a back room behi nd the pres

ent Cathedral of Santa Fé , and beside it is a badly neglected

stone panel representing Our Lady of Light. The Virgin

is still graciously smiling and will ing to save souls from the

mouth of the Dragon , and she is waiting for the day when

understanding and apprec iative hands will give her back to

a congregation who once said their prayers ln front of her ,and who will build her a shrine and offer her the place of

honor she deserves .

33. Apparently it was the wish of Archbishop Lamy to use the reredos ih . the

New Cathedral . Rev . James H . Defour , S .J who was a c lose friend of Lamy and

published at the prelate ’

s spec ial order a H istoricalSketch of the Catholic Church in

N . M. (San Franc isco, speaks of the reredos as a rare monument and

worthy of the utmost care . And later on he states ,’ Behind the a ltar of the old

Cathedral are two treasures [mean ing the reredos and the graves of the two friarstransferred to the Parroquia by Governor Mar in delVa lle m 1759] that ought to be

recorded here , and wi ll be kep t most sacredly in the n ew .

THE FIRST DECADE“

OF THE INQUISITION

IN NEW MEXICO

By FRANCE V. SCHOLES

A . ESTABLISH ING THE JURISDICTION on THE INQUISITIONIN NEW MEXICO

DURING the fi rst quarter of the seventeenth century an

evil tradition of rivalry and controversy between

Church and State was created which troubled the history of

New Mexico during the entire period of Spanish domination .

In the seventeenth century this rivalry was the warp on

which was woven the political history of the province . Dur

ing the years 1639-1641 it nearly resulted in civil war . From

1659 to 1664 it caused such factional bitterness that the

colony never fully recovered, and the events of these years

w ere a factor in the general decl ine of the province prior to

the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. During the eighteenth century

there were frequent controversies between the civil and

ecclesiastical j urisdictions , but the results were not so dis

astrous as those of the preceding century .

The beginnings of embittered relations between the

clergy and the civil authorities may b e traced to the deser

tion of the colony by many of the soldiers and friars

in 1601 . A considerable number of the colonists had

been sadly disappointed by the failure to discover easily

exploitable wealth in New Mexico, and had been discon

tented from the beginning. Ofi ate’

s arb itrary actions had

fanned these flames of discontent . In 1601 , when Ofi ate

was absent from San Gabriel , the malcontents decided to

desert . Although there appears to b e no evidence that the

Franciscan miss ionaries were leaders in this movement

prior to 1601, yet when the plans to desert were openly dis

cussed most of the friars were in agreement with the dis

contented soldiers . In sermons and in private conversations

[ 195 ]


they urged the necess ity of returning to New Spain , and

even the Father Commi ssary, Friar Juan de Escalona, was

in sympathy with them . Like the soldiers they condemned

Ofiate’

s conduct of the colony, and most of them left withthe deserting soldiers . Although this incident cannot b econsidered a true Church-State controversy, yet the friarsby word and deed assumed the rfile that they were always toplay : the r61e of defenders of the Indians against abuseand oppression and of active critics of arbitrary government.1

The fi rst violent breach of relations between Church

and State occurred during the administration of Governor

Pedro de Peralta (1610 Friar Isidro Ordoiiez , who

was prelate in charge of the missions , engaged in a long

quarrel with Peralta , a quarrel characteri zed by incidents

which scandal ized the struggling colony and spl it it into two

factions . In 1613 Ordofiez falsely alleged authority from

the Inquisition and procured the arrest and imprisonment of

the governor . After several months Peralta was fi nally

released when his successor , Admiral Bernardino de

Ceballos , arrived in the spring of At fi rst Ceballos

maintained a friendly co-operation with the clergy, but

with in a year diffi culties arose which apparently continued

to disturb the relations of the two jurisdictions , civil and

ecclesiastical , during the remainder of h is term of othee. In

1617 he aroused the wrath of the friars by refusing to aid

in the execution of an ecclesiastical sentence, and it appears

that the friars punished him by declaring him excommuni

cate and forcing him to do public penance.

”

1. For the deta i ls , see G . P. Hammond , Don Juan de Ohate and the Founding of

New Mex ico (Santa Fé, passim.

2. The most important source for the Peralta incident is : Re lac ion Verdadera(1 elp° predicador fro. Fran co Perez guetta de la orden de S t Franco guardian del

conuento de galisteo hico alEm° Comisa° Genl de la dha orden de la nueba espa de lascosas succedidas eu elnuebo Mex

copor los encuentros que tub ieron don Pedro de Per

a lta g°"de la dha prou ‘ y fr. ysidro ordoiiez Comiss° de los fra iles de la dha orden de

S t Fr“ (1 residen eu ella . Archivo Genera l y Publico, Mex ico to be cited hereafter as

A. G . Inquis icién , Tomo 316 .

3. This incident is described in Diferentes Autos de molestias Hechos a los vez “

de la nu ! mex°° Por los Relig iosos y la soberan ia Conque Vsen JuriO". A . G . M.

Provinc ias Internas , Tomo 34. Exp . 1 .


consideration the Viceroy in 1621 despatched two orders, one

to Perea and one to Eulate, in which he attempted to defi ne

the respective authority of the Church and the State in New

Mexico and establish peace between them .

5 But these instruc

tions failed to create the harmony which the Viceroy had

hoped for, and in 1622 Perea, whowas thoroughly convinced

that drastic measures were necessary, made an appeal to the

tr ibunal of the Holy Offi ce of the Inquisition in Mexico C ity.

‘

This appeal had the desi red effect. Friar Alonso de

Benavides , who had had long experience in affairs of the

Holy Offi ce, was appointed local commissary or agent of the

Inquisition in New Mexico. About the same time Benavides

was also elected custodian of the New Mexico miss ions , so

that it is reasonable to assume that his double election was

due to co-operation between the Franciscan Order and the

Holy Othee . After considerable delay Benavides fi nally set

out for New Mexico in the spring of 1625, accompanied by

a band of new friar recruits and by a , new governor, Fel ipe

de Sotelo Osorio. The caravan reached New Mexico in

December , 1625, and on January 24, 1626 , Benavides was

formally received in Santa Fé as prelate and commissary of

the Holy Ofi i ce . On the following day, January 25, the fi rst

edict of the faith was read in the Santa Fé church in the

presence of the new governor and the assembled citizens .

’

Perea’

s moment had arrived . The appointment of a

commissary of the Inquisition for New Mexico had been

due, in considerable measure , to his long struggle against

heresy and error . For years he had waited for this triumph

ant moment, and it was fi tting that he should have been the

fi rst person to make formal declarations before Father Ben

avides . Ou January 26, the day following the reading of the

5. The order sent to Perea has been published in English translat ion by L . B .

B loom in NEW MEX. H IST. REV 288-298. The order to Eulate has also beenpublished by B loom in NEW Max . H IST. REV III 357-380.

6. Letters of Perea .

7. The documents on the reading of the edict of the fa ith are in Dec la rat ions ,letters , and decrees , A . G . M Inqu is icién , Tomo 356 , E. 291 , 292.

FIRST DECADE OF THE INQUISITION 199

edict, he made a long statement in which he reviewed the

history of the past few years . He also presented a decree

against heresy which he had published on August 18 , 1621 ,

and the sworn statements of friars made at that time, which

he had held in safe keeping ever since.

8

During the succeeding six months Benavides busi ly

gathered evidence . More than thirty persons , friars and

laymen,made declarations , some of them coming freely to

offer information , others being summoned . In these declar

ations the old charges against Eulate were revived and sup

ported by a greater weight of evidence. At the same time

denunciations of certain private individuals, citizens and

wives of citizens of Santa Fé, were also made. The most in

teresting of these dealt with the current practice of super

stition and the use of love potions and philters . (See section

E) . Just at the end of the summer denunciations were

made concerning certain statements of the new governor ,Sotelo Osorio, which were potentially serious , but did not

result in any diffi culties . (See section B ) .

Early in September the caravan was ready to return to

New Spain . Letters from Benavides transmitting all of the

sworn declarations were sent to the Holy Office. Eulate, the

retiring governor, and Father Perea, who was going to re

port in person to his superior prelates in Mexico City con

cerning the New Mexico situation, were members of the

party. Perea was triumphant, and he probably looked for

ward with certainty to the arrest and trial of Eulate by the

Inquisition on the arrival of the caravan in Mexico C ity .

Eulate had lost none of his old fi re and petulance, and one of

his last acts within the j urisdiction of New Mexico was to

affi rm an old boast that the king was his Chieftain and that

he would serve him even against the pope.

”

8 . Dec laration of Friar Esteban de Perea , January 26 , 1626 . Dec larations , letters , and decrees .

9. Even up to the point of leaving New Mexi co Perea and Eulate kept up thequarrel. At A lam illo, while wa iting for the caravan to form , a group of friars and

c it izens , including Eulate and Perea , got into a discussion of the authority of the


There is no record that Eulate was tried by the Inquisi

tion . But he did not escape all punishment, for soon after

h is arrival in Mexico City he was arrested and tried by the

civil authorities on the charge of having used sixteen of the

king’s wagons to bring cargo from New Mexico free of

freight and of having brought Indians to b e sold as slaves .

The trial record has not been found , but it appears that

Eulate was fi ned and ordered to pay the expenses of sending

the Indians back to New Mexico in the fi rst mission

caravan .

10

Meantime Perea was telling hi s story to his superior

prelates and to the Holy Offi ce. It must have been a convinc

ing story, for at the next election of a custodian, on Septem

ber 25, 1627 , he was re-elected to succeed Benavides, whose

term was expiring.

11

The Holy Offi ce would probably have

appointed him its agent, but fi rst it had to have the formal

proof of his genealogy and limpi ez a de sangre. Perea was a

native of Spain , so the Suprema was requested to furnish

the necessary information . The reports were not received

prior to Persa’

s departure for New Mexico in September ,1628, so that his appointment under the Inquisition was de

layed unti l 1630. In 1629the old warrior was back in New

Mexico urging onward the expansion of the missions . His

tr iumph was complete .

10. On May 5 Juan de Vertis posted bond for Eulate who had been arrested and

con fi ned to his house . On June 2 Vert ie and a certa in Ladron de Peralta gave bondto guarantee fulfi llment of sentence , the deta ils of which were not stated, and the

return of the Indians to New Mex ico. A . G . M Rea les Cédulas y Ordenes , Duplicados .

Toma 8, fi . 84, 35.

11. Custodios de Nuevo Mex ico. Biblioteca Nac ional, Mex ico, Legajo Series ,

custodian to pun ish a governor for cause . Perea defended such authority, saying,“sp iritualis homo judicab at omn ia . Eulate immediately den ied such complete authority in the prelate , and the two of them launched forth into a lively ex change of

argument in which Eulate stated that he would do whatever the king ordered, even

i f ordered to do what Bourbon had done . (Eula te was referring to the sack of Romeby th e troops of the Duke of Bourbon in In reply to these remarks Pereasaid : “

It appears , Your Lordship , that thes e words are heretica l propos itions .

”Bena

v ides to the Holy Ofi i ce . Senecu, Sept . 8 , 1626, and en closure . Dec larations , letters ,

and decrees .


of these declarations deal with the conduct of GovernorSotelo Osorio and indicate that some of his statements and

actions were hostile to the Church, they are also interesting

for the information they contain concerning certa in incidents of Santa Fé l ife in those early days .

The evi dence in the Inquisition papers portrays Governor Sotelo Osorio as a braggart who had little sense of

humor and an exaggerated opinion of his own importance .

These qual ities quickly made him unpopular with many of

the soldier-citizens of Santa Fé, rough and ready frontiers

men , who were quick to resent any attitude of superiorityon the part of others . The ten witnesses who testifi ed before

Benavi des in 1627 and 1628 were, with one exception, sol

d iers of the Vi lla , members of those leading families that

were already beginning to achieve some local importance

and to monopol ize the few honors and local offi ces that the

government of the province and the villa afforded . Some of

the incidents which they related seem now to have come out

of comic opera, but they show how trivial matters roused

the passions of these rough men , proud and sensitive of

their pri vileges . Minor incidents took on major importance,and rumor traveled speedily from house to house. They

indicate also how the events of the preceding years and the

establ ishment of the authority of the Holy Othos in New

Mexico had made them over-suspicious and ready to sus

pect word or deed that seemed to hint of error and heresy .

A resumé of the evidence follows .

”

1 . On a certain winter evening late in 1627 the gover

nor and some of the soldier-citizens of Santa Fé were gam

bl ing at the home of Alferez Diego de Montoya . During the

course of the play the governor took exception to certain

12. The ev iden ce here summar ized is found mostly in Dec larations concern ing

the conduct of Gov. Felipe de Sotelo Osorio, 1627-1628. A . G . M Inqu is ition , Tomo

363, Exp . 1 . This set of papers conta ins the sworn dec larat ions of e ight witn esseswho test ifi ed before Benav ides at that t ime. (Th e other two witnesses of the ten

who testifi ed dur ing these years , prior to the return of Perea , gave test imony con

cern ing matters of an entirely diff erent nature and W ill b e considered later. ) Notes

are used on ly in case the statements in the text are based on materials other thanthese papers list ed here .


acts or words of Captain Alonso Baca . Word followed word .

The governor fi nally warned Baca not to get too churlish ,

and boasted that he was accustomed to fi ghting. Had he not

quarreled with all the bravest men of Spain ? More than

that,he was ready to “contend

” with the saints if opportu

mity offered , with St. Ge orge, St. D ionisius, St. Leo, St.

Damian , even with St. Peter and St. Paul ! Finally, with an

oath , he j umped to h is feet, drew h is sword half out of its

scabbard , kicked over the candles and gambl ing table, and

stalked out of the house . All to the great scandal of those

present !

2 . On another occasion—this time in the Casa Realthe governor made similar remarks , boasting that he was

even more val iant than St. George and St. Dionisius .

3. One Sunday in June, 1628, the governor arrived late

at mass, and took his place just as the Sanctus bell was being

rung . After mass, with the citizenry assembled in the

church yard , he began to upbraid some of the soldiers for

lack of courtesy in not rising when he had entered the

church . Capt. Pedro Lucero de Godoy, thinking that theseremarks were directed at h im, tried to explain , saying that

he could not rise during the Sanctus . To which the governor, enraged , replied : I swore to Christ the other day that

you (people) must rise even if they are elevating the Host !”

As a result of these shocking remarks “the land is so scan

daliz ed that it talks about nothing else.

” “He must b e a

heretic, since he demands that people leave off adoring Godin order to adore him .

”

4. Of more fundamental importance were the reports ofcertain incidents i llustrating Sotelo

’

s attitude toward theclergy and ecclesiastical privilege and immunity . Duringthe summer of 1626 testimony had been received concerningthe instructions that Sotelo had given a soldier who had

been ordered to capture a certain fugitive mulatto servant.The soldier had asked what he should do if the servant fledto the asylum of a church , and Sotelo was reputed to have


ordered that he should b e seized even if clinging to the cru

cifi x itself.” Nothing appears to have come of this early

incident, although Benavides did report it in a special letter

to the Holy Offi ce , and cited it as an example of lack of re

spect for the Church and its immunities .

“ Then in 1627

1628 other incidents occurred which once again created the

possibility of controversy . It was reported that in a dis

cussion concerning the right of asylum in churches, the gov

ernor had declared ,“with depreciation of ecclesiastical cen

sures , that a mere church meant nothing to him”;and that

later, during the same discussion , he had“sworn to Christ

that he had rather deal with the Devi l in hel l than with those

of the habit” (the friars ) There was some friction concern

ing certain powder houses and fortifi cations that Sotelo had

ordered bui lt, for the friars asserted that the church and

convent would b e menaced by the proximity of these strongholds . Sotelo, on his part, was said to have boasted that

for cause he would turn the guns on the church and convent

and demol ish them.

15 It was also reported that he seldom

went to mass, and that he had made fun of excommunica

tions by saying that if he were excommunicated he would

force absolution within two hours . And another Witness

stated that Sotelo had described an incident that had oc

13. Declaration of Diego de Santa Cruz, August 3, 1626. Declarations , letters ,and decrees .

14.

“Despues de auer cerrado el Pliego se ofrec io la causa que na con esta

contra elgou°"que alpresente es Don Fel ipe Sotelo ossorio : s iento que p ide muy

grande Remedio elpoco caso que en es (sic ) tierra se tiene de las cosas de la igles iay sus inmun idades , por lo que los gouernadores , an introdus ido no auer otra autoridadjuridica sobre la suya aunque sea en lo eccles iast ico, la diu‘ magestad con cede a

Vs' eu diua gracia y esp iritu para ampara de su sancta fe.

”Benavides to the Holy

Oflice , August 5 , 1626. I b id .

15.

“A Don Phelipe Sotelo Osorio le Cap itularon gravemente porque solo hico dos

torreones o Cubos para segurar la polhora para la defensa de la V illa . Gov. Anton io de Oterm in to the Viceroy, San Loren zo, April 5, 1682. Test imon io de los autosfechos sobre la entrada de la Prov incia de Nueua Mex ico: Archivo Genera l deIndias , Guadalajara 138. Gaspar de arratia dixo que por descargo de su

con c ienc ia declaraua en este S° tr ibuna l como por elmes de mayo passado estandoeste dec larante eu la uilla de S“ fe en casa de Capan lope Romero y con Sevastian

goncales y jeron imo moran ues inos desta u illa de S ta fe estana all i tamb ien don

felipe de sotelo ossorio, gou° r actual que es destas pron ie ' e] qua] tratando acerca de

un fuerte que estaua has iendo dixo que ya ne ia que cldicho estaua en perju is io delde la igles ia por estar tan arr imada a e lla y tamb ien por no ser els itio apropos ito


had insulted them and hurt their pride, and denunciation of

his foibles was a means of retal iation .

1 7 Perhaps Benavidesrealized this and did not press the case on that account. Theinvestigation was apparently in abeyance when Father

Perea returned in the spring of 1629, and there is no evi

dence that the charges ever resulted in formal trial of Soteloby the Inquisition . The chief interest in these declarations

consists of the glimpses of Santa Fé l ife whi ch they uncon

sciously reflect and preserve for us although three centurieshave passed by.

C . A CASE or BIGAMY

With the arrival of Father Perea and his band of thirty

friars in the spring of 1629, Benavides was relieved of his

custodianship . He remained in the province until the fol

lowing autumn, when the supply caravan departed on the

return journey to New Spain, and during the intervening

months he assisted Perea in getting under way the new mis

sionary projects made possible by such a large addition to

the corps of friars . He continued , also, to exercise the func

tions of local representative of the Inquisition , for Perea

did not receive h is appointment under the Inquisition until

about the end of 1630, or early in 1631 . During the summer

of 1629 two men denounced themselves before Benavides

on charges which made positive action by the Holy Offi ce

necessary . He took the men with him to Mexico when the

caravan departed in the autumn , and in March , 1630, they

came up for trial by the Tribunal of the Inquisition in

Mexico C ity .

The fi rst case involved a certain Diego de Vera Per

domo, native of Laguna in the Isle of Tenerifi‘

e .

18 From

17 . Otermin in h is letter to the Vi ceroy, Apri l 5, 1682 , (see note 15 supra.)

stated that Sotelo aroused resentment because he pun ished thieves and those guiltyof immora lity.

“ypor auer obrado justicia eu azotar ladrones sacandolos con los

hurtos al pescuezo cast igar amancebami entos y otros pecados publicos y le con

sumieron su haz ienda y 10 pus ieron eu estremo de lleuar en persona su caballo de

diestro a darle agua alRio.

”

18. Ple ito y Causa Cr iminal contra D iego de Vera Perdomo, natural de la Is lade Teneriflfe . Denunc iase elMismo por casado dos veces . 1629-1630. A . G . MInquisicién ,

Tomo 495, ff . 89-103.


Teneriffe Vera moved to the Isle of Canary where he mar

ried and became the father of two sons . Leaving his family

behind in the Canaries , he later migrated to New Spain in

search of fortune and made his way fi nally to New Mexico.

There he married a second time without knowing whether

his fi rst wife was living or dead , and two sons blessed this

second marriage. But after several years his conscience

got the better of him, and on July 19, 1629, he appeared b e

fore Father Benavides and denounced himself as a bigamist.

Benavides induced Vera to accompany h im to Mexico C ity

in order to present himself before the Holy Offi ce, and on

March 30, 1630, Vera appeared before that tribunal and

stated his case . He threw himself on the mercy of the

court, promised not to return to New Mexico, and asked per

mission to return to the Canaries in order to determine

whether his fi rst wife was still l iving. At the same time

Benavides presented a certifi cate in Vera’

s behalf in whi ch

he stated that Vera and his wife in Santa Fé had always

lived good Christian l ives and had set a good example to theIndians of their encomienda .

The case was clear . The tribunal acted promptly , found

Vera guilty of bigamy, and in formal sentence forbade him

to return to his second wife, under pain of major excommuni

cation and two hundred lashes . The case record closes with

a petition , written in Benavides’ handwr iting, but signed by

Vera , in which Vera begged permission to leave for Spain in

the company of Benavides in order to go to the Canaries in

search of his fi rst wife . Three years later Father Perea

wrote to the Holy Othee asking for information concerning

the disposition of the case , for the wife in Santa Fé was still

in ignorance concerning the fate of her husband and the

status of her marriage I“

19. de aqui lleno clp e i r. AI0 de benauides un soldado llamado diego de

uera , natura l de la canaria y con un secreto publico se di ce q. por casado dos ueces y

no a avido mas nueuas de ely la pobre muger me a ynportunado le an ise s i es as i

que es casado dos uccea y e lla es libre para poder deponder de s i , 0 no, suplico a V.

S ‘ si es pus ible se me anise de llo pa q . la desengar’

i e o lo que en es ta mas fuereseru ido 0 lo que conb iene hacerse .

" Perea to the Holy Offi ce ,December 6 , 1633. Del

Comise° delnueno Mexco con una yn formon contra Joan Anton Mula to Por casado

dos y eses . A . G . M. , Inqu is ic ién , Tomo 380.


D . A PACT wrrn THE DEVIL

The second case is more interesting. It concerned one

Luis de Rivera, a cow puncher in the cattle country of the

province of New B iscay.

"0In 1628 he was employed as a

muleteer in the caravan that brought Father Perea and

his thirty friars to New Mexico. On July 22 and 23, 1629,

two friars who had arrived with Perea denounced Rivera

to Father Benavides and accused him of a pact with the

Devil . Coincident with the denunciation of the friars ,Rivera appeared of his own vol ition and denounced himself.

A fourth witness, one of the majordomos of the caravan,

was later summoned by the tribunal of the Inquisition in

Mexico C ity . The details of the case, as stated in these four

depositions and as related to the tribunal by Rivera duringthe course of h is trial , are most interesting and present a

curious sidelight on the frontier life of New Spain in thosedays .

Rivera was born in Seville, and as a b oy he had been

in the service of an Inquisitor of Seville . At the age of

thirteen he went to Mexico in the company of a Governor

of New B iscay, and during the succeeding ten years he

worked as a cowman in that province. During his fi rst year

in this new home, while still a mere youth of thirteen or

fourteen,he had been subjected to influences which had an

evil effect on his subsequent l ife and conduct . In the fi rst

place, an Indian initiated him into the practice of supersti

tion by giving him an herb which , if used on the occasion of

a day’s fasting, was said to have the power of attracting to

its possessor women with whom the possessor desired carnal

relations . Rivera accepted the herb , but a few days later

threw it away,“seeing that it had no effect.” During the

same year he met a negro slave who introduced h im into the

20. Ple ito crim inal a Luis de Rivera , por tenet pacto con eldemon ic , y haberleofrec ido elalma eh una cedula que hizo con su sangre. 1629-1630. A . G . M Inqu isici6n , Tomo 366. The entire descript ion of th is case in the text above is derivedfrom this document wh ich contains the complete trial record, I have not thought itnecessary, therefore , to use notes except in one or two instances , and then on ly forpurpos e of explanat ion .


facts in the case denounced Rivera to Father Benavides .

One of them accused him of actually speaking and convers

ing with the Devil , and the other even testifi ed that Rivera

had confessed that he had more than once called upon the

Devil for aid, espec ially in rounding up cattle. At the same

time Rivera denounced himself. Benavides induced him to

return to Mexico with the caravan in order to appear before

the Inquisition and beg mercy of that tribunal. Then for

some reason before the caravan reached Mexico City, Bena

vides ordered R ivera ’s arrest, so the poor fellow was already

in irons when he arrived . He was del ivered to the Inquisi

tion on March 13, 1630, and confi ned in its j ail . A few days

later he was transferred to the public jai l of the city .

The progress of the trial was fairly rapid , for Rivera

had already confessed his gui lt. The details of the trial are

interesting mostly because of the efforts of the examining

attorneys tomagnify the guilt of the defendant by means of

fi ne spun distinctions and by reading into Rivera’

s confessed

actions interpretations and intentions which they did not

warrant.

The fi rst audience before the Inquisition was on March

20, 1630. The regular procedure of a fi rst audience was fol

lowed , and Rivera was required to give statements con

cern ing his ancestry , h is education , his rel igious training,

and a brief story of his life. At the end of the audience he

was given the fi rst admonition in the us ual form . He was

told that it was not the custom of the Holy Offi ce to arrest

persons without suffi cient information and cause, and that

he should search his conscience and truthfully state any acts

or words of which he might fee l guilty . In Rivera’

s case

this was a mere formality, for he had already confessed .

The second and third admonitions were given on March 21

and June 12 respectively .

During these audiences the examiners propounded ques

tions cleverly phrased in order tomake Rivera’

s guilt appear

as serious as possible . For example, he was asked whether

he believed that the herb which he had received from the


Indian had power in i tself to accompl ish the pretended end,

or if i t was by means of an intervening pact with the D evil.

To which Rivera cleverly, probably honestly, repl ied that

when the incident occurred he was a mere youth of thir

teen or fourteen , ignorant of the world and such matters .

He was asked also with what spirit or intent he had made

his bargain with the Devil . Was it with the thought of

regarding him more powerful than God, and, in making the

agreement, did he consciously cut himself off from need of

and belief in the Cathol ic Church and its ministers ? Again

he answered skillfully, for , although he admitted that the

negro had deceived him, he also insisted that he had made

the pact with a full understanding that God was all-power

ful and that the Devil was his creature. He had in no man

ner cut himself off from the Church . On the contrary, even

during the time when the book was in his possession , he had

continued to commend himself to the Virgin , and to repeat

the Pater Noster and Ave Maria before going to b ed !

Formal accusation was presented by the attorney on

June 12 , and on the same day R ivera replied to the charges

article by article . The accusation reviewed the essential

facts concerning the possession of the herb received from

the Ind ian and the bloodpact with the Devil . By these acts,so the accusation declared , Rivera had cut himself off from

the Church and had become gu ilty of apostasy, for his very

acts declared andmade manifest h is evil intent and indicated

that he was“truly apostate from our Holy Cathol ic Faith ,

giving over to the Devil his soul , redeemed with the blood of

Our Saviour and Redeemer , Jcsus Christ;adoring him (the

Devil ) and regard ing him more powerful than God.

attributing to him and giving to him de facto the adorationand worship owed to God alone.

”He had become the serv

ant and slave of the Devil , having, on two or three occas ions,denied God and the saints . The accusation closed with

a petition by the attorney asking the Inquisitor to declarethe charges proved and Rivera relaxed to the secular arm.

He also asked that, in case the charges were not declared to


have been proved , Rivera should b e put to torment until he

confessed the truth .

In his replies to the articles of the accusation Rivera

once more admitted the truth of the general charges , but

he denied , as he had already done, that by his acts he had

knowingly and wilfully cut himself off from the Church .

His ac ts had been the results of ignorance , not of conscious

intent to sin . He threw himself on the mercy of the court

and offered to submit to such acts of penance as it might

prescribe .

On the same day that the accusation was presented the

tribunal appointed an attorney to defend and advise Rivera

during the remainder of the trial . On the following day a

resumé of evidence given by the three witnesses (the two

friars and the majordomo of the caravan ) was read , and

Rivera replied to their accusations one by one .

”1The only

point of importance in this phase of the process was Rivera’s

denial of the statements made by the two friars that he had

actually talked with the Devil and called upon him for aid .

A pause of a few weeks now occurred in the trial during

which the judges studied the evidence . There was no doubt

that Rivera had been guilty of acts of superstition . The cru

cialpoint was Rivera ’s purpose and intent . Had he re

garded the Devil more powerful than God? Had he delib

erately cut himself off from the Church ? Ou July 9 the

board of qualifi ers (califi cwdor es) , having examined the evi

dence, gave their opinion and probably saved Rivera from

21. The publicat ion of the witnesses was part of the norma l procedure of

any trial before the tribuna l. Defendants were kept in ignorance of the exact natureof the evidence against them , not on ly unt il after the ir arrest and imprisonment , but

also unti l after the preliminary audiences , the presentat ion of the accusat ion or

indictment , and the taking of the defendan t’s replies thereto. Then , fi nally, occurredthe

“ publicat ion of the witnesses , that is , the reading to the defendant of a resuméof the declarat ion of each of the witnesses . Even then the names of the witnesseswere not revea led , a lthough th e defendant was b ften able to ident ify them by the

character of the eviden ce . Following the reading of the evidence the defendant hadan opportun ity to deny or afi irm the charges and to make such comments as he

wished . This usually revea led no important deta ils , for the defendant had a lreadyanswered the most important charges in the answers to the indictment .


he should not return to Guadiana (Durango) , the scene of

h is guilt;and (4) that for a year he must fast on Fr idays,and confess and commune at least once a month .

On the following day, July 20, in the presence of the

tribunal , Rivera’

s attorney, and other witnesses, Rivera ab

j ured all heresy and promised henceforth to hold true to the

faith, to denounce heretics , and to‘

receive with patience the

penitence and censures imposed upon him . The same day

he was del ivered to the Casa Profesa to begin his period of

seclusion .

E. SUPERSTITION AND WITCHCRAFT

For a year following the departure of Benavides in

the autumn of 1629 there was no legal representative of the

Inquisition in New Mexico. Perea’

s appointment had prob

ably been dec ided upon as early as 1627 but the Holy Offi ce

had been obl iged to wait until it received formal reports

from Spain certifying Perea’

s generalogy and limpi ez a de

sangre. In the autumn of 1630, these reports having been

received , the Holy Offi ce sent Perea his formal appointment

as Commissary of the Holy Othee of the Inquisition for New

Mexico. It was received not later than mid-January ,

23. The Suprema sent two reports . One conta ined the origina l tes timony or

depos it ions given by witnesses ca lled by the Inqu is itor of Evora , and the second wasa lette r from the Inqu is ition of Llerena in which the results of its inves t igat ionswere summar ized . These reports indicated that Perea was born of Portugueseparents in V illanueva del Fresno. H is genealogy was regarded as genera lly sat isfactory, except that two or three witnesses stated that there had been a rumor that

one of Perea’

s maternal ancestors be longed to a family of new Christian s. The pa

terna l line was c lean and it was stated that one of Perea’

s brothers was a“ friar of

great reputat ion” in the College of St. Bas il in Sevi lle . The two reports are con

tained in the following exped ientes : (1 ) Carts. de los se i'

iores del conten ido con el

testimon io de la a uis ic ion de Llerena de las yn formac iones de Fray Esteba n de

Perea . 1629-1630. A . G . M Inquis ic ién , Tomo 268 , Exp . 5 , fi . 1, 2 : (2 ) Documents

concern ing the genealogy and limpieza de samare of Friar Esteban de Perea trans

mitted by the Inquis ition of Evora . 1628. A . G . M Inqu is icion , Tomo 365 , Exp .

1112. The Evora report was sent to Mex ico in the 1628 fleet and was reec ived latethat year or early in 1629. The Llerena report , dated March 8 , 1629, was tran s

m itted by the Suprema on July 1 , 1630, and was rece ived in Mex ico on October 28.

Perca ’

s appointment was sent out somet ime in the autumn of 1630 and was probablyrece ived at about the turn of the year 1630-1631 for on January 19, 1631 , a wi tnessappeared before Perea , Comiss ° delS i ° 011° and gave testimony concern ing certa ina ffa irs of importance to the Inqu is ition . Dec larat ion of Capt . Diego de Santa Cruz ,Jan . 19, 1631 . Inqu is ic ién 372 , Exp . 16 . (See note

_26 in fra . )


A few weeks prior to the receipt of this appointment Perea

was relieved of the offi ce of custodian, his triennium having

expired , and his place was taken by Friar Juan de Salas

who had already served with distinction many years as a

mission friar .

“

Perea held the offi ce of local commissary or agent of the

Inquisition until his death in 1638 or 1639, and it was a

fi tting crown for his long career .

”

His appointment was

formally celebrated in New Mexico by publication of the

edict of the faith in Santa Fé on March 23, 1631 . The event

took place in the church of San Miguel with due ceremony

in the presence of the governor , cab ildo, and general assem

bly of the citizens .

“5 During the succeeding three or four

years Perea followed up such clues of error, blasphemy, or

superstition as came to h is attention , and dispatched the

sworn declarations periodically to the tribunal in Mexico

C ity . Although these’

investigations did not result in the

trial of any of the accused persons by the tribunal , the evi

dence is worthy of analysis and study, because of the illuminating, if unedifying, picture of New Mexican life which

it reveals .

Frontier existence has always been characterized bythe most curious admixture of conflicting and contradictory

elements : hardy fortitude and petty jealousy, rel igious fer

vor and superstition ;high vision and base ignorance. These

conditions have always obtained in new frontier communi

ties stationed on the outpost and fringe of settled civiliza

tion, at once the protection andmenace of the older and morecultured centers . New Mexico was no exception . New

Mexico was far away on the frontier, cut off from the bodyof New Spain by hundreds of miles of desert country and by

hostile tribes . Life was hard and rude;refi nements were

24. Father Salas was founder of the Is leta miss ion and in 1629-1630 he had

been leader of the friars sent to the Jumano country. He served as custodian until1632 or 1633 when he was succeeded by Friar Juan de G6ngora. He served a secondterm from 1638 to 1641.

25. Test im° de la publicou de los edictos em Nueno Mex“ , 1631 . A . G . M. , In

qu is icién 372. Exp . 19. (See note 26 infra. )


few ;famine frequently threatened when the Apaches did

not, and the two together meant possible disaster . These

factors developed in the soldiers and colonists qualities of

courage and zeal worthy of the highest praise. On the other

hand , the isolation and poverty of the province meant that

these qualities were often earned at the expense of others

cultural in character . The very isolation of the province

tended to make New Mexico a haven for social outcasts

from the mining camps of Zacatecas , Santa Barbara , and

Parral . Moreover the small non-aboriginal community ,heterogeneous , in character , comprised of friar and soldier ,

outcast and the ignorant, was forced to l ive in the midst of

an Indian population from which it could and did learn

much that was good and with which it fused its blood , but

from which it also borrowed the Indian’

s superstition and

view of l ife . This fusion of the non-material elements ofculture is one of the most signifi cant phases of colonial l ife

throughout Spanish America . It is also one that is diffi cult

adequately to assess or defi ne.

The direct documentary eviden ce of such fusion in New

Mexico is not extensive, but shot through all the Inquisition

papers there are incidental statements of much value. Fortu

nately for the student of social life and customs, the fi rst

activities of Father Perea as agent of the Inquisition dur

ing the years 1631 and 1632 were related almost entirely to

the practice of superstition and the influence of Indian cus

toms on the white and half-caste population . In a series of

some fi fty sworn declarations of evidence made at the time

there is revealed a rather shocking state of affairs . Many

of the soldier—citizens were unfaithful to their wives, and

these unfortunate women , in a frantic effort to w in back

the affection and loyalty of their husbands, resorted to thepractice of superstition and the use of love-potions, knowl

edge of which they gained from Indian servants . The


witchcraft, the people had forgotten the excitement and

anxiety caused by the establ ishment of Inquisitorial juris

diction in the province . But the reassertion of such juris

diction in 1631 had aroused their fears . And the stern

Perea was commissary now ! Moreover there were probably

many persons who recalled that their fellow-citizen ,Diego

de Vera , who had denounced himself on charges of bigamy

and had accompanied Benavides to Mexico City, had never

returned . Nor had there been any news of his fate. Truly

their hearts were agitated ! Within less than a week fol

lowing the reading of the edict nine persons testifi ed, some

of them making their declarations on their own initiative.

During the succeeding months Perea took further testimony

as opportunity offered . In the end fi fty persons testifi ed

concerning the prevalent practice of superstition, and more

than half of them did so of their own accord .

Much of the evidence dealt with the preparation and

use of herbs, powders, and other concoctions for the pur

pose of winning back a husband’

s love . Some of the details

may b e described .

81 There were ways not only of attracting

and keeping a man’

s affections, but also of making him lose

interest in his mistress . For example, make a paste of cer

tain herbs , or of maize;then put the paste in the husband’

s

food, or use it to anoint the body of either the husband or

the wife, or both , and the husband’

s love will b e renewed .

Anointing the body may b e more effective if done during

sexual intercourse . More drastic measures involved the

use of certain kinds of worms, which, if fried , or mashed up

and cooked in gruel , would b e equally effective. Other recipes

made use of urine, either“

of the husband or his mistress, or

of dirt soiled by human excrement. Potions of milk and pow

ders of various kinds also had their use. The documents

reveal a fairly common knowledge of such formulae and the

direct dependence on the Indians, especially Indian house

31. The deta ils given in the text have been taken at random from the threeex pedientes l isted in note 26. For a selec tion of passages which illustrate fully the

statements in the text , see the appendix.


servants , as the source of such knowledge . The amount of

actual practice of such superstitions is, of course, impossible

to determ ine. Several wives admitted that they had given

these formulae a trial , but most of them also admitted that

they had had no effect. As one poor woman said , she left“to God the remedy .

” Perhaps the most striking fact aboutthis entire body of testimony is the easy and sure reference

to sexual infi delities . Wives admitted their husbands ’

faults ;fathers knew the failings of their daughters-in-law ;

even the sins of the dead were not spared .

One phase in this general belief in the powers of cer

tain herbs should b e interesting to the ethnologist and b ot

anist, for it relates to the special properties attributed to

the peyote plant . The peyote is a cactus-like herb whose

properties had long been known by the Mexican Indians .

For them it was a sacred plant which had its own body of

legend and even its own deity . Modern students of medical

botany have stated that when used in moderate doses it has

a stimulating effect akin to that of strychnine, and that it

has been used to give strength to persons undergoing ex

hausting physical labor . In larger doses it creates a sort

of drunken delirium followed by stupor.

”

The references to the use of peyote in the sworn declar

etions of 1631-1632 are not numerous , but they are of some

interest . In the fi rst place, it was recommended as a potion

to give a bewitched person for it would enable such a person

to have a vision in which the identity of the sorcerer would

b e revealed , following which the health of the bewitched

person would b e restored .

” It was also stated that in thevisions induced by taking peyote a person could tell j ust

what persons m ight b e on the way from New Spain to New

Mexico.

“ But the most interesting statements were those at

tributed to a certain mulatto, named Juan Anton . A friendof his had said that peyote was good for a broken arm, and

32. Ga lindo y V illa , Geogm fla de la repdblica mex ic ana (Mex ico. 1927 II.

pp . 131-134.

33. Dec laration of Ana Cadimo, March 25 , 1631. Inquis ici én 372 . Exp . 16 .

34. Ib id


Juan Anton , agreeing, said that it had other important

uses , and he‘

proceeded to relate an incident that had oc

curred in New Spain . Certain of his belongings had been

stolen , and he had not been able to recover‘

them. So he

took a b ig dose of peyote, and in the stupor which it induced

an old man and an old woman appeared and asked him

what was his trouble . He told them , and they said he should

not worry any more, for if he went to a certain place he

would fi nd his belongings . After awakening he went'

to the

place indicated and found the things that had been stolen .

“

Many more incidents similar to these might have been

revealed if Perea’

s investigations had been continued . Nor

was peyote, probably, the only plant believed to have healing

or diabol ical powers . One of the declarants told how her

Indian servant made a drink of some herbs to cure her of

certa in ills . She stated that before giving her the potion

the Indian had performed certain ceremonies and had seen

visions in the liquid .

“

More serious than the use of potions and the faith in

the magic powers of certa in plants was the bel ief in witch

craft and sorcery and the denunciation of two women as

practicing witches . These two unfortunate creatures were

Beatriz de los Angeles , a Mexican Indian of recognized abil

ity and intell igence, and her mestiza daughter, Juana de la

Cruz . Both of them were adept in the use of herbs and had

been the tutors of some of their friends in the preparation

of love-philters . But the most serious charge against them

was the practice of sorcery . Benavides had been informed

of Juana’s malevolent powers in 1626 , and again in 1628

sweeping denunciations of both women , mother and daugh

ter, were received , but he had not pressed an investigation

on either occasion . In 1631 , following the reading of the

edict and the revival of Inquisitorial authority, the old

35. Dec larat ions of Josep e de la Cruz and Luis Pach eco, May 25 and Septemb er 21 , 1632. Inqu isic ién 304.

36 . Declaration of Ana Gadin o, March 25, 1631 . Inqu is icién 372, Exp . 16.


Like mother, like daughter . Juana de la Cruz , Beatrlz

daughter, was suspect even before her mother was, but

her victims were not so numerous . The outstanding charge

against her was that, although married to a certain Juan

Griego Berna] , she was unfaithful to him and gave her ai

fections to Hernando Marquez Zambrano. She and Marquez quarreled ;he beat her , and she had revenge by bewitch

ing him . For one day she gave him a cup of milk, thickwith cream , to drink, and soon afterward he fell illand

died . Bewitched , of course ! It was also bel ieved that Juana

had the evi l eye, and numerous stories were told to prove it.

Several children whom she fondled became ill . One died ;another was saved by being smoked with a burnt bit ofJuana

’

s clothing;and in another case a sort of fi remark

(fuego, arestin ) appeared on the child’s face .

Finally, it was reported that both Beatriz and Juana

could transport themselves in magic fashion over long dis

tances . Juana was said to use this power to travel around

at night visiting her paramours to see whether they were

faithful to her. Some persons said she travel led in an egg.

Beatriz , on one occasion, had transported herself in some

magic fashion from La Cafi ada, north of Santa Fé to Senecu,a distance of about one hundred and seventy-fi ve miles in

order to Visit a sick woman, Maria Granillo, who was being

treated by Father Gerénimo Pedraza , the friar-physician .

In company with other spirits (bruise) she had played a

game with Maria, bouncing her in and out of b ed ! It is a

pleasure to report that Maria fi nally recovered .

“

It is indeed an unedifying picture of New Mexican l ifethat these stories reveal . To the everlasting credit of

Father Perea, this welter of evidence, confession, and ru

mor did not greatly agitate or excite him. He showed a

healthy skepticism and contempt regarding it all. These

were not the errors and heresies against which he had

fought in the days of Eulate . Denial of ecclesiastical au

38. Extens ive excerpts from the evidence dea l ing with the cases of Beatri z and

Juana are g iven in the appendix .

FIRST DECADE OF THE INQUISITION

thority and immun ity , lack of respect for the Church and

the clergy, expressed doubt or disbel ief concerning funda

mental articles of Faith—those were the errors against

which he had fought and which had prompted his appeal

for the establishment of the Inquisition in New Mexico. He

found it diffi cult to get greatly excited about “herbs and

powders.

Moreover he had a l ively doubt concerning the rel ia

b ility of some of the persons who had testifi ed, for Pereahad few i llusions concerning the people with whom he was

dealing. Some twenty years of experience had given h im

close familiarity with their strength and weaknesses . Many

of them he had baptized , confi rmed, confessed , and married .

He knew the laggard from the thrifty , the evil citizen from

the man of good repute . In his letters and reports to the

I nquisition he freely expressed his opinions of the commun

ity in general and of the individuals who testifi ed or con

cern ing whom the testimony dealt . One of his letters con

tained a striking characterization of provincial life . He

mourned the fact that it was

so diffi cult, in this new land and among this peo

ple, [ reared] from childhood subject to [the influence of ] the customs of these Indians , [and]without d iscipline and schools, .to distingu ish truthfrom falsehood ; for falsehood is so ordinary athing in their mouths , even [ in the mouths of ]those who blossom out as captains and royalothicie ls that there is no insult to the most honorable ofthem in saying these things .

” 0

The population contained

so many mestizos , mulattos , and z ambohigos , andothers [who are] worse, and [also] foreigners ;sodangerous and of [ such] little moral strength thatI em sometimes embarrassed [ in making these investigations]

39. Perea to the Holy Ofli ce , November 10, 1631. Inquis ic ién 372, Exp . 19.

40. I b id .


Such conditions made it necessary for him to send with

the collected testimony short statements concerning the

character of the declarants , as well as of the persons whom

they accused , and in a few swift and direct phrases he ex

pressed his approval or disapproval of them ."1Thus , although Perea collected the available evidence

concerning prevail ing conditions , he probably did not con

sider it of Vitalimportance,and he had a l ively doubt and

skepticism concern ing much of it. And he was especially

skeptical with regard to the tales and rumors concerningBeatriz de los Angeles and Juana de la Cruz . He stated that

he had known Beatriz for many years , and that although

she was an Indian , she was intelligent (ladina ) and quite

Hispanicized (espaholada) . She was the widow of a Span

iard, Alferez Juan de la Cruz , and had gained social position

by her marriage . With regard to Juana , well , she was a

mestiza , and had been reared among Indians . Perea frankly

stated that both mother and daughter had formerly enjoyed

a good reputation , at least until some four or fi ve years prior

to 1631 when the denunciations were made . He admitted ,however , that according to report they were generally re

garded as witches .

“2On the other hand , he did not hesitate

41 . A few examp les of h is character izat ion s follow“Ana Cadimo es mest ica y muger s imple de buena op in ionJuana Sanchez es mulata y a estado s iempre eh buena opin ion .

“ Fran cisca Cadimo es una pob recilla mestica s imple .

Diego de Moraga es hombre q . a b ib ido mucho tp° desonestam" con mugerc illas

aunq . agora mu i quieto y casado.

doh a beatr iz de Pedraca es mujer liu iana y de desonesta op in ion .

Anton io Baca este testigo aung . es sargento mayor esta en op imon de q.

hable mucho y poca verdad y yo lo conosco mas a de ueinte ahoe desde n i no q . era

y s 1empre a ydo crec iendo en la mala opin ion de verdad .”Juana de los Reyes mulata es y a s1do muger de mu i loable op in ion y fama

y s 1empre a s ido alparecer mu i buena Xp ianaCatal ina peres es mugerc illa de demas iada ma la Op in ion de desonesta q .

la Just'1 a ten ido bien q . hacer pa refrenar sus solturas y es mest ica o cast iga .

Fran c isco Marq . es un hombre de poca op in ion de vendad y mas amugerado q .

hombre .

”

“bernadina moran q . dec lara es otra pob rec illa mest ica y mulata hija de uno q .

s i es mas q. yndio lo q . mas t iene es de mulata aunq . yndia parece .

Inqu isicién 372 , Exp . 16 , and Inqu is icién 372, Exp . 19.

42. (a ) esta s dos doha beatr iz de los ange les Y juana de la cruz lame

es yndia ladina mex icana mui espafi olada y q . la conozco casado con ela lferes J 11°


colonial culture, even on the intellectual and moral qual ities

of colon ial society and its view of life. Throughout the

length and breadth of New Spain Indian influences were

powerful and readily discernible . The incidents that have

been described in this chapter are an example of what was

taking place everywhere . Benavides found similar condi

tions in the Santa Barbara Valley in New B iscay when he

took testimony there in and the Inquisition records

are full of this sort of thing for the whole of Mexico. Not

only do they contain numerous cases deal ing specifi cally

with sorcery and superstition, but shot through the trial

records of persons accused on other charges there is a vast

amount of incidental evidence that is equally illuminating.

Here are the materials for another chapter in the history of

witchcraft, demonology , and superstition in America , and

it will b e interesting to compare the record of Mexico and

the Mexican Inquisition with the record of Salem . To the

glory of Perea , he had a sense of proportion and a healthy

skepticism , at least concern ing conditions that did not eu

danger the essential rights of the Church as a corporate in

stitution or the honor of its ministers . And it may b e noted

in leaving the subject that Beatriz and Juana were never

tried .

F. THREE MINOR INVESTIGATIONS

There are three minor investigations which were

made by Perea between 1631 and 1635 that deserve passing

no‘

tice. One dealt with a case of denial of ecclesiastical

immunity , and the other two were cases of bigamy .

The fi rst investigation concerned Gaspar Pérez , citizen

of Santa Fé . Pérez was a Fleming who had enlisted for

service in New Mexico as armorer to the soldiers . He had

married a daughter of one of the fi rst settlers of the province

and in 1630-1631 he held the othee of procurator or attorney

for the Villa de Santa Fé . Thus he had acquired a certain

44. A . G . M Inqu is ieién , Tomo 356 , ff. 318-370.


social and politico-military prominence which gave him a

noticeable measureof self esteem with which he combined no

great respect for the clergy .

According to Perea he was noted for the violence of his

speech and actions ,“and this reputation was justifi ed by

remarks ascribed to him by persons who testifi ed before

Perea in 1631 . One of the witnesses, Friar Tomas de San

Diego, described a conversation which took place in the pres

ence of himself and the governor and cabildo of Santa Fe m

which Pérez made certain strong and suspect statements .

Pérez stated that as procurator of the Cabildo he intended to

present petitions to the governor complaining of the friars

and their actions . Father SanDiego promptly met the chal

lenge implied in this statement by reminding Pérez that he

had no authority to present complaints concerning clergy

before a civil j udge, for only the custodian had j urisdiction

over them . Whereupon Pérez repl ied fi rmly that he fully in

tended to present the charges ,“because the governor was

absolutely the judge of the friars and could punish them and

hang them . To this serious charge the friar added

a statement that it was the general opinion of the villa that

Pérez had no fear of God , for he made no distinction between

work days and feast days . After all , he was a Fleming,and that was enough tomake him suspect in the faith .

"

Whether Pérez ever made such formal complaints to the

governor is not known . But he gave vent to his displeasure

at Father San Diego by petitioning the Father Custod ian ,

Friar Juan de Salas , to remove Father San Diego from his

post as guardian of the Santa Fé convent . Salas asked

45 . Eldicho gaspar peres es flamenco, y le conosco en esta t ierra mas a de

ue inte ahoe la op in ion q . tiene es de mui prec ip itado en el hablar como furioso q.

se enboracha de colera y los q . lo an acompa fi ado a mex ico desde aqu i d icen q .

tamb ien con v ino se enb riaga no es nada conpuesto eu 10 de dios . Inqu isic i6n

372, Exp . 19.

46 . Five witnesses were questioned concern ing the act ions of Pérez , two of

them friars and three laymen . The friars and one of the laymen gave de fi n ite tes

timony, b ut two of the laymen refused to make defi n ite charges or accusat ions .

Perea , commenting on these two wi tnesses , sta ted that one of them , Anton io Baca.

had a reputat ion for not te lling the truth , and that the other, Mat ias Romero, was

Pé rez ’ brothen-in-law . Inqu is ic ié n 372 ,Exp . 19.

47 . Declaration of Friar Tomas de San Diego. March 23, 1631 . Ibid .


Pérez what caused him to make such a request. Was not

Father San D iego an exemplary friar who taught his flockand administered the sacraments in a satisfactory manner ?

Towhich Pérez repl ied that the friar was a good man but hepreached “crazy and drunken things .

”48

There the story ends . Perea sent the testimony to theHoly Office, but there is no evidence that the tribunal evertook action .

The second case involved a mulatto named Juan Anton“

who had migrated from New Biscay to New Mexico, and in

Santa Fé had married a Mexi can Indian named Ana Mar ia .

In the summer of 1633 two soldiers , Tomé Dominguez de

Mendoza and Hernan Martin, who had recently made a trip

to Mexico C ity and return , informed Father Perea that

when they had been in Cuencame in New Biscay they had

learned that Juan Anton was married to a negress of that

town , a slave. Both witnesses said they had seen this

woman , and Hernan Martin stated that she had four or fi ve

children of whom Juan Anton was said to b e the father .

Juan Anton heard that his crime was known , and fled

from the province. When Father Perea transmitted the two

sworn declarations to the Holy Offi ce , he informed the tri

bunal that he had instructed the bearer of the dispatch ,Tomé Dominguez de Mendoza , one of the two witnesses, to

learn what he could about Juan Anton when he passed

through Cuencame and Parral on his way to Mexico C ity.

The Holy Offi ce, having received the papers, instructed

Perea on June 30, 1634, to present formal proof of Juan

Anton ’

s marriage in Santa Fé to Ana Maria , the Indian .

The following February Perea compl ied with this order and

transmitted all the substantiating papers . The records end

at this point .

48. Dec larat ion of Friar Juan de Salas , March 26 . 1631. I b id .

49. D elComiss° delNueno Mex° °

con una ynforrn° ucontra Juan An ton Mulatoo

por casado dos veces . A . G . M Inqu isicié n , Tomo 380, ff . 348-357 .


APPENDIX

I . Hm s, Pownrms , Po'

rlons, ETC.

(a ) Fran“ cadimo dice y denuncia de si mesma q. abraocho shos poco mas o menos q. estando en su casa era la de Ju

°

lopes olguin en la que ] estaba tamb ien doiia beatris(

t

ile los anjeles y

estando la dicha dofi a beatri s de los anjeles con otra muxer q. no save

quien era en la cosina de la dicha casa y iendo esta declarante a

entrar oio q. la dona beatri s de los anj eles estaba diciendo q. tomandouna rrais blanca 1 traiendola en la boca con una piedresilla i mascandola rrais i untandose los pechos con ella 1 quando pasase su amigo tirandole de secreto aq

’lla piedresilla aria q. la quisiese mucho i no la

dexaria i . q. esta declarante procuro aq’lla yerba i la allo atada en

nu trapillo eu la misma casa i la masco i le unto con ella alcuerpo itomo una piedresilla i la traia en la boca 1 la tiro a un ombre con

quien tenia amistad pero q. no le aprobecho. Dec laration of Francica Cadimo, June 23, 1631 . Inqu isicion 372, Exp . 19.

(b ) Juana de la cruz dixo como abra quatro as poco

mas o menos que estando eu casa de su suegro Juan griego elu iexocon sus cuiiadas desta declarante catalina uernalmujer de Juan durany Juana bernal mujer de diego de moraga estando alli tamuien con

e llas vna yndia de nacion teguas llamada ana criada de esta declaranteles dixo la dicha yndia a todas tres quereis que os de vnos poluos paraque vuestros mari dos os quieran mas y que todas respondieron que si

para uer eu que paraua aquel enbuste y que la yndia les dio los dichospoluos a todas tres que heran unos poluos blancos que dixo que hechandolos en la comida a sus maridos los querien mas pero que ellas no

se los dieron a sus maridos sino que los hecharon en vnos ojaldros y se

1

3’s

idcomieron ellas .

”Declaration of Juana de la Cruz

,June 29, 1631 .

(c ) Juana Sanches , mulata , muxer delcapitan Ju°

gomesdice mas esta declarante q. abra 5 o 6 afi os poco mas o menos q. lodixo a una india teguas delpueblo de S . Ju°

q. le diese a lgunas ierb aso alguna otra Cosa p

‘

q. su marido no la maltratase por q. la aporreab a

i p‘

q. dexa se la manseba y mala amistad q. tenia i 10 quiciese a e lla yq. la india le dio unas raises amari llas y dos granos de maises asul conlas puntas delcorasonito blancas b ueltos asia dentro y q. este mais lemascase y con eluntase elpecho y corason a su marido i q. tub iese lasierbas en la mano q

°° llegase su marido a ella y q. tamb ien mascase lasdichas ierb as 1 untase pecho '

1 corason a su marido q. con eso la queriabien 1 aborreseria a su manseb a y q. 10 hiso

.

dos yeses i q. no aprovecho.

dice mas esta declarante q. abra sinco o sei s anos poco mas o menos q.

su ermana Ju ‘de los rreies le dixo si sabia alguna cosa de ierbas o

raises 0 otra cosa q. diese a su marido p‘

q. dexase a su manceba y laquisiese a ella y q. esta dec larante le dixo q. una india le avia dadoaquellas ra ices y granos de mais p

‘ untar a su propio marido i q.

hiz iese ella lo mesmo i le dio la dicha rais i mais i lo hiso la dicha su

hermana y q. no le aprovecho antes ri iio a esta dec larante porq. se

los avia dado.

”Declaration of Juana Sanchez, June 22 , 1631. Inquisi

c ién 372, Exp . 16.

(d)“Ju'I de los reiss mulata muxer de Albaro garcia mulato

dice y denuncia q. estando esta decalrante mui triste viendo q. su

mari do andaba amanseb ado y q. no as ia caso della y viendola asi una

hermana q. tiene llamada Ju'I Sanches muxer delcapitan Ju°

gomes le


dixo a esta declarante q. ella tenia una‘

ierb a q. le avia dado una indiaq. era bueno para ta les ocasiones y se la dio a esta declarante con tres

o quatro granos de mais los quales granos tenian elcorason buclto asia

arriba q. eran buenos para tales ocasiones i q. lo moliese y 10 echase eh

dos veses eu la comida i q. le untase tamb ien con elelpecho q. con eso

1a q’rria mucho y se olb idaria de sus vicios q. ella lo hi so i se lo dio una

ves en la comida y q’iendole e lla a untar clpecho una ves lo sintio eu

marido q. estaba dispierto y aparto la mano y 10 dexo y como no tuboefecto lo dexo a dios q. lo remediase y q. p

‘elmesmo efecto ania traido

quatro o sinco dias la ierba consigo en elpecho dice mas esta

declarante q. tamb ien le dixo la dicha india q. se chupase los dos dedosgrandes de la mano q. llaman del corason y despues de chuparlos

aq’lla saliba se la bechase a su marido en la comida y q. la q

’rria bien

y aborreseria la manscha i q. 10 hiso esta declarante una bes i no

quiso hacerlo mas por q. le dio asco i q. no tub ieron efecto ningunoestas di ligencias q. hizo. Dec laration of Juana de los Reyes , June 21,1631. Ib id.

(e )“Dice mas esta declarante q. abra 4 dias q. m‘l

viuda de

gaspar de aratia le dixo a esta declarante q. una india criada de m‘

vernal viuda de Ju°

gomes barragan le dijo q. su ama la dicha mariak

vernalasia lo mesmo proq. enb iaba a espiar donde se proveis fran“gomes de torres con quien estaba amanseb ada a sus criadas i luegoiba ella i quitaba la sus iedad de ens ima y cojia aq

’lla tierra mojaday se la daba eu la comida aldicho fran° °

gomes de torres porq. laquisiese y olb idase a su mujer y q. tembien le avia dado o puesto una

ierb a entre los aforros de la cuera para q. la quisiese y no la dexase .

”

D eclaration of Petroni lla de Samora ,March 25, 1631 . I b id.

(f Dice mas esta declarante q. en aquel dia una india enfiadade a1

°

gutierrez estando esta declarante en casa delcapitan Ju°

gomesle dixo a esta declarante q. tomase los orines de su mari do i se losenb iase q. con ellos aria ella un mescla q. puesta eu elmarco de lapuerta de la manseba de su mari do seria causa p

‘

q. la aborresiesey dexase y no entrase mas a lla.

”Declaration of Maria de la Vega

Marquez, June 22, 1631. I bid.

(g) beatr is de pedrasa dice q. abra dos afi os i medio pocomas o menos q. vieniendo de mex ° °

su marido de esta declarante yestando ella temorosa no la maltratase por q. aviendola dexado eu una

estancia fuera de esta vi lla qdose iba a mex

°°e lla le bolb io a esta villa

en casa de su m"y hermanas y estando asi temerosa en su casa con

su marido elqual tembien estaba melancolico y triste por lo dichoentro eu su casa esta declarante a visitarla Ju‘ Sanches mulata muxerdelcapitan Ju°

gomes y viendo triste a esta declarante la dixo q. si

q’ria q. la daria una ierba q. mascndola y untandola a su marido lospechos quando se acostase y untandose asi mesmo los pechos i teniendoun grano de mais en la voca toda la noche y por la mafiana mascarelgrano de mais i tragarlo q. asiendo esto tres noches y despues deaverlo untado bolb iendo las espaldas a su marido con estas cosas se leb olb eria elcorason y no le acordar ia de nada i q. la q

’rria y trataria

bien porq. asi lo avia el la hecho con su hermana Ju‘

de Los rreiesmuxer delcapitan albaro garcia q. le avia dado tamb ien la ierba y latraia siempre en elseno y q. esta es la verdad.

” Declaration of Beatrisde Pedrasa , June 21 , 1632. I bid .


(h )“dice mas esta dec larante q. abra dies 0 dose afi os poco mas

o menos q. estando e lla en su casa la entro a vi sitar doha beatris delosangeles india ladina mexicana espafi olada muxer dela lferez Ju° de lacrus i . q. viendo a esta dec larante triste por q. su marido la maltratale dixo q. tomase unos gusanos q. llaman gallinas siegas q. viuen en

el‘

estiercoly q. los tostase : los echase eu la comida a su marido i q.

con eso 1a q’rria mucho i no le andaria aporreando i q esta declarante

se los echo eu la com1da a su marido i q. no le aprovecho.

”Declaration

of Juana Sénchez , June 22, 1631 . I bid.

11. Payers

(a ) ana cadimo dice y denuncia de si mesma q. un afi o

a poco mas o menos q. diciendole los indios y una india mexicana llamada fran“ muxer de domingo Sombreret o indio mexi cano q. estabaenechisada y q. tomase elpeiote i con elveria a quien le avia enech i

sado y hecho mal, q. viendolo sanaria luego y veria tembien elech iso

y donde estaba y q. la dicha india mexicana se ofresio a darselo si 10

tubiera pero porq. no lo teni a ella dixo a esta declarante q. buscase nu

indio q. se lo diese y asi busco un indio b iexo de san marcos de nacion

g’res elqual tomo lio i dio a vever con un poco de agua a esta declar

ante y q. de oido no hi so efecto u i en la salud ni en lo demas q. desian yq. por no saver q. avia descomunion no se avia acusado antes . D ice

mas esta decla rante q. abra dos o tres a iios q. una india tegua delpueblo de S . i ldefonso llamada fran“ laphitafi a ls dio a vever otras

ierbas desechas en un Jumate de agua dos noches pero q. prim°

q. laindia se lo diese a vever asia a lgunas seremonias i conjuros y contaba ydaba a entender con los modos y visajes q. hacia q. veia a lgunosviciones eu elagua i q. a lo q. veia en elagua a eso as ia la musica yablaba y luego se lo daba a bever a esta declarante diciendole q. con

aq’llo sanaria y q. no sabe otra cosa mas de q. agora dos afi os esta

mesma india mexicana se desia publicam t eeu esta vi lla q. avia tomado

elpeiote p‘ver quien venia de tierra de pas i q. esta es la verdad.

”

Dec laration of Ana Cadimo, March 25, 1631 . I b id .

(b ) Luis Pacheco soldado y vesino de la Vi lla de Santa Feedec laro para descargo de su conciencia que a dies de diciembre del

afio pasado de 1631 estando en las estancias de las guertas en casa de

Juan Anton mulato marido de Ana mexicana ladina, y estando pre

sente Jnsepe indio ladino de nacion queres interprete o naguatato delpadre Fray Christobal de Quiros guardian delpueblo de San Felipe ,ab iendo un criado deste dec larante caido i queb radose un braso yestandole cosiendo una bi lma que ponelle , dixo eldicho declarante : s itub ieramos aqui un poco de peiote era mui bueno para esto, i que

respondio eldicho Juan Anton elpeiote no solo es bueno para esto sino

para hallar cosas hurtadas , que estando yo en las minas de mapimi eula nueva espaii a aviendole a una criada mia y a nu indio hurtadole nu

faldellin i otro rropa i alindio unas fresadas i andandolo a buscar i nolo hallando, tome seis o siete cabesas o raises de peiote i molido lobebi , i despues me meti en un aposento i se me aparecio un b iexo i una

b iexa i me pregunto que pena tenia , i le respondi que havian jurtadoaquella rropa y me respondio no tengas pena anda ve a talparte quea lli la hallaras y fui yo i elindio a quien abian hurtado las fresadas ihallamos a nu indio que tenia la ropa i se la quitamos .

” Dec laration ofLuis Pacheco, September 21, 1632 . Inquisicién 304.


schiso si tenia efecto y q. otra criada de la dicha dofi a beatris de losanjeles llamada fi lipilla le dixo aldicho diego vellido q. su ama la dichadofi a beatris lo avia ech isado y puesto los echisos eu unos idolos yenterradolos en un fog’

on elnu echiso deldicho diego vellido y otro deuna india i q. q

’riendo ella desenterrar los idolos de los echisos sintio

q. venia su ama y por darle priesa por sacar elechiso de diego bellidofue Slempre enfermando mas asta q. murio y dixo mas esta declaranteq. eld1cho diego vellido ls dixo q. su echiso, avia echado 1a dicha dofi abeatr i s de los angeles en nu or

'miguero por lo qual else iba comiendo dellagas.

”Declaration of Catalina de Bustillos , March 26 , 1631 . Inqui

s icién 372 Exp . 16.

(c) cata lina vernal muxer de Ju° duran Soldado y vesinosde esta vi lla dixo mas esta declarante q. abra tres o 4 a iios q.

estando enfermo eu esta villa herdlo Sambrano lo fue esta declarante a

vi sitar y le conto elmesmo enfermo a esta declarante y a otros q.

presentes estaban q. era fran°° marq . y su muxer y P° marq ‘ q. temiaq. ls avian dado algun bocado eu nu caxete de leche por q. estando en

la cafi ada en casa de Ju°

griego estando a lli ju‘ de la crus muxer de

Ju°

griego elmoso con la qual tenia amistad sospechosa cldicho her“Sambrano y por s ierta s Causas la avia aporreado y ya q. elestabaensillando su caballo p‘

venirse a esta Villa la dicha ju ‘ de la,crus le

llamo q. fuese a merendar i le dio a comer un caxete de leche con

mucha nata y asi como lo comio se sintio luego malo de dolor deestomago q. viniendose a esta vi lla por elcamino vino vab iando i se

echo luego eu la cama de la cual nunca mas se leb anto porq. siemprefue enpeorando asta q. murio y q. no sabe otra cosa .

”D eclaration of

Catalina Bernal , March 25, 1631 . I bid .

(d) Juliana de bustillos muxer de blas de miranda soldadoa la qual preguntado si save 0 presume la causa por q. a sido llamadodixo q. presume sera p

a

saver de ella lo q. oio desir a catalina vernalmuxer de Ju° duran lo qual paso anci q. abra un ano poco mas o menos

q. umdia por la mafi ana entro la dicha catalina vernal en casa de esta

declarante la qual estaba con sus primas dofi a m‘ de archuleta y doi'i alucia de archuleta i q. a todas tres les dijo la dicha Cata lina vernalsin q. nadie se lo preguntase como estando ella acostada en una mesmacama con su hermana Ju ‘

vernal muxer de diego de moraga i con su

cuiiada Ju‘ de la crus muxer de su ber‘no Ju°

griego todas tres en una

cama la Ju"de la cruz en medio i q. no savia q. hora de la noche.

ladicha ju ‘ de la crus las desperto diciendoles manitas dormis q. d1s

pertando ellas le dixeron de donde bienes q. respond1o la d1cha Ju‘ de

la crus vengo de la caiiada q. es se is leguas de aqui de ver a hernandohijo de hernan mart in q. me dixeron q. estaba con otra i fui a ver si

era assi i 10 allo dormido i solo i le tento todo elcuerpo i sin despertarlo de avia buelto le pregunto la dicha catalina vernal pues comofuiste a la qual respondio la dicha Ju ‘ de la crus fui en un huebo.

”

Declaration of Juliana de Bustillos,June 23, 1632. Inquisicién 372 ,

Exp. 19.

(e ) cata lina vernal muxer de Ju° duran Soldado y vesinos

de esta vi lla fue la dicha s i save 0 a oido des.1r .q. alguna persona

q. estaba en su compafi ia por modo de hechlsos aula 1do de noche sobrenu hueb o aser a alguna persona q. quisiese bien dixo q. no lo sabeui a oido desir talcosa fuele dlChO mas q.

.eu esta S offi°

a 1 1nforma

sion de q. en su mesma casa estando esta declarante acostada con

otra muxer en una mesma cama la otra dexando a esta declarante en


la cama se avia ido cabellera en un huebo a ver a sierto hombre q.

q’ria bien y q. aviendolo v isto y dexandolo durmiendo se b olb io otra

yes a la cama con esta declarante 1a qual viendola llegar tan fria lsdixo de donde venia y tan elada i . q.

,le avia respondido q. de la

cafi ada benia de yer a un hombre q. q’ria bien i q. esta declarante le

avia dicho q. como avia ido y buclto tan presto q. le avia respondidoq. avia ido caballera en nu huebo todo lo qual dise esta declarante q.

no lo sabe i q. es mentira Salbo q. 10 q. dicen de esta q. fue caballera en

nu huebo nunca talsupo s ino

3. no save a qualesedes ir q. la dicha dofi a beatris Los angeles avia ido metida en un

huebo desde esta vi lla asta elpueblo de Senecu q. a i 50 leguas dondeestaba la dicha doiia m‘

granillo enferma y q. alli la dicha dofi a beatrisy otras bruxas jugaron con la enferma doiia m‘

grani llo a . la pe lota yq. desde entonses fue mexorando 1a dicha doha m‘

enfer'

ma y q. esta

no save con fundamento p‘ poderlo afi rmar sino q. 10 tiene por quentoy mentira.

” Declaration of Catalina Bernal , March 25, 1631 . Inquisici6n 372, Exp . 16 .

(f ) Capitan Bartolome Romero alcalde ordinario de lavilla de Santa Fee dixo, que abra tiempo de seis meses que pari ésu muger y delparto ha quedado sin sa lud, y por dicho de quien loentiende es bocado que le an dado, y tiene sospecha este declarante queha sido r mano y orden de Juana de la Crus muger de Juan Griegoyesina e la Vi lla de Santa Fee por aver prometido vengarse deldichoCapitan Bartolome Romero por ciertas cosas que entre los dos pasarony que se persuade es por mano de la dicha juana de la Crus por aver

prometido vengarse del, y por la publica vos y fama que ay de que

dicha y su madre son hech iseras y an enhech isado a a lgunas personasy avra cosa de nu mes que viniendo este declarante por la misma

estancia que ya es de Juan Maesse que la tiene a su cargo, y la dichadoiia Beatris vive en la vi lla de Santa Fee, dixo eldicho Juan Maesse

en la dicha villa a este declarante por lo que se trata publicamente deque la dicha dofia Beatri s es hechisera que en un arbol de la dichaestancia hallo colgada una fi gura de barro retrato mui parec ido aldicho Diego Bellido defunto y que sabe ls tenia a lli enechisado por

averselo dicho Andres de Vi llaviciosa yesino de la dicha Vi lla a quienlo dixo Felipa india ladina , que dicho estava enhechisada de la dichadofi a Beatris y ue »la dicha Felipa la avia visto sahumar la dichafi gure de barro eldicho Diego Bellido y la dicha Felipa murio delm1smo hechiso, siendomuger de Diego de Santiago yesino desta vi lla, yestas cosas todas las sabe tamb ien la muger del dicho Andres deVi llaviciosa y Francisco Marques y Juan Duran y su muger , y asimismo dise este declarante que tiene a su muger en elpueblo deSenecu a donde la esta curando elpadre Fray Jeronimo de Pedrasa yque yendo a verla avra quinse dias supo como estando la dicha su

muger durmiendo eu compaii ia de su madre y de su abuela, comenz o

a 1tar y acudiendo con candela encendida a verla su madre y abuelala allaron en clsuelo fuera de la cama y dixo como no sabia quienla cogio y la alzo eu elaire y la dexo ca er en elsuelo fuera de la camay sumadre y su abuela que dormian en elmismo aposento no vieron a

nad1e y sospecha este declarante que por lo pasado es algun hechiso dela dicha doiia Beatri s y su h ija Juana de la Crus que prometio ven

garse del, asi mismo dise este declarante que viniendo agora quatro o

sinco dias ha por la estancia delCapitan Alonso Varela que esta en lasienaga, hablo este declarante con dofi a Cata lina muger del dichoCapitan Alonso Varela la qual tratando delmalde la muger deste


declarante y de la sospecha que se tiene de que es echiso de la dichadofi a Beatris dixo a este dec larante la dicha doiia Catalina como la

dicha doha Beatris altiempo que Pancho Balon indio mexi cano herrero se quiso casar con Ines india ladina criada de la dicha dofi a Catalina que la dicha doha Beatris le cmbio a desir a la india Ines que no

se casase con eldicho Pancho Balon por que si se casava que no lo avia

de gosar y alfi n se hiso elcasamiento y asi como se casaron luego el

di cho Pancho Ba lon estubo malo y no vivio un aho y la dicha indiaInes tembien esta medio tullida y que asi entiende

'

que la dicha dofi aBeatris la enechiso y mato a su marido como se lo emb io a desir .

”

Dec laration of Captain Bartolome Romero, September 26, 1628 .

Inq isicion 304.

(g) isabel de cab anillos muxer de diego martin SoldadoY dice mas esta declarante q. despues q. murio eldicho diego vellido

oio des ir a lucia de mantoia muxer de diego de texeda q. se fue a vivir

a aq’lla estancia i q. Ju

° maese Soldado q. se fue a vivir a la dichaestancia Tamb ien con ella hallo colgado de nu arbol con una trenzade pita una fi gura de hombre hecha de barro q. se parecia aldichodiego vellido i q. gritaba la dicha fi gura i q. la coj io eldicho Ju° maese

y la hecho eu elrr io.

” Declaration of Isabel de Cabanillos, June 22 ,1631. Inquisicién 372, Exp . 19.

(h ) elalferes Pedro Marques vez ino de la vi lla de SantaFee juro y dixo que una india ladina Felipa le dixo a este

declarante siendo viva como la dicha dofia Beatris tenia enhech isado aldicho Diego Bellido en una fi gura de barro muy parec ida al di choDiego Bellido con unas espinas metidas por todas las coyunturas porque penara mas y eldicho D iego Bellido avia dicho a este declarantecomo esta mesma india Felipa y otro indio avian muerto tamb ienenhech isados por la dicha dofi a Beatris, y todo esto es publica vos yfama , y la dicha Felipa difunta dixo a este declarante como tanb ienquierian enhechisar a otra india llamada Catalina que esta en servicio

deste declarante y que la dicha Felipa le quito y escondio la fi gura a

medio hazer que la iba haz iendo la dicha dofi a Beatris y que por eso no

la acabo de enechisar. Declaration of Pedro Marques , Oct . 2, 1628.

Inquisicién 304.

(i ) Sarjento Ju° maese de edad de 28 afios poco mas o menos alqual preguntado si saue o presume la causa para q. a sido llamadodixo q. le parece q. sera p

‘saver delde una fi gura q. hallo colgada en

un alamo en su estancia de los tiguas lo qual paso ansi q. abra 3 afi os

pocomas o menos y estando en su estancia de los tiguas morada q. avia

sido de dofi a beatris delos anjeles india Mex“

un dia sobre tardeviniendo nu pastor suio q. se llamaba gaspari llo con elganado a en

serrarlo alcorral, traxo en un palillo una lagartixa seca colgada por elcuello con una trensa de pita y se la dio a su muxer de este declarantey ella se la dio a ely ella y elpastorcillo le dixeron q. la auia alladocolgada eu nu alamo y q. era lagartija seca y no fi gura de hombre uicon ninguna mescla como se a publicado.

” Declaration of Juan Maese ,June 24, 1631. Inquisici6n372, Exp . 19.

(J) petronilla de samora muxer delcapitan p° lucero de go

doi dice mas esta dec larante q. abra 3, afi os poco mas o menos q. es

tando eu casa de sebastian gonsales Soldado donde estaban tres hijosde Ju°

griegomaria vernal viuda isabel bernal muxer de sevastian gonsa les Ju ‘

vernal muxer de diegode moraga y todas tres ls dixeron a esta


rremedio que bebiese agua caliente la mas ca liente que pudiese sufrir ,y asi lo h ico y quedo buena y sus hermanas lo mismo y antes delaguarab iab a y asi mismo dijo a

‘

esta declarante la dicha Ju"de la cruzcomo tenia una yerua que hacia Rab iar y otra para mater y que hastaentonces no la auia dado a nadie para matar pero que andaua paradaria a uno porque aun no le queria maly que ella se la daria comoberia , asi mismo dijo la dicha Ju' de la cruz a esta declarante que se

queria quitar asi propia la porqueria que tenia en eldedo mayor deeu medio entre la ufi a y eh cldedo mayor del is y eu la boca delestomago y eu las espaldas y en la frente entre fas dos sejas y en laolla de la garganta , y que aquello todo junto trayendolo consigo en

la faxa delfaldedin y echandolo en la comida a nu hombre se moriria

por ella y queriendolo haser delante desta declarante no se lo quisoconsentir diciendole que no le enseiiase aquellas cosas que era muchacha y que como tallos haria alguna ues y 10 castigarian asi mismole dijo alotro dia luego que se caso declarante que la ania bisto aquellanoche estar con su marido disiendole todo lo que le auia pasado con

el, y disiendole esta declarante que como lo aula bisto pues estana elaposento a escuras a lo qual le respondio

'la dicha Ju ‘ de la cruznosotros quando andamos as i no auemos menester candela , todo lob emos y esta declarante no le pregunto mas , asi mismo le dijo comopara haser dormir a la g

t” de casa que no era menester mas que sacar

un poco de tierra de las sepulturas y que la pusiesen atada eh un pafi o

y debajo de la cab esera a uno y que luego se dormiria y que e lla se

podia lebantar luego y andar por la casa y irse por a i sin que lasintiera y que ella iria amansando a su marido de talmanera que

aunque delante delhiciese a lguna cosa que no lo niese ui le rrifi era

que ella sauia clRemedio y aconsejo a esta declarante que buscasefuera de la casa unos gusani llos largos que crian eu elcanpo y quelos tostase en un comal y se los diese a ueber eu elatole a su maridoy que le haria elmismo efeto y 10 amansaria y esta declarante no

quiso otra ues bido esta declarante que la dicha Ju ‘ de la cruz cogio

una hormiga y la partio por medio y luego 1a soplo y la hico caer ypreguntandole esta declarante quera aquello ls Respondio calla que

no saues tu que es esto asi dijo a esta declarante que tenia una

Raiz que q“° la mascab a se ponia a pensar y que luego se ls ponia en

la cabesa alboubre o la muger que la queria maly en sauiendo que

la queria mas lo auia de matar con una yerua y todas estas cosas diseesta declarante que las saue por uiuir dentro de casa con dicha Ju‘

de

la crus su cunade y. auerselas bisto haser en la forma que tiene dichoy ue los hacia y decia estando eu su entero juicio y no saue esta

dec arante que otra persona pueda declarar eu esto masue una india ladina llamada ans de nacion teguas que'

siendole esta declarante lo que le a susedido quando comioelpan le dijo la dicha india dejame no me digas nada que esta ai 1a

santa inquisision no nos castiguen a nosotros castiguenla ella a solosotra ues bido esta declarante que por auer tenido la dicha ju‘ de lacruz a dos muchachos en los b rasos eu diferentes tienpos aluno matoy elotro bibio por anerle saumado esta declarante con Ropa quemadade la dicha Ju ‘ de la cruz y que esto le parese a esta dec larante seria

malde ojo de la dicha Ju ‘ de la cruz .

” Declaration of Catalina Bernal,May 26, 1626. D eclarations , letters and decrees


IV. NATIVE CEREMON IALS(a ) Fray Pedro Zambrano predicador y guardian del

conbento de Santa Crus delpueblo de Galisteo dize y denuncia quea beynte y siete de febrero deste presente afio estando en su conbento

delPueblo de Galisteo llego elcapitan Alvaro Garcia y le dixo a este

dec larante como estando comiendo en su casa en la vi lla de SantaFee destas provincias , un hijo suyo llamado Diego Garc ia le dixo,

seiior , eu los teguas eu elPueblo de San Juan s hido una junta de

yndios e yndias en la qua l an entrado segun e savido y es publicoya eu toda esta vi lla , Pedro de la Cruz y Jeron imo Pacheco soldadosmestizos , que eu la qua l junta jugaban aljuego destos naturales quellaman elpatole sobre una criatura , y acavado eljuego la lababan ybevian elagua de la dicha criatura ,

y despues desto a una yndia des

nuda la soplaban por detras por donde se suelen probeer y bevian un

agua que no se save lo que es; y reprehendiendole el dicho AlvaroGarcia a su hijo no dixese ta les cosas , le respondio que era publico esto

en toda la vi lla ,y que elhijo de Juan Griego, Lazaro lo avia dicho en

la vi lla y dice mas este declarante que preguntando esto mismo a

a lgunos vez inos de la vi lla le respondieron que dias a que se rugia entre

los soldados espafioles .

”Declaration of Fray Pedro Zambrano, March

5, 1632. Inquisicion 304.

4 (b ) Capitan Alvaro Garcia Olgado, ve z ino de la Vi lla de

Santa Fee de edad de cinquenta y c inco a fi os poco mas o menos ,

preguntado si save 0 presume la causa por que a sido llamado dixoque presume que sera para saver delciertas cosas de ydolatr ia que se

avi an dibulgado lo qua l dize que pasa asi ;que abra veinte y cinco diasque un h ijo suyo llamado Diego Garc ia le dixo como publicamente se

dez ia que en elPueblo de San Juan 0 en elde Santa Clara de lanacion de los Teguas se avia hecho una ydolatria entre muchos indiosestando presentes tembien dos espa iioles mestizos , el uno llamadoPedro de la Cruz y elotro Geronimo Pacheco soldados , pero despues deoydo esto bajo a su estancia de la provincia de los tiguas eldichoCapitan Alvaro Garcia en la qual se encontro con un amigo suyollamado elCapitan Alonso Martin Barba y preguntandole que sabiadesta mater ia como persona que vivia junto a aquellos pueblos , lehablo con mas claridad que su hijo lo avia hecho, di z iendo que elmismoPedro de la Cruz le avia dicho que ely Geronimo Pacheco se habianhallado en aquel acto de la ydolatr ia de los indios , la qual ydolatriafue que estando jugando los indios con unas cafi uelas a los Patoles quellaman , dentro de la estufa y ellos dos alli presentes , se asomo una

yndia a la boca de la estufa con una criatura en las manos , y quedixo, jugadores alla b a esta criatura , y que uno de los jugadores latomo y la puso en elmi smo lugar donde jugavan deba jo delpetate queestava puesto emeltecho de la estufa donde tiravan las cafi uelas , y quetirando las dichas cafi uelas alpetate caian despues juntas sobre lacriatura y tomandolas las echaron en un cajete de agua que a lli teuiany las lab aron y hiz ieron beber gran parte de aquella agua a la cria

tura y que despues le soplaron a la criatura que era hembra por su

natura y dandosela a la madre le dixeron que se llamava talnombre.

”

Dec laration of Alvaro Garc ia Clgado, March 17, 1632 . I b id.

(c ) Diego Garcia soldado de la milicia deste Reino yvez ino de la Villa de Santa Fe D ize y denunzia que abra quinzedias poco mas o menos que yendo un savado a misa de Nuestra Senoraen compafi ia de su suegro el alferes Sevastian Gonza les ya que


llegavan cerca de la Yglesia b ieron junto a ella a Geronimo Pachecomestizo y soldado elqual asi como sintio a este declarante y su compafi ia que yban hasia la yglesia se escondio y metio dentro delcombento y se escondio de talmanera que aunque este dec larante y losdemas se dieron mucha prisa a entrar y a mirar por elno le pudierondescubrir ni p illar , y eu esta ocas ion dixo ela lferes Sebastian Gonza les ,este mozo Geronimo Pacheco anda huyendo del Governador y estaretraido por que dizen que le cogieron en elpueblo de San Juan ydolatrando con los indios en compafi ia tamb ien de Pedro de la Cruz mestizoy soldado, delqual Pedro de la Cruz dize este declarante que le dixoLuisi llo yndio Tegua interprete delpueblo de Santa Clara que era

verdad que a Pedro de la Cruz 10 avian cogido eu elPueblo de SanJuan ydolatrando con los indios y que tenia una criatura muerta alli enla estufa , y que yb an llegando y ofrec iendo alDemonio a lgodon y otrascosas , y luego llegavan a la criatura y le tiravan con unos frisoles en

la via por donde escrementa , y luego con unas canuelas que llamanPatoles con que juegan los indios tirevan y davan en elpetate que

estava en eltecho de la estufa y caian sobre elcuerpo de la cri aturadifunta sin caer ninguna en elsuelo, y luego lavaban la criatura con

umagua que tenian en nu cajete y bebian aquella agua .

D ize mas este declarante que abra tres anos poco mas o menos

que le dixeron su hermano Juan Garcia y el Capitan Bartolome

Romero que pasando entrambos por elpueblo de la alameda b ieron

que estavan todos los indios dentro de la Yglesia y entre ellos Diego deSantiago mulato mestizo y que b ieron que sobre ela ltar en que se

dize la misa estava un yndio en pie hablando a grandes b oces como

que predicava pero tan flaco que parecia que no se podia tener y se

estava caiendo para un lado y para otro por lo qual este van a sus ladosdos indios que le tenian y que preguntando los dichos Juan Garcia yBartolome Romero aldicho D iego de Santiago que que era aquello quedez ia aquel yndio, respondio que eran cosas de D ios y no le pudieronhazer decir mas

, y que a lli supieron que aquel indio que predicava avia

ayunado tres dias sin comer .

D ize mas este declarante que abra veinte dias poco mas o menos

que le dixo Damian de Lara soldado que abra tres o quatro anos que

pasando por elpueblo de la alameda hallo los indios juntos en la plazay con ellos a D iego de Santiago mulato y mestizo, elqual D iego deSantiago le dixo a Damian de Lara , b en i aca b ereis que bonito es

esto que hazen estos indios , y que fue con ely b io que yba nu indiodelante dando hoces como predicando y todo elpueblo tras dely elmismo D iego de Santiago con ellos, y que los indios y las indias ybancogiendo las pajuelas delsuelo por donde pasava aquel indio.

”B eelar

ation of D iego Garcia , March 14, 1632 . I b id .

Pedro de la Crus soldado y yesino de la villa de SantaFee dixo que abra ocho meses que yendo eu compafi ia de GeronimoPacheco mestizo y soldado a recojer yeguas , de b uelta entraron en

una estufa delpueblo de San Juan a calentarse y que estando los indiosjugando a los patoles , estando este dicho declarante recostado, dice queuna india traxo una criatura y que se lebanto nu indio de los que

estaban jugando que era fi scalllamado pindas i tomo 1a cr iatura yse sento con ella teniendola en los b rasos mientras truxeron nu cajetede agua, en elqual hecharon los patoles i los lavaron i lab ados lossacaron i poniendo la criatura en un petate tomando cada uno su

cafi uela o patole todos juntos a la par tiraron asia arr iba los patolescomo quando juegan y caieron a lgunos sobre la criatura y tomando

A TRADE-INVOICE OF 1638

For Goods Shipped by Governor Rosas from Santa Fé

RECENTLY documents of great interest to the early history

of New Mexico have been found in Parral , State of

Chihuahua , Mexico, by Sr . José G . Rocha, editor of a news

paper in that old city—the state capital during the War of

1846 . On a visit to Santa Fé in April , Sr . Rocha very kindly

gave to the editor transcripts of several of these old records ,one of which has to do with the capture and trial of the mur

derer of Lu is de Rosas , governor of New Mexico from 1637

to 1641 .

Another , the one which is here translated , has to do

with a shipment of goods from Santa Fé to Parral in 1639

on the personal account of Governor Rosas, there to be dis

posed of at retail . The invoice of this shipment gives insight

into the kind of goods which were being produced in New

Mexico in the seventeenth century , and the accompanying

papers show how they were handled in the trade which had

already developed with Nueva Vizcaya to the south . The

caravans which arrived from the south every three years

were operated primarily for the bringing of suppl ies to the

missions of this region, and instead of allowing the oxcarts

to return empty, successive governors took advantage of

them for such trade ventures as this one of Rosas .

It would b e interesting, for example, to know by whom ,

and under what conditions, nineteen pieces of sayal, each a

hundred varas in length , were produced . Possibly the wool

was prepared and the weaving done in the various pueblos ,but more probably an obraje, or workshop , was operated in

Santa Fé with weavers secured from the pueblos under the

encomienda system .

L . B . B .

In the realof San Joseph delParral , Nueva Vizcaya ,on the 25th day of the month of January, 1640, before methe present clerk and witnesses and in the presence of Captain Francisco de Escovar Trevii

‘

io, alcalde mayor and war

[ 242 ]

A TRADE-INVOICE OF 1638 243

captain of thi s realand its jur isdiction for His Majesty,there appeared as party of the fi rst part Alferez Miguel deVertiz , citizen of this said realin the name and with theauthority which he holds from Captain Luis de Rosas , governor and captain general of the Provinces of New Mexico,given him in the Villa of Santa Fé on the 27th day of the

month of September of the past year 1639 before Franciscode Anaya Almazan , notary publ ic and as party of the sec

ond part Enrique Lépez ,merchant residing in said real,

whom I certify that I know, and in that manner and formwhi ch are according to law :

and they said that inasmuch as the said Don Luis deRosas had delivered to him [Vertiz] a quantity of variousfabrics of New Mexico for him to bring to this realand thathere the said Enrique Lépez should sell it at retail , formalwritten receipt for which had been given before the saidnotary, Francisco de Anaya Almazan ;and he [Lopez] hasbeen se lling [ the goods] in accord with the said order and

the proceeds therefrom have been remitted to the said DonLuis de Rosas and what he has not been able to d ispose of

under the said authority he has delivered to the said Miguelde Bertis (Vertiz ) and they have made and adj usted the saidaccounts of debit and credit to their mutual satisfaction, of

which they declared themselves to b e content and entirelysatisfi ed; and as to the delivery of the said goods and

satisfaction therefor , the fi rst to the second and the secondto the fi rst under the said authority, they give and grant,up to the present day, a letter of payment and release inample form so that there may b e no asking nor demandinganything now or at any future time nor in any manner, andif they should make or attempt anything of the above said ,they wish and consent that they b e not heard , in law nor out

of law, and to the same end let this writing and letter of

payment and release b e approved and ratifi ed;and to thisend the said Alferez Miguel de Vertiz by virtue of the saidauthority obligates the person and goods of the said CaptainDon Luis de Rosas on h is part, and the said Enrique Lopezobl igates h is person and effects , had or to b e had ;and they

give complete power to all and whatever j ustices of HisMajesty wherever found to compel and require them by allrigor of the law and social action as if there should b e a specifi c sentence of a competent j udge given against them and

each of them , assented to and not appealed from , and pro


nounced upon a matter adjudged ;and each of them in so far

as he was affected renounced all laws in h is favor and defense in ample form and they gave a letter of payment andrelease, the fi rst to the second and the second to the fi rst, upto the day of this date and the del ivery of this writing as

And for the greater protection and security of the saidEnrique Lopez , the said Miguel de Vertiz del ivered to hima copy of the writing which he had supplied in New Mexicoin favor of the said Don Lui s de Rosas and another of the

authority under which they have made and adjusted .the

accounts and received the effects which remained over ;andthey did [all this] in the manner stated and signed theirnames together with the said Sefi or Alcalde Mayor who, forits greater validation, interposed hi s authority and j udicialdecree under the law, the witnesses being Captain Franciscode Montalban and Captain Domingo Reynoso and CaptainMelchor de Torreblanca , [ all] pertaining to this Real.

(signed ) Don Francisco de Escovar Treb ifi o

Miguel de VertizMiguel Lepez

before me : Lorenzo Libran, notary public

In the Villa of Santa Fé, New Mexico, on the 6th day of themonth of October , 1638, before me the present notary public and witnesses there appeared the Adjutant EnriqueLopes , resident in this Vi l la, and said that among the merchandise which he is taking for the Sefi or Governor and

Captain General Don Luis de Rosas to New Spain he is taking the following :

Nineteen pieces of sayalcontaining vams‘

also : fi ve bales of buffalo hides , painted (cueros de ctvola,

pintados) , containing 122 hides

also : two bales containing 92 shammy skins (queres de

gamugas)also : 12 doublets (jubones) , and jackets (queres) which go

with the said bales

also : another bale containing 100 shammies and 2 jackets

1 . A vara was about thirty-three inches , or a short yard . Sayalwas a coarse

woolen c loth , then in common use as a cheap dress-goods .


The which said blankets were painted [ in colors Moreover there were delivered 36 fanegas of pifi ones in baskets :Francisco de Anaya Almazan , notary publ ic . plus : nine

shammies , two hides whi ch he received later in Senecuand twelve baskets (gicams; j icams ) , witnesses beingSebastian Gongales and Francisco Gomes , of which saiddelivery I give faith : Francisco de Anaya Almazan, notarypublic .

[The above] agrees with its original which passedbefore me and remains in my hands, of which I give faith :Francisco de Anaya Almazan , notary public .

[This copy] is certain and truthful and agrees with itsoriginal from which I made this copy, in testimony whereofI gave the present [certifi cation] in the Real of San Joseph

delParral , Nueva Vizcaya , on the 24th day of January, 1640,and the Sr . Alcalde Mayor for its val idation interposed hisauthority and signed it, the witnesses to see it drawn , cor

rected, and collated being Juan de Artiaga and PabloMufi oz , [both] present in this Real .

In testimony of truth I affi xed my accustomed signatureDon Francisco de Escovar Treb ifi o : [before me] LorenzoLibran, notary publ ic.

In the Villa of Santa Fé , New Mexico, on the 27th dayof the month of September, 1639, before me the notary public and witnesses there appeared the Schor Captain Don

Luis de Rosas of the Counci l of War of His Majesty in theStates of Flanders, Governor, Justicia Mayor and CaptainGeneral of these sa id Provinces for the King Our lord, whomon my faith I know and he said that he was giving and he

gave all his power complete and what under the law is requisite and necessary to Alferez Miguel de Bertis who is present so that, for his Lordship and in his name representingh is own person , he may receive and collect from EnriqueLopes the quantity of his goods which the said EnriqueLopes has, as will appear by the acknowledgment in writingwhich the said Enrique Lopes made and del ivered before thenotary public in this Vil la of Santa Fé , the which , for thesaid object, he delivers to him with this power [of attor

ney] and to effect the said collection, before ofl‘icials of his

Majesty he may make petitions, requisitions, citations andpresentations, arrests , sales and closing of accounts and allother acts, statements and proceedings which may b e neces

A TRADE-INVOICE OF 1638 247

sary until the said collection has had due effect, upon receiptof which he may give and del iver the letters of paymentand conclusion as may b e proper as if the said Sefi or Governor were giving them and for the said object he gives himthis said power wi th free and general administration and

exemption in form and faculty to bring suit, to take oath,and to substitute and, had and received the said goods or themaravedis which the said Enrique Lopes may have securedfor them under the obligation whi ch the said Enrique Lopeshas made to sell them at retai l in hi s store in Parral , andthose which he may not have been able to sel l he may discharge by returning them . And the said Alferez Miguel deBertis, as to what maravedis there may b e, may hold it incharge until the said Senor Governor Don Luis de Rosasmay order differently, and as to merchandise, he may dispose of it by sale in his store, for the which the said SefiorGovernor declares himself content with what the saidMiguel de Bertis may b e able to get in maravedis for the sai dgoods, and so l ikewise in the accounts of the said EnriqueLopes, receipt is to b e given him [Bertis] for what he wouldseem to have given by two letters of his, since it was withauthority of the said Sefi or Governor, the which two lettersare delivered to the said Miguel de Bertis for this effect,together with a memorandum of certa in things whi ch thesaid Enrique Lopes remitted to these Provinces for the use

of the house of the said Senor Governor, which are to beincluded in his accounts , all that may appear and provesactually to b e in the hands of Juan de Agreda;

for all of which he gives him [Bertis] this completeauthority, and he del ivered and s igned it, witnesses beingCaptain Pedro Lucero de Godoy and the Adjutant Pedro deMontoya and Alonso Rodriguez Sisneros , citizens and residents in this said Villa.

[ signed] Don Luis de Rosas [before me] Francisco deAnaya Almazan, notary public .

-J‘

It agrees with its originalwhich passed before me and remains in my power, of whichI give faith . Francisco de Anaya Almazan, notary public .

Also the Sefi or Governor Don Luis de Rocas gave powerand authority to the said Alférez Miguel de Bertis in order

4. The maravedi was a small Spanish coin , s imilar to the Eng lish farthing . It

varied great ly in value , according to loca lity and period . The thought indicate dhere is that the goods which were sent to Parral would be disposed of in smallamounts , and the receipts would be in small money.


to receive from the said Enrique Lopes a boy of the Napaiz enati on called Antonio Le6n, aged thirteen to fourteen years,which boy belongs to the said Sefi or Governor Don Luis deRocas who sent him with Matias Romero to b e taught theChristian doctrine and that he should be served of him unti lthe Sefi or Governor might order otherw ise. And the titleto said boy remains in the power of the Sefior Governor and,after receiving him , the said Miguel de Bertis may hold himin his power until his Lordship may order otherwise. And

he signed it in the said month and year, witnesses being thesaid Don Luis de Rosas , [and] Francisco de Anaya Almazan .

—It agrees with its original , of whi ch I give faith ,Francisco de Anaya Almazan , notary public .

—It is certainand true and accords with the original from which I tookthis copy,

‘

in testimony of which I gave the present [ document] in the Real de San Joseph delParral on the 24th dayof the month of January, 1640, and the Sei

‘

ior Alcalde Mayorfor its validation interposed his authori ty and signed it,witnesses being Juan de Artiaga and Pedro Cortes, belonging in this Real .

In testimony of truth I affi xed my accustomed signature : Don Francisco de Escovar Treb iiio. [ before me]Lorenzo Libran, notary public .

3:5CO ‘NTE

'

west,’ VII

I

New Mexico'

,


Organiz ed D ecember 2 6 , 1859

PAST PRESIDENTS

1859 COL. JOHN B . GRAYSON , U. S. A.


1863 HON . Kmer BENEDICTad journ ed sin e die , Sep t. 28 , 1863

re-es tablished D ec . 2 7. 1 880

1881 HON . WILLIAM G . RITCH1883 HON . L. BRADFORD Pumas

1923 HON . FRAN K W. CLANCY1925 Con. RALPH E. TWITCHELL1926 PAUL A. F. WALTER


F. WALTER, PresidentFRANCIS T. CHEE’

I‘HAM, Vice-Presiden t

COL. J082 D . SENA, Vice-President

LANSING B . BLOOM, Cor . Sec’

y-Treae .

MISS Hss'rss JONES , Recording Sec’

y

FELLOWS

PERCY M. BALDWINRALPH P. BIEBERWILLIAM C . Bmxnm"

LANSING B . BLOOM

HERBERT E. BOLTONAussmo M. ESPINOSACHARLES W. HACKETTCroscs P. HAMMOND

F . M.

EDGAR L. s mFREDERICK W . Home

ALFRED V. KmnrmJ. LLOYD MacawTa sonosms MEYER, O.

FRANCE V. Scuow s

ALFRED B . THOMASPAUL A. F. WALTER

CONSTITUTIONOF THE

HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO

(As amended Nov. 19, 1929)

Article 1 . Name. This Society shall b e called the Historical Societyof New Mexico.

Article 2. Ob jects and Operation. The objects of the Society sha ll be ,in general , the promotion of historical studies;and in particular, thediscovery, collection , preservation , and publication of historical mater ial, especially such as relates to New Mexico.

Art icle 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members , Fellows , Life Members and Honorary Life Members .

(a ) Members . Persons recommended by the Executive Counci land elected by the Society may become members.

(b ) Fellows . Members who show, by published work , specialaptitude for h istorical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi

ately following the adoption of th is Constitution , the ExecutiveCouncil shall elect fi ve Fellows , and the body thus created may thereafter elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the ExecutiveCounci l. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-fi ve .

(c ) Life Memb ers . In addition to life members of the Histor icalSociety of New Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such otherbenefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one time

the sum of fi fty dollars , or shall present to the Society an equ ivalentin books , manuscripts , portraits , or other acceptable material of an

historic nature,may upon recommendation by the Executive Counci l

and election by the Society, b e classed as Life Members .

Honorary Life Members . Persons who have rendered emi

nent service to New Mexico and others who have , by published work,contributed to the h istorical literature of New Mexico or the Southwest, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommendedby the Executive Council and elected by the Society.

Article 4. Offi cers . The elective offi cers of the Society shall b e a


urer , and a recording secretary;and these fi ve offi cers shall constitutethe Executive Councilwith full administrative powers .

Ofl‘icers shall qualify on January lst following their election , and

shall hold office for the term of two years and until their successorsshall have been elected and qualifi ed.

N EW M EX I CO H I STOR ICAL

REV I EW

VOL . X OCTOBER, 1935 No. 4

ONATE A MARAUDER ?

By GEORGE P. HAMMOND

EW light continues to b e shed upon many phases of

American history as the veil shadowing the past is

pushed back , now here, now there, by students b urrowmgin archives at home and abroad . New Mexico, a truly

pioneer American commonwealth , is one of the regions in

which this is especially true. For a period of two and a

half centuries it was a province of Spain , or of her daughter ,Mexico. Spain , in this Indian land , introduced new ideals

of government, of rel igion, of a social order , and New Mex

ico began to assume those strikingly individual character

istics which were later to make it unique among the states

of the American union .

The influence of Spain in New Mexico has , for nearly a

century now , been enriched by contact with an Anglo

Saxon race, bringing the fruits of its peculiar qualities ,spiritual as well as material istic . In this manner the Indian,

Spanish , Mexican , and Anglo-Saxon civi lizations have been

fused in the crucible that we call the state of New Mexico.

Here, the aim has been not to destroy, but to preserve the

best of the various culture contacts that are New Mexico’s

special characteristic . Today , as never before , we are con

scious of the heritage that is ours . To learn more about itis a matter of pride to the citizens of the state and of the

nation , for an ever-increas ing number recognize its rich

historical lore.

Few episodes in the history of the Southwest are as

interesting as the founding of Spain ’

s border colonies . First

249


among these in the sixteenth century was Nuevo Mexico.

As the name implies, this Pueblo land was conceived of as

“another Mexico,

”a land of wealth as fabulous as that

which Cortés and the Spanish conquerors . had found in

Mexico, or as Pizarro and his lieutenants had found in Peru .

This land of settled Indians had been heard of by Cabeza de

Vaca during his wanderings in Texas and northern Mexico,and his stories, widely heralded upon his return to civiliza

tion, proved the mainspring of the great Coronado expedi

tion, which, it was certain, would add new glory and wealthy

provinces to Spain’

s expanding empire. Coronado suc

ceeded in fi nding the pueblos and the settled Indians of

Cabeza de Vaca’

s stories , but they contained none of the

treasure the conquerors needed , and the new land was soon

forgotten . Forty years later, however, Pueblo land was

again heard of , as the mining frontier had pushed north ,and thereupon Captain Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado and

Father Agustin Rodriguez entered New Mexico from Chi

huah ua , 1581-1582 , and the survivors of their party came

back with great hopes of having found a province as rich in

material resources as in souls to b e saved . They were

immediately followed by Don' Antonio Espejo and Father

Bernardino Beltran, whose travels covered most of the

Pueblo country, and whose dreams were not dimmed one

whit thereby . The boom was still gathering momentum .

Phi lip II of Spain and his Counci l of the Indies, ever

ready to listen to such reports as came from this long hoped

for“New” Mexico, ordered that the conquest and settlement

of the land b e undertaken and that an individual of standing

and wealth b e awarded a contract for the purpose. Mex

ico’

s most prominent men sought the honor . Espejo applied,but fai led to win . Juan Bautista de Lomas y Colmenares ,reputed to b e one of the richest men in New Galicia, was

given a contract by the Viceroy of Mexico in 1589, but he

did not secure the approval of the home government. Most

prominent of the remaining candidates was Don Juan de

Oiiate, another wealthy son of New Galicia , and, in 1595,


ac tivities while he and his army marked time, awaiting the

king’

s permission to go to New Mexico.

1 It is true that the

fi nger of suspicion was usually pointed at conquerors l ike

Ofiate, but not ti ll the present has any defi nite information

regarding h is high-handed acts come to light . In particular ,Ofi ate was charged with sending his soldiers and captains

to round up and seize whatever oxen , horses, equipment, or

Indians they could fi nd;and they were charged , further

more, with having invaded the estates of the wealthy Juan

Bautista de Lomas y Colmenares , erstwhile candidate for

Ofiate’

s governorship . It is to b e noted, moreover, that this

raid took place in October , 1596 , j ust a month after Ofi ate

had received the order of suspension , prohibiting him from

continuing his expedition . It is apparent that he was in

desperate straits . Likewise, it may not have been entirely

accidental that it was the property of Juan Bautista de

Lomas which was seized by Oii ate’

s soldiers .

The accompanying document is intensely interesting,for it provides enough details to give us an insight into what

took place. It is the criminal complaint of Juan Bautista de

Lomas which he brought before the judge of Nieves against

Ofiate and his captains, together with the hearings which

the j udge conducted in the case. Both Lomas and Ofi ate

were influentialmen ,among the foremost in Mexico. Under

the circumstances, it is probably not strange that the case

was fi nally referred to the Viceroy in Mexico C ity, where

it was apparently pigeon-holed , for at present we know

nothing further about the matter .

Finally, what shal l we say to the question , was Ofi ate

a marauder ? We may safely suggest that he was not any

more lawless than other frontier governors , probably much

less .This isolated document is after all the fi rst real proof

1 .This document , recent ly brought to light in the archives of Guada laj ara by

Luis Paez Brotch ie , is from the records of the royal audien c ia of the same c ity. It

was read before the Jalisco sect ion of the“Soc iedad Mex icans de Geografia y

Estadistica ,

”in August , 1933, and published in the Boletin of the Jaliseo branch of this

society, in

December, 1934.I em indebted to Mr. Lans ing B . B loom for a copy

of this bulletin ,given to him in Mex ico C ity this summer by Lie .

. v ito Aless io Robles .

ONATE A MARAUDER ? 253

against h im of a practice which was very common in all the

outlying provinces .

DOCUMENTARY SECTION

At sunrise October 14, 1596 , six soldiers and a cap

tain , armed With guns and coats of mai l , invaded some

charcoal fi elds “ Which Don Juan Bautista de Lomas , the

rich owner of the mines of Nuestra Senora de las Nieves,Zacatecas, possessed , about eight leagues from his estate,for the purpose of extracting silver , and which were inb ah

ited by more than thirty persons . The soldiers came, point

ing their guns at the people, even at the Span ish mayor

domo, and wi th force and violence robbed the place of all

there was, 150 oxen , twenty horses , a large quantity of

axes and adzes, equipment and other things , in all amount

ing to more than pesos in value . They opened a chest

of the mayordomo’

s and took away what it contained . They

took Clara and Maria , the wives of Juan Bonifacio and

Juan Martin , marr ied Indians, and manacled them . From

Gabriel , an Indian cartwright, they seized a b oy of ten

years , named Gabriel Melchor , and manacled him also.

Likewise they despoiled Lomas’ cartwright of more than

twenty mules from those that had been allotted to the

foundry, more than thirty horses from the pastures where

they kept the small stock, fi ve or s ix slaves , and a large

number of mares , young bulls , and cows from the cattle

ranches .

The following day D . Juan Bautista presented his

complaint before the j udge and j usticia mayor of Nieves ,Capta in D . Juan de Herrera , criminally charging D . Juan

de Onate,‘

who claims to b e governor of the provinces of

New Mexico,’

and all his captains and soldiers , with depopulating,

destroying, and wasting his estates , depriving him

of t he means of mining silver , whereby his majesty is seri

2. Unas hac iendas de hacer ca rbon , mean ing the p laces W here th e Indian sgathered wood and burned it to produce charcoal .


ously defrauded of his royal fi fths .

a All this was done with

but little fear of God and great disregard for the royal

ordinances of the king, our lord , of which they were warned ,and by which he is ordered not to approachmy estates, says

the complainant, nor to perm it any of his captains or sol

diers to approach or cross them . Likewise he charged thatOfiate had said that he would send a captain and soldiers to

ki l l him , and that it was a well-known and notorious fact

that a certain D . Juan de Morales came with soldiers to

threaten him if he should even claim his rights .

“The j udge opened the verbal process , naming Juan de

Vargas, versed in the Tarascan and Mexican languages, as

interpreter to examine the Indian Witnesses .

“The fi rst to come was Gabriel Clemente, native of

Tula , a carpenter, residing in Lomas’ charcoal fi elds, who

said six soldiers came about eight o’clock in the morning andhe saw them descend a little hill and they went straight to

where the Spaniard was and asked him to give them some

thing to eat;and, after they had eaten , one of the soldiers

left the others and came to .the house of this witness and

seized a b oy of his named Gabriel Melchor and put him on

the horse together with an older son of his named Gaspar ;this witness , when he saw Gabriel Melchor on horseback

and that he wanted to get down , seized him by the arm and

pulled him from the horse to the ground , and the boy began

to run down an arroyo, the soldier after h im with the gun in

his hands , threatening him . In the meantime, the other boynamed Gaspar fled, and also h id; but the soldier seized

Gabriel and put him back on the horse again . This witness,because he defended them , was thrown to the ground and

kicked and pummeled . After the soldier fi nished with him,

this witness got up and began to flee. The witness appeared

to b e more than fi fty years of age.

3. The quinto, or royal fi f th , was a twenty per cent tax Which the crowncollected on newly mined ores and other prec ious metals .


them up, and should the Indians, their husbands , follow

them , there on the road they would kil l them . And thus he

ordered one of the soldiers to seize the Indian woman named

Clara ;and the woman , when she saw they were going toseize her, fled to Juanes for aid;and thus she stayed withhim a little while recovering, until a soldier seized her and

commanded : ‘

Go and bring your clothes .

’

The woman tookout some clothes wrapped in a blanket . Then the captain

asked the woman if she had any more clothes . She said yes,but that they were in the hands of Juan de Artiaga . Where

upon the captain required Artiaga to give them up at once,but he replied that he had no clothes belonging to Clara . In

response to this the captain ordered a soldier to take the

key from Jnanes and open the chest to see what was within

and to take the clothing. So the soldier opened the chest

and took out the clothes of Clara , the Indian woman , and

of Juan de Artiaga . Afterwards the captain told another

soldier to go for another Indian Woman in another house

and to bring her so that she might go along. This woman ,

named Maria , was married to Juan Bonifacio. When this

woman realized what was going on , before the soldier got to

her house, she fled and ran through a cornfi eld next to her

house. But another soldier who saw her go, seized her,and they placed her on the back of a horse and took her

away together with the other Indian woman , Clara , and

with Gabriel , the b oy. This Witness also saw how they took

from Juan de Artiaga a little bell with Which they sounded

the call to prayers . They went with the two Indian women

and b oy and, after they had gone, the said .Inanes told thiswitness and other Indian men who were there that they

should b e witnesses as to how they had also taken the oxen

and raided the pens .

“ This is what he knows, which , beingread to him and explained by the interpreter , he said he

affi rmed and approved . He said he was thirty years of age,more or less .

5 . Cémo también llevaban los bueyes y los ch iqueros .


Juan Martin, Indian , native of the pueblo of Uruapa,

said that while in the forest cutting wood an Indian came

from the rancho and said : ‘We are going to the ranch b e

cause some soldiers are running off with your wife.

’

So

this witness stopped cutting wood and went to the rancho.

When he got there he did not fi nd the Indian woman , Clara ,his Wife, and asking about her they replied that some sol

diers had carried her away, and also Maria , wife of Juan

Bonifacio, and Gabriel Melchor, son of Gabriel , the carpen

ter . They also told this witness how they had carried off

the axes and the comal which this witness had in his house,and he knows that, some days after this, after the soldiers

had been there, many horses were missing from the rancho

and the charcoal fi elds but that he did not know who had

taken them . The witness appeared to b e more than twenty

years old.

“On the same day, month , and year [Oct. 15 ,

in the mines of Nieves, before the j usticia mayor, Juan

Bautista de Lomas in this same case presented and had

sworn as a witness Domingo Hernandez d’

Estrada, inhab i

tant of these mines , who took oath and swore by God and

Holy Mary and the sign of the Cross , in legal manner, and

on these he promised to tell the truth . Being asked as to the

facts of the said complaint, he said that what he knew was

that yesterday, Monday , before prayers, while standing at

the house of Juan Bautista de Lomas talking with him , he

saw four Indians coming from the charcoal fi elds whi ch

Juan de Lomas possessed in the Sancta Catarina mountains,about eight leagues from this real;and they told how six

soldiers had come to the rancho yesterday, in the morning,and by force and Violence had carried off two married In

dian women and a boy and that they had abused the mayor

domo and had taken everything he had in the said rancho,and thus it remained deserted . Moreover , Juan Bautista

de Lomas said that there was nothing for him to do but to

6. The coma l was a flat slab of stone on which the tort illas were baked . It is

derived from the Mex ican Indian word camatli.


seek justice before God and the king for the insults and rob

b eries which the soldiers had caused him and were still per

petrating, and that there had actually come to pass that

which he had been warned of two or three days earlier,namely, that they were going to plunder h is charcoal fi elds .

This witness knew for certain that Juan Bautista de Lomas

had suffered much loss and damage to his mining property

when the soldiers carried off the women and the b oy from

h is rancho, because, lacking people in the charcoal fi elds for

making charcoal , necessarily the b enefi t to his estate from

extracting silver must stop , from Which great loss to hismajesty results from the decrease of the royal fi fths , for

the hacienda is very large and one of the best in this entire

kingdom ;and he knew , having heard one Pedro Sénchez

declare in the house of the comendador ,7 Rodrigo de Rio de

Loza , that he had seen eleven mules with the brand of Juan

Bautista de Lomas , in addition to many horses, in the Mal

pais near the mines of Avino, that some soldiers of D . Juan

de Onate had hidden them , and that he had also seen , in the

realof said Don Juan which was on the other side of the

Rio de las Nazas , a number of horses with the same brand ;and this witness , being in the house of the comendador fi ve

or six days ago, there came a soldier named Zayas who said

that he came from the realwhere D . Juan de Onate was , and

there publ icly declared , in the presence of this witness, of

Captain Juan Dominguez y Bernardo de Porras , and of

Asencio de Sancta Cruz that he gave notice for all to b e

careful and guard their estates because D . Juan de Onate

was sending a captain with eight soldiers to get“

one hun

dred oxen for the carts of the camp wherever they could fi nd

them ,because they could not go forward in any other man

ner and that the oxen they found for this purpose should b e

taken wherever they might fi nd them , and not simply oxen ,

but also people and whatever else they might encounter ,horses and mules . And that, being in the place and house

of governor Rodrigo de Rio, this witness wishing to enlist,

7 . The comendador , or knight, was an offi cial in one of the military orders .


to him. Furthermore, he informed Lomas of this and

showed him the letter . And he said that it might have been

twenty days , more or less, when this witness , going in search

of n ine horses which they had taken from h im and his

father-in-law, arrived at the estate of Pero Hernandez Caro,which is six leagues beyond the h acienda of the comendador,Rodrigo de Rio de Loza ;and this witness, asking if theyhad seen any horses of the brand of his father-in7law, was

informed they had not, but they had seen many mules and

horses go by belonging to Juan de Lomas . He said he was

more than twenty-six years old.

“Juan de Artiaga , the mayordomo in the charcoal fi elds,said that Monday, the 14th of this month , there came to the

rancho four men on horseback, With their coats of mail ,leather j ackets, and guns, and another soldier , in coat of

mail and a hooked knife in his hand , and together they went

to the place where this witness was , and dismounted . At

this moment the drove of oxen was herded from the corral ,and they said ,

‘These oxen are very lean .

’ Then they asked

this witness that he provide them something to eat. He

sought for what he could give them , set the table before

them, and fed them . Afterwards they left and one of the

soldiers , who is a brother of one named Hinojos , whowas a

cartwright for Captain Francisco de Urdifi ola and fi rst was

so for Alonso de Angulo, this soldier , brother of the one

mentioned , took this witness aside and told him that his

chief said that he should give him the single Indian women

he might have, and he replied that he did not have any on

that rancho, that all were married . But in answer to this

he was told ,‘Although they may b e married , I must have

them .

’ While things were in this pass , two others of the

soldiers went to the house of Gabriel , the carpenter, the one

on horse and the other on foot. He who went on foot seized

a b oy, son of Gabriel , named Melchor , and put h im on the

10. There were three men among Oi'i ate ’

s soldiers named H inojos or H inojosaCapta in Pablo de Agu i lar H inojosa , Alonso Nunez de H inojosa , and Hernando de

Ynojos .


back of the horse which the other soldier was riding. The

b oy began to shout, calling his father and mother . In

response to this, his father came, seized him by the arm and

pulled him to the ground . The soldier who was on foot

went to Gabriel , the Indian , threw h im to the ground and

struck him in the face with h is fi st, from which he got a

nosebleed . The b oy took to flight, two soldiers going after

him, one with a hooked knife, the other pointing a gun . The

one with the knife struck him with it, struggled with him

on the ground , seized and bound him and placed him on the

back of the horse belonging to the soldier with the gun .

Then they seized an Indian woman named Clara , married to

an Indian named Juan Martin , and a soldier who was on

foot put her on the back of Hinojos’ horse, at h is order .

Before they had her mount, Clara came to this witness ,wishing to b e helped by h im. But the soldier who was on

foot took hold of the woman and both together fell to the

ground . Then, as the soldier got up, he struck the woman

a violent blow and asked her where she had her clothing,threatening her . She told him that this witness had it in

h is chest. The soldier and the woman went to the room and

found the chest locked , but Clara put her hand in the pocket

of this witness’

s breeches , [ took the key] and they went to

the chest, opened it and took out the clothing, together with

that of the Indian woman whom this witness had as his

own . Then they left, and they mounted her on the back of

Hinojos’ horse. Afterward , they went to the house of

Bonifacio, an Indian married to Maria , and took her by

force, striking him in the face;the said Indian woman , cry

ing out, called to this witness to protect and defend her .

But, in spite of the resistance put up by the Indian woman ,

they mounted her on the back of the horse on which the

chief [of the soldiers] was riding. Then they came to the

house of this witness to take leave of him and they took a

coma] , the yoke—straps and tupilesn which were in the carts .

Then they caught two other Indian men in order that these

11. The tupiles were evidently lances , or goads .


might bring them the yoke-straps and tupiles and asked

them if they wanted to go with them . They said yes , and

thus they took them along an harquebus shot’s distance up

the hill from the ranch , and there the fi ve soldiers and

Indians stopped . From there they sent back those that

were bringing the yoke—straps and tupiles, telling them ,

‘

Go ! take back what we do not care for , for you should notrob the Indian women .

’ This is what the said Indians told

this witness after they returned . Of these fi ve soldiers he

knew only two brothers named Hinojos . They belong tothe company of Captain Bartolomé de Gardenas . In regardto the other three, although this witness does not know them

by name, he would recognize them on sight . From the

rancho, thirteen horses are missing, part of them belonging

to his proprietor, and others to this Witness, and the rest

to the Indians of this rancho. It is presumed that the sol

diers have taken them , as they have been missing for many

days since the time that the soldiers went through this land .

Likewise, he has heard it said that eight horses were missing

from the small stock . This he heard said to Diego Ponce,nephew of Juan de Lomas , and because he saw them he wentto search ;and he heard it said to Ponce how ten mules were

missing from the hacienda . On Saturday morning, the 12th

of the present month , the said Juan Bautista de Lomas, h isproprietor , wrote him a letter, warning him to b e careful

to guard the oxen and the milk cows and to put two herders

in care of them , because he had been advised that some of

D . Juan de Ofi ate’

s soldiers were coming for them and if

they came he should not harm them , but use the Indians as

witnesses as to how they took the oxen against his will ;

and while this witness was talking to the fi ve soldiers as to

whether they might take the women and the boy, they

abused h im, for this hacienda belonged to Juan Bautista de

Lomas . They said that, although this m ight b e so, they

must have it, and that if it was necessary, they would kill

him within the plaza of the mines of the said Lomas and

anyone who might defend him. This is what they told him


vaded the house where Clara l ived , but the woman began to

shout,‘Ah , senor mayordomo, they are going to run off with

me.

’He warned them ,

‘Leave this woman alone she is mar

ried .

’

But the soldiers answered Juanes by pointing their

g uns at his heart ,‘ Shut up, dog; leave us alone ! ’ Then

Clara grasped hold of Juanes , b ut a soldier seized the

woman and, struggling to take her away, both fell to the

ground . After they had gotten up, the Indian woman ,

frightened and seeing that she could not defend herself,said ,

‘

Let me alone;I will not gol’ They answered ,

‘Bring

your clothes . Where are they ?’

She replied ,‘

The mayor

domo has them .

’ Then the soldiers demanded of Artiaga,‘

Get the clothing, for you have it.

’ But he answered ,‘ I do

not know anything.

’ A soldier seized Artiaga by the shirt

collar, a knife in his hand , and exclaimed ,‘Well , dog, hand

over the key !’ Clara , out of fear , said ,

‘Here it is, in h is

pocket. ’ And the soldier took it from his pocket, went to

the chest, and opened it, and took out'

allthe clothing there

was, both that belonging to the woman and to Juanes, even

taking the cowhide sandals and the soap Which he had togive to the Indians . Then

‘

they took some axes and adzes

from the room and a comal which Clara had . Afterwards,they went to the house of Juan Bonifacio, where this w it

ness was , laid hold of Maria , but she tried to escape out the

back way. They went after her, however , and exclaimed :‘Ah , dog of a woman ;you want to run from us . Walk, then ,

here with the others And they seized her ;but the woman

said ,‘ I don’t have to go, for I am married .

’In spite of this ,

the soldiers answered ,‘Even though you may b e married

and may b e with your husband , we are going to hang him .

’

At once they put her on the back of one of their horses, and

this witness, together with other Indians who were present,

seeing how the soldiers used force, exclaimed :‘We are going

after them . How is this they are running off with our

women by force ! We will protect them even though we

die Then this Witness said ,‘

Let us leave them go, for per

haps this is the king’s order, as they say, and not pay too


dearly for defending them . On passing near a cross , they

saw a l ittle bell which is used to call to prayers, and they

said ,‘This we must take .

’

And they took it away . As they

left, they shouted,

‘Don ’t worry about it Jaanes , this

hacienda is not yours ;if it were, we would not trouble you .

’

This is what he knows . He appeared to b e more than

twenty-fi ve years old.

”

The j udge heard the complaint and, on October 19th ,

ordered that a true copy b e placed in the proceedings, to

gether with a copy of the notifi cation which doubtless had

been given to Onate. He further provided that Onateshould b e given whatever cop ies of the hearings he might

wish ,“in order that he might seek j ustice before whom ,

where, when , and how it might b e suitable for him.

”

Onate does not seem to have been present at this j udi

cialhearing, nor anyone representing him, and there is

nothing to show that he ever asked for a transcript of the

record . That his rival Lomas had anticipated some such

trouble is evident from two earl ier documents which were

wr itten into the record and which explain the above refer

ence to an earlier “notifi cation

”to Oriate. The inference is

that Lomas had certifi ed copies of these documents which

he presented with his complaint to the j udge in Nieves .

It should b e remembered that Lomas himself, in 1589,had secured from Vi llamanrique, Viceroy at that time, a

contract for the colonizing of New Mexico which had been

later disallowed by the king in Spain. After Velasco became

Viceroy, Lomas renewed his petition without avai l , in 1592

and again shortly before the contract was given to Ofiate .

In February, 1596, when the new Viceroy , the Count of

Monterrey, gave h is fi naldecision in favor of Oiiate, the

latter was in Zacatecas but was represented in Mexico City

by two of his brothers with his power of attorney.

“The

12. Luis Paez Brotchie , Del Archivo Judic ial Neogallego. Juan de Ofi ate.

merodeador ,” p . 297.

13. Hammond, op . c it" pp . 10, 12.

14. Ib id . , pp . 27 , 33-35 .


unsuccessful and disgruntled Lomas also was there, and heimmediately asked for , and was given, a royal decree which

was in effect an inj unction against any inj ury from Oiiate.

As will b e seen , this decree was dated in Mexico on March

2 , 1596 ;and it was served on Ofiate in Zacatecas , where thelatter signed the “

notifi cation” a month later .

ROYAL DECREE.-D0n Philip , by the grace of God, king

of Castile, Leon , etc . To you ,D . Juan de Ofiate, to whom is

entrusted the entrance and pacification of the provinces of

New Mexico, and whosoever of your captains , other offi cers

and soldiers , »and tomy alcalde mayor of the Villas of Llerena

and Sant Martin , and to h is l ieutenant residing in the mines

of Nieves , and to each and all of my commissaries and other

military offi cers , health and grace : Know, that before D .

Gaspar de Zii fi iga y Acevedo, count of Monterey, l ieutenant,

governor and captain general of New Spain and president

of my audiencia and royal chancery which exists there, ap

peared Juan Bautista de Lomas, inhabitant of the said

m ines of Nieves , in the new kingdom of Gal icia ;and by

petition , which he presented to him, gave an account, saying that as was well known , the above-mentioned [Lomas]had many m ines and houses and estates of every kind , cat

tle and sheep ranches, and many fertile lands where he har

vested wheat, corn and other grain ;and that at the present

time he had a large quantity of these locked up in his store

houses , together with flour and other things necessary for

the support and subsistence of the mines . And that, beingin the country and in a place where ordinarily there is no

one to administer j ustice, and somewhat near the road

where you, said D . Juan de Onate, must pass , it is feared

that your captains and soldiers and other people which you

may bring on the said journey might kil l his l ive stock or

take them along or might deprive his mayordomos of the

said suppl ies ;and that, although they should pay the just

price and value, he would suffer serious inj ury as he needs

allof it for the support and maintenance of his mining

haciendas , the success of which b enefi ts my royal servi ce in


ever clause or power you may have from me to take what

you may have necessary for the support of the said journey,because I am revoking it with reference to the said Juan de

Lomas and hold it of no value, the rest remaining in full

force and rigor. This you shall do and fulfi llwithout wait

ing for a second or third letter from me, under penalty of

two thousand ducats for my exchequer and royal treasury

and four times as much for whatever thing you might thus

take, or do, or permit to b e taken ;and for the captain or

any other of my ministers, a penalty of 500ducats and loss

of such offi ce;and should it b e a soldier, in addition to pay

ing four times as much as he shall take, as stated , he shall

b e proceeded against with all rigor, as against persons who

take things in the country without permission of the owners ,and they shall b e punished according to the ordinances and

laws of my kingdoms Which regulate such matters . In these

penalties, in every one herein contained , I hold you guilty

from this moment, you and every one of yours , if you violate

them. Given in my city of Mexico, March 2 , 1596 .—I, the

count of Monterey.—I, Pedro de Campos Guerrero, chief

notary for the government of this New Spain, inscribe it

for the king, our lord ;by his order, h is Viceroy in his name .

—Registered . Juan Serrano.—As chancel lor , Cosme de

Medina .

NOTIFICATION .—In the city of Nuestra Sefiora de los

Zacatecas , Apri l 1 , 1596, I , the notary-receiver above—mentioned,

“ at the request of Gonzalo Sénchez Caballo, in the

name of Juan Bautista de Lomas , read and made known thisletter and royal decree , as stated therein , to D . Juan de

Onate, governor and captain general of New Mexico, in

15. The rea der may notice that the notaries of these two documents are

different. so that the term “above—ment ioned” cannot refer to the notary for the

royal decree . Poss ibly it was legal phraseology, established by long usage , but herewithout mean ing. It occurs to us , however, that the notary-rece iver was in efi ect a

recorder and that he may have kept a book of permanent record . Then “above-men

t ioned” would refer to his notar ia l s ignature wi th the preceding entry in h is book

—doubtless on an ent irely different affair . Or , lastly, this may have been on ly one

of several certi fi ed copies which Lomas had secured from the notary in Zacatecasand the others dropped out at some stage in the procedure .

ONATE A MARAUDER 269

person . He took the letter in his hands, kissed it, and

placed it above his head and said that he obeyed and would

obey it, with the respect and reverence which he owes, and

he is ready to fulfillthat which is ordered in it, and that,although the road might go by the mines and the hac ienda

of said Juan Bautista de Lomas , in order to fulfi llthat which

is ordered in the said royal decree, he will seek [ another]road for making the journey;and as for the provisions, live

stock, and other things which the said Juan de Lomas has ,they wi ll not ask him for them nor take them ;in everything he wi ll comply with the said royal decree as ordered .

This he gave as his answer and signed it.—Witnesses, Garci

Lopez de San Juan and Juan Pérez de Donis , inhabitants

of this city .—D . Juan de Onate, -I vouch for it.

—Jer6nimoJuarez , notary-receiver .

”

In addition to the foregoing, Seiior Brotchie, from his

study in the Guadalajara archives , found that Lomas exe

outed a power of attorney in favor of Jerénimo Juarez ,

Rodrigo Hernandez Cordero, and Diego Martin de Rivera,

on October 23 and that, on Novemb er 8 of the same

year, Martin de Rivera appeared before the audiencia of

New Galicia and presented the information taken in Nieves ,He asked that his patron “

b e given a full measure of jus

tice,”that the guilty b e punished in conformity with the

seriousness of their crimes, and that the proper restitution

b e made to Lomas of everything that had been taken fromhis land .

“But,

” concludes Brotchie,“since two powerful

influences were at work in this case, the one more than the

other, the Guadalajara tribunal , as will b e seen from the

following act, did not desire to pronounce sentence, but

washed its hands of the affair , like Pilate .

”m

In the city of Guadalajara , November 13, 1596 , the

president and j udges of the royal audiencia of the new

kingdom of Galicia , having seen this information received

by Captain Joan de Herrera , j usticia mayor of the villas of

16 . Brotchie , op . ci t" pp . 299-300.


Llerena and San Martin and Nieves, from Joan Bautista de

Lomas , inhabitant and miner of the said mines of Nieves ,against D . Joan de Onate , governor and captain general of

the provinces of New Mexico, and of his captains and sol

diers , in regard to having robbed him and taken from his

haciendas many horses , mules, slaves, and freed Indians,his haciendas thereby losing the means for extracting sil

ver, and having read the rest contained in the said report ,they said that they were ordering and ordered that notice of

this crime b e given to the Viceroy of New Spain , and for this

purpose they sent an accurate copy of the said summaries .

Thus they decreed and ordered .—(Three rubrics . )—Before

me, Francisco Partida . (Rubric )


ident Lincoln . Of this period it has been said : Neverhave American public men in responsible positions , direct

ing the destiny of the nation , been so brutal , hypocritical ,and corrupt .” This writer3 was referring to conditions inthe South during those years , but h is statement appl ies in

some measure to the West. The spring of 1875 was marked

by the bursting of the Whiskey Ring scandal with the reve

lation of its speculations in St. Louis ;the following winter

came the Emma Mine scandal which also involved the good

name of President Grant as he was nearing the end of his

second term ;and this was immediately followed by the

breaking of the Belknap scandal . By congressional investi

gation in the spring of 1876, it developed that Secretary of

War W. W . Belknap had been grafting for nearly six years

in lucrative post-traderships on the frontier . Doubtless the

scathing comments by Bourke and others on various post

traders and Indian agents both in the Southwest and in the

Northwest during the years from 1869 to 1881 , were well

merited . Not all traders and agents were rascals, but

those who were, made a connecting link between a corrupt

federal administration , symbolized by Mrs . Belknap ’s ex

travagant gowns and jewels, and the reservation Indian

who was the immediate but not fi nalVictim . Knowing that

he was being cheated and often made desperate by hunger ,the Indian was apt to go on the warpath ;and then the

army would b e used to crush and drive him back on his

reservation. The more acquainted one becomes with the

policing work done by the army during these years , the

more impressed he is by the fi ne way in which it was carried

Bourke saw plenty of hard campaigning from 1875 to

but he also found many opportunities to continue and

broaden his ethnological studies . In 1873 he had prepared

a sort of questionnaire for his own guidance in gathering

information systematically among the Apaches , and he fol

3. Claude G . Bowers , The Trag ic Era .

4. See h is chronologica l record , New Mexico H is toricalReview , v ii i , 6 .


lowed the same method with the Sioux, Cheyennes , and

other tribes of the plains and mountains of the Northwest.

But his chief interest continued to b e in the peoples of the

Southwest and he bel ieved that h is studies there would b e

of recognized value if he could return and carry them

through . His opportunity fi nally came.

The winter of 1880-1881 found him in Indian Territory ,serving as recorder with a peace commission to the Ponca

Indians, and afterwards it was necessary for h im to go to

Washington to write up the fi ndings of the commission in

the form of a report. From his notebooks a few scattered

entries of earl ier date will b e found of interest, followed by

his own account of developments in Washington .

New Year’

s Day, 1880, passed pleasantly i n OmahaJanuary loth . The Edison Electric l ight nu fait accompli .

The value of his enterprise is established by the depreciated quotations of gas stocks and the enhancement of theshares of the company formed to introduce his new lightinto New York and other great cities of the Atlantic Coast .

February 5th . Railroad consol idation the order of the

day. The combination of the Union Pacifi c, Kansas Pacifi cand Denver Pacifi c (with lateral branches ) under one management, marks the successful issue of plans long sincematured in the keen , brilliant intel lect of that wonderfulgenius , Jay Gould —one of the most extraordinary menthe world has ever produced .

“

February 5 th . Commissioner Hayt , of the Indian Bureau ,peremptorily removed for corrupt practices . In connection with Inspector Hammond , Indian Agent Hart , (SanCarlos Agency, Arizona ) and others , Hayt had quietlysiez ed upon a silver mine of immense prosnective yield inArizona . This matter getting into the public journals , aninvestigation was ordered . Hayt lied l ike Beelzebub and

Hammond swore positively that a letter which he had sentHayt , and which somehow fell into the hands of the inves

tigating comm ittee, was a forgery .

This testimony Hammond retracted the very nextmorning, saying he had been guilty of perj ury in making

5. An anecdote about Jay Gould will be found below, under date of April 8 , 1881.


it. It required but a few moments cross-examination to

develop Hayt’

s villainy in the particular offense specifi ed

above as well as in many others . The mine had been pur

chased by a Mr . Edward Knapp (Hayt) , Hayt’

s own son

who suppressed his family name, at his father’

s instance,to avert attention ;and paid for by a Mr . Hogencamp, of

Jersey C ity, Hayt’

s own partner .

At this late day in the administration of PresidentHayes , it will b e hard to fi nd any gentleman to succeed Mr .

Hayt and it will b e impossible to fi nd a more thorough rascal .Mr. Barston , of the Board of Ind ian Commissioners , a

whining, psalm-singing hypocri te—discovered in illicit connection With stove contracts for the Indian Bureau .

The distress in Ireland augmenting. Parnell , M. Pvisits this country to excite American sympathy.

January 21315, 1881 . Received an invi tation from MajorPowell , of the Ethnological Bureau of the Smithsonian Institute, to pay him a visit With reference to a better acquain

tance.

“ Busy all day with the Ponca Commission Record .

After dinner , called upon Mrs . Johnson and accompaniedher and her daughter to the Skating Rink where we re

mained several hours . The hall was wel l lighted , the musicsuperb and the great throng present embraced many lovelyyoung ladies and graceful gentlemen . I knew a numberof the young ladies and for that reason I took more pleasurein the Visit. I had never been in a skating rink before and

couldn ’t compare the scene to anything so much as the

movements of whirling dervishes, after the music hadwarmed the skaters to enthusiasm .

January 22 , 1881 . Dr . Armstrong, Chief Clerk of GeneralRuggles’ Division of the Adjutant General

’

s offi ce, in whoseroom I have occupied a desk for the past two or three days ,has made a comparison of the rapidity of my writing withthat of several of the most expert penmen in his D ivision .

It was found that Mr . McCoy and Mr . D ennathy, his twoquickest writers , considered that they had done a good day

’

s

work when they had fi nished 20 pages of legal cap copying, each page of 28 l ines and each line of words . My

6 . Major J . W . Powell , a veteran of the C ivil War in which he lost his rightarm , had led h is famous exploration throug h the Grand Ca fi on of the Colorado in

the summer of 1869. During the ’

7o’

s he did much exploring in the Rocky Mounta inregion , and at this t ime he was director of the U. S . Geological Survey and of the

Bureau of Ethnology under the Smithson ian Institut ion .


articles of Chippeway workmanship , all displaying decidedtaste. On the walls , were hung the medals conferred uponhim by the Czar of Russia and the Government of Roumaniafor gallant services in the Turco-Russian campaign. Thesemedals are six in number and are all for work of a dangerous nature. Frank Green is j ustly proud of them and Icouldn

’

t help feeling proud of h im for winning them . Hehas a considerable collection of photographs of the RussianImperial family, of Skob elofl

"and other eminent Russian

commanders, all or nearly all with the signatures of the originals attached . Lastly, he showed me p ictures of places inSaint Petersburgh, and Constantinople and the renownedMonastery. of Mount Athos which has played so stirring apart in early history of the Christian world .

January 24th ,1881 . A bright, lovely morn ing. Worked

very hard all day . The newspapers contain the‘

n ames of

persons appointed by President Hayes to various positionsin the Army . Major D . G . Swain, to succeed Dunn as Judge

Advocate Gen’l , and two civi lians to b e Paymaster . One

of the civilians is the son of Bishop Whipple of the Episcopal Church—a B ishop who has been very much in fearof the demoral izing influences of Army ofi

‘

icers upon the

Indians under his charge. To me, Whipple has alwaysappeared to b e very much of a fanatic and something of ahypocrite . President Hayes made such an ado about reformin the administration of the government that some peoplefour years ago were deluded into believing that he was honest in his expressions, but a uniform duplicity and treacheryhave convinced the nation that something besides Apollinaris water at a State Dinner or an unctious outpouring of

sanctimonious gab at all times, is needed tomake a man holy .

No president ever entered upon his office with brighterprospects of gaining popular esteem and affection than didHayes ;no one has left or will leave the White House morethoroughly despised and detested .

After supper went to Ford’

s Opera House, a miserablehole, very inconvenient, poorly ventilated and dangerous incase of fi re. It was packed from floor to dome, every seattaken and standing room difi

‘icult to fi nd. By extreme good

luck , I secured a very good seat in the gallery and listenedfor three hours to the Opera of Sonnambula , in which Madame Etelka Gerster sang the part of Amina . The voiceof this lady is phenomenal—it is of great compass and in


every note, high or low, sweet and clear and si lvery . The

vast audience remained in ecstasies during the whole performance in which Gerster was ably assisted by great artistslike Ravell i and others whose names I cannot recall .

Evidently, the best society of Washington was fullyrepresented ;costly raiment and beautiful jewels worn bylovely women formed a grand feature which afforded one

indescribable pleasure .

January 25th, 1881 . Extremely busy all day ;fi nished thetranscript of evidence taken before the Ponca Commission.

Dined with General Ruggles , meeting his wife, his niece,Miss Ruggles, and his bright, handsome children, and his

cousins, Miss Brooks and Miss Coggswell, all refi ned and

elegant ladies ;the last named , an extremely beautiful girl ,the daughter of General Milton Coggswell, under whom Iformerly served (1870) in Arizona .

7 Mrs . Ruggles is saidto b e the handsomest lady in the National Capital at thistime and I, for one, believe the statement to b e true.

I accompanied General Ruggles and the ladies to thePresident’s Reception. This can b e outlined in a very fewwords . There was plenty of good music , by the MarineBand , and a great crowd of people, including many beautiful women and some not beautiful—all wel l dressed and

not a few extravagantly dressed . Taking our places in thelong l ine, we slowly advance step by step , running eachmoment the risk of tearing off the train of the lady in frontand fi nally reach the

‘

presence of the President and Mrs .

Hayes . Somebody asks you—“names please You answer,

“Lieutenant Bourke and Miss Coggswell,” whereupon he

bawls out“Colonel Snogser and Mrs. Quirkswill.

” But itdon ’t make any difference. The President greets you with asmile that is too truly good for this earth and Mrs . Hayesgives a gentle, pleasant glance of welcome which may not

have any sincerity about it, but which is for all that,extremely pleasant. N0 one remains long at a White Housereception ;there is such a crush that after promenading onceor twice around the rooms and through the conservatory,people order their carriages and drive off to other entertainments . The policeman is requested to “call GeneralRuggles

’

carriage,”of course, he yel ls out at the top of his

7 . Milton Cogswell graduated from West Point in 1849 and was ass igned to the

infantry branch of the army. After the C ivil War he served as major of the 21st

Infantry from March 26 , 1869, until he retired September 5 , 1871.


lungs for GinirilMurdock’s kerridge, but the coachmenseem to b e marvelously gi fted and intuitively know whentheir services are most needed .

January 27th . After breakfast at the Riggs’

, visited MajorPowell—at the National Gallery, the new building of the

Smithsonian Institute. This is a magnifi cent structure,one of the fi nest I have ever seen . Being a l ittle b it tooearly , I whiled away the moments , preceding Major Powell

’

s arrival , in making a hurried examination of a numberof the apartments and cases . I succeeded in walking throughthose devoted to the “

seal family,”the

“rattlesnakes” and

“skunks” and was delighted beyond description by the orderand system or arrangement.

Major Powell coming in , received me very warmly and

presented me to his assistants , Captain Garrick Mallery of

the Army and another gentleman , Mr whose nameI did not catch, but who impressed me as a young man of

decided ability . (Mr . I . Pill ing) . Our conversation naturally turned upon Ethnology and in reply to Maj . Powell

’

squeries , I gave a succinct statement of my own efforts inthat direction in Arizona , in 1873. At that time, as I toldMajor Powell , I was still quite young in years and totallywithout knowledge of this most important branch of science,but I was impelled by a very sincere desire to learn and

that is half the battle always . I prepared a long list ofquestions embracing a wide range of topics but based uponthe idea of an Indian ’

s life, commencing with his birth ,taking him through all the principal events of his historyand ending With his death and mortuary services . MajorPowell renewed his invitation for me to join his expeditionin May, and I again assured him that I would give the matter very earnest del iberation .

I then passed over to the old building of the Smithsonian, and after glancing at the lordly proportions of the

Irish Elk and the German Aurochs , I entered the division of

Anthropology, which I was most anxious to see. Thereis certainly a fair collection of Indian property , but it isonly fair and is not wel l arranged . If the United StatesGovernment so desired , the Bureau of Ethnology could getspecimens enough to fi llone-half the Smithsonian Institute.

The cases containing stone axes , hammers,“celts ,

”spears

and daggers , make a good display and are so labelled as to


sudden indisposition of one of the young ladies who wasto sing, we were deprived of the pleasure promised but hadthe recompense of an animated conversation with the family—a very cultured one from Boston ,

Mass .

We wound up the night at the weekly reception of thewife of Justice Hunt, a preceding one of which I attendedsome days since. At this house, one meets all the distinguished people in Washington—there were certainly, ifanything, too many of them here this evening. Judges of

the Supreme Court, members of the Cabinet, offi cers of theArmy and Navy, diplomats , literary people, ladies and gen

tlemen of wealth , and leisure. The English embassador,Sir Edward Thornton , with his wife and daughters , wasthere and also the Japanese minister, Mr . Yoshida and hiswife. The latter are extremely diminutive people but verybright and amiable. They wear the American costume.

Here I met Mrs . Dahlgren and Miss Welsh , both of whomasked me to come to see them . Miss Welsh is a beautifulyoung lady, the niece of the wife of Lieut. Sternb el, of

the Army. She paid a long visit to Fort Omaha two or

three years ago, and made hosts of friends by her beauty,intelligence, and animated , gentle nature . Mrs . Dahlgren,

widow of Admiral Dahlgren of the U. S . Navy , was themother of Lieutenant Goddard of the Army, with Whom ,

when cadets, I was on terms of the closest intimacy . Naturally, her unexpected meeting with me, recalled many sad

associations . I also met Sec . Carl Schurz , who asked meto b e sure to come to his othee (Department of the Interior )before leaving town , as he was particularly desirous of

having a talk with me. I felt almost sure that the Reportof the Ponca Commission had been a severe blow to him and

that the conversation would b e upon that topic .

January 2 8 . Called upon Secretary Schurz , but learned thathe had j ust left for a cabinet meeting. Mr. Hanna , hisprivate secretary, told me that Mr . Schurz was very anxiousto have me wait until his return . My time was very muchcrowded , but I promised to wait as long as possible and in

the meantime, Mr . Hanna brought me to Mr . Lockwood,chief clerk of the Indian Bureau , with whom I had a slightprevious acquaintance and by whom I was received in avery kindly manner .

March 7 , 1881 . Received a very complimentary letter fromReverend Edward Everett Hale, in acknowledgment of


mine to him, which letter he said he would read at the nextmeeting of the Massachusetts Antiquarian Society in April .Mr. Hale

’

s letter will b e found preserved in my book of personal orders . I also received another letter from MajorPowell , of the Smithsonian Institute, repeating h is invitation to me to join his proposed expedition to the PuebloInd ians .

March 8 , 1881 . Wrote a personal letter to Lieut. GeneralP. H . Sheridan, Commanding Mi litary Division of the Missouri , requesting to b e detailed in the work of ascertaining

points in the ethnology of the North American Indians, andespecially of the Pueblos ; - if I can get such a detai l , it willenable me to do more promptly the same amount of workwhich would require, with Major Powell, six or eightmonths . I feel that I ought to devote some time to thisimportant work and thus save the accumulations of notesand memoranda of more or less account, taken during mynearly twelve years of service among the Indians of the

great Plains of the Missouri Columbia Basins and in the

remote South-West in the valleys of the Gi la , Colorado and

Rio Grande.

The following list of questions , prepared for my own

use, will serve to make clear the obj ect and scope of myproposed investigation .

8

In the preparation of these memoranda , I have not dependeda lone upon such personal experience as I have had with Indians ,but have carefully consulted the valuable works of Hub ert H . Bow

croft, Tylor , Trumbull, Hayden ,Yarrow, J . W. Powell, Gi b bs , D all

,

Lub bock, Maine, Morgan, Parkman, Evans , Shor t, Baldwin, S impson ,

Stephens , Squires , &c. , &c. , from allof whose writings I have oh

tained important suggestions;and after preparation, have submittedthe memoranda to the cri ticism

‘

of Army Offi cers of extended exper

ienes on the frontier . To these offi cers Generals Sheridan , Crook,Robert Williams , G . A . Forsyth, Colonels Royall, Lud ington and T. H .

S tanton, and Capta ins W. P. Clark and W. L . Carpenter—I am deeplyindebted for correction , sympathy and encouragement.

H’D . QRS. DEPT. PLATTE ,

Fort Omaha , Neb . , March 28 , 1881 .

J . G . B .

8. See title no. 9 of the Bourke B ibliography (New Mexico H is toricalReview.

vi ii , pp . 11 As printed in Omaha about three weeks later, it cons isted of ten

pages , cop ies of which are here inserted in the notebooks . The complete text of

this prepared li st may b e seen most eas ily in his On the Border w ith Crook

pp . 262-275. Only the open ing paragraph is here g iven .


The following is the complete list of works studied uponthis subject, from most of which much valuable informationhas been derived .

Tyler’s Early H istory of Mankind and Primitive Mam.

Bancroft’s (Hubert Howe) Native Races of the Pacifi cSlape.

Lubbock’s Pre Historic Times .

Yarrow ’

s Mortua'

ry Customs .

Short’s North Americans in Antiquity. (an excellentwork )

Morgan’

s Ancient Society.

Sir Henry Maine’

s Early Institutions .

March 15,1881 . The newspapers this morn ing contain

the information that the Czar of Russia was (March 13th )assassinated in the streets of Saint Petersburgh . This isa good thing. Alexander began life as a just and moderateruler, anxious to alleviate the sufferings of h is wretchedsubjects ;he freed the serfs and during our civil war re

mained the fi rm friend of our Government— for both of

Which acts, the world owes him a debt of gratitude. But hislater years have been years of tyrannical severity toward hissubjects, of licentious disregard of his vows to his wife

(Who died last year of a broken heart , ) and of rel igiousand political intolerance toward the unhappy people of P01and. The full account of his assassination will b e found inthe extracts from today

’

s Omaha Herald.

I hope before many months to b e able to chronicle theassassination of B ismark, one of the coldest-blooded and

most unprincipled tyrants who have ever sprung into power .

We, Americans, have the satisfaction of knowing thatpol itical trouble in Europe means increased fi nancialpros

perity and power to our own country.

March 18 , 1881 . The newspapers this morn ing chronicle,without comment, the fact that yesterday the fi rst trainstarted out from Kansas City, Mo. , for San Francisco, Ca1. ,by way of the newly completed Southern TranscontinentalRoute. Within fi ve years , it is my belief that we shall haveat least fi ve lines running across the American Continent,including in this number any that may b e built in Canadaor Mexico.

March 20th ,1881 . Received the following telegram from

Lieutenant—General Sheridan :


which may b e regarded as a good or bad sign according tothe humor under which he may b e acting . Our conversation was principally upon the resources and progress of theTerritories , especially of Idaho, Montana , Utah , Colorado,New Mexico, and Arizona, and fi nally some little

.concern

ing N E. Neb raska and S . Dakota , in all of which sectionsMr . Di llon knew that I had travelled . My impression of

h im was that he possessed great fi nancialintuitions , comb ined with remarkable common sense, altho

’

, as he himselfadmitted , he has had no educational advantages .

Reached Chicago in the evening, 5 hours behind time,our detention occasioned by a freight-train off the track, insome part of Western Illinois .

Put up at the Grand Pacifi c . In the evening, visitedHaverly

’

s Minstrels, Which consisted of 100 negro per

formers : The singing was good and the acting fair , butby no means equal to that of the average white “burntcork artist.”

March 25th, 1881 . Visited General Sheridan ’s Hd. Qrs . ,

where I met Gen . G . A . Forsyth , A. D . C . , Colonel Grant, A .

D . C . , Colonel Jordan , 9th Infantry, Colonel M. V. Sheridan , A. D . C Capt. W. P. Clark, 2nd Cavalry, and Capt.Gregory, Engineer Corps , with all of whom I had pleasantconverse. Brigadier General John Pope, now commanding the Department of the Missouri and his A . D . C . , Captain Volkmar, 5th Cav. , entered the room and talked withus for a l ittle while and then left to confer with the Lieutenant General . Upon their departure, I was sent for byGeneral Sheridan Who received me with his usual gentleand cordial manner and had a long talk with me upon thesubject of my ethnological researches among the Indiantribes l iving within the limits of his Mi l

’

y Divi sion . The

purport of his remarks was summed up in the closing sen

tences :“ I want you to devote your time to the Indians,

South of the Union Pacifi c Road and let Clark10 take thosenorth of it, but of course I don

’t mean that either of you

shall b e tied down to mathematical lines ,—there is plentyof work for you both . Don

’

t b e in a hurry . Take yourtime. I want you to make a success of this and I

’

ll back

10. W i lliam Philo Clark entered West Point from New York , graduated in 1864.

After graduat ing he was ass igned to the 2md Cava lry, and h e had now just receivedh is capta incy (Jan . 25, The task here indicated for h im was to b e interruptedb y h is death on Sept. 22, 1884.


you up in every possible way . I am giving you this workbecause I regard you as the man for the place and that it’sj ust the thing for you .

”

Thanking the General for his courtesy and his highopinion of me, I bowed and withdrew .

Captain W . P. Clark, 2ud Cavalry , then invited me to

run over to his apartments at the Palmer House and ex

amine the manuscript of his new work on the“sign lang

uage of the North American Indians .

”Of course, I made

no examination , not deeming myself fi t to criticize the laborsof Clark who has made thi s subject a profound study foryears . He is eminently fi tted for the fi eld now openingbefore h im;of strong mental powers , powerful physique,indefatigable, persistant, ambitious and magnetic, he getsinto the confi dence of the Indians more quickly than any

man I know, excepting Gen’

l . Crook .

Passed the greater part of the evening in the

pleasant, comfortable rooms of the “Chicago Club , wherein our party were General Sheridan, General G . A . For

syth ,Captain Clark , Mr . Norton , Mr . Lyon, Mr . Fisher , Mr .

Pope and others .

March 26 , 1881 . Saturday. Enjoyed a cosey breakfastwith General Forsyth , at the Chicago Club . The cooking

and the service were simply perfect .Again to Hd. Qrs . where I had another conversation

with the Lieutenant-General, from whom I received my fi nalinstructions , which read as follows :

Hd. Qts . Mi l ’y Division of the Missourl,Chicago, Ills. , March 26th , 1881 .

Special Orders ,No. 33

First Lieutenant John G . Bourke , 3rd Cava lry , Aide de Camp ,under instructions from the Division , wi ll proceed to Fort Hall ,I . T . ,

and thence to Santa Fe , New Mexi co, and from that place tosuch other points as wi ll enable him to comply with sa id instructions. Post Commanders, on his written application , wi ll furnishLieut . Bourke such transportation and scouts as he may require .

By Command of Lieut.-Gen’l. Sheri dan ,

(signed ) Gen . A . Forsyth ,Lieut .

-Colonel I . A . D . C .


I bade good bye to General Sheridan and other friendsat Hd. Qrs . , and then took the

“Rock Island” train for

Omaha .

March 27 , 1 881 . (Sunday) . Reached Omaha . While crossing the iron bridge over the Missouri , we saw that the fetters of the ice-king were slowly yielding and that the nobleriver would soon again b e free.

Chapter XIII

A VISIT TO THE SHOSHONEES'

ROM OMAHA Lieutenant Bourke proceeded fi rst to FortHall , Idaho Territory, to carry out a prel iminary inves

tigation among the Shoshonees and Bannocks l iving near

that post. The reason for this lay in the fact that these

tribes belonged to the same l inguistic stock as the Hopi

Pueblo Indians in Arizona among whom he was planning

to continue his earlier study . Evidently he wished to

acquaint himself with any cultural relations between these

two branches of the Shoshonean people.

1

March 313t, 1881 . Thursday. Gen ’l . Crook returned froman unsuccessful bear hunt in the mountains north of RockCreek, Wyoming ; he did not reach the depot in town

(Omaha ) until after one A . M. , as his train had been obligedto make a detour by way of Kearney Junction , Neb . , and

Saint Joseph , Mo. , a sudden spell of warm weather havingthawed the ice and snow in the valley of the Platte causingthe river to overflow its banks , carry away several m ilesof the Union Pacifi c track and flood the towns of Frémontand Columbus. After bidding adieu to General Crook and

other offi cers at Hd. Qrs . I left for Fort Hall , Idaho, andSanta Fé , New Mexico. My bright young friend , Paul Horbach, came down to the depot to say good bye .

Owing to break in the U. P. R. R . near Fremont, ourtrain had to cross the Missouri river east to the little station known as Council Bluffs , thence along the Kansas C itySaint Jo. C . B . R . R to Plattsmouth Junction, crossing

1. See Hodge, Handbook of American Ind ians , II, under Shoshonean people.


the shape of a mark along the l ine of travel . At every stopping-place, they made the air resound with the barking of

their l ittle pop-guns , and with much profanity . They will ,undob utedly, With time, develop into good citizens and prominent men in our new communities, but a sound clubbingv

h

fllfi rst b e required to take some of the conceit out of

t em.

During the night with the help of our double engines ,we made up much of our lost time and reached Green River,Wyoming, almost at the usual hour for breakfast on the

morning of

Aprilz ud, 1881 . (Saturday ) A warm , lovely, bright day .

Major B isbe’

e and Captain Young, 4th Infantry, were at

Carter station and, much to my pleasure, rode With us untilwe met the Eastward-bound train at Evanston . Got to

Ogden , Utah , in time to connect with the Utah and Northern train for Fort Hall . At depot, I met Mrs . Bainbridge,wife of Major Bainbridge, commanding the post of FortHall , and Lieut. Kimball and party of ladies , including hislovely young sister, all of whom had come to see Mrs . Bainbridge off . The weather in Salt Lake Valley was balmy as

summer, the roads were thick with dust and fruit trees b eginning to bloom .

April3rd, 1881 Arr ived at Blackfoot, Idaho, atown which has grown from nothing within the pasttwo years . It contains a number of very neat cottages

and maintains a valuable trade with the rich mining dis

tricts now opening up in the mountain ranges between thispoint and Salmon River . An iron bridge, 600feet long, has

been thrown across Snake river tomeet the demands of this

trade, a sure indication of its value and permanency .

Daily, immigrants are pouring into this part of Idaho

and Montana, by the car and train loads, attracted mainlyby valuable mines . Consequently , the Utah and Northern

promises soon to become one of the best paying roads in the

country. Work will soon commence on a new line of R . R .

to run from near Fort Bridger , Wyo. , cross the Utah and

Northern near Fort Hall and continue on unti l it reaches

Portland , Oregon . It will b e built by the Union Pacifi c

R . R . Co. , and wil l play an important part in opening upWestern Wyoming and all of Idaho.


The Keeny House, Blackfoot, boasts of a parlor withdadoed wall-paper, piano, melodeon, hanging lamps and

easy chairs . A very good concern so far as it goes , but umfortunately , the genius of improvement lost his enthusiasmon the threshhold of the dining room , where the spirit ofthe Past still holds sway and the grub , as of yore , is simplydamnable.

Major Bainbridge came over with an ambulance and

drove Mrs . Bainbridge and myself to the post—8 miles,along a very dusty, but otherwise agreeable road .

April4th, 1881 . Monday. After breakfast, Major Bainbridge and I rode over to the Shoshonee and BannockAgency, at Ross Fork, 141A;miles distant , taking the roadacross the nose of Mt. Putnam , which sti l l had considerablesnow close to its summit . At the agency we were kindlyreceived by Agent Wright who escorted us about his Department, taking us to the saw-mill where we had the pleasureof meeting Dr . DuBois a very bright young gentleman, and

Charl ie and Joe Rainey, two intelligent Bannock halfbreeds .

At the post-trader’

s Mr . Schill ings , the clerk , Mr . Holt,very kindly invited us to take lunch at his mess, which wedid gladly, fi nding plenty of good food , well cooked . Afterlunch , we began to examine the Indians , whom AgentWright had kindly sent for that purpose . The questionswere based upon the categories contained in pp 1119

and unless otherwise explained apply to both Bannocks and

Shoshonees , the tribes believed to b e originally of a common origin , altho

’

now speaking widely different languages .

They call themselves and each other by the same namesemployed by the Whites—Bannocks and Shoshonees .

8

These Bannocks and Shoshonees were largely repre

sented in the hostilities against the whites in’

66‘

and’

67 and

suffered a terrible castigation at the hands of General Crook,for whom they cherish an admiration based upon wholesome fear .

2. The reference is to h is Memoranda. See chapter x 11, note 8 .

3. The notes om itted here are Bourke’s records of h is own observat ions , on thisand the following day, and of the data gathered from h is

“in formants , Charlie and

Joe Rayney, two well-informed French and Bannock halfb reeds who, when at all

in doubt , asked ass istance from Capta in J im, Captain John , and T i-h i , old Shoshonee

and Bannock chiefs .

”


How is Clook asked Captain Jim, when he met me.

Clock down in Omaha ? Clook all l ight ? You tell Clockme know him.

”

“All right, Jim, I’ll do it.

Major Bainbridge I did not get back to Ft. Hall ,and fi nish our dinner , until long after dark and then mykind host mixed me a stiff toddy and we retired to rest.Slept soundly and awakened much refreshed ,

April6th , 1881 . Wednesday. Rained quite heavi ly lastnight. Strong wind blowing all day . Paid short visit toLt. andMrs . Yeatman Dr. Grimes and devoted rest of theday to writing up my journal . Bade farewell to my kindhostess, Mrs . Bainbridge and the Major and took the con

veyance awaiting me at the door to drive me to Blackfootstation .

!

(In Mrs . Bainbridge’

s parlor is one of Moran’s paint

ings—camp on Snake River—presented to her by the artist,and valued at It is a gem of drawing and coloring. )

The road to Blackfoot station was very sandy ;onlyenough soil on top to give a scraggy growth of sage-brushan excuse for existence. A fi erce wind blowing the sandinto ridges and ruts compl icated the diffi culties of crossingone or two of the larger dunes , in our way, but we hadno serious obstacle and reached the station in good timefor me to check my baggage to Denver and engage a berthin the sleeper to Ogden .

April7th ,1881 . The Utah Northern is one of the easiest

roads to ride upon that I have ever travelled over ; thechange, in this road , since I fi rst knew it, in 1875 , is almostincredible. (For a description of it as it then was, consultnotebook Nov. Dec .

This morning has been quite cloudy . At Ogden , I wasmet by Lieut. Kimball , 14th Infantry, whom I very muchwanted to see, on account of his service among the FortHall Indians .

“He said these Indians didn

’t seem to haveany idea of God, except as they learned of him from the

4. A marginal note was here inserted later by Bourke . perhaps after becom ingacquainted with the artist. Peter Moran , in Santa Fe. See The Snake-Dance of the

Moqu is , p . 5.

5. Will iam Augustus Kimball, born in Indiana , was adm itted to West Pointfrom Utah but was a cadet on ly from July 1872 to Jannary 1873 He was commiss ioned2ud lieutenant, 14th Infantry , on August 31 , 186 ; lst lieutenant in 1890; and was

retired with rank of capta in on August 13, 1894.


cially among the Bannocks , apply a dazzl ing band of ver

million to the forehead at roots of hair. From their formerintimacy with the Flatheads, I am inclined to ascribe thiscoloring of the foreheads to their association With a peoplewho flattened it, altho

’

the Bannocks say that the Flatheadshave now abandoned the practice.

For music, they make use of drums , tambourines,gourds filled with shot, flageolets and war whistles , the lastmade of a bone from the wing of an eagle. They deny thattheir songs have any words to them and say that they are

not arranged with words—“only music, that

’

s all .The women are expected to perform all work consistent

with their strength ;thus, all that relates to the cuisine,comes within woman

’

s province, in hunting or fi shing she

cuts up and preserves the catch of each day. Berry, nutand insect collecting belongs to her , as wel l as all tanningof furs and making of garments.

They employ sweet” (i . e. aromatic ) grasses as disinfectants for their Council sweat lodges ;the latter are

made of willow withes , having the two ends stuck in the

ground bent over to form a dome-l ike structure, uponwhich are placed blankets and skins to make them airtight.The occupant strips off h is clothing and sits over a pile of

hot stones , upon Whi ch is thrown cold water to cause an

escape of steam .

The introduction of fi re-arms has effected such achange in their mode of warfare, even in the past decade,that nothing is so fraught with diffi culty as the task of get

ting arrows and lances . They say they don’t use them any

more, hence don’t make them .

Their pipes are either of the indurated ochreous clayin use among the Sioux Crows obtained from the latterin trade, or else of steatite (sope-stone) found in their own

country .

They do not admit that their women use any differentterms for the same object—different from those the menemploy ;nor have I been able to learn from any sources thatsuch is the case.

Mr . Lewis Morgan , in his Ancient Society has ad

vanced with much ingenuity and skill the theory that allour wild tribes have been governed by clan or gentile sys

tems, similar to those of the Iriquois . Until its existenceamong the Shoshonees and Bannocks b e better defi ned, theburden of proof will rest with Mr . Morgan and his school .


Certainly, my efforts to determine the existence of such a

system have been honest and well-meant, but entirely wanting in success .

The Bannocks and Shoshonees use the sign language.

April8th. The U. S . Railway Mail Agent invited me toenter his car and examine its workings . I was much interested. The Railway Mail system has been methodizedalmost to perfection since 1870 and has done wonders inexpediting the transmission of letters and postal packagesacross the country .

We reached Cheyenne on time to catch the Denver Pacifi c train . We pulled out in a snow gust, but this did not

last long and did us no damage. The Denver Pacifi c runsalong a much more level l ine of country than that followedby the parallel l ine—the Colorado Central . It is of the

Denver Pacifi c that the story is told in R . R. circles thatJay Gould , having fi rst quietly gobbled up the Kansas Pacific , the Colorado Central and the Union Pacifi c , thus cutting it off from all except local traffi c, telegraphed the Dutchshare-holders in Amsterdam to know whether or not theywould sell . An affi rmative reply was cabled and Gouldstarted for Europe. He reached Amsterdam on time and

met the share-holders as agreed upon. The price for whichthey were willing to sel l was

“All right,” said

Gould,“sign the transfer papers .

” “But, rejoined thephlegmatic Mynheer who acted as spokesman for the Hollanders ,

“we want you to agree to pay us 5 p. c . on the indebt

edness until cancelled .

” “All right,”

said the American.

Whereupon , the legal documents were formally signed and

delivered , and Gould , without giving the Dutchmen time tolight a pipe of tobacco, drew his check-book , made out adraft for the entire amount on the Earing

’

s Bank , in London , handed it to the chairman and started on his returntrip to America , having been in Holland about 6 hours .

Denver itself is full of bustle and“has a boom ,

”to use

the Western phrase. Its people have a go-ahead spirit andnumbers of fi ne brick blocks , new or reconstructed hotels,and a magnifi cent Union R . R . depot, attest their faith inthe permanency of their city

’

s prosperity. They have gasand water works, the latter supplying a very fi lthy l iquidwhich is used by the inhabitants in their ablutions;strangers recoil from it, being content, as a general thing, withthe dust and grime already upon them . There is some talkof introducing the electric l ights and take it in any aspect


of the case, Denver is a live town and no mistake. It already has the Denver Pacifi c , Colorado Central , Denver and

South Park , and the Denver Rio Grande : the Union Pacifi c is pushing to completion a new branch from Julesburgh , Colo. , and its rival the Burl ington , is making groundfly on the extension of its Trans-Missouri system throughDenver to Ogden, Utah , perhaps to the Pacifi c Coast—whoknows ? Lastly, the Topeka and Santa Fé , contemplatesrunning its track in from Pueblo, thus giving Denver an

eminent position as a Rail Road center.

By the Denver Rio Grande, the distance to Santa Féis just 400miles ;for this distance, the fare is andhas only recently been reduced from And yet atsuch atrocious rates , it is well patronized . Leaving Denver ,we ran close by the machine and repair shops of the company which are very extensive and complete . The road , l ikethe Utah and Northern , is a narrow gauge, but cannot compare with its northern comrade in solidity of track-b ed, orelegance of equipment . Still the Rio Grande is a grand lineand one of ambition , as well . It has at present writingabout 800miles of rail under its management and has madearrangements to extend one branch to Galveston , Texas , another to Chihuahua , Mexico and a third to Salt Lake, Utah .

We ran along the E . slope of the Rocky Mountains and, 50or 60m. South or S . east of Denver , crossed the

“divide,between the waters of the South Platte and those of the Ar

kansas ;on the summit of this “divide” is a small lakelet orpond , said to b e 15

’ deep , 200yds . in diameter , and havingno Visible inlet or outlet. I was riding in the day car , the

better to observe the country , passengers &c . Most of thosein our train were bound for Leadville and the m ining regionin its vicinity and beyond it. One of our passengers toldme that the Denver and Rio Grande now has men atwork grading its l ine of extension from Leadville to Gunnison and on toward Salt Lake .

As we receded from Denver , the country becamerougher ; our direction converged more closely with the

trend of the mountains and p ine timber appeared in greaterplenty . The view of the more elevated peaks was not verygood , the day being gloomy and clouds hanging low downon the skirts of the range . (The newspapers of this morning announce a heart-sickening earth-quake at the greatisland of Chios , in the Mediterranean—one of the birthplaces of Homer . 8000 lives reported lost . Also a great


line. Here our train divided ;one portion went N. W. to

Leadsvi lle, and the other kept on South toward Santa Fé .

Once across the Arkansas , you are in a foreign country , sofar as the permanent population is concerned ;the American, it is true, is present in strong force and holds in hishands the key of power and wealth ;he controls the RailRoads, manages the telegraph and works the steel foundriesand coal mines, but, nevertheless , it takes but a glance toassure you that he is present, as yet, merely as an intrusiveelement, alien to the population, to the institutions , mannersand customs of the Territory . The houses proclaim this ;they are all of adobe, except here and there a lonely one builtby the R . R;co. for its employees;the children and womenproclaim it —their swarthy faces and l iquid black eyes havedrawn their tint and glow from warmer suns than ourstheir fathers and husbands are the trackrnen of the road ,but receive their instructions in a tongue strange to the

people who projected and built it;the names of the stationsand localities proclaim it—we have : Pueblo, Cucharas , SanCarlos , San Luis , Alamosa , Sangre de Cristo, Trinidad , LasAnimas , Raton, Rayado, Embudo, Los Luceros. Even theanimals in the fi elds and the viands on the table proclaimthe change. We see plodding patiently along the countryby-ways l ittle trains of little burros , each bearing on hisdiminutive back a load much bigger than himself, but suffering his trials with so much patience and uncomplaininggood humor that the conviction flashes upon my mind thateach burro is now the place of transmigration of the soulof some ancient stoic phi losopher ;a conviction which impels me to touch my hat to a burro every time I meet oneand when speaking of him to employ the masculine pro

noun instead of the neuter which appl ies to animals . Thenthere are herds of goats with long beards—they look likeold time patriarchs , but they forfeit by their levity the re

spect excited by their dignifi ed appearance. Goats are too

much addicted to chewing tin cans or p icking their teethwith fragments of old hoop skirts to ever gain the positionin the social scale that the prim and well-behaved burroattains at once and without effort .

Even the Railroad itself, intruder tho’ it b e, has had

to succumb to the pressure of Mexican ideas and has dubbedits sleeping and chair cars with such (to us ) strange names

as“La Senorita ,

” “Aztec ,” “San Ildefonso,

” “Tierra Amari lla ,

”&c. Chile, frijoles, and the fi ne large Mexican onion


appear in various forms upon the tables at the refreshmentstations and one by one from out of the gloom somewhere,there glide fi gures wrapped in toga-l ike serapes and insteadof announcing themselves as Thomas Jefferson Dawkins orGeorge Washington Podger , whisper in a voice half dulcet,half husky, the names Jesus Maria Salazar or GuadalupeFrancisca Gallegos .

At Cucharas (spoons ) our route turned West, giving usa fi ne view of the snow mantled Spanish Peaks to the Southand bringing us soon to the foot of the steep grade ascending

“Veta Pass .

”The

“Sangre de Cristo”(Blood of Christ)

range, in which is the Veta” (mineral vein ) pass, is thedividing line between the drainage of the Arkansas thatof the Rio Grande : aside from this , it is the local ity of oneof the grandest feats of Rai l Road Engineering of the present generation , so prolifi c in grand achievements. The

ascent of the Pass overcomes some of the steepest gradesever surmounted and introduces curves of the greatest severity, one of them , The Mule Shoe,

” being aptly describedby its name. Going around this , we could see our two littleengines climbing l ike cats higher higher up the mountain,

and below us , deep down in the bosom of the canon , glistened the head l ight of another locomotive, toiling and puffing in our wake. The scenery in the Pass is impressive andmajestic, but decidedly naked void of much claim to the

picturesque;it appeals to one’

s fears instead of to h is loveof the beautiful . There is not enough of snow, or timber orverdure to conceal its severe outlines ;snow in huge patches,and timber in great clumps can b e seen in many places , butthe general impression left on the mind is that of solemndesolation . The summit is 9997 ft. above the sea level ;herein a sheltered recess is a side track with a water-tank andengine house—a slight trace of civi l ization in an otherwiseunbroken solitude of savage Nature .

Once across the Blood of Christ mountains, we ran

down a narrow ravine v which gradually widens into thebeautiful San Luis Valley in which is the mi litary garrisonof Ft. Garland .

When last I knew of the valley of San Luis, its inhabitants had no other means of transportation than their homemade

“carre a shocking burlesque upon its hightoned

distant relatives, the Brewster Buggy and the StudebakerWagon made altogether of wood and raw-hide, without asingle nail or piece of iron in its composition , its wheels


were sol id sections of great pine trees, perforated in thecenter by a hot iron to make a hole to admit the ungreasedaxle. As they rolled over the dusty roads, they squeaked asiren song which wakened the dead for fi ve miles or more.

In our car , were Captain and Mrs . Guthrie, 13th Inf’

y,

with their children who left us at Fort Garland , where Imet Captain Shindley 6th Infantry, last seen at FortBuford , at the mouth of the Yellowstone, Montana , in 1877.

It was so late that the Fort could not b e seen ;that is nothingmore than the l ights which flashed from the windows of thequarters . I turned in to b ed at this point and did not wakenuntil we had reached the terminus at Espanola .

Aprilloth .

‘

Palm Sunday. At early dawn we took our

seats in the stage bound for Santa Fé , 28 mi . distant. Nofault could b e found either With coach or teams ;the formerwas a new Concord , of approved make, the latter six

strong, well-formed , active American horses .

I took my seat by the driver , wishing to see and learnall I could of the country . We fi rst turned E. crossed theRio Grande by a new but very frail and shaky bridge and

then kept a general S . course until we had reached the cityof the Holy Faith . The Rio Grande at Espafi ola, hasn

’t asingle element of beauty;the water is turbid , the banks lowand sandy, and there is an almost absence of foliage . In

front of us, as we crossed the river , the Sangre de Cristouplifted its snow-capped summit to form a back-ground inrelieving contrast with the front of the p icture which wasa monotonous succession of red sand and clay mesas , ccvered with a ragged growth of greasewood and soap-weed .

Our driver was out of humor with his team and sworeat them all for laziness , emphasizing his remarks by a liberal application of the Whip to “

Tim”and

“Keno” whoseperformance he considered below his standard of excellence.

The road was very sandy and without the stimulus of

the whip our animals might perhaps have lagged , but withits continuous cracking sound ing in their ears , they had noincentive to delay, so we were not many minutes in reaching Santa Cruz , on the creek of the same name;a prettyIndian ‘ ‘ ”pueblo or hamlet, built ln the form of a square, allthe houses of adobe facing inward . One side of the square

7. It is somewhat surprising that Bourke should mistake Santa Cruz for an

Indian pueblo. Perhaps in appearan ce it was not then very diss im ilar from a pueblo,

and early on Palm Sunday in pass ing through on the stag e he may have noticed v is

itors from San Juan , Santa Clara , or even from San Ildefonso or Namb é . As a


the more pretentious residences in some cases were coatedwith lime and stucco;that the gardens and fi elds were en

closed by walls either of plain adobe, or of adobe clay mixedwith pebbles , or of

“Cajon”laid in huge blocks 4feet long

by 3 in length [height ? ] and breadth ;or else in place of

Walls, they had a boundary of fencing made by stickingthorny cactus branches in the ground or ordinary stout cottonwood branches placed in the same manner .

Each house had at one of its exterior corners, a bakeoven , which was nothing more or less than a hemi-sphericaltumulus of hardened mud The agricultural implements—the plows and harrows—were of the most ridiculouslyprimitive description and the simple fact that they were inuse spoke volumes for the fertil ity of the soil .“

We did not adhere very closely to the Rio Grande, butfol lowed along parallel to it and at some distance to theEast, crossing a number of its tributaries , one of the principalbeing the Pojuaque, upon whose banks is the

“pueblo”

of the same name.

10 This is much neater in appearance thanSanta Cruz and has a look of greater prosperity . SeveralPueblo Indians were at the stage station . A Mexican b oytold me in a sleepy tone of voice that they raised trigo(wheat) , maiz (corn ) , duraz noes (peaches ) , manzanas(apples ) , ciruelas (plums ) , cerezas (cherries ) , peras(pears ) , sandias (watermelons ) , melones (mush-melons ) ,calabazas (pumpkins) , chil i verde (green chile) , and

muchas otras cosas (many other things . )An old Frenchman l ives here upon whom I thought I

would perpetrate some of my French . The old man’

s

native language seemed to double him up as if a nitro—glycerine bomb11 had exploded nearby. I had started withoutany breakfast and was ravenous for lunch . I couldn’tremember what the French for lunch was, neither could I

get to my tongue’

s end the precise question I wanted whichwas to ask him if he could let us have some bread and butter . However , I asked him one j ust as good which I hadmemorized from Ollendorfi

’

, which was :“Have you the

bread of my uncle or the butter of my sister The lookthe old fellow gave me was one of dumbfounded perplexity ,

9. Such implements may b e seen in the Historica l Soc iety rooms of the old

Palace of the Governors ,

”Santa Fe .

10. By,inter-marriage , this old Tewa pueblo has s ince become wholly a Span ish

11 . Evidently bombs are not of recent origin in warfare !


occasioned , I imagine, by his amazement at hearing the language of his native land spoken with such purity in such astrange country . The old man gasped out : “Ah , monsieur,vous parlez tres bien mais ! mais —Well , we didn

’t get anylunch, and the driver who was an unfeeling, coarse-mindedfellow without any aesthetic culture, remarked in a sneering tone :

“If yer wanted hash, why the h didn

’

t yer askfur it? Ole man Bukay talks American !” The memory ofold man Bouquet’s appearance during my fi rst interviewwith him shall ever b e one of the most fragrant reminiscences of my experience on the border .

CHAPTER XIV

HOLY WEEK IN SANTA FE

(April 10, 1881 . Palm Sunday. ) Getting nearer to SantaFé, the road became fi rmer and better but much more hilly .

Pine and pi iion trees crowded in clusters down to the road .

Droves of l ittle burros passed us , each bearing a load ,weighing from 150to 300lb s .

Heaps of boulders, surmounted by rude crosses, markedwhere Mexican funeral processions had halted on their wayto the last resting place of the dead .

At Tesuque, an Indian pueblo, we obtained a little lunchat the house of a Dutchman while the driver was changingteams . We had beer and raw onions, jerked meat and verygood bread—and enjoyed the meal very much .

At Santa Fé , I registered at the Exchange Hotel1

and

had hardly done so when Lieutenant Millard Goodwin ,

2

R . Q. M. 9th Cavalry, an old friend , tapped me on the shoulder and insisted on taking me over to his Quarters , a propositiou to which I assented the more gladly When I learned

1. Th is was the famous old hotel at the end of the Santa Fé Tra il. It stoodon the corner now occup ied by La Fonda Hote l . The new hote l” ment ioned be lowwas the former D e Vargas Hotel , th en be ing built on Wash ington Avenue , destroyedby fi re in 1918 .

2. Millard Fillmore Goodwin graduated from West Point two years after Bourkedid. Born in New York , he had entered the Military Academy from Arizona , wherehis father was the fi rst territoria l governor. He was ass igned to the 9th Cavalryin 1872, promoted to lst lieutenant in 1879, and served as regimen ta l quartermas ter

from January 1881 to May 1883. He res igned h is commiss ion the following August .


that he and my old mate Clare Stedman ,

8 were messingtogether .

At same time, I met Mr. Rumsey of Omaha, who is

going to keep the new Hotel (not yet completed ) in SantaFé

, and Mr. Samuel Abbey, the Express Agent, who hadservel in the same regiment with me as a private soldierduring the war of the Rebellion .

At Goodwin ’

s house, I had a most refreshing bath and

then at dinner had the pleasure of meeting Goodwin’

s messmates—Lieuts . Glassford, Cornish Emmet, the last acollateral descendant of the grand Irish patriot, RobertEmmet.‘

After lun ch , Major McKib b in , 15th Infantry, calledupon me : I had known him when I fi rst came to New Mex

ico in 1869 and we had much to say to each other in the

way of old and half-forgotten friends .

With a party of gentlemen, I dropped in for a fewmoments at the gambling rooms of Mr . Shelby, one of the

old timers of this country, who may have much informationof value to me in my work . Despite the character of his

profession ,Mr . Shelby is regarded with much esteem by all

who know h im;he is believed to b e of sterling integr ity and

is known as a man of high character and great publ ic spirit.He is one of the social incongruities to b e met with in aplace like Santa Fé , where public opinion , under the 1n

fi uence of Mexican ideas, does not regard gaming as dis

honorable. There was nothing going on during our visitwhich lasted merely for a moment, but I may say that therooms were quietly but elegantly furnished and that Mr .

Shelby is a gentleman of unusually urbane polishedmanners .

3. Clarence Augustus Stedman , born in Massachus etts , entered the Academy fromPennsylvan ia in 1865. He also served with the 9th Cavalry, as 2nd lieutenant , lstlieutenant , and quartermaster. From March 1880 to January 1885 he was regimenta ladjutant .

4. Wm. Alex . Glassford was a cadet at West Point from 1871 to 1873, thenentered the S ignal Corps and from Nov . 1 , 1879 to December 1890 was a 2nd lieuten

ant. Geo. Anthony Corn ish was in Bourke’s c lass at West Point ; from Jannary1876 to September 1890, he was 1st lieutenant in the 15th Infantry. Robt. TempleEmmet left West Point in 1873 and was a 2nd lieutentant of the 9th Cavalry fromJune 1877 and until advanced in rank in January 1883. Later he served (from New

York ) in the Span ish-Ameri can War ;and on Aug . 9, 1899, was awarded a congress ionalmedal of honor “

for distingu ished gallantry in a fi ght with hostile Indians inaction at Las Animas Canyon , New Mex ico, 18 Sept,


the Spaniards came) and there heard the afternoon concertof selections from the Little Duke, Pinafore Carmenplayed by the colored band of the 9th Cavalry .

It was certainly an odd jumble of ideas of the past andpresent suggested by a glance around . Here was the bandof Africans to redeem whom from slavery had died thebrave men to whose memory yonder cenotaph has b eenerected ;

"here is the palace of the old Casti lian governors,across the street is the Hd. Qrs . of the Mil

’y district,7not a

musket shot distant, are the hoary old temples of SanMiguel and Guadalupe—these have all passed away or withtime shall pass away and the land Which once honored themshall wonder who built them , but here in the streets, cavorting on prancing plugs from the l ivery stable, are a dozenhook-nosed descendants of the babies that Herod unfortu

nately failed to kill . Wil l they ever pass away ? Back fromthe walls of Guadalupe and San Miguel , back from the wallsof the Palace, echoing high in the blare of brazen trumpets ,comes the answer “Never ! The progress of Moses is ineradicable.

” When the Pyramids were young, the ances

tors of these accipitrine-beaked youngsters were sell ingready made clothes to the subjects of Rameses . I don’tknow the Egyptian for the phrase, but whatever it was ,some benevolent looking old Israel ite must often havebawled out in those days—“ Isaac ! Isaac ! hont me town dotblum gulurd su-it mit der schvaller dails,

”and in the far

distant Future when we shall have mouldered into dust, thesame cry, the Shibboleth of the all-conquering Hebrew , willresound in the land which has seen the Aztec , the Castilianand the American pass away .

At dinner to-night, we had Mr . Irwin, the Chief Eu

gineer of the Denver Rio Grande R . R .—a very compan

ionable cultivated gentleman .

April18 th, 1881 . Monday. Shortly after I had arisen and

dressed , a Pueblo Indian and squaw knocked at the door ;they wanted to sel l pottery, of which I bought a half dozenpieces for very low prices . They speak Spanish very welland told me the Apaches and the Navajoes are the samepeople, but that the Apaches are

“malos” (bad ) and the

Navajoes buenos (good . ) The Pueblos were“buenos” b e

6. Referring to the monument in the center of the plaza , erec ted in 1867 by theTerritorial legis lature to the memory of those who had died in the Mex ican War, the

Civi l War , and in the Indian wars . See further mention of it below.

7. Across Lincoln Avenue , on the s ite now occupied by the Art Museum:


cause they were Catélicos . In paying for the articles Ipurchased, I noticed that the woman kept the money .

”

Worked hard at my journal all day, with an intermission of half an hour at noon, devoted to going in companywith Goodwin to a jewelry store fi lled wi th most artisticgold and silver-ware of Mexican make;one brooch especiallybeing a dazzl ing but barbaric incrustation of all the variouskinds of precious stones found in this S .W. country. We

also visited an unique establishment devoted to the sale of

Indian pottery, basket-ware, stone-hammers , Navajo blankets and other articles of their manufacture. A great dealof the pottery was obscene but kept concealed from ladiesvisiting the place .

I took occasion to register my name in the book for thatpurpose at the Hd. Qrs . of the D istrict. This book has beenin use since 1854and conta ins the signatures of the greaternumber of the offi cers who became famous during the warof the Rebellion ;on the lst page, I observed the names of

A. D . McCook, J. W. Davidson, Gen . Sykes and severalothers , then subalterns but since Generals . Under date of

Sept. 25th , 1869, appears my own autograph ,“ou leave of

absence, en route to join regiment.” 9

Santa Fé possesses the only monument in the countryto commemorate offi cers and soldiers killed in battleswith hostile Indians . The Dode monument at West Point,N . Y . is not a monument in the sense in which I am hereusing the term ;it has no nationalor state signifi cance, butwas paid for by private contributions from personal friendsof the victims . So, the Custer monstrosity at the sameplace, is happily, not a national work . I can

’t recall an ihstance in which the General Government has seen fi t to

recognize the services of men who gave up their lives toextend her frontiers ;there has been a l ittle talk about having stones erected on the Big Horn and Rosebud fi elds , butI am not in a position to state whether or not this talk hasbeen allowed to subside or has taken practical shape.

8 . To the ordinary observer this would seem merely an individua l peculiarity ,

b ut Bourke recogn ized its ethnologi cal sign ifi cance—and so jotted it down . It maysti ll be seen among Pueblo Indians , and it roots bac k to t imes before there was any

money and when the man brought home food-supplies and turned them over to his

9. This old register was removed from Santa Fé many years ago. If it can be

located , it should be returned to Santa Fé and placed in the H is t orica l Soc ietyMuseum. Bourke added a clipp ing from the New Mexi can Review which probablyappeared that same week, so he may have ca lled public attention to the old record .


April12 th, 1881 . Tuesday. Lieutenant C . A . Stedman re

turned from ElPaso, Texas, in company with General Hatchand Captain Woodruff . Stedman and I had not met sincethe day of my graduation and were mutually del ighted tomeet in his quarters and review old recollections and keepalive the warm friendship always existing between us . Ipaid my respects to General Hatch who received me mostcourteously ;he is a very handsome and soldierly man and

has done an immense amount of hard work .

About noon there was a very violent storm of thunderand hail , lasting, however, only a few minutes .

Toward dusk, I walked about the Mexican part of thecity and entered a number of grocery stores where I inquired the prices of all sorts of commodities merely to keepme in practice in the language.

Captain Woodruff called in the evening and remainedwith us several hours, talking over old times .

April13th , 1881 . Wednesday. Had another interview withGeneral Hatch this morn ing explained the scope of the

investigations I had been ordered to make . The Generalseemed to b e greatly interested and promised to extend meevery assistance in his power . He also asked me to go withhim on a visit to the Navajoes in the NW. corner of the

Territory, and upon our return to go to the NorthernPueblos , as far as Taos . He gave me a most exact and interesting description of the evolutions of the Mexican troopshe had reviewed at ElPaso last week and praised them in

high terms for discipline, cleanliness and high soldierlyqualities .

April14th ,1881 . This being Holy Thursday , I went to the

Cathedral of San Miguel 1°

to hear mass , arriving, however ,somewhat too late. As the crowd of worshippers was leaving the church , one of them , a lady beckoned to me .

Approaching her , I recognized the wife of my friend , Captain Woodruff , who presented me to the lady in her company. This latter proved to b e Mrs . Synnington , a Mexicanyoung lady of the Armijo family , and a very beautifulwoman . I went with the ladies as far as Mrs . Synnington

’

s

house, where I met her husband , who showed me a numberof very beautiful Navajo and Mexican blankets . Their little

10. This was a s lip , as Bourke meant the Cathedra l of San Franc isco. San

Miguel was the old chapel south of the river , already mentioned . See below, the

notes on Easter Sunday.


utterly ruined in its effect by the continuous barking of thewomen and children .

The sermon over, the Archbishop washed the feet oftwelve of the altar b oys, a custom which I have never beforeseen in this country .

Lieutenant Emmet and I visited one of the Campo Santos , (graveyards) hoping to come upon some antique headstones ;we failed to fi nd anything of the age we sought.The head-boards were all modern , dating back only to theincoming of the American element : the older graves eitherhad lost their head-boards, or what is much more likely,never had any, and had been marked only by a mound of

water-worn cobble-stones and a diminutive wooden cross .

The inscriptions ran in much the same terms as thoseto be found in our own cemeteries : “

En memoria [ cross]de Rosario Duran, Esposa de Juan Sisneros . FallecioJunio13de 1877 , de edad , 26 afi os. Rogad por ella .

”

En Memoria x de Guadalupe Real , Fallecic'

) el3 deJunio, de 1877 . Edad tres meces y tres dias.

”

“En memoria de Manuela Casado, fallecié eldia 18 de

An

de 1877, y nasioeldia 1, de Enero, Afio de 1806 . Goseeu az .

”

“Aqui yas e Nasario Ortiz , fallecido a la edad de 49anos , eldia 8 de Abril de 1878 . En Paz Gose.

”11

Lieutenant John Conline, 9th Cavalry , came into SantaFé this evening. He was at the Mil

’t. Academy with Woodrufi

‘

, Stedman, Goodwin and myself and is a splendid fellowin every particular .

“

At same hour almost, arrived Captain Edward Pollock,9th Infantry, Inspector General of the D istrict, returningfrom an offi cialtour to Fort Lewis, Colorado. He is an old

friend of mine in the Department of the Platte, to whom Imake references in my note-book of the campaign againstthe Sioux Cheyennes, in November 1876 . General Hatchalso called upon us and remained nearly the whole evening,the conversation being very animated and agreeable.

11. Bourke underscored letters wh ich were i ncorrect in spelling on the head

12. Conline entered West Point in 1863, so he was two years ahead of Bourke.

Ass igned to the 9th Cavalry in 1870, he was made a lst lieutenant in November1875. In 1890, he was made a brevet capta in “

for gallant serv ice in action againstIndians in the San Andreas mountains , N . Mex 7 Apri l 1880”—which relates to the

outbreak of the Mesca lero and Hot Springs Apaches in 1879-1880.


April15 th,1881 . Good Friday. Swallowed a cup of coffee

for an early breakfast and started at 8 a. m. for the old“chalcahuitl

”(turquoise) mine, 23 m. S . from Santa Fé

in the foot-hills of the Sandia Mountains, called the Cerri llos .

Our party consisted of the Messers . Smith , father and son ,

guests and old friends of Gen’l . Hatch , and myself. We

were provided with a comfortable ambulance, a good driverand four excel lent mules and rapidly traversed an uninter

esting and dusty country, dotted at sparse intervals withhouses of reddish adobe, scarcely distinguishable from the

ground upon which they stood .

E ighteen miles out from Santa Fé, passed through Bonanza C ity , a mining town springing up over a deposit ofsilver and lead carbonates . Twenty (20) miles from townis Carbonateville, another mining

“city,

” with houses and“saloons,

”of adobe frame work , or canvas . In this neigh

borhood, we entered the foot-hills (cerrillos ) which are

thinly covered with a growth of scrub cedar and pifi on . The“chalcahuitl

” hill was distinguished by a large wooden crossupon its summit : it is conical in form and at its very apexcommences the series of excavations and tunnels fromwhich the Indians obtained the (to them ) invaluable .gem.

The“country rock” I take to b e a sil iceous l imestone, read

ily spl itting into fragments under the action of fi re. Thisseemed to have been the method employed by the savagesand the walls and ceilings of several of the excavations wereheavily encrusted with soot, from fi res made years ago.

The“chalcahuitl, occurs in narrow seams not more than

to in . thick and is not, strictly speaking, turquoise ,but rather an anhydrous carbonate of copper (azulite ) verybeautiful in color and susceptible to high polish .

m

Turquoise is Phosphate of Alumina , colored by Oxide ofCopper . (The Apaches in Arizona—in fact all the tribesover there, think highly of this stone, use it as an armlet,pendant from the neck or else inlay it in the stocks of theirguns . ) In the very centerof the Indian excavations, a deepshaft penetrates the ground to the depth of several hundredfeet and a notice tacked to one of the timbers informs thereader that—Hyde has duly complied with all the require

18. Later, apparently, Bourke here inserted a long c lipp ing from the Santa Fé

New Mexican of July 13, 1881 , which is an artic le by Prof. B . Stillman , cop ied fromthe American Journalof S cience, July , 1881 . S illman credited Prof. Wm. P. B lakewith “

our fi rst deta i led not ice of this anc ient mi ne” which had appeared in the

same Journal in 1857.


ments of the mining laws in the location of the ChalcahuitlLode” to mine for carbonates &c.

“

Not knowing anything about carbonate ores , I am not

ready to give an opinion upon the prospects of the “Cerrillos

” district, but I noticed that the“formation was almost

identical with what I’ve read concerning that near Leadville .

There is the same iron-stained “cap rock” and the samefriable sil iceous lime stone which in Leadvi lle are alwaysfound in close proximity to the silver and lead bonanzas .Upon every hil l in the Cerrillos , shafts and prospect holeshave been sunk, but the amount of development upon anyone mine is very meagre. Many of the houses are dug-outs ,having only a door and front-wall of man’

s workmanship ,the rest of the edifi ce being Nature

’

s handiwork.

At this point, we investigated the contents of a lunchbasket, packed for us by Mrs. Hatch ;it formed, by far, themost interesting episode of the day.

Coming back, when within 16 miles of the city, we discerned a small process ion of women and children cl imbinglike ants up the abrupt flank of a high conical hill of basaltic blocks , upon the crest of which a large cross was visiblefor a great distance. Thinking they might b e “penitentes ,

”

my companions and myself jumped from our ambulance andclambored up the stony trail in pursuit of the procession . Ireached the cross fi rst and found 3 young women and asmany as a dozen boys and girls in the attitude of prayer. Iinterrogated them and learned that they were not

“penitentes” but “buenos Catolicos

”; that this was

“ViernesSanto” (Good Friday ) and that not having any churchthey had erected this cross in this elevated position to letall their “

proj imos”see it and gather together for devo

tionalexercises .

One of the women was named McLain , one Espinosa,and one Padilla . They asked if I was a Cathol ic and uponreceiving my answer that I was a very bad one, invited meto join them in the Rosary which I consented to do : andthen la senora Espinosa began to intone in a very clear ,sweet voice the Angelic Salutation .

I had to listen very carefully to catch the words , but asthe prayer was repeated over and over again , I soon learnedit and was able to join in the responses . I think it ran thisway :

14. Th is Hyde was doubtless the D . C . Hyde, who, accord ing to the S illmanarticle , had recently explored the old workings .


pertains to everything visible in the village. The Indiansthemselves are short and squatty , but powerful in build andpresent a remarkable similarity to the Apaches . We saw acouple of old squaws sitting in what little sunlight struggledthrough the lowering clouds , and near them were two halfgrown boys bearing on their backs huge bundles of fi re

wood . We asked one of the women to point out to us the

house of the gobernador.

”She understood Spanish and

directed one of the party of l ittle boys and girls to show us

the way;the little girl not alone but the whole gang withher obeyed the order. We were marched over to the otherside of the plaz a and observed on our way that the chimneysof the houses were made of earthenware pots , placed one

upon another and coated with mud , that upon the roofs innearly all cases were bake-ovens , and that to enter anyhouse it was necessary fi rst to ascend a ladder to the roofof the fi rst story and then descend to the living rooms . Be

cause we did not attend to this last peculiarity , we walkedquite around the residence of the gobernador, followed bythe whole swarm of boys and girls laughing and screamingat our ignorance. At last, we found the proper ladder and

climbed to the second story . This was built upon the fi rst,but the walls were not, as with us , flush with the front wallsof the edifi ce. They receded in such a manner as to leavea platform in front;this was the roof of the fi rst story and

was formed of round pine logs, covered with small branchesand afterwards plastered smoothly with mud .

Almost immediately behind us, bearing a baby upon hisback, came the

“gobernador” himself. He invited us to

descend again into the house which altho’ a trifle close was

clean and in good order, warmed by a bright fi re of cedarknots blazing on the hearth in one corner. We were fi rstpresented to his wife and l ittle daughters ;the former making moccasins with soles of rawhide, the latter grindingcorn upon metates .

First , the“gobernador or cacique (he acknowledged

both titles showed us two silver headed batons of othee;one, marked in plain script—“President Lincoln a Tesuque,

and the other , unmarked , received from the Mexican

16 . This must have been an error , due to the fact that up to this time Bourkehad had litt le opportun ity to study the soc ial organ ization of the Pueblo Indians . The

cac ique was the sp iritual head of the tribe—a life ofi i ce ; the governor and otherOffi cers of an Indian town were elected annually and had charge of its materia lafi airs . The former should b e the best informed man in any pueblo—which this manclearly was not.


Government before the coming of the Americanos . Hanging on the wall alongside of these was a doll-fi gure of San

Antonio and several crude and time-blackened holy picturesfrom Mexico. A very small window of nine lights openedupon the plaza . I asked the Gobernador what material wasemployed before they had glass; he answered promptly“yeso,

”(selenite) but added that now there was not a single

pueblo employing that material“eu ninguna parte.

” ‘ 7

A couple of Apache baskets lay in one corner ; Iinquired whence they came;

“de los Apaches

”—he replied“Nosotros cambiamos nuestros géneros por los de los

Apaches cada ano.

” Then he showed us a gourd rattle (fi lledwith stones ) and another made of a tortoise shell and antelope hoof also a drumstick, with knob of buck-skin stuffedwith hair ;all these were

“

por la musica de las fi estas , de losbai les .” The bedding in the corner was of colchones and

Mexican black, white and blue striped blankets ;no Navajoblankets were to b e seen , altho

’

he said they traded with theNavajoes and with all the tribes around . Finding h im in acommunicative mood , I asked him to name the tribes withwhich they had commercial relations . He promptly told offon his fi ngers—Apaches , Navajoes, Utes , Shoshonees, Comanches , Kiowas, Arapahoes, Napanannoes (Lipans ) Tissfi roquis and two other tribes whosenames I cannot recall but from the direction given by hisfi nger, I am certain they were the Cheyennes and the Pawnees or S ioux . I made him go over the l ist three times anddid all I could to shake h im in his assertion, but he stuck tothis statement and said further that the Sli sonee , (Shoshonees ) were the same as the Utes , but lived a little beyondthem . Furthermore, he said the Sfi sonnee, the Ute, theComanches, the Kiowas , the Tissuroquis , and the Arapahoes were one and the same people, even if they didn

’t speakthe same language . The Napannannos (the Lipans ) were“1a misma sangre” with the Apaches and Navajoes . In

communicating with people who didn ’t understand theirlanguage or Spanish , they (Tesuques ) spoke with theirfi ngers (i . e. used the sign language )

The only fi re-arm Visible in the house was an old flintlock . I asked him if the Tesuques were good Catholics—heresponded in the affi rmative .

“But, continued I , have younot another religion , that of your antepasados (fore

17. The governor was mistaken , for a few such windows may st ill b e seen in a

number of the pueblos .


fathers ) Haven’t you an estufa here? (Estufa-stove, isthe name applied to the room in which was habitually keptthe sacred fi re of all these building Indians . ) I will pay youif you will show me the estufa .

” Sta bueno, said the gobernador and leading us out of the house by the same meansby which we had entered , he moved forward almost to theS . E. corner of the Pueblo. In the upper story of one of thehouses on our way we saw what looked like strips of corkpiled one upon the other; it was dried cow manure kept“para quemar loza

”(to burn crockery . )

“Este es la iglesia”(this is the church ) said our guide,

pointing to a sadly d ilapidated one story flat roofed adobestructure, surmounted by a very small bell : we did not caremuch to examine the church just then , as the

“estufa was

immediately behind it, but isolated from the rest of thevillage. The rumbl ing thunder warned us that we had notmany minutes to spare and must economize as much aspossible if we wished to escape a drenching. Like everyother building (except, I think, the church ) the estufa wasentered by a ladder, in this case wide enough for two persons at once. The roof was shaky and the ladder runningdown into the “

estufa” half—rotten and very rickety. The

room was about 20' square and 8 ’ high , without any openingsave that of the entrance through the roof and a small holeon the level of the floor which looked as if it has been wornthrough . Ou one side, occupying a space between the walland the center of the room , were the remains of a councilfi re and against one of the walls , was a small frameworkupon which, we were told , they placed a quantity of

blazing wood ,“lo mismo como una lampara”—in the man

ner of a lamp . I asked is this lamp “

por elsol? (for thesun ) He answered briskly, Si (yes. ) but I have my suspi

cions as to the sincerity of his statement. Upon furtherinterrogation, the cacique said : -“I myself know nothing,or but l ittle of these things , but the viejos (old men ) saythat our ancestors came from over there, from the risingof the sun, (pointing to the North-East) . They fi rst l ived incaves before they came here to bui ld houses and then theymoved down the river (Rio Grande) toward Chihuahua .

All these caves you see in the canons are the old dwellings ofour forefathers .

When we want to transact business, we light that fi reand meet here. (Council Fire. ) but, en elmes de Octubre


ish precise and scholarly. To my great del ight, I understood every word . His remarks bore upon the events commemorated during Holy Week and the triumphant resurrection typifi ed and celebrated in the joy of Easter ;of our

Savior’

s reappearance among his Disciples and his reproofto the doubting Thomas for h is want of Faith ;how we

resembled Thomas in this respect as we remained blind tothe miracles of His power and continually offended Him byindifference to the Grace He wished to confer ; that thepresent was the only time left us ;the Past was gone and theFuture uncertain . As man sowed so should he reap and

unless we planted the seed of good works , we could not

hope to share in the Harvest of Eternal joys with Christ.In the afternoon Emmet and I went to a Mexican

funeral ;only a hearse, followed by a long column of mourning friends—two by two—no ostentatious display at alland a very sensible affair in all its bearings .

In turning away to leave the cemetery, I was shockedto fi nd that I had been standing upon the graves of my oldfriends , Lt. and Mrs. W. J Sartle, with whom I had passedmany pleasant hours of serv ice at Fort Craig, on the Rio

Abajo, in 1869.

Stedman and I had a very pleasant dinner this eve

ning with our friends Captain and Mrs . Woodrufi‘

.

Apr il18th, 1881 . Monday. A glorious morning. A sky of

sapphire, birds warbling merrily in the branches of treesfast turning green in a vesture of tender fol iage. I beganmy rounds this morn ing by inspecting the lovely si lver-wareat Lucas’ and yielding to the temptation of purchasing someof the exquisite fi lagree work spread out for my inspection .

Then I cal led upon his Excellency, Governor Lew Wallace,at the Palace and was received most courteously. Gov

ernor Wallace told me two things : lst that the East wallof the palace was the wall of the Indian building stormed bythe Spaniards when they recaptured Santa Fé, in 1692 , andthat it was believed to antedate the coming of the Spaniardsto this country ;and 2nd

’

that the Indians of Mexico and

New Mexico, meaning the Aztecs and Pueblos , did not wor

ship the Sun, but the Rattlesnake.

The Governor introduced me to Mr . Ellison , the cus

todian of the Archives , who showed me about the Palace,which is the Administration building of the Terr itorial


Government . Here the U. S . Court holds its sessions , theGovernor has h is office and the other offi cials their bureaux .

Mr . Ellison took me into the room which he said was theoldest in the building. It certainly looks to b e several centuries old, but as the beams are of sawed lumber, its con

struction must have been posterior to the advent of the“Conquistadores.

”On the B . side, the old foundations are

still perceptible, cropping out above the pavement. Theyresemble the foundations of old buildings in Arizona . Next,we went into the archives

’

room and saw bundles upon b undles of paper, p iled high above each other, in an inextricableconfusion . There is no shelving, no glass-casing—nothingto retard the destroying influences of time and weather .

Dust lies thick upon the leaves ;mildew and decay haveobliterated much of the writing and worst of all it is saidthat a former Governor—a drunken , pol itical dead-beat,named Pyle, used many of these valuable documents forkindl ing the fi res in his Office and sold cart-loads of othersfor waste-paper ! Mr . Ellison is laboring occasionally tobring order out of Chaos , and as he is not only a patientstudent, but has a fluent knowledge of Spanish , I look formuch good from his exertions .

Perceiving my great interest in the old Spanish pam

phlets , Mr . Ellison gave me one or two to translate ;with theprinted ones there was no diffi culty except in technical lawterms;but the manuscripts were very diffi cult to decipher ,

the hand-writing being not only almost i llegible, but peculiar in its way of forming letters &c . The printed matteron the other side is a copy of a treaty made with theApaches who revolted in 1810. Having seen considerablehard service against the very bands mentioned in the

Treaty, I asked Mr . E ll ison to give me a copy of it whichhe kindly did and the following translation must do untilsomeone comes along knowing Spanish better than I do and

make a better .

“Fundamental terms of the Peace grantedto the Apaches in rebellion in the State of Chihuahua .

Whereas, in the year 1810, the Gilena and MescaleroApaches , having craved peace uncond itionally and without

19. Governor Wa llace held omce from 1878 to 1881 ; Samuel E llison was Terr itot ial librarian from 1880 to 1889. The latter was “

a Kentuckian who went to Texasas a l ieutenant in 1837 , served in the Mex ican War as quartermas ter , and came to

this territory from Mex ico in 1848 wi th Col. Washington . Later he was secretary ,interpreter , tran slator , legis lator , and held '

various other pos it ions before being madelibrarian and keeper of the archives in (Bancroft , Ariz . N . Mex 791 , note )


rations, the following Reservations were assigned for theiroccupancy and maintenance , to wit;

To the Mescaleros, from San Elceario North to theNorth (or opposite) bank of the River (Grande) thence tothe Sacramento Mountains, including intermediate rangeswhich they shall continue to enjoy (possession of . )

To the Gilena . From the Copper Range, to the LittleBlack Mountain, including the Bummer and Osier ranges,which they shall continue to enjoy (possession of ) also.

To those who have revolted from San Buenaventura,

Carrizal [Reeds] , and Janos , may b e assigned lands fromthe Little mouth of Janos or the Corral of Quintero, Acha ,near Saranpion , Burras to the little house,

” with all theintermediate lands up to Santa Lucia, all of them to recognize the j urisdiction of Janos .

Let it b e generally understood ;lst, that they must notpass from their Reservations to the interior of the State ,without the express permission of Hd. Qrs . and in the numbers permitted;.2nd, they pledge themselves to return allstolen property now in their possession . Encinillas (TheLittle Oaks . ) July 28th, 1832 . José Joaquin Calvo. Copiedat Chihuahua , August 30th , 1832 . Cayetano Justiniani .

Secretary .

”(Translated by Lt. John G . Bourke, U. S .

Army . )Mr . Ell ison promised to hunt up and present me with

one of the old Spanish orders organizing a military expe

dition against the Indians .

Mrs . Woodruff took me with her to see the Convent andchapel of Loretto. We fi rst passed into a large orchard offruit trees of many varieties, all in full blossom, then acrossa broad vegetable garden and at last entered the interiorcorridor of the convent. Faultless neatness was the ruleeverywhere, not a speck of dirt or dust visible.

N0 one answered our repeated pull upon the bell , soweassumed the right to enter the Chapel , the loveliest piece ofchurch architecture in the S .W. country . The nave is an

original arch of great beauty , leading to the steps of the

main altar in front of which hangs a very large lamp of

solid silver . A very well built geometrical stairway leads tothe choir where the sisters sing during the celebration of

the Holy Offi ces . It afforded me much pleasure to see this

19a . The Span ish phrase here , (i la. cas ita , uses a vulgarism with which Bourkewas unfam iliar. The verb casar means to marry or un ite ;and casita, therefore maymean (as here ) little marriage or un ion .


of pottery , stone implements , Navajo and Mexican blankets ,and listened to his narrative of what he had seen in thi sTerritory . Among other things of which I was told , wasthe ruined city or series of cities, some miles North of

here, running for a total distance of 20 to 30miles .

21

The

General incl ines to the opinion that the cave-dwellings haveonly recently been abandoned and cities in proof thediscovery by himself and others of corn cobs still fi rm and

compact. Emmet spoke of an ossuary or charnel-house ina cave dwel ling opened near the source of the Gila ;pottery ,stone axes , corn-cobs, human bones, cremated , were allfound in abundance, covered by a stratum of b at-manure,3 ft. in thickness . Allusion was also made to the fact thatdig

'

where you will , in and about Santa Fé human remainswill b e exhumed , showing the antiquity of the populationresiding here.

April19th 1881 . Tuesday. Stedman and I visited the oldchurch of our Lady of Guadalupe . It shows great age inits present condition quite as much as in the archaic styleof its construction . The exterior is dilapidated and timeworn ;but the interior is kept clean and in good order andin very much the condition it must have shown generationsago. The pictures are nearly all venerable daubs , with fewpretensions to artistic merit. At present, I am not informedupon thi s point and cannot speak with assurance, but Istrongly suspect that most of them were the work of priestsconnected with the early missions of Mexico. Many of theframes are of tin . The arrangement for lighting this chapelare the old time tapers in tin sconces referred to in the

description of San Francisco and San Miguel . The beamsand timber exposed to sight have been chopped out withaxes or adzes , which would seem to indicate that this sacrededifi ce was completed or at least commenced before the

work of colonization had made much progress .

In the evening, I attended the session of the U. S .

Supreme Court , which was engaged in the trial of a manfor murder . The proceedings were in English , but as all

the j urors were Spanish , the employment of an interpreterbecame necessary, and he was an extraordinari ly fi ne one

21. Edward Hatch , born in Maine , was an offi cer from Iowa dur ing the C ivi lWar and served with distinction . In 1866 he was comm iss ioned colonel of the 9th

Cavalry and in 1876-81 he was in command of the mi litary distr ict of New Mex ico.

It was he who drove the Apache chief V ictor ia south into Mex ico, where the latterwas killed in 1880. The ru in s here ment ion ed were probably the clifi -dwell ings of

the Pajarito P lateau .


too ' the Prosecuting Attorney was delivering his speechagainst the prisoner ; he spoke loudly and rapidly, butscarcely had the words escaped h is lips before the interpreter had echoed them in Spanish , and in excellent Spanish ,

too, choosing the exact word to represent the nicest shadesof meaning or to translate the technical terms of the law .

Practice, certainly, had much to do with this ;yet practicecould never have supplied the want of a keen intel lect hadnot Mr . Sena possessed it.

”

Major Bennett, 9th Cavalry, on duty as Agent of theNavajo Indians , arrived from h is Reservation this evening.

”

He has had remarkable success in h is management of thepowerful tribe under his charge and is noted for his intelligent square-dealing, good-natured fi rmness and unflinchingcourage.

April20th, 1881 . The telegrams announce the death of the

Earl of Beaconsfi eld.

Rain has drizzled down all day, interfering greatlywith my plans for examining points of interest in SantaFé . Captain Woodruf

'

f came to see me this evening and

we had a very pleasant couple of hours together, chattingover old times .

Aprilz 13i , 1881 . Morn ing, damp and showery.

April2end, 1881 . I devoted some few moments this morning to making another visit to the jewelry establ ishment ofLucas and Co. , where I purchased a couple of exquisitearticles of silver and gold filagree;thence, to the potteryestablishment of Mr. Gold to secure one or two of the earthenware bowls of the Pueblo Indians, and lastly, purchased

22. José D . Sena was born in Santa Fé in 1837, son of Don Juan Sena who had

come from Old Mex ico, a trader . In the C ivi l War, Don José was a capta in of the

2nd regiment , New Mex ico volunteers , and for distinguished serv ice in the ba tt le of

Valverde he was promoted to major. At the close of the war , he was in charge of

the rebuilding of Fort Marcy in Santa Fé . Res ign ing' h is comm iss ion , Major Sena

became sheriff of Santa Fé county, which offi ce he held for twelve years . He occup iedmany offi ces of honor and trust and for many years was an interpreter in the courtsof New Mex ico, in which profess ion he had few if any superiors . (Twi tchell , Leading Facts of N ew Mex ican H is tory, i i , 388 , note ) A son of the same name , Col.

José D . Sena , v ice-pres iden t of the Historica l Soc iety for the last ten years , has a lsodist ingu ished himself by many years of public service and enjoys a well-merited reputation as an interpreter.

23. Frank Tracy Bennett , nat ive of Ohio, served during the Civ il War. In

1867 he was commissioned a captain in the 39th Infantry, b ut in December 1870 he

was ass igned to the 9th Cavalry, and in June 1885 was made major of the 2nd

Cavalry.


from a Tesuque Pueblo Indian , a willow basket, of thepeculiar form made by that people.

I bade a hurried good-bye to the Woodruffs , to Mrs .

Hatch andMrs . Lee and had the great pleasure of an interview with my old friend , Colonel Lee, who returned fromChicago this morning.

” Colonel Lee brought me the sad

news of the sudden death of my friend Mr . H . W. Farrar,whomade the trip to the Big Horn Yellowstone with ourparty in 1877 . The Colonel was, in 1870, depot Quartermaster at Tucson, A . T . and we there saw much of eachother. I could fillpages with reminiscences of the townof Tucson as it then was, but have no leisure at this momentfor so doing and will simply refer back to passages in mynote—books .”

24. James G . C . Lee , native of Canada , served during the Civi l War fromOh io. He was commiss ioned major in the quartermaster department in July 1879,

although Bourke here speaks of h im as colonel.25. Unfortunately any notebooks of that date are missing , b ut see N . Nu . Km .

Revs ix . pp . 70-77.


of faith which is obligatory for adult converts1 and he was

given the name of Christopher , the same name which he

had received in his fi rst baptism . Mr . Carson was baptized

solemnly, that is , all the ceremonies prescribed by the

Roman Ritual were performed .

The godparents were Louis Lee and Maria de la Cruz

Padilla . They too were instructed in their obligations and

spiritual relationships .

The marriage record contains the following statements

Christopher Carson, son of Linsey Carson and Rebecca

Robinson , a native of Missouri and a resident of Our Ladyof Guadalupe (Taos ) , on the sixth of February, 1843, gave

notice of his intention to marry Maria Josefa Jaramillo,daughter of Francis Jaramillo and Maria Polonia Vigi l , a

native of the town of Santa Cruz de la Cafiada and a resi

dent of the above-mentioned town . The banns, the public

proclamations of the Intended marriage, were published at

the par ish masses on three successive holydays , namely, on

Sunday, January 29, on the feast of the Purifi cation of the

Most Blessed Virgin , February 2 , and on Sunday, Feb

ruary 5 .

And as no diriment or prohibitory impediments were

discovered (the fi rst render marriage null ;the second , um

lawf ul ) they were married by Padre Antonio José Martinez ,according to the rites of the Church .

George Bent and Maria de la Cruz Padilla were the

canonical witnesses . Other witnesses were Manuel Lucero

and José Maria Valdez and others , all residents of Taos .

The burialrecord informs as that:Christopher Carson and Josefa Jaramillo, his wife, both

of whom had died many months before at Rio de las Animas ,were buried , according to the rites of the Church, at Taos

1.

“Haeretic i vero ad Catholicam Eccles iam ven ientes , in quorum Baptismo

debits. forma , aut materia servata non est , rite bapti z andi sunt : sed prium errorum

sacrum p ravitatem agnos can t et detestentur , et in fi de Catholica diligenter instru

antur .

"Rubrics of the Roman Ritual, 752, Article 12.

CH URCH R ECORD OF CARSON ’S MARRIAGE


In this parish of Taos on the s ixth day of the

month of February of the year , 1843, I , the par ishpriest , D . Anton io José Martinez , having completedcerta in judicial matrimon ia l inqu iries at the request of

Christopher Carson—single , legitimate son of LinseyCarson and of Rebecca Robinson ,

7a native of Missouri

in North America and a resident of this town of Our

Lady of Guadalupe—with Mari a Josefa Jaramillo,single , legitimate daughter of Francisco Jaramilloand of Mar ia Polon ia Vigi l , a native of the town of

Santa Cruz de la Canada and residing in the abovementioned town of Our Lady of Guadalupe , and the

banns8 having been published at the masses in thisparish under my care on three holydays which werethe twenty-ninth ultimo (January ) and the second and

the fi fth of the present month , and no impediments ,

either diriment or prohibitory, having been discovered ,I marr ied and united them according to the rites of

the Church . The groomsman was George Bent ,“and

the br idesmaid Mar ia de la Cruz Padilla ,and the wit

nesses10 were Juan Manuel Lucero and José Maria

Valdes , allresidents of the town of Our Lady of Guadalape , as well as the others who were present.

In testimony of which I have signed ,Anto. José Mart inez

In this parish of Taos , on the twenty-fi fth day of

May,1869, e ighteen hundred six ty-nine , I

, GabrielUssel , parish priest ,11 buried according to the rites of

the Church the bodies of Christopher Carson ,and of

Josefa Jaramillo, his wife; both had died at Rio de

Las Animas many months before.

In testimony of which I have signed ,Gabriel Ussel .

7. The or igina l has in correctly, Rover z on .

8 .Public proclamations of an intended marr iage , as a help in discovering

matrimon ial impediments , if any ex ist . Three publicat ions , on different Sundays or

holydays , are requ ired .9. A brother of Char les Bent , fi rst c iv il Governor of New Mex ico.

10. At a marriage two witnesses are strictly required for its validity. On ly Catholics may lic itly act as W itnesses .

11 . The pastors of the Catholic Church at Taos from 1826 to 1874 were : PadreAnton io José Martinez , Padre Damaso Taladr ia , Padre José Eulogio Ort iz , and PadreGabr iel Ussel.

KIT CARSON , CATHOLIC 327

CHURCH BURIAL RECORD , CARSON AND Wms

In order that the reader may real ize the procedure,Which was followed when Christopher Carson made his

profession of faith and received solemn baptism , the form of

ab j uration and the baptismal rites are given .

The order observed in the receution of converts into

the Catholic Church , when b antism is confererd condition

ally, as was the case with Christonher Carson , is as follows :

First—The convert makes the profession of faith .

Second—He is baptized conditionally .

Third—He makes a sacramental confession and is

given absolution .

I . THE PROFESSION OF FAITH AS MADE BY CHRISTOPHERCARSON .

(The priest, having on a surplice , violet stole , and a

cane of the same color , sits down on the epistle side of

the altar . Chr istopher Carson kneels down before h im,

and touching the book of the Gosnels with his r ighthand , makes the profession of faith ;)I, Christopher Carson , having before me the holy Gospels , which I touch wi th my hand , and knowing that noone can b e saved without that faith wh ich the Holy,Catholic , Apostolic Roman Church ,

holds , believes , and

teaches , against which I grieve that I have greatlyerred , inasmuch as I have held and believed doctrinesopposed to her teaching.

I now , with sorrow and contrition for my past errors ,

profess that I believe the Holy, Catholic , Apostolic


Roman Church to be the only and true Church established on earth by Jesus Chri st , to which I submi t myself with my whole soul. I believe allthe articles of

faith which she proposes to my belief, and I reject and

condemn allthat she rejects and condemns , and I am

ready to observe allthat she commands me . And Imake the following profession of my faithI believe in one only God in three divine Persons , distinct from and equal to each other—that is to say, the

Father , the Son , and the Holy Ghost.

I believe in the Catholic doctrine of the Incarnation ,

Pass ion , Death , and Resurrection of our Lord, JesusChrist; in the personal union of the two Natures , thedivine and the human; the divine Maternity of the

most Holy Mary, together with the most spotlessVirginity.

I believe in the true, real, and substantial presence of

the Body and B lood, together with the soul, and divinity of our Lord Jesus Christ , in the most holy Sacrament of the Eucharist. I believe in seven sacraments

instituted by Jcsus Christ ,for the salvation of mankind—that is to say, Baptism, Confi rmation , Penance ,Eucharist, Extreme Unction , Holy Orders, and Matri

mony.

I believe in Purgatory, the Resurrection of the Dead ,and Everlasting Life .

I believe in the Primacy, not only of honor but a lso of

jurisdiction , of the Roman Pontifi“, successor of Sa int

Peter , Prince of the Apostles , Vicar of Jesus Christ.

I believe in the veneration of the Saints and of the irimages.

I b elieve in the authority of the apostolic and ecclesiastical tradition , and of the Holy Scriptures, which wemust interpret and understand only in the sense in

which our holy mother , the Catholic Church, has heldand does hold.

And I believe in everything else that has been defi ned

and declared by the sacred Canons and by the Genera lCounci ls , and particularly by the holy Counci l of Trent,and delivered, defi ned, and declared by the GeneralCounci l of the Vatican , espec ially concern ing the pri

macy of the Holy Roman Pontifi'

, and his infallibleteaching authority.

W ith a sincere heart , therefore , and with unfeignedfaith I detest and abjure every error , heresy, and sect


17. The sacrifi ce of God is a broken spirit;a brokenand a contrite heart , 0 God

,Thou wilt not despise .

18. Do good in Thy good pleasure unto S ion : tobuild the walls of Jerusalem.

19. Then shalt Thou b e pleased with the sacrifi ce of

righteousness , with burnt-offering and whole burntofi

’

ering'

: then shall they off er bullocks upon Thinealtar .

(The priest then stands and says : )Lord , have mercy.

Christ, have mercy.

Lord , have mercy. (Our Father in secret. )And lead us not into temptation .

But deliver us from evi l . Amen .

Save thy servant.

Who puts h is trust 1n thee , O my God.

Lord , hear my prayer.

And let my cry come unto Thee.

The Lord b e with thee .

And with thy spirit.Let us pray.

O God, whose property is always to have mercy and to

spare , receive our humble petition : that thy servant

here present whom the chain of excommunication dothbind , may by the compassion of Thy loving kindnessmercifully b e absolved. Amen.

(The priest then s its down and turning toward Christopher Carson who is still kneeling, absolves him fromhis heresy, saying z )By the Apostolic authority which I exercise here Iabsolve thee from the bond of excommunication , wh i chperchance thou hast incurred, and I restore thee to theholy sacraments of the Church , to the communion and

the unity of the faithful , in the name of the Father ,and of the Son (the priest makes the sign of the cross . )and of the Holy Ghost. Amen .

(The priest then enjoins upon Christopher Carson some

salutary penance. )

(Then the priest , Chri stopher Carson , and the sponsorsproceed to the vestibule of the Church . )

KIT CARSON , CATHOLIC 331

II . THE BAPT ISMAL RITE FOR ADULTS ACCORD ING TOTHE ROMAN RITUAL :

Chri stopher , what dost thou ask of the Church of God?

Faith .

To what doth faith bring thee ?

To life everlasting.

If then thou wi lt enter into life keep the commandments . Thou shalt love the lord thy God with thy

whole heart , and with thy whole soul , and with thy

whole mind;and thy neighbor as thyself .

(The Priest breathes gently upon the face of Christopher Carson and says : )Depart from h im, thou unclean spirit , and give place tothe Holy Ghost the Paraclete .

(The Priest makes the sign of the cross with his thumbupon the forehead and the breast of Chr istopher Carson

,saying z )

Receive the sign of the cross upon thy forehead and

upon thy heart;take unto thee the faith of the heavenlycommandments , and b e thou such in thy ways that thoumayest b e henceforth fi t to b e the temple of God.

Let us pray :Graciously hear our prayers , we beseech Thee , 0 Lord ,and protect by Thy unfai ling might, this soul of Thychoice , Christopher , now marked with the sign of our

Lord’s holy cross , that holding to his fi rst knowledge of

Thy infi nite perfection ,he may deserve, by keeping Thy

commandments, to come to the glory destined for thosewho are born anew : Through Christ our Lord. Amen.

(The Priest lays his hand upon the head of Chri stopherCarson, and afterward holding the hand extendedsays z )Let us pray.

Almighty, everlasting God, Father of our Lord JesusChrist , deign to look with fervor upon thy servant,

Christopher, whom Thou hast been pleased to call to thebeginning of faith . Heal him of allblindness of heart;sunder allthe snares of the enemy in which he has beenentangled; open to him, 0 Lord, the gate of Thyfatherly love, that signed Wi th the sea l of Thy wisdom,

he may b e free from the corruption of all wickeddesires , and under the influence of Thy Church , advanc


Pri est

ing in perfection from day to day. Through the same

Christ our Lord, Amen.

(The Priest blesses the salt. )I purge thee of evi l , creature of salt, in the name of

God the Father Almighty, and in the charity of our

Lord Jesus Christ, and in the power of the HolyGhost. I purge thee of evi l by the living God, the trueGod, the holy God,

by God who hath provided thee forthe well-being of mankind, and commanded that thoube consecrated by his servants for those who come into

the life of faith , so that in the name of the Holy Trinity thou mayest be made a means of spiritual aid to

drive the enemy away. We therefore implore Thee ,0 Lord our God, to make holy with Thy sanctifi cation

and bless with Thy blessing, this creature of sa lt, thatit may become to allwho receive it, an effective remedy,working ever within them; in the name of the same

Jesus Christ our Lord , who shall come to judge the

living and the dead and the world by fi re. Amen.

(The Priest puts a little of the blessed sa lt into the

mouth of the Christopher Carson saying z )Christopher, receive the salt of wisdom;may it b e untothee an earnest of God’s favor unto life everlasting.

Amen .

Peace be with you.

And with thy spirit .

Let us pray.

0 God of our fathers , Source of alltruth , most humblywe pray thee of Thy goodness, to look with favor uponThy servant Christopher , and permit not that he, whonow tastes this morsel of salt, should hunger any more ,

b ut rather that he abound in heavenly food, that hemay b e always fervent of spirit , joyful in hope , alwayshonoring Thy Holy Name. Lead him to the font of thenew and better birth , that as one of Thy faithful hemay deserve to win the everlasting reward whi ch thouhast promised : Through Chri st our Lord. Amen .

I b id thee begone, unclean spirit, in the name of the

Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost;thatthou depart and keep far from thi s servant of God,

Chri stopher , for He commands thee accursed demon,

who trod the waves under foot and extended a helping


Priest :

Christopher , enter into the temple of God, that thoumayest have part with Chri st, unto life everlasting.

Amen .

(After the Priest, Chri stopher Carson ,Louis Lee , and

Maria de la Cruz Padilla have entered the church , thePriest leads the way to the baptismal font and togetherwith Christopher Carson says aloud the Apostles’ Creedand the Lord ’s Prayer . )

(Then before he enters the baptistry the Priest says : )I b id thee begone, unclean spirit , if any remain , in

the name of God the Father A lmighty, and in the name

of Jesus Christ, His son our Lord and Judge, and in thepower of the Holy Ghost , that you keep far from thiscreature of God’s making, Chr istopher , whom our Lordhas been pleased to call to His holy temple

,that he

a lso might b e made a temple of the living God, and

that the Holy Ghost might dwell within h im : Throughthe same Christ our Lord, who shall come to judge theliving and the dead , and the world by fi re. Amen .

(The Priest takes a little saliva on his thumb and

touched the ears of Christopher Carson saying,“Ephpheta ,

” which is be thou open .

(Then touching the nostrils . )Unto the odor of sweetness . But thou spirit of evil ,begone : for the judgment of God is at hand.

(The Priest then questions Christopher Carson as

follows : )Christopher , dost thou renounce satan ?

I do renounce him.

And allh is works ?

I do renounce them.

And allhis pomps ?

I do renounce them.

(The priest dips his thumb in the oilof the Catechumens , and anoints Christopher Carson on the breastand between the shoulders in the form of a cross, say

ing z )I anoint thee with the oilof salvation in Christ Jesusour Lord, that thou mayest have life everlasting. Amen .

(Standing in the same place , outside the rai ling the

Priest exchanges the stole and cape of violet for a stole

The Priest :

ChristopherCarson :The Priest :

ChristopherCarsonThe Priest :Chri stopherCarson :

The Priest :

KIT CARSON, CATHOLIC 335

and a cape of white. Then he enters the baptistry as

do a lso the sponsors with Christopher Carson . The

Pr iest at the font interrogates Christopher Carsonagain . )

Christopher , dost thou believe in God the Father Almighty, Creator of heaven and earth ?

I do believe.

Dost thou believe a lso in the Holy Ghost , the holyCatholic Church , the communion of saints , the forgiveness of sins, the resurrection of the body, and lifeeverlasting ?

I do believe .

Christopher , wi lt thou b e baptized ?

I wi ll .

(Then Louis Lee and Maria de la Cruz Padi lla touchChristopher Carson , wh ile the Priest takes baptismalwater in a small vessel , and pours it three times uponthe head of Christopher Carson ,

saying : )If thou art not yet baptized , Chri stopher , I baptize theein the name of the Father (pouring the fi rst time ) and

of the Son (pouring the second time ) and of the HolyGhost (pouring the third time . )

(Then the Priest dips his thumb in the holy chrism, and

anonts Christopher Carson on the crown of the head,in the form of a cross , saying z )May God almighty, the Father of our Lord JesusChrist, who has given thee a new life by water and the

Holy Ghost , and granted thee remission of allsins , mayHe anoint thee with the chrism of sa lvation in the same

Christ Jcsus our Lord, unto life everlasting . Amen .

Peace b e to thee .

And With thy spirit.

(Having wiped h is thumb and the anointed place, andlaid a linen cloth upon the head of Christopher Carsonin lieu of a white garment, the Priest says z )Rece ive this white garment, which mayest thou wearwithout stain before the judgment seat of our LordJesus Chri st, that thou mayest have life everlasting.

Amen .

(The Priest gives Chri stopher Carson a lighted candle,and says


Receive this burning light, and without fai l be true tothy baptism;keep the commandments of God that whenour Lord shall come to claim h is own , thou mayest beworthy to greet Him with allthe saints in the heavenlycourt , and live forever and ever . Amen .

(Last of allthe Priest says z )Christopher , go in peace and may the Lord be with

III. CHRISTOPHER CARSON MAKES A SACRAMENTALCONFESSION AND IS GIVEN COND ITIONAL ABSOLUTION .

SaintMary’

s College,


century ;fourth , from the War with Mexico to the C ivi lWar , and fi nally the Southwest as it is today.

The authors bring to the volume no results of theirown original research but they achieve a scholarly compila

tion of“the enlarged knowledge and newer points of view

of historical research” by acknowledged scholars in the

fi eld. They render therefore a fi ne and acceptable serviceto high school and college students as well as to the generalreader interested in the history and the cultural development of so large a part of the United States . The arrangement is logical . While the scope of the work does not per

mit of great detai l , yet the subject is covered adequatelyeven though concisely . On the other hand , the history of the

section is tied up with events in Europe, and on the other ,it is related to the background created during centuries by

the Indians prior to European conquest and colonization .

As summarized by the authors : “First came the Spanish

conquerors and zealous priests followed by proprietors and

Mexican vaqueros ; but Spain s hold on the country was

slender and Mexico, her successor , lost it. Later Anglo

Americans entered the country—trappers and traders, oth

cialexplorers and soldiers , miners and adventurers , ranchmen and farmers—some preceding and others following the

flag of the United States . Here occurred the clash of rival

nations and the contest for supremacy between two civil i

z ations . Furthermore, in the annals of this regi on the

frontier looms large , for in some places civil ization touched

hands with savagery for almost three centuries .

”The book

is written in the modern scientifi c spirit, devoid of romane

ing and with a due sense of proportion in the treatment of

incidents and episodes , which easily lend themselves to

exaggeration . Yet, the volume is not devoid of color and

holds the reader’

s interest from the fi rst chapter treating of

the Indian races, to the last, an excellent, philosophical sum

mary of “The Spirit of the Southwest.

”

P. A . F. W .

BOOK REVIEWS 339

After Coronado: Spanish Exploration Northeast ofNew Mexico, 1 697-1 727 . By A . B . Thomas . (Univ . of

Oklahoma Press , Norman , Okla . , 1935 . 308 pp . , 2 maps,editorial notes, bibl iography, index .

In this book Dr . Thomas makes available for students

of Southwestern history, as he did in h is earl ier Forgotten

Frontiers , a considerable body of documentary material .

The title After Coronado is short and fel icitous , but itis open to some question . The author ’

s real theme is indi

cated by the sub -title—or to paraphrase from his preface :he aims to make a comprehensive attempt to investigate thenature and the extent of Spanish influence b eyond New

Mexico during the 280 years between Coronado’

s journeyto Quivira (1541 ) and the end of Spanish ruleWithin this long stretch of time he fi nds a signifi cant period

i n the thirty-two years from 1696 to 1727 and all the docu

ments which he here presents except the fi rst brief para

graph fall within these years . Where the main emphasis

l ies is shown by the fact that over three-fourths of the book

deals with the stil l shorter period from 1719 to 1727, por

traying the danger to New Mexico from the French who

were thought to b e advancing from the plains of Cibola ,and the reaction of the Spaniards to that threat .

The best defense of the author’

s title is found in his

Historical Introduction”

(pp . 1-49) which is an excellent

analysis , wel l documented , of the entire Spanish period ,sketching the long earlier expansion (1541 inter

rupted by the Pueblo Indian Rebell ion of the latter year .

His analysis would have been strengthened , had he men

tioned the dying out of the Hapsburg regime j ust at the turn

of the century and the rise of the Spanish Bourbons . The

Spanish Empire belted the globe and this part of New Spain

was, after all , only a minor sector of a vast frontier .

Harassed by many and weightier problems elsewhere, this

borderland which was a liability rather than an asset was of

minor importance relatively to the Bourbon kings , yet itwas a factor in their relations with the French from the

time of Louis XIV to that of Napoleon . It is wel l to think


of the struggle on this Spanish borderland during the 18th

century always in relation to the eb b and flow in the for

tunes of the mother country»

Numerous mistakes in accent are perhaps explained by

the reliance of the author , in some cases , on the work of

earlier writers instead of going back to the originals (v.

note, p. As a whole, the accents are shown correctly,but such errors as

“Cuervo,” “Cubero,

”and others are

used throughout. A quick scanning of the text gives theimpression that the translations are accurate as well assmooth—much more so than in Forgotten Frontiers . For“Odyssey” the author probably meant “Anabasis” (p. 5 )The textual “Tegua” (p. 60) is correct instead of the editorial correction “Tigua . Does not the caption (p . 91) inthe original read “

AlBurquerque” ? And in the embodied

letter (p. 245, line 21 ) that”instead of “this” ? And again

(p. 285, line 4from bottom ) Baluerde for“Balue .

”

Readers of After Coronado who are familiar with workin documentary material will appreciate the amount of

work , and good work , which Dr . Thomas has put into it.

As he has translated and annotated them , these documents

make a very valuable addition to the historical records of

the Southwest.

L. B . B .

My Life on the Frontier . By Miguel Antonio Otero. (The

Press of the Pioneers , Inc . , New York, 1935 . 293pp. , ills . by

Will Shuster,

In this volume (the fi rst of a contemplated series) the

author, a former territorial governor of New Mexico,

attempts to cover from an autobiographical angle, certain

aspects of l ife in the American Southwest , during the years

that the railroads were pushing their way into the trade ter

ritory,until then dominated by the Santa Fé Trail . These

years , 1864to 1882 , ushered in a new epoch in the develop

ment of the West. That they were l ively years is attestedby the author . The circles in which hemoved were fi nancially and politically interested in trade and government .


there, largely due to the fact that Fort Leavenworth wasonly a few miles north of the city. They literally seemed

to fi llthe streets of the city and the entire country there

abouts . No doubt their presence was necessary , for the

animosity between the anti-slavery and the pro-slavery fac

tions in eastern Kansas was still red hot. Shortly after

our arrival at Leavenworth , we had an experience with the

military authorities at our home. One day six soldiers

called and inquired for my father . My mother went to the

door, and at the sight of the soldiers naturally concluded

that some embarrassment, or possibly harm , was in storefor my father . So she replied to their inquiry : ‘Mr . Otero

is not at home.

’

The soldiers were about to accept her state

ment and take their leave, when I , thinking that my mother

did not really know the truth of the matter , ran to her

side and blurted out : ‘Why, yes , Mama ! Papa is upstairs .

’

Hardly had I let the cat out of the bag than my father , who

had been standing in the hall upstairs , came quickly to the

door and submitted himself to the soldiers , who took him to

headquarters to answer a summons they had for him.

Were it not for the phenomenal precocity of the childas it also appears in other anecdotes of that early period , the

psychologi st would surm ise that the author was repeating

family traditions as he had overheard them rather than

personal experiences for which he vouches .

How the author happened to b e on the spot whenever

exciting events occurred is exemplifi ed from the followingwhen he was in his ninth year : I was an eye-witness to

Wi ld B ill ’s encounter with B ill Mulvey, and shall relate the

details as they linger in my mind : I was standing near Wild

B ill on Main street, when someone began‘

shooting up the

town’ at the eastern end of the street. It was B ill Mulvey,

a notorious murderer from Missouri , known as the handy

man with a gun . He had just enough red liquor in h im to

b e mean and he seemed to derive great amusement from

shooting holes into the mirror , as well as the bottles of

l iquor behind the bars , of the saloons in that section of the

street . As was usually the case with such fellows, he was

BOOK REVIEWS 343

looking for trouble, and when some one told him that Wild

B ill was the town marshal and therefor it behooved him to

behave himself, Mulvey swore that the marshal was the

very man he was looking for and that he had come to the‘damn town

’

for the express purpose of ki ll ing h im. The

tenor of these remarks was somehow made known to Wild

Bill . But hardly had the news reached him than Mulvey

appeared on the scene, tearing toward us on his iron-grey

horse, rifle in hand , full cocked . When Wild B ill saw Mul

vey he walked out to meet him, apparently waving his hand

to some fel lows behind Mulvey and call ing to them :‘Don’t

shoot him in the back ;he is drunk .

’ Mulvey stopped his

horse and, wheeling the animal about, drew a bead on his

rifle in the direction of the imaginary man he thought Wild

B ill was addressing. But before he realized the ruse that

had been played upon him, Wild B ill had aimed h is six

shooter and fi red—j ust once. Mulvey dropped from his

horse—dead , the bullet having penetrated h is temple and

then passed through h is head . During this episode I had

been standing about twenty-fi ve feet from Wild B ill . My

joy in the outcome was boundless, for I had been afraid that

Mulvey, with his rifle trained directly on Wild B ill , would

pull the trigger .

”

Young Otero came in contact with the saloon and

bawdy house l ife of the frontier very early for he was onlyin his ninth year when “Calamity Jane” plied “

her wel l

known profession among the soldiers rather than amongthe teamsters , freighters , herders and the hunters . Calamity Jane

’

s accompl ishments as a ‘wild woman ’ were numerous : she could drink whiskey , smoke, chew tobacco and

swear better than the proverbial drunken sailor . When I

used to see her about Hays City in 1868 , she was a comparatively young woman , perhaps twenty years of age or there

abouts, and still extremely good looking. She was a fearless and excellent horsewoman , and a good shot with eitherrifle or pistol . Money seemed to mean l ittle to her ; shespent it recklessly in saloons or at the gambl ing table .

”

This is followed by a vivid account of the “wholesale traf


fi cking in female human flesh , which during those frontier

days was more horrible than the atrocities committed by

the wildest Indians .

”That the social l ife of those days

centered about b ar rooms , publ ic dance halls and bawdy

houses gives the student of sociology ground for optimism

about the younger folks of this day whose antics and pranks

disturb pulpit and welfare workers .

When only ten years of age, the writer and his brother

Page, entered St. Louis University . Boarding school life

did not hold them long and 1871 fi nds them at Kit Carsonin southern C olorado where the “popularity of the dance

hall with the clerical force of Otero, Sellar Co. was some

times a detriment to the business interests of the fi rm.

”

There follow page after page of lurid incidents vividly toldas the b usiness fi rm moved southwestward with the railroad , all the way to

'

Las Vegas , where stirring events in

cluded lynchings by the Vigilantes and a railroad trip with“B i lly the Kid” to Santa Fé

.

The twenty-third and last chapter is devoted to a

biographical summary of the life of the writer’

s father , telling of his death in 1882 to which year the book brings its

narrative . The last three pages might well have been the

preface, for in it the author tells of the inception of his planto publish his memoirs . It was almost thirty years ago, in

January 1906 , when he retired as governor of New Mexico,that his friends importuned him to write his reminiscencesand that he began gathering the data now serving this pur

pose . He says : “Many times during my trials and tribu

lations I have threatened to destroy my manuscript and give

up the work, but somehow , as I progressed , it became more

and more interesting . to me, so I promised myself that Iwould fi nish it, if at all possible.

”

Readers of the book will rejoice that Governor Otero

stuck to his self-set task. Few Wil l lay it down before theyhave perused to the fi nalchapter . It presents an excitingpic ture of the times . Written almost entirely in the fi rst

person and pervaded with family pride it is frank in pic

turing the depravity and wildness of human beings in an

FREDERICK WEBB HODGE ANNIVERSARYPUBLICATION FUND

N DECEMBER of 1886, Dr . Frederick Webb Hodge Jomed

the Hemenwafiy Southwestern Archaeological expedition

to Arizona , and began a career in anthropology which will

reach its fi ftieth anniversary in 1936 . The occasion is to b e

marked by the creation of the Frederick Webb Hodge Anni

versary Publication Fund , under the guidance of the follow

ing Sponsoring Committee : H . B . Alexander, Franz Boas ,Herbert E. Bolton, Fay-Cooper Cole, Carl E . Guthe, E . L .

Hewett, Ales Hrdlicka , A . V. Kidder, Jesse L. Nusbaum ,

Bruno Oetteking, E lsie Clews Parsons, Edward Sapir,Frank G . Speck , A . M. Toz z er , Henry R . Wagner, Clark

Wissler . This Committee will appoint an editorial board ,self—perpetuating for publication by the Fund . Southwest

Museum , of which Dr . Hodge has been Director since 1932,will administer the Fund as an endowment trust.

All publications wil l b e sold , at approximate cost, the

income of the Fund being used as a reserve to meet the

heavy cost of printing and to cover possible defi cits . Con

tributors to the Fund who so desire Wil l receive a pro m tacredit on its publ ications, enabling them eventually to

recover in publications the amount of their contribution in

dollars . Contributions should b e sent to Hodge Fund ,Southwest Museum , Los Angeles , California .

Dr . Hodge is one of the pioneers of American“

anthro

pology. A founder of the American Anthropological Asso

ciation, he edited its journal the American Anthropologist

during its fi rst fi fteen years, meeting much of the initial

expense from h is own pocket. The Handbook of American

Indians North of Mexi co,always the standard work of

reference on this subject, is but one among many of his

editorial and original contributions to the study of Ab origi

nalAmerica . Dr . Hodge headed the Bureau of American

Ethnology for eight years . His long career has been one of

constant support and encouragement to the study of Ameri

NOTES 347

can prehistory . The Fund which is to bear his name offers

to his many friends and admirers an opportunity to do himpersonal honor, at the same time increasing the meager

existing facilities for publication of research in the important fi eld of American prehistory .

ERRATA

p. 50, lines 5-6 , read : Five years later he was in

volved in a petition which the people of Alburquerque

brought

p . 113, line 14, for devise read device.

p.137 , line 11 , for Durley read Dudley .

p . 244, second signature , read Enrique Lopez .


Candelaria\

mounta ins , 140

Carabajal , 59Cé rdenas , Capt. Bartolomé de , 262Cé rdenas , Lopez de, 145Carr , Eugene Asa , 135, note ; 136 , 137, 138

carre’

ta , 297-8

Carr iza l, 139Carson , Kit, 65, 124, 125, 131, 133,

lic , 323-336

Carter, Lieut. , 15Casa Real, Santa Fé , 103, 104

Cassaus , Roque de , 94, 108, note

Casta iio de Sosa , 59

Cataract Canyon , 123

Cathay, 60Catholic relig ion , 24; teaching , 20; church ,

175 ; 181, 183, and note ; 195

Cattle , dead on pla ins , 287Caballos , Bernardino de , 90

Chamuscado, Capt. Franc isco Sé nche z , 250

Cheyenne , Wyoming , 84

Chihuahua , 72 ; 135 ;250

Churches , San Gabriel, 24; of Santa Fé,302 et seq.

“ C ibola,

” p lains of , 55

C i bola"

and C i bolos , 55

Civ il Government and Soc iety in New

Mex ico in the Seventeenth Century,

”

F. V . Scholes , 71-111Civi l War, and Indians , 133;memories of ,

341-2

Clan system, 292-3

Clark , Gov. Wm. , 123

Clark, Capt, W P 284, 285

Clum, John P Indian agent, 3;64, 134Coahu ila , 52 58 , 59

Coan , C . G 152

Cofadia, in Santa Fé , 184, 186 et seq.

Coggswell, Gen ’ l Milton , 277

Colecci én de Documentos In éditos , 36 , 37Colorado Chiquita, 5 , 10

Colorado r iver , 19, 71Colorado, state , 61

Colquhoun , A rchibald, of London , 34

Comanches , 50; 291

Conline , Lieut . John , 308 , 319

Cooley’s ranch , 5

Copp inger , Col. 11

Corn ish , Lieut . G . A 139

Catho

Coronado, 51, 57, 145, 250, see After

Coronado

Counc il of the Indies , 250Cra ig , Lt 5

Crawford , Capt. Jack , 138 141

Cr immins , Col. Mart in L Colonel Buell’sExpedition Into Mexico in 1880, 133

142

Crook, Gen Geo 1-35 , passim ;279, 289-90

Crook , Mrs and Pres ident Grant , 25, note

Crothgg

s , W . D . , agent at Fort Stanton ,

Cubero, Gov. , 180

Cuervo y Valdez , Don Franc isco, 48

Da le , Harrison D . , quot . , 132“Death Va lley, 22

Ded ication of the Kearny Monument , H .

C . Gossard , 51-3.

Denver, 4, 293-4Deseret, 35

Desert, Great Amer ican , 30

D es er t Wife, Hilda Faunce , rev 165

Dillon , Sidney, 283-4

Dixon , Judge , 22Dodge , Col. R . I 34

Dodge , Lieut . F 3; 34

Dom inguez de Mendoza , Gov 99

Don iphan , Col. A . W . 52

Duchesne river, 130; 131

Dudley, Col. N . A . M 137, 141

El Cal (interpreter ) , 3Ellison , Samuel , 317ElMorro, 145 ; 150“Emma Mine scandal , 32

ElPaso, miss ions , 72 76, 88, 138, 144, 148

Emmet , Lieut. R. T 302

Englekirk, J E. , rev. , Saltillo eh to h is

tor ic. y en la leyenda , 57

Esca lante Ex pedition , 121

Esca lona , Fr . Juan de , 196

Espejo, Don Anton io, 250

Esp inosa , J . M “Notes on the Lineage of

Don D iego de Vargas , Reconqueror of

New Mexico,

”112-120; 170-1

Estud ios y Documen tos para la. HistoricdelArte Colonial, rev. , 169

Eulate , Gov 80, 83, 85, 90, 95, note : 106 ,

197, 198 , 200, 201, 222

Farfan , Capt. , comedy b y, 145

Faunce H ilda , D esert Wife, rev . , 165

Fergusson , Erna , rev Traders to the Nav

a jos , 60Fitzpatrick, trapper , 124, 125

Ford Opera House , 276-7Forster , Chico, 34

Forts , Concho, 134;Cra ig, 133;Davis , 134;Davy Crockett , 125 ; Griffi n , 134;Hall ,121 ;Kit Carson , 130

° Mojave , 17, 18 ;Quitman , 141, 145

“Robidoux and

Kit Carson , 121-132 ; Sanders , 34;

Stanton , 135 ; Stockton , 134; Tejon ,

24; Un itah , see Rob idoux ; Whipple ,

11-22, passim; Yuma , 148

Franc iscans , 88 , 182 , 185, 186 , 189, 190,

195

Freer ’s Ranch , 23Fremont, Capt . John C 128

Front ier , see Otero

INDEX

Ga listeo,Pueblo of , 49, 50; convent of , 89

Gal isteo river , 50

Gall inas , 51

Gambrell,rev. , 163

Gerken , Archbishop R . A 323

Geron imo, 142

Gi llmor and Wetherill , Trad ers to the Nav

a jos , rev 60

Glass ford , Lieut. Wm A 302

Godoy , Lucero de , 98

Gomez , Franc isco 75 ; c lan , 98

Gossard . H . C “Dedicat ion of the KearnyMonument , 51

Goodwin ,Lieut. W illard F 139

Gould , Jay, op in ion of , 273; 293

“Governors of New Mex ico, The ,

B loom, 152-7

Gran Quivira , 59

Grand Cahon of the Colorado, 5 , 8, 10, 145

Grant , B lanche C When Old Trails Wer e

New : The S tory of Taos , rev . , 65 ;

quoted , 124

Green ,Lieut. Frank, 275, 276

Green river, Ari zona , 26 , 33

Green River , Utah 127 130

Grierson , Cool. B . H 134, 138

Guadalajara , 104, 251 , 269

Guerrero, Pedro de Campos , 268Guzman mountains , 136, note

Guzman y Figueroa , 89

Mirab eau Buonaparte Lamar ,

L . B .

Hackett , C . W . Pichardo’s Trea tise

on the Limits of Lou isiana and Texas ,

rev. , 54-7

Hale , Edward Everett , 280Hall , W illard P 52

Hammond , G . P Ofi ate a Marauder

Barmes , John , 130

Hart , agent at San Carlos , 273

Hartz , Capt. W . T 136

Hatch , Gen ’ l Ed 306 309, 319-20

Hayes , Pres ident R . B 276 , 277

Hayt , Commis s ioner, corrupt practices of .

273-4

Herrera , Capt . D . Juan de , 253 259;269

H ickok, W ild Bill , 342-3

H itchcock, Miss Kitty, 17Hodge , F . W Pueblo Names in the Onate

Documents ,”36-47 ;c ited , 49, 50;ann i

versary publication fund, 346Hop i pueblos , 5 : 72

Hotels , Exchange , 301 ;the old De Vargas .

301 , note ; 302

Hudson Bay 00 131

351

Huero, Apache gu ide , 5

Hunt ington , Ellsworth , 67

Hurtado, Capt. Mart in , 50

Immigrants , 288Indian s ituat ion in Ari zona , 1 ; in Northwest, 271

Indians , Christ ian , 49; roving , 52 ; frontier, 63; 79-83, 121, 313-5

Indies , 48Inquis ition , 87, 88, 104, 153, 195-241

Jaramillo, Maria Josefa , wife of Carson ,

324

Jémez , treachery at , 85

Jews , of Santa Fé , 303, 304

Juan-clishé , (interpreter ) , 3Juarez, Mex ico, 147

Julien , Den is , 122 ;123Julien , Etienne , 123

Lynch , Mrs . and Miss , of Prescott, 12

Kautz, Col. A . V 11 ;Gen 15, 16 , 17, 18.

27, note

Kautz , Mrs . , 12, 17

Kayenta , 60

Kearny Code, 52

Kearny Proc lamation , 52

Kearny, Stephen W 51, 52, 53, 154

Kercheville , F. M. , rev. , Mirab eau Buena

parte Lamar , 163

Kimba ll , Lieut. Wm. A 290

Lamar , Mirabeau B 163

Lamy, Bishop , 193; Archbishop , 307, 308 ,315-6

Laramie C ity, 34Las Navas de Tolosa , Batt le of , 114

Las Vegas , New Mex ico, 51 , 52

La Pa z , Apache chief, 133

Lee , Capt. Stephen Louis , 124, witness at

Carson Baptism , 324, 325

Legis lature , Ari z ona , 12

Lesser , The Pawnee Ghost Hand Game,

rev. , 158

Lion” House , Salt Lake City, 27Lomas y Colmenares , Juan Bautista de.

252-270, pass imLondon , Lt 3

Long, Mai . S . H 123, note

Lopez , Enrique , 243-7 , passim

Los Angeles , 23;24; 147

Los Angeles Expr ess , c ited , 24Lovejoy. D r. , miss ionary , 129

Luke , mayor of Pres cott , 16


Madrid , Spain , 36 ; 112 ; 113; 114

Maes , Don Juan de Dios , 51

Magdalena , Sonora , Mexico 2

Maney, Lieut . James , A 135 note

Manso, Gov. , 89; 95

MarcoP010, 60

Mar in del Valle , Gov. Franc isco A 176

194, passim

Marl Springs , 20

Mé rque z fam ily , Santa Fé, 99“Marqu is of Oaxaca , see Corte zMart inez, Padre Anton io José , 323-6Mart inez , Fr. Damian , 56

Mart inez de Montoya , Juan , 74

Mason , Col. , 5th Cav. , 15

Medrano, Gov. Juan de , 89

Mendizabal, Gov. , 80-107, passimMescalero Apaches , 133, et seq.

Mescalero reservation , 134

Mex ico, 34, 53, 57 , 58, 73, 81, 133, 152, 250Mex ico, archives of , 71, note

Mexi co C ity, 73, 75, 79, 84, 88, 101, 104“Mickey Free , gu ide , 5, 7

Mills , old Mex ican , 299

Mills , Lieut. S C 137, note

Mi lls , W . W 134

Mimbres valley 110

Mitchell, L . B“Poss ible Origin of Lumi

h at ios , 173

Modern H ispan ic America, rev . , 68

Mojave Charons , 19Montezuma ,

diff erent ideas of , 9

Monument in Santa Fé , 304, 305

Mojave River , 22Monterrey, 58

Montgomery, Capt . , 3

Moqu i Indians , 7 , 8 , 9, see Hop iMoqui Pueblos , 5 ; 10; 11Mora Ceballos , Gov . , 83; 89

Morales , D . Juan de , 254

Moran , Peter , art ist , 290

Morfi , Fr V iaje de Yndias y DiarioNuevo Mex ico, ref . , 56

Mormons , 8, 26 , 27 , 28, 30, 31

Moron i , 28 , 29

Morrow, A lbert , 34

Mott , Thomas , 34

Mulvey, Bill, kill ing of , 342-3

Navajo Indians , 8 , 61 , 67 , 83, 106Nevada , 19, 160

New B iscay, 71 , 72 , 88, 92 , 110

New Galic ia , 250, 251 , 269

New Mex ico H is tory and C ivics , c ited , 55 passim

Pereyra , Carlos , 58

New Mex ico, laws of , 52 ; hort iculture , 53;55, 56, 61, 65, 67, 71 , 72, 73, 75, 81, 82

84; governors 86 ; 88, 89, 92 , note

non-aboriginal populat ion 96 ; 97 , 98,

99, natives of , 100; commerce in , 109;

110, 111 ;war in , 133; 250

New Spain , 270

N ickerson , Capt . A . H 16 , 17 , 18 , 34, 35 ,

note ; 275 , 279

N ickerson , Mrs . A . H . , and daughter , 34

Nueva V izcaya , 58 ; see New BiscayNoyes , Maj . H . E 137

Nuestra Se fi ora de la Lu z , 175 et seq.

Nuevo Leon , 58

Nuevo Santander , 58Nueva Tlax ca la , 59

Oakland Trib une, c ited, 12, note , 26

Ogden , Utah , 26 , 33

Ogilby, Ma j . Fred D 4, 5 , 12 , note

Ojo Caliente , reservation , 133, 139

Omaha , 4, 11 , 32, note ; 33, 34, 35

Ofi ate , conques t of , 36 , 79, 92 , note ; 93,

98, 146 , 150, 153, 195, 249-270, pass imOrayb e , Moqu i v i llage , 5 ;8Ordonez , Fr . Is idro, 88 : 89

Oregon tra il, 147

Ortiz , Padre Jos é Eulogio, of Taos , 326Osborne , Maj . N. W 137 , 139

Oterm in , Gov. Anton io, de , 74, 88 , 89, 176 .

177, note ‘ 206

Otero M A My Life on the Fron tier ,

rev 340-5

Our Lady of Light , 175 , e t s eq.

Overland road , 34

Pacheco y Cé rdenas , Colecc z én de Docu

men tos Ine’

ditos , 36 , 37

Pacifi c Coast , 25 26 , ocean , 53

Palmer , Gen . I . N 34

Panamint , 21

Parral , 89, 101, 110, 216 , 242, 248Pawnee Ghost Dan ce Hand Game , by Les

ser , rev 158

Pawn ee Indians , 158-163, passim

Pearce , T . M. , rev. , Sky D etermin es , 66

Pecos , 51 , 72 , 109, 133Pedraza , Fr . Geron imo de , 104

Pena losa Briceno, Gov . Diego de , 85, 87,

89, 103

Pera lta , Pedro de , 74, 88 , 89, 93; instruot ion to, 95 ; 154, 196, 200

Perea , Fr Estévan de , 83, 90, 100, 195-229,


Sevi lla, Spain , 114

Shalako, 67

She lby, Santa Fé gambling house , 302

Sheridan , Lt. Gen ’ l . P. H 35 ; 281-285 .

Shevelon’

s Fork, 5Shipapu, 67

Shoshonees , 286-293, passimShuster, Will , 346

S ierra B lanca Mts 8

S ierra de Anahuac, 127S ierra Prieta , 14

S ilva ‘

N ieto, Gov. , 89S in L in , see Shevelon

'

s Fork, 5S ioux Indians , 159Skating, 274Sky Determines , by Ross Calvin , rev 66

Sm ithson ian Inst itute , 278

Snake Indians , 127Snake river , 124

Sonora , 1 ; 110

Sote lo Osorio, 89, 201, 202, 203, 205

Southwest , s ee Richardson and RisterSpain , 54, 59, 71, 72, 249

Spa in , New , 54, 71, 72, 76 , 78, 82 , 84, 86 .

92, 97, 98, 110

Span ish adventurers , 9; people , 53; front ier , 63: culture , 80

Span ish Archives , Twitchell , ref 49, note ;

50, note

Span ish Military Chapels in Santa Fé and

the Reredos of Our Lady of Light ,The , A . von Wuthenau , 175-194

Sp ider Woman , Re ichard, rev. , 165

St. Louis , 34, 121 , 147Stra it of An ian , 71

Stewart , S ir Wm. Dummond, quot. , 132Su llivan , Maud Durlin , Old Roads and

N ew H ighways in the Southwest ,143

Tabernacle of Mormons , 30

Taladria , Padre Damaso, of Taos , 326

Tamarén , Bishop Pedro, 184, 186Taos , 10, note ; 65 , 66 , 72 ,

church records , 323Tecolote , 51

Telegraph , and Indians , 4Tenderfeet , 287-8

Tesuque pueblo, 301 ;311 et seq.

Texas , 52 , 55 , 56 , 133 144. 147 , 164, 250

Theaker , Capt. H . A 137 , 138

Thomas A . B After Coronado, rev

121, 124

339

Uclenny, Apache , 4U intah Bas in , 121 , 122, 128

U intah river, 130

United States , history, 51 ; c itizens , 52, 53,58

Un ivers 1ty of New Mex ico, 48Urdmola , Capt . Franc isco de , 58, 59, 260Ussel , Father Gabriel, 325

Utah , 28 : 29; 30; 121

Utes , 291

Vargas ,Gov. Diego de , note , 50; coat of

arms , 71 ; 112-120, 170-1 ; 177-181 ,

Thomas , Lieut . E. D 15

Thumb Butte , Ar iz. , 14Thurston , W . A 139

T iguex , 57

Tonto Creek, 2

Town send House , Salt Lake C ity, 27, 32“ Trade-Invoice of 1638, A .

”L . B . B loom,

242

Traders of Santa Fé : Fisher, 319; Lucas ,

321 ; Gold, 321Traders to the Navajos, G illmor and

Wether ill, rev. , 60

Treb ifio, Don Francisco de Escovar, 248Tucson , Arizona , 2 , 4

Turquoise m ine , 309-10

Twitchell, Spa! nish Archives , c ited , 49, 50,

152, 176 , 181, 193

Vert iz , Miguel de , 243, 244

V ictorio, 133, 134, 137, 138, 140, 141 , 142

V igil y A lar id , Gov. Juan B . 154

V igilantes , 344

V illanueb a , Gov. Fernando de, 89

you Wuthenau , A The Span ish MilitaryChapels in Santa Fé and the Reredosof Our Lady of Light, 175-194

Wahsatch Mt ’ns . , 30

Wa ldo,Capt . David , 52

Wa ldo, Henry, 52Wa lker House , Sa lt Lake C ity, 27, 29, 32Wa llace , Gov. Lew 316

Wa lter , P. A . F recovery, 174. For con

tributions , s ee“Contents”

Washoe mine , Ar iz 21

Whipple , Bishop . 276

Whitman , Marcus A 129

W i lhe lm ,Lieut. Thomas , 15 ;Mai , 18

Wilkie , Ada Esther , book revs . , 165-7

W i lliams , D r. Mary W 69

INDEX 355

Williams , Joseph , quot. , 125 Yucca , poem by E. M. Rhodes on the , 15

Wi llis , Ari zona murderer , 2W i llow Springs , 18 89; 104; 110; 216

Zeiber , Al, gu ide , 4Young , Brigham , 27, 28, 32 Zu fi i , Prov ince of , 36 ;pueblos , 55, 67Young, trader , 111

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