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Making place through ritualSchulte-Droesch, Lea

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MakingPlacethroughRitual

©LeaSchulte-Droesch,2016

ISBN:978-90-367-8732-1(electronicversion)

ISBN:978-90-367-8733-8(printedversion)

Coverlayout:JonasSchulte

Coverphoto:Santalmenaremarkingthemountainwithflagsas“seatofa

deity”inthecontextofamountainritual.PhototakenbySubhashHansda.

Print:IpskampDrukkers

Making Place through Ritual

Land, Environment and Region among the Santal of Central India

PhD thesis

to obtain the degree of PhD at the University of Groningen on the authority of the

Rector Magnificus Prof. E. Sterken and in accordance with

the decision by the College of Deans.

This thesis will be defended in public on

Thursday 21 April 2016 at 14:30 hours

by

Lea Schulte-Droesch

born on 20 October 1983

in Heilbronn-Neckargartach, Germany

Supervisor Prof. C.K.M. von Stuckrad Co-supervisor Dr. P. Berger Assessment committee Prof. R. Hardenberg Prof. Y. B. Kuiper Prof. M. Carrin

ToNate

andinmemoryof

ChhiteHansda

Contents

vi

TableofContents

Acknowledgements....................................................................................................viii

NoteonTransliterationandUsage........................................................................xii

ListofAbbreviations.................................................................................................xiii

1.Introduction.................................................................................................................11.1MakingPlace.........................................................................................................11.2TheSantalintheirSocialandRegionalContext.......................................91.3TheSantalinExistingLiterature................................................................491.4FieldworkSituationandMethodology......................................................541.5OutlineofChapters..........................................................................................71

2.TheoreticalApproach............................................................................................732.1Place......................................................................................................................732.2Ritual....................................................................................................................87

3.TheConnectionsbetweenLandandSocialStructure.............................1073.1CornerstonesofSantalSocialClassification........................................1093.2PerformingRelatednessthroughRitual...............................................1383.3Conclusion:SpatiallyEnactingandTransformingtheSocial.........192

4.PerceptionsoftheEnvironment.....................................................................1974.1TheDifferentRitualHunts.........................................................................1984.2RiceCultivation,theAncestorsandtheImportanceofRain..........2494.3Burubonga–TheRitualoftheLocalMountainGod.........................2584.4Conclusion:SantalPerceptionsoftheEnvironmentandtheDistinctionbetweenForestandFields.........................................................276

5.FieldsofContestation:Region,PoliticsandIdentity...............................2835.1FlowerFestivals,PoliticsandtheRecentEmergenceofRegionalSacredGroves(disomjaher)..........................................................2865.2TheStruggleforthe“TrueTradition”:TheAllIndiaSarnaDhoromMovement...............................................................................................................3165.3TheHistoricalContextFosteringanIncreaseinCulturalPolitics....................................................................................................3385.4Conclusion:SantalClaimstotheRegion,toa“PoliticalPlace”andto“Nature”......................................................................................................343

Contents

vii

6.Conclusion..............................................................................................................3476.1TheHolismofPlace......................................................................................3476.2ClarifyingtheRelationshipbetweenPlaceandRitual.....................355

Appendix.....................................................................................................................359References..............................................................................................................359Glossary...................................................................................................................383ListofPhotos.........................................................................................................401ListofMaps.............................................................................................................404CompleteTableofContents..............................................................................405Wetenschappelijkesamenvatting..................................................................411CurriculumVitae..................................................................................................419

Acknowledgements

viii

AcknowledgementsThis project has been an enriching and challenging journey,whichwas only

possibleduetothegeneroussupportofnumerouspeople.

AlthoughmanyothershelpedmeonthewaytotheSantal,mySantalhost

families,friendsandacquaintancesdeservetobenamedfirst.Iammorethan

grateful forhowwarmlytheyreceivedmeintotheir families,howtheycared

formeinallpossiblewaysandhowtheyopeneduptheirlivestome.Uponmy

arrival in Jharkhand, Prof. Ganesh Murmu at the Institute for Tribal and

RegionalLanguagesinRanchi,wentoutofhiswaytoacquaintmewithSantal

languageandculture.Throughoutmy time in Jharkhand,healwaysprovided

me with many contacts, listened to my findings and contextualized them. I

cannotthankyouenough,Ganesh-ji!InRanchiImustalsoextendmygratitude

toDalapatiMurmu for his efforts and themany students of the department,

whosupportedme.DearShanko,Fatu,Dashmi,ManikaandGite,thankyoufor

thegreathourstogether, forhelpingmeto learnSantaliandfortakingmeto

yourvillages!Minu,youspent themost timewithmeandmademany things

possible. I am indebted to you for being there from the very beginning, for

accommodating allmy strange ideas and behavior, and for enablingmy first

stayinaSantalvillage.

Frommy time in Santal villages I can only name a few of the countless

peoplewhohelpedme.First,therewastheBaskeyfamily,whowelcomedme

intotheirhousewhenIbarelyknewSantaliorSantalwaysofgoodbehavior.

Allofyouwereincrediblypatientandgenerous!Iamgratefultobaba,Suresh,Durga,UmeshandLitefortakingcareofmeandalsoNateduringourtimein

their house and for all the rides they gave us. A big thank you also goes to

Dinesh,whomadeitpossibleformetoattendmanyrituals.Further,Iamvery

gratefulforthewonderfultimeswithmyhili intheBaskeyhouse,myMurmuhili and her kids, ayo and didi. Thank you for all the delicious meals youpreparedforme!

IntheBaskeyhouseImetPitamberforthefirsttime,withoutwhomthis

workwouldnotbethesame.Iwasextremelyluckytofindsomeonewithsuch

good English,whowas interested in and so dedicated to ourwork together.

Pitamber,youandBahamaiwillremaintreasuredfriends!Ihopethatoneday

our sonswill becomephul. InPitamber’s village I am further indebted tohisfamily,withwhomIsharedmanyhappytimes.Hisfatherwenttogreatlengths

to explain and discuss Santal ritualswithme,whichwas immensely helpful.

Acknowledgements

ix

This book is dedicated to thememory of Chhite Hansda, Pitember’smother,

who has sincemy time at her house passed away. Iwill remember her as a

strongandcaringSantalwomanwhowasnotatallshytospeakherownmind.

In my second host family all my gratitude belongs to dada (Jitrai), hili(Sushila)andPrakash,whowarmlyintegratedmeintotheirfamily.Besidesthe

great company they always provided, they understood well what I was

interestedinandmadeahugeeffortto letmeparticipatewheneverpossible.

When I think of what I loved in Santal villages, I think of my time in their

house:theconstantcompanyofchildrenandotherrelativesandthecountless

conversations in their courtyards. Hili, your empathy and social skillsimpressedmeimmenselyandIconsidermyselftrulyfortunatetothinkofyou

anddadaasfamily.Close to this village, I would like to thank Kunal for all our adventures

togetherandthescooterridesheprovided.Ialsoverymuchenjoyedmystays

with his family and owemuch of my understanding of Santal culture to his

father.

InGhatsila I often enjoyed the company of Prabha and Soma,whowere

such independent young Santalwomen! Thank you for all themeals at your

house, for providing a place to stay whenever I left Ghatsila and for being

friends. BaijuMurmu, the deshpargana of Ghatsila, further took the time todiscussmanydifferenttopicswithmeandenabledmyparticipationinseveral

rituals.Adiadisarhao!Duringmy stays in large Indian cities – placeswheremy initial culture-

shockwasgreatest–Icouldrelyonseveralpeopleandinstitutionsforsupport.

ManyyearsagoIhadthegoodfortuneofmeetingProf.TankaSubbainBerlin.

From organizational to content-related matters he supported my research

wherever possible. Thank you, Tanka and Roshina, also for your amazing

hospitalityinShillong!

In Shillong I met Sudipta, and I am so happy for all the times we had

together.HerfamilyinKolkatawelcomedmeintotheirhousewheneverIwas

thereandIamtrulygratefulforalltheirhelp.

Imust further thank the Ursuline sisters in Ranchi for providing such a

comfortableandsafeplacetostayandforalltheircare.Lastly,Iamindebtedto

the Borde family in Kankewho nursedme back to health in a quite difficult

time.Withouttheircare,myfieldworkmighthaveneverevenbegun.

Acknowledgements

x

Besides the Santal and other people in India, the completion of this project

owesmosttomyPhDsupervisorsPeterBergerandKockuvonStuckrad.Peter,

ithasbeentrulyinspiringtoworkwithyouovertheyears.Thankyousomuch

foryourtrustinmycapabilities,yourencouragement,foryoursincereinterest

inmy ethnography, for sharing your knowledge and for your humor!Kocku,

thankyouforyouravailability,foryourprofessionalattitudeandforenabling

metopursuemyspecificinterestsinthisresearch.Iamalsogratefulforyour

encouragementtocontextualizemyresearchinbroaderacademicdiscourses.

On an institutional level, I would like to express my gratitude to the

UniversityofGroningenfor fundingthisresearchproject inall itsstages.The

faculty of Theology andReligious Studies at theUniversity of Groningen has

provided both an inspiring intellectual environment and many valued

colleagues and friends.My fellowPhDs in Groningenwere there for support

and companionship in this time and, in spite of our differing subjects, gave

much valuable input as my project developed. Among those who deserve

specialmention are Karin Neutel, whose big heart combinedwith sarcasm I

havealwaysappreciated.Ialsothankherfamily,Anne,ErritandMaitefortheir

company and fun ways to introduce us tomany things Dutch. Among those

who helped me settle in and contributed to making Groningen (Glimmen)

home, are also Alison Sauer, Petra Daniels and our housemates in the

Kooikamp.Firstascolleaguesandthenasfriends,Ihavefurtherenjoyedmany

great timeswith Renee andKees. Thank you for your friendship! I also owe

muchtoErinandPhilforbeingamazinghostsandwonderfulfriends.Andlast,

inGroningenIwould liketothankSanjeevandRunaforthemanyhoursand

mealsshared.

Ever sincemy initial interest in Santal society, which began at the Free

UniversityofBerlin,Ihavebeensupportedgenerouslybyseveralpeopleinmy

research.ProfessorGeorgPfefferfacilitatedthedifferentstepsItookinvarious

ways. I am further indebted toProf.RolandHardenberg,Prof.MarineCarrin,

Eva Reichel and Berit Fuhrmann for all their help and themany stimulating

discussionswehavehad.

Last,andaboveall,Iamextremelygratefultomyfamily.Myparentshave

alwaysbelievedinmyabilitiesandwerebraveenoughtoletmetakemyown

paths, regarding both career and travels. A special thanks also goes to my

mother and my aunt Angela for their wonderful baby-sitting skills, which

greatlyhelpedinthelaststagesofthisproject. ImustfurtherthankJonasfor

hishelpwiththecover-layout.

Acknowledgements

xi

And then there are the twomost important people inmy life,Nate andNils,

whose contribution to this project goes beyondwords. Thank you, Nate, for

beingthereinDutchandIndianhighsandlowsandformakinglifegreat!And

thankyou,Nils, forbeingyouramazing little self and forputting thisproject

intoperspective!

Berlin,March2016

xii

NoteonTransliterationandUsageThroughout thisworkSantali termsare italicizedandonly thenamesofper-

sons,villages,deitiesandplacesappearincapitalizedform.Thereisnostand-

ardorthographyforSantaliinRomanscript,neitherappearstheretobeonein

people’susageofotherscripts(Devanagari,Bengali,OlChiki).Mytranslitera-

tion of Santali is based on Bodding’s (2010) five-volume Santali-English dic-

tionary,unlessthetermcouldnotbefoundinhiswork.Thediacriticsusedby

Boddinghavebeenleftouthere.AglossaryofallfrequentlyusedSantaliterms

is included in the appendix. My spelling of Sanskrit derived words leans on

Fuller’s(1992)transliteration.

Alltranslationsofconversations,narrativesandsongsfromSantalitoEng-

lish aremy own. Double quotationmarks are used for literal translations of

Santaliexpressions,forcitationsfromtheliteratureandforsociallyconstruct-

edtermssuchas“nature”or“religion”.

IntheliteratureontheSantal,severalauthorsaddan“s”andwriteofthe

Santals (cf. Carrin 2008; Culshaw 2004; Gautam 1977). In accordance withBodding(2010)andArcher(2007),IusethenameSantal,withoutan“s”,also

intheplural.

ConcerningdescriptionsofSantalrituals, Iusethepasttensetodescribe

specific ritual events. The so-called ethnographic present is used in general

statementsconcerningritualpractices.

InpartsofthetextthatdonotdirectlyrefertotheSantalcontext,suchas

the literatureoverview, Iuse themasculinepronounwhen Imeanto include

both male and female. When I describe Santal ritual contexts I deliberately

specifythegenderofmyinterlocutors.

Pseudonymsareusedforsomevillagesandnamesthroughoutthistext.

xiii

ListofAbbreviations

Political

JMM–JharkhandMuktiMorcha

BJP–BharatiyaJanataParty

MLA–MemberofLegislativeAssembly

ST–ScheduledTribe

SC–ScheduledCaste

OBC–OtherBackwardClasses

KinshipTerms(notationsystemasoutlinedbyBarnardandGood1984,4)

F–Father

S–Son

H–Husband

B–Brother

M–Mother

D-Daughter

Z–Sister

W–Wife

y–younger

e–elder

ThesecanbecombinedtoexpressdifferentrelationshipssuchasDH(daugh-

ter’shusband),MB(mother’sbrother)oreBW(elderbrother’swife).

Chapter1⎜Introduction

1

1.Introduction1.1MakingPlace

[R]epresented and enacted – daily, monthly, seasonally, annually –placesandtheirmeaningarecontinuallywovenintothefabricofso-

cial life, anchoring it to features of the landscape and blanketing it

withlayersofsignificancethatfewcanfailtoappreciate.Deliberately

andotherwise,peopleareforeverpresentingeachotherwithcultur-

allymediatedimagesofwhereandhowtheydwell.Inlargewaysand

small, they are forever performing acts that reproduce and express

their own sense of place – and also, inextricably, their own under-standingsofwhoandwhattheyare.(Basso1996,57)

ThisworkexploresnotionsofplaceamongtheSantal,atribalsocietyofCen-

tral India. Based on fourteenmonths of ethnographic fieldwork, it analyzes

howtheSantalaremakingplacethroughdifferentrituals.Thisanalysisrests

onthepremisethatplacesbearculture-specificmeaning,andthatritualspre-

sentoneof thearenas inwhich thismeaning isbothexpressedandcreated.

Someritualsassociateaspecificplacewiththesettlementofacertaingroup,

hencewiththegroup’srootsinthisplace.Otherscontaintheideaofasacred

landscapewithvariousdeitieslocatedinmountains,riversandtheforest.An-

otherclusterofritualsdiscussedinthisworkshowsthatplaceshaveincreas-

ingly come to play a role in Santal interactions with the state in the last

decades.Hence, for the Santal, the placeswhere their rituals are performed

contain differentmeanings, linked to a web of social, spiritual and political

relations.Itbecomesapparentthatbesidesbeinglocal,theserelationstrans-

cend theparticularitiesofplaceandarecontinually connectedwith theout-

side.

Inaddition to ritualsarticulatingspecificnotionsofplace, theycanalso

be regarded as creative domains in which places are ascribed meanings.

Throughtheirparticipationinritual,peoplecometoperceiveplacesinpartic-

ularways.Theycometoassociatetheplacewithritualactionsandthesym-

bolsandmeaningscontainedintheseactions.Inthiscontext,placescanalso

receive newmeanings as ritual actors actively introduce thesemeanings in

theritualcontext.Thiswork,insum,discussesthedynamicsofplaceandritu-

alsastheyunfoldinSantalsocietytoday.


2

1.1.1TheSantalTheSantal,asoneofthelargesttribalsocietiesinIndia,numbermorethan6.5

million.1TheirAustroasiaticlanguagedifferssignificantlyfromHindi,thelin-

guafrancaofNorthIndia,whichbelongstotheIndo-Europeanlanguagefami-

ly. Besides the Santal, several other societies of Central and Eastern India

speak a languageof the same language family, calledMunda languages (An-

derson2008).2Thequestionof if andhow these societiesdiffer fromHindu

societyhasbeen the subjectof adebateoutlined inmoredetail later in this

introduction.

Inshort,myethnographicmaterialsupportstheargumentthattribalso-

cietyisstructureddifferentlyfromcastesociety.Notcaste,buttheprinciples

of affinity and seniority structure Santal society. Regarding religious views

and practices one can detect further differences. Important Hindu concepts

suchaskarma (retribution foractions)andmoksha(liberation fromcycleofrebirth)playnorolefortheSantal.Andlast,Santalritualpracticediffersfrom

theHinduoneinthatitalmostalwaysincludesanimalsacrifices,sothatadif-

ferencebetweenworship(puja)andsacrifice(bali),asFuller(1992,83ff)de-scribes it for popular Hinduism, does not exist. The Santal carry out these

sacrifices indifferent locations, suchas insacredgroves, in the fields, in the

forestedmountainsandthehouse.

TheSantalliveinageographicallyconfinedareaincentral-easternIndia,

predominantlyintheunionstatesofBihar,Jharkhand,OdishaandWestBen-

gal.Thefieldwork,uponwhichthisworkisbased,wascarriedoutinthestate

1According to the Census of India 2001 (2011 not yet available) there are 6,469,600 Santali

speakersinIndia.CensusdataonSantalispeakersaretheonlynumbersavailabletomeontheSantalpopulation,althoughIamawarethatnotonlySantalspeakSantaliincertainareas.These

censusdatashouldbeunderstoodasanestimate,as it isdifficult tocountpopulationsspread

overaterritoryoftendifficulttoaccess.(Cf.“Distributionofthe21ScheduledLanguages”,2001

Census,

http://www.censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/Census_Data_Online/Language/parta.htm,

accessedOctober5,2015).2The Munda languages are a group of Austroasiatic languages, which represent the most

western linguisticphylumthereof.Thepre-historyof theMunda languagesremainssubject to

debate,butthereisconsensusthatotherAustroasiaticsubgroupsareallfoundoutsideofIndia,

to the east. In India Munda language speakers today mostly live in Odisha and Jharkhand,

significantnumbersfurtherliveinthestatesofMadyaPradesh,throughoutChhattisgarh,West

Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Andra Pradesh andMaharashtra. Santali, and its close sister languages

Mundari and Ho belong to the North Munda languages in India, otherwise also labeled

Kherwarian. Smaller subgroups of Kherwarian are Turi, Asuri, Birhor, Bhumij, Korwa etc.

Anderson gives a rather moderate estimate of Austroasiatic speakers in India of about ten

million(Anderson2008,1).


3

ofJharkhand,initssoutheasterndistrictofEastSinghbhummainlyintwovil-

lageslocatedinMusabaniandGhatsilablock.InthisareatheSantalconstitute

thedominantmajorityofthepopulation,livinginclosesymbiosiswithartisan

and other Hindu castes such as blacksmiths, potters, basket makers and

weavers.While the Santal are themain landowners of the area, the artisan

castesgenerallydonotownland, insteadtheyprovidetheSantalwithprod-

ucts for everyday and ritual use. Other tribal and gatherer-hunter societies

suchasHo,Munda,HillKhariaandBirhorresideintheforestedhillsborder-

ingthecultivatedSantallands.TheregionIfocusonhereishencecharacter-

izedbyethnicdiversity,whichwillplayacrucialrole inseveralof theritual

descriptionsinthefollowingchapters.

Theterm“Santal”wasgiventotheSantalbyothers.AccordingtoBodding

(2010,5:183-4)thetermismostprobablyderivedfromSaontar,whichwas

used by Bengali speakers when referring to the Santal living in the area

aroundSaont, locatedintoday’sMidnaporeDistrict,WestBengal.TheSantal

refer to themselvesas“men/humans”(hor)or“sonsofmen”(horhopon). Incontrasttohorstandstheconceptofdiku,atermusedbyseveralofthetribalcommunitiesofChotanagpurandCentralIndiatorefertooutsiders.Theterm

denotes thosewho have exploited the Santal, specifically the landlords (za-mindars),butalsoreferstoBrahmins,BiharisandtheBritish(Sinha,SenandPanchbhai1969).Itexcludes,however,allthoseartisancommunitiesandco-

residentsoftheSantal,atopicdiscussedlateroninthisintroduction.

Different labels are used in ethnography and by the Santal to refer to

themselvesas a typeof society.The terms “tribe”, “adivasi” and “indigenoussociety”eachhavetheirownhistoricalandpoliticalimplications,asexamined

laterinmoredetail.WhenIspeakof“tribalsociety”Irefertoatypeofsociety

ofacertainstructure,characterizedbyitssegmented,generalizedandauton-

omous3character (Pfeffer 2009, 2014; Sahlins 1968). Regarding the term

“tribe” it is further significant to note that in Indiamany communities self-

identifyastribaltounderlinetheirdifferencefromHindusocietyandbecause

theyhavebeenclassifiedbythegovernmentasaScheduledTribe(ST)4inthe

3Tribal societies can be regarded as autonomous in the sense that they functionwithout the

central authority of a state and do not depend on or account to a larger society surrounding

them,suchaspeasantsdo.Theirautonomyisnottobemistakenforisolation,whichhasnever

beenthecase.4ThetermScheduledTribeisfurtherdiscussedinsection1.2.5.


4

context of an affirmative action program (Karlsson and Subba 2006; Xaxa

2005).5

SincecolonialtimestheSantalhavebeendescribedextensivelyinethno-

graphicliterature.TheyarefamousespeciallyfortheSantalrebellionin1855

(Andersen2008;Rottger-Hogan1982),ledbytwobrothersnamedSidhoand

KanhoMurmu against the oppression by zamindars. A large part of the re-maining literaturedealswith the Santal ritual cycle, especiallywith the two

main annual rituals baha, the spring flower festival and sohrae, the harvestfestival.TheSantaltodaydoconsiderthesefestivalstobeimportant,however

myworklargelyomitsdescriptionsofthemandinsteadfocusesonthoserites,

whichhavereceivedlessornoattentionintheliterature.Insteadofattempt-

ing to present the Santal ritual cycle, as others have done (cf. Carrin-Bouez

1986; Troisi 2000), my work discusses only some Santal rituals under the

overalltopicofplace.

1.1.2FocusofthisWorkThecentralthemeofthisworkhasemergedfromethnographicfieldworkcar-

riedoutindifferentSantalvillages.Myinitialplanwastostudyoneparticular

ritual, a hunting rite, which some Santal ethnographies described, who con-

ducted fieldwork in the 1940s (Archer 2007, 305ff) and the 1970s (Carrin-

Bouez1986,84ff;Troisi2000,146ff).Mygoalwastotakethisritualasawin-

dow,inGeertz’(1973,113)sense,throughwhichtogainaccesstoseveraldo-

mainsofSantalculture.Theideawastostudythehuntasa“totalsocial fact”

(Mauss2002, 100) in order to avoid prior categorizations of domains such asreligion,socialstructure,economyandlaw.MyfieldworkinSantalvillagesdid

provide insight intoSantalhunting rituals,but I found these rituals linked to

otherimportantrites,allofwhichdealtwithnotionsofplaceindifferentways.

Ithusbroadenedthescopeofmyresearchandaccommodateddifferenttopics

thatemergedasrelevantduringmyfieldworkintheframeworkofplace.

This work therefore focuses on different notions of place, especially as

theyemergefromritualpractice.Myanalysisrestsonrituals,butitalsotakes

people’s statements, and other expressive forms such as song, narrative and

mythintoaccount.Atthesametime,Iexplorehowthesenotionsofplaceare

formedandconstantlyrecreatedinpractice.Thefollowingprovidessomeex-

5AccordingtotheCensusofIndia2011,theSTpopulationofIndianumbers104.3million,8.6%

ofthetotalpopulationofthecountry(MinistryofTribalAffairsStatisticsDivision2013,2).


5

amples for Santal notions of place as I later discuss them in three separate

chapters.

1.1.3PlaceanditsDifferentConnotationsWhen my Santal interlocutors spoke about their environment, they distin-

guished among the categories of forest, rice fields and village and associated

thesewithvarying levelsof relevanceatdifferent times throughout theyear.

Theforestoftencarriedanotionofambivalence.Intermsoflivelihoodthefor-

estprovidedanimportantsourceoffoodcomplementarytorice.Womencon-

stantlywentintotheforesttocollectleavesandfirewood,wildfruitsandother

forestproduce,especiallyfromMarchuntilthebeginningoftherainyseasonin

June. They saw their hour-long, collective journeys on foot into the forest as

tiresome,butalsoasintensetimesofsocializingwithotherwomeninaplace

awayfrommen.Theyspokewithaweofthe“beautifullushgreen”ofthenew

salleavesinthespring.Moreover,theyperceivedtheproximityoftheforestasanecessity formanyof theirhouseholdactivities. Inonevillage Ivisited, the

forestwasalmostaday’s journeyawayon foot.Thismade theavailabilityof

firewoodalargeproblemandmeantthatpeopleeitherhadtobuyfirewoodor

thewomenhadtocoverlongdistancestoobtainit.

Besides the beauty of the forest, its inherent danger emerged from the

manyconversationsIhadwithpeople.Thepresenceofwildanimalsanddan-

gerousdeitiesmadeitaplacetobefeared.Severalnarrativesandsongs,per-

formed during the season of hunting rituals, describe the forest as a kind of

“battlefield”(tupun,literally“shootingarrowsateachother”),aplaceofdeadlyencounters betweenmen andwild animals. The sacrifices offeredduring the

huntingritesweredescribedasanecessitytokeepthedangeroftheforestat

bay,toappeaseitsdeitiesandtocoaxthemintoprovidingrainfortheensuing

riceseason.Hence,bothinpeople’spersonalperceptionaswellasinthestruc-

tureofritual,theambivalenceoftheforestplayedapivotalrole.Inritualthis

ambivalencewasassociatedwithfertility,asIwilldiscussinchapterfourand

five.


6

Photo1:LandscapearoundMusabani.Fallowricefieldsandtheforestedmountains

beforethebeginningofthemonsoon.

DuringthetimeofricesowingandtransplantingbetweenMayandJulyandthe

timeofharvestfromOctoberuntilDecember,variousritualsarticulatethatthe

ricefieldsareconceptuallylinkedtothevillageandtoaspecificsocialgroup.

Thefemaledeity(LukhiAyo,“MotherLukhi”)associatedwithriceisceremoni-ally brought out of themost sacred space of the house, the ancestral shrine,

intothefields,wheresheresidesuntilharvest.Thecloseconnectionbetween

thesocial identityofagroupandthe fields itowns findsparticularemphasis

duringalargesacrificialritualcalledjomsim,whichIportrayinchapterthree.AnothernotionofplaceprovedcrucialfortheSantalImetoutsideofthe

villagecontext.SantalstudentsinRanchi,Jharkhand’scapital,oftenmentioned

theplacewheretheycamefrom.Theyspokeof“ourregion”(aledisom).6WhenmeetingotherSantalforthefirsttime,theywouldeitheraskabouttheother’s

region(disom)ortheirvillage(ato)oforigin.AlthoughtheywerelivinginRan-chimostof theyear, theiremotionalattachmentaswellas theirsenseofbe-

longing seemed to remain with their native place, reflected in their regular

visits to their villages in order to attend major festivals. The connection of

placeandsocialidentityemergesalsointhepoliticalcontextinwhichtheSan-

talhavebecomeincreasinglyactiveinthelastfiftyyears.Chapterfivediscuss-

esindetailhowSantalpoliticalmovementsclaimdifferentplaces,whichthey

regardas culturally important, anddemandprotectionand support from the

stateinthiscontext.

Myanalysisofplacerestsontheassumptionthatplace isculturallycon-

structed. Hence, place does not carry intrinsicmeaning, but people attribute

meaning to it. How does the ethnographer gain access to these local under-

standings of place? Besides spending time with the people, whose sense of

6I provide the Santali in parentheses whenever possible. However, during my fieldwork I

sometimes did not immediately note down the Santal term or only understood its rough

meaning,sothattheSantaliequivalenttomyEnglishtranslationisnotalwaysavailable.


7

placeonewantstostudy,asGeertz(1996,260)suggests,Iproposethatrituals

offeronesuchaccesspointtotheseunderstandings.Intheritualsdiscussedin

thiswork,Santalactorsaddressthedeitieslocatedintheirenvironment.They

doso inspecificplaces,whichtheydeemsuitable for theseoccasions.Byun-

ravelingtheculturallogicbehindtheserituals,certaincontext-specificunder-

standingsofplaceemerge.

1.1.4TheLocalandtheGlobalThe study of place among the Santal is relevant especially today, because it

combinesanemphasisoflocalitywiththetopicofglobalization.Therearecul-

turallyspecificnotionsofplace,whichemergefrommyethnographicmateri-

al.Butinseveralcasesthislocalmakingofplaceislinkedtoglobaldiscourses.

As early as the 1960sOrans (1965) described Santal cultural politics in the

cityofJamshedpur,locatedroughlyfiftykilometersnorthofmyfieldworkar-

ea.Sincethen,SantalpoliticalactivismhasbeendiscussedbyGautam(1977a,

1977b)andCarrin(2008,2012,2014).Myfieldworkcomplementstheseex-

plorations and further underlines their point, that the Santal are one of the

most politically active Scheduled Tribes of India. Concerning the study of

place,theSantalcasethusdissolvesadichotomyofteninherentindiscussions

ofplaceinthesocialsciences.Inthesediscussions,globalizationandtheensu-

ingmobilityofpeopleandideas,ispositionedagainsttheportrayalofpeople

rootedinparticularplaces.Appadurai(1996)hasbroughtthesetwoseeming-

lyoppositeperspectives together inhisviewofglobalizationasa “localizing

process” (17). The “production of locality” (178ff), he argues, has taken on

newdimensionsinanageofglobalization.Thesedimensionsincludethena-

tion state,migration andmassmedia. The Santal case presents a particular

spinonAppadurai’sargument:For theSantal, rootedness inplacecontinues

tomattergreatly,and theyengage themodalitiesofferedbyglobalization to

assert theirconnectionto theseplaces.7ThissupportsAppadurai’sviewthat

placesarerelational, thereforeneitherboundednorhomogenous.Placesare

connectedthroughpeople’smovementandthemovementofideas.Globaliza-

tion, in theSantal case,hasenhanced theclaimingofplace, rather thanren-

deredplaceirrelevant.

7Escobar(2001,159)haspointedoutthese“subalternstrategiesoflocalization”inthecontext

ofanethno-ecologicalmovementinColumbia.


8

1.1.5BringingtogetherPlaceandRitualAsmentioned, the overall aim of thiswork is to discuss different notions of

place, studied through Santal rituals. In this regard I see place as culturally

constructed,becauseplacesreceivemeaningandvaluethroughhumanaction

intheworld.Theinitialargumentofmyworkisthatoneofthehumanactivi-

tiesrepresenting,aswellasgeneratingideasofplace,isritual.

Myapproachtostudyingplaceinthisworkistwo-fold.First,Ianalyzethe

differentnotionsofplace,whichcanbedistinguishedindifferentSantalrituals.

Thesenotionsbelong to thebroader categoriesof land, environment and re-

gion.Inmyanalysisplacesemergeasholistic,whichmeansthattheycomprise

social,political, religiousandmaterialaspects.This “propensity togather the

physical,socialandmental”,asKnott(2010,36)hascalledthischaracteristic

ofspace,offersthepossibilitytostudythementionedaspectsintheirrelation-

aldynamic.

Besides discussing Santal notions of place, second, I take a look at how

thesenotionsofplacearecreated inritualpractice.Asphenomenologicalap-

proachestoplace(Casey1996; Ingold2000)haveargued,perceptionplaysa

relevantroleinthecreationofnotionsofplace.InspiredbyKapferer’s(1991,

2004)work,IpositthatSantalritualsgeneratenotionsofplace,becauserituals

offerdifferentpossibilitiesofspatialperception.Forexample,peoplecometo

perceivealocalmountainasapowerfulandsacredplacebecauseitsdeityan-

nuallyreceivesalargeamountofsacrificedanimals.Inthisregardmyanalysis

paysspecialattentiontosymbolsandspatialmovementsas formingpeople’s

perceptionofplace.BeforeIdescribeandanalyzeSantalnotionsandpractices

of place in the following chapters, the next section is meant to provide the

reader with background information on the Santal as a society and on the

fieldworkarea.


9

1.2TheSantalintheirSocialandRegionalContext1.2.1OnRegionalVariationsAlthough Troisi (2000, 24) described the Santal as a “homogenous” society,

several differences between Santal cultural practices in the different places,

wheretheSantallivetoday,areworthnoting.ThemainSantalritualsandan-

nualfestivalsseemtobecelebratedsimilarlyintheseareas.Nevertheless,the

various placesmy fieldwork tookme, pointed to several economic, linguistic

andculturaldifferences.

My initialplan,afterstudyingSantali inRanchiat the Institute forTribal

andRegionalLanguages,wastofindafieldsiteintheSantalParganas,located

in the northeast of Jharkhand close to the city of Godda. Geographically this

area is characterized by plains, where Santal villages are located, and the

RajmahalHills,inhabitedbytheSauriaandMalPaharia.8From1790onwards

Santal migrated here, as the economic pressure exercised by the zamindarsundertheBritishrevenuesystemgrewgreaterinotherareas.

In2005 I hadvolunteeredand taughtEnglish at a school, runby anon-

governmentalorganization(NGO)closetoGodda.In2011,Ihopedtofindac-

cesstoSantalvillagesthroughtheseconnections.Manju,aSantalstudentfrom

thedistrict ofEast Singhbhum, camealongwithme to assistme inmy field-

work.HernativeplaceinEastSinghbhumandGoddaareabout350kilometers

apart. In the eyes ofmany Santal Imet, the Santal Parganas are the cultural

homelandof the Santal. It is theplacewhere the Santal rebellion tookplace,

and the place where Sidho and KanhoMurmu, the leaders of this rebellion,

wereborn.DifferentfromEastSinghbhum,peopleintheSantalParganaslive

almostexclusivelyfromagriculture.BesidestheRajmahalCoalMiningProject,

there isnoindustry inthearea.Whenwearrived,Manjuwasshockedbythe

poverty and the “remoteness” of this area. There were few paved roads, no

electricity, unreliable cell phone coverage and in the hot season a recurring

riskofdrought.Wevisitedduring the timeof theSantal flower festivalbaha.

8The Paharia arementioned in the records of the British administration as highlanderswho

regularly raided the plains. After several failed efforts to appease the Paharia, Augustus

Cleveland,collectorofBhagalpur,createdspecialadministrativeconditionsforthePaharia:they

nolongerweretopayrevenueandtheirchiefscouldruleaccordingtotheircustomarylaw.He

furtherpaidthechiefs inordertosuppressraids intotheplains.Cleveland’sgoalwastomake

thePahariasettle in theplains,which,however, theywerenot interested in.Clevelandnamed

theforestedplainsborderingthehillsDamin-i-koh,“skirtofthehills”,wherelaterSantalsettled

inlargenumbers(Andersen,CarrinandSoren2011,9-13).


10

Theonevillagebaha festivalweattended,Manjuquicklydisqualified as “notverybeautiful”.Itwasnotaselaborateasthebahafestivalsshewasusedtoinhernativeplace.Onlyfewpeopleattendedtheevent,becausemanySantal in

the area were Christians. Manju also noticed the different dialect of Santali

people spoke there, sometimes to the extent that she could only understand

very little.All this ledher to theconclusion that itwasnota suitablearea to

study “Santal culture”. In her opinion East Singhbhumwasmuchmore fit in

thatregard.

IhadvisitedManju’snativeplaceinEastSinghbhumoncebefore,andhad

beenimmediatelypresentedwithwhat,inherrelatives’view,wereimportant

aspectsof “Santal culture”.They showedmeseveral villages,wevisited rela-

tivesandattendedoneregionalbahafestival.Becauseaccesstopeopleandtotheirfestivalsandritualswassomucheasierhere,itbecametheplacewhereI

spent themajorityofmy fieldwork.As Ionlygradually learned, theSantal in

thisareaareespeciallyactiveinthepoliticsof identity.Severalpeopleinthis

area are involved in a religious reform movement called All India SarnaDhorom,whichdemandspoliticalsupportforSantalculturalaimsfromtheIn-diangovernment.Orans(1965)observedthesetendenciesinJamshedpur,the

largesttownofEastSinghbhum,alreadyinthe1950s.Ingeneral,thispolitical

activism iscloselyrelated to industrialization in thearea,aschapter fivedis-

cussesindetail.Thispoliticalactivism,forexample,seemedabsentintheGod-

daareaoftheSantalParganas.

East Singhbhum is therefore the area my work discusses. It is the area

whereIlearnedSantaliandwherethetermsIuseinmyworkstemfrom.Sev-

eralwords I had found inBodding’s (2010) Santali dictionary,which he col-

lectedintheSantalParganas,werehardlyknownorconsideredold-fashioned

intheareaofmyfieldwork.AsIlaterlearned,inWestBengalanotherdialectof

Santaliisspoken,onemixedwithmanyBengaliwords.Santalsinthisareaare

known tohavea specificwayofbeingespecially indirect,of “beatingaround

thebush”asGaneshMurmu,SantaliprofessorinRanchi,phrasedit.

AlthoughSantalsocialstructureandthemainSantalritualsarecommon

toallSantalpopulationsindifferentlocations,myvisitstotheSantalParganas,

andlatertoSantalvillagesofWestBengalshowthatmyfindingscannoteasily

begeneralized.Thisis,forexample,thecasewithregardtocertainlocalterms

usedtorefertopartsofSantalsocialstructure. InchapterthreeIdiscussthe

Santalconceptoflocalline,whichpeopleinmyfieldworkarearefertoasgusti.In the Santal Parganas, the Santal seem to use thewordkhuntto denote the


11

sameunitinstead(Gausdal1960).Theparticularitiesofmyfindingsaremore-

overespecially linked to theparticularitiesofplace.Notionsofplaceand the

ritualsthroughwhichIdiscussthesenotions,aretobeunderstoodinthecon-

textofaspecificlandscape.TheSantalIvisitedinvillagesinWestBengal,out-

sideof Jhargram, lived ina flat landscapewithnohills insight.Thesepeople

hadonlyheardofritualsforthemountaindeitiescalledburubonga,whichpartofmyworkdescribesfortheMusabani/Ghatsilaarea.

Payingheedtothesevariationsfromoneareatoanother,myworkhigh-

lights Santal notions of place and the related ritual practice, specifically as I

encounteredtheminvillagesinthesouthernpartsofEastSinghbhumaround

the townsofMusabani andGhatsila.Whenever I speakof other areas this is

mentioned,because,whenonelooksclosely,describingtheSantalas“homog-

enous”isaboldclaim.

1.2.2TheTownsofGhatsilaandMusabani–“ReachingtheField”ThetwoSantalvillages,whereIcarriedoutfieldworkbetween2011and2013,

werelocatedclosetothetownsofGhatsilaandMusabani,inthedistrictofEast

Singhbhum, Jharkhand.Because these twotownsare importantpointsof ref-

erencefortheSantalpopulationofthearea,Ishortlydescribetheminthefol-

lowing. The villages where my fieldwork took place, were by no means

“remote”, which is what many people in Indian cities associated with these

places. A four-hour train ride connects Kolkata to Ghatsila station. Wet rice

fieldsandpalmtreescharacterizetheflatplainsofWestBengal.Shortlybefore

reachingGhatsila,uponcrossingthebordertoJharkhand, forestcoveredhills

arise. To the north lies the Dalma mountain range, to the southwest the

Jadugoda-Musabani range. The tallest of these hills rise up to around seven

hundredmeters.East-SinghbhumformsthesoutheasterntipofJharkhand,its

largesttownbeingtheindustrialtownofJamshedpur,locatedaboutfiftykilo-

meters northwest of Ghatsila. Therefore, in terms of access by means of

transport, thevillages,where Icarriedout fieldworkwerenot “remote”.This

accessibility, however, does not necessarily bridge the “social distance” be-

tweenruralandtownpopulationsinthearea.


12

TheDistrictofSinghbhum:RecordedHistory,Populationand

LandscapeTheolddistrictofSinghbhumhasbeendividedintoEastSinghbhum(orPurbi

Singhbhum in Hindi), with its headquarters in Jamshedpur, and into West

SinghbhumwithitsheadquartersinChaibhasasince1990.9AmongtheSched-

uled Tribe population of East Singhbhum the Santal are themost numerous

(Bhatt2002,330),whereasinWestSinghbhumtheHoconstitutethemajority

(354). Singhbhum derives its name, meaning “land of the Singhs”, from the

SinghRajasofPorahat,whousedtoruleoveritsnorth.Totheeastthelandof

theDhalRajas(Dhalbhum)borderedtheSinghRajas’territory(O’Malley1910,

2).TheSinghRajashadawell-organizedbureaucracy inplace, amongwhich

was the collection of land-tax and “other payments associatedwith religious

andsocialpractices”(DasGupta2006,80-81)fromthetribalpopulation.

The Santal villages around Ghatsila, inwhich part ofmy fieldwork took

place,are locatednorthof thesmall townofDhalbhumgarh.O’Malley (1910)

mentions the “great diversity of castes and tribes” in the area of Dhalbhum,

inhabited by “Bhumij, Bhuiyas, the Santals, theKharias, and numerous other

aboriginaltribesliv[ing]inclosejuxtapositionwithBrahmans,Kayashts,Dho-

bas, Napits, Kumhars, Kamars, and many other Hindu and semi-Hinduized

castes” (57). Almost all the Santal found in Singhbhum district live in

Dhalbhum,whichO’MalleyconsiderstobepartofthetractinwhichtheSantal

livedbeforetheirexodustotheSantalParganas.

TheBritishfirstcameintocontactwiththeRajaofDhalbhum,orashewas

thencalled“theRajaofGhatsila”(27), in1767.UndertheleadofJohnFergu-

sonBritishtroopsattemptedtoinvadeDhalbhum.Aftertheyhadcapturedthe

Raja,theyinstalledhisnephewJagannathDhalinhisplaceandmadethelatter

promisetopayyearlyrevenue.

O’Malley (1910, 2) characterizes Singhbhum in the following way: “The

district formspartof thesouthernfringeof theChotanagpurplateauand isa

hilly upland tract containing hills alternating with valleys, steep forest-clad

mountains, and, in the river basins, some stretches of comparatively level or

undulatingcountry.”Theareadescribedinmyworkformspartofsuchariver

basin formedby the Subarnarekha river, fromwhich the “forest-clad”moun-

tainsO’Malleymentionscanbeseeninthedistance.OlderSantalremembera

9Cf.“WestSinghbhumDistrictofJharkhand”

http://chaibasa.nic.in/Aboutthedist.html(accessedNovember29,2015).


13

timewhentherewasstillmuchmoreforestintheplains.Todayofficialstatis-

tics indicate that 33% of the district is still covered by forest.10In conversa-

tionsabouthuntingrituals,peoplealsomentioned,thatinthepasttherewere

tigers,bearsandmanymorewildanimalsintheforests.EastSinghbhumises-

peciallyrichinminerals,ofwhichmainlycopperanduraniumareminedinthe

immediatesurroundingsofGhatsilaandMusabani(Bhatt2002,320).11

Map1:LocationofJharkhandinIndia(CopyrightPlaneMad/Wikimedia12)

10Cf.“PurbiSinghbhumJamshedpur”

http://jamshedpur.nic.in/geoinfo.htm(accessedNovember29,2015).11Cf.also“JharkhandMineralReserves”:

http://www.jsmdc.in/mineral-reserve.php(accessedNovember29,2015).12https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jharkhand#/media/File:India_Jharkhand_locator_map.svg,accessedDecember12,2015.


14

Map2:EastSinghbhumdistrictofJharkhand.MaptakenfromSingh(2003,1),adaptedbyLeaSchulte-Droesch.

Map3:TheareaaroundGhatsilaandMusabani.CopyrightNellesMap1:1,5Mio:IndiaEast(Specialmaps:Kolkata,Khajuraho,Varanasi)(Munich:NellesVerlag),adaptedby

LeaSchulte-Droesch.


15

GhatsilaInthewrittenhistoryofSinghbhumthetownofGhatsilaismentioneddueto

its temple of Rankini, the tutelary goddess of the Rajas of Dhalbhum. Every

year in September a festival calledbindeporob took place, duringwhich theRajawouldshootarrowsat twobuffaloskept inasmallenclosure.Whenthe

buffalos could barely walk anymore, people would run in and hack them to

pieceswiththeiraxes.AccordingtoColonelDalton,therewerealsorumorsof

humansacrificestoRankiniatonepointintime.Thezamindarprohibitedthefestivalofbindeporobin1865(OMalley1910,214).Today,thefestivalseemsto be taking place again, as peoplementioned a largewater buffalo sacrifice

performedatthetemple.

GhatsilaislocatedontheSubarnarekhariver,whichoriginatesnearRan-

chiflowingsoutheastintotheBayofBengal.Theriver’sbanksatGhatsilaare

linedwithpilesofsedimentfromalargecoppersmeltingplantrunbyHindu-

stan Copper Limited (HCL).Many older Santalmen of the area had at some

pointintheirlivesfoundemploymentinthissmeltingplantorthenearbycop-

permineatSurda,mostlyworkingasmanuallaborersunderground.

ThetownofGhatsila,accordingtotheCensusofIndia2011,hasapopula-

tion of 40,624, ofwhich theCensus states, 10.53%belong to the category of

ScheduledTribeand11.3%toScheduledCastes.13Differentfromitssurround-

ingvillages,whicharemostlyinhabitedbyScheduledTribessuchastheSantal,

Ho,Munda and Birhor, Ghatsila hosts a rather diverse population of various

Hinducastes, SikhsandMuslims.Becauseof its infrastructure– its train sta-

tion,banks,severalsmallshops,markets,gasstation,governmentblockoffice

andcollege–itisthemainhuboftheareaandaplacetowhichtheruralpopu-

lationcomesregularly.Ghatsilaisalsoanimportantcentertothearea’sSantal

populationforotherreasons.

First,severalpoliticalofficesareheldbySantalinthistown.BaijuMurmu,

thedeshpargana,livesinParwa,aSantalquarterofGhatsila.Thedesh(Hindi)ordisom(Santali)parganaisbycustomthehighestpoliticalofficeoftheSantalwhopresidesoveralargeregion.Whenconflictscannotbesolvedatthevillage

level through themanjhi or on a regional level through toropparganas, theyare brought to the deshpargana. According to Baiju Murmu, he fulfills this

13Cf.“GhatshilaPopulationCensus2011”

http://www.census2011.co.in/data/town/363618-ghatshila-jharkhand.html

(accessedNovember20,2015).


16

functionfor1,200SantalvillagesofEastSinghbhum.Onceayearheassembles

villageheadmeninalargetownhall,builtbyhimforthispurpose,inorderto

discusswhateverissueshavecomeupintheirvillages.Ineveryvillageofthe

area,theSantalspokeofthedeshparganaasanimportantguardoftheircus-tomsandsuggestedtomethatIdiscusswhateverquestionsIhadwithhim.He

is further responsible for several material markers of Santal presence in

Ghatsila. He has built a regional sacred grove (disom jaher) in Phuldangri,Ghatsilaandalargestatueofhisfather,whoheldhispositionasdeshparganabeforehim,standsonthesideofNationalHighway33runningpastthetown.

Ghatsila’sMemberofLegislativeAssembly (MLA),anofficeof the Indian

Government,isfurtherheldbyaSantal.RamdasSorenrepresentsthepolitical

partyJharkhandMuktiMorcha(JMM).HeisdonorofseveralstatuesofSantal

heroesinthearea.Heis furtherpresentatmost largeSantal festivalsaround

Ghatsila.Usuallyheisaccompaniedbyarmedbodyguards.

Second,GhatsilaisalsoasmallcenterofSantalculturalactivity.Ithostsa

Santalibookstore,whichsellsmostlypublicationsofSantalibooksintheSantal

script Ol Chiki.14Further, Ghatsila College offers a bachelor of arts in Santali

linguistics.

MusabaniMusabani, with a population of 31,03515, is located about fifteen kilometers

southwestofGhatsilaacrosstheSubarnarekhariver.In1927theBritishCom-

pany IndianCopperCooperation (ICC) establishedamine innearbySurda, a

crushing plant inMusabani and a smelting plant inGhatsila. After closure in

2003, theminewas reopened in2007by theAustralian-Indian joint venture

IndiaResources Limited (IRL).16Employment opportunities in the copper in-

dustryhaveattractedworkers fromallover Indiaaswellas fromNepalover

14OlChikiscriptwas inventedbytheSantalguruRagunathMurmuinthe1930s. Inthe1940sMurmuusedthescripttowriteseveralnovels,amongthemBidhuChandanandKherwarBir.Heclaimedthescripttobeofdivineorigin,derivedfromthephysicalenvironment.Itconsistsof30

characters. Some letters, for example, resemble a plow, a mushroom or a swan. The script’s

relevancefortheSantal today isdiscussed inmoredetail inchapterfive(cf.Carrin2014;Lotz

2007).15Cf.“MusabaniPopulationCensus2011”

http://www.census2011.co.in/data/town/363955-musabani-jharkhand.html

(accessedNovember29,2015)16Cf.“SurdaMine”,IndiaResourcesLimitedhttp://www.indiaresources.com.au/projects/surda-copper-mine.html

(accessedOctober5,2015).


17

theyears,manyofwhichstillliveinMusabanitoday.Aconsiderableamountof

Santalmenhavefoundemploymentintheminesaswell.Ratherlargecement

houses are the visible result of their employment in the mines. The mining

companybuiltapartments, locallycalled“quarters”, for itsworkers.Although

theyarequitedilapidated today, theseare rentedout for a small fee to local

Santal,whooftenalsohavehousesinvillagesofthearea.Theyusethesequar-

tersasaplacetostaywhentheyvisittown.Thechildrenoffamiliesfromvil-

lageswithoutfunctioningschools,alsooccupysomeofthequartersinorderto

attendschoolinMusabani.

ComparedtoGhatsila,Musabaniismuchmorecharacterizedbythepres-

ence of the area’sadivasi population. Statues of the Santal heroes Sidho andKanhoMurmu catch the visitor’s eye atMusabani’s bus stand. Three times a

weekalocalmarket,calledhat,isheld.Womenfromtheartisancommunityofweavers, called Mahali, sell their bamboo baskets, winnowing fans and rice

beer strainershere. Local Santal andKharia17women, sell vegetables,mahualiquorandricebeer.Membersofthepottercaste(Kunkal)selltheirclayprod-

ucts.Market days are important occasions for villagers fromnear and far to

meetandreconnect.Thevariousshopsof thebazaar, locatednexttothehat,offer everything the rural population needs from time to time: one can buy

clothes,even“Santalsarees”and“Santaldhotis”18,brasspotsandplates,mostlygivenasweddinggifts,andallkindsofotherhouseholdutensils.Althoughtheir

mothertongueisHindi,theshopkeepersoftenunderstandSantali.

ThelastaspectofMusabanitobementionedistherelativelystrongpres-

enceofpoliceinthistown.TheIndiangovernmenthasstationedmembersof

17The Kharia divide into three sections,which differ in terms of culture, social structure and

livelihood. The Hill Kharia live mostly close to the forested hills of Singhbhum district, inMidnapur and Bankura districts of West Bengal and in the Simlipal mountain range of

MayurbhanjdistrictofOdisha. In theseareas theydependheavilyon forestproducts for their

livelihood.TheDhelkiKharialivefurthersouthinMadyaPradesh(Rajgarhdistrict)andOdisha

(Sundargarhdistrict).Althoughtheyalsodependontheforest,theydifferfromtheHillKhariain

that they practice agriculture. The third section of the Kharia, the Dudh Kharia, live in the

Chotanagpurarea,mainlyinGumlaandSimdegasubdivisionofRanchidistrict.Theirvillagesare

located in the plains, away from the forest andmany of them have converted to Christianity

(VidhyarthiandUpadhyay1980,11ff).WheneverIspeakof“Kharia”inthisworkIrefertothe

HillKharia.18ASantaldhoti isa typeofclothmenwraparoundtheirwaist. Itspatternusuallyconsistsofgreen or purple squares with white. The Santal saree has a similar pattern. Some people

remarkedthatthistrendhadcomefromOdisha,seeminglystartedbytheSantalreligiousreform

movementsarnadhorom.IntheareaofEastSinghhumpeopleweartheseclothestodayduringlargevillagefestivalsandespeciallyasanidentitymarkeratpoliticaleventsoutsideofthearea,

forexampleinRanchi.ApictureofSantalsareesanddhotiscanbefoundinchapterfive,Photo38and39.


18

theCentralReservePoliceForce(CRPF)inMusabanitofightMaoistguerrillas

calledNaxalites,who are said to be located in the forestedhill ranges of the

area. The Naxalites have received their name from the village Naxalbari in

WestBengal,wherein1967localpeasantsledaviolentuprisingagainstland-

lords(ShahandPettigrew2009,230).Sincethentheviolenceexhibitedbythe

movementhasbeendirectedmostlyatrepresentativesandinstitutionsofthe

state as it spread over the geographically less accessible, mostly adivasi-inhabited regionsofCentral India.The Indian central and state governments

begandefiningthemovement’sactivitiesasactsofterrorismandasathreatto

India’s internal security, countering it with increasingly brutal police force

(paramilitarytroops,BorderSecurityForces,CRPF)backedupbyactsofpar-

liament (PreventionofTerrorismAct2002)(Shah2006,298). Inspiteof the

police’sconcernaboutmysecurityinthevillages–aworrynotsharedbymy

Santal hosts – I only occasionally encountered evidenceof theNaxalitepres-

enceintheregion.TheMCC(MaoistCommunistCentre),abranchoftheNaxal-

ites, regularly called strikes (bandh) for the Musabani/Ghatsila area, whichclosed down all shops and transportation. Even the local village shops kept

theirdoorsclosed.Peoplefromvillageslocatedclosetotheforesttotheeastof

Ghatsila reported of the Naxalites’ demands for food and money. Because I

couldhaveonlystudiedtherumorsanddiscoursesurroundingthemovement

andbecauseIwasgenerallyconcernednottobecomeinvolvedwiththistopic,

myworkdoesnotdiscusstheNaxalitepresenceintheareaanyfurther.19

Tosumup,althoughalmostallSantalinthearealiveinvillages,bothMu-

sabaniandGhatsilarepresentimportantcentersoftradeandsocialactivityto

them.Astheremainderofmyworkmostlyportraysvillagesasplacesofritual

activity,thefollowingprovidesanoverviewoverthestructureofSantalvillag-

es.

19ForinformationontheNaxalitemovementinJharkhandseeShah(2006,2010,2011).Based

on her own ethnographic fieldwork south of Ranchi, Shah (2006) has, among other things,

criticallyexaminedtheclaimthat themovement is ledandsupportedbyabroadbaseofpoor

adivasi.ShetracestheinitialspreadofNaxaliteactivityinJharkhandbacktoaruralelite,whichtoday also includes a small part of the local Scheduled Tribe population,who emulate higher

castebehaviorandstriveforacertaintypeofmodernity.Inheranalysis,pooradivasiarefurthermarginalizedbyhighercastevaluesthatplayarole inrules imposedbytheNaxalites,suchas

theprohibitionofhome-brewedalcoholorthedisapprovalofgender-mixedactivity.


19

1.2.3SantalVillages

AppearanceandStructureThereisanexpressioninSantali,whichdescribesthemostcharacteristicfea-

tureofaSantalvillage, thetypeofvillagepeoplefindmostbeautiful.Rasiato(literally“linedvillage”)denotesaneat,jointrowofhousestotheleftandright

of thevillagestreet(kulhi). Insomecases, therearesmallalleysbetweenthehouses. In other cases, usuallywhen twobrothers separate their households

andoneofthemaddsanotherhousetotheancestralone,thehousesarebuilt

walltowall.

Photo2:Santalvillagestreetfromabove.

Themainvillagestreetiswheremostoftheactivityofthevillagetakesplace.

Herepeoplesitontheverandahs(smallearthenplatformscalledpinda), leanagainstthewalloftheirhousesanddiscusslife.Nothinghappeninginthevil-

lagestreetescapestheirattention.Duringhotsummernights,youngmenalso

sleepon thesepindas in frontof theirhousesorput theirbeds in thevillagestreet. In several Santal villages I visited in East Singhbhum, the Indian gov-

ernmenthasstartedtopavevillagestreetswithcement.Butthere isalsoop-

position to this effort. During the harvest festival sohrae wooden poles aredriven into themiddle of the street in order to tie bulls orwater buffalos to


20

them.Asthis isnolongerpossible invillageswithpavedstreets,someSantal

villages have decided against these government efforts and left their village

streetsasdirtroads.

Almost all Santal houses in the area are built of amixture ofmud, rice

husksandcowdung.Peopleareproudofthecleanandbeautifulimageoftheir

villages,whichtheyoftenopposetoothernon-Santalvillagesofthearea.San-

talwomen investa lotof timemaintaining thisneatappearance, for instance

bysweepingandplasteringthevillagestreetinfrontoftheirhouseswithcow

dungeverymorning.Ontheoccasionofvillagefestivalsorlife-cyclerituals,the

women also regularly repaint the outside walls of their houses. Often these

paintings consistofbroadstripesof colorsmade fromdifferent typesof soil,

such as brown, white or red. Occasionally industrially-made colors like blue

andpinkareusedtopainttheoutsidewallsofahouse.Somehousesalsofea-

turepaintingsofanimalsorlandscapes.Thewomenfurtherthinkofotherin-

tricate patterns and ways to decorate their houses, such as little pieces of

mirrorinsertedintothewalls.

Besides thesemudhouses, someSantal villagesalsohave theoccasional

housebuiltfrombrickorconcrete.Thesehouseshaveonlybeenconstructedin

recentyearswithmoneysomeSantalmenhavemadeinthelocalmines,orin

themuch-sought-afterpublicsector(railway,governmentoffices,banks).

The centerof a Santal village consists of the villagedance ground called

akhra, which is not always discernable as such by the outsider. It is often aspace,wherethevillagestreetbecomesbroader.Duringthespringflowerfes-

tivalbahaandtheharvestfestivalsohraetheakhraisfilledwithpeople,danc-inginlinestothesoundofdrumsallnightlong.Inmanyvillagesthehouseof

thevillageheadmancalledmanjhiislocatedclosetotheakhra.


21

Photo3:Thevillagedanceground(akhra),decoratedfortheharvestfestivalsohrae.

Photo4:Dancinginthevillagedancegroundduringthenightaftertheharvestfesti-

val.


22

VillageFunctionariesThemanjhi isoneoffivevillagefunctionaries,alsocalledmorehor(“fivepeo-ple”)inaSantalvillage.Thesefunctionsarecarriedoutbymenonly.Theycon-

sist of themanjhi,who fulfills special functions at social events, his assistanttheparanik,thenaeke,whoisthevillagepriest,theoverseerofvillagemoralecalled jogmanjhi and finally thegodet, the villagemessenger. The termmorehorreferstothesefive,butalsoemphasizesthecollectivityofallvillagerswhoarepresentatsocialevents.

Most of the ethnographic literatureon the Santal (Archer 2007, 26; Cul-

shaw2004, 82;Gautam1977b,89;Troisi 2000,56ff) refers to themanjhi as“villageheadman”,a termIwillequallyuse for lackofabetteralternative. It

needstobeemphasized,however,thatthemanjhiisnoheadmaninthesensethatherepresentsacentralauthorityorhasmorepowerthanothersinSantal

society.Hispositionisalsonotafull-timeoneandhismainoccupationissimi-

lartotheonesofothervillagers.Iencounteredmanjhiswhowerefarmerslikemostother Santal villagers, otherswere schoolteachers andoneworked in a

localmine.

Themanjhi’s position is hereditary, passed from father to son or frombrother tobrother.Amanjhi canhowever laydownhis office once a year inJanuaryorbereleasedfromhisdutiesbythevillage,at theoccasionofmaghbonga.Inthiscaseallthemaleheadsofhouseholdelectanewmanjhi.Throughamedium the decision is confirmedwith the deities. Inmany villages of the

areathemanjhiandnaekepositionswerefilledbymenfromtheHansdaandMurmuclans.Peopleexplained,thattheseclansweretheoneswhohadfound-

edtherespectivevillagesandtheofficeshavestayedwiththesefamiliesever

since.

Themanjhifulfillshis,oftenritual,functionatvarioussocialevents,manyofwhicharedescribedinmoredetailinthecourseofthiswork.He,forexam-

ple,attendsalltheritualstepsleadinguptoaweddingandinthecaseofcon-

flict he calls villagemeetings, where he functions as amediator. In people’s

opinions thereweremanjhiswho fulfilled their functionwellandotherswhoneglectedmany of their obligations. Onemanjhi was, for example, quite old,weakandoften toodrunk to attendmanyof theeventshewas supposed to.

But therewerealsomanjhis from large, influentialandwealthy families,whowerewellknownthroughoutthearea.


23

Besides the manjhi, the other main village functionary is the village priest(naeke).Similartothepositionofthemanjhi,thenaekeisnopriestinthesenseofafull-timepositionoraspecialauthority.Onvariousoccasionsthroughout

theyearhecarriesouttheritualactivitiesonbehalfofthevillage.Theseusual-

ly take place in the sacred grove. His ritual tasks include, among others, the

drawingofsacrificialcircles(khond),whichformapartofeverySantalsacri-fice.Theoutlineofthesecirclesismadewithriceflour(holong)andconsecu-tively sprinkledwith fenugreek. In themidst of the circle the priest places a

heap of crushed rice (adoacaole) and applies an unequal number of sindurspotsaroundit.Oncethesacrificialanimalhaseatenfromtherice, it issacri-

ficed, itsblooddrippedonthericeandtheheadplacedwithinthecircle.The

naekethusmakesofferingstothedeitiesintheformofsacrificesandaddress-esandcommunicateswiththegodsthroughmediums.Similartothemanjhi’sposition, the naeke’s is hereditary. Some naekes also function as shamans(ojhas) in the area. These are sought out by villagers to heal all kinds of ail-mentsfromsnakebitestowitchcraftaccusations.20

One last functionaryremains tobementioned.This is thehuntingpriest

(dihuri),who is in the strict sensenotavillage functionary in thathecarriesoutthehunting(sendrabonga)andmountainritual(burubonga)foraclusterofvillages.TheritualsheperformsmoreovertakeplaceoutsideofSantalvil-

lages,adjacent toor in the forest.Aschapter fourwilldiscuss inmoredetail,

thedihurisImetinvillagesaroundMusabaniandGhatsilawere(withoneex-ception)not Santal, but eitherHillKharia orMunda.These communities live

closetoorintheforest.TheycarriedouttheritualsfortheSantal.TheSantal

regarded non-Santal dihuris as especially suitable intermediaries betweenthemselvesandthedangerousforestdeities.

Toconcludethissection,whencarryingouttheirritualactivities,thetwo

main village functionariesmanjhi andnaeke do not act as singular, powerfulauthorities.Inlinewithdescriptionsofothersegmentary,acephaloussocieties

aroundtheworld(Evans-PritchardandFortes1940;MiddletonandTait1958)

and inCentral India (Berger2015a;Hardenberg2005),Santal societyhasno

20Inmanyvillagesintheareaofmyfieldworkonecouldfindanojha.Somewereespeciallywellknown for their healing powers. Ojhas have a small shrine behind their house or in theircourtyard.Here they becomepossessed by their tutelary spirit and the person treated brings

offerings, often in the formof animals. Theojhas teach those interested the skill of becomingpossessedbyadeity.InSantalsocietyonlymenareallowedtobecomepossessed.Becausemy

tworespectiveSantalhost familiesdisapprovedofojhas, I gathered little informationon theiractivities.ForinformationonSantalojhasseeCarrin-Bouez(1986,129ff).


24

“leaders” in the sense the terms “village headman” or “priest”might initially

suggest.Asthenaeke,forexample,carriesouttheritualstepsforthesacrificesat the spring flower festival, othermen surround him,many of them village

elders.Theycommentonhisactivitiesandgivehimadviceonhowtoperform

the ritual correctly.Theyalsodonothesitate to jokeabouthimashemakes

mistakes. When the manjhi ritually receives the bride’s delegation in thecourse of wedding arrangements, he does not do so alone, but other men

murmuralong,utteringtheritualformulawithonecollectivevoice.Thewayin

which the functionsofmanjhi andnaeke are fulfilled,neveralonebutalwayswith the involvement of others, represents the importance of collectivity in

Santalsociety.

TheSantalSacredGrove(jaher)AnothersignificantfeatureofeachSantalvillageisitssacredgrove(jaher),lo-catedjustoutsidethevillage.Asthesacredgroveisdiscussedinthecontextof

thespringflowerfestivalinchapterfive,onlyashortdescriptionwillfollow.

Older sacred groves in Santal villages consist of a cluster of trees,most

importantlysalandmahuatrees.21Thegroveisapatchofforestleftuncutbytheoriginalfoundersofthevillage.Insomevillagestodaythesegrovesaresur-

rounded by a stone wall, financed by government funds earmarked for the

maintenanceofadivasireligioussites.Ingeneral,thesacredgrovesintheareavaryconsiderablyintheirappearance.Somecontainveryold, largetreesand

stillresemblepatchesofforest.Hereonlysmall,inconspicuousstones,covered

bywoodenstructuresrepresentthedeities.Othersacredgrovescontaincon-

creteshrinesorevenwallssurroundingtheentiregrove.

21In this work I use the Hindi terms sal and mahua, because they are widely used in theliterature on the Santal (Archer 2007; Carrin-Bouez 1986; Troisi 2000). The sal tree (Shorearobusta) is called sarjom in Santali, the mahua tree (Madhuca longifolia) is referred to asmatkom.


25

Photo5:Anoldvillagesacredgrove.

Photo6:Celebrationsduringtheflowerfestival(bahaporob)inanewlyestablishedsacredgrovesurroundedbyawall.TheshrineforthedeitiesMarangBuruandJaher

Ayoislocatedontheright.


26

Inthesacredgrovethefollowingbenevolentvillagedeitiesreside,represented

by small stones at the footof trees:MarangBuru(“thegreatmountain”), thesupremegodof theSantal, andhiswife JaherAyo (“themotherof the sacredgrove”).AlongwiththemonefindsMorekoTuruiko(“thefivesix”),adeityas-sociatedwithhunting,ManjhiHaram,theancestralspiritofthefirstmanjhiofthevillageandParganaBonga,theancestralspiritofthepargana.Anotherfe-maledeity,GosaeEra,issaidtobemarriedtoMorekoTuruikoandassumedtobe of blacksmith origin. Sometimes there are also representations of the re-

spectivehilldeities(burubonga)ofthearea.Smallshrinesusuallysurroundorcoverthestonerepresentationsofthesedeities.Thelargestfestivalheldinthe

grove is the spring flower festival. It is only at this time thatwomen are al-

lowed toenteranddance in the sacredgrove.Atother times throughout the

yearitremainsthesiteofmaleritualactivity.

1.2.4SantalHousesA house, as Carsten und Hugh-Jones (1995) show in their book About theHouse, comprisesmaterial,mentalandsocialaspects.Assuch itoffersawin-dow into a given society’s worldview. Considering the appearance of Santal

houses,oneparticularcharacteristicattractsattention:therearemany,neatly

drawn boundaries between inside and outside, floors andwalls, garden and

courtyard.Thehousesareskillfullyandelaboratelypaintedontheoutsideand

theentrancetothehouseisoftenadorned.Thispointstoaparticularaesthetic

senseamongtheSantalandtosocialdistinctions,whichareactedoutwithin

theseboundaries.

Due to considerable differences of wealth between Santal households,

housescomeinvarioussizesandshapes.Thereare,however,commonstruc-

tural features toall thesehousesportrayed in the following.Becausechapter

threediscussesSantalsocialstructure,suchaswho lives inahouse, thissec-

tionisrestrictedtogivingageneralimpressionofthematerialappearanceand

arrangementofSantalhousesinEastSinghbhumdistrict.


27

Photo7:ASantalhouse,viewedfromthevillagestreet,freshlypaintedanddecorated

beforeawedding.

As mentioned above, most Santal houses in the area are constructed out of

mudandwoodenbeams.Thewoodusedforthebeamsoftheroofismostlysal,knownforitsstrengthandlonglastingquality.Theroofiscoveredwithbricks

madeby local potters.Only fewhouses have thatched roofs. Throughout the

yearthesetypesofmudhousesrequirealotofmaintenanceworkastherain

dissolvesthewallsanddustentersthroughtheceilings.ManySantalImetas-

sociatedthistypeofhousingwithpoverty,andthewomenespeciallyempha-

sizedthetiresomemaintenanceworkthesehousesrequired.Theysweepthe

house,courtyardandvillagestreetseveraltimesaday.Eachmorningtheyalso

plasterthecourtyardwithcowdungandwater.Althoughmanypeoplewould

havepreferredthepermanenceofconcretehouses,theyagreedthatthecool-

nessoftheirmudhousesofferedbetterrelieffromtheextremetemperatures

reachinguptoforty-fivedegreesCelsiusinthesummer.Occasionallyonefinds

concretehouses inSantalvillages.Those,whohavefoundemployment inthe

mining or public service sector, usually afford them. Inmany cases, the con-

cretepartofthehouseisaddedtotheolder,originalpartofthehouse.Note-

worthytomewasfurtherthateventhecementedfloorsofthesehouseswere

purifieddailyby thewomenwith amixtureof cowdung andwater. In Jhar-


28

khandSantalhousesconsistofonlyonefloor,whileinWestBengalthehouses

oftenhaveanotherroomabovethegroundlevel.

ThemostremarkablefeatureofSantalhousesistheirrelativeclosureto-

wardstheoutside.Onlyalongwallwithnowindowsfacesthevillagestreet.A

smalldoorgivesaccesstotheinside.Totherightandleftofthedoorthehous-

esusuallyhaveatypeofverandah(pinda),resemblingabenchrunningalongthewall.Thepinda is coveredby the roof anddistinguished from the restofthewallwith a different color. Here,mostly themen spend time sitting and

talking.Therestoflifetakesplaceinthecourtyardsandinsideofthehouses,

shieldedfrompassersbys’views.

Photo8:Guestsareseatedinthecourtyardofahouse.Thementotheleftaresittingonbeds(parkom)usedatnightforsleeping.

ThedoortoaSantalhouseisconstructeddeliberately low,sothatonehasto

lowerone’sheadinorderto“showrespect”uponentering,aspeoplesay.Old

andlargeSantalhousesoftenhaveacompletelyenclosedcourtyard(raca)ontheinside.Fromthiscourtyardseveraldoorsleadtothedifferentroomsofthe

house.Theseroomshaveusuallynowindows.Otherhouseshavenoenclosed

courtyards,butonesbehindtheirhouses,separatedfromthegardenbyalow

wall. Inthegardenpeoplegrowvegetablesduringthemonsoon,suchascorn

anddifferent typesofgreens.Onecornerof thegarden isusually left fordis-


29

posing of whatever little a household cannot use anymore such as plastic

wrappersoroldbatteries.

As mentioned, the size of Santal houses in the area varies. The largest

houseshaveuptotenrooms, thesmallhouseshaveonlytwo.All throughout

theyearthecourtyardofahouseisthecenterofsocialactivity.Relativesand

otherSantalguestsareseatedandrituallygreetedinthecourtyard.Especially

in thehot season, the courtyardsare theplacewherepeople takemeals and

sleepatnight.Thecourtyardisalsoanimportantplacefortheperformanceof

theweddingandfuneraryrites.Asportrayedinchapterthreeinthecontextof

Santalsocialstructure,courtyardsaresocialmeetingplaces,wherevisitorsare

receivedandgreetedbythemembersofahouse.Theyareplaces,wheresocial

relations are strengthened, such as is the caseduringmany life-cycle rituals,

whenguestsareservedfoodherewhileseatedinlongrowsofstrawbundles.

Theentrancetoahouseusuallyconsistsofasortofhallway,leadingtothe

courtyard. Ifanon-Santalstrangervisits thehouse, this iswhereheorshe is

usuallyofferedaseatonplasticchairsoronaparkom,abedbuiltofawoodenframeheldtogetherwithinterwovenstrings.Sometimescattleorwaterbuffa-

looccupyonecornerofthehallway,inothercasestheystayinaseparateshed,

orroomofthehouse,togetherwithsheep,goatsandpigs.Thisshedisusually

accessiblefromthecourtyard.Chickensarelefttoroamthevillageduringthe

day. In theevening theyreturn to theirowners’housesandsleepunderbas-

ketsoronbamboostickshungfromtheceiling.

IneverySantalhouse,thereisoneroom,inwhichtheancestorsaresaidto

dwell. This is calledmarangorak, literally meaning “senior room”. In manycasesthisroomsimultaneously functionsasthekitchen.Theancestralshrine

(bhitar) then is situated in a corner of this room. Different from householdshrines inHinduhouses, featuring colorful, decoratedpictures of deities and

ancestors,theSantalshrineisplainandsimple.Itconsistsofamud-plastered

partof the floor,separatedoff fromtherestof theroombya lowwallabout

onemeterinheight.Averylowceilingmadeofwoodenbeams(dhule),sothatpeople can only enter it in a squatting position, covers thebhitar. On top ofthesebeamsareusuallylarge,bamboobaskets(dilli)containingunhuskedrice.Sometimesthecompletericeharvestofahouseisstoredhere,inotherhouses

thesebasketsarealsostoredinotherrooms.Thebhitaristhemostsacred,andintimatepartofaSantalhouse,whichiswhythedoortothisroomisusually

closed.Onlymembersofthehousehold,andthelocalline(gusti),areallowedtoenter.Marrieddaughtersofthehouselosetheirrighttoenterthebhitarup-


30

onmarriage. On different ritual occasions throughout the year the ancestors

are propitiated in the shrine. In this context the head of the household ad-

dressesthemwitharitualformulawhileofferingandsharingricebeer(handi)with them (formore detail see chapter four).When a new person joins the

household,throughmarriageorbirth,heorsheisrituallyinitiatedinthebhi-tar.

Just as access to the ancestral shrine draws clear social distinctions, so

doesaccesstothekitchen,andmoregenerallythesharingandservingoffood

inaSantalhouse.Cookingtakesplaceonahearthinthekitchenonawoodfire,

insomehousesalsooncoalsorgas.Ifahouseholdcooksongas,thereisstill

alwaysahearthinwhichawoodfirecanburn.Beforestartingthefireanewin

themorning, thewomenof thehouse clean away the left over coal from the

previousdayandneatlyplastertheplacewithamixtureofash,waterandcow

dung. People say that a deity, culhabonga, dwells in the cooking hearth. Insomehouses,thisbongacangetoffendedifthewomancookingismenstruat-ingorifanon-Santalweretocookonthehearth.Assaid,thekitchenoftenisin

thesameroomastheancestralshrine.There isonlysometimesanother fire-

placeinthecornerofthecourtyardundertheroof,wherecookingtakesplace

when there are many visitors. In the kitchen, there are shelves, on which

plates,cups,pitchers, ladles,potsandpansarekept. In thepasta familywas

consideredwealthy, if they possessedmany brass plates andwater pitchers.

Still today, thesearegivenasweddinggiftstoacouple.Besidesclaypots, for

cookingriceormakingricebeer,andwinnowingfans, inwhichsomevegeta-

blesarestored,thereisnofurnitureinthekitchen.Onlyinthecities,orinthe

above-mentionedflats inMusabanididtheSantal Iknewpossessarefrigera-

tor.

Besidesthekitchen,allotherroomsinahouseareusedforsleeping,stor-

ing possessions and keeping clothes. Although the order is flexible, each

householdmember usually has a certain roomwhere he or she sleeps. Only

newlymarriedcoupleshavearoomtothemselves,eldercouplestendtosleep

eitherseparatelyfromeachotherortogetherwiththeirchildren.EverySantal

householdusuallyownsbedsmadeofawoodenframewithstringswovenin

between (parkom).Atnight theyare coveredwithamat for sleeping,duringthedaypeoplecarrythemintothecourtyardforsitting.Thosewhocanafford

it,alsoownwoodenbeds,coveredbyathinmattressorjustasheet.People’s

clothesarestoredonbamboopoleshungfromtheceiling(anak),somewealth-ier families also have metal closets. Every household usually owns a metal


31

chest,inwhichclothesorothervaluablescanbelockedup.Inrarecases,there

isaTVinaSantalvillagehouseholdandwhenthereisnoworktobedonein

thefields,themanypeoplecrowdtogethertowatchHindimoviesorsoapop-

erasandoccasionallyalsoSantalimusicvideosonDVD.

Whilethekitchenwallsarekeptplain,onlypaintedbyearthencolors,all

otherroomsaredecorated.InmosthousestherearepostersofBollywoodac-

tors, of Hindu deities, European-looking babies or landscapes on the walls.

Many houses also had paintings of Santal heroes, such as Sidho and Kanho

MurmuorTilkaManjhi,armedwithbowandarrow.Inthehousesofmembers

of the religious reformmovement sarnadhorom, therewerealsoportraitsofRagunathMurmu,theinventoroftheOlChikiscript,andofBesnaoMurmu,the

founderofsarnadhorom.Aselaboratedinthissection,differentroomsofthehouseareaccessibleto

different types of people, indicating social proximity or distance. Different

parts of the house and the boundaries between inside and outside, as they

emergeinmanyritualsdescribedinthefollowingchapters,playarelevantrole

inthisregard.Whilethedistinctionsdiscussedinmyworkmostlyconcerndif-

ferentpartsofSantalsociety,suchasthehouse,thelocallineoraffines,there

arealsodistinctionsdrawnbetweenSantalandothercommunitieslivingclose

totheSantalinthisarea.Differentdegreesofsymbiosischaracterizetherela-

tionsbetween thesegroupsand theSantal.Theirperspectivesoneachother

andtheirdrawingofsocialboundarieswillbediscussedinsection1.2.6.First,

thenextsectionintroducesthemoregeneraltermsappliedtoandusedbythe

Santalandbysomeofthesecommunitiesinself-designation.

1.2.5ContentiousTerms:“Tribe”,“Adivasi”or“Indigenous”?The terms “tribal”, “adivasi”and “indigenous” each bear their own historicaland political trajectory. In the course ofmy fieldwork the Santal themselves

oftenevokedtheselabelsinordertodifferentiatethemselvesfromothers.The

discoursesurroundingtheseterms,suchas that indigenouspeopleare“close

tonature”orhaveaspecificrelationshipwiththeirland,alsoplayedarolein

someoftheritualsdiscussedinthiswork.

Identifiedbymany(Devalle1992,32;KarlssonandSubba2006,4;Shah

2010,13-14;WolfandHeidemann2014,5-8)asacolonialconstruct, “tribes”

inIndiawereregardedbothbythecolonialgovernmentandbyearlyanthro-pologists as communities apart from mainstream society, often living in re-


32

moteareasofIndiaandsubsequentlybrandedas“backward”.Especiallyinur-

ban Indiaoneencounters apictureof Indian tribes asprimitive, naïve, inno-

centor close tonatureasSkoda (2005,49) rightlypointsout. In spiteof the

term’s problematic derogatory connotations, it does carry analytical value

fromasociologicalperspective.Inthatregarda“tribe”istobeunderstoodasa

typeofsociety,whichismadeupofcompoundedsegments“notunitedundera

sovereigngoverningauthority”,asSahlins(1968,vii)formulated.Sahlins(16)

displayed these different segments of tribal society in concentric circles, the

innermost circle of which comprises the household, consecutively encom-

passedby lineage,village,subtribe, tribeandanintertribalsectorontheout-

side.He furtherwroteof the“generalizedstructure” (15)ofa tribe, in that it

often combinesdomains suchas religion, lawor economy in a single institu-

tion. In a comparisonof tribal, hunter-gatherer andpeasant societies, Pfeffer

(2002b) adds that tribal societies are acephalous, relatively autonomous,

maintain an idea of a social totality and possess long-lasting, global social

structures.22Whenever Imake use of the term “tribal society” I do so in the

senseofthesesociologicalandideologicalparticularities,whichallcharacter-

izetheSantalasatypeofsociety.

Inspiteof itscolonialbackgroundandderogatoryconnotationstheterm

“tribe”remainswidelyusedinIndianmedia,academiaandbythepeopledes-

ignatedassuchthemselves.AccordingtoKarlssonandSubba(2006,4)some

groups,especiallyinNortheastIndia,self-identifyas“tribal”,assertingacollec-

tiveidentitydifferingfromtheHindupopulationofIndia.Thiswidespreaduse

oftheterminIndiaiscloselyrelatedtoadministrativepractice,duetothefact

thatScheduledTribes(ST)areenshrinedintheIndianConstitution.Thecrite-

ria applied to identify a Scheduled Tribe are vague, and include a “primitive

wayof life,remotehabitationandageneralbackwardness inallrespects”,as

proposedbytheCommissioner forScheduledCastesandScheduledTribes in

1951 (Corbridge 2000, 69). The Constitution guarantees that members of a

Scheduled Tribe are entitled to reserved seats in the fields of education, in

electoral bodies and in the public sector. Especially the young and educated

amongtheSantaltakeadvantageoftheseprovisionstoday.

22In contrast, peasants form part of a larger society, both economically and ideologically,

whereas gatherer-hunters possess an individualistic ideology, see themselves as part of the

environmentanddowithoutelaboratesocialstructures(Berger2015a,49,cf.alsoWolf1966for

peasantsandBird-Nurit1990forgatherer-hunters).


33

Simultaneous to the creationof the categoryof ScheduledTribe, theGovern-

mentofIndiaalsocreatedlistsofScheduledCastes(SC).Thosewerecommuni-

ties, whose low ritual status, their “untouchability”, was understood to be

relatedtotheireconomicdeprivation(68).Intheearly1990sthecategoryof

OtherBackwardClasses (OBC)was added to the constitution in order to ex-

tendpositivediscriminationto“economicallybackwardclasses”.Withthisex-

tension49,5%ofgovernmentjobsinIndiaarereservedforSCs,STsandOBCs

(Kapila2008,124).CommunitiesclassifiedasSCandOBClivecloselytogether

withtheSantalintheareawithwhichthisworkisconcerned.

With regard to the government policies for STs, Corbridge (1988, 2000)

haspointedtoanoteworthydevelopment:Basedontheideathattribalsociety

andeconomyisundifferentiated,theIndianstate’sreservationsystemhasac-

tually furthered, albeit not started, economic differences between different

parts of these societies. These different classes, especially the Santal middle

classtowhichmanypoliticalactivistsbelong,playsasignificantroleinSantal

culturalpoliticstoday.Thesepeopleorganizelargepoliticalrituals,suchasthe

regionalflowerfestivalportrayedinchapterfive.

Thefactthatnewcommunitiesareregularlyaddedtotheschedulesofthe

constitution has led to a continued political struggle of those claiming to be

worthyofinclusion.TheBadagalivingintheSouthIndianNilgiriHills,forex-

ample, argue that they were “forgotten” to be included in the list of STs.

Throughlargepoliticalralliesandthehandingoverofmemorandatheyengage

inwhatHeidemann (2014,98ff),makinguseofCohn’s (1987,228f) concept,

describes as the “objectification of culture” in order to underline their de-

mands for inclusion.Hence, thedesignationof a communityasST in India is

moreapoliticalissue,thanthatitadherestosociologicalcriteria.

Although theSantal are recognizedasST, they continue toexhibit a cul-

turalessentialism,whichneedstobeunderstoodinthispoliticalcontext.Sev-

eralotherSTcommunitiesinIndia,suchastheGondsofChhattisgharh(Prévôt

2014)ortheGaroofMeghalaya(DeMaaker2013)equallydemonstratetheir

“tribalculture”instereotypicalwaysinpublicperformances.

Incontrasttotheterm“tribe”,theSantalIencounteredregularlyusedthe

term“adivasi”torefertothemselvesasatypeofsociety.Adivasi isapoliticalterm,coined in the1930s, in theChotanagpurregionof today’s Jharkhand. It

claimsthepeoplesodesignatedaretheoriginalinhabitantsofIndia(Hardiman

1995,13),whichinitselfisahighlycontroversialpoliticalissue.Hindunation-

alist movements argue that only Hindus are indigenous to India (Baviskar


34

2005,mentioned inWolf andHeidemann 2014, 10).While Santal oral tradi-

tion,with its narratives ofmigration, raises doubts about such claims of the

Santal,asadivasi,beingthefirstinhabitants,thepoliticalpowerthetermyieldscannot be overlooked. The Jharkhand movement later discussed in chapter

five,isaprimeexampleofattractingpeopleunderthebannerofbeingadivasi.Similar to the termScheduledTribe,adivasi isnotasociological concept,butverymuchopentodefinitionbywhomevermakesuseofit.

OfincreasingimportanceinruralJharkhandistheterm“indigenous”.Itis

partofaglobaldiscoursecontainingtheideaofinhabitingalandbeforeitwas

invadedorcolonizedbya foreignpowerandofbeingculturallydistinct from

thosesettlerswhotodayoftenformthemajority(KarlssonandSubba2006,6).

GreatlyfosteredbyUNbodiessuchastheUNPermanentForumforIndigenous

Issues and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Merlan

2009, 304), the term remains contested in the Indian context (see Baviskar

2006, 35;Béteille 1998, 19;Karlsson2006, 52;Xaxa1999). In spite of these

debatesaboutthesuitabilityoftheterminIndia,theideaofbeingindigenous

isprevalentamongactivists,eveninruralareasofJharkhand.Membersofthe

reform movement sarna dhorom, for example, repeatedly expressed to metheirwishtogotoGeneva,toconnectwithotherindigenouspeopleandfight

onaninternationallevelforSantalculturalandreligiousrightsinIndia.23

While thesetermsarepartof largerdiscourses,peoplealsoascribe local

meanings to them. In some areas of life, the boundaries suggested by these

terms are of little significance. This ismost clearly the case in themountain

rituals(burubonga)describedinchapterfour.Thisritualuniteslocalcommu-nitieslabeledasST,SCandOBCinthecommonperformanceofalargesacrifi-

cial ritual. Concerning intermarriage and commensality, however, stricter

social boundaries are drawn. The following section first shortly presents the

generaldebateon thedifferencebetween tribesandcastes in Indiaand then

discusses a topic neglected by this debate, namely the different degrees of

symbiosis,whichmanytribalsocietiesmaintainwithartisansandothercom-

munitiestheylivecloselytogetherwith.InthiscasetheSantalsymbiosiswith

someoftheirneighborsispresented.

23Amongotherthings,theseactivistsdemandfinancialsupportfromthegovernmenttofurther

expandtheteachingoftheinstitutionallyrecognizedSantalscriptOlChikiinschoolsandaskfor

financialrenumerationofSantalvillagefunctionaries.


35

1.2.6TheSantalandtheirNeighborsAsmentionedinthebeginningofthisintroduction,thedebateonwhatdiffer-

entiates tribal andHindu society in India has been going on for several dec-

ades. For Ghurye (1963), Indian tribal societies were backward Hindus and

DumontandPocock(1957,8)sawthese“primitive ‘reserves’ (…)[as]people

who have lost contact” whereas Elwin (1964) and Bailey (1961) underlined

their distinctive cultural traditions and social organization. These different

perspectivescontinue toexistuntil today.Therearescholarswhoemphasize

the differences of Central Indian tribal societies from caste society (Berger

2015a;Hardenberg2005;Pfeffer1982,1997,2000,2014)andthose,who,in-

steadofemphasizingthedifferences,speakofatribe-castecontinuumtakinga

historicalperspective(Eschmann1978;Schnepel2002).24Moreover,theques-

tion of the distinctness of Indian tribal societies remains a political issue in

lightofHindunationalistefforts toequate IndiawithHinduism(Skoda2005,

50). Throughout thiswork itwill become apparent that certain defining fea-

turesindeeddifferentiateSantalsocietyfromHindusociety.Amongtheseare

SantalsocialorderasprincipallystructuredbyagnationandaffinityandSantal

ritualpractice,consisting foremostofanimalsacrifices,whicharecarriedout

by Santal ritual specialists.25Remarkably, this debate has neglected a large

numberofpeopleclassifiedasSCandOBCbytheIndianadministration.This

seemstobeduetothefactthatmembersofthesecommunities,wereconsid-

eredtobeoutsideoftheHinducastesystem.Theliteratureontribalsocieties

in Central India has similarly attributed little attention to these SC and OBC

communitiesand to theritual,economicandsocial integration theymaintain

withtheirtribalneighbors.Santalethnographiesonlyshortlymentiontheoth-

ercommunitieslivingwiththeSantal(Archer2007,83;Culshaw2004,16-19)

and only hint at Santal involvement in the hook-swinging festival (Carrin-

Bouez1986,24)ortheblacksmiths’participationinandcontributiontoSantal

villagefestivals(Troisi2000,48).

Pfeffer(1997,2004)addressesthisexistingvoidintheliteratureandout-

lines thepatternof organic relations and shared ideasbetween thedifferent

24ForadetailedsummaryofthedebateonthedifferencesbetweencasteandtribeinIndiasee

Skoda(2005,49-60).25Thisdoesnotmean that theSantalhavenotborrowedcultural traits fromHindusocietyor

viceversa.Thereareindeedelements,whichcanbefoundbothinHinduandtribalsocietiesin

India,butthisinitselfshouldnotleadtotheconclusionthatbothadheretothesameworldview.

ForacriticaldiscussionoftheconceptofHinduizationseeHardenberg(2010).


36

ST,SCandOBCofhighlandOdisha,allofwhomheincludesintheterm“tribal

society” (2004, 440).26In this context he speaks of the (SC) “clients” of the

“landholdingtribes”(1997,7),theformersupplyingthelatterwithallkindsof

goods and services, meanwhile acting as intermediaries between tribal and

plainsculture.Berger(2002)providesmoreethnographicdetailonwhatPfef-

fer(1997,16f)callsthe“Koraputcomplex”,inwhichallinhabitantsofthearea

formpartofonesocialsystem.They,forexample,sharethesameclancatego-

riesandmarriagepreferences(Berger2002,58).Bergerfurtherwritesthatall

thenon-STgroupsoftheGadabavillageshestudiedtakepartincollectivevil-

lage rituals and make offerings to the earth goddess. The Dombo (weavers,

musicians, traders), Goudo (herders) and Kamar (blacksmiths), for example,

alsocontributetothefinancingofsacrificialanimals,givericeforthecooking

ofthesacrificialmealandsharepartofthemealwiththeGadabaatthespring

festivalchaitporbo(83,88).InPfeffer’s(1997,13)viewanotheraspectoftherelationsbetweentribal

patrons and their clients is that the former functionas “communicatorswith

the divine” and the latter as “communicators with human beings”. In this

scheme the clients, as mediators with the outside, i.e. the people from the

plains of Odisha, guarantee the continued pure status of their patrons. This

scheme ismostdiscernible among theDongriaKond,who live togetherwith

theirDomboclientsinthesteepNiamgirihills(Hardenberg2005,52ff,401ff)

of Odisha. The Dombo are the ones travelling down the hills to themarkets

held in theplains, inorder to supply theDongriawith, forexample,buffalos.

These are sacrificed at the grand buffalo sacrifice (meriah) to the earth god-dess. Hardenberg (2005, 126, 128ff, 503ff) however modifies Pfeffer’s strict

distinctionandshowsthattheDomboareinfactalsoinvolvedinsomerituals

ascommunicatorswiththedivine.

Inthefollowing,IextendthediscussionbegunbyPfeffer,BergerandHar-

denberginOdishatothecaseoftheSantalandtheirneighbors intheareaof

EastSinghbhum.Mytreatmentofthetopiccannotclaimtobeacomprehensive

analysis, becausemy research focus lay elsewhere, but, what I could gather,

points to noteworthy similarities to the situation in Koraput. My discussion

26TomyknowledgenootherethnographiesonlargerSTs,suchastheMundaortheHo,analyze

theinteractionsandpossiblysharedideologyofthesesocietieswithothercommunitiestheylive

togetherwith.AcomparisonoftheseconstellationswiththeSantaloneshouldproveespecially

relevant, becauseof the linguistic and cultural affinitiesof theMundaandHowith theSantal.

Reichel’s(forthcoming)PhDdissertationontheHoofWestSinghbhum,Jharkhandwillincludea

discussionofthistopic.


37

beginswithstatushierarchiesbetweenthedifferentcommunitiesofthearea,a

finding similarly pointed to by the above-mentioned authors (Berger 2002;

Hardenberg2005,75ff;Pfeffer1997).ThereafterIportraythreedifferentarti-

san communities, who livewith the Santal. In the conclusion, I compare the

client-patronrelationsinEastSinghbhumtotheonesinOdisha.

OnStatusDifferencesbetweenSeniorandJuniorCommunitiesAssubsequentchaptersshow,allSantalsocialunits, includingthedeities,are

farfromequal,butinsteadarepartofastatusorderofseniority.Therearejun-

ior (hudin, “small, younger”) and senior (marang, “big, large, elder”) Santalclansand local lines, justas therearethosekinwhoare juniororsenior toa

Santalindividual.Apersonisalwaysconsciousofhisorherpositioninthisor-

der,whichbecomesmostclearlyvisibleinthedifferentformsofgreetingjun-

ior or senior relatives. The same, however less clear, order of seniority

characterizes the different communities of the area around Musabani and

Ghatsila.

TheSantalrarelyexplicitlymentionthisstatushierarchybetweendiffer-

entcommunities.27Itfirstbecameapparenttomeduringthesymbolicactions

ofrituals.Inthehuntingritual,thehuntingpriest(dihuri)belongstothecom-munityofHillKharia.WhileperforminghisritualtaskfortheSantal,hishands

aretiedtogetherwiththebarkofasaltree.Whentheritualiscompleted,heissymbolically shot with an arrow and, in some cases, hung up on a wooden

stick, justaspreyishungafterasuccessfulhunt.Santallaterexplainedtome

thattheymakeuseofaKhariadihuri,becausehiscommunitylivesinthefor-est, like animals, and knows the forest deitieswell.Many other statements I

encounteredinthefollowingmonthsassociatedtheKhariawiththeforestand

articulatedtheirlowerstatus.

Onlyduringthelaterphaseofmyfieldwork,whenaskingmycloseSantal

contactsabouttheiropinionofothercommunitiesinthearea,didIencounter

theaforementionedmodelofseniority.“TheKhariaarea‘small’(hudin)com-munity(jati)”,theywouldsay,andtheSantalwere“bigger”(marang)thantheKharia.FollowingPfeffer(1997,14), I translatetheSantalexpressionsofma-rang (big/elder) and hudin (small/younger) as “senior” and “junior”. Subse-

27Skoda (2005, 103) made similar observations among the Aghria. He writes that people

consider hierarchy between different communities a sensitive topic and therefore seldom

verballyexpressit,especiallynotwhenmembersofanothercommunityarepresent.


38

quentlythemaincommunitieswholiveinthesameareaastheSantalinvillag-

esaroundGhatsilaandMusabaniareshortlyintroduced,formanyofthemwill

reappearthroughouttheremainderof thiswork.28AlthoughtheSantalnever

articulated a clear-cut hierarchy, there was common ground to their state-

mentsabouttheothercommunitiesaswellasapatternofeconomicandritual

involvement.

Foranoverview,Idistinguishfourlevels:first,thoseseniortotheSantal

(Kurmi/Mahatos) second, the Santal themselves (and possibly on the same

leveltheHo),third,thoseartisanswhoarejuniortotheSantalbutwithwhom

theSantalmaintain interdependent relationships (blacksmiths,weavers,bas-

ket makers, potters) and then fourth, the lowest ones in the hierarchy, the

hunter-gatherercommunities(Birhor,HillKharia).

Onlyoccasionallywould the Santal point out that another communityof

theareawasseniortothem.ThiscouldbeduetothefactthattheSantalclearly

formthemajorityintheareaandalsoownmostoftheland.Thepossessionof

landisarelevantmarkerofseniorstatusintheireyes,becauseitpartlyindi-

cates that theSantalwere the firstones toarrive in thearea,clear the forest

and establish fields. In later settlements, the ownership of land was legally

fixed. The Santal are aware that they are considered lower in status than

Brahmans,butencountersandinteractionswiththelatteraresorarethatthis

seemsalmostirrelevanttotheSantallivinginvillages.OnlytheyoungerSantal,

who leave to live inotherplaces for theirstudiesorwork,occasionallymen-

tionedtomethathighercastesregardthemas“untouchable”.

TheKurmi/MahatosMost clearly expressed tomewas the seniority of the Kurmi29 in the state-

ment,thatamarriagewithaKurmi“wouldmaketheSantalgodshappy.Inpart

oftheethnographicliteraturetheKurmiareconsideredtobesuperiortoand

the “elder brothers” of the Santal (Culshaw 2004, 18; R. Parkin 1992, 97).

28My description here is restricted to the communities, with whom I witnessed most Santal

interaction and who are numerous. There are, for example, very few Dom basket makers or

Ghasi(midwives,musicians)aswellasMuchileatherworkers.Becausethesecommunitiesareso

small,Iexcludethemfrommydescription.29Thenameofthiscasteisusedinconsistentlyintheliterature.TheSantalspokeoftheKurmi

caste,membersofwhichbear thesurnameMahato.Culshaw(2004,18)writesof themas the

“KurmiorMahato”.GopalandMukhopadhyay(2008,600)mentionasotherpossiblesurnames

of this caste also Prasad, Sinha, Singh, Lal, Dayal and Mandal. Carrin-Bouez (1986, 20)

differentiatesbetweentheKurmiasagriculturalistsandthe“Mahto”asagriculturalistsoflower

statusthantheformer.


39

Kurmi,who live in villages east of Ghatsila towardsWest Bengal, aremostly

landowners.ThegovernmentliststhemasOtherBackwardClasses.30Inrecent

years theKurmi have demanded to be classified as a ScheduledTribe in the

state of Jharkhand, claiming that this was their original status until 1932

(Thaker and Jenamani 2014). Bouez (1985, 111-12, mentioned in R. Parkin

1992,97)writesofoccasionalmarriagesbetweenSantalmenandKurmigirls

inOdisha’sdistrictsofKeonjharandMayurbhanj.InhisTribalHistoryofEast-ernIndiaDalton(1973,317)mentions theKurmisasoccupyinga “highposi-tion amongst Hindus of the Sudra caste”31, who in Chota Nagpur “appear to

haveobtainedafootingamongtheaboriginaltribesataveryremoteperiod.”

Dalton (318) remarks thatmany ritual practicesof theKurmihaveno scrip-

tural background in the Puranas, but resemble tribal practices. Several ele-

ments of his description of Kurmi wedding rites, indeed, resemble Santal

practice,i.e.themarriageofthebridegroomtoamangotreeandthebridetoa

mahua treeaswellas theenactedhostileencounterbetween thebride’sandgroom’sparties.MoststrikingintheritualinteractionbetweenKurmiandSan-

tal in the area of East Singhbhum is the mountain ritual (burubonga) por-trayedinchapterfour.Atthisoccasion,duringthebeginningofthemonsoonin

July,thelocalmountaingodatGotasileBurureceivesnumerousgoatsassacri-ficebyall thevillagesofhisarea.Manyof thosevillagesareSantalones.The

priests,whoorganizeandcarryouttheevent,areKurmi.Thisjointsacrificial

action by the different communities of the area, suggests, at least in part a

sharedworldview.

30Cf.“CentralListofOBCs”,NationalCommissionforBackwardClasses:http://www.ncbc.nic.in/User_Panel/CentralListStateView.aspx

(accessedOctober6,2015).31Sudra(orShudras)representthe lowestof thefour“classes”orvarnasofHindusociety, thehighest being the Brahmans (priests), followed by the Kshatrias (kings and soldiers) and

Vaishyas(farmers,cattleherders,tradesmen).InthevarnasystemtheShudras’dutiesconsistofservicestotheotherthreeclasses(Fuller1992,12).


40

TheSantalandHoTheHo are another (ST) community living in a few, scattered villages in the

area.32Mostofthemownlandandlivefromwetricecultivation,althoughthey

seemtoownmuchlesslandthantheSantal.AroundMusabanitheHoliveto-

wardsthehills inseparatevillagesfromtheSantal.Theyliveclosetothefor-

est, and are considerably poorer than the Santal of the area. I could never

witnessanyarticulationofhierarchywithregardtotheHoandtheSantalusu-

allydescribedtheHoas“liketheSantal”.TheirlanguageissosimilartoSantali

thatbothgroupscanunderstandeachother.TheSantalfurthersawtheirsimi-

laritywith theHo underlined by the fact that theHo alsoworship in sacred

groves.

Ioncecameacrossthestatement,thattheSantalandHo,togetherwiththe

Munda, were of common origin and that this community carried the name

Kherwar.Bodding(2010,1: ix)citesthesameideafromSantaltradition:“Weand the Mundas, the Birhor, the Kurmbis, etc. were called by the name of

Kharwar”.33ThispossiblelackofdifferentiationexpressedinthetermKherwarcouldbeoneexplanationwhytheSantaldidnotarticulateahierarchybetween

them and theHo, although further research is needed to shedmore light on

SantalrelationswiththeHointhearea.

TheArtisans:Blacksmiths,Weavers,BasketMakersandPottersTheclosesteconomic,ritualandeverydayinteractionsexistbetweentheSan-

tal and different artisans. These are the communities Pfeffer (1997, 7) calls

“clients”.Theyengageintrade,frequentlycrossingboundariesbetweendiffer-

entcommunities,andprovidetheirpatronswithseveralproductsforeveryday

andritualuse.Usuallytheyselltheirmanufacturedgoodsatlocalvillagemar-

kets(hat)orbringthemdirectlytopeople’shouses.Administrativecategories

32FewethnographiesontheHoexistuptodate.AmongthesefewfocusingexclusivelyontheHo

areMajumdar(1950)andYorke(1976).Verardo(2003)haswrittenabouttheHoandMundaof

WestSinghbhum,JharkhandandBouez(1985)aboutSantalandHoinMajurbhanj,Odisha.Das

Gupta (2011) further presents a historic account of the Ho and the British Raj. Eva Reichel

(unpublished) iscurrentlyworkingonherPhDdissertationonHoritualandsociety,basedon

long-termethnographicfieldworkinWestSinghbhum,Jharkhand.33TodaythetermKherwarorKherwalisusedbysomeSantal inthearea,aswellasinSantali

literature to refer only to the Santal. Educated Santalmen often toldme to consult the book

Kherwarbongsodhoromputhi(“ThebookofKherwarreligion”)writteninSantaliusingBengaliscript byRamdasTudu. In accordancewith this restrictedmeaning of the term, Troisi (2000,

255) describes the term Kharwar as being the ancient name of the Santal associated with agoldeneraintheirhistory.


41

drawdifferentboundariesthanmygroupingtogetherofartisanssuggests:The

blacksmithsandpottersareclassifiedasOBC,theweaversasSCandthebasket

makersasSTinthestateofJharkhand.Becausethreeofthesecommunitiesare

portrayedindetailbelow,onlyashortcharacterizationfollows.

InmanySantalvillagesonefindsafewhousesoftheblacksmithcommuni-

ty, locallycalledKamar.Theirsurnameinthearea isKamarkar. InKantasola,

theirmother tonguewasBengali, but some of the householdmemberswere

fluentinSantaliaswell.TheysupplytheSantalwithanarrayofironproducts

suchasironplowshares,ironbanglesformarriedwomen,blades,arrowheads

etc.SimilartotheKamar,theMahalibasketmakersmaintainacloserelation-

ship to the Santal.Besidesbaskets for rice storage, theMahali alsomanufac-

ture winnowing fans and rice beer strainers. Remarkable about this

community is that theyclaimtoobserve thesameritualsand festivalsas the

Santal. They are also fluent in Santali and Bengali. In contrast to these two

communities, the residentweavers ofKantasola, locally calledPere, have re-

centlygivenuptheirprofessionduetothefactthattheycannotcompetewith

thecheapclothessoldatmarketsandincities.Theyseemtobemakingaliving

mostlyfromthemanufactureoffishtraps,whichtheyselltomiddlemen.

Another highly visible artisan community of the area are the potters

(Kunkal).Theymakeclaypots(handi)usedforbrewingricebeer,cookingorstoringwater.Theyalsomakeclayrooftiles.Thepottersonlyliveinafewvil-

lages in the area, often in clusters of several houses.My Santal interlocutors

agreedthatalltheseartisancommunitieswerejuniortotheSantal.Anindica-

toroftheirlowerstatuswas,forexample,thefactthattheSantalwouldgener-

allynotacceptfoodfromthemnorencourageintermarrying.

Withafewexceptionstheseclientcommunitiesdonotownlandinthear-

ea. Someof them lease fields,while othersmake a living selling handcrafted

goods.Between theSantal and theblacksmiths thereexists a traditional sys-

temofpaymentinkindcalledborton.


42

Gatherer-HuntersoftheArea:HillKhariaandBirhor34The Santal derive considerable pride from their position as cultivators and

landownersinthearea.Mosthouseholdssubsistcompletelyontheannualrice

harvest from their fields. The Santal’s higher status vis-à-vis two other com-

munities, who are both classified as ST,was often articulated by the latter’s

proximitytotheforestandlackofpracticedricecultivation.Santalmythology

presents hunting and gathering as the initial activities of the first Santal on

earth,butthenspeaksofadevelopmenttowardscultivation.Theideaseemsto

beoneofa social evolution fromhuntingandgathering to cultivating, a step

theHillKhariaandBirhoroftheareahavenottaken.

Apart fromtheir involvement in thehook-swinging festival, Ididnoten-

counteranyinteractionbetweentheSantallivingintheplainsaroundGhatsila

and the Birhor. The Birhor live in the forested hill ranges north of Ghatsila.

PossiblythereismoreinteractionbetweenSantal livinginthesehillsandthe

Birhor.InthepasttheBirhorwereperipatetic,andtheSantalarekeentopoint

outthattheBirhordonotliveinrealhouses.Onlyrecentlyhasthegovernment

built houses for them in the context of the Indira Awaas35development

scheme. They live from selling wood and other products procured from the

forestandmakeandsellropesfromcreeperstheycollectintheforest.

TheHillKharia36livemostlyinthehillswestofMusabaniandinthehills

northeast of Ghatsila borderingWest Bengal. Both these areas are predomi-

nantlycoveredby forest.One frequentlyseesKhariawomenbalancingheavy

loads of firewood on their heads, to be sold at local markets. The Kharia’s

34RemarkablylittlehasbeenpublishedontheHillKhariaandBirhor.Amongthemostdetailed

anthropologicalpublicationsarethevolumesauthoredbySaratChandraRoyontheKharia(Roy

1937)andtheBirhor(Roy1925).VidyarthiandUpadhyay(1980)conductedare-studyof thethreesectionsofHill,DhelkiandDudhKhariadescribedbyRoy.Theresulting,rathersuperficial

and unsystematic ethnography suggests, that interviews rather than long-term participant

observation were the primary source of information. For a more recent, publication on the

Birhor focused on the critical assessment of their colonial and post-colonial construction as a

“tribe” see Schleiter (2008). Thorough contemporary descriptions, based on long-term

ethnographicfieldwork,ofKhariaandBirhorsocialstructureandsocio-cosmicideasarelacking

uptodate.35This scheme is named after the late PrimeMinister Indira Gandhi and ismeant to provide

houses to certainST/SCcommunities in thebelow-poverty-line category in rural areas. In the

Musabani/Ghatsila area these stone houses consist of one room covered by an asbestos roof.

Besides theBirhor,someHillKhariaof theareahavereceivedsuchhouses.Cf. “Guidelines for

IndiraAwaasYojani(IAY)”:

http://iay.nic.in/netiay/IAYrevisedguidelinesjuly2013.pdf

(accessedDecember10,2015)36AportraitofaHillKhariamanwhofunctionsashuntingpriestfortheSantalispresentedin

chapterfour.


43

closenesstotheforest,bothintermsoflivelihoodandhabitatmakesthemide-

almediatorswiththeforestdeitiesintheeyesoftheSantal.Thisisthereason

why there aremostly Kharia ritual specialists,who carry out Santal hunting

(sendra)andmountainrituals(burubonga),aroundMusabani.“Theyknowtheforestdeities[addressedintheserituals]well”,theSantalmeninvolvedinthe-

seritualstoldme.ButtheKhariaproximitytotheforestalsoleadstoderogato-

rystatementsamongtheSantal:Ifachildiswearingdirtyclothes,peoplesay

“You look like a Kharia today”, or if someone had not bathed for awhile he

would say “I feel like aKharia”.TheKharia are goodhunters, the Santal say,

becausetheanimalscannotrecognizethemashumans.

Inconclusion,proximitytotheforestandlandownershiparerelevantin-

dicatorsofacommunity’spositioninthelocalorderofseniority.Inthefollow-

ing,threeartisancommunitiesoftheareaaredescribedinmoredetailbecause

theyrepresentthecommunitieswhoaremostcloselyintegratedwiththeSan-

tal.

PortraitsofThreeDifferentArtisanCommunities:Blacksmiths,

BasketMakersandWeaversTheBlacksmithCommunity(Kamar)

InmanySantalvillagesintheareaonefindsafewKamarhouses,usuallylocat-

edattheedgeofthevillage.InKantasolathetwoKamarhouseswerelocated

attheentrancetothehamletofDamudih.Throughoutthedayoneofthemen

wassittinginfrontofthehousemanufacturingironproductsoverasmallfire.

Inmyconversationwiththewifeofthehouse–shespokeSantalifluently,but

she spokeBengaliwith themembers of her household – shementioned that

sheandherhusbandhadcometothisplaceonlyrecentlyforwork.Themother

ofthehouseworkedintheconstructionofalargenearbycanal,builttosupply

water fromtheChandilwaterreservoir.HerhouseholdsuppliestheSantalof

theareawithironproducts,butherhusbandalsoworksasablacksmithinthe

city of Jamshedpur during the week.When theymake, for example, an iron

bangleforaSantalbridetheyhavetoobserverulesofpuritysuchastakinga

bathandfasting.

TodaytheKamardoreceivemoneyfortheirservices,butthereisalsoan

institutionalizedpayment in kind.This system is calledborton. At the endofthericeharvest,beforethefestivalofsakratinJanuary,eachSantalhouseholdthat owns and uses a plow (the plowshare ofwhich ismade by the Kamar)


44

gives fortypaele37ofricepaddy(huru) toeachKamar family.Peoplesay thatbortoncannotincludemoney.38OntheoccasionofotherSantal festivals,suchasthespringflowerfestivalbahaortheharvestfestivalsohrae,theKamargofromoneSantalhouse toanotherandreceivehuskedrice (caole),oil,onionsandgarlic.Eachhousehold is freetogivehowevermuch itwants.Thesecon-

tributionsaredifferentiatedfromborton.39When asked about their festivals (puja), theKamarmade specialmention oftheHindu festivalDurgaPuja. They go toHindu temples (mandir) in nearbyvillages.WhenevermySantalhostfamilyspokeoftheKamar,theyinsistedthat

theKamarwerenot“Hindu”,whichisprobablyduetotheircloseinteractions

withtheSantalandtheirinvolvementinsomeSantalritualpractices.

IencounteredsuchKamar involvement inSantal ritualsonseveralocca-

sions. Some Santal villages carry out a cattle sacrifice (jaherdangri) in theirsacredgroveat irregular intervalsduringwhicheveryhouseholdcontributes

money to thepurchaseof the sacrificial animals. TheKamar residents of the

villageequallycontributed,althoughtheydidnotconsumeanyofthebeefafter

thesacrifice.

AttheoccasionofahuntingritualtherewasayoungKamarmanwhoat-

tendedthesacrificestothehuntinggodandpartookinthesubsequentmealof

sacrificialfood(sore).ThelocalKamaralsoparticipateintheannualgoatsacri-fices toKopatPat, themountaindeityworshippedbyelevenvillages close toMusabani.Because theKamar cultivate fields in thevicinityof themountain,

they contribute to thepurchase of a goat and alsoparticipate in the ensuing

sacrificial meal.40During the hunting festivals in this area songs and stories

calledsingraiareperformedinSantalibygroupsofmen.MostofthesemenareSantal,butpeoplesaidthattherewerealsoKharia,Pere(weavers)andKamar,

37Paeleisametalpotusedforthemeasuringofrice.Itmeasuresabouthalfakilo.38TheonlyothercommunitytheSantalgivebortontoaretheKharia,althoughthisseemstobeonlytothehouseholdoftheKhariahuntingpriest(dihuri)asremunerationforhisritualtasks.Hereceivesunhuskedricefromthevillagesforwhichhecarriesouttheritual.39Berger (2002, 72ff) mentions a similar system called pholoi or birti among the Gadaba ofKoraputDistrictinOdisha.There,however,notonlydotheblacksmiths,butalsocattleherders,

potters and musicians of the village receive this remuneration in kind. In return, these

communitiescontributetoofferingstotheearthgoddessbeforetheharvest.Iamnotawareof

anysuchreturncontributionstotheSantaldeitiesbytheartisans.40AsawomanandasanoutsiderIwasnotallowedtoparticipateinthesacrificialmeal.Forthis

reason I can give no information on the exact distribution of the sacrificial meat, nor on the

spatialorderofthesacrificialmeal.ItispossiblethattheKamareatseparatelyfromtheSantal

andonlyreceiveacertainpartofthesacrificialanimal(e.g.partofthebodyandnoheadmeat)

asBerger(2002,83f)describesitforaGadabavillageritualinKoraputdistrict,Odisha.


45

who perform singrai. They sing in Santali and know Santali stories andmy-thology.Althoughallthisinformationwascollectedmostlyfromconversations

withSantal,andmoreresearchontheKamarintheregionwouldbenecessary

forgeneralizations,itdoespointtotheKamarasoneofthecommunitiesmost

closelyintegratedwiththeSantal.

TheWeavers(Pere)

InKantasolavillagethereareeighthousesbelongingtotheweavers,whoare

locallycalledPere.TheirfamilynameintheareaisPatar.41Inthisvillagethey

havegivenuptheirweavingactivityduetomarketcompetition.Instead,they

nowmakealivingbysellingfishtrapsmadefrombamboosticks.Theyalsorun

othersmallbusinessactivities:onemanrepairsbicycles;anotherhasstarteda

small auto business driving villagers between Ghatsila town and the village

severaltimesaday.

ThePerebicyclerepaireriswellinformedaboutvillagehappenings.Inhis

familyhespeaksBengali,butwiththeSantalhespeaksSantali,“becausethisis

Santalcountry”,heexplainedtome.Askedwhenhisancestorshadcometothis

village, he remarked: “Theydidnot tellme.We are of this place. Thepeople

herecannottellyouwhentheycamehere.”Hisfamilyownsveryfewfields,he

toldme,becausehisforefatherssoldpartofthefieldsinthepast.

Like the blacksmiths, hementioned localHindu festivals as the ones his

familycelebrates,amongthemDurgaPujaandKaliPuja.Hiscommunitygoestothetemplesinthearea,andfortheirweddingsorfuneralsBrahmanscome

totheirhousestocarryouttherituals.

Mostoftheweaversintheareahavegivenuptheirtraditionaloccupation.

Fortheirweddings,however,theSantaldomakeuseofatypeofclothwoven

bythePere living inChakulia town.Thiscloth ispartof thebridewealth(go-nong)42givenbythegroom’spartytothebride’ssidebeforeorafterthewed-dingceremony.TheSantalcallitkandalungri,whichreferstothreelongsaree-likepiecesofclothmadeofwhitecottondyedyellowwithturmericbySantal

women.Theyaregiventothreedifferentfemalerelativesofthebride.Tosum

41The People of India, Bihar Including Jharkhand (Vol. XVI Part 2) volume, prepared by theAnthropologicalSurveyofIndia,mentionsthePatraasweaversofOriyaorigin,whoaremainly

concentratedinSinghbhum(Bagchi2008,772).Neitherthispublication,northeofficiallistsof

theGovernmentofIndiamentiontheiradministrativeclassification.TheSantaltoldmethatthe

PereareclassifiedasSC.42Seechapterthreeformoredetailofthecontentofthebridewealth.


46

up, although the economic integration in terms of artisan products between

SantalandPereoftheareahasdeclinedinrecentyears,intheritualsphereit

isstillimportant.

TheBasketMakers(Mahali)

The(ST)Mahalionlyliveinsomevillagesofthearea.Totheoutsidertheyare

difficulttodiscernfromtheSantal,becausetheyspeakSantali intheirhomes

and some of them even carry Santali clan names such as Murmu, Soren or

Mardi. Others useMahali as their family name aswell. Robert Parkin (1992,

97)mentions themasanoffshootof theSantal,aviewIequallyencountered

duringmyfieldwork.PeopledescribedthemasacommunityofSantal,which

separated fromtheSantal forunknownreasons.TheMahaliwho livearound

Ghatsila andMusabanimostly do not own land, some of them lease land for

cultivation, others live completely from their bamboo work. They sell their

products of bamboo baskets, winnowing fans and rice beer strainers on the

villagemarketsorbringthemdirectlytopeople’shomes.ForSantalweddings

theMahalimakealarge, lowbasketcalleddaore, inwhichthebrideisseatedduringpartoftheweddingritual.ForitsmanufacturetheMahaliobservethe

samerulesofpurityasmentionedaboveinthecaseoftheKamar.

Photo9:AMahaliwomansellingbaskets,winnowingfansandricebeerstrainers(fromrighttoleft)ataweeklymarket(hat).


47

WhenIvisitedaMahalifamilyintheneighboringvillage,whowaswellknown

tomySantalhostfamily,themaleheadoftheirhouseholdrequestedmetoad-

dresshimaskaka(FyB).Heandmyhostfamilywereatosegey,“villagekin”,hespecified. Hewas junior tomy Santal father. Besides their occupation, I had

trouble differentiating theMahali from the Santal. My interlocutor informed

methattheyobservedalltheSantalfestivals,worshippedinthesacredgrove

and ate the sacrificial food in the grove togetherwith the Santal. He further

statedthattheMahalineithergotothetemple,normakeuseofBrahmansfor

theirrituals. Inallhisstatementsheunderlinedtheircommonalitieswiththe

Santal. Takingme into his house, whichwas considerably poorer thanmost

Santalhouses in thearea,he showedme their ancestral shrine (bhitar). LiketheonesinSantalhouses,itwasseparatedfromtherestoftheroombyalow

earthenwall and coveredwithwooden logs.Only the entrance to the shrine

waswiderthanwasthecaseinSantalhouses.

Withregardtocommensalityand intermarriage,however, the lowersta-

tusoftheMahalibecomesapparent.SantaldonotliketoeatinMahalihouses,

peopletoldme.IfaMahaliateinaSantalhouse,Santalwiveswouldnotclean

hisorherplateafterwards.BothSantalandMahaliemphasize,thattheydonot

intermarry, although the Santal indicate that theMahaliwould like tomarry

withtheSantal.

TheMahalidiffer fromtheKamarandPere in that theydonotcelebrate

anylocalHindufestivals,nordotheymakeuseofBrahmanservices.Therefore,

itwould bemisleading to speak of themas an artisan “caste”. The Santal do

however group the Mahali together with the other two when they speak of

communitiesjuniortothemselves,becausetheMahaliliveasartisansandpro-

videtheSantalwithproductsforeverydayandritualuse.

ComparingInter-CommunityRelationsamongtheSantal,Dongria

KondandGadabaAs shown, the Santal in Ghatsila and Musabani block maintain different de-

greesofsocialandritualintegrationwithotherOBC,SCandSTcommunitiesof

theirarea.Forthesakeofregionalcomparison, inthefollowingIaddressthe

similaritiesanddifferencesbetweenthisconstellationinEastSinghbhumand

theoneinhighlandOdisha.

Whereas theDongriaKondonly live togetherwith theDombo, the com-

plexityofthesituationinKoraputissimilartotheoneinEastSinghbhum.Like


48

theGadaba,theSantal livecloselytogetherwithseveralartisancommunities,

onedifferencebeingthattherearenomusicians,liquordistillersandherders

intheSantalvillagesIstayedin.

AlthoughIcouldnotgatheranyinformationoncommonclancategoriesor

other common social institutions, the general status ranking of communities

accordingtothecriterionofsenioritycanequallybefoundamongtheSantalof

EastSinghbhum.Thismodel includestheKurmicasteassenior to theSantal,

their artisan clients as junior and the gatherer-hunter ST of Hill Kharia and

Birhor as themost junior in the local hierarchy. Amodel of “siblingship”, as

Pfeffer (1997, 13-14; 2002, 215) found among many other Central Indian

tribessuchastheGadabaandthePorjaortheBhuyianandJuang,wasnotar-

ticulatedtomebytheSantal.TheSantalmythofcreationfurtherdoesnotes-

tablish a hierarchy between the different communities of the area as found

amongtheKond(Hardenberg2005,75f).

With regard to ritual integration, Pfeffer’s (1997, 13) general scheme of

tribal“communicatorswiththedivine”andclient“communicatorswithhuman

beings”appliesinEastSinghbhumonlyinthesensethattheartisanclientsdo

actastraderswiththeoutside;anactivitytheSantaldonotengagein.TheSan-

tal do not have an earth goddess similar to that of the Dongria Kond or the

Gadaba,whoreceivesofferings fromall communitiesof thevillage.However,

jaherdangri,theoccasionalcattleandbuffalosacrificetothemotherofthesa-credgrove,JaherAyo,couldberegardedasacounterparttothecollectiveGad-abaandDongriavillageritualsattheshrineoftheearthgoddess.Jaherdangriinvolvesthewholevillage,includinge.g.theKamarclients,inasacrificespon-

soredbyall.Inaddition,theregionalmountainandhuntingritualsdiscussedin

chapter four show that theSantalalsomakeuseof “communicatorswith the

divine”oflower(Kharia)orhigher(Kurmi)status,whoactasritualspecialists

inthesegrandsacrifices.Lastly,different fromtheGadabaorDongriaclients,

severaloftheSantalclients,suchastheKamarorPere,gototemplesandmake

use of Brahman priests in their life-cycle rituals. In this regard, these Santal

clientshavetheirown,Brahman“communicatorswiththedivine”.

Remarkableconcerningeconomicrelationsbetween theSantaland their

clients, is that a similar system of payment in kind exists in both East

SinghbhumandKoraput.ThepholoiorbirtisystemofKoraputincludespaddyormilletgivenbyeachhouseholdofavillagetoagrouporpersoninexchange

foritsservices(Berger2002,72f).WhereastheGadabagivepholoitovarious


49

artisans,theSantalgiveitsequivalent(borton)onlytotheblacksmithsandtheKhariahuntingpriest.

In conclusion, further generalizations about Santal relations with other

communities inEastSinghbhumare inneedofmore long-termethnographic

research.A jointresearchprojectwithethnographers livingamong thesedif-

ferentcommunitiesinthesameareawouldbenecessarytoshedlightonthis

relevant topic. Especially the mountain rituals (buru bonga) should be ana-lyzed from the perspective of the non-Santal communities in addition tomy

discussionthereoffromaSantalperspective.

1.3TheSantalinExistingLiteratureSantalcultureandsocietyhasbeendescribedextensively inethnographic lit-

erature.43Because a full review of this literature is not intended here, in the

following I assess the main publications on the Santal and discuss how my

workaddressessomeoftheshortcomingsintheliterature.Theanthropologi-

cal literatureontheSantalcanbecategorized intothreebroadstrands.First,

there are worksmainly on Santal folklore and social structure, authored by

colonialadministratorsandmissionaries.Thesecondstrandoftheliteratureis

concernedwiththeSantalritualcycle,symbolisminritualandsocialstructure.

Third,andthisisthepredominanttrendinthelastdecades,therearepublica-

tionsdealingwithSantal identityandpoliticalactivism.44Myworkaddresses

thegapsremainingintheliteraturebyprovidingthefirstdiscussionofSantal

43InhisannotatedbibliographyTroisi(1976,7)mentions57booksand226articlespublishedexclusivelyon theSantalupuntil1975.Since thennumerouspublicationshavebeenaddedto

thislist.44Thosearethethreebroadstrandsrelevantformywork.Asafourthstrandofliterature,there

arehistoricalperspectiveson theSantal, especiallyon theSantal rebellionof1855 (Andersen

2008;Datta1940;Rottger-Hogan1982;Rycroft 2011).Becausemyworkhas a contemporary

focus and only mentions Santal history sporadically, I have omitted a discussion of this

literature. As a fifth strand in the literature there is a growing body of literature written by

SantalthemselvesinSantali(forashortoverviewcf.Carrin2014,86ff).Inthevillages,whereI

carried out fieldwork, the most well known Santali publications were those authored by

Ragunath Murmu, the inventor of the Ol Chiki script (for a list of Murmu’s publications cf.

Mahapatra 1986, 163f). These books, for example the novelsBiduChandan andKherwarBir,were often part of the rituals performed by the sarna movement. Besides these publicationsthereareotherswrittenbySantal,whoareorganizedintheSantalWriters’Association.Because

most of these books arewritten in Ol Chiki, their readership is restricted to a small circle of

Santalwhoareabletoreadthisscript.Thelocaluse,circulationandreceptionofprintedSantali

literatureremaintopicsforfurtherresearch.


50

notionsofplace,bypresentingritualspreviouslynotdiscussedintheliterature

andbycontextualizingSantalpoliticalactivism.

1.3.1ColonialandMissionarySourcesThe first descriptions of the Santal appear in reportswritten by colonial ad-

ministrators.45The richest contribution in terms of ethnographic detail by a

colonialadministratorwasmadebyW.G.Archer(1984,2007)whoservedbe-

tween1942and1946firstasDeputyCommissionerandthenasSpecialOfficer

oftheJudicialDepartmentintheSantalParganas.Hisdescriptionoftheannualhunting ritual inTheHillofFlutes(2007,305ff) led tomy initial focuson thehunt,becauseasa “total social fact” comprisingsocial, religiousand legalas-

pectsitpresentedasuitablybroadstartingpoint.AlthoughArcher’sdiscussion

ofSantalnarrative, songandritualcontainsseveralproblematic functionalist

explanations,theethnographicdetailitprovidesisremarkable.Incomparison

withmyownfindings,itisnoteworthythatsomeSantalrituals,suchasthean-

nual hunt (305ff) or the flower festival (237ff) are being carried out in such

similarfashiontoday.

Besides colonial officials, several Christian missionaries have authored

publicationson theSantal (forexampleBodding1924,1940,2001;Campbell

1891;Culshaw2004;Gausdal1953,1960).Themostwellknownamongthem

was theNorwegianLutheranmissionaryP.O.Bodding.Mostvaluable formy

work has been Bodding’s (2010) five volume Santali-English dictionary, first

publishedbetween1932and1936,containingsophisticatedexplanationsand

important contextualizations of Santali terms. Moreover, Bodding (191646,

1924,1940)compiledavastcollectionofSantalfolkloreandcustomwiththe

helpofSagramMurmu,aSantalman,whowrotedownSantali stories inRo-

manscript forhim.47Bodding’sworkandhiscollaborationwithSagramMur-

mu can be indirectly linked to the contemporary political activism of the

Santal, which I discuss in chapter five. According to Andersen (2014, 261f)

Bodding’sworkcanbeunderstoodasthebeginningpointinthewrittendocu-

45Cf.forexampleMan(1989),Hunter(1868),Dalton(1973)andRisley(1891).46This publication titled The Traditions and Institutions of the Santal is a translation of theSantalipublicationofHorkorenMareHapramkoreakKatha (TheBookof theAncestors),whichwasoriginallycompiledbyBodding’spredecessorLarsOlsenSkrefsud.47A translation of several stories from thesemanuscripts of Bodding’s collection, archived in

Oslo,hasbeenpublishedbyAndersen,CarrinandSoren(2011)underthetitleFromFireRaintoRebellion.


51

mentationofSantalcustombySantalauthorsandtheformationofaSantallin-

guistic identity. Bodding’s publications were included in the large body of

printedSantali literature,whichbackeduppolitical claimsultimately leading

toSantalibeingrecognizedasanofficialIndianlanguagein2003.

Anothermissionaryauthor tobenamedhere is theNorwegian Johannes

Gausdal.Hisworkpresentsthemostexhaustivediscussionofwhathecallsthe

“ancestralandsacrificialclans”oftheSantal(Gausdal1953,1960)todate.His

differentiationbetweentheabstractcategoryofclan,andtheritualunitofsac-

rificialclan(whichIcall“localline”inmywork),remainsthemostimportant

contributiontounderstandingthisaspectofSantalsocialstructure.Gausdal’s

work is tobe valued for its extensive collectionof sacrificial clannames and

thenarrativesoftheirformation.It,however, lacksdescriptionsoftherituals

performedbythesesacrificialclans.Severalauthors(Gautam1977b,85;Orans

1965, 11; Somers 1977, 88) have underlined the secrecy surrounding these

ritualactivities.Hence,theywriteofnothavingbeenabletoparticipateinthe-

seeventsoronlypresentashortdescriptionthereof,mostlikelyobtainedfrom

Santalinformants(Carrin-Bouez1986,76;Culshaw2004,73;Troisi2000,89).

Insum,adiscussionoftheseSantallocallinesfromapractice-perspectivehas

beenmissing in the literature.Mywork fills this void bypresenting the first

comprehensivedescriptionofjomsimbonga,oneoftheritualsperformedbyalocalline.ThisfocusonpracticecomesclosetotheSantalwayofconceptualiz-

ingthesesocialunits,asthose“whosacrificeinthesamesacrificialcircle”(mitkhondrebonga).

1.3.2TheSantalRitualCycleFollowing the work of missionaries and colonial administrators, the second

strandintheliteratureontheSantalconsistsofseveralethnographieswritten

by anthropologists. These deal foremostwith the Santal ritual cycle (Carrin-

Bouez1986;Troisi2000)orkinshipandsocialstructure(Bouez1985;Kochar

1970).Inaddition,thetopicofculturalchangehasbeenaconstantcompanion

totheanthropologicalstudyofSantalsociety(Datta-Majumder1956;Somers

1977).

Fromwithinthisdirectionofliterature,Carrin-Bouez’(1986)bookwasa

relevant, recent sourceonSantal ritual and symbolismas Iprepared for and

workedthroughthematerialfrommyownfieldwork.Inadditiontodiscussing

thecomplementarityofmaleandfemalecontainedinthesymbolismofflower


52

and bone (65ff) in Santal mortuary rites, she extensively portrays the three

Santal festivalsbaha, sohrae andkaram (91ff). Formy initial focus on Santalhuntingrituals,hershortdiscussionthereof(84-88)providedaninspirationto

furtherresearchthistopic.Mydiscussionaddsethnographicdetailtoandcon-

textualizesherdescription.Ifurtherprovideanunderstandingoftheritualin

termsofthesocialandspatialunitsinvolved,itsrelationtootherSantalrituals

anditsaimfromaSantalperspective.

Due to the existence of detailed discussions of Santal seasonal and life-

cycle rituals (Carrin-Bouez1986; Culshaw2004; Troisi 2000)myworkdoes

notpresentyetanotheraccountofSantalritualsthroughouttheyear.Insteadit

aimstofillthegapsleftbytheliteraturebypresentingseveralritualsprevious-

ly not described therein and by portraying those only shortlymentioned by

othersinadetailedandcontextualizedmanner.

1.3.3SantalIdentityandPoliticalActivismIn the lastdecades, thedominant trend in the literaturehasbeento focuson

the question of identity and political activism of the Santal. This can be at-

tributed to the fact that, in comparisonwithother Indian tribal societies, the

Santalhavebeenespeciallyactiveinfightingforculturalandlinguisticrecogni-

tioninthecountry’spoliticalarena.

Asearlyas the1960s,OransdiscussedhowSantal industrialworkersof

Jhamshedpur emphasized their non-Hindu identity and became organized in

theJharkhandParty(Orans1965,93ff). Incomparison, myownfieldworkin

thesamedistrict shows thatmanyof the topicsheaddressedhaveremained

relevant:EducatedSantalcontinuetoemphasizesarnareligionasthereligionof their society (106); followers of Ragunath Murmu’s cultural organization

(113ff)48organizemanyeventsinthearea;andeventhequestionofthestand-

ardizationofSantalrituals(118)isstillbeingdiscussedinSantalvillagesand

withinthesarnamovement.Ingeneral,Orans’workunderlinestheargumentImakeinchapterfive,namelythatindustrializationhasinsomewaysprovided

thecontext forSantalpoliticalactivism.WhileOrans’(1965,123ff) theoryof

the“rankconcessionsyndrome”sawtheSantalconcedinghigherranktoHin-

duswhilesimultaneouslyadaptingcertainHindupracticestoelevatetheirown

48FormorebackgroundinformationonRagunathMurmu’sinventionofthescriptOlChikiand

the activities of his movement in Mayurbhanj, Odisha see Mahapatra (1979, 1986) and Lotz

(2007).


53

position,laterauthorsemphasizedtheexplicitstrivingoftheSantalforasepa-

rateidentity.

InthiscontextGautam(1977a)coinedtheterm“Santalization”incontrast

toSanskritization.49Gautamacknowledgedthat theSantalhaveadoptedvari-

ouselementsofHindupractice,butthattheiraimindoingsoisnottobecome

Hindubutto“strengthenthesolidarityoftheircommunity”(371).Inorderto

foster this solidarity, the author argues that the Santalmake use ofmodern

means,suchaspoliticalparties,elections,meansofcommunicationoreduca-

tion.AlthoughGautamsolvedthequestionofSanskritizationamongtheSantal

in a convincing way, themore basic question of the Santals’ status vis-à-vis

Hindusocietystillremains.ThecaseoftheregionalSantalflowerfestival,dis-

cussed in chapter five and elsewhere in a separate article (Schulte-Droesch

2014),shows,thattheSantalareselectiveintheirpublicportrayaloftheirdis-

tinctidentity.Duringtheritualtheyemphasizetheircloserelationshipto“na-

ture” represented by the sacred grove or the egalitarianism symbolized by

Santal traditional dance.Other elements, such as animal sacrifices or alcohol

consumptionreceivemuchlessattention,possiblybecausetheywouldbedis-

approvedofbymainstreamHindusociety.

Orans’andGautam’s interest inSantal identityandpoliticalactivismhas

been continued by the French anthropologist Marine Carrin in recent years.

Differenttoherabove-mentioned,earlystructuralistworkonSantalritual,her

more contemporary publications focus, among other things, on “subaltern

agency”(Carrin2012),“indigenousknowledge”(Carrin2014;forthcoming)or

“theSantalintellectualagenda”(Carrin2014).ConcerningSantalidentity,Car-

rin(2012,204ff)locatesitsbeginningsintheSantalrebellionof1855aswell

as the documentation of Santal custom and narrative initiated by Christian

missionaries.Theassertionofthisidentity,sheargues,hasinthelastdecades

takenonnewforms,expressedintheinventionanduseoftheSantalscriptOl

Chiki,villagetheater,Santal involvementintheJharkhandmovementandthe

emphasis on sarna dhorom, as a pan-adivasi religion. Carrin’s (2012, 212f;1991, 30ff) short portrayals of the political background of the sarnadhorommovement have helped me to contextualize my own encounter with this

movementintheSantalvillagesaroundMusabani.Inadditiontothephenom-

ena she portrays, my work presents a view of the sarna dhorom movement

49Gautam provides more ethnographic detail in support of his argument in his unpublished

dissertationtitledInSearchofanIdentity.ACaseoftheSantalofNorthernIndia(1977b).


54

fromaruralperspective.Ifurtherdiscussthedisagreementsandconflictthat

accompanythemovement’sactivities inSantalvillages.Thisshowsthecleav-

ages between the often educated, and city-basedmembers of themovement

and those Santal villagers not involved in political and cultural activism. In

sum,besidesitsrelativelackofethnographiccontext,therecent,exclusivedis-

cussionof the Santal in the literatureunder the topic of identity assertion is

problematicinthatitprovidesaone-sidedviewofcontemporarySantalsocie-

ty.Thisinevitablyhasledtoaneglectofothertopics,whichequallyholdrele-

vanceinSantalvillages.AmongtheseareseveraloftheritualsIdiscussinmy

work.

Inconclusion,myworkopensupnewperspectivesinthreeways.First,it

presents the firstdiscussionofSantalnotionsofplace.Second, itprovidesan

analysisof thoseSantalrituals,whichhavenotyet,oronlysuperficiallybeen

describedintheliteraturetodate.Amongthosearetheannualhuntingritual

(sendrabonga),ritualsforthemountaindeities(burubonga),asacrificialritualof the local line (jomsimbonga) and the regional flower festival (disombahabonga). This shows that rituals continue to be of great importance in Santalsociety,althoughthedominant,recenttrendintheliteraturefocusingonSan-

tal political activismmight suggest otherwise. Third, my work complements

previousshortdescriptionsof theSantal reformmovementsarnadhorom,byprovidingmoreethnographicdetailofthepracticesandtheconflictssurround-

ingthemovementinthevillagecontext.

1.4FieldworkSituationandMethodology1.4.1WhyParticipantObservation?The ethnographic fieldwork in India, upon which this work is based, lasted

fourteenmonthsandtookplaceover threeseparatestaysbetween2011and

2013.50Participantobservation,asestablishedbyMalinowski (1984), formed

thecoreofmymethodology,complementedbymostlyinformalinterviewsand

conversations.ThismeantthatI livedwithaSantal familyinavillageandat-

temptedtoparticipate inasmanyoftheireverydayactivitiesaspossible.Be-

causemyresearchfocusedonSantalrituals,Imadeaconcertedefforttoattend

theseeventswheneverpossible.

50The firststage lasted fromJanuary toMay2011, thesecondone fromOctober2011to June

2012andthelastonetookplacefromMayuntilJuly2013.


55

Inspiteofsomeofitsdisadvantages,participantobservationremainsthecen-

tralmethodofanthropology.Themethod’sweaknesses,forexample, lieinits

lack of representativeness, the difficulty to verify its results, its time-

consumingcharacter,lackofstandardizationanditsrelativenegligenceofhis-

torical processes (Spittler 2001, 3-5). The general association of participant

observationwithdoingfieldworkinaspecificlocality,hasbecomemoreprob-

lematic inaglobalizingworld,definedbymobility,heterogeneityandchange

(cf.Appadurai1991;GuptaandFerguson1997).IntheireditedvolumeFaubi-

onandMarcus(2009)thereforediscusshowfieldwork’sbasicpremisescould

berethoughtinsuchatimeoftransition.

Inaddition, it isrelevanttoreflectontherelationbetweenthetwocom-

ponentsof themethodology itself ineach researchmakinguseofparticipant

observation.Thepointthatparticipantobservationisan“oxymoron”inthatit

requires the researcher to be involved in an activity and simultaneously ob-

serve it in adetachedway, hasbeenmade repeatedly (DeWalt andDeWalt

2002, 23).While these inherentmethodological tensions cannot be resolved,

eachauthorcanrendertransparent,howheorshepracticedparticipationandobservation. In the following I therefore reflect on the strong points of the

methodinthecontextofmyresearchanddiscusssomeof its limits insubse-

quentsections.

Long-termparticipantobservationprovedtobethemostfruitfulmethod-

ology inordertogainanunderstandingofSantalritualsandnotionsofplace

forseveralreasons.First,asIcametoknowit,Santal“religion”consistsfore-

mostofaction.Peoplemakeofferingstodeities,sacrifice,arrangeritualingre-

dients, become possessed, dance and sing. The relative lack of abstraction

made observing ritual actions and then later discussing them a much more

suitable approach than, for example, only conducting interviews. This corre-

sponds to the artificiality of the interview situation mentioned by Spittler

(2001,7f)andtheadvantageof,asIpracticedit,combiningobservationwith

conversations.Inaddition,asBloch(1998,7)pointsout,“muchofknowledge

is fundamentally non-linguistic”, but instead formedby experience andprac-

tice in the external world. Similarly, Santal ritual knowledge was practiced

morethanitwastalkedabout.Andevenifpeopledescribedtheiractivities,not

allaspectsofthispracticecouldbetalkedabout,becausenamingorevenmen-tioningdeitieswastaboo.Participantobservationthereforewasimperativeto

understandingSantalritual.Forexample,onlybyobservingandlaterenquir-

ing about the pattern of sacrificial circles drawn on the ground during the


56

huntingritual,couldIunderstandthatthecirclescorrespondtodifferentdei-

ties locatedintheimmediateenvironment.Intheirpreviousdescriptions,my

interlocutorshadnotmentionedsuch,tothem,seeminglytrivialdetails.

Asecondreasonwhyparticipantobservationwassorelevantduringmy

fieldwork is the Santals’marginal status vis-à-vis higher Hindu castes.Many

Santalareawareoftheaspectsoftheirculture,whichareregardednegatively

by high-caste Hindus. Hence, at first the Santal surely would not havemen-

tionedpractices such as cattle sacrifice andbeef consumption to anoutsider

likemeinaninterview.Insomecases,peopleevenseemedinsecuretoreveal

their general sacrificial practices (of chickens or goats) to me as a (in their

eyes)highstatusoutsider.Suchinformationonlybecameaccessibletomeby

buildinguprelationshipswithpeopleandby livingwith themso that Icould

hearaboutandwitnesstheseactivitiesinthecontextofeverydayinteractions.

Depending on the context, observationwas the onlymethodological op-

tion available to me. Only men perform Santal rituals outside of the house,

henceasawomanIcouldonlyobserveandnotparticipateinthesenseofac-

tively becoming involved in these events. I could therefore not acquire

knowledge through practice in these contexts. But my attendance of these

eventsallowedmetoexperiencesomeoftheirsensuousqualities.Ididforex-

amplesensetheexcitementarisingduringtheslaughterofnumerousgoatsat

jomsimbonga described in chapter three. Witnessing the excitement of themasses of people attending the festival of the localmountain godKanhaiSoland seeing the “seat” of themountaindeity, a steep, rocky slopewherehun-

dredsofgoatsweresacrificed,Iwasabletoperceivetheallegedpowerofthe

deity. My possibilities for participation, in turn, weremuch greater in other

contexts.Icould,forexample,easilyparticipateinthedancespracticedduring

variousrituals(i.e.theflowerfestivaldescribedinchapterfive)andintheso-

cializing accompanying all life-cycle rituals. Participation also goes beyond

merephysicalparticipationandextendstotherealmofsocialproximity(Spit-

tler2001,19).Formingfriendshipsandsharinglife,albeitforacomparatively

shorttime,wasthereforealsoacomponentofparticipation,whichenabledme

tounderstandpeople’slife-world.

InthefollowingIpresentseveraladditionalcomponentsofmymethodol-

ogy.First,IdiscussthequestionofgainingaccesstotheeventsIwasinterested

in researching. This involved learning Santali, finding a fieldsite and gaining

permissiontoattendrituals.Italsorevealssomeofthelimitstomyparticipa-

tionincertainrituals.Second,IdescribehowIcollectedinformationbyrecord-


57

inginterviewsandsongsandhowIworkedwithmyresearchassistant.There-

after Idiscussmy integration inSantal society.Lastly,payingheed to the re-

flexiveturninthefieldofanthropology,initiatedbyrevealingaccountsofthe

fieldwork experience (cf. for example Bowen 1954; Briggs 1970; Rabinow

1977),followedlaterbyreflectionsontheprocessofwritingethnographictext

(CliffordandMarcus1986)orontraumaticincidentsinthefieldasavenuefor

“understanding” (Rosaldo2000), Iexaminewhichaspectsofmyselfwere the

mostimportantfiltersthroughwhichIperceivedthetopicsbeingstudied.This

reflexivity,andmyentiremethodologydiscussion, ismeant to render there-

searchprocesstransparent,enablingthereadertoassessitsquality

1.4.2GainingAccess:Language,Fieldsite,PermissiontoAttend

RitualsThegoal ofmy first stayof fourmonths, from January2011untilMay2011,

wastobeginlearningSantaliandtofindafieldsiteinaruralareaofJharkhand.

IspenttwoofthesefourmonthsinRanchi,Jharkhand’scapitalwheretheDe-

partmentofTribalandRegionalLanguagesatRanchiUniversityislocatedand

had been recommended tome for studying Santali. One of the department’s

Santaliprofessors,GaneshMurmu,himselfaSantal,arrangedaccommodation

formeinagirls’hostel.HereIsharedaroomwithManju,ayoungSantalwom-

an,whowas at the timeabout to completeherMA in Santali linguistics.Alt-

hough my later stay in a Santal village proved more effective for learning

Santali,myfirst interactionswiththedepartment’sstudentsandstaff inRan-

chi,atthisstagetakingplaceinHindi,providedafirstimportantintroduction

tothelanguage.

DuringthesetwomonthsinRanchiIcouldfurtherestablishvaluablerela-

tionships with the department’s Santal students, most of whom were from

Jharkhand’sEastSinghbhumdistrict.Duringmy later fieldwork in thisarea I

was able to visit several of these students’ native villages and some of them

providedimportantcontactsformystudyofritualsinthevicinityoftheirvil-

lages.Additionally,thetimeinRanchialsogavemeaglimpseintoadivasicul-tural politics in the state of Jharkhand. The most prominent event in this

regardwasthepan-adivasispringfestival,Sarhul,whichIwitnessedinRanchiinApril2011.

Asmentionedinthebeginningofthischapter,afterashortattempttofind

a fieldsite intheSantalParganas inthenorthof Jharkhand, Idecidedtorelo-


58

catemyfieldworktothedistrictofEastSinghbhuminstead.Manjuhadtaken

metherepreviouslyonashortvisittohermother’sbrother’shouse,locatedin

avillageclosetothetownofMusabani.ThroughthisfamilyIwasintroducedto

a Santal reformmovement, which had specific ideas of “Santal culture”. The

men of the familywere activemembers of themovement and thus eager to

takemealongtoseveraldifferentevents.WhenIarrivedtogetherwithManju

inMarch2011,thespringflowerfestivals(baha)werebeingheldindifferentvillages. Just aswe reachedGhatsila by train, her “brothers” picked us up to

takeustothelargestregionalspringflowerfestival(disombaha)atSurda.In the following twomonths,and thenuponmysecondvisit foranother

fivemonths,Ilivedwiththisfamilyinahamletofalargevillageofabout800

people,whichIherecallSarjomburu.Themainmembersofthehousehold in

which I livedwereanelderly couplearoundsixtyyearsold.Outof their five

children,onlytheyoungestson,agedsixteen,stilllivedintheirhousehold.The

otherchildrenwereeitherworkingorstudying indifferentcities.Thesesons

and theonlydaughtermarried inavillageclose toGhatsila,however,visited

frequently. The eldest son was enlisted in the Indian army and stationed in

Kashmir.Hisnewwifehadrecentlymovedtothehouse.Thefamilyhadmoved

to Sarjomburu from the father’s native village in the vicinity of Ghatsila, be-

causehehadfoundworkinthecoppercrushingplantinMusabani.Thisfamily

was comparatively wealthy, because two of the sons were in salaried jobs.

They further owned enough land to supply their own rice needs throughout

theyear.SimilartoanotherSantalfamily,withwhomIstayedlater,thisfamily

refusedtotakemoneyfrommefortheaccommodationandmealstheyprovid-

ed.ButtheyacceptedgiftsandvegetablesIbroughtfromthelocalmarket.

IntheseinitialdaysinthevillageImostlyjoinedpeopleintheireveryday

activities,suchasgoingtothemarket,cooking,meetingneighborsandvisiting

relatives. On some occasions I carried out and recorded interviews with

Manju’sassistance.Someofthemwereabouttheannualhuntingritual,others

wererecordingsofsongsorstories.Iattemptedtotranslatesomeofthesere-

cordingstogetherwithManju,butherroleasayoungwomaninthehousehold

wherewestayedleftlittletimebesideshereverydaychores.Ataboutthesame

timeImetPitamber,ayoungSantalmanwhowasanacquaintanceofmyhost

brother.HisnativeplacewasSonagoda,aneighboringvillage.HespokeEng-

lish exceptionallywell compared to other young people of the area andwas

eagertopracticeit.Withhishelp,Itranslatedanddiscussedmostofthesefirst

recordings,whichatthesametimealsohelpedmylanguageskills.


59

AfteragapoffourmonthsIreturnedtoSarjomburuagaininOctober2011.It

wasthetimeofthericeharvestandtheoccasionoftheSantalharvestfestival

sohrae.InthefollowingmonthsIwasabletoattendseveralritualstakingplaceindifferentvillages,extendingmynetworksfurther.However,themembership

ofmyhostfamilyinthereligiousreformmovementsarnadhorombecamein-creasingly problematic for my work.51Their social network was closely knit

aroundthemovement’sactivities,towhichtheyfrequentlytookme.Buttheir

disapproval ofmanyother villagepractices, especially the rice beer drinking

whichaccompaniedalmostevery socialvillageevent, restrictedmyaccess to

these activities. Themore time I spent in this family, and the largermynet-

workofsocialcontactsgrew,themoreIbecameawareoftheriftbetweensar-naandnon-sarnamembers.TheyfurtherdisapprovedofseveralofthetopicsIwasinterestedin,mostofwhichwererelatedtothedomainoftheforest.52For

example, themenperformingsongsandstories(singraiseren)at thehuntingfestivals,were“liars”intheeyesofmysarnahostfamily,becausethey“didnottelltruestoriesaboutthegods”.53Myhostfamily’sclearideaofwhatwas“true

Santal religion” paired with a rather authoritarian attitude typical for this

movement made it difficult for me to study any other Santal activities than

those they approved of. In spite of their generous attitude to includeme in

theirsarnaactivities, I felt increasinglyrestricted.Myattemptstobecomein-dependentof theirsocial involvements, in turn,worriedthemgreatlyas they

felt theresponsibility toaccompanyme.Thiswasalsorelated to their rather

protectiveattitudetowardstheyoungwomenintheirhousehold.

Whentheopportunityarose,Ithereforetookthechancetomoveinwith

anotherfamilynot involvedinthesarnamovement.Theywererelatedtomyfirsthostfamilyandmyhostbrothershadpreviouslytakenmetomeetthemat

the timeof theharvest festival.Theirvillage,Damudihwas locatedabout fif-

teen kilometers from Ghatsila, a one-hour journey by bus and auto from

Sarjomburu.DamudihconsistsoftwentySantalhouses,butwaslocatedclose

to the large village of Kantasola with about one thousand inhabitants. This

51Thebackgroundandvaluesofthemovementarediscussedextensivelyinchapterfive.52Because many of the sarna members are comparatively wealthy and educated they oftenregardedtheforestas“backward”.53Thisstatementcanbeunderstoodinthecontextofthesarnamovement’srejectionofalcoholconsumptionandtheiremphasisofstandardizedritualpractice,whichtheyseeasthepractice

of “true religion”. During and before the performance of the hunting songs, the singrai menusuallydrinkricebeerandcomposetheirsongsandstoriesthemselvesinsteadofmakinguseof

awrittenrepertoire.


60

householdconsistedofayoungman(agearound37),whomIwastoaddress

as“elderbrother”(dada)andhiswife(agearound33),whomIaddressedas“elderbrother’swife”(hili).Theirteenagesonhadjustmovedtohismother’sbrother’shouse in Jamtara,a towninthenorthof Jharkhand,sothat theyof-

feredmehisroomtostay.

Differentfrommyfirsthostfamily,thisfamilywasactivelyinvolvedinvil-

lageaffairsandtheirhousewasalwaysopento frequentvisitors.Hiliwasanelected member of the village panchayat. Dada had just become the villageheadman(manjhi)ofDamudihin2012.Inthisvillagedadaandhiliaddressedmostof theseniormenas father’syoungerbrother (kaka). Incontrast to thefemalehouseholdmembersofmyfirsthostfamily,myhiliinthesecondfamilywasremarkablyindependent,accompaniedmetomanyplacesandintroduced

metoherlargenetworkofkinandfriends.

TheremainingthreemonthsofmyfieldworkIspentinDamudih.WhenI

returnedayearlaterin2013fortenweeksbetweenMayandJuly,Iwasagain

based here, but also spent time in Sarjomburu and Pitamber’s native village

Sonagoda at the occasion of his wedding. Hence, although I was generally

basedintwovillages,myfieldworkwascharacterizedbymobility.Ioftenwent

towhere those rituals Iwas interested in tookplace.Thehunting rituals, for

example,weremostlyheld invillagesaroundMusabani,becauseof thesevil-

lages’proximitytotheforestedhills.Butduringseveralotheroccasions,such

as the ritual for themountain godKanhaiSol or the recordings of the ritualnarrative jomsimbinti, I could rely on the network of Santali students fromRanchitoaccommodatemeintheirnativevillages.Onlythroughmyrelatively

frequentvisitstothesedifferentplaceswasIabletodetectregionalstructures,

suchasthevillagefederationsorganizationthehunting(sendra)ormountaingod(burubonga)ritualsdiscussedinchapterfour.

Access toa fieldsiteandaccess toanykindof informationthereforecru-

ciallydependedonthepeopleIknew.Thiswasevenmorethecaseregarding

accesstorituals.Iwasabletoattendtheseeventsonlybecauseeithersomeone

frommyhostfamilies,ManjuorPitamberaccompaniedme.Once,attheendof

my second stay of eightmonths, Iwent togetherwithPitamber to a hunting

ritualclosetohisnativevillage.Theritualspecialisthadbeeninformedthatwe

wantedtoattend.Butsomeoftheothermenseemeduncomfortablewithmy

presence.TheytoldPitamberthattheywereafraidthatmaybeIwouldreport

themtothepolice,becausetheysacrificedanimals.Butheexplainedtothem

that Iwas interested inSantal cultureand that Iwouldwriteabook, so that


61

people in other countries could learn about it. After his explanation they

seemed pleased and gave me permission to stay. His friendly and engaging

waysprovidedmanyotherpossibilitiesoncountlessoccasions.Evenwhenmy

laterabilitytospeakSantaliopenedupmanydoors,hislocalnegotiationskills

alwayswentfurther.

Therewere also those ritual occasions Iwas not allowed to attend. The

denial ofmyattendancewasalwaysarticulated in anon-confrontational and

evasiveway.Oneoftheritualsforwhichthiswasthecase,wastandibonga,asacrificial ritual restricted to a close-knit social unit of brothers called gusti.Tandibonga includes goat and chicken sacrifices in the fallow rice fields be-longingtothemostseniormemberofthegusti.Onlythemalemembersofthegustiandtheiraffinalrelativesattendthisevent.ButPitamberandhis fatherhadassuredmethatIcouldattendtheirtandibongatakingplaceinJune2013.Onthemorningwhenweweresupposedtoleaveforthefieldwheretheritual

wastotakeplaceat fivea.m.,Pitamberandtheothermenofthefamilywere

suddenlygone,without takingme.Apparently they feltuncomfortable telling

medirectlythatothermembersofhisgustihadnotgrantedtheirpermissionformyattendance.Theylaterexplainedthatthiswasrelatedtomygender,but

alsotothefactthatnotevenamemberofanothergustiwasallowedtobepre-sentatthisritual.OnseveralotheroccasionswhenIwasnotallowedtoattend,

Icouldsendmycameraalongwithoneoftheparticipantsandlaterdiscussed

thepictureswiththeinvolvedritualspecialist.54

1.4.3OnInterviews,SongsandWorkingwithaResearchAssistantIn general,mymethodology for collecting information consistedof attending

anddocumentingritualsandofconductingsome formal,butmostly informal

interviews. Chronologically I beganwith interviews,which then gaveme in-

formation, forexample,aboutdifferent typesofhuntingrituals.Myvery first

interviewonthetopicofhuntingtookplace inRanchi,whereGaneshMurmu

hadorganizedameetingwithDalapatiMurmu,anelderlySantalmanwhohad

worked for the Anthropological Survey of India in the Chotanagpur region.

DuringmyfieldworkinvillagesIrealizedthatonlycertaintypesofinformants

feltcomfortablewithsuchaformalinterviewsituationandtherecodingthere-

of.Theywereusuallymeninvolvedinsomekindofpoliticalactivism,whofre-

54Ididso for thecattle sacrifice in thesacredgrove (jaherdangri),mentioned inchapter five,andtheritualforthemountaingodKopatPat(burubonga)describedinchapterfour.


62

quently interacted with outsiders.When I switched onmy recording device

thesemen thengave a sort of speechon “Santal customs”.Although someof

theseinterviewsdidleadtoimportantthemesIcouldfollow,muchoftheoth-

er, more valuable information I gathered stemmed from conversations with

people I knewwell. I refrained from recording those, because itwould have

createdanartificialatmosphere,andinsteadtooknotesshortlyafter.

Inaddition to formal interviews Ialso recordedsongs.ManySantalmen

andwomen are accustomed to performing songs in front of others. Atmany

firstencounterswithagroupofpeopletheyoftenaskedmetosingasongfrom

mycountry.UsuallysomeofthewomenwouldthenreciprocatewithaSantali

song.Peoplewouldoftendirectlyrequestmetorecordthesesongs.Especially

duringthetimeofhuntingfestivals,whichwastheseasontoperformagenre

ofsongsmixedwithnarrativecalledsingrai, I collectedmanyrecordings.To-gether with Pitamber I then transcribed and translated this material, which

againrevealedthemesIcouldfurtherexplore.55

ThroughoutmyfieldworkPitamberprovedtobeanexcellent“assistant”,

althoughhewouldsurelyfeeluncomfortablewiththistitle.Inhiseyes,hewas

“helping”me as a friend and a brother, instead of “working forme”. This of

course granted him the independence he seemed interested in maintaining.

Duringmy first two fieldwork tripshe lived in thenearby townofMusabani,

wherehis familyhad renteda “quarter” in theold company flatsof the local

coppermine.At that timehehad completedhisBA inEnglish literature and

wasstudyingforcompetitiveexaminationsforthepublicandrailwaysector.56

Duringmy third stay in 2013 he had begunworking in a government job in

Gwalior,butwasvisitingEastSinghbhumforalmost fourweeks forhiswed-

ding and related rituals. At first I sometimes carried out interviews together

55IntotalIrecorded161audiofilesandvideosofsongsandinterviews.Itranslated73ofthese

recordings into English and transcribed 51 of these translations. The songs include hunting

songs/stories (singraiseren), songs sung during the flower and harvest festival (baha/sohraeseren),songssungduringthetransplantingofriceseedlings(rohoyseren)andsongssungbythewomen during a part of the wedding ritual (balakuri seren). Some transcriptions of huntingsongsareincludedinchapterfour.Theotherthreementionedtypesofsongsequallyplayarole

inchapterfour,butnotranscriptionsareincluded.56Candidates for public jobs in the banking, railway and government sector are recruited

through so-called competitive exams. There is usually a minimum qualification such as

completion of 10thgrade, BA or MA required for the taking of such an exam. Because of the

Indian government’s affirmative action policies, there are no examination fees or public

transportation costs to the exams formembers belonging to a Scheduled Tribe or Scheduled

Caste.ManyeducatedyoungSantalIknewtooktuitionclassestopreparefortheseexams.They

often studied for these exams for years and travelled to various Indian cities toparticipate in

theseexamsbeforetheyqualifiedandwereassignedamuch-desiredpublicsectorjob.


63

withPitamber–hewouldtranslatemyquestionsintoSantali–andweconsec-

utivelytranslatedtheserecordingsintoEnglish.Laterduringmyfieldwork,he

helpedmeunderstandthosepartsoftherecordings,whichIhadtroublewith

orexplainedunknownculturalconceptstome.Ourworktogetherwasunfor-

tunatelyalwayssporadic,asheneverlivedinthesamevillagewithmeandhad

manyothersocial(andlaterprofessional)obligations.Butthefactthathewas

not always available also forced me to learn Santali, because no one else

around me spoke English, and my Santali soon surpassed my rudimentary

Hindi.AfteraboutsixmonthsIcouldcarryoutinterviewsandconversationsin

Santali and understand almost everything people said. Besides his English

skills,Pitamber’sinterestinhisownculturewasagreatassettoourworkto-

gether.HeneverseemedboredofthematerialandunderstoodwellwhatIwas

seekingtostudy.SometimesIrealizedthathesawhimselfasmyteacher,ashe

quizzed me on words and concepts we had discussed previously and repri-

mandedme,ifIfailedtorememberthem.

AlthoughIattemptedtoworkwithPitamberfull-timeandpayhimforhis

work,herefused thisarrangement. In fact,hebecameveryupsetwhenever I

brought up the issue of paying him for his work. Giving him money, as he

phrasedit,was“buyinghisknowledge”.Asawayoutofthisdilemma,Ifound

outthathedidacceptmoneyindirectly,whenIhidanenvelopeinhisbagand

toldhimaboutitoncehehadalreadyleft.Similartobothofmyhostfamilies,

heneversawourrelationshipasaprofessionalone,andforourkinshiprela-

tion (he usually avoided my name or addressed me as dai, “elder sister”) amoneytransactionwasinappropriatefromhisperspective.

OnceIhadmovedintomysecondhostfamilyinDamudih,myhilihelpedmecomprehendmyrecordingswheneverPitamberwasnotavailable.Asshe

spokenoEnglish,sheusuallyparaphrasedthosepartsIhaddifficultiesunder-

standing in Santali. Her ability to speak with whatever Santali vocabulary I

knewandfindexamplessothatIcouldlearnnewwordsandconceptswasre-

markable.

Insum,throughoutmyfieldworkmymethodologyalwaysincludedinter-

views,conversationsandparticipantobservation.WithtimeIfoundoutabout

relevantritualsandtriedtogather informationabouttheir locationanddate.

Most people I knew possessed cell phones, so that I could also be informed

abouteventsinthosevillageswhereIwasnotpresent.DuringritualsInoted

downeverydetail I couldobserve inmynotebookandmostof the timealso

tookpicturesorvideos,whichlaterhelpedtocomplementmynotes.


64

1.4.4.IntegrationEver since Malinowski established participant observation as the central

methodof anthropology, the integrationof theethnographer into the society

she or he studies has been discussed as an important component of the re-

search process itself. Similar to other ethnographers’ experiences (cf. for ex-

ampleBerger2015a,531ff)myown integration intoSantal societyoscillated

betweendifferentdegrees thereof,dependingon thesituationandpeople in-

volved.IntegrationwasnotonlymydesireasIsoughttobeaccepted,butalso

myhosts’,astheytriedtocometotermswiththisstrangerwhohadarrivedin

theirmidst.

Oneof the initial andenduring indicatorsofmy integrationwas the fact

thatpeopleusedSantalikinshiptermstoaddressme.Theparentsinmyfirst

Santalhostfamilyinitiallyaddressedmeasmai(younggirl)andafterawhileasbeti(daughter).57Mai is a general term to address a girl junior to oneself,and is clearly not as endearing as beti. I was regularly addressed asmai bypeoplewhoseemedtoknowme,as IwalkedthroughotherSantalvillagesof

thearea.Atfirst,someelderwomenofSarjomburu,alsocalledmedikumai58,whichtomeatthetimeclearlyindicatedtheambivalenceofmystatus.

Outside of the context of kinship, other factors, such as my status as a

married woman, participating in collective eating and drinking and my lan-

guageskillsinfluencedmyintegration.AllmarriedSantalwomenwearspecial

typesofbangles:theSantalsignforamarriedwomanisanironbangle(merhetsakom) worn on the left wrist, butmost of thesewomen alsowear a red, agoldenandawhitebangleoneacharm.59ThisisoriginallytheBengaliwayof

indicatingmaritalstatus, todaypracticed inmanyruralandsomeurbancon-

texts.AlthoughIcouldnevercompletelygetridofmyfeminist inclinationsin

thatitbotheredmegreatlythatonlywomenwearsignsofbeingmarried,Ide-

cidedtowearallofthesebangles.Theeffectwasastonishing.WhereverIap-

peared,peoplewould immediately see that Iwasmarried, andaskaboutmy

57BecauseIhadfirststayedwiththehostfamilyinSarjomburu,Iwasgenerallyperceivedasthe

daughterofthishouse.Thisbroughtwithitawholerangeofotherkin,whomIwastoaddress

withthekinshiptermthatbeingthedaughterofthisfamilyimplicated.OnlyPitamber’sfamily

didnotassociatemewithmySarjomburufamilyandclassifiedmeastheirowndaughter.58Asmentionedinthebeginningofthis introduction,diku isthetermusedbymanyadivasi inCentralIndiatorefertohighercasteHindusor,inthepast,theBritish.Historically,dikuswerethosewhoexploitedadivasiandingeneralarenottobetrusted.59The white bangle is made from a white conch shell, in Bengali/Sanskrit called shankha.Becausethisisquiteexpensivemanywomenwearaplasticreplacement.


65

husband and if we had children. Although my married status created much

confusion, the biggest issue being that Imoved around so freelywithoutmy

husband, it offered a connecting point betweenme and people Imet for the

firsttime.Myhusbandvisitedtwiceforatotalofthreemonths,butforthema-

jorityofmyfieldworkmybangleswerethemostvisibleproofofhisexistence.

Frommy perspective,wearing bangleswas a huge step towards integration,

but I was repeatedly confronted with demands to appear even more like a

marriedwomanbyputtingvermilliononmyhairpartingandwearingasaree.

WhenIoccasionallydidso,peoplewereextremelypleased.

Another contributing factor tomy integrationwas the fact that I ate the

foodtheSantalofferedme.Commensalityisoneofthemainindicatorsofsocial

belonginginIndia,sothatmyparticipationcarriedthemessagethatIdidnot

seemyselfassuperiorinstatustotheSantal.High-casteHindus,forexample,

would not accept food from the Santal. Although the Santal occasionally did

offer food or drinks tomembers of local artisan castes, they never did so to

Hinduswhocamefromthecities.ButitwasnotonlythatIatewiththeSantal,butalsowhat Iate.People’s initialassumptionwas thatmy foodpreferencesmust be those of high-caste Hindus. To their great surprise, however, I also

admitted to eating beef and pork inmy home country, and locally ate other

kindsofSantalspecialtiessuchasredantchutney(mucarak)andwaterrice(dakmari). Another factor contributing to my integration was that I joinedpeopleindrinkingricebeerduringsocialevents.Ricebeerisasacredaswell

as a highly social drink in Santal society, andmyparticipation seemed to be

interpretedintermsofmyacceptanceofSantalsociality.

Thethirdrelevantcontributiontomyintegrationwasmyincreasingabil-

ity to communicate in Santali, whichwas especially the case during the last

stageofmyfieldwork.Once,IwenttoahuntingritualtogetherwithPitamber

aboutwhichwehadonlyheard.Wehadnolocalcontactsthere.Uponourarri-

valIaskedinSantali,ifwecouldseetheritualandthemanIaddressedwasso

impressedthathemadeourattendancepossible.Peopleingeneralhighlyap-

preciatedmyeffortstolearntheirlanguageandsometimescontrasteditwith

the inability ofmany others, for exampleHindu castes,who had lived in the

areaforgenerations.

ThefactthatI,inmanyways,seeminglyappeared,ateandtalkedlikeany-

oneelseledtosomeastonishingsituations.Theseindicatedtomethatmyin-

tegrationhadcomealongway.Inthelaststagesofmyfieldworkithappened

several timesthatduringweddingsofapersonwithwhomImaintained“fic-


66

tive” kinship relations, elderlypeoplewould askme: “Howarewe related to

eachother?”(Alangdocelesegeykanalang?).AtfirstIassumedthattheywerejoking, but they were seriously trying to locate me in their network of kin.

Hence,especiallyintheintimatecontextofkinship,Iseemedtohavereacheda

deeperlevelofintegration.

Therefore,insomewaysthereclearlywasaprogressiontowardsincreas-

ingintegrationinthecourseofmyfieldwork,buttherewerealwaysoccasions

whichmademeacutelyawareofmydifference.Iregularlyfeltexhaustedfrom

thedensityofsociallifeandneededtimetowithdraw,beitinmyownroomor

on short trips to Ranchi or Kolkata. My hosts, however, never sought to be

alonebutenjoyedlifemostinlargegroups.Allother,evenphysicalneedslike

sleepandhunger,weresecondarytothedemandtosocialize.Onseveralocca-

sionsmybehaviormusthavebeenextremely rude, as Ididnotalways come

out ofmy room to greet every guest that appeared at our doorstep or left a

largesocialgatheringjustbecauseIwastired.Theintensityoftheirsociallife

was surely the strongest, but nevertheless only one among many points in

whichIfeltestrangedfrommyhosts.Therewasfurthermydifficultyto“effec-

tively” followmy research interests in light of people’s unreliability and the

littleimportancetheyplacedonappointments.Anotherissuewaspeople’sdif-

ferent conceptsof illness,which Iexperiencedasparticularlyemotionally in-

tenseintheeventofayoungneighbor’sdeath.

Finally,mydepartureillustratedoncemorethetensionbetweenmysocial

integration,myresearchandmycountryoforigin.Especiallythewomenand

children reacted to my nearing departure by crowding around me and not

leavingmy side.My elderlymother and otherwomen of her age spent their

afternoonnaponthegroundinfrontofmyroom,whilethechildrenwatched

and interfered inmypackingactivities.Theyoungerwomenof theneighbor-

hoodsatinthecourtyardchatting,comparingmydeparturetodeath,because,

astheyphrasedit,whoknewifwewouldseeeachotheragain?Andtheywere

right,inthatIcouldonlyvaguelyspecifywhenIwouldvisitnext.Butthepres-

surecoming fromthe fact that thiswasmy laststay in thecontextof thisre-

search project, also made me aware that my status had always been

ambivalent:Ihadbecomeattachedtomanypeople,butIwasalsoaresearcher.

Thismeant,thatontheselastdays,Iespeciallyfelttheneedtocollectlastbits

of information. So, during the last afternoon and evening, I hurriedly tran-

scribedtwosongswithhili,andwenttothevillageoncemoretomeetwithamemberofthepanchayatwhoprovidedmewithexactnumbersofthevillage


67

population. Lastly,my departure also once again revealed the gap ofwealth

andpowerbetweenourworlds,becauseIwouldbetheonedecidingwhenwe

wouldseeeachotheragain,theonedecidingwhentocall.

1.4.5GenderandAscribedSocialStatus“Ethnographic truths”, asClifford (1986,7)pointedout inhismuch-citedes-

say,“are[…]inherentlypartial”.Thissectionisintendedtoshinelightontwoaspects,whichhavecontributedtothepartialityandbiasofmyethnographic

material.Thefirstoneismygender,whichgreatlyinfluencedmyaccesstorit-

uals, thesecondone ismystatusasaEuropean.Thisreflection in itself is,of

course,partialbecausetheresurelyaremanyfactorsIamnotconsciousof.

Santal religious practice is almost exclusively amale affair. In the context of

village rituals, the ritual specialistsaremen,andwomendonotattendritual

sacrifice.Femaledancingandsingingisanessentialcomponentofsomerituals

(forexamplethespringflowerfestival),butmakingofferingstothedeities is

restrictedtomen.Womenareconsiderablymoreinvolvedinlife-cyclerituals,

suchasweddingsandfunerals,butinthesecontexts,too,theinteractionwith

theancestors is amaleactivity.Because Iwas interested inSantal ritual,my

genderwasalwaysanissue.WhenIfirstutteredmyinterestinSantalhunting

rituals,my Santal contacts inRanchiwarnedme that thiswas an impossible

research topic for a woman.60Throughout my fieldwork, however, I learned

thatthereweremorenuancestoSantalgenderrolesandmyownstatusinthis

societythanthesecommentsledmetoassume.

One reoccurring issuewas the fact that I was a youngwoman between

twenty-sevenand twenty-nineyearsold,whohad come to Indiaonherown

andwas,intheeyesofmany,inneedof(male)protection.Thepositiveaspect

of thiswas, that I was perceived as relatively harmless. Due tomy ascribed

vulnerabilityIalwayshadcompany,whichgreatlyfacilitatedmysocialintegra-

tion.Moredifficult,however,was that this initiallymeant thatusuallyoneof

myhostbrothersaccompaniedme,sothatIwasseldomfreetochoosewhereI

went.WhenIcouldnotbeartheseconstantmalechaperonesanymore,Iwent

60Whenplanningmyresearch,Iassumedthat,evenifintheworstcaseIcouldnotattendanyof

the hunting rites, I could research the female counterpart to the male ritual activities. Otten

(2002)had, forexample,described for theDesiachaitporbo, ahunting festivalofOdisha, thatthewomenpossessed a higher statuswhile themenwere away hunting. Theymade obscene

jokes,occupiedmalespacesinthevillageanddrovethemanawaywiththeremindertoreturn

withlargeprey.


68

forwalksorbicycleridesbymyself.Thesesmallexcursionsworriedmy first

host family and also led to conflicts. But with time I foundmore diplomatic

waystosolvethetensionbetweenwhattheyperceivedastheirresponsibility

to protect and my need for mobility. I, for example, joined other women in

theiractivitiesorfoundlessauthoritarian,youngermenorchildrentoaccom-

panymetotheplacesIwantedtogo.AndthemorepeopleIknewinthearea,

thefreerIbecameinmymovements.

In spite of the difficulty these experiences posed, they nevertheless re-

vealedseveralaspectsofwomen’sgenderrolesinSantalsociety.Onewasthat

theideasrelatedtogenderchangethroughoutaperson’slifecourse.61Young,

oftennewlymarriedwomenwithoutchildrenaremostconfinedtothehouse.

Because they tend to feeluncomfortable in theirnewrole in theirhusband’s

house,theyregularlyreturntotheirnativeplaceandnoonecanbesurewhen

theyreturnagain.AsIobserved,bothayoungwife’shusbandandherparents-

in-law tend to restrict hermovements outside of the house. Besides the fact

thatIwasaforeignerandthereforeinneedofcompany,itseemsthatmyfirst

hostfamilytreatedmelikeotheryoung,marriedwomen.Awife’sattachment

toherhusband’shousebecomesmoresecureonceshebearschildren,sothat

the perceived need to protect this new member of the house seems to de-

crease.Inoldagemanyrestrictionsforwomendissolve.Decencybecomesir-

relevant, so that elderly women do not worry about exposing their breasts.

Moreover,elderlywomen(andmen)inSantalsocietycarryoutextremelyhard

physicalworksuchaswalkinglongdistancesforthecollectionoffirewoodor

herdinganimals.Thiskindofworkdemandstheirmobility.

Besidesawoman’sage,herpersonalityandthestructureofherfamilyfur-

ther relativize strict gender roles. One of the reasons I felt particularly com-

fortable in my second host family, was my hili’s relative freedom to moveoutside of the house. This was related to her confidence, possibly her stub-

61Sarah Lamb’s (2000) work on gender and ageing in rural (high-caste Hindu)West Bengal

discussesexactlythispointandhashelpedmemakesenseofmyownmaterial.Herethnography

shows in much detail that women in their reproductive age are considered to be the most

vulnerableintermsofpollution.Youngwomen’sbodiesareconsideredtobemore“open”than

those ofmen as different substances – during sexual intercourse, menstruation, child-birth –

enter and leave their bodies. Lambposits that because of their close bodily involvementwith

membersoftheirhousehold,theseyoungwomencaneasilypasspollutionontoothers,whichis

why their purity is most guarded. Although there are differences between Hindu and tribal

concepts of purity, which are worth exploring elsewhere, similarities exist between Lamb’s

findingsandmySantalmaterial.Santalyoungwives,forexample,shouldnotcleantheplatesof

non-Santal,whoateintheirhouse.Olderwomenorthemenofthehousetakeonthispossibly

pollutingtask.


69

bornnessaswellasherhusband’spersonality.ForsomeotherSantalwomen

theirstructuralpositionintheirhouseholdrequiredtheirinvolvementoutside

oftheirhomes,forexampleiftheirhusbandswereillorhadpassedaway.

Besidesthefactthatmygenderinfluencedmyfreedomtomoveoutsideof

thehouseswhereIstayed,itfurther,asmentionedabove,hadanimpactonmy

accesstoSantalrituals.Ontheonehandthereclearlywereritualactivitiesin

whichIwasnotallowedtoparticipate.Oneofthemwastheeatingofsacrificial

food (sore) after a sacrifice. Other occasionswere the nightly singrai perfor-mancesduringthehuntingfestivals,whichincludeobscenesongsandstories.

Themenalwaysmadeitclearthatthesewerenotmadeforwomen’sears.But

ontheotherhand,therewereseveralinstanceswheremygenderprovedtobe

lessrestrictivethaninitiallyassumed.Althoughwomendonotattendthehunt-

ingritualsdescribedinchapterfour,Iwasallowedtoobserveseveralofthese

events.MyassistantPitamber’scompanyandthefactthatIhadexplainedmy

interest to the respective ritual specialist in each case facilitatedmy access.

Duringtheritual theparticipantsclearly instructedmewhereIwastostand,

andwhichritualspacewasofflimitstome.Inaddition,regardingmyaccessto

malerituals,mygenderseemednottobetheonlydecidingfactor.Inthecon-

textofonehuntingritual thedeshparganagavemeandmyhusbandpermis-siontoattend,butdeniedittooneofmyfemaleSantalfriendswhowasequally

interested inattending.Myresearch interests,myforeignoriginandmywill-

ingnesstospeakSantali,forexample,musthavebeenmoreimportantcompo-

nentsofmyidentitythanmygenderinthiscontext.Inconclusion,throughout

my fieldworkmygender clearly influencedmy research results in that it im-

posedrestrictionsintermsofmobilityoraccess.Mygender-relatedexperienc-

es, however, also generated knowledge in previously unexpected ways and

revealedseveralnuancesofgenderinSantalsociety.

Thesecondaspectofmyself in the fieldworksituationworthyof reflec-

tion is the social status ascribed tomeas aEuropean.Although I always felt

uncomfortablewiththerelativelyhighstatusthisaffordedme,itfacilitatedmy

research in someways. The Santals’mostly positive reaction tomy research

interestsaswellasmyintegrationattemptsmustbeseeninthecontextoflo-

calstatushierarchies,inwhichtheSantalinsomeregardsoccupyalowerposi-

tion.EspeciallythoseSantalwhoregularlyinteractwithhigh-casteHindusare

generally awareof this inferiorposition.Theywereproud that someone like

me,someoneofhighstatus in theireyes,waswilling to livewith them, learn

theirlanguageandbeinterestedintheirculture.Further,inthecontextofSan-


70

talculturalpoliticsdescribedinchapter five,myresearchwaswelcomedand

connectedtothehopetomaketheSantalcauseknowntoawiderpubliconan

internationallevel.Thesepositiveeffectsofmyhighsocialstatusdecreasedin

Santalcircles,whereformaleducation,interactionwithoutsidersandcultural

politics played a marginal role. This was often the case in villages far away

fromtowns,wherepeopleinitially“feltshy/ashamed”(lajao)62aboutinteract-ingwithmeandwereconcernedabouthowtofeedoraccommodateme.Iwas

able to overcome some of these restrictions related to my social status by

speakingthelanguageandshowingmyabilitytoliveundersimpleconditions.

Otherrestrictions,however,remained.ManySantal,forexample,assumed

thatIwasincapableofphysicalexercise,whichinruralIndiaisassociatedwith

poverty.WheneverIwalkedlongerdistances,peoplereactedwithamusement.

My host brothers, who went everywhere by motorbike, felt slightly embar-

rassed that I sometimes chose towalk instead of ridewith them.Theymust

haveconsidereditinappropriateforsomeoneofmystatustowalk.Becauseof

this picture that people maintained of me, I was, for example, never taken

alongtothesurelystrenuoustripssomewomenundertooktocollectfirewood.

Certainpartsoftheforestwerefurtherinaccessibletomeforanotherreason:

the forestedhills aroundGhatsila serve as a hiding place forNaxalite rebels.

Theyarelocallyknowntoregularlydemandfoodandmoneyfromthevillages

closetotheforest.Myhoststhereforeadvisedmenottogototheseareasas,in

their opinion, theNaxaliteswould surely demandmoney from someone like

me.Myascribed social statuswas therefore another factor,which influenced

myaccesstocertaindomainsofSantallife.Somemale,orforest-relatedactivi-

ties that were not accessible to me through participant observation, I could

consequently only explore in conversations with people. In turn, other do-

mains,suchasSantalpoliticalactivismwereparticularlyaccessiblebecauseof

myhighsocialstatus.

This section dedicated tomethodology has addressed several subjective

processeswhichhavecontributedtotheethnographicresultspresentedinthis

work. After my second, eight-month-stay in Jharkhand and upon working

throughmyethnographicmaterial,placeappearedasacentralthemetomany

62The Santal concept of lajao, which could vaguely be translated as “shame”, “shyness” or“insecurity”, comprises a broad range of feelings in an equally broad amount of contexts. In

general, it seemed to me that people spoke of feeling lajao whenever they were in a socialencounterthattheyhadnotmuchexperiencewith.People,forexample,feltlajaowhentheyfirstmettheirnewin-lawsinthecontextofmarriagerituals,orwhentheyfirstmetme.


71

oftheritualsIhadstudied.Thefollowingchapterthereforeaddressesthethe-

oretical angle fromwhich I analyzemy ethnographicmaterial. This includes,

myfocusonnotionsofplaceandplace-makingaswellasmyviewofritualas

bothrepresentingandcreatingnotionsofplace.

1.5OutlineofChaptersAfter having outlined the social and regional context of the Santal and my

methodologyinthisintroductionandconsecutivelyaddressingmytheoretical

foundationinthesecondchapter,eachsubsequentchapterdealswiththespe-

cificSantalnotionsofplaceinthesenseofland,environmentandregion.

Chapterthreerevolvesaroundthecorethemeofrelatednessandhowits

performanceislinkedtodifferentnotionsofplace.Affinityandagnationasthe

structuringprinciplesof Santal society are created through the ritual actions

portrayed in this chapter. These actions give meaning to different places in

whichtheyareperformed.Thefirstpartofthechapterportraysalargesacrifi-

cialritualcalledjomsimbonga.Ittakesplaceinthefieldbelongingtotheeld-est, “most senior” person of a specific social unit of brothers, the local line

(gusti).Thislandandthevillagenearbyareunderstoodastheplace,wheretheancestorsfirstsettled(mulgadi).Theritualarticulatesandcommemoratestherootednessofthelocallineintheirland.Variousaestheticforms,suchasritual

symbols, the effervescence of a bloody sacrifice and spatial divisions, shape

participants’perceptionsofthisplaceandtheirrelatednesstoeachother.The

second part of the chapter discusses the transformations in relatedness

broughtaboutbySantalweddingrituals.Theambiguousrelationshipofaffini-

ty is converted into themore secure one of in-laws through ritual greetings,

mutual feeding,andsacrifice.Spatialmovementsplayasignificantrole inthe

differentpartsof thewedding rites, as theymove thenew in-laws intomore

andmoreintimatespacesofthegroom’shouse.

Chapter fourdiscussesSantalnotionsof theenvironmentwith regard to

theforestandthecultivatedricefields.ThemostcharacteristicfeatureofSan-

tal perceptions of the environment is the idea of a sacred landscape as an

abodeofdifferentdeities.Onceayearaspecificnumberofvillagesofferssacri-

ficestothehuntinggod,askingforprotectionfromwildanimalsandforrain.

Thedangeroftheforestfindsexpressionintheveiledlanguageoftheserituals

aswellasinthesongsandstoriesperformedduringthehuntingfestival.One


72

monthlaterotherregionalunitsuniteinjointsacrificestothelocalmountain

gods(burubonga).Theseritualsareofficiatedbyothercommunitieslivingto-getherwiththeSantalinthesamearea.Bothhuntingandmountainritesgen-

erate notions of place, which comprise deities, people and landscape. The

holisticcharacteristicsofplaceareparticularlystronginthiscontext.Another

part of this chapter portrays different rituals pertaining to the cultivation of

ricefields.Theseareassociatedwiththepatriline.Thespatialproximityofrice

seedsandancestorsisoneindicatorofthisassociation.Viewedasawholethe

totalityofritualsdiscussedinthischapterarticulatesthestarkdistinction,but

simultaneous interrelation of forest and fields. The timing of hunting and

mountainritesmakesthisespeciallyclear:theirexplicitgoalistoaskthedei-

tiesforraininordertofloodthefieldsandnourishtheyoungriceseedlings.

In chapter five Santal notions of placeprove tobemost open to thedy-

namics of modernity. The concept of region (disom) emerges from the newversionsofSantalflowerfestivalsdiscussedinthischapter.Inthelastdecades

wealthyandpoliticallypowerfulSantalmenhavebuiltregionalsacredgroves,

as theplaceswhere these festivalsareheld today.These festivalsdiffer from

thevillageflowerfestivalsinsignificantwaysanditismyargumentthatthey

arecloselyrelatedtoSantal identityarticulation. Irelatethischange inritual

practicetothehistoricaleventsofindustrialization,therecognitionpoliticsof

the Indiangovernmentand the Jharkhandmovement.Through such symbols

as dance, newly built sacred groves and statues of Santal heroes placed

throughout the area, the Santal claim the region as their place of belonging.

Thesecondpartof this chapter introduces theSantal religious reformmove-

mentsarnadhorom.Membersof thismovementareactive inpropagatingtheallegedlycorrectpracticeofSantalrituals.Theyarealsofrequentlyinvolvedin

placing political demands before the Indian government, requesting among

other things the recognition of their “religion of the sacred grove” (sarnadhorom). Their claims gain legitimacy through their strategic connection towiderdiscoursesofenvironmentalismandindigeneity.Thelocalritualsofthis

movement create a network of places and form the notion of a region. The

movement’spoliticalactivities,however,expandwellbeyondthislocalityand

showthattheSantalarealsomakingplaceonanationalandgloballevel.

Chapter2⎜TheoreticalApproach

73

2.TheoreticalApproach2.1Place2.1.1AnalyticalAnglesonPlace:NotionsofPlaceandPracticesof

Place-MakingInmyworkIapproachthestudyofplacefromtwointerrelatedangles.Fore-

mostIaminterestedinSantalnotionsofplace.AsMassey(2002,294)states,

place is nothing neutral, with “essential characteristics, which somehow

grow[s] out of the soil”. Instead, people attributemeaning to theplaces they

livein.Theforest,themountainsandthericefields,forexample,carrycultur-

allyspecificmeaningfortheSantal.Hence,Ifocusonhowplaceisrepresented.

Onechapterofthisworkdealswithpeople’sideasoflandandtherootstheir

socialgrouphas inthis land. Inthiscontextthe linkbetweensocialstructure

andlandemergesasanimportantelement.InanotherchapterIdiscussSantal

perceptionsof the forestedmountainsand therice fields, the latter receiving

fertilityfromtheuntamed,dangeroussphereoftheforest.Thelastchapterex-

ploresnotionsofregionandhowtheregionisbeingclaimedinapoliticalcon-

text.

Taking inspirationfromWagner’s(2013)analysisofGaddiwaysofmak-

ingplace in the IndianHimalaya, Iconnect theseSantalnotionsofplacewith

anexplicitfocusonpractice.Accordingly,Icomplementthesenotionswiththe

practiceofhowtheycomeintobeing.Thisleans,inpart,onaphenomenologi-

calapproachtoplaceandtheconceptofaplace-worldas“aworldthatisnot

onlyperceivedorconceivedbutalsoactivelylivedandreceptivelyexperienced”(Casey2001,687,mentioned inWagner2013,5). Inotherwords,notionsof

placedonotmerelyexist,butarecreatedandmaintainedbypeople through

theiractivities.Thisviewisreflectedintheterm“makingplace”.

The emphasis on practice,which I pursue in thiswork, also arose from

methodologicalconsiderationsrelatedtomyethnographicfieldwork.Myover-

all approach to studying Santal ritual practice was fed by the following as-

sumption:Bychoosinganobservableobjectofstudy,anactivitysetapartfrom

themundanenessoftheeveryday,ritualswouldofferafruitfulpointofaccess

to cultural ideas. In thiswork I have focusedonnotionsofplace as a frame-

work for several other, related ideas emerging from ritual practice. The as-

sumption that rituals influence perception and create cultural ideas is


74

especially present in a body of literature studying rituals as performance,

whichIwilllaterdiscussinmoredetail.

At this point a short clarificationofmyuseof the terms “notion”, “idea”

and“concept”isnecessary.Iusetheterm“notion”inthisworkintheMerriamWebster’s Online Dictionary’sdefinition as “conception of something known,experienced or imagined” and an “inclusive general concept”.63In some con-

textsIusetheterm“idea”asasynonymfor“notion”.TheOxfordThesaurusofEnglish (Waite2009, 434)presents a closerdiscussionof thedifferencesbe-tweennotion,ideaandconcept.Itstatesthat“idea”hasthewidestrangeofall

three,whereasa “concept” ismore fullyandconsciouslyworkedout thanan

idea.A “notion” is “generally vaguer andmore tentativelyheld thanan idea”

(434).Thisvagueness implicit in the term“notion”comesclose tomyethno-

graphicfindingsonthetopicofplaceamongtheSantal.Santalnotionsofplace,

such as “place of origin” (mulgadi) or “region” (torop,disom) are clearly notformallyworkedoutconcepts.Mydiscussionofandpresentedunderstanding

of the termshas emerged fromobservationsof ritual practice and later con-

versationswithpeopleabout themes inherentand related to thesepractices.

Although there was incongruence in people’s explanations, there were also

shared understandings.While attempting to not gloss over negotiations and

differingunderstandings,mywork iscentrallyconcernedwithcollective,cul-

turallyspecificnotionsofplace.SomeaspectsofthesenotionsIinferredfrom

context,whichmeansthatpeoplewerenotnecessarilyconsciousofthem.

Aftergivingashortbackgroundonthespatialturninthesocialsciencesin

thefollowing,theremainderofthissectiondiscussesthedifferentcomponents

ofthestudyofplace,whichfeatureprominentlyinmywork.First,Idiscussthe

relationshipbetweenreligionandspace/place.Second,Ihighlightmygeneral

understandingofplaceasconnectedtootherplacesthroughrelationshipsand

hencethefactthatplaceshaveporousboundaries.Third,Idiscusstheconnec-

tionsbetweenglobalizationandclaimstoplacebroughtforthbytheSantaland

otherindigenouspeoplesworldwide.Fourth,Idiscusshowthedichotomybe-

tweennatureandsocietyhasbeenregardedasproblematicbothinanthropol-

ogyandreligiousstudies,sothatfifth,afocusonculturalpractice,arisingout

ofphenomenologicalapproachestoplace,provesmostsuitableformystudyof

Santalnotionsofplace.

63Definitionavailableathttp://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/notion



75

2.1.2TheSpatialTurnintheSocialSciencesThroughout the history of Western philosophy, from Plato to Descartes to

Leibnitz,thetopicofplacewasattributedamarginalrole.Space,seenasabso-

luteanduniversalwasgivenpreferenceovertheboundednessofplace(Esco-

bar 2001, 142f). Only within the phenomenology of Heidegger (1975) and

Merleau-Ponty(1962)hasplacecometoreceivemoreattention.Thephiloso-

pher Edward Casey (1996), working in this phenomenological tradition, de-

mands heightened attention to the topic of place, especially in the social

sciences.Forhimplacecomesbeforespace inhumanexperience.Arepeople

not inevitablyboundup inplaces,doestheirembodiedperceptionnotcreate

reality inthefirstplace,heasks.“Tolive”,hewrites,“isto live locally,andto

knowisfirstofalltoknowtheplacesoneisin”(Casey1996,18).

Onlysinceroughlythe1990shashisdemandpartiallybeenfulfilledbya

spatialturninthesocialsciencesandhumanities,whichgivesdueattentionto

the primacy of embodied action in places (Casey 1996, 20;Warf 2009). This

spatial turn can be linked to the growing importance of globalization,which

has drawn attention to the movements of people and information through

space (Appadurai 1996).On the one hand, place and locality, as for example

Dirlik(1999,168)deplores,havebeenattributedmarginalstatusin“theageof

GlobalCapitalism”andinthecontextofthe“modernizingnationstate”.While

on the other hand, globalization has also provided a platform for claims to

place,astheglobalindigenousmovementshows(Castree2004;Escobar2001).

Although the local is still too often radically opposed to the global, as Dirlik

(1999,151)criticizes,manycasesinfactshowthatbothareintertwined.Ap-

padurai(1996,178ff)emphasizesboththelocalandtheglobal“productionof

locality”inthisregard.Othershavepointedoutthatmodernphenomena,often

broughtbyglobalization,areputtolocalendsinvariousways,aphenomenon

Sahlins (1999) has called the “indigenization of modernity”. That being the

case,amereoppositionoflocalandglobalhencedoesnotreflecttherealities

onthegroundinthecontemporaryworld.

Although one part of my work deals with globalization and the related

claiming of place, it further takes inspiration from detailed anthropological

writingsonhowplace ismadeandperceived invarioussocietiesaround the

world.Since the1990sseveralethnographicaccountshaveprovided insights

into Australian Aborigines’ conceptualizations of person and place (Myers

1991)ortherelationbetweensocialidentityandspatialpracticeintheIndian


76

Himalaya(Wagner2013).Twoeditedvolumesfurthergaveaccountsof“sens-

esofplace” inNativeNorthAmerican societies andPapuaNewGuinea (Feld

andBasso1996)aswellasculturalperceptionsofthelandscapecoveringsuch

diverse places as Amazonia, Madagascar, Israel and Mongolia (Hirsch and

O’Hanlon2003).Most importantly theseworkscommunicate, that, inspiteof

the“globalizationcrazeofrecentyears”(Escobar2001,141),placecontinues

tomatterinculture-specificways.Inthefollowing,Ibringupthecornerstones

in thediscussiononplace,whicharerelevant formyanalysisofunderstand-

ingsofplaceamongtheSantal.

2.1.3TheSpatialityofReligionTheabove-mentionedspatialturnhasmadeitsimpactfeltnotonlyinanthro-

pology,butalsointhefieldofreligiousstudies.AsKnott(2010,29)notes,be-

forethe1990stheinterestinreligionandplacewasoftenlimitedtothetopic

ofsacredspace,exemplified in theworksofSmith(1978),Eliade(1959)and

VanderLeuuw(1933).Afterthe1990s,arenewedinterestinthestudyofreli-

gion,spaceandplacehasarisenacrossdisciplinaryboundaries.Inthiscontext

the contributions of two authors are particularly apposite as they resonate

withandposeimportantquestionstomymaterial.AmongtheseisKimKnott’s

(2013)spatialmethodologyforthestudyofreligion,whichaddressestheho-

lism of place, one of the most important characteristics of notions of place

among the Santal. Second, there is Hervieu-Léger’s (2002) discussion of the

changedrelationshipbetweenreligionandspaceinmodernity,whichhaspre-

sentedanimportantperspectiveontherelationstoplacemaintainedbyaSan-

talreligiousreformmovementdiscussedinchapterfive.

Unlikemanyworks inthe fieldof thegeographyofreligion(foranover-

viewcf.Kong2010),Knott’sworkonspaceandreligionexploresvariousas-

pects of space and aims explicitly at theorizing it. Initially her work was

groundedinaninteresttostudyreligionfromalocalperspective,forexample

in thecontextof theCommunityReligionsProject in thecityofLeeds (Knott

1998).Theparticularitiesof locality, sheemphasized, “invitednewquestions

(...) to thoseassociatedwiththeWorldReligionsperspective”(2009,159). In

laterarticles(Knott2008,2009,2010)andespeciallyinherbookTheLocationofReligion(2013,59ff)shethendevelopsaspatialmethodologytostudyreli-


77

gion, inwhichsheviewsspace64bothasamediumtostudyreligionandasa

methodthatprovidesanalyticaltools.

Besidesthefactthatmyworkstudiesreligioninaparticularcontext,the

Santalone,herdiscussionofspaceresonateswithmyworkinthatitaddresses

oneofthemaincharacteristicsofSantalnotionsofplace.Irefertothisasthe

“holismofplace”,whereasKnott(2008,1109;2009,156)speaksof the“pro-

pensity to gather”. Leaning on Lefebvre (1991) Knott specifies that spaces

gather “physical, social and mental dimensions” (2013, 35-58), but she also

points to different “properties” of space such as the time flowing through it

(diachronic),therelationshipsthatconstitutespace(synchronic)andthehier-

archiesofpowercontainedwithin.InKnott’sopinion,the“propensitytogath-

er” is the reason why the spatial methodology she develops opens up new

perspectives in the study of religion. Religion can then be studied in context

and in itsplace “vis-à-visother social, cultural, economicandpolitical forces,

relationshipsandphenomena”(2009,156).65

Knott’sworkis furtherrelevant formyanalysis,becauseitbringsupthe

problemofthedefinitionofreligion.Inherview,takingplaceasamediumto

studyreligionisa(partial)solutiontothisprobleminthatitavoidsapriordef-

initionofreligion.Shefindsthisdefinitionparticularlyproblematicbecauseof

the pitfalls of defining religion as opposed to “the secular” (2013, 59-93).66

While thisdistinction ishighlyspecific toWesternmodernity, I shareKnott’s

widermethodological concernofdefining religionprior toempirically study-

ingit.ForthedesignofmyresearchIhavechosentofocusonritual,asaprac-

tice-basedcomponentof“religion”.MyapproachdiffersfromKnott’s inthatI

takeritualasamediumtostudyplace,whereasKnotttakesspaceasamedium

tostudyreligion.Theresultofouranalysesis,however,notaltogetherdiffer-

entinthatweendupwithvariousdomainsoflife(amongthem“religion”)that

arerelatedtoeachotherandcontainedinplace.

WhileKnottwashenceconcernedwithdimensionsofspaceandthestudy

ofreligionthroughspace,whichwillbefleshedoutinmyworkwithmaterial

fromaparticularculturalcontext,Hervieu-Léger(2002)addsanotherperspec-

64InherworkKnottmostlypreferstheterm“space”to“place”.Shediscussestheparticularity

associated with the term “place” without explicitely spelling out the reasons for her use of

“space”instead(cf.Knott2013,29-34).65KnotttakesherinterestinrelationshipsfromDoreenMassey’s(1993a,b,1994)work,partof

whichIdiscussinthenextsection.66Instead sheprefers to think about the religious and the secular as located in one relational

field,or,leaningonJantzen(1998,8),astwosidesofacoin(Knott2013,77).


78

tive. She considers the relationships between religion, space and (religious)

community–moreprecisely thechanges thataccompany these relationships

inthecontextofmodernity.Forthesakeofherargumentshemakesuseofthe

two ideal-types of “church-type religious spatiality” (101), characterized by

closelinksbetweenreligiouscommunityandterritoryand“sect-typereligious

spatiality”(102),inwhichvoluntarygroupsofindividualssharethesamefaith

butdonotmaintainacloserelationshipwithterritoryanymore.Atfirstsight

thisschemeseemsrathersimplistic,but theauthorthenasserts that theten-

sions between “territorialization” and “deterritorialization” come in different

configurationsinreligiousmodernity(103).Ascaseinpointshereferstothe

phenomenonof transnational religion.Forexample, in the caseof theOrisha

religion,Dianteill(2002)showshowitsrelationtoterritoryintheOyoempire

ofWestAfricawas first uprootedwhenbeing taken toCuba and then to the

UnitedStatesandlaterreterritorializedinthesenewplaces.Theimportanceof

spatialstrategiesandnewlinkstothespacewhereareligiouscommunityset-

tlesisequallyunderlinedbyKnibbe(2010)inherworkontransnationalNige-

rianPentecostalism.

Santalreligiouspracticeandritualcanhardlybecomparedtothetransna-

tionalmobility of Pentecostalism, but Hervieu-Léger raises important points

forthinkingaboutchangeinSantalritualand“religion”.Thisisofsignificance

especially in the context of the Santal religious reform movement (sarnamovement)discussedinchapterfive.TheintricateconnectionofSantalrituals

toparticularplacessuchastheancestralshrine,aparticularmountainasseat

ofadeityorthe“placeoforigin”ofaspecificlocalgroup,takesonadifferent

shapeinthereligiousactivitiesofthesarnamovement.

2.1.4RelationshipsthatConstitutePlaceArising out of a criticism of classical anthropological studies of homogenous

societies rooted in bounded geographical places (cf. Appadurai 1996; Gupta

andFerguson1992), contemporarywritings on the topic of place emphasize

therelationshipsthatconstituteplaces.TheculturalgeographerDoreenMas-

sey (2002, 294) has written about “place as meeting place: different stories

coming together and, to onedegree or another, becoming entangled.” In this

contextsheunderlinesthefactthatplacesaremadeupoftheirrelationswith

elsewhere.Herconceptof“meetingplace”bringsuptwopoints.


79

First,placesarenotclosedcontainers,buthaveporousboundaries(Casey

1996,42)andtheyareconstitutedby their linkages to thewiderworld.This

viewhasbynowbeenestablishedascommonplacebymanyauthorsworking

onthetopicofplace(cf.Amin2002,391;Appadurai1996,178ff;Castree2004,

134).Thisopennessofplaceshould,asMassey(1993c,144)mentions,notbe

regardedonlyasamodernphenomenon.Places,not even the seemingly “re-

mote”hillssomeSantalvillagesarelocatedin,haveneverbeenisolated.These

villageshavebeeninfluencedbythecolonialpolicyoftheBritish,whichgreatly

restricted their access to the forest. Even the fact that the Santal are living

there today, is a result of theirmigration to this very place, a topic chapter

threewilldealwithinmoredetailasitdiscussesSantalmythologyanditsrela-

tion to contemporarynotionsofplace.The linkagesofSantalplaceswith the

widerworldhave,however,intensifiedsincethecolonialperiod.Especiallythe

last chapter of this work, focusing on Santal regional politics, takes up this

point.Santalwaysofplace-making,thewaytheyclaimtheirregionforexample,

canbeconnectedtodifferenthistoricaldevelopments.Amongthemareindus-

trialization and the affirmative action programs of the Indian government,

whichhave led to the formationof aSantal eliteactively involved in cultural

politics.Theirwaysofmakingplace increasingly involveglobal ideasofwhat

constitutesan indigenous identity.Throughnetworks,whichpeoplemaintain

withthese“other”contexts,localpracticesandpoliticalclaimsarecontinually

beingreshaped.

Massey’s second point contained in her idea of “meeting places” is the

multivocality of place. In an article titledEmpoweringPlace:MultilocalityandMultivocality, Rodman (1992) underlines the importance of this view for theanthropologicaldiscussionofplace.Bothauthorsemphasizethatdifferentac-

torsareconstantlynegotiatingdifferentnotionsofoneandthesameplace.Ina

similar vein,mywork shows that there are no homogenous views on place:

Variousethnicgroupsoftheareaunderstudyviewtheirregionquitedifferent-

ly, and the same holds true for Santal from different socio-economic back-

grounds. For the young, educated Santal man working in a public bank, the

foreststandsforthe“backwardness”ofhiscommunity.Formanywomen,who

collectfirewoodfromtheforest,ortheSantalhealer(ojha),whomakesuseofmanydifferentforestplants,itconstitutesanimportantresource.InmyworkI

portraythesedifferentnotionsandnegotiationsofplaceasarticulatedbydif-

ferent actors of Santal society. At the same time, I maintain that there are

common cultural notions of place in Santal society. These emerge from the


80

multitudeofvoicesandpractices.Buttheyarealsoexpressedinritualpractice,

in people’s explanations of this practice and in stories and songs. I hope to

showthattherearespecificallySantalnotionsofplace,butthatthesearenotalwayscoherentandnotimmunetochange.Notionsandpracticesofplaceare

thusconstitutedbybothculturalstructureandindividualagency.

IntheanalysisofSantalnotionsofplaceathirdpointispivotal:Placesare

madeup of relationships,which donot only exist betweenhumans, but also

betweenpeopleanddeities.Asabodesofdeities,placescontainmeaning.The

ancestral shrine, forexample, is themost intimateplaceof thehouse.Sacred

mountainsarerespectedfortheirpowerfuldeitiesandtheforestisfearedfor

the unpredictable behavior of its gods. The relationships of ritual exchange

peoplemaintainwith thesedeities cannotbe separated from thewaypeople

relate to theseplaces themselves.Among thedifferent actionsbringing forth

andmaintainingrelationshipswithplace,Iattributeaparticularsignificanceto

rituals.Asritualsarealwaysperformedinspecificplaces,inhouses,fieldsand

theforestforexample,theyexpressandgenerateideasabouttheseplacesand

arethepriormeansofmaintainingrelationshipswiththem.

Kinrelationsbetweenpeopleplayasignificantroleinthestudyofplacein

addition to the relations between people, deities and place. Wagner (2013,

65ff) speaksof thevisitsbetweenGaddi relatives living indifferentplacesas

“actsof‘doing’kinship,asactsofmakingplace”(79).Asthesevisitsguidepeo-

ple throughthe landscape, theyperceiveandspeakofplaces in termsofkin-

ship. Insteadofusingthenameofavillage, theyspeakof“mother’sbrother’s

house”,totheextentthatpeopleandplaceformaunity.Chapterthreeofthis

workdiscussesexactlythisholismofspatialnotionswhenportrayingtheen-

tanglementofkin,theirdeityandtheirland.Theirplacesarefurtherconnected

bymarital relations,whichare ideally establishedbetweendifferent villages.

Theserelationsbetweendifferentkinandtheirplacesaremaintainedbypar-

ticipatingineachother’srituals.Kinship,asWagner(2013,79)emphasizesit

in the case of the Gaddi, is valid and key to understanding Santal notions of

place.

2.1.5Globalization,CulturalismandthePoliticsofIdentityAsmentionedabove,thespatialturninthesocialsciencescanbeattributedto

the increasing importance of globalization, which has brought the study of

place to theattentionof scholars in these fields.Whenstudyingplaceamong


81

theSantal the topicofglobalizationalsodeservesattention. It,however,pre-

sentsitselfinspecificconnectionstoothertopics,namelythoseofculturalre-

vivalinthewakeofglobalizingforcesandthepoliticsofidentity.

Inrecentyearsaviewofglobalizationasdefinedbythedeterritorializationof

culture, brought about by transnational flows (Appadurai 1996; Inda and

Rosaldo 2008, 12-15) has gained considerable ground. Escobar (2001, 141)

hascriticizedtheasymmetryinthesediscoursesofglobalization.Thefocuson

mobilityandflowsofpeople,ideasandcultureshouldnotleadtotheassump-

tion that place has become less important for everyone, but that in the con-

temporary world spaces re-emerge as “domains of alterity and resistance”

(141),asheshows in thecaseofanethno-ecologicalmovement inColumbia.

FortheSantal,too,globalizationhasservedasaninstrumenttostrengthenlo-

calclaimstoplace.IthasledtoanincreaseinSantalculturalpolitics.Thispat-

ternresonateswiththestrategiesofotherindigenouspeoplearoundtheworld.

Thesepoliticalstrategiesarerelatedtothefactthatmanyofthesegroups

articulatea close connectionbetween their social identityand theplace they

livein.Theyevokebelongingtoandorigininacertainterritory(Merlan2009,

304).WhatEscobar(2001,149)describesasstrategiesof“defensivelocaliza-

tion”fitsthispicturewell:inrecentyearsmanyindigenousgroupshavemade

useofglobal structures toassert their right toplace.Especially in the Indian

context,withitshistoryofconstitutionalminorityprotection,thesestrategies

of localization arebeingpresented in cultural terms. In a long struggle tobe

recognizedasaScheduledTribe,asectionoftheGaddipopulationofHimachal

Pradesh,forexample,hasemphasizedtheiruniquenessasapastoralist,egali-

tariancommunity incontrasttotheircasteHinduneighbors.Theyhavedone

so in order to assert their demand of being included in the schedules of the

state(Kapila2008).LiketheGaddi,manytribalgroupsinIndiaarguethatitis

theirculturethatsetsthemapartfromothers.Theircultureintheendqualifies

them for the Indian state’s recognition policies, and justifies their autonomy

over “their place” (cf. Baviskar 1995; Subba and Karlsson 2006; De Maaker

2013).

OneexampleofthisSantaltypeofculturalismtakesshapeduringthere-

gionalspring flower festival(disombaha)as Iargue inchapter five. Inrecentdecadesthisfestivalhascometobecelebratedinlargesacredgrovesespecial-

lybuilt for theoccasion.Localmedia replicate the imagesof thedancing,na-

ture-worshipping tribal, which Santal activists aim to portray during the

festival. These large rituals form part of a row of Santal activist politics, the


82

most prominent protagonist in the area of my fieldwork being the sarnamovement. This movement takes the politics of place to a national level by

regularly submitting memoranda to the Indian government where they de-

mand, among other things, protection of and financial support for Santal sa-

cred places. In their publications they also occasionally make reference to

globaldiscoursessuchasideasofindigeneityandtheenvironmentallyfriendly

practicesofindigenouspeople.Politics,“religion”,identityandplaceareclose-

ly intertwined inall theseexamples.TheSantalcaseshowsthatglobalization

takes on specific local shapes ofwhich culturalism is a constant companion.

Thissupportsthepointmadebyseveralscholars(Appadurai1996,17;Tsing

2005)thatglobalizationdoesnotnecessarilyleadtoculturalhomogeneity,but

thatthereare“multiplemodernities”(Eisenstadt2000)or,asSahlins(1999,x)

assessed, that an “indigenization of modernity” is taking place all over the

world.

2.1.6“Nature”andtheEnvironmentinAnthropologyandReligious

StudiesAnotherrelevantdimensionofplaceas Idiscuss it in thiswork is “nature”,a

termIwilllaterreplacewith“environment”.HowdotheSantalconceptualize

their environment? How do they relate to it and what distinctions do they

draw?ThesearesomeofthequestionsIaimtoanswer.IntheregionalritualsI

later discuss, some Santal actors link their society’s relationship to the envi-

ronmentexplicitly to their “religion”,whichtheycallsarnadhorom (“thereli-gionofthesacredgrove”).Althoughtheseclaimsareparticulartotheregional,

politicalandhistoricalpositionoftheSantalinIndiaandEastSinghbhum,they

invokebroader issuesdiscussedboth in the fieldof religious studiesandan-

thropology.Thesepertaintothenexusofreligion,natureandculture,andthe

problemofdefinitionespeciallywithregardtotheconceptofnature.

“Religion”andtheAllegedEnvironmentalismofIndigenousPeopleInrecentyears,oneofthecontextsinwhichtherelationshipbetweenreligion,

nature and culturehasbeendiscussed is the JournalfortheStudyofReligion,NatureandCulture.Ontheonehandsomeofthecontributors’aspirationshavebeen rather normative as theyweremainly interested in religion’s contribu-

tiontoenvironmentalsustainability.Inasimilarvein,asDietzel(2014)assess-


83

es,worksonEarthSpirituality,Gaiantheory(Lovelock1979)orDeepEcology

(Naess1993)“representnewreligiousmovementsinandofthemselves”(61).

VonStuckrad(2007)hassuggestedthat thesenormativeperspectivescanbe

regardedasscholarlydata,meaningtheythemselvescontainconstructionsof

natureworthstudying.Although thecontributionof religion to sustainability

could be an important one, this perspective is not one Iwish to take in this

work.

The mentioned environmental ethicists and parts of the environmental

movementingeneral,however,havecreatedadiscourseinwhichsomeSantal

politicalactivistshavebegunlocatingthemselves.Thispertainstotheimageof

indigenousorsmall-scalesocietiesasenvironmentallybenignandtoaninter-

est in religions that contain such oneness with nature (Taylor 2005, 1373).

Criticalvoiceshavecalledthisenvironmentalfriendlinessofindigenoussocie-

ties a “myth”,whichneeds to be dismantled by first of all differentiating be-

tweenthepracticesandtheideologyofsuchsocieties(Milton1998,87).Milton

hascautionedthatlivinginasustainablewaymustnotberelatedtoasociety’s

belief systems or ideology, but that societies can live sustainably simply be-

cause of small population numbers or low material requirements (87). An-

thropologists working on indigenous, environmentalist movements and

political activism in India (cf. Baviskar 1995, 1997; Shah 2010) have raised

similarpointsabouttheallegedenvironmentallyfriendlyculturalpracticesof

adivasi.MylaterdiscussionoftheenvironmentalclaimsmadebySantalactiv-istswillengagewiththisdebate.

TheProblemsofaNature/CultureDichotomyThequestionofhownatureistobeunderstoodandhowitisconceptualizedin

different social and historical contexts has been debated extensively in the

humanitiesandsocialsciences.Asaresult,naturehascometoberegardedas

culturallyconstructed,asneitheropposedtonorapart fromculture(cf.Ellen

1996;Haraway2008;Feldt2012;VonStuckrad2007).

Broadlyspeaking, thisperspectivehasemergedoutofdiscussionsofna-

turefromtwoangles.First,thereistheassertionthatWesternconceptsofna-

ture have always been heterogeneous and have changed throughout history.

AsLloyd(2005)hasshownforGreekantiquity,forexample,differentconcepts

ofnatureexistedfromonephilosophicaltraditiontothenext,andtheseinturn

differedfromthecommoner’sviewofnature.Regardinghistoricalchanges,in


84

theEuropeanMiddleAges,asPálsson(1996,65)writes,therewasnoradical

separationbetweennatureandsociety.Amanthoughtofhimselfasembedded

intheworld,thereforehewasnotinapositiontoperceivehimselfapartfrom

nature.Thisstandsincontrasttooneofthewidespreadviewsheldincontem-

porarytimesinWesternsocieties,namelythatnatureistobeunderstoodasa

spaceoutsideofhumanactivity,as“theother”ofsociety(Ellen1996,7).Inad-

dition,notonly throughouthistorybutequally today, thecontentof thecon-

ceptofnatureismultivalent.Latour(1993,2004),forexample,hasdiscussed

theconstructed,oftenambivalent,useofthetermnatureinmodernscience.

Theseconddirection,outofwhichadeconstructionofthenature/culture

dichotomy developed, was ethnographic studies. For many decades this di-

chotomyhadremaineda “centraldogma inanthropology” (DescolaandPáls-

son1996,2),whichprovidedasetofanalytical tools forapproaches ranging

from ecological adaptation of cultures (cf. Steward 1977) to Lévi-Strauss

(1964) structural analysis ofmyth. Ethnographic studies of societies such as

thegatherer-hunterNayakaof India (Bird-David1992)or theKubospeakers

of PapuaNewGuinea (Dwyer1996)have contributed toquestioning this di-

chotomyandtheuniversalityof theWesternconceptof “nature”,understood

asopposedtosocietyandculture.67Inboththesesocieties,theauthorsargue,

there is no domain distinct enough fromhuman society to deserve the label

“nature”, instead their world is an “integrated whole” (Milton 1998, 92) in

whichthesameprinciplesstructureinteractionsbetweenpeopleandbetween

people and, for example, the forest. For theNayaka this principle is sharing,

andtheyexpecttheforesttosharewiththemjustastheyexpectfellowNayaka

todoso(Bird-David1990,195).

AsvonStuckrad(2007,41)rightlysuggested,thetaskofdefining“nature”

shouldnotbeourmainconcernasscholars.Instead,hepointsout,thecultural

processesthatproducevariousconceptsofnatureorthehistoricalcontextin-

volved insuchproductionsprove tobemuchmore insightful topicsofstudy.

However, researching these processes outside of Western societies necessi-

67These anthropological demands for questioning the universality of the concept of nature

neglectthepluralisticunderstandingsofthetermevenintheWesterncontext.AsMilton(1998,

93f)writes,insteadtheyseemtofocusonlyononedefinitionofnatureasopposedtosociety,as

a place where humans do not belong. Ellen (1996, 3-10, mentioned in Milton 1998, 94) has

introduced three general concepts and uses of the term nature, which are simultaneously

presentinWesternsocietyand,forexample,ingatherer-huntersocieties.Theseincludefirst,the

“thinginessofnature”(4),natureasacategoryforthings(whichmightincludehumans),second

the“othernessofnature”(7),aspacewhichisnothuman,andthird“natureasessence”,suchas

containedintheconceptof“humannature”.


85

tatesasomewhatpre-conceivedideaofwhatoneisinterestedinstudying.Ra-

ther than looking for some kind of equivalent to “nature” in the Santal

worldview,Imakeuseoftheterm“environment”inIngold’s(1993,31)under-

standingof“thatwhichsurrounds”.68Differentfromthecomplexculturalbag-

gage the term “nature” carries, the term environment makes no other

distinction than the one between the surroundings and that, which is sur-

rounded.69

My analysis of how the Santal conceptualize their environment takes its

starting point in the distinctions of different spheres and entities,which the

Santalmakeintheirenvironment.Itwasthesedistinctions,mostprominently

theonebetweenforestandfieldsthatbroughtmetothetopicoftheenviron-

mentinthefirstplace.ThealteritytheSantalassociatewiththeforestandthe

perceived lack of control of this domain is reminiscent of associationsmade

withwilderness(Feldt2012,6;Schjødt2012,183)andreturnsustotheques-

tionastowhethertheSantal indeedmightdistinguishbetweensocietyanda

partoftheirenvironment,a“nature”,wherehumansdonotbelong.

This leads to thequestionofwhatkindof relationships theSantalmain-

tainwiththeforestandthefields.FromaSantalperspective,theenvironment

is inhabitedbydifferententitiessuchasdeitiesandother localcommunities,

whointurnareoftenassociatedwiththesphereofforestorfields.Inlinewith

theabove-presentedviewofplacesasconsistingofrelationships,itisthecon-

nections between the different entities and spheres, established and main-

tainedinritual,thatprovetobemorecrucialthantheiropposition.

2.1.7StudyingPlaceinPractice:PhenomenologicalApproachesto

PlaceOneconsequenceofthepreviouslydiscussedneedtoviewnatureandculture

as interconnected, is the focus on the continual engagement of humanswith

68In addition, there exists another, more global, connotation of the term “environment”,

referringtotheearthasawhole.This istheconnotationitcarriesmostlyinthecontextofthe

environmentalistmovement (Milton1998, 88).Myusageonly refers to the environment on a

locallevel,namelytheimmediatesurroundingsoftheSantal.69WhileRappaport(1967,22),whohelpedtoestablishthefieldofculturalecology,alreadythen

usedtheterm“environment”,hestillattributedoppositionsto it.Hespeaksofan“operational

environment” (ibid.), a material one; and a “cognized environment” (ibid.), a culturally

constructedone,andsoignoresthatthisdifferentiationitselfisproblematic.


86

theirenvironment.Thishas implications for thestudyofplace,because itre-

mindsusthatnotionsofplacearelinkedtoprocessesofhumanperception.

The argument that people’s bodily and perceptual engagements in the

worldbothgenerateandare influencedbyculturalrepresentationshasespe-

ciallybeenbroughtforthbyIngold(1996,2000).70Asmentioned,inhisstudy

oftheenvironment,Ingold’s(2000)mainobjectiveistoovercomethedualism

inherent inmanycognitivistaccountsofperception,whichassumethat there

is a reality “out there”, onemight call this “nature”,which is only to be per-

ceivedbyhumansthroughthemediumofculturalrepresentations.According

to him such a cognitivist bias can be detected throughout the history of an-

thropology inbothBritishsocialanthropologyandAmericanculturalanthro-

pology:boththesetraditionsattributegreaterimportancetothemindandthe

cultural representations or systems related to it than they do to bodily en-

gagementswiththeworld(157-160).HisnegativeevaluationofsuchaWest-

ern dualistic ontology stems from the ethnography of gatherer-hunter

perceptionsoftheenvironment.Takingtheirnon-dualisticworldviewserious-

lyshouldleadtoaradicalquestioningofourownviewofperception,namely

that “apprehending theworld is not amatter of construction, but of engage-

ment” (42). Through their practical activities, people can acquire direct

knowledgeoftheirenvironment,inthisview,onecannotseparateperception

andculturalrepresentation.

MyfocusonSantalritualaspracticalactivity,whichoffersthepossibility

for perceptions of place, aims to take Ingold’s reminder serious, namely to

view embodied practice as inseparable from cultural ideas. This perspective

resonateswith a Santal perspective andmatcheswell, how the Santal speak

aboutplaces.InSantalsocietyacoherentandsystematiccorpusofideasisdif-

ficulttofindinrelationtoanytopic.Instead,culturalideasandclassifications

areexpressedcontextually,especiallyinembodiedritualpracticeandinnarra-

tivesandsongsperformedinthecontextoftheserituals.Forthisreason,ritu-

alsandpracticalactivitiesingeneralpresentedagoodstartingpointduringmy

fieldworkforthestudyofideasrelatedtothem.

70Ingold’s emphasis on practice is to be seen in the context of a certain current in the social

sciences,inwhichPierreBourdieu(1977)canberegardedasthemostinfluential.Hisaimisto

mediatebetween the twopositionsof “subjectivism”,people’spractice, perception, intentions,

and “objectivism”, forexample laws, systemsor structures,whichare rather independentof a

person’ssubjectivity(Schwingel2005,41).Thedualismbetweencognitiverepresentationsand

practice,criticizedbyIngold,isinherentinthedifferentiationBourdieumakesatfirst.Bourdieu

thenbringsthesetwoperspectivestogetherthroughtheconceptofhabitus(72).


87

2.2RitualTheaimofthisworkistoexploreSantalnotionsofplaceastheyfindexpres-

sioninritualpractice.Thissecondpartofmytheoreticalchapterisintendedtooutline the cornerstones of how I aim to study ritual in this work. My first,

overarchingquestionis,whatkindofnotionsofplacecanbedistinguishedin

Santalrituals.Asaresult,thisworkdiscussesplaceundertheheadingsofland,

environmentandregioninthreechapters.

Aspreviouslymentioned,one importantpointemerging frommyethno-

graphicmaterialistheholismofplace-relatedideas.Placeisalwaysarticulated

ascloselyrelatedto,orinfactcomprising,otherentitiessuchassocialgroups

ordeities.For this reason,placecanbeseenasa “total social fact” inMauss’

(2002, 100f.) sense. Chapter three, for example, describes a sacrificial ritualcalledjomsimbongainthecourseofwhichfortygoatsareslaughtered.Ittakesplaceonthelandoftheeldest,mostseniormemberofaspecificsocialunitof

brothers, the local line (gusti). These brothers offer a part of the sacrificialmeattotheirdeitybyburyingitintheground.Manyofthesymbolicactionsof

the ritual thus draw connections between different entities, in this case be-

tweenland,agroupofbrothersandtheirdeity.Thisholismholdsequallytrue

forallotherritualsdiscussedinthiswork,althoughtheconnectedentitiesdif-

fer. Each chapter discusses in detail different spatial concepts and thenet of

connectionstheycontain.

My secondaim, inaddition toportrayingdifferentnotionsofplace, is to

analyzehowthesenotionsarecreatedinritual.ByrecognizingthatSantalrit-

uals establish connections between different entities, I make use of another

assumptionofritual,namelythatritualshaveeffects.Aspeopleparticipatein

the above-mentioned sacrificial ritual jom simbonga, they are connected totheirkin,theyexperiencetheinvolveddeityaspowerfuland,asaresult,asso-

ciate the ritual place with all these ideas. This means, that place is madethroughthedifferentritualsIdiscuss,asthetitleofmyworkindicates.

WithregardtohownotionsofplacearecreatedinSantalritual,Iespecial-

ly focuson theroleofperception therein. I argue thatpeople’sperceptionof

placeisinfluencedbytheculturalactivitiestheyparticipatein,oneofwhichis

ritual.Inritual,perceptionisformedinacertainway,asKapferer(1991,2004)

hasshowninhisanalysisofSinhaleseexorcismrites.FortheSantal,thepower

ofthemountaingod,andthesignificanceoftheplacewhereheislocated,for

example, is indicated by the large amount of sacrificial animals the ritual in-


88

cludes.People speakof thisplacewithawe,andunderline thedangerof this

deity–conveyedinthefactthatonlyonceayearthedeityallowspeopletoap-

proach its sacred seat.Other examples of the effect ritual actionhas onpeo-

ple’sperceptionofplacearethepartsoftheweddingritethatareperformedin

the ancestral shrine. The secrecy and intimacy of this place is underlined by

thefactthatonlymembersofthehouseareallowedtoenterduringtheritual.

This isultimately the lastplace,which thenewbridereaches.Therefore,one

couldsaythatpeople’sperceptionofplaceispartlyaresultoftheirparticipa-

tion in ritual practice. In my analysis I identify two elements in particular,

namelyspatialmovementsandritualsymbolsthat influencepeople’spercep-

tionofplaceasformedinritual.

Spatialmovements inSantal ritual includebothpeople’smovements, to-

getherwith ritual objects, towards the ritual location, aswell asmovements

takingplacewithintheritualitself.Forexample,peoplemovefromoneplace

toanother.Theytravelfromthevillagewheretheyhavesettledtotheir“place

oforigin” inordertoattend jomsimbonga.Theybringsacrificialanimalsandother objects necessary for the ritual. These objects are assigned specific,

meaningfulplacesastheritualunfolds.Numerousotherexamplesdiscussedin

thiswork, such aswedding rituals or annual hunting rituals, involve similar

movementsofpeopleandobjects throughspace.Howdothesespatialmove-

mentscontributetothecreationofplaceinSantalritual?Becausetheobjects

andpeopleinvolvedineachofthedescribedritualsdiffer,theaimandeffectof

thesemovementsdiffersaswell.

AnotherimportantelementinalltheritualsIdiscussisthesymbolismin-

volved. Inmy understanding, symbols take different forms, such asmaterial

objects,danceorlanguage.InmydiscussionImakeuseofRappaport’s(1979,

1999) differentiation between symbols and indices andhis stance that these

twocontributetothetransmissionofdifferentmessagesinritual.

InsomeSantalritualsthesymbolsareespeciallyeye-catching,suchasthe

twotypesofflowersbroughtfromtheforestintothevillageduringthespring

flower festival, thedifferent typesof clotheswornbydifferentpeopleduring

jomsimbongaortheveiledlanguagespokenwiththehuntingdeity.Exploringthemeaning that people attribute to these symbols is an important step to-

wardsunderstandingtheritualasawhole. Ineachchapter I thereforetakea

closerlookattheroleandthemeaningofthesymbolsintherespectiveritual.

Inmyviewsymbolsdonotonlytransmitmessages,buttheirarrangementand


89

useinritualalsoinfluencepeople’sperceptionandthereforecontributetothe

creationofnotionsofplace.

InthefollowingIshortlyportraymyinitial,necessarilybroadunderstand-

ingofritual,withwhichIbeganmyethnographicfieldwork.GraspingtheSan-

talunderstandingofritualwasanimportantsteptowardsasensitivestudyof

thistopicinSantalsociety.

2.2.1DefiningRitual:InteractionsbetweenRitualStudiesandSan-

talConceptsThe question of how to define its subjectmatter has been a recurring issue

throughout the study of ritual. Due to a broad range of definitions and disa-

greementon the term,Goody (1977) inhispolemicarticleAgainstRitual,re-gardedtheconceptofritualitselfasanalyticallyuseless.Insteadoftakingsuch

drasticmeasures, JanSnoek (2006,4f)hasviewedritualsas “polythetic clas-

ses”.Thismeansthatthereisawiderangeofcharacteristicsthatcontributeto

makinganactivityaritual.Buteveryactivityunderstoodasritualwouldonly

needtocontainsomeofthesecharacteristics.Inthatsense,Michaels(2003,4f)

givesanoverviewovertheleastcontestedqualitiesofritualinthefieldofritu-

al studies.According tohimritualsareembodied,prescribed,efficaciousand

transformative, they have a marked beginning (“framing”) and they achieve

somekindofdeference,i.e.theyhavesacralizingeffects.71Anotherpathtoap-

proachingthequestionofdefinitionhasbeentoenterthefieldwithaworking

definitionofritual,andthencarefullyexploreindigenousconceptsintheirsim-

ilarityanddifference to thisdefinition (cf.HueskenandBrosius2010;Staus-

berg2006).

Myunderstandingofwhatconstituted“ritual”asIbeganmyethnographic

fieldworkwaspartly influencedbywhat Ihadread inolderSantalethnogra-

phies.Thisliteratureespeciallymentionedthelargeannualcelebrationsofthe

Santal(baha,sohrae),butalsosmallerritualsthroughouttheyear.Ifirstgath-eredinformationininterviewsontheannualhuntingritualasastartingpoint

ofmyanalysis.Inaddition,Ialsopaidparticularattentiontothoseprescribed,

seasonal, repetitive activities that involved several people andweredirected

towardstheirdifferentdeities.MyinterestinwhatIunderstoodasrituals,was,

however, not difficult to communicate, because itmatched people’s own un-

71Grimes (2014, 195f) includes similar characteristics in his short definition of ritual as

“embodied,condensedandprescribedenactment.“


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derstandingofextraordinaryeventsthatstoodapartfromevery-dayactivities.

WhenmyhostsunderstoodthatIwasinterestedin“culture”, theypointedto

theseevents.

Santali differentiates between several concepts to refer to those special

occasions.The termporob denotes large festivals,which consistofmanydif-ferentactivities.Theseeventsofteninvolvebigcrowdsandusuallylastseveral

days.Bahaporob,theSantalflowerfestival,issuchanevent,whichtakesplaceineachSantalvillage.Thedifferentsmallercomponentsofthisfestivalarean-

imalsacrificesinthesacredgrove,dances,possession,aritualhuntetc.Many

of these occasions are public, but on a household level people additionally

sharericebeerandliquorwiththeirancestorsintheancestralshrineoftheir

houses.Onecouldalsodescribethetermporobasa“ritualcomplex”madeupofvariousritualactivities.

Themost relevant indigenouscategory formyresearchonSantal rituals

wasbonga.Santalionlyvaguelydifferentiatesbetweennounandverb(Ghosh2008,11)andbongabothisthegeneralnounforSantaldeitiesaswellastheverbforaddressingthesedeities.Theverbbongaalwaysincludesanofferingtothegods.Thisofferingusuallyconsistsofanimalsacrificestoalldeities,with

theoccasionalexceptionwhenancestorsareaddressedintheancestralshrine.

The typeof sacrificial animaloffered toeachgod isprescribed:Forexample,

the supremegodof theSantalMarangBuru receivesawhite roosterormalegoatandhiswifeJaherAyoreceivesabrownpullet.Theseanimalsacrificesaregovernedbyastrictsetofrulesregardingtheirperformanceandthearrange-

mentofdifferentcomponents.Althoughthevarioussacrificialritualsdifferin

some of their components, there is a common scheme to them consisting,

amongotherthings,ofdrawingsacrificialcircles(khond)72andplacingcrushedrice (adoacaole)aswellas theheadof thesacrificedanimal inside thesecir-cles. This scheme will become more apparent throughout this work. When

asked about the reasoning behind ritual action, people often referred to an

overallordercalledniam.Niam canbe translatedas “custom”oras “thewaythings should be” and concerns all aspects of life, be it ritual practice, social

orderorculinaryhabits.SometimesmySantalinterlocutorsparaphrasedniamas“thewayourforefathershavebroughtittous”(hapramkoaguykiako).Avio-lation of niam upsets the Santal deities, who consecutively have to be ap-peased.Although, fromtheperspectiveofmanySantal I spoke to,niamoften

72ForapictureofasacrificialcircleseePhoto13inthefollowingchapter.


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appeared tobe set in stone,negotiationsanddisagreementabout its content

did exist. Especially in the context of the religious reform movement sarnadhorom,discussedinchapterfive,thepracticeof“true”(sari)niamisaseriousmatter.

Thewordbonga also refers toofferingsmade to theancestors (hapram-ko).Theseofferingsconsistofricebeerandcookedfood(suchasneemrice)intheancestralshrine(bhitar)ofaSantalhouse.Inthiscontexttheemphasisisonsharing,expressedintheinvocation“togetherweeatanddrink”(saontenulejomale)utteredatthisoccasion.Theverbbongathereforecomprisesdiffer-ent types of offeringmade to the deities, in which an exchange takes place.

Peoplemakeofferingsinordertomakearequesttoadeity.Inotherwords,the

exchangeischaracterizedbyreciprocity.

Recognizing the idea of exchange as fundamental to Santal offerings

meansthatbongaactivitiesalwayshaveacertainaim,whichritualactorscanusuallyarticulate.Thisaimisexpressedinaritualinvocationcalledbakherinwhich the ritual specialist and participants collectively address the deity be-

forethesacrifice.Althoughthecontentoftheinvocationisthesame,eachritu-

al participant formulates it differently, so that the bystander can often only

hear a simultaneous, collective murmuring.73The participants explained af-

terwards, that they ask themountain god (burubonga) and the hunting god(sendrabonga)forrainandtheprotectionfromwildanimals,ortheancestors(hapramko)forprotectionfromdiseaseandthewell-beingofthehouseinex-change for theofferingsmade.Thus, theconceptofbakher comprisesthede-siredefficacyofeachbongaactivity.

Anothercategoryofspecialoccasions,whichcouldbeincludedinthegen-

eralnotionofritual,ispata.TheEnglishequivalenttopatais“fair”(Hindime-la). The hook swinging festival, for example, is a pata. But there is also ahuntingfair(sendrapata),andTusupata,afestivalinhonoroftheBengalidei-73Irepeatedlyattemptedtorecordbakher,forexampleduringtheflowerfestivalorduringthehunting ritual, but due to the collective character of these invocations the recordings were

unintelligible.Inadditiontheritualspecialistsfeltuncomfortablerecitingtheseinvocationsout

ofcontext,sothata laterrecordingwasimpossible.Onlyduringtheritualsowingofrice(erokmut)wasIabletorecordandtranscribeabakhertotheancestorsoftheancestralshrinefroman old neighbor, whom I knewwell (see chapter four, 4.2.1). Regardingmy difficulty to gain

accesstoSantalbakher,itisremarkablethatMahapatra(1986,122ff)presentsthecontentofsixdifferent bakher, which he describes as “ritual invocation songs”, in his appendix. In myexperiencetheSantalbakherpossessacertaindegreeofvariation,whichhispresentationdoesnot mention. I encountered this standardization of bakher, whichMahapatra presents, in thecontextofaSantalreligiousreformmovement(sarnamovement),whichmadeuseofthebakherversionspublishedbyRagunathMurmuinabookletwritteninOlChiki.


92

tyTusu.Fairsareattendedby largecrowdsandtheyalways includedancing,

drumming anddifferent stalls selling sweets, ricebeer and toys for children.

Theyusuallyinvolveallcasteandtribalcommunitiesofaregionwithvarying

degrees of participation.Patas sometimes followbonga activities, but do notnecessarilyhavetoincludethem.ThoseSantalwithanarrowviewon“Santal

tradition”,suchasmembersofthesarnamovement,didnotincludemostpatasinthistradition.Andindeed,onlythehuntingfestivalincludesofferingstoSan-

tal deities, all other forms of worship during patas are carried out by otherethniccommunitiesoftheregion.

TheritualsIdescribeinthefollowingchaptersincludeactivitiestheSantal

conceptualizeasbongaandporob.Tomyknowledgethere isnooverarching,indigenouscategoryforsuchlife-cycleritualsasweddings(bapla)orsecond-ary funerals (bhandan). Instead,peopleuse thespecific term for theseactivi-ties. In conclusion, my use of the term ritual comprises different Santal

categories:itincludesforemostthecategoryofbonga,forwhichIusetheEng-lish term“worship”, in thesenseof “makeofferings”.Butmyuseof the term

ritualalsoincludesfestivals(porob)anddifferentritualsbelongingtothelarg-erritualcomplexofaweddingasanexampleforalife-cycleritualconnecting

bothpeopleandplaces.

With regard toMichaels’ (2003) overviewof least contested qualities of

ritual, theSantal conceptualizationof ritual agreeswithallof thesequalities,

but especially emphasizes embodiment, prescription, efficacy and deference.

Michaels’firstcriterion,theembodimentofritual,comestotheforefrontinthe

Santalcaseespeciallywithregard to thearrangementof ritualspaceandhu-

manmovementswithin.Inaddition,Santalritual isprescribed;it isgoverned

bytheall-encompassingorderofniam.Further,eachSantalritualhasastatedaimexpressedintheritualinvocationcalledbakher.Inthatsense,fromaSan-talperspective,ritualsaimtohaveeffectsandinseveralcasestheyaregeared

towardstransformation, forexample in life-cyclerituals.Clearlythemost im-

portant aspect of ritual from a Santal perspective is that of deference in the

senseofvenerationandworship.Thisnotion iscontained in the termbonga.Bongaactivitiesmostsignificantlyincludeofferings,intheformofanimalsac-rificesand/orricebeer.Inthatsenseritualisoneofthemostimportantmeans

forhumanstomaintainareciprocalrelationshipwithdifferentdeities.

Anyattemptto findacommonsetofcriteriaunderlyingritual inevitably

hastobebroad.Althoughmyoutlinehasshownthatthissetofcriteriacanbe

detectedeveninaSantalunderstandingofritual,theseabstractpointsneedto


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begivenculture-specificmeaning.Inthecourseofthefollowingchaptersmany

examplesofSantalritualsaimtoaddmoredetailtothis–uptonow–rather

abstractdiscussion.

Beforeproceeding tooutline the fundamental assumptionsof ritual, it is

necessarytoshortlyclarifymyownterminologyinthisregard.InmywritingI

makeuseofGrimes’understandingofritualasreferringto“thegeneralideaof

whicharite,oraritual,isaspecificinstance”(Grimes2014,192).Assuch“rit-

ual”doesnotexistinreality,whereas“aritual”or“rituals”areenactedinspe-cificplacesandtimes.WhenIrefertotheseconcreteeventsIusuallygivean

exampleandmentiontheSantalitermforthisevent.

2.2.2ViewingRitualasRepresentation:SantalNotionsofPlaceas

ArticulatedinRitualThefirstoverallaimofmyworkistoportraydifferentnotionsofplacethrough

thestudyofSantalrituals.Secondly, Iexplorehowplace ismadeinritualac-

tionbytheSantal.Bothoftheseanalyticalanglesdevelopedfrommyempirical

material,buthavealsobeeninspiredbytheoreticalperspectivesinthefieldof

ritualstudies.

My choice to make Santal ritual the focus of my research was already

basedoncertainassumptionsof ritual. I assumed that rituals ingeneral, and

thehuntingritualsinparticular,wouldofferawindow,throughwhichcultural

conceptscouldbestudied. Itwasmyhypothesis, thatthehuntingritual inall

itsaspectscouldprovideinformationaboutSantalconceptionsoftheforestor

ofwildanimals.Inthatsense,oneofthepremisesunderlyingmyapproachto

ritual was, that rituals give access to cultural concepts. My interest in ritual

matchedtheimportancethattheSantalattributetothesespecialoccasions.As

mentioned, theSantal themselvesoftensawtheir“culture”containedandex-

pressedintheseevents.

Oneofthefirsttoformulatethestancethatritualexpressesorrepresents

ideasandbeliefswasÉmileDurkheim(cf.forexampleBell2009,41;Kapferer

2004,37;Rao2006,144)althoughhisunderstandingofritualiscertainlynot

restrictedtothisperspective.HismainargumentconcerningritualinTheEle-mentaryFormsofReligiousLife(1969)isthatthecollectiveemotiongeneratedin ritual, its “effervescence” (218), gives rise to religious ideas (cf. Berger

2015b).Thispointattributesgreatimportancetosocietyastheoriginofreli-

gious representations.The religionof theAustralianAborigines servesashis


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case inpoint,whereinthetotemic“emblem”representsthesocial inmaterial

form. Inhis texthehighlights formulaicritualmovementsandviewsthemas

symbolizing corresponding representations (231).With this he suggests that

theritualcontextrendersreligiousandsocialforcesvisible.Theserepresenta-

tions, however, do not represent reality in an objective way. Rather, they

“transfigure”thisreality“becauseintheprocessofrepresentingthingstoitself

society projects both value and meaning onto them” (Hatch 1973, 177). In

Durkheim’s(1968,236)viewreligionbringsaboutthistransfigurationofreali-

ty. Iwill latercomebacktothe ideaoftransfigurationagain inthecontextof

myargumentconcerningpeople’sperceptionofplaceaspartlyformedinritu-

al.

MyapproachtotakingSantalritualasa“window”(Bell1992,28)through

whichtogainaccesstonotionsofplace,furthertakesinspirationfromClifford

Geertz(1972),whomostpoignantly formulatedthis idea inhisarticleonthe

Balinesecockfight.Accordingtohimthecockfight“isaBalinesereadingofBa-

linese experience, a story they tell themselves about themselves” (1972, 26).

AsBalinesemensendtheircockstofightagainsteachotherandastheybeton

others’ cocks, theyenter intoahierarchicaldisplayof status rivalries. In this

articleGeertzformulatestheparadigmofhisinterpretiveapproach,inthathe

likenstheanalysisofculturalformsto“penetratingaliterarytext”(26).Likea

text, the cockfight displays central themes of Balinese society, mostly to the

Balinesethemselves.ButGeertz(1972,29)alsoarguesthattheanthropologist

isabletoreadthecultureofpeopleovertheirshoulder, indirectlysuggesting

ritualtobeonesuchpointofaccess.Hence,ritualcommunicatesculturalideas

bothtoitsparticipantsandtotheoutsideobserver.

2.2.3ViewingRitualasPerformance:SantalPracticesofPlace-

MakingIn their analyses Geertz and Durkheim complement ritual’s communicative

function with yet another aspect, that is ritual’s generating potential. For

Durkheim society becomes aware of itself in collective action. The efferves-

cencegeneratedinthemidstofthisactiongivesrisetotheconceptofthesa-

cred. Geertz’ essayReligionasaCulturalSystem (1973, 126ff) takes a similardirection through his concepts of ethos andworldview. Ethos can be under-

stood as containing action-oriented, emotional, moral aspects, whereas

worldviewincludes ideasoforder,structureandthought. Inritual,according


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totheauthor,thosetwoarefusedtogether.Inotherwords,byparticipatingin

ritual,peopleexperiencethecosmicorderastrueandreal.

Whileexploringthedifferentculturalmeaningsofplace,myethnographicma-

terialsimilarlypointstotheimportanceofthecreativepotentialofritual.The

manner in which my interlocutors spoke of different spatial notions often

evokedritualpractice.Forexample,theconceptof“region”(torop),wasrelat-edtothecommonritualsacrificecarriedoutbyaspecificnumberofvillages.If

Iaskedagroupofpeoplewhichvillagesbelongedtotheirtorop,theywouldlistthemonthebasisoftheirinvolvementinthisspecificritual.Thesamegoesfor

theSantalnotionof“placeoforigin”(mulgadi).Tomethemeaningofthisno-tionemerged fromritualpractice, in thiscasea largecollectivegoatsacrifice

called jomsimbonga.WheneverIaskeddifferentpeopleabouttheirmulgadi,they employed this practice-oriented logic and said: “Ourmulgadi is in Jam-buni,becausethatiswherewecelebratejomsimbonga.”74Theideainherentinsuchthinkingisthatritualsnotonlyrepresent,butsimultaneouslycreatecul-

turalconcepts.

ThisSantalperspectiveresonateswithperformativeapproachestoritual,

whichfocusontheenactmentofculturalcategoriesinpractice.Originatingin

linguistics(Austin1962;Searle1969)andtheaterstudies(SchechnerandAp-

pel 1990; Turner 1982), performative views of ritual give primacy to action

overstructure.Theyemphasizethatpeopleproduceculturalmeaningthrough

bodily gestures, symbols, spatial arrangements andwords. Studying ritual as

performancemeansregardingritualasaprocessoraneventthat“does”some-

thing,onethathasaneffect(Bell1997,73).InhisworkontheKaluliofPapua

New Guinea Schieffelin (1985) presents an ethnographic example of such a

performative viewon ritual. In the context ofKaluli spirit séancesheunder-

linestheinteractivesideofthewholeevent,duringwhichmembersoftheau-

dienceconversewiththespiritsandjointheirsongs.Theauthorarguesthatin

these dialogues people construct a certain view of reality. This is further

achievedby thedramaturgicalmeansof theséance,whichdoesnotonlydis-

cuss,forexample,theactivitiesofwitchesbutpresentsthemasrealbybuild-

ing up an alertness to surrounding noises (719). He asserts that there is a

“continuinginteractionbetweenwhatpeoplealreadyknowofspiritsfromoral

tradition,everydayconversationandremembered(andreported)séances,and

whatevernewexperienceoccursinthepresentséanceperformance”(720).

74AlemulgadiJambuniremenaa,hantejomsimbongamanaoale.


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Asdiscussedabove, theperformativeviewmatches thewaytheSantalspeak

aboutnotionsofplace,namelywithreferencetoritualpractice.Buthowexact-

lycanwetheoreticallygraspthecreationofplaceinritualpractice?Inthefol-

lowing I argue that the aesthetics of ritual in the formof spatialmovements

andritualsymbolsshapepeople’sperceptioninsignificantways.

PerceptionandAestheticsinthePracticeofRitualInthecontextofSinhaleseexorcismrites,Kapferer(1991,1997)pointstothe

particularroleofaesthetics,namelymusic,song,danceandcomicdramainthe

orderingandtransformationofaparticipant’sexperience.Inhisviewtheaim

of exorcism is to alter the experiential conditionof thepatient and to return

him to a normal conception of theworld. The process of the ritual itself re-

buildsthecosmichierarchyinwhichdemonsaresubordinatetothedivine.For

example, at first the ritual displays similar formsofmusic anddance for the

demonic and the divine, suggesting their likeness, before subordinating the

demonictothedivinebywayofcomedy(Kapferer1991,325-329).

His general argument that rituals bring about a transformation is highly

specifictohealingrites,becausetheypossesstheclearaimofcuringapatient.

However,hisfocusonperceptioncanequallybeextendedtothecaseofSantal

ritual,inthattheaestheticexperienceofferedbyritualstructurespeople’sper-

ceptionofplace.Thisresonateswith theabove-mentionedphenomenological

approaches to place (Casey 1996; Ingold 2000), which assert that ideas of

placeortheenvironmentareconstitutedintheactofperception.Forexample,

among the Santal land, in the sense of “place of origin”, is perceived as such

duringthegoatsacrificejomsimbongaorganizedinthisplace.Thespatialar-rangementof the ritual and its symbolismofferdifferentpossibilitiesofper-

ceptiontotheparticipants.Hence,people’sperceptionisformedinthecourse

ofritual.InthiscontextDurkheim’sconceptoftransfigurationisanimportant

reminderthatpeopleexperienceandperceiveplaceinaparticularlymeaning-

fulandvalue-ladenwayduringritual.

Myperspectiveofritualas influencingpeople’sperceptionshouldnotbe

understoodinadeterministicorstaticway.Surelythestructureofferedbyrit-

ual interacts with participants’ existing knowledge, leaving room for differ-

encesinperception.Inaddition,thestructureofritual itselfcanbesubjectto

change,asthedevelopmentoftheSantalvillageflowerfestivalintoaregional,

politicaleventdiscussed inchapter five, shows.Becausemyemphasis lieson


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spatialmovementsandsymbolismwithinritualand theircontribution to the

creationofplace, the followingsectionsdiscusshowIunderstandandaimto

studythesetwoelements.

TypesofSpatialMovementsandtheTransformationofSocial

StatusSantal rituals are replete with different types of movements through space.

One of thesemovements is directed towards the location inwhich the ritual

takesplace.Peopleandmaterialobjects travel fromoneplace toanother for

ritual occasions. For example, the annualmountaingod festival (burubonga)bringstogetherpeoplefromseveraladjacentvillages.Eachvillagecontributes

asacrificialanimal. Inchapter four Iargue thatpeople’smovements towards

thisritualcenterarticulateandcreatethenotionofaregion.Furthermore,rit-

uals include movements within the space demarcated by the ritual itself:

Boundaries are drawn, to be crossed only by certain people and certain ob-

jects.Thegoatsacrificejomsimbongadiscussedinchapterthree,forexample,containsmanyspatialdivisionsthatcontainmeaning.Theinnersacrificialcir-

cleistobeenteredonlybytheagnateswhoorganizetheritual,andonlytheir

sacrificialanimals’headsareplaced in this innerritualspace.Manymoreex-

amplesofSantalritualsshow,asDavidParkin(1992,12)hasrightlypointed

out,thatbodilymovementsthroughspaceareprincipalfeaturesofritual.This

leadsParkintothegeneralviewthatritualcanbedefinedas“formulaicspati-

ality”,whichheunderstandsas“thecapacitytocreateandactthroughidioms

of passage, movement, including exchange, journey, axis, concentricism, and

up-and-downdirections”(18).ForParkinthis“directionality”(16)ofritualas

suchbears creativepotential.Myanalysis isparticularly interested in the ef-

fects of these ritual movements and in their contribution to the making of

place.

Oneofthefirstauthorsnotingtheimportanceofmovementsandtheiref-

fectwithin ritualwasArnold vanGennep (2004) inhiswell-knownworkon

ritesofpassage.Theritualshedescribesallbringaboutachangeofsocialsta-

tus.VanGennepseestheseritualsasconsistingofthethreestagesofsepara-

tion,transitionandincorporation,eachofwhichhasitscorrespondinglocation

orphysicalmovement.Particularlythecrossingofphysicalboundariessuchas

walkingoveradoorstep,orcrossingthroughagateisacrucialfeatureofmany

of theriteshedescribes.Hisexamplessuggest that thespatialmovements in


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ritualfunctionasananalogy,meaningthatthetransformationofstatusisakin

to the movement through space. For example, as a child in China passes

throughabamboogatebuiltup inthehouse, itsymbolically leavesadanger-

ous world and enters a more fortunate one (57f). The movement of people

fromoneplacetoanotherhencecanbeunderstood,inBell’s(2009,36)words

as“acommonwaybothtosignalandtoeffectachangeinsocialstatus.”

VanGennep’sviewofritualmovementsoffersavaluableunderstandingof

especially thewedding rituals I discuss in chapter three. Here the bride and

groom’s change in status is in part brought about by themeaningful places,

throughwhichtheypassduringtheritual.Ultimately,theirritualpassageends

intheancestralshrineofthegroom’shouse,whichthebrideisallowedtoen-

terfromthenon.TheeffectofritualmovementsintheSantalweddingritesis

inthatsensethattheyhelptoachievetheaimoftheritual,whichisachangein

socialstatus.Butparalleltoestablishingnewrelationships,theseritesofpas-

sage ascribemeaning to places. After the ritual, for example, the groom can

now speak of his “in-law’s place” (naihar). We can therefore extend VanGennep’sargumentandsuggestthatplacealsoreceivesmeaningthroughritu-

alaction,sothatultimately,placeandritualcanberegardedasmutuallycon-

stitutive.

SpatialMovementsasConnectingPlacesandPeopleOneofthemostprominenteffectsofspatialmovementsrelatedtoSantalritual

isthatthesemovementsestablishconnectionsbetweendifferententities.Gen-

erally,alltheseritualsconnectpeopleandplaces.Butinsomecasestheseenti-

tiesaremoreabstract, suchaswhen thepolitical ralliesof the sarnadhorommovementconnectcertainregionswiththestate.

A relevant perspective on the importance of spatial movements for the

creationof placehas beenbrought forthby Feldhaus (2003) in herworkon

HindupilgrimageinthestateofMaharashtra.Hermainargumentconcernsthe

creationof a region, inwhichplaces are connectedwhenpeople, deities and

ritual objectsmove fromone location to another. In her understanding a re-

gionisanarea,whichhascoherenceandmeaningtopeople.Region,asthetitle

of herwork indicates, is a set of connected places (5).Most relevant formy

Santalmaterialisherargumentthat“peoplebringregionsintobeingbymov-

ingacross the landscape” (211).Feldhausbases thisargument inparton the

detailedexampleofa largepilgrimagetoShingnapurtemple insouthwestern


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Maharashtra,performedinhonorofShiva.Forthisfestivalpilgrimsbringwa-

terinhundredsofvesselsattachedtoapole(kavad).Thispoleisrituallywor-shipped thedaysprior to andduring thepilgrimage. Someof thekavads arebroughtby individualhouseholds, othersbywholevillagesor clustersof vil-

lages. Ideally thewater in thekavads comes fromvariousriversnear thepil-grims’homes.Peoplethenpourthewateronthelinga inthetemple,inordertocoolthegod.Feldhaus(2003,71-8)concludesthatregionsofvarioussizes

areenactedduringthepilgrimage:thereare,forexample,fivevillagesthatcol-

lectivelysendakavadtothetempleandwhoseresidentsspeakoftheirvillagesformingaregion,ifonlyforthesakeofthefestival.Ultimately,shearguesthat

the largestoneof these regionsdramatized in thepilgrimage isMaharashtra

itself,asdifferentplaceswithinthislarger“unifiedwhole”(85)sendkavadstothetempleatShingnapur.

Feldhaus’ discussion of spatial movements of people and ritual objects

acrossthelandscapeandherfocusontheconnectionsthesemovementsestab-

lishproves fruitful foranunderstandingof severalof theSantal rituals Idis-

cuss. The most prominent parallel to her work exists in the context of the

mountainrituals(burubonga)portrayedinchapterfour.Atthisannualeventdifferentnumbersofvillagescontributesacrificialanimalstoalargecollective

sacrifice duringwhich themountain deity is asked to provide rain andwell-

being for theregion.Similar to theShingnapurpilgrimagediscussedbyFeld-

haus,theburubongaritualconnectsdifferentplacesandpeopleandenactstheideaofaregion.RemarkableisthatincontrasttoFeldhaus’example,theSantal

have a specific, abstract term for the “region” (torop)which is enacted here.Whenansweringmyquestionsaboutthegeographicalextentoftheseregions,

mySantalinterlocutorswouldexplicitlypointtothecollectiveburubongarit-uals,whichtheseregionsorganize.Theywouldsay:“OurDamparatoropcon-sistsoffortyvillages.WeofferfortygoatstotheburubongaatDamparagarh(place).”75

Toconclude,inspiredbyFeldhaus,thechaptersofmyworkdiscussinde-

tail how the spatial movements related to ritual, connect places into such

meaningful spatial units as a region.More explicitly than Feldhaus, I further

takealookatotherentities,whichthesemovementsconnect.Iarguethatritu-

almovementsbringtogetherpeople,deities,ritualobjectsandplaces.Thisties

75AleDamparatoroprechalisatokomenakoa.Burubongarealechalisbodakoemale,Damparagarre.


100

back into theholism,whichcharacterizesSantalunderstandingsofplace.For

example,someritualmovementsoftheSantalflowerfestivalconnectthefor-

est and the village, or the movements of the rice sowing ritual connect the

houseandthefields.Connectionsarethusmadeondifferentlevels,comprising

variousspatialandsocialentities.

ThepreviousexamplesofritualmovementsfromvanGennep’s,Feldhaus’

andmySantalmaterial,showthatthesemovementscanhaveasymbolicfunc-

tion in themselves. Van Gennep’s example of a child initiation rite in China,

passingthroughagatecanbeunderstoodasenteringanother lifephase. Ina

similarmanner,theSantalbride’smovementsintheweddingritualcommuni-

cateherpassingintoanewsocialstatus.

Other than spatial movements having a symbolic function, they further

containsymbolsthatcontributetotheireffect.ThekavadsinFeldhausexampleserveasacaseinpoint,asthecreationofaregionthroughpilgrimageispartly

broughtaboutbythesesymbols.Becausethekavadsrepresentdifferentvillag-esandcarry thewaterof riversnear thesevillages,Feldhausargues that the

pilgrimageconnectsplacesandcreatestheideaofaregion.

Whatdifferentiatesspatialmovementsfromsymbols,inmyview,istheir

directionality.Movementsleadfromoneplacetoanother,whichiswhyinmy

analysisIhaveplacedemphasisontheconnectionstheyestablish.Movements

haveabeginningandanend,theyleadsomewhere,andthereforetheyusually

have effects. Unless symbols take on the shape ofmovements, they lack this

directionality.AssymbolsformimportantelementsinSantalritualsingeneral

andbecauseassuchtheycontributetothemakingofplace, inthefollowingI

addressmyanalyticalperspectiveonsymbols.

SymbolsinSantalRitualasCommunicatingandGeneratingNotions

ofPlaceSeveraldifferentsymbolsappearintheSantalritualsdiscussedinthefollow-

ingchapters:Acarved,woodenpolesetinthegroundontheoccasionofagoat

sacrifice,salandmahuaflowersplacedinfrontofthesacrificialcirclesduringtheflowerfestivalandtheveiledlanguagespokenbetweenritualparticipants

andtheSantalhuntinggodarejustsomeexamples.Iarguethatthesesymbols

andtheiruseandpositionindifferentritualsrepresentandcreatecertainno-

tions of place. For example, thewoodenpole put in the ground represents a

groupofbrothersandmarkstheplaceoftheritualasbelongingtothem.Thus,


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thesymbolinitselfcarriesmeaningandcommunicatessomething,totheout-

siderandtotheritualparticipants.

Forthesakeofanalyticalprecision,inthefollowingIfirstspecifymyun-

derstandingoftheterm“symbol”and,leaningonRappaport(1979,1999),dif-

ferentiate it from the terms “index” and “icon”. In the context of his general

understanding of ritual as a form of communication, Rappaport argues that

symbolsandindiceseachtransmitdifferenttypesofmessages.Inaddition,his

expanded understanding of communication includes its performative side in

that forhim,communicationbothsaysanddoessomething.Related to this, I

discussbelowhowRappaport’sviewofritualasconstitutingaculturalorder

and fusing this orderwith an individual’s understanding can be extended to

thetopicofplace.Asharedunderstandingofasymbol’smeaningisinthiscon-

textnoprerequisiteforritualsymbolstohaveaneffect.Theirstructuralposi-

tioninritual,ortheiruseatemotionallyintensetimes(Keesing2012,425),can

contribute to this effect and influencehowpeople come toperceiveplace. In

thatwayritualactiongeneratessharedunderstandingsofplaceandisthenin

hindsightalsoevokedasapointofreference.Forexample,asIencounteredit

among theSantal, “peopleofonehouse”spokeof their “placeoforigin” (mulgadi)as theplacewhereevery fewyears theycome together toperform jomsimbonga.

Symbols,Indices,IconsandtheTypesofMessagesTheyTransmitWhataresymbols?Putsimply,symbolsstandfor,refertoorrepresentsome-

thingelse.Theystandinaspecificrelationtothatwhichtheysignify.AsRap-

paport, leaning on Peirce (1960, 143ff) understands it, a symbol is a type of

sign“associatedbylaworconventionwiththatwhichitsignifies”(Rappaport

1979, 180). Thewoodenpole,which appears in the Santal goat sacrifice, for

example,isassociatedwithaspecificsocialunitreferredtoasgusti.Thisasso-ciationisonlyfoundedonconvention,becausetherearenoinherentqualities

thatconnect these two.Another typeof signare icons, “whichsharesensible

formalcharacteristicswiththatwhichtheysignify”(180).Amap,astickfigure

(Robbins2001,594)or thestatuesofSantalheroesdescribed inchapter five

are examples of icons. The third type of sign, states Rappaport, leaning on

Peirce,areindiceswhichare“affectedbythatwhichtheysignify”(1979,180).

A rash is an index for measles, a dark cloud is an index for rain, the large


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amountofsacrificialanimalsofferedtoaspecificSantalgodistomanySantal

anindexofthatgod’spower.

All three signs therefore have referents, although their difference lies in

howtheyareassociatedwiththesereferents.Thereferentcanbeanotion,for

exampleanotionofplace,aconceptoranidea.IntheSantalritualsdiscussed

inthecourseofthiswork,thewoodenpolementionedabovecanrefertothe

conceptofgusti,turmeric-dyed,yellowclothescanrefertotheconceptofaffin-ity, theSantalwayofdancingcanreferto ideasof inclusivenessandjoy(ras-ka).

Thedifferentiationbetweensymbol,iconandsignisimportantbecause,as

Rappaport(1979,179-183;1999,52ff)convincinglyargues,itisrelatedtothe

typeofmessagecommunicatedinritual.Hestatesthatbymakinguseofindi-

ces,ritualtransmitsmessagesaboutthecurrentstateoftheritualparticipants.

Inhis laterworkonritualandreligionRappaport(1999,69)callsthesemes-

sages“self-referential”.Leaningonspeechacttheory,hegivesroomtotheef-

fect of these indexicalmessages as well, noting that they do notmerely say

something, but also transform the state of the performer, as do for example

initiation rites (107). This applies to parts of the Santal wedding ritual, in

whichthespatialmovementsofbrideandgroomcanbeunderstoodasindices

aswellasmeansoftransformationoftheirsocialstatus.

Rappaportdifferentiatesindexicalmessagesfromwhathecalls“canonical

messages” (52ff), which are transmitted through symbols. The canonical, in

Rappaport’s(53)words“representsthegeneral,enduringoreveneternalas-

pectsofuniversalorders”.Theyaremoreabstractincharacter,asforexampletheideaoffertilityinherentinthesymbolofsalandmahuaflowersintheSan-tal flower festival. Within the larger frame of his ritual theory, Rappaport

(1979, 193; 1999, 119ff) argues that the core indexicalmessage that partici-

pants transmit in ritual is their acceptance of the ritual order. They publicly

indicate to others that they accept what they perform and their subsequent

behaviorwillbejudgedaccordingly(1999,123).Inthiswaymoralityisestab-

lishedinritual,andritualbecomes“thebasicsocialact”(137).Theacceptance

of theorderperformed inritual isat firstonlypublic,notnecessarilyaccom-

paniedbybelief.Thispublicacceptance,Rappaport(380ff)argues,ishowever

complementedbytheperformer’s inneracceptancegeneratedandconfirmed

in the course of ritual. Rappaport speaks of a “numinous experience” (378),

beingaffectiveratherthanrational,whicharisesfromcommunitarianrituals.


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Insum,Rappaport’sworkonritualisvaluableinseveralwaysformyanalysis

ofSantalnotionsofplaceandpracticesofplace-making.First,hisgeneralview

ofritualasbothcommunicatingandconstitutingmeaningoranorderhasal-

readybeendiscussedpreviouslyasthemainassumptionunderlyingmystudy

of ritual. Second,Rappaport joinsorder andpractice, the social and the indi-

vidual in his viewon ritual (cf. Lambek2004, 2).He acknowledges a ritual’s

canonicalmessages,referringtoanenduringorder,butalsoitsindexicalones,

concernedwith the performers’ current states. By introducing the notion of

acceptance in its public andprivate aspects, hebrings together the social ef-

fectsofritualandanindividualperson’sexperienceofritual.InspiredbyKap-

ferer, this is where I speak of the perception of placewhich is generated in

ritual, assuming that in spite of variations, shared understandings of place

emergefrompeople’sparticipationinritual.Lastly,Rappaportprovidesapre-

cise analytical vocabularywithwhich todiscuss the contributionof symbols,

indicesandiconstothemakingofplaceamongtheSantal.Inthatcontextitis

relevant tonote thateachof these three typesofsignscarriesdifferent func-

tionsandismoreprevalentinsomecontextsthaninothers.Asanillustration,I

argue that in contexts of contestation (in rituals organized by a religious re-

formmovement, in rituals oriented towards non-Santal such as the regional

flowerfestival)indicesaremoresuitablethansymbols,becausetheirrelation

tothatwhichtheysignifyismoredirectandthereforeenhancestheirefficacy.

Inthisregardthetopicofchangeandthetransformationofritualcommu-

nication comes into thepicture.AsRappaport generally focusesmoreon co-

herenceandcontinuity(Lambek2004,248),hehaslittletosayaboutchange

in ritual. Instead, he emphasizes that rituals are centrally concerned with

changelessness, both in its form characterized by recurrence and its content

oftendealingwiththetriumphofvitality(Rappaport1999,230-233).

While change is not central tomy discussion of Santal ritual, the ethno-

graphic material discussed in chapter five brings up the topic of transfor-

mationsofritualmeaningandrelatednotionsofplace.Thiscontextwillshow

thatsymbolsneednotnecessarilybeassociatedwithpermanenceandinvari-

ance.First,oldsymbolscanbecomeimbuedwithnewmeanings.Inthecaseof

theregionalflowerfestival,SantalpoliticalactivistshavefashionedtheSantal

sacredgroveintoasymbolrepresentingtheecologicalsustainabilityofSantal

culture.Thiscase illustrates thatsymbolsneedtobeunderstood in theirhis-

toricalandpoliticalcontext.Further,newsymbolscanbeintroducedintoritual

contexts,suchasbookswrittenintheSantaliscriptOlChiki,sothatadditional


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messagesbecomepartoftheritual.Hencesymbolscanbeinvestedwithnew

meaningsoremployedstrategicallyby ritualorganizers to communicatecer-

tainmessages.Thispointstothepossibilityofnewnotionsofplacebeingcre-

ated in ritual practice. These dynamics of place making are therefore also

relatedtothedynamicsofsymbolsandindicesinritualcontexts.

TheMeaningsandEffectsofSymbolsSo far the discussion on ritual symbols, indices and icons, leaning on Rap-

paport,hasshownthattheircommunicativeaspectsandefficacyareintricately

connected.InthissectionIintendtooutline,howIstudiedandapproachedthe

meaningofSantalritualsymbolsandhowIunderstandtheirefficacyrelatedto

thecreationof(notionsof)place.

DuringmyfieldworkIapproachedthemeaningof,forexampleritualsymbols

inmuchthesamewayasTurner(1967,20)suggested,namelybytakinginto

accounttheappearanceofthesymbol,bycollectinginterpretationsofspecial-

ists and ritual participants and by trying to understand the symbol from a

structuralperspective.Thesedifferentperspectivesshowthattherearediffer-

enttypesorlevelsofsymbolicmeaning.First,thereisthemeaningconsciously

attributedbypeopletoasymbol.Forexample,severalSantaleldersdescribed

thewoodenpolesetinthegroundduringjomsimbongaasrepresentingacer-taingroupofHansdas(aSantalclan).Thistypeofmeaningisneithersharedby

nor accessible to all ritual participants. Keesing (2012) aptly points out that

thisconsciousknowledgeofthemeaningofritualsymbolsisdistributedune-

venlyamongexpertsandlaymen.Thereisthusoftenamultitudeofmeanings

attachedtoasymbol.Second,thereisthestructuralmeaningofasymbolthat

canbeunderstoodfromitscontextorfromitsrelationtoothersymbols.This

is the type ofmeaning,which ritual participants often cannot articulate. For

example, in thecontextof theSantal flower festival theuseofsalandmahuaflowers points to the complementarity ofmale and female, which in amore

abstractsensepointstothethemeoffertility,whichreappearsthroughoutthe

festival. I came to this conclusion, becausepeopleoffer sal flowers to amaledeityandmahuaones toa femaleoneduring thisevent.Noneofmy inform-ants,however,wouldhaveeverexplainedthemeaningoftheseflowersinsuch

abstractterms.InthethreefollowingchaptersIshowthatthesedifferentlev-

elsofa symbol’smeaning, togetherwith its roleanduse in ritual, give infor-

mationaboutSantalnotionsofplace.


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Complementingthiscommunicativeaspectofritualsymbols, I takeparticular

interestintheireffect.MorespecificallyIask,howritualsymbolscontributeto

themakingofplace.Thiseffectcanbe independent fromthemeaning,which

ritualparticipantsattributetosymbols.If,duringtheSantaljomsimbonga,twodifferentcategoriesofrelativesweardifferenttypesofclothesandarebarred

fromenteringtheinnersacrificialcircle,itisnotnecessaryforparticipantsto

understand or be able to articulate themeaning of the clothes or the spatial

symbolism. The structure of this symbolism presents certain associations to

theritualparticipants:aspecificgroupofparticipants,thepeopleofonehouse,

wearthesamecolorofclothes,theirancestralsymbol,awoodenpole,isplaced

intheground.Theheadsofthesacrificialanimalsbroughtbythemareplaced

inonesacrificialcircle,partofthemeatisburiedintheground.Anothergroup

of participants, their affines, are dressed in different types of clothes, they

bringcastratedgoatstobesacrificed.Theaffinesarenotpermittedtoenterthe

sacrificialcircle.Evenifpeoplecannotexplainthesymbolismoftheritual, its

structuredifferentiatesagnatesandaffinesand links theagnates to theplace

andthelandonwhichthisritualtakesplace.Thestructureissufficienttogen-

erateacertainexperienceandperceptionofsocietyandplaceamongtheritual

participants.ThisrefersbacktoKapferer’s (1991,1997)argumentpresented

above,whichlocatesthegeneratingpotentialofritualinthedifferentpercep-

tualpossibilitiesofferedbyitsaesthetics.

Toconclude, in this chapter Idiscussed thebasicpremisesonwhichmy

studyofSantalritualandplaceisbased.Foremostmyanalyticalstartingpoint

isthatnotionsofplaceareculturallyconstructed.Itisthenmyargumentthat

thecreationandattributionofmeaningtoplaceshappensduringritualprac-

tice.Myunderstandingofritualinthisworkistwo-fold:OntheonehandIre-

gard ritual as articulating cultural concepts and ideas, on the other hand I

recognize ritual’s idea-generatingpotential. For the sakeofmy specific focus

onplacethismeansthatritualbotharticulatesandcreatesdifferentSantalno-

tionsofplace.Concerningthesecondpoint Ihighlight the importanceofper-

ception in this “making of place” and propose that people’s perception is

shaped in distinct ways during their participation in ritual. In the following

chaptersIfocusontwocrucialelementsinthisgenerativeprocess,namelythe

spatialmovementsandsymbolsthatappearintheritualsIdiscuss.Afterhav-

ing so far discussed the Santal in their social and regional context,my field-

worksituationandmethodologyaswellasthetheoreticalfoundationsofthis


106

work, each subsequent chapter deals nowwith the specific Santal notions of

placeinthesenseofland,environmentandregion.

Chapter3⎜ConnectionsbetweenLandandSocialStructure

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3.TheConnectionsbetweenLandandSocial

Structure

But the performativemodes to kinship known to anthropology (…)

areindefinitelymany,inasmuchastheyarepredicatedonparticular

culturallogicsofrelatedness.(Sahlins2011,5)

This chapter dealswith relatedness in Santal society and how its practice is

linked todifferentnotionsof place. In Sahlins’ sense, I see oneof the crucial

modesofperformingrelatednessinritualpractice.Differentritualsconstitute

different types of relatedness and different notions of place, as this chapter

shows. For example, “people of one house” (mitorakhor), a close group of“brothers”(boeha)cometogethereveryfewyearstocelebrate jomsimbonga,a large goat sacrifice offered to their commondeity. The ritual is held in the

fieldsclosetotheir“placeoforigin”(mulgadi).Afterthesacrifice,the“peopleof one house” invite their affinal relatives (pera), those with whom they al-readymaintain or could establishmarital relations. Together they eat, drink

andsocializeuntillateatnight.

Thisdifferentiationofsocietyintoagnates,“own”,andaffines,“others”,is

acommonstructuringprincipleofseveralCentralIndiansocieties.Therefore,

in addition to jomsimbonga, this chapter portrays Santalwedding rites, thecoreritual forconstitutingaffinalrelatedness.Thedifferentstepsofthewed-

dingceremony,suchasthehandingoverofthebridewealth(gonong),theap-plicationofvermillion(sindur)bythegroomtothebride,theritualgreetingofthe new in-laws (balanepel), and the feeding of the couple by the groom’smotherareall carriedout inspecificplaces.Like jomsimbonga, theweddingritesthereforeequallyarticulateandcreatedistinctlyvaluednotionsofplace.

Inritualspeoplecrossandenterdifferentspaces.Asnewrelativesrituallypass

the thresholdofahouse,or theentrance to theroomof theancestralshrine,

theyarebroughtintocloserrelationshipswiththehouse’sinhabitants.

Theseexamplesarticulatethatfirst,ritualandplacearemutuallyconstitu-

tiveandthatsecond,thespatialandthesocialarecloselyintertwined.Aftera

shortoutlineoftheshiftingfocusinkinshipstudiesfromabstractclassification

to the practice of kinship below, this chapter is intended to give insight into


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notionsofplace,specificallyrelatedtoland,placesoforiginandthehouse,and

thecloseconnectionbetweentheseplacesandSantalnotionsofrelatedness.

TheTurnofKinshipStudiesFromitsverybeginningsthestudyofkinshipwasformativetothedisciplineof

anthropology.InanarticleoncategoriesofrelatednessinaCentralIndianso-

ciety,Hardenberg(2009,62)pinpointedtheturninkinshipstudiesawayfrom

a focus ondescent, genealogy, rules and structures in thework of Schneider

(1968,1972,1984),Needham(1971,1974)andKuper (1982,2005).Schnei-

der(1972)sawhispredecessors’andcontemporaries’biggestmistakeintheir

genealogical,andultimatelybiological,reckoningofkinship. Inasimilarvein,

Kuper(1982)andLeach(1961a)criticizedtheuniversalismofdescent-based

models,largelydevelopedintheAfricancontext.Kuper(1982,92)sawlineage

modelsneitherrepresentingfolkmodelsnororganizingpoliticaloreconomic

activitiesinthesesocieties,butinsteadonlyservingmodernnotionsofprimi-

tive societies. Based on his study of Pul Eliya, a Sri Lankan village, Leach

(1961a, 7mentioned in Kuper 2005, 175) showed that “locality rather than

descent forms the basis of corporate grouping”. As I will discuss in section

3.1.4,thisturnawayfromtheconceptofunilinealdescentisalsorelevantfor

mymaterialontheSantal.IntribalCentralIndia,ingeneral,genealogicalreck-

oning is of little importance and another focus ismore adequate in order to

understandlocalconstructionsofrelatedness.

AsHardenberg(2009,62ff)discusses,afteradeclineinpopularityofkin-

ship studies in the 1980s and 1990s new approaches revitalized the field.

Among them was an edited volume on house-based societies (Carsten and

Hugh-Jones1995,mentionedinHardenberg2009,63)aimingtoovercomethe

previouslystrongemphasisongenealogy,rulesandstructures.Inalaterpubli-

cationCarsten(2000,4)preferredtheterm“relatedness”to“kinship”,“inor-

dertosignalanopennessto indigenousidiomsofbeingrelatedratherthana

reliance on pre-given definitions or previous versions”. She insisted that an

understandingofotherpeople’srelatednessmuststartfromtheirconceptions.

InheranalysisofMalayrelatedness,sheemphasizesprocessandshowshow

thisrelatednessgraduallyevolvesthroughcommonfoodconsumptionandthe

sharingofahouseandhearth(Carsten1995).

Theaboveoutlineddevelopmentswithinkinshipstudiesarerelevant for

mywork inseveralaspects. IagreewithHardenberg(2009,64) that,despite

thedemiseofmoreclassicalkinshipstudies,bothformalaspectsofclassifica-


109

tionsand theexperiential, practical sideofkinship should continue toplaya

roleinunderstandingthesocialsystemofasociety.Ithereforeintroducebasic

coordinatesofSantalsocialorganizationinthefirstpartofthischapter.Ihave,

however,stillchosentodiscussthesecoordinatesfromapractice-perspective,

becausetomeasaresearcheritwasespeciallyduringritualpracticethatso-

cialrolesandclassificationsemerged.Mostimportantly,myinformantsequally

referredbacktotheseeventsinordertoanswermymoreabstractquestions.

Forexample,whenIaskedmyneighbor:“WasthatmanfromMurugutivillage

yourgusti(localline)?Isheoriginallyfromyourvillage?”,heanswered:“Yes,Ithinkso.Lastyearhecameheretoour jomsimbonga.”Carsten’s(2000)sug-gestion, to start from local practice in the analysis of relatedness, resonateswiththesestatements.Thestandpointfromwhichthischapterdeparts,takes

inspirationfromHardenberg’s(2009,83)viewthat“ritualsareameansofso-

cial classification.” Before presenting two such rituals, the following section

firstintroducesthemostimportantstructuringprinciplesofSantalsocietyand

consecutivelydiscussessocialcategoriesandgroupsfromlargesttosmallest.

3.1CornerstonesofSantalSocialClassification3.1.1OfBrothersand“Guests”

BrothersAtthebaseofSantalsocialstructureliesasimplebinarysystem,oneinwhich

theSantaldividetheirsocietyinto“own”and“other”.Assection3.1.4discuss-

esthereislittleagreementamongpreviousSantalethnographersonthelocal

termsforthisopposition.TheSantalIencounteredintheEastSinghbhumarea

used the term “brothers” (boeha) for those people “of one house” (mitorakhor)insomecontextsbutoftentheyjustspokeof“ourpeople”(alehor)or“ourgusti” (alegusti).76All of these connotations of brotherhood are discussed infurtherdetailinthecourseofthissection.Thoseclassifiedasbrothers(boeha)cannot intermarry, that is they cannot marry each other’s sisters or daugh-

ters.77Brothers are also bound together in the obligation to propitiate their

76The termgusti seems tobe specific for theEast SingbhumSantal area, possibly a loanwordtaken from Bengali and bestowed with its own meaning by the Santal. None of the Santal

ethnographies,mostofthemaboutthenorthernSantal,mentionit.77The term boeha has male connotations, but includes women as well. Women would, forexample,alsodescribeeachotherasrelatedasboeha,iftheirhusbandswerebrothers.


110

commondeity inregular intervals.Spatially,“realbrothers”(nijboeha), thoseborntoonefatherorinawidermeaningborntoonegrandfather,oftenreside

inonehouseor inadjoininghouses.Theyalsofrequentlyownfieldsadjacent

toeachother.Brotherhoodisthusdefinedthroughbeingclose,bothspatially

andsocially.Thus,placeandespeciallytheideaofone’splaceoforiginplaysa

crucial role in the notion of brotherhood as elaborated in section 3.3.1 on

brothers, theirdeityand land.Thetopicofmigration featuresprominently in

thesenotionsofplace,andindeeditisatopicrecurrentthroughoutSantalhis-

tory,ascontainedinthecreationmyth.

Several other authors have identified the conceptual division of Central

IndiantribalsocietyworkinginOdisha,JharkhandandChhattisgarh.Concern-

ingOdisha among these authors areHardenberg (2005, 2009)writing about

theDongriaKond,Berger(2015a,2010)discussingtheGadabaaswellasPfef-

fer (1982, 1997) throughout hiswork on Central Indian social classification.

Verardo (2003, 31-35) equally reports this opposition of Munda clans into

“brothersor ‘agnates’(haga)or ‘guests’or ‘affines’(kupul)”(32)andGregory(2009) furtheraddresses thedivisionofsociety into“brotherhood”and“oth-

erhood”amongHalbispeakersofChhattisgarh.

Hardenberg(2009,71)demonstratesthatthesupercategoriesofbrothers

andaffinesareagaindivided intosubcategories indifferentcontexts.For the

Santalthecategoryofbrothersfallsintodifferentnotionsaswell.Theclosest

brothers, with whom one cannot marry, are the “people of one house” (mitorakhor), thosewithwhomone carries out the ritual described later in thischapter(jomsimbonga).Theideaofthehouseistobeunderstoodinabroadersense,sinceitoftenreferstoonecommonhouseinthepast,fromwhichsome

brothers dispersed to other places. In addition, othermembers of one’s clan

areconsideredtobebrotherstoo,andclanexogamyisthustherule.Asoneof

the portraits in the section onmarriage shows, lovemarriageswithin a clan

can take place todaywithout severe consequences. The youngman involved

explainedthatonlymarriagebetween“peopleofonehouse”isgravelyperse-

cutedinhissociety.Last,thereisathirdcategorywhichfallsintothesupercat-

egory of brothers: ties established through a type of ritual friendship called

phul.These friendshipscan takeplacebetweenallethniccommunities in thearea, forexamplebetweenaSantalandaHoman.Theirchildrenaddressthe

respective fathers as “father” (baba) and consider eachother to bebrothers.Commensality,uncommonwithmembersofothercommunities,waspracticed


111

among them and like brothers do, these families attended each other’smain

life-cycleeventsasguests(pera).

“Guests”TheotherpartofSantalsociety,thosewhoarenotconceptualizedasbrothers,

arereferredtoaspera.Thesearetheaffines,thatis,peopleonecanpotentiallymarryorthosewithwhommaritalrelationsalreadyexist.Theycomeasguests

to theyearlyvillageritualscelebrated in thespring (bahaporob – the flowerfestival) andat the timeofharvest (sohrae). In fact, in Santali thewordperareferstoboth“guests”andaffines.Affinesalsoattendandfulfillspecialrolesineachother’slife-cycleevents.InastrictsenseonlySantalareconsideredtobe

pera.Thewomenofahousegreetperainanelaboratewaydescribedindetailinsection3.1.2,withawater-filledbrassvessel(lota).Membersofotherlocalcommunities, especially those not speaking Santali, are not considered to be

peraandnotgreetedinaritualwayatall.Just like the category of brothers, the category of guests subdivides into

differentnotionsindifferentcontexts.Thismeansthatnotallaffinesaremar-

riageable. Idiscussina latersectionthatsomeSantalclansareconsideredto

beof lowerstatusandmarriagewiththeseclans isrefrainedfrom.Thereare

also some clanswhich, due toquarrelsmentioned inmyth, shouldnot inter-

marry.Consequently, in theoryallother thanmembersofone’sownclanare

marriageable,howeveracloserlookrevealsthatthisisnotthecase.

In thecontextofSantalweddingrituals,amorespecificnotionofaffines

emerges,namelythoseaffineswithwhomone’sgroupalreadymaintainsmari-

tal relationships. I refer to theseaffinesas “in-laws” inmywork.There isno

SantalequivalentinthebroadsensetotheEnglishword“in-law”,insteadthese

peoplearegenerallyreferredtoasperaaswell.Notwithstanding,twotypesofrelationshipsexistbetweencertainindividualsrelatedtoeachotherasin-laws.

Thefirstofthesetwotypesiscalledbalaandwillbediscussedindetail later.The section onweddingswill show that there is a special ritual establishing

this typeof relationship.The fatherof abride and the fatherof a groom, for

example,establishandmaintainsuchabalarelationship.Itisoneconceptual-izedas close, expressed in eachof theirmeetingsby a specificbala greeting.Thesecondin-lawrelationshipiscalledsangat.Itexistsbetweencross-siblingsof amarried couple, i.e. between a bride’s sister and a groom’s brother or a

bride’sbrotherandagroom’ssister.Oneisexpectedtojokewithone’ssangat,


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andpossiblyanothermarriagemightevolveoutofthisrelationship.Consider-

ing place, marriages ideally take place between distant villages; marriages

withinthesamevillageareoftenforcefullysuppressed.AyounggirlIknew,for

example,was forcedtomovetohermother’sbrother’s(mamu)housebyherparents, becauseofher romancewithher villageneighbor.78Havingoutlined

thebifurcationofSantalsocietyintobrothersandguests,thenextsectiondis-

cussesthemostimportantstructuringprincipleofSantalsociety.

3.1.2OnStatusDifference:TheConceptsof“Senior”and“Junior”InacademicliteratureaswellasineverydaydiscourseinIndia,adivasisocietyisoftenportrayedasegalitarian.Theliteraturemakesthisstatementinrefer-

encetosocialclass,andatraditionallackthereof(Carrin2013,113)orpoint-

ingtothedemocraticvaluesofadivasisociety(Shah2013,104).In popular opinion, as I encountered it among the urban Hindumiddle

class, adivasi society is regarded as “primitive” and “innocent”, labels oftenmentioned together with “egalitarian”. This alleged equality is distinguished

fromHinducastesocietywherestatusdifferencesareomnipresent.Especially

genderequality,butalsoritualequality,seemstostandoutformostoutsiders

lookingatadivasisocieties.ButevensomeSantalemphasizedtomeinEnglishthat they belong to an “egalitarian society”,manifest for example in the fact

thatanyonecouldpotentiallybecomeapriest(naeke)whereasinHindusocie-tythispositionisreservedonlyforonecaste,theBrahmans.

Onefurtherfindstheideaofegalitarianismintheethnographicliterature

ontheSantal.InastudyofSantalheadmanshipintheSantalParganasSomers

(1977, 58) discusses “Santal egalitarianism” with regard to Santal political

structure.Archer(2007,24)equallywritesabout“democraticequality”within

theSantaltribe.Thesestatementsseemtomostlyconcerntheacephalousna-

tureofSantalsociety.Villagedisputesaresettledinlargeassemblies,attended

byamalememberofeachhousehold.Notstatusbutoratoryskillsplayalarge

roleinthese“sittingsinthevillagestreet”(kulhidhurup).InKantasolavillage,where Istayed, thesediscussionscouldsometimes lastseveralnights,during

which all the conflicting argumentswerepresented and eventually a general

consensusabouttheconflictsettlementwasreached.

78Inherexplanationforthegirl’sparents’reaction,myinterlocutoronlymentionedthatpeople

aregenerallyagainstaffairsandmarriagesinthesamevillage.Commondescent,classifyingthe

girlandtheyoungmanassiblingsdidnotseemtobethecase.


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Butcanweconcludefromthispoliticalegalitarianism,andtheallegedab-

senceofclassamongtheSantalthatthisverysocietyisdevoidofstatusdiffer-

ence? Indeed, in a succeeding section to the one mentioned above, Somers

(1977,59)pointsinarelevantdirectiontoanswerthisquestion,andmentions

therespect forseniorityprevalent inSantalsociety. Inmyopinion, thismen-

tionofrespectcontradictstheaforementioned“Santalegalitarianism”.Similar-

ly,throughouthisworkontribalCentralIndia,Pfeffer(1982,2000)considers

theconceptoftribalegalitarianismasflawedandinsteadunderlinestheprin-

cipleofsenioritybetweenjuniorandseniorstatuscategoriesinthesesocieties.

InPfeffer’ssense,inthefollowingIseektoportraystatusdifferencesinSantal

societyastheymanifestthemselvesineverydayinteractionsandinritual.

GreetingandStatusFor theattentivevisitorof aSantalhousehold theorderof seniority firstbe-

comes apparent during the ritual greeting. When guests (pera) arrive, thewomenofahousereceivethembyplacingawater-filledbrassvessel(lota)infront of the seated visitors. The greeting gesture, carried out as described in

the following, embodies one’s social position, and indicates who is “junior”

(hudin)andwhois“senior”(marang)duringtheinteraction.Semanticallythe-se twowords carry a time-related aswell as a space-relateddimension.Ma-rang,forinstance,combinesbeingfirstintimeandplaceinoneword.79

The indicationofone’sposition in theorderof seniority ingreetingges-

tures differs according to gender and status. A woman greets (god) anotherpersondependentonherrelativepositionvis-à-visthispersoninthefollowing

way.Ifsheis junior,shejoinsherfingertipsbeneathherforeheadandslowly

bowsherheaddownuntilherhandsalmostordotouchtheground. Ifshe is

senior,shereceivesthisgestureofajuniorbyjoiningherhandstogetherasif

to scoopupwater,movingherhands towardsherownmouth andmaking a

kissing sound. If a man is junior, he joins the palms of his hands, fingertips

pointing away from the body, and moves them towards his forehead while

bowinghishead.Theseniormanholdshisrightforearmbelowtheelbowwith

thelefthand,stretchesouthisrighthandandslowlymovesittowardshisown

foreheadwhilemakinganoddingheadmovement.Theseritualizedgreetings

oftentakeplaceinthecourtyardofahouseor inasortofhallway,butnever

79Cf. Bodding (2010, 4: 238): “Maran: The first; front; first, before (in time, place, order); putfirst,infront;befirst.”


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insideofanyrooms.Inthiswayguestsarereceivedintothehouse.Bywashing

theirfeetandhandswiththewaterprovidedinthelotatheyridthemselvesofanyimpurityaccumulatedontheirjourney.Afterthewomenhavereceivedthe

guestsintothehouseinthismanner,themenfollowsuitwiththeappropriate

greetinggesture.

Ifaguestentersahousehold forthe first time,suchas is thecase foraf-

fines in the courseofmarriagearrangements,hisorher feet areplacedona

brassplate,washedwithwaterandrubbedwithoil.Receivingguestscantake

aconsiderableamountoftimeandshouldnotbedoneinahurry(horoboro).Greetinggesturesarethereforecarriedoutslowly,lendinganairofgraceand

importancetothissocialinteraction.

Greeting is awardedhighvalue inSantal societyandencouraged in chil-

dren fromanearlyageon.Often two-year-oldchildrenalreadyknowhowto

greet others and receive praise from thewhole familywhen theymanage to

perform the gesture correctly. It is important to greet each person present,

evensmallbabiesandthosewhodidnotarrivewiththeguests,suchashouse-

holdmembersseatedbesidestheguests.

Thepeoplegreetedareusuallyconsideredtobepera,awordbothrefer-ring to guests and affinal relatives. Any Santal coming into another Santal’s

houseisconsideredperaandgreetedintheritualizedway.Mygradualintegra-tion intoSantal societyas anoutsiderbecameapparent, amongother things,

throughthewayIwasgreetedandexpectedtogreet.InsomehouseswhereI

arrived for the first time Iwould not be greeted. But after a conversation in

SantaliIwouldsometimeshearthewomenofthehouseremark:“Sheispera,weshouldhavegottenthelotaoutandgreetedher.”InmyhostfamiliesIwasincreasinglyexpected togreetguests.Atonepointduringawedding,when I

wasnotyetawareofthisexpectation,thefatherofthehousereprimandedme:

“Beti(daughter),whyareyousittingthere?Areyoupera,orwhyareyounotgreeting our guests?”, indicating that I ampart of his household and as such

expectedtojointheotherwomenintheirgreetingritual.

Members of several other communities of the area are generally not

greeted,becausetheyarenotfamiliarwiththisSantalgreeting.Totheamuse-

mentofmySantalhosts,avisitingHindujournalistfromGhatsilaoncethought

thatthewaterinthelotawasplacedinfrontofhimtodrink.Formyhosts,thisincident again confirmed that these people could not be greeted the Santal

way.ThisseemstomainlyapplytoHinducasteswhodonotlivewiththeSan-

tal,becausetheirneighboringblacksmiths(Kamar),basketmakers(Mahali)or


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weavers (Pere) can reciprocate the Santal greeting and are occasionally in-cludedintothecategoryofpera.

Photo10:Womenofahousearegreetingtheguestswhohavearrivedfortheritualof“seeingthegroom”.Theonesgreetingarejuniorinstatustothosebeinggreeted.

Photo11:Boysofahousearegreetingtheguestsonthesameoccasion.Theyarejuniortothosebeinggreeted.


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Anexceptionfromthehierarchicalgreetingbetween juniorandsenior lies in

thegreetingbetweenritual friends(phul)80andbetweenthose inabala rela-tionship.RitualfriendshipinIndiaexistsindifferentformsindifferentregions

(cf.Desai2010;Skoda2005).Thephul friendshipspracticedby theSantal inEastSinghbhumdifferslightlyfromwhatDesai(2010,116)outlinesaboutthe-

se ritual friendships in Chhattisgarh. He argues that this ritual friendship

termed phul-phulwari is established between two people who have alreadybeenclosefriendsbefore;thebasisoftheirrelationbeingloveorpremashisinformantscall it.When theSantalofEastSinghbhumenter intophul friend-ships,itisbecausetwopeoplelookorareconsideredtobealike.Thisdoesnot

imply that they have already been friends before. Phul friendships exist be-tweenallcasteandtribalcommunitiesoftheareaandtiewholefamiliesintoa

specialbondofmutualsupport.Theyhelpeachotheroutintimesofeconomic

hardship andparticipate in eachother’s families’ life-cycle rituals.Phul greeteach other symmetrically as theywould greet a senior, thus each granting a

higherstatustotheother.Theotherexceptionalgreetingformtakesplacebe-

tween bala, a relationship discussed in more detail later on in this chapter.Duringthebalagreeting,differentsetsofin-laws,suchasthefathers,mothersor mother-brothers of a married couple, greet each other with symmetrical

gestures.Thisformofgreetingbetweenbalarelativesisfirstestablisheddur-ingaweddingceremonyandconsecutivelycarriedoutwheneverthesein-laws

meetinthecourseoftheirlifetime.

Withtheexceptionofphulandbalagreetings,everyformofritualgreetingrendersvisible thehierarchyofseniority inSantal society.Butwhatmakesa

person juniororsenior?For theobserver itsoonbecomesclear that it isnot

necessarily biological age. Instead, it is one’s relative position in the kinship

networkthatimpartsthequalityofbeingjuniororsenioronaperson.Forex-

ample,amancanbeolderinagethanhiscousin,butifthecousin’sfatherwas

theelderbrotheroftheman’sfatherthenthecousinissenior.Thisholdsnot

onlyfor individuals,butalsoformembersofthesamegenerationofahouse-

hold.Anotherexampleisthatanewbridecanbeyoungerinagethanhersis-

ter-in-law, but if her husband is the eldest son of the family, she will be

consideredseniortohersister-in-law.

80Archer (2007, 86)writes ofphul as “flower friendship”. Althoughphul (Hindi) translates asflower, my Santal informants vehemently denied that phul is in any way associated with thewordflowerandconsideredittoonlyrefertothisritualfriendship.


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Ingeneral,peoplearemostlyawareof theirposition in theirnetworkofkin,

butitbecomesslightlymoredifficultwhentwopeoplearenotrelated.Onfirst

encounter,Santalof thesameareausuallymakeagreateffort todetectcom-

monkinrelations,but ifnosuchrelationscanbetraced,peopleseemtoesti-

mate their position according to age. Nevertheless, ambiguities are

omnipresent, and young or newmembers of a household frequently have to

ask theirelderswhether togreetunknownguestsas junioror senior.Anew

bride,forexample,isoftenintroducedintohernewpositionbyhermother-in-

lawandmakesfrequentmistakesinmanyofherfirstencounterswithhernew

kin.

Whilethetermmaranghor(“senior/bigman”)issometimesalsousedtodescribeapersonofgreatmaterialwealthorpower,suchasalocalpolitician,

itpredominantlyreferstoapersonofseniorstatuswithinakinshipnetwork.

But inwhich other context, apart from greeting, does the differentiation be-

tweenjuniorandseniorplayarole?

RitualandStatusThevocabularyofhierarchy introducedaboveplaysan important role in the

contextofritualscarriedoutbyaspecificsocialunit.Followingotherscholars

(Berger2015a,81ff;Hardenberg2005,188ff;Leach1966,57;Otten2006,53ff;

Pfeffer2000,339), inmyworkIcallthisunit“localline”(gusti).Whereasthespecifics of this terminology are discussed in the next section, the necessary

background informationhere is thatmembersof this local lineconsidereach

other to be “people of one house” (mitorakhor). They regard themselves asoffspringof a commonancestorbut cannot specifynordo theyattributeany

importancetotheexactgenealogicaltiesconnectingthem.

Jomsimbonga, oneof themost important ritualsof the local line, isdis-cussedbelow.Duringthisritual,maranghor, themostseniormembersofthelocalline,playanimportantrole.Theirhouseisrituallypurifiedbythewomen

ofthehouseandconsideredespeciallysacredbeforeandduringtheritual.In

thisplace“thepeopleofonehouse”consultthegodsbeforetheritualandall

theritualparticipantsassembleherebeforetheritualtakesplaceinthefields.

Duringtheritual,thishouseisconsideredtobethe“houseofthegod”(bongaorak).Santalmenemphasizedtomethatmaranghor, “seniorpeople”,donotgo to the house ofhudinhor, junior people, during a ritual. Themost seniormember(maranghor)ofalocallinecarriesouttheworshipactivityduringthe


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ritual, such as making the sacrificial circles and consulting the deity during

possession. This person thus functions as a ritual specialist, asnaeke, at jomsimandtandibonga.Onlyheknowstheactualnameofthedeityandpassesitontohissonbeforehisdeath.Toconclude,itbecomesapparentherethatritu-

al action is another domain inwhich status difference is relevant and deter-

minestheactionsofpeople.

Insum,thedifferentiationbetweenjuniorandseniorpermeatesallsocial

relationshipsinSantalsocietywiththeexceptionofbalarelativesandphulre-lations. As described, this order of seniority becomes apparent foremost in

greeting gestures and in ritual. Juniors are opposed to seniorswithin a net-

workofkin.Butalsooutsideof thiscontextsuchdifferentiation isapplied to

othercommunitiesofthearea.Thenextchapterwillshowthateventheland-

scape is imagined and perceived in such terms. The deities residing in the

mountainsofthearea(burubongas)aretalkedaboutasbeingrelatedtoeachotherasbrothersandaffines. Justas inhumansocietythereareyoungerand

older brothers. The deities’ status determineswho isworshipped first in an

annualritualheldintheirname.

Havingoutlined theprincipleof seniority, thenextsection furtherspeci-

fies the notion of brotherhood. The different aspects of brotherhoodwill be

discussedagaininsection3.2.1inthecontextofthemostimportantritualcar-

riedoutbybrothers.

3.1.3SantalClans(paris)Clans(paris)amongtheSantal formanall-encompassingsocialclassification.SantalmenandwomencarryoneofthetwelveSantalclansintheirtitle,oneof

whichhoweverseemstonolongerexist.Apersonreceiveshisorherbelong-

ingtoaclanfromthefatherandwomenchangetheirclanmembershipupon

marriage. As mentioned, members of one’s own clan are considered to be

brothers,withfurthersubdivisions.Allotherclansareconsideredtobeaffines,

althoughnotallmarriageoptionsareencouraged.Duringmy fieldwork Inot

didhoweverfindthenotionthatsomeclansareconsideredtobebrothers,as

Hardenberg(2009,73)writesfortheDongriaKond.Verardo(2003,32)even

specifiesthattheMundacanexplicitlylistbrotherclans.


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TheSantalcreationmyth81summarized inthefollowingcontainsseveral top-

icsrelevantforthequestionofhowrelatednessisconceptualizedbytheSantal.

Itprovides thebackground forhowdifferentclansemergedandofhowthey

areorganized in theorderofseniority. Italsoshows, thatrelatednessamong

theSantal isnot restricted to the speciesofhumans, and itpoints to the im-

portanceofmigrationinSantalhistory.

TheSantalCreationMyth

TransformingWaterintoLand:TheCreationoftheEarth(dhartisinjon)

Themythbeginswiththecreationoflandbythegodsfromanendlessocean.

Then two humans hatched from a goose egg and their offspring formed the

originaltwelveSantalclans.Theybegantowanderinordertofindaplaceto

settle. Since the Santal creationmythhas beenwrittendown extensively (cf.

Archer2007,260ff;Bodding1916;Carrin-Bouez1986,26;Culshaw2004,64),

IprovideonlyashortsummaryoftheversionIencounteredinvillagesaround

Ghatsila and Jhargram here. Today the creation myth is recited by gurus atnamingceremonies(cacochatiar),jomsimandkaramrituals,andoccasionallyatweddingsandsecondaryfunerals(bhandan).Whenthecreationmythisper-formed as part of abinti, a ritual narrative, spoken and sung passages alter-nate.

The three recitations of the creationmyth I recorded in East Singbhum,

JharkhandandinJhargram,WestBengaldifferintheirbeginningfromtheones

availableintheliterature:AtfirsttherewasnowateronearthandThakur,thecreator god, made a large animal, an elephant named gojamati. The animalsleptforhalfayear,fortheotherhalfhewasawake.Throughthetoresutam82,

asacredthreadconnectingheaven(sorokpuri)andearth(monchpuri),theoth-ergodsbroughttheelephantdowntoearth.TherehesteppedonMarangBu-ru’s stick (barsi hapa), which punctured the earth. Water flowed from thegroundandfloodedeverything.Onlybirdsandwateranimalssurvived.

81Mypresentationofthemythhereisbasedonaroughtranslationthereofwiththehelpofmy

assistant.BecausewenevertranscribedthemythinSantali,IdonotprovidetheSantalihere.Cf.

Andersen,CarrinandSoren2011foraSantaliversionofthecreationmyth.82Toresutamisamotiveappearinginmanysongsandstories.Itisthevenuethroughwhichthegods came and still come to earth. Some songs sungduring thehunting festivals described in

chapter four state that without the tore sutam human life on earth would be without roots.Peoplewouldbewanderingtheearthendlesslysearchingforaplacetostay.Duringthespring

flower festival, straw ropeswith bundles on their ends, hang from the trees underwhich the

gods areworshipped. People say that for the possession ofmediums the gods come through

theseropescalledtoresutam.ForapictureoftoresutamseePhoto37inchapterfive.


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Then there was only water, and no land. JaherAyo,MarangBuru’s wife andmother goddess of the sacred grove, came to earth.When she breathed life

(jiwi) intoghusgrass,whichfloatedonthewater,thegrassturnedintogeese(hanshansli).ThegeesebuiltanestontheKaramtree(Adinacordifolia),andlaid two eggs. Out of the eggs hatched the ancestral couplePilcuHaram andPilcuBudhi.

Thehumancoupleneededaplacetostayandthecreationoflandbecame

thenext task for the gods. Landwas createdwith thehelpof seven animals.

Thenumbersevenhereisthereasonwhythispartofthecreationmythissung

seventimesduring theperformanceof jomsimbinti,asoneguru toldme.Allthesesevencreatures,Pfeffer(1984a,38)pointsout,areanimalsthatoperate

inwaterandonland,thusconnectingthetwoopposedelements.Thecreator

god asked a crab (katkom), a shrimp (ichet), a crocodile (tayan), an alligator(mangar),afish(boar–atypeofcatfish),atortoise(horo)andanearthworm(lendet)tobringupearthfromthebottomofthesea.Aftersixofthemfailed,theearthwormfinallysucceeded:Itateearthatthebottomoftheseaandex-

creteditontothebackofthetortoiseswimmingonthesurfaceofthewater.

TransformingSiblingsintoSpouses:IncestastheFoundationofSociety

(manmijanam–theBirthofMan)

Now that therewas land, Lite, asMarangBuru is sometimes called, went tofindaplacetostayfortheancestralcouple.PilcuHaramandPilcuBudhishort-lysettledinKasidhud,buttherethekasileafcausedskinirritation.ThentheywenttoSagatbhute,buttherethesagatgrassstucktotheirclothesandmadeituncomfortableforthemtostay.InJanumdhudthereweremanythornsandin

Cerij therewere toomanybirds.Finally, they settleddown inHihiriPipiri, a

mountainous place. HereMarangBuru taught the couple to brew rice beer(handi). After drinking it, they committed incest. This transformation of sib-lings into lovers is a popular topic in Santal songs, such as the singrai songsperformedduringthehuntingfestival.

Shortlyafterhavingdrunkricebeer,theymarriedand“PilcuBudhi’sbodybecameheavy”(PilcuBudhireakhormohamalena),asthegurusdescribedherpregnantstate.ConcernedaboutherchangeofappearanceshewenttoMarangBuru, but he confirmed that “This is very good news” (adibeskobor). FromtheiroffspringthetwelveSantalclansemerged.


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TheOrderofSeniorityoftheTwelveClans

PilcuBudhi gavebirth to sevensonsandsevendaughters (eaekurieaekora).Onedaythesonswenthuntingintheforestandthedaughterswentgathering.

Afteralongtimeintheforesttheymetagainandbegantalkingtoeachother.

Another version of themyth tells of the seven sons and daughters drinking

fromapondintheforest,intowhichtherootsofatreereached.Theybecame

drunk and did not recognize each other as brothers and sisters. They then

asked each other: “Who of you is elder andwho is younger?” (okoemarang,okoehudin). Then, according to their order of birth, theymarried.The sevenseniorclansemergedfromthesecouples:TheeldestwasHansda,namedafter

thegoose(hans) fromwhichtheancestralcouplewasborn.ThesecondborethenameMurmu,namedaftermurumenga,thenilgaeantelope.Thethirdcou-plewascalledMarndi, afteraweedof thepaddy field (Ischaemumrugosum).NumberfourcarriesthenameKisku,ofwhichPfeffer(1984a,41)writesthat

the clan derives its name from the kingfisher bird. The Soren clan takes its

namefromthePleiades,andtheHembromclanfromthebetelpalm(41).The

lastof the sevensenior clansare theTudus, taking theirname from theowl.

Regardingthemselvesashighinstatustheseclansdonotprefertomarrywith

thefollowingfivejuniorclans,whocamelaterintheorderofbirth.

ThesejuniorclansaretheBaskeyclan(baskedaka–stalerice),theBesra(falcon), theCaure (lizard), thePauria (pigeon)and theDonker, according to

thegurusinEastSinghbhum.Alloftheseclansmaintainaprotectiverelation-shipwith their totemandtakecarenot toharm it.Were they todoso,harm

wouldbefall their social group. In thepast, restrictions ofmarriage between

certainclansof the first sevenalsoseemtohaveexisted (42).Manyof those

taboos,suchastheforbiddenmarriagebetweenMurmuandHansda,Ididnot

witness in theareaofEastSinghbhum.Somemarriage restrictions,however,

are known to everyone andwidely followed, at least in the case of arranged

marriages.Duetoafightrecordedinthecreationmyth,theMarndiandKisku

clansarenot supposed tomarry.Anothermarriageprohibitionexists for the

TuduandBesraclans.Becauseoftheirlowgeneralstatus,Besraclanmembers

aretreateddifferentlyfromothers.PeopleofaHansdaclantoldmethatthey

wouldnotwashthefeetofBesraclansmenaspartofgreetingfirst-timeguests

if they came to their house, nor would their women apply baha sindur83to

83Likethebride,allmarriedwomenwhocomeasaffinalgueststoaweddingwearsindur.Itisappliedontheirhairpartandasalinealongtheedgeofthefacegoingfromtheforeheadtotheir


122

Besrawomenatweddingsandfunerals.InmyfieldworkvillagesIdidnoten-

counteranyPauria,CaureorDhonraclans.AjomsimguruinWestBengaltoldmethattheDhonraclanisfoundnortheastofRanchi,closetothesacredSantal

sitecalledLuguBuru.OtherpeoplespecifiedthattheCaureclanmembersusethe name Soren as their family name, and are therefore not recognizable as

Caure.

After the clans were divided, Marang Buru allotted each of the clans a

placetostay.Theseplaceswerecalledgar.Bodding(2010,2:390)translatesgaras“fortress,fortifiedplace,castle”.Thegurusdidnotlisteverygarforeachclan,butthemostwell-knownareBadoligaroftheHansdaandChampagaroftheMurmu clan. Santal clans are thus only associatedwith certain places in

mythology.Todaynoonecannamethe locationof theseclan territories.The

importanceofplace,however,doesemergeinthecontextoftheritualsofthe

localline.

TheimportanceoftheclanamongtheSantalcomestotheforefrontespe-

cially in the context ofmarriage. Clan exogamy is the rule, even though it is

broken in some cases as described in section 3.3.2 of this chapter.Marriage,

however,istheonlycontextinwhichclanmembershipinfluencesthebehavior

of people. Apart from this, it remains a category of social belonging,without

furtherrelevanceforeverydayactions.

It is noteworthy, that the Santal creation myth resembles the myths of

otherCentralIndiantribalsocietiesclosely.TheMunda(Roy1970,328ff)crea-

tionmyth, forexample, isalmost identicalregardingthecreationoftheearth

throughanearthworm, theconsumptionof ricebeeras theway tomake the

ancestral couple forget their siblingship and the clans’wanderings from one

place to another. Roy (328), however, onlymentions three sons born to the

ancestralcouple.AmongtribalsocietieslivingsouthoftheSantal,suchasthe

Gadaba(Berger2015a,194ff),theDongriaKond(Hardenberg2005,75)orthe

Muria (Elwin 1991, 257), brother and sister are disfigured through pox and

becometheancestralcouple.AmongtheGadaba,thecouple’stwelvesonsand

daughtersbecomethetwelvesegmentsofDesiasociety,insteadofthetwelve

clansintheSantalmyth.IncomparisonwiththeSantalmyth,theGadabaand

DongriaKondoneplacesless importanceoneachtribe’smigrations,whichis

reflectedstillintheirrelativelylocalizedsocialstructure(forexampletheclan

ears. Two sindur spots are also applied on the joint of the iron bangle (Santal sign ofmaritalstatus).


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territoriesoftheDongriaKondandthevillageclanoftheGadaba).Thenumber

twelve, as representing a totality (cf. Berger 2015a, 193; Hardenberg 2005,

291),isoneofthemanycommonalitiesbetweenthesesocietiesandtheSantal.

ThemesoftheCreationMyth

The Santal creationmyth contains themes, which reappear in contemporary

socialidentitiesandritualaction.Transformationsfeatureasonemajortheme

of themyth.Withthehelpofanimals, thegodscreate theearthoutofwater.

Land,andmorespecificallytheplacewheretheancestorssettled,playsanim-

portant role still today.Here themost important ritualsof the local line take

place,jomsimandtandibonga84.Asinthecreationmyth,todaytherearespe-cificplaces inwhich social groupsare rooted.We see that the ideaof origin,

combinedwithmigration,featuresprominentlybothinmythandinrecenthis-

tory.

Transformationsbetweenspeciesareanotherthemeinthemyththatoc-

cur inmany stories told in Santal society today.We encounter the ancestral

coupleaschildrenofgeese,thegeesethemselvesformedoutofgrass.Fromthe

ancestralcouplethetwelveSantalclansemerged,allpossessingtotemicchar-

acterandthereforeeachwithaspecialrelationofavoidancewiththeirtotem.

Relatedness among the Santal hence extends to other species aswell. Killing

one’stotemwouldbeendangeringone’sownsocialgroup.

The creationmyth depicts different notions of relatedness and gives in-

sightintoideasofthesocialidentityof“brothers”.Additionally,thethemesand

symbolsof the creationmythareof relevance toSantal social identity today.

AroundthetownofMusabaniinEastSinghbhumtherearebussescarryingthe

nameHihiriPipiri, the name of the first place where PilcuHaram and PilcuBudhi settled.Many songs sung during the village flower (baha) andharvest(sohrae)festivalmakereferencetothetopicsofthemyth.Namesrelatedtothemyth are also widespread. One regularly encounters children named Pilcu,

Champa or Lite.Moreover, all the clan names refer directly to themyth and

clanmembersknowthestoryofhowtheirclanoriginated.Mostpeople Ien-

countered,bothyoungandold,hadlistenedtorecitationsofthecreationmyth

atritualsandcouldsummarizeitscontent.Toconclude,IseethispartofSantal

oralhistoryasavitalpointofreferenceforSantalcontemporaryidentity.

84Tandibongaisafieldsacrificecarriedoutbybrothers,whichcloselyresemblesjomsimbonga,butiscarriedoutingreatersecrecy.BecauseIwasnotallowedtoparticipateinthetandibongaritual,theinformationIcouldobtainaboutitisnotsufficientforadescriptioninthischapter.


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3.1.4LocalLines(gusti)While members of one clan (paris), visible for the outsider by common lastnames such asMurmu orHansda, never act as a corporate group, the social

unitofalocallinedoes.Whenasked,peoplerefertothesegroupsasgusti,andinmore common termsdescribe itsmembers as “people of onehouse”,who

“sacrifice in the same sacrificial circle (khond)” and are brothers. DifferentfromthedefinitenumberoftwelveSantalclans,thereseemstobenolimited

numberoflocallines.ThesegroupscarrynamessuchaschilbhindeHansda,theHansdaswhoseforefatherkilledakite,orpoetaMurmu,theMurmuswhoweara sacred thread around the chest duringworship.What unites the people of

onegusti is a common ancestor, often a narrative about their name’s origin,localityanduniformritualaction.Inmanycasespeopleofonegustiliveinthesamevillage,butsomehavealso leftwhattheyconsidertheiroriginalvillage

andsettledelsewhere.Gustimembersofonevillagethereforeusuallycan listseveralothervillagesintheareawheretheirothergustimembersreside.

DuringmyfieldworkIencounteredtwooftheritualsperformedbythelo-

calline.Thelargestoftheseritualsisjomsimbonga,whichisportrayedinde-tailbelow.Adescriptionoftheother,tandibonga, isomitted,becauseIcouldnotparticipate in this ritual andonly gather superficial information about it.

Both these rituals are restricted to and carried out bymembers of the same

gustiandtouchuponverysimilarideas.Theytakeplaceinaricefieldnearthevillage,whichwas foundedby theparticipants’ancestors.Here theancestors

clearedtheforesttomakefieldsandestablishedasacredgrove.Membersofa

local line are thus united by common descent and a rootedness in a specific

place,theirfields,wherelargesacrificialritesarecarriedoutinregularinter-

vals.

TerminologyFollowingLeach(1977,57)85,Pfeffer(forexample2000,339)has introduced

theterm“localline”intothestudyofsocialclassificationinCentralIndiantrib-

al societies. This term is meant to be distinguished from the term ‘lineage’,

which emerged fromethnography in theAfrican context (cf. Evans-Pritchard

85Leachdiscusses that a comparisonofmodels orwhole societiesmust start froma concrete

reality–alocalgroupofpeople–ratherthananabstractreality–suchastheconceptoflineage

orthenotionofakinshipsystem.Forcorporategroupsarrangingmarriages,hethusintroduces

the term “local line”, which underlines the common ancestry and residence of individuals

belongingtothissocialunit.


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1940;Evans-PritchardandFortes1940)andbearsa strongemphasisonde-

scent.86Instead,locallinepaysheedtocommonlocalityandrelativelyshallow

notionsofdescent,bothofwhicharefactorsofrelevanceintheSantalunder-

standingoftheterm.DifferentfromtheAfricancontext,genealogiesareoflit-

tle importance to the Santal, who barely remember the names of their

ancestorsofthepreviousthreegenerationswhenmakingofferingstothemin

theancestral shrineof theirhouses. Inaddition to localityanddescent, com-

mon ritual action is the third factor that constitutes the local line among the

Santal,asdiscussedatlengthinthesectiononthe jomsimritualinthischap-ter.

A large part of the literature on Central Indian tribal societies has dis-

cussedthesesocialunitsbasedonthevocabularyoflineagetheory.Inaddition

tothementionedinadequacyofthisvocabularyinthiscontext,nosystematic

pictureofbothclassificationandpracticeoftheselocallinesexistsinthelitera-

ture.NotableexceptionsareinOtten’s(2006,53ff),Berger’s(2015a,81ff)and

Hardenberg’s (2005, 193ff) analyses of the Central IndianRona, Gadaba and

DongriaKondlocallines,respectively.Inaddition,highlyrelevanttoananaly-

sisofSantallocallinesisalsoReichel’s(unpublished)discussionofacompara-

bleHosocialunitcalled“peopleofonericepot”.Abriefcomparisonbetween

thesesocietiesandtheSantalfollowsthepresentationofkeycharacteristicsof

Santallocallinesbelow.

Throughout Santal ethnographies various authors mention Santal local

lines. Theydo somostly in the formof collections of names,myths of origin

andritualparticularities.Noneoftheseauthorswriteindetailabouttheritu-

als,whichbringtogetherthesesocialgroups.Infact,theirdescriptionsdonot

givetheimpressionthattheethnographershavebeenabletoattendtheserit-

uals.Thejomsimritualdescribedinthischapteristhusmeanttocomplementthecomprehensivecollectionsbysomeauthors(cf.Carrin-Bouez1986,78-81;

Culshaw2004,71-77;Gausdal1953).IntheSantalParganas(Archer2007,25;

Gautam1977,85;Troisi2000,86)aswellasinWestBengal’sBankuradistrict

(Culshaw2004)and inOdisha’sMayurbhanjdistrict (Bouez1985) theSantal

seem to use the word khunt for what these authors call “sub-clan”. Becausethese authors present their material independent of ritual practice, or only

makeshortmentionthereof(cf.forexampleCulshaw2004,74),acomprehen-

86Foracriticaldiscussionoflineagetheorycf.Kuper1982.


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sive and clear picture of this social unit among the Santal cannot be gained

fromtheirdescriptions.

ThemostelaborateandvaluableresearchonSantal local linestodate, is

Gausdal’s(1952,1960)workonwhathe,inthetitleofhisarticle,calls“ances-

tralandsacrificialclans”.Inhispublicationshecompilesdatacollectedbyoth-er authors and presents quantitativematerial he collected in Santal villages.

The terminologyGausdalusescorrectly reveals theconceptualdifferencebe-

tween“ancestralclans”(paris)and“sacrificialclans”(khunt).Gausdalanalyzesthatmembershipinaparisdeterminesmarriagepractice,andotherwiseisoflittle practical relevance.membership in a khunt determines how,when andwithwhomonesacrificesand is thereforemuchmore important ineveryday

practice.Theterm“sacrificialclan”comesclosetotheSantalunderstandingof

local line,becauseitmentionscommonsacrificialpractice.However, it leaves

outtheemphasison localityandancestryalsocontainedintheSantalunder-

standing.

In anarticleonSantal totemism,Pfeffer (1984a,40) critiques theuseof

thetermsubclanforkhunt:“Eachkhuntcontainsmembersofeachparis.[And]Eachpariscontainsmembersofeachkhunt.Parisandkhuntcannotthereforebe related in some kind of arrangement of sub- or superclasses.” These two

categoriescanbetterberegardedasrelatedtoeachotherasverticalandhori-

zontal axis according to the author.While Pfeffer’s assessmentmakes sense

with regard to the fact thatmany khunt, such as sada,nij orbitol, appear inmanyclans(Gausdal1956,22,24,58)itbecomesmoreproblematicwhenwe

consider that some khunt only appear in one clan, such is the case for thechilbhindeHansdaor thechampabahaMurmu.Frommy fieldwork it furtherappearsthatkhuntsofthesamenameidentifywitheachotherneitherascate-goriesofreferencenorassocialgroups.Theyonlyformallysharepartoftheir

name,andtheydonotconsidereachothertobebrothers.Itisthereforeofno

relevancethattheotherissadaMurmu,aslongasheisnotalsosadaHansda.In my fieldwork area people also do not confirm that khunt are exogamousunits,asadaHansdacanthereforemarryasadaMurmu,becausetheyarenotconsideredtobeofsameancestry.87

87This lack of identification of local lines carrying the same name is confirmed by Reichel

(unpublished)inherworkontheHo.ShewritesthataSosoPingua(thelatterbeingaHoclan,

theformeraprefixwhich,whenattachedtothelatter,denotesa“subclan”inherwords)anda

SosoPurtymaymarry,becausetheybelongtodifferentclans.


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In East Singhbhum and the southern Santal areas more generally, the term

khuntseemsnottobeinuse(Orans1965,11;R.Parkin1992,56).MySantalinterlocutors in East Singhbhum equally had not heard of this term. If they

namedtheirbelongingtoalocallineatall,peopleusedthetermgustiorspokeof“ourpeople”(alehor)or“peopleofonehouse”(mitorakhor).Insomecases,theuseofgustiwasambiguous.Somepeopledidnotdifferentiateintheiruseofgustiandparis(clan).Sometimesmenaddressmembersoftheirgustiwiththisterm,whichismeantto“maketheotherfeelclose”,theyexplained.

Sincekhunt isawordalsousedby theMundawhoreside incentralandnorthernJharkhand,itsabsenceintheSouth,whereveryfewMundaresideis

perhapsnotsurprising.RobertParkin(1992,59)refers to theuseofgustiasdenotingthemembersofaclanamongtheSantal.Inafootnotehe(251,no.31)thenfurtherpointstothewordgoshtiasusedinBengalifortheclanmemberswhosharethesamehouse(IndenandNicholas1977,8).TheSantalintheEast

Singhbhum area possibly make use of a word with Bengali roots, lending it

theirownmeaning.Thiscanbeseenaspartofamoregeneralpattern inthe

area, characterizedby the frequentuseofBengali vocabularywhile speaking

Santali.

HavingreviewedtheSantalethnographicliteratureandthetermsusedby

theseauthors for the socialunitsmywork covershere, thenext sectionout-

linesdifferentnotionsofthetermgustiasrevealedinpeople’suseandstate-mentsthereof.

DifferentNotionsofgusti:Locality,RitualPracticeandDescentInSantalsociety,landiscloselylinkedtospecificsocialgroupsandtheirdeity,

as revealed in the jomsim ritual,which I shalldescribe in the secondpartofthis chapter.But the following analysis of howpeopleuseorparaphrase the

termgustialreadyshowssimilarentanglements.Thenextsectionwillalsogiveafirstanswertothequestionofwhatconstitutesrelatedness–morespecifical-

lywhatitmeanstoberelatedasbrothersinSantalsociety.

MyHansdaneighborsexplainedthatinthepasttherewasonlyonetypeof

Hansda,butthenconflictstookplaceandtheHansdassplitup.Differentnames

originated,describing themanner inwhichworshipwascarriedoutorother

storiesofeventsthatcametodefinethegroup.ThereweretheHansdas,who

onthewaytoworshipforgotvermillionandturmeric,sotheycarriedouttheir


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sacrificewithoutit.Fromthatdayonwardstheywerecalledsada88Hansda,theplainones.ThereweretheMurmus,whosenamedenotesatree,inwhichtheir

ancestorlived–champabahaMurmu.Thenamesofthedifferentgustiareof-tentotemic,takenfromplantoranimalcategories,andassuchmembersofa

gusticannoteatorkillthese.Othernamesrefertopasteventsorcharacteris-ticsthat lentthegroupitsname.Inthatmanner, ifSantalmenorwomenare

askedtodaywhattypeofHansda,Murmu,Sorenetc.theyare,theycanspecify.

In Santali this question is posed by asking “which kind of Hansda are you?”

(celeHansdakanape)89.Duringmyfieldwork,however,peopleoftenweretak-enabackbythequestionabouttheirgustiandseemeduncomfortablenamingit.Sincethisnamereferstoaclosegroup,whichsetsitselfapartfromothers,

revealingsuchinformationtoastrangerwasatfirstregardedwithsuspicion.

Gautam (1977b, 85) relates this reluctance to talk aboutkhuntnames to thefactthattheyareconnectedtothetutelarygodsofthissocialunit.

Therecannotbeadefinitiveanswerastohowmanylocal linesthereare

in each clan, because newgusti continually form. Although previous authorshavepresentedlonglistsofSantalgusti, thesecannotberegardedasexhaus-tive.Localnarrativeexplains,forexample,thatonedayagroupofMurmuwas

worshippingduringthejomsimritual.Acatkeptdisturbingtheworshipuntilthey covered the catwith a basket. During consecutive rituals they repeated

this action and from then on, that local line bore the namepusiMurmu (the“cat Murmus”). Remarkably, several informants responded to the question

aboutthenumberofgustiintheirclanbyansweringthatthereweretwelveinnumber, even if I had countedmore. As I will again discuss in chapter four

whenanalyzingthenumberofvillagefederationsinvolvedinahunt,thenum-

bertwelvedenotesatotalityinSantalculture,themostobviousexamplebeing

thetwelveclansformingthetotalityofSantalsociety.Fromthisperspective,to

my informants the totality of differentgustiwas expressedwith the numbertwelve,althoughthisdidnotmatchtheactualnumberinreality.

88“sada:Whodoesnotapplysindurtotheirsacrifices;usedasapre-fixtotheSantalsub-septswhofollowthispractice”(Bodding2010[1936]Vol5,149).89Orans(1965,11)mentionsthathecoulddetectnogeneraltermforthelocal lineamongthe

SantalofEastSinghbhum.Ashecomments,theonlyoptiontoaskaboutone’slocallineistoask

“whatkind”(cili)beforeaclanname.


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RitualAction:“WeWorshipinOneSacrificialCircle”

While the origin of these social groups thus lies in division, what unites its

members today is their commonritualaction.Theyare the localmembersofanabstractcategory,theclan.Thismeans,thepeopleofonegustiusuallyknoweachotherandeachother’svillageofresidence.90Whenasked,theyareableto

listseveralothervillagesintheareawheretheirgustilive.Thesearetheplacesfromwhich theyregularlycome together tocarryout ritualsof the local line

(gusti bonga). During these rituals they sacrifice in one sacrificial circle(khond),which is also one of the characteristics important in descriptions ofthelocalline:“Wearepeopleofonehouse,weworshipinonekhond”(Alemitorakhorkanale,mitkhondrebongale).91

MySantalinformantslistedfivesuchgustirituals.Notalllocallinescarryoutthesamegustirituals,whichisrelatedtotheideathattheancestorsinthepast, during the “true age” (sog jug), adopted certain bongas and taught theworship of these gods to their offspring. Tomy knowledge allgusti performtandibonga, duringwhich sheep are sacrificed in one of their fields. Not allgusti,however,carryoutjomsimbonga.Atthisritualnumerousgoatsaresac-rificedandasacrificialmealispreparedtowhichalargenumberofaffinesis

invited. It takesplaceeither in the coldor thebeginningof the rainy season.

Gorabongaisapigsacrificeinthecowshedofahouse.Itisheldattheoccasionof the annual harvest festival sohrae. Some local lines also celebrate karambongainhonorofthekaramtree,andpatabonga,heldduringthetimeofvil-lage fairs in thehot season.All of thesegustibonga, like almost all rituals inSantal villages,92consist of different kinds of animal sacrifice and end in the

sacrificialcommensalityofdifferentsocialgroups.Thesefivesacrificial feasts

arerestrictedonlytomembersofthelocalline,someofwhichincludetheinvi-

90Gusti is a local, corporate group, but can also denote a category. My Santal informants forexamplestatedthatthechilbhindeHansda,alocalline,mightalsoliveintheSantalParganasinthe North of Jharkhand. These would of course not come to their jom sim bonga in EastSinghbhum,but if theydid, they couldparticipate and share the sacrificialmeal.When asked,

people referred to these distant chilbhinde Hansda as their gusti, but it was clear that thesepeoplewereofnorelevancelocally.91For an almost identical statement cf. Bodding (2010, 3: 750): “Mit khutren kanale, mitkhondrelebongaka–Weareofonestock,weperformsacrificesinthesamemagiccircle.”92AfewSantalritualsdonotinvolveanimalsacrifices.Amongthemaretheritualworshipinthe

ancestral shrine (bhitar), some rituals organized by the reformmovement sarnadhorom andrituals inhonorofculturalheroessuchastheOlChikiinventorRagunathMurmuorSidhoandKanuMurmu,theSantalbrotherswholedtheSantalrebellionin1855.


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tationandparticipationofaffinalrelatives(pera).Eachgustihasanindividualsetofgustibongasitworships.

Locality:PlacesofOrigin

Besidesthecommonritualactionofagusti,itsorigininoneplacewasarecur-ringnotion.TheSantaliwordpeopleusedforagusti’splaceoforiginwasgadi,which Ganesh Murmu, Santali professor at Ranchi University, translated as

“kingdom”tomeandexplainedthatthisistobeunderstoodasagusti’s“origi-nalhomeland”, its“oldvillage”andan“ancientplace”.93Morespecifically,asI

understoodfromconversations,gadireferstothelastrememberedplacefromwhich an ancestor came. The tikaMurmus for example, specify theirgadi asHududumru, amythical place ofwhichno one knows its actual geographical

location. The chilbhinde Hansdas of Sonagoda village refer to a place namedJugdhi,ontheJharkhand-Odishaborderastheirgadi,fromwhichtheirances-torscametotheircurrentvillageofresidence.Inthecontextofthejomsimrit-ualanothermorespecificnotionofplaceemerges.

Thejomsimritualisheldinthefieldsadjacenttothevillage,whichpeoplespecifyasmulgadi.InhisSantalidictionaryBodding(2010,4:336)translatesmul as “the root, principal; original, real, fundamental”.94While gadi bears amythological character and is a place people can name, but neither they nor

theirimmediateforefathers(F,FF)haveseen,mulgadiisavillagewhereritualactiontakesplace.Itistheplacewheretheancestors,comingfromtheirgadi,lastsettled,clearedtheforest,establishedasacredgroveandfoundedavillage.

Althoughtheideaofsettlementisinherentinthisconcept,Ihavechosentouse

the English translation “place of origin” formulgadi, in order to include thesenseofrootednessandorigincontainedinthewordmul.Evenifsomehouse-holdsoutofthegroupofsettlersdispersedtootherplacesaftertheiroriginal

settlement in theirmulgadi, theycometogetherat thisplace tosacrifice inafieldduringjomsimbonga.

Inmanyvillagespeopleknewwhichgustifoundedthevillage,sothatheywouldsay“RoldihwasfoundedbytheHansdas,theystillhavethemanjhiandnaekepositions in thisvillage.MurugutiwasmadebytheMurmus, theybuilthousesandmadethejaher(sacredgrove)”.Thefoundersareoftennumerousinthesevillages,buttherearealsohouseholdsofotherclanswhomovedthere

93Cf.gaddi (Hindi): “a throne, royal seat; (family or ancestors’) native seat.” (McGregor 2007,254).94Cf.mul(Hindi):“root,source,origin”(McGregor2007,829).


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forvariousreasons.InMurugutithechilbhindeHansdasexplainedtheirsitua-tion: “Our people are alone in this village,we only have one house. Ourmulgadi is in Jonbunivillage,wherewealso celebrate jomsim.We camehereasorakjawae(“son-in-lawsofthehouse”),ourgrandfathermovedhere,becausetherewerenosons inourgrandmother’shouse.” In theMusabaniareasome

Santalfamilieshadmovedtoitsadjoiningvillages,becausethemenhadfound

work in Musabani’s coal mine. They then bought land from affinal relatives

wholivedinthearea.Fortheirjomsimritual,however,theyreturnedtotheirmulgaditojointheothermembersoftheirgustiwhohadnotmoved,intheirritualactivity.

Whenpeoplespeakoftheirmulgadi,fieldsplayarelevantroleinthecon-ceptualizationofthisplace.Theystandfortheimprinttheancestorsleftonthe

land, thetransformationof forest. Ifonegustiownsmanyfieldsaroundavil-lage this is usually an indicator that itsmembers founded the village.Oneof

thesefieldsisthentheplacewherethemostimportantsacrificesofthissocial

group take place. The fields belonging to “members of one house”, who are

brothers,arelocatednexttoeachother,becauseifafatherhasseveralsonsthe

fieldsarecompartmentalizedamongthem,andconsecutivelycultivatedsepa-

rately.Theproximityoffields,andinasensetheir“sharedownership”,isalso

often thesourceofquarrelsorevenofwitchcraftaccusationsbetweenmem-

bersofonehouse.95

To summarize, the ideaof amythological place fromwhichone’s ances-

torscame(gadi)aswellastheideaofamorerecentplaceoforigin(mulgadi),inwhicha local lineestablished“roots”(mul),point to the importanceofmi-gration in Santal history.As in the Santal creationmyth,where thedescend-

antsofthefirstancestralcouplePilcuHaramandPilcuBudhimovedfromonecountrytoanotherinordertofindaplaceofsettlement,recentSantalhistory

stillexhibitsthispatternandplaysalargeroleinhowplaceisconceptualized.

Descent:The“PeopleofoneHouse”(mitorakhor)asBrothers

Atermpeopleusetodenotethelocalline,besidesgusti, ismitorakhor,“peo-pleofonehouse”.Thisreferstotheideathatallthemembersofalocallineare

seenaschildrenofoneancestor,evenifpeoplemaynotbeabletoremember

the name of this person. The logic goes that this common ancestry refers to

pastresidenceinonehouse,butthengraduallydifferenthouseswerebuiltor

95Rao(2008)discusseslandclaimsandwitchcraftaccusationsinSantalvillages.


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somesonsmovedtoanotherplacealtogether.Thecommonorigininonehouse

in the past is reflected in the fact that todaymembers of onegusti have therighttoentereachother’sancestralshrine(bhitar).

Thiscommonhouse,towhichmembersofonegustirefer,doesinthiscon-textnotconnoteaphysicalhouse,butratherasocialunitexistinginthepast.It

seemedirrelevanttomyinterlocutors,whichhousetheirancestorsoriginated

from.However, in the context of ritual practice (for example during jomsimbonga) the house of themost seniormember of the local line played an im-portantrole,aspossiblythishouseoforigin.

The ideaofacommonorigin inonehouse includesnotionsof closeness.

Thisisalsofeltifonejustgetstoknowapersonfromthesamelocalline.Dur-

ingmyfieldworktwoofmyfriends,fromvillagesaboutthirtykilometersapart

fromeachother,metthroughmeandsoonfoundoutthattheyweremitorakhor,bothchilbhindeHansda.Theirfathersroughlyknewthatothermembersoftheirlocallinelivedintheserespectivevillages,buthadonlyseeneachother

onceatajomsimritualinathirdvillage,theirmulgadi.Whenmyfriends,twoyoungmen,foundoutthattheywereonegusti,theyexplainedtome“Wearethesamekindofpeople.Wefeelveryclose”andfromthenontheyaddressed

eachotherasyounger(babu)andelderbrother(dada).

3.1.5The“PeopleoftheHouse”(orakhor)ThesmallestsocialunitamongtheSantalisthehouse,thepeopleofwhichare

called orak hor (“people of the house”). Different from the almost identicaltermmitorakhor(“peopleofonehouse”),whichIcapturewiththetermlocalline, thepeopleof thehouseshareahouse inthephysicalsense.They live in

onehouseandoftencookonthesamehearth.Sometimes,however,brothers

attachadditionalhousestotheonebuiltbytheirforefathers,begincookingon

different hearths and even worship separately in separate ancestral shrines

(bhitar).Members of one house consider each other to be “real brothers” (nij

boeha) and are themale descendants (daughters included untilmarriage) ofone father, grandfather or great-grandfather. Thismeans that, different from

thebrotherhoodofgusti, theycantraceanddoknowtheirgenealogical links.For example, in thehouseof oneofmyyoung Santal friends, he, his brother

andhisparentslivedtogetherwithhisgrandfather’sbrotherandhiswife(an

elderlycouple)andtheirson,wifeandchildren.Theyallformedaneconomic


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and ritual unit, cultivating fields together, cooking in the same kitchen and

worshippingintheancestralshrineattheoccasionoffestivals.Intermsofspa-

tialproximity,thepeopleofthehousethusformthesmallestsocialunitinSan-

talsociety.Inritualcontextsthisunitisofrelevanceregardingtheworshipof

ancestors in the bhitar and when contributions to collective sacrifices aremadeon a village level. Then each “house” contributes its share. In turn, the

caseofthemountainritual(bongaburu)discussedinchapterfourandthecaseof the cattle sacrifice (jaherdangri) further shows that houses also each re-ceiveashareofthesacrificialmeat.Whenthemeatofthesacrificedanimalis

divided,onecaninferthenumberofhousesinthevillagefromthenumberof

meatsharesusuallyplaced indifferent leafcups.Thehouseasasmallerunit

withinthegustibecameapparenttomeinthecontextofKopatPatburubongawhen someone commented: “At the sacrificialmeal three of us eat together.

We[referringtohisgusti]arethreehouseshere.”

3.1.6ComparingSocialClassificationsamongtheSantalandother

CentralIndianTribalSocietiesCentral Indian tribal societies exhibit several family resemblances and social

classificationisoneoftheareasinwhichthisbecomesapparent.Asonelooks

closely,however,smallvariationsoncommonthemescanbedetectedandde-

servetobeexploredhere.Becauserecent,detailedanalysesofsocialunitsex-

ist especially for the Central Indian Gadaba (Berger 2015a), Dongria Kond

(Hardenberg2005),Rona (Otten2006)andHo(Reichelunpublished), Ihave

chosentofocusmycomparisononthesesocieties.

Theclanasthebroadestsocialcategorybearsgreatestsimilaritiesamong

the mentioned societies. The clan is foremost an exogamous unit because

membership in it constitutes brotherhood. This is therefore of most im-

portanceinthecontextofmarriage.Variationsexistwithregardtothenumber

ofclansineachsociety.Thedefinitenumberofclans,suchasthetwelveSantal

clans,canalsobefoundamongtheGutobGadaba,whohavefourclansandthe

Rona,whopossesseightclans.InthisregarditisremarkablethattheHoand

Dongria Kond have such a high, or even unlimited number of clans. Reichel

(unpublished)mentions133HoclansascollectedbyDeeney(2008,96).Har-

denberg(2005,196)estimatesthatthereareseveralhundredKondclans,the

nameofwhichlinksitsmemberstoacertainterritory.


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General similarities and slight differences are especially noteworthywith re-

gardtothespecificcharacteristicsof local linesineachofthesesocieties.For

example,itseemsthatsomesegmentsofalowerlevelamongtheGadabaand

DongriaKondareabsentamongtheSantal.Berger(2015a,81ff)introducesthe

socialunitofkudaamongtheGadaba,whichhedescribesaslocallinescharac-terizedby commondescent and territory.Thekuda – themselves subdividedintosmallerunits(kutum)–aretobeunderstoodbothas“generalsocialcate-gories”,which refer toGadaba status categories (suchas the sacrificer (sisa),and the ritual cook (kirsani)) and “empirical local groups” (81). These kudagroupsoperatewithinvillagesandBerger(93)describesthemasmaterializing

whenitcomestoreciprocallaborhelp,collectivevillageritualsandritualrela-

tionships,forexampleinthecontextofdeath.Theyarefurtheromnipresentin

all village affairs and easy to locate through different hamlets named after

them. Gadaba names usually contain kuda categories. Conversely the Santalcarrytheirclanmembershipintheirname.

AsimilarconfigurationcanbefoundamongtheDongriaKond,whoselocal

line or local descent groups are called punja (Hardenberg 2005, 190, 194).Thesepunjabecomevisible,forexampleontheseconddayoftheDongriabuf-falosacrifice.Eachpunjaalsoreferstoacommonplaceoforiginandacertainhistoryofmigrations.SimilartotheGadabakuda,thetermpunjadoesnotonlyrefer toempiricalgroupsbutalso toDongriastatuscategories(190,567).As

portrayedintheprevioussections,theSantaldonotpossessasegmentofso-

cial classification above the level of the house that operates within village

boundariesandisinanywayconnectedtostatuscategories.96Otten(2006,53)

writes the sameof theRona local line calledkuda,who, like theGadaba andDongrialocallines,actonlyonavillagelevel.However,mySantalinterlocutors

often emphasized that village functionaries (village headman and village

priest)belongedtothelocallinethatfoundedthevillage.

MyuseofthetermlocallineasdesignatingwhattheSantalcallgusti,re-fers to a corporate group that goesbeyondvillageboundaries.Originally the

membersofonegusti, asoffspringofa commonancestor, lived inonehouse

96Some Santal local lines carry the pre-fixmanjhi or naeke, which make reference to Santalstatuscategories.Thereare, forexample,thenaekeMurmuornaekeSoren(Gausdal1953,54)and themanjhiMurmuandmanjhi Soren (52).Theseare,however,different from theGadabakudaandtheDongriapunja,onlytwoamongmanyotherSantalgustinamesthatdonotmakereferencetostatuscategories.Theexistenceofsomemanjhiandnaekegustimightpossiblyreferto the fact that these local linesheld these village functions in thepast. I havenot found that

thesegustipossessanyhigherstatusthanotherstoday.


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andonevillage.Thisvillagewasfoundedbytheirforefathers,whoalsoestab-

lishedasacredgroveatthetimeofsettlement.Membersofonegusticonsidereachothertobe“peopleofonehouse”(mitorakhor),someofwhom,withtimemoved to different villages. They do remember their common, last place of

origin,whichtheyrefertoastheirmulgadi.Thisisthevillagewheretheycele-brate a large sacrificial ritual called jom simbonga. In sum, I have thus de-scribed the Santal gusti as defined by locality, descent and common ritualpractice.Theaspectoflocalityistobeunderstoodinawidersense,whichac-

countsforthedispersalofmembersofonegustitodifferentvillages.Inlightofthesecharacteristics,IregardtheSantalgustiascomparableto

what Berger (2015, 102ff) described as the Gadaba “village clan”. These are

membersofaGadabaclan,wholikesomemembersofaSantalgusti,liveindif-ferentvillages,butremembertheir“originalvillage”(102).Inthisvillagethey

are the “earthpeople”,whoseancestors founded thevillage,built a shrine to

theearthgoddessandbegantosacrificethere.Onlyinthisvillagearetheyen-

titledtoeatthesacrificialfoodtsoruatthevillageshrine.Gadabavillageclansthus are constituted by descent, territoriality and commensality, as Berger

(105) summarizes. Although I did not encounter a Santal equivalent to the

Gadaba “earth people”, the Santal do distinguish village founders asmaranghor(seniorpeople)fromlatecomers.ThoseSantalvillagefoundersalsoestab-lishedthesacredgrove,similartotheGadaba“earthpeople”whoinitiallybuilt

ashrinetotheearthgoddess.Theemphasisoncommensalityasamarkofbe-

longingtothevillagefounders,however,seemstobelackingintheSantalcon-

text. Rather, what constitutes the Santal gusti in terms of practice is theircommonsacrificialactionexpressedintheirdescriptionofgusti“sacrificinginonesacrificialcircle”,especiallyinthecontextofjomsimandtandibonga.

Thiscommonsacrificialpracticecanbe foundagain intheDongriaKond

socialunitofthemuta,describedbyHardenberg(2005,191,215-222).Thesemutacanbeunderstoodasasacrificialcommunityofvillagesbelongingtothesameclan.Thesevillagesare“owned”bymembersofonedominantclan,who

performsthesacrifices to theearthgoddess in thatvillage.Themuta is tobeunderstoodasa“clanterritory”(215)inthesenseofanassemblyofvillages.It

isthusasocio-spatialunit,referringbothtoaterritory–anassemblyofvillag-

es – and to the people living in these villages. Thesemuta emerge as socialgroups, for example, during the large buffalo sacrifice to the earth goddess

calledkodruparbu,atwhichtheyexhibittheirsacredobjects.Fromacompara-tiveperspective,thedispersedcharacterofamuta, itsfunctionasasacrificial


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communityandeventhesacredobjectsbearstrongresemblancetotheSantal

gusti. One of the differences between theDongriamuta and the Santalgusti,however,liesinthefactthatthemutaconsistsofwholevillages,whichmakesitasupra-villageunit.Hardenberg’s(2005,219)tableliststhenumbersofvil-

lages that make up differently namedmuta, which suggests that one villagecannot belong to differentmuta. The Santalgusti is to be understood as onegroup of a village that can alsobe found in other villages. Consequently, onevillagecanconsistofvariousgusti.Theconceptofgustidoesnot containno-tionsof“territory”asthemutadoesandonlyreferstothemembersofasocialgroup.Membersofagustiareboundtogetherbytheircommonlast“placeoforigin” (mulgadi), which they commemorate during jomsimbonga. Besidesthis notion of place, in the Santal context one cannot find this rootedness of

certainclansin“clanterritories”,butalwaysfindsreferencestoagusti’smigra-tion. This is articulated, for example, in the differentiation between a gusti’sancient, sometimesmythologicalplaceoforiginand itsmorerecent “placeof

origin”(mulgadi).OnelastsocialunitcomparabletotheSantalgusti,whichalsohasslightly

different specifics, can be found inwhat theHo call “people of one rice pot”

(miyadmandichaturenko). This refers to a corporate, ritual and commensalgrouponthelocallevel,andtoasocialandritualunitonaregionallevel.Simi-

lartotheSantalstructureofsegmentation,Reichel(unpublished)writesofHo

clans,someofwhichhaveanattachedprefixliketheSantalgustido.97Reichelcallsthiscategory“sub-clan”.Forexample,theHolongPurtyformoneofsev-

eralsub-clansofthePurtyclan.Thesesub-clanscanbedispersedinvariousHo

regionsandthereforecannotberegardedascorporategroupssolelybasedon

their identical names. A localized segment of these sub-clans are then the

“people of one rice pot”, who have the right to enter each other’s ancestral

rooms (which theHocalladin).98The “peopleofone ricepot”, considereach

97DifferentfromtheSantal,notallHoclanscarrysuchprefixes.Reichelwritesthat“outof133

Ho clans 85 have no sub-clans”. Because she initially worked with a Ho clan that does not

possesssub-clans,sheonlylaterbecameawareofthisaspectofHosocialclassification.98With her choice of the term “sub-clan” Reichel accounts for a phenomenon I equally

encounteredamongtheSantal.ShewritesthattheHolongPurtycanbefoundingeographically

distantplacesandthereforeneveract togetherasagroup,which iswhyshereferstothemas

sub-clan.Shehas founda ratherelegant terminological solution for the fact that theseHolong

Purtyare,however,ofgreatrelavanceasalocal,corporategroupbyusingtheHowaytoreferto

themas“peopleofonerice-pot”. Inmyexperience, theSantalseemtorefertoboth levels, the

categoryandthelocalgroupasgusti,whereastheHoseemtohavenoterm,butonlynamesforthe“sub-clan”.


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othertobebrothers99andtheironenessisfurtherspecifiedinthemetaphorof

commensality,whichcomprisesboththe livingandtheirdeadancestorswho

are fed fromthesamerice-pot.Thisunit isclosest inahousehold,but isdis-

persedbeyondvillageboundariesaswell.Inthesedifferentvillages,however,

the “people of one rice-pot”make reference to one common place of origin.

Theseplaces,bothasmythologicalsiteswithoutgeographicalreferenceandas

concrete named places are remembered in myths and evoked in rituals.

Reichelmentionsoneoftheseritualsconsistingofsacrificesinafieldwherea

stone is said to represent forest clearing and settlement activities. Possibly

comparabletomembersofaSantalgustiparticipatinginjomsimbonga,theHo“peopleofonericepot”becomerecognizableasasocialunitatthemomentof

death of one of theirmembers, when they ritually break and throw out the

earthen pot in which they cook rice and prepare rice beer.100In sum, some

characteristicsofthediscussedsocialunitamongtheHoarecomparabletothe

Santalgusti,amongthemaretheideaofcommonbrotherhood,theirdispersalindifferentvillages,referencestocommonplacesoforiginandtherighttoen-

tereachother’sancestralroom.Theexplicitemphasisoncommensality,espe-

cially through themetaphor of the rice-pot, is only implicitly included in the

commonsacrificialaction(andconsecutive,collectiveconsumptionofthesac-

rificialmeal)oftheSantalgusti.The ritual descriptions following in the next section will give more de-

tailedevidenceforhowrelatedness,specificallywithintheunitofthegusti, isconstitutedinpractice.Atfirstjomsimbongaisportrayed,themostimportantritualofagusti. Itshowsforemost that thereareclose linksbetweenthisag-naticsocialgroup,theirlandandtheircommondeity.Thereafter,section3.3.2

discusseshowagnatesrituallycreaterelationswith“others”.Theseaffinalre-

lationsare firstestablishedandmadethroughweddingrituals.Differentspa-

tialreferents,suchasvariousthresholdsandtheancestralshrine(bhitar),playanimportantroleintheritualprocessoftransformingstrangersintoin-laws.

99Wives, according to Reichel become members of the “people of one rice-pot”, but do not

becomeagnates(hagako).100AsReichel’sresearchisongoing,itremainstobeseen,ifthereareotherritualactionsduring

whichthe“peopleofonericepot”emergeasacorporategroup.


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3.2PerformingRelatednessthroughRitual3.2.1Jomsimbonga:Brothers,theirDeityandtheirLandDifferent Santal deities (bonga) are closely intertwined with the spatial andsocialorder.Deitiesoftheforestorthemountainsarelocatedindifferentparts

oftheenvironment.Theyare“bongasforpeopleofanarea”(disuabongas)aspeopledescribedthem.Theirworshipbringstogetherinhabitantsofthearea,

whocome fromseveraldifferentvillages.Agod’spresence inaplaceobliges

peopletosacrificeandherebyaskforprotectionandrain.Second,onasmaller

scale, there are the deities of the village,most ofwhom reside in the sacred

grove.Representedbystonesatthefootoftrees,thesedeitiesarethesupreme

SantalgodMarangBuru,hiswifeJaherAyoandMorekoTuruikoaswellasGo-raibonga(thegodofthecowshed).Thebongaofthevillageheadman,Manjhibonga,inmanyvillageshasasmallseparateshedinfrontofthemanjhi’shouseinwhichitisworshipped.Thesearethedeitiesofthevillage,addressedinan-

nual village festivals. The ritual actions are carried out by the village priest

(naeke),heisassistedbytheeldermenofthevillageandayoungboy(buiyu)whohasnotyetreachedpuberty.

MyassistantPitamberlistedasathirdcategoryjomsimbonga,tandibon-ga,gorabongaandkarambonga.Hedescribedthemas“individualbongas”inEnglish, differentiating them from village or regional deities. “These are the

godsdifferentgustihaveadopted”,heexplained.Hisexplanationsputthistypeofworshiponadifferent level thantheregional,villageorhouseholddeities.

Similarly, inherworkon theMundaofWestSinghbhum,Verardo(2003,92)

emphasizes that “aclanspirit’s101placeofworship isneverwithin thehouse.

(…)clanspiritsareconceptualizedasdwellingoutdoors.”AmongtheSantalthe

house, specifically the ancestral shrine (bhitar) is the abode of the ancestors(hapramko),whomthemembersofahouseevokeattheoccasionofeverySan-talseasonalandlife-cycleritual.Itappearsthateachdeityisrelatedtoaspecif-

icsocialunitaswellastoalocation,inwhichitresides.Deitiesofthelocalline,

suchasjomsimbonga,differentfromtheancestorsdwellinginthehouse,areconceptuallylinkedtothefields.Tomyknowledgetherearethreetermsthat

refertothefieldsinSantali:Baddenotesthericefieldsandisusedwhenever

101Verardo (2003, 31, 33) differentiates between killi (clan) and khunt (lines of patrilinealdescent),butdoesnotdevelop theconceptofkhunt furtherand insteadcontinues to speakof“clan”wheresheclearlyreferstothelocalizedversionthereof.


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peoplegotoworkinthefields(“Hehasgonetothefield”:badcalaena).102An-othertermtorefertothefields inthesenseof landandproperty,also inthe

sense of earth and soil, is hasa.103When asking how much land/how manyfields a houseowns, oneuses thewordhasa.104Last, there is the term tandi,whichseemstodenoteafieldinwhichdifferenttypesofritualandfestiveac-

tivities take place. The hunting night’s entertainment, later described, for in-

stance,isheldinthegipiditandi(“fieldforlyingdown”).Thefieldsreferredtoastandiliefallow,cultivatedricefieldsarenotcalledtandi.

Jomsimbonga,thenameofaritualperformedfortheequallynameddeity,is the only one of the different rituals of the local line (gustibonga),which Icouldobserve in itsentiretyduringmy fieldwork.AlthoughmanySantaleth-

nographersmention the gustibongas (usually calling them sub-clan deities),noneofthemdescribeanyrelatedritualactivities.Becausethelocallineisre-

gardedasaverycloseagnaticgroup,someofitsritualsarecompletelyexclu-

sivetothisgroup.Thisisthecaseforexamplefortandibonga,whichcanonlybeattendedbythemalemembersofthelocalline.Eventhelocationofthesac-

rificeissupposedtoremainsecret.

Regarding jomsimbonga’s literalmeaning, I encountered differing opin-ions,severalofwhichBodding(2010,3:336)inhisdictionaryentrytojomsimalreadymentions.Jomsim translatesas“eatingchicken”,whichBoddingfindspeculiaras“nofowlsaresacrificed”(ibid.).AneducatedSantalmanmentioned

tomethatthecorrectnameshouldbejomsin,sinbongabeingthesungod,towhomthissacrificeisaddressed.Bodding(336)writesaswell,“thatthetradi-

tionsoftheSantalssaythatinoldtimestheancestorssacrificedtosinbonga,

theDay-god,thesun,only.” Inmyfieldworkareahowevereveryoneusedthe

termjomsimbonga,andingeneral,peoplewerenotconcernedwiththeoriginofthisname.

Speakingaboutgustirituals,peoplepointedoutjomsimbongaasthelarg-est one of them. One’s “affines’ affines” (peracetanpera), referring to thosewhomone’saffinesmarried,areinvitedforthelargecommensalgatheringaf-

terthemorningsacrifices.Itisagoodoccasionto“lookforabride”(bahunel),people emphasized. Themorning sacrifice brings together at least onemale

102“Bad: High-lying rice-land that only in good rainy season gets sufficient water.” (Bodding2010,1:217).103“Hasa:Soil,earth,land,property.”(Bodding2010,2:46)104Thewordisalsousedinthecontextofwitchcraftaccusations,asexemplifiedinthefollowing

statement:“Theyaccuseourmotherofbeingawitch,theysaythatshewillfinishthemandwe

willeat(jom)theirland.”


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memberfromeachhouseholdbelongingtothegusti.Thesepeoplecomefromseveral villages, therefore this part of the ritual is also an occasion for the

membersofonegusti tomeet.Peoplegenerallyknewwheretheirothergustimemberslived,buttheyoftencouldonlyrecallthoseindividualstheyhadmet

at the last jomsimritual. Asmentioned, affinal relatives (pera) participate ingreat numbers in the sacrificial feasting (jomnu), but certain affines such asfather’s sister’shusband (kumang) anddaughter’shusband (jawae) alsoplayanimportantroleassacrificersduringtheritual.Thefollowingparagraphde-

scribestheritualactionsofajomsimbongaheldinavillagearoundGhatsilabythekhudeHansdagusti.Thisshouldberegardedasacasedescription,becauseitwasapparenttomefrompeople’sdescriptionsthatregionaldifferencesexist

inhowdifferentlocallinescarryouttherite.

ThejomsimRitualofthekhudeHansdaLocalLineOriginoftheNamekhudeHansda

Justlikeallothergusti,thekhudeHansda–HansdabeingaSantalclanandtheprefixkhude signifyinga certain localgroupof this clan–havea storyabouttheoriginof theirname.Theeldestmemberof theirgusti,whowascarryingoutthedifferentritualstepsduringthejomsimritual,summarizedthestoryasfollows:

“Inthepast,theHansdapeopleinvitedtoahuntinsendrabir(“thehuntingforest”).Aforesthunt,meansahillhunt(birresendra,maneburusendra).ItwasonAjodhya hill. TheHansdapeoplehaddone the invitation (gire), butthattimethehunters(disua)didn'tfindanywater.Theywereverythirstyontopofthemountain.ThenaHansdamanhitarockwiththewoodenpartof

hisgun(bandukhkhude).Watercameoutoftherockandthehuntersdrankit.OnAjodhyaburu.Fromthattimeon,wecallourselveskhudeHansda.”

(Recorded in a village of Ghatsila block, East Singhbhum, Jharkhand onMarch29,2012)

ThesymbolusedbythekhudeHansdaduringthejomsimritualwasawoodenpole carved in the shape of a palm tree’s trunk. It was firmly placed in the

groundofthefieldinwhichthesacrificesforjomsimbongatookplace.Infrontof thewoodenpolea sacrificial circlewasdrawn.Theplacewhere the ritual

offeringswereperformedwasseparatedfromtherestofthefieldbyakindof

fence: four poles had been set up at the corners of a square and three sides

closedoffwithropes,decoratedwithcolorfulpaperflags.Thesquareitselfwas


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plasteredwithcowdungandthuspurifiedfortheritual.Overtheopeninginto

thesquarehungabanner.Themiddleofthebannershowedapaintedwooden

pole,symbolizingthegusti,andasaltreeineachuppercornerofthebanner.IntheSantaliscriptOlChikithebannersaid“KhudeHansdajomsimbonga2012”.Thesymbolthusappearedonthebannerandwithinthemarkedritualspace,

makingclearthataspecificgroupcarriedoutthisritual.

Othergustiusetheirownsymbols.InMay2012adifferentjomsimritualwasperformedbytheorwalMurmufromthesamevillage.Themarkingofrit-ualspacewasdoneinthesameway,withpoles,ropesandsmallflagsdecorat-

ingtheropes.Thebannerhadabat(orwal)paintedonit,theanimalgivingthegusti its name. It also showed the signwithwhich theorwalMurmus brandtheir cattle:a cross,ofwhich theupperendhasa smallhookpointing to the

right.

Photo12:BannerhungatthejomsimritualoftheorwalMurmu.

Anothergusti,thechilbhindeHansdausehuntinginstruments,suchasbowandarrowandanaxe(kapi)duringtheirjomsim,becausetheyareknownashunt-ers,whointhepastkilledabigkite.


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RitualActions,SymbolismandtheRoleofAgnatesandAffines

Intheeveningbeforethefollowingday’ssacrifice,othermembersofthesame

gusti arrivedat thehouse fromwhich the sacrificewas to start thenextday.Theycameback to theirgusti’smulgadi, thevillagewhere theircommonan-cestor settled before his offspring dispersed to their current villages of resi-

dence.Inthiscasethesevillageswerenomorethantwentykilometersapart.

Themostseniormemberof theirgustiwasto leadthesacrificethe followingdayinhisfieldandhishousehadbeenrituallypurifiedthedaybefore.While

fastingthemarriedwomenofhishousehadpaintedthehouse’swallsandre-

newed the courtyard and all floorswith cowdung. Thiswork is regarded as

“workforthegods”(bongakamien).Thehouse isconsideredtobethe“god’shouse”(bongaorak).Brothersandsomemaleaffines(FZH,DH)whoplayedanimportant role during the sacrifices, arrived in the evening, because they

shouldnotcrossariveronthemorningofthesacrifice.Eachhouseholdofthe

gustiprovidedagoatbuck(boda)forthesacrifice,whilethein-lawsmatchedthisnumberwith castratedgoats (khasi),which theyhadbrought from theirvillages. In the evening, jomsimbonga, themain deity to beworshipped thefollowingday,was consulted through amediumand askedhow the sacrifice

shouldbecarriedout.Before the sun rose in themorning, the people of the house and the in-

lawsleftthe“god’shouse”,thehousecarryingouttheritual.Womeningeneral

do not participate in the sacrificial ritual in the morning. My presence as a

womanwas toleratedduring the sacrifice due to a close friend’s relations to

thekhude Hansda and his long explanations aboutmy research. Besidesme,therewasanotheryoungSantalmanalsointerestedintheritualasaresearch-

er.Hewasamemberof thekhudeHansdaandhis fatherwas involved intheritualactionscarriedout.TheyoungmanheldajobintheIndianrailwaysec-

torinKolkataandfilmedthewholeritualwithalargevideocamera.105

For the jomsim ritual the “people of the house” (orakhor) wore sindurdhotis–anoriginallywhiteclothdyedwithamixtureofturmericandvermil-lion. The in-laws wore sasang dhotis – dhotis dyed with turmeric.106Before

105I encountered this interest of educated Santal men in documenting their own culture in

severallargerituals.ThisphenomenonwillbeembeddedinamoregeneraldiscussionofSantal

identitypoliticsinchapterfive.106In general turmeric (sasang) plays an important role during wedding rituals. Bride andgroomaswellasothervillagecouplesareanointedwithoilandturmeric.Allthemarriedaffinal

womenpresentattheweddingareprovidedwithsasangsareesbythefamilyofthegroom.Inmanydifferentritualsclothesdyedwithturmericmarkrelativesasaffinal.


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sunrisetheyledthegoatsfromthehousetothefieldwheretheritualwascar-

riedout.Jomsimritualsalwaystakeplacewhenthericefieldsliefallow.Atthistimetheearthisdryandhard.ThetwojomsimritualsIsaw,forexample,wereperformedinMarchandMay.

After themen had arrived at the sacrificial site, they took a bath in the

nearbyriver.Meanwhile,otherswerepreparingtheplaceforthearrivaloflit-

erallythousandsofrelativesintheafternoon.Withtractorsandoxcartsthey

brought bamboo poles to set up shelters coveredwith plastic sheets against

thesun.Theyalsobroughtwaterbarrels,claypots,firewood,ageneratorand

loudspeakersintothefield,andsetthemupindifferentplaces.

Forthesacrificialriteitself,thesacrificialsquarewasenclosedbywooden

polesandwasplasteredwithwaterandcowdung.Duringtheritualonly the

agnates(orakhor)wereallowedtoenterthissquareandsitclosetotheritualaction, the affines stood outside the fence. The priest, an old, bonyman and

threeothermenassistinghim,arrangedall the ingredientsnecessary for the

ritual.Someonesharpenedthesacrificialaxe,anothersprinkledsalresin(dhu-no)onhotcoalsinasmallclaycontainerandsomeoneelsedrovethewoodensymbol of thekhudeHansda into the ground. Thedirection theywere facingand thedirectionofall their ritualactivitywaseast– towards the rising sun

(candorakabsen).Withwaterandcowdungthepriestfirstmadeonesmallsacrificialcircle

(khond) andone large circle to the leftof it in frontof thewoodenpole.Thesmallcircle,themenexplained,wasforthesupremeSantalgodMarangBuru,alwaysaddressedateveryritual,andthelargeoneforjomsimbonga.Thentheold priest marked the boundary of the circles with rice flour (holong) andsprinkleditwithgroundfenugreek(methi),aspicetheSantalgodsaresaidtolike.Hethentiedathreadaroundaclayjug(sagunsupari),placedtotheleftofthe wooden pole. There were also two red, small containers looking like a

mushroom, which contained vermillion (sindur). In this case the vermillionwasofaspecialkindcalledkeyasindur.107Theywerepositionedrightandleft107In several ritual interactions between agnates and affines keyasindur plays a special role:This typeof vermillion is appliedby thepeopleof thehouse to theirmarried affinal relatives

duringweddingandsecondaryfuneralrites(bhadan).Thewomenofthehouseapplyitonthemarried femaleguests’hairpartingsanddrawa linearound theedgeof theirhair lineall the

waytotheears.Menreceiveadot(tika)ontheforeheadanddotsontheirearsatthesametime.Keyasindur is further part of the bridewealth (gonong) and exchanged between groom’s andbride’ssideinthesamered,mushroomshapedcontainermentionedabove.Peoplemaintained

thatkeyareferstothecontainerthevermillioniskeptin.ThereisnoentryonkeyainBodding’sSantalidictionary.


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of the wooden pole. The priest then placed crushed rice (adoacaole) in themiddleofeachcircle,whichwassoon tobeoffered to thesacrificialanimals.

Afterwardsheappliedthreespotsofsindurandthesameamountofoilonthepole, the claypitcher, inside of the circles andon thekeyasindur containers,acknowledgingtheimportanceoftheseobjectsfortheritual.

Afterthispreparation,themain,effervescentandbloodypartoftheritual

began.Ontheopensideofthesacrificialsquareall themenofthegusti linedup.Dressed insindurdhotis,wearingnoshirts, theyeachhadasacrificialaxehung over their shoulder andwere holding the goat buck they had brought

along.Thentheyeachenteredthesacrificialsquare,appliedthreespotsofkeyasindurthreetimesontheirgoats’head,legsandbackandpromptedthegoattoeatfromthericepileinthesacrificialcircle.Whiledoingso,theymurmuredan

invocation(bakher),addressingjomsimbongatoacceptthesacrifice.Suddenlyaman out of the group of spectators became possessed, recognizable by his

jerky headmovements. He asked for fenugreek (methi) and rubbed it in be-tweenhishandsandonhisarmsbeforeenteringthesacrificialspace.Whileon

his knees, he bent down further as if smelling the sacrificial circles, the old

priestandthewholeritualarrangement.Thepriestthenappliedsindurspotsto themedium’s chest, his shoulders, back and forehead. He then asked the

god, via themedium, for his name and the latterwhispered the name in the

priest’s ear. People emphasized that only the eldest of a gusti is entitled toknowtheactualnameof thisgod,whichdiffers fromonegusti toanother.108Jomsimbongaisonlythegeneraltermforthiscategoryofgods.Oncethegodapprovedoftheritualarrangementthroughthemedium,theritualitselfcould

continue.

108Gausdal(1953,17ff)mentionsthesecrecyof the jomsimorabgebonga’snameaswell,butlists several of these names. He lists for example Boerangi, a word used for a Hindu class of

faqirs,asanameforajomsimbonga.


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Photo13:Thepriesthaspreparedthesacrificialsiteforthejomsimritual.The

sacrificialcircle(khond)ismadefromriceflourandsprinkledwithfenugreek,initscenterisapileofcrushedrice(adoacaole).

Photo14:Thespatialityofjomsimbonga:Thesacrificialsquareisvisiblysetapartasitisplasteredwithcowdungandsurroundedbypoles.Inthemiddleofthesquare,the

polesymbolizingthelocallinewhoperformstheritual,isplacedintheground.Membersofthelocalline,togetherwiththeirsacrificialanimals,arestandinginthe

background.


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Afterthebuckshadeatenfromthericeinthesacrificialcircle,theywerecon-

sideredreadytobesacrificed.Outsideofthedemarcatedsacrificialspaceone

goatafteranotherwasbeheadedwithasacrificialaxe(kapi).Thekillingitselfwascarriedoutbythreeoftheagnates,dressedinsindurdhotis.Onepulledonaropeattachedtotheneckoftheanimal,anotherheldaropetiedtoitshind

legs,thethirdoftenmanagedtocutofftheheadwithonestrokeoftheaxe.The

headwasquicklycarriedtothelargerofthesacrificialcirclesforjomsimbon-gaandthebloodfromthebodywassprinkledontheheadandthericeinthecircle.Afteralltwentygoatheadshadbeenplacedinthecircle,alltheagnates

entered the sacrificial space and prostrated themselves on the ground. They

pressedtheirpalmstogether,placedthemundertheirforeheadandaddressed

thebongatowhomthegoatshadbeenoffered.Thenthelastsacrificeinsideofthesacrificialspacetookplace:Thepriestbeheadedawhitecockandofferedit

toMarangBuruintheadjacentsacrificialcircle.

Photo15:Theagnates’sacrificialanimalsareeatingfromthecrushedriceplacedinthesacrificialcirclebeforetheyaresacrificedtojomsimbonga.

Next,thecastratedgoats(khasi),providedbytheaffinalrelatives,weresacri-ficed.They,however,didnothavetoeatfromthericeinthesacrificialcircle.

The killing was carried out by the affines themselves, who had brought the


147

goats.109As a rule, the number of castrated goats is supposed to match the

numberofuncastratedgoatssacrificedbytheagnatesbefore.Justasthesacri-

ficial spacewasoff limits for theaffines, theiranimalofferingswerealsonot

allowedintothisspace.Theywerekilledinthesamewayasthebucks,butas

theywerelargeranimals110theheadcouldnotbecutoffwithonestrokeofthe

axeinsomecases.Ifthesacrificerdidnotsucceedatonce,theassembledmen

shouteduntil thekillingwassuccessful.After thegoatswerebeheaded, their

headswereplacedinaspotoutsideoftheinnersacrificialspace,theirbodies’

blooddrippedonthegroundonthesamespot.Theactofkillingitselfformed

theclimaxofthesacrificialritual,afterwhichthecrowddispersedandonlythe

buryingofmeatremained.

TheBuryingofSacrificialMeat

Attheendofthesacrifice,twomen,whohadpreviouslybeenassistingtheold

priestinthearrangementofritualingredients,carriedoutonemoreimportant

action:Theyburied specificpiecesofmeat from theheads andbodiesof the

goatbucksforjomsimbonga.Thistypeofmeatiscalledgiditot’a.111Theyhadtwosacrificialaxes,onewasusedtocutoffthetipofthegoat’stongue(alang),apieceoftheear(lutur),apartoftheesophagus(nandri)112andapieceofthehoof(kure).Thenwiththeotheraxe,oneofthemenloosenedthegroundin-side the sacrificial circle and the old priest (naeke) moved the meat pieces,mixedwith crushed rice (adoacaole) into thehole.Hemade sure to cover itneatly with earth afterwards. While burying the meat, the men present ad-

dressedthedeity, tellinghimandothergodswhoweresaidtobepresent, to

eatthemeatandnotletanypainordiseaseaffecttheirgusti.DuringthefollowingmonthsofmyfieldworkIencounteredseveralexpla-

nationsfortheburyingofmeatafterthesacrificesforjomsimbonga.Aniden-

109Thereappearstoberegionalvariationinthisaspect,asinWestBengalpeopleinsistedthat

thecastratedgoatswereprovidedbytheagnatesandalsokilledbythem.Inthiscasetheaffinal

relativespresentplayednoroleintheritualotherthanbeingspectators.110Santalmen usually castrate goats at a young age. Thismeans that almost all older, larger

animalsarecastratedwhilethebucksareyoungandthereforemuchsmallerthanthecastrated

ones.Peoplesaythatespeciallywomendonotliketoeatthemeatofbucks,becauseofitsstrong

smell. Themajority ofmale goats is castrated because they aremainly kept for theirmeat –

muttonisthemostexpensivemeatontheruralmarket.111“giditot’: throwout, finish”(Bodding2010,2:430).Thewordseemstodenotethefactthatthemeat is set aside. Bodding does not, however,mention thisword as referring tomeat set

asideforadeity.112“nandri:thethroat,windpipe,gullet”(Bodding2010,4:377).


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ticalactiontakesplaceafterthesacrificescarriedoutattandibonga,theotherritualinthefieldsofthelocalline.Itbecameclearatbothritualsthatthistype

ofmeat (giditot’a) is designated for the deity for whom the sacrifice is per-formed.Oneman insisted that thismeat isspecial,becausepeople ingeneral

donoteatthesepartsoftheanimal’sbody.Peoplealsoemphasizethatspecial

careistakenwhenburyingthemeat,sothatnoonestepsonthebonga’sfoodandnoanimalscantakeitaway.Thedeitywouldgetangry,ifthathappened.A

closeconnectionexistsbetween thismeat for thebonga and themembersofthe local lineaswell: Ifawitch(dain)orghost (bhut)gotaholdof thismeat,thiscouldharmthelocallineitself.Therefore,besidesburyingit,somegroups

alsoplacestonesandthornsontopofthespotwherethemeatisburied.

Among theCentral IndianDongriaKond sacrificialmeat is buried in the

contextoftheirlargebuffalosacrifice.Amythtellsthatthemothergoddesses’

bloodhelpedtomaketheearthfirm,whichthenpromptedhertoaskherson

to cutoffdifferentpartsofherbodyandbury them indifferentplaces (Har-

denberg2005,581f).Inthecontextoftheirgrandmortuaryrite,thegot’r,theGadabaofOdishaequallyburybuffalomeatindryfields.Itisespeciallytheen-

trailsofabuffalobroughtbythesponsor’saffinesthataresaidtomakethedry

fieldsfertile,assomeethnographiesonthegot’rdescribe(Izikowitz1969,141;Pfeffer1984b,235;1991,82).MySantal informantsdidnotcommenton the

meaningofburyingmeat,otherthanthatitisburiedforthejomsimdeity.Theinvocationstheyutterduringthesacrificeindicatethattheritualiscarriedout

for thegeneralwell-beingof their local line, asking thegod to “let themstay

well” (bes tahen). Hardenberg (2005, 587) mentions the same goal for theDongriabuffalo sacrifice.The idea that thebloodpouredon the earthwould

equally provide fertility to the fields does not seem far-fetched in the Santal

case,becausethejomsimritualtakesplacebeforeplowingandsowingstartsafewmonthslater.Icould,however,notobtainsupportinglocalstatementsfor

thisassumption.

Theactionofburyingmeatcanfurtherbeinterpretedasestablishingandcon-

firmingtherelationshipbetweenthelocallineandtheland.Theimportanceof

thisplace,wherethewholeritualtakesplace, isunderlinedbytheburyingof

meatintheground.Thisfieldisimportantasitbelongstothemostseniorper-

son of the local line and symbolizes their roots in this place, established at

sometimeinthepastwhenforestwasconvertedintofieldsandavillagewas

established. This field as a clearly agnatic space further serves as a place of

convergenceofagnatesandaffines,asitisalargegatheringplaceinwhichnew


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marriage ties could be established. In the ritual different kin categories play

clearly defined roles and thus aredifferentiatedby ritual action.As such the

followingsectiondiscusseswhoisentitledtoconsumewhichkindofsacrificial

meat.

TheSacrificialMeal

After the food for the gods had been offered, the sacrificialmeal (sore) wasprepared.Somepartswereconsumedinthemorningshortlyafterthesacrific-

esandduring thecourseof theday,whileotherpartswereconsumed in the

evening.Therulesdeterminingwhoisentitledtoconsumewhichtypeofmeat,

enactdifferentkinandstatuscategories.

Themostrestrictedtypeofmeatisbuckheadmeat(bodabohotjel).Onlymalemembersofthelocalline,whofastonthedayofsacrificeareentitledto

consumethismeat.Thebodyofthebucks,however,canbeeatenbyallmem-

bers of the local line, all “people of the house” (orakhor). This includes thewomenmarried into the family and the unmarried girls of a house.Women

whohaveleftthehouseandhavemarriedintoanotherhouse,losetherightto

eatthebodyofthegoatbucks.Additionally,thereisanothercategoryofaffinal

relativeswho can eat thismeat. They are the oneswithwhommarriage ties

havebeenestablished,thustheyarein-laws.Theycanbefather’ssister’shus-

bands (kumang), brothers-in-law (tenang) or daughter’s husbands (jawae).Thesethreecategoriesareexactlythetypesofrelativesfunctioningassacrific-

ersduringpartof the jomsim ritual,where theykill thecastratedgoats theyhavebroughttotheevent.113Correspondingly, thecastratedgoats’headmeat

canonlybeconsumedbythemenwhohavefasted,whilethebodycanbecon-

sumedbyallinvitedtypesofkin,irrespectiveofaffinaloragnaticstatus.

Whiletheheadmeatwasconsumedinthemorningshortlyafterthesacri-

fice beside the sacrificial site, themeat of the goats’ bodieswas eaten in the

surroundingfieldsintheafternoon.Thisisthetimewhenlargecrowdsofrela-

tivesarriveonthefieldwherethejomsimsacrificetookplaceinthemorning.Peoplepointedoutthisaspectoftheritualasoneofthemostimportantones:

Theiraffines’affines(peracetanpera,“guestsuponguests”)arriveandjointhe

113These typesof in-laws serveas sacrificersduring several other important life-cycle rituals.

Whenthebridewealth(gonong)isbroughttothehouseofamarriedwoman,herhusband,beingaddressedasjawaeinhernativehome,sacrificesagoatinthecourtyardofthishome.Thesameisdonebythejawaes(DH)andkumangs(FZH)ofahouseholdinwhichapersonhasdied,attheoccasionofthesecondaryfuneral(bhadan).


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local line in feasting,socializinganddancing.This isagreatchancetomeeta

potential wife as people explained. For example, if a married sister brings

alongherhusbands’siblings,thesearepotentiallymarriageableaffines,asthey

belong toadifferent clananddonotbelong to the local line.Youngmenare

toldtojointhefeastingintheeveningafterthejomsimsacrificeto“lookforawife”(bahunel). Inoneinteractionwithaparticipant itwasstatedthatthereareSantal inKolkataorWestBengal,but thequestion ishowdoesonemeet

them?Theymightbeinvitedassomeone’saffines’affinestojomsimbonga,myinterlocutorconfirmed.

As the jomsim ritual I attended tookplace in thehot seasonwhen localteamsofsingraimenperformstoriesandsongsatallsortsofsocialevents,asingraiteamperformedatthisoccasionaswell.Theysangstoriesaboutdiffer-enttopics fromSantalmythology,accompaniedbytheirstringedinstruments

(banam)anddancing.Theirsongsaredescribedinmoredetailinchapterfour.UntillateatnightpeopledancedtoSantalmusic114playedfromgenerator-run

loudspeakerssetupinthefield.

Another formofentertainment in thecontextof the ritual takesplace in

thefieldintheeveningafterthesacrificeorinthehousesofthemembersofa

localline.Hereinvitedguestsarefedandhostedforseveraldaysaftertheini-

tial ritual. This type of entertainment is called jomsimbinti, a type of ritualnarrative, in parts sung in others spoken, performed by aguru who is oftensupportedbyateamofothermen.

ARitualNarrativeCalledjomsimbintiWhatarebintis?

InSantalethnographyonlyfewauthorsmentionbintisandtheircontent(Bod-ding1916;Carrin2008).ThemostcomprehensiveworkonthistopicisPeter

Andersen’s (1993) unpublished PhD dissertation on theKaram ritual, whichconsists of an elaborate transcription and English translation of the Karambinti,collectedinWestBengal’sMidnapurdistrict.SimilartotheinformationIcould collect among the Santal in villages around the towns of Ghatsila and

114Most of the Santali music played from CDs and laptops in the area of my fieldwork is

professionallyrecordedandproducedinthenearbyindustrialtownofJamshedpur.Itisplayed

from rented loudspeakers at all kinds of social events in the villages, such as for example

weddingsandchildrens’namingceremonies.TheyouthalsolistenstoSantalmusicmuchmore

frequentlythantoHindiorEnglishsongs,playedfromtheirmobilephones.Forresearchwork

onSantalimusicvideosseeSchleiter(2014).


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Musabani,Andersen(1993,56)mentionsseveraltypesofbintissuchaskarambinti,jomsimbinti,makmorebinti,butdoesnotcountbhadanbinti(bintiforasecondary funeral) among thebintis and leavesoutbaplabinti,whichmy in-formantsalsomentioned.Asacriterionforabintihestates“thatitmustcon-tain series of connected events performed in episodes alternating between

songsandspokenpassage”(56).Allofthesedifferentbintisbeginwiththecre-ationoftheearthandhumanity,whiledifferingintheirendingwheresomeof

them elaborate on themythological origin of the festival on the occasion of

which theyarebeingperformed. InhisworkAndersendiscusses theprinted

Santaliliteratureonbintis,suchasMongolCondroSoren’sjomsimbinti,whichpeoplealsoreferredtoinEastSinghbhum.

FromhisfieldworkandcollectionsofbintisamongSantalofMidnapurdis-trictAndersenconcludes (68f) thatknowledgeofbintis in thisarea isalmostexclusively transmitted orally and formulated independently of written

sources.Inhisconclusionhespeculatesthatinthefuturewrittensourcesmay

becomedominant,which, having carried out fieldwork thirty years afterAn-

dersen115in a nearby district, I cannot confirm yet. Especially educatedmen

knowofandinparthavereadpublishedliteratureonSantaltradition,andthe-

sebooksareheldingreatregard.ButjustasAndersenstated,oralandwritten

traditions in my impression still seem to exist side by side. The general

knowledgeofbintisamongthevillagepopulationstillstemsfromoralperfor-mancesratherthanwrittenbooks.

JomsimbintisinEastSinghbhumInaninterviewthepriestofthejomsimsacrificelatermentionedthatthereisaritualnarrativesometimesperformedatthe jomsim festival.SomepeopleIencounteredinothervillagesoftheMusabaniandGhatsilaareahadlistenedto

thisnarrativebeforeandtheyroughlyknewabouttheoccasionalvillagewhere

I could potentiallymeet a jomsimguru. Thesegurus are specialistswho arehired toperform thebinti at theoccasionof a jomsim ritual.Mygeneral im-pressionwas that therewerevery fewgurus in thisarea.Manyoldmen toldmethattheyhadlistenedtothisbinti intheiryouth,butthattheireldersdidnot teach them the bintis. One Santal man, resident of a village outside ofChakuliaworkingintheirrigationdepartmentinChaibasa,hadvastknowledge

115Andersen recorded theKarambinti he presents in hiswork in 1982 and attended anotherKaramritualin1986.


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aboutthecontentofthebinti,andsummarizeditforme.Hehoweverinsistedthatitsperformancewouldtakeatleastawholenightandwouldneedelabo-

ratepreparation.MosteducatedSantalmenoftheareaadvisedmetoconsulta

book named Jom sim binti written by Mongol Chandra Soren, available inGhatsila’sSantalibookstore.

AtRanchiUniversitytheSantaliProfessorGaneshMurmuhadtoldmethat

thejomsimritualisobservedinamuchmoreelaboratemannerinthestateofWestBengal.Heknewofa jomsim ritualcelebrated inKolkata,wherepoliti-cianswere invited and thebintiwas performed through loudspeakers in themidst of a large crowd. Through one of Ganesh Murmu’s students, whose

mamu’s (MB) villagewas locatedoutsideof Jhargram, inWestBengal’sWestMidnaporedistrict,Iwasfinallyabletomeetajomsimguruwhoagreedtoper-formthebintiforme.

ContentandContextofajomsimbintifromWestBengal

Thejomsimguruwasanelderlyman,whomImetinhisvillagehouseoutsideof Jhargram. People referred to him as gurubaba when Iwas introduced tohim.Inhisoldagehehadmovedbacktohisnativevillageafterholdingacen-

tral government post inKolkata as Textile Commissioner. Besides his visible

wealth–hishousewasbuiltofcementinsteadofmudandhislargeextended

family owned several motorbikes – lending him a certain status, he also

seemedtoberespected forhisvastknowledgeofSantalnarratives.Aman is

chosenby the jomsim deity tobecomeabintiguru, he explained.Oneof thesignscouldbethataperson’shairbecomestangled,likethatofaSantalsham-

an(ojha).Thenpeoplecallthegodthroughamedium.Thepossessedmediumisaskedliterally:“Bywhosehanddoyouwanttobeserved?”(Okoetitesebahataoam?)andthegodwillthenspecify.Thisguruhadlearnedthebinti fromother gurus in the area and sang it mostly frommemory during the perfor-mance,sometimesglancingatnoteswritteninBengaliscripthehadmadeona

piece of paper. Thebinti is not to be sung by one person alone, and at leastthreeothermenshould jointheguru.Gurusareaskedtoperformthebintiatjomsim rituals, and are paid in cash andmeals by thepeople organizing theevent. Chanting thebinti is a formof serving jomsimbonga, and therefore asacredeventrequiringappropriatepreparation.

Beforethebinticanbesung,“workforthegod”(bongakamien)needstotakeplace.All themenwhochanted, inthiscasesixothers inadditiontothe

guru,hadtofast.Inthemorningbeforetheystarted,oneofthemenplastereda


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spot with cow dung and water in the middle of the courtyard. Beaten rice

(taben), sweets (laddu), coconut and bananawere offered to jomsimbonga,whiletheancestorsofthehouseholdreceiveddropsofdistilledliquor(parua)from sal leaf cups. Two unmarried boys then took turns drinking from thecups.Apartofthesweetswasdistributedassacrificialfood(sore)totheotherpeoplewhowerepresent.

Irecordedtheentirebinti,whichwasperformedovertwodays.Thetotaltimeneededforthecontinualchantingamountedtoabouttwelvehours.Inthe

following,Isummarizethetopicscontainedinthebintitoprovideanoverview.Thebintibeganinthefollowingway:“Whichpeoplehavetakenoutandplayedthe flute?116The Hasolis [Hansdas] have played the flute. The people from

Badoli117haveplayedtheflute.Itsoundedlikethunder.Listen,allyougurusoftheregion.Youtoo,listen,allyouenemiesoftheregion.”118Dependingonthe

clanperformingthejomsimritual,thegurufillsinadifferentnameandmytho-logicalplace.ThelargestpartofthebintielaboratesontheSantalmythofcrea-tionasportrayedinthebeginningofthischapter,rangingfromthecreationof

the earth andhumanity to thewanderingsof the Santal clans and their rela-

tionships among each other. The last part of the binti, as people toldme, issupposedtocommentonthecontentofthejomsimritual.Theguruhadbeenperformingthebinti formorethanelevenhoursatthatpointandtomylaterdisappointment, shortened this part considerably. He didmention the blood

pouredontheearthfor jomsimbonga,andreferredbacktotheorganizersofthisjomsimritual:alocallineoftheHansdaclan.

Tosumup, thebinti rootsthesocial identityofwhoeverorganizesa jomsimritualinamythologicalSantalpast.Thegurureferstothenameofthefort(gar)wherethisclanwassaidtoresideinthemythologicalpast.Andsimilartothecomplementaryactionsofagnatesandaffinesoftheritualitself,hecallson

theaffinalrelatives(pera)tolistentohischantingaboutwhoisinvitingtothislargeritualsacrifice.Thebintisseemtogroundcurrentritualactionina long

116Thetranslationfor“binjanonoltiriyo” isunclear.Someinformantstoldmethatitshouldbeunderstoodasametaphorreferringtothehorn(sakua),otherssaiditreferstotheflute(tiriyo).117Bodding (2010, 1: 160) lists Badoli gar as “A fort or village in Champa, belonging to theMarndisept,mentionedinthetraditions.”Fromthejomsimbintiguru’suseinthiscase,itseemsthatBadoliwasthemythologicalfortoftheHansdaclan.118Okoehorkoorong leda,binjanonol tiriyo?Okoehorko sahed leda, jadanono tiriyo?Hasolikoorong leda, binja nono tiriyo do. Badoliko sahed leda, jada nono pale sageno. Hudur hudursadelena, jadanonolpalesageno.Ajompepehodeshbabako,binjanonol tiriyodo.Atenpepehodeshbairiko,jadanonolpalesageno.


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cultural tradition, one alive in Santal villages today and oneworthy ofmore

scholarlyattentionthanitcouldreceiveinmyresearch.

NotionsofPlaceandAgnationinthejomsimRitualThecore interestof thiswork lies innotionsofplaceandhow thesenotions

are created in ritual. Jomsimbonga articulates and generates several Santalnotionsofplacethroughitseye-catchingsymbolismanditsspatialmovements.

Peopleconceptualizetheplace,wheretheritualisheldintermsofritualprac-

tice.They,forexample,speakoftheir“placeoforigin”(mulgadi),astheplacewhere they hold jomsimbonga. The ritual’s symbolism as well as the placewhereitisperformedportraystheritualasmainlyagnatic.Thisagnaticconno-

tationandtheritual’s linktotheexclusivesocialgroupofthegusti leadstoarestrictedaccessofoutsiderstojomsimbonga,whichmightbeoneoftherea-sons fora lackofethnographicdescription thereof todate. In sum, the ritual

articulatesagusti’srelationtoacertainplace,thefieldsandthevillagewhereacommon ancestor first settled. Hence, the ritual points to the close links be-

tweenplaceandsocialstructure.Further,asoneofthelargestsacrificialrituals

of the local line, the ritual involvesnot only agnates, but also their affines in

ritualaction.Bydoingsoitpointstothetwofundamentalsocialcategoriesof

Santalsocietyandarticulatestheirdifferenttypesofrelationtotheplaceofthe

ritualitself.

Mulgadi–aLocalLine’s“PlaceofOrigin”

Themostprominentnotionofplacearticulatedduringjomsimbongaisthatof“placeoforigin”(mulgadi).Theritualisorganizedbythemembersofthelocalline in the village foundedby its forefathers. Someof the founders’ descend-

antsdispersedtootherplaces,sothatpeopleusuallycomefromseveralother

villages back to theirmulgadion the occasion of the ritual. Adjacent to thefieldswhereIdocumentedthedescribedjomsimbonga,afewweekslateran-otherjomsimbongawasheldbytheorwalMurmus.Inthiscasetwolocallineswere considered the founders of this village and regarded the place as their

mulgadi.Peopleknowwhereothermembersoftheirgustiliveandcanlistthenames of these villages. If during other times these places are connected

through this knowledge, the ritual itself spatially connects these villages as

peopletravel,bringingthesacrificialgoatsandtheirfamiliesalong.Historical

memoryisrefreshedthroughtheritual,andsocialbondsbetweenpeople,now


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dispersedtogeographicallyscatteredvillages,arerenewed.Asmentionedpre-

viously,myinterlocutorsoftenrecalledwhobelongedtotheirlocallinebyre-

memberingwhowaspresentatthelastjomsimritual.In thisway the spatial notion ofmulgadibears strong agnatic connota-

tions.Theseconnotationsarealsokeytothesymbolismandtheactionsofthe

ritual. Before the ritual starts, a wooden post, associated through narrative

withthekhudeHansdawhoorganizedthisspecific jomsimbonga,wasplacedintheground.Theplace,wherethisactionwascarriedout,washighlysignifi-

cant as it belonged to themost seniormember of the local line. Planting the

poleinthegroundvisiblymarkedtheplaceastheirsandrepresentedtheroot-

ednessofthegusti inthisplace.Thepolewasfurtherdepictedonthebannerpositionedabovethesacrificialspace.ItassociatedthesymbolwiththekhudeHansdasinOlChikiwriting.

Oneof thereasons for thesecrecysurrounding jomsimbonga is the factthatthedeityitselfisregardedaspowerfulanddangerous.Onlythemostsen-

iormenofthelocal lineknowthedeity’snameandiftheyweretorevealthe

nametooutsiders,greatmisfortunemightbefalltheirgroup.Thehighnumber

andtypeofsacrificialanimalscanbereadasanindexofthedeity’spower.This

powerful impression is furtherunderlinedby theeffervescencearisingat the

momentwhen the animalswere slaughtered, and the large amount of blood

pouredontheground.Theactionofburyingspecificpartsofthegoatmeatin

thegroundforthedeitycanbereadasaimingtotransferpartofthegoats’vi-

talityintothefields.Thisactionalso,onceagain,portrayedthefieldasbelong-

ing to the local lineand thereforeasasafeplace for this specificgift to their

deity.

TheHouseandFieldsasAgnaticSpaces

Thespatialmovementscarriedoutduringtheritualitselffurtherpointtotwo

otherimportantplaces.Oneifthemisthehouseofthemostseniormemberof

thelocalline,whofunctionsasapriest(naeke)duringthesacrificialriteitself.During the ritual the naeke’s house becomes the “house of the god” (bongaorak),madepurebyhiswife throughpainting thewallsanewandplasteringthegroundwith freshcowdung.Thehouse is thestartingpointof theritual,

fromwhichallthegoatsareledouttowardsthefieldinthemorning.Through

thisspatialmovement,oneagnaticspace,thehouse,isconnectedwithanother

one,thefield.


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SpatialArrangementandSymbolismoftheRitualasIndicatorofRelat-

edness

Taking a closer look at the spatial arrangement of the sacrificial rite itself, it

becomesapparent thatsocialcategoriesaredifferentiatedthroughthediffer-

ent spaces theyareascribed.The sacrificial square,plasteredwith cowdung

andenclosedonthreesitesbyakindoffence,canonlybeenteredbytheag-

nates. They place their sacrificial animals’ headswithin this space,while the

affinesandtheirsacrificialanimalsaretoremainoutsideoftheenclosure.The

spatialorder,anditscorrespondingmovements,canthusbeseenasindexical

of theposition and the status of the two types of ritual participants. The ag-

nates performing the ritual can access itsmost sacred, interior space. At the

endofthesacrificepartoftheirsacrificialmeatisburiedinthissamespot,for

theirdeity.Thespatiality isthusanindexoftheirexclusiverelationwiththis

place.Thepresenceoftheiraffinesandtheircontributiontothesacrificeisre-

quested,buttheritualenactstheaffinesasguestsfromotherplaces,whoare

barredfromtheinteriorritualspace.Atfirstsightitseemspeculiarthataffinal

relatives,suchasdaughters’husbands(jawae), father’ssister’shusbands(ku-mangs)andmother’sbrothers(mamu)participateandplaycertainrolesdur-ing this agnatic ritual. But in fact, every Santal ritual involves this

complementarityofagnatesandaffines.Affinalmenassacrificers,forexample,

alsoplayanimportantroleduringthemarriageritesdescribedinthecourseof

this chapterandduringSantal funerary rites (bhandan)notdiscussed in thiswork.

Categoriesofownandotherarefurtheractedoutinthesymbolismofthe

jomsim ritual. Different clothesmark affines and agnates. The agnateswearsindurdhotis,dyedwithamixtureofturmericandvermillion,whereastheaf-fineswearsasangdhotis,onlydyedwithturmeric.Themostpowerfulsymbol-ism is contained in the typesofgoatsprovidedbyeachcategoryof relatives.

Althoughthiswasnevermentioneddirectly, thesexualandprocreativepow-

ersoftheagnatesareunderlinedbythesacrificialanimalstheyprovide.Thisis

contrastedwith themoremellow, castrated sacrificial goats provided by the

affines.

Finally,therulesofsacrificialfoodconsumptiondrawanotherlineofdif-

ferentiationbetweenmembersofthelocallineandtheiraffinalrelatives.Ina

commonmeal theyconsumedifferent typesof foodwherethebucks’meat is

reserved for agnatesand their female relatives residing in theirhouse,while


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thecastratedanimalscanbeconsumedbytheaffinalrelativespresent.Tosum

up,thejomsimritualactsoutandrenewsdifferentsocialcategories.Itequallyshowshow these social categories are closely linked tonotionsofplace. Jomsimbonga is one of the most important rituals of a local line and thereforebears strong agnatic connotations. The following description and analysis of

weddingritualsprovidesacloserlookathowthecounterparttoagnation,af-

finityisconstituted.

3.2.2TheRitualProcessofEstablishingAffinalTiesTheapproaches inthestudyofrelatednessdiscussed inthebeginningof this

chapter emphasize that relatedness should be understood as a process. The

followingexamplesofdifferentSantalweddingritesformpartofthisprocess.

Morespecifically, theexplicitaimofweddingrituals is toestablishnewrela-

tionships119andbringaboutachangeinsocialstatus.Ineachofthedescribed

rituals,differentsetsofrelativesconfirmtheirnewrelationship.Greetings,re-

ciprocal feeding, gift-giving, sacrifice and spatial movements bring about a

transformationofrelationalstatus.Initialambiguityistransformedintospecif-

ic relationships (e.g. the bala relationship), each entailing particular obliga-tions.Theplaces inwhichtheseritualsareheldarehighlysignificant.Onthe

one hand places receivemeaning through thewedding rites, just as they do

throughotherrituals,everydayaction,songsandnarrative.People, forexam-

ple, associate the ancestral room with the first feeding of the bride by her

mother-in-law,andperceiveitasaplaceofintimatesocialconnections.Onthe

otherhand,theritualplaces’existingmeaningsalsocontributestotheaimof

the ritual.As in the ritesof passagedescribedbyVanGennep (2004), Santal

weddingritescontainanumberofmovementsthroughsignificantplacesthat

bringaboutthedesiredtransformationofsocialstatus.Strangers,forexample,

become in-laws (bala) after they greet each other in a ritualizedway at thedoor’s thresholdandthenpass throughthedoor into thehouse.Therituals I

portrayinthefollowingshow,hownotionsofplaceandnotionsofrelatedness

arecloselyintertwinedandultimately,howplaceandritualaremutuallycon-

stitutive.

119As Santal marriage patterns were not the focus of my research, I did not encounter any

patterns of continued exchange of brides between local lines. In the cases I describe in the

following,peopledidnotmentionanypreviouslyexistingrelationshipsbetweentheconcerned

groups,sothatindeednewrelationshipswereformedthroughthemarriageprocess.


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TheDifferentStagesofWeddingRitualsFindingaPartner:ACollectiveorIndividualEffort?DifferentPortraits

Marriagebindsvillagesandhousesintonewrelationshipsofexchangeandmu-

tual support. This collective aspect emerges from all rituals related to mar-

riage, but it is not rare that the initial rapprochement of a young man and

womanhappenson theirown initiative.Thisrelative freedomin interactions

(also sexual) between young people of opposite sex and their freedom in

choosing a partner for marriage has been reported by other ethnographers

abouttribalsocietiesinIndia(cf.forexampleBerger2015a,245;Elwin1991;

Hardenberg2005, 336ff; Vitebsky1993, 48). The initiative takenby a young

personisofcoursenotaltogetherfree, inthatit is influencedbyculturalpat-

terns.TheSantal’spreferenceforafair-skinnedpartnerorthegeneraltabooto

marry“sisters”or“brothers”showsthatindividualchoicesdotakeplacewith-

inboundaries.

MyyoungSantalfriendsoftenspokewithadmirationoftheirfriendswho

had a “lovemarriage” (kundelnapam,possibly literally “meeting while lyingdown”)120instead of an “arranged marriage” (duar bapla – “wedding at thedoor”).121Mostof themwanted tohavea lovemarriage themselves,oftenre-

garding this type as amodernphenomenon, apparently not aware that their

parentsandgrandparentshadalreadyhadsuchlovemarriages.Thefollowing

portraitsshowthevarietyofwaysof findingapartner formarriageandhow

themarriageitselfisfinallyorganized.

120ThepeopleIspoketousedtheEnglishwordeveninSantaliconversationwhenreferringtothistypeofmarriage.OnlywhenIexplicitelyaskedfortheSantaliterm,someonementionedthe

termkundelnapam.Bodding(2010,3:618)translateskundelas“rollover,turnover,laydown,lie down”.Napammeans “tomeet”, so that the term could be literally translated as “meetingwhile lyingdown”.As “lyingdown” (giti) isoftena reference to sexual intercourseamong theSantal,thetermforthistypeofmarriageseemstorefertoasexualencounterthatmightleadto

marriage.121ThereareseveraltypesofweddingsinSantalsociety.BesidesthetwotypesIamintroducing

here,theSantalalsospokeoforakjawaebapla– inwhichcasethegroommovestothebride’shouse,becauseofalackofmaleheirsinherhouse,anditutbapla,todayconsideredtoberare–atypeofmarriagebyforce,inwhichthegroomforcefullyappliessindurtothebrideinapublicplace such as the market or a village festival. I also frequently encountered polygamous

marriages.Thiswasoftenthecaseinmarriageswherethefirstwifedidnotbearanychildren,so

thatforthesakeofoffspringthehusbandtookasecondone.Sometimesmenalsotooksecond

wives, if their first marriage involved many conflicts. The husband then usually lived in one

householdwith thesecondwifeand their commonoffspring,but continued toprovide for the

firstwifeandtheircommonchildreninaseparatehouse.


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RamnathMurmu(AgeatWeddingaroundSeventeenYears):AMarriageArrangedthroughaMatchmaker(raebar)Santalweddingceremoniesdifferaccordingtohowthemarriagecameabout.

Themostprestigioustypeofweddingisthearrangedone,calledduarbaplainSantali.Thenamereferstothefactthattheclimaxofthewholeceremony,the

groomapplyingvermillionon thebride’shairparting, takesplace in frontof

thedoor(duar)ofthebride’sparents’house.Thewholeprocessofarrangingaduar bapla involves various ritualized meetings between relatives from thebride’s and the groom’s side. In general, people emphasize that this type of

weddingcontainsthemostelaboraterituals.

During the arrangement of thewedding, thematchmaker (raebar) playsanimportantrole.Theraebarisamanwhoknowsbothbrideandgroom,andisoftenevenamutualrelativeofboth.Hiswifeisreferredtoasraebarbudhiandcarriesspecialritualfunctionsaswell. InthecaseofRamnath’sarranged

marriage theraebarwashis father’sco-parent-in-law(balakora–Ramnath’smarried sister’s father-in-law) and the raebar’swifewas thebride’spaternalaunt (hoponayo –FyBW).Theraebar suggested theyounggirl asapotentialbridetotheboy’sfamilyandthebackgroundinformationheprovidedtoboth

familiesabouttheotherwastotheirsatisfaction.Thecriterionofclanexogamy

wasfulfilledandtheirvillageswereataconsiderabledistancefromeachother.

Marriageswithinavillagearediscouraged,andiftheytakeplacetheyarelove

marriages often accompanied by conflict between the new bride and her in-

laws. The first meeting of the potential spouses was arranged through the

matchmaker himself. He took the potential groom and a friend to the girl’s

house.Attheendofthismeeting,wheretheboyandgirlhadtheopportunity

toasktheotherquestions,bothexpressedtheirapproval.

Thentwomore,muchlargermeetingswerearranged.Onemeetingwasa

visit to thebride’shouse(bahunel–“seeingthebride”)byadelegation fromthegroom’ssideandanothervisit tothegroom’shousebyadelegationfrom

the bride’s side (jawaenel – “seeing the groom”). At any arrangedmarriageboththesemeetingsareimportantritualeventsandwillbedescribedindetail

inthecourseofthissection.


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LiteHansda(AgeatWeddingaroundTwenty-NineYears):AMarriageIni-tiatedbytheCoupleLiteandhiswifeSushilametwhilestudyingfortheirbachelorinGhatsilaCol-

lege, East Singhbhum. As Lite toldme, most of their interactions during the

yearswhen theykneweachotherwere throughphone conversations. Some-

timestheywouldmeetatcollegeorshewouldvisithiminhis family’s flat in

Musabani, while his familywas staying in their village. Hewanted tomarry

her,buthadnotfoundajobafterthecompletionofhisdegreeinEnglishlitera-

ture,soherfamilyrefusedtomeethim.Formorethanayearhepreparedfor

and took several competitive exams for different positions in the railway or

governmentsector.122In2013hereceivedaposition inacentralgovernment

bureauinBangalorewherehemovedshortlythereafter.Duringavisitbackto

hisnativevillage,hemetSushilaandtheydecidedtogetmarried.Becauseshe

wasalso fromtheHansdaclan,andthustheirmarriagewoulddisregardclan

exogamy, they were afraid to ask their respective families for permission.

Withoutinformingherfamily,shetookthetraintoBangalorewithhim.Afew

dayslaterLitecalledhisparentsandinformedthemthatSushilawaswithhim.

Hisfather,togetherwithhisbrotherandtheheadman(manjhi)oftheirvillagethendecidedtovisitSushila’svillagetoinformthemwhereshewas.Although

herparentswereupset,thedelegationfromLite’svillagewasabletoappease

them and a further ritual was scheduled for the couple’s next visit several

months later. This ritual is called “washing the legs” (jangaarup) and takesplace at the groom’s house. At this occasion the groom’smotherwashed his

andthebride’sarmsandfeetandappliedoilmixedwithturmeric.Atthisocca-

sionheput an ironbangle (merhetsakom) onher left arm, the sign of beingmarriedforSantalwomen.Shedid,however,notwearvermilliononherhair

partingyet.Thiswasonlyappliedattheproperweddingritual.Thevillageel-

ders and functionaries (more hor) asked Lite’s parents and the girl, if eachagreedwiththismarriage.Twovillagerswerethenchosenbytheheadmanto

visitthegirl’shouse.Theyfirstwenttotheheadman’shomeinthegirl’svillage

and informedhim:“Yourgirlhasreachedourvillage”.Villagersandthegirl’s

122Employmentinthepublicsector(chakri),forexampleintherailwaysector,inapublicbankorgovernmentadministrativebodies,isthemostsought-afterjobamongeducatedSantal.These

positionscomewithbenefitssuchasheathinsurance,retirementandprovidedhousing.Inmost

wealthy Santal families Imet at least one familymemberwasworking in this sector. Besides

wealth,thereisalsoconsiderableprestigeattachedtosuchaposition,ascompetitionforthese

jobs is high. There are, however, reserved quotas for members of a Scheduled Tribe, thus

competitionisslightlylowerthanforpeoplebelongingtoageneralcaste.


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parentswerethen informedabout thegroom’sclan(paris),his jobandgivenotherbackgroundinformation.Becausehewassuspectingconflictduetotheir

commonclanmembership,Litehadsentmoneyalongwithhisvillagersincase

thebride’s family asked for it.Different froman arrangedmarriage, the first

ritualizedmeetingofrelativesfrombride’sandgroom’ssideonlytookplaceon

theproperweddingday.Theceremonyof“seeingthebride/seeingthegroom”

isomittedincaseofalovemarriage.

Remarkable about this case is the disregard of clan exogamy. When I

asked Lite’s parents, if such a marriage was allowed in Santal society, they

shrugged their shoulders and remarked that they had no say in it, because

theirsonchosethebridehimself.Theyconfirmedthatsuchamarriagewould

howeverneverbearranged.Santalethnographiesmentionclanendogamyas

thegravestbreachofSantal law,regularlypunishedwitha largeritualcalled

bitlaha,thefrequencyofwhichseemstohavedeclinedconsiderably(cf.Archer2007, 90ff;Bouez1985, 131f;Dhagamwar2006, 261ff; Troisi 2000, 187).At

this event the couple was ritually ostracized from Santal society, the boy’s

housedefiled,evenhisancestralshrinedestroyed.Clanendogamyinthesede-

scriptionsforcedthecoupletoleavetheirlifeinavillagealtogether.Ingeneral,

the breach of clan exogamy seems very rare, I did however encounter one

morecouplewhohadenteredsucharelationship.Similartothecasepresent-

edhere,theywerenotostracizedfromSantalsociety. Lite,however,didem-

phasize that it would not have been possible to marry his wife, if she had

belongedtohislocalline(gusti).Thenshewouldberegardedashissister,andsibling incest is strictly taboo.My general impressionwas that in families in

whichformaleducationplayedalargeroleandinwhichfamilymembersoften

had takenuppublic servicepositions in large Indiancitiesvillage ruleswere

lessstrictlyadheredto.Thiswasthecasebothfortheboy’sandthegirl’sfami-

liesinthedescribedexample.

AngeliTudu(AgeatWeddingaroundElevenYears):AMarriageInitiatedbytheGirlWomenoftenplayanactiveroleinfindingapartner,astheportraitofAngeli

TuduandChoteTuduillustrates.WhenImetAngelishewasaboutthirty-five

yearsold.ShemetherhusbandChote,whothenlivedinaneighboringvillage,

whenshewasabouteleven.Shemethimonthewaytoschoolanddecidedthat

shewanted tomarry him. In recounting the story tome, she laughed about

howyoungshewasthenandabouthowmuchtroubleherideabroughther.


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Chotewassixteenatthattime,andwhenshesuggestedtohimtogetmarried,

he refused,because tohimshewas just a child (gidre). She toldherparents,andtheywereequallyopposed.Theyconsideredhertooyoungtogetmarried

andbecauseChote’sfamilywaspoortheydidnotapproveoftheirdaughter’s

choice. Chote’s family did not own asmuch land as Angeli’s family and they

livedinasmallmudhouse.Assheinsistedonmarryingtheboy,herfatherbeat

her repeatedly. One day she left andmoved into Chote’s house. Hewas flat-

teredbyherpersistence,buthismotherequallyopposedthemarriage.Inher

eyesAngelididnotknowhowtoworkinthehouse,nordidsheknowhowto

cook.What use was another child in the house? But Angeli proved that she

couldwork,shelearnedtocookandcontinuedtogotoschooluntil9thgrade.

At theageof sixteenshebecamepregnantandgavebirth toadaughter.The

formalweddingceremonytookplaceseveralyears later.Beforethis, just like

inthe“lovemarriage”describedabove,thevillagers(morehor)calledameet-ing,wherethecouple’sunionwasofficiallyrecognized.Fromthatdayonwards

Angeliworean ironbangle. Itwasonlyon thedayof theweddingceremony

that she started wearing sindur on her hair parting. Chote later handed thebridewealth (gonong) to her family.As her father continued to beupset, herfamily didnot return any gifts to their daughter at the occasion.Many years

laterherfatherhadcalmeddownandheagreedtobuildaseparatehousenext

to the original house for his daughter and son-in-law. The couplewould not

havebeenabletoaffordtobuildthehouseontheirown.

MarriagebetweenIndividualAgencyandCollectiveAgreement

“Youcannotorganizeaweddingonyourown”,my interlocutorswouldoften

stateinthemidstofbuzzingweddingspreparations.FortheSantal,weddings

arelargecollectiveaffairs.Priortotheactualwedding,ritualnegotiationsbe-

tweenwholesetsofrelatives frombothgroom’sandbride’ssides takeplace.

Thisdoesnotexcludeindividualagency,astheportraitsabovehaveshown.In

myobservations,womenoftenplayedaremarkablyactiverole inpursuinga

youngmanof their liking. In thepast aswell as today, largevillage festivals,

especiallythenightlydancing,butalsovillagemarkets(hats)andallotherso-cial gatherings so frequent in villages, present an opportunity for finding a

spouse.Todayseveralnewopportunitiestomeetaspousehaveemerged.Col-

lege and even the Internet in the form of social networks such as Facebook

provideanewopportunityfortheyoungtointeractandarrangemeetings.Fair

skin and sociability, especially being talkative, are some of themost sought-


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after characteristics in girls. Whenever I attended a wedding, my neighbors

immediatelyaskedmeuponmyreturn:“Wasthebridefair(esel),didshetalk(ror)?”.Youngmenwithacollegeeducationtendtolookforagirlwithasimi-lareducation.Thispreferenceisevenmorepronouncedonthebride’sside.

InthefollowingdescriptionofSantalweddingritualsthecollectiveaspect

thereofbecomesapparent.The twosetsofrelatives,agnaticandaffinalones,

playdifferentroles.Theirbehavior towardseachotherandthesymbolismof

their ritualized actions further gives relevant information about their newly

establishedrelationship.

“SeeingtheBride/SeeingtheGroom”(bahunel/jawaenel)andthe

UseofVeiledLanguage(bhetkatha)betweenAffinesBeforeanarrangedmarriageisfinallyconfirmed,atleasttwoimportantmeet-

ings takeplace, usually severalmonthsbefore the actualwedding.These are

ritualizedeventsduringwhichfirstagroupofrelativesfromthegroom’sside

andthenagroupfromthebride’ssidevisitsthenativehouseofthebrideand

groomandistreatedwithelaboratehospitality.Oftenmanyothervillagersare

involvedincleaning,paintingandpreparingthehousefortheevent.Thedele-

gationiselaboratelygreetedanddifferentritualizedexchanges,verbalaswell

asmaterial,takeplace.Throughouttheday,theaffinesareprovidedwithdif-

ferent meals and rice beer. In the following, my description of “seeing the

groom”containsmoredetailthantheoneof“seeingthebride”,asIcouldonly

bepresentattheformer.

“SeeingtheBride”(bahunel)

Onanagreedupondate,agroupofrelatives fromthegroom’ssidevisits the

bride’shouse. InthecaseIamdescribinghere,Ramnath’sarrangedmarriage

alreadyportrayedabove,thedelegationconsistedoffifteenpeople.Thegroom

himself ingeneraldoesnot attend the “viewingof thebride’shouse”.An im-

portant person to come along is the village headman (manjhi) from thegroom’sside,asheleadsthebeginningoftheritualconversationcarriedoutin

thebride’shouse.Notonlymembersofthegroom’shouse,suchashisfather,

mother and paternal uncles (kaka –FyB,marang baba– FeB), but also thegroom’smaternalrelativessuchasmother’sbrother(mamu)andfather’ssis-ter(jhi)withtheirrespectivespousescomealong.Theseaffinesofthegroomplayimportantrolesinthewholenegotiationprocesspriortoawedding.


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When thegrouparrivedat thebride’shouse, theheadmen (manjhis) of bothvillages, togetherwith othermen, engaged in a ritual conversation. The lan-

guageusedbybothsidesintheseconversationsisaveiledlanguagecalledbhetkatha.123The groom’s side, upon their arrival, for example announced: “Wehavecometochooseaflower”(Alebahabachaohecakanale),referringtothebrideasflower.Themanjhifurtheraskedquestionsaboutthebride’sclanandlocal line, ifsheknewhowtoworkhardandabouthereducation. Ingeneral,

thegroomisaskedmanymorequestionsduringtheensuingritualvisitbythe

bride’sside,aspeopleconfirmed.Onthedayof“seeingthebride”thegroom’s

side discusses and decides, if they approve of the bride. After their decision,

theyareofferedanelaboratemealbytheirpossiblysoontobein-laws.

“SeeingtheGroom”(jawaenel)

Before the group of relatives arrived at Ramnath Murmu’s jawaenel ritual,manypeopleassistedwiththepreparations.Onthedayofarrival,hispaternal

uncles were busy building a bamboo construction in the garden behind the

house,whichlaterservedasasunshelterforthevisitors.Othersslaughtereda

goatandchickensfortheeveningmeal,whilesomemenfriedbread(puri),andstillotherscutvegetablesandboiledrice.Eachhouseholdfromthevillagehad

provided one paele of husked rice to the wedding household. Some womenspentthedaymakingcupsoutofsalleaves(phuruk),whichwouldlaterserveas cups for rice beer.Otherwomendyed clothes yellowwith turmericwhile

othersneatlyplastered the ground in the courtyard andall the roomsof the

housewithcowdungandwater.Severaldayspriortotheeventthewomenof

thehousehadpainteditsfrontoutsidewallwithanintricatepatternoforange,

red and black.124The process of making new relatives included impressing

theminaculturallyspecificway:Theaestheticsandneatmaintenanceof the

house,anelaboratemeal–alwaysincludingmeat,preferablymutton–cheer-

ful,friendlyandtime-consuminghospitalitywerepartofthispattern.

123Carrin (2003, 7) uses the Santali term benthakatha and translates it as “twisted speech”,twisted like branches. Bodding (2010, 1: 402) translates bhenta as “word with a double-meaning, with a hidden meaning, metaphorical, like a riddle”. My informants described this

language as bhet. To my knowledge this type of veiled language has not been mentioned oranalyzedinanyethnographiesontheSantalbefore.124Theimportanceofthegroom’shouseinthevillagebecameapparenttomewhenIattendeda

jawaenelceremonyinanewlybuiltSantalhouseinthecityofGhatsila.Therethebride’spartyarrivedseveralhourslate,becausetheyhadfirstvisitedthegroom’snativehouseinhisvillage.


165

When the party from the bride’s side arrived in the late morning, the busy

preparation work stopped, people lowered their voices andwhispered “The

guests have come” (perahecakanako). I witnessed this restrained behaviorwheneverafirstmeetingwithin-lawstookplace,accompanyingtheambiguity

of thenot-yet established relationship.Onlyonce the ritualized initial formal

greetinghadtakenplacetheatmospherebecamemorerelaxed.

The bride’s party, twenty-fourmen andwomen in total, were seated in

rows of chairs set up in the courtyard.One after another, all thewomenbe-

longing to the house of the groomgreeted each guest and also the headman

andeldersfromtheirownvillageseatedacrossfromtheguests.Amongthese

womenwerethegroom’smother(ayo),hissisters(dai–yZ,mai–yZ),andhiselderbrother’swife (hili). Theyboweddown touching the groundwith theirhands in front of each guest. After the women, the men, including themale

childrenofthehousefollowedsuit.Then,asitwasthefirsttimetheseguests

werehostedinthishousehold,thewomenwashedandoiledtheirfeetonbrass

plates. Following this elaborate ritual greeting, the headmen and othermale

villagers from the groom’s village entered into a dialoguewith the headmen

andmen fromthebride’sside: “Whichvillagehaveyoucome from?(apeokaatokhonhecena?)Why have you come? (cetkatirhecenape?) Have you en-counteredanyheadacheorstomachacheonyourwaythroughtheforestoron

theroad?”(horrebirrelathasubohothasualomnamape?).“We have come to look at your golden umbrella (sonachatom)”, the bride’sside stated, allmenmurmuring at the same time.The groomwas seatedbe-

tween hiswedding assistant (lumtikora)125and his brother-in-law (tenang –eZH).Then theheadman from thebride’s sidebeganquestioning the groom,

enquiringabouthisname,howmanybrothershehad,ifhisfatherandmother

werestillalive,wherehismotherbrother’shouse(mamuorak)wasandhowlonghehadattendedschool.Theraebar’swife thenaskedabout thegroom’soccupation.Thenanotherwomanenquired inveiled language: “Doyoudrink

cloudyorclearwater?”(bodedakkorampairaamaseebang?)referringtoricebeerormahua(distilledliquor),followedbythequestion:“Doyouknowhowtobendastraightbranch?” (sojekatemkarbudaream?),meaning ifheknewhowtobuildaplow.The fairlyyounggroomdidnotunderstandeachoneof

125The lumtikora should either be the groom’s father’s younger brother’s (kaka) son or themotherbrother’s(mamu)son.Hestaysbythegroom’ssidethroughoutallthedifferentweddingrituals,“sothatthegroomdoesnotfeelalone”peopleexplained.Thebridehasagirl(lumtikuri)asherassistant.


166

these questions, so that his uncles and father had to explain themeaning to

him.Thebride’smother’sbrother(mamu)thenaskedhimwhichkindofMur-mu theywere (celepariskantape?), towhich the groom answered that theyweresanMurmu126.Thebride’sfathercontinued:“Howmanybowlsandplatesdoyouhave?”(tharibatitinekkantape?),askingabouttheamountoffieldsthehouseholdowned.They finished theirquestioningbyasking: “Canyousowa

black path on a white river?” (pond gada re hende hor er em badaya a seebang?), enquiring about his ability to write. The groom answered all thesequestionswithpatienceandastraightface.Atsomepointhisrelativesandthe

bride’spartyfeltpityforhimandtheyindicatedthatitwasenoughandthathe

haddonewell.Peopleexplained thisveiled languageasadequate for this ritual interac-

tionbetweenpotentiallynewrelatives.“Wecannotusestraightlanguagewith

them”, they stated. In the interactionwith affines, this language is also used

during thedeliveryof thebridewealth (gonong).Outsideof the ritualactionsbetweenaffines,theonlyothercontextinwhichIencounteredthistypeoflan-

guagewasduringpossessionathuntingrituals.Asdiscussedinmoredetailin

chapterfour,whenpeoplecommunicatewiththehuntingdeitythroughame-

diumthey,forexample,callsindur“baha”(flower)andusespecificsynonymsastheyrefertoanimalsoftheforest.Certainparallelsbetweentherelationship

with affines and the relationshipwith the deities of the forest exist as these

deitiesareunpredictableandtheyshouldbeapproachedwithcaution.Inthis

regard it is relevant tomention thatdirectness ingeneral isnotvaluedposi-

tivelyinSantalsociety,becauseitcould“offend”anotherperson.Forexample,

it isconsideredan importantskill todescribethings inanelaborateway,en-

gaginganotherpersoninthis“tastywayoftalking”(sibilror).

ConfirmingtheRelationship,EatingandGift-Giving

Afterthequestioningofthepotentialgroom,thebride’spartyretreatedtothe

gardenbehindthehouseanddiscussedtheiropinionofthegroom.AsIcould

observe, two relatives played an important role at this point: The bride’s fa-

ther’s sister (jhi) and the bride’smother’s brother (mamu)were leading thediscussion.The father’s sister asked themother’sbrother, if “the goldenum-

brellaprovidedshadow”(sonachatomumulemaaseebang?),referringtothe

126Gausdal(1953,60)writes:“San isageneralnameforseveralvarietiesofplantsandbusheswithedibletubers.”HementionsthesanMurmuinhislistofSantallocallines.


167

groom’s ability tomakehis guests feel comfortable.Different relativesof the

bride were included in this discussion: her mother’s sister (her kaki), herbrothers’wives(herhilis),herfatherandalsothevillageheadman(manjhi).Allofthemconfirmedtheirapprovalofthegroom.

Only after this decision a meal was served to the new relatives in the

courtyard of the house. After this, in the afternoon of the sameday, another

elaborate ritual took place. It was called “marking the groom” (horokcinhe,“wearsigns”).Someofhisagnaticandaffinalrelativeshandedgiftstohimand

tohisyoungerbrother seatedbesidehim.Thegroom first satonhis father’s

lap,andhisfatherappliedoilandturmericonhislegs,armsandhair.Thefa-

therthengavehimwatertodrinkandfedhimasweet(laddu)endingthein-teractionwithagesturedonefirsttoanewbornchildatitsnamingceremony:

hetouchedhisson’slipswithhisfingersandthenmovedthefingerstohisown

lips,makingakissingsound.Finally,heputmoneyintoaplate infrontofhis

eldersonandyoungersonsittingnexttohim.Thesameactionwasrepeated

byawhole setofdifferent relatives in the following,until thegroomandhis

youngerbrothercouldonlytakesmallbitesofeachsweettheyhadtoeat.First

camehismother,thenhisfather’ssister(jhi)andhismother’sbrother(mamu)followedsuit.Duringallthesegesturesthegroomwasseatedontherespective

relative’slap.Thennumerousrelativesfromthebride’ssiderepeatedthesame

actions: Her paternal uncle (kaka) and his wife (hoponayo) applied oil andturmericandthelatterputayellowflowernecklacearoundhisneckandared

string aroundhiswaist. Thewife’s otherpaternal uncle (kaka)put a ringonthegroom’s finger,and theuncle’swife (hoponayo)handedaSantaldhoti tothegroom.Thewife’s father’s sister (jhi) andherhusband (kumang)handedhimawatch.Withsomeoftheserelatives,suchasthebride’seldersister,who

was roughly the groom’s age, he seemed to feel uncomfortable in this close

physicalpositiononherlap.Whenhedidnotproperlysitonthebride’smoth-

er’sbrother’slap,someoldmenremarkedjokingly:“Donotfeelshy.Sitclose

tohim,heisyourmamu.”Duringalltheseinteractionsthewomenfromthebride’spartysangsongs,

inwhichtheycommentedonwhowascurrentlyhandingwhichtypeofgiftto

the groom.One of their songs’ lines clearly emphasized the collective aspect

andthegoalof theiraction: “Wehavemarkedourhusbandwithourgifts to-

day”, they sang. In the early evening the guests were fed another elaborate

meal of rice with mutton, dal, vegetables, fried bread, mango chutney and

sweets.


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BahasindurandGiftsfortheBride’sParty

Afterdinneranothersymbolicact,visuallymarkingthenewin-lawrelativesas

suchtookplace.Eachmarriedcouplefromthebride’spartywasseatedonthe

ground,whilethewomenofthehouseappliedturmericandoilonboththeir

armsand legs.Themarriedwomenreceivedsinduron theirhairpartingandface.Onaday-to-daybasiswomenapplysinduronlytotheirhairparting,butonthisoccasionthesindurlinewasdrawnallalongtheedgeoftheirfacedowntotheirears.Thisisreferredtoasbahasindur(“flowersindur”).Aspotofsin-durwasfurtherputoneachwoman’searandanothermarkonthejointofherironbangle.Menjustreceivedatikaontheirforeheadanddotsontheirears.Besides at weddings, affinal guests receive bahasindur during several otherritual events, such as naming ceremonies (chatiar) and secondary funerals(bhandan).

Before the departure of the bride’s party, themen presented the bride-

wealthdemandtothegroom’sside.Forthisallthemenfromthegroom’sand

bride’s side sat across from each other, and a first gift called billi potom(“wrappedegg”)washanded to thebride’s side:a leaf cupwithcrushedrice

(adoacaole),dhobigrassandtwocoins.Additionally,huskedrice(caole)wasgiventothem,totakebacktotheirvillage.Meanwhile,thegroomhadcarefully

packedasmallboxforhisfuturewife.Itwasfilledwithsweetsandamessage

fromhim,heexplainedwithasmile.

TheWeddingCeremonyThereisageneraldifferencebetweenaloveandanarrangedmarriageregard-

ingtheplacewherethedifferentritualsequencesareperformed.Ingeneral,an

arrangedmarriage,duarbapla, ensues themost elaborate of rituals, and theclimaxof theweddingceremony, theapplicationofvermillion, takesplaceat

the bride’s village. For a lovemarriage, all rituals take place at the groom’s

house.Astheweddingceremonyforanarrangedmarriageisthemostelabo-

rate,Ifocusmydescriptiontothistype.

EveningbeforetheWeddingattheGroom’sHouse

Generallyspeaking,intheeveningbeforetheactualweddingceremony,differ-

entritualsarecarriedoutinwhichdifferenttypesofrelationsareunderlined.

Mostoftheseritesinvolvepeopleofthegroom’svillagewhoareconsideredto

beagnaticrelatives.Anotherperson’s importantrole inmanyof thewedding


169

rituals becomes apparent at this time, too: it is the groom’s elder brother’s

wife,whomheaddressesashili.Further,theeveningactivitiescontainsymbol-ismpertainingtoagriculture, linkingtheweddingritualto ideasof livelihood

andfertility.

In the early evening, three girlswhohavenot yet reachedpuberty (titrikuri),madearoundspotofcowdunginthemiddleofthecourtyard.Assistedbythe jogmanjhi’s127wife, theyplacedagrindstoneontopofthisspot,whereallthreegirlsthengroundtheturmerictogether.

Followingthis,eachvillagecoupleconsideredtoberelatedtothegroom’s

house,themeneitherasbrotherstohisfatherorasclassificatorybrothers128,

wasseatedinaroominsidethehouse.Startingwiththeheadmanandhiswife,

thethreeyounggirlsappliedoilandturmerictotheirlegsandarmsandoilon

theirhair.

Intheafternoonsomemenhaddugashallowsquarepitinthegardenbe-

hindthehouse.Acrossthepittheyhadplacedtwowoodenyokes.Intheeven-

ingbefore theweddingdaythegroom’shili firstwashedthegroomandthenhisassistant(lumti)astheyweresquattingontheyokesoverthepit.

Oneofthelasteveningritualstookplacearoundaconstruction(calledsir-ibaripinda129)inthemiddleofthecourtyardmadebythegroom’shili.Itcon-sistedofsalbranches.Shehadconstructedasortofenclosedsquarewiththesebranchesandconnectedthemwithstringandmangoleavesonthreesides,so

that one side of the square remained open. Inside therewere four clay pots

filledwithwater surroundedby ricepaddy (huru). The groom togetherwithhisassistantsatonhisfatherandmother’s lap,whoeachappliedoilandtur-

mericoneachofthem.Thegroomreceivedanecklacefromhiseldersister,the

assistantawristband.Togetherwithhishili,theassistantandthethreeyounggirls (titrikuri) the groom circled the construction three times counter-clockwise.Thentheyenteredintotheroomcontainingtheancestralshrinetogether

127Thejogmanjhiassiststhemanjhiandisthevillagefunctionaryinchargeofsocialeventsandvillagemorale.128Theterm“classificatorybrother”referstothefactthatsomemenwhoregardeachotheras

brothersarenot“realbrothers”(nijboeha)butclassifiedassuch.InthesecondvillagewhereIlived, my elder brother (dada) addressed every head of household in the village street as“father’syoungerbrother”(kaka),althoughsomeofthesemenwereactuallytheaffinalrelativesof the father’sbrotherwhohadmovedto thevillagea long timeago.Theirritual involvement

and close interactions could however not be differentiated from the ones of “real brothers”.

Peoplecalltheseclassificatoryvillagerelationsatosegey(villagekin).129Icouldnotfindanyexplanationforthename.Bodding(2010,5:291)translatessirias“luck,fortune”.


170

(marangorak). In this room the groom and his parents ate a type of specialfoodfromoneplate.It iscalledramresore,cookedbyhismotherfromlentilsand rice. The groom’s assistant and hishili received this food from separateplates.

MorningoftheWeddingDay:TheGroomMarriesaMangoTree

Beforetheweddingpartybeganthetriptothebride’svillage,thegroomcar-

ried out actions similar to those of a wedding at a mango tree. This step is

called“mangowedding”(ulbapla)130,andconsideredtobeanimportantpre-requisiteformarriage.Peopletoldme,thatthegroomshouldmarryamango

tree, while the bride should marry a mahua tree before the wedding. Thegroomandhisassistantdidnotwalktothetreelocatedacrossthestreetfrom

thehouse.Insteadtheywerecarried.Thegroomwascarriedbyhishilionthehip(thiswayofcarryingiscalledhebeandusuallyreferstocarryingachild),whiletheassistantheldanumbrellaoverhim.Thegroom’smotherandfather

and the titrikuri followed the groom. They all circled around the tree threetimes,andthefathertiedtwothreadsarounditsstem,oneatchestheightand

another below. His mother applied oil to the bottom of the stem and then

waivedabrassplatewithcrushedriceanda littleoil lampthreetimesinthe

air, greeting the tree justas she laterwouldgreet thebride.Thegroomthen

dropped sindur on the ground three times and applied it to the tree’s stem,while themenpresent shouted “haribol”.They shouted the same thingonceagainwhenthegroomappliedsinduronhiswifeforthefirsttime.

Afterthisritualhadtakenplace,themenfromthegroom’svillagecollect-

ed all the material necessary for the wedding ritual in the bride’s village:

drums,cookingpotsandthecomponentsofthebridewealth(gonong) includ-ingonefemaleandonemalecalf.Ontwopre-arrangedbussesandseveralmo-

torbikes the party, including the groom, left for the bride’s house. The only

women coming along were his father’s sister (jhi) and the headman’s wife(manjhibudhi).

130Santal songs and rituals are full of tree symbolisms. The mango wedding is not the first

weddingbetweenahumanandatree: Ifachild’s first teethappear inthe frontcornersof the

upperjawboneithastobemarriedtotreecalleddayhadare.Thistreeweddingisaconditionforahappymarriagetoahumanspouseinthefuture.


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At theBride’sHouse: the “ReceivingWater” (dharamdak) andApplica-

tionofsindur

As inall interactionsconcerningguests,at thearrivalof thegroom’sparty in

the bride’s village thewomen received andwelcomed the new arrivers. The

busses stopped at a school building in front of her village,where the bride’s

eldersisters(thegroom’sajnardai)carriedthegroomandhisassistantoutofthebus.Thegirlscarriedthetwoyoungmenontheirhipsandrituallygreeted

them once theywere seated. Thewedding day is the only day onwhich the

groomandhiswife’seldersister interactveryclosely.She laterwashedhim,

brushedhisteethandgavehimwatertodrinkoutofherhand.Afterthewed-

dingday, however, they arenot allowed to touchor sit close toone another

anymore.

At theoccasionofanarrangedmarriage the firstencounterbetweenthe

bride’s relatives and the groom’s party consists of the handing over of the

bridewealth (gonong). For reasons of clarity I deal with the topic of bride-wealthinaseparatesectionbelow.

After thegroom’spartyhadcookedandeatenamealon theoutskirtsof

thevillage,aritualgreetingcarriedoutbyallthewomenofthebride’shouse

took place. This ritual is calleddharamdak, the “receivingwater”.Men fromthebride’s village led theprocessionwith theirdrums,while at least twenty

women danced behind them in a line with slow steps. Groom and assistant

were seated in two chairs and greeted by thewomen, their feet oiled, and a

brassplatewithasmalllitoil-filledcupwaivedintheairthreetimesandrice

thrown at them (this type of greeting is called chumera). The women thengreeted the two calves brought along as part of the bridewealth in the same

manner.

Thentheclimaxoftheweddingceremony,theapplicationofsindurbythegroomtothebride(sindredan)tookplace,precededbyanenactedhostileen-counterbetweengroom’sandbride’sparty.Thegroom’sparty,ledbyagroup

of drummers, approached the house of the bride. The groom, dressed in a

whitedhotiwearingaturban,wascarriedonhisbrother-in-law’s(tenang–hissister’s husband) shoulder. Someone held an umbrella over him, two men

slowlywalkedinfrontofthegroomholdingaclothspannedfromonesideto

anotherinfront.Theatmospherewasantagonistic.Thegroom’spartyshouted,

accompanied by drumming, while the bride’s side awaited the others’ ap-

proach.Ledbyanothergroupofdrummers, theyoungerbrotherof thebride


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wasequallycarriedbyanotherman.Separatedbyaclothbarrier,thetwopar-

ties circled around each other. Both groom and the bride’s younger brother

threwriceandsprinkledwaterwithamangoleafateachother.Whenthecir-

clingstopped,theyratherviolentlyfedeachothersweets,smashingthesweet

intotheother’sface.Theyoungerbrotherspatamouthfulofthesweetatthe

groom.When lightning each other’s cigarette, they lit the flame close to the

other’s face. Finally, the encounterwas ended by a typical greeting between

male in-laws(bala):holdingeachother’shands theybumped theirchests to-getherthreetimes,eachtimelookinginanotherdirection.

Next,thebridewasbroughtoutfromherparents’houseseatedinalarge

basket called daore.The bottom of the basket was filled with paddy (huru)fromthegroom’shouse,shewaswearingasindursareedrapedoverherhead.The saree is dyedwith amixture of sindur and turmeric. Fourmen,who allstoodinarelationshipofelderbrotherstothegroom,carriedthebasket.After

the wedding day, the bride’s relationship with the husband’s elder brothers

willbedefinedbyatouchingtaboo.Inthemidstofa largecrowd,thegroom,

carriedontheshouldersofhisbrother-in-laws,andthebrideinthebasketcir-

cled eachother,with apieceof clothdrapedbetween them.Meanwhile they

threwriceandsprinkledwaterateachother.

Whentheystopped,thegroomremovedthebride’sveilandappliedthree

strokesofsindurtoherhairpartingwhilethesurroundingmenshouted“haribol”threetimes.Thegroomthenputanironbangle(merhetsakom)onherleftarm,whichmarkedherasamarriedwoman.Onlyathisdeathwouldshere-

movethebangle.Nowthatshewaswearingthesesymbols,thegroomtookher

face inbothhandsandkissedheron thecheek.Afterhedescended fromhis

brother-in-law’sshoulders,heliftedthebrideoutofthebasket.


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Photo16:Hostileencounterbetweenthebrotherofthebrideandherfuturehusband.Heretheyforcefullyfeedeachotherbetelleaves.

Photo17:Brideandgroompriortotheapplicationofsindur.Thegroomiscarriedbyhissister’shusband(tenang),thebridesitsinabasketcarriedbyfourelderbrothers

(dadako)ofthegroom.


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EnteringtheAncestralRoom(marangorak)

Thenextand final stepof theweddingceremonywas theentryof thenewly

wedcouple first into thehouseof thebrideand then into the roomwith the

ancestralshrine.Inalltheseritualstepswomenplayanimportantrole.Before

theycrossedthedoorstep,thebride’smothersprinkledthecouplewithwater

from amango leaf. Entering themarangorak, however,was amore difficulttask.Thebride’spaternaluncles’wives (herhoponayos–FyBW) thusall thewomenwhomarried into her local line and usually live in the same village

street,hadblockedthedoor.Whensomemenknockedonthedoor,thewomen

demandeda ransomtobepaidby thegroom. In caseofa lovemarriage this

partoftheceremonytakesplaceatthegroom’shouse.Herethewomensang

songsmakingfunofthenewbride,teasingthegroombyasking:“Whatkindof

froghaveyoubroughttothehouse?”(celeroteagukedam?).Oncethewomencleared the entry into the marang orak the couple was seated there. Thebride’smotherthenappliedoilandturmericontheirlegs,armsandfaces.She

thenputa specificpatternofbahasindur on thebride for the first time.Andfinallysheservedricebeertothecouplefromaleafcupandfedthembeaten

rice(taben)withsugar.After this ritual step, the couple was seated in the courtyard of the

houseandpresentedgiftsby all the relatives from thebride’s side.After the

groom’spartywasfed,hisparentshadfastedthewholedayuntiltheirsonhad

applied sindur on the bride, they returned home. The groom and the bridestayed in the bride’s village for a fewmore days. As part of the bridewealth

transactionsthegroomsacrificedagoatinthecourtyardofthebride’shouse,a

ritualdescribedbelowinaseparatesectiononthebridewealth ingeneral. In

the case I am describing the bride and groom left the bride’s village for the

groom’shousearoundtwodaysafterthisritual.


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Photo18:Themotherofthegroomappliesbahasindur(“flowervermillion”)tothe

brideintheancestralroom.

Photo19:Atanotherweddingthemotherofthegroomfeedsthebridewithbeaten

riceintheancestralroom.


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ReceptionoftheCoupleattheGroom’sHouse

Oncethecouplearrivedatthegroom’svillage,theyfirststayedatthegroom’s

paternaluncle’s(kaka–FyB)houseinwhichtheywererituallygreetedbythedharamdak (receivingwater) ritual. Similar to the same ritual at the bride’svillage, all thewomen of the groom’s village, even the small girls, danced in

lines towards the house in which the groom and bride stayed. They each

washedthecouple’sfeet,appliedoilandturmericandgreetedthem.Thenthe

groom’seldersistercarriedhimoutofthehouse,followedbythebride’selder

sister carrying the bride and finally the groom’s younger sister carrying his

weddingassistant.Theywereseatedoutsideofthegroom’shouseonaspecial

mat(patia)wovenbythegroom’shili(eBW).Behindthemallthebride’srela-tives were seated and to the couple’s side sat the groom’s hili and both thecouple’s respectiveweddingassistants.Thegroom’smother then carriedout

elaborateritualactions:shewashedthecouple’sfeet,oiledtheirlegsandarms,

brushed their teeth, combed their hair, applied baha sindur on bride andgroom and fed them sweets. The same action was then repeated by the

groom’spaternaluncle’swives(hishoponayos)and finallyby theheadman’swife.Thesameactionswerethencarriedoutonallthewife’sfemalerelatives

seatedbehindthecouple.

DuringmyenquiriesaboutSantalrituals,menoftenemphasizedthatsac-

rifices and “work for the gods” (bongakamien) in generalweremale affairs.Women are excluded from these activities, unless they take placewithin the

house,suchasancestorworshipforexample.Theritualsinwhichwomenplay

alargepartarehoweverallritualsincludingaffinalrelatives.Namingceremo-

nies, weddings and secondary funerals (bhandan) are largely organized andcarried out bywomen.Here, just like in all the ritual steps described in this

section,womenrituallyreceive,welcomeandfeedtheguests.Atthesetimesof

receiving,menareoftennotevenpresent.Differentfrommen,womenarethe

oneschanging theirplaceof residenceand theirclanaffiliation.As theyhave

undergone this transformation, they play an important role in receiving the

brideintothehouse.Uponherarrivalinherhusband’shouse,thebrideisfed

andanointedwithoilandturmericlikeachildafteritsbirth.

In the course of this day, three more ritual events took place at the

groom’shouse:theritualmeetingofin-laws(balanepel),thegivingofgiftstothecoupleandasmallritualcalledkadohati(literalmeaningunknown).Dur-ingkadohati first the groom, then thebride is seatedon theyokeabove thesmallpitduginthebackyard.Thepitisfilledwithwater.Inthewaterthereis


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anirontoolthatlookslikeapincher.131Brideandgroombothhavethechance

tosearchforitinthewaterthreetimes.Whoeverfindsitiswashedbytheoth-

er,whilestillsquattingontheyoke.

Inconclusion,theritualstepsdescribedinthissectionservetomovethe

brideaway fromhernativeplaceand receive thenewlywed couple into the

groom’shouseand into thevillage community. Froma ritualperspective the

separationofthebridefromhernativeplaceisachievedthroughthedelivery

of thebridewealthandthesacrificeofagoatbythegroominthebride’s for-

merhouse,describedbelow.Thebride’sintegrationintothegroom’shouseisa

more gradual process inwhich she is increasingly becoming entitled to take

over the tasks of cooking and brewing rice beer. In theweeks following the

wedding rituals, the village community, too,makes an effort to integrate the

newbrideintothevillage:Eachhouseintheirimmediateneighborhoodinvit-

edthenewly-wedcoupletoacookeddinner.

In-LawRelationships:balaandsangat

The general goal of this chapter is to discuss the entanglement of place and

Santal social structure. This section onwedding rituals shows how different

classificationsofrelatednessareestablishedandconstantlyrenewedthrough

ritual.Morespecifically, it illustrates theprocessof transformingaffinal rela-

tives, theonesone canpotentiallymarry, into in-laws, thosewithwhomone

maintainsmaritalrelations.InSantalithereisnotermforthelattercategoryofrelatives,butratheraspecifictermdenotingcertainin-lawrelationships,calledbala. One therefore cannot say “Thebala have come”, becausebala does notrefertoagroupofpeople,butone insteadsays“Mybalahascome”denotingthe personwithwhom one stands in such a relationship.132Thesebala rela-tionshipsarefirstrituallyestablishedduringtheweddingceremony.Bodding

(2010,1:184)translatesbalaas“co-parent-in-law”,whichisnotentirelycor-rect,althoughthisisthemostcommonusageoftheterm.Generallyspeaking,

baladenotesallthosewhostandinthesamerelationshiptogroomandbriderespectively: for example, the fathers, the mothers, the (elder and younger)

brothers, the (elder and younger) sisters, themother’s brothers, the father’s

131The pincher is made by the blacksmith (Kamar) of a village. While making the tool, heobservesrulesofritualpurity,suchasmakingtheinstrumentearlyinthemorningafterhaving

takenabath,while fasting.Heobserves the same ruleswhilemaking the ironbangle (merhetsakom),whichthebridewearsstartingontheweddingday.132Cf. Bodding (2010, 1: 184) “bala: co-parent in law, always sowhen reference ismade to aparticularperson.”


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sisters of groom and bride. Their similar relationship to groom and bride

makesthembalatoeachother.

Photo20andPhoto21:Ritualmeetingofthein-laws(balanepel).


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Dependingon the typeofwedding, thebalameeting ritual (balanepel) takesplace at different times.At a lovemarriage, it is performedwhen thebride’s

partyarrivesatthegroom’shousefortheweddingceremony.Becausenotall

of thebride’s relatives come to thewedding ceremonyat thegroom’shouse,

thereisalsoaspecialvisittothebride’shouseduringwhichthebalarelation-ships play a prominent role. At an arrangedmarriagebalanepel takes placeafterthewomenofthevillagehavereceivedbrideandgroom.Themeetingof

balarelativesisalwaysperformedinfrontofthehouse,oftenatthethreshold.During the bala greeting, different sets of same-sex in-laws carry out

symmetricalgestures.Forexample, thegroom’s fatherand thebride’s father,

theirmothers,mother-brothers(mamu),father’ssisters(jhi),father’sbrothers(kaka)areallconsideredbalatoeachother.Separatedbyaclothheldbytwopeople on opposite ends, they first wash each other’s feet, put a necklace

aroundtheother’sneck,thenfeedeachothersweetsfollowedbyanofferingof

water.Finally,theyfeedeachotherbetelwrappedinaleafandthemenoffer

and light a cigarette for the other. The ritual meeting is ended by the balagreeting,whichtheserelativeswillcarryoutthroughouttheirliveswhenever

theymeet.133Thewomenholdeachother’shandsatknee level, thenlift their

handsupthreetimesandbrushovertheirhairinafinalgesture.Themenjoin

hands,thenclashtheircheststogetherthreetimes,eachtimelookinginadif-

ferentdirectionandfinallylifttheirjointhandsuptotheirforehead.Afterthe

greetingtheywalkintothecourtyardofthehouse,walkingsidebyside,their

armsaroundtheother’swaist.

Especially the new femalebala relatives behave in a jovialmannerwitheachotheronthisday.Theyspendhourssittingtogetherwiththeirnewbalakuri, joking, talking and singing. There are numerous bala songs known bywomen,whicharesungbackandforthbetweenthebride’sandgroom’sfemale

relatives.Thesongsdescribetheactivitiesofbalawomen,suchasdrinkingricebeertogether.Theypourthericebeerfromonecupintoanotherthreetimes

and then drink at the same time, calling this “sharing a drink” (nuhatin) intheirsongs.Anintriguingaspectoftheirnewrelationshipisthatit isconcep-

tualizedasveryclose.WhenIcommentedthattwobalakuri(thetwopaternaluncle’swives(kaki)ofbrideandgroom)worethesamebangles,theyrespond-

133This ritualmeetingof in-laws isnotunique to theSantal.Gregory (2011,202f)describesa

strikingly similar ritual interaction between same-sex pairs of amarried couple among Halbi

speakers of Chhattisgarh.He introduces the address term samdhi/samdhin,which in this caseonlyreferstoco-fathers-in-lawandco-mothers-in-law.


180

ed: “Of coursewedo,wearebalakuri”.This similarity is alsoemphasized inthewaytheyaddresseachother,notusingthesecondpersonsingular,butin-

steadaddressingtheotheras“we”(abo–firstpersonpluralinclusive134).Ad-dressingtheotheras“we”conflatestheirbeingintoacommonone,anattitude

alltheiractionsexpressonthatday.

Onemoreimportantin-lawrelationship,whichcouldpotentiallybetrans-

formedintoamarriage,findsspecialattentionatthemeetingofbalarelatives.It is the joking relationship called sangat,that exists between the siblings ofbrideandgroomof theoppositesex.Forexample, thegroom’ssisterandthe

bride’sbrother call eachother sangat.As Iwitnessedon theirdeparture, thegroom’ssistersgaveaspecialnecklace to theirsangat.Thewholeactionwasaccompaniedbymuchlaughter,asthenecklacewasmadeoutofflowers,man-

gosandaplasticbottlefilledwithricebeer.Onotheroccasionsthegiftcamein

theshapeofaleafhat,spectaclesmadeoutofleavesandanumbrellabyagirl’s

sangat. Throughout their lifetime these sangat relatives are expected to jokewitheachother.Oftenthereisalsoaportionofself-consciousnessand“shame”

(lajao)involvedintheseinteractions,asthesangatrelationshipcanpotentiallyturnintoaspousalone. InDamudihvillagewhereI laterconductedmyfield-

work,therewasindeedadaughterofafamily,whohadmovedintothesame

household as her sister because she married her sangat (sister’s husband’sbrother).

Gonong–theRitualDeliveryoftheBridewealthAs stated above,marriage among the Santal is carried out inmany different

ritualstages.Theincreasingbelongingofawifetothehousehold,locallineand

clanofherhusband,aswellastheestablishmentofin-lawrelationshipsshould

thereforeberegardedasaprocess,ratherthanaone-timeevent.Thedelivery

of the bridewealth (gonong)135 is onemore example for this process. In ar-

134InSantali thereare four typesof “we”,differentiatingbetween two (dual)ormore (plural)

people and if the addressedperson is included or excluded:Alin (dual exclusive),alang (dualinclusive),ale(pluralexclusive),abo(pluralinclusive).135The debate within anthropology concerning the proper term for transactions from the

groom’ssidetothebride’ssideinmarriagecarriesalonghistory,welloutlinedinanarticleby

Tambiah (1989). Ina critiqueof themostlyeconomicunderstandingof the term“brideprice”

Evans-Pritchard (1931, 38) coined the term “bridewealth”, which he regarded as comprising

bothsocialandeconomicaspects. In thissense Iuse the term“bridewealth”as translation for

the Santalgonong. As the following section shows, the economic side of the gonong is rathersymbolic.Itssocialimportance,however,iscentral:thedeliveryofthegonongbindstwosocial


181

rangedmarriagesthegonongisusuallyhandedoverbeforetheactualweddingceremony, but in lovemarriages thismight take place years after the actual

weddingritual.Thedeliveryofthegonongisthelaststepintheweddingritu-als, after which the wife is considered as fully belonging to her husband’s

house.Withthesacrificeprovidedbyherhusbandduringthegonongdelivery,shelosestheentryrighttoherparents’ancestralshrine.Inhersteadherhus-

bandgainstherighttoentertheshrineofherparents’house.

TheContentoftheBridewealthanditsVeiledLanguage

Depending on the type ofmarriage, the bridewealth demand is presented at

differenttimes.Inthearrangedmarriagedescribedabove,thedemandispre-

sented by the bride’s side to the groom’s at the occasion of the “seeing the

groom”ritual.Attheone lovemarriageIattended, thebride’ssidepresented

thebridewealthdemandonthedaypriortotheweddingatthegroom’shouse.

In this case, the delegation coming to the groom’s village was called panjathekaw.136Such a delegation usually consists of the village headman, thebride’sfatherandotheragnaticrelativesofthefather.Inaritualizedencounterthe groom’s village headman asked why they had entered his village. They

statedthatitwasfora“bigreason”(marangkatha),thereasonbeingthattheyhadfoundtheirdaughterthere.

Thegroom’svillageheadmanthenaskedwhatkindofmessage(cetkobor)theyhadbrought,andwashandedaletterstatingthebridewealthdemand.It

waswritteninDevanagriscript,usingSantalveiledlanguageforeachcompo-

nentof thebridewealthas listed in the following. In thebeginningof the list

thepersonreceivingthegiftislistedbeforethecolon.Attheendofthelistthe

typeofgiftseemstobelistedbeforethecolon.

units into permanent relationships of exchange. It further seals the new affinal relationship

establishedbetweentwosocialgroups.136Panja: “to trace, track, chase,pursue, seek, follow” (Bodding2010,4:553).Themeaningofthekawisunknowntome.


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1. jaherdare (literally “the treeof the sacredgrove”, the villageheadman):mitthaka(1Rupee)

2. hilit(=hili)lumti(thebride’sweddingassistant):19poesa(1Rupee)3. pesabani (term for bride’s mother, bride’s father, bride’s father’s father): 3

thaka(3Rupees),alsocalledpotambilli(“wrappedegg”)4. kasigele: togadasateda (literal translationmissing, referring to one female

andonemalecalf)

5. bindigana(alsocalledkandalungri=nameofatypeofcloth):peyaedelbahapel (literal translationmissing – consists of one cloth calledbasanda for thebride’smother,anothercalledhereforthebride’smotherbrother’swife(ma-mi) and another called dhula tuturi for the bride’s paternal grandmother(gorombudhi))

6. gorom haram dare (literally “the grandfather tree”, FF): miteng cadi, onasaontenjoromnjoromonasaonte12paelecaole(“onefemalegoatthathasnothad children137, togetherwith that sindur,with that12paele[about6 kg] ofhuskedrice”)

7. cawhidar(nameofmeal):51thaka(51Rupees)8. shikhakar(schoolfeeforanyofthebride’ssiblings):51thaka(51Rupees)9. sogcharani(translationmissing):51thaka(51Rupees)(forbuyingsaltwhich

willbedistributedtoallvillagers)

10. manaod(translationmissing):sukri(apigof25kg)11. gorolosod(translationmissing):dhotimiteng(1dhoti=pieceofcloth)12. bengarbana(translationmissing):51thaka(51Rupees)

The languageused in this list isveiled, and fewmenwereable toexplain its

actualmeaning, which is the reason for some of the gaps inmy translation.

SincetodatethedetailsoftheSantalbridewealthhaveneverbeenmentioned

intheliteratureIhavechosentoincludethislistnonetheless.Thecorecompo-

nentsofthegonongconsistofapairofcalves,afemaleoneforthemotherandamaleoneforthefather.Ifonlyoneparentisalive,onlyonecalfisgiven.The-

secalvesarenevertobekilledbytheirnewowners.Anotheranimalgivenas

partofthegonongisafemalegoat,whichwillbesacrificedbythegroominthebride’s house. The third important component consists of three long sarees,

calledkandalungri,providedforthefemalerelativesofthebride.Remarkable137The Santali term chadi refers specifically to the goat given as part of the bridewealth, thegeneralwordforafemalegoatthathasnothadchildrenispathi.Afemalegoatwithchildrenismeromenga. As discussed below the groom later sacrifices the chadi in the courtyard of thebride’snatalhouse.


183

isthecollectiveaspectofthedifferenttypesofprestations.Similartothewed-

ding ceremony certain relatives of the bride receive special attention by the

bridewealth.Herhiliaswellasherweddingassistant(lumtikuri)receivemon-ey, somewomenofher familyaregiven thekanda clothesand the sacrificialgoataswellasthepigaretobeconsumedbythewholecommunity.

Photo22:Deliveryofthebridewealth(gonong)attheschoolbuildinginthebride’svillage.Themanjhiofthegroom’svillagehandsoverthegonongtothemanjhiofthebride’svillage.Onlyapartofthegonongisvisiblehere:therice,differenttypesof

clothes(thelightyellowonesarecalledkandalungri,giventospecificfemalerelativesofthebride)andleafcupscontainingsymbolicamountsofmoney.

Theveiled language(bhetkatha)usedduringthegonong interactions, forex-ample calling the headman “tree of the sacred grove” (jaherdare), can oncemore be understood as pointing to the ambivalent relationship between af-

fines.Onlyoncethehandingoverof thebridewealth isconcluded is therela-

tionship transformed into a completely established in-law relationship.

Afterwardsthereisnomoreveiledlanguageusedbetweentheserelatives.


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TheSacrificeofaGoatbytheGroomintheBride’sHouse

The ritual delivery of the bridewealth prestations (gonongsidi) always takesplace inthebride’svillageusuallyontwoseparatedays. Inthecaseofanar-

rangedmarriage,thelargestpartofthebridewealth(rice,clothes,calves,goat)

isdeliveredbeforetheactualweddingritesinthebride’svillage.Inlovemar-

riages the bridewealth is sometimes only delivered years later. Thiswas the

caseforthedescriptionthatfollows.

Asthehusbandarrivedatthebride’shouseforthedeliveryofthebride-

wealth,manyof the typical componentsofweddingriteswere repeated.The

house where the bridewealth ritual took place in fact was called “wedding

house”(baplaorak)bytheothervillagers,althoughtheweddingceremonyhadtakenplacemanyyearsbefore.Thehusband(jawae), togetherwithhisassis-tant (lumti) and the matchmaker (raebar) who had arranged the wedding,wereseatedandtheirfeetwashedandoiledonabrassplate.Then,intheroom

wheretheancestralshrinewaslocatedandthericestored(marangorak),themenof thehousehanded thedifferentcomponentsof thebridewealth to the

most senior women of the house, namely the bride’s paternal grandmother

(gorombudhi) and the grandfather’s brother’swife fromnext door. They in-spectedeveryleafcupcontainingmoney,thekeyasindur,thericeandthekan-daclothes.

Intheevening,guestsfromthebride’sandgroom’ssidearrived.Thecalf,

in this case itwasonlyonebecause thebride’s fatherhadpassedaway,was

tiedtoatreeinfrontofthehouse.Thewomenofthevillage,dressedinyellow

(sasang) sareesand the three relatives in theirkanda sareesgivenaspartofthe bridewealth, danced in a line of small steps towards the calf. They then

eachwashedthecalf’slegsandwavedaplatewithriceandalitoil-filledcupin

frontoftheanimalandgreetedit.Aftertheeveningmeal,thebrideandgroom

togetherwithhisassistant(lumti),satinthecourtyardandreceivedgiftsfromtheguests.Otherwisethenightwasspenteating,drinkingricebeeranddanc-

ing.Thisisusuallytheoccasionwhenthebride’sfamilyhandslargehousehold

itemstotheirdaughtertotakebacktoherhusband’shouse.Inwealthyfami-

lies these canbea fridge, abedor a closet andpeopleoftendescribed these

itemsasthecounter-prestationstothegononggivenbythehusband.In themorning, oneof themost important ritesof thebridewealth cele-

brationstookplace:thesacrificeofagoatbythehusband.Themalemembers

ofthebride’shouseaswellasthehusband(jawae)hadfastedonthatdayandwereassembled in thecourtyard.Theactual ritualarrangements,drawingof


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the sacrificial circle, feedingof thegoat from the rice in the circle, the sindurspotsonthegroundandthegoat,werecarriedoutbytheelderbrotherofthe

bride,becausehewasthemaleheadofthehousehold.Thekillingofthegoat

withasacrificialaxe,however,wasperformedbythehusbandassistedbyan-

otherhusbandmarriedtotheotherdaughterofthehouse.Thesacrificeinit-

selfwasspecialinthattheheadwasnotcutoff,butonlythethroatwasslitand

theblooddroppedinsidethesacrificialcircle.Thegoatwasthenlefttobleedto

death.

This especially bloody sacrifice was important as from that day on the

husband was allowed to enter into the ancestral shrine (the bhitar) of hiswife’snativehouse.Italsoenabledhimtoeatfromtheheadmeatofanysacri-

ficialanimalkilledbythishousehold.Hewasinawaytakingovertheserights

fromhiswife,whoafterherwedding canno longer enterher father’sbhitarnoreatsacrificialmeatinhishouse.Thesacrificewasaddressedtotheances-

torsofthebride’shouse,whoafterwardsreceivedricebeerpouredfromleaf

cupsontotheground.Allguestspresentinthebride’shousesharethesacrifi-

cialmeal(sore)cookedfromthebodyofthesacrificialanimal.Thesharingofsorewasregardedasanimportantwayofpartakingintheauspicious(sagun)activitiesoftheday.

With this last event in the chain of different actions during the bride-

wealthprestations, themarriagerituals came toanend. Ingeneral,marriage

ritualsshouldberegardedonlyasstartingpointsof themanydifferentvisits

thein-lawswillpayeachotherinthecourseoftheirlifetime.Theywillattend

andpresentgiftsateachother’shouse’sbirthsanddeaths,connectingandcre-

atingplacesthroughtheirmovements.

NotionsofPlaceandAffinityinSantalWeddingRitualsThecoreconcernofSantalweddingritesistoestablishnewtiesofrelatedness.

Theyturnageneralcategoryofpeople,theonesonecanpotentiallymarry,in-

toin-laws.Anindividualmaintainsspecifictypesofrelationswithsomeofthe-

se in-laws, and addresses the other, for example, as “co-father-in-law” (balakora) or “co-mother-in-law” (bala kuri). The ritual actions previously de-scribed thus connect people. But they also involve differently valued places,

suchas the threshold intoahouseor theancestral room.Topayheed to the

focus of this work, this section first discusses the different notions of place,

whichfeatureintheexaminedrituals.Becauseplaceissocloselylinkedtono-


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tionsofrelatednessandbecausethecreationofin-lawrelationshipsstandsin

theforefrontofweddingrites,thesecondpartofthissectiondiscussesdiffer-

entaspectsofaffinity.

Whichtypesofplacereceiveattentionduringtheweddingritesportrayed

above? Concerning the house, several ritual actions point to different, some

moresomelessintimate,domesticspaces.Astheritesunfold,theseplacesare

ascribedmeaning and value. There are, of course, already existingmeanings

attachedtotheseplaces.Otherritualsareperformedintheseplaces,everyday

actions contribute and conform to their semantics and songs and narratives

dealwiththesemeaningsaswell.Forexample,thefactthatastrangerwould

notbeallowed toenter theancestral shrine (bhitar) corresponds to the inti-macyofthisplace.Therearealsosongsthatmentionthedangerofthethresh-

oldofahousetowardsthestreet(chatkaduar)asaplacewherewitches(dain)wait to “eat” (jom) their victims. But if the wedding rites confirm previousmeanings,theyalsolendadditionalmeaningtotheseplaces.People,forexam-

ple, come to perceive the threshold into the house as a place where bala-relationshipsarefirstestablished,henceasaplacenotonlyofdangerasprevi-

ouslymentioned,butalsoasaplaceoftransformation.Andtheweddingrites

also create completely newmeaningful places, such as the “in-laws’ village”,

whichisthe“mother’sbrother’svillage”fromacouple’schildren’sperspective.

Inthatsense,theweddingritesmakeplaces. Inadditiontothis, theritesareconcernedwithmakingsocialrelationshipsandbringingaboutatransfor-

mationof status.Theplaces,where theritualactionsarecarriedoutand the

movements from one place to another contribute to the achievement of this

ritualaim.VanGennephasdescribedthatritesofpassagethroughtheirspatial

movements,suchaspassingoverathreshold,canbringaboutachangeinsta-

tus. This equally holds true for Santalwedding rites. As the Santal bride, for

example, passes through the door into the ancestral room of her husband’s

house,oneofthestepsoftransformingherintoamemberofthishouseistak-

en.Inthatsenseplaceandritualcanbeeseenasmutuallyconstitutive.

TheCourtyard(raca)

During several steps of theweddings rituals the courtyard of a Santal house

featuresasaplaceforbuildingandnurturingrelationships.Attheoccasionof

“seeing the groom” (jawaenel), thenewpotential in-lawswere seated in thecourtyardof thehouse. The courtyard in general is a space,where greetings

takeplace.Butnotall visitors toaSantalhouseholdareoffereda seat in the


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courtyard.Especiallypeople,whoareconsidereduntrustworthy,suchasmany

representatives from the government, would not be invited into a house’s

courtyard. The placewhere the potential in-lawswere seated hence already

indicates a certain relational status. It is the space, where their relationship

wasbeingtransformedstepbystep.Thepotential in-lawswerereceived ina

ritualizedwaybythevillagemanjhiandthemenofthehouse.Thenthewomenofthehousegreetedthemandwashedtheirfeet.Aftertheyhadquestionedthe

potential groom in the courtyard, they retreated to the garden behind the

housewheretheydecidediftheywouldaccepttheyoungmanastheirdaugh-

ter’shusband.It isnocoincidencethatthediscussionofthegroom’squalities

tookplaceoutsideof thehouse.Thebride’spartyonlyenteredthecourtyard

againaftertheyhadmadeapositivedecisionandafterwhichtheyreceiveda

meal fromthegroom’shouse.Duringotheroccasionsthroughouttheprocess

ofawedding,thecourtyardisthecenterforbuildingandconfirmingrelation-

ships.Heretheguestsgavegiftsandfedsweetstothebrideandgroom.During

theendof a first, ritualizedmeetingof the in-laws (balanepel)at thebride’shouse,thewomenofthehouseappliedturmericandoiltoeachvisitingcouple

seatedinthecourtyard.Andthecourtyardfeaturedprominentlyonelasttime

duringthedeliveryofthebridewealth(gonong)atthehouseofbride.Herethehusbandsacrificedagoatinanespeciallybloodymanner,lettingthegoatbleed

todeathinthemiddleofthecourtyard.Thisfinalgiftpermitsthehusbandto

entertheancestralshrineofhiswife’snatalhomeinthefuture.

Thresholds

Duringtheweddingceremonythepassingoverdifferentthresholdsorbound-

ariescanbeunderstoodassignalingandbringingaboutachangeinsocialsta-

tus.Beforethehighpointoftheweddingceremony,theapplicationofsinduronthe bride’s hair parting, the groom’s party had to cross the village boundary

and signaled their arrival by lighting a firecracker or by drumming. More

prominent, however, are the different thresholds of the bride and groom’s

housetobepassedduringtherituals.

Asdescribed,theapplicationofsindurandthewearingoftheironbangle,tookplaceinfrontofthebride’shouseinthevillagestreet.Onlyafterthisstephadbeencompletedcouldthegroom,togetherwiththebrideandhisassistant,

enterthebride’shouse.Butbeforetheyenteredtogether,theystoppedatthe

thresholdof thedoor into thehouse (chatkaduar)where thebride’smothersprinkled themwith water. Shortly after, when the couple and the wedding


188

assistantsweresittinginthecourtyard,thebalagreetingshadtobeperformedat the threshold into thehouse.All thegroom’srelativesandtheirrespective

bala (e.g. the twomamus (MB), themamis (theMBW), thekakas (FyB), etc.)washedeachother’sfeet, fedeachothersweetsandbetelandcarriedoutthe

balagreetinggestures.Oncetheliminalphaseoftheirrelationshipwaspassedwiththehelpofthisritualgreeting,theyenteredthehousearminarm.Inad-

dition,thegroomandbridehadtoovercomeonemorethresholdonthisday.

Thewomenfromthebride’ssidehadblockedthedoortotheancestralroom

(marangorak),intowhichthecouplewantedtoenter.Bygivingmoneytothe-sewomen the couple freed the entry. Before they entered themother of the

house sprinkledwateron theirheadsagain.All these ritualmovementsover

differentthresholdscanbeunderstoodascontributingtothetransformations

the ritual aims to accomplish. By means of analogy, the ritual passing over

thresholdsbringsaboutthenewformofrelatedness.Aspeoplepassfromone

placetoanother,theyleavebehindaprevioussocialstatus.Theymovefroma

previouslymoredistantrelationshipintoacloserone.Theplaces,wherethese

rites are carried out, can further be read as communicating the respective

stage in the transformation process: The application of sindur in the villagestreet and the greetings at the door both communicate the ambivalence and

insecurityoftherelationshipsatthatstage.Then,afterthisritualconfirmation

ofrelationalstatusthesocializingandfeastingbeginsinthecourtyard.

TheAncestralRoom(marangorak)

The final steps of establishing a secure and close relationshipwere takenby

the ritual actions in the ancestral roomof thehouse.Thebride, for example,

enteredtheancestralroomofherhusband’shousetogetherwithherhusband

aftertheymanagedtofreetheblockedentry.Theancestral,literallythe“sen-

ior room” (marangorak) is considered themost sacred roomof ahouseandusually remains closed toanyonenotbelonging to thehousehold. It contains

the ancestral shrine (bhitar), which consists of a low empty spacewith logscoveringitataboutonemeter’sheight.Atimportantvillageorlife-cyclerituals

thisiswheretheheadofahouseholdsharesricebeerwiththeancestorswho

are said to reside there.This room liesat the coreofahousehold, andbeing

permittedtoenterthisroomexpressesacloserelationshiptothepeopleofthe

house.Whenthegroomandwifeareseatedinthisroom,fedbeatenriceand

served rice beer by the groom’smother, this indicates and brings about the

bride’sacceptanceandintegrationintothishouse.


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Thesecuringoftheaffinalrelationshipisrituallycompletedwiththedelivery

ofthebridewealth(gonong)andthegoatsacrificecarriedoutbythegroominthecourtyardofthebride’snatalhouse.Byfacilitatingtheflowofbloodonto

thegroundofthishouse’scourtyard,hegainstherighttoentertheancestral

shrineofhernativehouse.Withthisactionhealsojoinshiswife’sbrothersina

restricted circleof commensality. From thatmomentonhe is able to eat the

headmeatoftheirsacrificialanimals.Boththeseritualmovementsduringthe

dayoftheweddingandduringthefinaldeliveryofthebridewealthintothese

mostintimatespacesofahousemakeonelaststatementonthecloseandse-

cure connection bride and groom and their relatives have established with

eachother.

Land,FieldsandRice

Another space, which appears in the symbolism of the wedding rites, is the

land owned by a house. During the “seeing the groom” ritual the groom is

askedinveiledlanguage:“Howmanybowlsandplatesdoesyourhousehave?”,

referringtothenumberoffieldsbelongingtohishouse.Anotherreferenceto

fieldsandagricultureismadebytheyoke,onwhichthecouplesitsduringpart

oftheweddingritualatthegroom’shouse.138This istheonlytimeinawom-

an’s life during which she is allowed to touch this agricultural instrument,

which is otherwise only reserved formen. Both the fields enquired about in

veiledlanguageandtheyokeappearasmale,agnaticcategoriesinthewedding

rituals.Thiscorrespondstothesymbolismofthejomsimritual,whichassoci-atesthefieldswiththelocallineandequallyarticulatesthefieldsasanagnatic

category.

In contrast, the symbol of rice during thewedding rituals complements

themaleconnotationsofland.Asthenextchapterwilldiscussinmoredetail,

riceastheproductofthelandisassociatedwithabride,womenoraffinityin

manyritualssurroundingitsplantationandharvest.LukhiAyo(“themotherof

138Skoda(2003,43)mentionstheuseofplowandyokeduringtheweddingritesoftheKondh

andMunda.Heinterpretstheappearanceofthesemalesymbolstogetherwiththepestleasan

earth-boundfemalesymbolamongthesetribalsocietiesassimilartothedivinecoupleLaksmi

and Indrawhoplaya central roleduring thewedding ritualsofapeasant caste, theAghriaof

Odisha. He regards these similarities in peasant and tribal wedding rites as supporting his

argument of continuity rather than a stark contrast between tribal and caste society in this

specific area. TheGadaba ofOdisha equallymake use of a plowhandle during a part of their

wedding rituals. The groom is seated on the plowshare, while the bride, however, sits on a

millstone(Berger2015a,265).


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wealth/prosperity/goodfortune”,cf.Bodding2010,4:187),thedeityofrice,is

female.139Rice,justlikeabrideisnottoleavethehouseonaThursday.Gener-

ally speaking, rice is a symbolof fertility, necessary for the continuationof a

house. In that sense, rice reappears throughout the wedding rituals: The

bride’spartybringshuskedricetothegroom’shouseattheoccasionof“seeing

thegroom”andalargeamountofriceisgivenfromthegroom’sfamilytothe

bride’s side as part of the bridewealth. Bride and groom throw rice at each

otherbeforetheapplicationofsindurceremony.Andmosttelling,thebridesitsinabasket(daore)filledwithpaddyfromthegroom’sfieldsduringtheappli-cationofsindurceremony.Inthatcase, likericeaftertheharvest,thebrideisbroughtintothehouseinabasket.Thecomplementarityofagnationandaffini-

ty hence is contained in the wedding rituals as well: The fields are agnatic

spaces,theirproducthoweverbearsfemaleandaffinalconnotations.

The“In-laws’Village”(naihar)

Notonlydifferentplaceswithinthehouseareenactedinweddingrituals,but

newrelationaltiestowholevillagesareestablishedaswell.Fromtheperspec-

tiveof thegroom thebride’snativevillagebecomesanewmeaningfulplace.

From thedayof theweddingonwards, the groomcalls this placenaihar, his“in-laws’ village”. He and hiswifewill visit this village and thewife’s native

housethroughouttheirlifetime,attendinglife-cycleritualsandtheannualvil-

lagecelebrationsofbaha(springflowerfestival)andsohrae(harvestfestival).Wheneversacrificialmeatiscookedduringtheseeventsthehusbandcanpar-

ticipate in its consumption.Thenew tiesbetweenvillagesaremaintainedby

reciprocalvisits.Placesareconnectedthroughpeople’smovements.

TheMother’sBrother’sHouse(mamuorak)

Once a couple has children, the children will speak of their mother’s native

houseas their “mother’sbrother’shouse” (mamuorak).Tomysurprise, chil-drenneverspokeof their “grandparents’house”,asonewoulddo inGerman

society,butspokeof thisplaceas theirmamuorak.Childrenarevery fondofvisiting theirmamu, who plays a generous role in their lives. Visiting one’smother’sbrothermeansbeingtreatedwithspecialfood,withmeatandsweets.

139ThenameLukhi and theassociationwith riceand thedayThursday suggests that this is a

reference to the Hindu goddess Lakshmi (cf. Skoda 2003, 36). My Santal informants did,

however,nevermentionsuchanassociation.


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Themamu’sroleinachild’slifehasbecomeapparentalreadyduringthe“see-ing the groom” ritual,when it is not father andmother of the bride, but her

mamuandjhi(father’ssister)whodiscussthequalitiesofherfuturehusband.Inoneofmyhostfamilies,themamualsohelpedoutintimesoffinancialneed,forexamplewhentherewasnomoneytopayforason’sprivatetuition.

Theprevioussectiondiscussedthatdifferentnotionsofplaceareconsti-

tutedandreaffirmedduringSantalweddingrites.Themeaningoftheseplaces

and themovements contained in the ritual actions further contribute to the

generalaimofweddingrituals,which is tocreateandsecureaffinalrelation-

ships.InthefollowingIsummarizetheculturallyspecificnotionsofaffinityas

theycometotheforefrontduringthedescribedrituals.

AmbivalenceandHostility

Thewedding rites show that ambivalence initially characterizes the relation-

shipbetweenaffines.Duringeachfirstencounterbetweenaffines,suchasdur-

ing“seeingthegroom”orwhenthebride’ssidearrivesataweddingceremony

foralovemarriage,people’sbehaviorisrestrained.Theywhisperandsaythat

they “feel shy” (lajao). The ambivalence and distance between affines is alsoexpressedintheveiledlanguage(bhetkatha)spokenbetweenthem.Theirdis-tanceisarticulatedby“indirecttalk”,appropriatetotheirrelationshipstatusat

the time. Asmentioned, the initial ambivalence of affinal relationships reso-

nateswith theplaces,where thisambivalence isbeing transformedbyritual.

Theenacted,antagonisticencounterbetweenthegroomandthebride’sbroth-

er findsplace in the village street in front of thehouse. In the example I de-

scribedthegroomandthebride’syoungerbrotherspatateachother,violently

fedeachothersweetsandalmostburnedtheotherwhilelightingacigarette.140

Theritualizedbalagreetingsexhibitasimilarpattern.Theambiguousrelation-shipofaffinity is transformed intoamoredefinedone, thatofbala relatives,throughgreetingandfeedingonthethresholdintothehouse.Bycrossingthe

threshold,theinitiallyambiguoussocialrelationbecomesacloseoneofmutual

support.

140OlderportraitsofSantalweddingritesequallymentionthisantagonism.Archer(2007,179)

describesasimulatedfightbetweenbride’sandgroom’spartyandTroisi(2000,180)reportson

theweddingpartiesinsultingeachother.


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EnactingCloseness:balakuriandsangat

Onespecificritualthatbringsaboutthetransformationofaffinesintoin-laws

istheritualencounterbetweenbalarelatives.Balarelationshipsareconceptu-alizedasespeciallyclose.Theenactmentofthisclosenessbecomesremarkably

visibleinthebehavioroffemalebalarelatives(balakuri).Theysingtogether,“shareadrink”(nuhatin)bypouringricebeerintotheother’scupandaddresseachotherwith the inclusive “we” (abo).Bala relativesalsogreeteachotherwithsymmetricalgestureswhenevertheymeet.Thesegesturesdifferfromthe

hierarchicalgreetinggesturescommoninSantalsociety.

Anotherrelationshipwithin theclassof in-lawrelatives is theonecalled

sangat. It exists between the opposite sexes of bride and groom’s siblings.Their joking relationship begins at their firstmeeting. On this occasion they

provide each otherwith comical gifts, such as necklaceswith bottles of rice

beerorhatsmadefromleaves.Theirrelationshiphoweveralsocontains“shy-

ness”(lajao),becauseitcouldpotentiallybetransformedintoaspousalone.

3.3Conclusion:SpatiallyEnactingandTransformingthe

Social3.3.1BrotherhoodandLandThischapterwascentrallyconcernedwiththeentanglementofthespatialand

thesocial.AfterfirsthavingoutlinedthecoordinatesofSantalsocialclassifica-

tion,differentnotionsofplacespecificallyrelatedtoland,placesoforiginand

thehousewerediscussedinthecontextoftworitualcomplexes.

Concerningthesocial,“brothers”and“affines”featuredprominentlyinthe

tworespectiverituals.Brothersconsidereachothertobeofcommondescent

fromoneancestor,atsomepointinthepastresidinginonehouse.Therefore,

theycallthemselves“peopleofonehouse”(mitorakhor),“whosacrificeinthesame sacrificial circle” (mitkhondrebongale). In amore abstract term, theyspeakof thesepeopleas theirgusti, referredtoas“local line” in thischapter.Theirrelationshipisdefinedbyproximity,bothinspatialandemotionalterms.

Thespatialdimensioncameto the forefrontduring the jomsim ritual,duringwhichlandplaysacrucialrole.Ingeneral,people’sidentityiscloselyconnect-

edtothelandtheyown.Thislandrepresentsthesettlementactivitiesoftheir

forefathers,whotransformedforestintofields.


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Fortheoccasionofjomsimbonga,peoplecomebacktotheplace,wheretheircommon ancestor settled. They call this place theirmulgadi. Jomsimbongaenactsthecloseconnectionbetweenpeopleandtheirlandbyritualmovement

between thehousebelonging to themostseniorofbrothers,and the landhe

owns.Thedifferent symbols contained in the ritual, for example thewooden

poleinthecaseofthekhudeHansdas,marktheplaceoftheritualastheirs.Theburyingofsacrificialmeatinthesoilforthedeityattheendoftheritualunder-

linespeople’sandtheirdeity’scloseconnectionwiththisplaceoncemore.The

Santalideaofbrotherhoodisthuscloselytiedtotheirlastrememberedplace

oforigin(mulgadi),rituallyenactedandconstitutedthroughjomsimbonga.

3.3.2SpatiallyandRituallyTransformingSistersintoWivesOneregulationgoverningtherelationsbetweenbrothersistheruleofexoga-

my.Brothershavetoestablishnewtiesofrelatednesswithothergroups,who

ideallyresideatadistance.ThedescriptionofvariousSantalweddingriteshas

shown, that affinal relations becomemore specific as they are established in

the process ofmarriage. Through greetings,mutual feeding, and sacrifice an

originally ambiguous relationship is transformed into a stable one. Spatial

movementsthroughdifferentplacesofthehouseherebyplayanessentialrole

inbringingaboutthistransformation.

In the course of thewedding rites, affinesmove across different thresh-

olds into more and more intimate spaces of the house. During an arranged

marriage ceremony, the groom’s party first has to enter the bride’s village,

hand over the bridewealth (gonong) in a place located close to the villageboundary.Then,duringtheclimaxoftheweddingrites,thegroomappliessin-durtothebrideinthevillagestreetinfrontofhernatalhouse.Onlythencanthecouplerituallyenterthehouse,followedbytheirrespectiverelatives,who

become “in-laws” (bala) through ritualized greeting at the threshold of thehouse.The transformationof thebride intoamemberof thehouse is inpart

completed by her entrance into and the ritual actions in the ancestral room

(marangorak)ofhernewhusband’shouse.Thefinalritualcompletionofhertransformationisrepresentedbythedeliveryofthebridewealth(gonong)andbyherhusband’s sacrificeofa femalegoat inhernatalhome.Fromthatmo-

ment on, the husband is entitled to enter the ancestral shrine and consume

sacrificialfoodinherformerhouse;arightshelosesuponmarriage.


194

Thisethnographicdetail isremarkable,especiallywhencomparedtotheeth-

nographyofotherCentralIndiantribalsocieties.InGadabasociety,forexam-

ple, the bride loses the right to enter her parents’ ancestral shrine, but the

husbanddoesnotacquiresucharight(Berger2015a,76).Thistouchesupon

themoregeneralquestiononthestructuralpositionofmarriedwomenandon

thetensionbetweenthespousalandsiblingbondsinIndia.Inanarticlecom-

paringdifferentbondsofkinshipbetweenCentralIndianandNorthIndianso-

cieties, Gregory (2010, 8ff) argues that the brother-sister bond is especially

stronginCentralIndia.Itis“‘thekingdomofthebrotherandsister’”(4),asthe

HalbispeakersofBastarphraseit.IncontrasttoBrahmanicalNorthIndianso-

cieties,wherethespousalandnotthesiblingbondisregardedasindissoluble,

intribalCentralIndiaawiferemainsattachedtoherbrotherinseveralways.

She does so, for example, by keeping her totemic descent category and ego-

focusedkinterms.Inhiscomparison,Gregory(9)proposesthatseveranceofa

wife from her brother is” a matter of degree”. This perspective brings forth

severalquestionstoposetomyownSantalmaterial:Howdoesawoman’sre-

lation to her natal home change after marriage? What still links her to her

brother and father? To what extent does she become part of her husband’s

clan,brotherhoodandlocalline?

Aspreviouslymentioned,theweddingritualscanberegardedasspatially

andsociallydetachingthebridefromherfatherandbrother’shouse.Theritual

sequence of wedding rites moves her into the innermost room of her hus-

band’s house where her new mother-in-law feeds her with beaten rice and

servesherricebeer.Fromaritualperspective,shebecomesamemberofher

husband’shouseandhislocallinefromthatdayon.Shehastherighttoenter

thebhitarin herhusband’s house, share foodwithhis ancestors andpartici-pateinsacrificialmealsofthishouse–forexampleeatthemealcookedfrom

thegoatbucks’bodiesafterthejomsimritual.Afterherdeathsheisburiedinherhusband’shouse’sburial groundandher secondary funeral (bhandan) isheld inthishouse.Asanancestor,shewillbeconsideredtobe locatedinthe

ancestralshrineofhermaritalhome,wheresheisaddressedbythepeopleof

the house. She is also affected by impurity brought on the house, such as

throughdeathofoneofitsmembers,andholdsthepowerto“purify”ahouse

byrenewingitsfloorsandwallsandmakingit“thegod’shouse”(bongaorak)priortothejomsimritual.

Her integration is further signified by her change in perspective in the

domainofkinship.Inthisregardshetakesoverherhusband’s“us-centrickin-


195

dred group” (Gregory 2010, 9), as do Gadaba, Bastar’s Halbi-speaking and

North Indianwomen.Santalwomen, forexample,wouldrefer toothermem-

bersof theirhusband’sgustias“ourpeople”(alehor)orwouldstate“Wearepeopleofonehouse(mitorakhor)”.DifferentfromGadabaandDongriawom-en(cf.Berger2015,271;Hardenberg2005,195)andsimilartoHalbi-speakers

of Bastar (Gregory 2010, 10), uponmarriage Santalwomen adopt their hus-

band’s clan status. They explicitly emphasize that they “get rid of/leave be-

hind”(ocho)theirnativeclancategoryanddonotmentiontheirbelongingtothiscategoryanymore.ItispossiblethentointerpretallthesefactorsofaSan-

talwife’sintegrationintoherhusband’shouseasherhavingbecomeaconsan-

guineofthepeopleofthishouse.

Shedoes,however,notbecomeapartofherhusband’s“brotherhood”,so

thatshecannotbeconsideredanagnate.InthisregardIunderstandagnation

asconsistingofcommondescent,whichleadstoa“oneness”andasharedkin-

ship perspective. Consanguinity can be acquired through practice – ritual

transformations, sharing of food, bearing children, living in one house –

whereasagnationcannot.Althoughawifetakesonherhusband’sdescentcat-

egory, she never completely shares his kinship perspective, because she re-

tains certain links with her brother’s house. Among these is her ego-focus

regardingkinshipterms;she,forexample,continuestoaddressthesameper-

son as “mother’s brother” as her brother does. Moreover, she considers her

husband’ssiblings’spouses(i.e.hisin-laws)her“brothersandsisters”(boeha),her “kind”. A woman addresses her husband’s younger sister’s husband as

“youngerbrother”(babu)andherhusband’sbrother’swifeas“youngersister”(mai).Ifshewaspartofherhusband’s“brotherhood”,shecouldnotbeconsid-ered a sister to his affines. Reichel’s (unpublished) ethnography on the Ho

bringsupanotherpoint,whichisnotexplicitlystatedassuchbytheSantal,but

inherentinthestructureofjomsimbongaascelebratingthelandmadearableby the ancestors. She writes, that Ho agnates (hagako) are sometimes de-scribedas “thosewhomutuallyshareone land” (midotehatinko),whichcar-riesastrongmalebiasaswomeninHosocietycannotownor“share”land.Jomsimbongaasaritualwithstrongagnaticconnotationsalsounderlinesthislinkof“brothers”withtheir land,towhichSantalwomenhavenorightsof inher-

itance.

WhiletheseperspectivesstilllinkaSantalwifetoherbrother,incompari-

sonwithDongria andGadaba ethnographies the degree of severance is high

among the Santal. It is, however, not as high as in North India, where the


196

kanyadan(giftofamaidenatmarriage)ideologyhasfarreachingconsequenc-es: It leads, among others, to the “superiority (...) of wife-takers over wife-

givers”,itcompletelydissolvesthe“‘connectionbetweenbrideandherfamily

transformingher intoanextensionofthegroomandhis family’”andit“‘ren-

dersdivorceandwidowremarriage impossible’”(Gregory2010,8citingTra-

utmann1981,26).InGregory’s(10)schemeofdifferentdegreesofseverance,

the Santal can therefore be seen as located at least as close to North Indian

(Brahmanical)contextsasBastar’sHalbispeakers.Inthisregardthelaststep

of thewedding rituals, completed by the delivery of the bridewealth, can be

understoodasaparticularlystrongstatementonthewife’sseverancefromher

brother:Notonlydoessheloseherrighttoenterherparents’ancestralshrine

and eat their sacrificial food, but she is also replacedby her husband in this

regard.Herplaceinherparents’houseisnotleftempty,butfilledbyherhus-

band.

In conclusion, this chapter has shown that Santal rituals are concerned

withdifferentnotionsofplace,be it theagnate’s“placeoforigin”ordifferent

notionsof thehousewhich lendefficacy to the transformationofaffines into

in-laws. As the following chapters show, this work discusses rituals that in-

volve increasingly larger groups of people and correspondingly, increasingly

largerspatialunits.Theritualsdescribednextmakereferencetothelandscape

andinabroadersensegiveinsightintoSantalconceptualizationsoftheenvi-

ronment.Thepresenceofadeityinthelandscapeobligesthepeopleinitssur-

roundingsintoritualaction.

Chapter4⎜PerceptionsoftheEnvironment

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4.PerceptionsoftheEnvironment

“OnceahunterwaskilledbyanelephantattheregionalhuntatAjodhyahill.Toremember,atemplewasbuiltinthisveryspot.Wheretheelephant’stusk

pierced through his body there is the entrance to the temple. Seeing thismakesyousick,youfeelsoafraid.”

(RecordedinavillageofGhatsilablock,EastSinghbhum,JharkhandonMay

9,2012)

“Inthepast,whenSantalhousesconsistedonlyofoneroom,otherjaticouldnotenterthehouse.Ourbongaswereeverywhere.Inonecorneroftheroomthereweretheancestors(hapramko),abovethemLukhiAyo,the“motheroftherice”,andinanothercornerthebongaofthecookinghearth(chulhebon-ga).”(RecordedinavillageofChakuliablock,EastSinghbhum,JharkhandonJuly

1,2013)

TheabovestatementsofferaglimpseintoSantalperceptionsoftheforestand

thedomainofthehouse,associatedwiththeancestorsandwiththericefields.

ThischapteranalyzeshowtheSantalperceivetheirenvironmentbylookingat

ritualpractices.Asoutlinedinchapterthree,thejomsimritualheldinthedryrice fieldsreveals that theSantalassociate their landwith theancestors’ set-

tlementactivitiesandhencetheirrootsinthisplace.Thissettlementisassoci-

ated with the beginning of rice cultivation. In rituals and narratives, the

domain of the fields is often distinguished from the dangerous and untamed

domainof the forestedhills (birburu).Thisentityplaysan important role inthetwotypesofritualsportrayedinthischapter,onebeingtheannualhunting

ritual, taking place both at a village (giresendra) and a regional level (disomsendra),andtheotherbeinganannualmountainritual(burubonga).Boththe-seritualactionsaswellas thenarratives thatsurroundthem,revealawhole

setofrelationshipstheSantalseethemselvesembeddedin.Inthatregardthe

following ethnographic descriptions reveal that, as alreadymentioned in the

theorypartof thiswork, thedistinctionbetweensocietyandnature is inade-

quateintheSantalcontext.Toavoidtheterm“nature”withallitsdifferentcul-

turalmeanings, I insteadmakeuseoftheterm“environment”,as“thatwhich

surrounds”(Ingold1993,31).Foranalyticalpurposesthedistinctionbetween

Santalsocietyandtheenvironmentisfirstmaintained,toberelativizedlaterin

myanalysis.


198

Asstated,theritualsportrayedinthischapterpertaintothedomainsofforest

and fields, bothofwhich surroundSantal villages.Thesedomains aredistin-

guishedinSantalritual,buttheethnographicdatapresentedalsosuggeststhat

forest, fields and the village are perceived as intertwined. Because of these

connections, I have chosen to include these at first seeminglydifferent ritual

complexesinonechapter.

Perceptions of the forest as an ambivalent and dangerous place emerge

from thehuntingandmountain rituals aswell as from the singrai songs andstoriesperformedduringthehuntingfestival.Thedomainof the forest,how-

ever, isalsoassociatedwith rainand, inamoreabstract sense,with fertility.

Thisfertilityisnecessaryforthegrowthofrice.Besidesseeingritualsasasuit-

ablepointofaccesstothesenotionsofplace,itismyargumentthroughoutthis

workthatritualscontributetothecreationofthesenotions.Thisbecomeses-

peciallyapparentinthecontextofthecreationofa“region”(toropanddisom)as discussed in this chapter. In the context of themountain rituals different

numbersofvillagesinthevicinityofthedeity’sseateachcontributeasacrifi-

cial animal. Their common sacrificial practice binds them into a region and

hencecreatesthespatialnotionofregion.

4.1TheDifferentRitualHuntsWhenaskedabouthuntinginSantalsociety,Santalmendifferentiatebetween

different types of hunting. Jarpasendra, they emphasize, is the only hunt inwhich they do not sacrifice to or address the gods.During jarpasendra theymerelygohuntingwithotherpeoplefromtheirvillagewhentheyhearabout

wildanimals in thenearby forest.Equippedwithbowandarrow(aksar),anaxeonalongstick(kapi),alongspearwiththreemetalspikesontop(bolam)andahorn(sakua),themenmovethroughtheforestinlines.Theyregardthishuntasdifferentfromthethreeotherhunts:thehuntoftheannualflowerfes-

tival (bahasendra), theannual inter-villagehunt(giresendra)andtheannualregionalhunt(disomsendra).


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4.1.1Bahasendra:TheRitualHuntattheSpringFlowerFestivalThefirsthuntoftheSantalritualyear141isbahasendra(“flowerhunt”),takingplaceonthethirddayofthespringflowerfestival(bahaporob)celebratedbe-tweenFebruaryandMarch.Apartfromtheactualhuntonthethirddayofthe

festival,thethemeofhuntingfurtheremergesinritualpracticeandsongsdur-

ing the festival. Before proceeding to describe these aspects concernedwith

hunting in more detail I shall briefly contextualize them in the festival as a

whole.Generally speaking, the festival is concernedwith thedomainoutside

thevillageandcelebrates the floweringof thesalandmahua treesaswellasthebeginningofthehuntingseason.

Baha porob isheld around the full moon of Phagun (February/March),usuallyondifferentdaysindifferentvillagesinordertoenableaffinalrelatives

tovisiteachother’s festivals.Next tosohrae,aharvestcelebrationconcernedwiththevenerationofcattle,peopleregardbahaasthemostimportantSantalfestival.Forthemitisoneofthehappiesttimesoftheyear,andoneoftheoc-

casionswhenwomenvisit theirnativevillage. It isatimewhenthegods join

thevillageinhabitantsandtheirvisitingrelativesindancingandtheirworship

activities in the sacredgrove.Themainpartsof the festival takeplace in the

sacred grove (jaher),which consists of a cluster of trees, usually on the out-skirtsofeachvillage.Whenmanygenerationsagopeople’sancestorsfounded

thevillage,theycutdowntheforest,butleftapatchoftreeswherethevillage

gods now reside. Inmany villages the boundary of the jaher ismarkedwithstones, but today several jahers are also surrounded by concrete walls andlockedbyagate.Jahersshouldcontainatleastonesalandonemahuatreeandcanberecognizedbythesmallshrinesorsheds(jaherthan)inside.Theshedscoverstonesrepresentingthevariousgodsofthegrove.Mydescriptionfocus-

esonthethirddayofthefestival,onwhichthehunttakesplace,whilethefirst

twodaysaredescribedindetailinchapterfive.

Ondayonepreparationsaremadeforthefestival.Thewomenofahouse,

forexample,dyeclothesyellowwithturmeric,whichwillthenextdaybegiven

to their visiting affines. On the main day, sacrifices in the sacred grove are

madetothegrove’sdeities.Duringthesacrificesandintheeveningthedeities

possessseveralmediums,calledtodosobythewomen’sdancingandsinging.

141The Santal year begins with Magh bonga, taking place in the lunar month of Magh(January/February).At thisoccasionvillage functionaries can laydown theirpositionsandbe

replacedbyothers.


200

All throughout the night people drink rice beer, eat and dance in the village

danceground(akhra).Theworship in thesacredgroveon themaindayof the festivalalsoad-

dressesthehuntingdeity(sendrabonga),whohasasmallshrineonthefringeofthejaher.Thisdeityisregardedasdangerousandpowerful,sothatitsnameshould not be uttered and its identity is subsumed under the encompassing

one ofMorekoTuruiko. This might partly explain my difficulty in obtainingmuchinformationaboutthisgod.WhenItriedtoelicitinformationfrompeo-

pleaboutitscharacteroractivitiestheywereevasiveandinsomevillagesIdid

notseethesacrificestothehuntinggodinthejaher,becausenobodyinformedmeaboutthem.InthevillageofDukri,sendrabongareceivedhissacrificeafteralltheothergodsofthegrove.Infrontoftworoundstonesintheeasterncor-

nerofthejaherthevillagepriesthadpurifiedthegroundwithtworoundspotsofcowdungandwaterandthenmadetwosacrificialcircleswithriceflour(ho-long).Intothesecirclesheplacedpilesofcrushedrice(adoacaole)fromwhichthe two spotted chicks ate before being sacrificed. Behind the stones repre-

sentingthehuntinggodabranchfromthetereltree(theEbonytree–Diospy-rosmelanoxylon)wasplanted.142

TheThirdDay:ExaminingtheWater-FilledClayPotandConsulting

theHuntingGodAsIwitnesseditinSarjomburuvillageattheendofFebruary2012,theactual

huntofthebahafestivaltookplaceinthemorningofthethirdday.Beforethehuntbegan,agroupofvillagewomenandmenhadassembledinaroomatthe

villagepriest’s(naeke’s)house.Ayoungboy(buiyu),whoserolewastoassistthenaekeduring thebaha festival,had takenouta claypotandutensils that

142This branch is alsousedduring the secondburial (bhandan) of a person.There is a Santalsayinginwhichdifferenttreesfeatureassymbolsforthestagesof life.Thefirststageof life is

represented by ereatnak (crocodile bark tree, Terminalia tomentosa), where life is pure andsacredlikeaseed.Thenthereiskhodematkom(themahuatree),whichsymbolizesthewombofa mother. Then follows sari sarjom (sal tree), the symbol of religion, signifying the spiritualgrowth of a person. The next stage of life is symbolized by peter bare (banyan tree, Ficusbenhalensis), because then, like the roots of a banyan tree, one becomes attached to andentangledwith other people such as a spouse and children. The last stage in life is lepetterel(Ebonytree,Diospyrosmelanoxylon),atimewhenanoldpersoncannotrememberanythingandbecomes soft likea terel fruit. “Lepetterel” thus stands for theendof lifewhenanoldpersonbecomessenileandnearsdeath.Theassociationoftheterelbranchwithdeathanditslinkwiththehuntingdeitycorrespondstotheideaofhuntingasapossibledeathlyoccasionforpeople,as

severalhuntingsongsportrayedbelowdescribe.


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weretobeusedbythemediumsduringthefestival.Theboytookthestringoff

thebowanduntiedthebellsthathadbeenfastenedtoitsends.Theseinstru-

mentswerethenstowedawayfortherestoftheyear.Thentheboyplacedthe

claypot,whichhadbeenfilledwithwatertheeveningbefore,inthemiddleof

theroom.Itwascalled“theauspiciousclaypot”(sagunsupari).Thevillageel-dersexplainedthatthelevelofwaterindicatedtheamountofrainthatwould

fallthatyear.Throughthepot,thegodsthustoldthemabouttheprospectsfor

thecomingagriculturalyear.Oneafteranotherthewomensquattedinfrontof

thepot,greeteditandcheckedthewaterlevel.Theythencommunicatedtothe

men,whattheyhadseen.

By thenotherwomenhadarrivedand themenandwomensatopposite

each other in the courtyard.What followedwas a long song, sang back and

forthbetweenthemenandwomen,commentingonthedifferentritualactivi-

tiesoftheday.Meanwhilethenaeke’sassistantservedricebeertothemenandwomen. Consumption of rice beer is considered a prerequisite for singing,

someofthemenpresentinformedme.Thistypeofsongwasperformedinor-

dertocallthehuntinggod(whoishereaddressedwiththegeneralterm“Go-sae”):

“Jaegosae,whohascalledfortheauspiciousarrow(sarsagun)?Whohastakenouttheauspiciousclaypot?

Jaegosae,perhapsthenaeke’sassistanthascalledtheauspiciousarrow.Jaegosae,perhapsthenaeke’sassistanthastakenouttheauspiciousclaypot.

Jaegosae,whohasforeseentheauspiciousarrow?Jaegosae,whohasforeseenthefutureintheauspiciousclaypot?

Jaegosae,thevillagers(moreko)haveseentheauspiciousclaypot.Jaegosae,thevillagershaveseentheauspiciousclaypotJaegosae,whohasuntiedthebow?Jaegosae,whohasuntiedthebellfromthebow?

Jaegosae,perhapsthenaeke’sassistanthasuntiedthebow.Jaegosae,perhapsthenaeke’sassistanthasuntiedthebell.Jaegosae,whohasmadetheinvitation(gire)forthehunt?Jaegosae,whohasgonehuntinginKareka[placename]?

Jaegosae,perhapsRamhasmadetheinvitationtothehunt.


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Jaegosae,perhapsLaxmanhasgonehuntinginKareka.143Jaegosae,whohasmadetheinvitationinSinBir144?Jaegosae,whohasgonehuntinginManBir145?”146(Recorded in a village of Musabani block, East Singhbhum, Jharkhand on

March1,2012)

Whenoneofthemenbecamepossessedbythehuntinggod,thenaekegreetedthegodandbeganaconversation.Heaskedthedeitywherethepeopleshould

gohuntingandwhatanimalhewouldgive.

VeiledLanguage(bhetkatha)The language used both by the naeke and the hunting god communicatingthroughthemediumisaveiledlanguage(bhetkatha).Insteadofusingthedi-recttermforanobject,inthistypeoflanguageothertermsareused,symboliz-

ing thisobject.Peoplestated that itwas inappropriate tousedirect language

with certain gods and that they had learned it from the gods themselves

throughthemediums.Whenaskedwhatanimalsthehuntinggodwouldgiveto

thepeople,heusedtheword“oldbroom”(tuthijono)forporcupine(normallycalledjhig),forreferringtoabear(normallybana)heused“sheep”(bhidi)asabearisconsideredfurylikeasheep.Thewildboar(birsukri)was“flowercot-ton”(bahatulam), thesnake(bin)was“rope”(baber)andtheelephant(hati)wasreferredtoas“oldwaterbuffalo”(haramkara).Whenpeoplewishedthegodtoleavethemediumtheysaid“Ourhorseistirednow,pleaseleave”.

Another context inwhich this language isusedare theannualmountain

rituals(burubonga).Asboththeburubongasandthehuntinggodareconsid-eredespeciallydangerousandpowerful,thislanguageisconsiderednecessary

143RamandLaxmanarehuntersintheRamayana.144SinBirisaforestmentionedinSantalmythology.145ManBirisanothermythologicalforest.146Jaegosae,tokoeakohohokethosarsagun,sarsagun?Jaegosae,okoenadoeodokketho,saguntilli?Jaegosae,buiyugechoyhohokethosarsagun,sarsagun.Jaegosae,buiyugechoyodokketsaguntilli.Jaegosae,okoegechoynelkethosarsagun,sarsagun?Jaegosae,tokoegechoynelkethosagun tilli? Jaegosae,morekokonelketho sar sagun, sar sagun. Jaegosae,morekokonelkethosaguntilli.Jaegosae,tokoenadoerarakethoaksar?Jaegosae,tokoenadoerarakethoghanti?Jaegosae,buiyugechoyrarakethoaksar.Jaegosae,buiyugechoyrarakethoghanti.Jaegosae,tokoegirekethosendrado,sendrado?Jaegosae,tokoenadoybartekethoKarekado?Jaegosae,Ramgechoy gire ket ho sendra do, sendra do. Jae gosae, Laxmangechoy barte ket hoKareka do. Jaegosae,tokoenadoegirekethoSinBirdo,SinBirdo?Jaegosae,tokoenadoebartekedhoManBirdo?


203

fortheinteraction.Tomyknowledgethislanguageisnotspokenbetweenhu-

mansand thebenevolentdeitiesof thesacredgrove.Asdiscussed inchapter

three,thistypeofveiledlanguageisalsospokenduringthefirstritualencoun-

terbetweenaffines,on theoccasionof “theseeingof thegroom” (jawaenel).Both, the encounter with dangerous gods and the encounter with potential

newin-lawsisanambivalentmatter, inwhichallpossibleoffensesshouldbe

preventedfromthebeginningthroughtheuseofindirectlanguage.

TheHuntandWaterFightAfter the consultationwith the hunting god, somemenwent into the forest

withbows,arrows,axesandspears,accompaniedbytheirhuntingdogs.They

laterreturnedtothevillageledbyagroupofdrummers,singingsongs(singraiseren) accompanied by whistles and shouts. Upon their return, their wiveswelcomedandhonoredthembywashingandoilingtheirfeet.Thevillagemen

andboysthenatethehuntedpreyinafieldoutsideofthevillage,inthiscasea

pheasantandarabbit.

Allthroughoutthemorningaffinalrelativesengagedinwaterfights.BahafestivalstakeplacearoundthetimeoftheHinducolorfestivalHoli.TheSantal

state that they playHoli notwith color, butwithwater, ormore specifically

bahadak(flowerwater).Thewaterissprinkledorpouredonlyonaffinalrela-tiveswithwhomonestandsinajokingrelationship(landasegey),suchasde-fines the relationship between aman orwoman and his/her elder brother’s

wife(hili)orbetweengrandparentsandgrandchildren.

ThebahaFestivalasaCelebrationofFertilityTheSantalbahafestivalcelebratestheonsetofspringmarkedbythebloomingofsalandmahuatreesintheforest.Thenotionoffertilityappearsasapromi-nentthemethroughoutitsdifferentritualactions.Fertilityistobeunderstood

here,asmentionedbyBlochandParry(1982,7),inthedictionarysenseoffe-

cundity, fruitfulness andproductiveness.147I infer thenotionof fertility from

moreconcretereferencesintheritual,suchastheimportanceofrain,sexuality

andthesymbolicjoiningofmaleandfemaleelements,likesalandmahuaflow-ers,andtheespeciallyprominentroleofwomenduringthefestival.

147The notion of fertility in the context of the flower festival is discussed in more detail in

chapterfive.


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Rainisnecessaryforthecultivationofthefieldsandhenceforththecontinua-

tionofsociety.Asdescribedinthecourseofthischaptertherewillbeseveral

other rituals during the hot seasondedicated to the request for rain. Rain is

saidtobebroughtbythegodsoftheforestedmountains(burubongas).Onthelastdayofthebahafestivalthewaterlevelintheclaypotpredictstheamountof rain that will fall in the coming monsoon. Strikingly, it is the role of the

women to observe thewater level and communicate it to themen. In other

partsofthefestivalwomenplayanimportantroleaswell:thebahafestivalistheonlytimeof theyearwhenwomenareallowedtoenterthesacredgrove

andtheirdancingandsingingcallsthegodstobepresentatthesacrificesded-

icatedtothem.Womenareoftencomparedtoflowers,asexpressedespecially

insongs.148

Thesymbolismofhuntinginitselfcanalsoberegardedasrelatedtofertil-

ity. In a detailed comparison of different spring hunts among Central Indian

tribal societies, among them theMunda, Bondo, Oraon and Santal, Rahmann

(1952,882)alsoseesfertilityastheserituals’mainconcern.Hefurthermen-

tionsthesexualsymbolismandcloseconnectionthespringhunthaswithagri-

culturalactivities.TheOraon,forexample,drytheprey’s“meat(…)andmixit

withthepaddyseedsthattheysowontheirfields”(879).

Tosumup,theannualflowerfestivalrevolvesaroundfertility.Thisfer-

tility is brought into the village from the outside through ritualmovements.

Thesemovementsbetweentheinsideandoutsidetakeondifferentshapesand

connects different entities: Affinal relatives come from their villages into the

hostvillage,flowersofthesalandmahuatreearebroughtfromtheforestintothesacredgrove,andonthethirddayhuntedgameisbroughtintothevillage.

Thecontinuationofsociety,beitinthesenseofsocialprocreation,butalsoin

thesenseofnutritionalprovisionthroughricenurturedbythemonsoonrain,

isdependentonthismovementbetweentheinsideandoutsideofthevillage.

Differentfromthetworitualhuntsdepictedinthefollowingsections,thebahahuntusesthevillageasareferencepoint.Itthusenablesustoseethatthevil-

lageisperceivedasdifferentfromtheforest,butthatamovementbetweenthe

twodomainsisessentialforthecontinuationofsociety.

148A song I recorded (this type is called langre seren), which according to my assistant issupposed to be sung back and forth between boys and girls in the village dance ground,

describesthatthebranchesofatreeareheavyfromitsbloomingflowers.Ayoungmanwalksby

andistoldthathecanpickaflower,butshouldtakegoodcareofitandnot“breakit”.Iwastold

thattheflowersclearlystandforgirlswhohavematuredandarereadytobemarried.


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4.1.2Giresendra:TheAnnualInter-VillageHuntIn thehotmonthsofMayand Junedifferenthunting rituals and festivals are

organized.Thisisdonebyseveralvillagesinordertoaddressthehuntinggod

andthedeitiesofthesurroundingmountainsthroughchickensacrifices.These

deitiesareaskedforprotectionfromthewildanimalsoftheforestandforrain

tofillthericefields.Inwhatfollowsthedifferentactivitiesofthisritualcom-

plex are discussed through the example of the Pindegadia inter-village hunt.

My description of this case, interwoven with songs and narrative, presents

severalaspectsofSantalconceptionsoftheenvironment.

TheCaseofPindegadiasendrabongaMakingtheInvitation(gire)

The village hunt startswith the ritual event ofmaking an invitation (gire) aweekbefore theactualhunt. In thecaseofPindegadia,aplacenamedaftera

small flower calledpinde,the hunt is organized by seven villages (sathmau-za149).Therefore,severalmenfromeachofthesevillagesattendedthemakingof its invitation. The seven headmen aswell as the village priests of each of

thesevillages shouldbepresent. Inaddition, severalvillageeldersanda few

youngmenhadcome.Thiseventiscalled“thetyingoftheinvitation”(giretol),becausetheinvitationconsistsofastringfromsal treebarkintowhichknotsare tied. The number of knots is equivalent to the number of days until the

hunttakesplace.

Whenmy assistant Pitamber and I arrived in the village of Kudabera a

groupofabout thirtymenhadassembledundera treeat theoutskirtsof the

village. The center of their attention was a man, whose hands and feet had

beentiedtogetherwithropesmadefromsalbark.Hewaswearingahatofsalleavescoveringhiseyes.Themeninformedmethathewasthebirmallik,thelocalrepresentativewhotookcareoftheforestinwhichthehuntwouldtake

place.150Squatting on the ground he pulled three strings of sal bark out of awater-filledbrasslota151infrontofhimandtiedeightknotsintoeachofthem.

149MauzaisaHinditermmeaning“place,site,village”(McGregor2007,838).AsIencounteredit, the Santal use mauza only to refer to villages when they speak of village federationsparticipatinginahuntingritual.OtherwisetheSantaliwordforvillageisato.150TheforestisownedbytheIndiangovernment,butlocalvillageshavetherighttoadminister

theuseoftheforestanditsproductsaccordingtoforestlaw.151As laidout inchapter three the lotaplaysasignificantrole in thereceivingandgreetingofguests in a Santal household. In the context of the hunt we can interpret its role thus as


206

Themennamed the threevillages towhoseheadmen (manjhis) these invita-tionsweresent.Theyinformedmethatthesevillagesworshipthehuntinggod

withachickensacrificeonthesamedaythatthehuntingritualtakesplacein

Pindegadia.The term themenuse for thesedistinct invitations isdisomgire,theuseoftheworddisom(“region”)pointingtothefactthattheyaresentfur-theraway toothervillagesof theregion.After these threespecial invitations

had been tied, severalmen tied knots into dry sal barks. Neatly packed intofoldedsalleaves,theseweresenttoalltheneighboringvillagesanddistributedatthelocalweeklymarkets(hat).

Photo23:Theritualmakingofthehuntinginvitation.Theinvitationismadefromthebarkofasaltreeintowhichknotsaretied.Thenumberofknotscorrespondstothe

numberofdaysuntilthehunt.

It proved difficult in the following weeks to discover the reason why these

threevillages receivedunique invitations, the standardanswerusuallybeing

that itwas “custom”(niam) tosend the lotadakgire to thesevillages.OneofthesevillageswasRanga,about tenkilometers southeastofSonagada. Itwas

indicativeofaspecialrelationshipbetweenthevillagesinvitingtothehuntandthethreevillages

whoreceivetheinvitationfromthelota.Anotherimportantaspectinthiscontextmightbethelota’s sacred function. In many rituals water from the lota is used to ritually purify thecomponentsoftheworship,suchasthesacrificialaxeoreventhesacrificialanimalsitself.


207

wellknownintheareaforitslocalmountaingod,theburubonganamedRangaHaram (“old man of Ranga”). This village organized one of the many otherhunting rituals in the month of Baisakh (April/May), and another famousmountain godworship (burubonga) twomonths later in themonth ofAsar(June/July).AsIlaterlearnedduringthemountainritualforKopatPat,whoisamongothersworshippedatPindegadiasendra,RangaHaramisconsideredtobe related to KopatPat. KopatPat’s daughter was married in Ranga, whichmakesRangaHaramhisco-parent-in-law(balakora).AlthoughIneverheardthisstatedclearlyinthevillageswhereIenquiredaboutRanga’sspecialrela-tionwiththehuntatPindegadia,thisrelationbetweenthesedeitiescouldbeat

leastoneofthereasonsforsettingthegiresenttoRangaapartfromtheothers.152Inaddition,somepeoplepointedoutthespecialqualitiesofthesevillages’

headmen. In the eyes, Ranga’smanjhi was very active and talkative – bothcharacteristicsqualifyhimasa“goodpersonality”inSantalunderstanding.

In thesamevein,Kundelukha’smanjhi– thevillage is situatedabout tenkilometers southwest of Pindegadia – was a vocal and seemingly influential

personduetohiswealth.Hisfamilywasknowntoownalotofland.

The third village,where a special invitationwas sent,was Phulkhani, as

the crow flies about fifteen kilometers northeast of Pindegadia. Locally

Phulkhaniiswellknownasthevillageofthetoroppargana.AsIwillexplaininthecourseofthischapter,thispargana isaregionalheadmanresponsiblefor108villages.Conflicts thatcannotbesolvedonavillage levelarebrought for

mediationtothispargana.JustlikethemanjhiofKundelukha,Phulkhani’spar-gana is fromawealthyand influential family.Threeofhis four sonswork inbanksandtheremainingnineteenmembersofthis jointfamily liveina large

housewithanestimated ten roomsarounda large courtyard “fillingupwith

peoplewheneveryonegathersintheevening”,theeldestmemberofthefamily

proudly remarked. People explained that these influential headmen are hon-

oredwith these invitations andwould surely spread thenews about the up-

cominghuntinPindegadia.

Afterthebirmallik–hishandsandfeetstilltiedtogether,eyescoveredbyleaves–hadcompletedthetyingofthethreespecialgire,helaydownontheground.ThemanjhiofKudabera,anelderlyman,tookabowandplacedanar-rowonthestringanddrewthebowstring.Hepointeditinallfourdirectionsin

152Because Icouldunfortunatelynotvisit these threeothervillages, Icouldnot findoutmore

aboutwhatconnectsthem.


208

thesky.Thenhetookanarrowwithablunttip(tuti)andtappedthebirmal-lik’sbottomwithitthreetimes.Abovethebirmallik’sheadarolled-uppackageofsalleaveswasplacedandthemanjhishotanarrowintoitandthencutitupwithanaxe.Thebirmallikwas likeadeer, themenexplainedtome,andtheleafpackagewashackedupinhisplace.Onthatdaytheyhad“tiedtheforest”

(burutol),theyhadmadeitinaccessibletopeopleandthegodswouldpunishwhoeverenteredit.Untilthehunttookplacethefollowingweek,womencould

notentertheforesttocollectleavesorfirewoodandevenifwildanimalswere

spotted,themencouldnothuntthem.Whenthisritualizedpartofthemeeting

was over, the birmallik was untied and the men discussed more pragmaticmatters suchas the financingof theupcominghunting festival (sendrapata),whichwastotakeplacethemorningafterthehunt.Heredifferentteamswere

toperformmusicandstoriesand laterreceiveprizes in the formofsheepor

pigs.Eachhouseholdfromallthesevenvillagesorganizingthehuntcontribut-

eda small sumofmoney to thepurchaseof theseprizes.Onlyaswewalked

awayfromthegatheringIrealizedthattheKhariadihuri,whowouldplaythemainroleduring theworshiponeweek later,hadnotbeenpresent.As Iwill

showlaterinthischapter,hisabsencemightreflecthisinferiorpositioninthe

eyesoftheSantal.

Sendrabonga:TheWorshipoftheHuntingGodOnthedayfixedforthehuntingworship,severalmenfromeachoftheseven

participatingvillagesarrivedataplacetheycallMarangDarha(“deeppoolintheriver”).Itwasaroundeleveno’clockinthemorningandtheyhadprevious-

ly bathed and dressed in clean clothes.Many elders, somemiddle-agedmen

and childrenaswell as themanjhis andnaekes of the respectivevillageshadarrived.Mostimportantly,theKhariahuntingpriest(dihuri)andthe“priestofthe seven villages” (sathmauza rinnaeke)werepresent to lead theprepara-tionsandlatersacrifices.Thelatter–amaninhisthirtiesandschoolteacherby

profession–wasthenaekeofSonagoda,oneofthelargestvillagesparticipat-ing in the hunting ritual. Just like thedihuri he had inherited his position as“naekeofthesevenvillages”fromhisfather.Heassistedthedihuriduringtheworshipandalsoplayedanimportantroleduringtheritualforthemountain

god(burubonga)twomonthslater.Thepreparationsfortheworshipofthehuntinggodtookplaceinwhatis

called “the sacred groveof thehunt” (sendrajaher), a cluster of sal treesbe-


209

sides a river between two villages. Meanwhile the dihuri took a bath in thenearbyriverandputonaclean,whitedhoti–accordingtocustomallmenpre-senthavetoweardhotisaswell.Hisritualpuritywasnotonlyguaranteedbyhisbath.Ashetoldme,thenightbeforetheworshipsexual intercourseista-

booandoneshouldsleeponthegroundthatnight.Whilehebathedintheriv-

er,somemenremovedthedryleavesandbranchesonthegroundofthegrove.

Atthefootofasaltreealongstoneleanedagainstthestem–thiswastheplacewherethesacrificeswouldtakeplace.Justlikethebirmallikduringthemakingoftheinvitationthepreviousweek,thedihuri’shandsandfeetweretiedwithsal bark stringsandheworeahatof sal leaves.What followedwasa rowofritualactions,theorderandcorrectnessofwhichwereofutmostimportance.

Thedihuribeganwithpurifyingthegroundinfrontofthestonewithwa-terandcowdungandsprinklingwateroverthestone.Inprescribedorderhe

usedriceflourtomakeakhond,alargerectangledividedintosixsmallerrec-tangles.153“Justaspeopleliketoeatfromdifferentplates,wemakeaplatefor

eachgod, too”, themencommented.Because thegods like thesmellofmethi(groundfenugreek),thespicewassprinkledonthepattern.Thegodswerefur-

ther pleased by incense sticks placed at the foot of the tree and crumbs of

sweets (laddu) sprinkledon thekhond.Then thedihuriplacedasmallpileofcrushedrice (adoacaole) ineachof the rectangles.Afterhavingmixedwaterwithvermillionheputfivereddotsaroundeachpileofriceandothersonthe

stoneandthenonthechickentobesacrificed.

Each village had brought a chicken and although everyone emphasized

thatthisritualconcernedsevenvillages,therewereelevenchickens.Originally

thereusedtobesevenvillages,whichwaswhymanypeoplestillspokeofthe

sevenvillagesresponsibleforthishunt,but inpreviousyearsseveralvillages

had split up. Therefore, therewere actually eleven villages participating, the

menexplained.Eachchickenwasoffered tooneof the sixgodsaddressedat

thisritual.Thedihuriandnaekeknewwhichgodfavoredwhichcolorofchick-en:Ingeneral,sendrabongaisgivenared,youngcock(araksandi),themoun-tain gods likeblackpullets (hendekalot) andMarangBuru always receives awhite cock (pondsandi).Before thedihuri cutoff itsheadwith the sacrificialaxe(kapi),heofferedthechickentothegodandthechickenhadtoacceptitssacrificebyeatingfromtherice.Whilethechickenate,themenaddressedthe

153Inalaterconversationthenaekeinsistedthatthenumberofkhondsshouldbethree,fiveorseven,becauseoddnumbersareauspiciousandplayanimportantroleduringworship.


210

godwithan invocation (bakher).This invocationmentioned the request theymadeofthehuntingdeity:

“In thenameof Pindegadia, JaeGosae, kindly accept this chicken.Keep thehunters(disua)safeastheyentertheforestandclimbupthemountain.Letthem laugh, enjoy, sing and dance. Let no tiger154or lion enter our village,

keep our animals grazing in the forest and ourwomen herding them safe

fromwildanimals throughout theyear.Weaskyou to send rain to fill our

fields.”

(RecordedinavillageofMusabaniblock,EastSinghbhum,JharkhandonMay

3,2012)

Photo24:Thehuntingpriest(dihuri)ispreparingthesacrificialsquares,theirnumber

correspondingtothenumberofdeitiesworshippedattheoccasion.

Once the chickenhadpecked from the rice, itsheadwas cut offwith anaxe.

Theheadwasplacedinoneoftherectanglesandbloodfromthebodysprin-

154Tomyknowledgenooneintheareaofmyfieldworkhadseenatigerinrecentyears.People

didemphasizethatthereweretigersandlionsinthepast.Thepresenceoftigersatleastinthe

past is not unlikely, if one considers the relative proximity of Simlipal Tiger reservation in

Odisha.


211

kledoverthehead,thestoneleaningonthetreeandoversomemorecrushed

riceinaleafcup.

During every stepof thesepreparations and the actual sacrifice thenaeke ofthesevenvillagesandothereldersweresquattingclose-by,checkingtheaccu-

racyofthedihuri’sworkandgivingadvicewheneverhewashesitant.Hewasthemediatorbetweenthemandtheburubongas,themenmaintained.BecausetheKharia lived in the forest, they knew these godswell and thereforewor-

shippedthemfortheSantal,themenexplained.ButtheSantalmenalsoassist-

edthedihuriinhiswork:thenaekeofthesevenvillageshandedhimwhateverworship component was to be used next, and themanjhi of Kudabera helddownthebodiesofthesacrificedchickensuntiltheystoppedmoving.

Whenthesacrificewasover,thedihurilaydownonthegroundandwhathadtakenplacetheweekbeforeatthemakingoftheinvitation,wasrepeated:

ThemanjhiofKudaberashottowardsthefourdirectionsintheskywithbowandarrow,thentappedthedihuri’sbottomthreetimeswithadullarrowandhackedupaleafpackageplacedabovethedihuri’sheadwithanaxe.Thesur-roundingmenseemedtofindthispartoftheritualamusing;theylaughedand

jokedaboutthemanjhi’sactions.DuringthesendrabongaatDholburu,aslightvariationonthis thememadethedihuri’s roleevenmoreapparent.Here twomenheldupastickandthedihuri jumpedup tograspandhangon thesticklikepreybeingcarriedbackfromahunt.Hishandsandfeetweretiedtogether,

hisbody,ifonlyforafewseconds,hungdownfromthestick.“Heislikeanan-

imal”,themencommented.

Similartoeveryothersacrificethewholeeventendedwiththecookingof

thesacrificial food(sore).Only thosewhohad fastedwereallowedtoeat thechickens’headmeat.On thatday therewere fivepeople– fournaekes of theparticipating villages and the dihuri – who ate themeatmixedwith a bit ofcookedricefromseparateleafplates.Themeatfromthechickens’bodieswas

cookedtogetherwithriceinlargepotsandcouldbeeatenbyallthemenfrom

theparticipatingsevenvillages,butnotbyoutsiders.


212

Photo25:Thehuntingpriest(dihuri)ishunguponastick,similartopreyafterthehunt.

Generally,namingthegodsforwhomtheworshipisperformedisconsidereda

dangerousmatter,whichprovedtobethereasonalmosteveryonewasreluc-

tant tospeakabout thesegods.Therearesixrectangles,sowhowerethesix

gods thechickenswereoffered to, Iasked.Thedihuri aswellas thenaekeofthe seven villages shook their heads atmy question and indicated that they

could not tellme. As Pitamber,whowas from the area and had seen sendrabongamanytimes,explained,thegodsmightgetoffendediftheirnameswerementioned aloud. But many men, especially the village priests and old men

knewwhothesegodswere,becausetheyaddressedthemduringtheworship

asPitamberspecified.Herecalledthegodsinvolvedinthehuntingritualfrom

memory: At Pindegadia, one of the rectangles is for the hunting god sendrabonga,anotherforDarhaBudhi–theoldladywhoresidesinthenearbyriver–thenthedihurimakesarectangleforKopatPat,themostseniormountaingodof thearea, and forRangaHaram, his co-father-in-law (balakora), aswell asoneforMarangBuru– thesupremegodof theSantal.Basicrulesofgoodbe-havior that hold for people, also apply to the offerings made to deities as

Pitamberexplained:“Ifyougivefoodtooneperson,youcannotleaveoutthose


213

whoarenearby.Thatiswhywecannotjustgiveachickentothehuntinggod,

buthavetoincludethegodsofthesurroundingsaswell”.

Portrait:TheKhariadihuriandSantalOpinionsabouttheKhariaInallthehuntingritualstothesouthwestofMusabanithehuntingpriestsbe-

longtothecommunityoftheHillKharia.AccordingtoRoy(1937,2ff)theKha-

ria are dispersed over a large area: The Dudh section has its stronghold in

RanchiDistrict ofChotanagpur, theDhelki section in Jashpur stateof today’s

Chhattisgarh and theHill Kharia in theMayurbhanj state of Odisha. TheHill

KhariainparticularliveintheforestedpartsofMayurbhanj,rangingfromthe

Simlipal mountain range to the northern hills of Singbhum, Dhalbum and

Manbhumdistricts.

IntheareaaroundMusabanitheKharialiveingovernment-builtconcrete

housesinseparatevillagesontheoutskirtsoftheforestorinsmallvillagesin

the forest. The Santal clearly regard themselves as higher in status than the

Kharia, expressed in derogatory comments they make about the latter. Just

“likeanimals”,theyliveintheforestandtheyneitherwashnorhaverealhous-

es,summarizesthecondescendingSantalattitudestowardstheKharia.Santal

parentsoftenscoldedtheirchildren:“YouKhariachild, lookathowdirtyyou

aretoday!”andwhenonehasnottakenabathonahotdayonesays“Ifeellike

aKhariatoday”.IntheeyesoftheSantalcultivator,whatfurthermakesthese

gatherer-huntersinferioristhefactthattheydonotownlandorgrowrice.If

theydonotliveintheconcretehousesprovidedforthembythegovernment,

theirhousesaremakeshiftconstructionsofbranches(kumbeorak),asopposedtothelarge,decorativelypaintedmudhousestheSantalaresoproudof.But,in

theeyesoftheSantal,allthesecharacteristicsmaketheKhariaidealmediators

betweentheSantalandtheforestgods.

InordertounderstandmoreabouttheKharia,onedayIconvincedPitam-

bertotakemetothedihuri ‘svillageaboutfivekilometersfromSonagadato-wards thehills. Earlymorningwouldbe thebest time tomeet thedihuri, hesaid,becausethemenusuallywereoutcollectingforestproduceallday,then

theywenttoMusabanimarkettosellwhattheyfoundandintheeveningthey

would be too drunk to talk to. Before we left the house, the Santal women

warnedme:“Theywillaskyouformoneytobuyliquor(parua)”.OnthewaytothevillagewewereaskedseveraltimesbyotheryoungSantalmenofSonago-

dawherewewereheaded.“Overthere”,Pitambersaid,nevermentioningour


214

realdestination.Thedihuri’svillageconsistedoffiveconcretehousesnexttoapaved road.All of thehouseshadonlyone roomcoveredbya tin roof.They

hadbeenbuiltaspartoftheIndiraAwaazdevelopmentschemebytheIndian

governmentafewyearsearlier.

Thedihurilivedinoneofthesehouses,togetherwithhiswifeandsixchil-dren,andagreedtotalktousontheroadside.ForasmanytimesasPitamber

mentionedhow“uncivilized”theKhariawere,heengagedinafriendlyconver-

sationwiththismodestandwiryman,whowasfluentinSantali.HespokeSan-

tali, Bangla and a bit of Kharia with his children, he mentioned. Many

generations ago the Santal asked his family to worship the burubongas forthem.Afterthegodsapprovedofit,hetookoverthistaskfromhisfatherabout

eightyearsago.Onceayearhereceivedpaymentinkind(borton)forhiswork:TheSantalwouldgivehimunhuskedrice (huru)after theharvest inNovem-ber/December. “Wehaveno fields,westay in the forest”,he saidwhen I en-

quiredabouthisland.“Thegovernmentdoesnotgiveusmuch.Theyhavebuilt

thishouse,butnotcompleteditandnowduringthemonsoonitrainsthrough

the roof”, he remarked. If they neededmoney, they had to sell wood at the

market, he remarked.When I asked aboutKharia festivals or rituals, hewas

keen to emphasize that they celebrated the same festivals as the Santal. He

mentionedbahaandsohrae,butalsolocalHindufestivalssuchassakrat.“Westaywiththeadivasi”,heexplained.Hewaswillingtogivemoredetailsaboutthe local mountain gods and pointed to Kopatburu, a tall hill we could seethroughthemorningmistabovetheforest inthedistance.Thesevenvillages

eachwouldbringamalegoatthereinJulyandhewouldsacrificethegoatsin

frontofacaveonthishill.Ishouldcome,heinsisted,whenthericepaddyhad

reachedacertainheight,andheheldhishandatkneelevelabovetheground

toindicate.KopatPat,thegodofthishill,actuallystayedinSimlipal(anationalparktothesouth)inOdisha,butfortheworshiphewouldcome,thedihuriex-plained.Wheredid thedihuri andhis family come from, I asked. “My forefa-thershavecomehereandstayed”,heanswered,“theycamefromDampara155.”

Whenwe rode back to the village I discussedwith Pitamber,why thedihurihadreferredtotheSantalasadivasi,obviouslyexcludinghimselffromthiscat-egory.PitamberinsistedthattheKhariawereneitheradivasinorbelongedtothegovernmentcategoryofScheduledTribe.Thegovernmentgavethemmore

155Damparaisthelocalname,nottheadministrative,governmentalone,foranareaaboutone

hourbusridetothenortheastofMusabani.


215

assistancethantheSantaland,forexample,providedthemwithfoodandgov-

ernment jobs if they completed class ten, which according to Pitamber very

fewdid.HeseemedtoderiveacertainstatusfrombeingamemberofaSched-

uledTribe or anadivasi – a status that in his opinion theKharia didnot de-serve. The Hill Kharia of this areawere previously classified as a “Primitive

Tribe”156by the Indiangovernmentand, in fact,do fallunder theadministra-

tivecategoryofST.157

TheActualHunt:TypesofBowandArrow,Taboos,DivisionofPreyAftertheabove-describedsacrificestothehuntingdeityhavebeencompleted,

themencangohuntingintheforest.Theyseetheforestasadangerousplace–

severalmendescribedthehuntalsoasa“battlefield”(tupun).Therearemanynarrativesaboutdeadlyaccidentsduringthehunt–ofmenkilledbywildani-

mals,orkilledbysomeoneelse’sarrow.Thisiswhytwobrothersshouldnever

goonahunt together.Womendonotwearanysignsofbeingmarriedwhile

theirhusbandsareoutonahunt.They remove their ironbangle (merhetsa-kom)anddonotapplysindur–pretendingthattheirhusbandsdonotexistinordertoprotectthemfromdanger.Ifaman’swifeispregnant,hecangohunt-

ingtogetherwiththeothermen,butcannoteattheritualfoodcookedfromthe

chickenssacrificedtothehuntinggod.Healsocannotkillduringthehunt.Ifhe

weretokillananimalduringhiswife’spregnancy,theanimal’slife-force(jiwi)wouldmingle(mesa, lit.“mix”)withthatofhisunbornchild’s,anduponbirththechildwouldbehalfhumanhalfanimal.

In contrast towhat Berger (2015a) and Otten (2002)write about the ritual

huntsinOdisha’s’Koraputdistrict,theroleofwomenduringtheSantalritual

huntseemstobemarginal.BeforetheGadabaritualhunt,thevillageisclosed

offfromtheoutside.Womenandgirlsmovestonesandrocksontheroadlead-

ingtothevillageandextractmoneyfromthepeoplewhowanttopassthrough

(Berger2015a,385).Whenthemenassembleattheoutskirtsofthevillageto

156Todaytheyarecalled“Particularlyvulnerabletribalgroup“(PTG).Cf.“Particularlyvulnerable

tribalgroups(PTGs)”,MinistryofTribalAffairs,GovernmentofIndia:

http://tribal.nic.in/Content/Particularly%20Vulnerable%20Tribal%20Group.aspx

(accessedOctober10,2015)157Cf. “State/UnionTerritory-wise listof ScheduledTribes in India”,MinistryofTribalAffairs,

GovernmentofIndia:

http://tribal.nic.in/content/listofscheduledtribesinIndia.aspx

(accessedDecember1,2015).


216

embark on the hunt, women provide them with tika and demand smallamountsofmoneyfromthem(393).Otten(2002)takesupthisspecialroleof

women in a separate article on the Rona, who are neighbors of the Gadaba.

During their ritual hunt, she observes a liminal phase inwhich the everyday

socialorderofthevillageisreversed:Womenobtainthehighestsocialstatus

inthevillage.Theysingobscenesongsandchasetheirmenoutof thevillage

reminding them not to returnwithout prey. They further occupy the village

assemblyground,whereusuallyonlymenmeet.And,asBergerequallymen-

tions,theyputupblockadesmadeoftreetrunksandrocksinordertoobtain

moneyfrompassers-by(Otten2002,82-89).

Among the Santal the participation of women in the hunting activities

mainly concerns thedihuri’swife.Before theworshipof thehuntinggod shegrindsthericeflourandpreparestheleafcupsinwhichtheworshipingredi-

entsarekept.Shehastohavetakenabathandfastedduringall theseactivi-

ties. Archer (1974, 306) further notes that the dihuri’s wife predicts thehunters’successthroughobservingthecolorofwaterinalota.Ifittakesonacloudyappearancethehuntershavekilledasmallanimal,ifitbecomesreddish

thehuntershavekilledalargeanimal.“Oncethewaterhascloudedorturned

toblood,shecanendhervigilandbreakherfast.Untilthishappens,however,

shemustsit stolidlyon, for it is thestrictnessofherwatch, thepurityofher

conduct, that determines success” (ibid.). Although I did not encounter this

partofthehuntingrite,itbecomesclearthatwomendoplayaroleintheritu-

al.Throughobservingcertainrules,theyimplicitlyparticipateinthehuntand

influenceitsoutcome.

Beforethemenentertheforest,theyagainworshipthehuntinggodwith

vermillion.Theirhuntingtoolsconsistofbowsandarrows(aksar),battle-axes(kapi),three-pointedspears(bolam)andahorn(sakua)blownforcommunica-tionbetweenthehunters.Theseareconsideredtobe“the instrumentsofthe

burubongas” (burubongareaksapab),whichpoints to thegods’ involvementinthehunt.

Althoughhunting is an exclusivelymale affair among the Santal,women

arenotbarredfromtouchingthebowandarrow.Infact,duringmanyvillage

festivals archery competitions are organized in which women participate as

well. Some of these women exhibit great skill in shooting arrows into a far

awaytargetandhaveacquiredareputationfortheirskill.Andnoteverywhere

in Central India is the ritual hunt an only-male affair: in the villages around

RanchieverytwelveyearsOraonwomen,dressedinmen’sclothes,goonarit-


217

ualhuntcalledJaniShikar,asanarticleinthenewspaperTheTelegraphmen-tions(Thakur2006).

Thebowiscombinedwithseveraldifferenttypesofarrow.Themostfre-

quentlyused arrow is calledugli,an arrowwith an iron, flat arrowhead. Forhuntingbirds,theuperiisused,itsdullheadismadefromthehornofabuffalo.Another typeofarrow iscalledkopa and itsarrowhead is three-pointed, likeShiva’strident.

Whenhunting themenmove in rows (jarpa),make shoutingnoises andblow the sakua to rouse any resting or hiding animals. The animals mostlyhuntedarewildrabbits(kulhey),deer158,wildboarsandpheasants.Againandagainpeopleemphasizedthatinthepastthereweremanymorewildanimals

and that todayonehas togodeep into the forest tohuntanything.Whenan

animal is shot, its rawmeat is distributed according to a specific system, in

which thepersonwho shot the animal receives a special share calledmadal.Fromallbirds,hereceivesawing.Ifafour-leggedanimalisshot,hereceivesa

legandifarabbitisshot,hereceivesthehindpartincludingthelegs.Therest

ofallthesetypesofanimalsissharedequallyamongtheremainingmenofthe

huntingparty.Eventhehuntingdogsreceivetheirequalshare.Ifsmallanimals

arekilled, theyare sometimesconsumedby themen in the field theevening

afterthehunt.Inthecaseoflargeanimals,themeatisbroughtbacktothevil-

lageandsharedwiththewomenandchildren.

Sometimesithappensthatananimaliskilledbytwoarrowsandadispute

arisesastowhoshottheanimal.Thenkalkatakesplace,whichisaritualwayofsolvingthisquarrel.Asthisrarelyseemstohappen,Icouldonlygatherse-

cond-hand informationon this topic fromapersonwhohadheardof it from

others.Theanimal isplacedon theground, thearea in front ispurifiedwith

cowdung,sindurspotsareappliedandawater-filledlota isplacedinfrontoftheanimal.Thetwomenwhoclaimtohaveshotthepreysitinfrontofthean-

imal,theothermembersofthehuntingpartysitaround.Theninthenameofa

bongathemenshout“haribol”threetimesandthegodonlyallowsoneofthetwomentoapproachthepreywhichpointshimoutasthetruehunterofthe

animal.Haribolisalsoshoutedduringaweddingwhenthegroomappliessin-dur to his bride for the first time. Thismight point to a possible parallel be-tweenhuntingandacquiringabride.DatafromotherCentralIndiansocieties

158TheSantalwordfor“deer”is jel,whichisatthesametimethegeneraltermforanykindofmeat.


218

hintsinasimilardirection:“Bondohuntersdecoratethecarcassoftheanimal

‘as if itwere awoman’. (…)Thewife of a successfulBirhorhunter performs

upontheanimalthesymbolic‘kissingceremony’whichisanimportantfeature

oftheweddingritual”(Rahmann1952,883).

After the hunt, men are regarded as impure (chuat) and therefore theyhave to be purified upon returning to the village the nextmorning or in the

evening. Theirwiveswillwash their feet on brass plates andwelcome them

likeguestsbackintothehome.

HuntingRitualsandtheCreationofSocio-SpatialUnitsThroughoutthisworkIarguethatritualsgiveaccesstoSantalnotionsofplace,

ascanbeseeninthereferencestotheforestmadeduringthehuntingrituals

and the songs and stories performed at the hunting festival. Additionally, I

viewritualsascreativearenasinwhichplacesaremade.Inotherwords,ritu-

alsalsogeneratenotionsofplace.Thisperspectiveonritualcomestothefore-

frontinthecontextofthedescribedhuntingritesaswell.

Asdescribedabove,therearedifferentnumbersofvillagesactingtogether

as “federations” (R. Parkin 1992, 90), to carry out the annual hunting ritual.

They each contribute a chicken to be sacrificed, and their naekes and othermale villagers attend the ritual sacrifices to thehunting god. Inotherwords,

theperformanceofsendrabongabringsvillagestogetherinthecommonactofsacrifice,and itevokes the ideaofanarea.Different fromthe laterdiscussed

“region”createdthroughthemountainrituals(burubonga),thereisnoSantaltermtorefertothisareaconcernedwiththeworshipofthehuntingdeity.

Myresearch intovillage federationsandcriteria thatunitesomevillages

together but exclude others provided no clear answers. For exploring the

structuresthatunderliethehuntingritualsitisnecessaryheretocommenton

thevariationsbetweenthefivedifferenthuntingritualsIcouldobserve.When

askedwhoparticipatesinsendrabonga, theinvolvedmencouldalwaysnamethenumberofvillages thatparticipated.159Thehuntingpriest, thedihuri andthenaekeofalltheparticipatingvillages,couldevenlistallthenamesofthesevillages.Eachofthesevillagessendsachickenandatleastonerepresentative

159Icouldonlyvisitsomeofthesevillagesandwasthereforenotabletoconfirmifthevarying

numbers are possibly related to different Santal ways of conceptualizing the village (for

instanceritualvillagesordifferenthamletsthattogetherformavillage).


219

onthedayoftheworship.Thefollowingchartgivesanoverviewofthevaria-

tions.

Nameofhunt-ingwor-ship

Villageclose-by

Ethnicgroupofthedihuri

Numberofpartic-ipatingvillages

Numberofsacrificialcircles/squares

Sacrificeforwhichgod

Kola-badiasendrabonga

Charaipahari,

Dumriablock

HillKharia 5 3 MarangBuru,SaporamHa-ram(burubon-ga),SaporamBudhi(burubonga)

Goera-latasendrabonga

Sarjomburu,

Musabani

block

Santal 12 8 –noinfor-

mationgiven–

oneofthemis

Goeralataburubonga

Pindegadiasen-drabonga

Sonagada,

Musabani

block

HillKharia 7 6 KopatPatandRangaHaram(burubongas),Darhabudhi(thebongaofthenearbyriv-

er),MarangBuru,sendrabonga[1missing]

Dholburusendrabonga

Chatani,Dum-

riablock

HillKharia 2 3 MarangBuru,ghoromdhorom,JaherAyo

Rohorburusendrabonga

Mundui,

Ghatsilablock

Munda

(Bhumij)

12 Onecircle

madefrom

riceflour,

otherwise

onlysindurappliedto

ground

Burubonga,sendrabonga,MorekoTurui-ko,JaherAyo,MarangBuru


220

Insearchofapatterninthenumberofvillagesinvolvedintheseritualhunts,

thefollowingstatementbyShankoHembrom,asingraimanwithwhomIdis-cussed the hunting worship, struckme as relevant: “There should be either

seven or twelvemauzaparticipating in a ritual hunt.”When I pointed to theritual hunt atDholburu,whereonly twovillagesparticipate, he insisted thatthiscannotbepossible.

Thisstatementcanbetterbeunderstoodwithregardtotheimportanceof

the number twelve as symbolizing a totality. Among the Santal the number

twelvecanbe found in the twelveclansrepresenting thewholeofsociety. In

chapterthreeIsawthislinkbetweenthenumbertwelveandtheideaofato-

talityasthereasonwhysomanypeoplestatedthateachclancontainstwelve

gusti (local line), although the information I had gathered contradicted this.This number symbolism plays a role among other Indian tribal societies as

well,suchastheGadabaandDongriaKondofOdisha(Berger2015a,193;Har-

denberg 2005, 291). Furthermore, the importance of the number twelve can

alsobefoundinHinduism,as inthetwelveJyotirlingas, thetwelvemajorpil-

grimageplacesfortheworshipofSiva(Feldhaus2003,128).

InSantalmythologythenumbersevenplaysanotherimportantrole.The

ancestralcoupleboresevensonsandsevendaughterswhomarriedandgave

risetothefirstseven,seniorSantalclans.Again,thenumbersevenseemstobe

relevantinotherpartsofIndia,withregardtostructuringregions.Wefindthe

sevensisterstatesofNorth-EastIndia,Feldhaus(2003,119f)writesaboutthe

sevensistergoddessesofMaharashtraandabouttheSagtapuri,thesevencit-

iespilgrimagetoanyofwhichprovidesliberationfromrebirth.

Sevenandtwelve,hence,arenumbers“goodtothinkwith”(Lévi-Strauss

1991,89)inIndiaandterms,which,intheSantalcontext,standforatotality.

Feldhaus(119)arguesthat,althoughtheethnographermightfindnostructure

astowhyacertainnumberof“connectedplaces”exists,thenumbers’function

stillliesinbringingtheseplacestogetherandcreatingtheideaofaregion.

Frommymaterial, therearise,however,othercriteria that contribute to

uniting thesenumbersofvillages.Another ritualoccasionprovides insight in

this context: The same villages also act togetherwhenworshipping the local

mountaingod(burubonga)inthebeginningoftherainyseason.Attheritualofburubonga,againthedihuriworshipsandcarriesoutthesacrificeforthepar-ticipatingvillages.What,then,unitesthesevillagesintoritualunits?Ipropose

thattheanswertothisquestioncanbefoundinthelandscapeinwhichthese


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villagesareembedded.Thelandscapeasabodeofdeitiesandtheproximityof

villagestothesesacredplacesbringsthemtogetherasritualunits.

ThisisalsothereasonwhymostvillagesintheplainareaaroundGhatsila,

wheretheforestedmountainslieatadistance,donotparticipateinanyhunt-

ing rituals. People there stated explicitly that sendrabonga only takes placenearMusabaniand“anywhereelsewheretherearemountains”.160

Withregardtothedifferentbackgroundofthedihuri, inalmostallofthefivehuntingritualsalookatthelandscapeprovidesanexplanation.Theland-

scapeiscloselylinkedtotheresidencepatternoftheregion.MostoftheSantal

villagesarelocatedintheplains,surroundedbyricefields,orclosetothefor-

est. Very few Santal villages are actually located on the hills in the forest. In

Santal villages aroundMusabani people were always keen to point out that

mostlyKharialiveintheforest.Itisthereforenocoincidencethatintheseare-

asthehuntingpriestisaKharia.InthehillstothenorthwestofGhatsila,where

Rohorburu islocated,mostlyBirhorandMunda(Bhumij)liveintheforest.AtRohorburusendrabonga,which is the only hunting ritual that takesplace inthe vicinity of Ghatsila, the dihuri isMunda. Only atGoeralatasendrabonga,justoutsideofthetownofMusabani,isthedihuriaSantal.Aspeopleexplained,thisisbecausetherearenoKhariavillagesnearby.ThefactthatthedihuriisinsomeareasaKharia, inothersaMundaand inonecaseaSantal, reflects the

residencepatternoftheregion–whichevergrouplivesclosesttotheforestis

bestsuitedforthisritualtask.

Toconclude,thenotionofvillagefederationsinthiscontexthasasocialas

well as a spatial component, as it is these villages located close to the forest

and in the vicinity of a certainmountain god that perform the hunting ritu-

als.161Theritualunitsareformedthroughthelocalpresenceofaburubonga–whichevervillageislocatedinits“sphereofinfluence”,participates.AsPitam-

berexplainedtome:“Theseburubongastakecareofdifferentvillages,andsoonce a year they eachbring a chicken”.Theboundaries of eachburubonga’srealm are clear in people’sminds, because a village only participates in one

ritualhuntandoneburubonga,notinanyotheronesthatmightappearclose-

160AnotherreasonwhytherearenearlynoritualhuntsinthemountainsaroundGhatsilaisthe

presence of the Naxalites – Maoist rebels who have set up camp in the forest. Old men of

Kantasolavillagecouldrememberhuntsthatwerediscontinuedaspeoplewereafraidtogetin

troublewiththeNaxalites.161Villages located far away from the forest do not contribute to the sacrifices offered to the

huntingdeity.Peoplefromthesevillagesareinvitedtothehuntsandtheconsecutivenightand

daysingraiperformances,buttheyusuallydonotparticipateintherituals.


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byfortheoutsideobserver.Thisisthereason,whyeachhuntingrituallistedin

thetableabove,containsasacrifice,oftenablackpullet(hendekalot)foradif-ferentburubonga–theonewhoresidesinthenearestmountain.Atthehunt-ing ritual of Dhol buru the importance of these buru bongas becameparticularly apparent.After the youngKhariadihuri had sacrificed the chick-ens,heprostratedhimselfonthegroundandwasinstructedbytheSantalmen

to address the different “Pats”162of the region by name. “Greet all the burubongas you know”, they said, and I heardhimmurmur “RotaPat,RangaPat,KopatPat,DalmaPat”.The following section shows,how thehunting festivalfollowingtheactualworshipofthehuntinggod,isanopportunitytosocialize

forthepeopleofthesevillagefederationswitheachotherandothervillagers

oftheregion.

TheHuntingFestival:Nidesingrai,sinsingraiandtheRoleof

PoliticiansIntheeveningafterthehunt,thehuntersassembleinafieldatadistancefrom

thevillages.Heresongsandstoriesareperformedatnightandthenextmorn-

ingthehuntingfestival(sendrapata)takesplace.Thefollowingdescriptionisbased on Pindegadia sendrapata, as attended byme in 2012 and 2013. Thefieldwherethehunterscometogetherisnamedgipiditandi–gitimeaning“tolie down” and tandimeaning “field”. Thenight entertainment in this place isreservedformenandboys,sothatIcouldnotattendthisevent.Pitambertold

methat“singraimen”hadbroughtinstrumentsandperformedsongsandsto-riesinthefielduntilthefollowingmorning.Thecontentoftheirstoriesisob-

scene,whichiswhyonlymencanattendtheseperformances.Thesingraimentoldmethenextdaythatthebongasandmenalikeareentertainedbytheob-scene languageof thesongs.Thisgenrecalled “nightsingrai” (nidesingrai) isdescribedinafollowingsectioninmoredetail.

In theearlymorning theactualevent tookplace,which the involvedvil-

lages had been planning forweeks. The singrai teamswere still performing,butatthattimetheirstoriestookonadifferentform:theysangaboutkinrela-

tionships (segeysampok), hunting and issues of society. In the course of themorningmoreandmorewomenandchildrenfromallthesurroundingvillages

arrived. Many women carried large pots of rice beer on their heads to sell.

162ThesuffixPatisoftenaddedtoanameofaburubonga.


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Someartisancastesweresettingupsmallstandsanddiggingfirepitstostart

cookingandfryingtheirsweets.Astagewasbuiltandelectricityprovidedbya

generator.Loudspeakers,runbythegenerator,werebeingtested.

Once largecrowdsweregathered, thesingrai teamspickeduptheirper-formances again. Dressed in their best sarees women enjoyed chatting with

people from other villageswhile the childrenwere fascinated by the singraimen’sdancingandsinging.Largedrums(tamak)hadbeenbroughtonoxcartsandseveralmentookturnsbeatingthem.Priortothefestival,menwouldof-

tenmentionthatitisthe“weddingofthemountaingods”(burubongabapla).Do the gods reallymarryduring this time, Iwould ask.Thereweredifferent

opinionsaboutthemeaningofthisterm,butmyinterlocutorsagreedthatthe

festivalislikeawedding,becausepeopledancethesamedances(langreenec)asatweddingsandtheenjoyment isequallygreat.Towardsnoon twoSantal

politicians arrived in air-conditioned jeeps accompanied by heavily armed

bodyguards163:OneofthemwastheJharkhandMuktiMorcha(JMM)member

Ramdas Soren, the MLA of Ghatsila constituency (prakhand). The other wasJadunathBaskey,anelderlymanwell-knowninthearea.Heoncewasamem-

beroftheJharkhandAutonomousCouncilandlaterMLAofGhatsila.Thesetwo

men were considered to be marang pera, “big/senior guests”, who gavespeeches from a stage and handed out prizes to the drummers and singraiteams. The singrai team that attracted the largest crowd received the firstprize,amalesheep.Successiveprizeswereafemalesheep,apigandaduck.

Singrai–AMusicalGenreApartfromritualpracticeandthestatementspeoplemakeaboutit,notionsof

placewithregardtotheenvironmentfindexpressioninthesongsandstories

the singraimenperform.What do these singrai performances look like?Theteamsideallyconsistof fivemen.A“joker”(theEnglishtermisusedbymost

people, theSantaliword is iwirkin)dances in front,oftenwaving the tailofakapildeer(kapilgaichawar) in theair toaccompanythemusicandrhythmi-callyclangstworowsofbells(dambur)togetherwithhishands.Thedhangorieisthemainsingerandstoryteller,whoisfollowedbytwotelakuri(“followinggirls”) who are dressed up as women and who repeat the singing of the

dhangorie. Lastly there is another jokerwho follows.As they sing anddance

163BecauseoftheNaxalitepresenceintheareapoliticiansonlyvisitthevillagesinthecompany

ofarmedbodyguards.


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theymoveincounter-clockwisecircles.Theirmaininstrumentisthebanam;itisakindoffiddleplayedbythreeoftheperformers.Thebanamismadeofhol-lowed-outbambooorotherwood,andthebowstringismadefromthetailhair

of a horse. Often the singrai men make their banams themselves. At thePindegadiahuntingfestivalallteamswereelaboratelydressedup:Inoneteam,

thedhangorieworeaturbanwithbundlesofpeacockfeatherstiedtoit,adhotiand a glittery top. Around his ankles he had tied bells (lipur) that jingled atevery movement he made while dancing. His dancing mostly consisted of

rhythmic jumps sometimes accompanied by circular hip gyrations. The telakuriworebrightpinksareesandtiarasontheirheads.Theyequallyplayedthebanamandrepeatedeachversethedhangoriesang.

Photo26:Singraiperformance.Theleadsinger(dhangorie)isontheleft,followedbythetelakuridressedinpinksarees.Theyallplayaninstrumentcalledbanam.Onthe

veryrightisthe“joker”.

InthemorningofPindegadiasendrapataaroundtenteamswereperforming,someofthemhadcomefromvillageswithinaradiusofaboutfiftykilometers.

Theygofromonehuntingfestivaltoanother,playingsingraiandcompetingforprizes.The“singraiseason”,astheytoldme,spansthehotmonthsfromApriluntilthebeginningofJuly(thelunarmonthsofChait,BaisakhandJhet).Inthis


225

season,whenthereisnoworktobedoneinthefields,manysocialeventstake

place:weddings,funeralceremonies,namingceremonies,sacrificesconducted

bythelocallinesuchasjomsimandvillagefairs.InMay2013Sonagodavillagehadorganizedasingrai teamtoperformontheeveningafterPindegadiasen-drapata. It cost them six thousand Rupees to hire Sunaram Tudu, a singraimanfromOdisha,whoalsosellsCDsofhissingraiperformances.Inthevillagecenter the team performed formany hours throughout the nightwhile hun-

dredsofpeoplehadgatheredaroundthestage.ThesingrainarrativerevolvedaroundSantaltraditions,whichastheleadsingerconstantlyemphasized,peo-

plewere slowly forgetting. Therefore, he reminded them of Santal rituals at

birth, the naming ceremony (chatiar), elaborated on the different types ofweddingsandendedwiththeritualsrequiredafterdeath.“Frombeginningto

endhewastellingusofourcustoms(niam)”,peoplerepeatedevendayslater.

Photo27:Anothersingraiperformance.Herethetelakuriareplayingviolinsinsteadofbanams.

Singraimenalsoperformtoentertainpeopleinsmallercircles,suchasontheoccasionoflife-cyclerituals.Theyarepaidmoneyfortheirentertainmentand


226

providedwithmeals, ricebeer anddistilled liquor. Someof themstated that

they learned the songs from sokhas or ojhas, shamans who served as theirteachers.Otherslearnedthemthroughgoingfromonefestivaltoanother, lis-

tening to others’ singrai performances. People can differentiate this musicalgenrebyitsspecialrhythmandthetoneofvoice,almostexactlymatchingthe

soundofthebanam.

Nidesingrai–ObsceneStoriestoPleasetheGodsWith the exception of Parkin’s (2000) article on the topic of Central Indian

identity construction, noneof the existingEnglish literature about the Santal

mentionsthetermsingrai.Withoutgivingmuchdetailaboutthecontentofthesingraisongsthemselves,Parkin(2000,55f)writes, thatsaontasingrai (“nar-rationsofsociety”)appearstobeapostindependencephenomenon.Regarding

the singrai playedduring theday–which theSantal inmyareaof fieldworkcalled samajsingrai (“society singrai”) or sinsingrai (“day singrai”) – severalmenofSonagodavillageconfirmedParkin’sview.Samajsingraihadonlytakenplacesinceroughlythe1980s,peopletoldme.Intheirchildhoodtherewereno

singraicompetitionsatthehuntingfestivals.Butnidesingrai, thesingraisungat night, was a matter concerning the gods, the burubongas, and had beenpassedonby the ancestors, they insisted.Because themendanced and sang

duringthenightofthehuntingfestival,thebongaburuswerepleasedanddidnotsendtigersoranyotherdangerousanimalstothevillage,peopleexplained.

“When the sound of thebanam becomes beautiful andwhen the performersstartfeelingveryhappy,weknowthatthebongasarepresentandhavejoinedthedancing”,myinterlocutordescribed.164

Peoplewereagainreluctanttorevealthenameoreventypeofthesebon-gas, but somementioned themas singraibonga or sendrabonga, thehuntinggod. These bongas are asked for their favor throughworship by each of thesingraiteams.Onthemorningofthefestivaloneteamhadplacedawater-filledlota,theirbanamsandahuntinghorninfrontoftheirmotorbikeparkedinthemidstoftheirdancingcircle.Infronttherewasapatternwithredsindurspots.Intheirritualinvocation(bakher)theyaskedthebongatodrawthecrowdtotheirperformance,sothattheymightwinthesingraicompetition.Thesingraimentoldmethatinsomeyearsthefieldwasfilledwithpeoplewhohadcome

164SeeBabiracki(2000,44)forasimilarideaamongtheMundaaboutancestralspirits joining

thedancinginthevillagedancegroud.


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tolisten,whichmadetheperformersnervous,sothattheyaskedthebongastoprovideconfidence.

Nidesingraiisonlyaccessibletomenandthisruleisstrictlyobserved.Thegipiditandiliesoutsideofthevillage,andintheeveningmenandboysleavetoattendthenight’seventswhilethewomenstayinsidethehouses.Theobscene

contentofnidesingraiisreservedformen’searsonly.Inalivelyaccountoftheritualhunt,Archer(1974,305-325)describestheperformanceofthehunting

night,hismaterialbearingmuchresemblancewithminecollectedroughlysev-

entyyearslater:Hedescribestwomendressedinskirts,playingthefluteand

moving in a circle. He furthermentions a nude joker tossing “(…) his penis,

jerkingitsometimesatthebuttocksoftheleadersandsometimesinthefaceof

theaudience”(308).AtPindegadiasendraoldermenmentionthatinthepastthe performers were naked, today, at Kolabadia sendra, another large ritualhuntofthearea,theystillperformonlyintheirunderpants.Oneofthesingraimentoldmewithacheekysmile:“Theirstoriesaredirty,likeanEnglishmov-

ie.”

Pitamber recorded a few of these nightly songs and stories forme, but

emphasized that the ones sung during the day would teach me much more

aboutSantal culture.When I insistedonhim translating thenight stories for

me, he admitted that he was embarrassed and that I should better turn to

womenforthistask.WhenIplayedthenidesingrai,theyoungandoldwomenof theneighboringhouses crowdedaround.Theyhadheardabout these sto-

ries,butneverbeenpermittedtoattend.165Thesongswelistenedtorevolved

around forbidden sexual relationships between kin. There was the story of

mamu(MB)andbhagni(ZD)meetinginthefields.Themother’sbrothercon-vinceshisniecetocometotheforestandeatberrieswithhim,hintingatasex-

ual encounter usually forbidden between these relatives. Other stories

mentionwitchesandevilspiritslurkingatthedoorstep,slowly“eating”(jom)theyoungmanwhoisabouttoembarkonahunt.Whilethemenaresinging

othermenwhistleandcheerthemonbyshoutingbhuiya(“vagina”).Thiscrudelanguageseemstoberelatedtothedomainoftheforest ingeneral–andnot

onlyrestrictedtomen.Whenwomengototheforesttocollect leavesorfire-

wood, theysing“forestsongs”(birseren) in this typeof language,whichdeal

165Thewomenwereverycurioustohearthesestories,andmadesurethatnomenwerearound.

Under much giggling, laughter and discussions between young and old, they explained and

paraphrasedthecontentoftherecordingstome.


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withsimilartopics.Thesesongsdepicttheforestasaplaceforsexualencoun-

tersbetweenyoungloversbeforemarriage.166

Hunting,SexualityandWarfareParallelsdrawnbetweensexual intercourseandhuntingappearintheethno-

graphicliteratureaboutdifferentsocietiesfromdifferentcornersoftheworld.

InhisoutlineofhuntingideologyandritualamongtheCanadianCree,Tanner

(1979,178)pointsoutthatthekillingofpreyisoftenspokenaboutinsexual

termsandhumanintercourseisspokenaboutintermsofhunting.Bird-David

(1993,113)interpretsTanner’sCreematerialasonewayasocietycanrelate

to nature, namely around a “sexualmetaphor of human-nature relatedness”.

Sheextendsthiswayofrelatingtonaturetoother“subarcticborealforestin-

digenous populations in North America and even Eurasia” (113). Vitebsky’s

(2005)work on Siberian reindeer herders can also be included in thiswide

regionwhichBird-Davidmentions.Thereindeerherders’interactionwithun-

domesticatedanimalsunfoldsthroughthemediationofthespiritBayanay,the

masterofwildanimals.AdreamofsexualintercoursewithBayanay’sdaughter

predictsasuccessfulhuntthenextday(265).Vitebskysummarizesthatanas-

sociation between sexual intercourse and hunting, as well as the secret lan-

guage of hunting (compare the Santal veiled language mentioned above) is

widespreadinhuntingcultures.

In an article on the sexual implications of the Mayan hunt, Braakhuis

(2001)pointstoevenwiderparallelsanddiscussestherelationsbetweendeer

hunting,warfare,marriageallianceandsexualmetaphors.Hepointsoutthatin

muchofAmerindianCentralandSouthAmericahuntingforgameislikenedto

huntingwomen.Here,too,dreamsofasexualencounterwithawomanpredict

thekillingofgamethenextday.

In the context of tribal Central IndiaHardenberg (2005, 44, 391)writes

abouthuntingamongtheDongriaKond,whosimilarlytotheMayanexample,

likenbridecaptureasaformofviolencetohunting.Theideaofgameasabride

or awomanalso features in the summaryof theCentral Indian ritual spring

huntpresentedbyRahmann(1952,883).TheBondohuntersdecoratethecar-

cassofananimalasifitwereawomanandtheBirhorgreettheanimalasifit

166Archer(1974,307)andCarrin-Bouez(1986,86)describeanothersexualaspectofthehunt

whichIdidnotencounterduringmyfieldwork:RongoRuji,thegoddessofthehuntwhosenameliterallymeans“burnedvagina”,ispleasedbysexualtransgressionsuchasapretendcopulation

betweenahunterandagoatorchicken.


229

wereabride.Bothauthors relate this symbolism to the ideaof fertility,Har-

denberg(2005,597)seeshuntingmoreasthe“stealing”offertilityor“life”by

men,andasaformofnegativereciprocity,whileRahmann(883)broadlysees

theritualspringhunts’goalas“promotingfertility”.

What do such parallels and common metaphors in societies dispersed

oversuchalargegeographicalareatellus?Onecouldsaythatthesepeculiarly

similarmetaphorspointustothefactthatdifferentsocietiesfindtheseespe-

ciallysuitabletoexpresstheirinteractionswithgameanimals.Therealization

that there could be “a minimum number of underlying assumptions upon

which pragmatic schemata and symbolic representations are built” (Descola

andPálsson1996,17)hasledsomescholarstodevelopmodelsthatrepresent

thedifferentways inwhich societiesobjectify the relationsbetweenhumans

andtheirenvironment.Themetaphorof“huntingassexualintercourse”canbe

seenaspartofsuchamodel.

Portrait:KumangandhisTeamThe following portrait aims to give insight into themusical genre of singrai,performedduringthehuntingseason,andintothelifeofoneofitsperformers.

On the evening before the hunting festival in Pindegadia kumang167(the ad-dress term for FZH,a man around forty) arrived, together with his team ofthreeothermen,atmyhosts’house.TheyhadcycledforfourhoursfromJha-

pan,theirvillageclosetoJharkhand’sborderwithOdisha.Itwaseleveno’clock

at night and theywere treated to chicken and daal with rice and numerouscupsofricebeer.Theyhadbroughtalongtheirbanams,peacockfeathersandcostumes for thesingrai thenextmorning.Pitamber’sparentspointedout tome thatkumang andhis teamwerevery successful singraimen for theyhadreceivedmanyprizesatdifferenthuntingfestivals.168Beforetheydisappeared

acrossthefield,theyobtainedalargevesselforwater(goera)fromtheirrela-tives’house,totakeforthenight.

167Myuseof thekinshiptermhere insteadofanameshallreflect the localbehavioralpattern

thatnamesarerarelyused.Theuseofanameisconsideredrudeandmanynamesaresimply

not known. While a name reflects an individual ideology, the kinship term indicates the

relationaloneprevalentinSantalsociety.168Thevillagesfederations,whoperformthehuntingritualsalsoorganizethehuntingfestivals

thereafter.Forthisoccasiontheycharge localmerchantstosetupsmallstalls,wheretheysell

food,sweetsandtoys.Fromthisincome,andpossiblyfromthepoolingofotherresources,they

buyanimals(goats,sheep,ducks,chickens)asprizes.Thesingraiteamsarejudgedandawardedprizesbyacommitteenominatedbythesevillages.


230

WhenIsawthemthenextmorningatthegipiditandiofPindegadia,theyhadnotsleptandwerestilldancingandsinging.KumangwaswearingaSantaldho-ti, achainofbells tiedaroundhis feetandhipsandaglittery topoverhisT-shirt.His telakuriweredressed inmatchingpinksareesandpaper tiarasontheir heads. In later conversations with this singrai team I learned to knowtheirappreciationofaesthetics,as theyproudlypointedout thematchingsa-

rees and the outfit they had bought in order to look good for their perfor-

mance.Throughoutthemorning,theirenduranceamazedme.Theywerestill

dancingafewhourslaterwhentheheathadreachedanunbearablefortyde-

greesCelsius.

During the seasonofhunting festivals,which lasts aboutonemonth,ku-mangandhisteamhadattendedandperformedonabouttwentyoccasions.Hepointed at two forestedmountains in the distance. “There Tuarburusendrabonga takes place, and thereBankaburusendrabonga”. Either they heard ofthe festivals byword ofmouth or saw printed invitations handed around at

villagemarkets or hunting festivals.When kumang was a child, he attendedsingrai performances andbecamevery fondof them.He started learning thestoriesandsongsthroughlisteningandtaughthistwobrothers,wholivewith

himinthesamevillage. “Hisheadoverflowswithstories”,otherpeoplecom-

mented.

In frontofhisbrother’shousetherewasasmallshrinewheretheywor-

shippedbefore theywent todifferentsendrapatas.Here theyasked for theirfamily’s safetyduring their absenceand for success at the competitions.And

theirsuccesswasremarkable:onmanyoccasionsintheprecedingmonththey

had returned home with a sheep or goat. As they explained, they usually

slaughteredtheseanimalsandsharedthemeatwithothervillagers,sothatthe

latterwouldnotfeelleftoutfromtheirsuccess.Kumang,hiswife,andtheirsixchildren–agedbetweenfourandeighteen–makealivingfromfarmingrice.

Thericeharvestlaststhemforthewholeyear,butcashisshortandincaseof

illnesstheyhavetoselloneoftheiranimals–chickens,goatsorcattle.Hiseld-

estson,aroundeighteenyearsofage,followsinhisfather’sfootsteps.WhenI

methim,hispaintedfingernailsandthebangleshewaswearing,usuallyonly

wornbywomen,surprisedme.Hewasanactor, theyexplained,andhad just

returned fromaSantali theaterplay inoneof theneighboringvillageswhere

hehadearnedonethousandRupeesfortheseason.

I recognizedsimilar typesofpersonality indifferentsingraimen frommy in-teractionswiththosewhohadbeenbookedforvillageperformances,cometo


231

people’shousestoentertaintheirrelativesafteraclansacrifice,orvisitedmy

hosts’houseinordertosingsingraiforme.Theyweretalkative,engagingandhumorousmenwhowereexpertsatwhat theSantal call “tasty talking” (sibilror).Thistypeoflanguageisaimedatmakingothersfeelgood,filledwithem-pathiccomments,makinglistenerslaughandengagewiththespeaker.Whena

singraiteamarrivedatthehouseofmyhosts,thefirstthingtheytoldmewasthat Santal culture (they use theword sanskriti) had always been passed onorally (muchate – “by mouth”). This oratory skill is one they all possessed.Kumangwas especially gifted and always explained things patiently throughelaborate descriptions and analogies until even I could understand. At the

sametime,theyweremodestandslightlyshyintheirfirstencounterswithme,

abehaviorIfoundtypicalofmostSantalvillagers.AlmostallofthesingraimenImetcamefromvillagesfurtherawayfromthetownsoftheareaandnoneof

themwerefromwealthyfamilies.Furthermore,singraimenwerenotonlytheelderlyandwise,butoftenyoungmenwhohadlearnedtheirstoriesfromgu-rus.Thedancingandsingingrequiresaphysicalfitnesssomeoldermenoftendonotpossessanymore.

SingraianditsContent:ViewsonHuntingandtheForestWhatdoesthecontentofthesingrainarrativesrevealaboutSantalperceptionsoftheenvironment?ThesingraisongsandnarrativesperformedandrecordedbymeinthevillagesaroundMusabani,GhatsilaandChakulia,andontheocca-

sionofDalmadisomsendraclosetoJhamshedpurrevolvearoundtwoclustersof topics. First, the songsdealtwithhunting.Theydescribed the activities of

thehunters,thefearofthepreyandtheinterventionofdeities.Thesestories

alsoreflectedlocalperceptionsoftheforest.Second,asthewordsamajsingrai(“society singrai”) suggests, they contained what people called “relationshipstories” (segeysampok).This touchedmostlyupon relationsbetweenkinbutalso reflected the social structureof the region.During theperformances the

termatodisom(“villagecountry/region”)appearedfrequently–samajsingraiisaboutlifeinthevillagesofSantalcountry.DuetomyinterestinSantalper-

ceptions of the forest and the better quality of the recordings of songs that

dealtmostlywiththeforestandhunting,Ifocusmainlyontheseinthefollow-

ing.

When they concernhunting, the singrai narrativesperformedduring thedayexhibitsimilarpatterns.Noneofthesestoriesunderlineandpraisethesuccess


232

ofhunting,butrathercommentonitscruelty.Thus,welistentothefawns’fear

as the hunters approach. The animals urge the gods to send rain and storm,

andastherainarrives,thehuntersreturnbacktothevillage.Thissingraistoryisincludedhereatlengthtoexemplifythetypeofperformanceanditscontent.

DeerSpeakingatDalmaburusendra

This piece was played in a field bordering the Jamshedpur-Ranchi highway

aboutfivekilometersnortheastofJamshedpur,onApril30,2012,attheocca-

sionofDalmadisomsendra. The sungpartsof theperformancewere carriedoutbyaleadsingerwithabanamandconsecutivelyrepeatedbytwomenwithleaf-branchesintheirhands,wavingthemintheairwhilesinging.Thespoken

partsweresolelyperformedbytheleadsinger.

(Sung)

AtDalmaburugiresendra169thehunters(disua)climbupthemountainandshout

[A teenage boy entered the circle,wearing a loincloth (gamcha), his upperbodypaintedwhitewithash.Heworesinduronhisforeheadandshoulders.Histonguewasstickingout,hehadasheepishlookonhisface(acting)andwaswavingleaf-branches.Thebystandersexplainedthathewasadeer]

(Youngboy)nagooooo

(Sung)

[deerarespeaking]“Every day the hunters are searching for us. Theywill kill us and take us

away.Ifthehuntersfindus,theywillkillusandtakeusaway.”

(Spoken)

OnDalmaburutwodeerwereborn.Theysaidthistotheirmother:

[Manfromthecrowd]:Whatdidtheysay?They said: “They have done the hunt’s invitation on Dalma buru and thehunters are climbing up and shouting.” Then they were speaking to their

mother and father, urging them: “Mother, father, when the hunters will

come,youwillrunawayandleaveus,theywillsurelykillus.”

When they heard the sound of the hunters the helpless parents left their

children.Therethechildrenwereleft.

169Here the singer refers to the hunt atDalmaburu asgiresendra, whichwould be an inter-villagehunt.ContrarytothisallthemenofthisareaItalkedto,referedtoitasdisomsendra–aregionalhunt.Thenextsectionwillprovidemoredetails.


233

Howtheycriedthattimewewillhearnow:

(Sung)

“Mother,father,thehuntershavearrived,

You,mother,leftus.”

(Spoken)

That timeRam and Lokhon [hunters in the Ramayana] heard how bitterly

thedeerwerecrying

Theysaid:“Wherearetheresmallbirdscrying?”

Thehuntershaveclimbedupthemountainandthemotherandfatherdeerhadgoneaway.

ButinfrontwereRamandLokhonandonlybehindthemcamethehunters.

ThereRamandLokhonmetthedeer.

[Fromtheaudience]:Howdidtheymeet?

Meaning,onthewaytheymetthem.

Thattimetheysaid:“Hebabu[addresstermforanytypeofyoungerbrotherorson],whyareyoucrying?”

Whattheysaidthenwewillhearnow:

(Sung)“Eh baba, Ram, eh Lokhon, save our kind. Ifwe had feathers,we could fly

alloverthecountry(disom).”Ifwehadstronghooves,wecould jumpandrunfromonemountaintoan-

other.”

(Spoken)

Standingthere,RamandLokhonheardthemspeak:“Saveourkind. Ifourhooveswerestrong,wecouldclimb fromthismoun-

taintothatmountain”.Thedeerwerecryingverysadly:

(Sung)

“Heh,sarasugi[aforestbirdthatsingsbeforetheonsetofrain.Foraddress-ingthebird,thepoliteformisused, indicatingthattheaddressedisagod],

pleasebringrainthroughthetoresutam[atypeofstringthroughwhichthegodscometoearthorsendrain]”

(Spoken)

Abigrainstormcame.Thehunterswerejusttakingtheyoungdeertothegi-pidi tandi [field], but when the storm came the hunters ran away and thedeerescaped.

(Recorded inavillageof Jamshedpurblock,EastSinghbhum, Jharkhandon

April30,2012)


234

In the song the singers refer toDalmasendra, the annualhunt atwhich theyperform.Althoughtheparticipantsandthesingraimenoftenhadtravelledforhours to attend different sendrapatas, this reference to place repeatedly oc-curred in the singrai narratives. Addressing the audience, the singrai menshowedthatplacebearsimportance.

In theabovesonganothermotive isapparent: InmanySantalnarrativesani-

malspossess theability to speak. In theSantal creationmythand in themy-

thology related to many Santal festivals, animals, humans and deities speak

andcommunicatewitheachother.Onlyinthe“trueage”(sogjug),alongtimeago,whengods,animalsandhumanswereclose,couldtheycommunicatewith

eachother.Theseanthropomorphicfeaturesofanimals,capableofspeechand

feelings such as the above-mentioned fear of the young deer, repeatedly ap-

pearinthesingrainarrativesonthetopicofhunting.Contrary towhatonemightexpect, thesingraihuntingsongsdonotun-

derline the bravery or success of the hunters, but instead relate the hunt to

danger.Theforestisespeciallydangerouswhenthemountaingodsmakeitso.

In Santali this is expressedwith thewordbagahi and a forest designated assuchisfilledwithwildanimalsliketigersandlions.“Thetigeristheburubon-ga’s dog.Thegods send themout toprotect the forest”, peoplewould some-timesexplaintome.Oneof thesingrai storiessungbykumangatPindegadiasendrapata inMay2012revolvedaroundahunternamedSiteramwhowenthuntingtogetherwithothersinabagahiforest(approximatemeaning:“forestmadedangerousbythegods”).Theretheyshotadeer,but thewoundedani-

mal escaped and when chasing it they burned down part of the forest. The

singrai storyteller commented: “The deeds of the hunters are like this: Wewant to kill only one animal, butwe destroymany lives. This is thework of

hunters.” In the course of the story Siteram encounters a yak,which attacksandfinallykillshim,piercingthroughhisbodywithitshorns.Attheendofthe

storyhisbodyiscarriedtothevillageandthemessageisbroughttohiswife,

whohasbeenwaiting formeatandnowreceivesherhusband’s lifelessbody

instead.

Thetopicofawifefearingorlearningaboutherhusband’sdeath,appears

inothersingraisongsaswell.Thefollowingshortsongpayscloseattentiontothis topic and additionally makes a humorous comment on the conflict be-

tweenthestateandtribalhunters,whichhasarisenaroundDalmasendra.Thisconflictwillbetreatedinmoredetailfurtheroninthischapter.


235

AHusband’sDeath

(Sung)

Heh,friend,hehdearfriend,theyhaveinvitedtotheDalmaburuhunt

(Spoken)Manypeoplewenttothehunt.Theyreturnedfromthehunttothegathering

field,butonemandidnotreturn.Nowletuslistentowhathiswifeissaying:

(Sung)

[Wifeissinging]

“AtDalmaburugiresendra the hunters (disua)went up themountain, butmydearhusbandhasnotreturned.Perhapsheishuntinginthejunglekillingdeer,

perhapsheisdistributingmeat.

Ifhecameback,ifhearrived,

Iwouldwashhisfeetonagoldenplate.

Iwouldgivehimriceonasilverplate,

thenIwouldaskhimwhathappened.”

[Husbandissinging]

“AtDalmaburugiresendrathehuntersaregoingupthemountain,butIamtakentojail.

Aftertyingmeuptheyaretakingmetojail.

Thesub-inspectorismywife’syoungerbrother(irilkora),theinspectorismywife’suncle(kakahonarin).Aftertyingmeuptheybroughtmetothejail,

andIfeltlikeinmyin-laws’village(naihar).”

(Recorded inavillageof Jamshedpurblock,EastSinghbhum, Jharkhandon

April30,2012)

Tosumup,thesesingraistoriesdonotboastwiththehunters’success,butra-therdealwiththeirfailure.ExpressedbymanySantalIencountered,thereisa

deep fear of the forest. This shines through in these narratives. The forest

emergesasadangerousplace,as thedomainofwildanimalsandambivalent

deities.Thegodsneedtoallowhumanstoentertheforestandprotectthemas

theyembarkonthedangerousquestforprey.Ifthegodsmaketheforestdan-

gerousby filling itwithwild animals, a situation capturedby the expression

bagahibir,thehunterswilldie.Ifthegodsarepleasedbyandacceptthesacri-ficesdedicatedtothem,thehunterswillreturnsafely.170

170Thegods’permissionrequiredtoentertheforestsafelyisalsoreflectedinastorytoldinthe

villagesaroundMusabaniandGhatsila.Itdrawsoutwhyacertainvillagecannotgohuntingon

Arakburuanymore:“ThereisaplacecalledJharieDhobani. Inthatplacepeopleusedtodance


236

Lastly,thegistofthefirstsingraistoryportrayedabove,namelythatthegodssavethepreyfromthecruelactivityofthehuntersthroughthesendingofrain,

resonateswith thegoalof thehuntingworship:when thechickensaresacri-

ficed, thehuntinggodand thegodsof the localmountainsareasked to send

raintonurturethericeseeds.Inthissongitismentionedthatthedeeraskfor

raintobesentthroughthetoresutam.Since themotiveof toresutam is repeatedlyused in singrai songs, it de-

servesfurtherattentionhere.Inritualstakingplaceatthefootoftrees,suchas

thesacrificesinthesacredgroveontheoccasionofbahaorthesacrificepre-cedingthehunt,astring,oftenmadeofstraw,withastrawbundleatitsend,is

tiedaroundthetree.Thisisthevenuethroughwhichthegodsaresaidtocome

whentheyareaskedtojointhepeopleandpossessamedium.ThetoresutamfindsmentionintheSantalcreationmyth:whentheearthwasfullofwater,the

supremegodcamedownfromtheskythroughthetoresutam.Withoutthetoresutam, life becomes difficult for humans on earth. As one singrai song de-scribes:“Ifgodcutthetoresutam,thepeopleofthiscountry,wouldbewander-ingaroundaimlessly(haledale)”. Incorporatingmanymeanings inoneword,the term hale dale171indicates rootlessness, a sense of stress and endlesssearchforsomething.

Itbecomesclearherethatthedomainoftheforestisconceptuallyassoci-

atedwithrain,aconnectionalsoencounteredbyGold(1999,40f)inherinter-

viewswithpeopleofRajasthan.Whendiscussingthe increasedoccurrenceof

drought inRajasthan inpreviousyears,people linked itdirectly todeforesta-

tion, explaining that “trees now vanished from the hilltops had formerly

‘pulled’theraincloudstothevillage”(40).

A team of young singrai men, performing in January 2012 in a villagenortheastofChakuliatown,composedasongreflectingonthehumaneffecton

theforestandtheensuingenvironmentalandsocialdegradation:

langreeveryday,veryhappily.Onedaymanygoddesses,kuribongas,cameintheshapeofgirls.They started dancing. Boys,korabongas, also came. They took the shape of other villagers. Ifgirlsdance,thenmenalsoliketodance.Manymenweretryingtodance,butthegirlsdidnotlet

themjointheirrows.Themengotangryandstarteddisturbingthegirls.Thegirlstoldthebongakora:‘Theyaredisurbingus.’Thebongakoratoldthem:‘Don'tsayanythingtothem,becausethetimewill comewhen theygo to the jungle.That timewewill see them.When theygo toburubapla,tosendra,wewillseethem.’Themenunderstoodanddidnotgohuntinganymorefromthatdayon.ThishappenedonArakburu.Fromthattimeonthatvillagedoesnotgotothejungleanymore.”171Likemany poetic expressions used in Santal songshaledale is a figurative one, so that itsliteraltranslationremainsunknowntome.


237

“AstheForestwasGone,theRainStopped”

Alongtimeago,inthetrueage

Thereweremanycreepersin

theforest

Abreezebroughtrainfrom

theskyintherighttime

Wemadealongwayshort

[webuiltroads]

[afterclearingthejungle]

webuiltcitiesandmarkets

Astheforestwasgone,the

rainstopped

Thepeoplehaveincreased

andthecountryhasbecome

crowded

Weusedtoeatabowlofrice,

nowwearesharingonlya

fistful

Eventworealbrothersdonotgetalong

Dailytheyfight

SedaitahekhanjugdotahekhanBirbururedarenarihotahekhanHisithoytesermajaritedingesawaeledSedaihorbonkatokeaSohorbajarbonteyarranaBirburuujarsaonttesermajarihoybagikedHorbonsangeyendisomkuchitenBartidakabonchuputhatinBokoboehabakinsapahobDikinrapachakhan

(RecordedinavillageofChakuliablock,EastSinghbhum,Jharkhandon

January17,2012)

Thissongisremarkableinthatitlinkschangesintheenvironmentdirectlyto

humansociety.Themessageis:Ifoneofthecomponentsoftheorderbetween

forest,fieldsandhumansdeteriorates,itpullstheothersalongwithit.Thatis,

iftheforestisgone,therainstops,thereislessfoodforpeopleandsocialcon-

flictfollows.

Asthissectionrevealed,thesesingraisongsserveasanadequatepointofac-cesstoSantalperceptionsoftheenvironment.Thesongsmirrorthefearofthe

forest, and the intricate order of deities, animals and humans as they act in

this space.Whenever I enquired about thehunting ritual and the forest,my

informants provided lengthy explanations about how they depended on the

burubonga’s protection. “Whocould stay in the forest?Wecannot. Ifwedo,animalswill attack us.”, aman of Sonagada village toldme.After I attended


238

sendrabongainKolabadiain2013,itrainednon-stopfortwodays.Oneofthemenpresentattheworshipremarkedafewdaysafter:“Whatapowerfulgod

ourburubongais,weaskedhimforrainandhesentit.Heprotectsusagainstthe wild animals as well.We live in the ‘corner of the forest’ (burukocha).Therearebearsandtigersintheforest”.Tounderlinehisstatement,hemade

aclenchedfistathisheart,showinghowscaredpeopleareoftheseanimals.

The relationship between people, the forest and its deities is foremost

characterized by reciprocity. Only when sacrifices are offered, is the forest

safe for hunting. This is clearly a difference towhatBird-David (1990, 195)

writes about the gatherer-hunter Nayaka of South India, who conceptualize

theforestasaparentwhogivesunconditionally.

IntheSantalworldview,theforestisdangerous,butastheritualforthe

huntinggod,andtheburubongasdescribedinthecourseofthischaptershow,itisatthesametimeanindispensablesourceoffertility.Withouttherainsent

by the gods of the forestedmountains the rice could not grow and humans

couldsimplynotexistinSantalcountry.

Asthenextsectiondiscusses,ritualsdonotexist inahistoricalvacuum.

Manyhuntingritualsof thearea interferewithabanonhunting imposedby

the state. This ban is however of lesser relevance the farther a hunt takes

place from the nearest police station. All the above described ritual hunts

seemedrelativelyunrestrictedby thisban. In contrast to thesevillagehunts

the case of Dalma buru disom sendra is more directly confronted with thestate’sintervention.Itisespeciallycontentious,becauseittakesplaceinafor-

estdeclaredasawildlifesanctuary,justontheoutskirtsoftheindustrialcity

of Jamshedpur.The ideaof theannualhunt as a sacredactivity,directed to-

wards themountain gods, aswell as the hunt as a dangerous and therefore

maleactivity,seemstofuelthehunters’ongoingresistanceagainsttheIndian

ForestDepartment.


239

4.1.3Disomsendra:TheRegionalHuntWhenspeakingaboutthedifferenttypesofritualhunts,themendifferentiat-

edbetweengiresendra, theinter-villagehuntsdescribedintheprevioussec-tion, and disom sendra, regional hunts. In the Musabani and Ghatsila areaSantalmenspeakwithgreatrespectoftwodisomsendras–oneonahillcalledAjodhyaburuinWestBengal,andtheoneIwillbepresentingherefirst,whichisDalmasendra.Becausemanyaspectsofthisregionalhuntaresimilartothevillagehunt,among themthemakingof the invitationand thesingrainarra-tives,andIcouldnotgainaccesstosomeactivities,suchastheactualsacrific-

es, my depiction especially focuses on the conflict between the Forest

Departmentandthetribalhunters.

Thisrestrictionofthelocalpopulationintheiraccesstonaturalresources

undertheguiseofenvironmentalprotectionandthegeneralstrugglebetween

stateandlocalcommunitiesregardingthecontrolovernaturalresourceshas

been addressedbyKarlsson (2011), Cederlöff and Sivaramakrishnan (2005)

andLainéandSubba(2012)inregardtoNorth-EastIndiaandbyPadel(2011)

inregardtotheeffectofBritishcolonialpolicyandcontemporaryminingac-

tivitiesontheKondofCentralIndia.172Thepublicationsunderlinethelinkbe-

tweenenvironment and indigenous identityon theonehandand the state’s

policies,beitthecontemporaryIndianstateorthecolonialone,ontheother.

These themes resonate with the struggles between Santal hunters and the

ForestDepartmentlaidoutinwhatfollows.

TheCaseofDalmadisomsendraDalma is the nameof amountain rangenorth of Jamshedpur,where people

say that they have always hunted. They go hunting there “to enjoy” (raska),andbecausetheirancestorshavetaughtthemtodoso.Accordingtovillagers

ofthearea,everyyearthousandsofpeoplecomefromJharkhandandthead-

joiningstatesofWestBengalandOdisha toparticipate in thishunt. In1975

theDalmamountainrangewasestablishedasawildlifesanctuarytoprotect

itsanimalssuchaselephants,hyenasandbarkingdeer.173Fromthenonhunt-

172In Central India, with its rich mineral resources, another struggle unfolds around adivasiland and mining, often carried out in Special Economic Zones established by the Indian

government.Cf.forexamplePadelandDas(2010)andKalshian(2007).173Cf. “Dalma Wildlife Sanctuary”, Jharkhand Tourism Department, Government of India:

http://www.jharkhandtourism.in/dest/wildlife.asp#



240

inghasbeenprohibited in thesehills.AKolkata-basednewspaper,TheTele-graph,featuresarticlesfromrecentyearsabouttheconflicts,whichhavearis-en around the prohibition to hunt in the sanctuary (cf. Jenamani 2012;

Majumdar2010;Singh2009;Thaker2011).AlthoughtheForestDepartment

runsawarenesscampaignsandemploysstafftopreventthehuntersfromen-

teringthesanctuary,thelatterdosucceedinkillinganimalseveryyear.Inre-

centyears,severalhuntershavebeenarrestedforviolatingthishuntingban.

The following sectionwill describe thedifferent activities and rituals of this

sendraingreaterdetail,inordertobetterunderstandtheactivists’arguments,whoarefightingfortherighttocontinuehuntinginthisarea.

MakingtheInvitationTheRajaofDalma,RakeshHembrom,rituallyinvitestoDalmasendra.HeisaslenderHoman inhis twenties,whose forefathersweregranted theright to

huntinDalmabytheBritish.AfterIndependencethefamilypaidafeetothe

Indiangovernment forthecontinuedpermissiontohunt.Withtheestablish-

ment of thewildlife sanctuarymany interested parties including the Forest

Department,socialworkers,governmentofficialsandmembersofthenearby

TATAGroup,an Indianmultinational conglomerate,asked the family tostop

invitingpeopletothehuntinthisarea.TheRaja’sfamilywaspromisedmoney

andtoldtheywouldreceive,inhiswords,“ahouseliketheTajMahal”–asop-

posedtotheirsimplemud-house,iftheywouldonlystopthehunt.ButtheRa-

ja emphasized tome that he could not stop the hunting ritual, because the

mountain gods (buru bonga) would get angry if they were no longer wor-shipped.

About twoweeks before the actual hunt took place in the end of April

2012, an invitation ceremonywas held at the Raja’s house in the village of

Sarjomdak, close to Jamshedpur.Thevillagehasa ruralappearance,with its

mudhousesandsurroundingricefields.Butthefurnacesofthebigindustrial

complexesof Jamshedpur arise just behind its borders. People later toldme

aboutlandquarrelsbetweenthevillageandTATA.

The ritual making of the invitation was attended by villagers of

Sarjomdak,butalsobyofficersoftheForestDepartmentwhowereinvitedby

a local committee thatmediates between the villagers and the state. People

alternated between speakingHo, Santali, Hindi and because ofmy presence

alsoEnglish.Otherthanthematerialitwasmadefrom;theinvitationdidnot


241

differmuchfromtheoneofgiresendras.Theeventbeganwiththeworshipofthemountain god, the god of Dalma calledDalmaburubonga. In front of asmall, elevated structurewith a pile of long grass bundles, the Raja applied

sindur spotsandaddressed thedeity.Laterpeople tiedknots intoeach indi-vidual grass stem, again, the number of knots equivalent to the number of

daysbeforethehunt.Theseinvitationswerethenpassedontotheheadmenof

surroundingvillagesatlocalmarkets.

MediationandtheMeetingbetweenForestDepartmentOfficials

andVillagersBecauseoftheseconflictswiththeForestDepartment,thepeopleoftheRaja’s

villageandotheractivistsestablishedahuntingcommitteenamedDalmaBuruSendra Samiti in 2010. Chote Hembrom, a Santal lawyer and businessmanstarted to mediate between the Forest Department, the hunting committee

and the people of these villages. In the years following the establishment of

the committeehe chose the invitation ceremony to stage ameeting,which I

hadthechancetoattendinApril2012,betweenvillagersandtheForestDe-

partment.ThreemeninuniformwerepresentandwelcomedbytheRajaand

othermembersofthehuntingcommittee.Theofficialshandedoutawardsin

theformofshawlstomenofspecialmerit,someofthemwereoldmen,who

hadbeenveryactiveinhuntingbefore.Alsogoodstorytellersanddrummers

receivedprizes.Afterwardsmembersofthehuntingcommitteegavespeeches

andtheForestDepartmentofficersgaveevenlongerspeechesaboutthepro-

tection of animals. They urgedpeople to go hunting, but not to kill any ani-

mals.Theyalsoemphasizedthattheuseofnetsandgunswasprohibited.To

me thewhole event seemed to be staged, a symbolic encounter on unequal

termsbetweenvillagers,activistsandForestDepartmentofficials,notreach-

ingveryfarbeyondtheboundariesofthisvillage.

Someofthehunters,especially fromvillagesa fewhours’ journeyaway,

werepreventedfromhuntingaltogether–amongthemevenpeoplefromthe

respectivevillagesofmyfieldworkhadcomeonrentedtrucks.Theyhadonly

remotelyheardabout theForestDepartment’sbansandspeeches thateven-

ing in Sarjomdak, anddecided to gohunting anyway.Thevillagers from the

nearbyareasalreadyknewthatthepolicewouldbepresentonthedayofthe

hunt.Toavoidthepolice, theywenthuntinga fewdaysbeforeandreturned

withtwoblackbears,astheHindinewspapersreported.


242

ClaimingRightsbyEmphasizingTraditionThe activists present on that evening in Sarjomdak, however, showed their

willingness to enter into dialoguewith the Forest Department. At the same

time,theykeptemphasizingtheirtraditionsandtheirrighttocontinueprac-

ticingthem.Theystrategicallydrewonalocalunderstandingofthehuntandmolded it into theparameters setby the state. Thisactivist rhetoricwillbe

discussedagaininmoredetailinchapterfive.

Thefollowingquotesummarizesmostoftheactivists’reasoningregardingthe

right to continue the hunting ritual. This extract is part of a speech, held in

English and thereafter in Hindi by Chote Hembrom, given at the above de-

scribedhuntinginvitationevent.

“Whatissarnareligion?Wehavejaherpuja,maghpuja...buttherearegodsin the jungle.During sendraweworshipour jungle gods.This is very im-portant.Youcanplay.Don'tbringnets,orguns.Killingisnothunting.Itisa

criminalact.Ourcouncil and theForestDepartmentwill interfere.Dance,

enjoy,butdon'tbringgunsornets.Thegovernmentsaystheywillhaveto

closethehunt.Butthatcannotbe....it isourculture.Wewillhaveadevel-oped culture. This yearwewill not use nets. It is ourniam [custom].Wewant todoour singrai dance and serveourburubongas [mountaingods]well.”

(RecordedinavillageofJamshedpurblock,EastSinghbhum,Jharkhandon

April13,2012)

Inother statementshe cited the Indian constitutional right topracticeone’s

religionandrelated it to theright tocontinuehunting inDalma.He thusex-

plicitly emphasized the “religious” aspect of the hunting ritual and down-

played the violent one, therefore also making it compatible with an

environmentaldiscoursepertainingtoprotectingnatureandwildanimals.

To conclude, the case of Dalma sendra differs from the village annualhunts especially in its scale. People from the whole region, hence the local

termdisominitsname,cometoattendthislargeevent.Whilethischapteren-gagesmostlywithanunderstandingofplaceinlocalcontext,thecaseofDal-madisomsendra illustrates that the Santal are also embedded in a nationalcontext.Itexemplifiestherelationsbetweenthestateandtheadivasi,charac-terizedbyapowerplaybetweenthestate’sauthorityandadivasiresistance.


243

BesidesDalmasendra another regionalhunt featuredprominently in theac-counts of Santal hunters. At least once in his lifetime a man should attend

Ajodhyaburudisomsendra,theymaintained.

Ajodhyaburusendra–TheDangeroftheHuntanditsFunctionas

InitiationRiteintoManhoodTheAjodhyaHills are locatednorth of Jamshedpur inWestBengal’s Purulia

district,nearitsborderwithJharkhand.Ittakesseveralhoursbybusandtrain

from the villages where I encountered people mentioning the hunt in the

AjodhyaHills. People fromnearbybut also as far asDumka in the northern

Santal areas come to attend this regional hunt, hence the prefixdisom (“re-gion”) in Santali. Because of the Naxalite presence in this area of Purulia, I

couldnotvisit thisparticularplace, and thusmymaterialon thiseventonly

stemsfromconversationswithSantalmenwhohadattendedthishunt.Oneof

thecommonthingspeoplewereamazedbywhenrememberingthisplacewas

thethickforestonthehillsandtheabundanceofwildanimals.

Another feature, I repeatedly encountered in the tales about Ajodhya,

were itsmythological importance and the traces thereof. An elderlyman of

Pawravillageremembershistriptothisdisomsendra:

“AjodhyaburusendraisheldatBaisakhkunami[thefullmoonofBaisakhinApril/May].Today there aremany symbolsofRamayanaonAjodhyaburu.Sita'shairandfootprints.IbroughthairofSitawithme.Wateriscomingout

fromarock.Agulachitreeisalsothere.Ifyoumovearounditthreetimes,without breathing, then a flowerwill fall down. That place is calledSuyurburu.Isawmanypeople,butnobodycouldcompletecirclingarounditthreetimes.Wewentbytrain,fourpeople.Webroughtonlytwoleaf-packagesof

rice(dakapotom),wewerefeelingveryhungry.Otherpeopleweredrinkingricebeer.IfyougotoAjodhyayouhavetogooddtimes(bejor)–one,threeor seven.There is a pondwhere theymeetbefore climbing themountain.

Thattimeyoucannotsleep,becauseyouhavetodance.Attwoatnightyou

wakeupandeatyour foodandthengo.WhenyougoupAjodhyaburu theroadisverynarrow.Ifatthattimeananimalcomes,anelephantorlion,you

cannot step aside.Wekeptmoving and reached aKharia home.Near thathomewesawthetracesofawildpig.Wewereafraid,becauseitlookedlike

abigpig.Wedecidedthenthatwewouldcallourpursi[peoplefromneigh-boringvillageswhohadalsogoneonthishunt].”

(RecordedinavillageofGhatsilablock,EastSinghbhum,JharkhandonFeb-ruary20,2012)


244

InthispassageSureshHansdamentionsthatonemustgotothisdisomsendraanoddnumberoftimes.Thispointstothehuntasasacredpractice,justlike

allmatters concerning the godsmust be accompanied by odd numbers. For

example,duringritualsthereisalwaysanoddnumberofsindurspotsappliedinfrontofthesacrificialsite.

Disomsendra is an occasionwhere different social groups are involved,alsopointingtocertainspatialunits.Thus,thequoteabovementionspursi,aspeoplefromneighboringvillageswhohavealsocometothehunt.Further,asI

wastold,peoplewouldgoinunitsofgaonta–aspeoplefromonevillage–totheAjodhyaburuhunt.Theywouldtheninformthevillagers,whohadinvitedto thehunt, fromwhichdisom theyhad come.Therefore, the regional huntsrepresentatraditionalassemblywherepeoplehavetobeawareoftheirplace,

theirdisomoforigin.Theconceptofdisom isdiscussed inmoredetailat theendofthischapter.

Further,allof themen Idiscussed thishuntwithmentioned thataman

shouldgo toAjodhyadisomsendra at least once inhis lifetime. Only then isone called baperbetakora174– “father’s son”. As oneman stated, “Iwent in2005.Whenyoureturnfromthereyouarearealman.Iwenttheyearaftermy

fatherhaddied.”Anothermanmentionedthathehadgonetothishuntthree

times, togetherwith relatives from another village. He stated that he felt at

peace(shanti),becausehehadacquiredthestatusofbaperbetakora.OnereasonwhyattendingAjodhyasendraservesasaninitiationintofull

manhoodliesinitsdanger.Itis“likeabattlefield”(tupun)whereanimalsandmenfighteachother.Bysurvivingthedangersofthehuntayoungmanproves

thatheisfierce,itisthetesttoshowthatheismatureenoughtoraiseafami-

ly.Anotheraspectofthehuntasaninitiationwaspointedouttomewithref-

erencetothesingrainarrativestowhichtheparticipantslistenafterthehunt.At night, during nide singrai, a man receives a kind of “sexual education”through the obscene songs and stories performed at this event. In addition,

duringthedaysamajsingraiteacheshimaboutappropriatebehaviorwithkin,hunting, thegodsandSantalmythology. Hereceivesan“adulteducation”as

someonephrasedit.

Forawoman,asimilaroccasiononwhichshebecomes“afather’sdaugh-

174This fixed term is one I repeatedly encountered inmy conversations about this hunt and

consistsofaninterestingmixofSantaliandBengali.Baper,tomyknowledge,means“father”inBengali,beta,used inHindi,BengaliandSantali,means“son”andkora, literally “boy/man” inSantali.


245

ter”(baperbetikuri)takesplaceinthesamearea.ThisisafaircalledChakorTariPata, where women perform songs and dance all night long. The chal-lenge lies in showing “good behavior” throughout this event, althoughmen

mightprovoke thewomanormakeher feeluncomfortable. She is to remain

talkative and friendly. “Today we have Miss India on TV, where a lady can

showherqualities. In the tribalareaofEastSingbhumwehaveChakorTari

Pata”,aSantaliprofessoronceexplained.

During the first conversation ofmy fieldwork about the regional Santal

hunt, my interlocutors pointed out to me that disomsendra is the occasionwhenlobir(“burnedforest”),thehighestcourtoftheSantal,takesplace.

LoBir:TheHighestSantalCourtDuring the night of disom sendras, and occasionally also during the inter-villagehunts (giresendras), all themenattending thehuntcome together tofinallysolvedisputeswhichcouldnotbesolvedbeforeonother levels.Most

people know about lo bir and can give details about it, but its occurrenceseemslessfrequentthaninthepast.ItstilltakesplaceatAjodhyaburusendra,if there is the need for solving a dispute, and on the occasional inter-village

hunt.

Thelegalinstitutionof lobir isrelatedtothesocio-politicalorganizationof Santal society. If a conflict cannot be solved by a meeting called by the

headman(manjhi)ofavillage, it is transferredtothepargana,apersonpre-sidingoveracertainfederationofvillagescalledtorop.Iftheparganacannotsolve it, thematter ispassedonto thedeshparganaand ifagainnosolutioncanbefound,lobir,oftenpresidedoverbythedihuri,isthelastinstance.Here,themanjhis,parganasandotherpeopleof thedisomarepresent.Myinform-antsmostlymentionedmattersofforbiddenrelations,suchasbetweenSantal

andothercommunities,tobediscussedatlobir.SimilartoSantaljurisdictioninthevillagesitisopentowhoeverwishestoparticipateandcontributetothe

discussion,whichiscarriedoutuntilanagreementisreached.

DuringmyenquiriesIencounteredseveralopinionsonthemeaningoflobiras“burnedforest”.Somemenmentionedthatittakesplaceduringatimeof the year when parts of the forest are burning, lit by people to clean the

groundfromoldleaves.Othershadheardthatifaguiltypersondoesnotcom-

plywiththedecisionmadeinthecouncil,heorsheistiedupwitharopeand

litonfire.


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Another relevant themeof lobir are itsdivinequalities. People say that youdieonthespot,ifyouareinthewrongatlobir.Deathisbroughtbyabonga,forexamplebyanarrowshotupintheairandthendirectedupontheguilty

person. “The final work of justice is finished on the mountain”, people say.

This type of law is differentiated from the one carried out by the state, as

someone formulated: “The government courts are amatter of the state law

(kanun), lobir, however, isamatter concerning thegods (bongabururinka-tha)”. Law and the deities’ judgment is hence closely related in the Santalworldview.

Because these bongas are considered especially powerful, people offermansik on this occasion. Formansik a person presents a request to a deitycombinedwiththepromiseofafuturesacrificeincasetherequestisgranted.

Oneof themostcommonreasons formansikduring thenightof lobir is thechildlessnessofacouple.Then,duringthenightofthehunt,amanaddresses

theburubongasandpromisestoofferasacrificeatthesameoccasionthefol-lowingyear,ifhisrequestisfulfilled.

In conclusion, this sectionhas givenanaccountof twodisomsendras intheareaofEastSinghbhum,Jharkhand.IthasshowninthecaseofDalmadi-somsendrathattheSantalfindthemselvessituatedwithinthemodernIndianstate.While theyareon theonehand forced tocomplywith therestrictions

setbythestate,someactivistsontheotherhandstrategicallyusetheprovi-

sionsprovidedbythisstate,suchastherighttopracticeone’sreligion,inor-

dertofightforacontinuationoftheritualhunt.

Further,providingthecontextforlobir,thehighestSantalcouncil,theseregional hunts present an occasion for themen of a large area to assemble.

Here social and spatial categories are acted out:Men fromdifferent regions

comeinunitsofvillagesandvillage federationstoamountaintheyvenerate

astheabodeofadeity.Heretheyexperience,ideallyatleastonceintheirlife,

whatitmeanstoacttogetherinthedangeroussphereoftheforest.Thesedi-somsendrasareremarkable,whenwecomparetheSantaltootherCentralIn-diantribalsocieties,becausetheypresentoneofthelargest,ritualgatherings

outsideofavillageandkincontext.


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4.1.4NotionsofPlaceintheContextofSantalHuntingRites

TheDangeroftheForestSantalhuntingritualsaswellasthenarrativesandsongsperformedatthisoc-

casionoffera richcontext forapproachingSantalnotionsofplace.Theseno-

tionsmainlypertaintotheforestasadangerous,butalsofertileplace.

As the previous descriptions have shown, Santal hunting rituals address

thehuntingdeitywhoisassumedtoresideintheforest.Theritualinvocations

state that thesacrificesofferedto thedeityaremadetorequestrain to flood

the rice fieldsand thedeity’sprotection fromwildanimalsof the forest.The

ideaoftheforestasthedomainofthehuntingdeitybecomesapparentinthe

culture-specific notion of bagahibir (“forest made dangerous by the gods”).Thistermreferstothefactthatadeitycanmaketheforestinaccessibletohu-

mans by filling it with dangerous animals. In such a type of forest a human

wouldsurelydie.

Theforestasadeadlyplaceemergesfrommanyhuntingsongsportrayed

inthischapter,inwhichmendiewhilehunting.Thedangerandalterityassoci-

atedwith the forest corresponds to thedangerof thehuntingdeity,which is

further reflected by the symbolism of veiled language in the context of the

huntingritual.Theforestrepresentsthespaceof“theother”,awildspacedis-

tinguishedfromthevillageandthefields.Thesameveiledlanguageisspoken

with the affines,who also represent “the other” in social terms. Asmen and

boysparticipate in thehuntingritesand listento thesingrainarratives, theirperceptionoftheforestasadangerousandwildplaceisformedandconfirmed

eachyear.

TheForestas“Backward”Inthecontextofthehuntingritesthereisanotherremarkableaspectregard-

ingSantalconceptualizationsoftheforest.Thisisrelatedtotheimportantrole

ofthehuntingpriest(dihuri),whoisnotSantal,butbelongstothe(gatherer-hunter)Kharia.Hispositionduring the ritual, ashuntingpriestwhosehands

aretied,hiseyespartlycoveredbya leafhatandenactingadeershotbythe

Santal,points tohissubordinateposition.According to theSantal, theKharia

areidealintermediariesbetweenthemandtheforestdeitiesduetotheKhari-

as’proximity to the forest. Ingeneral,however, theSantalhaveaderogatory

viewontheKharia,likeningtheKhariatoanimalsandregardingthemasdirty

anduncivilized.This corresponds to theSantalpride in livingas rice cultiva-


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tors,whoonceinadistantpastusedtoinhabittheforest.Theforestishence

not only a dangerous, but also a “backward”place. Thenotionofburukocha(“corneroftheforest”)asanunderdevelopedplacefarawayfrommoderncity

life appears to be themodern extension of this older Santal view of the for-

est.175

TheForestasFertileBesides being dangerous, and “backward”, in songs and stories the forest is

alsoarticulatedasaplaceofjoy,awayfromthesocialcontrolofthevillage.Itis

the place where, during the hunting night’s entertainment, obscene singraisongs and stories aremeant to placatemen and hunting deity alike. As dis-

cussed,theassociationofhuntingwithsexualityisnotuniquetotheSantal,but

is a theme equally found in other societies. Besides the appearance of the

themeofsexualityinthecontextofthehuntingsongs,theforestisalsoexplic-

itlymentionedasaplaceforsexualencountersinthesesongs.Inthatsensethe

forestisnotonlyadangerousbutalsoafertileplace.Therequestforrainmade

tothehuntingdeityduringthehuntingritualunderlinesthispoint.

InthecontextoftheritualhuntandgenerallyduringtheSantalflowerfes-

tival an important theme is thus the linking of forest and fields/village. This

canbeinterpretedasbringingthefertilityoftheforestintothevillage.Spatial

movements between these two domains can be seen as bringing about the

transfer of fertility.Sal andmahua flowers andhunted animals, for example,arebroughtfromtheforestintothevillageduringtheflowerfestival.Insum,

althoughdistinctions aremadebetween forest and fields, thehunting rituals

showthatthesedomainsneverthelessaremutuallyinterlinked.Thispointwill

bemade evenmore strongly through the examples of theburubonga ritualsdescribed in the last part of this chapter. In the following section the rituals

around the sowing and transplanting of rice are described. They take place

shortlyafterthehuntingrituals.

175I once witnessed the ending ofmarriage arrangements, before the “viewing of the bride’s

house”, justified by reference to the notion of buru kocha. The groom’s party had sent thematchmaker (raebar) to the bride’s house to transmit themessage that they did notwish tomarry their son to adaughterwhose family lived inburukocha. The girl’s familywas gravelyoffended by this accusation of them being associated with the backwardness of the forest.

Whenever I visited Santal villages far away from towns, people would link the (relative)

simplicityoftheirlivingarrangementstotheirlocationinburukocha.WhenIstayedovernightin such a village in the context of the ritual handing over of a bridewealth, themother of the

housejokinglycommentedtomethenextmorning:“Thisisburukocha,mai(“daughter/younggirl”).WedonothaveColgate(toothpaste)here,youhavetousestickstocleanyourteeth.”


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4.2RiceCultivation,theAncestorsandtheImportanceof

RainFromtheendofMayonwards,sporadicrainshowersgraduallyreducethein-

tenseheatofthepreviousmonths.Theyloosenthesoilandmarkthebeginning

ofagriculturalwork.Plowing,pullingweeds,sowingthericeseedsandfinally

transplantingthericeseedlingsintootherfieldsfillsthedaysofSantalvillag-

ersduringtheseweeks.Forallthesestepsofricecultivationthetimingofrain

isofutmostimportance.Asshownintheprevioussections,rainisassociated

with the domain of the forest and its deities and we find references to this

againduring the timeof rice cultivation.Different ritual activities further re-

vealhowricecultivationiscloselyrelatedtotheancestorsandthehouse.Here

my focus isplacedmoreon thebeginningof the cycleof rice cultivationand

lessontheharvest,asthebeginningsfallintothetimeofhuntingandtheburubongaritualsaddressedinthischapter.TheaimofthissectionistoillustratehowricecultivationanditsritualsymbolismexpressSantalperceptionsofthe

environment.

4.2.1Erokmut:TheRitualSowingofRice

TheAuspiciousTimingoferokmutThecycleofricecultivationbeginsinmosthouseholdswitharitualcallederokmut (“sowingahandfulofseeds”)whichincludestakingriceseedsoutof thehouseandthefirstsowingofriceinacornerofthefield.Onlyhouseholdswith

oxenobservetheritual.Theritualactionsshowthatriceisconceptualizedas

closelylinkedtothepeopleofahouseandtheancestors.

The timing of erokmut depends on certain prescriptions that should befollowed.Itshouldfallonadaywhenricecannotbegiventooutsiders,forex-

ampleaspaymentforlaborers.Oneofthesedays,whenthemovementofrice

out of the house is inauspicious, is Thursday. Thursday is the daywhen it is

alsonotauspiciousfornewbridestoleavethehouse.Skoda(2003,36)writes

ofexactlythesameprescriptionamongthepeasantAghriaofOdisha.Forthem

ThursdayisthedayofthegoddessLakshmianditisinauspicioustogiverice

outofthehouseonthisday.TheSantalspeakofanotherinauspiciousday:On

thedaywhenafamilymemberhasdied,ricecannotbegivenoutofthehouse.

InmyhostfamilythedaughterhaddiedonaSaturday,thereforeSaturdaywas


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adaywhenricecouldnotbegivenoutofthehouse.Forthem,bothSaturday

andThursdaywasagooddayforerokmut.In parts the rice seems to be likened to a bride. Just like the bride, rice

shouldnotleavethehouseonaThursday.Canonethereforeconcludethatrice

isperceivedasaffinalbytheSantal?Regardingtheotherrule,namelythatthe

death of a member of the householdmakes this day inauspicious for giving

rice,seemsto likenthericetoamemberofthehouse. Isricethennotrather

conceptualized as agnatic? This ambiguity, however, does not seem to be

uniquetotheSantal,asacomparisonwiththepeasantAghriaandtribalGada-

baofOdishasuggests.

Skoda(2003)describestheparallelsdrawninAghriaritualbetweenLak-

shmi, rice and the bride. But he also speaks of Lakshmi as a semantic field

whichcomprisesseveral, sometimescontradictorynotions. Insomecontexts,

sheisportrayedasanidealbride,submissiveandindustrious,inotherssheis

aferociousmother.WhileSkoda’sarticledescribesricecultivationasconcep-

tualizedaffinally,Berger(2003,19;2015a,415ff)drawsanother,morediffer-

entiatedpicture.During thericeharvest, theGadabadescribeandsingof the

ricebrought in fromthewetrice fieldsasabride.Similarly, therivers them-

selvesandtheirdeitiesareconceptualizedasaffines.Buttheplantsofthedry

ricefieldsareconceptualizedconsanguinally,inritualtheyarelikenedtochil-

drenwhosegrowthdependsonthedeitiesoftheearth(2015a,469).Boththe

AghriaandtheGadabaexamplerevealthatconceptualizationsarenotalways

homogenousandcancontaincontradictingnotionsordifferentiationswithin.

OtherritualactivitiesoftheSantalleadtoamoredetailedpicture.Someof

myinformantshadheardoftheimageofthericeasbride,butcouldnotfurther

elaborate on it.Morewidespread howeverwas the image of rice as another

personofthehousehold.Unhuskedrice,forexample,isstoredinlargebaskets

abovetheancestralshrine(bhitar)inaSantalhouse.Whenachildisborn,ricegruelmixedwithneem,abitterherb,iscooked.Thesameisdoneonthedayof

rituallysowingthefirstriceasdescribedbelow.Erokmuttakesplaceonadaywhenricecannotbetransferredtotheoutside,butismovedfromoneagnatic

space,theabodeoftheancestors,toanother,thefieldownedbyahouse.


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TheRitualoferokmutThefollowingdescriptionportrayserokmutascarriedoutbythesadaHansdahouseholdofDamudihinJune2013.Thedaughter-in-lawofthehouse(bahu),used rice flour (holong)mixedwithwater topaint elaboratepatterns (calledalpina) on the ground in front of the doorsteps.176For this activity she hadfastedbeforehand.Shepaintedapatternatthehouse’sfrontdoorandinfront

of thedoor leading into theancestral room(marangorak)containing thean-cestralshrine.

The wife of the house also applied dots of sindur and rice flour on theframesofthesedoors.Aftershehadpreparedthesethresholds,theeldestmale

householdmember, tookasmallbasket (udli), its insidewallsplasteredwithmud,containingthericeseedstobesownthatday.Hecarriedtheseedstothe

field togetherwitha lota filledwithwater, a leaf containingcowdung, a leafcupofriceflour(holong)andoilmadefrommahuaseeds.Hissonhadalreadybroughttheoxentothefield.Theywerewashedinanearbystreamtobepure

fortheritual.

Thesonthenplowedtheeasterncornerofthefield.Withamixtureofwa-

terandcowdung,hisfatherplasteredaspotwithinthisspaceandplacedapile

of crushed ricewithin. In front of this he applied three spots of rice flour in

four locations.177More spots of rice flourwere applied on the basket and on

different parts of the plow. The son washed the oxen’s feet and oiled their

horns.Thefatherthenofferedeachofthemamouthfulofricetoeatfromthe

basket.Before leaving, thesonplowed the fieldagain,while the father threw

thericeseedswithcircularmotionsontotheearth.

176Skoda (2003) observed these paintings among the Aghria aswell. Just like the Santal, the

Aghriadrawfootprints.MySantal informantshoweverdidnotmention,as theAghriado, that

thesefootstepsaremeanttopointthewayforthegoddessLakshmitoenterthehouse.177Different fromother local lines, thesadaHansdasdonotusevermillionduringtheirrituals.Thispracticerefersbacktotheirmythoforiginaspreviouslymentioned.


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Photo28:Erokmut,theritualizedfirstsowingofrice.

OfferingstotheAncestorsintheAncestralShrine(bhitar)Uponreturningtothehouse,themostseniormanofthehouseenteredthean-

cestral shrine (bhitar) to offer rice beer and rice gruel cooked with neem(calledneemdaka) to the ancestors. Thebhitar is separated from the rest oftheroombyalowmudwall.Strongbeamscoverthewallandbuildakindof

roofovertheshrine,ontopofwhichlargebaskets,sometimesastallasaper-

son,containtheyear’sriceharvest.Thebhitaritselfusuallyconsistsonlyofanempty,neatlyplasteredmudfloor.

Becauseofitslowheight,thebhitarcanonlybeenteredinasquattingpo-sition.Thebhitar, asabodeof theancestors, is considered tobe themostsa-credandmostinteriorspaceofahouse.Theroomcontainingthebhitar,calledmarangorak,isinsomehousesalsousedasakitchen.Ifitisseparatefromthekitchen it isusually locked.Themarangorak is the spacewhere themarriedcouple is first served rice beer by the groom’s mother, it is also the space

wherethebridewealth(gonong)isevaluatedandultimately,whereadeceasedperson’s jiwi (“life force”) dwells. At the occasion of Santal seasonal or life-cycleritualstheancestorsareservedricebeerhere.

Erokmut isoneoftheoccasionswhenricebeerandneemrice issharedwiththeancestors in thebhitar.When Iobserved this ritual, theheadofahouse-holdplacedone leaf cupof ricebeer inside thebhitar andpouredpartof its


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contentontheground.Whiledoingso,headdressedMarangBuru,thehighestgodoftheSantalinthefollowingway:

Inthenameoferokmutkindlyre-ceivethisricebeer[lit.:“cloudywa-

ter”]

Erokmutnutumtejhardakjhapandaknaytenapayteatangame

Togetherwedrinkandeat

onasaontenulejomale

Donotgiveusanystomachacheor

headache

lathasubohothasualomlagaama

Ifsomeonesentghostsorwitches

ourway,makethemturnback

bhutperetkobahanakosingerakoonakoachurkobihurkame

Ifcattleandgoatsgograzinginthe

forest,letthemreturnsafely

mihumeromkoatinkocalaakobirburukounkohomeretikohijuma

Then,herepeatedthesameactionwitharowofricebeercupsforhis father

and his father’s father, and another row for hismother and father’smother,

whilespeaking.

Inthenameoferokmutkindlyreceivethisricebeer

Erokmutnutumtejhardakjha-pandaksukteatankatelagape

Togetherwedrinkandeat

onasaontenulejomale

Donotgiveusanystomachache

orheadache

lathasubohothasualomlagaama

Withyourblessingwewillstay

well

apeakasirbattenaybalenapaybaletahenma

Makediseasesgoaroundour

country

deshredisomrerogabiginareachurukhan

Donotletthemspreadinour

jati[couldrefertohousehold,thelocallineoralltheSantalof

thearea]

[translationunavailable]

alejatibhitarrealopebolochoyonakojangejanumdaramkape

Allthosewhohavegoneacross

thebigriverandthesmall

stream

Neiparomgadaparomjahape

Allthosewhohavedied,asoneI

giveyou,receiveitnicelyandgo

gocakhanmitengeemkedchalkedsuktesawarteatankacalakape

(RecordedinavillageofGhatsilablock,EastSinghbhum,JharkhandonJune6,2013)


254

Herepeatedthesameactionwithneemrice.Aftertheofferings,heandhissondrankthericebeerleftinthecups.Theylikewiseatetheleftoverneemriceinthecups,andgavethecontentofthecupsforthefemaleancestorstohistwo

granddaughters.Theonlyotheroccasionwhenneemriceiseatenisthebirthofachild.Whenyoueatthisbitterricethebodystayswellforalongtime,evenif

asnakebityounothingwouldhappen,theoldmanaffirmed.

Aspreviouslydiscussed,genealogiesareoflittleimportancetotheSantal.

Whenaddressingtheancestors,theSantalrememberonlythenamesoftwoor

three previous generations. The rest of the deceased, the oneswhose names

arenotknownanymore,arecollectivelyaddressedasneiparomgadaparom,which literallymeans “the ones across the big river and the stream”.My in-

formantssawthislessasaplacewheretheseancestorsactuallystay,andmore

asasymbolicwayofsayingthattheseancestorsareveryfaraway,justlikea

personwhostaysacrossthebigriverlivesfaraway.Afterthedescribedwor-

ship in thebhitar the commensality and drinking of rice beer is extended tootherhouseholdmembersandneighborsaswell.

4.2.2Plowing,SowingandTransplantingRiceWhilethetransplantingofriceseedlings lies inthehandsofwomen,plowing

andsowingthericeseedsisclearlyamaleactivity.Womenarenottotouchthe

plowand if theyweretosowtherice, itwouldnotgrow,saythemen.These

taboosbecomeclearerwhenoneunderstandsthesexualconnotationattached

toplowing.Thisisseldomexplicitlystated,butbecomesapparentintheanalo-

giesandcustomssurroundingtheactivity.Peoplemaintainedthattheearthis

likeawoman,called“motherearth”(dhertiayo)andcanonlybeplowedatcer-taintimes.TheSantalobservetheHindufestiveday,RajaSala,byfryingsweetbread(gurpithe).Onthisday,theysaythattheearthismenstruatingandbe-causeofthis,plowingandotherformsofworkingtheearthareforbidden.This

includes the female taskof renewing thewallsof thehouse.Aweek later,on

thedaycalledGorbobuti,theearthisconsideredpregnantandshouldagainnotbeplowed.

Whilethemenplow,theirwivesoftenaccompanythemtothefieldsinor-

dertopulloutweeds(tola).Usuallyriceseeds,keptfromthepreviousyear’sharvest,are first sown in justone field.Theseedsaresimplybroadcastedby

handontheearth,whichhasbeenplowed,andifenoughrainfallslightgreen

shootswillgrow.Whilethericeseedlingsaregrowing,thewetfieldsarepre-


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pared.Themenimprovethesmallboundarywallsthatseparatethem,sothat

the rainwater stays in each field. They also smooth over the flooded,muddy

groundbystandingonabeampulledbehindtwooxen.

Whenthericeseedlingsaretallenoughandthereissufficientwaterinthe

field,womenbeginpullingoutthesmallplants,washingthedirtofftheroots

andtyingthemintobundles.Forthisworkmanyhelpinghandsareneededand

allagesjoinin,workingintheirownandinneighbors’andrelatives’fieldsdur-

ingtheseweeks.Thewomenofthehouseinwhosefieldtheworkisdone,cook

riceandvegetablesinthemorningandtakeittothefieldasamealforallwho

helpduringtheday.Manywomenalsoprovidericebeerduringtheday’swork.

Beforetheseedlingsaretransplantedintothewetricefieldsaspecialrit-

ualisobserved.Fortheritual,thefieldowner’swifeplaysacentralrole.With

cowdung shemakes a flat area in the eastern corner of the field andplants

fourrowsof fivericeseedlingseach.Thenshegreets(god)thericeplantsbybowingand joiningher fingertipsbelowherhead.Thegreeting isdirectedat

LukhiAyo,thegoddessofricewhostaysinthericefielduntilthedaywhenthelastbatchoftheharvesthasbeenbroughtintothehouse.Duringtheharvest,

five rice plants are left in a field. People say that the goddess stays in these

plantsandthecowherderspayspecialattentionthatgrazingcattledonoteat

them.Togetherwiththelastricebundlesoftheyearthesericeplantsareritu-

allybroughtintothehouseaftertheharvest.

Onthefirstdayoftransplantingthericeseedlingsanotheractivitypoints

totheimportanceofaffinityinthesecontexts.Afterthefieldowner’swifehad

greetedthedeitylocatedinthefivericeseedlings,herhusband’syoungersis-

ter (her irilkuri), towhomshe ishiliandwithwhomshemaintains a jokingrelationship, appliedmud on her legs, arms and a tika on her forehead andgreetedher. It is importantthatthesetwopeopleinvolvedstandinanaffinal

relationshiptoeachother.Shortlyaftertheyfinished,Iwitnessedayoungboy

andgirlimitatingtheiractionsandhowtheywerereprimandedbythewomen:

“Youcannotdothis,youarebrotherandsister”.Intheeveningofthisfirstday,

afterthewomenhadtakenabathtogether,allthemarriedwomenappliedsin-durontheirhairparting,theirearsandonthejointoftheirbangle(merhetsa-kom).Theyalsorubbedtheirarmswithoilandturmeric(sasangsunum).Thisis otherwise done especially atweddings and secondary funerals (bhandan),occasionswhereaffinalrelationsareespeciallyemphasized.Inthesameeven-

ing, neighbors arrive at the house to be served rice beer and providedwith

smallsnacksoffriedleavesorchickpeas(chakna).


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Photo29:Thewifeofthefield’sownerhastransplantedfourrowsofriceseedlings.LukhiAyo,themothergoddessofrice,issaidtoresideintheseplantsuntilharvest.

Herethewomangreetsthedeity.

Photo30:Anelderbrother’swife(hili)andherhusband’syoungersister(irilkuri)

applymudtoeachother’sarmsaftertheritualgreetingofthericegoddess.Theystand

inanaffinalrelationshiptoeachother.


257

Onemore activity which, according to the women, makes the long hours of

hard work in the fields enjoyable, are the songs they sing together. These

songs, literally called “transplantingsongs” (rohoyseren)arealso sungat thefestivals for localburubongas,which fall in the same timeperiod as the ricetransplantation. These songs comment on local places, events of the season,

therelationshipsbetweenwomenandoftencontainhumoroustwistsofreali-

ty.

Toconclude, the initialwork intherice fields in the formofplowingthe

fieldsandsowingthericeseedsisamaleactivity.Femaleinvolvementinthese

activitiesisstrictlytabooandsaidtoharmthecrop’sgrowth.Oncethericehas

sproutedandsmallseedlingshavegrown,theworkinthefieldsiscarriedout

bywomen.Duringthesmallritualofapplyingmud,anaffinalrelationshipbe-

tweenhiliandirilkuriisemphasized.Additionally,thewomen’sapplicationofsindurandrubbingofoilandturmericontheirbodiesemphasizestheirmar-riedstatusinthesefirstdaysofricetransplantation.Thus,whilethericeseeds

andthedryricefieldsareassociatedwiththehouseandthepatriline,during

itsgrowththericeplantacquiresaffinalconnotations.

4.2.3DifferentConnotationsofRiceandFieldsInthecontextofthebeginningofricecultivation,differentplaces,aslinkedto

the movement and growth of rice, and their meaning, are articulated.

Throughouttheyear,ricepaddyisstoredmainlyintheancestralroominlarge

basketsabovethebhitar.Asabodeoftheancestorsitisconsideredtheinner-mostroomofahouse,onlyaccessibletomembersofahouse.Thebhitarisanagnaticspace,wherethemembersofahouse’slocallineareofferedricebeer

and food, for example during the occasion of erokmut described above. Thecookingofneemriceat thisoccasionbearsparallels tochildbirthrituals.Alt-

houghtheritualactorsdidnotexplicitlyformulateitlikethis,erokmut likensthericeseedstochildren.

Thericeseedsarebroughttothestilldryricefieldsonthatday,carriedin

asmallbasketbythemostseniormemberofthehousehold.Withregardtothe

spatialmovementsconnectingthehouseandthefield,itisremarkablethatno

boundaries are articulated. During other rituals, like thewedding rituals de-

scribed above, village boundaries or thresholds of the house have to be

acknowledged and ritually crossed. Because this is not the case during erokmut,Isuggestthatthespaceofthehouse,surelyitsinnermostroomwiththe


258

bhitar, and thespaceof the fieldsarenotdistinguished,but closely linkedasagnatic spaces. This corresponds to thenotionsof land and fields as agnatic,

discussedinthepreviouschapterinthecontextofjomsimbonga.Inthecourseofthericeplant’sgrowth,affinalrelationsandtheroleofwomen

becomemore important.Therice fieldowner’swiferituallygreetsLukhiAyo,themothergoddessofrice,saidtostayinacornerofthericefielduntilharvest

time.Moreover,women in general play a central role in the transplanting of

rice seedlings. In their ritual actions theirmarital status is especiallyempha-

sizedinthefirstdaysofthetransplantationseason.Inconclusion,theconnota-

tionsofricearenotstable,andsometimesunclearorcontradictorythroughout

itsdifferentstagesofgrowth. Inthedescribedrituals,riceseedsbearagnatic

connotationswhilethericeplantisassociatedwithaffinalrelations.

Thissectionhasshownthatthefieldsarecloselyrelatedtothesocialunit

ofthehousehold.Butthisdoesnotmeanthattheritualsrelatedtoricecultiva-

tionexistinisolation.Rather,especiallyduringthesowingseason,itbecomes

apparentthatthefieldsarelinkedwiththedomainoftheforest.Asthehunting

rites and singrai songs have shown, the forest and its deities are associatedwith rain. This association is articulated in another ritual of this season de-

scribedconsecutively.Asopposedtothericecultivationrites,whichareonly

performedbya small social group, theburubongas areattendedandcarriedoutbythepeopleofaregion.Theritualsbeginatthetimeofricetransplanta-

tion,asrainisneededforthisactivity.People,whosefieldsarelocatedinthe

realmofthesegods,contributetothesacrificesofferedtotherespectiveburubongaof the area. This is another point illustrating the conceptual link be-tweenfieldsandforestamongtheSantal.

4.3Burubonga–TheRitualoftheLocalMountainGodAn additional cluster of rituals in which the sacred landscape plays an im-

portantrolearetheburubongas,takingplaceinthebeginningoftherainysea-son. In Santali the term buru refers to a mountain or hill. This term alsosimultaneouslyincludestheforest.Burubongaisthegeneraltermreferringtothedeityofamountain,but italsodescribes thesacrifice forandworshipof

thisgod.Forthesakeofreadability,IhavechosentheEnglishterm“mountain

ritual”insteadof“mountaingodritual”,whichwouldbetheliteraltranslation.

ThissectiondescribesthreeoftheseritualsintheruralareasaroundChakulia


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andMusabani.Thelocationoftheritualsiscloselyrelatedtothelandscape,for

themountainsofthisregionaretheabodeofthedeitieswhomtheritualsad-

dress.

4.3.1KanhaiSolburubongaThe largestburubonga of the region, in terms of numbers of participants, isKanhaiSolburubonga.KanhaiSol isamountain locatedabout tenkilometersnorthofChakuliatown.Thenameconcurrentlyreferstothislocationandthe

deityresidingthere.KanhaiSol is the firstmountainritual that takesplace intheareaandpeopleexplainedthatitisbecausethismountaingodisthemost

senior (marang) of all themountain gods around. The event is of ritual im-portancetotwelvevillagesthatownricefieldsinitssurroundings.Theyeach

contributeagoatbucktoacollectivesacrifice. Inaddition,manypeoplefrom

theareaperformmansikonthisoccasion.Theactualsacrifice Iattendedtookplaceonthedayof thenewmoonin

Julyof2013.Intheeveningpriortothesacrificesgiventothedeityafestival

(burubongapata)tookplace.Inthemorningrepresentativesfromthetwelvevillages fasted and, afterwashing at a pond, climbed up themountain. They

announcedthebeginningoftheritualbysoundingahorn(sakua),consideredoneofthe“instruments”(sapab)oftheburubonga.Today,peoplealsolightafirecracker,sothatallsurroundingvillagesareinformedaboutthestart.

Thehillitselfsteeplyrisesabovethefields,toitseastlietheflatplainsof

WestBengal,toitsnorthwesttheforestedhillsleadingtotheDalmamountain

range. At the bottom of the hill many stalls had been set up, selling fruit,

sweets,drinksandjewelry.Cars,mostlyjeepsbookedbyvillagersfortheocca-

sion,andnumerousmotorbikeswereparkedinadesignatedspot.Mostpeople,

however,hadcomeonbicyclesandonfoot.Thesteep,rockytrailleadingupto

thesacrificialsitelocatedonthetopofthemountaincanonlybewalked.The

crowd,surelymanythousandsofpeople,hailedfromvillagesacrosstheregion.

I later spoke topeoplewhohad traveledseveralhours toattend the festival.

TheeventisnotrestrictedtotheScheduledTribecommunitiesofthesevillag-

es.MySantalinformantswerequicktopointouttheloud,rowdybehaviorex-

hibitedbygroupsofyoungHindumenalsoattendingtheburubonga.


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Photo31:ViewfromKanhaiSolmountaineasttowardsWestBengal.Peoplehaveclimbedthemountaintoreachthesacrificialsiteandthefoodstallsonitstop.

Thefirstsacredsite,whenfollowingthetrailupthemountain,wastheshrine

ofDueriBudhi, thewife of themountain godKanhaiSol. The shrine containsclaystatuesofhorsesandelephantsrepresentingthegoddessatopalargerock

platformattheentrancetoacave.Herewomenhandsweets,coconuts,incense

sticks,flowersandmoneyovertopriests.Theprieststhenofferthegiftstothe

goddess,whoisespeciallyknowntohelpwithchildlessness.

Thepriestscarryingouttheworshiponthisdayarecalleddihuri,likethehunt-ingpriestmentionedbefore,andtheybelongtoaHinducastewiththefamily

nameNayak.Peopleintheareaspokeofthiscasteasmarjat.TheirvillagewascalledDhengaam,situatedafewkilometersfromthemountain.Thepriests,at

leastteninnumber,officiatingatbothsacrificialsiteswerewearingtheHindu

sacred thread (poeta) over their shoulder. I encountered several stories con-cerningthiscommunityandtheplacewheretheyworship.Oneofthesestories

peopletoldmeinBhandaru,oneoftheSantalvillageswhichcontributedagoat

atthesacrificetoKanhaiSol.Theeldestpriestfromthiscaste,theysaid,isdeaf.Just like he passed on his office as a dihuri to the next generation, he alsopassedonhisdeafness.Thishelpsthedihurisconcentrateontheirwork,peo-plesaid.

Justbelow thepeakof thehill, surroundedby forest, therewere several

large rocks that formed the sacrificial site for theburubonga. A story about


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thisplaceillustratesthelinkbetweenthesacrificetotheburubongasandrainoncemore:

“Onthehillthereisadoorformedbyrocks,anditopensonlyonceayearfor

burubonga.Onedaythedihuri forgothissacrificialaxe(kapi)thereandre-turnedintheevening,afraidthatitmightbegonethenextday.Hedisturbed

themountaingodwhobecameangry.Thegodthrewtheaxefarawayandit

landedinafieldclosetoavillage.Nowthereisapondwheretheaxelanded.WheneverpeopleworshipatKanhaiSol itrains first inthisspot.Uptothisdaythepeople fromDhengaamcannotcomeclosetothispond. If theydid,

theearthwouldopenupandswallowthem.”

(RecordedinavillageinChakuliablock,EastSinghbhum,JharkhandonJuly

7,2013)

The sacrificialplace forKanhaiSol consistsof a steep slope, framedon threesidesbylargeboulders.Acrowdofmenwithgoatstobesacrificedhadassem-

bled.Eachgoatwasledtotheverytopoftheslope,wherealargesindurspotmarkedtherock.Hereoneofthedihurisappliedsindurontheanimalandletiteat from sinjo (the bael tree,Aeglemarmelos) andmeral (Indian gooseberrytree,Phyllanthusemblica) leaves.Whileheoffered theanimal to thedeity,heasked for rain so that the rice seedlings growwell andhe also asked for the

well- being of the people of the area (disom), that no diseases would harmthem.

Each household of a village that participated in the burubonga contributedmoneyfromwhichagoatwasbought.Thetwelvegoatsfromthetwelvevillag-

esweresacrificedfirst.Theirheadswerefixedin-betweentwowoodenpoles

andthen,oneafteranother,severedfromthebodieswithanaxe.Drumswere

beatenwhilethestillmovingcarcassestumbleddownthesteeprockstowhere

theywere finally caught. The goats’ headswereplaced in front of the sindurspottedrockandwerekeptbythedihuris.Becausetheywouldnotbeabletoeatalltheheads,thedihurisalsosoldthem,peopleinformedme.Thebodiesofthegoatsweretakenbacktothevillageandeachhouseholdthatcontributed

tothepurchaseoftheanimalreceivedashareofrawmeat.Afterthesetwelve

goatshadbeensacrificed,peoplebroughtthesacrificialanimalsthattheyhad

promised one year before asmansik. According to the villagers hundreds ofmansiksacrificesarecarriedoutatKanhaiSoleachyear.


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Photo32:ThesacrificialsiteforthemountaingodKanhaiSol,markedbysindurontherock.Twelvevillageshavebroughtgoatstosacrifice.Afterthissacrifice,individuals

offergoatsinsacrificebecausetheirmansikrequestfromthepreviousyearhasbeenfulfilled.

Withregardtothecreationofnotionsofplace,KanhaiSolburubongapresentsasimilarpatternasthehuntingritualsdiscussedpreviously.Itconstitutesthe

notionofaregionasanareaincludingacertainnumberofvillages.Thevillag-

esandtheir fieldsareclosetothemountainwhereKanhaiSolburubonga re-sides,andthereforefallunderhisareaofinfluence.Whoeverownsfieldsinhis

immediate surroundings is obliged to sacrifice. The sacrifice should precede

theworkof transplantingthericeseedlings. Ifanyhouseholdof thesetwelve

mauzawere to start transplanting rice (rohoy)before theworshiphad takenplace, theywould have to offer an additional goat at theburubonga. If theyfailedtodoso,thericewouldnotgrow.


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4.3.2GotasileburubongaA few days after Kanhai Sol, his younger brother Gotasile, who resides in amountaintohiswest,isworshipped.PeoplerefertoKanhaiSolasmarangburubonga (“senior burubonga”) and Gotasile as hudinburubonga (“junior burubonga”).The thirdbrotherof thesedeities isBoiropburubonga,who iswor-shippedduringthecoldseason.

IncontrasttoKanhaiSol,Gotasileburubongawaswellorganized.Nomo-tor vehicleswere allowed to pass a gate behindwhich a broad, newlymade

gravel road ledup to theplaceof sacrifice. Sweets stallswere locatedon the

sidesoftheroad.Atthegatealargegreenbannerrevealedtheorganizers’po-

litical affiliation. In front of a forested background the banner featured bow

andarrow,asthesymbolsoftheJharkhandMuktiMorcha,andtheirpresident

SibhoSoren(referredtoasdisomguruonthebanner)togetherwiththeMLAofBaharagodaconstituency,BidyutBaranMahato.Thepriests,whowereserv-

ingasdihurisforthisburubonga,belongedtotheKurmicaste,theirfamilytitlebeingMahato.TheKurmiarelistedasOtherBackwardClassintheIndianCon-

stitution,buthavealsoattemptedtobeincludedinthelistofScheduledTribes

inJharkhand(Dheogaria2004).Intheareaofmyfieldworktheymostlyliveas

peasants,ownsmallportionsofland,andraisecowsorwaterbuffalo.Someof

themalsoholdjobsasschoolteachers,asdoesoneofthedihuriscarryingouttheworshipattheburubonga.

In thepast the ritual activities had takenplace in front of a rock, but in

1994oneoftheKurmidihurisbuiltatempleovertherock.Infrontofthetem-pletherewasalsoalargestatueofShiva’sbullNandi,builtbysomeonewhose

mansikrequestbroughtforthatthetemplehadbeenfulfilled.OntheoccasionIwitnessedmanypeoplebringingsweetsandmoneyintothetemplebeforethe

sacrifices.Meanwhilethemaindihurikeptalistofthevillagesthathadbroughta goat as a sacrificial offering.Twenty-fivegoatswere ritually slaughtered in

frontofthetemple.Theirheadswerethencarriedintothetempleandplaced

beforethestonerepresentingthegod.Thefirstgoatwasblackandcamefrom

Matiabandi, the village of the dihuris. An additional fifteen goatswere sacri-ficedattheshrinefortheburubonga’swife,locatedinfrontofatreeinthevil-lageitself.Theheadswerekeptbythedihuriswhilethebodiesofthesacrificialanimalswere brought back to the respective village. The crowd at thisburubongaappearedtocomefromnearbyvillages.MostpeoplespokeSantaliandeventhedihuriscouldcommunicateinthislanguage.


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Bothoftheseburubongas,KanhaiSolandGotasile,pointtoaritualsymbiosisofthedifferentST,OBCandSCcommunitiesofthearea.Althoughtheyregard

themselves as distinct from each other, intermarriage for example is not an

option,thisdoesnotpreventthemfromactingtogetherasritualunits.Togeth-

er theyserve theburubongaswhobring rainand thusprovide for the liveli-hood of all the people of the area. Both the rituals described so far are

exceptional inthat theyareopentoawidepublic.People fromthewholere-

gionattend this largeevent,womenandmen, castesand tribesalike. In fact,

theSantalvillagesdependontheMahatoandNayakdihuris,whoworshiptheburubongasforthem.

TheethnographicliteratureontheSantaldoesnotmentiontheburubon-gasaspartoftheSantalseasonalritualcycle.OneofthereasonscouldbethatthisisaspecificphenomenonfortheEastSinghbhumarea.Ingeneral,theSan-

talregionsdifferinsomeoftheirrituals.Nevertheless,inEastSinghbhumburubongasarewidespread.Ateachofthetwoburubongasdescribedabovepeoplelistedtheotheronestakingplaceinthefollowingdays:SouthofChakuliathere

wasKuripahariBurubonga;thenextonewasinthevicinityofChakuliatown;followedbyoneintheMusabaniareaclosetoSurdacalledDhapueburubonga;GoeralataburubongawasadjacenttoMusabanitown;andSarjomBurubongawasnotfarfromPatorgoda.Anotherpossiblereasonforthevoidinthelitera-

ture could be related to the fact that these rituals do not seem to bemerely

Santalrituals.TheperspectivethatthisisnotevenaSantalcustomatall,was

expressed tomebyaSantalmanwhostated that “burubongas areupelbon-gas” –bongas that reveal themselves to people, often in dreams afterwhichthese people start worshipping them. “You see”, he said, “no burubongas inthisareaareworshippedbySantalpriests,onlybyMundaandotherjati”andhedistinguished these frombaha and sohrae, themost importantSantal sea-sonalfestivals.178

Thefollowingdescriptionofaburubonga tothesouthofMusabani,doeshowever underline the ritual importance this event has for all the predomi-

nantlySantalvillagesofthisarea.Thisburubonga,differentfromthepreviousones,isnotaccessibletowomen,whichiswhymymaterialofthiseventstems

fromvideosandpicturestakenbyayoungmanofSonagadavillage.LaterIdis-

178Similar to thisman’s statementabout theburubongas beingaSantal customornon-Santalcustom, I often encountered lively discussions about the alleged “trueness” of Santal rituals.

Especially educated Santal were interested in defining and differentiating “true ritual” (saribonga)from“falseritual”(erebonga).Thistopicisdiscussedindetailinchapterfive.


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cussedthesephotographswithsomeofthemenwhohadattendedtheevent.

KopatPat burubonga in general appears to bemuchmore restricted to thepeoplefromtheimmediatevillages.Thismightberelatedtoitbeingrelatively

inaccessiblebyroad,butpossiblyalsoduetothefactthattheinvolvedvillages

regardthisgodasespeciallypowerfulandeasilydisturbedbythepresenceof

outsiders.

4.3.3KopatPatburubongaWhenspeakingaboutthedateforKopatPatburubonga,thepeopleofthepar-ticipatingvillagesemphasizethatithastotakeplaceafterKanhaiSol.Thelat-ter is the first buru bonga of the area. Different from Gotasile buru, who isdescribedas related toKanhaiSol,KopatPat seems too far away (more thantwohoursbymotorbike) forsuchrelations.KopatPat ishoweverconsideredtobethemostsenioroneofhisarea, in thehillsbehindMusabani.He isma-ranghor(“aseniorperson”),thereforealltheotherburubongasinhisimmedi-atesurroundingstakeplacelater.

His worship concerns the same villages involved in Pindegadia sendrabonga.Asmentioned,inthepasttheyusedtobesevenvillages,eachbringingagoat to the sacrifice. But gradually some of these villages divided, so that at

somepoint therewerenine,and in2013,elevenvillagesrituallyparticipated

intheburubonga.Theysacrificedthegoatsforrain,peoplespecified.Thelinksbetweenfieldsandtheforestedmountainsbecomeespeciallyapparentduring

thisritual.People’sownershipoffieldsinthevicinityofthemountainisstated

as the reason for their participation in the ritual. Each village contributes a

goat buck to the sacrifice for Kopat Pat, and each household owning fieldsaroundthevillagecontributesmoneytothepurchaseofthesacrificialanimal.

Beforethesacrificestookplaceonthedayoftheritual,theelevennaekesoftheparticipatingvillagesmettheKhariadihuriandthenaekeofallthevillagesatthelatter’shouseinSonagadavillage.Joinedbyothervillagers,theybeganthe

walk towardsKopatmountain. They took along ritual paraphernalia such assindur,asacrificialaxe,ahorn(sakua)andriceandcookingpotsforthesacrifi-cialmeal.

Thefirstpartoftheritualcommencedwhentheystoppedatameadowat

the foot of the hill. Here the bongas were consulted before the sacrifice. Sixmediums,fiveSantalandoneHomanwereseatedinarowonsal leaves.Themalevillagersandboysweresittingaroundtheminacircle.Asinotherrituals,


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themediumsandthedihuriwerewearingdhotis.Thedihurihandedeachofthemediums ground fenugreek (methi) in a leaf cup and greeted them. Theyrubbed themethi on their body, afterwhich they each received crushed ricefromthedihuri.Thenaekes,togetherwiththedihuriwereseatedoppositetherow ofmediums and discussedwhich bonga was to possesswhichmedium.Not all gods could come, the dihuri later explained, because there were notenoughmediums. The ones presentwereKopatHaram andKopatBudhi, themountain god’s wife. Choroi Pat, the god of Barge Buru, the hill behindSonagadavillageandBomroPatalsojoined,thegodofnearbyArakBuru.Bothof these last two buru bongas are also worshipped in the sacred grove ofSonagadavillageduringthebaha festival.Wheneverpeopleoranimals inthevillage are ill, these two gods are worshipped in the courtyard of a house.

KopatPatisalsojoinedbyhisbalakora(“co-parent-in-law”)RangaHaramandbyDarhaBudhi,thegoddessofthestreamrunningthroughthevalley.IaskedwhereKopatPat’sdaughterswere.Theywouldlaterattendthesacrificialmeal(jomnu, “eating and drinking”), because that iswhenmarried daughters areusuallyinvited,Iwasinformed.

By rubbing the rice in between their hands the mediums became pos-

sessed, violently shaking their heads and arms. Thedihuri greeted themandthesoundofthesakuasimultaneouslyannouncedthearrivalofthegods.Thenaekesthenengagedinadiscussionwiththebongas,askingifthey,afterdrink-ing rice beer and liquor (parua), would agree to let themen enter the cave,whichisconsideredtobeKopatPat’shouse.Itwasalivelydiscussion,inwhichthemenattemptedtoconvincethebongastojointheminclimbingthemoun-tain.Thebongas hesitated,KopatBudhi even started crying, because shehadfeltneglectedbythevillagersinthepreviousyear.Aftershehadcalmeddown,

thedihurihandedapileofwhiteandredpiecesofclothtothebongas.Handingit fromonetoanothertheyfinallychooseoneredandtwowhiteones.These

wouldlaterbeplacedonthepeakofKopatBuru,markingitasthedeity’splace.Then the bongas each received a pipe, a ganja, made from sal leaves, whichthey smoked. Then themediums stood up and began climbing themountain

towardsthecavewherethegoatsweretobesacrificed.

Therearemanystoriesandpeoplespeakwithgreataweaboutthecave,

whereKopatPat is said to reside.One story recounts the sevendoors insidethe cave, but explains that humans can only enter through the first door

formedbyrocks.Insideofthecave,peoplesay,therearetwolargecobrasand

otherwildanimals.Onthedayofthesacrificethepossessedmediumsaresaid


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toenter thecaveandKopatHaram andKopatBudhi siton thecobras likeonchairs.Peoplearetooafraidtoenteranddonotevendaretoshinelightinside.

Whenthemediumsreappearfromthecave,theygiveadvicetothemencarry-

ing out the sacrifice. At the second door of the cave two sacrificial circles

(khond) are made. The dihuri offers crushed rice to a goat buck (boda), forKopatHaram,andtoafemalegoat(pati),forKopatBudhi.Thesameisrepeat-edwithacockandapullet. If theanimalseattherice,theyagreetobesacri-

ficed.

Whilethedihuriandothernaekeswerepreparingtheplacewherethesac-rificelatertookplace,anothergroupofmenclimbedtheremainingdistanceto

the peak. There on top of the rocks, overlookingmany other forest-covered

mountainsandsomericefields,themensetupbamboopoles.Atopthesepoles

themen tied the twowhite andone red flag (jhanda).Thismarked thepeakand thewholemountainasaplaceof thegod (bongajaega),one thatpeopleshouldnotenterduringtherestof theyear. Ifpeopledidenter,wildanimals

wouldattackthem.

After purifying the groundwithwater and cowdung, thedihurimade apatternofsixsquaresinfrontofthecave.Inthemiddleheplacedadoacaole,fromwhichtheremainingninegoatsweregiventoeat.Afterthishesprinkled

methionthepattern,laiddownbaeltreeleaves(sinjosakam)andappliedsin-dur, oil andmilk.Then, first thebrowncocks fromeachvillageand thenoneafteranothereachgoatwasbeheadedwiththesacrificialaxe.Theheadswere

placedinthekhondsquares,andthebodies’blooddrippedonthem.


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Photo33:SeatedmediumspriortothesacrificestotheburubongaKopatPat.Thedihuriand“naekeofsevenvillages”sitacrossthemediumsinorderto

communicatewiththedeities.

Photo34:Markingthemountainwithflagsasthe“placeofthedeity”(bongajaega).


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Photo35:SacrificialsitefortheburubongaKopatPat.

Theensuingsacrificialmealwasheldinthemeadowfurtherdownthemoun-

tain where the possession had previously taken place. Many men from the

elevenvillageswhodidnotattendtheritualactivitiesofthedaywerepresent

atthesacrificialmeal.Thedetailsofthismealrevealconceptsofbelongingto

socialgroupsandthelinksbetweentheownershipoffieldsandtheburubon-ga’sregion.Infact,afterthericeharvesttheownersofthesefieldsbringricetoKopatPat’scaveasanoffering.

Afterthegoatshadbeenkilled,theirheadsandbodiesweretakentothe

meadow.Theheadmeatwascooked first, followedby therice thathadbeen

contributedbyeachvillage.Onlythemediums,thenaekesandthedihuri,whohadbeenfastingallday,couldpartakeinthismeal.Thosefromtheelevenvil-

lageswhohadbeenfastingcouldalsoconsumethissacrificialmeal(sore).Be-foretheburubongatookplace,eachhouseholdcontributedtothepurchaseofthesacrificialgoatandacock,andgaveonekiloofrice.InSonagadaPitamber’s

family contributed one hundred Rupees. This entitled them and the others,

whohadalsogiven,toashareofthegoat’smeat.Whenspeakingofthesesocial

unitspeopleusedtheterm“peopleofonehouse”(mitorakhor).Asdiscussedin chapter three, theyconsidereachother tobedescendantsofoneancestor

who once lived in one house. Later some of these brothers might have dis-


270

persedtoothervillages.InSonagada,Pitamber’s“peopleofonehouse”livein

threehouseholds(orak).Itwasmenfromthesethreehouseswhoatethesoretogetherinthemeadowafterthesacrifices.Becausehisfamilyownsfieldsrel-

ativelyfarawayfromSonagada,towardsanothervillage,theyalsocontributed

money to thepurchaseof thesacrificialgoatonbehalfof thatvillageandre-

ceived a shareof themeat from this goat aswell. People fromother villages

whoownedfieldsaroundSonagadasimilarlycontributedtothegoatgivento

KopatPatbySonagada.In addition to Santal households, blacksmith (Kamar), Nayak and Ho

households are also located in the villages participating in the buru bonga.Someof them formonlyone singlehousehold in anotherwiseSantal village,

andmyinformantsassuredmethatthey“eatwithwhomevertheyareclose–

alsowithSantal”.Thedihurireceivedahandfulofmeatfromeachgoatandonekiloofrice fromeachvillage.After themealhe tookhomethemeathecould

notconsumeinthefield.

4.3.4NotionsofRegion(torop/disom)andtheirCreationinRitual

KinshipRelationsasPermeatingtheLandscapeWhich notions of place are particularly prevalent in the context of the por-

trayedburubongas?Foremost these ritualsarticulate that theSantal concep-tualizeapartoftheirenvironment,namelytheforestedmountains,intermsof

kinship. The three mountains in the Chakulia area, Kanhai Sol, Gotasile andBoiropareconsideredtobebrothers.Theprincipleofseniority,sofamiliartothepeopleofthislocality,structuresthemountains’relationshipstoeachoth-

er.Peoplefirstworshipthemostseniorburubongaandthenconsecutivelyhisyoungerbrothers. In themountainsbehindMusabani thisstructureseems to

slightlydiffer.HereKopatPat’saffinaltiesareunderlined.Peopleneverthelessemphasizethatheisseniortootherburubongas,buthissevendaughtersandbalakoraareinvitedtoanddoattendtheritualaswell.Becausethesedaugh-tersandthebalakoraeachresideindifferentplaces,anetworkofkinshiptiesconnects these places. Both buru bonga complexes, thus, are structured byprinciples of seniority, brotherhood and affinity. The environment hence is

conceptualizedaccordingtosimilarprinciplesasfoundinsociety.


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TheConnectionsbetweenForestandFieldsIn the context of hunting rituals, I have already discussed the distinctions

drawnbetween thedomainof the forest and thedomainof fields. Similar to

thehuntingrituals, theburubongasexpressthat fieldsandforestareconcep-tuallylinked.Inallthreeofthementionedrituals,thosevillagesthatownfields

intheareaaroundthemountain,contributetothesacrificesperformedforthe

deity.Thestatedaimoftheritualsisthustoobtainrainfromtheburubonga,tofloodthericefields.Thetimingofburubongaisrelevantinthisregard,be-causetheplowedfieldsneedtobefloodedwithwaterbeforethericeseedlings

canbetransplantedintothesefields.

NotionsofRegionBesidesbringingforththeideaofasacredlandscapestructuredbykinshipre-

lationshipsand theconceptual linksbetween forestsand fields, thenotionof

regioniskeyinthethreeburubongasintroducedabove.Thisisafuzzynotion.Aregion,forexample,hasnoempiricalspatialboundaries.Rather,aregionis

heldtogetherbypeople’sactivitiesinitsritualcenter.Thissectionisintended

to discuss the concepts of region as contained in the Santal notions of toropanddisom.These twoconceptsof regionarealso linked to thesocio-politicalstructureofSantalsociety.

Dalapati Murmu, a now retired anthropologist who worked for the An-

thropological Survey of India, first introduced me to the different socio-

political units involved in Santal dispute solution. First, there is the village,

where disputes are to be solvedwith the help of themanjhi, in an assemblycalled “the sitting in the village street” (kulhidhurup). Then, there are unitscalledpursi(“neighbors”),referringtoagroupoftwoorthreeneighboringvil-lages,whichcanbeconsultedforhelpincasesofconflict.Onathirdlevelthere

aregaonta,agroupofseventothirteenvillages.Abovethemthereexistfeder-ationscalledtorop(sometimesalsocalledpir).Peoplerefertothelevelabovetorop as desh(Hindi) or disom(Santali), using these two words often inter-changeably.Thefinalleveladisputecanreachislobir,thehighestcourt,heldatdisomsendra,whereallthepeopleofthedisomcanattend.

Thetwospatialunitsabovethevillagethatseemedtobeofgreatestrele-

vance topeoplewere torop anddisom.Therearespecificnamesused for thetoropsanddisomsoftheareabyadivasiandlocalcastesalike.Peoplerepeated-


272

lyemphasizedthatthesenameshavenothingtodowiththenamesgiventoan

areabythegovernment.

Inresearchingtheterritorialunitsoftoropanddisom Iencounteredsev-eralcontradictions.Oneofthereasonsforthiscanbeattributedtothevarying

abilities of abstraction amongmy informants.While several highly educated

Santalmen in Ranchi drewmodels of Santal socio-political organization and

listed thenamesof thedifferentdisoms inEastSinghbhum,people in thevil-lagespossessedmoreofalivedandpractice-basedunderstandingofthesespa-

tial units. In some cases, this led to contradictionsbetween the two levels of

region.

Torop

When explaining the different socio-political units DalapatiMurmu used the

termpir,astheSantalitermforthesub-unitofdisom.InadiscussionofMundavillagefederations,RobertParkin(1992,90-95)alsowritesofpirorparhaasthename for the council of these federations. In thevillages aroundGhatsila

andMusabaniIneverencounteredthetermpir,instead,peoplespokeoftorop,whichDalapatiMurmuconsideredtobeaBengaliterm.Bodding’s(2010)dic-

tionarycontainsnoentryoneitheroftheterms,whichcouldbeduetothefact

thatsuch termsseemtodiffer fromoneSantalarea toanother.Troisi (2000,

64) forexample speaksof “Bungalow orBangla, [as] a confederacyof villagecommunities, under the leadership of a pargana”, for the Santal Parganas.Common toall thesevarying terms is that this territorialunitplaysa role in

disputesolutionsonalevelabovethevillage,andthateachofthesedifferently

namedunitsispresidedoverbyatoroppargana.Kantasola,thesecondvillageinwhichIlived,belongedtoDamparatorop.

Peopleusedthenameofthisareaespeciallywhentheywerevisitingrelatives

outsideoftheareaandreferringtotheplacetheycamefrom.Theyalsoused

thenamesof other torops,when referring to theirwives’ nativeplaceor theplaceswhere theirdaughtersweremarried.According to thepeople inDam-

para, Dampara torop consists of sixty villages. All the Santal areas of EastSinghbhumaredividedintotorops.ThevillagestothenortheastandsouthofGhatsilaforexamplebelongtoPawratorop,saidtocomprise120villages,andtowardsMusabanithereisAthkusitorop,saidtoconsistof106villages.Theseunitsarepresidedoverbyatoroppargana.Mostoftheparganasaremale,butinthecaseofAthkusitorop,KamlaHansdah,awoman,tookoverthepargana


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position after her husband’s death. The office is hereditary and its functions

mostlyconcernserioussocialconflicts,whichcannotbesolvedinthevillage.

Togetherwiththenumberofvillagesinatoroppeopleusuallymentionedtheplacewherethesevillagescarryoutayearlysacrifice.Thesixtyvillagesof

Dampara torop, for example, come together once a year atDamparagarh, aworshipplaceinthehills.Here,inthecoldseason,eachvillagebringsagoatto

besacrificedtoBoiropburubonga.He is theyoungerbrotherofGotasileburubonga,who receives his collective sacrifice by all the forty villages ofMatia-banditoropintheabovedescribedburubongaattheonsetoftherainyseason.Not all the burubongas, however, are carried out by torops. KanhaiSol andKopatPatburubonga, twoofthethreeburubongasdescribedintheprevioussection, were instead organized by smaller territorial units of eleven and

twelvevillages.Thesevillagefederationsdidnotformtorops,andthusdidnotpossess these socio-political functions.What brought these villages together

into federationswas their proximity to themountain, the abode of theburubonga,nottheirbelongingtoatorop.

Disom

Theconceptofdisomisavagueone,referringtoalargearea,oftenwithconno-tationsofbelonging.Santalstudents inRanchiwouldspeakofaledisom, “ourregion”, with reference to their native area. When speaking of their native

place,womenwouldalsouse this term.Membersof theweaver caste (Pere),explainedtheirfluencyinSantaliwiththestatement:“ThisisSantaldisom,youhavetoknowSantalihere.”Intheseusesthetermdenotesacloseconnection

betweenpeopleandanarea,inlinewithwhatSomers(1977,57)describesas

the emotional component of the term “Santal country” (hordisom). The areadesignatedassuchwasoftencomparativelysmallandanyplacefurtheraway

was labeledbahredisom, an “outside region”. This referred to a place some-whereinOdishaasmuchasaplaceoutsideofIndia,thecommoncriteriabeing

thatboththeseplaceswereoutsideofaSantalarea.

Onasocio-politicallevel,thereareSantalnamesforthesedifferentdisoms,andmostpeopleroughlyknowwherethesedisomsare.This iswheretheus-agebecomesimprecise,andacommonunderstandingofthedifferentnotions

ofastoropordisomseemedtobeabsent.TheregionreachingfromJamshed-purtoDhalbhumgarh,includingMusabaniandGhatsila,isknownasDharhdi-som. GaneshMurmu traced this nameback toDholRaja, a kingwhoused tocontrol thisarea.TheareaaroundChandilReservoir,northof Jamshedpur, is


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knownasPatkomdisom, andpastDumaria towardsOdisha liesBabonathidi-som.WestofMusabanitowardsHataisKutchungdisom.SpecificSantalnamesfor thesedisoms seem to exist inmost Santal areas. In villages around Jhar-gram,WestBengal, people could also point out the names of their Santaldi-soms, namelyHudintumdisom andKoelanpurdisom. A Santal can usually tellthepeople from thesedifferent areas apart by styles of dress and speech. In

this list, however, people also oftenmentionedAthkusi andDampara, whichothersinsisted,werenotdisombuttorop.Clearisthatthenamesareimportantanddenoteanareaapersonoravillagebelongsto,whereasthecategorythe

namefallsinisoflessrelevanceineverydayusage.

Eachofthesedisomshaveadeshparganaastheirhead.Dhardisom’sdeshpargana isBaijuMurmu,aman inhis fifties,who lives inGhatsila.Generally,the parganas I encountered belonged to large and educated families. BaijuMurmuholds a position as superintendent of Ghatsila College. TheparganasandmanjhisinthisareaareoftenoftheHansdaorMurmuclans,becausetheseclansownalotofland.Inthepast,parganasalsooftenhadseveralwives,be-causetheycouldaffordtosupportalargefamily,asthedeshparganapointedout.Both, thepargana family inPawraand thepargana family inPatorgoda,arelargeextendedfamilies,consistingofovertwentyfamilymemberseach.

ThedeshparganaofPawraisasoft-spokenbutwell-knownmaninthear-ea.Hisoffice,hestated, is lessrelevanttodaythanitwasinthepast,because

serious offenses are dealtwith by the state. But his role as a political figure,

representingandbringingtogetherpeopleofthearea,stillremainsimportant.

HeisinvitedtoeveryregionalSantalritual,suchasdisombaha,and,togetherwithothermenfromhisvillagePawra,organizesseveraloftheseritualshim-

self.Onceayearheorganizesalargemeetingforallthemanjhisofhisdisom,about 1,200 in total. They assemble in a spacious concrete hall outside of

Ghatsilabuilt forsuchlargemeetings ledbythedeshpargana.Herethegath-eredmanjhisandparganasmostlydiscusspoliticalandsocialmattersregard-ingtheiroffice.InJharkhand,forexample,asopposedtootherstates,theydo

notreceiveanysalaryfromthestate.Therefore,eachyearduringthismeeting

theyorganizenewstepsintheirdemandforremuneration.

Besides thesemorepoliticalaspectsofdisom, it alsohasa ritual compo-nent. The regional flower festival, disom baha, the regional harvest festivalcalled disomsohrae, where the greatest attraction are bull fights, and finallydisom sendra, the regional hunt discussed in this chapter, are all occasionswhere“thepeopleofthedisom”cometogetherinritualaction.Oneofthede-


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finingfeaturesofdisomisthusitsinclusivity.Atmostofthesefestivalsthisex-tends towards non-Santal as well, due to the fact that many of the artisan

castesandotheradivasigroupsoftheareaattendtheevents.Thefifthchapterwillelaboratelydealwiththeseritualsandtheidentitypoliticsrelatedtothem.

Inconclusionforthissectionitremainsimportanttonotethat,nexttoto-rop,theconceptofdisomhasspatial,ritualandsocialconnotations.Oneofthemeaningsattachedtodisom is thatofbelonging, in thesenseofanemotionalbondtotheplaceofone’soriginis.Becauseofthepatrilocalresidencepattern

thisplaceoforiginremainsmostlystablethroughoutaman’slife,whereasthe

contraryholdstrueforwomen.Ifawoman’snativeplaceisfarawayfromher

husband’s, sheoften refers to twoplaces asaledisom (“our region”).Asout-linedabove,thesecondconnotationofthetermdisomisapoliticalone.Itisanarena,inwhich,undertheauspicesofadeshpargana,conflictsaresolvedandpoliticaldecisionsaremade.Thethirdcomponentisofaritualnature,asbest

representedby thedisomsendra, theregionalhunt inwhichall thepeopleofthe disom, among them especially the parganas andmanjhis, come togetherbeforeapowerfulgodtosolveseriousaffrontstoSantalniam.Inalocalunder-standingthenotionsofdisomandtoropthereforecombinespacewithasocio-cosmicorder.

Inadditionto inferringdifferentnotionsofplacefromSantalritualprac-

tice,itismyargumentthroughoutthisworkthatritualactivitiescreatenotions

of place. The mountain rituals, which are collectively performed by villages

thatconstituteatorop,serveasacaseinpoint.Peopleandtheirsacrificialan-imalsmovefromvariouslocationstowardsaritualcenter.InFeldhaus’(2003)

sense,wecanthussaythattheregion(torop) iscreatedbythespatialmove-ments of people and their sacrificial animals. People’s movements connect

places intoregions, theycreate“setsofconnectedplaces”(5).Withregardto

thenotionofdisomwecanequallysaythatitisconstitutedbypeople’spartici-pationintheregionalhunt(disomsendra).Whichentitiesareactuallyincludedinadisom,however, ismuch lessdefined.Nevertheless,disom representsthelargest socio-spatial Santal unit, the largest gathering in Santal society. It is

thereforenocoincidencethatthisistheoccasiontojudgeextremelygravevio-

lationsofniaminthiscontext.


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4.4Conclusion:SantalPerceptionsoftheEnvironment

andtheDistinctionbetweenForestandFields4.4.1AttributesoftheForestandtheForestedMountainsAnanalysisofSantalperceptionsoftheenvironmentasemergingfromtherit-

ualsdiscussedinthischapterbesttakesitsstartingpointfromthedistinctions

theSantalmakeintheirenvironment.Itwasthesedistinctionsthatfirstcaught

myattentionandconsecutivelypointedmetowardsthetopicofenvironment.

Thisbringsusbacktothemuchdiscussedoppositionbetweensocietyandna-

tureaspreviouslypresentedinthetheorysectionofthiswork.

ThestarkestdistinctiontheSantalmaintainintheirenvironment,in“that

whichsurroundsthem”, is theonebetween forest (bir)and fields(bad).Thischapterhasmostelaboratelydealtwiththedomainoftheforest,which,inthe

presented ritual contexts,was articulated as a dangerousplace. This became

firstapparentinthehuntingrituals(sendrabonga)duringwhichdifferentvil-lage federations perform sacrifices to the hunting deity and to other deities

located innearbymountains. Inreturn for their sacrificespeoplerequest the

deitytoprotectthemandtheiranimalsfromthewildanimalsoftheforest.The

veiledlanguage(bhetkatha),usedbetweenritualparticipantsandthehuntingdeitypossessingamedium,hintsat the saiddeity’sdangerousnature.Direct

communication is considered inappropriate with such an ambivalent being.

Beforeamanembarksonthehunt,hiswifetakesoffherbangles, inorderto

distractfromherhusband’sexistenceandwardoffdanger.

Furthermore,theideaoftheforestasadangerousplace,asaplacewhere-

in an encounter with wild animals could lead to a man’s death, is found in

many singrai songs and stories performed during the hunting festival. Withregard to the focus of this chapter the singrai songs have served as a richsourceforSantalperceptionsontheenvironment,especiallyconcerningSantal

ideasonhuntingandtheforest.InthesingrainarrativesIportrayed,theper-formerspresent the storyof ahunter’sdeath, the crueltyofhuntingandhu-

manempathywithyoungdeer.

Inadditionto itsdanger, the forest isrepresentedasa fertileplace.This

becomesmost apparent in its associationwith rain. The hunting ritual is in-

tendedtorequest thedeitiesof the forest tosendrainto floodtherice fields

fortheensuingricecultivation,whichprovidesthebasisofpeople’sexistence

inthisarea.Thefertilityoftheforestisalsoreflectedinthethemeofsexuality


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containedmostprominentlyinthehuntingnight’ssingraientertainment.Thecrudecontentisconsideredtopleasethehuntingdeityassumedtobepresent

during thesenightlyperformances.The forestasaplaceof sexualencounter,

awayfromthesocialcontrolofthevillage,isathemealsocontainedinanother

genreofsongscalled“forestsongs”(birseren).One last important point regarding the forest has been discussed in the

context ofmountain rituals (burubonga),which take place after the huntingritualsaroundthetimeofricetransplantation.Severalofthesemountainritu-

alsareperformedintheregionunderstudy,andoneoftheirdefiningfeatures

isthattheyinvolvepeoplefromallcommunitieslivinginthearea.Eachvillage

inthevicinityofthemountain,wheretherespectivedeityissaidtoreside,con-

tributesagoattothesacrificeperformedonthemountain.Thetimelyorderin

whichtheritualstakeplacefollowstheorderofseniority,whichstructuresthe

deities’ relations among each other. The most senior mountain god is wor-

shippedfirst,andonlyafterthisdothevillagesworshiphisyoungerbrothers.

DuringthemountainritualforKopatPat,hisin-lawsanddaughterareinvitedaswell.Itbecomesapparentthatthedomainoftheforestedmountainsexhib-

itsasimilarstructuretosociety.Theprinciplesofseniorityandaffinityplayan

importantroleinthisregard.

4.4.2AttributesoftheFieldsTheassociationsmadewiththefields,whichemergeasadomaindistinctfrom

theforest,areofadifferentnature.Theritualactionsinthecontextofthefirst

sowing of rice (erokmut) articulate the fields as closely related to thehouseanditspeople.Thefieldscan,infact,beseenasanextensionofthehouse,visi-

bleforexampleinthefactthatduringtheritualnoboundariesarearticulated.

Ifwerecall theritualof jomsimbongadiscussed in thepreviouschapter, thefields represent the settlement and forest clearingactivitiesof the ancestors.

Theyareamaterialreminderoftherootsalocallinehasestablishedinaplace.

This notion is contained in the termmulgadi, a local line’s “place of origin”.Theancestors’importanceequallybecomesapparentintheritualinvocations

andofferingsmade to them in theancestral shrinebeforea small amountof

riceseedsistakenouttobesowninthefields.Evenspatiallytheassociationof

ancestorswithriceisexpressed,asayear’sriceharvestisstoredinman-size

basketsabovetheancestralshrine. Insum, Ihaveargued inthischapterthat


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the fieldscarryagnaticconnotationsas theyare linked toahouse, itspeople

andtheirancestors.

4.4.3IntroducingtheDistinctionbetweenCultivatedandUnculti-

vatedTheforestisadangerousandfertileplace.Itisaplacewherehumanscanonly

intrudeandsurvivewiththehelpofitsdeities.Itisaplaceofambivalence.The

fieldsanditscorrespondingspaces,thevillageandthehouse,onthecontrary,

aresecureplacesforhumans.Thesearethespacesofhumanactivity.Regard-

ing these distinctions, the question arises, as towhether they correspond in

anywaytothedistinctionsbetweennatureandsociety. Ifoneunderstanding

of nature is a placewhere humans do not belong, a place outside of human

agency,couldtheforestthenberegardedasnature?

In the following I argue that a dichotomy between society and nature

wouldbeamisrepresentationoftheSantalworldviewforseveralreasons.The

strongest argument against thisdichotomy ismy finding that at leastpart of

thedomainof the forest, the forestedmountains,arestructuredaccording to

thesameprinciplesassociety,namelytheprincipleofseniority.Thereishence

nodichotomyinthesensethat“eachiswhattheotherisnot”(Strathern1980,

182).Moreover,theforestfortheSantalisnotadomaincompletelyoutsideof

humanagency.Itisclearlyaplacewherethedeitiesandtheirwildanimalsare

in control, but humans nevertheless attempt to influence and enter this do-

main.Theydosothroughthesacrificestheyoffertotheforestdeitiesandthey

dosoconsecutivelythroughtheviolentactofhunting.

Instead of reproducing the problematic distinction between society and

nature,Iproposehereaseriesofconceptualdistinctionsthatcorrespondbet-

ter to theones inherent toSantalviewsof theenvironment.As thesearemy

analytical abstractions from themore concrete distinctions the Santalmake,

theydonotnecessarilyhaveequivalentSantaliterms.

Most generally, the Santal differentiatebetween spaces in their environ-

mentthatarecultivatedanduncultivated.Thericefields,butalsocorrespond-

inglygardens(barge)behindhousesandthevillageitself,representcultivatedspaces.Theseplacesaretheabodeofbenevolentdeitiesandtheplacewhere

humansandtheirancestorslive.Theseplacesareregardedasfamiliar,asone’s

“own”,asplacesofagnation.Herehumanagencyandcontrolareatthehighest.

Humansplow,sow,transplantandharvestriceintheirfields.Intheirvillages,


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humansdomesticateanimalsandoffer theseanimals to theirdeities insacri-

fice.CultivationfurtherisasourceofconsiderableprideandstatusfortheSan-

tal, as it represents a stage of “social evolution” above the gatherer-hunter

stage associatedwith thebeginningsof Santal society. Cultivation represents

civilizationfortheSantal.

The uncultivated, wild and dangerous space, as distinguished from the

fields, is the forest.The forest represents “theother” inseveralways. Itsdei-

ties,forexample,aremoreambivalentthanthedeitiesofthevillage,sothatin

communicationwiththemonlyveiled language isconsideredappropriate.By

offeringthesedeitiessacrifices,humansgainthepossibilitytotemporarilyen-

tertheforest,buttheriskofdeathremains.Thewildanimalsoftheforestre-

main a threat, and they sometimes even intrude on village space.One of the

most remarkable features of Santal hunting rituals is the role of the hunting

priest (dihuri), who belongs to a gatherer-hunter community of the area. InmostcasesIwitnessed,hewasaHillKharia.IntheeyesoftheSantal,theKha-

ria are especially suited for thismediating role between themselves and the

forestdeities.BecausetheKharia live inthe forest, theyaresaidtoknowthe

forestdeitieswell.Aspreviouslydiscussed, inritualaswellasinSantalopin-

ions,theKhariarepresent“theother”.Theyareconsideredjuniorinstatusto

theSantal.InpartsofthehuntingritualstheKhariadihuriislikenedtoanani-mal,mostvisiblywhenhe is (pretend)shotwithanarrowandhungupona

stick likepreyafter thehunt.TheKhariaclearlydoesnotbelong to theculti-

vatedand“civilized”domainintheeyesoftheSantal.

The Kharia dihuri’s important ritual role, also in the mountain rituals,however,underlinesa crucialpointabout the relationshipbetween theculti-

vatedandtheuncultivated.Thesetwodomains,althougharticulatedasoppo-

sites,arenottobethoughtaboutasstrictlyseparatefromeachother.Instead

connectionsandrelationsbetween thesedomainsareessential for theconti-

nuityofhumanity.Thisismostclearlyexpressedintheideaoftheforestdei-

tiesprovidingrain for therice fields.As thischapterhasshown,ritualsarea

meansforestablishingrelationsbetweenthedomainofthecultivatedandun-

cultivated.


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4.4.4PlacingtheDistinctionbetweenCultivated/Uncultivatedin

ContextRegardingthestarkdistinctionsbetweentheforestandthefieldsanditsasso-

ciatedequivalentsofcultivatedanduncultivated,civilizedanduncivilizedthe

questionabouttheirhistoricalandsocialcontextarises.IftheSantalassociate

theforestwithastageoftheirowndevelopmentfromgatherer-hunterstocul-

tivators, did theymaintain the same view of the forest in the past? Has this

viewchanged,hastheforestacquirednewconnotations?

AcomparisonwithviewsoftheforestinSanskriticliterature,asdiscussed

by Sontheimer (1994), proves fruitful in this regard. Sontheimer introduces

thedistinctionbetweenksetra, as “inhabited,well-settled space,with regularploughagriculture”andthevana,as“‘wildspace’,‘forest’orjunglewhichhar-boursthe‘hermitage’,thetribals”(127).Thesimilaritybetweenthesedistinc-

tionsandthosemaintainedbytheSantalisextremelystriking.Furtherdetails

are reminiscent ofwhat has been discussed as the Santal view of the forest:

Vanaisanambivalentsphereassociatedwithdeathandchaos,butitisalsothesourceofcreationandlife(130),asreenactedforexampleintheNavakelevara

ritualforLordJagannathinPuri.Inthepoetryandreligionofthesettledpeo-

ple,theforestappearsasaspaceoffreedomandasthedomainoftribalpeo-

ple.Itisalsoassociatedwitheroticism(138).

InSontheimer’sview,theksetraandthevanaarenottobeunderstoodasoppositesbutasacontinuumsimilartothatfromtribalreligionto“normative

codifiedHinduism”(128).Theforestisassociatedwithtribalpeopleandtheir

religion, it is aplacewhere the rootsofHinduismwith itsworshipof spirits

locatedinmountains,treesandanimalslie.

ItisremarkablethatinSontheimer’sscheme,derivedfromSanskritlitera-

ture,theassociationsmadewiththeforestincludetribalpeopleandtheirreli-

gion, but that the Santal as tribal people themselves maintain such similar

distinctions.TheSantallocatetheirplaceintheforestintheirpast.Theirmy-

thology,forexample,speaksofthefirstsevenSantalbrothersandsistershunt-

ing and gathering in the forest. Only later does the myth mention the

introductionoftheplowandthecultivationoffields.Today,theSantalassoci-

ate the forestwith the gatherer-hunter communities living close to or in the

forest and regard these people as “uncivilized”. They in a sense project onto

others,whathasbeenprojectedontothembyhigh-casteHindusaccordingto

Sontheimer’s writing. Sontheimer’s continuum from tribal religion to brah-


281

manical Hinduism and its spatial associations from vana to ksetra shouldthereforebeextendedbyonemorecomponent,namelythatofgatherer-hunter

societyandreligion.

Based on the ethnographyof gatherer-hunters (cf. Bird-David1990) the

forestcarriesdifferentassociationsforthesesocieties,sothatthestarkdistinc-

tionsbetweenforestandfieldsfoundamongtribalcultivatorssuchastheSan-

talandalsoinSanskritliteraturedonotexist.Onecouldthereforeassume,that

theSantalviewoftheforest,aspresentedinthisworkthroughthelensofritu-

al,onlydevelopedwiththebeginningofcultivation.However,itcannotbean-

swerediftheSantalhaveadaptedthisviewfromhighercasteHindusorifthe

latterhaveadapted thisview fromthe former.Thesimilarities should rather

be regarded as one of the manymutual influences these societies have and

havehadoneachotherinthepast.

RegardingchangesinSantalnotionsoftheforestamoremodernspinon

the “backwardness” of this domain is contained in the expression “corner of

theforest”(burukocha).Thisreferstothe“remoteness”ofsomeSantalvillag-es, located close to the forest, due to their lack ofmodern amenities such as

electricity, cell phone coverage and paved roads. In this context it is not the

villageanditscultivatedlandsthatareseenasprogressiveand“civilized”,but

themodernIndiancityortown.ThisdifferencesbetweenSantallivingin“the

corner of the forest” and Santal living near or in a city correspond to differ-

encesofeducationandwealthexistinginSantalsocietymoregenerally.Inthe

context of politicized rituals discussed in the next chapter, these differences

againbecomerelevant.

Whereas in this chapter I dismissed thedistinctionbetween society and

natureasitdoesnotfacilitateanunderstandingof localsystemsofclassifica-

tion,thenextchapterbringsuptheconceptofnatureagain.Thistimetheterm

“nature”isevoked,inEnglish,bytheorganizersofSantalregionalrituals.San-

tal regional flower festivals (disombaha) have only been celebrated in thismannersincethe1980sandtheyshowthatplaceisincreasinglymadeinapo-

liticalcontext.Vis-à-visothercommunities,butalsotowardsthe Indianstate,

theSantalarecommunicatingtheir“tribal”,“adivasi”and“indigenous”identityduringthesetransformedritualpractices.Theuseandcontentoftheterm“na-

ture”inthesecontextsisworthexploringasitpointstotheopennessofplace

forglobaldiscourses.

Chapter5⎜FieldsofContestation

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5.FieldsofContestation:Region,Politicsand

IdentityThedynamicsofglobalization,soprevalentincontemporarytimes,aresaidto

havepulledcultureawayfromplace(IndaandRosaldo2008,13).179Cultures

arenot place-bound anymore, instead, theymove throughmigrants andnet-

worksofideas,irrespectiveoflocation.Atthesametimeasthesocialsciences

havebecomeincreasinglycautiousoftheessentializationandterritorialization

of culture, indigenous social movements have begun to emphasize exactly

thosefeatures.

Somemovements have strategicallymade use of the opportunities pro-

vided by globalization in order to assert their rootedness in a specific place,

oftenasareactiontothethreatsglobalizationhasposedtothem.Localblack

andindigenousmovementsinthePacificregionofColumbia,forexample,have

madeuseof increasingnetworkingopportunities inorder tobuild translocal

coalitions with like-minded movements (Escobar 2001, 159ff). International

legal instruments, such as the UnitedNationsWorking Group on Indigenous

Populations,have furtherprovidedanotherpossibility forarticulating indige-

nousclaimstoplace,ofteninculturalterms(Muehlebach2001).

Such“strategiesoflocalization”(Escobar2001,159),referringtothefact

thatindigenousgroupsactivelylinkcultureandterritory,ofteninatrans-local

arena,formthecoreofthischapter.Byfirstanalyzinganannualspringfestival

(disombaha)celebratedonaregional level,andsecondtheritualsandactivi-tiesofareformmovementpromotingthe“correct”practiceofSantalcustom,I

discusstheintricaterelationsbetweenandthemeaningattributedtoplaceand

identitybydifferentactors.

In recent decades the Santal have increasingly begun performing their

identityinapoliticalcontext.Thisassertionof“Santalculture”wasaconstant

companionduringmy fieldwork. Soonafter Ihadarrivedat thehouseofmy

first Santal host family, they handed me a brochure stating the aims of the

movement they were active members of. I later understood that this move-

mentwascalledsarnadhorom,oneamongmanySantalsocio-politicalassocia-tionsIencounteredinthearea.

179Parts of this chapter have been published in an article titled Fertility or Indigeneity?TwoVersionsoftheSantalFlowerFestival(Schulte-Droesch2014).


284

Themain argument of this chapter is that the cultural politics staged by the

Santal form a strategy of “making place”.While themaking of place through

ritual,asdiscussedabove,alsofeaturedinthecontextofregionalrituals(such

astheregionalhunt),thelarge,stagedperformancesportrayedinthischapter

haveabroaderframeofreference.Theyareconcernedwiththeformationand

portrayalofaSantal identitytoothercommunitiesof theregionandbeyond.

ThisportrayalofSantal identityisachievedbylocalizedperformances,which

claimtheregionasSantal.Beforemovingontoethnographicdescriptions,this

introductionfurtherdiscussesmyunderstandingofidentity.

“The question of identity seems to crop up everywhere today”, notes

Karlsson (2000, 20) in his book titled Contested Belonging. The Santal arehence no exception in their staging of cultural identity.My understanding of

culturalidentityisbasedonFriedman’sdefinitionthereofas:

(…) a social identity that is based on a specific cultural configuration of a

conscious nature.History, language, race are all possible bases for cultural

identityandtheyareallsociallyconstructedrealities.(Friedman1993,212,

citedinKarlsson2000,200)

Severalothercharacteristicsofidentity,asdevelopedintheliterature,feature

prominentlyinthischapter.Oneimportantcomponentisseeninitsconstruc-

tioninrelationto“theother”,“theconstitutiveoutside”asHall(1996b,4)calls

it.Itis“thewayapersonis,orwishestobe,knownbycertainothers”(Cohen

1993,195).ThisplaysalargeroleinSantalidentityconstructionexpressedin

statementssuchas“Weworshipinsacredgroves,notinbuildingslikechurch-

esortemples.”Tounderlinewhattheotherisnot,istounderlinewhatoneis.But what is emphasized by a group or person as its cultural identity might

changeover time, it isapositioningboundupwithhistoricalprocesses (Hall

1996b,2-4).Thisselectivepositioning,however, isnevermerelyinvented.“It

is rather a positioning which draws upon historically sedimented practices,

landscapesandrepertoiresofmeaning”(Li2000,151).Theaspectsofidentity

thatcertainSantalgroupsemphasizeareneithernaturalorgivennorarethey

invented.Muchmore they are strategically selected froma repertoireof cul-

turalpractice.Takingthisintoaccountshelpsonebetterunderstandhowcer-

taingroupsconstructspecificSantalidentities.

StuartHall’s (1996a, 141) notion of the “articulation of identity” further

providesarelevantconceptforanunderstandingofcontemporarySantaliden-

tityconstructions.Heusesarticulationinitsdoublemeaning:First,initsmean-


285

ingof“toutter,tospeakforth”,inthesenseofexpressingsomething.Second,it

canalsoreferto“aconnectionthatcanmakeaunityoftwodifferentelements,under certain conditions. It is a linkage,which is not necessary, determined,

absoluteandessential foralltime.(…)Different,distinctelements(…)canbe

rearticulated in different ways because they have no necessary ‘belonging-

ness’”(141).Hall(142)seesitascrucialtounderstandthecircumstances,the

historicalcontext,underwhichconnectionscanbeforged.Thushedrawsour

attention to the possibility that identity articulationsmight emphasize some

culturalelementsatsomepointinhistoryandlaterdiscardthemagain.Insum,

myunderstandingofidentityasarticulated,asaselectivepositioningwithref-

erenceto“theother”andboundupinhistoricalprocesses,informsmyanalysis

inthischapter.

ByfocusingfirstontheregionalversionoftheSantalflowerfestival,and

secondontheactivitiesof thesarnamovement, thischapterexplorestheno-tions of identity and region evoked in these contexts. I analyze how cultural

identityisarticulatedinthesetwocontexts,andaskwhichaspectsofidentity

areemphasizedby thedifferentactors involved.These identitiesmakerefer-

encetotheregion,inwhichpeoplelocatetheirculturalpractices.Regionsare

formedbyconnectedplaces,asFeldhaus(2003)suggests.Hence,myanalysis

takes into focus theplaces evoked in theprocess of identity articulation and

discusseshowtheseplacescometoformtheideaofaregion.Becausetheiden-

titypoliticsstagedbytheSantalvis-à-visthestatearearatherrecentphenom-

enon, dating back roughly to the 1940s, it is relevant to take the historical

context inwhichtheyseemtohavethrived, intoaccount.Myexplorationwill

ultimatelyshowthatidentity,regionandhistorycannotbeseparated.


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5.1FlowerFestivals,PoliticsandtheRecentEmergenceof

RegionalSacredGroves(disomjaher)Onceayear,whenthesalandmahuatreesstartbloominginthelunarmonthof Phagun (February/March), the Santal flower festival, baha porob, takesplace. For several days it unites thewhole village and its guests in common

worship, dancing and feasting. The festival has taken place in villages for as

longaspeoplecanremember,butinrecentyearsithastakenonamorepoliti-

cal shapebeyond thevillagecontext.This changehasbeenbroughtaboutby

nationalandglobaldynamicsinwhichtheSantalpositionthemselves.Regard-

edbytheSantalasoneof theirmost important festivals, it isconnectedwith

questionsofidentityandaworldviewdifferentfromothercommunitiesliving

in thearea.Today, Santal activistsandpoliticianspromote the festival asex-

pressingan inherently“tribal”or“indigenous” lifestyle.Thefestival therefore

presentsanarenaforthearticulationofidentity.Inthefollowingamoreelab-

oratedescriptionofSantalsacredgrovesthanundertakenintheintroduction

isgiven. Inordertograsphowthe festivalhasbeentakenfromavillagetoa

morepolitical regional level, its twoversionsare compared.Finally, this sec-

tionanalyzes,whichpartsofSantalidentityarechosentoberepresenteddur-

ing the regionalversionof the festival,whichnotionsofplaceemerge in this

contextandhowthisrelatesto“strategiesoflocalization”.

5.1.1VillageSacredGroves(jaher)andtheAnnualFlowerFestival

SacredGrovesinIndiaSacred groves, as the literature points out (Burman1995; Gadgil andVartak

1976;Malhotra,GokhaleandDas2001),existalloverIndia.Somepartsofthe

literature depict them as sites of biodiversity. As the Santal position them-

selvesinthisdiscourse,itisworthashortelaborationhere.

InRajasthan,allalongtheWesternGhats, inCentralIndiaandinvarious

statesof theNorthEast, patchesof forest are said tobeprotectedbydeities

and subsequently treated with special care. To subsume these various phe-

nomenaunderoneterm,mighthoweverglossoverimportantlocaldifferences.

Partoftheliteratureonthetopicisconcernedwiththestudyofsacredgroves

asparadigmsof biodiversity conservation (cf. for exampleGadgil andVartak

1976; Ormsby 2011). Tomalin (2004) criticizes in this regard that these at-

temptsoversimplifysacredgrovesas“pristineforest”andfallpreytoromanti-


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cizing local practices as inherently nature conserving. Freeman (1994, 9-11,

citedinTomalin2004,278)pointsout“thatsacredgroveswereprotectedout

ofrespectforthedeityratherthanbecauseofaninnatebeliefintheintrinsic

valueofnature”.

Amoreseriousattempttounderstandthelocalculturalmeaningofsacred

grovesispresentedbyUchiyamada(2008),whowritesaboutgrovesinKera-

la.180AsummaryofUchiyamada’sexampleservesasashortillustrationofhow

sacredgrovesare intricately linked toa localworldview. In theSouth Indian

state of Kerala, Uchiyamada (2008) depicts kaavus, as the groves are calledthere,astraditionallyassociatedwiththe“untouchable”Kuravas.Inhisarticle

heanalyzes the transformationsomeof theseplaceshaveundergoneas they

have become appropriated by higher castes. These groves host a variety of

trees and deities, such as ancestors, ghosts, demi-goddesses and demi-gods

andthedivinesnakeNaga.Theyareliminalplacescharacterizedbybothlife-

forceanddanger.Intheseplacesthesoulofthedeadislocatedandfromthere

continuestobeinvolvedintheworldoftheliving.

Thecaseofkaavus inKeralaorwoodedgrovesundertheprotectionofadeityinRajasthan(GoldandGujar1989)showsacredgrovesasrelatedtolo-

cal,low-castevariantsofHinduism.Manyofthefeaturesdescribedinrelation

to thegroves, suchas theanimalsacrificescarriedout in themor the female

deitiespresidingover them(GadgilandVartak1976,156), resemble thecul-

turaltraditionsinthegrovesintribalCentralIndia.Sacredgroves,infact,are

oftendescribedasadefiningfeatureofmanyoftheadivasireligiouspracticesofCentralIndia(Hembram1983;Roy1970,221;Sahay1965).Insomeofthe-

secontextstheyhavebeenusedtorepresentacertainsocialidentityofbeing

adivasi(Burman2013;BordeandJackman2010;Parajuli2001),asthischap-terwillequallyshowintheSantalcase.

Like Tomalin and Freeman mentioned above, Uchiyamada (2008) criti-

cizes the recent upsurge of literature praising sacred groves as biodiversity

preservationareas.DuringmyfieldworkIhadsimilarreservationswhenever

mySantal informantspointedoutthatthey“worshipnature”.Theactualeve-

rydaybehaviorIobservedinvillagestowardstheenvironmentseemedtodif-

fer greatly from these statements oftenmade by Santal political activists. As

Uchiyamadarightlypointsout,the“traditionalmeaning”ofsacredgroves,re-

180Cf.alsoMishraandRangad(2008)onsacredgrovesamongtheKhasiofMeghalaya.


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latedtodeath-lifereciprocityinthecaseofkavuus,andmodern,utilitarianen-vironmentalismarebasedondifferentpremises.

Inasimilarvein,thepointthatgrovesareparadigmsofbiodiversityman-

agementisdifficulttomakeintheSantalcontext,especiallysincethesegroves

often only contain few trees. Rather than focusing on the correctness of the

claims to tribal societybeing inherently “close tonature”, Iwill laterdiscuss

the implications behind this identity articulation. In what follows, I give a

summaryof theculturalmeaningsofvillagesacredgroves for theSantaland

themostimportantfestivalheldinthem.Thiswillprovidethebackgroundfor

themorepoliticizedversionof thesegrovesand festivals introduced thereaf-

ter.

SantalVillagesandtheirSacredGrovesSacredgroves(jaher)amongtheSantalusuallyconsistofaclusteroftreesontheoutskirtsofavillage.Theyshouldideallycontainthreesaltrees,asabodefor the deitiesMarangBuru, JaherEra andMorekoTuruiko and twomahuatreesforGosaeEraandParganabonga(Kochar1966,243).Theseareconsid-ered to be the deities concernedwith thewell-being of the village. They are

benevolentdeities,differentfromthedangerousonesresidingintheforestor

inotherplacesoutsideofthevillage.

Atthefootofthesetreesonefindssmallstones,representingthedeities.

Thestonesareoftencoveredwiththeremainsofwoodenstructuresthatfunc-

tionas temporarilyerectedshrines.Theseshrinesarerenewedeachyear for

the annual flower festival inside the grove. In some groves the shrines have

beenbuiltoutofconcreteandandareoften locatedaroundthestemofasaltree.Besidestheshrinesforthevillagedeitiesthegrovesalsocontainaplace

of worship for the hunting god sendrabonga, usually also represented by astone, encircled by a small boundary of stones. Another deityworshipped at

theoccasionoftheannualflowerfestivalinthegroveisinmanycasesalocal

mountain god,burubonga.As chapter four discussed, this god is included intheworship,becauseit is locatedintheareaandcannotbeleftoutwhenthe

localvillagedeitiesareaddressed.

InthevillagesofEastSinghbhum,intheSantalParganasandinMidnapur

districtofWestBengal,Iencounteredsacredgrovesinmanydifferentshapes.

Insomenewlyestablishedgroves, the treesaresmallandhavebeenplanted

onlyrecently,othergrovescontainmanylargetreesstillresemblingapatchof


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oldforest.Thegrovesalsovaryinsize,somemeasuringonlytenmetersindi-

ameter,whileothersmeasureonehundredmetersacross.Santalsacredgroves

areoftensurroundedbyaboundary.Inthelessconspicuousversionsofgroves

thisboundaryismarkedwithrowsofsmallstones.Inothersacredgrovesthe

boundary consists of a high concretewall obscuring the view into the grove

completely.InSarjumburuvillage,forexample,theoriginalsacredgroveislo-

catedoutsideofthevillageandcontainsmanyoldtrees.Onecanstillspotthe

stonesrepresentingthedeities,butcomparedtothenewgrovemanypartsof

it are overgrown by vegetation, giving it a rather wild impression. Several

yearsagoanewonewasestablishedinthecenterofthevillage,betweentwo

hamlets. Thewall around it had been built by funds obtained from the local

governmentblockoffice.ThesefundsarereservedformembersofScheduled

Tribes in Jharkhandandarepartofastategovernmentschemeimplemented

toprotectsacredsitesof thesecommunities.Villagescan fileapplications for

suchfundswithblockdevelopmentoffices,whichthenpassitontothedistrict

magistrate.Aswithanyschemewhichentitlespeople to funding through the

blockoffice,briberyandpoliticalswayinfluencetheavailabilityofthesefunds.

In sum, the sacredgroves inSantalvillagesvary in sizeandappearance.

NoneofthegrovesIsawformedthickorpristineforest,asotherauthorsem-

phasize forsacredgroves in India.SomeSantalgrovescontainagroupofold

trees,whilenewergrovesonlyhavetwoorthreeyoungtrees.Ratherthanrep-

resentingsomekindof“pristinenature”,thesegrovesforemostsymbolizethe

settlingactivityof theancestors.Whenaskedaboutthe foundationof thevil-

lagesacredgrove,peoplestatethatitislinkedtothefoundationofthevillage.

Itdatesback to the timewhen the foundersof thevillage firstarrived in the

area,clearedtheforestforfieldsandbuilthouses,butleftonepatchofthefor-

est forthevillagedeitiestoreside.Thegrovehencerepresentstherootsthat

theancestorsestablishedinthisplace.Asdiscussedinchapterthree,theplace

whereaspecificlocallineestablishedasacredgroveisreferredtoitsmulgadi.Throughouttheyearseveralritualactivitiestakeplaceinsideofthegrove,

themostelaborateonebeingthespringflowerfestivalcalledbahaporob.Ko-char(1966,246)mentionsthatatthetimeoftheharvestfestivalsohraecattleworship takes place in the sacred grove. In East Singhbhum area this “cattle

worship” is called jaherdangri (literally “the cattle of the sacredgrove”) andtakestheshapeofacattlesacrificeinthegrove,dedicatedtothe“mothergod-

dessofthegrove”,JaherAyo.Peoplespeakofitasalargefestival,attendedbythousandsofvisitorsfromnearandfarvillages.Itshouldideallybeperformed


290

inthree,fiveorsevenyearintervalsineveryvillage,althoughmanyvillagesdo

notperformitatall.ThisisthecasewhentherearemanyHinducastesresid-

ingwith the Santal in the same village orwhen villages are located close to

largertowns.TheSantalIaskedwereatfirstcarefultonotgivetoomuchin-

formationaboutthiscattlesacrifice.TheyareawarethattheHindupopulation

ofthearearejectssuchritualactivity.Anotherfestivalheldinthesacredgrove

is calledmamore(“cut five”, possibly referring to the sacrificesmade to fivedeitiesofthegrove).Ittakesplaceinequallylargeintervalsatthebeginningof

therainyseason,andentailsbothgoatandcattlesacrifices.

Ingeneral,thereareseveralannualSantalrituals,whichdonottakeplace

in the sacred grove. Among them are sohrae, the harvest festival andmaghbonga,duringwhichtheworshipiscarriedoutinafieldoutsideofthevillage.Theworshipattheoccasionoftheannualhuntingfestival,too, is locatedina

smallgrovecalled“huntinggrove”(sendrajaher)separatefromthevillageone.The following section illustrates theannual flower festivalheld in thevillage

sacredgroveingreaterdetailinordertolaterdistinguishitfromtheregional

flowerfestival(disombaha).

TheAnnualVillageFlowerFestival(bahaporob)Almost everySantal ethnography includes adescriptionof the annual flower

festival(cf.forexampleArcher2007,237ff;Carrin-Bouez1986,104ff;Culshaw

2004,103ff;Troisi2000,134ff).Thiseventcontainsnoneof thesecrecy that

accompany several other ritualpractices, as for example the sacrificesof the

local line(jomsimbonga)described inchapter threeor theancestorworshipin theancestralshrine, themost interiorplaceofaSantalhouse. Instead, the

springflower(baha)festivalis,nexttotheharvestfestivalsohrae,oneofmostwidelytalkedaboutandattendedfestivalsinSantalareas.

Thebahafestivalisrelevantforthischapter,becauseitrepresentsthedy-namic of “tradition” and a staging of identity in its context. Since about the

1980s,baha festivalshavebeencelebrated inaregionalcontext, in largersa-credgrovescalleddisomjahers.For thisoccasion,people fromallover there-gion come to attend the festival. Here, “celebrating the Santal way” is

performed to the participants and the media, portraying certain features of

Santal culture toa largegroupof spectators.For thesakeof comparison, the

followingsectionintroducesthemainaspectsofthevillageflowerfestival.


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Theblossomingofthesaltreemarksthebeginningofbaha festivalsinSantalvillages, celebrating spring and new growth. The central role sal andmahuaflowersplay in the festivalgives it itsname.The festivaloftentakesplaceon

differentdatesindifferentvillagesandthusenablesmutualvisitsofrelatives.

It is a high-spirited time, characterized by joy (raska), as many people ex-pressedit.

AcomparisonofthefivebahafestivalsIattendedin2011and2012indif-ferentvillagesofEastSinghbhumshowsslightvariationsintheritualpractices

ofthefestivalfromoneplacetoanother.Thecoreactivitiesofthefestival,such

asthesacrificesinthegrove,thehandingofflowerstoeachvillager,thepos-

sessions,thedancinginthegroveandthehuntonthethirddayarethesame,

but the elaboration of certain features within these activities varies. My de-

scriptioninthefollowingbringstogetherfeaturesfromthesedifferentplaces

andpointsoutvariationwhereitisrelevant.

TheFirstDay:Preparation

On the first day of the baha festival the village usually buzzeswith activity:Womenmend the outsidewalls of their houseswithmud andpaint them in

different colorsafterwards.While thewomen tend to thehouses, themenof

thevillagerepairtheshrinesofthe jaherandhangcolorfulpapergarlandsinthegrove,acrossthevillagestreetandinthevillagedanceground(akhra).ItisatthistimethatIfirstencounteredtheovertsexualsymbolismthatreappears

laterinvariousotheractivitiesofthefestival:Inthemorningyoungmenform

strawfiguresinthejaher.Oneisintheshapeofapeacock,andanotherfigureisa strawmale figurewithover-sizedgenitals, joined togetherwitha female

figure, suggesting sexual intercourse. Later, both figureshang froma rope at

theentrancetothejaher.TheeveningactivitiesofthisfirstdayweremostelaborateinSarjomburu

village.Hereatleastonehundredmenandwomenassembledinthecourtyard

ofthevillagepriest’shouse,whereyoung,unmarriedboysofthevillageserved

ricebeertoeveryone.Thewomenwereseatedinonecornerofthecourtyard,

themeninanother.Forhoursthemensangoneverseofasongandthewom-

enrepeatedtheseverses.Withthesesongsthevillagerscalledthegods,andup

to fivepeople fell intoatrance,possessedbythevillagedeitiesMarangBuru,JaherAyo,MorekoTuruiko andManjhiHaram. InMuruguti village nowomenattendedtheeveningactivitiesandnosingingtookplace.Herethepossession

wasbroughtaboutbythemediumsthemselves,whoeachreceivedawinnow-


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ingfanwithhuskedrice.Withcircularhandmovementstheymovedthericein

thewinnowingfan,whichthenresultedinpossession.

Asthegodsspeakingthroughthemediumsaretheonesresidinginthesa-

credgrove,theirnumberisprescribedandshouldbeatleastfour(MarangBu-ru,JaherAyo,MorekoTruikoandManjhiHaram).SinceMorekoTuruikoliterallymeans “Five Six”, he often appears in theplural andpossesses severalmedi-

ums.Inthecourtyardthevillageeldersthenpresentedthegodswiththeirat-

tributes.MorekoTuruiko,asagodassociatedwithhunting, receivedbowandarrow(aksar), JaherAyowasgivenabroom(jono)andabasket(daore),Ma-rangBuru was handed an iron rod (barsihapa).With these instruments thepossessedmediumsmade theirway to the sacredgrove to see if ithadbeen

preparedwellfortheactivitiesofthenextday.

TheMainDay:Sacrifices,FeastingandDancing

Onthemaindayofthebahafestivalrelativesfromothervillagesarrived.Espe-ciallymarriedwomen,togetherwiththeirhusbandsandchildrenmakeuseof

thisoccasion tovisit theirnativevillages.Butalso relatives like themother’s

brother or father’s sister come and bring their respective partners and chil-

drenalong.Althoughthesevisitsbyaffinalrelativesplayedanimportantrole

inthefestival’sactivities,theritualactivitiesinthesacredgrovewerereserved

forthemenofthevillage.Onlytheyattendedtheritualactofsacrificingtothe

jaherdeitiesinthemorning.Thesacrificeswereperformedbythevillagepriest(naeke)at the footof

sal treeswithinthegroveandachickenofprescribedcolorwasdedicatedtoeachdeityofthegrove.Inthemainshrine,MarangBuru,themaledeityofthegrove,receivedsalflowersandawhitecock(pondsandi),whileJaherAyo,themotherofthegrove,wasofferedmahuablossomsandaspeckledpullet(herakkalot).Thebodiesofthesacrificedchickensandgoatswerelaterjointlyeatenbythemenofthevillage.MorekoTuruikoreceivedaredcock(araksandi)andpossessedseveralmediums.Whiledancingaroundtheshrineinthegrove,he

tookabowandarrowandthehunters’horn(sakua)ashisattributes.Inmostvillagesatleastonegoat,awhiteoneforMarangBuru,wassacrificedaswell.Thiswasdonebythegodsthemselves,throughthemediums.MorekoTuruikoshotanarrowintothegoat,afterwhichthegoatwasbeheadedwithasacrifi-

cialaxe.

Each village household contributed a chicken to the collective sacrifices

andthesechickenswereofferedlaterinaseparatesacrificialcircle.Although


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womenwereexcludedfromtheritualsacrificesintheshrine,theirattendance

of the worship activities was essential. Only once they started singing and

dancingdidthegodsarriveandpossessedthemediums,makingitpossiblefor

the ritual to proceed. Five people then becamepossessed by the gods of the

sacred grove,who, like the evening before, each took on their respective at-

tributes.Insomevillagesthemediumsthenleftthegroveandcollectedsalandmahuaflowersfromtheforest.Women’scontributiontotheritualactivitiesinthe jaher isespeciallyremarkable,becausethebaha festival isoneofthetwooccasionswhentheyareallowedtoenterthegrove.Insomevillagestheiren-

tryintothejaherisalsotoleratedduringthecattlesacrifice(jaherdangri).

Photo36:Womendancinginthesacredgroveattheoccasionofthebahafestival.Theirsinginganddancingcallsthegods,whilethevillagepriest(naeke)ispreparingthesacrificialcircles.Thestrawbundleonthetreeiscalledtoresutamandconsidered

tobethevenuethroughwhichthedeitiescome.

In the evening, after resting during the heat of the afternoon, villagers, their

visitingrelativesandpeoplefromneighboringvillagesmovedinlargecrowds

towards the jaher. Thewomen stood in lines in front of the shrine.Here thevillagepriesthandedeachonea sal flower,which theyput in theirhair.Themen,whoalsoreceivedtheseflowersshortlyafter,putthembehindtheirears.

People tookgreat careof these flowersand laterhung themaboveadoorof


294

theirhouseasasignofauspiciousness(sagun).Whilethegroupsofmenandwomendancetotherhythmofthedrums,thegodsreturnedagain,manifested

inthescreamsandseeminglyuncontrolleddancingofthemediums.

With theonsetofdarkness,people returned to theirhouses,where they

ate,drankricebeer,sangandsocialized.InthehousewhereIwashostedbyan

old lady, her brothers-in-law had brought their banam. They sang a singraisong,usuallysungatthehuntingfestivalsdiscussedinchapterfour.Later,dur-

ing thenight,allgenerationsandespecially theyoung,starteddancing in the

villagedanceground.Untilthefollowingmorning,thedancingjoinedmenand

womenfrominsideandoutsidethevillageinlonglines.Oftenthegirlsdanced

together,handsfirmly locked.Whenaboysawagirlhewasinterestedin,he

approachedherandtriedtoconvincehertolethimjoininthelineanddance

next toher.OftenIcouldobservethat thegirlandher friendsrejectedhim–

sometimeshetriedafewmoretimes,untilhehadtogiveup.Butitisnotonly

themenwho initiate such encounters – for a girl, often togetherwith other

girls, can do so aswell. The flirtatious atmosphere cannot be overlooked, as

Babiracki(2001,44)haspointedoutinwritingaboutvillageadivasidancingingeneralandMundadancinginparticular.

TheThirdDay:ObservingtheAuspiciousClayPitcher,HuntingandWater

Fights

Asalreadydescribedindetailinchapterfour,thethirddayofthebahafestivalconsistsof threemainactivities,whicharementionedhere again shortlybe-

causetheyprovideimportantdetailsformylaterargumentaboutfertility.The

lastritualactivitiestookplaceinthepriest’shouseonthemorningofthethird

day.Hereaclaypitcherwasusedtopredicttherainfallforthecomingagricul-

tural season.After singing songs commenting onhunting activities and com-

municating with the hunting deity through a medium, men and boys of the

villageembarkedonthefirsthuntoftheyeararmedwithbows,arrows,axes

andspears,accompaniedbytheirhuntingdogs.Theylaterreturnedtothevil-

lage ledby a groupofdrummers, singing songs (singraiseren). In the villagethepriest’swifereceivedthembywashingandoilingtheirfeet.Paralleltothe-

sehuntingactivities,waterfightstookplaceineachhouseholdandonthevil-

lagestreetbetweenaffinalrelatives.


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ThemesofVillageFlowerFestivals:FertilityofHumansandFieldsTosummarize,theSantalvillageflowerfestivalcelebratesthearrivalofspring.

Itbringstogethervillagersandtheiraffinalrelativesinacelebrationofrenew-

al,symbolizedbythebloomingofsalandmahua trees.Theritualactionsandsymbolismofthefestivalsuggestthatthethemeoffertilityinthesenseoffe-

cundityandfruitfulnessstandsatitscenter.Theconceptoffertilityinmyanal-

ysisisanabstractionfromthemanyconcreteenactmentsandsymbolsthereof

withintheSantalflowerfestival.

Morespecifically, this fertilityappearswithin themoregeneral themeof

newgrowthinthecontextoftheflowerfestival.Peopleofferthefirstsalandmahua flowersoftheseasontothedeitiesofthesacredgrove.Inaddition,asdiscussedinthecontextoftheritualofobservingtheauspiciousclaypitcher,

therainforthecomingagriculturalseasonispredicted.Thisrainistofloodthe

fieldsandnourishthesoontobesownriceseeds.

Butthisfertilityalsoappearsintheshapeofreferencestosexuality,which

hintathumanreproduction.Thestrawfigureofahumancoupleinsexualin-

tercourse hung in the sacred grove, the visits of affinal relatives, the promi-

nenceofricebeerasasymbolofhumanreproduction,andthecentralroleof

dancingduring the festival serveasexamples.The fertilityarticulatedduring

theSantal flowerfestival thuscompriseshumanaswellasenvironmentalas-

pects.Insteadofdistinguishingthesetwodomains,orspeakingof“humanfer-

tility” and “natural fertility” as Bloch and Parry (1982, 18) do, my Santal

ethnography suggests no such distinction. Rather, the growth of plants and

humans result from similar mechanisms, namely the joining of and connec-

tionsbetween twodistinct entities.Whilehuman reproduction resultsoutof

the relationships between agnatic and affinal relatives, the growth of rice

plantsresultsoutoftheestablishedconnectionbetweenforestandcultivated

fields.

My argument concerning human reproduction here is that on the one

handtheflowerfestivalensuresthefertilityandthecontinuationofthewhole

village.The sacredgrove itself is a reminderof the foundationof the village.

Thegroveisthepatchofforestleftoverfromwhentheancestorsclearedthe

forestinordertotillthelandandestablishavillage.Thedeitiesofthesacred

grovefunctionasbenevolentdeitiesforthevillageasawhole,includingmany

latecomerswhodonotbelong to theagnaticgroupsof theoriginal founders.

Forthesacrificestothedeitiesofthegroveeachvillagehouseholdcontributes


296

achicken.Therefore, the festival is concernedwith the fertilityof thevillage,

withitsgenerallyagnaticconnotation.

Ontheotherhand,theflowerfestivalalsoexpressesthecomplementarity

ofaffines,ideallyresidinginothervillages,andagnates.Itstatesthatthejoin-

ingof these twocategories is essential for the continuedexistenceof theag-

nates. This is most vividly expressed in the important role married women

play during the festival. They are the ones who have come into the agnatic

group as in-laws. Once a year, at the occasion of the flower festival they are

permittedtoenterthesacredgrove.Theircontributiontotheritualactivitiesis

essential.Throughtheirsinginganddancingtheycallthedeities,whosepartic-

ipationmakesthefestivalanespeciallyauspiciousandhappyevent.

Thefertilityoffieldsandtheforestequallyplaysanimportantroleinthe

flower festival. This is expressed in several of the festival’s ritual actions, in-

cluding thegeneral roleofwild sal andmahua flowers, thehunt and theob-servingof theauspiciousclaypitcher. Inall theseactions, spatialmovements

betweenthespheresofforestandvillagearecrucial.Wildflowersarebrought

intothesacredgrove,offeredtothevillagedeities,handedtothevillagersand

laterplacedinthehouses.Preyfromtheforestisbroughtintothevillage.And

onthesamedaytheclaypitcherfilledwithwaterpredictsthecomingrainfall

fortheagriculturalyear.Thehunting(sendrabonga)andmountainrituals(bu-rubonga)discussedinchapterfourarticulatethesameassociationofthefor-estwith rain. The fertility of the fields is inmost villages of East Singhbhum

solely dependent on themonsoon. Ritual logic hence suggests that the fields

receivetheirfertilityfromthedomainoftheforest.Theflowerfestivalthere-

forearticulatesthattheforestplaysan importantrole inthecontinuedexist-

ence of the village and its inhabitants. Because a sufficient rice harvest,

supplementedbytheuseofforestproducts(forexampledriedmahuaflowersand various other edible plants of the forest), is the most important food

sourcefortheSantalinthisarea,thisfertilityoftheforestandthefieldsisthe

conditionforhumangrowthandreproduction.

Thereferencetowomenasflowersinseveralcontextsshows,thathuman

reproductionandthe fertilityofplantsareconceptualized insimilar terms in

theSantalworldview. Insongssungduringthebaha festival, the flowersofatreerefertoyoungwomenwhohavematured,readytobe“picked”bysuitable

men.Asportrayedinchapterthree,duringoneofthefirstritualencountersin

thecontextofmarriagearrangements,thegroom’spartyreferstothepotential

brideasaflower.


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TheseandotherSantalmetaphors,whichoftendrawanalogiesbetweenplants

andhumans– life stagesare, forexample,expressed in termsof tressand in

ritualpracticeachildorgroomandbridecanbemarriedtoatree–underline

mypreviousassertion that there isnoontologicaldifferencebetweensociety

and“nature”.Rather,oneisexpressedintermsoftheother.

While it ismy conclusion here that the village flower festival celebrates

andgenerates fertility in thesenseof the fecundityofplantsandsociety, the

caseofregionalflowerfestivals(disombaha)portrayedinthefollowingshowsthat this isnot the core concernof these festivals. Instead, someelementsof

thevillagefestivalhavebeenelaboratedwhileothershavebeenleftoutcom-

pletely. Insteadofvisitsbetweenrelativesorthe importanceof theforestex-

pressed in the hunt, organized dancing and the gathering of thousands of

peoplefromallovertheregionstandsintheforefront.Notfertility,butthear-

ticulationofaspecificSantalidentityiscentraltothisritual.

5.1.2RegionalSacredGroves(disomjaher)In contrast to village sacred groves, their regional counterparts have only

beenestablishedrecently.Datingbacktoroughlythe1960s, thebuildingof

regional sacred groves is linked to thehistory of industrialization in Santal

areas.Thesecretaryof thedisomjaher atSurdamines, locatedbetweenthetowns of Ghatsila and Musabani, explained that the reason for the jaher’sfoundationwasthemigrationofSantalworkerstothisarea.Theyhadcome

fromWestBengal,OdishaandotherplacesofJharkhandtoworkinlocalcop-

per mines, run by the company Hindustan Copper Limited. Because these

men and their families did not belong to any village of the area, they ex-

pressedthedesiretoestablishaplaceforcollectiveworship.Togetherwith

theirlocalcolleaguestheydecidedtobuildasacredgroveindependentfrom

villages,inwhichtheycouldholdSantalannualrituals,mostimportantlythe

spring flower festival (baha porob). In Jhargram, a town in West Bengal,youngSantalmenspokeofthesamemotivationforthebuildingofthedisomjaher located in the town’s center: “It was built for those Santal who hadfound jobs in the city and had left their villages.” Migration of this kind is

most often spurred by employment opportunities in regional mines and

thereforecloselyrelatedtoindustrializationinthearea.Theestablishmentof

disom jahers located in the industrial town of Jamshedpur as well as inGhatsila,closetoMoubhandarcoppermines,fitsintothispattern.Peoplealso


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spokeofdisomjahersbuilt inlargecitiessuchasKolkataandRanchi,whereSantalmenhavefoundemploymentinthegovernmentandrailwaysector.

Arelevantaspectrelatedtourbanmigrationistheincreasedinteraction

with other religious communities and the growing awareness of one’s own

cultural and religious background. “All these communities have their own

places of worship. The Hindus have temples, Muslims have mosques and

Christiansgotochurch,buttheSantalonlyhadtheirvillagesacredgroves”,

thepreviouslymentionedsecretaryofadisomjaherspecified.Withthebuild-ing ofdisomjahers, the Santalworkers created their own place ofworship(bongajaega)asamaterialrepresentationoftheirreligiousdifferencefromothercommunities.

ThelandusedforestablishingthesacredgroveatSurdaminesbelongs

to the Indian government. Because itwas forested land, the ForestDepart-

menthadpreviouslyadministeredit.TheSantalmenworkingatSurdamines

askedtheForestDepartmenttomakethelandavailable,sothatawallcould

beerectedaroundtheforestanditcouldbeusedasaplaceofworship.Ini-

tially,theForestDepartmentrefusedandpeoplestartedoccupyingtheplace.

Afternegotiations, itwas finally allocated to themunder the condition that

theywould not cut any trees. TheDistrict ForestOfficer then provided the

building material to surround the grove. The government block office fi-

nancedanotherbuildingontheinsideofthegrove.Writingonthejaher’swalldatesitsestablishmentbackto1989.InthecaseofthesacredgroveinJhar-

gramcertainsimilaritiesexist.Itislocatedinaplacewhereaweeklymarket

(hat) used to be held. The people I interviewed stated that eventually thegovernmentgavepermissiontousetheplaceasasacredgrove.Theremark-

able fact that in both cases public land was made available for the Santal

communitypointstothelocalpoliticalinfluencetheSantalpossess.

AcommonthemeemergedfrommanyconversationsIhadaboutthere-

gional sacred groves inMusabani, Ghatsila and Jhargram. People especially

highlightedtheenvironmentalbenefitsoftheseforestedplaces.Someofthe

foundersemphasized thatdisomjaherswereestablished “againstdeforesta-tion”.Statementssuchas“wetribalpeopleworshipnature”,referringtothe

location of Santal sacrificial rituals under trees,made use of the same dis-

course, namely that indigenous people have a special relationshipwith the

environment.SomeoftheSantalpoliticalmovementsIencounteredstrategi-

cally employed this global discourse, in order to lend their political claims

morelegitimacy.Theestablishmentofregionalsacredgrovescanbelinkedto


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araisedawarenessamongtheSantalofthepoliticalpossibilitiesandbenefits

their minority position offers. Performing large annual celebrations in re-

gional sacred groves can be interpreted as one way of emphasizing this

uniqueSantalidentity.

Theorganizationbehind regional sacredgroves itselfdifferentiatesbe-

tweendifferentcommunitiesofthearea.Ingeneral,non-Santal,suchaspot-

ters,weaversor ironsmiths,canbesimplemembersofadisomjaher.Surdadisom jaher for example has 501 so-called “simple members”. Today eachpersonpays200Rupeesayear.Atthe jaher’s timeoffoundationthisyearlymembership feewas set at 10Rupees.Apart from this simplemembership

open to anyone, the decision-making committee, as people emphasized,

shouldonlyconsistofSantalmembers.ThiscommitteehasanelectedSecre-

tary,PresidentandTreasurer.

Totheleftofthe jaher’sgatea largewallstatesthenamesofdonorstotheannualspringflowerfestivalcelebratedinthejaher.In2011alocalpoli-tician,Ghatsila’sMemberofLegislativeAssembly(MLA)RamdasSorenfrom

thepoliticalparty JharkhandMuktiMorcha(JMM),donated the largest sum

of25,001Rupees.Otherdonationsrange from24,900Rupees to the lowest

sumof500Rupees.InadditiontotheMLAofGhatsila,thereareothernota-

ble individuals invited to and involved in the activities in the jaher. Amongthemare localpoliticiansandSantal leaders,suchasthedeshparganaBaijuMurmuand the toropparganas of the area. In 2013 the list comprised117names.MostofthedonorswereSantal,butonealsofindsfamilynamessuch

asDuttaandSingh,whicharenotSantalnames.Adonor’splaceofresidence

islistednexttohisname.Manyliveinvillagesofthearea,butsomeofthem

alsoresidefurtherawayinJamshedpur,RanchiandoneeveninDelhi.

On the occasion of the annual flower festival, a priest (naeke) especiallyappointed for thisdisomjaher, carries out all of the ritual activity.When thejaherwas foundedseveralnaekes of theareaweresummoned todecidewhowas to takeon this function.Throughamediumoneof themwaschosen.He

happenstobethevillagepriestofthenearbyvillageofSurda.Apartfromthe

flower festival, many regional sacred groves also celebrate the ritual called

makmore(“tocut/beheadfive”).InthevillageitisheldeitherinMay/JuneorinDecemberandconsistsofacowandwaterbuffalosacrifice.Themeatisthen

distributed in even portions to each household in the village. People agreed

that cowsacrifices couldnotbecarriedout in thedisomjahers, because theyarelocatedintownswherehigh-casteHindusreside.Becausecowsaresacred


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animals in Hinduism, itwas decided that sacrificing themwouldmost likely

createconflict.Inordertoavoidanysuchnegativeattention,goatsandchick-

ensaresacrificedinthedisomjahersduringmakmoreinstead.AcomparisonofdifferentregionalsacredgrovesaroundSurda,andinthe

townsofGhatsilaandChakuliareveals that their foundation falls inone time

period.TheSurdadisomjaherwasfoundedin1989,theoneinGhatsilain1985and the Chakulia one in 1984. People reported that the building of a disomjaher inonetowngaveotherpeopleinanotherplacetheideatodothesame,and so a snowball effect led to the local emergence of disom jahers in the1980s.AsIwillarguelater,anotherfactorcanbefoundintheculturalactivi-

tiessupportedbytheJharkhandmovement,activeintheareaatthattime.Es-

pecially the JMM supported many cultural activities, among them large

celebrationsofvillagefestivals.

Thefollowingdepictionsoftwodifferentflowerfestivalscelebratedindi-somjaherswill portrayhowa festival, previouslyonly celebrated in a villagecontext,servesasavitalexampleofSantal“culturalism”(Sahlins1999,x)to-

day. The performance of this re-invented tradition has become an annual

markerofSantalidentityinthisareainthelastdecades.

5.1.3DescriptionofTwodisombahaFestivalsA comparison of Santal rituals in general reveals a variety of practices. De-

pendentontheircircleofparticipantsandtheir locationsomeof themgivea

ratherinvariableimpressionwhileothersappearmoredynamic.“Wedoitlike

this,becauseourancestorstaughtustodoso”wastheanswerIoftenreceived

when-everIattemptedtoprobeintothereasonsbehindapeculiaractivityin

anySantalritual.Thesharingofdrinkandfoodwiththeancestorsintheances-

tralshrineislimitedtoaclosecircleofpeoplewholiveinthesamehousehold.

Chapterthreedepictedanexampleofasimilarlyrestrictiveritualofthe local

line:during the sacrificial ritual jomsimbonga thedeityof the local linewaspleasedwithsacrificialgoatbloodpouredonthisgroup’sland.Whilesomeas-

pects of these rituals bear signsof slight alteration – today aprintedbanner

writtenintheSantalscriptOlChikistatesthenameofitsorganizers–people

regardedthemasseriouseventswithlittleroomforchangeintheircoreritual

actions.Thissetstheseritualsapartfromthethreecasespresentedinthenext

section.


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What distinguishes these regional versions of the annual flower festival

from their village counterparts are their largegroupsofparticipants and the

ensuing publicity. In regional sacred groves, the festival revolves neither

aroundmutual visits of kin, nor around sacrifices and commensality. Rather,

disombaha festivals feature large dance performances, politicians’ speechesandanorganizedportrayalofSantalculture.

AdisombahaFestivalatSurdaThelargestandbest-knownregionalsacredgrove(disomjaher)intheareaisthe“Surdacrossing jaher”locatedataroadintersectionconnectingMusabaniandGhatsila. Its remarkable set-upmakes it easily visible as a “Santalplace”

from the outside. The grove is surroundedby a concretewall and its gate is

decorated with signs stating: “Disom Jaher Garh” and “PujaPlace” (worshipplace) in Roman, Hindi and Ol Chiki script. To the right of the gate a board

gives information about the different worship places within the jaher. Theboardfurtherspecifiesthejaher’sconstructiondatein1989.Totheleftofthemaingateawallwiththewriting“Disomjahergarh,Bahabonga2011honora-ble donors list” states the names of about 120 individuals togetherwith the

amountofmoneytheydonated for theannualdisombaha festival. In frontofthedisomjaherstandsasmalltemple-likebuilding,shelteringabronzestatueof Baba Tilka Manjhi – the first Santal freedom fighter, who took up arms

againsttheBritishin1784(Munda2004,185)–decoratedwithaflowerchain

andarmedwithbowandarrow.Theinsideofthegrovefeaturesalargecircle

surroundedbypatchesofforest.Thecenterconsistsofanelevatedplatformon

whichacircleofsaltreeswasplanted.Inthemiddleofthistreecirclestandsasmall shedmadeofwoodenpoles, servingasa shrine for the flower festival.

Here sacrifices, possession and invocations take place in themorning of the

festival.Thelargestpartofthegroveconsistsofthedancegroundsurrounding

thisinnercircleoftrees.


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Photo37:Theregionalsacredgrove(disomjaher)atSurda.

For theoccasionof theannual regional flower festival in2011 thegrovehad

beendecoratedelaborately.Fromthetreesinthemiddle,colorfulrowsofcloth

stretchedtotheedgesofthedanceground,creatingasortofroof.Betweenthe

clothshung ropeswith glitterypaper.Onone sideof the grove a large stage

hadbeensetup,wherepoliticiansandtheboardmembersofthedisomjaherwerelaterseated.

Thedayofthefestivalbeganwithalesspubliceven,namelytheworship

in theshrine in themorning.Thenaeke of thedisomjaherperformedsimilarritualactionsastakeplaceduringthevillagebahafestival.Atthefootofasaltree he drew sacrificial circles and sacrificed chickens to the deities of the

grove.Thechickenswerebroughtbyeachhouseholdoftheadjoiningvillages

tothedisomjaher.Awhitegoat,sacrificedtothegodMarangBuru,aswellasotherritual ingredientshadbeenpurchasedby the jaher committeewith thehelpofdonations.Thesacrificial food(sore)wascookedhereafter,andcouldonlybeconsumedbymembersofthedisomjaher.Thelargecrowds,socharac-teristicofthisfestival,arrivedintheafternoon.Atthattimethepriestwiththe

help of assistants, handed sal flowers to the attendants, who then wore the


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flowersbehindtheirearsorintheirhair.Thesacrificesandthedistributionof

flowersareequallyfeaturesofthevillageflowerfestival,buttheydonotnec-

essarilyshapetheimageofthedisombahafestivalinthemindsofthepartici-pants,spectatorsandthemedia.

Thecoreofthisdisombahafestivalconsistedoflargedanceperformances.Formanyhoursthedancegroundwastransformedintoacloudofdust,vibrat-

ingwiththestepsofhundredsoffemaleandmaledancersdressedinidentical

clothes. Thewomenwore checkered “Santal sarees”, some of thembalanced

water-filledvaseson theirheadswhiledancing.Themendanced in separate

lines,dressedinidenticaldhotiswithpeacockfeatherstiedtotheirturbans.Infront of each line of dancers a group ofmenwere beating Santal drums, the

tamak and tumda. Many young men who were watching the dance perfor-mances filmed the dance groupswith theirmobile phones. Several videos of

disombahadancescanbefoundonYouTube,anInternetvideoplatform,evi-denceof themanydisombaha festivals organized.Unlike thedancingduringthevillage flower festival, thedancingat thedisomjahers isnot inclusive. In-steaditisanorganizedperformance.Thedayfollowingthedisombahafestival,allmajorregionalnewspapersfeaturedpicturesofthesedances,oftenprovid-

ingverylittlebackgroundinformationaboutthefestival.

ThedisombahafestivalatSurdacrossingfurtherprovidesanarenaforlo-calpoliticians.While thegroupsdanced, thepoliticiansgavespeechesbroad-

castedtothecrowdthroughmicrophonesandloudspeakers.Theydidsofrom

the stage set up for their attendance. In 2012, Ghatsila’sMLARamdas Soren

attended the celebration accompanied by several armedbodyguards.He is a

memberofthelocallyveryprominentpoliticalpartyJharkhandMuktiMorcha.

NexttohimsatthedeshparganaofGhatsila,whotraditionallypresidesoverallthevillageheadmen(manjhis)ofalargearea.Alsoonthestagewerethearea’storopparganas andmembersof theboardof thedisomjaher,manyofwhomworkinthenearbycoppermine.Thepresenceofthesepoliticiansmightbethe

reasonwhysomeSantalcriticsofthesedisomjahersreferredtothemas“polit-icalworshippingplaces”.


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Photo38:DanceperformancesduringtheregionalflowerfestivalatSurda.The

womenarewearingwhatiscalled“Santalsarees”.

Photo39:GroupofdrummersanddancersduringtheregionalflowerfestivalatSurda

disomjaher.


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Whilemanypeople camemainly towatch thedances, others embarkedon a

trail fromonesacredsiteof thegrove toanother.Themaze formedby these

sitesisportrayedoutsideonthewallofthejaher.Eachoftheseplacesfeaturedclaystatues,measuringaboutonemeterinheight.181Thestatuestaughtpeople

aboutSantaltradition,suchasthemaingodsofthesacredgroveandtheactivi-

tiesoftheancestors.Behindeachofthescenesattachedtoatreewasashort

Santalidescription,writteninDevanagariscript.Differentscenes,forexample,

depictedthesevensonsandsevendaughtersoftheancestralSantalcouplePil-cuHaram andPilcuBudhi. Theywere hunting and gathering, dancing, drum-ming,andworshippingthegods.

Photo40:ClaystatuesintheregionalsacredgrovedepictingtheSantalancestorsashunters.

The most defining feature of the disom baha festival at Surda is the largeamount of participants. Several thousand people attended the large celebra-

tion.Wordofmouthandprintedinvitationssentoutbythedisomjahercom-mitteedrewpeoplefrommanypartsofJharkhandandtheadjoiningstatesof

181Similar-lookingclaystatuesseemtobeusedinotheradivasifestivalsinCentralIndiaascanbeseenonapictureofthe2009AdivasiExhibitioninBhubaneswar,takenbyMarkusSchleiter

(DeMaakerandSchleiter2010,16).


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Odisha andWest Bengal. The organizers even maintained that people come

from as far away as Assam and Nepal. They arrived in chartered busses, in

hiredjeeps,onmotorbikesandonfoot.Onthatday,beforereachingthegrove,

onehadtoweavethrougha longtraffic jam.Astheirnamesalreadystate,di-sombahafestivalsattractthepeopleofthewholeregion(disom)toattendthisnewformatofthevillageflowerfestival.ThecaseoftheSurdadisombahafes-tival is representative formanyotherones thathavegrownoutof industrial

structuresinthearea.Inasimilarmanner,inthenearbytownsofGhatsilaand

in Chakulia, Santal workers have acquired the right to use land for these

groves,formedcommitteesandannuallyorganizelargeflowerfestivalssimilar

totheSurdaone.Thecollectiveaspectofthesetypesofregionalsacredgroves

withanindustrialbackgroundsetsthemapartfromthecasedescribedinthe

following.Thisdisomjaherwasbuiltbyaninfluentialfamily,whoalreadypos-sessedresourcestobuildit.Therefore,theywererelativelyfreetoshapecer-

tain aspectsof the festival to their liking, a leewayunthinkable in thevillage

context.

AdisombahaFestivalintheVillageofChanuaAwayfromthearea’stownsandmainroads,alocalresidentofChanuavillage

builtadisomjaherontheoutskirtsofhissmallvillagein2007.Theman’sfami-lyappeared toberatherwealthy.Notresemblingotherhouses in thevillage,

hishousewasbuiltofconcrete.Awellwas locatedonthe insideof itscourt-

yard and a refrigerator andmotorbikes pointed to sources of ample income.

Theman’swifeandhismarriedsonwereteachersinlocalschools.

Locatedbesidesadirtroadleadingtovillagesintheforest,thedisomjaherhe had builtwasmodest in appearance compared to the Surda one. A stone

slabinformedtheby-passersthatitwasthejaherofKherwalbongso(bongso–“kin,kindred, lineage”(Bodding2010,1:342)).Thefounderhimself listedall

Santal clans as belonging to theKherwal.182A lowwall of bricks surrounded

thecenterof thesacredgrove.Within theboundaryof thewallsasmallcon-

cretehousewaslocated.Itsheltereda largestoneslabcementedintoasmall

platform. In front of the platform a linga was placed, bearing strong resem-blancetotheshivalingainaHindutemple.ThisshedwaswhereMarangBuru,

182ThespellingofthistermdiffersbetweenKherwal,KharwarorKherwarindifferentsources.

Incontrasttomyinformant,Bodding(2010,1:ix)describes“Kharwar”asincludingtheSantal,

theMunda,theBirhorandtheKurmis.


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thesupremegodofthesacredgrove,wascalledduringthefestival.Peopletold

methatthe lingarepresentedthegodhimself,asdosmallstonesinothersa-cred groves. To the right of the shed three small cemented platforms with

stonesrepresentedtheothergodsofthegrove:JaherAyo,MarangBuru’swife,MorekoTuruikoandthespiritofthevillageheadman,ManjhiHaram.

Photo41:TheshrineforMarangBuruintheregionalsacredgroveofChanuavillage.

In2012,whenIattendedthedisombahafestivalheldinthegrove,itsmainrit-ualeventsresembledtheonesalreadydescribedforotherdisombahafestivals.Thefounderofthegroveservedasitspriestandcarriedoutalltheritualsteps

ofanointingthestones,applyingsindurtothesacrificialchickensandlaterin-vokingthedeitiestoacceptthesacrifices.

Thenaekeandhisfamilyclearlycaredaboutthepublicityoftheeventandhadinvitedseveraljournalistsoflocalnewspapers,whowereallowedtoenter


308

thegroveduringtheritualactivities.Thefamilygaveinterviewsandarranged

stagedphotographs,whichincludedmeandsomefestivalparticipantsinSan-

taldress.Myparticipationinthedancingwasalsophotographedbymany.Fur-

ther remarkable was that the naeke seemed concerned about painting aprogressive picture of the activities in his sacred grove. He emphasized that

even girls and women were allowed to eat the sacrificial food in his jaher,whichisnotthecaseinthevillagejahers.Thecrowdattendingthisdisombahafestivalconsistedmainlyofthenaeke’swife’sstudentsfromthenearbyschoolandresidentsofChanuavillage. Inhisexplanationstomeandtothe journal-

ists,thenaeke’ssonemphasizedrepeatedlyinamixofHindiandEnglish,that“weSantalworshipnature, andhave sacredgroves andnobuildings suchas

churches or temples”. The fact that many disom jahers are especially eye-catching,becauseoftheirsurroundingconcretewallandlessbecauseoftheir

abundanceoftreeswithin,seemedinsignificanttohisstatements.

Thesestatementsregardingnaturewereespeciallypronouncedatthisdi-sombaha festival,but Iencounteredsimilarones frommanyeducatedSantalastheydescribedtheir“religion”tomethroughoutmyfieldwork.Whatisthe

relevanceofthesestatements?Whyaretheymadeinthesecontexts?AsIsee

it,bymakingthesestatements,theactivistspositionthemselvesinmuchlarger

discourses. They strategically employ the global language of environmental-

ism,torepresenttheirsocietytotheoutside.ButthedisombahafestivalsIde-scribedhaveaperformativeeffectalsowithinSantal society.Theyreaffirma

prideinbeingSantal,especiallyamongtheyouth,whoformthelargestcrowds

at theseevents.What further characterizes this rathernewemergenceof re-

gionalritualsisthecreativepotentialtheybearforanegotiation,contestation

andperformanceoftradition.Thenextsectionwillnowdiscuss,howtheSan-

talmakeplacethroughthesenewlyemerginglargeflowerfestivalsandembed

itbrieflyinlargercontexts,whichIseerelatedtothisdynamic.

5.1.4SantalRegionalFlowerFestivalsasLinkingRegionandIden-

tityAttheheartofthischapterstandnotionsofidentityandregion,astheyemerge

from Santal practice.How is this linked to the general focus of thiswork on

Santalnotionsofplaceandpracticesofplace-making?Theregionalflowerfes-

tivalsarticulatethenotionofregionasa“Santalregion”,whichiscloselycon-

nected to certain aspects of Santal identity.One aspect of this identity is, for


309

example,theclaimedenvironment-friendlypracticesinherentinSantalritual.

The regional sacred groves, aswell as the statues of Santal heroes found all

overthisregionfurtherserveasprimeexamplesofSantalstrategiesofplace-

making.

TheSantalandtheirSacredGroves:ClaimstoEnvironmentalismAcentralaspectoftheregionalflowerfestivalishowitsorganizersdescribeit

as linked to their society’s close relationship with nature. Hindu journalists

fromGhatsila,presentforthefestival,andI,theanthropologist,wererepeated-

ly told during the sacrifices in the regional sacred groves: “We tribal people

worshipnature.”Amongthereasons forestablishingregionalsacredgroves I

often encountered people explaining that theywere built “against deforesta-

tion”.Thecontextofthesestatementappearedtobemuchmorerelevantthan

theiractualtruth,formanyofthesegrovescontainedveryfewtrees.Thenew-

lybuilt,regionalsacredgroveoutsideofthesmallvillageofChanuainfactwas

evensurroundedbythickforestandcaughttheeyemostlybecauseofitscon-

crete shrine and stones representing the deities embedded in cement plat-

forms. I see these statements made during the festival as influenced by the

politicalclaimsoforganizationssuchassarnadhorom,introduced in thenextpart of this chapter. In amemorandum, submitted to the president of India,

through the Collector ofMayurbhanj in January 2012, this organization lists

theenvironmentalbenefitsofsacredgroves(suchas“noscarcityofwater”and

“pureair”)anddemands itsprotection,preservationandmaintenanceby the

government. As pointed out by Baviskar (1995, 239), indigenous people are

often environmentalists “by default”, due to their small population size and

dependence on their environment. Therefore, describing them as inherently

nature-protectingisamisrepresentation.TheprotectionoftreesinSantalsa-

cred groves similarly cannot be attributed to a veneration of “nature”, but is

duetorespect forthedeities locatedtherein.Nevertheless,politicalclaimsto

ethnicdistinctivenessare increasinglymade inenvironmental terms, in India

(see for exampleArora2006;Burman2013;Damodaran2012) aswell as in

othercountriesaroundtheworldsuchasMexico(Parajuli1998)orIndonesia

(Li 2000). These claims are oftenmadebyoutsiders onbehalf of indigenous

people,orbya localelite. In thecaseof Jharkhand, forexample,Shah(2010)

illustrates thedifferencesbetween activists claiming to representadivasi vil-lagersandactualvillagepractice.Baviskar (1995,1997)presents similardy-


310

namicsinthecaseofthemovementagainsttheNarmadadaminwesternIndia.

TheSantal regional flower festival servesasan indicator that theSantal, too,

employthisstrategyofcouchingidentitypoliticsintermsofanenvironmental-

istdiscourse.

To conclude, the existenceof regional sacredgroves and thegrand cele-

brationsof flower festivals in theseplaceshavepartly invested thenotionof

disomwithnewmeanings.Throughtheestablishmentofthesevisible“worshipplaces”andtheevenmorepubliccelebrationswithin,theSantalclaimthere-

gion to be Santal. Regarding the articulation of a Santal identity as closely

linkedtotheregion,theactivistsemphasizeonlycertainaspectsofSantalcul-

tural practice. Among these is the Santals’ close relationship to “nature”, as

symbolizedbytheexistenceofsacredgrove.Inanutshellwecanthussaythat

throughtheregionalflowerfestivaltheSantalarecreatingthenotionofare-

gioninhabitedby“nature-loving”Santal.

In thepreviouschapterSantalperceptionsof theenvironmentweredis-

cussedintermsofcultivatedanduncultivatedspaces,ratherthanmakinguse

oftheambiguousterm“nature”.Inthecontextofregionalflowerfestivals,San-

tal activists themselvesmakeuseof thisEnglish term.Thispoint is takenup

again in the conclusion, so that it suffices to say here that “nature” seems to

havebecomepoliticalcapitalforsomeSantalactivists.Thetermhelpsthemto

position themselves in larger discourses, which are only remotely related to

localperceptionsoftheenvironment.

“TheDancingSantal”asStigmaandStrategyInaddition,oneofthemosteye-catchingfeaturesoftheregionalflowerfestival

areitsuniformSantaldances.Womenandmen,wearingthesameoutfits,per-

formto thebeatofdrumsforhoursonend.Asmentioned,peopleattendthe

festivalespeciallytowatchthesedances,andregionalnewspaperscontribute

topromotingthisimagethedaysafter.

Althoughthisstereotypeofthe“dancingtribal”hasexistedsincecolonial

times, surelyreplicatedbynewspaper imageswith littleaccompanying infor-

mationstilltoday,Ineverencounteredanycriticalcommentsaboutthisimage

amongmySantalcontacts.ManyfamousactivistsoftheJharkhandmovement,

suchasRamDayalMunda(Babiracki2001)andMukundNayak,usedthepar-

ticipatory types ofadivasi dance to unite people for themovement and por-trayeddancingasanessentialcomponentofadivasiculture.AsIencountered


311

it,dancinginthevillagedanceground(akhra)isacrucialfeatureofanyvillagefestival, uniting young and old, men and women, visitors and villagers in

rhythmicstepsthroughoutthenight.Peopletoldmerepeatedlythatthegreat-

est fun a person can have happenswhile dancing. And theywere convinced

that“thewaywhitepeopledance,notinlinesbutalone,cannotbefunatall.”

Althoughthedancesperformedatthedisombahafestivallackedthispar-ticipatory inclusiveness, theorganizersof the festivalchosethemto formthe

coreofthefestival.TheSantalcommunityofthearearejuvenatesthisimageof

dancingasapartofadivasi identityeachyearanew.This image is thusculti-vatedbyinsidersandoutsidersalike.ItismaintainedbytheSantalthemselves

through their large regional rituals, but also as part of a stereotype of tribal

peoplebytheIndiangovernment:thefirstthingcatchingtravelers’eyesupon

arrivingatKolkataandRanchiairportarelargeboardsportrayinglinesofadi-vasidancersanddrummers.Significantly,thestrategytomakeuseofastereo-type to politicize culture has been noted in various contexts. Cohen (1993,

203)describesasimilar tendencyamong theNorwegianSaami that “it is the

veryeverydayemblemsof theirculture,bywhich theyhavebeenrecognized

andstigmatizedinthepast,whichtheynowturnagainstthestatetodenigrate

itandtoproclaimtheirownmoralcause.”ThenortheastIndianGaro,too,haveusedWangaladancingasamultivocalsymboltorepresenttheiridentityvis-à-vis the Indian state, and, as De Maaker (2013) argues, are hereby asserting

theirclaimstoa“Garonation”,andthelandthatintheireyesbelongstoit.All

these cases show that indigenous peoples articulate their identity in various

ways,creativelyutilizingtheirstereotypicalrepresentationbyothers.

DancingasanimportantaspectofSantalidentityhasbeenchosenstrate-

gicallybyitsorganizers.Theycouldhave,forexample,elaboratedothercom-

ponents of the village flower festival, such as sacrificing or hunting. Instead,

theychosedancingasanuncontroversialimage,whichbearsmeaningforthe

Santal and canbe filledwithmeaningbyoutsiders towhom theSantal com-

municatethisidentity.Throughthesedisombahafestivalstheregionalsacredgrovesandtheregioningeneralbecomeassociatedwiththisimageofbelong-

ingtothe“dancingSantal”.


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TheRegionasMadeupofMaterialRepresentationsofSantal

IdentityTheliteralmeaningoftheregionalflowerfestivalsalreadypointstoarelevant

spatialaspect.Disom,referringtotheregion,linguisticallylabelsthesepractic-es as different from their village counterparts. As the secretary of the Surda

regionalsacredgroveexplained,thesesacredsiteswereestablishedexplicitly

tocreatea“placeofworship”forthosemenandtheirfamilieswhohadmoved

totheareaduetotheiremploymentinthelocalcoppermine.Becausetheydid

nothave“theirvillagejaher”togoto,analternativewasformed.Thesedisomjahersthenbecameplacesforpeopleofthewholeregiontoattendattheocca-sionoftheannualdisomflowerfestival.Disomhencereferstoaspatialconceptabove the village and includes the people inhabiting this area. It is not a

bounded spatial concept, for no one could name its boundaries, but rather

standsforanideaofalargeareafromwhichmany(mostlySantal)peoplear-

rivetoattendthefestival.Theirsheernumbersmakethefestivalanoccasion

forclaimingtheareaasbeingSantal.

Besidesthepeopleandthefestivalasaculturalperformanceinitself,the

siteonwhichthecelebrationtakesplace,standsasaconstantmarkerofaSan-

talpresenceinthearea.Locatedinmanycasesatvisibleplaces–atroadinter-

sections or in cities – these recognizable sacred groves stand as a telling

counterparttotheratherinconspicuousvillagegroves.Theyare“pujaplaces”,as the gate to the entrance of Surdadisomjaher claims.Whereas in the pastonlysmallstonesatthefootoftreesweretheplaceforSantalreligiousactivity,

todaytheirsacredsitesaremuchmorevisibletooutsiders.WhatArora(2006,

56)notesfortheHimalayanLepcha,holdstruefortheSantalaswell,namely

that“sacredgroves(…)materiallyrepresenttheirindigenousidentities.”These

grovesasdifferentplaceshave things in commonwhichconnect them intoa

region:thesameregionalritualsareheldinthem,allcontaininganemphasis

onworshipanddancing.Theseseparateplacesarefurtherconnectedthrough

being embedded by the different activists in the same discourse of environ-

mentalism.

Disom jahers are not the only markers the Santal community has con-structedinthearea.StatuesofSantalheroesbuiltnexttoroadsorinvillages

andtownscanbeseenassuchmarkersaswell.Wecanunderstandthesestat-

uesasiconsofSantalness,contributingtotheideaofaSantalregion.Musaba-

ni’sbusstand,oneofthebusiestspotsinthissmalltown,immediatelyreminds


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thetraveler that this isaSantalarea.Astatueof theSantalheroesSidhoand

Kanho, holding bow and arrow, has been erected just across from a Hindu

templeinthemiddleofthesquare.Asonetravelsonruralroadsthroughthe

villagesoftheareaoneseesmanysuchlife-sizedstatues.Someofthemportray

Baba Tilka Manjhi, the first Santal who took up arms against the British in

1784 (Munda 2004, 185), others showRagunathMurmu the inventor of the

SantalscriptOlChiki.Manystatuesstate thenameof thepersonwhobuilt it

and inmany cases this is Ramdas Soren, the SantalMLA of Ghatsila. Once a

yearsmallorlargeworshipritualsareheldinhonoroftheseheroes.

Kantasola village, for example, has been celebrating Pandit Ragunath

Murmu’s birthday since 1972 on the day of the full moon of Baisakh(April/May). In 2012 the village had organized awhole day program,which

consisted of ritual worship of Ragunath Murmu’s spirit in the morning, and

dance performances and speeches from the village headman and Ghatsila’s

MLAintheafternoon.

InasimilarmannerthebirthdayofSidhoandKanhoMurmuiscelebrated

inthemonthofAsar(June/July)wherevertherearestatuesoftheseheroesof

theSantalrebellion.The largestcelebrations forSidhoandKanhoareheld in

the Santal Parganas, the place of their birth fromwhere the Santal rebellion

startedin1855.


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Photo42:StatueofRagunathMurmu,theinventoroftheSantalscriptOlChiki.

Photo43:StatueofSidhoandKanhoMurmu,theleadersoftheSantalrebellionin1855.


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In sum, both the statues and the disomjahers in the region ofmy fieldworkfunction asphysical remindersof thepresenceof the Santal in the area.The

factthatmanyofthedisomjahersandstatuesarelocatedoutsideofSantalvil-lages, in places which members of other communities of the area regularly

pass, shows that theSantalhavemadeaconsciouseffort tomake theirpres-

encefeltevenoutsideoftheirvillages.Toconclude,thissectionhasshownthat

Santalidentityisarticulatedinparticularplaces,whichserveasvisiblemark-

ers of a Santal presence in the area. The region is thusmade up of different

places,whichareconnectedtoeachotherthroughbeingdrawnintothesame

discourseandthroughtheperformanceofsimilarrituals.

Photo44:StatueofBabaTilkaManjhi,thefirstSantalwhotookuparmsagainsttheBritish.Heisveneratedonceayearinthevillagewherehisstatueislocated.

Thenextsectionintroducestheritualpracticesandpoliticaldemandsofare-

form movement called All India Sarna Dhorom. The movement articulatesslightly different aspects of Santal identity, but these alsomake reference to


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places in theSantal region thisworkdealswith.Themovement further illus-

tratesthattheSantalcommunityisfarfromhomogenousandthatculturalpol-

iticsandreformoftraditioncreateconflictwithinthecommunity.

5.2TheStruggleforthe“TrueTradition”:TheAllIndia

SarnaDhoromMovement5.2.1“OurReligionisCalledsarna”UponmyfirstvisittoaSantalvillagefromthecityofRanchi,thefamilyofmy

fellow student handedme a brochure introducing the movement they were

involvedin.“ThroughthisorganizationyoucanlearnmanythingsaboutSantal

culture”, theyinstructedme.Thebrochurecontainedthebylaws(regulation),

inits1992edition,ofAllIndiaSarnaDhoromChemetAshra.Myhostswereac-tively involved in theactivitiesof thisorganization,participating in itsmem-

bershipmeetings,anannualsacrificial feastorganizedbyabranch-officeand

inpoliticalrallies.Theorganization’smaingoals,listedonpageoneofthebro-

chure,giveinsightintoitsrelevanceforSantalculturalpolitics:

“Theaimsandobjectivesoftheassociation(chemetashra)areasfollows–1. to reformand consolidate theSarna religionaspracticedby theSched-

uledTribesbelongingtoSantal,Ho,Munda,MahaleandBirhorworship-

pinginJaherGarhs[sacredgroves]alloverIndia2. toconductresearchandcausethedevelopmentofSarnareligion

3. toprintandpublishbooks, journalsonSarnareligioninSantali,Hoand

MundalanguagesintheOL-CHIKIAdivasiOlScript

4. tosetup,maintainandprotectreligiousplaceslike“jahergarh”andsuch

otherplacesofreligionandpopularinterestofAdivasisalloverthecoun-

try5. to establish educational institutions and libraries and take steps for re-

moval of illiteracy among the Santal, Ho, Munda, Mahale and Birhor

groupsoftheScheduledTribestowidentheirreligiousoutlook

6. to re-organisemanjhi, paranik, godet, nayke and jogmajhi of the village

[Santalvillageofficials]”

Thelistrevealsthattheorganization’sinterestliesinconsolidatingandunify-

ing adivasi cultural and religious practices. Examples of these activities, as Iencounteredthembetween2011and2013areillustratedinthefollowing.Itis

remarkablethatthemovementveryconfidentlyspeaksof“sarna religion”,asseen in itsname, andmakesuseof theSanskritderived,Oriya termdhorom.


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Orans(1965,106)translatesdhoromas“meaningroughly ‘religion’”.Theuseof the word sarna to specify this pan-adivasi religion shows the intendedbroader scope of the endeavor.Sarna is theMundari word for sacred grove(Carrin2012, 212),while the Santal call the sameplace jaher. As thebylawsstate,sarna is thereligionpracticedbyseveraladivasigroupsof thearea, in-cludingtheHo,Munda,Mahale(alsoreferredtoasMahali)andBirhor.Theuse

of thetermsarna fordescribing“Santalreligion”,especiallyagainst theback-groundofnot beingHindu,ChristianorMuslim,was at the timeofmy field-workwidespread inSantalvillages. Itneeds to,however,beunderstoodasa

highlypoliticizedterm,whichevolvedoutofanefforttoinventaterm,which

woulddescribeadivasireligiouspracticeinitsdifferencefromothermajorre-ligionsinIndia.Theoriginofthispoliticaltermprovesdifficulttotrace,Carrin

(2008a,12)holdsthataccordingtoitsfounderBesnaoMurmu183sarnadhoromas “first usedbyBirsaMunda, the leaderof theMunda insurrectionof 1895,

whohaddeclaredthattheSarnawouldonedaybecomethesymbolofAdivasi

identity”.Orans(1965,106)alreadyencounteredthisemphasisonsarnareli-gion and its linkwith politics amonghis Santal informants in Jamshedpur in

the1950s.

Sarna, as it isused todayrefers to thewholecomplexofSantal religiouspractice,withaspecialemphasisonworshipinthesacredgrove.Outsideofthe

political context,only theverygenericSantaliwordbonga isused to refer toactivitiesdirectedtowardsthedeities.Bongaasanactivityconsistsmostlyofanimalsacrifices, suchassacrificesofchickens,goatsandveryoccasionallya

cattleandwaterbuffalo.Butthedeitiescanalsobeworshippedbysharingrice

beerandfoodwiththem,asisdonewiththeancestorsintheancestralshrine.

Sacrificingandsharingricebeerandfoodarepracticalactivities,andasIcame

toknowittheseactivitiesarehowtheSantalinvillagesthoughtofandtalked

abouttheir“religion”.Almostnoone,exceptmembersofsarnadhorom,woulddescribetheir“religion”inabstractterms,butwouldinsteadrefertotheirrit-

ualpractice.ThefactthatSantalilacksanequivalenttotheEnglishword“reli-

gion”or theHindidharmmusthavebeenperceivedasproblematic for thoseseeking a term to differentiate their practices from those of other religions.

Thisisthecontextinwhichthepopularityandpoliticalimportanceofthecon-

temporaryuseofsarnadhoromneedstobeunderstood.

183Thespellingofhisnamediffers,inthesarnadhorombylawsitisspelledBanauMurmu.


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5.2.2FoundationandOrganizationoftheMovementThefoundationofsarnadhoromgoesbacktoBesnaoMurmu,whoisveneratedas“theguruofreligion”(dhoromguru)bythemembersofthemovement.Dur-ingsomeof theirmeetings,which Iattended,a largepictureof theguruwasoftenplaced in the center andpeopleprostrated themselvesbefore it on the

ground,adorneditwithflowerchainsandlitincenseinfrontofit.

Carrin (2008a, 32) dates the foundation of themovement back to 1963

andwritesthatitunitedthousandsoffollowersinformerBiharandOdisha.184

AccordingtoitsGeneralSecretarythemovementhad85,000registeredmem-

bersin2011.In1970theguruestablishedanashramandwrotearepertoryofinvocationsdedicatedtothedeityofthesacredgroveofMarankindamvillage,

in today’sOdisha, asCarrin (32)mentions.Theuseof such standard invoca-

tionsduringworshipbysarnamembers–someleadershadobviouslymemo-rized them –was one of the characteristics that differentiated theirworship

practice from the rather individually formulated185invocations common in

non-sarnavillagerituals.SimilartowhatCarrin(ibid.)writesaboutthetimeofthemovement’sfoundation,todayitstillrejectssomefeaturesofSantalprac-

tice,suchasthehealingpowersofSantalshamans(ojha)andexorcists(sokha).Instead,sarnadhorommaintainsitsowngurus,whoaresaidtopossessspecialpowers. Some of its original demands seem to have been restricted, such as

advocatingmeat consumption. In villages ofEast Singhbhum sarnamembersconsumedchickenandmutton,butrefrainedfromporkandwerestrictlyop-

posed to eating beef. They further strongly spoke against the veneration of

Hindugods,astheiroppositiontothefestivalofsakratwillshowinthefollow-ing.Carrin(2008b,162)mentionsthatmanyofthefoundinggurusofthesarnadhorom movement were equally involved in the Jharkhandmovement, theirreligiousandpoliticalactivismwasandstillistodaycloselyrelated.

184On the branch office board in the village of Asulghati, Odisha the establishment of the

organization was dated back to 1952. In general, exact numbers and dates about the

organizationweredifficulttoobtain.185In non-sarna rituals the participants each formulate and murmur their own invocations.Theseallmoreor lesscontain thesamerequest,put indifferentwords.Sarna invocationsare

printedinleafletsandmemorizedbytheritualparticipants.


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Photo45:WomenbowingtoBesnaoMurmu,thefounderofthesarnadhorom

movementattheoccasionofasarnameeting.

The bylaws further reveal the formality of the wholemovement. They state

that the movement was registered with the Indian Government in 1979/80

and that every adult can apply formembership. The annualmembership fee

consistsoftwelveRupees;lifelongmemberspayhundredRupeesonce.Twice

a year, on the fullmoon ofMagh (January/February)186and in themonth of

Asar (July/August) all themembers shouldmeet in a General BodyMeeting,

where they hear the progress report, make financial decisions and possibly

elect the Executive Committee. This committee is the administrative body of

theorganizationandconsistsoftheFounderPresident,Vice-President,General

Secretary and Treasurer as well as between fifteen and thirty electedmem-

bers.Further, severaloffice-bearersare responsible for theday-todaywork-

ingsoftheorganization.TheseareelectedfromtheExecutiveCommitteeand

consistofaFounderPresident,Vice-President IandII,GeneralSecretary,Or-

ganizing Secretary and three Secretaries (one for Establishment, one for Fi-

nance and one for Office and Educational Institutions, Libraries andMedical

186Atthistimeall themalemembersandofficialsofaSantalvillagemeet foraworshipcalled

MaghBonga.DuringMaghBongathepostsofvillageofficialssuchasheadman(manjhi),priest(naeke), messenger (godet) can be laid down and new persons chosen for these positions. Isuggest,thatthesarnamovementconsciouslychosethistimeforoneofitsannualmeetingstorootthemselvesinage-oldvillagecustoms.


320

andHealthwelfare).Thenamesofeachoftheseoffice-bearersarelistedinthe

bylaws,butmanyofthemhavebeenreplaced.In2011oneofthemainfigures

oftheorganizationwasChoteHembrom,whofunctionedasGeneralSecretary.

Withhiswealthybackground–hewasalawyerbytrainingandownedafacto-

ry in Jamshedpur – he was no exception among the active leaders of the

movement.

The formality of the organization is reflected inmany other activities of

sarnadhorom, as I got to know it, especially in villages south of Musabani,JharkhandandinborderingvillagesofOdisha.Itsmainofficeislocatedinthe

villageofBodkedam,Mayurbhanjdistrict,Odisha,butonalocallevelitisorga-

nizedinmanybranchoffices.Theseareoftenvisiblymarkedbyboardsonthe

person’s house in chargeof this office. Theboard I saw in a village, southof

Musabani,mentionedthenameofAllIndiaSarnaDhoromChemetAshra inRo-manandOlChikiletters,underneaththisitfeaturedapaintingofaredsunris-

ing behindmountains, which is used as the symbol of the organization. The

boardfurthermentionedtheregistrationnumberandtheestablishmentofthe

branchoffice.

Inthisvillagethemovementhadestablishedaparalleltypeofritualprac-

ticetothecommonvillagepractice.Whiletherewasavillagepriest,therewas

alsoanaekeappointedbysarnadhorom,whoconductedhisownworshipat-tendedbysarnamembersattheoccasionofmaghbonga.Othermembersscat-teredthroughoutseveralvillagesintheareaparticipatedinthisritualinstead

of in theritualcarriedout in theirvillage.Theybroughtchickenstobesacri-

ficedbythenaekeofsarnadhorom.UsuallyduringannualSantalrituals,suchasmaghbonga,bahabongaandsohrae,eachhouseholdofavillagecontributesachickentobesacrificedbythevillagepriest.Beinglocatedinacertainvillage

obligesahouseholdtocontributetotheserituals,attendthesacrificeandlater

consumeasacrificialmeal.Myimpressionwasthatmembersofsarnadhoromwithdrew from this obligation and joined in the ritual activities, which they

considered“true”(sari)andwhichwerecarriedoutbyapriestappointedbysarnadhorom.

In themountainssoutheastofMusabani therewasanotherbranchoffice

of sarnadhorom in a village called Laldih.When differentmembers of sarnadhoromtalkedabouttheirmembership,theyoftenmaintained:“WeworshipinLaldih”.Thevillage is locatedabout twohoursbymotorbike fromMusabani,

accessiblebydirtroadswindingupthemountains.Theroadhasonlyrecently

beenbuilt,which shows thepolitical influenceof theorganization, especially


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sincethereisagenerallackofroadsconnectingothervillagesinthesemoun-

tains.

EverySaturdaythesarnapriest inLaldihandseveralgurusof themove-mentorganizedaworshipactivityinthesacredgroveofthevillage.Thisgrove

hadbeenestablishedbysarnamembers,functioningparalleltoavillagesacredgrove,where the villagenaeke performedvillage rituals.After each Saturdayworship,consistingofofferingsofsweets,coconutsandbananastothedeities

ofthegrove, the localsarnapriestheldameetingtodiscussmattersofsarnareligion.Beinganeloquentspeaker,thisnaekegavehour-longspeechesaboutSantal custom,often lamentingadecline in correctpractice.Likemanyother

membersofsarnadhorom,hewaseagertohavemerecordhisversionofSan-tal tradition in a rather authoritarian style,which I only encounteredwithin

sarnacircles.Onceayear,onthefullmoonofChait(April/May)alargesacrificialfeast

is held in Laldih’s jaher, one which makes sarna dhorom’s activities widelyknowninthearea.Theorganization’sactivities formthusalsoaspatialprac-

tice. Their rituals are attached to certain places, which they have become

known for. The next section examines their claims to practicing “true Santal

tradition”asopposedto themanyvillageritualscarriedout ina“false”man-

ner,astheylabelit.

5.2.3“TrueTradition”–“FalseTradition”In their speeches sarna members often spoke of “true tradition” (sariniam)and“falsetradition”(ereniam)andwerenotshytocommentonritualorso-cialcustomsthattheydeemedtobefalse.Whenattendingtheannualharvest

festivalsohrae inKantasolavillagein2011thesarnamembersaccompanyingmeremarkedthatthiswaseresohrae,a“falsesohrae”festival,becauseitwasnot organizedwell, peoplewore shoes in the villageakhra andmanypeopleweredrunk.A“truesohrae”(sarisohrae)wasorganizedbysarnamembersinthevillageofoneoftheirbranchofficesthatyear.Asmentioned,sarnamem-bersoftenestablishedanalternativetovillageworshiporfestivals,andexplic-

itlywithdrewfromsomeofthepractices,whichtheydisapprovedof.


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CattleSacrificesandOther“Errant”PracticesintheEyesofsarna

MembersIn somevillagesaroundMusabani andGhatsilaonceayear, or sometimes in

gaps of several years, two calves and a youngwaterbuffalo are sacrificed to

threedeitiesinthesacredgrove.Thisritualiscalledjaherdangriandoftennotpublicly talked about outside of Santal society. Inmany towns or in villages

withresidentHinducastes theritual isnotpracticedatall, for theSantalare

wellawareoftheirHinduneighbors’disapprovalofthispractice.Sarnamem-bersequallycondemnthispractice,as“notrueSantaltradition”.

TomyknowledgenodescriptionsofacattlesacrificeamongtheSantalex-

ist in theethnographic literature,whichcanbeattributed to thesecrecysur-

roundingitorpossiblytoadecreaseinitspracticeinmanySantalregions.Itis

anevent,however,oftenusedforstatementsaboutidentityrunningalongeth-

nicandreligiouslines.AsSantalmentoldme,insomeareastheBJP(BharatiyaJanataParty,apro-Hinduparty)hasfiledcasesagainstcowsacrificeswiththelocalpolice. “Thepolicearedikus, so theypunishus,althoughthis isourcul-ture.”Myconversationpartnerspointedouttheinjusticeofthisdiscrimination,

as local Hindus also sacrificewater buffalos at a large sacrificial feast to the

goddessRankini187ina temple inGhatsilaeveryyear inOctober.Whenever I

broughtupthetopicofbeefconsumptionandcattlesacrificepeoplewere,until

they knew that they could trust me, reluctant to reveal much information

about it. Sacrificing cattle has not been included in the assertion of cultural

practicesamongtheSantal,as, forexample, theflowerfestival inregionalsa-

credgroveshas.

Thetypeofritualsconsideredacceptableinsarnaandgeneraladivasiac-tivist circles seem tohavebeen subject to change:Carrin (2008b,163)men-

tions a discussion among tribal leaders, “who declared that the Mundari

sacrifice par excellence, was the salei bonga, the ritual killing of a cow in

memoryofaprestigiousdeceased.”Orans(1965,106)alsoreportsconversa-

tions with Santal professing the practice of sarnadhorom, although it is notclear if thesepeoplewerepartof thesamemovement Iamspeakingofhere.

Theyemphasizedtheimportanceofricebeer,worshipinthesacredgroveand

theconsumptionofbeef.Thesecases,aswellastherejectionofcattlesacrifices

187According to O’Malley (2011, 214) Rankini was the tutelary goddess of the Rajas of

Dhalbhum.


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andbeefconsumptioninthesarnamovementtodayshowthattheseissuesstillplayanimportantroleinthedefinitionofidentity.

Sakrat, a festival celebrated on the 15th of January in Santal villagesaroundMusabani,GhatsilaandChakulia, servesasonemoreexample for the

contestationofritualpracticebysarnamembers.ItshowsthattheboundariesbetweenSantalandnon-Santalritualpracticesareoftendifficulttodraw,but

that the sarna movement attempts to cement these boundaries. When Ishowed interest in the background of sakrat, sarnamembers denounced thefestivalasbeingadikutradition.Andinfact,theEncyclopediaofHinduismde-scribesMakaraSamkranti,whichtheSantaljustcalledsakrat,asanauspiciousdayinHinduism,“celebratingthebeginningofspringandthenewharvest.(…)

itisprecededby‘lohri’(the‘bonfirefestival’),whichmarkstheculminationof

winter and celebrates fertility” (Ferrari 2008, 485).MakaraSamkranti takesplaceonthewintersolsticeofPausa(December/January)as thesunascends

fromitssoutherntoitsnorthernposition.

My Santal hosts,whowere sarnamembers, insisted that since Iwas re-searchingSantalculture,therewasnoneedformetofurtherunderstandthis

diku festival. At the occasion of all Santal village rituals, the head of a Santalhouseholdoffersricebeer to theancestors in thebhitar.Manyvillagehouse-holds, did so on the occasion of sakrat.Sarna households refrained from theancestorworshipatthisoccasion,becausesakratwasnotaSantaltraditionintheireyes.

Sakratconsistsofmanyritualeventsnoneofwhich,however,addresstheSantaldeitiesofthesacredgroveoranyothervillagedeities.ThenarrativesI

collected from elderly Santalmen, too, containedmanyHindu elements (the

namesofHindugodsforexample),andcouldprovideverylittlemythological

reasoningforthefestival.People,however,wereabletoprovidethemytholog-icalbackgroundoftheSantalflower(baha)andharvest(sohrae)festival.

Theritualactionsofsakrat includeanarcherycompetition,duringwhichmen aimwith bow and arrow at a target consisting of a plantain stem. Fur-

thermore, youngmendress aswomenwearing sarees andwigs andgo from

onehousetoanothertoperformdancesandsingsongsinBengali.Atthesame

time young boys, often accompanied by an adult, go from house to house

dressed and painted as monkeys. Both of these teams receive puffed rice,

huskedriceandsweetsineachhouseholdwheretheyperform.Intheevening

ofJanuary14ththechildrensetuppyresofdrypalmbranches,whichtheylight

atnight.Sakratisfurthertheoccasionforspecialsweets(gurpithe)andmeat


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filledbread(jelpithe) tobemade.Onthedayssurroundingthe festival, largevillagefairstakeplace,whichdisplayHindudeities.Peopleintheareacallthis

eventTusupata.Thesestatueswerenotregardedasactuallyrepresentingdei-ties, and no one showed reference to them. Rather, people made their way

throughthecrowds“tosee”them.Thesefairswerealsotheoccasionforcock-

fights,dancinganddrumming.

McDaniel(2002)hasresearchedtheworshipofthegoddessTusu,closetotheareawhereIcarriedout fieldwork,ontheborderareasof Jharkhandand

WestBengal.IntheruralsouthwestofBengal,theTusufestivaliscelebratedasapopularfestival,attendedbygreatmasses,accompaniedbymanyritesona

household level. She describes Tusu as the goddess of both the adivasi andHindupopulationof theseareas, thusrepresentingtheblurred linesbetween

these communities. The KurmiMahatos,who live close to the Santal in East

Singhbhumaswell,areportrayedbyherastheysingsongsandworshipTusu.Thegoddess,accordingto theauthor iscelebratedat thetimeofharvestand

theNewYear,asagoddessoffertilityandthevirgin(unplanted)earth.Crucial

formyargumentisthattheSantalseemtohaveadoptedmanyactionsthatthe

KurmiMahatos carryout inMcDaniel’s (2002,178,179)descriptionaswell.

Theylightabonfire,singsongs(inBengali),attendfairswheretheTusustat-uesareexhibited,buttheSantalseemnottoconceptualizeTusuasadeitywor-thy of worship on a household level. The different views of Tusu by the

communities living in thisareaareworth furtherresearch.The festivalcould

providealensthroughwhichtoanalyzethecommonalitiesanddifferencesof

groupsonthecasteandtribecontinuum.

As I observed it, sarnamembers drew rigid boundaries betweenadivasiand non-adivasi (diku) traditions, sakrat being one of the examples. Therewere,however,thosevillageritualssarnamembersgenerallyapprovedof,butinsteadof joiningtheir fellowvillagers, theyoftenestablishedparallelrituals.

Asmentioned,duringmaghbongathesarnamembersIknewjoinedtheritualinanothervillage,whereasarnanaekecarriedouttheworship.Duringsohraethey tookover theorganizationof the festival in the samevillage.Equally at

theoccasionofbahabonga, they carriedout their own sacrificial rituals in asmall jaher they had previously established in the hamlet they lived in. Thisseparatismwasnottalkedaboutopenly.Especiallythewomenofthesesarnahouseholds lowered theirvoicewhenspeaking toothersabout theseparallel

practices,asifnottodrawtoomuchattentiontotheirspecialstatus.


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EverydayPracticesofsarnaMembersWithregardtoeverydaypracticessarnamemberstendedtotakeSantalniamespecially serious. The cooking hearth (chulhe), for example,was exclusivelyaccessibletomembersofthehousehold.Thiswasattributedtothebeliefthata

godwasstayinginthehearthandwouldbeupset,ifthisrulewasbroken.Visi-

tors,suchasme,werenottocomenearnorcookonthehearth.Moreover,the

womenofthehouseholdcouldnotapproachitduringthetimesoftheirmen-

struation.Both these ruleswereobservedwithmuch less stringency innon-

sarnahouseholds.Asimilarseriousnessprevails insarnahouseholdsconcerningtheances-

tral shrine, the bhitar. As mentioned in previous chapters, the bhitar repre-sents the innermost space of a Santal house. No one is to enter the bhitarexceptforhouseholdmembersandthedaughter’shusbandanddaughterslose

this right on the day of theirwedding. In the house of the sarnamembers Ilivedwithforseveralmonths,however,specialcarewastakenthattheroom

containingthebhitarwasalwayslocked.Laterduringmyfieldwork,non-sarnamembers explained tome that in sarna households only sarnamembers canenterthebhitar.

Another aspect, which characterized the everyday behavior of sarnamembers,wastheirrelativeabstinencefromandrejectionofalcoholconsump-

tion.Intheireyes,“drunkards”astheycalledthem,couldnotknowaboutSan-

tal tradition and not practice it in the right way. In their ancestral worship,

theydid share ricebeerwith theirancestors in thebhitar, butas I couldob-servetheyneverjoinedintocommunaldrinkingatvillagefestivals.

5.2.4LocalRitualActivities:TheAnnualSacrificeinLaldihIntheregionthesarnamovementisknownforseveralactivities,mostofthempoliticalralliesandmeetings.Butthemovementalsomakesplacebyannually

organizingalargesacrificialfeastinamountainvillagecalledLaldih.Itsmem-

berssee thisvillageasaspecial location,andoftendefine theiradherence to

themovementintermsoftheirworshipinLaldih.

InLaldihthereexistsasacredgroveestablishedbythemovementandan-

other one used by other villagers for their ritual practice. The sarna sacredgrovecontainsdifferentshrinesfortheworshipofthegrove’sdeities.Someof

themareencircledbyastonewallandoneshrine ismadeofconcretewitha

tiledroof.


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For the annual sacrificial feast held in Laldih on the day of the fullmoon of

Chait (April/May), in 2011 the sacred grove had been decorated with small

colorful flags. Several hundred people hadmade theirway up themountain,

bringingtheirsacrificialchickensandgoats.Manyofthemweredressedinfes-

tivalclothes,whichtheychangedfora“Santalsaree”anddhotiupontheirarri-val.Manyofthemwerenotmembersofsarnadhoromitself,butwereattractedby the effect a sacrifice in this place was known to have. People said past

events showed that thegods favored thisplace. If oneoffersa sacrificehere,

thegodswill fulfillone’swish.Sarnamembersconnectedthepresenceof thedeities in Laldih further to the pristine beauty of the place: “Laldih is a very

originalplace,thereisalwaysfreshairandnomalaria,”theGeneralSecretary

stated.

Onthedayofthefeast,peoplefirstbroughtanofferingtooneshrinefor

MarangBuru,whowasrepresentedbya small roundstoneat its center.Theofferingconsistedofbeatenrice,banana,acoconutandasweets(laddu).Menbelonging to the movement, who functioned as priests (people referred to

themasgurus)onthatday,offeredthesesweetstothegodwhilemurmuringan invocation.Onepartof theofferingremainedontheground in theshrine,

while another partwas returned to theworshipper to be eaten asprasad, aword prevalent in the Hindu context. A distinguishing feature of this sacred

grovewere three small shrineswith portraits. The first portrait showed Ra-

gunathMurmu,theinventorofOlChiki.ThenextfeaturedBesnaoMurmu,the

founderofsarnadhorom.ThethirdportraitshowedMarangBuru,thesupremeSantaldeity,ininteractionwithPilcuHaramandPilcuBudhi,theSantalances-tral couple. At each of these shrines, people prostrated themselves on the

groundandaddressedtherespectivedeity.


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Photo46:Gurusofthesarnamovementaremakingofferingsbroughtbypeopletothe

deitiesofthesacredgrove.

Adjacenttothegroveandencircledbystones,themountaindeity(bongaburu)ofLaldihwasworshipped.Childrenandadultsbroughtmostlyblackorbrown

chickens to be sacrificed here. Thiswas also the placewhere people offered

goats tobe sacrificed to thedeity. In total, on thatdaymore thanahundred

goatsandroughly twohundredchickensweresacrificed.People took there-

spectiveanimal’sbodieshome.Theheadsremainedatthesacrificialsitetobe

latereatenbythegurus.Meanwhile,astagehadbeensetupandintheafternoonallthecommittee

members of sarna dhorom gave speeches from this stage. People, who hadcometoattendthesacrificialfeast,stoodandsatinfrontofthestage,divided

by gender.Oneof them, SambuMurmu,was the sonof thedeceasedBesnao

Murmu,thefounderofthemovement.Eachofthesemembers,allofthemwere

men,wasgivenaflowernecklaceinhonoroftheiroffice.Followingthis,their

wives and children also received a flower necklace. The long speecheswere

intercededbysongssungbythewivesof thecommitteemembers.A teamof

menalsoplayedthebanamandsangaself-composedsong.Thespeecheswereabouttopicssuchasthecontentofsarnareligionandthemoralcodeitsmem-bersshouldobserve.EverysarnameetingIattendedconsistedofsuchmulti-hourstageperformancesandwasmuchdifferentfromtheinteractivecharac-


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ter of villagemeetings. The stage performancewas later followed by female

dancingledbyagroupofmaledrummers.

Theannual sacrificial feast inLaldih thus combineselementsofworship

from common village (sacrificial) practicewith features characteristic of the

movement. The event attracts a relatively largenumber of people, especially

foritsdifficulttoaccesslocation.Laldihhascometobeknownfortheeffectof

thesacrificesoffered there.Sarnadhoromhasbeenkeen tocapitalizeon thisalleged power of the place.While this section illustrated the ritual activities

organizedbythemovement,thenextsectiondealswithitspoliticalaims.

5.2.5PoliticalActivities:DemandingasarnaCodeandthePromo-

tionofOlChikiTheannualsacrificialfeasthasshown,thatsarnaactivistsasserttheirattach-ment to the region through recurring rituals. These rituals enact certain fea-

tures of Santal culture, such as the importance of the sacred grove and

sacrifice,andaddotheraspects,suchasthevenerationofgurus.Butthesarnamovementalsoclaimstheregionthroughitspoliticaleffortswhichaddressthe

state. This political activism comes in the shape ofmemoranda submitted to

thegovernmentofIndiaandpoliticalrallies,whichoftenaccompanythehand-

ing over of thesememoranda. An analysis of the content of twomemoranda

availabletomereveals“strategiesoflocalization”(Escobar2001)aroundcul-

tural features chosenby theactivists.These strategies,whileunderlining the

importanceofplace,atthesametimemakeuseofpowerfulglobalvocabulary.

DemandingthePromotionandProtectionofsarnaReligionInthefollowingIoutlineselectedpointsofa“Memorandumsubmittedtothe

HonorablePresidentoftheRepublicofIndia,throughtheCollectorofMayur-

bhanj,Odishaon19thJanuary2012byAllIndiaSarnaDhoromChemetAshra”,

a twelve-page document written in English. The memorandum states as its

main demand the “promotion, preservation and development of sarna reli-

gion”. This general demand is split into different,more precise points. In an

openingparagraphthedocumentsupports itsdemandsby lamentingthedis-

criminationofsarnareligionbytheIndiangovernment:WhileotherreligionslikeHinduism,IslamandChristianityhavebeenprovidedwith landandtheir

ownmarriageacts,sarnareligiousrightshavebeenoverseen.


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The first specific point of the document is a demand for the protection and

recognitionofsacredgroves.Thegroves,togetherwithsarnareligion,arepor-trayedasenvironmentallysoundpracticesbythefollowingphrase:“Sarnare-ligion has developed out of an understanding of small features of nature,

environment,hill,mountain,air,water,forestandjungle”whilesimultaneously

denouncingotherreligions,which“havenodirectconcernwithnatureanden-

vironment.” If thegovernmentpassedlawstoprotecttheenvironment,sarnareligion“andtheuniverse”wouldbeprotectedaswell,suggeststhedocument.

Itgoesfurthertoprovideanunderstandingofsacredgrovesasworshipplaces

duringtimesofvillagefestivals,asestablishedbytheancestorsandasplaces

of natural beauty,where there is “no scarcity ofwater for crops or drinking

andoxygenisfoundinadequatemeasurement”.Asubsequentsectionlistssix-

teentrees188,amongthemsal,mahuaandbanyan,whichshouldbeplantedinsacred groves by the government. It further encourages the government to

supporttheestablishmentofsuchgrovesnotonlyinvillagesbutalsointowns

in cities “for ecological balance”. In order to protect and preserve sacred

groves,“whichareasoldascivilizationitself”thegovernmentshouldmakean

amendmenttotheRecognitionofForestRightsActof2006andgivelegalsta-

tustosacredgroves.

Asecondrequestbroughtforthbythememorandumistherenamingofa

mountainrange,whichistodayanationalparkandtigerreserve,namedSimli

Pahar(paharmeaning“hill” inHindi).According to thedocument,due to theactivities of “forestmafia and government authorities” the park’s vegetation

andanimalpopulationhavebeendestroyed. Inorderto“preserveanddevel-

op” Simli Pahar, it should be renamed into Sarna pahar, because it harbors

manytreesworshippedby“sarnatribes”.Oncethehillhasbeenofficiallyrec-

ognizedasa sacredsite,people “will respectandworship” it andprevent its

destructionbythemafia,statesthedocument.

A thirddemandmadeby thedocument is the recognitionofSantali asa

secondofficial languageof thestateofOdisha.The lackof thisrecognitionso

farisbroughtforthasthereasonwhytheSantaltribe“isstillfarbehindfrom

the standard level ofwelfare anddevelopment”. In anothermemorandum to

188It lists the (mythological) Santali names for trees, only few of which I am able to provide

botanical names for, in the followingway: surisarjam (sal tree), sakhisargam, bongasaryom,erecy atnang (crocodile bark tree), khodeymatkom (mahua tree), pefer barey (banyan tree),dughahraher,towa,atalbohal,champa,saughnari,bandonari,sitahari,lwedalamang,lepejtiril(theEbonytree)andchandan.


330

thegovernmentofIndia,whichmusthavebeensubmittedpriorto2003,ade-

mandismadetoincludeSantaliintothe8thScheduleoftheConstitution.Inthe

samedocument thesarnamovementmakesreference to theNorthAmericanCherokee,whooriginallyhadnoscriptoftheirown,butinventedonein1820.

Subsequently, as the memorandummentions, the United States government

has recognized and supported the script, “therefore removing illiteracy from

theCherokee”.Similartotheenvironmentalclaimsthemovementmakesinits

memoranda,thisconnectionsoughtwiththeCherokeecanbeseentogivethe

demandsabroader,andhencemorelegitimate,base.Ingeneral,thepromotion

ofeducationandofOlChikiasascriptisoneofthemainactivitiesofthesarnamovement.AmoredetailedbackgroundofOlChikiisprovidedinthecourseof

thissection.

Onelastdemanddeservingattentioninthe2012memorandumisthede-

mandtoenactahuntinglegislationallowingpeopletoexercisehuntingaspart

of sarna religious practice. As evidence supporting this claim, the documentinformsthathuntingisanessentialpartofthebaha(flower)festival.Thedoc-ument further states that the forestmafia isknown toextractproducts from

theforest,butwherethegovernment“hasallowedthesendraorhunting,theforestanditsproductsaresaved”.Similartothestatementsmadebyactivists

involvedintheDalmaregionalhuntinchapterfour,theargumentinthedoc-

ument isagainthathunting isessentiallyanenvironmentally friendlyaswell

asareligiousactivity. Iattributethisemphasisonhuntingtothe influenceof

the General Secretary of the sarna movement, who has organized a huntingcommitteeforthehuntatDalmaBuruinrecentyears.Thesamecommitteeislistedassupportingthesubmissionofthememorandumatitsend.Itbecomes

obvious that sarna political demands are continually being constructed, notnecessarilyalwaysemphasizingthesameSantalculturalpractices.

Demandinga“sarnaCode”Besidesthepromotionandprotectionofsarnareligion,thememorandumfur-therrequeststhepoliticalrecognitionofit.Itmakesmentionofa“sarnacode”,equivalenttocodesthegovernmenthasgiventoHindu,MuslimandChristian

religions.This is of relevance in thepopulation census carriedout in regular

intervalsinIndia.Thedocumentstatesthataseparatecodeforsarnareligionwould leadtothe identificationof theactualnumberof followersof thisreli-

gion. Many people, whowere not actively involvedwith sarnadhorom, sup-


331

ported this demand. In 2011 there were several houses in the area around

Ghatsila, with the slogan “No sarna code, no census” written on their wall.Manyadministrativedocuments issuedbythegovernmentask forareligious

code to be filled in, and Santal today feel that “Hindu”,which is still the box

theycheck,doesnotrepresenttheiraffiliationadequately.Thememorandum

listsseveraldocumentstowhichthesarnacodeshouldbeadded,amongthemcensusforms,landdocuments,employmentforms,casteandresidentialcertif-

icates.

TheTeachingofOlChikiOneofthemaingoalsofsarnadhoromisandhasbeensinceitsfoundation,asstatedinitsbylaws,toprintandpublishbooksandjournalsonsarnareligioninOl Chiki script. Despite the fact that the ability to read andwriteOl Chiki

among the Santal population is relatively low, my rough estimate would be

aroundtenpercent,itservesasacrucialmarkerofSantalidentitytoday.

ThewritingofSantalihasarelatively longhistory,albeitonenotshaped

bySantalactorsinitsbeginnings.BritishcivilservantsandWesternmissionar-

iesbegantowritedownSantallegendsandmythologyinRomanscriptaround

themiddleofthenineteenthcentury(Lotz2007,236).Amongthem,theNor-

wegianmissionaryBoddingtranslatedandpublishedseveralbooksandafive

volumeSantalidictionary.Bodding’spublicationsarewell-knowninthecircles

ofeducatedSantaltoday,oneofthesarnadhorommemorandadiscussedaboveevenmentionshiswork.AccordingtoLotz(245),bythe1930ssomanydiffer-

entresearchers,administratorsandmissionarieswereworkingonSantali,that

thequestionofa standardizedscriptarose.Boddingproposed theuseofRo-

man script with diacritical marks as most suitable, for both publications by

foreignersandtheteachingofthescripttoSantalthemselves.

WhileforalongtimethisdiscussionaboutasuitablescriptforSantaliwas

ledbynon-Santal,fromthe1930sonwardstheSantalschoolteacherRagunath

Murmu founded a culturalmovementwhich later gained influencemuch be-

yondhisnativevillageinOdisha.HedesignedtheOlChikialphabetandsubse-

quentlywrotehis firstdramanamedBidu-Chandanin1942(246).Thescript

consists of thirty characters, some of which are said to be derived from the

physicalenvironment,suchasaplow,mushroomorswan.All thevowelsare

attributedseparateletters.ThesuitabilityofthescripttowriteSantaliwasun-

derlined to me several times by Santal men, who emphasized that “only Ol


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Chiki canexpressall of the soundsofour language.”WhenwritingSantali in

Devanagari or Roman script diacritical signs are added.Murmu preferred to

underlinethescientificachievementmadethroughthescript,andrepresented

itasarediscoveryofasystemofsymbols,whichhadalwaysbeenpresent in

Santalhistoryintheformof“tattoomarks,waysignsandothersymbolicpic-

tographs”(252).TheexistenceoftheSantaliword“ol”designatingthemakingofall thesesymbolswastakentosupport thisclaim. Inspiteof the founder’s

emphasisonthescientificaspectsofthescript,soonafteritsinvention,several

myths about its origin developed. Itwas “endowedwith a sacred anddivine

status by assigning its revelation to the Santal gods Bidu and Chandan,who

hadgrantedittoRagunathMurmu,afterhehadprayedtothem”(252).

When traveling through Santal regions today, one encounters the pres-

enceofOlChikiinmanyforms.Manyculturaleventsareannouncedbyleaflets

writteninOlChiki,thestatuesofSantalculturalheroesmentionedaboveoften

haveOlChikiwritingon them, and several publications, such as theGhatsila

regionalSantalijournalHolongBaha(“flowermadefromriceflour”)areprint-edinOlChiki.TheSantalImet,whocouldreadthescript,hadoftenlearnedit

either incolleges(inGhatsilaorRanchi),whereSantalistudyprogramsexist,

or in village summer schools taught by villagerswho knew the script. SarnadhoromalsoorganizesOlChikischoolsinvillageswithbranchoffices.

Severalpublicationsserveasstudymaterialattheseoccasions.Forbegin-

ners a booklet called OlChemet, designed by Ragunath Murmu, and severalpublicationsby theAll IndiaSantaliWritersAssociationwereused.Moread-

vanced learners could then readbookswrittenbyMurmu, among themBiduChandanandKherwarBir(“Kherwarheroes”).Attheuniversitylevel,thepro-motionofOlChikiisdevelopedfurther:TheDepartmentofTribalandRegional

LanguagesatRanchiUniversity,forexample,designedacomputerfontforthe

use of Ol Chiki. At the Santali Department of Shantiniketan University,West

Bengal,severalSantalscholarsarecurrentlywritingtheirPhDdissertationin

theOlChikiscript.Insum,themasteryofthescriptisstillreservedforanedu-

catedelite,althougheffortsarebeingmadetoteachittoschoolchildreninvil-

lages.


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Photo47:ASantalmanisteachingOlChikitothechildrenofhisvillage.

ApartfromtheactualuseofOlChikiinincreasingliteracyamongtheSantal,it

servesasapowerfulmarkerof“Santalness”inseveralcontexts.Inritualprac-

tice,IsawMurmu’spublicationsusedasobjectsofworshipduringtheannual

festivalattheoccasionofhisbirthday:thebooks,togetherwithabowandar-

row,wereplacedinfrontofthesacrificialcircles,andconsecratedwithspots

ofoilandsindur.Insum,OlChiki,representsseveralaspectsofSantalidentity,asalsoem-

phasized by sarnadhorom: Alleged close relations with the natural environ-ment, itsdistinction fromother, especiallymainstreamHinducultures, anda

specificrelationwiththeirowndeities,asexpressedintheoriginofthescript.

Havingoutlinedthemainactivitiesofthesarnadhorommovement,inthenextsectionIturntothetensionsbetweensarnaandnon-sarnamembers.


334

5.2.6ConflictsoverthePracticeofniam“OurSantal society isdivided into thosewho follow sarna and thosewhodonot”,ayoungsarnamemberexplained tomeoneday.ThisdivisionofSantalsocietybecameapparenttomeonlygradually,andwasrarelynamedsoblunt-

ly. Conflict and disagreement about the topic of “right and wrong religious

practice” within families or even between whole villages was primarily ex-

pressedthroughavoidanceandnotthroughopendiscussions.

Sarnamembersopenlycriticized,inanauthoritarianmanner,allkindsof“wrongtraditions”,astheycalledit:cattlesacrifices,alcoholconsumption,po-

lygamy and differentways of organizing village festivals. But the ones being

criticizedseemedtoquietlycarryonthesepractices,sometimesevenproudly

stating,that“inourvillagetherearenosarnamembers”.Sarnamembersandtheirpracticeswereperceivedasdifferent.Peoplewereawarethatthemem-

berswereouttoproselytizethem,butmanywereresistantto“changingtheir

religion”,astheyphrasedit.

Oneoftheapparentdifferencesbetweensarnamembersandotherpeoplewastheirattitudetowardsauthority.InsarnacirclesIencounteredmanymen,some of them regarded as gurus, whowere convinced they knew the “rightway”,correctingotherswhenevertheysawfit.Theyevenshowedothershow

todancecorrectlyinthevillagedanceground.Incommonvillagepractice,con-

sensus is usually sought through long discussions, in which everyone con-

cerned189is entitled topresenthisopinionsandarguments.Whendiscussing

thesarnamovement,anelderlyman,notbeingamemberhimself,namedwhatIhadbeensensingforawhile:“ThereisabitoftensioninourSantalreligion”.

Sarnaritualpractice,hepointedout,isveryformalandstandardized,whileinthevillagethereare“manymenandmanyminds”.Villagefestivals,forexam-

ple,arenotalwaysheldonthesamedayeveryyearforvariousreasons.Sarnamembers,however,havefixedspecificdaysaccordingtothelunarcalendaron

whichtheirritualsareheldeachyear.Thedifferencebetweentheauthoritari-

anmanner of sarnamembers and the inclusive, discussion-led, “democratic”wayofvillagepracticeseemedtolieattheheartoftheconflictbroughtabout

bythepresenceofthesarnamovement.

189Women, however, were only part of these discussions on a household level and did not

participateinvillagemeetingswhereconflictsweresettled.


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5.2.7NotionsofRegionandIdentityasArticulatedbythesarna

Movement

“Santalization”Theprevioussectionshaveoutlinedthedifferentactivitiesofthesarnamove-ment and its political goals. The movement strategically emphasizes some

practiceswhilecondemningothers.IthasshownthatSantalcustomissubject

tonegotiationandconflict.Thesenegotiationsaround“true tradition”donot

happeninisolationfromotherideasrelevantinanationalandglobalcontext,

assomeofthereferencesinthesarnamovement’spublicationsillustrate.Someof the Santal villagepracticesdisregardedby the sarnamovement

make sensewhen seen in the context of Hinduism in India. The rejection of

beeforalcohol consumptioncanbe contextualizedaspartof amoregeneral

pattern of status enhancement among marginalized communities in India.

Srinivas (1966) introduced the term Sanskritization referring to the way in

which lowercastes imitateandtakeonmoralvaluesandcodesofconductof

highercastes,inordertoraisetheirstatus.

SeveralauthorshavedeemeditinadequatetospeakofSanskritizationas

takingplaceinSantalsociety(Carrin-Bouez1986;Gautam1977;Parkin2000).

Myanalysis takes a similar stance.Manyof the activitiesof sarnadhorom, infact,showthatthemovementismakingaconsciousefforttodifferentiateitself

fromHinduismandcastesociety.Thedemandforgovernmentalrecognitionof

sarna religion and the creationof a sarna code are cases inpoint.While thisassertionofadistinctidentitycanbeidentifiedearlierinhistory,suchasinthe

Santal rebellion of 1855, themodernnational and global context has further

supportedsomesectionsofSantalsocietyinformulatingthisseparateidentity.

DescribingtheSantalrevivaloftheircustomsthroughmodernmeans,Gautam

(1977,373)hascalledthisdevelopment“Santalization”.ThesarnamovementpresentsaprimecaseofSantalization. It iscrucial,however,toseeSantaliza-

tionnot as a static phenomenon, but as one,which is subject to change.The

contentofwhat thesecore featuresofSantal identityare, is constantlybeing

negotiatedandre-emphasizedwithinthesarnamovement.Currently,besidesrejecting the above-mentioned aspects of Santal cultural practice, themove-mentalsounderlinesthefollowingpointsofSantalidentity:Throughitseduca-tional goal of promoting Ol Chiki literacy, it places Santal identity firmly in

discoursesofliteracy.Overlappingwiththeidentityperformancestagedinre-

gionalsacredgroves,themovementalsoemphasizestheimportanceofnature


336

in Santal religious practice. And last, it connects Santal identity to certain

pointsinthelandscape,suchasSimlimountaininOdisha.

SarnaandtheRegionAlthoughmobilityhaspartlyreplaced localityasaresultof theever-growing

importanceofglobalization, ithasatthesametimebeencounteredbysubal-

ternstrategiesoflocalization.Indigenoussocialmovementsaremakinguseof

aglobaldiscourseinordertoasserttheirrightstoaspecificlocality.Thesarnamovement employs a similar strategy as the above discussed memoranda

demonstrate.Thissectionisconcernedwithhowthesarnamovementisclaim-ingplace, in theareawhere theyareactiveandbeyond. Italsodiscusses the

notionofplaceemergingfromthispractice.Becausethemovement’sactivities

arecarriedout inseveralplaces, theycanbeviewedas“claiming theregion”

morethananyspecificlocality.Throughtheiractivitiessarnamembersareal-soclaiminga“place”inapoliticalway:aplaceamongotherreligionsinIndia

andaplaceamongindigenouspeopleworldwide.

Concerningtheclaimstoaregion,wecouldsaythatanetworkofbranch

officesorganizingdifferenttypesofworshipactivitiessuchasvillagefestivals

and theannual sacrifice inLaldih, ismarking sarnadhorom’s presence in theregion. InFeldhaus’(2003)sense, theactivitiesorganizedbysarnamembers,connectdifferentplacesintoaregionthroughastandardizedpracticeofwor-

ship. Activemembers travel throughout the region in order to attend events

likestageddramaswrittenbyRagunathMurmu,membershipmeetings,politi-

calralliesandritualsorganizedbythemovement.Theirmovements inthem-

selves connect these places, just as theMaharashtrian pilgrims described by

Feldhausdo. In ritualpracticeand in thememorandaspecificplacesareem-

phasized:Laldih,asanimportantplaceforthedeitiesofthesacredgroveand

thedemandtorenameSimliPaharintoSarnaPaharserveasexamplesforthis

strategicclaimingofplaces.

Different from the Munda devotees described by Verardo (2003, 185),

whoattributeasenseofbackwardnesstotheforest,thesarnamovementem-phasizesthepowerofLaldihasapristineandpureplace.Thedeitiesfavorthe

place, according topeople, exactlybecauseof thesequalities.Themovement,

thus,seemstoimposenodichotomybetweentheforestedandthemoreurban

landscape,althoughitplacesanemphasison“development”andmodernityin

thesenseof“developmentofsarnareligion”andeducationofotherSantal.The


337

different background of the movement’s members, some living in cities like

Jamshedpur, others in more remote villages like Laldih, connects rural with

urban places. Sarnameetings create a platform for an exchange of ideas be-tween these people from different backgrounds. This shows that the region

claimedbythemovementisnotbounded,butiscontinuouslybeinginfusedby

ideasfromotherplaces,oftenbroughtfromamoreurbancontext.Globalideas,

suchasindigenouspeoples’closenesstonatureandthementionofthesitua-

tionof theCherokee,arebeingdrawnintothepoliticalstrategyemployedby

thesarnamovementinordertolocalizethemselvespoliticallyintheregion.Two spatial perspectives present themselves in the context of the sarna

movement. On the one hand there is themobility of people and ideas along

networks, a greater mobility than in any of the previously mentioned ritual

contexts. In the contextof the sarnamovement,placepresents itself asmostopentoideasfromtheoutside,suchasdiscoursesonenvironmentalismorin-

digeneity.Ontheotherhand,specificlocalizingstrategiesexist,suchasthees-

tablishmentofsarnabranchofficesorsarnasacredgroves.Thisdynamiccouldberegardedasaspecificconfigurationofdeterritori-

alizationandterritorialization,inHervieu-Léger’s(2002)sense.Incomparison

withallotherritualcontextsdiscussedinthiswork,sarnaritualpracticemain-tainsalooserelationtoplace.Asmentioned,newworshipplacescanbeestab-

lished.Peoplehavenoparticularobligation toattendsarna rituals inspecificplaces.Thisdiffers greatly from the obligationof amemberof a local line to

contribute toandattend the jomsim ritual inhis “placeoforigin” (mulgadi).Moreover,membershipinthesarnamovementisvoluntary.Hence,aperson’sbelongingtoa“religious”communityaswellasthatcommunity’stiestoaspe-

cific locality aremuch less fixed in the context of the sarnamovement. Thiscorrespondstothe“sect-typereligiousspatiality”(102)anditsloosenedtiesto

territory,aconstellationHervieu-Légerattributestomodernity.

ButitseemsthatthespecificconstellationofmodernitypresentinSantal

society has not led to a complete detachment from place. Through its ritual

practice,thesarnamovementstillgroundsitselfinspecificplaces,forexample,astheannualsacrificialfestivalinLaldihhasshown.Inaddition,anewformof

“territorialization”(Hervieu-Léger2002,103)emerges.Thisterritorialization,

however,takesplaceonapoliticallevel.Inmemorandasubmittedtothegov-

ernment,thesarnamovementclaimsspecificplacestobeSantal,amongthemsacredgrovesandaspecificmountain.


338

To sum up, so far this chapter has portrayed two different cases of regional

politics,whichbothclaimacertainidentityfortheSantal.Thecaseofregional

flower festivals has emphasized the importance of dancing and the environ-

mentinlarge-scaleperformances.Thesarnamovementclaimsthepracticeof“true tradition”, aiming to reform those village customs, which do not fit its

definition.Bothcaseshavetheregion,muchmorethanspecificplaces,astheir

reference point, connecting places through their ideology and standardized

practice.TheyfurthershowthatplacecontinuestobeimportantfortheSantal,

butalso that thisplace isclaimedondifferent levels,namelyonregional,na-

tionalandglobalones.

ComparedtootheradivasigroupsinCentralIndia(cf.forexampleBerger2014fortheGadaba),theSantalhavebeeninvolvedinidentitypoliticsforsev-

eraldecadesnow(Carrin2008,2012;Orans1965).Thespecificsituationand

relativesuccessofSantalidentitypoliticscanbepartlyexplainedastheresult

ofcertainhistoricaldevelopmentsintheregion.

5.3TheHistoricalContextFosteringanIncreasein

CulturalPoliticsThe emergence of Santal regional flower festivals resonateswithwhat other

scholarshavedescribedastheassertionofindigenouscultureespeciallyinur-

bancenterssuchasRanchi, Jharkhand’scapital (Damodaran2007,146;Shah

2010,115).Arevisedversionofthevillagespringfestival,celebratedinslight-

lydifferentformandunderdifferentnamesamongmanyofJharkhand’sadiva-si communities, has been organized every spring in Ranchi since the 1990s.Thefestival’sname,Sarhul,derivesfromtheOraonspringfestival,acommuni-ty living, among other regions, in the rural areas around Ranchi. Sarhul hasbeen linked to a politically instigated revival of adivasi rituals (Damodaran2007,146).InMarch2011Iwitnessedhowthefestivalattractedlargecrowds

fromallthemajoradivasigroupsofJharkhand,whoarrivedontrucksandbus-ses. Dressed in their communities’ festive clothes, they joined large proces-

sions accompanied by dancing and drumming along the city’s main roads,

finally reaching one of the city’s sacred groves in the district of Siramtoli. In

this context the activists’ references to an environmental discourse link the

specificnationalcontextofadivasisinIndiatoamoreglobalarena.Thischap-tercomplementsthiscontemporary,moreurbanfocusofscholarlywritingon


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adivasiactivismanditsinfluenceonritualswithaperspectivefromruralJhar-khand.

The Santal regional flower festival in East Singhbhum, for example, re-

assembles certain features of village rites into a portrayal of Santal identity.

Thismakes “Santal culture”, as performed in these contexts,more visible to

non-Santal.Theregionalsacredgroves inwhichthesefestivalsareheldfunc-

tionasmaterialmarkersofaSantalpresenceinthearea.Anothercaseinpoint

of this visibility of Santal culture are the statues of Santal cultural heroes

placedatimportantlocationsthroughouttheregion.Both,thedisomjahersandthestatuesremindanynewcomerandothercommunitiesthatthisisaSantal

region,aplacewheretheSantalmaketheirpresencefelt.

Thequestionremainsastowhathasledtothisincreasingpublicdisplay

ofadivasicultureinthestateofJharkhandinrecentdecades.Thiscanpartlybelocatedinthepoliticalcontext,fromwhichthestateofJharkhandemerged.

5.3.1TheJharkhandMovementThe Jharkhand movement, with its increasingly urban political pressure

groups, can be placed in a long tradition of adivasi protest in Chotanagpur.HeretheSantalRebellionof1855figuresprominentlyamongothertribalup-

risings inthe longprocessofdemandinganautonomousstate(Devalle1992,

109-150).Themovement’spoliticalstrategyhasoscillatedbetweenanempha-

sisonadivasiculturaldistinctivenessandamore inclusiveapproachdrawingother,non-tribal,inhabitantsoftheareaintoitsfold.

Thebeginningslieinthe1950swhentheJharkhandpartywasfoundedas

thepoliticalwingoftheAdivasiMahasabha.TheJharkhandpartydemandedaseparate state before the States Reorganization Commission (Devalle 1992,

139;Munda2004,186).Thisrequestwasrejectedonthegroundsthatitssup-

porterswere onlyadivasi, thus excluding thewill of the other inhabitants ofthis area. Another reason for rejection by the Commissionwas its fear of an

economicimbalance,astheareacoveredthemineralrichpartsofBihar(Mun-

da2004,186).

Asubsequentdeclineinpoliticalsuccessledtoarevivalperiodattheend

of the1970swhen the Jharkhandmovement renounced itspreviouslyethnic

characterinordertocoverabroadersocialbasis(Shah2010,20).Inthisperi-

odtwomilitantparties, theBirsaSewaDal,active inRanchiandJamshedpur,

andthe JharkhandMuktiMorcha(JMM)underthe leadershipofBinodBihari


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Mahato,A.K.RoyandShibuSoren,werefounded.Munda(2004,187)recogniz-

es themovement’s strength in bringing togethermining and agricultural la-

borers and the incorporation of a sizeable non-tribal population. After an

expansion, characterized by all national political parties active in this region

formingJharkhandcells,andtheriseoftheJMMasthemainoppositionparty

intheBiharlegislaturein1985,atimeofself-examinationsetin.Untilthen,the

experiencehadbeenthatthesuccessofthepartiesfightingforaseparatestate

onlyconsistedofformingspecialpoliticalallianceswiththerulingparties.

Variousmoves to strengthen leadershipwere then undertaken: In 1981

theDepartment forTribalandRegionalLanguageswasestablishedatRanchi

University,enablingresearchonthelanguagesandliteratureoftheJharkhand

region. It came to form an important intellectual anchor for the Jharkhand

movement and created space for meetings and conferences (188). The All

Jharkhand Students Union and the Jharkhand Coordination Committee were

formed in1986and1987tocoordinatepoliticalandculturalactivities.Thus,

theendofthe1980ssawareappraisalofthedistinctculturalidentityofJhar-

khandthroughconferencesandrallies.Itseemsnocoincidencethatthis“cul-

turalist turn” (Babiracki 2001, 38) of the Jharkhand movement and the

buildingofdisomjahersasoutlinedabovefallintothesametimeperiod.On15November2000, thedaycommemorating thedeathof the firstpan-tribal re-

bellionleaderBirsaMunda,thedemandforanautonomousstateofJharkhand

wasfulfilled(Munda2004,215).Sixteenyearshavepassedsincetheformation

of Jharkhandandmanyof the social andpolitical inequalities, the erasureof

which the Jharkhand movement was concerned with, still remain (cf. Shah

2010).ThisholdstrueevenamongtheSantalasoneofthestate’smostdomi-

nant adivasi communities. The state’s independence has however created agroundonwhichJharkhandiculturalpoliticscanfurtherthrive.

5.3.2IndustrializationandtheSantalinEastSinghbhumWhen compared to Santal villages in the Santal Parganas in the northeast of

Jharkhand, the ones around the towns of Ghatsila and Musabani look much

wealthier. Although many houses are built frommud, they are large, some-

timesfeaturinguptotenrooms,whichareaccessiblethroughthecourtyard.In

many villages one also findsmulti-storey houses built out of concrete. Their

owners informedme that theywere able to build them aftermany years of

work in the local coal or uranium mine. As one travels throughout East


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Singhbhum,onecannotoverlook the tracesof industrialization in thearea.A

smallsectoroftheSantalpopulationhashencebenefittedinamaterialsense

fromemploymentfoundinthemines.

AstheestablishmentofdisomjahersbySantalmenworkingintheminesshows,Santalculturalpoliticsarelinkedtoindustrializationinthearea.While

thegenerationofmen,whoare today in their fifties,hasworkedunderhard

anddangerous conditionsunder ground, theywere able to accumulate some

wealth from their work. Many of them invested part of this wealth in their

sons’anddaughters’schoolanduniversityeducation.Educateddaughtersof-

tendonottakeupemployment,butconsiderablyraisetheirchancesoffinding

aneducatedhusbandwithawell-payingjob.Someoftheeducatedyoungmen

todayworkasengineersinthesameminestheirfathersdidorhaveobtained

muchsoughtafterjobsinthepublicsector.

Onecannotdenythatindustrializationhasledtoexploitationandimpov-

erishmentofadivasiinJharkhand.PadelandDas(2010)evenspeakof“cultur-al genocide” as a result of mining in tribal areas of Eastern India. I could,

however,alsowitnessthatmanySantalIencounteredinEastSinghbhumhad

profitedfromindustrializationintheareaanddidnotevaluateitinanynega-

tivesense.Thismightpartlybeduetothefactthattheminesintheareahave

existedformorethanacenturybynow,andthatmuchofthelanddeprivation

happenedmanyyearsago.Peopleseemedtohavealsoacceptedtheenviron-

mentaldestructionasanecessaryside-effectofthematerialbenefitsthemines

hadbroughttothearea.Myperspectiveisfurtherlimitedtorelativelywealthy

families, who have benefitted most from the mines. A different story could

probably be told by those affected by the radiation caused by the uranium

mineinJadugoda,atownabouttwentykilometersfromMusabani.

InanoutlineofindustrializationanditsimpactonadivasiofChotanagpurStuart Corbridge raises similar points. Corbridge (1987, 252) delineates the

industrialdevelopmentofChotanagpurfromtheopeningof thefirstcoalfield

in 1894 and the ensuing competition for mineral resources between Indian

and European capitalists. Contradicting the idea that industrialization in this

regiononlyledtoexploitationand“internalcolonialism”,Corbridgeconcludes

thatsometribalmineworkerswereabletoaccumulatewealthfromtheirwork

in themines (255, 263). This led to economic and political divisions within

tribalsocietiesoftheregion.Asmentioned,eveninvillages,workinthemines

enabledsomefamiliestobuylandfromothertribalfamilies,buildlargehous-

es,sendtheirchildrentoprivateEnglishschoolsandacquireconsumergoods.


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InaccordancewithSahlins’ (1999, x) argumentof the “indigenizationofmo-

dernity”,aconsiderablepartofmoneyearnedinthemineswasalsospentac-

cording to the values of Santal society: People afforded elaborate weddings,

namingceremoniesandfuneralsordonatedittolargeculturaleventssuchas

disom baha festivals. Therefore, the relative wealth industrialization hasbrought to a small portion of Santal society has led to a kind of culturalism

previouslylessprominent.

5.3.3TheMinorityPoliticsoftheIndianStateAnotherhistoricaleventcontributingtotheriseofadivasiandespeciallySantalidentitypoliticsanditselaborationinritualcontextscanbelocatedintheIndi-

anstate’spoliticsofminorityrecognition(Kapila2008;RycroftandDasgupta

2011,137).InArticle15oftheIndianConstitutionof1950equalityforallciti-

zensisguaranteed.Thisincludesabandoningcasteandcommunalismandout-

lawing untouchability. At the same time, it takes a protective stand towards

those whomight still suffer from exploitation and discrimination, qualifying

these groups for active state support (Corbridge 2000, 67). In Article 46 it

specifies these groups as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, entitled to

“reserved jobs in central and state governments, aswell as reserved seats in

ParliamentandprovincialLegislativeAssemblies”(Kapila2008,121).Howev-

er,theConstitutionpreservedadifferencebetweenthesetwogroups.SCsare

regardedasdiscriminatedagainstintheritualdomain,duetotheirimpuresta-

tusintheeyesofhighcastes,andatthesametimeeconomicallydeprived.The

ST’slowersocial-economicdevelopmentisattributedtotheir“distinctiveand

primitivewayoflife,theirremotelocationandtheir‘generalbackwardnessin

allrespects’”(121).Their“problem”,therefore,liesintheirculture.AstheIn-

diangovernmentregularlyaddscommunitiestotheschedulesof itsconstitu-

tion, several communities have striven to prove their tribal cultural identity,

regardlessofhowvaguelydefinedthisidentitymaybeintheconstitution.

Corbridge (2000, 73) outlines how in Jharkhandmanymen from the ST

elite have been able to obtain reserved positions. In his words, they have

learnedto“colonizethestate”(82).AsimilarattitudeissketchedoutbyKapila

(2008) about the Gaddi, aHimalayan pastoral community. She describes the

Gaddi’srelationshipwiththestateas“extractive”(128)andspecifiesthatthe

Gaddiknow“whatcanandshouldbederivedfromthestateasanentitlement”

(ibid.).IntheSantalcontextsuchstrategiescanbedetectedaswell:Especially


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themembersofAllIndiaSarnaDhoromareinvolvedinsuchefforts,demandingfrom the state the protection and development ofwhat they deem to be im-

portant aspects of Santal religion. I therefore see Santal cultural activism, as

exemplified in the case of the regional flower festival and in the activities of

sarnadhorom,asrelatedtothedynamicscreatedbyrecognitionpoliticsinIn-dia.ThroughorganizingandperforminglargeregionalfestivalsindisomjaherstheSantalof thisregioncontinuallyprovethepointofbeingadistinctethnic

groupworthyofthebenefitsreservedforthembytheIndianstate.

5.4Conclusion:SantalClaimstotheRegion,toa“Political

Place”andto“Nature”ThefollowingquestionposedbyCliffordadequatelycapturesthecoreof this

chapter:“Whatdoesitmean,attheendofthetwentiethcentury[andthebe-

ginningof the twenty first, onemight add], to speakof a ‘native land’?What

processesratherthanessencesareinvolvedinpresentexperiencesofcultural

identity?” (Clifford 1988, 275). Through the analysis of the Santal regional

flower festival and the activities of the sarnamovement this chapter has at-tempted to give an answer by discussing different articulations of cultural

identity. The “native land”, as Clifford calls it, is an important component of

thesearticulations.

Theethnographiccasesportrayedherehaveunderlinedthefruitfulnessof

Stuart Hall’s (1996a, 141) concept of “identity articulation”. The people in-

volvedinthestagingofSantalidentityinregionalsacredgrovesare,ontheone

hand,“expressing”culturalfeaturestheyfindimportant.However,indoingso

theyalsoassembleandconnectfeaturesthathavepreviouslynotbelongedto-

gether. Theymight have aswell chosen other rituals for their large cultural

performance.Whyhavetheynotchosenthecowsacrificeasit isalsoaritual

takingplaceinSantalvillagesacredgroves?InthischapterIhaveofferedthe

perspective that they have selected some aspects of Santal cultural practice,

which theydeemedespecially suitable inorder to reach their goalof further

recognitionbythestateasadistincttribalgroup.Theflowerfestivalhasthus

been used to especially underline the claimed close relationship the Santal

have with nature – sacred groves, as goes the argument, being thematerial

proof thereof. The sarnamovement affirms this claim in their printed docu-mentsandextendsittothesacredlandscape(Simlimountain)oftheregion.


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Incontrast to theperceptionsof theenvironmentdiscussed in thecontextof

huntingrituals,theactivists’conceptof“nature”remainsavagueone.Itcanbe

studiedasadiscourseratherthaninferredfromanyspecificpractice.Bothin

statementsmade in the context of regional flower festivals and in the docu-

mentspublishedbythesarnamovement,“nature”isusedinreferencetoSan-talsacredgroves.Theactivists interpretSantalritualactivity inthesegroves,

oftencarriedoutat thebottomoftrees inwhichdeitiesaresaidtoreside,as

“worshippingnature”. “Nature” in thesecontextsrefers to trees in thesacred

grove,andinthememorandumalsotoaforestedmountaincalledSimliPahar.

In thesamememorandumsacredgrovesare further linked to “noscarcityof

water”and“pureair”,hencetotheirenvironmentalbenefits.Innoneofthese

contextsdoes“nature”refertothecultivatedfields.Butdoestheactivists’un-

derstandingof “nature” thencorrespond toSantalviewsof the forestaspre-

sented in chapter four?This is only the case in the linkingof the forestwith

rain;thedangerandambivalenceoftheforestasimportantfeaturesarticulat-

ed in Santal ritual are absent. There is hence only little correspondence be-

tweenactivistreferencesto“nature”andritualreferencestotheforestandthe

fields.

From theperspective of place-making, however, the content of the term

“nature” as used by Santal activists, is secondary to the effect of its use. By

drawingparallelsbetweentheirallegedvenerationofnatureandthatofother

indigenouspeopleworldwide,Santalactivistsaremakingplaceonapolitical

andevengloballevel.Theyareclaimingaplaceamongotherindigenoussocie-

ties. Their similarities to other indigenous peoples entail their difference to

otherworld religions. They claim to be distinct fromHindus, Christians and

Muslimsbecauseoftheirclosenesstonature,andthereforeareworthyofpo-

liticalrecognition.

In addition to the question of identity articulation, this chapter has por-

trayed thenotionsofplaceemerging fromritual andpoliticalpractice. Ithas

shownthatdifferentplacesarerelatedtoeachother,connectedbyastrategy

torenderSantalidentityvisible.Thisisthecaseforregionalsacredgrovesand

manystatuesofSantalculturalheroesplacedthroughoutEastSinghbhum.The

Santalaremateriallymarkingtheirpresenceintheregionthroughtheserep-

resentationsof Santal festive culture andhistory.The regional sacredgroves

formanetworkofplacesandpeople,whoorganizeandattendtheculturalper-

formances therein. The same can be said about the activities of the sarnamovement, theannualsacrifice inLaldihorthemembershipmeetingsandOl


345

Chikisummerschoolsheldinvillages.Theseoccasionsconnectdifferentplac-

es,throughthemovementsofpeopleandideas.

Bydiscussingtheunderlyingconflictsbetweensarnaandnon-sarnamembersthischapteraimedtodrawattentiontothediversityofpracticesandopinions

inSantalsociety.Althoughboththesarnamovementandtheorganizersoftheregional flower festivals claim to speak for all of Santal society, portraying a

unifiedSantalidentity,thisiscontestedondifferentlevels.Manyofthesenego-

tiationsdonotbecomeapparentduring theeventsdescribed in this chapter,

rathertheycometothesurfaceduringvillageritualpracticeorinsubtlesocial

avoidance.AsthelackofaSantaliwordequivalentto“religion”andtherather

recentintroductionofthetermsarnahasshown,villagepracticeisoftenmuchless concernedwith an articulation of identity. As Shah (2010) andBaviskar

(1997)havecautioned,claimsmadebyurban,educatedactivistssurelydonot

speakforthewholeofadivasisociety.Itisthereforecrucialtopaycloseatten-tion towho speaks forwhom. The articulations of identity discussed in this

chapter,hence,needtobeattributedtoacertainpartofSantalsociety.Many

groupsinthesamesocietyarenotactiveinthestagingofidentitypoliticsand

chosetobelittleinvolvedwiththestate.ThesesectorsofSantalsocietyplayed

alargerroleinchapterthreeandfour.

Contrastingwithritualslikethesacrificialfeastofthelocalline(jomsim)orannualhuntingrituals(sendrabonga),theregionalflowerfestivalpresentsanillustrationforthetrendmentionedintheintroduction:Indigenouspeople

makedeliberateuseofglobalizationinordertolendtheirlocalizingstrategies

morelegitimacy.Thesarnamovement’sactivitiesexhibitthistendencyaswell.Bymakingreference toother indigenouspeoples inotherpartsof theworld,

theyshowthattheyarejustonemarginalizedgroupamongmanyandusethis

todemandmorestaterecognitionandsupport.Bydoingso,theyhaveengaged

thestate intotheirreasoningofhowtheyhavebeendiscriminatedagainst in

comparisonwithothergroupsinIndia. Inconclusion,thischapterhasshown

thatglobalizationdoesnotalwayshave topullcultureaway fromplaces.For

the Santal in East Singhbhum it has enhanced the performance of a cultural

identitycloselyconnectedtotheirregion.

Chapter6⎜Conclusion

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6.Conclusion6.1TheHolismofPlaceTostudyplaceasenactedinSantalritualsmeanstostudysocialstructure,re-

lationships between people and their deities, politics and identity. Place is

hencenotonlytopographical,butcomprisesmanyotherideasofrelevancein

Santalsociety. In thatsense, theholismofplaceasdiscussed throughout this

work is one of themost remarkable features of place among the Santal and

moregenerally.Inthiscontextplacecanbeseenasa“totalsocialfact”(Mauss

2002,100).InthefollowingIcombinemydiscussionofholismofplacefroma

SantalperspectivewiththecomponentsthatKnott(2010,36)hasgroupedin-

to “places’ propensity to gather”, in order to finally discuss the general rele-

vanceofthestudyofplaceforthesocialsciences.

BelowIapproachtheholismofplacefromtwoperspectives.Thefirstper-

spective resonates with Knott’s (2010, 36) assertion that places gather the

physical,thesocialandthemental.Myworkhasrecognizedthesocialasoneof

thecorecomponentsofSantalnotionsofplace.Thisconcernssocialgroupsof

varioussizes,beitthe“peopleofthehouse”,thelocalline,villagefederations

ortheinhabitantsofaregion,whoseritualscorrespondinglyenactandreferto

variousspatialunits.Thesocial,however,goesbeyondhumansociety,sothat

its structures function as amodel for Santal perceptions of the environment

andtherelationshipsbetweendeitieslocatedtherein.

The second perspective focuses on two further properties of space, as

pointedoutbyKnott(2010,36;2013,23ff).Theseincludethediachronicand

the synchronic. She thus draws attention to the historical context in which

placesandactivitiesofplace-makingaretobeunderstood.Thecaseofregional

flower festivals and the rituals andpolitical activitiesorganizedby the sarnamovementpointtotransformationsofritual,whichinturncreatedifferentno-tionsof andmaintaindifferent relationshipswithplace.Theseexamplesalso

underlinetheimportanceof“synchronicinterconnections”(2010,36)between

placesandoncemoreshowthatplacesconsistofrelationshipsandarethem-

selves connected to other places. Places are not only local, but linked to dis-

coursesanddynamicsbeyondtheirlocality.


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6.1.1PlaceandtheSocialTheassertionthatplaceissociallyproducedhasbeenoneofthemajorcontri-

butionsof thesocial sciences to thedebateonspace (Appadurai1996;Knott

2013; Lefebvre 1991;Massey 1994). To synthesizemy findings, this section

discusses the followingquestions:Whichsocialunitshaveemergedasactors

in themakingofplace in thiswork?Whichkindsof spatialmovementswere

involvedinthemakingofdifferentnotionsofplace?Andmoregenerally:What

doesthedynamicofplace,ritualandthesociallooklike?

In thecontextof the jomsim ritual,collectivelyperformedbya local line(gusti), thenotionof rootedness inaplaceemergedascentral.Membersofalocallinecomefromdifferentvillagestoattendtheritual,whichisperformed

onthelandbelongingtotheirmostseniormember.Theycallthislandandthe

nearbyvillagetheirmulgadi,their“placeoforigin”.Thisplacerepresentstheirforefathers’ settlement activities. It is therefore a place with strong agnatic

connotations.Thespatialdimensionofthevertical, inherentintheideaofes-

tablishingroots,isenactedrepeatedlyduringtheritual:Peopledrivethesym-

bolof their local line, in thiscaseawoodenpole, into theground.Theypour

the blood of the sacrificial animals on the earth and later bury a part of the

meatinthesoil.Theconceptofmulgadi,withitsreferencetoroots,presentsacombinationof thespatial and thediachronic. In that sense, the ritualof jomsimbonga can be understood as a Santalmanifestation of place-history. Thetopicoftheintersectionsbetweenplace,timeandthesocialwillbetakenupin

moredetailbelow.

While agnates (“brothers” –boeha) represent one side of the two socialcategoriesthatmakeupSantalsocietyasawhole,affines(“guests”–pera)rep-resent theother side.Theestablishmentofaffinal ties is agradual, collective

process, brought about by different steps of thewedding rites. These rituals

haveastheirdesiredeffectthetransformationofrelationshipsandtheintegra-

tionofthebrideintothehouseofhernewhusband.Notmovementstowardsaritual center, as in the case of jomsimbonga, butmovementsacross variousspatialboundariesandthresholdsarecrucialintheserituals.Thesecrossings

themselvespartlyeffectthetransformationofsocialstatusaspeoplemovein-

to increasingly inner spaces of the house. The ancestral shrine as the inner-

most room of a house signifies integration of the bride into her husband’s

house,andinanothersenseitsignifiesritualclosureofthemarriageprocess.

While theweddingsritualsmove thebrideaway fromhernativehouse, they


349

move the bridewealth towards this house. By delivering the last part of the

bridewealth, a female goat, and sacrificing this animal in the courtyard, the

groomreplaces thebride inher formerhouse in an important regard:While

she loses theright toenter theancestralshrineofhernativehouse,herhus-

bandgainsthisrightthroughthedeliveryofthebridewealth.

Thedomainoftheforestandthemountainsisconceptualizedasdistinctly

different fromthedomainof the fieldsand thevillage.Thedeitiessaid tore-

side in the forest are worshipped by village federations in hunting (sendrabonga)andmountain rituals (burubonga). In thesecontexts, the forest isar-ticulatedasadangerous,ambivalent,“uncivilized”,andfertileplace.Thefields

andvillagerepresent the forest’scultivatedand“civilized”counterpart.How-

ever, it is the spatialmovementbetween the cultivated and uncultivated do-mainthatisintegraltothediscussedrituals.Thesemovementswhichconnect

uncultivatedandcultivatedspacesare intendedtotransferthefertilityof the

forestontothefieldsandensurethecontinuityofhumanity.

Lastly,inthecaseofregionalflowerfestivalsandtheactivitiesofthesarnamovement,notionsofplaceprovetobemostopentonationalandglobalinflu-ences. More pronounced than in any of the previouslymentioned rituals, in

thesecontextsaremarkabledynamicexistsbetweentheproductionoflocality

andthemobilityofpeopleand ideas.Peopleand ideasmovealongnetworks,

asinthecaseofthesarnamovementwithitsbranchofficesindifferentvillag-esandtowns.Whilethereisamuchmoreflexiblerelationshipbetweenritual

and place in these cases, there is still no complete detachment of reli-

gious/ritualpracticefromplace.Ratherthereisareassertionofplaceonapo-

liticallevel.Boththeestablishmentofregionalsacredgrovesandtheactivities

ofthesarnamovementcanbeunderstoodaslocalizingstrategies,intendedtomanifestaSantalandsarnapresenceinandbeyondtheregion.


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6.1.2PlaceanditsDiachronicandSynchronicAspects

TheDiachronicDimensionoftheSantalConceptof“PlaceofOrigin”

(mulgadi)Astheabovesynthesishasshown,placeisholisticinthatitcomprisesvarious

dimensionsof the social.Knott (2010,36;2013,23ff)hasaddedanother im-

portantangletothestudyofplacebyincludingthecomponentoftimeintoher

spatialanalysis.

Thisgeneral importanceof the linksbetweenplace, timeand thesocial finds

its local counterpart in the Santal concept ofmulgadi,a local line’s “place oforigin”. The idea of “roots” (mul), included in the term for this place, in fact,combinesbothdiachronicandspatialdimensions.Alocalline’srootsinaplace

refer to thepast.Theypoint to the settlement activitiesof theancestors and

the ancestors’ first root-establishing activities of clearing the forest, claiming

landforricecultivationandbuildingavillage.Inthisregardthevillagesocial

orderisbasedontime-relatedconcepts:Thefirstsettlersaresenior(marang)tothelatecomers,theirprecedencebeingthedecidingcriterionfortheirsen-

iority.Thewordmarangitselfevencombinestimewithspacethroughitsdou-ble connotation of “before” and “first in place/order”. In sum, the concept of

mulgadianchorsasocialgroup’spastfirmlyinaspecificplace.The jom simritual can then be viewed as regularly re-enacting and re-

establishingalocalline’sroots.Itdoessobyevokingandreferringtothepast

through its location. Inaddition, theritualestablishesroots inaphysicaland

spatialsense,byputtingapoleintheground,pouringbloodontheearthand

buryingsacrificialmeatinthis“placeoforigin”.Generallyspeaking,theritual

enactsthecentralideaofagnaticcontinuity,byintegratingdiachronicandspa-

tialaspects.

One could postulate that the continuity inherent in the jomsim ritual islinkedtotheritual’srelativelystableform.Theritualhasnottransformedinto

anarenaforSantalidentitypolitics,becauseitscoreconcernisthewell-being

andcontinuityofaveryspecificgroup.Thisdifferentiatesjomsimbongafromthetransformationsdiscussednext.


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TransformationsofSantalRitualandNotionsofPlaceSeveral rituals discussed in this work present diachronic transformations of

ritualpractice.Amoregeneralpatternofhowritualand“religion”inthesense

of“sarnareligion”relatetoplacecanbeinferredfromthesecontexts.Thistouchesonthesubjectofculturalchange.Iintentionallyusetheterm

“transformations” in this regard, because it acknowledges the process of

changeasbuildingonsomethingthatpreviouslyexisted.Thisincludesthese-

lectionof certain ideas andgiving themanew form (Cohen1980,158,men-

tionedinKuper1988,10).Iftherelationsbetweenelementsarereorganizedin

thisprocess,wecanspeakofa“structuraltransformation”(Sahlins1985,138,

cited inRobbins2004,8),which isdifferent froma“radicalcultural transfor-

mation”(Robbins2004,9)inwhichawholenewsystemofvaluesisembraced

by a society or groupof people. The ritual transformationshappening in the

Santal context can be understood as “structural transformations”. In the fol-

lowing, I focuson the changed relationsbetweenonly twoelements in these

transformed Santal ritual. These include both the types of relations between

peopletoeachotherandtherelationsofpeopletoplace.

Suchtransformationsaremostremarkableintheregionalflowerfestivals,

duringwhichselectedaspectsofSantalritualpracticeareperformedandcon-

nectedtoSantalidentity.Thetransformationsthathavehappenedinthisritual

contexttakeonvariousshapes:Theparticipantsnolongerrelatetoeachother

asfellowvillagers,affinesandagnates,butasorganizersofthefestival,dance

performers,andspectators.Moreover,theritualparticipantsmaintainadiffer-

entrelationshipwiththeplaceofritual,theregionalsacredgrove,thantheydo

with the village sacred grove. The specific belonging to a village community,

membersofwhichestablishedthesacredgrove,isbeingtransformedintothe

voluntarymembershipintheboardofregionalsacredgrovesandintothevol-

untaryattendanceof thefestivalorganizedtherein. Inaddition, themeanings

attributed toand the intendedefficacyof the flower festival as awholehave

been transformed.Theregional flower festivalno longeraimsat transferring

thefertilityoftheforesttothefieldsandintothevillage,butisbeinginterpret-

ed as a representation of Santal culture with its main features of “nature-

worship”andcolorfuldanceperformances.Inthesecontexts,thesacredgrove

nolongerstandsforthesettlementactivitiesoftheforefathersandtheabode

ofvillagedeities,butfunctionsasamaterialmarkerofSantalpresenceinthe

region.


352

Thecaseoftheregionalflowerfestivalthusshows,morepoignantlythanany

otherritualdiscussedinthiswork,thatritualsandplacesareopentothewid-

erworld.ThisiswhatKnott(2010,36)consideredtobethesynchronicprop-

ertiesofplace,namelythatplacesarealwaysconnectedtootherplaces.Both

place and ritual therefore need to be studied as positioned in historical and

widerspatialprocessesandassubjectsofconstantnegotiations.Thisdoesnot

mean,however,thatallritualsareequallyopentothewiderworld,astheex-

ample of the relatively secret ritual of jomsimbonga has shown. A sensitivestudyofritualneedstotakeacloselookatboththerelativelystableformsof

ritual practice and those that are being transformed. It needs to explore the

reasons why some ritual contexts are more prone to these transformations

thanothersandhowthisinturnrelatestotheirspatiality.

TransformationsfromRitualto“Religion”Thisdynamicofachangedrelationshiptoplacecanbeobservedinonetrans-

formation portrayed in this work, namely the transformation of Santal reli-

giouspracticeinthecontextofthesarnamovement.ThiscorrespondstowhatIheresuggest tocalla transformation fromritual (bonga) to “sarna religion”(sarnadhorom).Throughout thisworkbongahasbeendiscussedas themostsignificantSantal concept in the contextof Santal interactionswith theirdei-

ties.Bongaalwayscontainsofferings,usually in the formofanimalsacrifices.Bonga is thus inherentlypractical,butassuchanegotiatedpracticenotcodi-fiedinwriting.Bonganeedstoadhereto“custom”(niam),or“thewaythefore-fathers have taught” but there is no single authority that guards the

performance ofbonga according toniam. In the village context,bonga is themostcomprehensivetermregardingSantalinteractionswiththeirdeities.

TherelativelyrecentemergenceofthetermsarnadhoromanditsEnglishcounterpart“sarnareligion”,describedfirstintheliteraturebyOrans(1965),canbeunderstoodasatransformationofbongaactivity.Oneofthemostactiveprotagonists in the definition of what “sarna religion” contains, is the sarnamovement.While Santal ritual in themeaning of bonga is defined by ortho-praxy,members of the sarnamovement aim at standardizing ritual practice.They promote the publication and use ofwritten ritual invocations (bakher)andtheysubmitmemorandatothegovernmentinwhichtheyhighlightcertain

aspectsof“sarnareligion”.Theyorganizeseminarsheldbyguruswhodefineatlengthwhat“truetradition”(sariniam)is.TheorthopraxyofSantalritualprac-


353

ticeisbeingturnedintoorthodoxyinthecontextofthesarnamovement.“Sar-nareligion”inthiscontextisadiscourselinkedtowiderdiscoursesconcerningreligion, indigeneityandenvironmentalism in India. “Sarna religion” claimsacommon identity for all Santal (and other adivasi) in contrast to other reli-gions.Thisdiscoursemaintainsan intrinsicallydifferentrelationship toplace

thanritualdoes.

Ritual, as embodied action,must take place in a locality. Santal ritual is

centrallyconcernedwithrelationshipstodeities,topeopleandtoaplace.Itis

linkedtotheplaces,wheredeitiesaresaidtobelocated,suchasmountainsor

the ancestral shrine, or to places where deities are called into mediums to

communicateandinteractwith.Thelocalityofritualthereforeiscontingenton

theritual’s contentanddesiredefficacy: it isnocoincidence that thehunting

ritualsarelocatedclosetotheforestorthatthejomsimritualisheldinafieldbelongingtotheritualparticipants.

Santal“religion”,firstintheritualsorganizedbythesarnamovement,andsecond,asadiscourseandasanidentitymarker,however,relatestoplaceina

differentway.Sarna rituals are localized, but the placeswhere they are per-formedcaneasilybechanged.Newsacredgrovescanbebuilt,newbranchof-

ficesforeducationalactivitiescanbesetup.Thecontentoftheseritualsisonly

looselyrelatedtotheplaces,wheretheyarecarriedout.Asdiscourseandan

identitymarker,Santal “religion”hasmovedeven fartheraway fromplace. It

hingesontheworkof“theimagination”,whichaccordingtoAppadurai(1996,

5ff)hascometoplayamorepronouncedrole in thecontextofglobalization.

Santalreligionisbeingimaginedandconstructedasenvironmentallyfriendly,

asdifferent fromother religions, as “indigenous”.These imaginationsdoem-

ploy“localizingstrategies”bymakingreferencetoplacesuchassacredgroves

orsacredmountains.But thesestrategiesrepresentadifferent level than the

localization of bonga activities. In the discourse constructed by the sarnamovement and other activists, the claiming of place forms part of a political

strategy.Their references toplaceprove tobeadvantageous foractivistpur-

posesbecausetheyresonatewithotherdiscourses,namelydiscoursesofenvi-

ronmentalismandindigeneity.

In conclusion, the diachronic and synchronic properties of place offer a

valuableperspectiveon transformationprocesses in a certain locality. Places

changewithtime.AsisthecasefortheSantalcontext,placesbecomeincreas-

inglyconnectedtootherplaces,inIndiaandbeyond.Thishasbroughtwithita

transformationof ritualpracticeandpartly led to thecreationofamore for-


354

malizedandmorestandardizedreligiouspractice, inthecontextofwhichthe

term “sarna religion” has been coined. Taking into focus the diachronic andsynchronicpropertiesofplaceproveshencefruitfulnotonlyforananalysisof

transformationsofplace,butalsofortherelatedtransformationsofritualand

religion.

6.1.3TheHolismofPlaceanditsRelevancefortheSocialSciences

Openingupcontemporary‘space’tocloserscrutinyandidentifyingsomeof

itsconstituentelementsisanimportantstageintheprocessofturningspa-

tialtheoryintoaworkablemethodologyforcontextualizingreligionandana-

lyzingitsrelationshiptoothersocial,cultural,economicandpoliticalfactors.(Knott2008,1111)

Theabovequotesummarizes thepotential that lies in takingplace into focus

forthestudyofanysocialphenomenon.Place,asa“totalsocialfact”inMauss’

sense,offerstheopportunitytostudytotalities, tostudysocialphenomenain

relationtoeachotherwithoutimposingartificialseparations.

Thetwomeaningsinherentintherathervagueconceptofthe“totalsocial

fact”,asdiscussedbyGofman(1998,67),offeramoredistinguishedperspec-

tiveonthe importanceofplace for thesocialsciences.Placeasa“totalsocial

fact” firstof all carriesepistemological andmethodological value (ibid.).This

corresponds to the spatialmethodology developed by Knott (2013) and her

positionthatspaceoffersthepossibilitytostudyreligionincontextandhence

inrelationtovariousothersocialphenomena.Suchanapproach,asKnotthas

rightly stressed, avoids the problem of separating one’s subjectmatter from

others,of,forexample,defining“religion”asdifferentfrom“thesecular”prior

to empirical study. This applies, of course, not only to the study of religion.

Sinceallsocialphenomenaarerelatedtoothersinvariousways,takingplace

asastartingpointoffersafruitfulmethodologyalsoforthestudyofeconomic,

legalorpoliticalphenomena.Place,asembodied,asphysical,socialandmental

and as a nodal point for different relationships offers a fruitful venue to ap-

proachsocialphenomenaintheirtotality.Italsooffersadynamicperspective

onsocialphenomenaduetothedynamicqualityofrelationships

The second meaning of Mauss’ total social facts, according to Gofman

(1998)isthattheyconstitute“specificontologicalentities”(67)inthemselves.

They cut across and bring together different values, institutions and actions.


355

Theclassicexample forsucha totalsocial factgivenmyMausshimself is the

potlatch, an antagonistic system of gift-giving practiced by Northwest Coast

NativeAmericans(2002,48f).Thechiefsastheprotagonistsofgift-givingare

said to represent the gods and ancestors. They give and sometimes destroy

goodsofhighvalue.Thewholeeventgathers“tribes,clansandfamilies”(49)

andisthusacomprehensivesocialevent.InMauss’(2002,3-4)understanding,

totalsocialfactscombinelegal,economic,political,socialandreligiousaspects.

Crucialforthesocialsciencesinthisregardisthenthespecificshapeofeachof

these entities indifferent social contexts and societies. Place as a total social

factinallsocietiespresentsculturalnotionsofspecificrelevance.FortheSan-

tal it comprises social principles of agnation, affinity and seniority, relation-

ships between people and deities and processes of identity articulation. In

othercontexts,placescompriseconceptsofhomeandbelonging(Buitelaarand

Stock 2010); or relations between locality, the domain of the “familiar” and

Dutch Catholicism (Knibbe 2013). In sum, because of its holism place offers

valuable methodological advantages to the social sciences, namely access to

the dynamic relations between social phenomena and the specific values of

distinctsocieties.

6.2ClarifyingtheRelationshipbetweenPlaceandRitualIthasbeenmyargumentthroughoutthisworkthatritualsarticulateandcre-

ate notions of place.Howdoes place, however, affect ritual? In this section I

addresstherelationshipbetweenplaceandritual,first,byexploringhowritual

makesplaceand,second,byturningtothecontributionplacemakestoritual.

Inordertoapproachthisdynamic,alookatSahlins’(1985,xi)discussion

on the relations between “performative” and “prescriptive structures” offers

analyticalclarity.Withthisdistinctionherefers to the“relationsbetweenso-

cial forms and appropriate acts” (ibid.), corresponding to the distinction be-

tweencategory/formandaction.Atellingexampleistherelationbetweengifts

andfriendsthatSahlinsintroduces.Friendship,asasocialform,entailsacer-

tainbehavior,butconverselyacertainbehavioralsohasthepotentialtocreate

friendship.Sahlinscapturesthismutualitywiththestatement“iffriendsmake

gifts, gifts make friends” (ibid.). He assesses that the social sciences usually

havegivenprioritytotheformeroverthelatter.


356

With slight changes, Sahlins’ terminology is of value to the discussion of the

relationshipbetweenplaceandritual.First,wecansaythatritual(asaction)

makesplace(understoodhereasspatial form).Ritualcanhencebeseenasa

“performative structure” in Sahlins’ sense. Second, spatial forms provide a

frameforritualaction.Placesthusrepresent“prescriptivestructures”.

Santalritualsdiscussedinthisworkunderlinetheperformativepointofview,

namelythatritualscreatenotionsofplace.Ritualsmakeplace.Throughtheir

aestheticfeatures,ritualspresentaspecificpictureofplace.Ritualparticipants

hence come toperceiveplace in a certainway. This corresponds to thephe-

nomenological approach to place as formulated by Casey (2001) and Ingold

(1996,2000)andaddsritualtotheirdiscussionofhumanactionscreatingspa-

tialperception.

Different Santal ritualsmake place on different levels. In that sense the

shapeofritualcorrespondstothetypeofplaceitcreates:thebroadertheno-

tionofplace,themoreinclusivetheritual.Thejomsimritual,forexample,wasdescribedasa ritual reserved fora closecircleofbrothersand their in-laws.

Access to this ritual is difficult for outsiders. This involved small social unit

corresponds to the localized notion of place created through this ritual. The

symbolsused in the ritual, too, require “insiderknowledge”.Thecarvedpole

placedinthegroundreferstothisgroup’smythologicalorigin,mostlikelyun-

knowntooutsiders.

The next levels of place-making involve increasingly larger social units.

The ritual inter-village hunts are organized by different numbers of villages.

Thesevillagefederationscollectivelyoffersacrificestothehuntingdeityinor-

dertoobtainraintofloodtheirricefields.Themountainrituals involveeven

largernumbersofvillages,formingaregion(torop).Participationintheseritu-alsisevenlessrestrictedandengagesnotonlySantal,butalsoothercommuni-

ties such as the gatherer-hunter Kharia and peasant Kurmi in the sacrifices

offeredtothemountaindeity.

The most encompassing notion of place in the sense of region (disom)emerges from the regional flower festivals. In some cases, the dance perfor-

mancesandcelebrationsinregionalsacredgrovesbringtogetherthousandsof

spectatorsfromalargeregion.InthiscontextaSantalpresenceintheregionis

manifestedandlinkedtocertainaspectsofSantal identity.Thisisfurtherun-

derlined by material markers of “Santalness”, such as the regional sacred

grovesandstatuesofSantalheroes.Inthiscontext,Ihavelinkedtheincrease

ofSantalidentitypolitics,alsopresentintheactivitiesofthesarnamovement,


357

totheaffirmativeactionprogramsoftheIndianstate.Theregionalflowerfes-

tivalshencedonotonlyclaimtheregiontobeSantalinfrontofothercommu-

nitieslivinginthearea,butalsoinfrontoftheIndianstate.Alltheseexamples

showthatritualscreatenotionsofplace.Withouttheexistenceof,forexample,

theregionalflowerfestivals,thenotionofaregionassociatedwithcertainas-

pectsofSantal identitywouldnotexist.Notionsofplacearethereforeconsti-

tuted,createdandrecreatedthroughritual.

This however brings up the following question: Are places only constituted

through ritual? If there were no rituals, how else would places be ascribed

meaning?As someexamplesdiscussed in thiswork show,places canalsobe

constitutedthroughsongsandnarratives(suchasthehuntingsongsortherit-

ualnarrativejomsimbinti)andthrougheverydayactioninthem.Theancestralshrineasaccessibleonlytomembersofthehouseorthevillagestreetasarel-

ativelyopenplaceforinteractionswithstrangers,serveasexamples.Thevery

factthatIhavediscussedritualasarticulatingSantalnotionsofplacealreadyshowsthatplacesaremeaningfulalsopriortoandbeyondritual.Wearehence

confrontedwiththereversaloftherelationshipbetweenplaceandritualorin

Sahlins’ sense, the relationship between form and action. This leads to the

questionofhowplaceinfluencesritual.

Severalof theritualsdiscussed in thisworkshowthatplacesareclosely

boundupwiththecontentandintendedefficacyoftheritual.Forexample,itis

nocoincidencethatmostof theregional flowerfestivalsare located inhighly

visibleplaces,atroadintersectionsorintowns.Theselocationscontributeto

the intendedefficacyof the rituals, that is, the communicationof “Santal cul-

ture” toothers.Theirvisibilityrenders themidealplaces for thecommunica-

tionofSantalidentityduringtheritualsheldinthem.

The places, inwhich Santalwedding rituals are held, further emphasize

the point that places contribute to the efficacy of ritual. The aim ofwedding

ritualsistotransformaperson’ssocialstatus.Thisispartlyachievedbypass-

ingthroughdifferentlyvaluedplacesofavillageandahouse,suchasthevil-

lage street, the threshold into a house and the courtyard. Finally, bride and

groomreach theancestral roomof thegroom’shouse,where theyare fedby

the groom’smother. The bride’s integration into her husband’s house is sig-

naledandachievedbyherarrivalinthisroom.

Placescanhencebeunderstoodas“prescriptivestructures”.Theveryna-

tureofplace,itsspatialform,presentscategorieswhichpeopleutilizeinritu-

als. Places, for example, possess boundaries which can be crossed. Places


358

possesscentersandperipheries,suchastheancestralroominaSantalhouse

and the village street in front. Places also evoke history andmemory. These

propertiesofplaceareoftenrelatedtothecontentofritual,themostobvious

examplebeingthe locationofhuntingritualsasclose to the forestwherethe

huntingdeity is located.Ritualactorscanalsostrategicallymakeuseofthese

spatialpropertiesinordertoenhancetheeffectofritual.

In general words, place and ritual are mutually constitutive in various

ways.Ritualactioncreatesnotionsofplaceasmuchasplaceenhancestheeffi-

cacyofritual.Takingplaceintoaccountthereforeaddsasignificantdimension

tothestudyofritual.

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Appendix⎜Glossary

383

Glossary

All cursive words are in Santali. Since there is no standard orthography for

Santali in Roman script, I have chosen to make use of Bodding’s (2010)

spelling.Diacriticshavebeenneglectedand theordering isalphabeticallyac-

cordingtotheEnglishalphabet.WhereBoddingusestheletter“ṅ”(forexam-

ple inmaraṅ (senior) orgonoṅ (bridewealth)), I use “ng” instead, because itcomesclosertotheactualpronunciation.Hindiwordsaremarkedwithan(H).

TheselattertermsarefrequentlyusedbySantalispeakerswhenspeakingSan-

tali and are often endowedwith a differentmeaning than theHindi original

carries.

abo.......................................................................................................we(pluralinclusive)adivasi(H)........................................................................................“original inhabitants”, a

political term coined in

Chotanagpur in the

1930s usually used by

members of Scheduled

Tribes, but also by some

communities classified

as Scheduled Castes and

OtherBackwardCastes

adoacaole.........................................................................................crushed rice, usually

usedinritualcontexts

ajnardai............................................................................................wife’s elder sis-

ter/husband’s elder sis-

ter

aksar..................................................................................................bowandarrowakhra..................................................................................................villagedancegroundalang...................................................................................................we(dualinclusive)ale.......................................................................................................we(pluralexclusive)aledisom..........................................................................................“ourregion”alehor...............................................................................................“ourpeople”alin......................................................................................................we(dualexclusive)anak......................................................................................................stick hung from the ceil-

ingtohangclothes

Appendix⎜Glossary

384

araksandi.........................................................................................redcockatosegey............................................................................................“villagekin/relative”ato........................................................................................................villageayo.......................................................................................................motherbaba....................................................................................................fatherbaber...................................................................................................ropebagahibir.........................................................................................forest made dangerous

bythegods

baha....................................................................................................flowerbahaporob.......................................................................................flowerfestivalbahasindur......................................................................................type of vermillion ap-

plied on affinal relatives

during life-cycle rituals.

For women it is put on

the hair parting, and a

red line is drawn from

the parting along the

side of the face to the

ears. Formen it consists

of a dot on the forehead

andadotoneachear.

bahunel.............................................................................................“seeing the bride”, ritualin the beginning of a se-

quence of the wedding

rituals

bakher................................................................................................ritualinvocationbalakora...........................................................................................co-father-in-lawbalakuriseren................................................................................songs sung by women

frombride’sandgroom’s

side

balanepel........................................................................................ritual meeting of the in-laws

bana....................................................................................................bearbanam................................................................................................fiddlebandh(H)..........................................................................................strike, usually a demand

by theNaxalites to close

Appendix⎜Glossary

385

all shopsandstallpublic

transport

baperbetakora..............................................................................father’s son, title gainedbyamanoncehehasat-

tended the annual re-

gional hunt at Ajodhyaburu

baperbetikuri................................................................................father’s daughter, titlegainedbyawomanonce

shehasattendeda tribal

festivalcalledChakorTa-

riPata

bapla...................................................................................................weddingbar.......................................................................................................fastingbarsihapa.........................................................................................iron rod, symbol of the

godMarangBurubejor....................................................................................................oddnumberbeti(H)...............................................................................................daughterbhagni/a...........................................................................................(aman’s)(e/y)sister’s

daughter/son,(awom-

an’s)husband’s(e/y)sis-

ter’sdaughter/son

bhandan............................................................................................secondaryfuneralbhetkatha.........................................................................................veiled language, used

duringthefirstritualen-

countersbetweenpoten-

tial in-laws and during

communication with the

huntingdeity

bhitar..................................................................................................ancestralshrinebillipotom.........................................................................................“wrappedegg”,aleafcup

with crushed rice (adoacaole), dhobi grass andtwocoinsgivenaspartof

thebridewealth

bin........................................................................................................snake

Appendix⎜Glossary

386

bindeporob......................................................................................a festival celebrated inhonor of the goddess

Rankini in Ghatsila, East

Singhbhum,Jharkhand

binti.....................................................................................................a ritual narrative duringwhich sung and spoken

passages alternate. A

binti is performed by aguru at different occa-sions, among them at

Santal naming ceremo-

nies, the jom sim ritual

andthesecondaryfuner-

al.Thecontentsofdiffer-

ent bintis varies, theyhowever always contain

theSantalcreationmyth.

bir.........................................................................................................forestbirburu..............................................................................................forestedhillsbitlaha................................................................................................ostracismriteboda...................................................................................................buck (uncastrated male

goat)

boeha..................................................................................................brothersbolam..................................................................................................spear with three metal

spikes on top, used for

hunting

bongajaega.....................................................................................“adeity’splace”borton.................................................................................................payment in kind (given

by the Santal to Kamar

andKharia)

buiyu..................................................................................................young boy assisting thenaeke

burubonga.......................................................................................mountainritualburukocha........................................................................................“corner of the forest”,

termusedtorefertothe

“backwardness”of forest

areas

Appendix⎜Glossary

387

cacochatiar.....................................................................................naming ceremony for achild

caole....................................................................................................huskedricecele.......................................................................................................whatkind/whichchakna................................................................................................snacks, usually meat, to

eatwithalcohol

chakri..................................................................................................publicsectorjobschatkaduar......................................................................................thresholdchuat...................................................................................................impure,pollutingchulhebonga...................................................................................deity of the cooking

hearth

cumaura............................................................................................a type of greeting per-formedbywomenat the

occasion of a wedding,

during the harvest festi-

val and during the wel-

coming of the calves as

part of the bridewealth.

Thewomenwaveawin-

nowing fan or brass

plate,withanoil-litlamp

and somehusked rice in

frontofthepersonoran-

imal to be greeted from

right to left and back

threetimes.

dal(H)................................................................................................lentildai........................................................................................................eldersisterdain.....................................................................................................witchdakmari............................................................................................“water rice”, a dish

cooked with stale rice

especiallyduring thehot

season

daka....................................................................................................boiledricedambur..............................................................................................an instrument consisting

of a row of bells, used

Appendix⎜Glossary

388

during the performance

ofsingraisongsdaore...................................................................................................large basket made from

bamboo, in which the

bride is seated during

part of thewedding cer-

emony

deshpargana/disompargana..................................................regional headman pre-sidingoveralargeregion

dhangorie..........................................................................................leadsingerandstorytell-er during the perfor-

manceofsingraidharamdak......................................................................................“receiving water”, wel-

coming ritual as part of

thewedding

dhartisinjon.....................................................................................thecreationoftheearthdhartiayo.........................................................................................“motherearth”,deitydhoromguru....................................................................................“teacher of religion”,

term used by members

of the sarna movementtorefertothefounderof

themovement

dhoti(H)............................................................................................a long cloth worn bymen, wrapped around

the waist and worn as

lowergarment

dhule...................................................................................................wooden beams coveringtheancestralshrine

dihuri..................................................................................................huntingpriestdiku......................................................................................................outsiders,exploitersdili........................................................................................................large bamboo basket

containing paddy, usual-

ly located above the an-

cestralshrine

disom..................................................................................................regiondisomjaher.......................................................................................regionalsacredgrovedisomsendra....................................................................................regionalhunt

Appendix⎜Glossary

389

disua....................................................................................................people of a region, usedespecially when refer-

ring to the participants

inaregionalhunt

duar.....................................................................................................door,thresholdeaekurieaekora...........................................................................seven sons and seven

daughters as mentioned

inSantalmythology,they

are the offspring of the

ancestral couple PilcuHaramandPilcuBudhi

enec.....................................................................................................danceerokmut............................................................................................“to sow a handful of

seeds”,ritualfirstsowing

oftherice

gar.......................................................................................................(mythological)fortghus.....................................................................................................a type of grass, which

playsarole intheSantal

creationmyth

gidre....................................................................................................childrengipiditandi.......................................................................................field in which the night

program is held during

thehuntingritual

giresendra........................................................................................inter-villagehuntgiretol................................................................................................ritualmakingoftheinvi-

tationtothehunt

giti........................................................................................................toliedowngod.......................................................................................................greeting gesture, differs

between women and

men/juniorandsenior

godet...................................................................................................villagemessengergonong...............................................................................................bridewealthgosae...................................................................................................general term for ad-

dressing a deity in ritual

invocations

Appendix⎜Glossary

390

GosaeEra..........................................................................................a female deity of the sa-cred grove said to be of

blacksmithorigin

gurpithe............................................................................................sweetflatbreadcontain-ingmolasses

guru(H).............................................................................................teacher, religious/ritualleader

gusti....................................................................................................locallinehaledale............................................................................................to wander around end-

lessly, to be uprooted

(usedinSantalsongs)

handi...................................................................................................ricebeerhans.....................................................................................................goosehapramko.........................................................................................ancestorshat........................................................................................................villagemarkethati(H)..............................................................................................elephanthebe.....................................................................................................tocarryonthehiphec/hiju.............................................................................................tocomehendekalot.......................................................................................blackpullethili........................................................................................................elderbrother’swifeholong.................................................................................................riceflourhoponayo.........................................................................................father’s younger broth-

er’swife

hor.......................................................................................................man,humanhorhopon..........................................................................................“sons of man”, synonym

usedby theSantal to re-

fertothemselves

horokcinhe.......................................................................................“wearing signs”, part ofthe wedding rituals dur-

ing which the bride’s

party gives gifts to the

groom

horo.....................................................................................................tortoisehoroboro............................................................................................tohurryhudin...................................................................................................small, junior, oppositeof

maranghuru.....................................................................................................paddy/unhuskedrice

Appendix⎜Glossary

391

ichet.....................................................................................................shrimpirilkora..............................................................................................wife’s younger brother/

husband’s younger

brother

irilkuri...............................................................................................wife’s younger sister/

husband’syoungersister

jaher....................................................................................................sacredgroveJaherAyo...........................................................................................“mother of the sacred

grove”, deity residing in

thesacredgrove

Jaherdangri.....................................................................................cattle sacrifice to JaherAyo performed in someSantalvillages

jaherthan..........................................................................................shrines in the Santal sa-credgrove

jangaarup........................................................................................“washingthe legs”,ritualin the context of a wed-

ding during which the

groom’s mother washes

and oils her son’s and

daughter-in-law’slegs

jarpasendra.....................................................................................type of hunt that re-quiresnopriorworship

jati(H)...............................................................................................community, society,

caste,type

jawae..................................................................................................husband,son-in-lawjawaenel...........................................................................................“seeing the groom”, ritu-

alaspartofthewedding

arrangements

jel..........................................................................................................meat,deerjelpithe..............................................................................................flat bread with meat,

placed between two leaf

plates and baked in the

fire

jhanda................................................................................................flagjhi.........................................................................................................father’ssisterjhig.......................................................................................................porcupine

Appendix⎜Glossary

392

jiwi.......................................................................................................life,lifeforcejogmanjhi..........................................................................................village functionary in

charge of social events

andmorale

jomnu.................................................................................................toeatanddrink,feastjomsimbonga.................................................................................sacrificial ritual per-

formedbythelocalline

jono......................................................................................................broomkaka.....................................................................................................father’s younger broth-

er/ mother’s sister’s

husband

kaki......................................................................................................mother’ssisterkandalungri....................................................................................three long saree-like

pieces of cloth given to

three female relatives of

the bride as part of the

bridewealth

kanun(H)..........................................................................................state law (in contrast toniam)

kapi......................................................................................................sacrificialaxekara.....................................................................................................waterbuffalokarambonga...................................................................................a Santal festival during

whichbranchesfromthe

karamtreeareplantedinthevillagestreet

karma(H).........................................................................................retributionforactionskatkom...............................................................................................crabkhasi....................................................................................................castratedgoatkherwar.............................................................................................term that used to com-

prise the Santal, Ho,

Munda, Birhor and Kur-

mi. Today many Santal

useitonlytorefertothe

Santal.

khond..................................................................................................sacrificial circle made

fromriceflour

Appendix⎜Glossary

393

khude..................................................................................................wooden post (used assymbol by a local line

namedkhudeHansda)khunt...................................................................................................termusedinotherSantal

ethnographiestoreferto

the social unit of local

line, in East Singhbhum

to Santal use the term

gustiinsteadkobor...................................................................................................message,newskulhi....................................................................................................villagestreetkulhidhurup....................................................................................“sitting in the village

street”, meeting of male

villagers to solve con-

flicts

kumang..............................................................................................father’ssister’shusbandkumbeorak......................................................................................house made from leaves

andbranches

kundelnapam.................................................................................love marriage, marriagebasedontheinitiativeof

brideandgroom

lajao....................................................................................................shame,shynesslandasegey.......................................................................................joking relation-

ship/jokingrelative

lendet..................................................................................................earthwormlinga(H)............................................................................................phallic emblem repre-

sentingShiva

lipur.....................................................................................................a chain of bells tiedaround the ankle, worn

by men during the per-

formance of singraisongs

lobir....................................................................................................“meeting of the burnedforest”, highest court of

the Santal held during

theregionalhunt

Appendix⎜Glossary

394

lota......................................................................................................small brass water jugused for the (ritual)

greetingofguestsineve-

rySantalhousehold

lumti....................................................................................................assistant to bride or

groom during the wed-

dingceremony

mamore............................................................................................Santal ritual performedin irregular intervals in

the sacred grove. During

the ritual goats and a

cowaresacrificed

madal..................................................................................................shareofpreyreceivedbythe person whose bow

shottheanimal

maghbonga.....................................................................................village ritual in the

month of Magh (Janu-

ary/February) during

which the village func-

tionaries can lay down

theiroffices

mahua(H)/matkom.....................................................................mahua tree (Madhucalongifolia)

mai.......................................................................................................youngersistermamu..................................................................................................mother’sbrothermandir(H).......................................................................................templemangar..............................................................................................alligatormanjhi................................................................................................villageheadmanmanjhiharam..................................................................................ancestorofthemanjhimansik................................................................................................request presented to a

deity combinedwith the

promise of a later sacri-

fice for the deity when

the request is granted.

Term is used to refer

both to the request and

Appendix⎜Glossary

395

theactual sacrificemade

later.

marang..............................................................................................big, senior, opposite ofhudin

marangorak....................................................................................ancestralroom,theroomcontaining the ancestral

shrine

MarangBuru...................................................................................“Great mountain”, su-

preme god of the Santal

residing in the sacred

grove

mela(H)............................................................................................annualfairmeral...................................................................................................Indian gooseberry tree

(Phyllanthusemblica)merhetsakom..................................................................................iron bangle, worn by

Santalwomenontheleft

wrist as a sign of their

maritalstatus

methi(H)...........................................................................................fenugreekmitkhondrebonga.......................................................................tosacrificeinonesacrifi-

cialcircle

mitorakhor.....................................................................................“people of one house”,localline

moksha(H).......................................................................................liberation from cycle ofrebirths

monchpuri........................................................................................earth, as mentioned intheSantalcreationmyth

morehor............................................................................................“five people”, refers tothe five village function-

aries,butalsoto thecol-

lectivity of villagers

duringritual

MorekoTuruiko..............................................................................“thefivesix”,deityresid-ing in the sacred grove,

associatedwithhunting

mucarak...........................................................................................chutney made from redants

Appendix⎜Glossary

396

mukhje...............................................................................................elected head of a pan-chayat (elected villagecouncil)

mulgadi.............................................................................................“placeoforigin”naeke..................................................................................................villagepriestnaihar.................................................................................................aman’swife’snativevil-

lage

niam....................................................................................................custom, overall order,

sometimes described by

the Santal as “the way

the forefathers have

broughtittous”

nidesingrai.......................................................................................“night singrai”, genre ofmusic and narratives

performed during the

nightof theannualhunt,

withobscenecontent

nijboeha............................................................................................“real brothers”, those

who consider eachother

tobedescendantsofone

fatherorgrandfather

nuhatin.............................................................................................“to share a drink”, termused by female in-laws

during their first ritual

meeting(balanepel)ojha......................................................................................................shamanol...........................................................................................................towrite/scriptpaele....................................................................................................metalpotusedformeas-

uring rice, measures

abouthalfakilo

panchayat(H).................................................................................electedvillagecouncilparanik..............................................................................................villagefunctionary,assis-

tant to the village head-

man(manjhi)parganabonga...............................................................................deity of the regional

headman(pargana)paris....................................................................................................clan

Appendix⎜Glossary

397

parkom...............................................................................................bed made of a woodenframe with interwoven

strings connecting the

frame

pata.....................................................................................................annualfairpera.....................................................................................................affines,guestsperachetanpera............................................................................affines’affinesphul.....................................................................................................ritualfriendshipphuruk................................................................................................leafcupPilcuBudhi.......................................................................................first mythological ances-

tressoftheSantal

PilcuHaram.....................................................................................first mythological ances-toroftheSantal

pinda...................................................................................................verandah facing the vil-lage street built along

Santalhouses

poeta...................................................................................................sacred thread usually

wornbyBrahmans

pondsandi........................................................................................whitecock,usuallysacri-ficedtoMarangBuru

porob..................................................................................................festivalpuja(H).............................................................................................worship, usually consist-

ingofofferings

pusi......................................................................................................catraca.....................................................................................................courtyardraebar.................................................................................................matchmakerrasiatu...............................................................................................“lined village”, term de-

scribing a row of joint

houses on the left and

rightofavillagestreet

raska...................................................................................................joyrohoyseren.......................................................................................transplantingsongssada.....................................................................................................plain, designating a San-

tal local line that wor-

shipswithoutsindur

Appendix⎜Glossary

398

sagunsupari....................................................................................auspicious clay pitcher,playsaroleduringapart

oftheflowerfestival

sakua..................................................................................................hornusedbyhunterssal(H)/sarjom................................................................................the sal tree (Shorea ro-

busta)samajsingrai...................................................................................typeof singrai song con-

taining stories about so-

cial relationships/Santal

society

sangat.................................................................................................cross relatives of groomand bride (e.g. bride’s

brother and groom’s sis-

teraresangat)sanskriti(H).....................................................................................culture,traditionsapab..................................................................................................instrument,toolsari.......................................................................................................true,correctsarnadhorom..................................................................................“religion of the sacred

grove”

sarpanch(H)....................................................................................synonym for mukhje(elected head of a pan-chayat)

sasang................................................................................................yellow,turmericsasangsunum..................................................................................mixture of oil and tur-

meric

sathmauzarinnaeke...................................................................naeke of seven villages,playsaritualroleduring

the hunting and moun-

tainrituals

segeysampok...................................................................................kinrelationshipssendra.................................................................................................huntsendrabonga...................................................................................huntingdeityseren....................................................................................................songshankha.............................................................................................hornsibilror...............................................................................................“to talk in a tasty man-

ner”

Appendix⎜Glossary

399

sinsingrai.........................................................................................“day singrai”, a genre ofmusic performed during

the day at, for example,

thehuntingfestival

sindur(H).........................................................................................vermillion,redpowdersingrai................................................................................................a genre of music, per-

formedespeciallyduring

thehuntingritualbutal-

so at other occasions

duringthehotseason

sinjo.....................................................................................................the bael tree (Aeglemarmelos)

sogjug................................................................................................“true age”, referring to atimeinSantalmythology

sohrae.................................................................................................Santalharvestfestivalsokha...................................................................................................shaman/healer, consid-

ered to be more power-

fulthananojhasonachatom.....................................................................................“golden umbrella”, term

used to refer to the

groom in the context of

thewedding

sore......................................................................................................sacrificialfoodsorokpuri...........................................................................................heaven, as mentioned in

theSantalcreationmyth

sukri....................................................................................................pigtaben...................................................................................................beatenricetamak.................................................................................................kettle drum, shaped like

abowl

tandibonga......................................................................................a ritual of the local line,duringwhichgoatsand

tayan...................................................................................................crocodiletelakuri.............................................................................................twomenwho follow the

lead singer during

singrai performances,

theyareoftendressedas

women, play the banam

Appendix⎜Glossary

400

and repeat the text sung

bytheleadsinger

tenang................................................................................................eldersister’shusbandtika.......................................................................................................small dot made on the

forehead between the

eyebrows, usually made

withvermillion

titrikuri.............................................................................................girls who have not

reached puberty yet,

who assist during parts

oftheweddingritual

tola......................................................................................................hamlettoresutam........................................................................................venuethroughwhichthe

gods came and come to

earth, also used for the

strawropeshung froma

treeduringthebaha fes-tival

toroppargana.................................................................................regional headman underthedisompargana

tumdak...............................................................................................drum,madeofburntclayandconicalinshape

tupun..................................................................................................“to shoot at each other”,battlefield, term used to

refer to the encounter

between men and wild

animalsduringthehunt

tuti.......................................................................................................arrowwithadullarrow-head

udli.......................................................................................................small bamboo basket

plasteredwithmudfrom

theinsidewith

ul...........................................................................................................mangozamindar(H)...................................................................................landlord

Appendix⎜ListofPhotos

401

ListofPhotos

Photo1:LandscapearoundMusabani....................................................................6Photo2:Santalvillagestreetfromabove...........................................................19Photo3:Thevillagedanceground(akhra),decoratedfortheharvest

festivalsohrae.........................................................................................................21Photo4:Dancinginthevillagedancegroundduringthenightafter theharvestfestival...............................................................................................21

Photo5:Anoldvillagesacredgrove.....................................................................25Photo6:Celebrationsduringtheflowerfestival(bahaporob)ina newlyestablishedsacredgrovesurroundedbyawall........................25

Photo7:ASantalhouse,viewedfromthevillagestreet,freshly paintedanddecoratedbeforeawedding...................................................27

Photo8:Guestsareseatedinthecourtyardofahouse................................28Photo9:AMahaliwomansellingbaskets,winnowingfansand ricebeerstrainers(fromrighttoleft)ataweeklymarket(hat).....46Photo10:Womenofahousearegreetingtheguestswhohave arrivedfortheritualof“seeingthegroom”...........................................115

Photo11:Boysofahousearegreetingtheguestsonthesame occasion.Theyarejuniortothosebeinggreeted................................115

Photo12:BannerhungatthejomsimritualoftheorwalMurmu........141Photo13:Thepriesthaspreparedthesacrificialsiteforthe jomsimritual.......................................................................................................145Photo14:Thespatialityofjomsimbonga.......................................................145Photo15:Theagnates’sacrificialanimalsareeatingfromthe crushedriceplacedinthesacrificialcirclebeforetheyare

sacrificedtojomsimbonga............................................................................146Photo16:Hostileencounterbetweenthebrotherofthebrideand herfuturehusband............................................................................................173

Photo17:Brideandgroompriortotheapplicationofsindur................173Photo18:Themotherofthegroomappliesbahasindur(“flower

vermillion”)tothebrideintheancestralroom....................................175

Photo19:Atanotherweddingthemotherofthegroomfeeds thebridewithbeatenriceintheancestralroom.................................175

Photo20andPhoto21:Ritualmeetingofthein-laws(balanepel)....178Photo22:Deliveryofthebridewealth(gonong)attheschool buildinginthebride’svillage........................................................................183

Photo23:Theritualmakingofthehuntinginvitation..............................206Photo24:Thehuntingpriest(dihuri)ispreparingthe sacrificialsquares..............................................................................................210


402

Photo25:Thehuntingpriest(dihuri)ishunguponastick, similartopreyafterthehunt........................................................................212

Photo26:Singraiperformance............................................................................224Photo27:Anothersingraiperformance...........................................................225Photo28:Erokmut,theritualizedfirstsowingofrice..............................252Photo29:Thewifeofthefield’sownerhastransplantedfour rowsofriceseedlings.......................................................................................256

Photo30:Anelderbrother’swife(hili)andherhusband’syoungersister(irilkuri)applymudtoeachother’sarmsaftertheritualgreetingofthericegoddess..........................................................................256

Photo31:ViewfromKanhaiSolmountaineasttowards WestBengal..........................................................................................................260

Photo32:ThesacrificialsiteforthemountaingodKanhaiSol, markedbysindurontherock.......................................................................262Photo33:Seatedmediumspriortothesacrificestotheburubonga

KopatPat...............................................................................................................268Photo34:Markingthemountainwithflagsasthe“placeofthedeity”

(bongajaega).......................................................................................................268Photo35:SacrificialsitefortheburubongaKopatPat.............................269Photo36:Womendancinginthesacredgroveattheoccasion ofthebahafestival............................................................................................293Photo37:Theregionalsacredgrove(disomjaher)atSurda..................302Photo38:Danceperformancesduringtheregionalflowerfestivalat

Surda........................................................................................................................304

Photo39:Groupofdrummersanddancersduringtheregional flowerfestivalatSurdadisomjaher...........................................................304Photo40:Claystatuesintheregionalsacredgrovedepicting theSantalancestorsashunters...................................................................305

Photo41:TheshrineforMarangBuruintheregionalsacred groveofChanuavillage...................................................................................307Photo42:StatueofRagunathMurmu,theinventoroftheSantal scriptOlChiki......................................................................................................314Photo43:StatueofSidhoandKanhoMurmu,theleadersofthe Santalrebellionin1855..................................................................................314

Photo44:StatueofBabaTilkaManjhi,thefirstSantalwhotookup armsagainsttheBritish..................................................................................315

Photo45:WomenbowingtoBesnaoMurmu,thefounderofthe sarnadhorommovementattheoccasionofasarnameeting........319Photo46:Gurusofthesarnamovementaremakingofferings broughtbypeopletothedeitiesofthesacredgrove.........................327


403

Photo47:ASantalmanisteachingOlChikitothechildren ofhisvillage..........................................................................................................333

AllphotostakenbyLeaSchulte-Droesch,withtheexceptionofPhoto33-35

takenbySubhashHansdaandPhoto25takenbyPitamberHansda.

Appendix⎜ListofMaps

404

ListofMaps

Map1:LocationofJharkhandinIndia..............................................................................13Map2:EastSinghbhumdistrictofJharkhand...............................................................14Map3:TheareaaroundGhatsilaandMusabani..........................................................14

Appendix⎜CompleteTableofContents

405

CompleteTableofContents

Acknowledgements....................................................................................................viii

NoteonTransliterationandUsage........................................................................xii

ListofAbbreviations.................................................................................................xiii

1.Introduction.................................................................................................................11.1MakingPlace.........................................................................................................11.1.1TheSantal......................................................................................................................2

1.1.2FocusofthisWork.....................................................................................................4

1.1.3PlaceanditsDifferentConnotations.................................................................5

1.1.4TheLocalandtheGlobal........................................................................................7

1.1.5BringingtogetherPlaceandRitual....................................................................8

1.2TheSantalintheirSocialandRegionalContext.......................................91.2.1OnRegionalVariations............................................................................................9

1.2.2TheTownsofGhatsilaandMusabani–“ReachingtheField”...............11

TheDistrictofSinghbhum:RecordedHistory,Populationand

Landscape..........................................................................................................................12

Ghatsila...............................................................................................................................15

Musabani............................................................................................................................16

1.2.3SantalVillages...........................................................................................................19

AppearanceandStructure.........................................................................................19

VillageFunctionaries....................................................................................................22

TheSantalSacredGrove(jaher)..............................................................................241.2.4SantalHouses............................................................................................................26

1.2.5ContentiousTerms:“Tribe”,“Adivasi”or“Indigenous”?........................311.2.6TheSantalandtheirNeighbors.........................................................................35

OnStatusDifferencesbetweenSeniorandJuniorCommunities..............37

TheKurmi/Mahatos.....................................................................................................38

TheSantalandHo..........................................................................................................40

TheArtisans:Blacksmiths,Weavers,BasketMakersandPotters............40

Gatherer-HuntersoftheArea:HillKhariaandBirhor...................................42

PortraitsofThreeDifferentArtisanCommunities:Blacksmiths,Basket

MakersandWeavers....................................................................................................43

ComparingInter-CommunityRelationsamongtheSantal,DongriaKond

andGadaba.......................................................................................................................47

1.3TheSantalinExistingLiterature................................................................491.3.1ColonialandMissionarySources......................................................................50

1.3.2TheSantalRitualCycle..........................................................................................51

1.3.3SantalIdentityandPoliticalActivism.............................................................52


406

1.4FieldworkSituationandMethodology......................................................541.4.1WhyParticipantObservation?...........................................................................54

1.4.2GainingAccess:Language,Fieldsite,PermissiontoAttendRituals...57

1.4.3OnInterviews,SongsandWorkingwithaResearchAssistant...........61

1.4.4.Integration.................................................................................................................64

1.4.5GenderandAscribedSocialStatus...................................................................67

1.5OutlineofChapters..........................................................................................71

2.TheoreticalApproach............................................................................................732.1Place......................................................................................................................732.1.1AnalyticalAnglesonPlace:NotionsofPlaceandPracticesofPlace-

Making.....................................................................................................................................73

2.1.2TheSpatialTurnintheSocialSciences..........................................................75

2.1.3TheSpatialityofReligion.....................................................................................76

2.1.4RelationshipsthatConstitutePlace.................................................................78

2.1.5Globalization,CulturalismandthePoliticsofIdentity............................80

2.1.6“Nature”andtheEnvironmentinAnthropologyandReligious

Studies.....................................................................................................................................82

“Religion”andtheAllegedEnvironmentalismofIndigenousPeople.....82

TheProblemsofaNature/CultureDichotomy.................................................83

2.1.7StudyingPlaceinPractice:PhenomenologicalApproachestoPlace85

2.2Ritual....................................................................................................................872.2.1DefiningRitual:InteractionsbetweenRitualStudiesandSantal

Concepts..................................................................................................................................89

2.2.2ViewingRitualasRepresentation:SantalNotionsofPlaceas

ArticulatedinRitual...........................................................................................................93

2.2.3ViewingRitualasPerformance:SantalPracticesofPlace-Making....94

PerceptionandAestheticsinthePracticeofRitual........................................96

TypesofSpatialMovementsandtheTransformationofSocialStatus..97

SpatialMovementsasConnectingPlacesandPeople....................................98

SymbolsinSantalRitualasCommunicatingandGeneratingNotionsof

Place..................................................................................................................................100

Symbols,Indices,IconsandtheTypesofMessagesTheyTransmit.....101

TheMeaningsandEffectsofSymbols................................................................104

3.TheConnectionsbetweenLandandSocialStructure.............................1073.1CornerstonesofSantalSocialClassification........................................1093.1.1OfBrothersand“Guests”...................................................................................109

Brothers..........................................................................................................................109

“Guests”...........................................................................................................................111

3.1.2OnStatusDifference:TheConceptsof“Senior”and“Junior”............112

GreetingandStatus....................................................................................................113

RitualandStatus..........................................................................................................117

3.1.3SantalClans(paris)..............................................................................................118


407

3.1.4LocalLines(gusti)................................................................................................124Terminology..................................................................................................................124

DifferentNotionsofgusti:Locality,RitualPracticeandDescent...........1273.1.5The“PeopleoftheHouse”(orakhor)..........................................................1323.1.6ComparingSocialClassificationsamongtheSantalandotherCentral

IndianTribalSocieties...................................................................................................133

3.2PerformingRelatednessthroughRitual...............................................1383.2.1Jomsimbonga:Brothers,theirDeityandtheirLand............................138ThejomsimRitualofthekhudeHansdaLocalLine.....................................140ARitualNarrativeCalledjomsimbinti..............................................................150NotionsofPlaceandAgnationinthejomsimRitual...................................154

3.2.2TheRitualProcessofEstablishingAffinalTies........................................157

TheDifferentStagesofWeddingRituals..........................................................158

“SeeingtheBride/SeeingtheGroom”(bahunel/jawaenel)andtheUseofVeiledLanguage(bhetkatha)betweenAffines........................................163TheWeddingCeremony...........................................................................................168

Gonong–theRitualDeliveryoftheBridewealth..........................................180NotionsofPlaceandAffinityinSantalWeddingRituals...........................185

3.3Conclusion:SpatiallyEnactingandTransformingtheSocial.........1923.3.1BrotherhoodandLand.......................................................................................192

3.3.2SpatiallyandRituallyTransformingSistersintoWives......................193

4.PerceptionsoftheEnvironment.....................................................................1974.1TheDifferentRitualHunts.........................................................................1984.1.1Bahasendra:TheRitualHuntattheSpringFlowerFestival.............199TheThirdDay:ExaminingtheWater-FilledClayPotandConsultingthe

HuntingGod...................................................................................................................200

VeiledLanguage(bhetkatha)................................................................................202TheHuntandWaterFight.......................................................................................203

ThebahaFestivalasaCelebrationofFertility...............................................2034.1.2Giresendra:TheAnnualInter-VillageHunt..............................................205TheCaseofPindegadiasendrabonga................................................................205Sendrabonga:TheWorshipoftheHuntingGod...........................................208Portrait:TheKhariadihuriandSantalOpinionsabouttheKharia.......213TheActualHunt:TypesofBowandArrow,Taboos,DivisionofPrey.215

HuntingRitualsandtheCreationofSocio-SpatialUnits............................218

TheHuntingFestival:Nidesingrai,sinsingraiandtheRoleofPoliticians.......................................................................................................................222

Singrai–AMusicalGenre........................................................................................223Nidesingrai–ObsceneStoriestoPleasetheGods........................................226Hunting,SexualityandWarfare............................................................................228

Portrait:KumangandhisTeam............................................................................229SingraianditsContent:ViewsonHuntingandtheForest.......................231


408

4.1.3Disomsendra:TheRegionalHunt..................................................................239TheCaseofDalmadisomsendra..........................................................................239MakingtheInvitation................................................................................................240

MediationandtheMeetingbetweenForestDepartmentOfficialsand

Villagers...........................................................................................................................241

ClaimingRightsbyEmphasizingTradition.....................................................242

Ajodhyaburusendra–TheDangeroftheHuntanditsFunctionasInitiationRiteintoManhood..................................................................................243

LoBir:TheHighestSantalCourt...........................................................................2454.1.4NotionsofPlaceintheContextofSantalHuntingRites......................247

TheDangeroftheForest.........................................................................................247

TheForestas“Backward”.......................................................................................247

TheForestasFertile..................................................................................................248

4.2RiceCultivation,theAncestorsandtheImportanceofRain..........2494.2.1Erokmut:TheRitualSowingofRice............................................................249TheAuspiciousTimingoferokmut.....................................................................249TheRitualoferokmut...............................................................................................251OfferingstotheAncestorsintheAncestralShrine(bhitar).....................252

4.2.2Plowing,SowingandTransplantingRice...................................................254

4.2.3DifferentConnotationsofRiceandFields.................................................257

4.3Burubonga–TheRitualoftheLocalMountainGod.........................2584.3.1KanhaiSolburubonga........................................................................................2594.3.2Gotasileburubonga..............................................................................................2634.3.3KopatPatburubonga..........................................................................................2654.3.4NotionsofRegion(torop/disom)andtheirCreationinRitual..........270KinshipRelationsasPermeatingtheLandscape...........................................270

TheConnectionsbetweenForestandFields..................................................271

NotionsofRegion........................................................................................................271

4.4Conclusion:SantalPerceptionsoftheEnvironmentandtheDistinctionbetweenForestandFields.........................................................2764.4.1AttributesoftheForestandtheForestedMountains...........................276

4.4.2AttributesoftheFields.......................................................................................277

4.4.3IntroducingtheDistinctionbetweenCultivatedandUncultivated278

4.4.4PlacingtheDistinctionbetweenCultivated/Uncultivated

inContext...........................................................................................................................280

5.FieldsofContestation:Region,PoliticsandIdentity...............................2835.1FlowerFestivals,PoliticsandtheRecentEmergenceofRegionalSacredGroves(disomjaher).............................................................................2865.1.1VillageSacredGroves(jaher)andtheAnnualFlowerFestival.........286SacredGrovesinIndia..............................................................................................286

SantalVillagesandtheirSacredGroves............................................................288

TheAnnualVillageFlowerFestival(bahaporob).........................................290


409

ThemesofVillageFlowerFestivals:FertilityofHumansandFields....295

5.1.2RegionalSacredGroves(disomjaher).........................................................2975.1.3DescriptionofTwodisombahaFestivals...................................................300AdisombahaFestivalatSurda..............................................................................301AdisombahaFestivalintheVillageofChanua..............................................306

5.1.4SantalRegionalFlowerFestivalsasLinkingRegionandIdentity...308

TheSantalandtheirSacredGroves:ClaimstoEnvironmentalism.......309

“TheDancingSantal”asStigmaandStrategy.................................................310

TheRegionasMadeupofMaterialRepresentationsof

SantalIdentity..............................................................................................................312

5.2TheStruggleforthe“TrueTradition”:TheAllIndiaSarnaDhoromMovement...............................................................................................................3165.2.1“OurReligionisCalledsarna”..........................................................................3165.2.2FoundationandOrganizationoftheMovement.....................................317

5.2.3“TrueTradition”–“FalseTradition”............................................................321

CattleSacrificesandOther“Errant”PracticesintheEyesofsarnaMembers.........................................................................................................................322

EverydayPracticesofsarnaMembers...............................................................3255.2.4LocalRitualActivities:TheAnnualSacrificeinLaldih.........................325

5.2.5PoliticalActivities:DemandingasarnaCodeandthePromotionofOlChiki.......................................................................................................................................328DemandingthePromotionandProtectionofsarnaReligion..................328Demandinga“sarnaCode”......................................................................................330TheTeachingofOlChiki..........................................................................................331

5.2.6ConflictsoverthePracticeofniam................................................................3345.2.7NotionsofRegionandIdentityasArticulatedbythesarnaMovement............................................................................................................................335

“Santalization”..............................................................................................................335

SarnaandtheRegion.................................................................................................3365.3TheHistoricalContextFosteringanIncreaseinCulturalPolitics3385.3.1TheJharkhandMovement.................................................................................339

5.3.2IndustrializationandtheSantalinEastSinghbhum.............................340

5.3.3TheMinorityPoliticsoftheIndianState....................................................342

5.4Conclusion:SantalClaimstotheRegion,toa“PoliticalPlace”andto“Nature”......................................................................................................343

6.Conclusion..............................................................................................................3476.1TheHolismofPlace......................................................................................3476.1.1PlaceandtheSocial..............................................................................................348

6.1.2PlaceanditsDiachronicandSynchronicAspects..................................350

TheDiachronicDimensionoftheSantalConceptof“PlaceofOrigin”.350

(mulgadi).......................................................................................................................350TransformationsofSantalRitualandNotionsofPlace..............................351


410

TransformationsfromRitualto“Religion”......................................................352

6.1.3TheHolismofPlaceanditsRelevancefortheSocialSciences.........354

6.2ClarifyingtheRelationshipbetweenPlaceandRitual.....................355

Appendix.....................................................................................................................359References..............................................................................................................359Glossary...................................................................................................................383ListofPhotos.........................................................................................................401ListofMaps.............................................................................................................404CompleteTableofContents..............................................................................405Wetenschappelijkesamenvatting..................................................................411CurriculumVitae..................................................................................................419

Appendix⎜Wetenschappelijkesamenvatting

411

Wetenschappelijkesamenvatting

‘Plaatsmakendoor rituelen’. Land,omgevingen regiobijde Santal vanCentraalIndia.OnderzoeksvraagenmethodologiePlaatsen worden gevormd en geconstrueerd door menselijk handelen. Deze

beweringiseenvandebelangrijkstebijdragenvandesocialewetenschappen

aandebestuderingvanplaats. Inditproefschriftwordencultureelspecifieke

notiesvanplaatsbijdeSantal,eenvandegrootstestammenvanCentraal In-

dia, onderzocht. Het onderzoek is gebaseerd op 14 maanden veldwerk in

Jharkhand,India,enbeschrijftSantaldenkbeeldenoverplaatswatbetreftland,

omgevingenregio.DerituelenvandeSantaalzijngenomenalslens,omdeze

denkbeeldeninbeeldtebrengenentekunnenanalyseren.

Eenritueelwordtbeschouwdalseencontextwaarbinnenculturelewaar-

denwordengecommuniceerd.Bovendienwordenrituelenopgevatalseencre-

atievearenawaarbinnenbetekenissenwordengevormd.Doordeel tenemen

aanrituelen,wordtdeperceptievanplaatsdiemensenhebbenopverschillen-

demanierengevormd.Omdevraaghoeplaatswordtgecreëertinrituelencon-

creet te maken, heb ik me gericht op symbolen en ruimtelijke bewegingen.

DezetweeaspectenkunnenwordengezienalselementenindeSantalrituelen

diebijdragenaanhetcreërenvan‘plaats’.

StudienaardebetekenisvanplaatsvoordeSantalraaktaanaspectenvan

plaats zoals die in de literatuurworden besproken. Ten eerste, ‘plaats’ komt

naarvorenalsopenendaardoorverbondenmetandereplaatsen.Santalritue-

lenverbindenbijvoorbeeldverschillendeplaatsenenvormenzoregio's.Plaat-

senbehelzenrelaties,enwordendaardoorookmetandereplekkenverbonden.

Santal plaatsen zijn niet begrensd,maar open voor invloedenmet eennatio-

naalofmondiaalkarakter.TenslottezijnSantalnotiesvanplaatsholistisch;zij

vormeneen‘totaalsociaalfeit’datverschillendedomeinenvanrelevantieom-

vat.Hoofdstukdrie:HetverbandtussenlandensocialestructuurWelke Santal noties van ‘plaats’ komen voor in de rituelen die in dit proef-

schriftbesprokenwordenenhoewordt ‘plaats’gevormd indezerituelen? In

hoofdstuk driewordt antwoord gegeven op deze vraag door het nauwe ver-


412

bandteanalyserentussenvoorstellingenvanplaatsendesocialestructuurvan

deSantal.Hierbijdraaithetomhetthemaverwantschap.Omditteverduidelij-

kenwordentweerituelenbeschreven:jomsimbongawaarbijmeerderegeitenworden geofferd in de droge rijstvelden en de verschillende rituele stappen

vandeSantalhuwelijksceremonie.

Senioriteitligt,alsordeningsprincipe,aandebasisvanvrijwelallerelaties

indeSantalgemeenschap.Eenanderbelangrijkordeningsprincipeishetver-

schil tussen ‘eigen’ en ‘ander’ ofwel agnaten en aanverwanten. Agnaten be-

schouwenelkaaralsbroeders,ofzoalszijdatnoemen‘mensenvanéénhuis’of

‘zijdieindezelfdeofferkringofferen’.Daartegenoverstaandeaanverwanten,

degroepwaaruitzijhunhuwelijkspartnerkunnenkiezen.

Agnatischeverbandenstaanopdevoorgrond tijdenshet jomsim ritueel,datplaatsvindtindeveldenvaneenlokalegroepbroeders,hierdelokalelijn

genoemd.Ledenvaneenlokalelijndelenafkomst,leefgebiedenrituelen.Hun

gedeelde leefgebied is belangrijk in de context van het jom sim ritueel, datplaatsvindtopeenplekdiezijbeschouwenalshun‘plaatsvanherkomst’(mulgadi).Determmulgadirefereertaande‘wortels’(mul)diedebroedersindezeplekhebben.Ditiswaarhungezamenlijkevooroudershetboskapten,velden

eneenheiligbosaanlegden,eneendorpstichtten.Verschillendesymbolendie

voorkomen in het ritueel vertegenwoordigen het idee van geworteld zijn in

dezeplekeneengroteverbondenheidvaneenlokalelijnmetdezeplek.Soms

wordt erbijvoorbeeld eenhoutenpaal diehun lokale lijn symboliseert inde

grondvandeofferplaatsgezet.Nahetofferenbegravenzeeendeelvanhetge-

offerdevleesindeaardevoorhungodheid.

VanwegedecomplementairestructuurvandeSantalgemeenschap,ishet

tweededeelvanhoofdstukdriegerichtopdeSantalhuwelijksriten.Hetuitein-

delijkedoelvandezehuwelijksrituelen iseenveranderingvansocialestatus,

waarbijdebruidtoetreedttothethuisvanhaarmanendebandtussenbeide

familieswordtbevestigd.Dezetransformatiewordtvormgegevendoordathet

ritueellangsverschillendeplekkenvanbetekenisvoert.

Omderelatietussenhetpaarritueeltevormtegevenwordenruimtelijke

grenzen overschreden, zoals dorpsgrenzen en de drempel van het huis. De

laatstebelangrijkeplekdiehetpaaropdehuwelijksdagbetreedtisdevoorou-

derlijkekamer,waarzichhetvoorouderlijkeheiligdombevindt.Derituelendiein deze binnenste ruimte van het huis plaatsvinden symboliseren de toene-

mendeintegratievandebruidinhethuis.


413

Door te trouwen verliest de bruid het recht om het voorouderlijk heiligdom

vanhaareigenouderlijkhuistebetreden.Belangrijkisdat,andersdanbijan-

deretribalesamenlevingeninCentraalIndia,deSantalbruidegomnahetbeta-

len van de volledige bruidsschat het recht verkrijgt om het voorouderlijke

heiligdomvandeoudersenvandebroervanzijnbruidtebetreden.Dit leidt

totdemeeralgemenevraagwatdepositieisvaneenSantalvrouwtenopzich-

te vanhethuis vanhaarbroer enhaar echtgenoot en inhoeverre eenbreuk

methaarbroerwordtervaren.Debruidneemtdenaamvandeclanvanhaar

manaanenwordt inrituelezineen lidvanzijnhuisenvoortaanbeschouwd

alseenbloedverwantvanhaarmanenalleledenvanzijnhuis.Zewordtechter

nooithelemaaleenagnaatomdatzenogverwantblijftaanhaarhuisvanher-

komst.

Samengevat communiceren en genereren rituelen verschillende beteke-

nissenvanplaats.Inheteerstevoorbeeldstaathetideevanhetgeworteldzijn

van broeders in een bepaalde plek centraal. In die zin heeft land agnatische

connotaties.Dezeconnotatieswordengevormdenuitgedruktdoorhetgebruik

van symbolen ende ruimtelijke opstelling vanhet ritueel. Santal huwelijken,

daarentegen, benadrukken niet de verwantschap met een bepaalde plaats

maar een beweging langs verschillende plekken.Deze bewegingen leiden tot

veranderingvansocialestatusendetotstandkomingvannieuwerelatiesmet

schoonverwanten.

Hoofdstukvier:SantalperceptiesvanomgevingHoeconceptualiserendeSantalhunomgevingenwelkenotiesvanplaatsont-

staanhieruit?Dezevragenstaancentraalinhoofdstukvierwaarindrierituele

complexenwordenbeschreven:Santaljachtrituelen(sendrabonga),heteerstezaaienvande rijst (erokmut) en rituelengewijdaan lokaleberggoden (burubonga). OmdatSantaljachtrituelenvooralhetbosgebiedbetreffen,kunnenerver-

schillendeperceptiesvanhetbosuitwordenafgeleid.Destructuurvanderi-

tuele organisatie verwijst naar het idee van een heilig landschap waarin

verschillendegodenresideren.

Denadrukligtindejachtrituelenophetaspectvangevaar,netalsdego-

den diemet het bos geassocieerdworden als gevaarlijkworden beschouwd.

Ditwordtduidelijkdoordattijdenshetritueelinbedektetaalgesprokenwordt

meteenvandegodenviaeenmedium.Objectenwordennietdirectbenoemd


414

maarerwordensynoniemengebruikt.Hetrijkemuzikalegenrevandesingrai,opgevoerdtijdenshetjachtfestivalvolgendopdeoffers,verhaaltookoverhet

bosalseenplaatsvandoodengevaarwaarindeambivalentegodenverblijven.

Dezegodenkunnenechterookmensenbeschermentegendewildedierenvan

hetbos.Ditiseenvandeverzoekenaandebosgodendoordepriestervande

jachtenparticipantenaanhetritueel.Eenanderdoelvandejachtrituelenisde

bosgoden teverzoekenomregen.Ditduidt eropdathetboswordtgeassoci-

eerdmetvruchtbaarheid.Ditwordtnogeensbevestigddoordathetthemasek-

sualiteit terugkomt in de liederen en verhalen die op de avond van de jacht

verteldworden.Volgensde logicavanhet ritueelzorgthetgevaarlijke,onge-

temdedomeinvanhetbosvoordevruchtbaarheiddienodigisomderijstop

develdentelatengroeien.

Terwijlhetbosstaatvoorgevaarlijkenvruchtbaar,wordendevelden,het

huisenhetdorpalsveilige,getemdeengecultiveerderuimtesgezien.Bijhetritueelvanheteerstezaaienvanderijstwordenhetvoorouderlijkheiligdom

endedrogerijstveldeninverbandgebrachtmetdemensenvaneenhuis.Rijst-

zadenwordenbijvoorbeeld vergelekenmet kleine kinderen.Als de rijst een-

maalbeginttegroeienindeoverstroomderijstvelden,wordtdenadrukinde

bijbehorenderituelenechterverlegdnaaraanverwantschap.Denotiesvanag-

natie en aanverwantschap vormendusniet alleendebasis vande Santal ge-

meenschap,maarkomenookterugindeperceptiesvandeomgevingzoalsdie

wordtvormgegeveninderituelen.

Dezestructurelevergelijkingvandeomgevingmetdegemeenschapkomt

terugindebergrituelen.Degodendiehierverblijvenverhoudenzichtotelkaar

als oudere en jongerebroeders,waarbij hun senioriteit de volgordevanver-

eringbepaalt.

SamenvattendsuggererendeSantalperceptiesvandeomgevingeensterk

contrasttussenbosenvelden,datovereenkomtmethetverschiltussengecul-

tiveerdeenongecultiveerdegebieden,datopzijnbeurttotuitingkomtinon-

derscheidenalsgeciviliseerdtegenoverongeciviliseerd,‘eigen’en‘ander’.Deze

domeinenbestaannietlosvanelkaarmaarwordenregelmatigmetelkaarver-

bonden tijdens rituelen. Meer algemeen laten de vergelijkbare principes die

zoweldeSantalsamenlevingalsperceptiesvandeomgevingstructurerenzien

dater indezecontextgeensprake isvaneendichotomietussensamenleving

ennatuur.


415

Debergrituelenbrengennietalleendergelijkenotiesvanplaatsnaarvoren,ze

latenookheelgoedzienwathetgenererendvermogenisvanriten.Zebrengen

mensenvaneenhelestreeksameningezamenlijkerituelehandelingen.Plaat-

sen,inditgevaldorpen,zijnmetelkaarverbondendoorderuimtelijkebewe-

gingenvanmensen.Tezamenvormendezedorpeneenregio,doordeSantalin

ditverband torop genoemd.Deze toropshebbenspecifiekenamenenkunnenuiteengrootaantaldorpenbestaan,vanweltwaalftotzestig.Ditconceptvan

torop wordt vormgegeven door de verschillende bergrituelen en het is ookdoordierituelendatmensenhetbegriptoropuitleggen. Het laatste Santal concept van plaats dat in hoofdstuk vier besproken

wordtisdatvandisom.Netalstoropbetekentditwoordzoveelals‘regio’,maarhetbegripisveelbreder.Allemannenuitdestreekkunnenderegionalejacht

(disomsendra)bijwonen.DitisdegrootstebijeenkomstindeSantalsamenle-ving.BijdezegelegenheidwordendegrootsteschendingenvanSantalgebrui-

ken (niam)berecht tijdens ‘deberechtingvanhetverbrandebos’ (lobir).Ditconceptvandisomlijkttezijngeworteldinhetverreverleden,terwijlhetcon-ceptvandisomzoalsbeschreveninhetvolgendehoofdstukgeworteldisineenmodernesettingenduseenveelrecenterfenomeenis.

Hoofdstukvijf:Omstredengebieden,regio,politiekenidentiteitHet overkoepelende thema van hoofdstuk vijf is het nauwe verband tussen

denkbeeldenoverregio(disom)enverschillendeaspectenvandeSantalidenti-teit.Hetvormenvanruimtelijkedenkbeeldenisindezecontextverbondenmet

grotereprocessenendiscoursen,diedespecifiekekenmerkenvanplaatsover-

stijgen.Santalactivistenbeddenhunculturelehandelingenstrategischinbin-

nendezediscoursenomhunclaimsoverplaatsteverstevigen.

HeteerstevoorbeelddatditbenadruktzijnderegionaleSantalbloemen-

festivals (disombaha)die inhetonderzochtegebiedpas sindsde jaren1980wordengevierd.Dezefestivalsvindenplaatsinregionaleheiligebossen(disomjaher),dievaakzijnaangelegddoorinvloedrijkepersonenofgroepenvanSan-talmannendieindenabijgelegenmijnenwerkendie.Dezebossenzijnduide-

lijkzichtbaar;zijbevindenzichopkruispuntenvanwegeneninsteden.Anders

dan tijdens de baha festivals in dorpen staat tijdens deze vieringen niet devruchtbaarheidcentraal,maardecommunicatievaneenSantal identiteit.Het

regionalebloemenfestivalcreëerteenideevanregioindezinvaneen ‘Santal

regio’.


416

Twee aspecten van de Santal identiteit staan centraal tijdens deze regionale

festivals.HeteersteishetbeeldvandeSantalals‘natuuraanbidders’.Deorga-

nisatorenverbindenditbeeldaanhetfeitdatdeSantalveelvanhungodenin

heiligebossenvereren.Hettweedeaspect ishetbeeldvande ‘dansendeSan-

tal’, door uitgebreide dansvoorstellingen die de volgende dag in alle lokale

kranten afgebeeld worden. De nieuwe regionale bloemenfestivals dienen als

passend toneel om deze aspecten van de Santal identiteit te communiceren

naaralleinwonersvandestreek.

Erbestaanverschillendevandeze regionaleheiligebossen inhetgebied

enderitueleopvoeringenzijnongeveerhetzelfde.Ditmaaktdatdezerituelen

gezienkunnenwordenalsdeverschillendeplaatsenverbindendtoteenregio.

De regio wordt gekarakteriseerd door de publieke aanwezigheid van opge-

voerde Santal rituele handelingen. Bovendienmanifesteert de Santal aanwe-

zigheid in het gebied zich in materiële zin. De regionale heilige bossen,

bijvoorbeeld,markerendeaanwezigheidvanSantalindestreek.Verschillende

beeldenvanSantalhelden,zoalsdegebroedersSidhoenKanhodiedeSantal

opstand in1855 leidden,vertegenwoordigeneenanderestrategiedie ‘plaats’

maakt. Deze beelden staan vaak buiten Santal dorpen, in steden of op kruis-

punten – plekkendie veel bezochtwordendoor alle gemeenschappen in dat

gebied.

DeSantalworden inde literatuurbeschrevenalseenvandemeestpoli-

tiekactievestammeninIndiasindsongeveerdejaren1960.Vanafdietijdkan

eentoenameinSantalculturelepolitiekwaargenomenworden.VooralinOost

Singhbhumisdezetoenamehetgevolgvanspecifiekehistorischeenpolitieke

ontwikkelingen,namelijkdeJharkhandbeweging,deindustrialisatievanOost

SinghbhumendepolitiekvandeIndiasestaatomminderhedenteerkennen.

Niet alleenwordthet concept van regiodoor regionalebloemenfestivals

versterkt,maarplaatsenwordenookmetelkaarverbondentoteenregiodoor

deactiviteitenvandeSantalhervormingsbewegingAllIndiasarnadhorom.Deledenzijnactiefbetrokkenbijhetverspreidenvanwatzijbeschouwenalsde

‘wareSantalgebruiken’(sariniam)alsonderdeelvande‘religievanhetheiligebos’(sarnadhorom).Hetgaathiervooralomde‘juiste’rituelehandelingen.Inverschillende dorpen hebben leden van de beweging hoofdkantoren opgezet

waarbijeenkomstenwordengehoudenenwaareenaangewezensarnapries-tervastgestelderituelenuitvoert.


417

DesarnabeweginghoudtzichdusmetandereaspectenvandeSantalidentiteitbezig dan de organisatoren van het bloemenfestival en benadrukt vooral de

puurheiden ‘waarheid’vansarna rituelehandelingen.Hierbijherschikkenenveranderende ledenvandebewegingbepaaldeaspectenvanhetSantal ritu-

eel.Hetdierenoffer,bijvoorbeeld,isvangeenofweinigbetekenisinhunritue-

len. In plaats daarvan gebruiken leden kokosnoten, zoetigheden en geplette

rijstalsofferaandegoden.Tijdenshungezamenlijkerituelenmoedigenzebo-

vendienhetdragenvan‘Santalsaris’endhotisaanalseenzichtbaarSantalte-ken.Naasthetaanpassenvanderituelenisdebewegingactiefbetrokkenbijde

promotie en het onderwijzen vanhet Santal schriftOl Chiki.Het schrift is te

zienopgebouwen,inpublicatiesenoveralinhetgebiedwaardesarnabewe-ging actief is. Op diewijze claimt de sarna beweging het gebied door rituelehandelingenenhetgebruikvanzichtbaresymbolenzoalsuniformekledingen

depromotievanOlChiki.

Tegelijkertijdwordtdebewegingookoplandelijkgebiedactiefdoorpoli-

tiekeeisentestellenaanderegering.InmemorandagerichtaandeIndiasere-

gering wordt bijvoorbeeld gevraagd om financiële vergoeding voor Santal

dorpsfunctionarissen,debeschermingvanSantalheiligeplekkenenhetinstel-

lenvaneenaparte‘sarnacode’indeIndiasevolkstelling.Indezememorandarefereert de beweging aan andere inheemse bevolkingsgroepen wereldwijd

omdezeeisenverdertelegitimeren.

Concluderend behandelt het laatste hoofdstuk over Santal rituelen de

transformaties van de Santal rituele praktijk. Deze transformaties gaan ge-

paardmetonderhandelingenensomsconflicten.Kijkendnaarhetconceptvan

plaats, benadrukken de regionale bloemenfestivals en de activiteiten van de

sarna beweging de poreuze staat van de grenzen van plaats, omdat actorenhunclaimsoverplaats inbedden innationaleen internationalediscoursen In

die zin hebben deze rituelen een veel lossere connectie met plaats dan alle

eerderbesprokenrituelen.Mensenenideeënbewegenvianetwerkenenhier-

doorkunnenrituelelocatiesmakkelijkerveranderdworden.Alhoeweldesar-nabewegingnogsteedsplaatsclaimt,wordendezeclaimsvoornamelijkopeenpolitiekniveaugepresenteerdenminderinderituelepraktijk.


418

ConclusieNaanalyseringvanSantaldenkbeeldenoverplaats,zoalsgeformuleerdenge-

creëerd door rituelen, benadrukt dit proefschrift het belang van onderzoek

naar plaats voor de sociale wetenschappen. Een van de meest uitgesproken

kenmerkenvanSantalnotiesvanplaatsishunholistischekarakter.IndeSan-

talcontextomvatplaatsverschillendesocialeconstellaties,dieophunbeurtde

relatiesomvattentussenSantalenhungoden,SantalenhunomgevingenSan-

tal en ‘anderen’. Plaats behelst relatie-constellaties en is daardoor bijzonder

nuttigvoordestudievansocialefenomeneninrelatietotanderezaken,zoals

religieenpolitiek.Plaatsisdaaromvanmethodologischewaardevoordesoci-

alewetenschappen.

Plaats iswaardevol vanwegedit holisme,maar ook omdat het de studie

van sociale fenomenen vanuit een diachronisch en synchronisch perspectief

mogelijkmaakt.Plaatsenhebbentemakenmetgeschiedenisenherinneringen

zijn verbondenmet andere plekken.Deze nadruk op tijdmaakt hetmogelijk

omtekijkennaartransformatiesencultureleverandering,zoalsindecontext

vandeSantal. Insommigecontextenzijnritenendecrucialecomponentvan

dierenoffersveranderdineendialoogover ‘sarnareligie’.Deze ‘religie’ iseenmarkeringvanidentiteitdieSantalreligieuzepraktijkenonderscheidtvanan-

dereIndiasereligies.Orthopraxieisgetransformeerdtotorthodoxie.

Ten slotte benadrukt dit proefschrift het creatieve potentieel van

rituelen,doortelatenzienhoerituelennotiesvanplaatsgeneren.Hetjomsimritueel vertegenwoordigt het idee van het geworteld zijn van een lokale

bevolking ineenplaats,de jachtrituelenroepennotiesoverhetbosopende

regionalebloemenfestivalsclaimenderegioalsSantal.Alhoeweldegenoemde

rituelen ‘performatieveconstructies’zijn,moetdebijdragevanplaatsaanhet

ritueel niet onderschat worden. Ruimtelijke kenmerken kunnen worden

beschouwd als ‘prescriptieve structuren’ die vormen aandragen die door

actoren kunnen worden gebruikt. Plaatsen hebben grenzen, centrale en

periferegebieden,diedoorkruisdkunnenworden.Demanierwaaropactoren

dezeruimtelijkekenmerkengebruikenheefteffectophetritueelzelf.Oftewel:

zoalsrituelen‘plaats’maken,zomakenplaatsenrituelen

Appendix⎜CurriculumVitae

419

CurriculumVitaeLea Schulte-Droesch (Heilbronn, Germany 1983) began her studies of Social

Anthropology at the University of Heidelberg. After her undergraduate, she

spentthreemonthsinIndiaasavolunteerforalocalNGO,whichwasrunning

schoolsinaSantalareainruralJharkhand.Thisexperiencesparkedherinter-

estintheSantalandinIndiantribalsocietiesingeneral.Shethereforecontin-

uedherstudiesat theFreeUniversityofBerlin,wherespecializedcourses in

thisfieldwereoffered.ThefourteenmonthsoffieldworkinIndiainthecontext

of her PhD research have directed her interest towards culture-specific per-

ceptionsofandinteractionswiththeenvironment.Sheplanstofurtherpursue

thisinterestinthefuture.

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