POSTCOLONIALISM AND POLITICS OF IDENTITY

DEMOCRACY AND MOBILITIES: A STUDY ABOUT THE

SOCIAL ACTORS OF THE COLLECTIVE FORA DO EIXO

AND ITS POLITICS OF IDENTITY (2005-2013).

Wener da Silva Brasil1

Sergipe, Brasil

Abstract: The work has as main objective to discuss the democracy and mobility from the study of the

social actors who compose the Collective Fora do Eixo and the application of its identity politics, between

the period of 2005 to 2013. To show internal settings to the groups, as well as its shared working models of

a democratic and symbolic way, and further, the role of their mediators in this process of democratization

and participation. As general objective, it was sought to comprehend from what spaces, individual and

discursive strategies the Collective Fora do Eixo operates in Brazilian contemporary debate about the

culture in their segments. The methodology applied was to analyze the virtual spaces like sites and social

networks, the space of the official representation of the collective, studies of academic trajectories of the

coordinators, individuals who are chosen as occupants of representative roles of scenery. It is intended

here to approach in a sociological field of a discursive action to understand the vast social actions of this

group.

Keywords: youth; politics; social movement; identity; collective.

1. DEMOCRACY AND MOBILITIES: A STUDY ABOUT THE YOUTH OF THE

FORA DO EIXO CIRCUIT (2005-2013).

Sociology is one of the social science areas that search to comprehend the

phenomena that arise in different groups, is formed from an idea of society. This work

follows a line of approach that gives emphasis the discussion of the social movements

1 Graduated in Soc Comm Hab. In Advertising from Recife Society for the Study of Humanities (2005), a

specialist in Communication, Marketing and Media Relations. Experience in Social Communication with

emphasis in Cultural Production, Radio, TV, Film, Events and Graphics. Professor of Senac / SE courses in

Radio and TV, Marketing and Young Apprentice and the Federal University of Sergipe, does a Masters in

Sociology and also does consulting in the areas for cultural and tourism departments of publics agencies .

Also in curatorial and writing projects in the cultural sector. Email: wenerbrasil@gmail.com

and democracy, where needed to think about the model of society that consolidated in

the youth.

In this study it was sought to comprehend the ways and paths of mobilization

and achievements that young people’s Collective Fora do Eixo conquered since its

creation until the present day. We will also contrast the significant presence of

“mediators” in this democratic process, that gains space in social networks, television

and newspapers. However, it’s important to emphasize that, the presence of these

young in social networks, on the streets, in caucuses starts from cultural demands

facing the music, theater, literature, performing arts, creative economy (cultural

entrepreneurship) among other artistic and cultural segments.

Every year studies grow and discoveries of new facts before the social

mobilizations, because of indignities that passed by ethnic, sexual and gender issues, in

the contemporaneity are vast and include other themes like education, culture and

politics with the participation of multiple movements.

Faced with this perspective we surround ourselves with care, because inside of a

manifestation, for example, it is likely that there are many other variations, either right

or left, sympathizers or not.

So we sought to examine the theoretical, conceptual and methodological tools

that sociologists and other social science researchers present around the Circuit

mobilize within a politicized remarkable universe. For this, the present article sought a

better care not only on the Collective Fora do Eixo, but in virtual space like site and

social networks, the space official representation of the collective, studies of academic

trajectories coordinators, individuals who are chosen as representative roles occupants

of the scenario – either by time of belonging, frequency of appearance in citations.

The axis of interdisciplinary institutionalization in the Fora do Eixo Circuit

occurs first in the virtual proposal, but also face-to-face through what they call

experiential, and information sharing, technologies, exchanges between the Houses

Fora do Eixo and the University Fora do Eixo, productive fronts that are moved daily.

This character official and established, representative of the way as the group performs,

does not only remains discursively. In the practice of discourse it is noted that an

apparent officialdom is just one method for a deeper social intervention. It is intended

here to approach in a sociological field of a discursive action to understand the vast

social actions of this group.

2. THE COLLECTIVE FORA DO EIXO: VOICES THAT ECHO

The Collective Fora do Eixo was founded in 2005 by four independent collective

states of Mato Grosso, Paraná, Acre and Minas Gerais, which together sought

alternatives to the disposal of cultural works that produced. Each collective actively

participated in the cultural activities of their cities, they attended national independent

music festivals and performed exchange of produced works. Many of these cultural

producers and artists collectives were presented at festivals in order to make their

work, their music in music business and their brand in an entrepreneurial and dynamic

way. If the artists of the underground scene, far from the “traditional” Rio/São Paulo

axis had no space to promote their work, amount to burn a CD and turning the wheel of

independent music production, it was necessary to develop ways to make it happen.

The Espaço Cubo was the start to what is today the Collective Fora do Eixo.

Conceived in 2002 the Espaço Cubo longed to create and think collectively their

strategies and objectives, and, their activities, carried out collaboratively.

Picture: 5th Fora do Eixo Congress – Global Networking Meeting Source: Fora do Eixo Circuit

This picture allows to show one of the moments of the Fora do Eixo Circuit held

that meeting. This was the Global Networking Meeting which was held in December

2012 in Rio de Janeiro. This congress was attended by debaters from Brazil, Latin

America and Africa, where they treated the youth, culture, art and entrepreneurship

through workshops, seminars, plenary sessions, free meetings and observatories

assembled and articulated by young. Beyond the artistic programming.

We observe the speech of Maria da Glória Gohn, which reveals a new look youth

participant of the new social movements. She describes that groups are focused on

guidelines that require the problems of everyday life such as employment,

finance/wages, debts, social services such as education and health, dwelling etc. They

are no more movements that require identity around gender rights, sexual orientation,

ethnicity.

Even within this perspective, Maria da Glória Gohn defines, in a dossier for the

Cult Magazine nº169, which are, for her, these new demands and discussions searches

that young people engaged in movements and collectives are achieving results, thus

strengthening, the actions.

They are repoliticizing socioeconomic and political demands, regardless of party structures, having as a focus opposition to the financial market, especially speculative capital that operates on a global scale and large corporate finances (GOHN, 2012).

To achieve this, it is necessary to understand what is democracy and social

movements. To reach the new social movements it is necessary to comprehend the

evolution of groups and societies values indicated by preceding that phase. The social

movements. In this sense, The Collective Fora do Eixo concentrates on its joints as

general maps can organize and plan their goals, as illustrated below:

Picture: Politics Illustration Way Source: Fora do Eixo Circuit

The illustration above shows the form of political organization that the

Colletctive Fora do Eixo elected, in order to better organize the activities of the

network, understanding that making 06 regional reference points better articulate the

responsabilities and flow of work and discussions between all Fora do Eixo Points of

each region. This event led the youths to the Fora do Eixo Congress II – Highest

deliberative body of the network, created in 2009 in Rio Branco (AC), which set up

courses used to this days as Carta de Princípios, Regimento Interno and the General

Chart of network which comprises: Fora do Eixo Points, Partners Points, subnets,

beyond the Thematic Groups that define the Sectorial Fronts, Mediation Fronts and

Producers Works Fronts.

To Becker (2008) the desviation moves social action, leaving the individual to

social groups. He describes in one of his works, Outsiders – Sociology of Deviance

Study – an empirical study which permeates the stories in music, for example, where

analyzes the musician nightclub. The work addresses concepts and definitions of who

this deviant individual would be, that follows the “normal” social work seen by society

and by themselves. That is, for Becker deviant can either be one that breaks the rule as

it may be one that is out of “abnormality”.

Thus, we can observe that juvenile social movements are seen from different

points, but connected. Movements as the Fora do Eixo Circuit is notable for working

class actions, through popular assemblies where decisions are taken and

implementations seeking to strengthen the Circuit. However, as Maria da Glória Gohn

presents, these traditional forms are combined with new forms such as the use of new

technologies, generating online protests.

Twitter, Facebook, You Tube, Linkedin, Groupon, Zynga etc. They are triggered primarily via mobile devices such as Blackberries, iPhones etc. The cyberactivism tools are incorporated into the profile of activism. To know how to communicate online gained the status of main tool to define the collective actions. So, it is necessary to incorporate in the analysis this important change in the relations estabilished and structured these movements (GOHN, 2012).

In view of this sociological scenario, new theories are constructed based on

authors who bring with them several theoretical paradigms such as Marxism,

libertarian socialism and holistic humanism.

We observe the speech of Ilse Scherer-Warren (2005), who introduces us to a

new form based on the paths of political culture and civil society organization

demonstrated in the historical formation of the organization, and that goes for the

understanding of what it was until nowadays.

After a period of relative immobility of civil society, resulting from power state oppression, began to emerge movements with different characteristics from those of the past and that, according to international nomenclature, have been termed by many “new movements”. Rezende (1985, p. 38) thus refers to this new form organization: “social movements can not be thought, of, only as a mere result of struggle for better living conditions, produced by the need to increase the collective consumption of goods and services. The social movements should also be seen as producers of History, (and they, of course, their agents) such as instituting forces that in addition to questioning the authoritarian State capitalist, question, its practice, itself centralization/bureaucratization so prevalent in political parties” (SCHERER-WARREN, 2005 p. 51).

Among sociological theories we include the neomarxims that accentuates and

discusses the subject of the action, and even, Marxism with its traditional thought

which explores the social system. Visions like these inspire other theories as

humanism with its holistic views. Holism is the heart of sociological thought itself. He

considers the whole of the social system as more than individuals who participate. As

an example to better understand, the war can not be understood as a simple sum of

impulses and aggressive and warlike behavior of individuals.

3. DEMOCRACY AND MOBILITY IN THE FORA DO EIXO COLLECTIVE

We can say that these new forms of mobilization are unanimous for those

analyzes in contemporary social movements across the New Social Movements and the

Brand New Social Movements, as are stocks that are achieving change the discourse

and way of working, seeking alternatives without involvement with political parties.

But, despite of these social movements are working, does not mean they are working in

all geographic and cultural spheres in the outside world. Movements like Occupy and

The Indignados, social movements in Europe and the U.S. did not get the same result

when they arrived in Latin America.

Studies show that we take into consideration the historical specificities of the

region, the various anti-colonial struggles, priorities which that particular nation

considers relevant. What is meant is that while it works and be supported successful

achievement of positive results in a particular social group, does not mean that the

same actions and attitudes will be effective for any company.

Many of these social movements is against violence. They believe in more

peaceful tactics that serve to constrain or challenge power as roadblocks, barricades on

the roads, demonstrations and concentrations are strategies that put against the wall

rulers and make the dough, to some extent, questioning the system.

Movements in Latin America have created slogans and a new language as a way

to mobilize society bringing questions and debates in the social parameter.

The author Robert A. Dahl puts democracy in question, in the book “Sobre a

Democracia”. According to Dahl, there are criteria for the democratic process to

happen and so he questions whether democracy actually exists, where it points at least

five criteria that he considers part of the process: 1) effective participation: all members

should have the same opportunities and everyone should be equally competent to

participate in decisions; 2) equal voting: equal and effective opportunities to vote and

numbered as equals; 3) clear understanding: also learn alternative policies and their

likely consequences; 4) control of the planning program: it would be the exclusive

opportunity to decide how and what questions should be asked in the planning; and 5)

inclusion of adults: all or most at least should have the right of citizens implied in the

first step of these criteria.

The author states that if one of these criteria are violated, means that politically

are not equal, leading below what would be democratic. In other words, until the

democracy requires rules to hike. Inclusion in the movements is necessary prior

specific knowledge about it, putting themselves included in the group.

The Fora do Eixo Circuit is a collective that it is about information and

prioritizes “democratize” the statements and positions of the participants in the

movement, but set rules institutionalized as a way of organizing thoughts and attitudes.

For many “young” deviant social normality imposed by rules and laws of social groups

decades ago.

The issue here is simply: when rules are made and enforced? I have noted that the existence of a rule does not guarantee that it will be automatically imposed. There are many variations in the imposition of rules. We can not explain it by invoking some abstract group ever vigilant; it is not possible to say that “society” is undermined every offense and acts to restore balance (BECKER, 2008).

For this it is necessary to examine which features of this collective mobilization

and how young people involved come to a single approval. The social networks are

tools worked daily, but for them not enough online experience. The dynamics of the

experience, including the name experience already reveals that the ultimate goal is to

live multiple social experiences, each with distinct trajectories, reaching common

denominators.

Presenting a methodological proposal Gohn analyzes social movements under

two basic perspectives: internal and external, where both are interlinked and that the

internal search presupposes the construction, dynamics and identity of the movement.

The external focuses on the external influences.

4. THE ROLE OF MEDIATORS

To analyze the presence and form as “mediators”2 of social movements do

happen, it is important to better understand how to process performances as the Fora

do Eixo Circuit, who has gained access to meetings with the president of the Brazilian

republic and ministers, for example. That is what the author Scherer-Warren (2005), in

the text Novos movimentos sociais, a construção da democracia e o papel dos

mediadores, addresses.

However, it is important to analyze that in the pursuit of creating a more

democratic society, such as the Fora do Eixo Collective, undergo a process of daily

creation formatting a new cultural model as drawing claim more precise actions of first

instance as health, education and employment. The social networks, creation of new

2 The author SCHERER-WARREN uses the term “mediators” referring to intellectual, pastoral ministers,

religious, educators, political leaders etc., because according to him they are bearers of formal

knowledge and political experience brought of others experiences (outside) to work together to the

movement.

technologies and modes of cultural flow used by the Circuit aims to return to the

attention of civil society in social causes of first instance getting it the attention not only

of individuals, but mostly the State. But, which roles these mediators assume?

We assume that the New Social Movements want to break with the force that

the government machinery has. Although it is common to say that the company has the

strength, it is worth noting that the State has the machine that governs and its

possession all resources belonging to society. For it is worth mentioning Scherer-

Warren (2005), which asserts a privileged role of the State and society has another

mechanism of force, numerical and vital in social production. In other words, both have

distinct types of forces, which depend on the type of action which is thus more or less

aggressive in the social transformation.

In Brazil, the dictatorial period, with a regime that restricted and constrained the activities of the lower classes in the economic, political and cultural/ideological plans, was the space for former lobbyists from organizing in new ways (p. ex.: New Syndicalism, New neighborhood associations, and new groups emerge as political forces within civil society (p. ex.: Ecclesial Base Communities and pressure groups influenced by them, Feminist Movements, Environmentalists, ethnic

and other) (Scherer-Warren, 2005).

These aspects relate to the sociologist thinking Maria da Glória Gohn (1997)

dealing with trends and prospects of the ‘new’ social movements in Brazil in the 90s.

The first characteristics of the Brazilian development model in this period as the

emphasis on informal sector; the integration of social exclusion; struggles for jobs;

changes in labor relations allowed the political legitimacy of the State and its main

effect the redefinition of social-political actors (unions and social movements lost their

forces and the NGOs gains space) and the public sphere. So, for Gohn, there was a

reframing of civil society, while social participation and mediating.

Still thinking on changes in Social Movements to New Social Movements, this

reframing treated by Gohn (1997), is observed in Scherer-Warren (2005) as a

redefinition of citizenship, where movement like the Fora do Eixo Circuit, deny some

kind of political model as a partisan political involvement or affiliation with. So they

show new forms of social relations.

In this case, Ivo (2001) believes that, there are changes in the contemporary

State, but with changes of roles is in international relations, in the context of classical

social development of the State. For him, these changes contain paradoxes at different

levels, revealing the complexity of relations that permeate the institutionalization of

new political processes and government step in globalization of the economy

(op.cit.p12).

Therefore, considering such placements it can be observed that these social and

State transformations brought to contemporary cultural actions as public

announcements and release of funds from the private sector that enable collective as

the Circuit to keep the demands of the existing group. Mediators use technological

joints, classroom and social networking to do cultural activities that reach different

groups representing Brazilian society.

5. CONSIDERATIONS

Social movements within the context of democracy, mobility, and youth are

involved in various social, cultural, political, economic aspects and other.

The Collective is currently negotiating with new businesses, participate in bids,

interact with other groups and collectives, implementing cultural activities in order to

interact with each other territories reaching beyond Brazil and gaining ground in

political atmosphere. By using public announcements of incentives and funding to

culture, raise the flag and the role of “hacking” the system (hacking, use of something

open and share their benefits), through cultural activities that involve volunteer work of

many people, some critics of Fora do Eixo Circuit place it on a par with the old

explorers of collective symbolic production.

Based on this analogy, it is pertinent to understand the correlation of the Fora

do Eixo Collective with the capitalists, cultural, educational, and empirical social

currents. And is relying on gaps produced by these lines, that the Circuit builds a

cultural network worked in digital media (including new media and technologies),

which reacts against the system from the inside out where they themselves are parto f

the system.

Although they are quite reprehended, forms used by the Fora do Eixo Circuit,

where critics argue that the movement is na instructor in business culture, we can not

deny the broad and vast originality that the project offers to create models of

mobilization and democratization and culturally diferente portrays the diversity of our

society. We also emphasize that although this process of the Fora do Eixo Circuit

relation, political and market be seen as a “negotiating culture” we consider that part is

responsibility of social mobility that aims to achieve a structural change . Therefore, we

can put it briefly that the Fora do Eixo Circuit is the network itself that unites the

cultural producer, the artist, the audience, and the system.

REFERENCES

BECKER, Howard Saul. Outsiders: estudos de sociologia do desvio. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 2008. Cap. 6, pp. 111-128. BURITY, Joanildo. Caminhos sem fim – caminhos do fim? Movimentos sociais e democracia. In: Breno A. S. M. (org.). Movimentos sociais: produção e reprodução de sentido. Recife, Editora Universitária da UFPE, 1999. DAHL, Robert. Sobre a democracia. Brasília: Editora UNB, 2001. pp. 47-74. GOHN, Maria da Glória. Teoria dos movimentos sociais: paradigmas clássicos e contemporâneos. São Paulo: Edições Loyola, 1997 (caps. VI, VII, VIII, IX). IVO, Anete Brito Leal. As transformações do estado contemporâneo. Caderno CRH. Salvador, nº 35, jul/dez 2001, pp: 11-20. JOHNSON, Allan G. Dicionário de sociologia: guia prático da linguagem sociológica. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 1997. SCHERER-WARREN, Ilse. Redes de movimentos sociais. São Paulo: Loyola, 2005. pp. 49-64. MAGAZINE

CULT MAGAZINE, “A esquerda na encruzilhada”. “A revolução será tuitada – Maria da Glória Gohn”, n. 169 SITE

FORA DO EIXO CIRCUIT (CFE): www.foradoeixo.com.br, last access 28/07/2013 at 08h32 p.m..