A Late Roman Convivium Sarcophagus from PtujBojan Djurić

The marble sarcophagi from Ptuj include many with fi-gural decoration, mostly preserved in small fragments1. Only one of those (fig. 1), however, is a fragment of a frieze sarcophagus. It is now kept in the lapidarium of the Ptuj Regional Museum2.

The sarcophagus fragment in question was examined in 1870, or 1872, by Alexander Conze, who was on a visit to Ptuj at that time. He saw the fragment immured into the south wall of the presbytery of the small, late me-dieval church of St. Martin at Hajdina near Ptuj. His ex-amination resulted in the first description of the relief3. This description was not supported by an illustration, since Conze’s illustrator, Victor Jasper, was prevented from drawing the relief by the construction of the new church of St Martin in 1874, prior to which the old church was almost completely torn down. All that re-mained was the old presbytery, which was incorporated into the new church as the east chapel, with a new sac-risty built next to it. The sarcophagus relief remained in the old wall now forming part of the new sacristy. Besides Conze, it was also briefly described by Mihovil Abramić4. The date when the relief left the church and entered the museum is unknown. What is known is that Josip Klemenc and Balduin Saria already mentioned it as part of the museum collection in 19365. Traces of being immured were visible on the front side of the relief as lines of cement and paintwork. These were removed in 2012, when the repositioning of the lapidarium of the Pokrajinski muzej Ptuj brought about the restoration of the relief.

Conze considered the relief to be part of a large se-pulchral monument, but it was Abramić who correctly identified it as the front side of a sarcophagus. The correctness of the latter identification is supported by at least two observations. The first is the tool marks,

the parallel horizontal lines, which show a slight curve upwards at both ends, in the manner typically seen on the interiors of sarcophagi (fig. 2). The second obser-vation is a raised inner edge on the upper surface of the fragment, which, in a sarcophagus, serves to hold the lid in place. Additional, though indirect evidence is provided by the lower side of the fragment, where an almost completely horizontal break marks a line along which the bottom part, roughly a third judging from the figures on the relief, has broken off. Such a fracture is typical of sarcophagi, as seen from a multitude of examples in different collections, which usually break along the line between the side and the bottom. This is particularly true for sarcophagi made of veined marble, such as that used to make the sarcophagus in question. It should be mentioned that Harald W. Müller determined the marble as that of Pohorje, though his analysis has not yet been published. On the other hand, a possible intentional fracture could be seen in the oblique fracture on the right upper part of the fragment, which continues downwards into a more or less uncontrolled fracture in the approximate width of the sarcophagus side. A different fracture can be seen at the left end of the fragment, which is vertical but very uneven. It shows that roughly 28 cm were broken off, as estimated on the basis of the central composition of the relief. This would indicate that the sarcophagus was complete upon discovery, after which its front side was deliberately removed so as to be used as decoration. This practice can be observed on other pieces from museum collections, for example on the sarcophagi reliefs in the National Museum in Budapest6 or in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb7.

The relief is only partially preserved and thus the size of the whole sarcophagus cannot be precisely recons-tructed. However, the preserved fragment of the front

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Fig. 1Sarcophagus frag-ment before resto-ration. Foto B. Farič.

Fig. 2Different views of the sarcophagus. Scanning Gnom d.o.o.

Fig. 3 Three interpreta-tions of the sar-cophagus scan. Scanning Gnom d.o.o.

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The left-hand side figure is beardless. His left arm is bent with his forearm levelled with his waist and his hand hanging down loosely. His right arm is bent and held close to his chest; his hand may hold an object that cannot be identified.

Shown to the left and right of the men are two women, each seated on her throne with solid sides, positioned in front of the couch. Their hair is not clearly visible, but we can just discern that it was gathered at the back and pulled to the top of the head, in a hairstyle of the first half of the third century13. This hairstyle provides the only direct evidence for the date of the relief. Both women are dressed in a tunic and palla, the latter better visible on the woman to the right. The tunic is girded under their breasts. Positioned between the two women and slightly off-centre towards the left is a round and probably three-legged table, i.e. a mensa tripes. Both women are touching this table: the right with her right and the left with her left hand. The woman to the left has her right arm bent and raised before her to the level of her breasts, possibly with two fingers extended. The woman to the right is using her left hand to hold a vessel (modius?, calathus?) in her lap, probably filled with fruit. Placed in the centre of the table is a round platter with food. Judging from the outlines, the food in question is probably poultry, the course that followed the most prestigious dish, of fish, during a banquet. The platter is flanked on both sides by a round of bread with a hole in the middle or a cake similar to modern Italian ciambelle. Another object is discernible under the left round of bread, but it is no longer identifiable.

These figures can be identified as members of the family to which the sarcophagus belonged. The poor state of preservation prevents us from determining the extent to which the figures represent portraits of the deceased. We can observe, however, that the fi-gures do not stand apart from those on the numerous comparable and contemporary sepulchral reliefs from Poetovio, either in pose, dress or grooming; the latter is expressed via hairstyle or beards, inasmuch as these can at all be identified. All the figures show a high degree of formal stiffness, which characterizes the portraiture in Pannonia and Noricum.

Apart from those described above, the relief shows other figures. They were interpreted in various and so-metimes unusual ways, mostly as family members and only some as servants. Such interpretations led to the scene being understood as an outdoor family gathe-ring, shown as a real-life event, such as are known on the monuments from Igel14 and Bonn15, or on a stela from Tata16. The newly observed details on the relief, however, prompted a re-evaluation of these figures.

side measures 232 cm in length and 62 cm in height, which indicates an approximate total length of the sarcophagus of 260 cm and a height of about 100 cm. As such, it ranks among the largest sarcophagi in Pannonia and is comparable to the sarcophagus from Aquae Balissae8.

It should be stressed that the surface of the relief is heavily worn and damaged, particularly where the re-lief is highest. This prevents a number of details from being clearly identified. The damage may have occur-red after immuring, though the right end of the relief, which was not visible when in the wall of the sacristy, points to the main damage and the general wear being caused at a much earlier time.

Alexander Conze, who first described the relief, inter-preted it as showing a domestic or vita privata scene, of a husband and wife with children in an outdoor setting. Mihovil Abramić added another dimension to Conze’s interpretation of an intimate family scene from everyday life, namely a desire for a happy reunion of the family members in the afterlife, as would have been understood in the third century. Abramić was also the first to propose a date for the sarcophagus.

These interpretations were put to the test when, in 2012, the relief was restored and scanned, which revealed numerous details not previously visible (fig. 3).

The relief is carved within a simple unmoulded frame into the 21 cm thick sarcophagus side. The scene shows a central composition, with the central posi-tion occupied by a couch or kline with a high back and fulcra, such as are known from numerous Roman re-presentations of banquets. Reclining on the couch are two male figures, not a husband and wife as previously thought. Both men have short hair and are dressed in a tunica and toga, with their pose reminiscent of the half-length funerary portraits on numerous tombsto-nes from Pannonia as well as on medallions and aedi-cula tombs from Noricum. Only a detail to the left of the left figure indicates that the two men are actually in a reclining pose. This is neither a particular nor a rare manner of representation, as evidenced by the re-liefs from Raetia (Augsburg9, Regensburg10), Pannonia inferior (Dunaujvaros11) and Dacia (Vetel12).The mattress of the couch has sunk slightly under the weight of the reclining men. The railings of the couch-frame and its feet are not visible. The figure to the right seems older that the one on the left and probably has a beard. In his left hand, arm bent at the elbow, he holds a cup (modiolus?) at waist-level in a manner known from several stelae from Pannonia infe-rior, Dacia and Moesia inferior, as well as the Germa-niae. His right arm is not visible.

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To return to the Poetovio sarcophagus, the second figure on the left is shown in a similar pose to the first one, with his left hand outstretched before the chest, as though carrying a large cup, possibly a calathus, rather than a platter. The figure is dressed in a tunic(?) and pallium. The right hand has not been preserved, but may have held a jug filled with wine to be served to the banqueters. If the latter is correct, the figure actually represents the wine waiter, to whom prestige was attached in the dining room and whom Petronius named puer speciosus. The wine waiter figures in numerous depictions of banquets, from the mid-first century House of Triclinium in Pompeii31 to the buil-ding on the Caelian Hill32 from the first half of the fourth century, as well as on sarcophagi, for example the one from Vigna Codini in Rome33. The illuminated manuscript of Virgilius Romanus, from the late fifth century, also features a wine waiter34, alongside which is a servant responsible for hand washing. A similar figure can be observed on a stela from Črnomelj35. In Noricum and Pannonia, the figure of the wine waiter is well known from aedicula tombs (such as those from St. Johann ob Hohenburg36; Budapest37 and Székesfehérvar38), but also from stelae (for example from Baracska39, Budapest40, Sremska Mitrovica41 and Tac42), where it is often merged with the servant for hand washing (for example in Budapest43, Pécs44, Szazhalombatta45, Szentendre46, Csaszar47, and Tata48). This hand-washing servant could also be re-presented in the Poetovio relief, in the figure standing behind the woman on the right. This figure is shown frontally, with the head turned slightly to the right, dressed in a tunica manicata girded below the breasts. The figure is touching the back of the throne with the right hand, while the left holds the mantele, a towel for wiping hands during meals (lavatio), which is th-rown over the left shoulder. The figure may also hold a basin used by the banqueters to wash their hands during the banquet. Figures holding such objects are present on numerous reliefs, such as those from the National Museum in Rome49, from Gratwein50, St. Georgen am Längsee51, Zollfeld52 and Cluj53. They are also to be found on aedicula tombs in Noricum, both as male and as female figures, for example at St. Veit an der Glan54 and St. Donat55. The figure on the Poetovio sarcophagus is severely damaged and its sex can only be supposed as female on the basis of the high-girded tunic, but also on the basis of the regional tradition of showing maidservants in this role. On the other hand, it is true that luxury slave-boys, called capillati or paedagogiani56, can also appear in this role. With this in mind, it might be sensible in the future to analyse all the representations of maidservants in Noricum and Pannonia and take a detailed look at their attributes and contexts.

Shown between the two male figures on the couch are two nude boys. The boy on the left is kneeling on the couch and placing a garland around the neck of the man on the left. The boy on the right is sitting, holding out his right hand towards the man on the right and possibly holding a vessel, while his left arm is exten-ded, roughly at neck-height, towards the man’s chest. These boys were previously identified as the youngest members of the family, playing with their mother and father. Such an interpretation, however, is without pa-rallel in Roman sepulchral art. The latter does feature boys with garlands and calathi in their hands shown alongside a married couple reclining on a kline. These are to be found on Roman Metropolitan sarcophagi, both on the chests and the lids, for example on two now lost sarcophagi from Rome17 and on fragments in different collections18. Rita Amedick identified such boys as deliciae19 that is young, pretty ‘toy-boys’ kept by upper class families for their amusement and ple-asure. They were understood as ‘pampered pets, en-tertaining little jesters, objects of erotic pleasures’20. Apart from that, literary and epigraphic sources reveal that the word deliciae may also signify ‘natural child-ren, substitute children, foster children’, depending on the context. However, the boys on the sepulchral reli-efs depicting banquets, i.e. scenes of amusement, can only be understood in the narrower sense, as no more than nice and amusing pets for occasional play, for which the Romans used the common term deliciae.

Other figures on the sarcophagus from Poetovio are positioned to the left and right of the central scene, two on each side. On the far left, and now only partly preserved, is a standing figure shown in profile, looking right, with arms outstretched before the chest, carry-ing a platter with food. The figure is wearing a pallium, part of which is still visible under the arms. On the far right and facing away from the central scene is a figure also shown in profile and dressed in a pallium, carry-ing a platter, with his arms outstretched and raised in front of his face. Both figures may be identified as the servant-slaves21 who carry food to the banqueters, and not members of the family as suggested previously. Fi-gures of this type can be found on numerous represen-tations of banquets, for example, on sarcophagi from Rome22, on wall paintings from Rome, such as those in the Catacomb of Peter and Marcellinus23, in the Hy-pogaeum of Vibia24 and in the building on the Caelian Hill25, on floor mosaics of villas, on precious vessels such as the Hunting Plate of the Sevso Treasure26, on provincial sepulchral monuments, such as those at Igel27, Augsburg28 and Viminacium29, but also on the sarcophagus of Alfius Vitalis from Budapest30.

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Apart from the figures, the relief also shows a pair of cylindrical objects on the far right. They have a domed lid terminating in a knob and are tied with a ribbon. They have been tentatively identified as a pair of cippi57. The uncertainty of the identification is under-standable in the face of the poor state of preservation of the relief. It is also true, however, that this object makes an almost regular appearance in Late Roman re-presentations of banquets. The two cylindrical objects are, in fact, a pair of flasks for wine and water in wicker containers58. The flasks have a wicker domed lid ter-minating in a knob. They are usually shown open, with the lids hanging down the sides, such as can be seen on the mosaic at Piazza Armerina59, on the Hunting Plate of the Sevso Treasure60 and on the sarcophagus from the Praetextatus catacombs61, in which case they are easily identifiable. The few depictions with lids in place can be seen on sarcophagi from Rome (for example those from the National Museum in Rome62 or the one from Vigna Codini63, but also on Pannonian stelae (from Črnomelj64, Esztergom65 and Pecs66). The flasks are sometimes small and sometimes dispropor-tionately large, possibly suggesting amphorae in wi-cker containers, as proposed by Rita Amedick67.

The relief also shows a vine climbing symmetrically from the left and from the right towards the centrally positioned couch. It has five-lobed leaves with incised central veins, simple single tendrils, as well as full bunches of only slightly elongated grapes. It is this motif that led scholars to place the scene outdoors, possibly in a vineyard, rather than in an indoor tricli-nium. There are not many analogies to be found for this, since vinea on sarcophagi appear primarily in Dionysiac contexts. Vinea arching above a banquet have so far only been documented on a fresco from the Vigna Codini Columbarium on the Via Latina in Rome, today kept in the Louvre68. It shows an outdoor banquet with numerous participants, where the vine may serve to mark the Dionysiac nature of the scene. On the other hand, remains of triclinia in gardens and vineyards without associated buildings have been ar-chaeologically attested69. This would allow the scene on the Poetovio sarcophagus to be placed in a garden or a vineyard. Having said that, vinea represent one of the most commonly used motifs on the Late Roman stelae in Pannonia (for example from Szilagy70, Budapest71 and Gyuró72), but are also frequent on the aedicula tombs in Noricum, where the motif is tied to a Dionysiac understanding of life and death.

Conclusions

The sarcophagus relief from Poetovio represents the image of four family members, namely a father and son reclining on a couch, as well as a mother and daughter sitting on chairs round a table laden with food, all participating in a banquet, or convivium. It is a representation of a family, which is a very com-mon motif on sepulchral monuments of all types in Pannonia and Noricum, dating at least from the be-ginning of the second century onwards. The context of this representative image, on the other hand, shows a different picture. A banqueting motif that consists of a single person, the so-called Totenmahl, is known in Germania and Gallia from at least the Flavian period onwards73, while a family scene with two or three male figures on a kline flanked by two female banqueters only appeared on sepulchral monuments in these provinces at the end of the second and in the third century74. The latter is also known on sepulchral mo-numents from Raetia75, Dacia76 and Moesia inferior77, modelled on originals from Tomis according to Conrad. Such a family motif has been unknown in Noricum and Pannonia thus far. Instead, the so-called Panno-nian version of the Totenmahl continues to be used in Pannonia, particularly in and around Aquincum, and continues well into the third century. This version can no longer be interpreted using the concept of Toten-opfer, as proposed in the past by Erna Diez78, since the standard composition on the stelae – with two servants at the table in a separate panel below the portraits – is supplemented on numerous monuments by additional participants at the banquet, namely other servants (as at Črnomelj79), dancers and musicians (at Dunaujvaros80), even the deceased (at Aquincum81). Elsewhere, the motif integrated the portraits into a sin-gle scene (for example at Dunaujvaros82, Budapest83), which can also be observed frequently in Moesia inferior (for example in Istria84, Dunareni85 and Capi-dava86). This indicates that banqueting, and hunting, scenes were used primarily to show the status of the deceased as prestige activities of the elite in the Late Roman period87. This is the message conveyed by the numerous representations of banquets in Roman coun-tryside villas (for example at Piazza Armerina, Carthage and Sepphoris88), in underground tombs in Rome (for example in the Catacomb of Peter and Marcellinus89), and outside Rome (for example in the Lilybaeum–Hy-pogaeum of Crispia Salvia90, the Tomb of Vestorius

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Priscus in Pompeii91, the Tomb of Banquet in Cons-tanza92 and in Kostolac93). This is also seen on lu-xury vessels, such as the Hunting Plate of the Sevso Treasure and the silver plate from Cesena94. The popularity of banquets in the Late Roman period, which were held in domestic settings, and also in cemeteries, is further evidenced by fierce opposition by the early church bishops and fathers (known ex-amples are Zeno of Verona and Augustine of Hippo) to what they termed luxuriosa convivia95. Of course, the banqueting motif in a sepulchral context can also be meant as an expression of the belief of such an activity and the status in the afterlife, as seen, for example, on the painting showing the induction of Vibia Sabina and the banquet of Vibia among the Blessed96.

The relief from Poetovio is a typical provincial product, made in a local workshop of local stone. It combines motifs used individually on numerous sepulchral monuments of the provinces along the Danube, from Moesia to Germania. This combination produces a rich and unique result. Apart from each of these elements, there are also analogies to be found for a centrally placed symmetrical composition, for example on the friezes from Augsburg97 and Regensburg98, but also elsewhere along the Danube. Only the inclusion of the motif of deliciae represents a complete novelty, which can be explained as a direct transmission from the sarcophagi produced in Rome, where the motif is a common component of the banqueting scene. These sarcophagi appear in Rome after the middle of the third century99, a date that also indicates a timeframe for the convivium sarcophagus from Ptuj.

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Annotations

1 Djurić 2001.

2 Jevremov 1988, no. 35.

3 Conze 1875, 12.

4 Abramić 1925, 171 f.

5 Klemenc – Saria 1936, 59.

6 lupa no. 827.

7 lupa no. 4358.

8 Migotti 1996.

9 lupa no. 6461.

10 lupa no. 15782.

11 lupa no. 3056.

12 lupa no. 18557.

13 Bergmann 1977.

14 Dragendorf – Krüger 1924.

15 Bauchhenß 1979.

16 lupa no. 694.

17 Amedick 1991, cat. 306. 308.

18 Amedick 1991, cat. 16. 243, 271.

19 Amedick 1991, 19–22.

20 As formulated by Christian Laes 2003, 324.

21 See D‘Arms 1991, Saller 1987.

22 Amedick 1991, cat. 138, 286.

23 Deckers u. a. 1987.

24 Ghedini 1990.

25 Dunbabin 2003, pl. X.

26 Mundell-Mango 1990.

27 Dragendorf – Krüger 1924.

28 Wagner 1973 no. 67.

29 lupa no. 5507.

30 lupa no. 2727.

31 Dunbabin 2003, fig. 28.

32 Dunbabin 2003, pl. IX.

33 Amedick 1991, cat. 228.

34 Dunbabin 2003, pl. XVI.

35 lupa no. 3791.

36 lupa no. 1161.

37 lupa no. 2885.

38 lupa no. 6398.

39 lupa no. 3874.

40 lupa no. 2999.

41 lupa no. 3114.

42 lupa no. 10449.

43 lupa no. 2727.

44 lupa no. 641.

45 lupa no. 3148.

46 lupa no. 3178.

47 lupa no. 3062.

48 lupa no. 802.

49 Amedick 1991, cat. 174.

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50 lupa no. 1427.

51 lupa no. 237.

52 lupa no. 944.

53 lupa no. 15338.

54 lupa no. 905.

55 lupa no. 949.

56 Balty 1982.

57 Djurić 2001, 47; lupa no. 5295.

58 according to Martin, in: Cahn u. a. 1991, 188.

59 Carandini u. a. 1982, fig. 94.

60 Mundell-Mango 1990.

61 Amedick 1991, cat. 138.

62 Amedick 1991, cat. 174.

63 Amedick 1991, cat. 228.

64 lupa no. 3791.

65 lupa no. 5997.

66 lupa no. 10982.

67 Amedick 1991, 23.

68 Ghedini 1990, fig. 11.

69 Dunbabin 2003, 93.

70 lupa no. 691.

71 lupa no. 2840.

72 lupa no. 4020.

73 Noelke 2005.

74 Noelke 2000.

75 lupa no. 15782.

76 Ţeposu-Marinescu 1982.

77 Alexandrescu-Vianu 1985, Conrad 2004.

78 Diez 1959-61.

79 lupa no. 3791.

80 lupa no. 3973.

81 lupa 4017.

82 lupa 3973.

83 lupa 2976.

84 lupa 15353.

85 lupa 15315.

86 Tudor 2004 no. 251.

87 Grassigli 2011.

88 See Dunbabin 2003.

89 See Deckers u. a. 1987.

90 Dunbabin 2003, pl. VII.

91 Mols – Moorman 1993–94.

92 Barbet 1994.

93 lupa no. 5507.

94 Dunbabin 2003.

95 Ghedini 1990, 39.

96 Ghedini 1990, 41. 47; Dunbabin 2003, 189 f.

97 lupa no. 6280.

98 lupa no. 15782.

99 Himmelmann 1967.

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Himmelmann 1973N. Himmelmann, Typologische Un-tersuchungen an römischen Sarko-phagreliefs des 3. und 4. Jahrhun-derts n. Chr. (Mainz 1973).

Jevremov 1988B. Jevremov, Vodnik po lapidariju (Ptuj 1988).

Klemenc – Saria 1936J. Klemenc – B. Saria, Archäologi-sche Karte von Jugoslavien. Blatt Ptuj (Belgrade 1936).

Laes 2003Ch. Laes, Desperately different? Delicia children in the Roman household, in: D. L. Balch – C. Osiek (Hrsg.), Early Christian Families in Context (Grand Rapids 2003) 298–324.

lupahttp://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/ (Last accessed: 23. August 2012).

Migotti 1996B. Migotti, Ranokršćanski grobni nalaz iz Velikih Bastaja kod Da-ruvara, VjesAMuzZagreb 28–29, 1995–96, 127–157.

Mols – Moorman 1993–94S. T. A. M. Mols – E. M. Moorman, Ex parvo crevit. Proposta per una lettura iconografica della Tomba di Vestorius Priscus fuori Porta Vesu-vio a Pompei. RStPomp 6, 1993–94, 15–52.

Mundell-Mango 1990M. Mundell-Mango, Der Sevso-Schatzfund. Ein Ensemble westli-chen und östlichen Kunstschaffens, AW 21, 1990, 70–88.

Noelke 2000P. Noelke, Zur Chronologie der Grabreliefs mit Mahldarstellung im römischen Germanien, in: H. Walter (Hrsg.), La Sculpture d´époque ro-maine dans le nord, dans l´est des Gaules et dans les régions avoisi-nantes: acquis et problématiques actuelles (Paris 2000) 59–70.

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