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STT]DIA TROICABand 11 - 2001

VERLAG PHILIPP VON zEBeRN . MAINZ AM RHEIN

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIANSARCOPHAGUS FROM QAN

Nurten Sevinq, Reyhan Kdrpe, Musa Tbmbul, Charles Brian Rose, Donna Strahan,Henrike Kiesewette4 and John Wallrodt

Ansrnecr

In the winter of 1998 looters plundered a tumulus at Qan, midway between Ilion and thesatrapal capital at Daskyleion. Contained within the tumulus was a marble sarcophaguswith two reliefs of Graeco-Persian type, and nearly all of the original paint still sur-vives. The sarcophagus was moved to the Qanakkale museum, and this article contains adiscussion of its iconography and a description of the conservation process, includingan analysis of the pigments and a discussion of the human bones.

It was probably made for a local Anatolian dynast during the first quarter of thefourth century B.c., when many of the tombs in Lycia were constructed. The manappears to have fallen from his horse during battle and died several years later, when hewas between the ages of 22 and 28. The front of the sarcophagus features a stag anda boar hunt separated by a bare tree, and one of the riders in the stag hunt has individ-ualized facial features analogous to dynastic/satrapal portraiture on contemporaryLycian coinage. The figure of the second rider in the stag hunt was finished, painted,and then chiseled off the surface in what may have been an act of damnatio memoriae.On one of the short sides there is a battle between an armed Anatolian dynast and aGreek; a mercenary soldier may also be represented. This discovery, along with thosefrom the Dedetepe and Krzcildtin tumuli, has revolutionized our knowledge of funerarycustoms in this part of northwestern Turkey.

ZUsIUUBNFASSUNG

Im winter 1998 pliinderten Riiuber einen Tumulus in Qan, auf halbem wege zwischenIlion und der Satrapen-Hauptstadt Daskyleion. Im Tumulus befand sich ein marmornerSarkophag mit zwei Reliefs griechisch-persischen Typs. Fast die ganze urspriinglicheFarbe ist erhalten geblieben. Der Sarkophag wurde in das Museum eanakkale gebracht.DieserArtikel beinhaltet eine Besprechung seiner Ikonographie und eine Beschreibungder KonservierungsmaBnahmen, einschlieBlich einer Analyse der pigmente und eineBearbeitung der menschlichen Knochen.

Der Sarkophag wurde wahrscheinlich ftir einen ortsansiisBigen Herrscher wiihrenddes ersten Viertels des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. hergestellt, als auch viele der Griiber inLykien gebaut wurden. Der darin bestattete Mann scheint wiihrend eines Kampfes vomPferd gestiirzt zu sein und starb einige Jahre spiiter. Er war zD diesem Zeitpunkt zwi-schen 22 und 28 Jahre alt. Auf der Vorderseite ist eine Hirsch- und eine Wildschwein-jagd dargestellt. Beide sind durch einen kahlen Baum getrennt. Einer der Reiter in derHirschjagd hat individualisierte Gesichtsziige analog zu der dynastischen/satrapischenPortratdarstellung auf den zeitgendssischen lykischen Miinzpriigungen. Die Figur deszweiten Reiters in der Hirschjagd war vollendet, bemalt und dann aus der OberfliicheherausgemeiBelt worden - mtiglicherweise ein Akt von damnatio memoriae.Auf einerder kurzen Seiten des Sarkophags ist eine Kampf zwischen einem bewaffneten anatoli-schen Herrscher und einem Griechen zu sehen; ein Scildner krinnte auch dargestellt sein.Diese Entdeckung zusammen mit jenen aus den Griibern von Dedetepe und Krz<ildiinhat unsere Kenntnis der Bestattungsbriiuche in diesem Teil der nordwestlichen Tiirkeirevolutioniert.

384

NURTEN SEVINQ, REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

Introduction

In the course of the last five years the Qanakkalemuseum has been involved in the discovery of an

extraordinary series of tombs along the Granicus

river, and they have yielded invaluable informa-

tion regarding aristocratic burials in this area of

Mysia au.ing the Archaic and Classical periods'r

Two of the tumuli near the modern city of Biga

were excavated in 1994 by the Qanakkale Mu-

seum under the direction of Nurten SevinE, and

all of the finds are now in Qanakkale (fig. 1). The

Krzoldiin tumulus contained two marble sar-

cophagi, one of which featured reliefs depicting

Neoptolemos' murder of Polyxena' the daughter

of Piiam, as her mother Hecuba looks on.2 This is

the earliest stone sarcophagus with figural scenes

ever to have been found in Asia Minor, and itprobabll' dates to the last quarter of the sixth cen-

turl B.C.Another marble sarcophagus, this one without

reliefs. had been buried next to the Polyxena sar-

Fig. 1 Map of northwestern Turkey, showing

location of Qan

cophagus around the middle of the fifth century

B.C. This second sarcophagus contained the

bones of a child eight or nine years old who suf-

fered from Cribra Orbitalia, a syndrome possibly

connected to malaria. Unlike the Polyxena sar-

cophagus, this grave had not been discovered by

looters, and the original contents were still pre-

served. These included an ivory pyxis, a silver

ladle and phiale, a painted wooden female pro-

tome, two gold bracelets, two gold necklaces, and

eight gold earrings.3 Most of the pieces of jewel-

lery were heirlooms, some probably having been

made in the same period as the Polyxena sar-

cophagus, and they may represent the dowry that

she would never have been able to use'

At the nearby site of Dedetepe a second tumu-

lus covered a single-chamber marble tomb prob-

ably built in the early fifth century B.C.4 The

tomb had been robbed in antiquity, but stillpresent within it were two brightly-painted marble

klinai, ivory fragments possibly from musical in-

struments, alabastra streaked with Tyrian purple,

and the pieces of two wooden tables.5 None ofthese tombs could be associated with a specific

settlement, although the occupants were probably

connected in some way with the satrapal court at

Daskyleion, near Lake ManYas.

The Krzcildtin and Dedetepe tumuli were ex-

plored because there had been several robbery

attempts in the surrounding area, and the museum

regarded excavation as essential if the contents ofthe tombs were to be conserved and protected.

The most recent discovery in this region, a re-

markable painted marble sarcophagus of Graeco-

Persian type, was unfortunately also affected by

plundering (figs. 3, 5)' The sarcophagus was

found in a tomb chamber near the city of Qan,

more or less midway between Daskyleion and

Troy and originally in the satrapy of Hellespon-

tine Phrygia. During the month of November,

1998, looters used a bulldozer to break into the

tumulus that contained the sarcophagus. The rob-

bers were digging blindly, since there was no way

to know what the tumulus contained, and in the

course of the plundering the bulldozer demol-

ished the tomb chamber and severely damaged

the left side of the marble sarcophagus placed

within it (fi-es. 2.3,9). This sarcophagus, even in

its damaged state. is an extraordinary find, and

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this article presents a description and preliminaryanalysis of its iconography as well as a report onthe form of the tomb chamber. There were reliefsonly on the front and right sides of the sarcopha-gus, so much of the carving fortunately escapedthe bulldozer's destruction. Most of the paint stillsun'ives, and it was consolidated by Donna Stra-han, Simone Korolnik, Grit Friedman, StephanieGasteiger, and Grikhan Calan of the Troia con-sen'ation staff. Ms. Strahan, as Head of Conser-r,ation, has written an appendix to this article onthe conservation techniques and analysis of thepigments.

lt is worth stressing at the outset how importantthese discoveries have been for the reconstructionof funerary customs in the eastern Mediterranean.Prior to the finds at Biga and ean, Archaic andClassical stone sarcophagi with figural scenessere known only from Lycia, Cyprus, and Sidon,and this resulted in a very skewed picture of bur-ial practice and sculptural production.6 To thischart we can now add northwestern Turkey, andother sarcophagi will undoubtedly be discoveredas more fumuli are explored.T

Although the tomb was already substantiallydamaged in antiquity, there is enough informationto reconstruct its basic form and size thanks to thecareful excavation technique of the eanakkalemuseum, which is described in the next section.

The Circumstances of Discoveryand the Tomb Chamber

On the 8th of November, 1998, the Muhtartmavor) of the village of Altrkulag near Qan in-frmed the Qanakkale Archaeology Museum thatm illegal excavation had occurred. The museum*aff quickly travelled to the site of these excava-tions and recorded the following observations.

The excavation had taken place on a small hillhoun as Qingenetepe, which is two kilometersto the east of Altrkulag, The looters had sunk auench 10 x 10 m. into the center of the mound,md they dumped the earth and stones from theer.ciil?tion toward the south. They later used thiseuth to fill most of their trench, but a ditch two tofuee meters deep was still visible. Within the fill

38-5

and to the side of the mound there were architec_tural pieces and fragments of a sarcophagus,which suggested that the looters had destroyed aburial chamber. Only a few pieces of the lid andside of the sarcophagus were discovered, and itseemed certain that the looters had carried awaythe sarcophagus with the rest of the finds.

One week later, on November l7th, the Muhtarof Altrkulag once again telephoned the museumto say that a painted sarcophagus had been foundin the forest five kilometers north of AltrkulaE, bythe road that connected Altrkulag with the neig-bouring village of Dikmen. The sarcophagus andits associated pieces were immediately taken tothe Qanakkale Archaeological Museum, withassistance from the Qanakkale Seramik Com-pany, and the paint on the reliefs was consoli-dated.

The museum staff thought it likely that addi-tional pieces of the sarcophagus and possiblymore burials still remained to be found near thesite of the looting. Consequently, the eingeneTepe salvage excavations began on June 6, 1999.Work was conducted under the direction of Nur-ten Seving, Director of the eanakkale Archaeol-ogy Museum, in association with museum ar-chaeologists Reyhan Ktirpe and Musa Tombul.Six workmen from Altrkulag assisted the museumstaff.

The looters had dug 4.5 meters into the tumu-lus, and once their trench had been emptied ofearth, more pieces of the tomb chamber and thesarcophagus were discovered. Excavations con-tinued beyond the looters' trench in order toascertain the dimensions and form of the tomb.The salvage excavations ended on the 17th ofJuly,1999, at which time the architectural elementswere numbered, placed in the trench, and againcovered with earth.

In the course of excavation a few blocks of acircular tomb appeared in situ on the eastern andwestern sides of the trench, but most of the tombhad been destroyed. Only the foundations and thelowest course of the walls survived intact, andthere were traces of the looters' bulldozer onthese stones and on the other architectural ele-ments that were found. The building consisted ofa single circular corbel-vaulted chamber. Theentrance to the chamber was at the east, and it

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM CAN

NURTEN SEVINE, REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT386

seems to have been filled with stones in antiquity'

The floor consisted only of beaten earth, and apainted relief fragment from the sarcophagus was

discovered here. The sarcophagus was oriented

east-west with the main (hunting) side facing

south, as shown by traces of paint on the earth.

When standing at the entrance and looking in, one

would have faced the battle scene.

On the basis of pottery found near the tomb,

Reyhan Korpe thought that the first robbery had

taken place during the Roman period, and the

process of that robbery can be reconstructed.s

The Roman looters dug down from the top of the

tumulus and found the building but not the

entrance. They then dislodged stones from the

wall to create a new opening, and pulled the

bodies out of the sarcophagus to facilitate the re-

moval of the jewelry. This weakened the structure

of the tomb, and the vault eventually collapsed on

the remains of the deceased. Over time the rob-

bers' tunnel filled with earth, and during the late

Byzantine period the top of the tumulus was used

as a cemetery. In the course of the latest lootingattempt, the bulldozer's assault caused the entire

tumulus to collapse, and the Byzantine graves fellwithin the tomb chamber. The bones of the origi-nal occupant, however, had been sealed by the

stones that collapsed after the Roman robbery,

and they are easily distinguishable from those inthe later disturbance.e The bones belong to an

adult male of considerable strength whose leftarm and leg had been broken, probably when he

fell from his horse during a battle.l0 Around these

bones were a few coarseware body sherds that

were not especially diagnostic, but Billur Tekktik

thought it likely that all of them dated to the fifthor fourth century B.C.

Reconstructing the Tomb Chamber

stone as in the Lion Tomb at Knidos.1l The walls

were constructed of soft sandstone, whereas the

roof was built of a harder stone resembling an-

desite, and the entire tomb was covered by a

mound of earth.l2 Stone chips discovered next tothe foundations indicate that the blocks had been

finished during construction.Only one course above the foundations was

preserved in situ, the stones of which are .28 m.

high and .80 m. wide (figs. 2 A, B). They have

been cut so that their curvatures fit closely to-

gether and thereby create a stable circle on the

interior. Another ring of stones, irregularly cut,

was placed behind the interior wall stones and

helped to buttress them. There was no attempt to

articulate the faqade, even in the lowest verticalcourses. There was also no evidence of a dromos,

which suggests that the tomb was not designed

with future access in mind.Thirty disparate architectural elements were

recorded but only nine belonged to the walls; the

remaining twenty-one fragments formed part of acorbelled vault. The blocks were originally laid inhorizontal courses, and their inner surfaces were

then cut away to produce the appearance of adome (fig. 2C). The surviving wall and vaultblocks featured drafted margins, although it is un-

clear whether every interior stone was decorated

in this way.The limited number of stones does not allow us

to reconstruct the tomb with complete certainty,

but the general structure can be determined with afair degree of confidence. This is due to distinct

patterns in the shape of the stones that belonged

to the vault. For each stone, the riser (height) and

footer (horizontal projection of the arch) showed

how far that stone projected beyond the course

below it. The stones with high risers must have

been at the base of the vault, and the blocks withlong footers towards the toP.

Two conclusions emerge: First, the walls must

The interior diameter of the tomb chamber is have consisted of at least two courses or the vault

3.70 m., which is only 1.30 m. larger than the would have touched the sarcophagus- Few wall

length of the sarcophagus. There would conse- blocks were found, however, and the diameter ofqu*tty have been a very limited amount of unen- the tomb was small in comparison to the size of

cumbered space within the tomb. The roof of the the sarcophagus; it is therefore unlikely that there

beehive-shaped interior was formed by concentric were more than a few additional courses. Four

horizontal courses tapering inward toward the courses have been included in the reconstruction

ceiling, which probably consisted of a large flat \nfig.2C, which places the springing of the vault

level with the top of the sarcophagus, as wasthe case in the Krannon tomb in Thessaloniki.r3Second, to cover the radius of the tomb, the cor-belled roof must have consisted of ten courses,with another capping stone at the crown. Thissuggests a total of 15 courses, which would haveproduced an interior height of 3.1 m.

There are few published tombs of Classical or

387

Hellenistic date that were built like the tomb at

Qan. Several of the Thracian tombs have a bee-hive shape but they normally have a larger dia-meter, with a central column or relieving archesto support the vault.la The construction techniqueof the Qan tomb is more closely paralleled in theLion Tomb at Knidos, although the chamber at

Qan is much more modest.

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM CAN

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388

NURTENSEVINQ,REYHANToRpT',MUSATOMBUL,CHARLESBRIANROSE'DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

The Hunting Scenes

The sarcophagus has a length of 2.41m., a width

of .95 m., and a height of .85 m., which creates a

ratio of 2.5:l fot length to width, and 3:1 for

length to height (fig. 4).t5 Bosses project from the

base and lid at left and right, although the boss on

the right side, below the battle relief, has been

chiseled off and the surface smoothed with a flat

chisel (figs. 3, 4).t6 At the upper right corner of

the chest rim there is a small dowel hole measur-

ing .063 x .033 m. in which traces of lead are still

preserved. The enormous gash on the left side

was caused by the bulldozer during the 1998 rob-

bery and a much smaller section at upper right

was damaged during a robbery in antiquity (fig' 5)'

There is no evidence to indicate when the earlier

robbery occurred, but the heavy wear and incrus-

tation on the break surface suggests that it took

place long ago.

The lid of the sarcophagus was smashed by the

looters' bulldozer into ten major pieces and hun-

dreds of fragments, but the original form is clear'

It resembles a pitched roof, as was the case with

the earlier sarcophagi from the Krzcildiin tumulus,

but the articulation is much simpler: three evenly-

spaced bars were carved laterally across the lid;

these approximate the pattern of a series of cover

tiles, although the bars are leveled and do not fol-

low the pitch of the lid-17 It is somewhat surpris-

ing to find no architectural ornament on the body

or lid considering the elaborate decoration on the

Polyxena sarcophagus.l8 There are a few Sido-

nian and Cypriot examples where the decoration

was limited to protomes or acroteria on the lid,

but figural sarcophagi of the Archaic and Classi-

cal period usually contained some form of archi-

tectural ornament.le

The sculptors appear to have used marble from

the nearby island of Proconnesus, as at Krziildtin

and Dedetepe, probably because the stone was the

easiest to ottain and of the best quality'2o Reliefs

are present on only two sides, which is unusual

since all the other examples with figural decora-

tion featured carving on every face' Each side,

whether carved or not, was finished with a tooth

chisel, and the interior was point-chiseled' The

height of the relief varies from .01 to '015 m',

which is about the same as the Daskyleion reliefs

but much lower than what one finds on the Sido-

nian and Lycian sarcophagi. The principal colors

used in the paintings are red, purple, ochre, blue,

and green, with minimal use of black, although

the reds and blacks have occasionally been mixed

for shading.The Qan sarcophagus is more or less contem-

porary with the writings of Xenophon, and his

observations regarding Anatolia and Persian cus-

toms provide an invaluable framework for inter-

preting the iconography. The front of the sarcoph-

agus consists of two different scenes, a boar hunt

at the right and a stag hunt at the left, with a tree

in the center of the panel serving as a divider

between the two (figs. 3, 4, 5, 6).2r Xenophon

comments on the number of paradeisoi or hunt-

ing preserves in the area of Daskyleion, and the

two hunts represented here may have occurred in

one of them.zz

The boar hunt is the better preserved of the two

scenes, and features a single horseman galloping

toward the right as two dogs attack the boar's

back and chest (fig. 6).23 The boar rears up on its

hind legs, as does the horse and one of the dogs'

while the rider spears the boar between the eyes'24

Each of these animals is in the "gestreckte" gal-

lop pose, with the back legs stretched out along a

diagonal line and pressed against the ground' The

background of this hunt is painted green' which

gives the impression that the scene is taking place

in a wooded area. This conforms to the descrip-

tion of such hunts by Xenophon, who states that

boars usually lived in well-wooded areas because

they were warm in winter and cool in summer'25

The head and right hand of the hunter were

damaged by both ancient and modern robbery

attempts, but the lower part of the face is well-

preserved (figs. 6, 7). Long red hair falls on his

shoulders and his lips have been painted red' He

wears a long sleeved tunic with anaxyrides, his

scabbard or akinakes hangs from his belt, and the

sleeved cloak or kandys tied around his neck bil-lows out in an arc behind him. The kandys is pur-

ple with an ochre side border which indicated fur

i1r^3u and the shoes, bridle, and reins are red'27

Most of the tunic is light ochre, although there is

a triangular patch of red just below the neck' The

back of the tiara hangs loose on his shoulder and

features a knotted ribbon; the side flaps have been

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM EAN

mlmeterFig. 4 Elevation of the sarcophagus with lid. The reliefs are shown in their original form.

Fig. 3 General view of the hunt and battle scenes

390NURTEN SEVINE, REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

Fig. 5 The front of the sarcophagus, with stag hunt at left and boar hunt at right.

drawn toward the chin but not tied beneath it, as

in dynastic portraiture on Lycian coinage.2s The

akinakes, which features an ochre handle and a

blue pommel, is held by two straps - one whichconnects the lateral extension to the belt, and an-

other which is tied to the chape and crosses over

the knee.2e The lower edge of the akinakes has

been lined with black to convey a sense of higher

relief and to distinguish it from the drapery be-low.

The rider raises his right arm in front of himand holds a spear, while his left hand can be seen

clutching the reins at the base of the horse'sneck.30 The reconstruction of the spear is some-what problematic. There is a distinct flat-chiseledline extending from the rider's hand to the boar's

tdi

Fig. 6 Detail of the boar hunt.

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSTAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM qAN 391

eye that clearly marks the spear's position, but thetip no longer survives (figs. 3,5,6, 8). It looks as

if the boar's head and the spear's tip were ini-tially roughed out by the sculptor, who subse-quently realized that the head was too large forthe body. The boar's profile was then cut back.02 m. from the original line, which con-comitantly erased the spear point. Carving a newspear point in the retooled area would have beenimpossible, because it would have involved exca-vating too deep into the marble. What the sculptordid was to lower the relief of the shaft as itapproaches the boar's eye, which makes it look as

if the spear is moving into the background andstriking the boar's right eye.31

The horse is male, like the other animals on thesarcophagus, and painted ochre with red hooves;there are also traces of red on the tongue, in thenostrils, behind the ears, and in the corner of theeye (figs. 6,7).3' The tail has been twisted, tied ina knot, and held in place by a red ribbon, the endsof which dangle below the knot.33 The sculptorhad originally carved the ribbons so that theywere more or less vertical, but he subsequentlyrendered them as painted diagonal lines to the leftof the tail, which conveys the sense of the horse'smovement more successfully. It looks as if the topof the mane has been gathered together and tiedby another red ribbon, while the remainder ofthe mane has been cut short and straight - the"Lycian crewcut" that one finds on horses in so

many Lycian monuments.3a The saddle blanket isochre with a thick red band around it, and itfeatures a side border of stepped half-merlons.The lower border contains a course of red circleswith comma-shaped tails, which generally resem-ble the number 9, and each is flanked by twoblack dots, one above the other.35

The two dogs are ochre and appear to be of thel-aconian type (figs. 6, 8). The one at the leftclaws and bites into the chest of the rearing boarfrom below, while the other has leaped onto hisback and bites his shoulderjust below the upperpart of the mane.36 There are incisions to indicatethe ribs of both dogs, but the paws, legs, andmouth of the upper dog have been presented inmuch more detail. Each digit of the paws is out-lined and veins rise from the legs, while the tailhas been lowered and nearly entwined with that

of the boar. This heightens the presentation of thedog's aggression and lends greater force to thenarrative, as does the boar's wide-open mouthflanked by deep furrows, the large circular eyes,incisions on the forehead, and tensed muscles onshoulders and thigh. The red paint on the sideof the upper dog's mouth is different from thecoloring of the boar, and it probably representsblood.37

The boar seems to look directly at the horse,and their hooves nearly touch. The boar's body ispainted purple with shading used to indicate themusculature, while the mane is black and thehooves are ochre. The boar's color scheme andposition are therefore the reverse of that of theattacking horse. The tongue is indicated by anuurow strip of red, the eye socket was completelyoutlined in red, and the tusks may have beenpainted white. The most striking aspect of theboar is its enormous size. Although boars in AsiaMinor tend to be shown larger than those inGreece, no other monument features a boar ofsuch massive proportions.38 The ridge of hairalong the back is divided into two parts, as wasstandard after the Archaic period, with one sec-tion on the head and shoulder and the other on therump.3e His long drooping foreskin contrastssharply with the short and taut foreskins of thehorses, thereby making his gender more promi-nent than that of any of the other animals on thesarcophagus.ao

Although the looters destroyed half of the leftside of the sarcophagus, enough pieces survivefor us to be able to restore a second hunting scenewith two riders and two diminutive stags movingtoward the right (figs. 4, 5, 9, 10). The stag fur-thest to the right is positioned on the ground lineand looks back toward the riders. Its left leg over-laps the tree trunk and the other legs are bentbeneath its body.al This is the "versammelte gal-lop" which was used on most mainland Greekmonuments, and it differs from the pose of thesecond stag, the boar, and the horses on thisside.a2 The second stag looks straight ahead and issituated under the horse of the second rider. Herethe ground line has not been treated as an invio-late border, and half of the stag's body hasbeen carved below the line although in slightlylower relief. This effectively enlarged the spatial

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A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM QAN

Fig. 9 The broken section of the stag hunt showing two riders.The one on the left has been erased.

393

:::arleters of the scene and distinguished it from.:.: boar hunting scene at the right. The two.-ines were also distinguished by color: the:'--ksround of the boar hunt was painted green: :ireas that of the stag hunt is blue, and the tree

therefore marks the border between two differentlocales as well as two different activities.a3

Nearly all of the second rider's horse wasobliterated by the looters, but the few sectionsthat survive indicate that it was posed in the same

Fig. l0 Detail of the rider in the stag hunt.

NURTEN SEVINE, REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE'

394 DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

way as the horse in the boar hunt. The legs of the

rider have been destroyed, but his torso and head

are preserved essentially intact and in full color'

He holds a spear in front of him, with the top

extending over his head and the point aimed

toward the head of the stag by the tree. It looks

as if the spear was planned to have been even

longer, since incised guidelines connected to the

top of it overlap the upper border. The rider wears

a long-sleeved red tunic and a light ochre cloak

which billows out behind him. Over his chest is

an ochre breastplate probably fashioned of leather

and secured by his ochre belt.aa It is unusual that

he wears no tiara since his counterpart in the boar

hunt does wear one, and in ancient art tiaras were

generally worn by riders hunting either boars or.A\

stags. ''The head of the rider is the best preserved of

those on this side of the sarcophagus, and it isalso one of the most distinctive in Classical art

(fig. 10). The pupil of his eye has been painted

black, and he has a rather bulbous nose, thick lips,

a short unpainted goatee, and an incised line

crossing his forehead. Unlike the goatee, the

scalp hair is painted red and delineated by a series

of vertical incisions, and it is cropped at the nape

of the neck. The facial features are highly individ-

ualized, more so than any of the other preserved

heads on the sarcophagus, and it looks as if the

sculptor intended to represent a specific person;

in other words, to produce a portrait'The early development of portraiture has con-

sistently been associated with western Asia Minorduring the late Classical period,a6 when this sar-

cophagus was carved, primarily because this was

the time when local mints began to produce coins

with individualized portraits linked to the names

of dynasts and satraps.aT The die-cutters used a

variety of techniques to add greater specificity to

these images, including aquiline noses, thick lips,

pointed beards, forehead creases, and receding

hairlines; the rider on our sarcophagus appears to

be another example of this trend toward greater

individualization. That such a trend developed in

western Asia Minor is not surprising' There was

a strong biographical tradition here in the late

Archaic and Classical periods that is especially

apparent in the monuments of the Lycian dynasts.

The development of portraiture, along with the

inclusion of the dynasts' names on coinage, ts alogical by-product of this tradition, and it served

as another manifestation of the power of the

dynast.a8

There was a second equestrian figure behind

this one although it has been cut away from the

relief surface, and all that remains is a point-

chiseled shadow of the original image (fig. 9).

Nevertheless, the outline of the figure is still dis-

cernible, and the composition appears to have

been the same as the figure just described: the

rider held a spear in front of him and his cloak

billowed out behind him. The back legs of the

horse were pressed against the ground line and its

tail was tied with red ribbons, like the other

horses on this side. It is not difficult to understand

the presence of a second rider here, since twostags are in the process of being hunted, but there

is no easy explanation as to why he was removed.

The only part of the figure that was not chiseled

away is the beribboned tail, and red paint is stillpreserved on the ribbons. This means that the

figure was carved, finished, and painted before itwas removed. If there had been a structural flawin the marble, or if the sculptor had made an elrorduring the carving, then work on the figure wouldsurely have been halted prior to painting. By the

same token, if the sculptor regarded the rider as an

unsatisfactory element in the composition, it is

likely that he would have realized this prior to com-

pletion. In fact, the removal of the rider unbalanced

the composition, in that the two stags were in-

tended to complement the two equestrian figures.ae

It is conceivable that the figure was removed as

an act of damnatio, which would have involvedthe following scenario: the erased rider was in-

tended to represent a specific person, an associate

of the deceased, whose identity was signaled by aportrait type as individualized as that of the firstrider. After he had been included in the decoration

of his patron's sarcophagus, which would have

been completed prior to the dynast's death, the

associate committed some egregious offense that

prompted the erasure of his image. The sculptor

could have made it appear as if no figure had been

here by using the flat chisel to bring the surface

even with the background, and this he did not do'

The removal of the figure would have been appar-

ent to anyone who viewed the sarcophagus.

This solution is not without its problems, sincedamnatio memoriae was not a common practiceprior to the Roman period. Damnationes occurredvery rarely in Greece; the only certain examplestook place in 480 B.C. (Hipparchus, son of Char-mos) and 200 B.C. (Philip V of Macedon and hisfamily). There is, however, evidence for deface-ment in Pharaonic Egypt as well as the Near East

- in Assyria in the seventh century and in Persiain the fourth.s0 The influence of Persia is apparentin virtually every component of the iconographicprogram of the sarcophagus, and the iconoclasmin the stag hunt may furnish yet another exampleof that influence. In any event, it seems likely thathere the defacement is related to and a by-productof the development of portraiture.

The tree that divides the two hunts is leafless,which was the favored scheme in figural arts ofthe frfth and fourth centuries B.C. (figs. 4,5,6).51The base of the tree is formed by one straight andone oblique line, and there are two branches oneither side, with the lower right branch subdividedinto several smaller ones.5z The two branches atthe left are more or less parallel to the two spearsin the stag hunt scene, while the lower one echoesthe arched front leg of the right stag. The smallcurvilinear branch at the far right also picks upthe form of the dog's tail and the boar's foreskin.Thus it seems that the artist designed the branchesto complement other forms on this side of the sar-cophagus, and the tree was accordingly linked insubtle fashion to both hunting scenes.s3

The Battle Scene

As one turns to the short side of the sarcophagus,the iconography shifts from hunting to war. Thisside features a battle scene with three characters,all of whom move against a painted blue back-ground: the central figure is on horseback andspears a fallen opponent at the right, while therider's henchman stands by at the left (figs. 11,

12, 15,16;.54 The rider's eye has been outlined inred, with alarge red circle marking the pupil, andthe nose is straight and slightly indented at the tip(frg. I2). His garb is unprecedented in monumen-tal art. A long-sleeved pink tunic is worn under a

395

red cuirass with large shoulder pieces that extendas far as the elbow, and a vertical projectionappears at the back of the head. It was probablymade of leather, and the vertical proiection be-hind the head may have had a frame of wicker-work to keep it in place, as in Persian shielddesign.5s The red helmet, also probably leather,has a flat top and completely covers the top, back,and sides of his head. An unpainted akinakes hasbeen hung from the white belt of his cuirass,which has two rows of pteryges, and he wearsgreaves and white shoes.56 The upper row ofpteryges has been painted white, and the lowerrow has alternating red and white tabs.

This type of armor was featured on none of theLycian tombs nor on any other reliefs from AsiaMinor, although it does appear in battle scenes oncontemporary Graeco-Persian gems which dateto approximately the same time as the Qan sar-cophagus (fig. 13).57 It may have been used for avery brief period in this part of Asia Minor,although the design appears to have been partlyinfluenced by Persian models. A cylinder sealfrom the Treasury at Persepolis, dated 4701469,features a warrior whose cuirass contains thesame vertical projection behind the head, althoughwithout the shoulder pieces, and he lifts his spearin the same way as the Qan rider (frg. 14).58

Another unusual feature is that he wears theakinakes attached to his belt (fig. 10). This iscommon for men marching in processions, butnot for those riding horses. The sword is usuallyattached to a strap and worn across the chest, as isdone by the other two men in this scene. Attach-ing the akinakes to one's belt while riding seemsto have been regarded as a risky undertaking,since it could become dislodged more easily, andthe Qan sarcophagus features the only equestrianwith belt-tied akinakes that we have been able tofind.5e Because of the risk, the akinakes has beendoubly secured to the cuirass, with red straps con-nected to both the lateral projection of the scab-bard and the handle of the sword. The straps musthave continued up to the belt, although they arepreserved only as far as the upper row of pteryges.

The rider grasps the reins in his left hand,while the right holds aloft a long spear whichoverlaps the upper border and runs into the fallenopponent's eye.60 The manner in which he holds

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM QAN

396NURTEN SEVINE, REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

Fig. I I The battle scene on the short side.

the spear deviates from the norm of such battlescenes, in that usually the raised arm is positionedbehind the head rather than in front of it. Thechange in pose may have been mandated by theconstraints of this admittedly cumbersome armor,which surely would have restricted movement tosome extent, and the arm is held in the same wayin the other battle scenes in which this armorappears.6l

Most of the horse is painted pink, although theinner rear leg is ochre, and the mane, tail, andpenis are ochre as well (figs. 11, 16).62 Red has

been added to the tongue and the tip of the penis,and there appears to be a decorated topknot on thehead. The horse is shown in the same basic pose

as those in the hunting scenes- rearing up on itshind legs and pushing with its front hooves thefallen opponent at the right. The mane has beencut short and straight, while the tail has beentwisted, tied into a knot at the end, and decoratedwith a red ribbon. The horse's frontlet (nqope-ton[6lov), represented as a single piece tied tothe bridle, is larger than other known frontlets inthat it encircles the eyes as well as covering bothFig. 12 The rider in the battle scene.

\

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM EAN 397

Fig. 13 Graeco-Persian gem with battlescene. Source: Furtwiingler 1900, pl. IX, 9.

nose and forehead.63 The ochre saddle blanket has

a border of stepped half merlons at the left sideand a straight edge at the bottom and at right.An ovolo border has been rendered in relief alongthe bottom edge of the saddle, with incised paren-

thetical lines flanking raised circles.6a

Beyond the right edge of the saddle, along the

upper part of the horse's chest, a section has beenpainted white and may have had some type ofdecoration, although it can no longer be discerned(figs. 11,12). There is no firm line at top and bot-tom to indicate that it is a distinct piece of fabric,but the painter seems to have been attempting toindicate a cover of some kind connected to the

saddle.65 In describing the Persian cavalry, Xeno-phon refers to breastpieces (ngootegvl6r,c) forhorses, and it is conceivable that the sculptor in-tended to convey the presence of such an objecthere.66 But whatever it was, it must have been

held in place by the saddle.The right half of the scene is occupied by a

very pictorial landscape (figs. 11, 15). A rockyoutcropping painted ochre features a series ofcurving lines that echo the form of the shields on

this side, and at the right edge the rocks rise close

to the top of the panel. Growing on them at vari-ous heights are three trees with long curvilinearbranches but no leaves;67 they have been painted amixture of red and ochre, and the highestbranches extend beyond the main panel as faras the top and right edges of the sarcophagus.

Perched on the branches of the trees, and carved

almost totally on the upper border, is a falcon thatwatches the battle. The falcon has an ochre body

Fig. 14 Seal from Persepolis with battle scene. Source: Winter1957, pL.9, Seal no. 30 (PT4 655).

with traces of red visible on the neck, and redmay have been the original color of the head.

Beneath the left tree the opponent liessprawled on the rocks, with his left knee bent andhis right leg stretched out. He wears a long-sleeved white tunic but no greaves or shoes, andwith his right hand he attempts to pull his swordfrom the scabbard at his side. He grasps the cen-

Fig. 15 The fallen Greek in the battle scene.

398

tral handles of a rather small circular shield that

he seems to be using to steady himself. Blooddrips from his left knee and right foot as a resultof the horse having pushed him onto the rocks.68

NURTEN SEVINQ, REYHAN KORPE. MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN. HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

:t?j-i1'inrt:i Fig. 16 The rider's hench-

man in the battle scene.

.a+;

The scabbard is attached to a chest strap, the leftside of which has been rendered in red. Thesculptor may have intended to represent a strap

with two separate cords, like that of the standing

soldier at the left, and used paint rather than inci-sion to indicate it.6e

The opponent's head is in three-quarter viewand turned toward the rider, and the spear pointseems to graze his right eye. His wavy hair, mous-

tache, and bushy beard are all painted reddish-brown, and a white fillet is tied around the top ofhis forehead. The fillet would have marked the

opponent as a Greek, and the dramatic contrast incostume and pose between rider and opponentseems to have been intended to emphasize theirdifferent ethnicities.To

The standing soldier at the left is partly con-

cealed by the rider's horse, but his position,stance, and costume show him to be the rider'shenchman (figs. 11, 16). He wears a long-sleeved

white tunic, red pants, and white shoes, and his

curly hair, moustache, and full beard are paintedred. The same color has been used to outline the

eye and to indicate the pupils. In his raised lefthand he holds two spears and a small round ochre

Fig. 17 Stele with boar hunt and symposium from

Qavugkciy. Source: Akurgal 1961, 172 fig. 119.

[. ,i

r']d,

ffi:j

shield with central handles. The handles have

been painted reddish purple, and a red line along

the inner rim indicates additional handgrips at the

sides. The henchman holds his spears at the same

angle as that of the rider, which effectively creates

a frame around the rider's head and torso. Withhis right hand he grasps a sword, the end of whichdisappears behind the horse. The upper part of the

blade has a concave edge, thereby marking it as a

nnchaira, a type of sword often associated withThrace and in use by both Greeks and Persians.Tr

The scabbard is hidden behind the horse but itrvas supported by two straps, one red and one

ochre, that were worn across the chest. The

henchman's legs seem much too small for his

head and torso, primarily because the sculptorplaced the henchman's head at the same level as

that of the fallen Greek, leaving a very limitedamount of space available for the legs. His entireright foot was carved outside the relief panel

although the remainder is within the frame.

The iconography of this man is unusual inseveral respects. Both he and the fallen Greek are

presented in three-quarter view, and they have

similar hair and beards painted the same color.

They also wear the same type of scabbard strap

and carry identical shields.T2 The long pants

clearly indicate that the standing soldier fights on

the Anatolian side, as does his display of replace-

ment spears for the rider, and yet the artist has

gone out of his way to show that the soldier carries

a sword different from the rider's akinakes.Thisfigure may therefore have been intended to repre-

sent a Greek mercenary in the pay of the rider,

who was undoubtedly the local dynast who com-

missioned the sarcophagus.T3 Such mercenaries

were, of course, commonplace at this time, and his

inclusion here would have served as an additional

manifestation of the dynast's wealth and power.Ta

There are several unusual elements here whichindicate that the design was influenced by hunt-

ing iconography. Greek and Anatolian battle

scenes always featured the hoplite shield, inwhich the arm passed through a porpax orstrap in the center and grasped handles along

the inner rim.75 The small round shields withcentral handles used at Qan are rarely found inArchaic and Classical art, and when they do

occur, it is in hunting scenes.76

399

The pose and attributes of the henchman also

derive from the hunt, and here we can turn toXenophon for assistance. In describing the young

men who accompany the Persian king on huntingexpeditions, he says "they carry a light shield(y6ggov) and two spears, one to throw, the otherto use in case of necessity in a hand-to-handencounter."77 This description conforms closelyto the iconography of the Qan soldier, and a simi-lar figure appears in a boar hunt on the grave stele

from Qavuqkoy, near Daskyleion, which was prob-

ably made about the same time as the Qan sar-

cophagus (frg. 17).78 Such spear-bearing attend-

ants do not appear in the surviving battle scenes

from this period, and it looks as if the artist has

simply modified a hunting figure for the battle.The final link to the hunt is the manner in whichthe fallen Greek is being speared. In Classical and

Hellenistic battle scenes, opponents were speared

in a variety of places, but never in the eye or fore-head, whereas in boar hunts it was relatively com-mon, both on Graeco-Persian gems and on thissarcophagus.Te The artist's double use of the

"speared-eye" motif effectively connects the hunt

and battle scenes and establishes a link between

the two foes, human and animal.80 The bird is nota common element in either type of scene,

although it appears occasionally in hunts near the

speared animal.8r

Style and Significance

Since there were no finds remaining in or around

the sarcophagus, one has to rely on style and

historical context for dating. The presentation offaces in three-quarter view appears in vase paint-

ing in the early fifth century, and begins tooccur in relief and coinage during the followingdecades,82 but there are no surviving examples ofthe three-quarter face in the reliefs of AsiaMinor or the adjoining islands prior to the earlyfourth century, when it appears in Lycian funerary

monuments.83 The style of the portrait of the

second rider in the stag hunt could be dated to

either the late fifth or early fourth century on the

basis of Lycian coinage; but the foreshortenedbody of the fallen Greek in the battle scene makes

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM QAN

400NURTEN SEVINQ, REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE'

DONNA STRAHAN, I{ENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

the latter date more likely' This figure appears

to have been influenced by the format of such

monuments as the Dexileos stele of 394, as is the

case with the Yalmzdam stele in Lycia, and this

suggests a date in the first quarter of the lourth

"eniury.t* A date later than ca. 375 seems unlikely

considering the limited variation in composition

and the awkward torsion of some of the figures'

in particular the dog above the boar or the hench-

man in the battle scene. There are unfortunately

no contemporary monuments of similar quality

from northwestern Turkey that can be used for

comparison, and a date in the early fourth century

is probably the best we can propose considering

the available evidence.

This date also fits well with the pattern of artis-

tic production in western Asia Minor during the

Classical period. No monuments in this area can

be firmly dated to the second half of the fifth

century;8s even in Lycia, which has yielded so

many pre-Hellenistic monuments, tombs, and sar-

"opttugl, there are no surviving works from this

hJf century although there are plenty of exam-

ples before and after.86 The gap has usually been

attributed to rivalries among Athens, Sparta, and

Persia for control of the area, and a number of

economic and political factors have been pro-

posed to explain it. But whatever the causes,

this period of inactivity seems to have stretched

throughout Ionia and the Troad, and artistic pro-

duction does not resume in force until after the

Peloponnesian War. On historical and stylistic

grounds, then, it seems likely that the Qan sar-

cophagus was made during the first quarter of the

fourth century.

The iconographic details of the Qan sarcopha-

gus are comparable to those on other Graeco-Per-

sian monuments of the early fourth century, espe-

cially in subject (hunt and battle), dress (anax-

yridls, kandys, greaves' and tiara), weapons (aki-

nakes andspear), and horse presentation (closely-

cropped mane, decorated tail, bridles, and saddle

with stepped half-merlons;.87 The type of gallop

represented, with rear legs pressed together along

a diagonal line, is also typical of western Asia

Minoi art of the Classical period'88 Only the

cuirass and helmet on the rider in the battle scene

strike one as unique, but their appearance on a

number of Graeco-Persian gems and, in modified

form, at Persepolis, indicates that this style ofafinor was more common than one might have

assumed.

The long-sleeved tunic was worn by all of the

men on the Qan sarcophagus, whether Anatolian

or Greek, which seems somewhat surprising:

although long sleeves were worn in mainland

Greece during the fifth and fourth centuries B'C',

they were much more popular in the Near East'8e

Since this type of garment was common in west-

ern Turkey when the sarcophagus was made, the

designer may simply have assigned to everyone

the dress with which he was most familiar, but

he clearly paid close attention to iconographic

details in these reliefs, and these long-sleeved

tunics may actually have been worn by both sides

during the battle.e0 The treatment of the drapery is

on the whole rather restrained by comparison

with contemporary monuments in Lycia' The

fabric appears to be fairly heavy and it was not

used to model underlying anatomical forms, nor

have tubular or z\gzag folds been exploited as a

means of conveYing movement.

The treatment of the landscape has both tradi-

tional and innovative features. Trees on paintings

and reliefs of the Classical and early Hellenistic

period were usually shown without leaves, as they

are here,nt but the rocky landscape filled with

trees is difficult to parallel in the art of this

period.e2 Abbreviated versions of rocky terrain do

upp"* in Greek reliefs of the fifth and fourth

centuries B.C., but the landscape on the Qan sar-

cophagus is more reminiscent of early Hellenistic

Macedonian painting' and the Qan sculptors were

probably influenced by pictorial models'e3

It is difficult to compare the use of color on the

Qan sarcophagus with other contemporary tombs

since the paint has survived in so few cases,

although there are good comparanda from earlier

and later periods, especially the Kizilbel (ca' 530

B.C.) and Karaburun (ca. 480 B'C') tombs in

Lycia, and the early Hellenistic Macedonian and

TLacian tombs at Lefkadia, Vergina, and Svesh-

ari.e4 All of the sarcophagi from the Sidonian

necropolis originally had blue backgrounds, as

did coffers and pediments, but most of the color

has now disappeared.es Horses were colored pink

at Halicarnassus, Karaburun, and Kizilbel, and in

the latter tomb some of the figures also had red

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM qAN

hair and beards.e6 On the Qan sarcophagus the branches and bird, the rider's spear, and the right

eyes of many of the figures were outlined in red, foot of the attendant all extend beyond the border

and the same technique is visible in the third cen- (fig. 11). The battle and hunt compositions are ac-

tury tomb at Sveshtari in northeastern Bulgaria.eT tually the same height (.57 m.), but the base line

Both the Alexander mosaic and the Lefkadia of the battle relief has been set at a higher level

frieze featured members of the Persian army with (figs. 3, 4); rather than abbreviating the design,

red pants and white shoes, like the standing the sculptors treated the upper border as part ofsoldiir at Qan,e8 and the purple cloak or tunic the relief surface.lOr

401

worn as a sign of status was probably fairlyubiquitous in Graeco-Persian art.ee

What is truly remarkable is the use of shading,

which appea$ on the trees, on the body of the

boar, and on the boar hunter's cloak, and one is

again reminded of the reliefs' dependence on

pictorial sources. The systematic development ofshading is typically assigned to the late fifth cen-

rury, and it was used in vase painting at that time,

but there is no evidence for its appearance inlarge-scale sculpture or painting prior to the

second half of the fourth century.rm The Qan sar-

cophagus demonstrates what has commonly been

assumed, namely that shadow contouring was

already being used in monumental sculpture inthe years around 400 B.C.

A number of sculptors must have worked on

the sarcophagus, and in general the quality ofcarving on the front is better than that on the side:

the figures are more carefully finished with the

t-lat chisel and the edges are much crisper. This

can be seen in particular when comparing details

on the two sides, such as the tails of the horses

r figs. 6, 16), the branches of the trees (figs. 6, 1 1),

and the modeling of the animals' bodies. Never-

theless, three-quarter views and anatomical fore-

shortening have been used only in the battle, and

the highly pictorial landscape also appears there.

The alternation of background color (blue/

green/blue) adds variety to the action, but the

designers have attempted to maintain a similarrhlthm in all three scenes: the horses and riders

are posed in identical fashion, and the oblique

angles of the spears in the hunt are picked up

again by the spears in the battle. The attitude

tow'ard the border, however, is inconsistent. All oftre figures in the boar hunt are set within the bor-

der. but its integrity has not been respected in the

stag hunt or battle. In the former, one of the stags

has been carved below the frame and one of the

spears above it (fig. 5); and in the latter, the tree

The Qan sarcophagus can be assigned to a cor-pus of monuments that showed scenes from the

life of a ruler and glorified his achievements. These

monuments were created primarily in western

Asia Minor from the late Archaic through the

early Hellenistic period, although the majority ofthose that survive have been found in Lycia and

date to the first half of the fourth century B.C.All of them are tombs, prepared while the dynast

was still living, and the iconography ultimatelyderives from a long tradition ofroyal iconographyin the Near East.102 These tombs functioned as

biographical narratives that celebrated the valorof the dynast in various contexts, especially hunt

and battle,l03 and the same two themes were high-lighted in funerary inscriptions as well.l0a Onmost of these monuments the facial features ofthe dynast are not individualized, but the artists

used specific hairstyles, dress, and attributes to

indicate that the man who emerges victorious inbattle is the same one who exhibits bravery in the

hunt.105

It therefore seems likely that the dynast who

commissioned the Qan sarcophagus was shown inboth hunt and battle scenes, and the cuirassed

rider and boar hunter probably represent the same

man (figs. 7,l2).It is difficult to compare the twoheads, since the upper section ofthe boar hunter's

face was broken off during the robbery, and much

of the warrior's face is covered by his armor. Butthe noses survive largely intact in both examples,

and they appear to be identical. The use of the

speared-eye motif in the two scenes also succeeds

in linking them.If we combine the iconographic analysis with

the proposed date of the sarcophagus, then we

have evidence for an Anatolian dynast from the

western part of Hellespontine Phrygia fighting a

Greek in or around the first quarter of the fourthcentury B.C.106 The tree-laden rocky landscape

is unusual, and it may have been intended to

402NURTEN SEVINQ, REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

localize the scene of the battle. The relief land-

scape is in fact reminiscent of the area around

Qan, which is both wooded and mountainous,

and the battle may have taken place somewhere in

the vicinity.r0T During this period there were con-

tinual battles between Greek cities and Persian

satraps, but the most devastating one in this area

occurred in 395, when the Spartan commander

Agesilaos ravaged the region around the satrapal

capital of Daskyleion and destroyed both villages

and paradeisoi.lo8 It is conceivable that the sar-

cophagus scene refers to that time, although

Pharnabazos, the satrap of Daskyleion, also

fought with his army in other areas of western

Asia Minor, and the Qan dynast probably fought

along with him.loe

This leads us to the question of the settlement

with which the Qan dynast was associated, and

there is no clear answer. Small finds and pottery

of the Hellenistic and Roman periods have been

discovered in the vicinity of Qan' but no remains

of a town have so far been located, nor is there

any clue in the literary sources that describe this

area. The same problem arose in dealing with the

finds from the region around Biga, and only a

large-scale survey will clarify the situation.rlo

The drafted margin masoffy on the interior ofthe Qan tomb requires an additional comment,

since there are few surviving examples of this

technique in northwestern Turkey prior to the

Hellenistic period. Drafted margins had appeared

in Lydia by the early sixth century and spread to

other parts of Asia Minor and Persia by the end ofthat century.lll The technique had been used in a

limited way on the early Classical child's sar-

cophagus from Giimiiggay, and the satrapal palace

at Daskyleion seems to have contained wall

blocks with the same type of finish.1l2 Drafted

margins had first been developed to facilitate the

joining of blocks, but in time they became a

popular form of architectural decoration; by the

Classical period this technique seems to have de-

veloped into one of the signifiers of elite status,

so its use for the tomb of a nobleman attached to

the satrapal court is understandable.

The discovery at Qan also sheds new light on

the Polyxena sarcophagus. Artists working in the

Daskyleion area certainly had experience in

painting on marble by the early fifth century, as

demonstrated by the Dedetepe tomb, and the Qansarcophagus indicates how elaborately painted

the tombs from this area could be.113 It is there-

fore odd that the reliefs of the Polyxena sarcopha-

gus were left unpainted.lla That tomb was, ofcourse, robbed in antiquity, but the reliefs were

covered by terracotta tiles at the time of burial

and uncovered only during the excavation in1994. If the reliefs had been painted, the pigments

should have survived. Some of the carving was

still unfinished when it was placed within the

tumulus, however, which suggests that it had to

be used earlier than anticipated, and there may

have been insufficient time to paint it.rlsThe unfinished state of the Polyxena sarcopha-

gus is also probably relevant to the gender of the

deceased. As noted in the preliminary publication

of the sarcophagus, the most striking feature ofthe iconography is its extensive focus on women,

who represent more than three-quarters of the

total number of figures.116 4n enthroned woman

receives gifts in the long symposium scene, and

only women participate in the symposium on the

short side. It certainly looks as if the sarcophagus

was intended for a woman, but the bones inside

belong to a 40 year old man, as Prof. Berna

Alpagut of Ankara University has determined.llT

One possible explanation is that a man in the

family died suddenly and the sarcophagus had to

be used for him instead of the person for whom ithad been intended. Such a rushed burial would

also explain the unfinished state of the carving,

the lack of painting, and the fact that no chamber

had been built for the sarcophagus within the

tumulus.Because of the finds at Qan and Biga we are in

a much better position to understand the pattern

of sarcophagus production in the eastern Medi-

terranean during the late Archaic and Classical

periods. In the past, scholarship regarding funer-

ary customs, dynastic commemoration, and artis-

tic production in western Asia Minor has typi-cally focused on Lycia, where the greatest

number and best-preserved of the monuments are

located. Much less attention has been paid to the

area around Daskyleion, since only a few reliefs

of average quality have been discovered there.

These new discoveries demonstrate that the

western part of the satrapy of Hellespontine

j

=

=

=::

=

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM QAN 403

Phrygia was an area of extraordinary importanceduring the late Archaic and Classical periods, andan area of extraordinary potential for future re-search. Accelerated efforts to investigate and pro-tect these tumuli need to be undertaken beforeany more of the region's history is destroyed byplunderers.

Appexux l:CoNsrnvarroN AND PrcunNr ANlrysrsoF THE QIN SIncOPHAGUS

Donna Strahan

Introduction

Soon after its discovery the sarcophagus wasbrought to the Qanakkle Museum for protectionand conservation. This immediate transfer to aprotected environment helped preserve the re-mains of the remarkable painted surface. Althoughthe sarcophagus had suffered horrendous damageduring the most recent looting of the tomb,approximately two-thirds of the painted carvingremained intact.

The body and the lid of the sarcophagus wereeach carved from a single block of marble. Thewhite stone is large grained with gray and redreins similar to Marmara (Proconnesus) marble,but no stone analysis has yet been done. The leftside and roof of the sarcophagus were broken intoabout twenty large pieces along with hundreds ofsmall fragments. Most of the stag hunting scenes'as broken apart and deep gouges caused by thebulldozer run diagonally across the surface onboth front and side.

I was fortunate in having had the opportunityto work on this project with a talented group ofconservators. The painstaking cleaning, paintconsolidation, and marble joining were accom-plished with the help of Giirkan Qafan, GritFriedman, Stephanie Gasteiger, and SimoneKorolnik.l18 Future work will involve reconstruct-ing the back and roof of the sarcophagus.

Conservation treatment

Apparently the sarcophagus was not in directcontact with soil during its burial but rather in astone tomb chamber that helped preserve thepainted surface. Only the stag hunt rider (fig. l0)became dirt encrusted after being knocked off bythe backhoe during the tomb robbery. The alka-line nature of the tomb chamber and the highmoisture content of the surrounding soil resultedin an ideal climate for the development of incrus-tation over material within the tomb. A fine layerof tan-colored incrustation covered the surface ofthe sarcophagus and endowed the painted sur-faces with a dull, light appearance.

The major conservation problem, aside fromthe damaged marble, was the lack of adhesion ofthe pigment. This was due primarily to the differ-ence in the coeffrcients of expansion of the paint,stone, and mud, and the loss of the binder overtime. It is not uncommon for pigments to adheremore closely to the incrustation or soil rather thanto the object, since mud has a tendency to shrinkwhen drying, thereby pulling the paint with it. Sincethe sarcophagus was moved to the center of themuseum, it seemed possible that the surface wouldbe touched by visitors. Therefore, the first conser-vation steps taken were the removal of the incrus-tation and the consolidation of the painted surface.

The incrustation on the surface obscured thepainted details and dulled the colors. It was notpossible to clean the surface with solvents sincethese would affect the paint. The incrustation wastherefore removed mechanically with scalpelsand wooden sticks with the aid of blower bulbs.Once the majority of incrustation was removed,the pigment was consolidated with an acrylicresin.lle The dilute resin both consolidated thepigment and saturated the color. No inpaintingwas carried out; all of the paint now present onthe sarcophagus is original.

The large marble fragment from the stag hunt(figs. 9, 10) was much more difficult to conservebecause of the thick layer of dirt on the surface.The dirt was softened with drops of ethanol untilthe pigment began to be exposed. At this pointconsolidant was applied with a small brush.Wooden sticks were then needed to remove thedirt before the consolidant dried.

404NURTEN SEVINQ, REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

FkFhrt-&E

Fm

ruFnH

Once the pigment was stabilized, the marblecould be reconstructed without fear of damagingthe painted surface. The joins were fixed in place

with an acrylic resin that would provide strength,

withstand the high summer temperatures, and be

reversible in the future ifnecessary (407oParaloid

B-48 [a methyl methacrylate copolymer] in ace-

tone).The condition of the sarcophagus was examined

one year later and the colorants appeff unchanged.

It is now protected from direct sunlight and no

direct spotlights are present to cause fading of the

pigments.

Preparation of surface and painting method

The design and style of the paintings on the Qansarcophagus are quite different from those used inthe early Classical tomb at Detetepe; but the pig-ments, thickness, and method of application ofthe paint are similar. In general, the surfaces ofthe relief carvings are smooth while the back-ground is rough. All of the reliefs were originallypainted, including the background and the carvingthat overlaps the border. The paint was applieddirectly to the marble without a ground layer.

There is no evidence of underdrawing, but exami-nation with infrared light may reveal informationthat is not otherwise obvious. There is no evi-dence of metal attachments, gilding, or othermetal leaf. All other areas, including the flat bor-der around the two panels, the uncarved back and

side, the interior, and the roof, were unpainted.A .02 m. marble flaw in the boar's hind leg was

filled with an unknown material before it was

painted.

The artist adopted a very painterly method inwhich shading played a prominent role, as one

can see, in particular, on the trees and boar. Manydetails were painted on uncarved areas and wouldhave disappeared had the paint not remained;these include patterns on the saddle blanket (figs.

6, 11), a string tying the tip of the dagger to the

leg of the rider (fig. 11), and blood flowing fromthe fallen Greek (fig. 15). Painted tree branches

extend beyond the carving and into the unpaintedborder (fig. 11).

All of the reliefs must originally have been

covered by a thick painted layer, whereas now the

thickest color is concentrated in the deep recesses

and roughest surfaces of the carving. Aside fromthe recesses, most of the thick paint has fallen off,leaving pale colors on the stone surface. The redpigment has a tendency to stain the marble sub-

strate and remains more vivid than the othercolors. Thick deposits of blue and green pigmentgive an indication of how the entire sarcophagus

must have appeared when first painted. Both the

loss of binder and the large particle size of the

blue and green pigments made it easy for the

colorant to flake off over time. The organic binderused to hold the ground mineral pigments tothe marble deteriorated long ago and has nearlydisappeared; only the powdered pigments re-mained with nothing to hold them together, and

they can be dislodged with the slightest touch.

Analysis

The colors on the Qan sarcophagus are typical ofthose used in Asia Minor during the Archaic and

Classical periods.120 These are often noted inreports, but rarely are the actual pigments and

binding media identified by scientific analysis.

The condition of this sarcophagus provided an

unusual opportunity to study the paints applied tothe surface. In order to identify the pigments and

binding media, microscopic paint samples werecollected for analyses. Richard Newman, Head ofScientific Research, and Michele Derrick, Con-tract Conservation Scientist, Museum of FineArts, Boston, analyzed the pigments by Fouriertransform infrared (FIIR) microspectrometry and

qualitative energy-dispersive X-ray fluorescencein an electron beam microprobe (EPMA). Thesamples pressed for FTIR analysis were also ex-

amined by polarizing light microscopy.l2lThe yellow paint taken from between the dog's

toes on the left rear foot (figs. 6, 8) was identifiedas ochre (FerOr). The red from inside the horse'smouth (fig. 7) was identified as vermilion (HgS)probably mixed with some red ochre. The purplefrom under the boar's left front leg was red ochre

or earth color. The black from the boar's rump

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM qAN 405

hair was identified as a brown earth or umber that

contains substantial amounts of mica (musco-

vite). The green background surrounding the boar

was identified as malachite (CuCOr'Cu(OH)t).The green color taken from near the horse's

mouth was identified as malachite with lead white(cerussite, PbCO3) and some ochre or earth coloralso present. The blue sky on the battle panel is

Egyptian blue (CaCuSioOro) with some ochre also

present.

Organic binders are used by artists to turn drypowdered pigments into paint that will adhere to a

three-dimensional marble surface. Binders can be

made of a wide range of materials, such as honey,

plant gums, oils, fats, natural resins, waxes, egg,

casein, and animal hide glues. Unfortunately,many plants and animal glues used for their resins

2400 years ago no longer exist and cannot be

used for comparison; those that still exist may

have been altered by time and burial. Unlike in-organic mineral pigments, organic binders are

easily oxidized, eaten by bacteria, or destroyed

with time. The study of ancient binders is rela-

tively recent and new techniques are rapidly being

developed, but it is still a difficult procedure.

Extreme caution must be used when sampling

materials for organic analysis, since contaminants

are often present from burial, and they can be

easily introduced by handling during sampling orpreparation.

Newman screened the samples for organic

binders utilizing gas chromatography/mass spec-

trometry (GC/MS) and high performance liquidchromatography (HPLC). The GC/IMS analyzes

various natural binders such as plant gums, oils,

fats, natural resins, waxes, and bitumen. The

HPLC analyzes protein-containing binders such

as animal glue, egg, and casein. The followingmaterials have so far been identified. The green

background paint from the hunt scene had a

carbohydrate binder. The major monsaccharides

found were mannose, galactose, and glucose. Ahydrocarbon wax was also detected. The blue

background paint from the battle scene also con-

tained carbohydrates. The major monosaccharide

found in this sample was mannose. There were

traces of hydrocarbons possibly deriving fromintentionally added wax, but plants can also

contain traces of hydrocarbon wax. The nature

of the binders in the paint samples is therefore

uncertain, but the analysis does supply a scientificbase to which future research will add more infor-mation.

Conclusion

The climate of a site can have a great effect on the

extent of paint preservation. Acids and alkalis

affect a buried object by dissolving and removingfrom marble material such as calcareous body

frller and carbonate-based pigments. Aqueous

acids or alkalis tend to deposit carbonaceous

incrustation on marbles. Sites with high levels ofsoil moisture and rainfall are more likely todevelop incrustations. Paint on carved marble isusually missing because of abrasion, loss ofbinder, the tendency of paint to adhere to soil,

and alkaline or acidic burial conditions. We were

fortunate in having been able to preserve an

unusual amount of pigment on the Qan sar-

cophagus, but the surface gouges and the

destroyed left side stand as a reminder of the

horrors of looting.

AppsNoIx 2:Reponr oN THE HunalN BoNns FRoM

THE QAN SlnCOpnncus

Henrike Kiesewetter

The human remains in the Qan sarcophagus were

severely damaged when the tomb was robbed inthe Roman period, and during the plundering in1998 some of the already shattered bones were

broken again, as indicated by light-colored edges

from fresh breaks. Nevertheless, the human re-

mains still provide some interesting insights intothe occupant of the tomb.

Skeletal Remains

The fragments derive from cranial, postcranial

and dental elements. The long bones are the best

406NURTEN SEVINQ, REYHAN TORPB, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

Fig. 18 Visual recording form of the skeleton.

preserved but none is complete. The skull isrepresented by a few fragments and five teeth. Interms of size, age, gender, and representation ofskeletal elements, virtually all of the bones appear

to belong to one individual. The only exception is

a second clavicle, which is smaller and moregracile, and is probably from an adult female(fig. 18). I propose that only one person, a male,

was buried in the sarcophagus, and that the

second (female) clavicle was mixed with the

other bones during the robberies.l22

The bones belong to a young adult male ofrobust build and considerable strength. The mor-phology of the hip shows typical male features,

and this is confirmed by the skull fragments.

Based on epiphyseal union status, the man died

between the ages of twenty-two and twenty-

eight.123 Only a few measurements could be

taken since the skeleton was so incomplete. Mydetermination of the man's height, which was

probably between 1.70 and 1.75 m., is based on

an estimated ulnar length.In general the bones have a tan color with some

black flecks, which suggest that the primarydecomposition had taken place in a shroud. Agreenish staining is visible on the lateral surfaces

of the right femur shaft down through the proxi-mal third of the tibia. This discoloration was

undoubtedly caused by a copper or bronze objectthat had been set against the right side. The objectmay have been a sword that was taken during the

first robbery.

Skeletal Pathology

Teeth: The teeth show no caries lesions.

Enamel hypoplasia on the first molar suggests a

short period of stress, caused either by malnutri-tion or infectious disease during early childhood.

Left upper arm: The proximal third of the lefthumerus shaft was broken. The bone at the frac-ture site has a fairly smooth, well-remodeledappearance (fig. 19), suggesting that the fractureoccurred long before death. The broken ends have

not united in perfect alignment, and there issome medial displacement of the proximal part.

The radiograph shows that it was a spiral fracture(fig. 20), which is generally caused by torsion.l2a

Left thigh: There is a shaft fracture of the leftfemur (fig. 19). After the bone was broken, the

ends became displaced through the force ofmuscle contraction, and the bone healed in a

misaligned position. There is bone hypertrophyand a slight angulation as a consequence of the

healed fracture. Arthritic changes of the femoralhead (fig. 19) developed later, as a chronic ex-

pression of the unusual stress caused by the dys-functional leg.

Spine: The second lumbar vertebra shows acompression fracture, in which the anterior por-

tion of the vertebral body was crushed (frg.2I).Compression fractures of the first or second lum-bar vertebra occur most commonly as a result ofa fall from a considerable height.

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM EAN 407

Fig. 19 Fractured left humerus

and left femur.

I I Radiography of compression fracture oflumbar vertebra'

Fig. 20 X-ray of the fractured

left humerus.

Thorax: A left rib fracture was found' Since

most of the ribs are absent, one can not exclude

serial fractures of the ribs.

Ri ght hip : Traumatic dislocation (subluxation)

of the right femoral head occurred. There is a

408NURTEN SEVINQ. REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN. HENRIKE KIESEWETTER. AND JOHN WALLRODT

shallow acetabulum (hg.22) with slight arthriticchanges on the margins of the joint. In addition, a

bone cyst had formed on the right iliac crest due

to a recent inflammation of the surrounding softtissue. This may have been due to an injury froma spear, but there is no sign that this infection was

related to the man's death.

Right shin: The medial surface of the proximalthird of the tibia shows signs of a slight inflam-mation of the bone surface (= periostitis).

Fig. 22 Right pelvis with deformation of the joint(1. sex determination: sciatic notch with masculine

morphology; 2. age determination: epiphyseal line stillvisible).

Conclusion

The sarcophagus belonged to a young adult male

who died in his twenties. Anthropological studies

of the bones reveal no signs of long-term malnu-trition or hard physical work. The multiple healed

fractures constitute the most significant feature ofthe skeleton. These include complete fractures of

the left humerus and the femur, a compressronfracture of a lumbar vertebra, rib fracture, and

traumatic dislocation of the right femoral head.

These injuries are the result of a sudden impactof great force and subsequent adjustments to the

trauma. The man must have fallen on his left side

from a considerable height. He probably fell fromhis horse, and the state of the left arm suggests

that this occurred during battle rather than hunt-ing. Although the left humerus was broken, the

left forearm shows no signs of injury, whichwould have been the case if a shield had been

attached to the arm. The fracture of the humerus

must have been caused by extreme torsion. Inother words, the lower part of the arm was fixedwhile the upper part rotated in the course of thefall, and the shield or hand may have gotten

caught in the reins.The young man survived the accident but he

was severely injured, and it would not have been

clear at that time whether he would recover. Hisblood vessels would have ruptured, and bloodentering the fracture regions would have formedhematomas. The amount of blood loss couldhave been substantial, and there would have been

a danger of potentially lethal complications.Healing of fractures in adults takes many weeks,

during which time the injured parts - in this case

the left arm and left leg - must remain stationary.

Considering how badly fractured the femur was,

the young man must have been immobile forabout three months. During that time he wouldhave been completely dependent upon others.

Although the broken bones were not reset inthe correct position, they all eventually healed and

there are no signs of an infection. Nevertheless,

the man was physically incapacitated for the rest

of his life. There was shortening of the left leg

and consequent limping. Arthritic changes of the

left femoral head and hypertrophy of the shaft

indicate chronic stress on the dysfunctional leg,

suggesting that the injured man remained active

and mobile for a considerable period of time inspite of the pain he would have suffered. It there-

fore seems likely that he continued to live forseveral years after the injury. The exact cause ofhis death remains unknown.

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM QAN 409

\orns

I We would like to thank Qanakkale Seramik forproviding a crane and a truck for the removal and

transportation of the sarcophagus. We are alsograteful to our colleagues at the Qanakkale Ar-chaeological Museum, and to the Muhtar of the

village of Altrkulag. Others who helped in the

preparation of this article include Prof. Dr.Machteld Mellink, Dr. Barbara Burrell, Prof. Dr.Margaret Cool Root, Prof. Dr. Crawford Green-ewalt, Prof. Dr. Stella Miller-Collett, Prof. Dr. Bru-nilde Ridgway, Prof. Dr. Michael Sage, RichardNewman, and Michele Derrick. For the graphicswe are grateful to Robert Hagerty and John Wall-rodt. The photographs are the work of Rick Bullardand Dr. Gebhard Bieg.

Seving 1996; Ozgen-Oztiirk 1996, 56, 57; Steuer-nagel 1998; Grirkay 1999,24.Seving e/ al 1999. Another early Classical sar-

cophagus of a child was excavated at Karaburun inLycia: Mellink 1971,250 (made of limestone).Seving e/ al 1998.For the musical instruments from the Dardanos

tomb near Ilion see Strauss 1994.

For discussions of Greek sarcophagi in general see

Boardman-Kurtz 1971, 267-272; Philipp 1981,153-155; Hitzl 1991, 28, 3'7. For the earliestLycian sarcophagi see Childs 1978, 10; Bruns-Ozgen 1987,33-34.

- For the trade in marble sarcophagi during thefourth century B.C. see Martelli 1975. There are

two early fifth century reliefs from Daskyleionwhich represent processions of male and femaleriders (Borchhardt 1968b, 199-201), and these

have been identified as pieces of a sarcophagus(Sekunda 1988, 189-190). Both Hitzl (1991, 40note 137) and Noll6 (1992, 32-34, l2l -122) haveargued against this identification, and they are

surely correct. All ofthe sarcophagi from this area

are monolithic, not carved in pieces and thenjoined.

i A Roman lamp was left by robbers inside the fifthcentury B.C. tomb at Karaburun in Lycia: Mellink1971, 251. The robbing of Archaic and Classicaltombs to feed the ancient Roman art market wasprobably just as common in antiquity as it is today.For an overview of the Roman art market see Pol-lin 1978, 16l-164.

e The bones beneath the stones also had a differentsurface color than those connected with the Byzan-tine burials.

0 The cause of the breakage was suggested by Prof.Hans-Peter Uerpmann. A full report on the bones

by Dr. Henrieke Kiesewetter is included here rnAppendix 2. Compare the injuries of the manburied in the Kizilbel tomb: Mellink 1998, 71.

11 For the Lion Tomb see Fedak 1990,76-78,314fig. 85. This was a common type of constructionfor tombs in Thrace during the fourth centuryB.C.: Archibald 1998, 282-291. The Dedetepetomb had a flat ceiling with no corbelling (Seving

et al 1998,306-308, frgs. 2-4); the roof of theDardanos tomb was formed by diagonally-slopingsmooth corbelling: Duyuran 1960, pl. IX.

12 The length of the preserved roof blocks rangesfrom .65 to .90 m., with a height of .20-.30 m. Asimilar juxtaposition of sandstone and andesite wasused in the late Archaic tomb at Ikiztepe in Lydia:Ozgen-Oztiirk 1996, 49. The reconstruction pro-posed here is based on the field drawings andmeasurements made by the excavation staff of theCanakkale Archaeological Museum.

13 For the Krannon tomb see Fedak 1990, 166,frg.239.ra Kitov 1997 ,36-43. Note that the tomb interior on

page 37 was printed upside-down.15 The measurements were taken at the base. The

height of the lid alone is .25 m. There is a similarratio of length to width on the Satrap's Sarcopha-gus from Sidon (ca. 420 B.C.) and on the child'ssarcophagus from Krzdldiin (ca. 450 B.C.). ThePolyxena sarcophagus (ca. 520-500 B.C.) and thefourth century Sidonian sarcophagi have a lengthto width ratio of approximately 2: 1. For the com-parative measurements see Kleeman 1958, 45;Sevinc 1996, 252; Seving et al 1999, 490; Hitzl1991, Beilage I-I[.

16 The bosses measure .16 m. in length, and .09 m. inheight. The lid boss projects .09 m., the chest boss,.04 m. The directions "left" and "right" reflect theviewpoint of a spectator facing the long relief onthe front of the sarcophagus.

17 There is nothing similar in Hitzl (1991) or Winter(1993). A similar roof design appea$ on a lateClassical marble sarcophagus from Lampsacus,now in the courtyard of the Qanakkale museum(Inv. no. 7497).

18 Seving 1996,255.re Hitzl 1991, figs.49,50 (Golgoi, Cyprus); Schmidt-

Dounas 1985, Tafel I (Lycian sarcophagus); Klee-man 1958, Tafel 2 (Satrap's sarcophagus).

20 Most of the reliefs found around Daskyleion werealso carved of marble: Noll6 1992, 1 1, S I ; 16, 52;19, 53; 24, 35; 25, 56, 21, Sl, 32-40, FI-FVI. Thesame situation did not prevail in Lycia. Whensculptural production began again in the late Clas-sical period, most of the monuments were carvedof limestone; only those from Xanthos were in

NURTEN SEVINE, REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT

t':t:isIt:.F

T

!it

J

ilTrLEri

t

4t0

marble: Demargne 1958, 61 n. 31, 86; Bruns-

6zgen 1987,34.2l For other examples in which boar and stag hunts

have been combined, see Demargne 1974, pl. 32

(Payava sarcophagus); Fleischer 1983, pls. 12, 13

(Mourning Women sarcophagus) ; Noll6 1992, pl. 9,

Cat. 51 (Qavusktiy stele); Tiverios 1991,272 frg. 4(relief lekythos from Kertch); Mellink 1998,

32-34,53 (Kizilbel). See also the comments ofMellink in Ozgiig 1971,92-93.

22 Xenophon, Hellenica 4.1.15, 33-36; Borchhardt

1968b, 166; Miller 1997, 124.23 On boar hunts in general see Kleeman 1958,

125-139; Hull 1964, 103-105. For other exam-ples on fourth century tombs see Demngne 1974,pls. 34.3, 56; Zahle 1919,328, no. 19; Fleischer

t983, pt. t2.2.2a Xenophon (On Hunting 10.16) advises spearing a

boar in the throat, but in the visual tradition they

were usually speared between the eyes or on the

forehead: Furtwiingler 1900, pl. X[2,3, XII, 10;

Zwierlein-Diehl 1969, pl. 41 no. 187; Boardman

1970, nos. 885, 905, 924-926;Anderson 1985, 28.2s Xenophon, On Hunting 10.6.26 For the fur-trimmed kandys see Pollux 7.58; Mel-

link 1973a, pl. 46.9.27 Red shoes also appear at Karaburun: Mellink 1972,

267, and on a painted amphora from Kiiltepe:Ozgnq t91 I, 30-31, 92-93.

28 Zahle 1982, pl. 16.5, 7, 8, 11.2e The same affangement appears in the Persepolis

reliefs: Schmidt 1953, pls. 37,65c,98, 100. See

infra, note 59, for the problems involved in wear-

ing an akinaftes in this way during an equestrian

event.30 For similar examples in which the arm throwing

the spear was held in front of the hunter, rather

than behind him, see Furtwringler 1900, IX. 2, 3;

Brandt 1968, pl. 30 no. 251; Zwierlein-Diehl 1969,

pl. 4l no. 187; Boardman 1970, nos. 843, 886,

905,925,975.31 The insertion of a separate metal spear would have

been the easiest solution to the problem, but metal

attachments were in general avoided in Graeco-

Persian and Lycian sculpture: Ridgway 1997, 88,

130; Ridgway 1990, 44-45.32 Compare the relief from Daskyleion with a proces-

sion of females, where all the horses are mares:

Borchhardt 1968b, 199-200; Noll6 1992, 32-34,Cat. FI. For the mixture of colors in horse paintingsee infra note 62.

33 For the topknot and tail decoration in Graeco-Per-

sian art see Schmidt 1953, pls. 37, 52; Metzger1963, pl.38.2; Borchhardt 1968b, 164-165 and

pl. 43; Mellink 1912, 267; von Graeve 1970,

pls. 31-33; Ituau91 1990,.302-303; Noll6 1992,

58 and pl. 13a; Ozgen-Oztiirk 1996, 69 no. 4:Cohen 1997, pl. IVb; Bittner 1985, 226-237;Pfrommer 1998, I 8 -93. Decorated tails frequentlyappear on Graeco-Persian gems: Furtwiingler1900, pl. XI2-3; Zwierlein-Diehl 1969, Pl. 41,

no. 187; Boardman 1970, nos. 831, 881,924,927.3a See, for example, Benndorf 1884, fig. 6 (Trysa);

Demargne 1974, pl. 32 (Payava sarcophagus);

Fleischer 1983, pl. 13.2 (Mourning Women sar-

cophagus); Noll6 1992, 55-57 (Daskyleion reliefs)'35 For saddle decoration see Bittner 1985,238-241:'

Knauer 1990, 282-283, 303-305; Noll6 1992,

59-60; Pfrommer 1998, 48-56.36 For the Laconian breed of dogs see Hull 1964,

3l-33. A similar boar/dog format occurs in the

painted frieze at Vergina (Andronicos 1984,

102-103), on the Mourning Women sarcophagus(Fleischer 1983, pl. 14.2), md on Graeco-Persian

gems (Boardman 1970, no. 897). See also the hunton the relief lekythos from Kertch: Tiverios 1997,

273 fig. 5.37 Compare the blood in the lion hunt at Kizilbel:

Mellink 1998,37.38 See Boardman 1970, 312. Boars in late Archaic

vase painting and gems could also be enormous:Schauenburg 1969, pls. 5,7-9; Boardman 1968,

152, pls. 36, 37. Compare the much smaller boaron the roughly contemporary Lycian sarcophagus

from Sidon: Schmidt-Dounas 1985, Tafel 11.1.3e Richter 1930, 23-25; Boardman 1968, 152.a0 Compare the long foreskin of the boar on the

Lycian sarcophagus from Sidon : Schmidt-Dounas1985, pl. 11.1.

ar This pose for the stag was a standard one in hunt-ing scenes, cf. Boardman 1970, nos.909,971,981.

a2 Both "gestreckte" and "versammelte" gallops

were occasionally represented on a single monu-

ment: Demargne 1974, pl. 32 (Payava sarcopha-

gus); Fleischer 1983, pls. 12, 13 (MoumingWomen sarcophagus).

a3 A change in color to indicate a change in locale

was probably also used on Hellenistic narrativefriezes, such as the Telephos fieze at Pergamon:Ridgway 1999, I24.

a This kind of hunting chestguard is difficult toparallel, but it seems to be represented on Graeco-Persian gems: Anderson 1985, p. 69, frg. 25a.

a5 Boardman 1970, figs. 863, 888,965 (stags); figs.

885, 905, 924-926 (boars).a6 The earliest attempts at portraiture date to the late

Archaic period (Akurgal t986,9-14 [lifesize marbleportrait of local dynast or satrapl), and they occur

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM EAN 411

sporadically during the fifth century (Cahn-Gerin

1988; Cahn-Mannsperger I99l; Metzler 1971,

143-144). See also Bruns-Ozgen 1987, 86-87,136 Cat. F22, pl. 26.1; Demargne 1974, pl. 44(Payava sarcophagus); and in general Ridgway1990, 110-111; Ridgway 1997, 126-127.

a7 Most scholars would identify these individualizedportraits on coins as local dynasts (Schwabacher

1968; Morkholm - Zahle 1916; Kraay 1976,

271-283: Robertson 1976, 506-7; Bodenstedt

1982 Zahle 1982, 1991). Herbert Cahn (1975,

1989) has argued that the portraits represent

satraps, even when the accompanying name is that

of the local dynast, and Cynthia Harrison has pro-posed that they represent gods or heroes (Harrison

1982, 223, 243, 244, with Ridgway 1990, 137

note 5). These types do not conform to the standard

iconography of either gods or heroes, however, and

Dr. Harrison has difficulty citing any divine paral-

lels. The only possibility she mentions is Attis,who wears a Phrygian cap, not a Persian tiara, and

he is never shown bearded (Vermaseren-De Boer1986). Since many of these issues were struck bydynasts to pay their Greek mercenaries, it seems

more likely that the individualized head was in-tended to represent the dynast in question, and

the personal names would have provided the means

of identification (Kraay 1916, 281, 278-279).Ridgway (1990, l3l) notes that there is variationamong the portraits of a single ruler, but these

coins were struck by a variety of mints that didnot share their dies. Such variation is to be ex-pected, and it can be found in the provincialportraits of almost any emperor during the Romanperiod.

s For references to the Lycian biographical traditionsee infra note 105.

ae Throughout Graeco-Persian art there is typicallyone animal per hunter; Akurgal 1941, 55 Abb. 7(Isinda-Belenkli tomb); Demargne 1974, pl. 32

(Payava sarcophagus); Boardman 1970, frg. 965.e Hipparchus, son of Charmos: Lycurgus, Contra

Izocratem 117-Il9l. Philip V of Macedon: Livy31.44.4; Briscoe 1912, 151; Habicht 1910,

189-190 and n. 6. Figures were occasionallychiselled off Greek reliefs, but this was related to

their reuse as building material, e.g. Clairmont1970, no. 8, pp. 28-31; Richter 1961, no. 50,

fig. 135; ro.27, figs. 83-85. There is no evidence

that the name of Mithridates VI was erased fromany of his inscriptions after his defeat. For pre-

Roman damnationes in general see Vittinghoff1936, 18-19; Metzler 1971, 357; Metzler 19'73,

14-16 and especially Nylander 1980 and Bahrani

1995 on the Near Eastern tradition. For Egyptian

examples see Lange-Hirmer 1956, 306, frg. 72;Aldred 1913,21,92,100, II4, 184,185 (Akhen-aten and Nefertiti); Schulman 1969-70, 36-48;Dorman 1988, 141 - 164; Tyldesley 1996, 216-226(Hatshepsut and Senenmut) ; Metzler 197 3, 19 -20.Several figures in the Apadana reliefs at Persepolis

were defaced (Schmidt 1953, pls. 105,136,137,140-l4l), and Root initially proposed that thisiconoclasm occurred during the period of Muslimdomination (Root 1979, 80). She would now asso-

ciate the destruction with Alexander's sack of the

city (personal communication), although it seems

likely that some of the defacement occurred duringearlier periods. An examination of iconoclasm at

Persepolis is long overdue.5r There are a few examples of trees in leaf, but these

are vastly outnumbered by the leafless variety:Cohen 1997, 116-117; Kraay 1976, pl. 7, I45(Coin of Gortyna, 360-320 B.C.). See also infranote 91.

52 The same type oftree base appears on the Polyxenasarcophagus (Seving 1996,258, fig. 1l; Seving etal 1998,316, frg. 18), and the sarcophagus fromGolgoi in Cyprus (Hitzl 1991, fig. 49).

53 A similar attitude toward landscape is apparent inthe Alexander mosaic, where the branches of the

tree echo in form the profiles of Darius and his

charioteer: Stewart 1993, 139-140.54 For the motif of rider and fallen foe in battle, see

Borchhardt 1968a, 226 Abb. 39, 238 (Kadyanda);

Mellink 1972, pl.60, fig. 23 (Karaburun); Bruns-6zgen 1987, 182, 279-280, Cat. S12; Cohen

1997, 28-35.55 For leather as a material for corselets see Miller

1993, 52-53. For wickerwork in shields see von

Graeve 1970, 100; Bittner 1985, 158; EustathiusComm. 1924 (Od. X 184). Compare the armpieces

in Scythian armor of the 5ft/4th century B.C.:Reeder 1999, ll2-II3, no. 10.

56 Two rows of semicircular pteryges were commonin fourth century cuirass design (Vermeule 1959,

13 and pl. I, nos. 1-3; Ridgway 1997, pls.2,32),although usually the top row was shorter than thebottom one. Here the rows of pteryges are of equalheight.

s7 Furtwiingler 1900, pl. XI.9; Maximova 1928,650Abb.2,658 Abb. 15; Boardman 1970,314,326,and nos. 881-883. The gems are more or less con-temporary with the Qan sarcophagus, but none has

an archaeological context. The same type of flat-topped helmet appears on the Graeco-Persian gems

cited above. Flat-topped hats are worn by men inthe Persepolis reliefs (Schmidt 1953, pl. 22,

27 -30,32), but in battle the headgear was usually

NURTEN SEVINQ, REYHAN KORPE, MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE,

DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER, AND JOHN WALLRODT412

a soft tiara made of cloth (Bittner 1985, 193-198,and Tafeln 20-32). For typical cuirass types inGraeco-Persian monuments see Borchhardt 1916,

6l-62', Demargne 1974, pls. 41.2, 44.1; Childs-Demargne 1989, pls. 10.1, 20.1, 22.1,41.2,57.1,66, 67, 120.2.

s8 Schmidt 1957,1I,16-17,29-30, and plate 9 (Seal

no. 30 [PT4 655]), dated to the 16th year of Xerxes'reign. Schmidt (p. 11) and Ward (1910,321-328,nos. 1051, 1053) proposed that the vertical projec-

tion functioned as a holder for battle axes, but this

is certainly a misreading of the iconography, and itis diffrcult to imagine how anyone could fight withan ax projecting from his back. The equestrian typeper se does not appear in the monumental or minorarts ofPersia; it developed in the western satrapies

under influence from Greece: Farkas 1969.5e The problems one could experience in wearing the

akinakes on one's leg while riding are illustratedby a passage in Herodotus (III.64): as Cambyses

mounted his horse, the chape fell off his scabbard

and the knife jabbed him in the leg. See also Dal-ton 1964, xxxiv-xxxv.

60 The length of the spear is .43 m.tr See supra note 57.The same pose is used for the

soldier in the Karaburun tomb, although with dif-ferent armor: Mellink 1972, pl. 60, fig. 23. Thehunters on the front of the Qan sarcophagus holdtheir spears in the same way as the warrior.Although hunting iconography has clearly in-fluenced the structure of the battle scene to some

extent, as argued below, it may have been the war-

rior's pose that influenced the form of the hunters.t2 Two colors were regularly used for horses in the

tombs at Karaburun and Kizilbel: Mellink 1998,

197 2, 261 ; Mellink 1998, 23, 26, 29, 32, 344 : red,black, or mauve bodies with blue manes and tails;white bodies with pink manes and tails.

53 Bittner 1985, 234, note l; Littauer - Karageorghis

1969; Kunze 1967, 184-195.il Incised saddle decoration was used on a late

Archaic relief from Daskyleion: Borchhardt

1968b,194 note 155. Donna Strahan considered itpossible that the decoration continued further up

the saddle, but could not be certain (personal com-

munication). Compare the somewhat similar deco-

ration on one of the saddles on the Alexander sar-

cophagus: Pfrommer 1998, 51, Abb. 5.65 Saddles were usually held in place by straps across

the chest and under the stomach: Bittner 1985,

238-241.66 Xenophon, Anabasis 1.8.7; Cyropaedia 6.4.1,

7.1.2', On Horsemanship 12.8. Similar chest cover-

ings appear in the tomb at Marissa (Pfrommer

67

1998, pl. 22.2), and on a Graeco-Persian rhyton(Pfrommer 1998, pl. 20.2). Smaller chest covers

were featured in the Alexander Mosaic (Pfrommer

1998, 80, pl. 8), the tomb at Kinch (Pfrommer

1998, pl. 27.2), and on the blue marble horse fromAphrodisias (Erim 1986, 99).

The use of a multitude of long sinuous branches

for all of the trees is reminiscent of the tree on the

Polyxena sarcophagus (Seving 1996,258 fig. 11;

Seving et al 1998, 316 frg. 1 8). These stand in starkcontrast to the few short stumps that one com-

monly finds in landscape depictions at this time.

Compare the bleeding opponents in the paintings at

Karaburun (Mellink 1972,267), and on the Alex-ander sarcophagus (Ridgway 1999, 122).

6e The same kind of strap can be seen in the stag huntmosaic from Pella: Ginouvbs 1993,8 pl. 3. Com-pare the red quiver straps at Karaburun: Mellink1972, 261.

70 Krug 1968, 131-135. There was no attempt tomake the Anatolian's skin darker than the Greek's,although on the Alexander sarcophagus the Persians

were shown with darker skin: Ridgway 1999, 122.71 Snodgrass 1967,97-98 and fig. 50; Best 1969,

7-8, frg. 5; Bittner 1985, l7l-174 and pl. 12;

Ensoli 1987, tav. XI.c. l; Litvinskij-Picikian 1995,

Ill-117, and fig. 10. Bittner makes a distinctionbetween the machaira and the kopis, but usuallythey are regarded as synonymous. For examples ofthe machaira in use, see Pollitt 1986, 4l frg. 34;Ginouvbs 1993, fig. 112 (lion hunt mosaic fromPella).

72 The mercenary's shield (dia. .ll2 m.) is slightlylarger than that of the fallen Greek (dia. .10 m.).

73 The mercenaries who fought with Cyrus carriedthe Greek machaira (Xenophon, Anabasis 1.8.6).

7a For mercenaries on the Alexander mosaic see

Hijlscher 1973 139-140:' Stewart 1993, 137;Cohen 1997, 8; Pfrommer 1998, 105-106; on the

tomb of Perikles at Limyra: Borchhardt 1976, 122;

Ridgway 1997, 96.7s Connolly 1981, 5l-54; Ducrey 1986,41-52.76 For hunting shields with central grips see Borch-

hardt 1968b, 170 no. 3, pl. 65.2; Zahle 1919, 343no. 63; Borchhardt 1916,65 (Limyra sarcopha-

gus); Mellink 1998,31, pl.29b (Kizilbel). The in-clusion of both central straps and handgrips on the

inner rim of the shield represents a blend of the

hunting and hoplite types, and suggests that the

designer had a limited understanding of hoplitewarfare. For another example of the mixture ofhunt and battle iconography, see the late Archaicsarcophagus from Cyprus in New York, whichshows hoplites hunting: Hull 1964, pl. II.

- Xenophon, Cyropaedia 1.2.9.-{ Borchhardt 1968b, 206-208: Pfuhl-Mdbius 1977,

-30-31, no. 73, and pl. 19; Noll6 1992, 27-30,lll-ll7 , Cat. 57. Compare also the assistant withspear in the stag hunt from the Daskyleion area:\olf6 1992, 2l-22, Cat. 53.

- See supra note 24 (boar speared in eye). There are

r*'o Graeco-Persian gems in which the spear isaimed toward the face of the opponent: Boardman1970, nos. 881, 883. See also Xenophon, Anabasis1.8.27, where a javelin was thrown under the eyeof Cyrus.

il The iconographic conjunction of the two scenes isreminiscent of Xenophon's statement (Cyropaedia8.1.34ff.) that the hunt was viewed as training for\L.ar.

{: Cremer 1984,91 and pl. 6C; Noll6 1992, 30-31,Cat. 58 and Taf. 11 (stele from Bursa); Boardman1970, no. 844 (Graeco-Persian gem).

i: Three-quarter view in early fifth century vasepainting: Boardman 1975, frg. 137 (KleophradesPainter), p. 138 (Douris), frg.26I (Brygos Painter);Jacobsthal 193I, 145-146. In relief: Boardman1995, ftg. 160.2 (Temple E, Selinus); Jacobsthal1931, pl. 42, no. 8l; pl. 47, no. 86; pl. 48, no. 87;pl. 51, no. 89; Ridgway 1970, 53, no. I (Melianreliefs); Boardman 1985, fig. 90 (Parthenonmetopes), figs. 96.1, 12, 14 (Parthenon frieze),fig.239 (three-hgure reliefs). For coins see Erhart1979, 107 , ll6-rt1,329 (C13, t4),333 (C28,29,3t),334 (C32,34),33s (C37,38, 40), 336 (C4t).

L' In the Greek islands and western Turkey, three-quarter view does not appear in grave reliefs priorto ca. 400 BC: Pfuhl-M<ibius 1977, nos. 36, 37,50,63. 66. For three-quarter view in Lycian monu-ments, see Borchhardt 1968a, 2I9 and fig. 35;Demargne 1974, pls. 32, 43.2, 44.1, 50, 62; Zahle1979,311 fig. 38, 322 frg.41; Borchhardt 1916,fig. 13 and pt.23.4; Schmidt-Dounas 1985, pls. 2,6, 9, 18; Childs-Demargne 1989, pls. 25.1,29.I,57.2, 61.1. Numismatic portraits of the Lyciandynast Kherei in three-quarter view also begin toappear around this time: Erhart 1979, 206-209;Morkholm-Zahle 1976,59-60, 80, pl. III.42.

s For the Dexileos stele see Ensoli 1987; Ridgway1997, 3-1 . For the Yalnrzdam stele see Mellink197 2, 269, pl. 60, fi gs. 25, 26', Mellink I91 3 a, 303 ;Tahle 1979, Cat.70; Bruns-Ozgen 1987, lI4-115,290, Cat. V7; Ridgway 1997, 7-9. For thewidespread influence of the Dexileos format see

Demargne 1974, 1l n. 26, pl. 33.3 (Payava sar-

cophagus); Childs-Demargne 1989, 296 andpl. LXVI (west pediment of the Nereid monu-ment at Xanthos); Dentzer 1982, pL.36, fig.220

4t3

(Kadyanda tomb); Felton 1993, 424; Cohen 1997,28-35 (Vergina).

85 Cook 1961, 9; Borchhardt 1976, 20; Demargne1979,295:' Borchhardt 1980, 7; Childs 1981, 61and note 31; Bryce 1986,99-ll4; Bruns-Ozgen1987,34', Childs-Demargne 1989, 373, 380, 385,394; Zahle 1991, 149, 152; Ridgway 1997, 7 8. Forlocal coinage during this period see Kraay 1976,247.

86 Childs and Demargne (1989, 373)have connectedthe resurgence of monumental tombs in Lycia withthe arrival of Greek sculptors after the Peloponne-sian War.

81 Anaxyrides: Bittner 1985, 186-187; kandys: Dal-ton 1964, xxxi; Mellink 1972, pl. 59.20; Borch-hardt 1916, 59; Linders 1984; Knauer 1985,601-610; Bittner 1985, 188-192; Mlller 1997,165-170; greaves: Borchhardt 1976, 64-65;tiaras : Bittner 1985, I27 - I33, I 93 - I 98 ; akinake s'.

Bittner 1985, 199-207; spear: Bittner 1985,154-167:' horse decoration: Bittner 1985,226-24t.

88 Kleeman 1958,125-139; Childs 1978,9: Bruns-Ozgen 1987, 199-202: Noll6 1992, 78; Pfrommer1998, 194.

8e Miller 1997, 156- 165 ; Borchhardt lgT 6, 58 ; Noll61992,44-52; Schmidt-Dounas 1985, pl. 7 (Lyciansarcophagus from Sidon).

e0 On the Yalmzdam stele nudity was used to markthe opponent as a Greek (Mellink 1972, pl. 60,frg. 26), but there was an ambivalent attitudetoward nudity in Graeco-Persian gems and monu-ments. Sometimes the opponent was nude, andsometimes clothed, cf. Boardman 1995, frg. 210;Akurgal 1942, pls. 6, 9 (Isinda-Belenkli tomb);Mellink 1972, pl. 60, hgs. 23, 24 (Karaburun);Childs-Demargne 1989, pls. XVI, LXVII (Nereidmonument, Xanthos); Demargne 1974, pl. 32(Payava sarcophagus); Boardman 1970, nos.881-883 (Graeco-Persian gems). No one wasrepresented nude in the Daskyleion reliefs: Noll61992.

er For bare trees see Canoll-Spillecke 1985, 12, 14,15-I7,29, 4l-56, 153, 158, 163; Wegener 1985,1 I 8- 1 30, I 57 -162; Ridgway 1997, 108; Fleischer1983, pl. 13.2; Noll6 1992, pl. 9, Cat. 57; Bruns-6zgen 1987, pl. 31; Pfrommer 1998, 87, 142-143,165-166. Only a few trees were carved withleaves: pediment of the temple of Artemis at Corfu(Wegener 1985,266, Cat. l); Olive Tree Pediment(Ridgway 1999, ll0); Golgoi sarcophagus (Hitzl199I, 200-201, Cat. 37, Abb. 49). Both leafy andbare trees were represented on the frieze at Ver-gina: Carroll-Spillecke 1985, 153. There has been

A NEW PAINTED GRAECO-PERSIAN SARCOPHAGUS FROM CAN

4t4NURTEN SEVINq, REYHAN KORPE' MUSA TOMBUL, CHARLES BRIAN ROSE'

DONNA STRAHAN, HENRIKE KIESEWETTER' AND IOHN WALLRODT

speculation that leaves were painted in some of

these reliefs, but at Qan, where nearly all the paint

survives, it is clear that leaves have not been

rendered.e2 Rocky outcroppings appear frequently in votive

reliefs, especiatly those dedicated to Pan (Carroll-

Spillecke 1985, 56-63; Ridgwav 1981' 134'

no. t+; Ridgway 1997, 108, n' 32)' Note the rough

terrain in ttre Uattle scene on the Payava sarcopha-

gus (Demargne 1974,17-78, pl' 40), the Nereid

ironument at Xanthos (Childs-Demargne 1989'

pl. 65.2; Ridgwav 1997, Sl), Trysa (Ridgway

issl, sz), and Boeotian stelai (Ridgway 1997'

170-111, 195). In general see Carroll-Spillecke

1985, 6, 1, 11,56-63; Wegener 1985' 114-118'

162-165.e3 Landscape at Vergina: Andronicos 1984' lO2-119

"Ginouvbs 1993, 16I-164'

ea For Kizilbel and Karaburun see Mellink 1972'

1973a and b, 1998; Bingtil 1997, 43-48' 54-57"

Lefkadia: Petsas 1966; Vergina: Andronicos 1984;

Koch-Brinkm anr 1999, 9 4 -9 6 ; Sveshtari : F ol et al

1986. Substantial amounts of paint have survived

on only one of the Daskyleion reliefs: Noll6-1992'

35-36,Cat. FIII. For traces of paint on the Alexan-

der sarcophagus and on Cypriot sarcophagi see

Hitzl l99i,ioz-zoz, Cat. 38; 192-193, CaL 30'

es Ridgway lg9g, ll0, ll9, L20, I23; Hitzl,l99l'tll , Cit. 16, t78, Cat. l7 Fleischer 1983' 60' For

the technique of painting marble in antiquity see

Brinkmann 1994,31-34.e6 Red horses: Mellink 1973a,298' 299 (Karaburun);

Mellink lgg8, 26 (Kizilbel); Jenkins 1991' 36

(Halicarnassus). Pink boar: Mellink 1998' 34

iriritu"t). Red hair and beard: Mellink 1972' 267 ')es ; Nl"lliok 1998, 21' 28' 3r, 43, 53' The caryatids

in the tomb at Sveshtari also had hair painted red:

Fol et al 1986, Pl. 44's7 Fol et al 1986, pls. 45, 50, 60'

e8 Alexander mosaic: Bittner 1985, 187; Cohen 1997'

pl. IVb; Lefkadia frieze: Petsas 1966,70-73' color

pt. e. eorctrtrardt has restored red pants and white

tho"t on the fieze from the Perikles monument at

Limyra (1993, pls. 21,29), but it is not clear if this

was'based on the remnants of paint (Ridgway

iF/gg, l3g note 44). For Persian shoes in general'

see Pfrommer 1998, 123-126'en Purple as a sign of status: Xenophon' Anabasis

1.2 20 ; 1.5.8 ; Mellink 197 2, 267', I9'7 3a' 298' 300

(Karaburun); Bittner 1985, 87-88; Sekunda 1988'

192.100 For the development of shading and its use in

vase painting ,"i Bto--"t 1969; Robertson 1975'

4n:412, +iZ-+zl; Bruno 197'7 , 23-30; Yalouris

1982, 263-264; Koch-Brinkmann L999' 76-79'

96-98; Koch 2000, 137-153' For its appearance

ca. 350-300 B.C. see Ginouvds 1993, 158-159'

pl. 137 (Tomb of Eurydice, Vergina); Andronicos

igg+, gl-ttg ("Philip's Tomb", Vergina); Ridg-

way 1999, 116 (Lefkadia metopes); von Graeve

19i0, Farbtafel II; Ridgway 1999,122 (Alexan-

der sarcophagus); Cohen 1991' pl' I (Alexander

mosaic); Vassiliev 1959, pls. 33-M (Kazanlak);

Sprenger 197 7, pl. 2 I 3 (Amazon sarcophagus from

Tarquinia).101 Compare the Severe Style relief from

-Xanthos(Metiger 1963, p1.39.1), where the upper border is

sporaOically raised to accommodate figures who

aiO not fit within the confines of the relief plane'

The same violation of the border can be found in

east Greek grave reliefs (Pfuhl-Mdbius 1977 '

p|. 1.2, 10.3'7), on the Satrap sarcophagus from^Sidon

(Kleeman 1958, Tafel 10), and on the relief

lekythos from Kertch (Tiverios 1991,2'72, fig' 4)'

On the treatment of the border in Archaic and Clas-

sical art see Hurwit 1977,8-12' The visual rhythm

of the riders on the Qan sarcophagus would have

been very close to the composition of the relief

from Yenicektiy, near Daskyleion: Noll6 1992'

Tafel 15, a, b.1o2 Lycian inscriptions indicate that construction of

the tombs dates to the lifetime of the dynasts who

paid for them: Laroche 19'74, l34,no' 8; 135-136'

no. 9. See also Schmidt-Dounas 1985,144; Stewart

1993, 2g1. For the development of Persian royal

iconograPhY see Root 1979'103 For monuments in which battle and hunt are com-

bined, see: Akurgal 1941, 55 Abb 7; Deltour-

Levie L982, l7I-114 (tomb of Isinda-Belenkli);

Demargne 1974, pl. 32 (Payava sarcophagus);

zahte 1979, 344 rro. 69; Childs-Demargne 1989'

280 (Nereid monument, Xanthos); Mellink 1998'

22-26, 30-38 (Kizilbel)' In general see also

Borchhardt 197 6, 7 5 ; Bruns-Ozgen 1987' 7 49 - | 5 6 ;

Messerschmidt 1989, 8'7-92; Noll6 1992' 1-2'

70-74, 76-79, 92-93; Ferron 1993, t85-197'208-220;Jacob 1987, 57-58' A variety of animals

were featured in these hunting scenes, but stag and

boar were the most popular, and occasionally they

were combined in one scene' On the Qan sarcopha-

gus the priority is given to hunting, -as

on the

Lycian and Satrap's sarcophagi from Sidon' Some-

times the battle is featured more prominently than

the hunt (Nereid monument at Xanthos' Payava

sarcophagus); other times the themes are treated

more or less equally (Kizilbel, Alexander sar-

cophagus).ro+ 5"", for example, the inscription of Erbbina' dynast

of Xanthos: Bryce 1986, i+-Oe 6atty 4* c')'

For this biographical tradition in Graeco-Persian

monuments see Kleeman 1958, 107-151, 156:

Mellink 191 2, 268 ; Mellink 191 3a, 299, 30 I ; Mel-link 1973b, 158; Demargne 1974,57-58, 69-71,121; Childs 1918, 9l-97, 102:' Jacobs 1987,

59-64; Childs and Demargne 1989, 253-257;Noll6 I 992, 128 ; Ridgway 199'7, 8l -84, l0l - 102;

Mellink 1998, 5l-53.For other such battles in Graeco-Persian art see

Mellink 1972, 268; 1973b, 158 (Karaburun);

Bruns-dzgen 1981, ll4-ll5; Ridgway 1997, 7 -9(Yalnrzdam); Childs-Demargne 1989, 259-270(Nereid monument, Xanthos). It is difficult toassign the names of dynasts to these tombs. ThePayava sarcophagus is inscribed, but the name ofPerikles does not appear on the tomb at Limyra,nor that of Erbbina on the Nereid monument at

Xanthos.Aside from the Qan sarcophagus, only one otherbattle relief has been found in the Daskyleion area,

and no good photos of it have ever been published:

Macridy 1913,354, figs.5,6; Borchhardt 1968b,

169 note 48,205-206, no. 1; Sekunda 1988, 190

no. 5; Noll6 1992, 37 -38 Cat. FV, pl. 15 a and b.

The relief seems to have disappeared.

For the location and history of Daskyleion see

Munro 1912; Cook 1983, 208-218; Sekunda

1988; Kaptan-Bayburtluoglu 1990; Petit 1990,

181-186; Sekunda l99l;Zahle 1991; Briant 1996,

351 -358, 518-519; Ruzicka 1997, 110-118. Forrecent excavations at the site see Bakrr 1995; Bakrr998.For a discussion of nobles and landholders in Per-

sian satrapies see Sekunda 1988, Sekunda 1991,

and Osbome 1975. Sekunda estimates (1988, 183)

that there were 600 Persian noblemen in the

satrapy of Hellespontine Phrygia.

Seving 1996,251: Seving et al 1998,311.

415

tt-' Serin( 1996. 258-260; Seving et aI 1998, 316fig. 18.

116 S€vinq 19E6.262.r17 Prof. Alpagur who is Professor of Anthropology at

Ankara Universiry communicated this informationto Nurten Sevhg orally.

rr8 'Ihe author is indebted to Richard Newman, Head

of Scientific Research at the Museum of Fine Arts,Boston, who expertly performed the analysis of thepigments and binders.

rle All consolidation was carried out using 5VoParaloidB-72 (a methyl methacrylate copolymer) in ace-

tone.r20 For other examples of pigment analysis see Seving

1998,321-322; Wallert 1995. See also Koch 2000,

37-50,239-240.12r Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Scientific Research

project #1999-50, report date 1012512000.122 Lij/.le can be said about this woman, but the sternal

epiphysis of the clavicle is fused, which indicatesthat she was over 2l years of age when she died.

r23 Dental wear, however, suggests that he died between

the ages of twenty-five and thirfy-five.124 Damage to the radial nerve is quite common in

humerus shaft fractures. In this case it could have

led to partial paralysis of the left hand.

BtgtrocnnrHv

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A NEW PAINTED GRAECGPERSL{]{ S-{RCOPHAGUS FROM QAN

105

i09

110

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113

ira SevinE 1996,260. There is only a trace of paint on

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with an English Translation by A. A. Phillips and

M. M. Willcock. Aris & Phillips. Warminster 1999.

Nurten Seving, DirectorQanakkale Archae olo gical MuseumTR-17100 QanakkaleTurkey

Reyhan Kdrpe

Qanakkale Archaeological MuseumTR-17100 QanakkaleTurkeyEmail: fundak@turk.net

Musa Tbmbul

Qanakkale Archaeolo gical Mus eumTR-17100 QanakkaleTurkey

Prof. Dr Charles Brian RoseDept. of ClassicsUniversity of CincinnatiCincinnati, Ohio 4522 I -0226USAEmail : brian.rose @ uc.edu

Donna Strahan, M.A.Head of ConservationAsian Art Museum of San FranciscoSan Francisc o, CalifurniaUSA

Email : dstrahan @ asianart. org

Dr Henrike KiesewetterInstitut fiir Ur- und Friihgeschichteund Archiiologie des Mittelaltersder Univers ittit TiibingenS chlo s s H ohentiibingenD-72070 TiibingenGermanyEmail : hkie sewetter @ yahoo.de

John WallrodtDept. of ClassicsUniversity of CincinnatiCincinnati, Ohio 4522 I -0226USA

Email : john.wallrodt @ classics.uc.edu

Aktuelle Ausgrabungen und UmfeldTeil A: Troia und Troas -

1. Thoia, GnasuNcsBERrcHT

Manfred Korfmann:Troia/lVilusa - Ausgrabungen 2000

2. Th.oil, Ancnrrerrun, BiruuneuNn FuNnn

Giinter Mansfeld:Die Kontroll-Ausgrabungen des "PinnacleHl5" im Z,entrum der Burg Troia . . . . .

Ekin Kozal:Studies in Roman Ilion: the Lower City.Stratified Domestic Assemblages .. . .. .

Billur Tbkkdk, Susan Wallrodt,Can Yiimni Giindem,and Charles Brian Rose:Two Roman Wells in the Lower City ofIlion. Quadrats C29 and w28

INHAUT _ CONTENTS

309

Teil B: Weitere Forschungen

3. Th.ols UND ANAToLTEN

Nurten Seving, Reyhan Kdrpe,Musa Tombul, Charles Brian Rose,Donna Strahan, Henrike Kiesewette4and John Wallrodt:A New Painted Graeco-Persian Sarcophagusfrom Qan

Reyhan Kdrpe and Funda Kdrpe:A Lead Medallion from Skepsis in theTroad

4. Th.oie, DER ScHwARzMEERRAUMUND DIE AcAIs

Christian Hiibner Stefan Gieseund Armin Grubert, mit einem Beitragion Eberhard Me!3mer undChristian Hartmann:Geomagnetische Prospektionskampagne2000 in Udabno, Kachetien, Georgien 427

ANHnNc

Danksagung - Acknowledgements 437

Video 442

421,51

343

l){., 444 Seiten mit 339 SchwarzweiB- und 49 Farbabbildungen,66 SchwarzweiB- und 9 Farbtafeln, 4 Faltabbildungen und 47 Thbellen

@ 2002 by Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz am RheinISBN 3-8053-2824-9

ISSN 0942-7635