7

The Body in Space:

Visual Dytarnics in Graeco-RomanHealitg Pilgrimage

Alexia Pets alis- D iomid,is

In the winter of 1 49 cn,the orator Aelius Aristides was sent by the god

Asklepios on a pilgrimage to Chios for bodily healing. He describes this

jo,rrrrly in th- Solrrd Tilrt, a rexrwhich focuses on the author's contact

with fuklepios. He makes reference to the difficulqF of the journey in

adverse weather cond,itions, to stop-offs at various cities on the way,-and

also ro a divinely-ordered..hrrrg. in the itinerarT'S'Tlng out from

pergamon, rhe pilgrim and his companionr- g:r as far as Klazomenai via

S*|rrra, but fro* here Aristides i, ,.rrt to Phokaia and the pilgrimage to

Chio, is remitted. Finally, the god sends him on ro the warm springs at

Genais and then back to Smyr"*. tt is emphasis on the pilgrirns location

in rhe land.scape offuia Minor is linked io d.r.riptions of his visions of

t1e god. The ioltowing is a description of what he saw in smyrna:

when we arrived in smyrna, h. appeared to me in some such form. He was at

the same time Asklepior, ,rd ApJlo, both the Klarian and he who is called

This paper draws on research conducted during the 1yr5 of my fh'D' at The Counauld

Instiute of Arr. I would th.r.fon. like to th*i my P-h.D. .,rp.*i"ors, D,rJas Elsner and

professor Robin Cormack, for-,t .ir guidance. Thanla ,t. ito due to Professor Robin

Osborne who read and commented. Jr, .rrlier versions of this research, as well as to Dr

Sorclra carey, Dr Barb u^ Groiosi, Dr Johannes Haubold, and Hqry Bgrd.larpenter. I

; -k" jr",Ln r to the Univffi or ro,,aon Sc}_olarshiq Fund and the British Academy

(Humanides Research Board-) fo, th.i, generous financial suPPort during dris period'

, .Sf ZJpZ3. On this pilgrimage see Rutherford (I99il, L4L6.

IB4 Alexi a P e ts a lis - D i o rn i d.is

Kalliteknos in Pergamon and whose is the first of the three temples. Standing

before my bed in this form . . . he said that 'this was not a dream, but a waking

srare', and that I would also know it. And at t}re sarne time he commanded that I

go down to tl:e river, which flows before the ciry and bathe.2

Aristides goes on ro describe tJre cold and stormy weather, and his journey

to the rirer, accompanied by ^group

of friends (including a doctor).

\fhen we reached the river, there was no need for anyone to encourage us. But

being still full of warmth from the vision of the god, I cast offmy clothes, and

1-ro, *".rting a rnassage, flung myself where the river was deepest. Then as in a

pool of ,r.ry gentle *"d rempered water, I passed my time swimming all about

,"d splashing *yr.lf alt over. \[hen I came out, all my skin had a rosy hue and

th.r.ias a lightrr.ss throughout my body. There was also much shouting from

those pr.r.rriand those coming up, shouting that celebrated phrase,'Great is

fuklepios!' . . . My mental srare was also nearly the same. For there was neither,

as it were, conspicuous pleasure, nor would you say that it was a human joy. But

there was * ..ri*in inexplicable contentment, which regarded everphing as less

than the presenr momenr, so that even when I saw other things, I seemed not to

see theml Thrrt I was wholly with the god.3

This narrarive which culminates in the author's physical and mental

healing and ease, and his experience of the intense presence of the god,

reveals- the importance of ipace and the visual in this experience ofhealing pilgrimage. Most fundamentally, there is an emphasis on the

role of to.".ion i" fr.ilitating contact with the divine, communicated

through repeated references to the pilgrims journeys and relocations at

the god', .t*mands. On another level, seeing plays an-irnportant Part

in the strucrure of the pilgrimage narrative: the 'mini-pilgrimage' to tfie

river is signalled hy a dream uision in which the god aPP_e?rs to Aristides,

who .orrriders it important to record ghe appearance of the god, and his

similarity ro particular cult srar,r.s.* \7hen the dream uision is an-

nouncej fri.rrdr "rd onlookers come to see Atrstides take his theraPeutic

, STz.l8 (selection). For the text see Keil (1958); all uansladons of fie SIand other

orations by Aristides are by Behr (1981)'3 ST 2.21-3 (seiection).4

$oirrror-Sro, iv rouitie rryt oyrjy.art, 'h.- appeared to me in some such form ;

iv rodra, ,,irr' oyrjy.art ozd,s iyrnpi'o'\ev rfis. {rrls, 'standing before my b.ed in this

form; rcl}rr. Ed .flr", oix 6vap, dii' Jrop,'this was not a drea-m but a waking ll*1.';x.,i r'd" y.iv rce$d.Ac;ro" ,r1s tnr$crvetas ,oi,rd" iorw, 'this. is a summary of the divine

manifestation'(2. 1 8)

visual DYnamics iru llealing Pilgrimage 185

bath.5 The effects of the uisionof the god help Aristides to perform fiefreezing bath.6 Frrrthermore, one of the effects of this divine bath is dre

tr"rrrfoimation of the characters' vision: on the one hand a ffansform-

ation of rhe wzy in which the specrarors perceive fuistides (now rosy-

coloured) and on rhe other of the way in which Aristides perceives the

world (while seeing, he seems not to see).7

This chapter .rplores both these themes by offering an interPretati?,

of a prrti.ulrrupr.. associated with the worship of Asklepios in the

,..orrd cenrury ie, th. fuklepieion at Pergamon (from where Aristides

started this journey). It focuses on visual dynamics within the micro-

cosm of the sanctu aA, and through this suggests the centraliqy of the

visual in healirg pilgiimage more generally. It is a reading bodr of tle

physical layout lf th. ,"rr.1,,rary-the architectural remains-and of an

inscribed. set of ritual rules which directed the movement and religious

observarlces of pilgrims. I argue that the architectural context and the

sysrem of ruler^ pt"ided dr; physical and concep."4 frameworks in

which pilgrim, .*p.rienced th. process of sickness and hea-ling. In fie

final prr, If ,h. ch"pter, I examine a small selection of thank-offerings t9

the god, includirg .*rmples of liter arY, inscriptional,- Td sculptural

dediiations, ", ,rrriatives of irrdiridual experiences of pilgrimage within

this spatio-ritual context.

This interpretation of the space of the Asklepieion and of the thank-

offering, *rrociated with it draws on developments in the discipline of

the hislory of art towards what might be called a history of visurlity.

These inciude an emphasis on the scopic regimes of a culture, the role of

viewers an4 the mukipticiry of possible viewings, as well as a broaderrirg

of the range of obje.ri irrr.rpr.i.d with the rnethodologies of art history

ro include 'io# '

^r, and lr.r, inscriptional monurn.rrtr-t Thus an

5 Zrri 6,i(TyyO,07l rd. rrls irrt$ave{as,'when the divine manifesmtion was an-

nounced', ,ir'irrrpios ,[rr*o '[people escorted him] for the p"Iq9:.s of investigation,

rc.,i n6vr'fiv xd"ro,Tra d,,d rrls ir|ip"r, 'and everythi.rg **i viiible from dre bridge'

(2'?0)' \ ,, 3r I : - --:tr c-lt ^r6 , \ \, ,t ^ n ! -..-^^ -:^ ),- -^i,^ A,l,-,.,n ontfr Hcnii ttcnroc trlu- DUt D€lng SfIII IUII UI- o.AA ert rfis g(py.rls rfis ix rr1s 6,$ects rott leoa sreords.iiv, 'but being still firll ol

warmth from the vision of the god' (2.21)'"*;^'{;;;t;od, n6.s ijvlet, 'ii my rS. had a rofr hue' (z.zl), ,ltore oi}' 6p6v

rd d)tro es6";;; dpd.r, "so rhar even when I saw other things, I seemed not to see

fiem' (1.23)*^; ^

F;;i., 'ir988); Freed.berg (1989); Brennan and Jay (1995); Jones and Gaiison

(1998); Elkins (1999); Nelson (2000)'

186 Alexia Petsalis -D iomidis

interpretation of the space of the Asklepieion involves both a broadunderstanding of visurlity in second-centurF Graeco-Roman culture,and more specifically involves the analysis of rhe Lex Sacra, the publiclydisplayed inscription of rules which conditioned pilgrims' viewings ofthe sanctu ary. These rules governed both the pilgrims' moyementsaround the Asklepieion and their mental and physical states, for ex-

ample by requiring fmting and sexual abstinence. An awareness of fieinfinite multipliciry of possible viewings on the one hand may be said

to margin aJize the importance of any individual testimony (such as

Aristides' Sacred Tales) as representative of a generahzed pilgrim experi-ence or of silent or lost descriptions of other pilgrims. But, on the otherhand it accommodates and indeed celebrates diversiry within the wholebody of pilgrimage narratives and does not seek to irnpose a rigidpattern of viewing and experience on all. Finally the range of objects

which now fall under the scrutiny of art historians has broadened toinclude the mass-produced votive body parts, hybrid inscriptional andplastic votives, md inscriptional monuments of the kind found at thefuklepieion.

This kind of art historical approach can be very fruitfully applied toGraeco-Roman pilgrim age princip"lly because of the importanceof place in this culture's traditions of sacred travel.e The irnmensediversiry of cults in the RomLn empire and their rich *Fh-historicaltraditions resulted in a plethora of affractiye pilgrimage ..rrtr.r.'oMotivations for pilgrim age cross-culturally are notoriously complexand diverse. Nevertheless, wi*rin the polyrheistic context of Graeco-Roman religion, one factor in deciding on a particular pilgrimagemight have been a pilgrim s desire to worship a particular deicy andnot another. There were, however, nrunerous shrines dedicated to each

deiry. The decision to make a pilgrimage to the god at a particular,perhaps more distant, sanctuary must have been partly based on a

deeply held sense of t}re location of the god in rhat place. A candidexpression of this feeling can be found at the opening of Aristides'account of his (eventu"lly remitted) pilgrimage to Chios. In this case,

e On fie importance of place in a ritual context generally see Smith (1987).t0 Generally bn religion ln the Roman empire sie MacMullen (1981); Lane Fox

(1986); Turcan (1996); Beard, Nonh, and Price (1998); Edwards, Goodman, and Price(l eee).

Visual Dynamics in Healing Pilgrimage L87

unusually, *re god orders a journ ey dwdy from his sanctuary: 'He sent

me ro Chios, saylng that he sent me for a pugation. Ve went off on the

road to Smyrna, although it was distasteful and we believed drat we were

withour a protector and fiat we truly sailed alone, once we were outside

the templ.." t

Gods were 'ded'to particular localities and indeed experienced there

by pilgrims through a range of complex processes. I wish to highlight

thrie such visual mechanisms which operated at sanctuaries. The first

involves the corroboration of mythical narratives: competing versions ofmFdr, linking a god to a particular localiry were often visually asserted.

So for example, the two fuklepieia which claimed to be the birthplace offuklepios, Epidauros and Thelpoussa (in Arkadia), displayed landmarks

ro back up this claim: at Epidauros the mountain Myrtion, which is

clearly visible from the sanctua{F, had been renamed Tithion (Nipple)

thus linguistically asserting fie story that Asklepios had been suckled by

goars rhere, and at Thelpoussa the tomb of rySon, the rival human

i,rrr. of the divine b*bn was pointed out.12 The association of a

sarlcruary with a specific aspect of the history of the god, such as his

or her birth gave a unique flavour to the experience of the god at that

particular sarrctuary.- V/hereas myths suggested an initial association of a god with a

parricular localiry the display of votive offerings asserred his or her

continued presence in the sanctu ery. This second visual mechanism,

the viewing of thank-offerings (including textual narratives), seems to

have been tf p"rticular importance in fuklepieia where the effi caq ofthe god in curing sickness was central to his prestige and worship.

Moreover, the establishment of these sanctuaries relatively late (in the

fifth and fourth centuries ncr) meanr that rich mythical associations

were nor available to all Asklepieia. Most, in fact, such as those at Athens

and Pergamon, were founded by pilgrims who had been cured at

Epid.aurJ, *rd who wished to bringit. new god back to their cities.l3

il these cases it was through the display of thank-offerings that the

11 sr z.tl.72 Paus. 2.26.3-7 and 8.25. i 1.t3 Paus. 2.26.8. For inscriptional evidence for fie foundation of the Athenian

Asklepieion see Aleshire (198f) ,7 n. 3. See Aelius Aristides Oration 38 The Sons of.asht$io.r 11 where a mythical connection becween Perga-mon and Podalirios and

Machaon is made.

188 Alexia Pets a lis- D iornidis

presence and charisma of *re newly arrived god were asserted. Thethank-ofrerings of past pilgrims then offered evidence of an unbrokenline of divine manifestation in that particular place.

The third visual element in the establishrnent of a god in a particularsanctuary operated on a more profound leveI. Panicipation in religious

ritual and choreographed processions experientially established the

presence of the god in that location for pilgrims. The study of place

and visua-l dynamics in Asklepian pilgrim a1e, including the three fea-

rures outlined above, offers the possibiliry of accessing a part of the

religious visionary world that Graeco-Roman pilgrims entered throughthese sanctuaries.

A major theme which emerges in this chapter is the juxtaposition oforder and disorder, both in relation to fie sanctuary and in relation to

the bodies of pilgrims. Itwill be argued in the case of thefuklepieion ofPerga-mon that order and control were imposed on the existing complex

of Hellenistic buildings by the second-century cn building programme,and on the sick and disordered bodies of pilgrims by the contempor-aneous Lex Sacra. These transformations of the landscape and the

pilgrims' bodies are traced and linked to the miraculous manifestation

of the god both in visions within this sa-nctuaqy landscape and in the

Yery bodies of pilgrims.

THE ORDER OF SPACE: ARCHITECTUREAND TRAI\TSFORMATION

By the early second. century cr the building history of the fuklepieionstretched back over five centuries. At that point fie sanctua{F in effect

comprised a variery of buildings which had not been conceived as an

orgrni. whole, burhad been rJd.d piecem.rl.la At this dme, and very

probably with the involvement of Hadrian who visited Pergamon in123 and again in 1 28 cn, an ambitious rernodelling of the sanctua{F was

planned ,"a pur into immediate .ff..t.15 Prominent local aristocrats

14 -7. I J r -- /1n10\ --l /1r)?<\ - 7i^^^^zregenaus and de Luca (1968) *td (1975); Ziegenaus (1981); de Luca (1984);

Radt (1988) , 250-71; Hoffrnann (1998), esP. 4L5.15 Hoffmann (1998), or Hadrian's involvement esp. 4l-7; Le Glay (1976); Birley

(1997), 162-9; Frdnkel (1895),258 no- 355-

Visual Dynamics in l{ealing Pilgrimage 1Bg

paid for individual buildings, and no doubt contributed to decision-r16manng. I.{evertheless, t}re new pl"t was fully co-ordinated and

resulted in the transformation of the existing sanctLlary into a unified

space (Figure 1).

Much Lfrort and expense were required to effect this transformation:

several buildings which had been completed in the recent Past were

demolished ,nJ huge earthworks were needed to mould the landscape

which is on a r,"t,rinl incline.lT This raises fie question of why the

Pergamenes did nor choose a new site in which to put into efrect their

new vision of an Aklepieion, especially in view of the violent history ofthe existing sancru ery.'a In general the high value placed on the classical

Greek p"r, in the culrure of fie 'second Sophistic' militated for the

presenration or re-construction of continuities with the past on every

i.r.1-spatial, artistic, linguistic.l e More specific illy, in the religious

contexr conrinuirF of place was particularly important in order to

preserve and honour fie presence of a god (as attested in past manifest-

ations) which was not easily transferable. In the Pergamene fuklepieion,

in particular, divine charisma had been powerfully manifested in the

prwious cenrury in a spare of miraculous surgical healings, sdll remem-

t.r.d and celebrated. in the late second ..rt,.rry.'o Th. building plan

16 On patronage in *re fuklepieion see Habicht (1969), 9-11; Hoffinann (1998),

49-50. Oir a. Cliudius Charax ido.ror of fie Propylon enffance) see Andrei (1984);

Spawforth and'l7alker (1986),93; Halfmant (1979), L61-2, no- 73. Ol L..Cusplypacrumeius Rufinus (donor of the temple of Zeus-fuklepios) see Behr (1968),48 n.29;Hepding (L933),93-6 (for inscriptional evidence); Hrltmann (1979),154, no- 66. On

Ociaciliirs Pollio (d.onor of the norrh portico) see Habicht (1969), 10 and 103-6- On

Flavia Melitine (donor of the library) see Habicht (1969), B4-5. On euergetism genet"lly

in fiis period see Veyne (1990) ,70-200.tz 6rlongsr the buildings demolished during the remodelling "Jfr..

sancnrarywere a

temple soutfr-west of the id incubation chambers dated to the Flavian perigd.*d^*od.ior in the area where the Propylon was later built dated to the reign of tajan. See

Radt (1988), 255-7, Hoffmann (1998),42-7.18 in 88'BCE during fie rebellion of Mithridates against the Romans Roman citizens

were massacred insid e "fi. ,*.ruary where fr.y had sought asylum. In 8 5 scp the Roman

general C. Flavius Fimbria was murdered in the sanct"".y.!y his own slave. Following

ih.r. evenrs the right of asylum was taken away froT *re fuklep.ieton but was restored in

44 ncn and later Jonfirmed by Tiberius. See Habicht (1969), /t-6.\e On fie culrure of the S..ond Sophistic see Bowie (1970); Swain (1996);'Mhit-

marsh (2001); Goldhill (2001); Elsner (1998) , 169-85'2a

S'T 4.G4, ',]r. presenr priest of fuklepios and this man's grandfadeer, in whose time,

as we have learned,^th. god performed many great operations'.

190 Alexia Petsalis-D iomidis

t-.-{-t-+.{--t<.-t--{-i- +-r \\5 o o I, D & 5D 60 70 m t0 tox\\s\

Figure 1. The 'original' second-century cs building plan of the Asklepieion ofPergamon. Scale 1: 2000 (Hoffinann (1998), 60 fig.2)Kry L Nonh portico, 2. Llbrary,3. Propylon enuance, 4. Temple of Zeus-Asklepios, 5. Rotunda(treatment cenue), 6. Lauines, T. Room of unknown purpose, 8. Cult niche, 9. Theatre, 10.

Hellenisric portico, 1 1. Sout}ern portico with cryptoporticus for incubadon ('the large incubation

chamber'), L2. Old incubation chambers, 13. Temple of fuklepios the Saviour, 14-15. Cultbuildings and holy spring.

visual Dynarnics in Lrealirug Pilgrimage 191

should rhus be seen as operarirg in dialogue with the accumulated

legaq of the god's presence, manifested in the existing buildings,

statues, and vodve offerings of fie sanctuary'

A skilful balancing of ota and new was required for tJre success of

the rernod.elling. This was expressed in architectural terms through

*re sensitive .r-r. both of .orr.*ative forms (for example, in the

new propylon enffance (Figure 2) and in the old-fashioned plain

entablarure in fie new porticos) and of the latest Roman metroPolitan

models (for example, i" the temple of Zeus-fuklepios which is an

exacr miniature copy of the Roman Pantheon (Figure 3), and in the

scd€nae frons of the'theatie, fr. first ltalian-sryle firee-tiered model

to be *.d in Asia Minor (Figure 4))." Simultaneously a selective

'read"ing' of the existing sanctuary occurred through alternate 'deleting'

and. vislrrl 'highlightin[' of buildings. For exampl., l remple south-west

of the old inclub*-tior, .f,"*U.r, *rrd an odeion in the north-east where

the propylon was then built were demolished, while_ the cluster of

temples^ and incubation chambers in the centre of the sanctuary

*.r. given grearer prominence by means of their framin s by the new

p.rirtll. .o,Irqyrra iFigure I . 12-15)." The decision to giy. additional

pro*irrence ro the t.mple of fuklepios the sa19ur a:d to the old

ir.,rb"tion chambers ,..*, ro have been predicated on religious

rather than aesthetic grounds: these buildings were not in themselves

visually impressive, b""t were, of course, the places ]n which Askle-

pios had i*"y, manifested himself both in the form of his cult

i**g. and in fie form of the incubatory visions he bestowed on his

worshippers.The-overriding principle of the new pl"r was symmetry and order.z3

This is perh"puiort .I.rrly evident in the construction of the perisryle

courry"id, which created a clearly delineated regular space, Yitr1and around. which both old and new buildings were organized and

21 On the propylon seeZ\egenaus (198 l), 5-29;.Radt (1988) ,261-2; gn the. porticos

see Hoffrnann (rg9gl ,52-9;n?a. (igbs) ,265;on the architecture of fie Zeus-fulf-pi9t

tempte s.e Zieg;;;"; f ipe Li ,iqd H"m*r"" ( 1984); Habicht (1969), Lr-14; ward-p.rliirr, (1994)",277.The internal diameter of the temple of zeus-fuklepios w1-j{t over

half the size of the Pantheo n (24 m compared to 42 m). On the theaffe see Hoffmann

(1998) , 55-6; Radt (1988) ,263-5'' 27 S.e ,bore n.17. Hoffm*t (1998) , 42-3'23 Hoffinann (1998) ,45'8.

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Visual Dynamics in f{ealing Pilgrimage 193

Figure 3. Ground plan of the temple o{ Zeus-fuklepios in the fuklepieion of

Pergam on (Ziesenaus (1981), Thfel 62)

integrated. In ad.dition to framing the old cult buildings, on- the east side

th. io,-,rryard opened on ro rwo new buildings, rhe Propylon entrance

and the t.*pl. of Zeus-Asklepios. It seems that these were initially

conceived as symmetrical .o,rrrt.rparrs, as the original plan did not

fl

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Alexia Pe*alis-D iomidis

!llFigure 4. Reconstruction drawing of the scaenae_ fons of the fieatre of the

fu-kl.pieion of Pergamon (Hoffinann (1998), 61 fig-q

include the lib rzry and the Rorunda (Figures 5 and 6).'4 This spatial

organization imping.d nor only on the buildings, but also on the

pil"gri*, within ,h. sancru ary. The physical expression of order and

srrucrure rn the land.scape of the sancru ary mry have 6een particularly

appropriate for pilgri*, whose personal bodily landscapes were 'out of

ord.r', in that ,t .y *ere sick and hence out of control'

The remodelled fuklepieion embodied the elite Pergamene vision

of the mosr appropriate ,p*.. for the meeting_ of fsklepios with his

worshippers- Vf"", schohis have emphasized.the elite literary cultule

of the sancru aa, which is attested on the one hand by the s.acred ?l:tof Aelius Aristides and on the other by the construction of the

theatre and library in the sanctuary and by rhe display of busts of

famous fifth- ,ni fourth-cenruqy BcE Greek intellectuals, such as

24 Hoffmann (199g) , 4B-9.The plrn was later modified by the addition of the library

in the north-east and ,ir. ,orrrnda in fie south-east of the sancnrary'

l_

I

II:

I

L

Visual Dynarnics in f{ealing Pilgrimage

Iro

195

Figure 5. General Pl"t of the fuklepieion

ZO-OO (Hoffmann (1998), 60 fig' 1)

0in the second century ce' Scale 1:

Sokrates, Euripides, and xenophon (Figure s T .,8, and 9)." Literary and

politi.d-th.*is as evoked by imag. 19; inscription no doubt informed

the experiences of some pitgrir; l.'u simulianeously, though, . there

is abund.anr literary and. inscriptional evid.ence for the practice of

25 on fie literary culture of the fuklegilion see Behr (1968) ,41-60;Habicht (1969)'

15-17; Jones (;r98ir C*t6, C"r;i lgiSl,60-77 . On the busts' found on fie uia tecta'

,.. a. Io." ttibll,'t024. ^

^- , . r ^ -,-r -""r[-Jg],"hf or",or pole*o set up a srarue of Demosthenes in the fuklepieion (Habicht

(1969), ro. 33). For inscriptiorr. i.t up ro honour iocal and imperial public figures see

Habicht (1969), nos. 3-62b'

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Visual Dynamics in l{ealing Pilgrirnage t97

Figure z. Bust of Sokrares found on the uia tlcta at the entrance of the

fuklepieion of Pergarnon (second cenrury cE), !:.s**a Museum, museum

number 772. Heigf,r 42 cm. (de Luca (1 9s4), Tafel 43b)

d.ramatic healirg therapies in rfre sancruary. For example,. Aelius Aristi-

des describes pifor*irrg a cure at the command of fuklepios which

involved ,*ofi.ring hi; naked body with mud and running three

dmes around the cluster of temples in the centre of the courryard,

d uring a storrn in the ,1ght.27 tn. remodelled sanctuary provided

the physical framework fb, a broad. range of activities, and equally

received a range of pilgrims whose bod.ies covered the spectrum of

healthy to sick] I' this iigt ty ord.ered and srructured space, pilgrims

encountered. Asklepios, th? g"d who paradoxically broke the laws of

zr ST 2.74-6. For inscriprional evid,ence of cures in the Asklepieion see e'g' Miiller

(te97).

198 Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis

Figure 8. Bust of Euripides found on the uia tecta at the entrance of the

fuTd.pieion of Perg*or, (second century cB), Bergama Museum, museum

number 773. Height 50 cm. (de Luca (1984), Thfel 42b)

narure in the miraculous cures he offered, but in so doing restored the

natural order of health.'S

THE ORDER OF BODIES: RITUALAND CHOREOGRAPHY

Within the wider specrrum of worshippers at the Aklepieion was a

select group of pilgrims who wished to consult the god during ,h:night i" th. pro.irs of incubation. The Lex Sacra quoted and translated

28 Aeli. Aristid.. Oration 23 Concerning Concord 16: [Asktepios] 'to whom every law of

necessiry yields'.

Visual Dynamics in Healing Pilgrimage 199

Figure g. Bust of Xenophon found on:the a.ia lecta:,at *: entrance of the

As"klepieion of Pergamon (second century cE), E:rqha,'Museuln, museum

,r,r*6., 784. Height 49 cm. (d. Luca (1984), Thfel 45b;)

below is an inscription which set out in detail the rules governitg

tlris ritual.2e The -Lex

Sacra was probably displayed at the entrance

of the fuklepieion, perhaps as a guide for pilgrims as _they

arrived,

and a copy^ may iro h"r. been displayed within the courtyard

(Figure 10;'ao r -

2e For fie publication of the inscription see Worrle (1 969)30 Th; L;.;; frng*.rrt of rhe Lix Sacra (referred t9. bI %t* as. Fragm.".^ +)

was found in a ditch" by the uia tecta leading to the Aldepie.io". gl the basis of its

conrenrs Worrle .orr.l,rded that the inscripttn would have been .displayed ei*rer at

the monumental enuance or somewhere inside the sanctuary. Further fragments weT

found in the courryard of the fuklepieion. These (referred to by \Torrle as Fragm..rr, B

and not quoted here) repeat Parts of Ft"g.rrent A lYggesting that

'h:tt gly !"y: !::."rwo copi.i, p.rh"p, o". i. fi..rrtrrn.. *? one insid.ih. ti.tr.ry. Seeworrle (1969),

t67 -8.

Alexia Pets alis- D iomidis

Figure 10. The Lex Sacra from the Asklepieion of Pergamon (second century

cE), Inventorynumber 1965,2A. Dimensions 63 x 40.5 x 13.8 cm. (Habicht

(1 969), no. 151 , Tafel 49)

Visual Dynamics in t{ealing Pilgrimage 201

i-] ryqi rpanefodo7a o,fl()- 1

[,\os 6e{r.dz "]+i orrAdyyro rcoli] i"F<,,v &AAov or{$avovELd"as ,lpol-

lTu€oTa a i) 'Anorporra{ut rr6ravov t'o,p}lui,rdv ivve6p$a\ov*at

llti Ma.Aryt*)t n6navov fap}uordv iwe6p"$aAov rcai

Apr( p"'61'l

t ] xc,i Apr{p,.fit ITpo?upa[ar. rco,i, lr1, ircd.orr\t ,6navov

livve'p$lqAov. raira 6i nofioas 7u(rut yotpov ya\a?r\vdv

lrdr. Aoxl)r1rrxir" iri roi BufLoA rcai Tpqne(odoAu orc(los

Eef [,]-ld, xai onfLdyyro. dpcpa,\,\(ru Ed sig ,dv 7qoaupdv dBoloJs

r petlol.

feis Ed "i]y €oripav intpa,\,\dlo] 0r,t n6nava rpta ivve6p$cr]a,

lrodrav pily 6w ini rilv i{u: Tuy.(A1v Tdxrlt xai Mvrlpoodvq;

["d Ed ,p{"]ov iv rcit iyrcoly'\rTPIat @(tcr8r. dyveu(r<r, Ed d

leionoper)6y"evos e is rd iy rcoty"rTrri ptov d"n6 re rciv

n po€Lpn p"( - 12

lr.v ,rr&v)T@v xai d$po6to{uv rcai aiyetou xpias rcai rupoi

""[i]I )|AMIAOZ rpnatos. rdy Ed or€$avov 6 iyrcotp"ripevos

fdnorr\(pleyos rcar,,)srn€ru i"t rrls ortBd"6os. dd,v Ed rr,s Fod-

lArlra, inipJ ro0 a,3roi inepctr&v n),eovd.xrs,t6

le ;' ;et" i Jrf-o l! r;'^fL n p d y y. ar o s i rr e p at r 6" t, rr p o 0 u € o 0 c,t

yot polvl

fil,\oz *ordf rd. npoy€ypapp(va. eis. 6d rd p'mpdv

iy xorp"rTrri prcv

f,i efo'r-, d\lvetav d.yveu(ru ,\v airriv- npoTu(ogrr) Ed

Ati Anr"lpol-lnatux n6r)auoy t'ap}urdv dvve6p$a).ov rco,i ati MetAtT[ut

20,r6n["]-lro, poBEc.,] 7dv iwe6p"$a),ov rco,t Apriy"t}t II po?upata'

rcai Apr( y"t-[E,. . .], rcai TT, dxd.orrlt r|novov iwe6p$aAov. iy"pol i-["co 6d rcol] eis rdv Trloaupdv iBoAois rpels. nept?uio?aoav

[Ed re) aro(?)];s pd,\ rrt rco,i i\a[u' 6e8eug,dvoc rcai

Atpavcrtr6!

lndvres ot llepanedovr€s rdv Tedv €n6y.evot rritt [epei xat

IEl.?)

t ] .ii Ei z{u dorr(pav inrpo,lAdolo,oo;v o{ re [f POI?)

24

202 Alexia Pe*alis- D iomidis

f. . . .]is rd iyxot"p.rFriprov rcai o[ nepfiuod.p"evot rrd.v-

[r.s ndna)va rp.a €we6p$cr.,tro @ip''t6t, Tdyr1t,

Mvqy"oodvq, i-l*d"orr1, n6)novor. xaTrcrd"r@oav 6i tyydous rciv iarpe(,av

xilrll0ear, a a, cr],i"oJs npd,oor1ra.L, d,no6<io€Lv ivrds tvruurot,.

t t {arpa y.}1 ve<Lr€Pa ivrauo{av' iy"pa1(raoav 6i

[.is rdv }rlo)aupdv roi Aorclr.nrc{ rd. iarpa, Qotrca't}a

rcist And[I]-l[*v, xai, @)t,.rcat6o rdtr' Aoxlqndtq

rcat i&v rt[il,\, ai"]gJs oi"ioT' 5 ?eds.

iyrcCs yev6y.evot

t. . .f(],\ci,6r.os TAdx,,tv

l;.p] ovo 1,ttiv dvd 0q rcev.

luacafl and he is to set on the table

[*r. right] leg and entrails and once he has taken another

wreath of olive

he is [to make a preliminary offering to Zeus] Apotropaios ofa ribbed round cake with nine knobs and

to lzeus Meilichios] a ribbed round cake with nine buttons

and to Artemis

t . . .] "rrd to Artemis Prothyraia and to Ge, to each a_

round ca-ke

lwith nine]knobs. Then having done this he is to sacrifice a

suckling Pig[to fukl1.pi"r on the altar and set on t]re table the right leg

and .rr.r*ilr. Then he is ro pur three obols into the

offertory box.

ifu] evening he is to add three round cakes with nine knobs,

or [.rr.r. fi6.] rwo on the ourdoors altar for burning (thymele)

to Tyche and Mnemosyne

[and then the third] to Themis in fie incubation chamber.

He who

[enters] the incubation chamber is to keep himself Pure

from all the things mentioned above

and from sex and fio* goat meat and cheese and

lc.l|letters] . . . on the third day. The incubant is then to

flry "side] the wreath and leave it on his straw bed.

If someone wants

to inquire seyeral times about the same thing, he is to make a

28

32

36

L2

visual Dynamics in Healing Pilgrimage 203

prelimi nary sacrifice of a Pig, 16

[*d if he also] makes an inquiry about anotfrer matter,

he is to make a prelimi nary sacrifice of [another] pig

faccordingJ to the above instructions. He who fenters]

the small incubation chamber

is to observe the same rules of puriry. And he is to make a

prelimi nary offering to Zeus Apotropaios

of , ribbed round cake with nine knobs and to Zeus

Meilichios of a [ribbed] round cake 20

with nine knobs, and to Artemis Prothyraia and Artemis

t . .] and to Ge, to each a round cake with nine knobs.

tAnd he is also to] put three obols into the offertory box.

All fiose worshipping the god are to perform a sacrifice in a 24

circle (?) with 1.*k r1-dipped in honey and oil and with

incense following &e priest and t' ' ']t. . .l At evening those who t' ' 'li ] into the incubation chamber and those who have

sacrificed in a circle (?)

are all to add three round cakes wit} nine knobs to Themis,

Tyche, MnemosYne

[to each one] round cake. They are to bring forward guarantors 28

[to the god] for anY healing fee

which h. J*r.ts from rhem, that &.y will pay it within a year

t. . .] healing offering not younger than one year. And t]len

they are to Putth. p"y*.rr. fo, the cure [into] the offefiory box of fuklepios'

32a Phokaian hekte to APollo

and a Phokaian hekte ro fuklepios, once they have become

healthy, and anPhing

[else] the god should require' t' ' 'lt. . .Kllodius GlYkon

the sacred officia1 set this uP' 36

These rules prescribe in detail the movement of pilgrims. around the

sancruary ,l* ,rrture of offerings ro particular gods, i"q the time and

place fb; these ro be made. Specific cult statues and altars are men-

Ii"".a.r t Thus the pilgrims' .*p.ri.nce of making fiese offerings-

the first stage of the ii,,IA of incubation-was intimately linked to the

31 e.g. line 5, 'Artemis Profiryaia'. and line 10, 'the {fmele outside'. There are

significan, probl.ms in the ideniifi."do., of the location of these objects- See \Torrle

ttgegl , 1734 and 176-7 '

204 Alexi a Pets a lis - D io rni d.is

topography of the sanctuary so that the rules and the physicai layout ofdre sancru {y operated in tandem to orchestrate the pilgrims' experi-

ences. This choreography governed the way in which pilgrims viewed

and experienced the fuklepieion. A lite rary parallel to this choreography

of pitgrimage can be found in Pausanias' description of the sanctuary ofZeus at Olympia which, as the author emphasizes, follows the order ofsacrifice at th. altars and not Pausanias' actual rou rr.3'

In effecr rwo alternative journeys through the sanctuary are offered,

one leading to 'the incubation chamber' and the ofier to 'the small

incubation chamber'. Although the identification of these buildings is

nor absolutely certain, it is thought that they refer respectively to the

incubation chamber in the cryptoporticus of the southern portico(Figure 1.1 1) and the old incubation chambers in the middle of the

.oity"rd (Figure 1.12).33 In addition to the bloodless offerings re-

quired from all incubants, those who were to spend the night in 4:lrrger incubation chamber were obliged to offer a Pig to fuklepios.'*Socio-economic divisions were thus to some extent rnaintained in this

pilgrimage centre, and were visually and spatially reinforced as pilgrims

making +g more expensive sacrifice processed to a different incubationrr5>cnamDer.

However, orher aspects of the Lex Sacra might be said to have fostered

what has been described in the anthropology of pilgrimage as cz7nmu-

ruitas among pilgrims. The rules of purification for example, 'which

applied ro all incubants and involved abstainirg from certain foods

;d from sex, helped create a common pilgrim consciousness.36 Mor.-over, all incubants, and possibly also non-incubant worshipPers, Par-ticipated in a communal religious procession before the night ofincubarion, no doubt a religiously ch"rged experie n r.37 The knowledg.

32 Paus. 5.14.4 and 10. See Elsner (2000 b),53-g; Hutton (Ch. 10 in this voiume),

Z9g. For ofier examples of choreographed processions in religious and civic environ-

ments see Lucian's Di Dea Syria 47 and Rogers (1991), 80-126.33 Worrle (L969), L7 8; Hoffrnann (1998), 55 .

34 Lex Sacra, lines l-2,6-8, and 18-23.35 On social differentiation at pilgrimag€ centres in ofier cultures see Pfaffenberger

(197il; Morinis (1984); Sallnow (1981) and (1987)36 Compare fie Turners' interpretation of the effects of fmting amongpiigrim: il_{.

t971s "t Si Patricks Purgatory at Lough Derg in Ireland (Turner and Turner (1978),

133).37 Lex Sacra, Iines 23-9.

Visual Dynamics in llealirug Pilgrimage 2A5

that these purific atory riruals and drese very itineraries through the

sancrrlary had been followed by past pilgrims may have extend ed com-

rnuruitas ro an imaginary dttchronic communiry of pilgrims. \Tithin the

space of the fuklepieion the Lex Sacra in efrect set uP a radical new

taxonomy ln which sickness, which in Graeco-Roman culture was

considered nor only a misfortune but also a sign of divine disfavour,

became the necessary prerequisite for prominent partrfipation in reli-

gious ritual and for visiona-ry contact with the divine.38

The Lex Sacra regulated the bodies of pilgrims both by means ofnutritional and sexual regimes and by rneans of obligatory ritual move-

menr. Another fragmenrary inscription further suggests that it was not

only the internal processes of the body which were reguJated by the rules

of incubation: the external appearance of pilgrims was also controlled by

a specification drat pilgrims were to w€ar a white chiton and were not

allowed ro wearuirrgs,-belts, or sho.r.3e This emphasis on controlling

and homogenizing fie bodies of pilgrims may have had particular

resonance amongsr people whose bodies were sick and implicidy out

of control.aoA parallel can be traced between the way thal dre building Pro

_

grr*Le imposed a new order on the landscape of the sanctuary, and

Ih. *"y thri the Lex Saua imposed control over the bodily landscape ofpilgrims (both individual and collective). These two systems of order

trr.fri,ectural and ritual) interlocked and worked in tandem. The inter-

face berween these frameworks was the pilgrims: the experience of the

pilgrims was consrructed on the one hand by the physical. sPace of the

sancruary and on the other by the rules which tr9ve1ned their paths

through drat space. Simultaneously the presence and religious perform-

ances of pitgrims in the sancru ary animated the landscape by confirming

the f"".tio" of buildings and asserting divine presence widrin thern-

Both the space of the sancruary and the space of the pilgrims' bodies

3' On sickness and deformiry see Garlrod ( l99r-3e Frdnkel (1895), Do. 264: Edelstein and Edelstein (t945), ro. 513. A parallel to

these regulations can be found in Luciais De Dea.Syria ?5, ^contemPgtrry account of

pilgrima'ge to r}re Syrian Goddess: pilgrims are said to shave their heads and eyeprols

[.For. ,Jttirrg off .h.y wear ,r..rthi o-r, fi.it heads, and they are literally mark:* q1firarroos or, fi".i, wrists or nectr<s. In the Lex Sacra the placement and regulation of bodies

*"r *rlied. not only to piigrims but also to sacrificii animals: it specifies which parts of

th. ,nimals' bodies are io b. laid on fie altar (lines l-2).-- 40

See Sontag (1991) on fie culturallyspecific nature of the experience of sickness-

206 Alexia Pits a lis-D iomid.is

were transformed by *re imposition of order and regulariqy through

tlese architectural and ritual frameworks, and in both cases the ultimate

purpose was to receive the god. The space of the sanctuary and the very

bodies of pilgrims were portals for access to the divine.

PILGRIM TESTIMONIES : MIRACLESIN THE ASKLEPIEION

'Wi*rin the regulated space of the sanctu ary and,the regulated bodies ofpilgrims there was scope for an infinite variery of experiences of contact

wirh fie divine, especially in visions during the night. Thank-offerings

describe aspects of those experiences through image and text. After the

departure of a pilgrim the thank-ofl[ering remained in the sanctuary and

thus 'exrended' the pilgrim age. The display of collecdons of offerings

stretching back over generations visually constructed a diachronic com-

muniry of healed pilgrims. The dedications offered subsequent pilgrims

glimpses into that realm for two main reasons. First, there are rnany

references ro tJre god specifting the kind of offering he wanted: in other

words viewers were aware that the offerings were 'designed' by the

god.4' Second, they often explicitly narrate the moment of contact

b.*.., the pilgrim and the grd.n' Inscriptional and sculptural

4r Lex Sacra, lines 3!-.z.The following phrases used in thank-offerings imply obedi-

ence ro a command given by the god in "

tlom.nt of human/divine contact,.s5 rrlJy in a

d.ream vision: rc..rd,1nrroyrj, ('iri accordance wi*r a command') (Habicht (1969), nos.

72, 139); rcard" ouvray.rjv (in accordance wifi a command') (Habicht (1969), nos. 69,

12,0,123); rcard" rcl),euow roi \eofr ('in accordance with the order of fie god') (Miiller(L987),194, Line 6); rcar' \vetpov ('in accordance widr a dream') (Habicht (1969), nos.

75,76,77,9I, 116); xar' 6vap ('in accordance with a dream') (Habicht (1969), nos.

Ll7, t27); *ard. ivunv{ou 6r!w ('in accordance wi*r the vision of a dream') (Habicht

(1969), oo. 1,32). Aelius Aristides writes that his literary thank-offering was composed at

fie command of the god (SI 2.I4). Compare a-lso stories of the god ordering specific

rhank-offerings in th&fi-cent. nce Epidaurian 'miracle inscriptions' e.g. Ambrosia was

ordered ,o of., a silver pig to *re god as a memorial of her ignorance beca rseshe had

scoffed at the stories of miraculous iur.s narrated'by thank-offerings on view (LiDonnici(t995), B8-9 (A4)).

A) \-^-//'r / | Tr . r ' ( :, -t- :---..:- -:^--)'t'/' For exa-mple, rhe 4th-cent. BCE Epidaurian 'miracle inscriptions' describe occru-

rences during incubation, including the application of drugs and.th_e_performance ofoperations b/fie god (..g.LiDonnici (199r, B8-9 (A4) ,92-3 (A9) ,9G7 (A17) ,98-9(A18 andAig), 1OO-r (81),102-3 (B3), LA4-5 (85), 106-7 (87, BB, and B9), 108-9(BI0, BI1, and B 12), lL2-13 (818), 1L4-15 (B20,BZl)), ,ttd conversations benveen

Visual Dynamics in tlealing Pilgrimage 207

rhank-offerings on display in the sanctuary could thus function as

gateways into the experience of past pilgrims and into a realm ofvisionary contact with Asklepios.

This interpretation of the effect of the display of thank-offerings infuklepieia resrs on an understanding of visu"li,y in Graeco-Roman

culture and in particular in the context of religious spaces. Descriptions

of afi and sculprure in second-century texts suggest that viewers

expected to 'read out'themes and narratives from images. For example

,.r.rrl passages ofAchilles Tatius' Leukippe and. Kleitophon offer detailed

imaginrti.r. -r..di.rg, of imag.r.43 I" thl context of pilgrimage, _ritual

,ie*ing of the cult image air.d vodve dedications, theoria, was of great

significa n r.44 The display of exegetica-l inscriptions next to thank-

offerings in sancruaries invited viewers to read narratives into images

with th"e guid.ance of the rexrs.45 Priests-and guides may also have helped

pilgrim, Io interpret thank-offerings .aG In addidon to evidence for this

i.rd.pth, religious viewing of thank-offerings there are also references to

Asklepios and the incubant (..g. LiDonni.ci (199r), S6-7 (A2 and A3), B8-9 (M), 90-l(A7),'gz-3 (AB), 1 10-1 1 (81{)). Si*ilarly, marble votive reliefs often depict the pilgrim,ppror.hing fuklepior (..g. Afiens Archaeological.MYt..*P, nos. 133 0, L339, 1377), ot

Ai.l.pios .lring th. pilgrI* (..g. Athens Archaeological Museum, nos. L84L,2373).a3 A.hilles Thtius, Leukippe and Kleitophon L.2 (in fie temple of futarte), 3-6-8

(temple of Zeus of Mouni brrrius at Pelusium-paintingt^ gf Andromeda.and Pro-

,,,.rlL,rr), 5.34 (painting of Prokne and Philomela; theory of interpreting a picrure as a

prophetic sign). Sie BanIch ( 1989), -grp: 3.0-1 , 40-79 . On yisualiry in Graeco-Roman

Lrlirrr. ,.. Elrrrer (1 996) and (20006); Goldhill (2001), 15L94.44 Ru*rerford (2000 a) and (2001a), esp. 42-5. Cf. Pausanias'descriptions of votive

d.edications at other sancruaries, for example at the sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia,

Description ,f Greece 5 and 6. See ,lto Lucian's De Dea . Syr:o 10 where

d"pyofo d.roTlpora rcal, rroi,trd \ady.o,ra are amongst th; loleworthy features of t}resancruarF mentioned by the narraror. See also Chariton l{allirhoe 3.5.3 where Chaireas

comes ,o ,h. shrine of Aphrodite and looks at the votive _gftIi"gs and recognizes fiedva7npa which Dionysios has set up-a golden statue of Kallirhoe.- 45'it hr. been arg,r.d that the Epidauriin miracle inscriptions wele a compilation ofexegedcal inscriptiJns which origindly glossed wooden plrq,r.s depicting scenes ofmiia.culous healing (LiDonnici (igg1\', {o-zS). See Herodas-mimiamboi 4, Iines 14-

17 and,Zl-25 (Ei.kr.in and Edelstein (1945), ro. 4BZ) for the concurrent readin_q ofimage and text in a Heilenistic poetic narrative of pilgrimage to fiefuklepieion.at Kostpagianias and Arrian demorrrror. fie 2nd-cent. cE practice of concurrent readings ofirrr"g.. and accompanying inscriptions:_on Pausaniat ti. Arafat (1992),397 md Habicht(iyfsl ,64-94; ,.. furi"n, fri;pt. M. Eux. 1 (he cornments both on fie statue ofHadrian-its likeness to him-and on its accompanying inscription).- - qe i.. plut. De pyth. Or. 394e where grlid.r. cor,drr.t the visitor around the

d.vaTr1y,ara erApollo's oracle at Delphi.

208 Alexia Pets a lis- D iomidis

their sratus as restaments to dee power and presence of dre god, as proofof the stories they constru cted.n'

Beyond fie multipliciry of possible viewings and readings at any

time, a rwenry-first-century European reading of a thank-ofrering

from the Asklepieion is without doubt temporrlly and culturally re-

moved from a second-century Graeco-Roman pilgrim's reading. How-

ever, the following analysis of a selection of drank-offerings is sensitrzed

to the frameworks in which these were viewed by pilgrims in the second

century-the broad cultural context of the Greek east in the Roman

.-pir., with particular reference to discourses of visu*liry and religion,

,t J the specific spatial and ritual context of the Pergamene Asklepieion.

The interpretation of fie sanctuary andrhe Lex Sacra in the first part ofthis paper emphas tzed the construction of cornmunitas through spatial

and ,it.rrl ,.grrl"rion of the pilgrim body as a whole. The thank-ofrer-

ings, however, focus exclusively on the experience of the individual

pilgrim-dedicant, erren though this was constructed within and by the

.o*"runal space and ritual. The Lex Sacra organized pilgrims into one

visible communal procession and united them through common Pur-ificatory rituals, while the communal incubation chambers physicrlly

gathered pilgrims together. By contrast the drank-offerings asserted the

pilgrims' individualiry by means of choices both of presentation in text

,"J image, and of disphy, "r there were a variery of sPaces in which to

make ,h. dedications.as Both the Lex Sacra and the thank offerings

focused on the bodies of pilgrims: but whereas the former attemPted to

homog enLze tJrem, the latter differentiated them through narratives ofindividual bodily healing and engaged in a discourse of theraPeutic

competition.There was a wide range of genres of thank-oflfurings and the first one

ro be examined is liter ary and also perhaps the most eloquent thank-

offering associated with the Askl.pi.iot, i.[,rs Aristides' S)cred Tales.ae

47 See e.g. plut. De Pyth. Or.4ailf4o9a (votives are adduced-as proof of fie truth of

the pphia'r"pronouncements); Kallimachos' El.igr1.myata 55 (Edelstein and Edelstein

(t94il, DO. izz) (if fuklepios forgets that the pilfirlm has paid for the cure the tablet willbo, *itrr..r); Epidr,rrian mirrcle-inscriptiotJ (tiOonnici (L995), 86-9 (A3 qnd A4))

48 Thank-off.rirrgr have been found all over the Aklepieion, in particular in the

northern area of the sanctuarY.4e On the SI on fie literary context see Boulanger (1923); Cort6s Cope-te (L995).

On the religious dimensions i.. Fesru_gilre (1954), 85-104; Dodds (L965), 47-5;

Bompaire ligagl. On pilgrimage see Rutherford (1999). On conversion see \7eiss

Visual Dynamics in l{ealing Pilgrimage 209

Important differences of effect certainly arise fro_m the choice of genre of

*r6t -ofrerings. For example, literrry th*"k-offerings could be heard or

read outside the Aklepieion whereas marble statues and inscriptions

narrating similar stories of healing could only be read and viewed within

tl:e conrext of the sancrua ry.to Aristides himself, however, on one level

rrears oral and. physical narratives in thanla for healing as comParable.5l

Simult"neously he does specifi, that his choice of genre-irjyoL-Lnwhich to give rllanla was panicul ar:|y appropriate to him and his story

of contaciwith the god as he was an orator and his oratorical skills had

been advanced by Jorr,r.t with fuklepios.5' Th,rs in this instance the

(t9g8). On the social and public context see Brown (1978),27-53:On autobiography

,.. Mir.h (1 973), 495-5tb; Quer (1993). On dre literar1, roJe of .{ogmentadon see

p;"rt (rgas). on dream ,rrrritir.s see Michenaud and Dierkens (L972); Cox Miller

ftitgll,'LB+204. Onprin and the body see Perkins (1992) and (1995), 173-99; K!8itggg). O., referenc.r^,o the space olthe Pergrttt:r: fuklepieion see-Jones -(1998).i{ortil. interpretations of the Sland its author in-the lighl of the notion of hypoc!:$1"i;;1"d. phillips (t952); Behr (1968) , 4446; Bowersock (1 969),72; Reardon (1971),

z5B, z6t, z6i,;rrair.l, (tgll), 4g5-5L0 (esp. 502,50G8); Brown (L978), 41'; MrcMul-

I.., (t981) ,9,'15; M. io,rr.,ritch and D. Gburevitch (1968); D. Gourevitch (1'984)' L7-

7l;Lane Fox (1986), 160; Hoffinann (1998), 54'50 Several passages from Aristides' writing: tgg"gty*g_ge_st that the SZwas known

b.yord th. *rrfi.r?, of fie Pergame".^$F:pieion- .ST-L-L, Oration 42 An Address

i;gr;i"g.,arklrjios 4 tyd, 10. S; dso Sr 43a which suggests.the therapeutic public

,.iJi"f 3r *r. ,iri.a book of the SIin the fuklepiejg.n, qresumably_fo1 a select audience.

philostraros' reference to t}re Slpresupposes its publi."i1o.r, Vitae Sophistarum 581: 'For

the nature of his disease, and .h. f".i ^rh". he i,rffered from muscle sPasms he himself

writes in the Sacred books; and these books served him in some sofi as diaries, and *re

d.iaries are good teachers of fie ,rE 9l speaking well 91 .":rr subject.' Lucian's De Dea

il;;, *hti *rk.s the temple public^ for a -*id.t (Greek-speaking) audience, could

b. r.g*tded as literary thank-offering-"- ti";JArirtid. oiation 42 An AZdutt Regarding, shlepio.r 7: 'But some, I mean both

men and women, even artribute to the pro,riierr.. Jf the fod t]re existence of the limbs of

;[;i, toJy, when their narural limbs had been destroyed; others list other t{ings, some in

oral accounrs, some in the declarations of their votive offerings' (of p'iv d"nd or|y'aros

oiraoi 6pd.Lovr€s, oc 3d dv rois d'vaTrip'aow i{qyodpevot)""'57

itifi=j 3r'ofcourse I am con..rr.d ro express my gratitude and show Pl-resPe:tby -.*, of srcrifice and incense, whether thii takes plicg in keepils with Hesiod's

advice or even with greater enrhusiasm than my means allow. But the expressiol "f[rr*"a. through oratory appears particularly proper to me. For if in general the study of

[r",ory (,\dyrr;eans f"r;; th. poi.r, rrri, as iiwere, the sum of life, and of speeches

fiose concerniog .h. gods ,r. tlr..^most necessary and just, and our career in oratory

.r.*rri, "

giCft?- irrE 6d himself, there is no fairer ni*r_of showing gratitude to fie

;"J; i thinlk, .hr. thloigh oratory n-o1 would we have a better use to *!i+ to .PutErrrory.' o, th. ,irrrpl. I#.r"ry ,.yi. olfie Sras a deliberatg tgchnique which functions

pri*".ily.o *rrr.f Lirtides'i^rg. of simpiiciry pi.ty, md d"$()er,a see \7eiss (1998),

270 Alexia Pets a lis -D iomidis

choice of genre expresses *re pilgrim's individualiry and the nature of his

personal contact with fuklepios.The Sacred Tales focuses exclusively on Aristides, in particular on his

body and his oratory. Scholars have been disappointed by his aPParent

lack of interesr in the buitding activiry which must have been going orr

in the fuklepieion during his rwo -year stay, his 'kathedra', in 145-7 ."There are no references to the communal activities set out in the Lex

Sacra, and very few references to other pilgrims at all-and these are

highly selective as ,h.y refer almost exclusively to men of the social,

po"litical, md intellectual elite of Asia Minor.5n Th.se choices construct

, ,rrrr"tive which ref.ects the experience, or perhaps more accurately, rhe

ideal of pilgrimage to the Asklepieion of one intellectual aristocrat; it is

one pilgiinls voice amongst many, most of which were not recorded in

either tl"t or image or, if recorded, were subsequendy lost.

An important feature of Aristides' 'voice' is its highly competitive

,orr..55 H. pr.senrs himself as the pilgrim whose sickness is the most

severe, whoi. suffering is the most painful, whose powers of endutance

are the most extraordinary and whose recovery is the most miracu-

lo,rr.56 He also claims ro have had the most frequent and intense

visionary conracr with Asklepios and to have received more favours

47-73,and esp. 5Z-7Z.See Rufierford (1998a), 101 for Aristid.es' later reputation as a

writer in the d.$etts sryle-

53 e.g. Jones (1998), €Sp. T4.ForAristides'references to his 'kathedrd see SI2.70 and

3.44.- ;q For example, in the narrative of Aristides' 'kathedra' in $e fuklepieion he is said to

have conracr *i,t, L. Sedatius Theophilus, citizen of Nikaia on fie Kayster an{

Laod.ikaia ad Lycum, of praetorian rank; L. Cuspius.Pactumeius Rufinus consul in 142

cB and donor of ,h.-,.*pl. of Zeus-fuklepios; L. Srlri,rsJulianus consul 17011 cE; and

e. F"bi"s Julianus Optarianus consul 128 cr and prg-consul of Asia 14516 cn. Philo-

ripfr.rr "ni orrror, "i. also mentioned at IV. 19, 23 artd 27 . Howeve r, there is evidence

.*i.rrrrl to rle text for the presence of different q?es of worshippers-women and non-

eiite. See Habicht (t969i for inscriptional evidence for female worshipPe.rs at the

A"kl.pi.ion. In addition to thank-otrer1ng1 by. women, Flavia Melitine built the library

,"a aiaicated the statue of Hadrian in thii building. Material evidence for poor pilgrims

is inevitably lacking because of the perishable nature o.f cheap offerings.. However,

accord.ing tt th. Li Sano (lines 8,22-3) the fee for incubation in this period was not

very higf (3 obols), suggesting that gogrer pilgrims were.not excludedis fi,ir has b..r, irit".rp..i.a i" tigfr o? .i. cornpetitiye a1{ P"blr-. 'face to face'

culture of the second ...r.rrry. On Aristides see Brown (1978), 27-53; Cox Miller(titg1), lB4-204; and generally on competitive .'rea{ilg' of appearance in second

..rr*ry culture (physiogiomics) see Gleason (1995), 55-81; Barton (1994),95-731.56 i.s. Sr 2.47.

Visual Dynamics in l{ealing Pilgrimage 211

frorn him than any Greek at ^ny

time.57 Hir therapeutic contact widrfuklepios is exclusive: if others try the cures that Asklepios has pre-

scribed to Aristides, they fall ill, and if Aristides follows the advice ofhuman doctors-even if it is identical with that of Aklepios!-he does

nor ,..o,r.r.5t Arisddes' dependence on fuklepios is mirrored by the

god's dependence on his new-found seryant, 6rd"*oros.59

Aristides'discourse of personal divine favour is initially played out onthe stage of his suffering body and involves a series of violent illnesses

and gruelling treatments. In the first three books of the Sacred Tales

fuistides'sickness is presentgd as a serious impediment to his career as a

public oraror (ironii ilLy in a highly sophisti.rt.d literary mediu*).60Gradually though, and especially in books four and five, a symbiodcrelationship is depicted benveen Aristides' sickness and his oratory

because of the contact with fuklepios fiat *re former condition en-

tails.6i Asklepios the god of healing, becomes the ideal teacher oforatory: he orders Aristides to resume writing and public speaking, h.directs his course of study, introduces him to the great intellectuals ofthe pasr such as Plato and Sophokles, and sometimes even writes his

rp..lhes for him!62 An apologetic passage indicates that Aristides was

57 ST 2.55 (frequent visions), Oration 42 Addrus Regarding Asklepios I (most

favoured of all the Greeks).

:: ST 2.76, 2.73; examples where doctors are proved wron g 1.5?--S and 3.8-9.e.g. .9f 1 .7L-7: Ariitides saves his foster father Zosimos from sickness (1.74:

rcit reEe6rt yd.pw tycrtv rfis npovo{as rcai rfis }mrcovtas Zy.o{'being both thankful to

fie godforhisprovidence andto me for mysenric e');3.3840Aristid:t Pljt-"ttoP t-o aspate ofeanlquaka (3.40: npovotat pciv rco,i 6uvd"y,er, rdtv 7eitv,lts.rcovlo,t.6' fip.fitv dvayrca[ab-'on rhl one hand on account of the providence and power of *re gods, on t}re other hand

on account of my necessary service'); 4.ll-l Aristides saves his travelling comPanions from a

storm (4.36: eiepy(rTv, oo)rfipa 6voy.d.fovres, ouyya[povres rils no,pd" rdv ?ecitv_

npovotas 'c- lling *. "b..refactor" and "savioLlr", and rejoicing wifi me at the providence offie gods').

ed ST 2.5-7 and 60-7A (he conuacted his illness on a journey to Rome to perform as

an -oraror), and 5.56 (illness has prevented him from touring and performing)6r ST 4.25 (his conracr with the healing god was the most valuable part of his

oratorical training), 4.27 (he beca-me ill by divine good fortune in order that his oratorybe improved), q.lg fte realizes that the god intended his healing tlerapies not only tg

,"r. hi* but to help him in his oratory). See Perkins (L992) and (1995),173-99, and

Kirg (1999) o.t th. narrative function of pain and suffering in the.9ZeI ST 4.14 (fuklepios orders him to rirume oratoqf) , 4.24 (reading list and intro-

ductions to the grear pasr masters) , 4.25-26 (Aristides'_comPositiors aided in dream

visions), 4.59-6f(visions of atl fie greatliteraryfigures of the past). CoqPare the role ofthe hero Protesilaos in Philostr^tot l{rroikos 2U2 in revealing t}re (dead) Tfojan heroes

to the vinegrower (and through him to fie Phoenician merchant and dre reader).

2t2 Alexia Pets alis - D i o midis

aware of the unusual nature of fuklepios' contact wi*r him.63 The

presence ofAsklepios in Aristides' body and words is repeatedly asserted

in narratives of competitive therapeutic and oratorical performances.

Aristides' very existence is attributed to the god repeatedly saving hirn

and this theme is expressed in a story in which Asklepios bestows the

name Theodoros ('gift of the god') on Arisddes.on The text offers

glimpses into Aristides' intense, personal, charismatic relationship

with the god; fiis is only reinforced by occasional tantalizing sugges-

tions that some encounters with the divine cannot be revealed to the

,.rder.65Aristides' literary thank-offering is of some length and enables the

author to describe a series of illnesses and recoveries, and to present the

developmenr of his relationship with Asklepios. Inscriptional tlank-offerings found in the fuklepieion are much shorter: complex narratives

are telescoped into short graphic summaries. But the focus on the

individual is an important feature in a similar manner to Aristides'

narrariye. The pilgrim's identiry and story of divine contact are con-

veyed in a number of ways. CyJtural affiliation is stated through choice

of language-Greek or Latirr.uu The pilgrim's name is a vital feature ofidentifu ,Ira is included in almor, .r.ry th*ttk-offering.u' Occupation

and social or mili ary rank are further autobiographical features present

in many inscriptions.6u P1".. of origin further identifies the individualand simultaneously evokes a narrative of the pilgrims journey fromhome to the Asklepieion.6e Th. pilgrims visionary contact with fukle-

63 sr 5.36.64 sT 4.53 and 70.65 .tf 1 .71;3.46,3.48;4.50-L Pausanias too withholds religious information from

his readers, e.g. 1,.38.7 (about Eleusis) md 4.33.4-5 (about the Karnasian grove outside

Messene). Foia discussion see Habicht (1998),155; Elsner (1992), esp.20-5. See also

Apuleius, Apologjr 61 and Metamorphoses 11.22 for tantaliz!1g_.refe_rences to the know-Iedge of iniiiat.i(o., the latter see Beard, North, and Price (1998),287-8). On the theme

of Jo.,rr.,.entation and testimony in the SIsee Pearcy (1988).66 Most of the inscriptions are in Greek. Latin examples include Habicht (1969),

nos. 67, 58, 107.67 Contrast Lucian's De Dea Syria I and 60 where there is a play on (the witholding

o0 the na-rne of the authoripilgrim. See Elsner (200 7 b) , L26-7 , 152-3.'68

e.g. Habicht ( L969), rrtr.?7 (lictor to fie proconsul of Asi a), 77 (soldier of the first

legion), 106 (corn supplier to the sixth legion), 125 (treasurer of lower Mysia); fotreferences to rank see nos. 79, 106, L20.

6e e.g. Habicht (1969), nos. 74 (Troas),75 and 76 (Nikaia) ,78 (Antiocheia), BB

(Kos) , 102 (Mylasa) , 127 (Rhodes).

Visual Dynamics in t{ealing Pilgrimage 213

pios is often referred" to in formulae such as Ko"r' 6rop.7o Such briefsraremenrs do not compare in intensity airrd deta^il to Aristides' literarydescriptions of his visionary contact with fuklepios at Perga-mon and

beyond. For example:

But it was made as clear as possible, just as countless other things also

clearli, contained the presence of the god. For there was a seeming, as it were,

to rouch him and to perceive that he himself had come, and to be between

sleep and waking, md to wish to look up and to be in anguish that he might

depart too soon and to strain dre ea.rs and to hear some drings as in a

drl*-, some as in a waking state. Hair stood straight, and there were tears

with joy, and the pride of one's heart was inoffensive. And wfrat man could

d..r.rib. these_ mi"gr in words? If arLy man has been initiated, he knows and

understrodr.Tl

The plain Kc,r' 6vap of inscriptions could have been read as e sign

pointing ro this kind of experience, encouraging pilgrirns to imagine

it most effectively for themselves.

The inscription ser up by Julius Meidias focuses on the pilgrim s

body, and in particular on the painful treatment he underwent at the

command of fuklepios (Figure 11) :'IodLros Me,8i ["s] $leporopTgeis$nd roi pr,uds xard" inrrayilv dviTrtrcfel. ('Julius Meidi[as] set this uP

in accordance with a command having been bled underneafi his

muscle')." Meidias' inscription creates a narrative of his body's suffer-

ings and endurance on account not of sickness (though this is implicit),b"1 of the therapy imposed by the god. Within the confines of the

fuklepieion ar l."rt, this pilgiim .hor. to identify himself wifi a

,r"rrriire of fierapeutic bodily sufrering in accordance with the will ofthe god. The god's takeover of Meidias] body through the ffeatment was

p*rJl.l.d by his claiming parr of the space of the god with this

dedication: it was found in the courtyard of the fuklepieion berween

the temple of fuklepios the Saviour and the old incubation chambers.

The 'inscribirg' of the pilgrim s body through cutting (bloodletting) is

paralleted by th. p.rmanent 'inscribing' of the god's landscape by the

70 See above n. 41.7t ST 2.3t-3. Compare the description of the vinegrower's contact with the hero

Protesilaos in Philostraros, Heroikos l0-11.72 Habicht (1969), no. 139.

274 Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis

Figure 11. Votive inscription from the Aklepieion of Pergamon, dedicated by

J,rli.rs Meidias. Invenrory number 1933,40. Dimensions 17 x 18 x 3.0 cm.

(H"bi.ht (1 969), oo. l39,Tafel 4L)

serring up of the votive inscription in the yery area where he manifested

himself in his cult statue and in dream visions.

Text and image are used together in thank-offerings very eflfbctively to

focus on the particular part of the pilgrim's body which had been

sick and was r,rbr.quendy healed by the god. For example, the pilgrim

Thpari dedicated a bro.rr. image of her eyes attached loj P_laque wlichidentified both her and the god by name (Figure 12)." On the basis

that this thank-offering was found in the courryard of the sanctuary

it is presumed that it had been displayed in this area. Consequently,

after her departure a representation of the part of Thpari's body which

had been miraculously healed remained close to the god. In this

case the gaze of rhe pilgrim which had beheld the god in his cult

73 Habicht(i969),no. 111b: Tatrapt'Ao-^l.rcAr1ntcit ,ixT{v) (}q"litofuklepiosa vodve') . For a- purely inscriptional account of the heaiing of eyes see Habicht ( 1 969), no -

86.

Visual Dynamics in f{ealirug Pilgrimage 215

Figure 12. Bronze plaque with eyes from the Asklepieion of Pergan-1on, d5di-

.#a by Thpari. Bergama museum, inventory number 1 959, M 3. Dimensions

of plaq-ue 5-.9 x 2.1 x 0.2 cm. (Habicht (1969), oo. 111b, Tafel 30)

image or perhaps in a dream vision, was frozen in a permanent

srare of healed irrnrformation in the sanctua{F and looked out not

only on the sacred space of the god but also on subsequent pilgrim r-74

In the conrexr of ifr. sancruary this image and short text told an

eloquenr srory of divine healing. \Tithin the taxonomy of the Askle-

pieitn the very parr of the body which had been perceived as the locus

tf i[n.ss and pain was transformed into the miraculous Part.The thank-offering of Fabia Secunda also uses a combination of

texr and. image (Figure rc).75 It is unclear whether the eer depicted

74 On fie g6ein Late Antique and Medieval Christianiry see Frank (2000&) and

Hahn (2000).- it Habicht (1969), ro. 9l: 'Aoxlrpui Ea-l"ip, Qapi,a Eercoav-l E" Ror' ilvetpo,

('To fuklepios the Saviour Fabia Secunda in accordance with a dream').

216 Alexia Pets a lis -D iomidis

Figure 13. Bronze plaque with gilded ear from the fuklepieion of Pergar:lon,

d.di.ated by Fabia Secunda. Inventory number M 1959; Dimensions 9 x 4.3

(top) and 7.3 (bottom) x approximately 0.5 cm. (Habicht (L969), no'91,

Thfel 30)

represents the ear of the pilgrim (whether sick or healed) or the ear ofth. god, listening to dr. pit[rim's request.T6 Thr- dedication is made of,.l"ii,r.ly expensive materials (bro nze and silver) and is visually impres-

sive. By means of their thank-offerings pilgrims such as Meidias, Thpari,

and Fabia Secunda competed to catch and hold the attention not only of

76 The d,epiction of ears on vodve d.edications is a motif found in sanctuaries 9f many

gods. The i&a of fuklepiof listening to pilgriTr rj .*pressed in the epithet inrixoos

['lirt.rrirrg'), for example Habicht (1969), nos. 99, 100, and. 101..ComPare also accounts

of conveisrtiorrs b.r*.., fuklepios and the incubant in the 4th-cent. BCE Ftl''idaurian

miracle inscriptions (see above i. +Z). See also literary tellimonies Oribasius, Collectiones

Medicae 45. ZA. 10-14 (Edelstein and Edelstein (1945), no.425); Philostratos, Vitae

Sophistarum 568 (the sophist Antiochos converses with fukl9gi9s .at the .sancruary of

Aikl.pios at Aigai). For examples of Aristides conversing with fuklepios in dream visions

narraied in the Sfsee 1.71 and 4-50-

visual Dynamics in l{ealing Pilgrimage 217

the god but also of other pilgrims. These dedications were dispersed

throlghout the sanctuary, but together constructed a communiry of past

pilgrits in bronze and marble. Competition and clmrnunitas can t}us

t.Id.rrtified as features of the process of making a drank-ofrering as well

as of the performance of incubation, as analysed above, and of the

general cultural consrruction of the sanctiry of Perga-mene Asklepios.v Several common themes emerge from the analysis of this small

selection of thank-offerings. The text of Aristides, the inscription of

Meidias and the body parrs of Thpari and Fabia Secunda exPress diverse

personal experiences of h.rting in individualized ways. All focus on the

todi.s of the pilgrims and on their contact with Asklepios. They Pres.t t

narrarives of^thl miraculous presence of the god in sick bodies, of

personal salvation and transformation through divine favour, of the

resroration of order ro fragmented bodies. These highly personal and

intimate stories were, however, experienced in dre public domain of the

Asklepieion and expressed in the public discourses of texts and images.

In this way highly individualized pilgrim responses, which were them-

selves mould.J ,rd ro some extent controlled by the range of meanings

available within the conrexr of the sanctu aA, became Part of that

'objective' realiry of the fuklepieion.

CONCLIJSIONS

This interpretation of pilgrimage to the Pergamene fuklepieion in the

second. ..rrr,rry has .*pf,rsired the importance of the visual and of

place, where place is understood as architectural sPace in conjunction

with the ,rrlo that governed the pilgrims' collective movement and

mental srare within ii. ffris emph"rlr on the common sPace and rituals

engend.ering a sense of commuruitas was the starting point, the frame-

work in which therapeutic competition and individual experiences of

contact with the divine were th.n located and interpreted. It has been

argued that the order and regulation offered by the architecture of the

sanfiuary and rules of the Lr* Sacra were important asPects of the

experience of healirg pilgrimage. This communal element was both

,.irrforced and p"rrd"o*i.Jty ,r.d.r*ined by the intensi ry of individual

conract with ,h. god and. his presence in individual bodies. Both tle

land.scape of the s"ncruary and bodies of dre pilgrims were transformed

278 Alexia Pe*alis-Diornidis

by the imposition of spatial and ritual order. But it was the miraculous,

often violent transformation through the presence of fuklepios fiatbotlr these sysrems were designed to achieve. A perilous struggle oforder and chaos lay x the core of healing pilgrimage to r}is sanctuaryl

berween order expressed in the architecture and in the regulated bodies

of pilgrims, and t}re chaos of illness and miracle-

Pilgrimage in Graeco-Roman and Early christian AntiquityISBN: 0199250790

ERRATA

Page 190 Figure I.

caption should read: General plan of the Asklepieion in the sec-ond century CE. Scale l: 2000 (Hoffmann (1lOS;,60 fig. 1)

Page 195 Figure 5.

caption should read: The 'original' second-century cE buildingplan of the Asklepieion of pergamon. Scale l:2000 (Hoffman(1998), 60 fig.2)

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