CORPVS INSCRIPTIONVM LATINARVM

CONSILIO ET AVCTORITATE

ACADEMIAE SCIENTIARVMBEROLINENSIS ET BRANDENBVRGENSIS

EDITVM

AVCTARIVM

SERIES NOVAVOLVMEN QVARTVM

DE GRVYTERMMXIV

ÖFFENTLICHKEIT – MONUMENT – TEXT

XIV Congressus InternationalisEpigraphiae Graecae et Latinae

27. – 31. Augusti MMXII

Akten

herausgegeben von

Werner Eck und Peter Funkein Verbindung mit

Marcus Dohnicht, Klaus Hallof,Matthäus Heil und Manfred G. Schmidt

DE GRUYTERMMXIV

Dieser Band wurde im Rahmen der gemeinsamen Forschungsförderung von Bundund Ländern mit Mitteln des Bundesministeriums für Bildung und Forschung undder Senatsverwaltung für Wirtschaft, Technologie und Forschung des Landes Ber-lin erarbeitet.

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ISBN 978-3-11-037496-4

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Vorwort

Ein Kongress ist ein wissenschaftliches und ein soziales Ereignis. Während dasLetztere wichtig ist für das innere Leben einer Disziplin, aber mit dem Ab-schlusstag des Kongresses auch bereits wieder sein Ende findet, sollte das wis-senschaftliche Ereignis fortleben. Die hier vorgelegten Akten sollen dies leisten.

Die Herausgeber dieses Bandes mussten entscheiden, ob alle Vorträge, die inBerlin vorgetragen wurden, veröffentlicht werden sollten. Wir haben uns dazuentschlossen, dies zu tun, freilich in unterschiedlicher Form. Die längeren Ab-handlungen der Plenarsitzungen werden hier vollständig vorgelegt, die Beiträgeder Nachmittagssektionen dagegen nur als Kurzversionen. Der Verzicht darauf,auch diese Beiträge in voller Länge abzudrucken, erschien uns angemessen, dochsollte zumindest ein Überblick über die Themen und Probleme gegeben werden,die in den Nachmittagssektionen behandelt wurden. Wir danken allen Autorenfür die Zusendung ihrer Manuskripte und für die schnelle Korrektur der Druck-vorlagen.

Es war unser Bestreben, die Akten zügig vorzulegen, damit die Autoren nichtzu lange nach Abschluss ihrer Manuskripte auf die Veröffentlichung wartenmussten; und zugleich wollten wir den nicht selten berechtigten Klagen begeg-nen, dass die Ergebnisse wissenschaftlicher Veranstaltungen allzu oft erst nachvielen Jahren publiziert würden. Darüber hinaus schien uns ein solches Vorgehenangebracht, um keinen zu großen Abstand zwischen der hier erfolgenden Publi-kation der Abstracts und der vollständigen Veröffentlichung der Beiträge derNachmittagssektionen entstehen zu lassen und um ein Erscheinen der Akten ineiner hinlänglich langen Zeit vor dem nächsten Epigraphikkongress in Wien imJahr 2017 sicherzustellen.

Wir wollen hier auch all denen nochmals danken, die den XIV. Internationa-len Kongress für Griechische und Lateinische Epigraphik ermöglicht haben. Anerster Stelle ist die Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie und ihr Präsident, Prof.Dr. Günter Stock zu nennen, sodann der amtierende und der frühere Präsidentder Humboldt-Universität, Prof. Dr. Jan-Hendrik Olbertz und Prof. Dr. Chri-stoph Markschies, die dem Kongress ihre volle Unterstützung gewährt haben;des Weiteren gilt unser Dank der Präsidentin des Deutschen Archäologischen In-stituts, Prof. Dr. Friederike Fless, für die logistische Unterstützung, und demPräsidenten der Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Prof. Dr. Hermann Parzinger,sowie dem Direktor der Antikensammlung der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin,Prof. Dr. Andreas Scholl, für die Bereitstellung des Pergamon-Museums, das ei-

VI

nen wundervollen Rahmen für die Abendveranstaltung bot. Die Finanzierungdes Kongresses, stets eines der zentralen Probleme eines solchen Ereignisses, istneben der BBAW und der AIEGL wesentlich durch die Deutsche Forschungsge-meinschaft getragen worden; dafür danken wir allen, besonders aber der DFG.Schließlich gilt unser Dank allen Autoren und allen Teilnehmerinnen und Teil-nehmern am Kongress und nicht zuletzt Matthäus Heil, der die Druckvorlagedieses Bandes mit größter Sorgfalt erstellt hat. Der Erfolg des Kongresses läßtuns auch auf eine günstige Aufnahme der Akten durch die wissenschaftlicheCommunity hoffen.

Berlin, März 2014 Für alle Herausgeber: Werner Eck

INHALTSVER ZEICHNIS

Vorwort . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VInhaltsverzeichnis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII

WERNER ECK: Begrüßung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1STEFAN REBENICH: Berlin und die antike Epigraphik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Plenarsitzung »Stadtbild im Wandel«ATHANASIOS D. RIZAKIS: Writing, public space and publicity in Greek

and Roman cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77JOHN MCK. CAMP II: Inscriptions and Public Space in the Agora of

Athens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91CHRISTIAN WITSCHEL: Epigraphische Monumente und städtische Öf-

fentlichkeit im Westen des Imperium Romanum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105CHARLOTTE ROUECHÉ: Using civic space: identifying the evidence . . . . 135

Plenarsitzung »Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen«WERNER ECK: Begegnung epigraphischer Kulturen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159PHILIP HUYSE: The Use of Greek Language and Script in Bilingual and

Trilingual Inscriptions from the Iranian World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161JONATHAN PRICE: The Media and Audiences of the Hebrew and Ara-

maic Jewish Inscriptions in Iudaea/Palaestina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183STEPHAN JOHANNES SEIDLMAYER: Fünftausend Jahre Inschriften. Die

Region des Ersten Nilkatarakts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197IGNASI-XAVIER ADIEGO: Las inscripciones plurilingües en Asia Menor:

hacia una clasificación tipológica y un análisis funcional . . . . . . . . . 231

Plenarsitzung »Epigraphik ländlicher Räume«STEPHEN MITCHELL: Rocks, Religion and Rural Epigraphy. Introducto-

ry Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271STEPHEN MITCHELL: Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian

Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275PÉTER KOVÁCS: Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia . . . . . . . . . 299

VIII Inhaltsverzeichnis

RALPH HAEUSSLER: Differences in the epigraphic habit in the rural land-scapes of Gallia Narbonensis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323

GUY LABARRE – MEHMET ÖZSAIT: Les inscriptions rupestres de languegrecque en Pisidie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347

Plenarsitzung »Public Entertainment«SILVIA ORLANDI: Public Entertainment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 375BRIGITTE LE GUEN: Textes et monuments: l’argent dans l’activité théâ-

trale de l’époque hellénistique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 377TULLIA RITTI: Spettacoli dell’arena in età imperiale: alcune osservazioni

sulle forme e la finalità della comunicazione . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 401

Sektion »Häfen: Infrastruktur und Gesellschaft«CHRISTOF SCHULER: Einführung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 431OCTAVIAN BOUNEGRU: Emporoi et nauclères dans les ports de la Médi-

terranée Orientale. Structures institutionnelles et image publique descommerçants et des armateurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 433

HELMUTH SCHNEIDER: Kaiserliche Repräsentation in Hafenstädten . . . 436CHRISTER BRUUN: Roman Ostia as a »harbour town« in the epigraphic

evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 438DRAGANA MLADENOVIĆ: Portus, the Via Campana/Portuensis and Ro-

me: Toward a better understanding of the nature of connections bet-ween a port and associated hinterland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 441

ARMANDO REDENTOR: Cale: un puerto de la Callaecia meridional . . . . 443MURIEL MOSER: Eine spätantike lateinische Inschrift aus Laodikeia-ad-

Mare als Dokument der zentralen Rolle von Häfen in der römischenMilitärlogistik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445

FILIZ DÖNMEZ-ÖZTÜRK – HÜSEYIN SAMI ÖZTÜRK: Ein spätantikesEdikt zum Wirtschaftsleben in Andriake (Lykien) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448

NATHAN BADOUD: Une inscription du port de Rhodes mentionnant lalex Rhodia de iactu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 450

Sektion »Das Militär in seiner Welt«MICHAEL A. SPEIDEL: Einleitung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS: War on Display: The Military Epigraphy of

the Athenian Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 454

Inhaltsverzeichnis IX

LUCIA D’AMORE: Il corpo militare ateniese e il temenos di Apollo Liceo(IG I3 138). Un esempio di epikephalaion telos? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458

VINCENT GABRIELSEN: The Navies of Classical Athens and HellenisticRhodes: An Epigraphic Comparison of Display, Monument and Text 461

NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA: Warriors without Weapons at Demetrias 464PIERRE COSME: Les bronzes fondus du Capitole: vétérans, cités et urba-

nisme romain au début du règne de Vespasien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 468CECILIA RICCI: The urban troops between the Antonines and Severus . 471CHRISTOPHE SCHMIDT HEIDENREICH: Le camp comme lieu d’affichage 473FRANÇOIS BÉRARD: Identité militaire et influences civiles dans les monu-

ments funéraires des officiers, des soldats et des vétérans de la garni-son de Lyon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 476

IOAN PISO – OVIDIU ŢENTEA: Die palmyrenischen Truppen in Dakien.Monumente und Öffentlichkeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 479

Sektion »Inschriften in privaten Räumen«ANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL: Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481WILLIAM C. WEST III: Informal and Practical Uses of Writing in Graffiti

from Azoria, Crete . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 483ELISABETH RATHMAYR: Zur Bedeutung von Skulpturen und mit diesen

in Zusammenhang stehenden Inschriften im privaten Raum, darge-stellt an Wohnhäusern in Ephesos und Pergamon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 484

HANS TAEUBER: Einblicke in die Privatsphäre. Die Evidenz der Graffitiaus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 487

J. A. BAIRD: Scratching the walls of houses at Dura-Europos . . . . . . . . 489FRANCISCO BELTRÁN LLORIS: Honos clientium instituit sic colere patro-

nos. Un tipo epigráfico público y ‘privado’: las tábulas de hospitali-dad y patronato . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 492

ANTONIO VARONE: Iscrizioni »privatissime«, inedite o rilette, dall’areaVesuviana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 494

REBECCA R. BENEFIEL: Ancient Graffiti in Pompeian Domestic Spaces . 494PETER KEEGAN: Graffiti and Dipinti as monumenta and verba: Marking

Territories, Creating Discourse in Roman Pompeii . . . . . . . . . . . . . 497

Sektion »Inschriften in der digitalen Welt«JOHN BODEL: Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 501

X Inhaltsverzeichnis

MICHÈLE BRUNET: Le programme de publication numérique de la collec-tion des inscriptions grecques du Musée du Louvre, E-PIGRAMME 503

KIRSTEN JAHN: Die Erschließung von Fluchtafeln durch den TheDeMa(Thesaurus Defixionum Magdeburgensis) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 506

ANTONIO ENRICO FELLE: Prospettive per il corpus digitale delle iscrizio-ni cristiane di Roma: contesti e testi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 508

MANFRED HAINZMANN: Monumenta Epigraphica Electronica – Plädoy-er für eine transmediale Edition lateinischer Inschriften . . . . . . . . . . 510

ASKOLD IVANTCHIK – IRENE POLINSKAYA: A Digital Corpus of AncientInscriptions from the Northern Black Sea Coast (IOSPE3) . . . . . . . . 512

GIULIA SARULLO: Iscrizioni Latine Arcaiche: a Digital Corpus of ArchaicLatin Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 515

Sektion »Forschungsgeschichte«MARCO BUONOCORE: Introduzione . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 519DANIELA GIONTA: Epigrafia antica e ideologia politica nell’Italia del

Quattrocento . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 524XAVIER ESPLUGA: Antiquitates Romanae: per una storia della prima tra-

dizione epigrafica di Verona . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 526ULRIKE JANSEN: Der Codex Pighianus als rezeptionsgeschichtliches Do-

kument für die Epigraphik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 529ROBERTA MARCHIONNI: Nicht nur Handschriften. Die etwas andere

Überlieferung der Inschrift CIL VI 1163 und ihres Textträgers . . . . 531MARIANNE PADE: The materiality of Bartolomeo Sanvito’s (1435–1511)

epigraphic capitals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 535HEIKKI SOLIN: Sammlungen von Inschriftensteinen zu Anfang der Neu-

zeit. Gelehrsamkeit und Sammeltätigkeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 538HELENA GIMENO PASCUAL: Storia della ricerca epigrafica nella Penisola

Iberica nei secoli XVI e XVII: analisi, interpretazione e valorizzazionedelle iscrizioni dell’Hispania romana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 541

MARTIN OTT: Die Entdeckung des Altertums: Der Umgang mit der rö-mischen Vergangenheit Süddeutschlands im 16. Jahrhundert . . . . . 543

Sektion »Tituli novi (I)«KLAUS HALLOF – ERKKI SIRONEN: Praefatio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 547D. JORDAN – G. ROCCA – L. THREATTE: Una nuova iscrizione (dalla Si-

cilia?) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 548

Inhaltsverzeichnis XI

YANNIS KALLIONTZIS – NIKOLAOS PAPAZARKADAS: New Boeotian In-scriptions from Akraiphia and Koroneia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 550

ANDRONIKE MAKRES – ADELE SCAFURO: New Inscriptions from Thala-mai (Ancient Lakonia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 552

ALEXANDRU AVRAM: Revision eines Ehrendekrets der Stadt Istros (SEG52, 724) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 554

ATHANASSIOS THEMOS: A Fragmentary Decree from Anaphe . . . . . . . . 556M. H. SAYAR: Lysimacheia. Zankapfel zwischen den Diadochen . . . . . 557DAMIANA BALDASSARRA: Epigraphical Novelties from Greek Adria . . . 562ELENI ZAVVOU: An honorary monument from modern Asopos area (La-

conia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 564

Sektion »XII. F.E.R.C.AN. – Workshop«PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL: Einleitung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 567WOLFGANG SPICKERMANN: Neue epigraphische Zeugnisse gallo-römi-

scher Götternamen aus den beiden Germanien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 568MILENA DE ALBENTIIS HIENZ – PATRIZIA DE BERNARDO STEMPEL: To-

wards a Typology of Epithets Referring to Classical Deities: TheGreek, Latin and Celto-Roman Apollo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 570

Mª CRUZ GONZÁLEZ RODRÍGUEZ – MANUEL RAMÍREZ SÁNCHEZ: Haciala elaboración del corpus de divinidades locales de Gallaecia (HC):novedades y revisiones epigráficas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 573

ESTÍBALIZ ORTIZ DE URBINA ÁLAVA: Dedicantes y cultores de divinida-des indígenas en el conventus Asturum (Hispania citerior) . . . . . . . 576

GERHARD BAUCHHENSS: Doppelgöttinnen in den römischen Nordwest-provinzen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 579

Sektion »Vermessung von Räumen«ISABEL RODÀ: Introducción . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 583BORJA DÍAZ ARIÑO – DIANA GOROSTIDI PI: Medir la distancia en época

republicana. Los miliarios . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 587JONATHAN PRAG: Territorial organisation in late Hellenistic Halaesa, Si-

cily . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 590KAJA HARTER-UIBOPUU: Streit um Land oder Streit um Grenzen – Über-

legungen zur zwischenstaatlichen Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit . . . . . . . . . 592ORIETTA DORA CORDOVANA: Vici e agri vectigales nelle testimonianze

epigrafiche e nei gromatici (Britannia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 595

XII Inhaltsverzeichnis

DENIS ROUSSET: Heiliges Eigentum und öffentliches Eigentum in griechi-schen Städten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 597

LÉOPOLD MIGEOTTE: Les terres publiques et sacrées de la cité athénienne 600CAROLINA CORTÉS BÁRCENA – JOSÉ MANUEL IGLESIAS GIL: Geographia

et prata: termini Augustales legionis IIII Macedonicae (provincia Tar-raconensis) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 605

CAMILLA CAMPEDELLI: Viae publicae als Mittel der Vermessung, Erfas-sung und Wahrnehmung von Räumen: Das Beispiel der Provinz Hi-spania citerior Tarraconensis (CIL XVII/1, 1) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 608

Sektion »Heiligtümer und Kulte«MIKA KAJAVA: Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 611TAKASHI FUJII: Typology of Inscribed Oaths to the Roman Emperor: Re-

ligious, Geographical and Political Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . 613NICOLE BELAYCHE: From Personal Experience to Public Display: A look

into the therapeutic sanctuary of Gadara . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 615JOSEPH W. DAY: Dedications in Dialogue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 617GUNNEL EKROTH: Homeric echoes? Archaizing language in Greek reli-

gious inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 619FRANCESCO GUIZZI: Oracoli e culti a Hierapolis di Frigia . . . . . . . . . . 622MARIA KANTIREA: Constructions sacrées des affranchis et esclaves en

Asie Mineure sous l’Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 624ANDREJ PETROVIC – IVANA PETROVIC: Authority and Generic Hetero-

geneity of Greek Sacred Regulations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 626GIL H. RENBERG: Tabella Picta: Sources for Private Dedicatory Pain-

tings at Greco-Roman Cult Sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 629CHRISTOPH SAMITZ: Die Veröffentlichung von Volksbeschlüssen in hel-

lenistischer Zeit: Milet und Priene . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 631

Sektion »Inschriften und christliche Kulträume«VERONIKA SCHEIBELREITER-GAIL: Einleitung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 635JUTTA DRESKEN-WEILAND: Jenseitsvorstellungen in christlichen Grabin-

schriften und das christliche Grabwesen in Rom vom 3.–5. Jh. . . . . 637ILENIA GRADANTE: Note epigrafiche sul battistero Lateranense per una

riconsiderazione del programma architettonico di papa Ilaro . . . . . 640

Inhaltsverzeichnis XIII

CILLIERS BREYTENBACH – ULRICH HUTTNER – CHRISTIANE ZIMMER-MANN: Märtyrer in Lykaonien und ihre Gedenkstätten. Das Zeugnisder Inschriften . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 642

DONATELLA NUZZO: Le iscrizioni degli edifici cristiani di Ostia e Porto:forme e contenuti di una prassi tardoantica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 645

SPYROS P. PANAGOPOULOS: Verse inscriptions on Byzantine religious ar-tifacts: The case of Manuel Philes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 648

ANDREAS RHOBY: Byzantinische Kirchen als Orte der Interaktion vonWort, Bild und Betrachter – Inschriften im sakralen Kontext . . . . . . 650

ERKKI SIRONEN: Spätrömische und frühbyzantinische Inschriften imkirchlichen Kontext in Athen und Attika . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 652

NORBERT ZIMMERMANN: Christliche Inschriften aus vorkonstantini-scher Zeit im Sieben-Schläfer-Zömeterium in Ephesos . . . . . . . . . . . 655

Sektion »Zwiesprache von Lebenden und Toten: Gräber und ihre In-schriften«

ANTONIO CABALLOS RUFINO: Introducción . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 659DANIELA MARCHIANDI: Reader-reception of funerary inscriptions in

Classical Athens: a case study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 661ALESSIA DIMARTINO: L’immagine e la parola: funzione dialogica dei mo-

numenti funerari di età arcaica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 664BARBARA E. BORG: In search of senators deceased: Senatorial tomb buil-

ding reconsidered . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 666CLAUDIO ZACCARIA: Et tibi ... et tu. Forme di dialogo nella necropoli di

Aquileia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 668JUAN MANUEL ABASCAL PALAZÓN: Epigrafía funeraria de Segobriga . . 671CONCEPCIÓN FERNÁNDEZ MARTÍNEZ – JOAN GÓMEZ PALLARÈS –

JAVIER DEL HOYO CALLEJA: CLE funerarios en el marco del CILXVIII/2. La explotación de todo el material a través de las TIC en unnuevo portal de Poesía Epigráfica Latina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 673

MILAGROS NAVARRO CABALLERO: Les monuments funéraires du HautEmpire dans la province Aquitanique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 675

GIUSEPPE FALZONE: Il dialogo tra i vivi e i morti: le iscrizioni della cata-comba di sant’Ippolito sulla via Tiburtina a Roma . . . . . . . . . . . . . 678

Sektion »Raum – Bild – Inschrift«HENNER VON HESBERG: Einleitung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 681

XIV Inhaltsverzeichnis

ELENA MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ: Reading archaic Greek inscriptions . . . . . 683SARA KACZKO: Rules of Attraction: Linguistic and Visual Strategies in

Archaic and Classical Greek Verse-Dedications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 686FILIPPO BATTISTONI – LORENZO CAMPAGNA: Esposizione di documenti

pubblici, un caso particolare: Tauromenion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 688VICTOR COJOCARU: Die Ausführung von Standbildern oder Porträts von

Honoranden in Ehreninschriften aus dem pontischen Raum . . . . . . 691GIULIA TOZZI: Iscrizioni e spazio teatrale: l’esempio di Atene e di altri

teatri del mondo greco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 693STÉPHANE BENOIST – CHRISTINE HOËT-VAN CAUWENBERGHE – SABINE

LEFEBVRE: Mise en scène de l’oubli de la mémoire et monumenta ex-emplaires dans l’espace urbain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 695

CAROLINE BLONCE: Arcum cum statua: les dédicaces des arcs monumen-taux dans leur contexte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 698

EMILY A. HEMELRIJK: Women and Public Space in the Latin West . . . . 701ANTONELLA DANIELA AGOSTINELLI: Iscrizioni d’apparato a Roma nei

secoli IV–IX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 703

Sektion »Tituli novi (II)«MUSTAFA ADAK – MANFRED G. SCHMIDT: Einleitung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 707WERNER ECK: Der Stolz des municipium Troesmensium – das Stadtge-

setz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 708CHRISTIAN MAREK: Ehrenmonument des Gaius Calestrius Tiro in Kau-

nos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 711GIOVANNI MENNELLA – LUCIA GERVASINI: CIL XI 1352 = ILS 5563: un

problematico documento sul culto di Iside a Luna (Italia, regio VII) 712ANTONY HOSTEIN – MICHEL KASPRZYK: Une inscription en 1250 frag-

ments: CIL XIII 2657 (Augustodunum – Autun) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 715LENA KAUMANNS: Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Ostia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 717LAURA CHIOFFI: Novità da Capua . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 720CHRISTIAN WALLNER: Die Inschriften des Museums in Yozgat . . . . . . . 722JOSÉ REMESAL RODRÍGUEZ: Novedades de epigrafía anfórica en el Tes-

taccio (Roma) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 724JONATHAN PRAG: Inscribed bronze rostra from the site of the Battle of

the Aegates Islands, Sicily, 241 BC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 727

Inhaltsverzeichnis XV

AbschlussvortragJÜRGEN HAMMERSTAEDT: Inschrift und Architektur. Die philosophische

Publizistik des Diogenes von Oinoanda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .731

Index auctorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 757Verzeichnis der Poster . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 761Teilnehmerverzeichnis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 765

Péter Kovács

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia

Despite the fact that almost all of the over 6000 Latin stone inscriptions of Ro-man Pannonia have been published in the CIL III volume and in modern corporasuch as RIU, TRH, Tit. Aq. and ILJ, very little is known about the epigraphicpractices of the territoria.1 In another paper, I have summarized our recentknowledge on the territorial and sub-territorial units of the province,2 and Ishall therefore now focus on this problem (Fig. 1). First of all, we should clarifywhat is meant by rural epigraphy, which territorial areas should be included orexcluded, and how many (and what kind of) inscriptions can be assigned to thiscategory. Next, I will focus on the epigraphic material and its intended public.In the second part of my paper, I will concentrate mainly on the territory of threedifferent Pannonian towns: Aquincum (Budapest), a municipium (later, a titularcolony) and a legionary fort with a canabae in the limes region, Savaria (Szom-bathely), a veteran colony founded under Claudius on the Amber Road, andNeviodunum/Drnovo, a Flavian municipium of the Latobicans in the south, astheir territories could be more or less precisely identified and their inscriptionshave recently been published. The most important inscriptions from the threetowns can be found in the Appendix.

I. Rural epigraphy in Pannonia

First, we must address the question of what exactly can be regarded as ruralepigraphy in Pannonia and how many inscriptions can be assigned to this cate-gory. I will use Aquincum as a case study (Fig. 2). During the editing of theCIL III2 Aquincum fascicle, a manuscript covering 1813 inscriptions was pre-pared. Based on the inscriptions of the magistrates of Aquincum and the formercivitas Eraviscorum, the extent of the ager Aquincensis could be established. Inthe north, the boundary ran between the auxiliary forts of Ulcisia/Szentendreand Cirpi/Dunabogdány, while in the east, it extended to Lake Balaton. The de-termination of the southern border of the ager Aquincensis is more problematic

1 See the detailed studies in Calbi – Donati – Colba 1993.2 Kovács 2013.

300 Péter Kovács

Fig. 1. M. Šašel Kos – P. Scherrer (Ed.) The autonomous towns of Noricum and Pannonia. Pannonia II. Situla 42. Ljubljana 2004, 9

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 301

because its southern part is very poor in inscriptions. It seems certain that it ex-tended to the Sió Canal and, most likely, into County Tolna (based on the rein-terpretation of a tombstone, RIU 1011, mentioning a princeps of the Eraviscancivitas).3 Over 1800 stone inscriptions will be published in the corpus, amongthem around 800 from the territory of Aquincum (from Aquincum: Tit. Aq. 1–992).4 However, dozens of these inscriptions were found in the Barbaricum,where they had been secondarily reused (many of them were most certainly cart-ed away from Aquincum; TRH 204–252). The biggest problem is that a signif-

Fig. 2. The territory of Aquincum (after RIU 6)

3 P. Kovács, Megjegyzések a civitas Eraviscorum déli határának kérdéséhez (CIL III 3303 = RIU1011), in: Studia Epigraphica Pannonica 3, 2011, 46–51.

4 See Mócsy 1959, 59–73; Barkóczi 1964, 276–283; Alföldy 2002; Alföldy 2002a; Alföldy2004; Alföldy 2010; Alföldy 2010a.

302 Péter Kovács

icant portion of these inscriptions was brought to light in auxiliary forts andvici, meaning that they cannot be regarded as relics of rural epigraphy, giventhat the forts and the vici also functioned as small centres of Romanization inthe territory.

The inscriptions in question are the following:

Ulcisia: RIU 864–932, TRH 149, AÉp 2004, 1175–1176,Albertfalva: Tit. Aq. 993–997,Campona: Tit. Aq. 998–1022,Matrica: RIU 1423–1439, TRH 155,Vetus Salina: RIU 1441–1461, TRH 156–157,Intercisa: RIU 1051–1297, TRH 159–165,Annamatia: RIU 1468–1472, TRH 166, CIL III2 4 (forthcoming).

Earlier, secondarily reused stone monuments were also found in several late Ro-man military buildings such as the fourth-century watchtowers at Leányfalu(RIU 840–862) and the counter-fortifications at Bölcske (Bölcske n. 1–48).

Despite their provenance, neither can the milestones from the territorium beassigned to the category of rural epigraphy (CIL XVII 4,2, 701–806, 835, 849–866, 869–870). Another important aspect is the question of the secondary useand transportation of earlier stone monuments within the province. Given thatthere are extensive areas poor in stone, especially in eastern Pannonia (e. g. theMezőség region south of Aquincum), stone material was transported to these re-gions in order to (re)build the military forts or counter-fortifications along theDanube in the fourth century. Suffice it here to mention the case of the counter-fortification at Bölcske, where dozens of stone monuments were discovered,most of which had been carried there from Aquincum (and from the auxiliaryforts of Campona/Nagytétény and Vetus Salina/Adony), one example being theIuppiter Optimus Maximus Teutanus altars from the sanctuary on Gellért Hill(TRH 219, AÉp 2003, 1408–1424, cp. Tit. Aq. 165–166). Similarly, hundredsof native tombstones have been found in various auxiliary forts, for example inSolva/Esztergom, Ulcisia/Szentendre and Intercisa/Dunaújváros (RIU 783, 790–791, TRH 117–119, 122, 124, ZPE 179, 2011, 264–265 No. 28. RIU 893–896,899–901, 911–915, 918–921, 923, 926–928, TRH 149, AÉp 2004, 1175–1176and RIU 1146–1147, 1150, 1152, 1160, 1208, 1213, 1219, 1221, 1223–1226,1233, 1241, 1251, 1256, 1262, 1288).5 It can no longer be established whetherthey had been erected there or carried there from the neighboring native vici. Itwould appear that at least a part of the native population lived in the auxiliary

5 Kovács 1999, 142–144.

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 303

vici and that the auxiliary fort had grown into the centre of their civitas in thesame way as, for example, the auxiliary fort at Cornacum/Sotin became the ca-put civitatis of the Cornacates.6 The same holds true for the Azalian civitas,where the inscriptions of one of the tribal leaders, a princeps, are attested in Sol-va (RIU 790, TRH 117). Knowing that his son served in the military unit of Sol-va, it seems quite likely that the princeps lived in the auxiliary vicus and that thisvicus served as centre of the civitas too.

Based on this calculation, »only« 345 inscriptions (19.2 %) remain to bedealt with. Dozens of inscriptions from Gorsium/Tác can also be assigned to thisgroup (RIU 1523b–1561). The town was earlier erroneously identified as aHadrianic municipium, but we now know that it incorporated a sacred precinctof Oriental gods during the Principate and a late Roman inland fortification inthe fourth century,7 and that many earlier stone monuments had been second-arily reused. Most of the inscriptions are native tombstones dated to the end ofthe first century or the earlier second century, which had been erected by the vil-la owners (mainly from the Severan period). Most of them had been the magis-trates of Aquincum or veterans of the legio II adiutrix.8 Another larger group ismade up of votive inscriptions. It is noteworthy that very few altars were dedi-cated by the native population and that no native deities are mentioned in theirinscriptions. Normally, the villa owners and their family members erected thesealtars or votive tablets. Honorary inscriptions are hardly known from the terri-torium and all of them were found to have been secondarily reused (one case inpoint being the statue of Claudius Maximus erected by the canabenses of Aqui-ncum found at Székesfehérvár, where it was secondarily reused as stone materialfor the construction of the medieval royal centre; RIU 1499). Building inscrip-tions are also attested (Mithraeum: RIU 1332, 1334, 1489, domus: RIU 1365,sanctuary: CIL III2 4, forthcoming). Remarkably enough, very few inscriptionsmention a public body (a vicus or pagus) (e. g. Tit. Aq. 926, AÉp 2005, 1265).Naturally, native vici and villae rusticae are clustered closer to Aquincum – overone hundred have already been identified – and around the auxiliary forts, too,9

and the fundi were in average 3–5 km2.10 In several cases, it can be shown thatthe native villages did not survive the Marcomannic wars of Marcus Aureliusand that villas were built instead of the vici from the Severan period onward.11

6 Mócsy 1959, 76.7 Alföldy 1997; Fishwick 2000. Contrast: J. Fitz, Gorsium. in: Autonomous towns II, 197–207

(with further literature).8 Alföldy 1959; Visy 1994.9 Kovács 1999, 158–161.10 Alföldy 1959; Visy 1994, 438–440.11 Kovács 2000.

304 Péter Kovács

A more or less similar situation can be noted on the Amber Road in the caseof Colonia Claudia Savaria/Szombathely in Pannonia superior (Fig. 3).12 Thetown’s territory could be determined based on the inscriptions of the magistratesand the deducticii veterans of the legio XV Apollinaris (RIU 145, 149, Tóth2011, No. 182, CIL III 4461), of the legio XIIII gemina (CIL III 11223) and thelegio I adiutrix (RIU 66), as well as the colony’s recently-identified cadastre sys-tem. The boundary followed the course of the River Rába in the south and inthe east, while in the north it was marked by the River Répce (Rabnitz) betweenSavaria and the municipium Scarbantia/Sopron on the Amber Road; in the west,in Burgenland (Austria), it followed the province’s north-south border.13 The in-scriptions of Savaria and its territory have been already published in the RIUand TRH volumes (RIU 1–160, TRH 1–29), in the Steindenkmäler volume and,more recently, by Tóth (2011, n. 1–238). The milestones from the territory mustbe treated separately, too (along the Amber Road, and along the Savaria-Arra-bona road: CIL XVII 4,2 forthcoming). The greater part of the inscriptions cameto light in the area of the town (Tóth 2011, n. 1–174 = RIU 1–122, TRH 1–26),meaning that only 64 (26,9 % of the 238 ones) originate from the territorium(Tóth 2011, n. 176–238). Several inscriptions were definitely erected in thetown (e. g. the altars, RIU 133–134, most certainly stood in the area of the AraAugusti). In contrast to Aquincum, the greater part of the inscriptions from Sa-varia can be dated to the later first and the second century (obviously, with theexception of the town’s fourth-century Christian inscriptions: RIU 75–86, 122,TRH 26). Even more interesting is that with the exceptions of the altars fromOndód (RIU 135–139), Bük (RIU 159), Körmend (RIU 124) and Stadtschlain-ing (CIL III 4153), only funerary inscriptions are known from the ager Savarien-sis. As these altars were mainly erected by the magistrates or Augustales of thecolony and most had been secondarily reused, their greater part was most likelycarried away from Savaria. In the case of the votive inscription from Ostffyas-szonyfa (TRH 27), which only mentions the magistrates and citizens of Brigetio,we may assume that it had been transported from Brigetio along the Danubeand Rába rivers.14 Another major difference between Aquincum and Savaria isthat there were no peregrine vici in the centuriated land, even though there isepigraphic evidence for at least one (CIL VI 3300: natione Pannoniae superiore

12 P. Scherrer, Savaria. in: Autonomous towns I, 53–80.13 Mócsy 1959, 36; Steindenkmäler, 23–24; RIU I, p. 13–14; A. Bödöcs, Aerial archaeological

substantiation of a Roman cadastre system’s predictive model. AARGNews 42, March 2011,20–28.

14 Tóth 2011, n. 14, 38, 216.

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 305

Fig. 3. The territory of Savaria (after Tóth 2011)

306 Péter Kovács

C(laudia) Savari[a] vico Voleuci[o]nis).15 The villae (fundi) show a concentra-tion around the colony within a radius of 2–3 km.16 In the light of the above,the inscriptions erected by the native Boii as well as their burial tumuli can befound beyond the cadastre system, on the territory’s western hilly fringes (esp.in the Pinka Valley in Burgenland; RIU 123, 141, 156, CIL III 4212, 4223,4224, 5056 = 10937, 10895), where the ager arcifinius (the unsurveyed part) orsubseciva17 of the ager should be sought.18 The vicus of Voleucio (obviously aCeltic personal name19) can likewise be located to this region and no villae areknown from this area. Similarly to the town, the inscriptions from other partsof the territory comprise the tombstones of the colonists (descendants of north-ern Italian veteran families and northern Italian merchant families such as theCaesernii:20 RIU 131, TRH 29), of earlier Romanized natives (Ti. Claudii: RIU150, 154, 158, CIL III 4200, Brogimarius, a decurio: CIL III 5525)21 and alsoof Orientals (as veterans: RIU 130) from the Severan period onward. It is alsoimportant that other Oriental elements, mainly merchants from Syria whoplayed an important role in the town, are not attested in the territorium (RIU79, 113, TRH 4–5, Tóth 2011, n. 173).22

Yet another type of Romanization can be observed in the case of Neviodun-um/Drnovo in south-western Pannonia, where the former caput civitatis of theLatobici became a municipium Flavium Latobicorum under Domitian.23 Here,the Romanized native population formed a majority both in the town and in theterritorium, and they therefore simply called themselves Latobici as earlier (CILIII 10804 = ILSl 25). The inscriptions of the town and its territory were recentlypublished by M. Lovenjak (ILSl 1) (Fig. 4).24 There are two hundred stone mon-uments in the corpus, among them uninscribed pieces as well as twenty-three

15 Gabler 1994, 379–383.16 Gabler 1994, 382.17 O. A. W. Dilke, The Roman land surveyors. An introduction to the agrimensores. Newton

Abbot 1971, 94–96, 106–107; B. Campbell, The writings of the Roman land surveyors. Intro-duction, text, translation and commentary. Journal of Roman studies monograph No. 9. Lon-don 2000, 320–321.

18 Mócsy 1959, 38; Steindenkmäler, 24.19 Szabó 2008, 142.20 J. Šašel, Caesernii. Živa antika 10, 1960, 201–221 = id., Opera selecta. Situla 30. Ljubljana

1992, 99–119.21 See Szabó 2008.22 Barkóczi 1964, 264–265; Steindenkmäler, 29–30. See also L. Balla, Östliche ethnische Ele-

mente in Savaria. ActaArchHung 15, 1963, 225–237.23 Mócsy 1959, 21–24; Barkóczi 1964, 259; M. Lovenjak, Municipium Flavium Latobicorum

Neviodunum. in: Autonomous towns I, 93–105. 24 Add D. Breščak – M. Lovenjak, The tombstones of two town magistrates of Celeia in the

region Neviodunum. Arheološki Vestnik 61, 2010, 295–310.

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 307

Fig. 4. The territory of Neviodunum (after M. Šašel Kos, Colonia IuliaEmona – The genesis of the Roman city. ArhVest 63, 2012, 80)

308 Péter Kovács

milestones; fifty inscriptions were found in the town, while the majority (127)comes from the territory. Some three dozen inscriptions from the settlement ofPraetorium Latobicorum/Trebnje (a mansio and beneficiarius road station/sanc-tuary along the Neviodunum-Emona road: n. 115–147) were published amongthe tituli of the territory as well. The extent of the town’s territory can be exactlydefined because it coincides with the province’s boundary in the south (approx.25 km south of the River Sava), in the west (between Emona/Italy and Nevio-dunum) and in the north (between Celeia/Noricum and Neviodunum, alsomarked by the Sava). Its extent towards the north-north-east between Poetovioand Andautonia and Neviodunum is uncertain, although the territory most like-ly included a special area today known as Bela krajina in the south-east. The ex-act boundary can also be determined from the capita viae of the milestones (e. g.at least 44 MP on the Emona-Neviodum-Siscia road; ILSl No. 180: Ivančnagorica).25 One can easily observe that the inscriptions of the territory showed aconcentration in three areas: (1) around Neviodunum (several had been trans-ported from the town and secondarily reused), (2) around Praetorium Latobico-rum, and (3) Bela krajina. In addition to the inscriptions of the native Celticpopulation (many of whom remained peregrines after the foundation of the mu-nicipium: e. g. ILSl 69–70, 82. 87–93, some dating from the second century, cp.AÉp 1909, 19), inscriptions were also erected by the settlers, some of whomwere members of merchant families from Aquileia, as e. g. the Caesernii (ILSl153). The Aelii Carni cives Romani, who arrived here from the Tergeste regionin Italy and erected an altar pro salute Hadriani in the town, apparently alsolived in the territory (CIL III 3915 = 10798).26 As I mentioned above, a specialregion (most probably belonging to Neviodunum, the nearest town) of the ter-ritory can be found in Bela krajina (ILSl 148–176). Here, the extent of the Ro-manization of the native population (probably Celticized Pannonians/Colapia-ni27) was not less than in other regions as clearly shown, for instance, by thenumber of stone monuments, although the rusticity of the family tombstonesbearing simplified portraits is a distinctive feature of the region. The well-knownsacrifice scene with a tripus known from (eastern) Pannonian tombstones onlyappears on the relics from this region.28 The existence of an imperial saltus inthe region cannot be ruled out either (suggested by the inscription of an imperial

25 ILSl 1, p. 16–17.26 Mócsy 1959, 22.27 J. Šašel, K rimskim napisom v Beli Krajini – La Carniole Blanche à l’époque romaine. ArhVest

36, 1985, 325–336.28 A. Burger, Áldozati jelenet Pannonia kőemlékein. Rég. Füz. II.5. Budapest 1959.

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 309

vilicus: ILSl 149). Similarly to Savaria, a greater part of the stone monumentscan be dated to the first and second centuries.

II. Inscriptions and the rural public

The next question is how these inscriptions can be interpreted in terms of thePannonian epigraphic practices and the public. First of all, we must discuss theother inscriptions also found in rural contexts, which cannot be classified as ru-ral epigraphy. These include the milestones erected along roads (and especiallyalong the limes road in Pannonia), whose majority stood in the territory. In thecase of the Pannonian milestones, it has already been pointed out that they werevested with a very important propaganda role: they were one of the mediumsthrough which the governors and the army could demonstrate their loyalty to-wards new emperors and in several cases, the milestones had nothing to do withroad reconstructions.29 I shall here mention but two examples. In the case of themiliarium (CIL XVII 4,2 forthcoming = AÉp 1994, 1395) erected in 238 by thelegio I adiutrix Pupiena Balbina some two miles from Brigetio, there can be nodoubt that no construction work had been undertaken during the short rule ofthe emperors Pupienus and Balbinus.30 The legion that had earlier participatedin the Italian campaign (and the siege of Aquileia) and had supported MaximusThrax against the senatorial emperors expressed its loyalty in this manner.31 An-other case is a milestone from Matrica/Százhalombatta (CIL XVII 4,2 forthcom-ing) mentioning the Emperor Florianus who ruled no more than 88 days in thesummer of 276 (he was acclaimed emperor and killed in the East).32 Yet anothercase is represented by the stationes of the beneficiarii consularis33 who erectedvotive altars (expleta statione) in their sanctuaries every year; standing in longrows beside each other, the altars were in most cases dedicated to Iuppiter Op-timus Maximus and the Genius loci34 as shown by the pieces from Osterburken

29 Mócsy 1962, 657–658; B. Lőrincz, Mérföldkövek, in: Mócsy A. – Fitz J., Pannonia régészetikézikönyve. Budapest 1990, 118; M. Rathmann, Untersuchungen zu den Reichsstrassen in denwestlichen Provinzen des Imperium Romanum. Beihefte der BJb 55. Mainz 2003, 120–135.

30 Kienast 1996, 191–194. 31 For the sources and the participation of Pannonian troops in the campaign, see P. Kovács, Fon-

tes Pannoniae Antiquae in aetate Severorum. Budapest 2007, 148–149.32 Kienast 1996, 252.33 On the stationes of the beneficiarii, see J. Ott, Die Beneficiarier. Untersuchungen zu ihrer Stel-

lung innerhalb der Rangordnung des römischen Heeres und zu ihrer Funktion, Historia Einzel-schriften 92. Stuttgart 1995, 85–113.

34 J. Nelis-Clement, Le monde des dieux chez les beneficiarii, in: Osterburken II, 251–260.

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(CBFIR 145–175)35 and Pannonian Sirmium (AÉp 1994, 1400–1478).36 Usual-ly, these road stations were located in towns or auxiliary vici, but in several cas-es, they were found in the territory, at road junctions, as in the case of Sopianae/Pécs (TRH 195)37 and Praetorium Latobicorum/Trebnje (ILSl 116–133).38 Inthese cases, the public of the milestones and altars was the same: the rural pop-ulation. From this point of view, we should perhaps recall that a beneficiariusfrom Praetorium Latobicorum called himself Aurelius Secundianus qui et Itriu(ILSl 245). The Celtic supranomen, unattested elsewhere,39 was probably un-derstood by his fellow-beneficiarii and the inhabitants of the vicus too.

The following situation can be observed in the ager Aquincensis. No matterwhere the native population lived (whether in vici or auxiliary vici, see above),it seems quite certain that the Romanized Eravisci had their own epigraphicpractice. As part of their Romanization, they also adopted the custom of erect-ing inscriptions, although almost exclusively of tombstones. These stone monu-ments were poor-quality imitations of Roman pieces, often made of sandstonein local workshops, usually with a semicircular or triangular tympanum and apicture panel portraying the deceased persons (among whom the women usuallywore a Celtic dress40), wreaths, girdles/taenia41 or a typical native coach scene(showing the journey to the netherworld42). The texts also followed the Romanfunerary texts (cp. the grave formula titulum memoriae posuit43) and often fea-tured several vulgar Latin turns such as possuit (RIU 915), defu(n)ctus (RIU896), the -os ending (RIU 1160) or the -es genitive (RIU 1475), unusual expres-sions or abbreviations such as titulus positus (RIU 1406), C(aius) I(iulius) Magi-marus, K(- - -) Namononis f(ilia) Ressona (RIU 1360), an inverted word order

35 Osterburken II. 36 M. Mirković, Beneficiarii consularis in Sirmium. Chiron 24, 1994, 345–404.37 On Sopianae before Gallienus, see J. Fitz, La Pannonie sous Gallien. Collection Latomus Vol.

148. Bruxelles 1976, 41–62; Nagy T., Sopianae. Egy új városmonográfia margójára. AntTan33, 1987–1988, 239–240.

38 M. Šašel Kos, The beneficiarii consularis at Praetorium Latobicorum, in: R. Frei-Stolba – M.A. Speidel, Römische Inschriften – Neufunde, Neulesungen und Neuinterpretationen. Fest-schrift für Hans Lieb. Arbeiten zur römischen Epigraphik und Altertumskunde 2, Basel 1995,149–170.

39 I. Kajanto, Supranomina: a study in Latin epigraphy. Helsinki 1967, 27; W. Meid. KeltischePersonnamen in Pannonien. Budapest 2005, 273.

40 J. Fitz, Az eraviszkusz női viselet. ArchÉrt 84, 1957, 133–154; J. Garbsch, Die norisch-pan-nonische Frauentracht im 1. und 2. Jh. Münchner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 11.München 1965.

41 M. Nagy, Die nordostpannonische Gruppe der mit sog. Astralsymbolen verzierten Grabsteine.ComArchHung 1988, 93–111.

42 Zs. Visy, Die Wagendarstellungen der pannonischen Grabsteine. Pécs 1997.43 J. Fitz, Titulum memoriae posuit. Alba Regia 2–3, 1961–62, 33–48.

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 311

such as est defu(n)ctus (RIU 896) and mistakes made by the stone-cutters (veryoften, cursive letters and lines of ordination). The custom of erecting tombstonesreflected the Romanization of a family. The public of these tituli was the same:the Eravisci. Their tribal leaders, the principes, lived in the territory and severalof them enjoyed Roman citizenship since the Flavian period (princeps: CIL 3546(Cocceius), 3379=10358, AÉp 2003, 1424 = 2005, 1241, RIU 1011 (Flavius),decurio: RIU 1347, tabularius: CIL III 10408 = AÉp 1941, 14 (P. Ael.), ARM(-- -): RIU 1066 (P. Aelii)). Two texts must be highlighted at this point. The firstis the richly decorated grave-altar of Vergissa Magimari f(ilius) from Bikács inCounty Tolna, adorned with rosettes and pulvini (TRH 202, Fig. 5). Very few

grave-altars are known in eastern Pannonia, especially among the native popu-lation, and therefore the question arises as to why a peregrine native would erectthis altar to his father in a region where tituli were hardly known.44 It seems tome that the altar was intended to express the degree of Romanization of the Era-

Fig. 5. The grave-altar of Vergissa (TRH 202)

44 See P. Kovács, A new Roman grave-altar from Pannonia Inferior. ActaAntHung 45, 2005,225–230.

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viscan family. My other example is the tombstone of Flavia Tatunis filia Usaiufrom Tác (RIU 1548), dated to the first decades of the second century, one ofthe finest Pannonian tombstones (Fig. 6). The stele was made in the typical Ro-

man style with a triangular tympanum adorned with a rosette and dolphins, anda picture panel imitating an aedicula with columns. However, Usaiu is portrayedas wearing a typical Celtic dress with Panno-Norican winged brooches and aturban. Below, we find the native coach scene. It seems highly likely that thetombstone was made in a workshop in Aquincum. The same traits can be notedin the text as well. The letters are carefully carved, there are no mistakes in thetext and the use of I longa, hederae can be observed. The last line contains dif-ferent, narrow, oblongated litterae (resembling the actuariae), which are ex-tremely rare in Pannonia and in the whole region.45 Still, Usaiu had a Celticcognomen and the inscription specifically adds that she was an Eravisca. Afterthe foundation of the municipium under Hadrian, several earlier tribal leadersbecame decurions and, as their inscriptions show, they remained in the territory(e. g. P. Ael. Mexllius or Respectus: RIU 1373, 1540).

Very little is known about the organization of the pagi and vici in Pannonia,and very few inscriptions show them as a public body.46 An altar dedicated toTerra Mater found at Budaörs (a Strassensiedlung on the Savaria-Aquincumroad) was erected by a pagus and at least four vici pro salute Augustorum (AÉp

Fig. 6. The stela of Flavia Usaiu (RIU 1548a)

45 See G. Alföldy, Altar eines Benefiziars. in: Bölcske, 221–222.46 Kovács 2013.

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 313

2005, 1265). The altar clearly shows the sacred function of the pagi with the lus-tratio pagi (cp. CIL IX 1618, explaining why the altar is dedicated to Terra Ma-ter).47 More importantly, the greater part of the pagus where the altar hadoriginally stood has been excavated, revealing how a native Celtic settlement ofthe LTD period survived and developed under the Roman rule.48 The villae andthe surrounding vici were mentioned together several times, as in the case of thevicus Caramantesium and the villa at Intercisa, which jointly erected an altar toIuppiter (RIU 1065). The same can be noted on an altar from the vicus of Vin-donianus in Budapest-Békásmegyer, north of Aquincum, that was erected in 229AD by the possessores, the villa owners (eight of whom are mentioned) of thevicus, which also records that another one was erected in honorem vicanorumin the area of a villa (possessio) with the permission of its equestrian owner pe-tentibus vicanis (Tit. Aq. 926).49 The settlement at Budaörs is very important inthis context, too. As I have already mentioned, several decurions of Aquincum,especially during the Severan period, had villa rusticae in the ager Aquincensis.50

The best-documented case is that of M. Antonius Victorinus (a duumvir) whobuilt his house and a Mithraeum in the town (Tit. Aq. 231–234, 237), but whoapparently also owned a villa near Budaörs, at least judging from the altars hehad dedicated to Terra Mater and Hercules in the sanctuaries of the neighboringpagus (RIU 1335, together with his wife, AÉp 2005, 1266; see also RIU 1336).51

The villa owners can be best studied through the example of the well-knownvilla rustica at Nemesvámos-Baláca,52 which probably lay just beyond the terri-tory of Aquincum (judging from the inscriptions of the decurions and August-ales of Aquincum: Veszprém, Csajág, Ősi: RIU 356, 1421, TRH 7053).54 Balácais very important in this context because the grave tumulus of the villa owners

47 Th. Mommsen, RSt III, 116–119; T. D. Stek, Cult places and cultural change in RepublicanItaly. A contextual approach to religious aspects of rural society after the Roman conquest,Amsterdam Archaeological Series 14. Amsterdam 2009.

48 K. Ottományi, Die spätlatènezeitlich-römische Siedlung von Budaörs. ActaArchHung 2005,67–131.

49 Balla 1971.50 Alföldy 1959; Soproni 1994.51 Soproni 1994; Zs. Mráv – Á. Szabó, Új adatok Aquincum Severus-kori városi elitjéhez. M.

Antonius Victorinus Aquincumban és Budaörsön. Studia Epigraphica Pannonica 4, 2012, 120–139.

52 See the detailed studies in S. Palágyi (ed.), Balácai Közlemények I–X (1989–2008).53 G. Alföldy, Eine führende Familie der Kolonie von Aquincum. ZPE 179, 2011, 271–278.54 Cp. the tombstone of Magio (an Eraviscan?) found in secondary posiiton in the villa of Baláca:

RIU 355. See also S. Soproni, Római feliratok Veszprém megyéből – Römische Inschriften ausdem Komitat Veszprém. Veszprém Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei 1993, 144 n. 3.

314 Péter Kovács

was found and investigated nearby.55 The very fragmentary grave-altars and themarble building inscription of the tumulus containing the burials of four or fivegenerations of the owners of the second century (between 100/110–170) couldhave hardly been restored (TRH 82–92).56 Based on the at least eleven richlydecorated grave-altars, the owners were members of a Romanized family, theTi. Claudii, who were magistrates in Savaria and in Carnuntum, i. e. in Pannoniasuperior (cp. TRH 83). The findspot of the fragments indicates that the altarshad been placed around the tumulus (their exact place could be established),where the public could read them all.

As we have seen, the greater part of the inscriptions from the territory of Sa-varia can be dated to the first and second centuries; even more importantly, al-most all are funerary inscriptions. It has already been noted in the above that theinscriptions can be linked to veterans and merchant families from northern Italyin the centuriated land, while the native population can be sought in the colony’swestern part. Naturally, these facts can be observed in the public of the inscrip-tions too. Several northern Italian type stelae erected by these families werefound in the territory, almost all of which mention the tria nomina with filiationand tribus: RIU 124, RIU 129 (with mythological scenes portraying Hercules –Alcestis and Endymion – Selene), RIU 142, RIU 145 (the gravestone of a deduc-tus mentions the size of the graveyards: (l(ocus) m(onumenti) q(uo)q(uo) v(er-sus) p(edes) XX, a typical Italian custom that is rarely attested in Pannonia), RIU146, RIU 154 (with a portrayal of the deceased deductus in a medallion in thepicture panel), RIU 155 (the latter two mentioning arbitratu …), RIU 157 andTRH 28 (bearing a lupa Capitolina scene, cocks and lions in the upper part anda hunting scene below), and TRH 29 (Tóth 2011, No. 199). In addition to hunt-ing scenes, the appearance of ploughing scenes on tombstones depicts the dailyactivity of the deducticii (RIU 153 from Salköveskút, Steindenkmäler No.126).57 Similarly to Aquincum, some of the citizens of Aquincum erected in-scriptions in the town and in the ager as well, suggesting that several individualswhose inscriptions are attested in the territory may have had a house in the town

55 See S. Palágyi (ed.), A balácai Likas-domb. A római villa halomsíros temetkezése – Römerzeitli-ches Hügelgrab bei Baláca. Balácai Közlemények 4, 1996.

56 Alföldy 2004. For an earlier (unacceptable) version, see J. Fitz, A balácai tumulus feliratai –Inschriften vom Hügelgrab bei Balácai. Balácai Közlemények 4, 1996, 199–236. For the recon-struction of the stone monuments, see Chr. Ertel, Altar- und Architekturfragmente vom Tumu-lusgrab bei Baláca. Balácai Közlemények 4, 1996, 73–198; Chr. Ertel – S. Palágyi – F. Redő,CSIR Ungarn VIII. Die Skulpturen des Stadtgebietes von Salla und Mogetiana, sowie des Bala-ton-(Plattensee-)Oberlandes in den Komitaten Zala und Veszprém. Budapest 1999, 121–124.

57 If they do not show the scene of the circumductio: see P. Kovács, The merchanst from Emonaand the pomerium of Savaria. MBAH 17, 1998, 100–120, esp. 112, n. 69.

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 315

too, as, for example, L. Caesius Victor (RIU 157, TRH 28) who also appears ina list of the town’s cultores (RIU 22). Another interesting dimension of the in-scriptions illustrates the Romanization of the native population. Romanizationas used here means, in addition to the spread of Roman citizenship, Romannames and the erection of inscriptions (e. g. by a certain C. Brogimarius, whowas the decurion of the colony: CIL III 5525), also the imitation of Roman mo-tifs. It is important that in contrast to Aquincum, no native stone-cutter work-shops have yet been found in the territory of Savaria, meaning that the tomb-stones were made in town’s workshops. If we consider this fact it can easily beexplained why the lupa Capitolina scene and the aquila in the tympanum appearon the tombstone of Quartus Adnamati filius from Rax (CIL III 10895). AttaBataionis filius, a negotiator, was portrayed as a Roman in a medallion in thepicture panel of his tombstone from Répceszentgyörgy, dating from the end ofthe first century (RIU 156). Another interesting situation can be observed in theterritory as well. Several funerary inscriptions from Savaria have an empty spacewhere the age of the family members should be, the usual explanation for thisbeing that these families probably died out during the Marcomannic wars ofMarcus Aurelius (RIU 49, 54, 55, 57, 61, 62, 64–67, 89–91, 93, 116, 126, TRH28).58 This is probably true in most cases, but a marble grave tablet (RIU 126)can be dated to the Severan period in view of the names (L. Septimii). In thiscase, the age of the first person is recorded (although the name is missing), butit is missing for the other family members. The same can be noted on the tomb-stone of L. Caesius Tuendus and his wife from Chernelháza-Damonya (TRH28) where the age of the family members (the brother and the grandchildrenwho erected the monument) remained empty. A roughly identical tombstone(bearing the same decoration, namely a lupa Capitolina scene, cocks, lions in theupper part and a hunting scene below) was erected at the same time by the samemembers to the father, C. Caesius Victor (who was undoubtedly the son of C.Caesius Victor, the Elder) and his wife (Répceszentgyörgy: RIU 157).59 In thiscase, the dating to the period of the Marcomannic wars seems highly likely.

One noteworthy phenomenon in the territory of Neviodunum is that thegreater part of the inscriptions was erected by the Romanized native populationin the first and second centuries: the Iulii (esp. in Bela krajina: ILSl 156, 158),the Ti. Claudii (ILSl 73–76, 78) and the Flavii (ILSl 78, 81, 84). We find genti-licia derived from a Celtic personal name such as Nertomarius (ILSl 85), as well

58 A. Mócsy, A markomann háborúk savariai pusztításai – Die Verwüstungen der Markoman-nenkriege in Savaria. ArchÉrt 90, 1963, 17–20.

59 The stemma of the family can only be reconstructed as follows (see also M. Medgyes, Grab-stein der Familie Caesius und ein spätrömisches Grab aus Chernelházadamonya – A Caesius

316 Péter Kovács

as an altar dedicated to Neptunus Ovianus, a Romanized Celtic god (ILSl 59,cp. the sanctuary of Sedatus from the town: ILSl 18). These inscriptions suggestthe presence of a Latin-speaking public in the territory already in the first cen-tury, explaining why this civitas was raised to the rank of municipium at suchan early date. Some of the soldiers who erected inscriptions were most likely oflocal origin, such as P. Maximius Maternus (mensor leg. X gem.) who aramdedicavit civibus suis (ILSl 60). The single monumental building of the territorywas the grave monument of Rufianus as its fragmentary inscriptions shows (theletters are 13.5 cm high: ILSl 86). C. Mullonius Verus (vet. leg. X gem.) whoerected his tombstone while he was still alive (ILSl 65) wanted to commemoratethe name of his deceased son. He added the following text: ad nomen suumsubiecit (nomen) C. Mullonii {et} Secundiani. It cannot be mere chance that abear hunting scene, a very rare depiction, can be found on the gravestone of P.Nertomarius Quartus (ILSl 85) because the Pannonian bear was famous in An-tique literature and contributed to the emergence of the image of Pannonia as awild, hilly region, especially in the Latin literature of the Silver Age (Luc. Phars.VI 220 Pannonis haud aliter post ictum saevior ursa).60 The single building in-scription commemorating the erection of a Dolichenum pr[o sal(ute) Imp(erato-ris) Caes(aris) L(uci)] Septimi Severi Pii P[ertinacis Aug(usti)] Arabici Adiabenic[iet M(arci) Aureli Antonini] Caes(aris) Imp(eratoris) destinati (ILSl 134 cp. ILSl135) was found in Praetorium Latobicorum. Caracalla’s unusual title of imper-ator destinatus can be explained by the fact that during this period (before thebattle at Lugdunum in February 197), the emperor had stayed in Pannonia (astronghold of the Severi during the civilian wars) under Fabius Cilo’s supervi-sion (Cassius Dio LXXVII 4.2, LXXVII 4.4, CIL VIII 7062 cf. p. 1848 = ILAlg2/1 648 = ILS 1143, CIL III 4037 = 10868 = ILS 3029).61 An interesting linguisticphenomenon may refer to the Oriental origin of Aug. n. vilicus (ILSl 149), the

család sírköve és későrómai sír Chernelházadamonyáról. Savaria 15, 1981, 199–207, esp.202):

60 P. Kovács – B. Fehér, Fontes Pannoniae Antiquae 1. Budapest 2005, 101–103.61 J. Šašel, Dolichenus-Heiligtum in Praetorium Latobicorum (Caracalla, Caesar, Imperator desti-

natus). ZPE 50, 1983, 203–208 = id., Opera selecta. Situla 30. Ljubljana 1992, 345–350.

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 317

dedicator of the Iuppiter altar in the third century.62 His wife’s name (Chrestis)was written as CRHSTENE in ablative, i. e. the H was omitted and the GreekH was used instead of an E.63 This confusion can most likely be attributed tothe composer of the text and not to a mistake by the stone-cutter.In sum, we may conclude that a more or less similar situation can be noted inall regions of Pannonia as regards rural epigraphy. The number of inscriptionsis significantly lower, most were tombstones and, in the case of the southernpart of the territory of Aquincum, a kind of epigraphic habit of the local popu-lation can hardly be pointed out.

Péter Kovács, Piliscsabakovacs.peter@btk.ppke.hu

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320 Péter Kovács

Appendix:The most important inscriptions mentioned in the paper

AquincumCIL III 3626 = 10570 = ILS 7127 = Tit. Aq. 926 Tit. Aq. 926 Aquincum: I(ovi)O(ptimo) M(aximo)] / Iunoni [Re]g(inae) Min[e]rvae / [c]eteris dis deabus[que]/ omnibus possessor/[e]s vic[i] Vindoniani / ex voto posueru/nt q[u]or(um)no[m]in[a] / sunt / Aur(elius) Aep[ic]tetianu(s) sac(erdos) / [A]ur(elius) Vettianuseq(uo) p(ublico) / Iul(ius) V]ctorinus de[c(urio)] / [A]ur(elius) [I]anuariusvet(eranus) / Aur(elius) Trofimus O[- - -] / Aur(elius) Androtanu[s - - -] /[A]ur(elius) Maximu[s - - -] / Ant(onius) Quirin[us - - -] / III Id(us) O[ct(obres)Imp(eratore) d(omino) n(ostro) Ale]/xan[dro Severo Aug(usto) III et] / Ca[s]si[oDione II co(n)s(ulibus)] // item M(arcus) Aur(elius) / Aepictetianus / dec(urio)col(oniae) Aq(uincensium) / sacerdotalis in (h)onorem vic[an(orum)] / vici Vin-doniani // quae ara con/secrata est / [i]n possessione / Aureli Vetti/ani eq(uitis)R(omani) per/missu eius/dem precario / petentibus / vicanis Vindo/niani(s).

AÉp 2005, 1265: Terr(a)e Matri pro s(alute) / [[I[mpp(eratorum)]Phi[l]ip[po]rum]] / [[Augg(ustorum)]] pag(us) Herc(- - -) / vicus Teuto(nis) / etBataion(is) [et] / Anarti[or(um) et] / +++[et] / - - - - - -.

RIU 1548a: Flavia Tattunis / filia Usaiu Eravi/sca annor(um) LXXX / hic sitaest / Q(uintus) Flavius Titucus matri ob pietatem posuit.

TRH 202: Dis Mani(bus) / Vergissa Magi/mari f(ilius) ann(orum) LXXXI / h(ic)s(itus) e(st) Appius fil[i]/us pa(tri) pientis[simo] / ti(tulum) me(moriae) po(suit).

AÉp 1995, 1273: Ter(ra)e M(atri) / M(arcus) Ant(onius) Vi[c]/torin[us] / IIvirco[l(oniae)] / Aq(uincensium) cum / Ulp(ia) Spec/tata co/niuge / [v(otum) s(ol-vit)] l(ibens) m(erito).

AÉp 2005, 2166: Herculi / Aug(usto) M(arcus) An/toniu[s] / Victori/nus IIvir /col(oniae) Aq(uincensium) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito).

TRH 83: [Ti(berio) Claud(io) Ti(beri) f(ilio)] Apri/[li eq(uiti) R(omano) dec(uri-oni) c]ol(oniae) Cl(audiae) S(avariae) / [om(nibus) hon(oribus)] funct(o) / [inmun(icipio) Ael(io) Ca]rn(unto) / - - - - - -

SavariaRIU 145: L(ucius) Naevius Ter(ti?) / f(ilius) Rufus Medi(olano) / vet(eranus)leg(ionis) XV Apol(linaris) / deduct(us) c(oloniam) C(laudiam) S(avariam)

Rural epigraphy and its public in Pannonia 321

an(norum) LXXV / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / et Naevi[ae Lu]cidae(?) / coniugi suae t(it-ulum) f(ieri) i(ussit) / L(ucius) Naevius Silvanus / lib(ertus) fac(iendum) cur(avit)/ l(ocus) m(onumenti) q(uo)q(uo)/v(ersus) [p(edes)] XX.

RIU 156: Atta / Bataionis / f(ilius) ann(orum) LV / negotiator / - - - - - -

CIL III 4198 = 10922 = RIU 157: C(aio) Caesio C(ai) f(ilio) Cl(audia) Victori /an(norum) LXX et Iuliae / Ti(beri) f(iliae) Proculae con(iugi) / an(norum) LC(aius) Caesius Vi/tulus et C(aius) Caesius Op/tatus et Caesia Grae/ca parenti-bus op/timis.

TRH 28 = AÉp 1988, 935: L(ucio) Caesio C(ai) fil(io) / Tuendo an(norum) L et/ Petroniae Q(uinti) fil(iae) / Crispinae coniu(gi) / an(norum) VL C(aius) CaesiusC(ai) f(ilius) / Victor an(norum) (vacat) fratri / piissimo C(aius) Caesius C(ai)f(ilius) / Vitulus an(norum) (vacat) L(ucius) Caesius / L(uci) f(ilius) Optatusan(norum) (vacat) et Caesia / C(ai) f(ilia) Graeca an(norum) (vacat) nepot(es) /avonculo.

CIL III 5525: C(aius) Brog[imarius] / d(ecurio) c(oloniae) Cl(audiae) [Savar(ien-sium)] / viv(u)s fec(it) [sibi et - - - i]/s a(nnorum) XI et Ai[- - -] / an(norum) X[-- -].

NeviodunumILSl 59 = CIL III 1435422: Medus / C(ai) Trotedi / negotiator(is) / Neptuno /Oviano / - - - - - -

ILSl 60 = AIJ 229: P(ublius) Maximius / Maternus / mensor leg(ionis) / X G(emi-nae) ar(am) d(edicavit) civibus / suis Sabino et / Venusto co(n)s(ulibus) / v(otum)s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito).

ILSl 65 = ILJ 332: C(aius) Mullonius Ve/[r]us vet(eranus) leg(ionis) X G(eminae)f(ecit) s(ibi) s(uisque) vi(v)us / [ad n]omen suum subiecit / [3] Mulloni {et} Secun-dian(i) / [f(ilii) s]ui o(biti) eq(uitis) praet(oriani) stip(endiorum) VIII / an(norum)XXV.

ILSl 134: [I(ovi)] O(ptimo) M(aximo) Dolicheno pr[o sal(ute) Imp(eratoris)Caes(aris) / L(uci)] Septimi Severi Pii P[ertinacis Aug(usti)] / Arabici Adiabenic[iet M(arci) Aureli Antonini] / Caes(aris) Imp(eratoris) destinati T(itus) [- - -] /[t]emplum de suo fecit su[aque pec(unia) exornavit?].

ILSl 149 = AÉp 1977, 741 = 1978, 649: [I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo)] / [pr]osal(ute) / [- - -] Tertul/[lia]nus Aug(usti) n(ostri) / v[il(icus)] cum Crhs/tene (!)co(n)iuge sua / cum suis om(nibus) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito).