T R U B N E R’

S OR I E N TAL S E R I E S .

A knowledge of the commonplace , at least, of Oriental literature , philo

sophy, and religion is as necessary to the general reader of the present dayas an acquaintance With the Latin and Greek classics was a generation or so

ago . I mmense s trides have been made within the present century in these

branches of learning ; S anskrit has been brought within the range of accurate

philology, and its invaluable ancient literature thoroughly investigated the

language and sacred books of the Zoroastrians have been laid bare ; E gyptian ,

Assyrian ,and other records of the remote past have been deciphered, and a

group of scholars speak of still more recondite Accadian and Hittite monu

ments but the results of all the scholarship that has been devoted to thesesubjects have been almost inaccessible to the public because they were con

tained for the most part in learned or expensive works , or scattered throughout the numbers of scientific periodicals . Messrs . T R U B N E R 85 CO . , in a spirit

of enterprise which does them infinite credit,have de term ined to supply the

constantly-increasing want, and to give in a popular, or, at least, a compre

hensive form , all this mass of knowledge to the world .- T imes .

S econd E dition, post 8 vo, pp . xxxii .—748 , with Map, cloth, price zrs .

T HE I N DI AN E MPI R E '

I T S PE OPLE ,HI S T OR Y,

AN D PR ODU CT S .

B y the HON . S I R W. W . HUN T E R , LL .D .

Member of the Viceroy’s Legislative Council,

D irector-General of S tatistics to the Government of I ndia .

B eing a R evised E dition,brought up to date , and incorporating the general

results of the Census of 1 8 8 1 .

I t form s a volum e of m ore than 700 pages , and is a m arvellous combination ofliterary condensation and research . I t g i ves a com ple t e account of the I ndianE mpire , i ts h istory, peoples , and products , and forms the worthy outcom e o fseventeen years of labour w ith except ional opportun ities for rendering that labourfruit ful . N o th ing could be m ore lucid than S ir William Hunter

’

s expositions of theeconomic and political condition of I ndia at the present time

, or more intei estmgthan h is scholarly history of the I ndia of the pas t. —T he T imes.

T R U B N E R’

S OR I E N T AL S E R I E S .

THE FOLLOWI N G WOR KS HAVE ALR E AD Y APPE AR E D

T hird E dition , post 8 vo, cloth , pp. xvi .—428 , price i 6s.

E S SAYS ON T HE S ACR E D LAN GU AGE , WR I T I N GS ,AN D R E LI GI ON OF T HE PAR S I S .

B Y MAR T I N HAUG,PH. D . ,

Late of the Univers ities of T iibingen ,Gottingen ,

and B onn S uperintendent

of S anskrit S tudies , and Professor of S anskrit in the Poona College .

E D I T E D AN D E N LAR GE D B Y D R . E . W. WE S T ,

T o which is added a B iographical Memoir of the late Dr. HAUGby Prof . E . P . E VAN S .

I . History of the R esearches into the S acred Writings and R eligion of theParsis

,from the E arliest T imes down to the Present .

I I . Languages of the Parsi S criptures .

I I I . T he Zend -Ave sta , or the S cripture of the Parsis .

I V . T he Zoroastrian R eligion ,as to its Origin and D evelopment .

E ssays on th e S acred Language , Wri tings , and R eligion of th e Parsis,

’

by th elate Dr. Martin Haug , edi ted by Dr . E . W . West . T h e author intended,on h is return

from I ndia , to expand th e m aterials contained in th is work into a comprehensiveaccount of the Zoroastrian religion , but the design w as frustrated by h is untim elydeath . We have , how ever

,in a concise and readable form ,

a h istory of the research es

into th e sacred w ritings and religi on of th e Parsis from the earliest tim es down toth e present

— a dissertat ion on th e lan guages of the Parsi S criptures , a trans lationof the Zend-Avesta , or th e S cripture of the Parsis , and a dissertation on th e Zoroas

trian religion ,w ith especial reference to its origi n and development .

”—T imes.

Post 8vo , cloth, pp . viii—176, price 7s . 6d .

T E X T S F R OM T HE B U D DH I S T CA N O N

COMMON LY KN OWN AS DHAMMAPADA .

”

With Accompanying N arra tives.

T ranslated from the Chinese by S . B E AL ,B .A . , Professor of Chinese ,

University College , London .

T he Dhammapada , as hitherto known by the Pali T ext E dition, as editedby Fausboll , by Max Mul ler ’s E nglish , and Albrecht Weber

’s German

translations , consists only of twenty-six chapters or sections,whilst the

Chinese version ,or rather recension

,as now tran slated by Mr. B eal, con

sists of thirty-nine sections . T he students of Pali who possess Fausboll ’s

text , or either of the above -named translations,will therefore needs want

Mr . B eal’s E nglish rendering of the Chinese version ; the thirteen above ~

named additional sections not being acce ssible to them in any other formfor , even if they understand Chinese, the Chinese original would be nu

obtainable by them .

Mr .Beal ’ s rendering of the Chinese translation is a mos t valuable aid to the

critical study of th e w ork . I t contains auth entic texts gathered from ancient

canonical books , and generally connected with some incident in the history ofBuddha . T heir great interest , however, con sists in the ligh t which they throw upon

everyday life in I ndia at th e remote period at which they were written , and upon

the m ethod of teach ing adopted by the founder of the religion . T he methodemployed was principally parable , and the simplicity of the tales and the excellence

o f the morals inculcated , as w ell as the strange hold which they have retained uponthe m inds of mi llions of people , make them a very remarkable S tudy .

”—T ime3 .

Mr .Beal, by making it accessible in an E nglish dress , has added to the great services he has already rendered to the comparative study of religious history .

—Academy ,

Valuable as exh ibiting the doctrine of the Buddh ists in its purest, least adulterated form ,

it brings them odern reader face to face wi th that simple creed and ruleof conduct which won its way over the minds of myriads , and wh ich is now nom inallyprofessed by 1 45 m i llions

,who have overlaid its austere simplicity w ith innum erable

cerem on ies , forgotten itsmaxim s, perverted its teaching , and so inverted its leadingprincip

le t hat a religion whose founder denied a God , now worshi ps that founder asa god himself. - S cotsman.

T R U B N E R'

S OR I E N T AL S E R I E S .

S econd E dition , post 8vo, cloth , pp . xxiv .

—36o , price 108 . 6d .

T HE HI S T OR Y OF I N DI AN LI T E R AT U R E .

B Y ALB R E CHT WE B E R .

T ranslated from the S econd German E dition by JOHN MAN N ,M.A . , and

T HE ODOR ZACHAR I AE,Ph . D . ,

with the sanction of the Author.

Dr . B UHLE R ,I nspector of S chools in I ndia , writes When I was Pro

fesser of Oriental Languages in E lphinstone College , I frequently felt thewant of such a work to which I could refer the s tudents .

Professor COWE LL,of Cambridge , writes

-“I t will be especially useful

to the students in our I ndian colleges and universities . I -used to long forsuch a book when I was teaching in Calcutta . Hindu students are intenselyinterested in the history of S anskrit literature , and this volume will supplythem with all they want on the subject .

”

Professor WH I T N E Y,Yal e College , N ewhaven , Conn . , writes

I was one of the class to whom the work was originally given in the formof academ ic lectures . At their first appearance they were by far the mostlearned and able treatment of their subj ect and with their recent additionsthey still maintain decidedly the same rank .

”

I s perhaps the m ost comprehensive and lucid survey of S anskrit literatureextant . T he essays contain ed in the volum e w ere originally delivered as academ iclectures , and at th e tim e of their first publication w ere acknow ledged to be by farthe m ost learned and able treatm ent of the subj ect . T hey have now been broughtup to date by the addition of all the m ost important results of recent research .

T unes .

Post 8vo, cloth, pp . X11. —198 , accompanied by T wo LanguageMaps , price 7s . 6d .

A SKE T CH OF

T HE MODE R N LAN GU AGE S OF T HE E AS T I N DI E S .

B Y R OB E R T N . CU S T .

T he Author has attempted to fill up a vacuum ,the inconvenience of

which pressed itself on his notice . Much had been written about,the

languages of the E ast I ndies , but the extent of our present knowledge hadnot even been brought to a focus . I t occurred to him that it m ight be ofuse to others to publish in an arranged form the notes which he had collectedfor his own edification .

S upplies a deficiency wh ich has long been felt —T imes .

T h e book before us is then a valuable contribution to philological science . I t

passes under review a vast number of languages , and it gives , or professes to gi ve , inevery case the sum and substance of the opin i on s and judgments of th e best-inform edwriters .

—S a turday R eview.

S econd Corrected E dition , post 8vo , pp . x11.— 1 16,cloth

, price 58 .

T HE B I R T H OF T HE WAR -GOD .

A Poem . B Y KALI DAS A .

T ranslated from the S anskrit into E nglish Verse byR ALPH T . H. GR I FFI TH ,

M .A .

A very spirited rendering of the Kumdrasambhaea ,which w as first published

Z‘wenty

-six years ago, and which we are glad to see made once more accessible .

”

zmes .

Mr . Griffith ’

s very spirited rendering is w ell known to most who are at allI nterested in I ndian literature , or en joy th e tenderness of feeling and rich creati veI magi nation of its author .

—! ndian Antzquary.

We are very g lad to welcom e a second edi tion of Professor Griffi th ’

s adm irabletranslation . Few translations deserve a second edition better.

”—Atkenaewn.

T R U B N E R’

S OR I E N T AL S E R I E S .

Post 8vo, pp . 432, cloth , price 16s .

A CLAS S I CAL D I CT I ON AR Y OP HI N DU MYT HOLOGY

AN D R E LI GI ON , GE OGR APHY, HI S T OR Y, AN D

L I T E R AT U R E .

B Y JOHN DOWS ON ,

Late Professor of Hindustani , S taff College .

T his not only forms an indispen sable book of reference to students of I ndianliterature , but is also of great general interest , as it gives in a concise and eas ilyaccess ible form all that need be known about the personage s of Hindu mythologyw hose nam es are so fam iliar, but of whom so little is known outs ide the lim itedcircle of savan ts .

”—T imes.I t is no s ligh t gain when such subjects are treated fairly and fully in a moderate

space and we need only add that th e few wants which w e m ay hope to see suppliedin n ew editions detract but li ttle from the general exce llence of Mr . Dowson

’

s work .

”

S a turday R eview.

Post 8vo, with View of Mecca, pp . cxii.— I 72, cloth , price gs .

S E LE CT I ON S FR OM T HE KOR AN .

B Y E DWAR D W I LLI AM LAN E ,

T ranslator of T h e T housand and One N ights &c .

,&c .

A N ew E dition , R evised and E nlarged , with an I ntroduction byS T AN LE Y LAN E POOLE .

Has been long esteem ed in this country as the compilation of one of the

greatestArabic s ch olars of the t im e,the late Mr . Lane , the well known translator o f

the‘ Arabian N ights .

’

T h e present edi tor has enhanced the value of h i s

relative ’

3 work by d ives ting th e text of a great deal of extraneous matter introducedby way of comm en t, and prefixing an introduction .

—T unesMr . Poole i s both a generous and a learned biographer . Mr . Poole tells us

the facts so far as it is poss ible for indus try and criticism to ascerta in th em,

and for literary skill to present th em in a condensed and readable form .

” —E ngii sh o

man,Ca lcutta .

Post 8vo, pp. vi. —368 , cloth , price 14s .

MODE R N I N D I A AN D T HE I N D I AN S ,B E I N G A S E R I E S OF I MPR E S S I ON S , N OT E S , AN D E S S AYS .

B Y MON I E R W I LLI AMS ,HO I I . LL .D . of the Univers ity of Calcutta , Hon . Mem ber of the Bombay Asiatic

S ociety ,Boden Professor of S anskrit in the Un iversity of Oxford .

T hird E d ition,revised and augmented by considerable Additionsw ith I llustrations and a Map .

I n th is volume w e have the thoughtful impress ions of a thoughtful man on some

o f th e m ost important questions connected w ith our I ndian E mpire . An en

lightened observan t man,trave lling am ong an en ligh tened observant people , Professor

Monier William s has brought before the publi c in a pleasant form more of th e m anners

and customs of th e Q ueen’

s I ndian subjects than w e ever rem ember to have seen in

any one w ork . He not on ly deserves th e thanks of every E nglishman for this ablecontribution to the study o f Modern I ndia—a subject w ith ta

wh i ch w e should b eS pecially fam i liar—but h e deserves the thanks of every I ndian

,Parsee or Hindu

,Buddhist and Mos lem , for h is clear expos i tion of the ir manners , thei r creeds, andtheir necess I ties .

—T imes .

Post 8vo, pp . xliv .

—376, cloth , price 14s.

ME T R I CAL T R AN S LAT I ON S PR OM S AN SKR I T

WR I T E R S .

With an I ntroduction ,m any Prose Versions , and Parallel Passages from

Classical Authors .

B Y J. MU I R , LL .D .,Ph .D .

An agreeable introduction to H indu poet i v —T i7 nesvolum e which m ay be taken as a fa ir illustration al ike of the religiousand moral sentiments and of the legendary lore of th e best S anskri t writers .

E d inburgh Da i ly R eview

T R U B N E R’

S O R I E N T AL S E R I E S .

S econd E dition, post 8vo, pp . xxvi. —244 , cloth , price 1os . 6d .

T H E G U L I S T A N ;

O R , R OS E GAR D E N OF S HE KH MU SHLI U’D -D I N S AD I or S HI R AZ .

T ranslated for the Firs t T ime into Prose and Verse,with an I ntroductory

Preface , and a Life of the Author, from the Atish Kadah ,

B Y E DWAR D B . E AS TW I CK,C . B . ,

M.A. ,

I t is a very fair rendering of the original . —T imes.

T he n ew edition h as long been desired , and w ill b e welcomed by all who takeany interest in Oriental poetry . T he Gulistan is a typical Persian verse-book of thehighest order. Mr . E astw ick

’

s rhymed translation has long establi shed itself ina secure position as the best vers i on of S adi ’ s finest work .

” —Academy.

I t is both fai th fully and gracefully executed .

”T ablet.

I n T wo Volumes, post 8vo , pp . viii. —408 and viii.—348 , cloth , price 28s .

MI S CE LLAN E OU S E S SAYS R E LAT I N G T O I N DI AN

S U B JE CT S .

B Y B R I AN HOUGHT ON HODGS ON,E S Q . ,

F. R . S

Late of th e Bengal Civi l S ervice Corresponding Member o f the I nstitute ; Chevalierof the Legion of Honour ; late Briti sh Minis ter at the Court of N epal, &c . , 610.

CON T E N T S OF VOL . I .

S E CT I ON 1,

—Ou the Kocch ,B ede

,and Dh i

’

mal T ribes .—Part I . Vocabulary .

Part I I . Gramm ar .—Part l I I . T h eir Orig in, Location ,

N umbe i s, Creed , Cus tom s

,

Character ,and Condition ,

w ith a General Descript ion of the Climate they dwell in .

—Appendix .

S E CT I ON I I .—Ou Himalayan E thnology —I . Comparative Vocabu lary o f th e Lan

guages o f the Broken T ribes of N epal—I I . Vocabulary of the Dialects of th e Kiran tiLanguage

—I I I . Gramm atical Analysis o f th e Vayu Language . T he Vayu Gramm ar .

—I V. Analysis of the Bahing Dialect of the K i ranti Language . T he B ahing Gram

m ar.—V . On the Valyu or Hayu T ribe of the Cen tral Himalaya—V I . On the Kirai i ti

T ribe of the Central Him alaya .

CON T E N T S OF VOL . 11.

S E CT I ON I I I .—On the AbO i igines of N orth -E aste rn I nd ia . Comparative Vocabulary

o f th e T ibetan , B ede, and Gare T ongues .

S E CT I ON I V .—Aborigines of the N orth - E astern Frontier .

S E CT I ON V .-Aborigines o f the E as te i i i Frontier .

S E CT I ON V I —T he I ndo-Ch inese B orderers , and th e ir connection w i th the Hima

layans and T ibe tan s . Compara tive Vocabulary of I ndo-Chin e se Borderers I n Arakan .

Comparative Vocabulary of I ndo-Chines e Borderers in T enas serim .

S E CT I ON VI I .

—T h e Mongolian Affinities of the Caucas ians —Comparison and Ana

lys i s of Caucasian and Mongolian Words .

S E CT I ON V I I I .—Phys ical T ype o f T ibe tans .

S E CT I ON I X .—T he Aborigines o f Central I ndia—Comparat ive Vocabulary o f the

Aboriginal Languages of Centra l I nd ia .

—AbO i ig ines of th e E astern Ghats —Vocabulary of som e of t he D ialects o f th e Hill andWande i ing T r ibes I n th e N orth ern S ircars .

—Aborigines of the N ilgiris , w ith R em arks on th e ir Afiin i ties .—S upplem en t to the

N ilgirian Vocabularies .—T he Abor ig ines of S outhe rn I nd ia and Ceylon .

S E CT I ON X .

—R oute of N epale se Mi ss ion to Pekin ,w ith R emarks on th e Water

S hed and Pla teau o f T ibet .

S E CT I ON XL—R oute from Kathmandu,th e Cap ital o f N epal , to Darj ee ling in

S ik im .—Memorandum relative to th e S even 00 8 13 o f N epal.

S E CT I ON X I I .—S om e Accounts of the S ystem s o f Law and Police as recogn ised in

th e S tate of N epal .S E CT I ON X I I I .—T he N ative Method of m aking the Paper denom inated Hindustan ,

N epalese .

S E CT I ON X I V .

—Pre-em inence o f the Vernaculars or , th e Anglicists Answe i ed

Being Letters on th e E ducation of th e People of I ndia .

For th e study of the les s -known races of I ndia Mr .

.

B rian Hodgson ’

s Miscellaneous E ssays Wi ll be found very valuable both to the ph i lolog i st and the ethnolog i st .

T R U B N E R’

S O R I E N T / 1L S E R I E S .

T hird E dition , T wo Vols , post 8vo , pp. viii —268 and viii .—326, cloth ,price 2 1 3 .

T HE L I FE OR LE GE N D OF GAU DAMA ,

T HE B UDDHA OF T HE B UR ME S E . With Annotations .

T he Ways to N eibban ,and N otice on the Phongyies or B urmese Monks .

B Y T HE R I GHT R E V. P . B I GAN DE T ,

B ishop of R amatha,Vicar-Apostolic of Ava and Pegu .

T he work is furnished with cepious notes , wh ich not only illustrate the subj ectmatter

, but form a perfect encyclopaedia of Buddhist lore .

! —T imes .

A work which wi ll furn ish E uropean students of Buddh ism w ith a most valuablehelp in the prosecution of their investigations .

—E dinburgh Dai ly R eview.

Bishop B igandet ’s invaluable w ork .

”—I ndian Antiquary.

Viewed in th is light , its importance is sufficient to place students of th e subjectunder a deep obligation to its author .

” —Ca lcutta R eview.

“ T hi s work is one of the greatest authori ties upon Buddhism .—Dublin R eview.

Post 8ve, pp . xxiv.—420 , cloth , price 1 8s .

CHI N E S E B U DDHI SM .

A VOLUME OF S KE T CHE S,H I S T OR I CAL AN D CR I T I CAL .

B Y J . E DKI N S , D . D .

Author of China’

s Place in Philology, ” R eligion in China, 810 &c .

“I t contain s a vast deal of important in form ation on the subject

,such as is on ly

to be gained by long -continued study on th e spot .

—Athenceum.

Upon th e whole , w e know of no work comparable to i t for th e extent of its

original research ,and the simplicity w ith which th is complicated system of ph ilo

sophy ,religion ,

literature , and ritual is s et forth .—B ritish Quarter ly R evi ew.

T h e whole volum e is replete w ith learning . I t deserves m ost careful studyfrom all interested in th e h i s tory of th e religions of th e world

,and expres sly of those

wh o are concerned in th e propagation of Chr i stian ity . Dr . E dkin s notices in term s

of just condemnation th e exaggerated praise bestowed upon Buddhism .by recent

E nglish writers .—R ecord .

Post 8vo, pp . 496, cloth , price 10s . 6d .

L I N GU I S T I C A N D OR I E N T AL E S S AY S .

WR I T T E N FR OM T HE YE AR 1 846 T O 1 878 .

B Y R OB E R T N E E DHAM CUS T ,

Late Member of Her Maj e sty’s I ndian Civil S ervice ; Hon . S ecretary to

the R oyal As iatic S ociety ;and Author of T he Modern Languages of the E ast I ndies .

We know n one who has described I ndian life , especially the life of the natives ,w ith so much learning , sympathy , and li terary talent .

—Academy.

“ T hey seem to us to b e full of suggestive and ori ginal remarks .

”—S t. James ’s Gazette.

His book contains a vas t amount of in formation . T h e result of thirty-five years

of inquiry, re flection ,and speculation ,

and that on subj ects as full of fascination as

of food for thought .

”—T ablet.E xhibi t such a thorough acquaintance w ith the h istory and an tiquities of I nd ia

as to enti tle h im to speak as one havmg authority .

”—E d inburgh D a i ly R evi ew.

T h e author speaks w ith the authority of personal experience I t is th is

con st ant association W i th th e country and the people which gi ves such a vividnes sto many of the pages .

”—Alhenoeum.

T R U B N E R’

S O R I E N T AL S E R I E S .

Post 8vo, pp . civ.

—348 , cloth , price 1 8 3 .

1

B U DDH I S T B I R T H S T OR I E S ; or, Ja t ak a T a l e s .

T he Oldest Collection of Folk-lore E xtantB E I N G T H E JAT AKA T T HAV A N N A N A ,

For the first time E dited in the original Pali.B Y V . FAU S B OLL ;

And T ranslated by T . W . R HYS DAV I D S .

T ranslation . Volume I .

T hese are tales supposed to have been told by th e Buddha of what h e had seen

and h eard in his previous births . T hey are probably the nearest representat ivesof th e original Aryan stories from wh i ch sprang the folk- lore of E urope as well asI ndia . T he in troduction contain s a most interesting disquisition on the m igrationsof these fables , tracing their reappearance in the var ious groups of folk-lore legends .

Am ong oth er old friends , we m eet w ith a version of th e Judgm ent of S olomon .

”—T imes .

I t is now s om e years s ince Mr . R hys Davids asserted h is right to be heard o n

this subject by his able article on Buddh ism in th e new edition of the E ncyclopaediaBritannica .—Leeds M ercury .

All who are interested in Buddhist literature ough t to feel deeply indebted toMr . R hys Davids His well-established reputation as a Pali scholar is a sufficientguaran tee for the fidelity of hi s vers ion , and the style of h is tran s lations is deservingof hi gh praise .

—Academy.

N o more competent expositor of Buddhism could be found than Mr. R hys Davids .

I n the Jataka book w e have , then ,a priceless record of th e earliest imaginativeliterature of our race ; and it presents to us a nearly complete picture of the

social life and custom s and popular beliefs of th e comm on people of Aryan tribes ,c losely related to ourselves , just as they were passing through the first stages of

civi lisation .

”—S t. James ’s Gazette.

Post 8 vo, pp. xxviii.—362 , cloth , price 14s .

A T A LM U D I C M I S C E L LA N Y ;

O R , A T HOUS AN D AN D ON E E XT R ACT S FR OM T HE T ALMUDT HE M I D R AS HI M, AN D T HE KAB B ALAH .

Compiled and T ranslated by PAUL I S AAC B E R S E ON ,

Author of Genesis According to the T almud, &c .

With N otes and Copious I ndexes .

T o obtain in so con ci se and handy a form as this volum e a general idea o f th e

T almud is a boon to Christians at least .

—T imes.

“ I ts peculiar and popular character w ill m ake it attractive to general readers .

Mr. Hershon is a very competent sch olar . Contains samples of th e good , bad ,

and indifferent , and especial ly extracts that throw ligh t upon th e S criptures .

”

B r itish Quarterly R eview.

Wi ll convey to E nglish readers a m ore complete and truth ful notion of the

T almud than any oth er w ork that has yet appeared .

—Da i ly N ews .

Wi thout overlooking in th e s lightest th e several attractions of th e previousvolum es of the Oriental S eries ,

’

w e have no hesitation in saying that th i s surpasses

th em all in interest .

”—E d i nburgh Da i ly R eview .

Mr . Hershon has thus g iven E nglish readers what i s ,w e be lieve , a fair se t

Of specim ens which th ey can test for them selves .

— T he R ecord .

T h is book i s by far th e best fitted in th e presen t state of know ledge.

to enable th egen eral reader to gain a fair and unbiassed conception of the multi fari ous contents

of th e wonderful m iscellany wh ich can only be t ruly understood—se JeWI sh prideasserts—by the li fe - long devotion of sch olars of th e Ch osen People .

—I nqu i rer .

T he value and importan ce of th is volum e con s ist in th e fact that scarcely a singleex tract is given in i ts pages but th row s som e l igh t , d i rect or refracted , upon tho seS criptures w h ich are th e comm on h eritage of Jew and Chri s tian a like .

—John B ull .

I t is a capital specimen of Hebrew scholarship ; a monum en t of learned , lov ing ,light-g iving labour .

-Jewish Hera ld .

T R U B N E R’

S OR I E N T A L S E R I E S .

Post 8vo, pp . x11. —228,cloth

, price 73 . 6d .

T HE CLAS S I CAL POE T R Y OI‘

~

T HE JAPAN E S E .

B Y B AS I L HALL CHAMB E R LAI N ,

Author of Y eigo Hefi kaku S hirah .

A very curious volume T he author has manifestly devoted much labour to th etask of studying th e poetical literature of the Japanese , and renderin g charac teristic

specimens into E ng lish verse .

—Da ily N ews .

Mr. Chamberlain ’

s volum e is , so far as w e are aware , the first attempt which hasbeen m ade to interpret the literature of th e Japanese to the Western w orld . I t is to

th e classical poetry of Old Japan that w e mu s t turn for indigenous Japanese thought ,and in th e volum e before us we have a selection from that poetry rendered in to

graceful E nglish verse .

”—T a blet.“ I t is undoubtedly one of th e best translations of lyric literature w hich has

appeared during the close of the last year .

”—Celes ti a l E mp i re.

Mr . Chambe rlain set h im se lf a d i fficult task wh en h e undertook to reproduceJapanese poe t i y in an E nglish form . B ut he has eviden t ly laboured con amore, andh is efforts are successful to a degree .

—London and Ch ina E xpress .

Post 8vo, pp. xii —164 , cloth , price 103 . 6d .

T HE HI S T OR Y OF E S AR HADDON (S on of S ennacherib) ,KI N G OF AS S YR I A, 681—668 .

T ranslated from the Cuneiform I nscriptions upon Cylinders and T ablets in

the B ritish Museum Collection ; together w ith a Grammatical Analysis

of each lVord,E xplanations of the I deographs by E xtracts from the

B i-Lingual S yllabaries , and List of E ponyms, &c .

B Y E R N E S T A . B UDGE,B . A. ,

Assyrian E xhibitioner, Christ 's College , Cambridge .

S tudents of se i iptural archaeology w ill also appreciate the ‘ History of B earhaddon .

’ —T imes .

T here is much to attract the scholar in this volume . I t does not pretend topopulari se studies wh ich are yet in th eir infancy . I ts primary object is to trans late ,bu t it does not assume to b e more than ten tat ive

,and i t offers both to the professed

Assyriologis t and to th e ordinary non -As syriological S em itic scholar the m eans of

controlling its i esults .—Acadei iiy.

“Mr . Budge ’

s book is,of course , main ly addressed to Assyrian scholars and

students . T hey are not, i t i s to be feared, a very num erous class . B ut t m ore

thanks are due to him on that account for the way in wh ich he has acquitted im self

in his labO i ious task .

” —T a (i let.

Post 8 vo , pp. 448 , cloth , price 2 i s .

T H E M E S N E V I

(Usually known as T HE ME S N E V I Y I S HE R I F,or HOLY ME S N E V I )

or

ME VLAN A (OU R LOR D ) JB LALU ’D -D I N MUHAMME D E R -R UM I .

B ook the First .

T ogether wi th some A ccount of the L ife and A cts of the Author,of his Ancestors , and of his D escendants .

I llustrated by a S election of Characteristic An ecdotes , as Collected

by their Historian ,

ME VLAN A S HE MS U -’

D -D I N AHME D , E L E FLAKI , E L‘AR I FI .

T ranslated , and the Poetry V ersified,in E nglish ,

B Y J AM E S W. R E D H O U S E,M. R . A . S . ,

&c .

A comp lete treasury of occult Oriental lore .

”—S a turday R eview.

“ T h is book w ill b e a very valuable h elp to th e reader ignorant of Persia who is

des irous o f obtaining an insigh t into a very importan t departm ent of the li teratureextant in that language .

”T a blet .

T R (I B N E R ’

S OR I E N T AL S E R I E S .

Post 8vo , pp. xvi —280,cloth

, price 6s .

E AS T E R N PR OV E R B S AN D E MB LE MSI LLU S T R AT I N G OLD T R UT HS .

B Y R E V . J . LON G,

Member of the B engal Asiatic S ociety,

We regard the book as valuable , and wish for it a wide circulati on and attentivereading .

” —R ecord .

Altogether. it is quite a feast of good things .—Globe.

I t is full of interesting matter.—Antiquary.

Post 8vo, pp . viii —270 , cloth , price 78 . 6d .

I N D I A N P O E T R Y ;

Containing a N ew E dition of the I ndian S ong of S ongs, from the S anscritof the

“Gita Govinda of Jayadeva ; T wo B ooks from “

T he I liad ofI ndia (Mahabharata ),

“Proverbial Wisdom from the S hlokas of the

Hitopadesa, and other Oriental Poems .

B Y E DW I N AR N OLD,

Author of T he Light of Asia .

I n this new volum e of Messrs . T riibner'

s Oriental S eries , Mr. E dw in Arnold doesgood service by i llustrating , through the m edium of hi s mus ical E ng lish melodiesthe pow er of I ndian poetry to stir E uropean emotions . T he I ndian S ong of S ongsis not unknown to scholars . Mr. Arn old will have introduced it am ong popularE nglish poem s . N oth ing could be more graceful and delicate than the shades bywhi ch Krishn a is portrayed in the gradual process of being weaned by th e love of

Beautiful R adha , jasmine-bosom ed R adha , ’from the allurements of the forest nymphs , in whom the five senses are typified .

T imes .

N 0 other E nglish poet has ever thrown his genius and his art so thoroughly in tothe work of translating E astern ideas as Mr . Arnold has done in his splendid paraphras es of language contained in these m ighty epics .

—Da i ly T elegraph.

T he poem abounds w ith imagery of E as tern luxuriousness and sensuousness ; the

air seems laden wi th th e spicy odours of the tropics , and the verse has a richness and

a m e lody sufficient to captivate th e senses of the dullest .

—S tandard .

T h e tran slator, wh ile producing a very en joyable poem ,has adhered w ith toler

able fidelity to the original text .

”Overland Ma i l .

“We certa inly w ish Mr . Arnold success in his attempt‘to popularise I ndian

classics , ’ that being , as his preface tells us , the goal towards which he bends h isefi orts .

”—Allen ’

s I ndian Ma il .

Post 8 vo, pp. xvi .—296 , cloth , price i os . 6d .

T HE M I N D OF ME N CI U S ;O R , POLI T I CAL E CON OMY FOUN DE D UPON MOR AL

PHI LOS OPHY .

A S YS T E MAT I C D I GE S T or T HE DOCT R I N E S or T HE CHI N E S E PHI LOS OPHE RME N CI US .

T ranslated from the Original T ext and Classified ,w ith

Comments and E xplanations ,B y the R E V . E R N S T FAB E R , R henish Mission S ociety.

T ranslated from the German ,with Additional N otes ,

B y the R E V . A . B . HUT CH I N S ON ,Church Mission ,

Hong Kong .

Mr . Faber is already w ell known in th e field of Chinese stud ies by his digest ofth e doctrines of Confucm s . T h e value of th is w ork w ill be perce ived when i t is

rem embered that at no t im e since relations comm enced betw een Ch ina and the

West has the former been so pow erful—w e had almost said aggressw e—as now .

For those who w ill gi ve it care ful s tudy, Mr. Faber ’

s work is one of the mos t

valuable of the excellent series to wh i ch it be longs .

!

N a ture.

T R U B N E R’

S OR I E N T AL S E R I E S .

Post 8vo , pp . 336, cloth , price 168 .

T HE R E LI GI ON S OF I N DI A.

B Y A . E AR T H.

T ranslated from the French with the authority and assistance of the Author .

T he author has , at the request of the publishers, considerably enlarged

the work for the translator, and has added the literature of the subject todate the translation may, therefore , be looked upon as an equival ent of a

new and improved edition of the original.

I s not only a valuable manual of the religions of I ndia , which marks a distinctstep in the treatment of the subject

,but also a useful work of reference .

”—Academy.

“ T his volum e is a reproduction ,w ith corrections and addition s , of an article

contributed by the learned author two years ago to th e E ncyclopedic des S ciencesR eligieuses .

’

I t attracted much notice when it first appeared , and is generallyadmitted to present the best summary extant of the vas t subj ect w ith which itdeals .

”—T ablet.T h is is not on ly on the whole the best but the on ly manual of the religions of

I ndia , apart from Buddh ism , which w e have in E nglish . T h e present workshows not only great knowledge of the facts and power of clear exposition , but al so

great insight into the inner history and the deeper meaning of the great religion ,

for it is in reali ty only one , which it proposes to describe .

”—Modern R eview.

T he merit of the w ork has been emphatically recogn ised by th e most authoritativeOri entalists , both in th is country and on the continent of E urope , B ut probablythere are few I ndianists (if we may use the word) who would not derive a good dealof information from it , and especially from the extensive bibliography provided inthe notes .

—Dublin R eview.

S uch a sketch M. Barth has drawn with a master-hand .—0ritic (N ew York) .

Post 8vo , pp. viii—152, cloth , price é s .

HI N DU PHI LOS OPHY.

T HE SAN KHYA KAR I KA or I S'WAR A KR I S HN A .

An E xposition of the S ystem of Kapila, with an Appendix on tiieN yaya and V ais

’eshika S ys tems.

B Y JOHN DAV I E S , M .A .

T he system of Kapila contains nearly all that I ndia has produced in the

department of pure philosophy .

T he non-Orientalist finds in Mr. Davi es a patient and learned guide wholeads him into the intricacies of the philosophy of I ndia,and supplies him w ith a clue

that he may not b e lost in th em . I n the preface he states that the system ofKapila is th e ‘

earliest attempt on record to give an an swer, from reason alone ,to the mysterious questions wh ich arise in every thoughtful m ind about the orig in of

the world , the nature and relations of m an and h is future destiny, ’ and in his learnedand able notes he exh ibits ‘

th e connection of the S ankhya system w i th the philo

sophy of S pinoza,’

and the connection of th e system of Kapila w ith that of S chopenhauer and Von Hartmann .

’ —Foreign Church Chronicle.

Mr . Davies’

s volum e on Hindu Philosophy is an undoubted gain to all studentsof the development of thought . T h e system of Kapila , whi ch is here given in a tran s

lation from the S ankhya Karika, is the only contribution of I ndia to pure ph ilosophy .

Presents many points of deep interest to the student of comparative ph iloS ophy, and w ithout Mr . Davi es

’s lucid in terpretation it would be difficult to appre

ciate these points in any adequate manner.

”—S a turday R eview.

We we lcome Mr . Davies'

s book as a valuable addition to our philosophicallibrary .

! —N otes and Queries .

T R U B N E R’

S OR I E N T A L S E R I E S .

Post 8 vo , pp . x .—I 3o , cloth, price 6s .

A MAN U AL or HI N DU PAN T HE I SM . VE DAN T ASAR A .

T ranslated, with copious Annotations,

B Y MAJOR G . A . JACOB ,

B ombay S taff Corps I nspector of Army S chools .

T he design of this little work is to provide for missionaries, and forothers who

, like them ,have little leisure for original research, an accurate

summary of the doctrines of the Vedanta .

“ T he modest title of Major Jacob ’s work conveys but an inadequate idea of thevast amount of research embodied in his notes to the text of the Vedantasara . S ocopi ous,

indeed, are these , and so much collateral matter do they bring to bear on

the subj ect, that t he diligent student Wi ll rise from their perusal Wi th a fairlyadequate view of Hindu phi losophy generally . His work is one of the best ofi ts kind that we have seen .

-Ca lcutta R eview.

Post 8vo , pp. xi i . —154 , cloth, price 78 . 6d .

T S U N I—I I GOAMT HE S UPR E ME B E I N G OF T HE KHO I -KHO I .

B r T HE OPHI LUS HAHN , Ph .D . ,

Custodian of the Grey Collection , Cape T own Corresponding Memberof the Geogr. S ociety, Dresden Corresponding Member of the

Anthropological S ociety, Vienna , &c. ,&c .

‘ T h e first instalment of Dr. Hahn’

s labours w ill be of interest , not at the Capeon ly, but in every University of E urope . I t is , in fact, a m ost valuable contributionto the comparative study of religion and mythology . Accounts of their religion andmythology w ere scattered about in various books ; these have been carefu lly collected by Dr. Hahn and printed in h is second chapter, enriched and improved . bywhat he has been able to collect h imself . ”—Prof. Max Muller in the N ineteenth

Cen tury.

I t is full of good things .- S t. James

’

s Gazette.

I n Four Volumes . Post 8vo, V ol . I . , pp. xi i . -

392 , cloth , price 128 . 6d

Vol . I I . , pp. vi.—4o8 , cloth , price 1 23 . 6d .,V ol . I I I . , pp . viii .—4 I 4 ,

cloth , price 128 . 6d . , Vol . I V . , pp . viii .—34o , cloth , price 108 . 6d .

A COMPR E HE N S I V E COMME N T AR Y T O T HE Q U R AN .

T o WHI CH I s PR E FI XE D S ALE’

S PR E LI MI N AR Y D I S COUR S E , W I T HADD I T I ON AL N OT E S AN D E ME N DAT I ON S .

T ogether with a Complete I ndex to the T ext, PreliminaryD iscourse, and N otes .

B y R ev . E . M . WHE R R Y, M.A. , Lodiana .

As Mr.Wherry ’

s book is intended for m issionaries in I ndia , it is no doubt vuellthat they should be prepared to m eet

,if they can , the ordinary arguments and inter

pretat ions , and for this purpose Mr . Wherry ’

s additions Wi ll prove useful . —S a turdayR eview.

T R U B N E R'

S O R I E N T AL S E R I E S .

Post 8vo, pp . vi. - 2o8

,cloth

, price 8s . 6d .

T HE B HAGAVAD-GI TA.

T ranslated,with I ntroduction and N otes .

B Y JOHN DAVI E S , M.A . (Cantab . )

Let us add that h is translation of the B hagavad Gite. is , as w e judge, the be stthat has as yet appeared in E nglish , and that his Ph ilologi cal N otes are of quitepeculiar value .

!-Dublin R eview.

Post 8 vo, pp . 96, cloth , price 5s .

T HE Q U AT R A I N S OF OMAR KHAYYAM .

T ranslated by E . H. WHI N FI E LD ,M .A . ,

B arrister-at -Law,late H.M. B engal Civil S ervice .

Post 8vo, pp. xxx11.—336, cloth , price 108 . 6d .

T HE Q U A T R A I N S OP OMA R KHAYYAM .

T he Persian T ext , with an E nglish Verse T ranslation .

B y E . H . WHI N FI E LD ,late of the B engal Civil S ervice .

Mr. Wh infield has executed a di fficult task w ith cons iderable success , and hisvers ion contains much that will be new to those who only know Mr. Fi tzgerald ’

s

delightful selection .—Academy.

T h e most prom inent features in the Q uatrains are th eir profound agnosticism ,‘

combined w ith a fatalism based m ore on ph ilosoph ic than religious grounds, th eirE picureanism and the spirit of un iversal tolerance and charity wh ich animates them .

”

—Ca lcutta R eview.

Post 8vo , pp . xxiv .—268

, cloth, price os .

T HE PHI LOS OPHY OF T HE U PAN I SHADS AN DAN CI E N T I N DI AN M E T APHYS I CS .

As exhibited in a series of Articles contributed to the Ca lcutta R eview.

B y AR CHI B ALD E DWAR D GOUGH, M .A . ,Lincoln College, Oxford

Principal of the Calcutta Madrasa .

For practical purpo s es th is is perhaps th e most important of the works that havethus far appeared in T rii bn er

’

s Orien tal S eries .

’ We cannot doub t that for allWho may take i t up the work mus t be one of pro found interes t. —S aturday R eview.

I n T wo Volumes . V ol . I . , post 8vo , pp . xxiv .—a3o , cloth , price 78 . 6d .

A COMPAR AT I V E HI S T OR Y OF T HE E GYPT I AN AN D

ME S OPOT AM I AN R E LI GI ON S .

B y D R . C . P . T I E LE .

V ol . I .—H I S T OR Y OF T HE E GYPT I AN R E LI GI ON .

T ranslated from the Dutch with the Assistance of the Author.

B y JAME S B ALLI N GAL .

I t p laces in the hands of th e E nglish readers a h i stO I y of E gyptian R eligi onwhich is very complete , wh ich i s based on th e best materials , and wh ich has beeni llust rated by the late s t results of research . I n th is volume there is a great deal ofinformati on ,

as We ll as independ ent inve stigat ion ,for the tru stworthiness of w h ich

Dr . T iele’

s nam e is in i tself a guaran tee ; and th e description Of the successivere ligions under the Old Kingdom , th e Middle Kingdom ,

and the N ew Kingdom ,i s

given in a m anner wh ich is scholarly and m inute .

—S c0tsnian .

T R U B N E R’

S O R I E IVT AL S E R I E S .

Post 8 vo , pp . xi i .

—302, cloth , price 8 3 . 6d .

YU S U F AN D ZU LA I KHA .

A POE M B Y JAMI .

T ransla ted from the Persian into E nglish Verse .

B Y R ALPH T . H . GR I FFI T H .

Mr Griffith,who has done already good service as tran slator into verse from th e

S anskri t , has done further good WO i k i ii this trans lation from the Pers ian,and h e

has evi den t ly shown not a li ttle skill in his rendering th e quaint and very orientals tyle of h is author into our m ore prosaic , les s figurative , language . T h e Work ,besides its intrins ic m erits , is Of importance as be ing one of the m ost popular and

famous poems of Persia , and that w hich is read in all the independent native schoolsof I ndia where Persian is taugh t .

—S cotsni an .

Post 8vo , pp. viii —266,cloth , price 9s .

LI N GU I S T I C E S SAYS .

B Y CAR L AB E L .

An entirely nove l m e th od o f de a ling w ith pll lI O S Ophical que stio ns and im part areal human intere st to the otherw i s e dry techn ical i tie s of the s cience .

—S tandard .

Dr . Abe l i s an opponent from wh om it is pleasant to differ, for he w rites w ith

enthusiasm and temper , and h is mas tery over the E ngli sh language fits h im to be ac hamp ion of unpopular doctrines .

! —Athenteum.

Post 8 vo, pp . ix .

— 28 I, cloth , price 108 . 6d .

T HE S AR VA DAR S AN A S AMGR AHAO R

,R E V I E W OF T HE D I FFE R E N T S YS T E MS OF H I N DU

PH I LOS OPHY .

B Y MADHAVA ACHAR YA .

T ranslated by E . B . COVVE LL,M . A .

,Professor of S anskrit in the University

of Cambridge , and A . E . GOUGH, M .A .,Professor of Philosophy

in the Presidency College , Calcutta .

T his work is an intere sting specimen of Hindu critical ability . T he

author successively passe s in review the sixteen philosophical system s

current in the fourteenth century in the S outh of I ndia ; and he give s whatappears t o him to be their most important tenets .

T he tran slation i s trustw orthy throughout . A protracted soj ourn in I nd ia ,where th ere is a living tradition

,ha s fam i l iarised th e tran s la tO i s w i th I ndian

thought .

”—Athenceum .

Post 8vo , pp . lxv .

—368 , cloth , price i 4s .

T I B E T AN T ALE S DE R I VE D FR OM I N DI AN S OU R CE S .

T ran slated from the T ibetan of the KAH-GYU R .

B Y F. AN T ON V ON S CH I E FN E R .~

Done into E nglish from the German ,w ith an I ntroduction ,

B Y “7. R . S . R ALS T ON ,

M . A .

Mr . R alston , w hose nam e is so fam iliar to all lovers of R uss ian folk-lore , hassup plied som e i nteresting Western analog ie s and paralle ls , drawn ,

for the m os t part ,

fi om S lavon ic sources,to th e E astern fo lk-tale s , culled from the Kahgyur, one Of the

divis ions o f the T ibetan sacred books .

”—Aca demy.

T he trans lation could scarcely have fallen in to better hands . An I n troduc

tion gives th e leading facts in the lives of those scho lars w ho have g iven theirattention to gaining a know ledge of the T ibetan literature and language .

—Ca lcutta

R evi ew.

“Ought to interes t all w ho care fo r th e E ast, for amus ing s tories . or for comparat ivefolk -lore .

—’

Pa,uM'

a ll Ga zette.

T R U B N E R’

S OR I E N T AL S E R I E S .

Post 8vo, pp. xvi . —224 , cloth, price gs .

U D A N A V A R GA .

A COLLE CT I ON OF V E R S E s FR OM T HE B UDDHI S T CAN ON .

Compiled by DHAR MA'

I‘

R AT A.

B E I N G THE N OR T HE R N B UDDH I S T VE R S I ON or DHAMMAPADA .

T ranslated from the T ibetan of B kah -hgyur, with N otes,and

E xtracts from the Commentary of Pradjnavarman ,

B yW. WOODV I LLE R OCKHI LL.

Mr . R ockh ill’

s present work is the first from wh ich assistance w ill be gainedfor a m e re accurate understand ing o f the Pali text ; it i s , in fact , a s yet t he on lyt e rm o f comparison ava ilable to us . T he ‘ U danavarga ,

’the T h ibetan vers ion ,

was

orig inally discovered by the late M . S ch ie fner, w ho publi sh ed the T ibetan text , andhad intended adding a trans lation , an intent ion frustrated by h is death , but wh ichhas been carried out by Mr. R ockh ill . Mr . R ockh ill m ay b e congratulated forhaving well accompli shed a difficult task .

—S a turday R eview .

I n T WO Volumes, post 8vo , pp . xxiv .

—566, cloth ,

accompanied by a

Language Map, price i 8s .

A SKE T CH OF T HE MODE R N LAN GU AGE S OI‘

AFR I CA .

B Y R OB E R T N E E DHAM GU S T ,

B arrister-at -Law,and late of Her Maj esty

’

s I ndian Civil S ervice .

Any one at all interested in African languages cannot do better than get Mr.

Cust’

s book . I t is encyclopaedic in its scope , and the reader gets a start clear awayin any pa i t icular language , and is left free to add to th e in it ial sum of know ledgethere co llected .

—N a ta l fil ercury.

“Mr. Cust has con trived to produce a work of value to linguistic studefits .

N a ture.

T hird E dition . Post 8vo, pp . xv .

- 250 , cloth , price 78 . 6d .

OU T LI N E S OF T HE HI S T OR Y OF R E LI GI ON T O T HE

S PR E AD OF T HE U N I V E R S AL R E LI GI ON S .

B Y C . P. T I E LE ,

Doctor of T heology, Professor of the History of R eligions in the

University of Levden .

T ranslated from the Dutch by J . E S T LI N CAR PE N T E R , M. A.

Few books of its size contain the result of so much w ide th inking ,able and labo

rions study , or enable the reader to gain a better bird ’ s -eye view of the latest resultso f in ves tigations in to th e reli g ious hi s tory of nations . As Pro fes sor T i ele modestlysays , I n th i s li ttle book are outlin es—penci l sketches . I m ight say

—noth ing m ore .

’

B ut there are som e m en whose sketch es from a thumb-nai l are of far m ore w orth

than an enormous canvas cove red w ith th e crude painting of others , and it is easy to

s ee that th ese pages , full of in formation , th ese sentences , cut and p erhaps also d ry ,

short and clear, condense th e fruits of long and thorough research .—S cotsman .

T R U B N E R’

S OR I E N T AL S E R I E S .

Post 8vo, pp . x11. —312 , with Maps and Plan ,cloth

, price i 4s .

A HI S T OR Y OF B U R MA .

I ncluding B urma Proper, Pegu, T aungu , T enasserim , and Arakan . Fromthe E arli est T ime to the E nd of the FirstWar with B ritish I ndia.

B Y Li E U T .-GE N . S I R AR T HUR P . PHAYR E , and C . B . ,

Membre Correspondant de la S ociété Académique I ndo-Chinoisede France .

S ir Arthur Phayre’

s contribution to T rii bner’

s Oriental S eries supplies a recogn i sed wan t , and its appearance has been looked forward to for many yearsGeneral Phayre deserves great credi t for the patience and industry wh ich has resultedin th i s History of Burma .

—S a turday R eview.

T hird E dition . Post 8vo , pp . 276, cloth , price 78 . 6d .

R E L I G I O N I N C H I N A .

B y JOS E PH E DKI N S,D .D . , E m ma .

Containing a B rie f Account of the T hree R eligions of the Chinese , with

Observations on the Prospects of Christian Conversion amongst that

People .

Dr . E dkins has been most care ful in noting th e varied and Often complex phasesof opinion ,

so as to gi ve an account of con siderable value of the subj ect .

”—S cotsman .

As a m issionary, it has been part of Dr . E dkins ’ duty to study the ex ist ingreligions in Ch ina , and h is long residence in the country has enabled h im to acquirean intimate know ledge of them as they at present exist .

—S a turday R eview.

Dr . E dkins ’ valuable work,of wh ich th is is a second and revised ed i tion , has ,

from the time that it was published , been the s tandard authority upon the subj ectof wh ich it treats .

—N onconfo'rmi3 t.

Dr . E dkins may now be fairly regarded as among the first authorities on

Chines e religion and language .-B mtzsh Qua rterly R eview .

Post 8vo , pp . x.

—274 , cloth , price 9s .

T HE LI FE OF T HE B U DDHA AN D T HE E AR LYHI S T OR Y OF HI S OR DE R .

D erived from T ibetan Works in the B kah-hgyur and B stan-hgyur.

Followed by notices on the E arly History of T ibet and Khoten .

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v i I N T R OD U CT I ON .

far beyond the limits reached by Csoma. S O numerous ,however

,are the materials which are supplied us, that it

is beyond the power of any one scholar to examine them

in their entirety,and he must necessarily confine himself

to one special subject or branch of research .

I n the first part of this work we have endeavoured to

give a substantial and connected analysis,and frequently

literal translations,of the greater part of the historical or

legendary texts contained in the T ibetan Dulva or Vinaya

pitaka,which is unquestionably the most trustworthy

,and

probably the oldest portion of the B kah-hgyur.

B yfrequent reference to the pages Of the original (theE ast I ndia Office Copy of the B kah-bgyur) , we hope we

will have facilitated researches in the cumbrous T ibetan

volumes,to which no indices are attached .

S ome of the passages of this volume have been analysed

by Anton S chiefner in his T ibetische Libensbescriehung

Cakyamuni (S t. Petersburg, but as the work from

which be translated them was Composed by a T ibetan

lama of the seventeenth century, it could hardly be con

sidered as authoritative,and it has been thought advie

able not to omit these documents in theiroriginal T ibetan

T he T ibetan Vinaya (Dulva) is not solely devoted to

recording the rules and regulations of the Buddhist order,

as is the Pali work of this name , but it contains jatakas ,“

avadanas, vyakaranas, sfitras , and udanas, and in that it

resembles the S anskrit Vinaya, which B urnouf tells us

presents the same peculiarity. A few of these texts have

been introduced in this work, because they appeared of

sufficient interest to justify their presence in a volume

1 T he third volume of the Dulva volume 39, some of which I have not

contains 13 jatakas , and the fourth met with in the Pali jataka.

I N T R OD U CT I ON . v ii

which is intended to give an idea of the T ibetan Vinaya

literature .

By comparing the following notes on the life of the

Buddha with other works on the same subject,but derived

from different sources, it will be seen that two periods Of

the life of Gautama are narrated by all Buddhist authors

in about the same terms (probably because they all drew

from the same source their information) , the history of his

life down to his visit to Kapilavastu in the early part of

his ministry, and that o f the last year of his life . All the

events which occurred between these two periods are with

diffi culty assigned to any particular year of his life , and we

have been obliged to avail ourselves of any incidental

remarks in the texts for arranging our narrative in even

a semi- chronological order. T hus the oft-recurring phrase

that Adjatasatru was king of Magadha when such and

such an event took place,suggested the idea of taking the

commencement of his reign (five or eight years before the

Buddha’ s death) as a dividing—point in the Buddha’ s life ,

and of putting in the s ame chapter all the texts which are

prefaced with this remark .

T he histories of the councils of Rajagriha and of VaiSali ,

contained in the eleventh volume of the Dulva, are here

translated for the first time,and they differ in many

respects from the versions of these events previously

translated from Pali or Chinese .

T he authenticity of the council of Rajagriha has been

doubted on insufficient grounds, and, without examining

the merits of the case , we cannot help thinking that itwas

much more rational that a compilation or collation of the

utterances of the Master and Of the rules of the order

should have been made shortly after his death, than that

his followers,however united they may have been, should

viii I N T R OD U CT I ON .

have allowed a century to elapse before fixing in any

definite shape the sacred words and ordinances . More

over,both Pfi li and T ibetan works only credit the council

of Vaisali with having settled some unimportant questions

of discipline, and do not mention any revision of the

sacred works performed by this synod .

I n the sixth chapter will be found a literal translation

of the greater part of a work on the Buddhist schools of

the Hinayana by B havya, an I ndian Buddhist of great

renown . His work is especially interesting,as it differs

materially from that of Vasumitra on the same subject,

which has been translated by ProfessorWassilief. Both

of these works , unfortunately, are far from being satis

factory,and though B havya often appears to quote

Vasumitra,he has not made use (at least in the T ibetan

translation) Of terms which might enable us to better

understand the frequently enigmatical explanations ofVasumitra.

A few words are necessary to explain the presence in avolume Of translations from the T ibetan sacred writings of

a chapter on the early history Of T ibet . What little infor

mation we possess of the early history of this secluded

country is scattered about in a number of works not

always accessible,and frequently unsatis factory on ac

count Of the defective transcription Of T ibetan words . ' I t

was thought that an abstract of the greater and more '

reliable part Of the works bearing on this question might

prove acceptable to thos e who may desire to have some

knowledge on this subject,but who are unwilling to look

over all the different documents which treat of it . We

have endeavoured to supplement the researches of . Our

predecessors in this field with what new facts we have

been able to derive from a somewhat hurried examina

I N T R OD U CT I ON .

tion“

of the T ibetan B stan-hgyur and some other books

which have come under our notice .

T he extracts incorporated in chapter viii. are quite

new,and it is believed that no scholar has heretofore

called attention “ta-them. T he texts from which ‘ they

have been taken,with the exception of one

,belong to a

class of Buddhist works called Vyakarana or Propheé ies.

I n them the Buddha predicts to his disciples the events

which will Occur in days to come in such a country or to

such an_

individual. I n this case these Predictions are

all corroborated by the statements of the Li-yul-lo-rgyuspa ' or Annals o f Li-yul , the most important of the works

on this subj ect which I have met with .

T his last-named work seems to have been compiled

from documents unknown to N orthern Buddhist writers

in general,and from the particular form in which certain

proper names have been transcribed—

(such as n o in

stead of Ydgas or Yasheslea , which is always met with in

N orthern texts) , we think its author had access to some

S outhern documents on the early history of Buddhism .

T his supposition is still more strengthened by the fact

that this work does not confound the two Acokas, as do

all N orthern Buddhist ones , but gives about the same

date for his re ign as the Dipawansa and Mahfiiwansa .

S till it‘ is strange , if it was

.

i nsp ired from these Pali

documents,that it does not give exactly the same dates

as they do . T hese extracts are intere sting, moreover, in

that they S how with what care and precision the great

Chinese traveller Hiuen T hsang recorde d the traditions of

the different countries he visited .

My most sincere thanks are due to Dr. E rnst Leu

mann and to Mr. B unyiu N anj io for the notes they have

kindly furnished me,and which are reproduced in the

I N T R OD U CT I ON

Appendix . Dr. Leumann’

s translation from t he Bhaga

vati will prove of great assistance in elucidating the . very

Obscure passage of the S amana-phala S fitra relative to

Gosala’ s theories,and Mr. B unyiu N anjio

’

s parallel translations of two Chinese versions of the S amana-phala S fitra

tend to prove the existence at an early date o f several

distinct versions of this very interesting sutra .

One of the most embarrassing parts of reading T ibetan

Buddhist works is the habit o f those who did these works

into T ibetan of translating all the proper names which

were susceptible of being translated . I t is hoped that the

special index of T ibetan words with their S anskrit equi

valents at the end of this volume will prove of assistance

to those who may wish to study T ibetan Buddh ism in the

original works .

T hroughout this volume no at tempt has been made to

criticise the texts which have been studied ; they are only

intended as materials for those who hereafter may under

take to write a history of the Buddha founded on the

comparative study of works extant in the different coun

tries in which his doctrines flourished ; and if our labours

facilitate this,we will feel fully compensated for all our

LAUSAN N E , June 6, 1884 .

CON T E N T S .

I N T R ODUCT I ON

CHAPT E R I .

H I S T OR Y OF T HE WOR LD FR OM T H E T I ME OF I T S R E N OVAT I ONT O T H E R E I GN OF QU DDHODAN A , FAT HE R OF T HE BUDDHA

CHAPT E R I I .

FR OM T HE R E I GN or CU DDHODA N A UN T I L T HE COMME N CE ME N T

OF T HE BUDDHA’S MI N I S T R Y

CHAPT E R I I I .

LI FE OF T HE BUDDHA FR OM T HE COMME N CE ME N T OF H I S MI N I

S T R Y UN T I L T HE R E I GN OF ADJAT AS AT R U

CHAPT E R I V .

FR OM T HE COMME N CE ME N T OE ADJAT AS AT R U’S R E I GN T o T HE

DE ATH OF T H E BUDDHA

CHAPT E R V .

HI S T OR Y OF T H E CHUR CH DU R I N G T HE HUN DR E D AN D T E N

YE AR S WHI CH FOLLOWE D T HE BUDDHA’

S DE AT H

CHAPT E R VI .

HI S T OR Y OF T HE S CHOOLS OF BUDDHI S M

CHAPT E R V I I .

T HE E AR LY HI S T OR Y or B OD-YU L (T I BE T )

CHAPT E R VI I I .

T HE E AR LY HI S T OR Y OF L I -YU L (KHOT E N )

APPE N D I X.

1. E XT R ACT S FR OM B HAGAVAT I xv. ON T HE i N T E R COU R S E

B E T WE E N MAHAv‘

i‘

R A N I GAN T HA N AT APU T T A) AN D

GOS ALA MAN KHALI PU T T A,B Y DR . E R N S T LE U MAN N

I I . T HE DOCT R I N E S or T HE S ix HE R E T I CAL T E ACHE R S,ACCOR D

I N G T o Two CHI N E S E V E R S I ON S or T H E S AMAN A-PHALA

S U T R A,B Y B U N YI U N AN JI O, E S Q .

GE N E R AL I N DE X

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THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

their persons ; they moved through space and fed on joy,and they lived in this state to great ages for a long period .

I n the meanwhile this great earth was mingled up withthe waters and with the mighty deep. T hen on the faceOf the great earth, of the water and of the ocean that weremingled together

,there blew a wind

,

1 which solidified andconcentrated the rich surface (lit . the cream) ; as when thew ind blowing over the surface of boiled milk which iscooling

,solidifies and concentrates the cream

,so likewise

did this wind blowing over the surface Of the earth,the

water and the ocean which were mixed together,solidify

and coagulate it.T his rime (lit . essence of the earth, pritkivtm sa ) was ofexquisite colour

,of delicious taste

,of delightful (f.

fragrance,in colour like unto butter

,its taste like that of

uncooked honey .

At this period when the world was formed, some of thebeings in the region of the Abhéisvara devas had accom

plished their allotted time, the merit of-their good works

being exhausted ; so they departed that life and became men,

but with attributes similar to those they previously had.

2

At that period there was neither sun nor moon in theworld ; there were no stars in the world , neither was therenight or day, minutes, seconds, or fractions Of seco

'

ndsthere were no months , half months, no periods Of time ,no years : neither were there males or females ; there wereonly animated beings .T hen it happened that a being of an inquisitive naturetasted the rime with the tip of his finger

,and thus he

conceived a liking (f . I 573

) for it, and he commenced eatingpieces of it as food .

3

Other beings saw this being tasting the rime ! so they

1 Cf. Gen . i. 2, and PS . xxxiii. 6, 3 I n S candinavian mythology theAnd the S pirit Of God moved upon renovated human race is fed on

the face of the water. S ee B . H . dew. S O likewise the cow Audh

Hodgson ,E ssays, i. p. 43, and p. 55, umbla lived on salt that came from

note 3,the rime produced by the ice-cold

2 T he first beings were devas, m streams . S ee Anderson, N Orse Mythe Vedic sense Of bright ones . thol . , p . 194.

OR I GI N OF T HE D I VI S I ON S OF T I ME .J

followed his example! , and commenced eating pieces of itas food.

From these beings eating the rime as food their bodiesbecame coarse and gross ; they lost their brilliancy and

their goodly appearance, and darkness was upon the faceOf the earth .

For these reasons the sun and moon were created ;stars also (f. came into existence

,as did night and

day, minutes, seconds , fractions of seconds, months and

half months,divisions of time and years . T he beings feed

ing on this rime lived to great ages for a long space of time .T he complexion of those who ate but little of this food

was clear,whereas that of those who ”

ate much of it wasdark. T hen those whose complexion was clear said tothe others

,

“Why,I have a fine complexion

,whereas

you are dark ! ” and thus were established distinctions .T hey whose complexion was clear were proud of it

,and

became S inful and iniquitous, and then the rime vanished .

(f. I s8a. ) When the rime had vanished from these beings,

there appeared a fatty substance (prithiviparm taka) o fexquisite colour and savour, of delicious fragrance, incolour as a dongka flower

,in flavour like uncooked honey ;

and they took this as their food, and they lived to greatages for a long while .

! T his fatty substance vanished after a while,for the

same reason as had brought about the disappearance Of

the rime !When the fatty substance had vanished from mankind

,

there appeared bunches of reeds (m na latct) of exquisitecolour and savour, of delicious fragrance, in colour likea kadambuka flower (f. in flavour like uncookedhoney. T hen they took this as their food, and on it theylived to great ages for a long while .

! T his food also vanished after a while,for the same

reasons as above !(f . I 59

h. ) When the bunches Of reeds had vanished from

mankind,there appeared a spontaneously growing rice, not

4 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

coarse,without pellicule

,clean

,four fingers in length .

T here was never any lack of it ; for if it was cut down inthe evening

,it was grown up again in the morning ; if it

was cut down in the morning, it was grown ere evening ;what was cut down grew up afresh

,so that it was not

missed .

T hen they took this as their food, and on it they livedto great ages for a long time .From eating this rice their different organs were de

veloped ; some had those of males and others those offemales . T hen they saw each other, and conceived love foreach other

,and

,burning with lust

,they came to commit

fornication .

Other beings (f . 1603 ) saw what they were doing, sothey threw at them earth

,stones , gravel, pebbles, and

potsherds,saying unto them “ T hou doest wrongly ! thou

doest that which is wrong ! But those who had actedwrongly

,who had done that which was wrong

,exclaimed

,

“Why do you thus insult usAs nowadays when a man takes unto himself a wife

,

they S prinkle her over with dust,perfumes

,flowers

,and

parched rice,with cries of Good luck

,sister ! ” so those

beings,seeing the wickedness of those other beings ,

sprinkled them with earth, threw at them stones and

gravel, pebbles and potsherds , crying after that,

“ T houdoest wrongly ! thou doest that which is not right ! ” B ut

they who had done wrong,who had done that which was

wrong,exclaimed , “Why do you thus insult us

And thus it was that what was formerly consideredunlawful has become lawful nowadays ; what was nottolerated in former times has become tolerated nowadays ;what was looked down (f. 160b) on in former days hasbecome praiseworthy now .

N ow,when they had done wrong one

,two

,three

,even

unto seven days , these sinful beings were so possessed bythe ways of wickedness that they commenced buildinghouses . “Here

,

” they said, “we may do what is not

OR I GI N OF PR OPE R T Y.

J

allowed and from this expression originated the word“house .N ow this is the first appearance in the world of

divisions by houses, and this (division) is lawful or notlawful according to the king ’s decision

,and he is the lord

of the law.

I f these beings wanted rice to eat in the evening or inthe morning

,they would go and get what was requisite ;

but it happened that one being who was of an indolentdisposition took at one time enough rice for evening andmorning. N ow another being said to him

,Come

,let us

go for rice T hen he answered him,

“Look after yourown rice ; I have taken enough at one time to last memorning and evening (f . T hen the other thought

,

“Good, capital ! I will take enough rice for two,three

,

seven days ;”and he did accordingly.

T hen it happened that some one said to this person,

Come,let us go for rice but he answered him

,

“Lookafter your own rice ; I have taken enough at one time tolast me two, three , seven days .

”

Good, capital !” thought the other

,

“ I will takeenough rice for a fortnight, for a month ; and he didaccordingly .

And because these beings took to laying up provisionsof this spontaneously growing rice, it became coarse ; ahusk enveloped the grain

,and when it had been cut down

it grew not up again,but remained as it had been left.

T hen these beings (f . assembled together in sorrow,

grief,and lamentation, and said,

“S irs, formerly we hadethereal bodies , free from every impurity, with facultiesunimpaired, &c.

,&c .

2 Let us now draw lines ofdemarcation and establish boundaries between each one

’

s

1 Khyim is probably derived from Of other words in T ibetan, was not

hyims-

pa , to encircle ,”in accord usedwith this signification until after

ance with this supposition, which the introduction Of B uddhism into

derives the S an skrit griha , house ,”

T ibet .

from grah, to embrace , to contain .

2Here follows a recapitulation of

T his leads us to suppose that the all the preceding history.

word khyim,like a very large class

6 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

property . S O they drew lines of demarcation and .set upbounds T his is thine— this is mine (they said) .N ow

,this is the first appearance in the world of a

system of boundary lines,and this (boundary) is right or

not right according to the king ’ s decision, and he is thelord of the law.

After this it happened that one person took another’srice without his consent

,as if it was his own

,and when

other persons saw him, they said to him,

“Why do youtake the rice of another without his consent

,as i f it was

your own ? You must not do this again .

” But he wenta second and a third time , and took the rice of anotherwithout his consent

,as if it was his own . When the other

persons saw this (f. they said to him, Why do youthus take the rice of another without his consent

,as

though it was your own S O they laid hold of him and

led him into their midst.S irs,

” they said,

“ this person has been guilty of takingthe rice of another without his consent

,as though it was

his own .

”

T hen they said unto him,

“Why have youtaken the rice Of another without his consent

,as though

it was your own ? GO,and do wrong no more . ” But he

who had stolen said to them,

“ S irs , I have been abadlytreated in that I have been laid hold of by these persons ou account of some rice and brought into thisassembly.

”

T hen they said to those who had brought him thither,

and who had spoken about the rice,Why did you bring

this man here to whom you had S poken about the rice ?I n bringing him here into our midst you have done hima wrong ; go , and. do not so again (f. T hen theythought

,

“Let us,in view of what has j ust happened,

assemble together, and choose from out our midst thosewho are the finest- looking, the largest, the handsomest ,the strongest

,and let us make them lords over our fields

,

and they shall punish those of us who do what is punishable

,and they S hall recompense those of us who do what

OR I GI N OF THE KSHAT R I YA CAS T E .I

is praiseworthy,and from the produce of our fields and of

the fruits we gather we will give them a portion .

”

S O they gathered together !and did as they had decidedupon! , and they made him lord over their fields withthese words : “Henceforth thou shalt punish those Of uswho deserve punishment

,and thou shalt recompense those

of us who deserve recompense,and we will give thee a

portion of the produce of our fields (f. and of thefruits we gather.

”

From his receiving the homages of many he was calledHonoured by many

,or Mahasammata ;

”

and as he waslord over the fields and kept them from harm

,he received

the name of Protector of the fields ,”or Kshatriya ; and

as he was a righteous man and wise,and one who brought

happiness to mankind with the law,he was called King,

or Raga.

S ome beings who were afflicted with diseases, ulcerations

,pains

,and misery, left their villages for the wilds ;

they made themselves huts with boughs and leaves , andthey dwelt therein . E ach evening when they (f.wanted food

,they would go into the villages to gather

alms , and in the morning when they required food theywould do likewise ; and the people gave to them withwilling hearts

,for they thought, T hese learned men are

affl icted by disease,ulcerations ! the rest as above down

to! , morning and evening they come into the village to begalms .”

T hen it happened that some persons not having beenable to find perfection in meditation and perfect seclus ion ,

went to a certain place , where they made huts with boughsand leaves . “Here

,

” they said “we will compose man

tras,we will compile the vedas . And they did as they

had said .

N ow some others of their number not having been ableto (f. find perfection in either meditation and per

feet seclusion,or in composing mantras and in compiling

the vedas , left the wilds and went back to their villages .

8 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

Here,they said

,

“we will distribute alms and do goodworks . All those who come and S it down at our boardshall have all they may wish, either food or drink .

And so they gave alms !and did as they had said theywould do! .T hose who lived “

away from villages were calleddetached minds

,

”or Brahmans , and from the fact that

(some) were not given to contemplation, but did read , theywere called readers or PR thaka. T hose who lived awayfrom the forests and in villages were called “Villagers . ”

S ome beings (f. 1663

) applying themselves to differenthandicrafts and occupations in their homes, made

“differentkinds ” of things (which they did sell) , and they weretherefore called merchants

,

” or Vaisyas .1

T hus were created in the world these three castes . T herewas also a fourth one created

,that of the Cramanas .

Members Of kshatriya families cut Off their hair andbeard

,and putting on saffron- coloured gowns

,they left

their homes for a homeless state, and completely retiredfrom the world (pm vm dj ita) ; and to them the kshatriyaspoke with respect ; they arose in their presence and

bowed reverentially to them . T he brahmans and vaisyas

! treated them with like respect! .Members of (f. brahman and vaisya families cut

Off their hair and beard,and putting on saffron- coloured

gowns,they left their homes for a homeless state

,and

completely retired from the world ; and to them thekshatriyas spoke with respect ; they arose in their presence and bowed reverentially to them . T he brahmansand vaisyas !treated them with like respect! .T hen it was that when a person first took rice from

another,as if it had been his own

,by this transgression

stealing first showed itself in the world,in which there

had been no trace of it until then . By this act,by

1 R j eu-m’

gs . B oth Csoma and our text,vaisya is derived from vis,

Jaschke derive this word from rj e vi 80-80,“ different (kinds of

60,

“lord,” Whereas it is evidently

derived from I j e-ba,“to barter.

”I n

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10 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

he became the disciple of a rishi called Krichnavarna

(Malay-nag) . After a while

,King Karnika died

,and B ar

advadja became king (f.Following his master’ s advice

, Gautama built a hutwithin the precincts Of Potala, and there he dwelt . I t

happened once that a courtesan of Potala called Bhadrawas killed by her crafty lover near the recluse ’ s hut 1

(f. into which the murderer threw his bloodysword .

T he people of the town finding the murdered womanand the sword in the hermit ’ s hut, thought him the murderer

,and he was condemned to death . He was marched

through the city with a wreath of karapira (sic) flowersaround his neck and dressed in rags ; then they tookhim outside the southern gate and impaled

,him (f.

While yet alive,his master

,the rishi Krichnavarna

saw him,and questioned him as to his guilt. “ I f I am

innocent,

”Gautama replied

,

“may you from black become golden- coloured ! and straightway the rishi becamegolden- coloured

,and was from that time known as Kana

kavarna Gser-

gyi-mdog) . Gautama also told the rishi

that he was greatly worried at the thought that thethrone of Potala would become vacant, for his brotherhad no children (f. so the rishi caused a greatrain to fall on Gautama

,and a mighty wind to arise

which soothed his pains and revived his senses, and

two drops of semen mingled with blood fell from him .

After a little while these two drops became eggs,and

the heat of the rising sun caused them to Open,and

from out them came two children,who went into a

sugar- cane plantation near by. T he heat of the sun wenton increasing , so that the rishi Gautama dried up and

died .

N ow the rishi Kanakavarna perceived that these children must be Gautama’ s, s o he took them home with

1 S ee B ulva, iii. f. 1 et seq.

OR I GI N OF THE I KS HVAKU FAMI LY. 1 1

him and provided for them . Having been born as thesun arose

,and having been brought forth by its rays

,

they were called “ o f the sun family ” or S uryavansa .

T hey were, moreover, called Gautama, being the childrenof Gautama

,and as they were “ born from his loins

,

” theywere , in the third place , called Angirasas (Yan- lag skyes) .Having been found in a sugar- cane plantation

,

” they werecalled I kshvaku (B u-mm shiny

-

p a.) (f.B aradvadja died without issue, and the ministers con

sulted the rishi to know if Gautama had left children

(f. He told them the strange story,and they took

the children and made the elder one king. He died,

however,without issue

,and the younger became king

under the name of I kshvaku. One hundred of his descendants reigned in Potala

,the last of which was I ksh

vaku Virudhaka (t ags- skyes

-

po) (f.He had four sons

,U lkémukha (S kar-mdah gdong) ,

Karakarna (Lag T na) , Hastinajaka (Glang-

po take kdul) ,and N fipura (R kang-

gdub- chan) . He married, however,

a second time,on condition that if his wife bore a son

,

he should be king .

After a while she had a son whose name was R fijyananda (n al-srid dyak)

1(f.

When this last child had grown up, King Virudhaka,on the representation of his wife ’ s father, was obliged todeclare his youngest son his successor and to exile hisfour other sons .T he princes set out

,accompanied by their sisters and

a great many people . T hey travelled toward the Himalaya mountains

,and coming to the hermitage of the rishi

Kapila,on the bank of the B hagirathi (S isal- ! clan siting

rta) , they built huts of. leaves, and fed on the produce oftheir hunting (f.

1 S pence Hardy, Man . Of B udh . ,S hada and V isakha in S chiefner

’

s

p. 133, calls this prince Janta, S O T ib . T ales, p. 128 , where mention

also B eal, R omantic Legend , p . 20 . is made of a prince called R ai jyaCf. B igandet, Leg. of the B urmese bhinanda . S ee also T urnour

’

s Ma

B uddha, 3d edition , p. 1 1 . Of. the hawanso, p. xxxv .

first part Of the story Of Mahau

12 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

Following the rishi ’ s advice,they took as their wives

sisters who were not of the same mother as themselves,

and in this way they had many children .

1

T he rishi showed them where to build a town,and he

marked it out with golden sand mixed with water,and

they built it according to his directions (f. T he

rishi Kapila having given the soil (vastu) of the place,they called the town the soil of Kapila ”

or Kapilavastu .

When they had become very numerous,a deva pointed

out another spot,on which they built a town

,which they

called shown by a deva ”or D evadaha .

2

T hey made a law in a general assembly Of the clanthat they should only marry one wife

,and that she must

be Of their own clan (f.King V irudhaka thought one day Of his comely sons

,

so he asked his courtiers what had become of them ; thenthey told him their adventures . T he daring young menthe daring young men ! ” he exclaimed ; and from this theybecame known as Cakyas (f.King Virudhaka died

,and his youngest son succeeded

him (f. 445) but dying without issue, U lkamukha becameking of Potala ; but he also left no issue, and was succeededby Karakarna

,and he by Hastinajaka. N either of these

left children,so N fipura became king .

His son was Vasishta (Gnas-hj og) , and his successors,in number, reigned in Kapilavastu. T he last Of

these was Dhanvadurga (Cl Gdju-brtan) , who had two sons ,

1 All this legend Of I kshvaku

V irudhaka’s children is to be found

also in B ulva xi. fol. 29210 et seq. ,

although abridged .

2 T his is the town known I n the

S outhern tradition as Koli. B eal,

R omantic Legend , p. 23, calls it

D evadaho, and Foucaux, n a

tcher rOl-pa, p. 83,“D évadarcita ?

S ee R hys Davids, B uddhism , p. 52,where D evadaha occurs as the name

Of the R aja of Koli,father Of S up

rabuddha . Also S pence Hardy,loc. cit. , p. 140 . B igandet , Op . cit ,

p. 12, gives a different account ; he

calls the town Kaulya . B ut p. 13,he Speaks also Of the town of D e

waha near a lake “somewhat dis

tant from the c ity”(of Kapila

vastu ) . S ee also B igandet’

s note , p .

34 , and R hys D avids, B uddh . B irth

S tories, p. 65, where the town is

also called Devadaha .

S I N HAHAN U ’

S DE S CE N DAN T S . x3

S inhahanu (S cng-

gc hgmm) and S inhanada (S cng-

gcc'

sym )(f. 44 S inhahanu had four sons

, Cuddhodana (Zaggtsang) , Cuklodana (Zas-dkar) , Dronodana (B T c-bo m s) , andAmritodana (T s

’

ad-mcd zas) . He had also four daughters,

Cuddha(Gtsang-ma) , Oukla(c ar-mo) , Drona(B ra-bo-ma) ,and Amrita (T s

’

ad-mcd ma) .

Cuddhodana had two sons,“ the Blessed One and the

ayuchmat N anda 1 (Dgah-bo) .

Cuklodana had two sons, the ayuchmat DJI na n al)and the CakyaréijaBhadra (or B hallika, B zany-ldan) .Dronodana had two sons

,Mahfinaman (Ming- token) and

the ayuchmat Aniruddha (Ma -hgags-

pa ) .Amritodana had two sons

,the ayuchmat Ananda (Kun

dgah- bo) and Devadatta 2 (Lhas-sbyin) .

Cuddhfi’

s son was S uprabuddha (or S uprabodha, Legs

par T ab-sad) .

Cuklfi’

s son (or daughter) was Mallika (Phreng-ba -chan) .Droné

‘

r’

s son was S ulabha B zany-lcn) .

Amrita’ s son was Kalyanavardana3 Dgc

-hpkcl) .T he Blessed One ’ s son was R eihula (n -

gchan zin)(f

1 He is also called S undarananda

or“N anda the fair (Mdj es dyak

bO) . S ee Foucaux, n a -tcher rol

pa , translation , p. 137 accordingto Fausb

'

Oll, Dhammapada , p. 3 13,and R hys Davids, B uddhism, p. 52,there were three sons of Cuddhodana

, two by Maya (or Pra japati),N anda and R fipananda and S id

dhartha . R upanandawas the same

as S undarananda , I think, and thesenames are most likely different onesfor N anda, for he is the only one bythis name (at least among the Cakya

princes), who is mentioned in the

texts . Cf. B eal, loc. cit , p. 64 .

2 According to S pence Hardy,Manual

, p. 326, D evadatta was son

Of S uprabuddha , his mother being a

S ister of Cuddhodana Amrita ac

cording to R hys Davids,loc. cit ,

p. 52. T he s imilarity of the two

names has occasioned the confusion .

Huen T hsang, B . vi. p. 30 1,'

S ays

that he was son of D ronodana .

3 According to B eal, loc. cit , p. 64,Amritachittra

’

s (or Amrita’

s ) son

was T ishya , which would be Odlclan or S kar-rgyal in T ibetan .

CHAPT E R I I .

FR OM THE R E I GN OF CU DDHODAN A UN T I L T HE COMME N CE

ME N T OF THE B UDDHA’

S MI N I S T R Y.

(Dulva iii . f . DUR I N G King S inhahanu’

s reign thecountry Of Kapilavastu enj oyed peace and prosperity

,as

did also the country of Devadaha,over which S uprabuddha

was reigning. T his latter married a woman by the nameOf Lumbini

,

1 who was exceedingly fair ; and in her company he was in the habit of visiting a beautiful grove nearthe city

,which belonged to a wealthy citizen .

T he queen took such a fancy to the place,that she

begged the king to give it to her. He told her he wasnot able to do so ; but he had her one made more beautiful still

,and it was called Lurnbini’s grove (f .

After a while Lumbini brought forth a child of suchextraordinary and supernatural beauty that they calledher MAyfi

? S ome time after a second daughter was born,

and she they called Mahamaya. S uprabuddha offered thehands of his daughters to S inhahanu for his son Cuddhodana (f . He took Mahamaya, for it had been predicted that she would hear a son with all the characteristics

1 R hys Davids,B uddh. , p. 52, order of female mendicants . S he

says that S uprabuddha’s w ife was is called by this name

, Dulva iii.

Amrita,and B eal, R omantic Legend , f . 368 , note, and wherever S he is

p. 42, note, has “the Lumbini mentioned

,after she had become a

garden was S O called after the nam e bhikshuni,as in Dulva x . and xi.

Of the wife Of the chief minister of I t is remarkable that our text doesS uprabuddha . S ee also B igandet, not mention Mahamaya

’

s death

Op . cit , p. 13.seven days after the birth Of S id

2Maya is better known as MahA dhartha . According to B igandet,

pradjapati C antami, the foster loo. cit , p. 14 and 27, the B uddha’

s

mother of the B uddha, the mother mother wa s called Maya, and her

Of N anda,and the head of the S ister Pradjapati .

MAHAMAYA’S DR E AMS . 5

of a chakravartin monarch ; but he was obliged , for thetime being, to refuse the elder sister

,on account of the

cakya law allowing a man only one wife .At that time the hillmen of the Pandava tribe (S kyd

bseng-kyi

-bu) were raiding the Cakya country (f. and

the people begged the king to send his son Cuddhodanato subdue them . T he king consented

,and the young

prince vanquished them . S inhahanu requested that,as a

recompense,they would allow his son to have two wives .

T he people allowed him this privilege,and Cuddhodana

married Maya.

After a while S inhahanu died,and Cuddhodana reigned

in his stead ; and he knew Mahamayahis wife ; but Shebore him no children (f.N ow the future Buddha was in the T ushita heaven

,and

knowing that his time had come,he made the five pre

liminary examinations— 1° of the proper family (in which

to be born) , 2° of the country

, 3° of the time

, 4°

Of therace

, 5°

Of the woman and having decided that Mahamé’

tya

was the right mother,in the midnight watch he entered

her womb under the appearance of an elephant 1 (f.T hen the queen had four dreams . S he saw a sixtusked white elephant enter her womb ; she movedin space above ; She ascended a great rocky mountain ; a great multitude bowed down to her.

T he soothsayers predicted that she would bring forth a

son with the thirty- two S igns Of the great man .

“ I f hestays at home

,he will become a universal monarch ; but if

he Shaves his hair and heard,and

,putting on an orange

coloured robe,leaves his home for a homeless state and

renounces the world,he will become a T athagata

,arhat, a

perfectly enlightened Buddha .

”

While visiting the Lumbini garden (f. 457b

) the pains1 T he dream of the queen has Lalita V istara, p. 63, does not agree

evidently occasioned the legend Of with the S outhern version as well

the B odhisattva ’ s incarnation under as our text . S ee also B igandet ,the form of an elephant . Cf. on p. 28

,and R hys Davids, B uddh.

this point and on the queen’

s dreams B irth S tories, p. 63.

S pence Hardy,Manual, p. 144. T he

16 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

of childbirth came upon her,and she seized hold of a

wide- spreading acoka tree . T hen Cataketu (I ndra) causeda violent rain to fall and a wind to blow

,which dispersed

all the crowd (of her attendants) . Assuming the appearance of an Old woman

,he went to receive the new-born

child in his lap.

T he Bodhisattva, however, ordered him back, and. thentook seven steps in the direction Of each of the cardinalpoints .Looking to the east he said

,

“ I will reach the highestnirvana.

”

T o the south , “ I will be the first Of all creatures .T o the west

,T his will be my last birth .

”

T o the north,“ I will cross the ocean Of existence ! ” 1

(f 458 )I n accordance with what happens at the birth Of every

Buddha,there fell on his head a stream of cold water

and one of warm, which washed him,and at the spot

where he had been born there appeared a spring in whichhis mother bathed .

At the same time as the Buddha was born a son wasborn to Bing Aranemi B rahmadatta Of Cravasti ; from thewhole country being illuminated at the time of his birthhe was called Prasenadjit

2(f .

I n Rajagriha, King Mahé‘

rpadma had a son born to him,

who,being the son of (queen) Bimbi, and being also

brilliant as the rising sun of the world,was called Bim

bisara .

3

T he king of Kaucémbi, Catanika (Dmag- brgya-ba) , had

a son born to him at the same time,and as the world was

1 Of. the Lalita V istara, chap. the expert, Crénika or Crénya , onvu . p. 89, where he takes seven account of his adroitness in all arts .

steps in the direction Of the east,S ee Dulva i . f . 5. I t is also said

and seven toward the west. Also that he was called V imbasfira, be

B igandet, p . 37 ; and R hys Davids, cause at his birth the world was lit

op cit , p. 67 Huen T hsang, B . vi . up as when the disk (cimba ) Of thep . 323 ; and Fah Hian (B eal

’

s sun appears . S ee Foucaux, Lal.

trans ) , p. 85 et seq. Vist . , p. 229, note 2 and Dulva xi.2 Cf. Dulva xi. f. 993 . f . 99.

3 He received the surname of

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18 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

hdsin) mountain1a rishi called Akleca (Kun-mongs

-med

Asita) , a mighty seer, and with him was N alada (Misbyin) , his nephew. T hese two came to see the child (f.

and Asita took him in his arms,and asked what had

been prophesied about him . He predicted that he wouldleave hish ome at twenty-nine

,that he would be an ascetic

for S ix years , and that then he would find the drink of thecessation of death (amrita) .S hortly after

,feeling his end approaching (f. he

begged N alada to enter the order of the young Cakya as

soon as he Should have found the truth , and then he died .

N alada went to Varanasi, where he entered into a

company of five hundred mantra- studying brahmans ; andas he was of the family of Katya

,he became known as

Katyayana (f . Later on,having been converted by

the Buddha, he was called the great member of Katya ’ sfamily, or Mahétkatyayana .

2

While the Bodhisattva was still in his nurse ’ s arms,She

wanted to give him a golden bowl in which was rice andmeat, but She was unable to move it from its place . S he

called the king, the ministers , all the town’ s people ; but

they were all unable to move it . N either could fivehundred elephants ; but the Bodhisattva took hold .of the

1 S chiefner,Mem . de l’

Acad . de S t .

Peters ,xx ii. N O . 7, p. 1, also Dulva

xi . f . 99, calls the mountain Kishkindha . T he Lalita V istara , chap.

vii. p. 103, does not mention the

name Of the mountain ; nor does

B eal, loc. cit , p. 56. I n the Lalita

V istara , loc. cit , the rishi is called

A sita (or Kala,N ag

-

pa), which

agrees with the name given him in

the S outhern legend ,KR I adévalO .

S chiefner, loc. cit , calls the nephew

N arada , as does B eal, p. 39. T he

T ibetanMis-byin, given by a man ,

”

is in S anskrit, N arada or N ara

datta . S ee Foucaux, n a -tcher

rOl-pa, p. lii . A ccording to S pence

Hardy, Manual, p. 149, Ketladewala

(Asita ) had been chie f counsellor Of‘King S inhahanu. T he nephew he

calls N araka (p. B igandet, p.

42, calls him N alaka . R hys Davids,B uddh . B irth S tories , p . 69, agrees

with S pence Hardy in saying that

Asita had been a samé‘

ipatti of the

king . He also calls the nephew

N Alaka , p . 71 .

2 With this, however, R hys

Davids, Zoe. cit , p. 71, and B igan

det, p. 44, do not agree . T hey say

that N alaka became a disciple of

the B uddha S hortly after his en

lightenment ; that he then went

back to the Himz‘

t layas, reached

arhatship, and died a fter sevenmonths . Cf. with the present ver

S ion Dulva xi. 99“et seq , where we

find another epitom e of the B ud

dha’

s early life,substantially the

same as that Of our text .

T HE PR I N CE ’S E D U CAT I ON . 19

bowl with one finger and pulled it out. On account o fthis exploit he was called “AS mighty as a thousand ele

phants (f.T ogether with five hundred Cakya children he went tobe taught his letters byKaucika Sprin

—bugO- tchct z Vicva

mitra) , but he knew everything he could teach (f.After that his uncle S ulabha taught him how to manageelephants

,and S ahadeva (Liter-belie s) taught him archery

(f.When he was yet hardly grown up

,the Liechavis of

Vaisfili offered him an elephant of exceptional beauty,for

they had heard that he would be a chakravartin monarch .

S O having covered it with jewels, they led it to Kapilavastu

,butwhen they were near the town

,Devadatta noticed

it,and

,filled with envy

,he killed it with a blow of his

fist (f. N anda coming that way, saw the carcasslying in the road

,so he threw it to one side ; but the

Bodh isattva seeing it there, took it by the tail, and threwit over seven fences and ditches, and it dug a great ditchin falling, which became known as

“ the elephant ditch,

or Hastigarta”

(f. and on that S pot the believingbrahmans and householders built a stupa, and it is reverenced to the present day by the bhikshus .And here it is said

Devadatta killed the mighty elephant,

N anda carried it seven paces,T he B odhisattva through space with his hand

Did cast it as a stone far away.

”

After this the young Cakyas tried their skill at archery .

T he arrow of the Bodhisattva, after having pierced all thetargets

,went so far into the ground that it caused a

spring to rush forth , and there also the believing brahmans and householders

.

built a stupa,&c. (f.

When this last event happened, the Bodhisattva was

1 Cf. Lalita V istara, chap. x . , T ib . Lebens, p . 236, in translatingwhere the master is called Vieva Eprm

-bu gO- tcha

,“manner Of a

mitra. I have followed S chiefner, worm,by Kaucika .

20 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

seventeen,

1 for we are told that when the young Cakyas ,riding their chariots

,re- entered the city, the soothsayers ,

seeing the Bodhisattva,exclaimed

,I f twelve years hence

he does not give up the world,he will become a universal

monarch (f.

Cuddhodana decided that his son must marry ; S O hehad all the maidens of the clan assembled for him tochoose

,and he took YacOdhara (GI

-age hdsin

-ma ) , daughtero f the Cakya Dandapfini (Lag-net dbqug

- chan)2(f.

On the day of the Buddha’ s birth there had appeared a

tree called “ essence of virtue (Kalyanagarbha, q bai

saying-

pa) , which had grown exceedingly big, and whenthe Bodhisattva was twenty

,undermined by the waters of

the Rohita,it had been overthrown by the wind and had

made a dam between Kapilavastu and Devadaha,so that

the latter place was deprived of water, whereas the formerwas flooded . All the people were unable to move thetree

,so S uprabuddha asked Cuddhodana to request his son

to do it,but the father did not like to disturb him (f .

T chandaka (Hdun-

pa) , the prince’ s charioteer

,

3 thoughth e could induce the prince to come without asking him.

N ow,on the banks of the Rohita there were gardens

1 S pence Hardy, Manual, p. 155,

has it that the prince was first mar

ried when he was sixteen,and that

he Showed his dexterity with the

bow after his marriage , not before ,as the Lalita V istara, chap. xii . , has

it

Cf. S pence Hardy, loc. cit , p.

140, where he makes Dandapani

brother of S uprabuddha, and con

sequently S iddhartha’

s maternal

uncle . R hys Davids,B uddh, p . 52,

says Y acOdhfira was daughter Of

S uprabuddha and Amrita, aunt Of

the B odhisattva . T he Lalita Vis

tara, p. 152, Foucaux’

s trans,says

that Dandapani’

s daughter was

GOpa ; B eal, loc. cit , p . 80,makes

her daughter Of Mahfinfiman . T he

T ibetan version of the Abhinish

kramana S utra , fol. 32, agrees with

the D alva . S ee Foucaux, loo. cit ;

B eal, R om . Leg , p. 96, says'

Danda

pani’

s daughter was called GOtami

(GOpa S ee also his note on this sub

jcet, same page . B igandet, p. 52,agrees with R hys Davids . Dulva x .

105b only mentions two wives of

the B odhisattva,Mrigadja, Y acO

dhara , and women .

”

3 T chandaka is here introducedfor the first time

,a s if he was a

personage with whom the reader

was well acquainted . T his and

many more important om issions

in the text seem to indicate that

the present version is but a summaryderived from older texts at present

lost . T his obliges us not to attach

any undue importance to the chro

nological order in which the stories

are given , at least in the first part ofthis work.

DE VADAT T A’S FI R S T Q U AR R E L . 21

belonging to the young Cakyas, and there T chandaka wentwith the young nobles, knowing that the Bodhisattvawas there . On a sudden the Bodhisattva heard Shouts

,

and asking T chandaka what was the matter,he learnt that

the people were unable to move the tree, so he at onceoffered to go and do it .While they were still in the gardens

,Devadatta saw

a goose flying overhead,so he shot it

,and it fell in

the Bodhisattva’ s garden,who took it

,and

,having ex

tracted the arrow,bound up its wound . D evadatta sent

a messenger to claim the bird,but the Bodhisattva would

not give it up,saying that it belonged not to him who

had attempted to take its life,but to him who had saved

it . And this was the first quarrel between these two

(f.As they were going to assist the people, a viper ran

out before the Bodhisattva,but U dayi (Htcha T -ka) struck

it down,not

,however

,before it had bitten him,

so thathis skin became black

,and he was henceforth called

U dayi the black, or Kalfidayi1(f.

N one,

of the young Cakyas could any more than movethe fallen tree

,but the Bodhisattva threw it into the air,

and it broke in two , a piece falling on either bank of theRohita . N ow this happened when the prince was in histwenty- second year (f.T he Cakya Kinkinisvara

2

(DT il-bu sqm ) had a daughtercalled GOpz

’

t (S a -hts’

o-ma) , and as the Bodhisattva was

riding home (from removing the tree she saw him from

1 According to B eal, Op . cit , p.

123, U dayi wa s son Of Mahz’

inaman

and brother Of Y acfidhara .

2 S chiefner calls him Gantficabda ,loc. cit , p. 238 . He also says that

his daughter was Gupta, and on

p . 236 he tells us that GOpa‘

. wa s

another name for Y acOdhara . T he

Dulva,however, distinctly S peaks

Of three different wives, Y acOdhara,Gfipa, and Mrigadja.

be noticed that our text does not

connect the different tests of skill

and dexterity on the part of S id

dhArtha with his marriage to Y acO

dhara . S ee B igandet, p. 52. I havenot seen mentioned in the Dulva

that U tpalavarna was wife of S id

dhartha . S he is mentioned as beinga Cakya in Dulva iv. f . 448 . T here

was another bhikshuni Of the same

nam e , but from T akshasila. S ee

S chiefner, T ib. T a les, p . 206 et seq. ,

I t is also to and S chmidt, D sang B lun., p. 208

et seq.

22 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

the terrace of her house,and he also noticing her, stopped

his chariot to look at her. T he people saw that theywere fascinated with each other

,so they told the king

,

and he took GOpa and made her his son ’ s wife .One day the prince told T chandaka that he wanted to

go drive in the park,and while there he saw an Old

man,and the charioteer explained what old age was and

how all were subject to it (f . D eeply impressed,the

prince turned back and went home .A short time after

,while out driving

,he met a drop

S ical man (T bab T bab-po) , emaciated , weak, with facultiesimpaired (f. and T chandaka told him what diseasewas (D . iv. f. 1 and again he turned back.

Another time he came across a procession bearing alongon a litter, with burning torches , something wrapped inmany- coloured stuffs

,the women accompanying it had dis

hevelled hair and were crying piteously. I t was a corpse,

T chandaka told him ,and to this state all must come (f.

And yet on another occasion he met a deva of the pureabode who had assumed the appearance of a shaved and

shorn mendicant, bearing an alms-bowl and going fromdoor to door. T he charioteer told him that he was onewho has forsaken the world

,a righteous

,virtuous man

,

who wandered here and there begging wherewith to satisfyhis wants (f . S O the Bodhisattva drove up to himand questioned him about himself, and received the sameanswer . T hen pensively he drove back to the palace .

Cuddhodana heard from his son of what appeared totrouble so much his mind (f. so to divert him he senthim to a village to look at the ploughmen .

1 But there he

1 T his is evidently a reminiscence B igandet (p. however, mentions

of the legend of the ploughing festi an excursion of the B odhisattva to

val, which in the S outhern legend his garden after having met the

(S pence Hardy, Manual, p. 153 bhikshu, and our legend seems to

R hys Davids , B uddh. B irth S tories, agree with what R hys Davids , loc.

p. and also in the generality of cit , p. 78 , gives as the version of

N orthern works (Lalita V istara, ch. the repeaters of the D igha

xi. B eal, R omantic Legend, p. N ikaya .

”

occurred at a much earlier date .

ME E T I N G WI TH MR I GAD34A . 23

saw the labourers with hair erect,uncovered hands and

feet, their bodies . dirty and running with sweat,and the

work- oxen pricked with iron goads,their backs and rumps

streaming with blood, hungry and thirsty,panting with

fast-beating hearts, burdened with a yoke which they hadto drag great distances , flies and insects biting them,

withbleeding and suppurating wounds

,the ploughshare wound

ing them, running at the mouth and nose,covered with

gadflies and mosquitoes (sbm ng-bu mtchu T ings) (f.

His tender heart was touched with compassion T o

whom do you belong ? ” he asked the labourers . “We arethe king ’s property

,

” they answered .

“From to-day youare no longer slaves ; you shall be no longer servants ; gowhere ere you please and live in j oy.

”He freed also the

oxen and said to them,

“GO from to-day eat the sweetestgrass and drink the purest water, and may the breezesof the four quarters visit you ”

(f. T hen,seeing a

shady jambu-tree on one side,he sat down at its foot and

gave himself to earnest meditation ; and there his fatherfound him

,and lo the S hade had not moved from where

he was .

S hortly after he went into the cemetery of R fijagrihaand saw the dead and decaying bodies, and a great grieffilled his heart

,and there his father found him (f . 1

As he was going back to the city Mrigadja (R i-daysskyes) , the daughter of the Cakya Kirlika (D ies- legs) sawhim from her window .

1 T hen she sang

Ah ! happy is his mother ;

His father also,happy is he .

Ah ! She whose husband he Shall be,

T hat woman has gone beyond sorrow

T he Bodhisattva threw her a necklace to pay her for herpretty words . N ow the people saw all this, and they

1 Cf. the story as told by R hys ing in love with her, but, a fterD avids (B uddhism , p. 31 ) where the having sent her the necklace , “he

girl’

s nam e is not given . S he took no further notice of her and

thought young S iddhartha was fall passed on .

” According to the same

24 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

told Cuddhodana, so he took Mrigadja and made her theBodhisattva ’ s wife . S o at that time the Bodhisattva’ swives were GOpa, Mrigadja,

1 &c. ,and attendant

women (f. 1 Mrigadja thus became the Bodhisattva’ s

wife seven days before he left his home (i. 1T he prediction of the soothsayers , so often repeated , wasever in King Cuddhodana

’

s ears ; so the same day as thaton which the last events had taken place he had troopsstationed outside the city and guards placed at the gates .At the southern gate watched Dronodana ; at the westernone

, Cuklodana ; at th e northern one, Amritodana ; and

at the eastern one, Cuddhodana in the centre of the city

was Mahanaman with a detachment of troops,and from

there he patrolled the city (f .I n the meanwhile the Bodhisattva was in his palace in

the midst of his harem,amusing himself with song and

dance,and now it was that he knew YacOdhé

‘

tra his wife

(f. IAnd so the king watched six days . On the night of theseventh the Bodhisattva noticed all his sleeping harem ,

and the women looked so like the dead in their sleep thathe was fi lled with loathing (f . On the same nightYacOdhé ra dreamt he was abandoning her, and she awokeand told her lord of her dream . Oh

,my lord

,where e ’ er

thou goest,there let me go to .” And he

,thinking of going

to where there was no sorrow (nirvana) , replied, S O beit ; wherever I go, there mayest thou go also

”

(f.

Cataketu (I ndra) and the other gods,knowing the

Bodhisattva’ s inclinations,came and exhorted him to flee

the world . Kaucika,” he answered

,seest thou not all

authority, it was on the night of this

same day that he left his hom e .

B igandet (p. 58 ) also mentions his

rencontre with Keissa C antami

Mrigadja) after this occurrence ,

but he does not say that She became

his wife .

1 I t is strange that Y acodhAra

is not mentioned . I t is evidentlyan omission , for she is nowhere con

founded with either GOpa or Mrig

adja. I t is also worthy of notice

that several Chinese works say that

the B odhisattva left his home

when he was nineteen . S ee Chin

i-tian,lxxvii. p. 28 ci seq.

,edited by

Klaproth in R emusat’

s Foe-kone -ki,

p. 231 also Kwo -hu -hien-tsai-yin

ko -king, kinen ii . , and S iu-hing-

pen

ki-king, vi . , cited by B eal, S acred

B ooks of the E ast, vol. xix. pp. xxvi .and xxi.

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26 THE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

the stupa of the taking of the hair and beard (T chuda

pm tit a) (f.I n former times a rich householder of Anupama (Dpe

med)1 had ten sons , who all successively became Pratyeka

Buddhas . T hey all had Worn in succession the samecotton garment

,and they gave it finally to an Old woman ,

with instructions to give it after their death to the son of

Cuddhodana-rz’

ija as soon as he should have become a

Buddha, and that by so doing she would reap a greatreward . On dying, the old woman left it to her daughterwith similar instructions

,and She

,feeling her end ap

proaching, committed it to the guard of a genii of a treenear by . N ow Cataketu knew

t !

all this , so be went andtook the robe ; then assuming the appearance of an old decrepit hunter, with arrows in his hand and wearing thisgarment

,he came and stood where the Bodhisattva could

see him (f. T hey exchanged clothes,and Cataketu

carried Off to the T rayastrimcat heaven the fine kaci cottongarments of the prince . On this spot the faithful brahmans and householders built a stupa, &c. (as above) .

2

T hus attired,the prince went to the hermitage of the

rishi,the son of B rigu (f.

3 of whom he inquired howfar he was from Kapilavastu.

“ T welve yojanas,

”

be re

plied .

“ ’

T is too near, Kapilavastu ; I may be disturbedby the Cakyas . I will cross the Ganges and go to R itjagriha ”

(f. T he Bodhisattva was expert in all handicrafts and occupations of men, so after having crossed the

1 Lit . unparalleled ; but may of thirty yojanas . R hys Davids,not this be a translation Of Anoma

, Op . cit , p . 87, has not the words I n

high,” “lofty” .

‘P the name of the the country Of the Malla princes.

’

river being given to a village on its I do not believe that the B odhi

bank . sattva’

s visit to Vaicali, mentioned2 T his legend is slightly different in the Lal. Vist . , chap. xvi . p. 226

,

in B igandet, p. 65. of Foucaux’

s trans , and by R hys3 B igandet , p. 65, says that he Davids, loc. cit , took place at that

spent seven days alone in a forest time, but after he had been to R et jaOf mango trees. T his place is griha for a little farther on it says

called Anupyia , I n the country be that Alara was at V aicali, and the

longing to the Malla princes.”

He Pa1i text says he saw Alara afterthen started for the country of R ad having been to R fijagriha.

jagriha, travelling on foot a distance

ME E T I N G WI TH B I MB I S AR A. 27

Ganges he made an alms-bowl o f karavira (sic) leavesand went into R éjagriha. T he king of Magadha, CrenikaBimbisara

,noticed him from the terrace of his palace

,and

was struck with his noble bearing (f. so he sent someone to fill his bowl, and another person to see where hewent . T he king then learned that he was stopping On thePandava (mountain) ,

1and he went to visit him with his

suite (f. and Offered him everything that makes lifeagreeable , women,

riches,and pleasures .

R éja,” the Bodhisattva answered

,near the Himalaya,

in a ri ch and prosperous . country,Kosala it is named

,

there lives a tribe of I shkvaku or S olar race,the Cakyas

they are called . T O this tribe I belong I am of kshatriyacaste . I care not for this world’ s treasures ; they cannotbring contentment . ’

T is hard to cross the swamps ofhuman passions ; they are the root of fear

,of sorrow

,of

despair. I seek to conquer, not to indulge desires ; happy ,free from sorrow,

is he who has cast them far away. T he

treasure I am seeking is that wisdom which knoweth nosuperior (f.

“When thou shalt have reached thygoal

,ah ! teach it then to me, that unsurpassable wisdom ,

said the king, and the Bodhisattva promised him that hewould (f .After this interview the Bodhisattva went to the Vul

ture ’ s Peak 2 (Gridrakuta parvata) near R itjagriha, and

lived with the ascetics who dwelt there, surpassing themall in his mortifications, so that he became known as

“ thegreat ascetic or Mahacramana (f. But he finallylearned from them that the object they had in view wasto become Cakra or Brahma, or even Mai ra

,and then he

knew that they were not in the right way ; so he left themand went to Arata Kalama (q i t-sisa l shes-kyi

-bu T ing-die

hphur) ; but he taught that all depended on controlling thesenses (f. and with this he could not agree ; so he left

1 Or “under the shadow of the 2 B igandet , p. 70, says that he

Pandava rocks, as R hys Davids, met Alara immediately after his

p. 88, has it. interview with B imbisara .

28 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

him and went to R udraka R amaputra (R angs- tyed -kyi-bie

lhaq spyod) , who taught that there is neither consciousness or unconsciousness (f. but this also could notsatisfy him

,so he departed thence .

N ow King Cuddhodana had heard through his messengers that his son was stopping with R udraka R amaputra,near R ei jagriha, and that he had no attendant to ministerto his wants ; so he sent three hundred men

,and S upra

buddha sent two hundred, to wait on him ; but the Bodhisattva would only retain five of them as his attendants

,

and in their company he lived . T wo of them were Of thematernal tribe

,and three of the paternal 1 (f. He

went to the southern side o f Mount Gitya, to the villageof the school of U ruvilva Kacyapa, and took up his abodeat the foot of a tree near the bank of the lovely N airanjanariver

,and there he continued his mortifications

,gradually

making them more and more severe .T he gods offered to feed him miraculously and unknown

to mankind,but he refused (f . 33) so he went on fasting

until he reduced his food to a single pea (mcisha) a day,and his body was emaciated, and of a blackish- red colour

(f. 35aFrom the day on which his father heard that be .was

mortifying his body,he sent each day two hundred and

1 T heir names are given else

where . T he two last probably came

from Koli . T heir names are always

given in the following order—Kaundinya, Acvadjit, V ii chpa , Maha

nama,and B hadrika . T his Mahé

naman can neither be the B uddha’

s

uncle (for he was killed by Virudhaka ), nor theministerof that name,

for he was from Kapilavastu. S pence

Hardy, p. 152, says that these five

were sons Of the B rahmans who had

visited the B uddha shortly after hisbirth, and who had foretold his

future greatness . B eal’

s account, p.

188 , probably agrees with this latter

version . T he Lalita V istara , p. 235,makes them out disciples Of R udraka

R amaputra, who left their master to

follow the prince after having heardhim discuss with R udraka . S chiefner

,T ibet. Lebens

, p. 243, says that

Kaundinya , Acvadjit, and Vatchpa

were di sciples of Arada Kri lapa

(Kalama ), and Mahanaman and

B hadrika disciples of R udraka and

though the first part Of the para

graph in his work is evidently takenfrom our text

, the latter part agrees

with the general outline of the Lalita

V istara’s version . vachpa is better

known as DacabalaKacyapa (S chie fner, T ib . Lebens, p. T heMaha

wansa,cited by B urnouf, I ntr. ,p. 157,

says that this Mahénaman was the

elder son Of Amritodana,and first

cousin ofCakya (the B uddha ) . Withthi s our text does not agree .

YAQODHAR A’

S MOR T I FI CAT I ON S . 29

fifty messengers (bdoq-

pa ) , as did also S uprabuddha, andthey reported everything the Bodhisattva was doing .

T hen Cuddhodana ,the prince ’ s wives

,and especially

YacOdhara, were greatly grieved , and the latter put awayher flowers and j ewels , and performed the same mortifica

tions which her husband was practising ; 1 butCuddhodana,fearing for the Child she bore

,forbade any one to speak to

her abo

out the Bodhisattva (f.Finally, the Bodhisattva saw that all this severe asce

tism had not brought him nearer the truth ; s o he decidedto take some food

,but of a very unpalatable kind .

2

After he had Obtained and eaten it,he wandered into

the cemetery,and lying down beside a corpse

,he went to

sleep . T he village girls saw him , and thought he was a

fiend (pisatcha) seeking human flesh to devour,and they

threw dirt and stones at him (f .N ow

,when the five attendants that were with him saw

all this,they forsook him, thinking that he lacked the

necessary perseverance to attain enlightenment,and they

started out for Benares, and there they dwelt in theMrigadava, where they became known as

“ the Five, or

the Panchavarga (Zinger

1 Cf. S pence Hardy, Manual, p.

3352He takes the milk of a cow who

had just calved , says our text. T he

Lal. Vist . , chap. xviii. , has a different, butmore extraordinary, versionof this part Of the legend . T he Lal.

Vist . , moreover,says that he made

himself a robe out of the shroud of

a girl who had been recently buried .

I t is generally recommended in

B uddhist writings to make the robes

Of a bhikshu Of sim ilar materials ;but that this practice did not long

prevail , if it ever even became a

common one, is evident from the

following extract from B ulva xi .

T he bhikshu who wears

the clothing Of a corpse from the

cemetery must not enter a vihara(gtsug- ;lag ) he must not go to wor

ship a chaitya ; he must not go to

bow to and circumambulate it ; he

shall not have the privilege Of the

house , nor shall he abide in the dor

mitory ; he shall not abide amongthe bhikshus ; he S hall not teach

the dharma to a number of brah

mans and householders who havem et together for that purpose ; he

must not enter the houses Of brah

mans and householders ; if he goes

to one,he must stop at the door if

he gets among the ariyas, he must

say,‘ I am a frequenter of burial

places’

T his low esti

mate in which these sosanikos were

held explains what appeared strange

to me in the eleventh paragraph Of

chap. xxvii. of the U danavarga , p .

127, where the frequenters of burialplaces are classed among those

ascetics whose practices are not

deemed justifiable .

3 I n Pali, Fausboll’s Jataka , i. p.

57, they are called Paficavaggiya

30 T HE LI FE OF THE B U DDHA

When the Bodhisattva forces had been restored,he

went to the village of S enani (S ale- chem) , the headman ofwhich was S ena (S de) .

1 N ow,this man had two daughters

,

N anda(Dgah-mo) and N andfibala (Dgah- stobs) , and theyhad heard about the Cakya prince of the Kapilavastu

Cakyas who lived on the bank of the B hagirathi, and thatit had been prophesied of him that he would become an

universal monarch or a Buddha ; so they had prepared forhim a milk- soup (f. (the story is told in about thesame words as in chap . xviii . of the Lalita Vistera) , andthe Bodhisattva took it in a crystal vase adorned withj ewels

,which two devas o f the Akanishta region had

brought him .

Carrying the food with him,he went to the N airanjana

river and bathed, and when he had finished the devas bentdown the branches of an arjuna tree

,

2 which he seized tohelp him out of the water (f. Putting on his robes

,

he sat down on the bank and ate the honeyed soup,and

having washed the bowl, he threw it into the river. T he

N figas took it, but Cakra,3 assuming the form of a garuda

(N am-mkah ldinq) , dashed into the river,and seizing the

bowl,carried it off to the T rayastrimcat heaven

,and there

the gods built the stupa of the bowl (f.When the two sisters made him their Offering of food

,

he asked them what they sought by this gift. “ T he

therti,or the company of the five daughter T hoodzata (S ujata ) . R hys

elders .

1 I n the Lal. Vist . , chap. xviii. ,the headman of the village is calledN andika ,

and only one daughter is

mentioned, S udjataby name . B eal,op . cit , p. 19 1, calls him the brah

man S enayana , and his daughters

N anda and B ala N andabala) as

does also the T ibetan Abhinich

kramana S utra . S ee , however, B eal,p. 193, where the text Speaks of thetwo daughters Of S ujata, the villagelord and p. 194, where he is called

N andika , and his daughter is called

S ujata . B igandet , p . 77, calls the

villager T hena (S ena ), and his

Davids, B uddh. B irth S tories , p. 9 1,calls the place the village S enani . ”Dulva xi. 106“also Speaks of N anda

and N andabzi la.

2 T he Lalita V istara, p. 257, calls

the tree a kakubha (Pentaphema rdjuna ) , which agrees with our

text . B eal, p. 194, calls it pinjuna,

which is most likely an incorrect

transcription Of arjuna . Cf. B igan

det, p. 8 3.

3 T he Lal. Vist . , p. 260, says that

it was I ndra who retook the vasefrom the N agas. B eal, p. 195, agreeswith our text .

MAR A ’S DE FE AT . 31

soothsayers,they replied , “have prophesied that you

would become a chakravartin monarch ; may this action ,this seed of virtue

,make you become our husband at that

time .” He explained to them that this could never be,

then they said,May you then. quickly reach the highest

wisdom and perfection (f.T hen the Bodhisattva waded across the river, and manywondrous signs foretold that the hour of enlightenmentwas approaching .

1

Cakra took the shape of the grass merchant, S vastika 2

(B lew -skis) , and from him the Bodhisattva obtained a

handful of grass,out of which he made his seat at the foot

of the Bodhi tree (f.T hen Mitra

,the E vil one

,went to him and said

,Deva

datta has subdued Kapilavastu ; he has seized the palace ,and has crushed the Cakyas . Why stay you hereHe caused apparitions of YacOdhara, of Mrigadja, and ofCOpa, of Devadatta

,and of the Cakyas who had escaped

to appear before him,but the Bodhisattva remained un

moved (f. T hen Mara reasoned with him,saying

that it was impossible for him to find enlightenment ; butall to no purpose 3 (f .After that he called his three daughters

,Desire

,Pleasure

,

and D elight,“and they tried all their allurements,but in

vain (f. 46) the Bodhisattva changed them into old hags .All the E vil one ’ s devices were unable to affect theBodhisattva, and, seeing this, the devas of the pure abode

1 Lotuses sprang up wherever heput down his foot , the four greatoceans became lotus ponds , &c. Cf.

on these signs the Lal. Vist . , p. 262.

B eal, p. 196, calls this man Kihli (S anti

“good luck ”

or“for

tunate ,”which is also the meaning

of S vastika . B igandet , p. 84 , speaksonly Of a young man returning with

a grass load ; but R hys Davids, p.

95, calls the grass-cutter S otthiya,

which would agree With our textsotthi svasti .

3 Cf. B eal, R omantic Legend, p.

207, where Mara brings the B odhisattva “

a bundle of Official notices ,as if from all the Cakya princes .

”

4 T he Lalita V istara, p. 353 , calls

Mara ’

s three daughters R ati (pleasure ), Arati (displeasure ) , and T ri

chna (passion or des ire ) . S pence

Hardy, p. 183, names them T anha ,

R ati, and R anga also B igandet, p.

103 . Cf. with the text Dulva xi.

106A

32 T HE LI FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

and all the gods showered down flowers on the con

queror (Dj ina) , and sang songs of victory (f.T hen reasoning within himself, the Bodhisattva saw thecause of existence

,of age, o f death , and the way to free

oneself of all this trouble. T he concatenation of causesand effects which bring about existence and its cessationthe N idanas) became known to him (f. and he

became enlightened,a Buddha.

1

When all wisdom had been given him,Mitra

’s bow and

his standard fell from his grasp (f. and all his cohorts,

a million and thirty- six thousand in number, fled,filled

with dismay.

T he rumour had reached Kapilavastu that the princehad died under the excess of his penances , and all thecourt was plunged in despair

‘

,and his wives fell fainting

to the ground ; but a little after came the news that hehad attained enlightenment, and great was the rej oicingeverywhere (f. Just as the king was being told thisnews

,they came and told him that Yacddhara had

brought forth a son , and also that Rahu had seized themoon that there was an eclipse) .

2

S o they called the child R ithula (seized by Rahu) , orR fihulabhadra. On the same day the wife of Amritodana

brought forth a son,and as the city was rej oicing greatly

that day, they called him All-joy or Ananda 3 (f.

Cuddhodana thought that YacOdhfira’

s child could notbe Cakyamuni

’

s , and great was the mother’ s distress onhearing his suspicions ; so She took the child to a pond

,

1 Dulva xi. f. 1063 says that at

that same time King Pradyota became sovereign of U djayani . E d

kins, Chinese B uddhism , p. 18 , says

that the prince became a B uddha at

the age of thirty, and that “after

this he lived forty-nine years .

2 T he S outhern legend agrees

tacitly with this one , for we are

told by S pence Hardy, Manual, p.

2 1 1, that when the B uddha firstvisited Kapilavastu after commen

cing hi s ministry, R ahula was seven

years Old ; and it is generally admitted that the B uddha visited hiscountry twelve years a fter he hadle ft it . Cf. , however, the legend as

told by R hys Davids, B uddhism, p.

30, and B igandet, p. 6 1.

3 From p. 8 8 of B eal’

s R oman .

Leg . , we may infer that the ChineseAbhinichkram . S utra thinks thatAnanda was about the same age as

the B uddha,as does the Lalita Vis

tara, p. 145 (trans )

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34 THE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

When the seven days were passed 1 there came alongtwo merchants

,T rapusha (Ga -

gen) and B hallika (B eanq-

po) ,with five hundred waggons ; and following the advice ofa deva

,they came to the Buddha and offered him food

sweetened with honey and many other sweets . E ach of thefour great kings of the cardinal points brought him eacha bowl in which to take the food ; and

'

not wishing toOffend any of them ,

he took the four bowls and transformed them into one (f .T hen the Buddha said to the merchants,

“Merchants ,go for a refuge to the Buddha

,to the truth and to the

church that will hereafter exist ! Whatever wish youmay have made when you made me this offering, it will begranted unto you .

”T hen they bowed down before him

and went on their way rejoiCing (f. 5After their departure the Buddha sat down on the bankof the N airanjana and ate the food which the merchantshad given him

,but the honey gave him colic . T hen the

E vil one,seeing the pain he was enduring, came to him

and said,

“ Blessed One (Bhagavat) , the time to die hascome But he answered him

,

“Mara,as long as my

disciples have not become wise and of quick understanding

,as long as the bhikshus, the bhikshunis, and the lay

disciples o f either sex are not able to refute their adver

saries according to the Dharma,as long as my moral

teaching has not been spread far and wide among godsand men

,S O long will I not pass away (f.

T hen Cakra,the lord of the devas, brought an arura

(myrobolan skyu- T u-m ) fruit from a tree “ in Jambudvipa,and by it the Buddha was cured .

1 B eal, loc. cit , p. 236, agrees legend in Lal . Vist . , p . 352, wherewith this . S ee , however, Lal. Vist . , Papiyim (M itra ) visits the B uddhap . 356, where the text has it that four weeks after he had Obtained

the Offering was only made seven enlightenment . S ee also B eal, p.

weeks after he had become B uddha . 240 . B igandet , p. 107, speaking of

B igandet , p . 107, agrees with the the Offering Of fruit made by a

version of the Lal . V ist . At p. 108 deva , “to prepare his system to

he tells us that the two merchants receive more substantial food,” evi

were brothers . dently alludes to this event.2 T here seems to be a trace of this

M U T CH I L I N DA PR OT E CT S T HE B U DDHA . 35

After having remained under the B 0 tree as long as

pleased him,

' the Buddha went to where lived the nagakingMutchilinda 1 (B tanq-bzzmq) and he

,wishing to pro

teet him from the sun and rain,wrapped his body seven

times around the Blessed One,and S pread out his hood

over his head, and there the Lord remained seven days inthoughtAfter having remained with Mutchilinda as long as

pleased him,the Blessed One went to the B odhimanda

(B yanq- tchub-kyi-snying

-

po) ,2and there he remained seven

days seated on a grass mat studying the twelve branchesof the theory of causes and e ffects (pm tityasamudp ada) ,and when that theory had become well fixed in his mindhe spoke the udi‘tna which is recorded in the last versesof the U détnavarga, commencing with When to the ear

nest,meditative Brahmana

,

”&c .

3

T he idea took possession of his mind that this doctrineof causes and effects was too deep for man’ s intellect

,

and he thought that he would not teach it ; but Brahma,the lord of the world, came and begged him to have mercyon the erring world, for “ the advent of a Buddha is as

uncommon as is a flower on a fig tree .T hen the Lord reflected who would be a proper person

for him to teach ; he thought Of Arata Kalz’

ima,but he

found out that he had been dead seven days ; R udraka,son of Rama, had also died three days before (f. S O hedecided upon seeking the Five who were at Benares inthe Mrigadava Of R ishivadana.

Having stayed at B odhimanda as long as pleased him,he

started for Benares , the town of Kaci,and on the way he

met anadjivaka (Ki m- ti t ht’

so nyeT-hqro) ,

4 who questioned

1 T he Lalita V istara , p. 354 , says Lal. Vist. , p . 355, as the nyagrodhathat the B uddha went to Mutchi of the goatherd .

linda’

s five weeks after he had been 3 Cf . U danavarga, p. 199.

enlightened . A lso B igandet , p. 106.

4 B igandet, p. 1 15, calls him“ the

2 T his is the same episode as that heretic R ahan U paka .

” P . 1 17 he

alluded to by B eal,op . cit , p. 238 , says that U paka went about inquir

where the B uddha sat for seven days ing for his friend Dzina (Dj ina) .beneath a nyagrodha tree ; and in

36 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

him concerning himself and his master,and as to where

he was going. When he heard his answers , he exclaimed ,Venerable Gautama, verily you are a conqueror (Djina)

and then he went his way (f.

( 37 )

CHAP T E R I I I .

LI FE OF THE B UDDHA FR OM T HE COMME N CE ME N T OF HI S

MI N I S T R Y UN T I L T HE R E I GN OF ADJAT ASAT R U .

JOU R N E YI N G along from the N airanjana river,the Buddha

finally came to Benares,to the deer-park . When the Five

saw him,they wanted to receive him coldly

,nearly rudely

,

but they could not resist the grandeur of his transformedperson

,and

,rising

,they ministered to his wants (f.

T hey questioned him as to his reason for giving upasceticism ,

and he answered them in the words that havebeen preserved in the Dharma chakrapmvartana S titm

,or

the sermon of the foundation of the kingdom of righteousness . ” 1 T his work has been so frequently translatedfrom different versions that it is useless to dwell on ithere .He imparted his doctrine to two of the Five in the

morning,for the three others had gone to the city to beg

,

and in the evening he taught the latter while the othertwo went to collect alms (f.Again he spoke to them about the four truths

,and in

addressing them he called them “Miles/t i ts”or mendi

cants,a term which was very generally applied at that

time to all ascetics. 3

1 T here are at least six versions he converted all five the same dayOf this sutra in the T ibetan canon . not S O

,however, in the N idfina

1°

Dulva,iv . 64

—68 ; 2°

Dulva,xi . katha

,R hys Davids

,B irth S tories,

69—71 3

°

Mdo, xxvi. 88—92 (Abhi p. 1 13.

nichkramana S utra ) ; 4°

Mdo,xxvi. 3 Cf . G . B uhler, S acred Laws of

425—431, Dharmachakra S utra ; 5

°

the Aryas , Gautama Dharmacastra ,

Mdo, xxx . 427—431, Dharmachakra iii. 2. T he word sanyasin, generally

pravartana S utra ; 6°

Mdo, ii. chap. used in the Dharmacastra, conveysxxvi. of the Lalita V istara . the same meaning .

2 According to B igandet , p. 1 18,

38 THE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

When he had finished speaking,he turned to the oldest

of the five,Kitundinya, and said, Kitundinya, hast thou

thoroughly understood the doctrine ? ” “Blessed One,I

have thoro ughly understood it. On this account he wascalled “Kitundinya, who knows all, or Adjnata Kaun

dinya (f.Yet again he spoke to them about the four truths

,and

he converted the four other bhikshus . N ow at that timethere was one perfectly enlightened disciple (or arhat) ,Kfiundinya. After that he preached to them about theimpermanency of all created things

,and the other four

became arhats (f .When he had .thus converted the five

,he went with

them and stopped on the bank of the river of Benares,

the N aci1 Gnod-

pa-chan) . T here was a wealthy young

man of Benares called Yacas 2 (Grays-pa) , who came tothe bank of the river by night, and seeing the Blessed Oneon the farther shore

,he cried out to him

, Cramana, Iam hurt ; Cramana, I suffer !

”T hen he answered him

,

Come hither and thou shalt suffer no more,nor be dis

tressed . S o he left his slippers on the river’ s bank and

crossed over to where was the Blessed One, who talked tohim of charity

,of virtue

,of heaven (svarga ) , of content

ment,of the way to salvation,

of the four truths,&c.

(f . and Yacas perceived the truth, he believed, andasked to become a lay follower (upasaka) , (f. One

of Yacas ’ S laves discovered, while it was yet night, thather master had left his home, so fearing an accident

,she

told his father,who started out to seek him . He came to

the river,and seeing his son ’ s slippers , he feared that he

had been drowned or murdered . He crossed the streamand met the Blessed One, of whom he inquired concerninghis son . T he Buddha, before answering him, convertedhim (f. and the same sermon made Yacas an arhat. I t

1 I have followed S chiefner, T ibet. 2He is called R atha in B igandet,Lebens

, p. 247, in translating this p . 120. He does not mention the

name . Feer, AnnalesMusée Guimet, fact that he crossed a river.

v . p. 21, translates it by V itrana .

T HE FI R S T D I S CI PL E S . 39

was on this occasion that the Blessed One spoke the verse,

“He who,though dressed in gorgeous apparel

,walks in

the way of truth , &c.

1(f.

T hen Yacas and his father returned home,and when it

was morning the Buddha went to his house,and

,after

having partaken of the food provided for him by the wifeand mother of Yacas

,he preached to them and converted

them,and they became lay followers (upasikas) , (f.

N ow Yacas had four friends,

2 Purna (Gang-

p a) , Vimala

(Dri -med) , Gavampati (B a - !any bdaq) , and S ubahu (Lagbzanqs) , and when they had heard that Yacas had becomea bhikshu , they also came and asked the Blessed One toadmit them into his order. When he had finished preaching to them they became arhats . At that time therewere ten arhats in the world

,exclusive of the Buddha

(fFifty young men of the leading families of Benares

,

3

on hearing of these conversions,entered the order (f.

78 and they also became arhats Shortly after,so that

there were sixty arhats in the world .

While still at the deer-park of R ishivadana he sentthe sixty out two by two (f . to S pread the doctrinethat would help all creation,

and he went towards theS enani village at U ruvilva.

4 Before he left,however,

Mi na took the appearance of a young brahman and cameand mocked at him for saying that he had found deliverance

,whereas he was yet in Mitra ’ s grasp . T he Buddha

recognised him,and with a few words put him to

flight.

5 T hen the Blessed One went towards the S enani

1 S ee U dfinavarga , chap. xxxiii .1, p . 185 also Feer, op . cit , p. 24 .

2 B igandet (p. 126 ) says that theybelonged

“ to the most illustrious

families of B aranathu (B enares ), andformerly connected with R atha bythe ties of friendship.

”

3 “Who had been the companions

Of R atha (Yacas )while in the world,”adds B igandet (p.

4 T he text is “Lieng-rgyas

-kyi

gronq-khyer

-sde-chan,!

which can

only be translated by the S enani

village of U ruvilva . S ee Feer,

E tudes B ouddhiques , Le S utra de

l’

E nfant , p. 67, note . B igandet (p.

132) says ,“ T he village Of T hena

(S ena), situated in the vic inity Of

the solitude Of Ooroowila (U ru

A lso R hys D avids, S acredB ooks of the E ast, xiii. p. 1 13.

I

5 Cf. B igandet , p. 132 ; Feer,Annales de Musée Guim et

, v . p .

31 .

40 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

village, and entering a karvasika or cotton- tree forest 1 .

(R as-ba l-chan) , he sat down at the foot of a tree . At thattime there was a band of sixty young men who werecalled “ the happy band ”

or B hadraoarga ,who were in

the habit of coming each day near U ruvilva to amusethemselves with women . One day one of the women ranaway

,and while looking for her the young men came

across the Blessed One (f. T hey asked him if hehad seen such and such a looking woman . T hen he askedthem

,

“What think ye is it better to look for a womanor to look for oneself “Better to look for oneself

,

” theyreplied .

“Abide then with me a little and I will teachyou the truth .

”S o they sat down and he instructed them

so that their hearts were Opened ; they believed and be

came lay followers (f .After this the Buddha converted a rich brahman of

Kapilavastu called D eva, and also his wife . T hey hadcome to the S enani village and there they had heard oftheir countryman the Cakya prince (f.T hen the Blessed One went into the village of U ru

vilva and taught the two girls N andaand N andabala,and

they also became lay disciples (f.N ow the Buddha thought that the most important con

vert he could make in Magadha would be U ruvilva Kiteyapa

,the jatila, then aged 120

,a man greatly revered

throughout the land,who was looked upon as an arhat

,

and who,with 500 disciples, was then stopping on the

bank of the N airanjana (f. 8 His two brothers,N adi

and Giiya Kitcyapa, each with 250 disciples , were als o

1 Cf. R hys Davids,B irth S tories,

N idanakatha, p. 1 14 , where this

ing to the system here adopted of

counting the years from the season

forest is placed half-way between

the Mrigadava and U ruvilva . He

and also B igandet (p. 134 ) say that,a fter sending out his disciples , he

spent his first lent (wa s) in the soli

tude of M igadawon (Mrigadava ),a fter which he went to U ruvilva .

T his would place the followingevents in the second year, accord

of was . R hys D avids (loo. cit , p.

1 14) speaks of “ the thirty youngB addha -vaggiyan nobles .

”

2 Comp. Feer, op . cit p. 42. M .

Feer’s translation is from the 6th

volume of the Dulva,consequently

our two translations complete each

other and give an ensemble of all the

T ibetan Vinaya texts on the subject.

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42 THE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

Gityé’

tcirsha with his disciples (f. N ow the king hadmade five wishes— 1 . T hat a Buddha might appear in hisreign 2 . T hat he might see him ; 3 . T hat he might learnthe truth from him ; 4 . T hat he might understand it ; 5.

T hat he might follow his commandments (f. S O, 011

hearing the happy tidings,he sent a messenger to the

Blessed One to salute him ,and to offer to him and his

disciples his royal hospitality at the capital, R éjagriha

(f.T he Blessed One accepted the invitation and went toRaj agriha

,and took up his abode with his thousand dis

ciples in the grove of the consecrated (or the mighty)tchaitya of the people of Magadha,

1and there the king

sought him (i. When the king and all the vastmultitude which had come with him saw Kitcyapa theelder with the Buddha, they knew not what to think.

Was he the Buddha’ s disciple,or was the Buddha his ?

1 T his phrase is obscure , and mytranslation is subject to correction .

T he text is , YulMaqadka-

pa-rnams

kyim tokod-T ten legs-

parfrab-gna s

itang bral-kyi ts’

al.”

I t is e vi

dently the same place referred to

by Feer, E tudes B ouddh .,ii . p . 68 ,

as le jardin abondamment plantéde l

’

est”

S har pa i ts’

a l gseb) .S chiefner

,T ib . Lebens , p. 254,

speaks of this place a s the R ohr

ha in des festen k’

a itya .

”S pence

Hardy, p . 196, calls it“ the forest

of Y a shti,twelve m iles from R Aja

griha .

”B eal. R om . Leg . , p. 3 11 ,

says that the B uddha had arriveda s far as the bamboo grove , and

was resting for a time near a tower

erected therein . According to

another passage Of the Dulva , ix. f .53, King B imbisara was convertedin the Y ashtivana , which would

therefore be the same place as“the

grove Of the tcha itya Of our text .

Feer, loc. cit,agrees with this . T he

text of Dulva ix. says, however, that“ from V enuvana the B lessed One

betook himself at that tim e to B a

huputrachaitya,”and there Maha

kacyapa saw him under a tree, and

was received into the order by him .

T his Kacyapa was also called N ya

grodhaya , as“he had been Obtained

in consequence of a prayer addressed

to ~

a nyagrodha tree .

”S ee S chiefner

,

T ib . T ales, ch . ix . p. 186 ci seq.

T he N idana -Katha,R hys Da vids,

B irth S tories, p . 1 16,seems to allude

to the place mentioned in our text ,where it S peaks of the V annabhu

,

or place Of praise, but it places

B imbisara’

s conversion at the

Latthivana Fausboll’

s text , p. 84 ,and B igandet, p . 150 , at the T andi

vana , which he says is the same as

the Latti grove . I t is strange that

notwithstanding this well estab

lished version Of B imbisara’

s con

version, the Mdo (vol. xvi. f. 332336) should have imagined another

one in which the king , on hearingthat the B uddha is coming , jealousOf the homage the people are bestow

ing on him , makes a man throw a

rock at the B uddha to kill him , but

he hears a gatha and is converted .

Cf. the conversion of Udayana,P 74

DON AT I ON OF T HE VE L U VAN A . 43

(f. T he Lord knew their thoughts , so he madeKacyapa perform all kinds of miracles in their pre

sence,and declare that the Buddha was his master

(f.After that the Blessed One preached to the king and

the people on form and its transitory nature,on upadana,

sandjna, sanskara, &c . (f . 1 on the nidanas (f. 1 13—1&c.

,so that the king and a great multitude of brahmans

and householders were converted.

T he king then invited the Blessed One to the city, andwhen he came there

,he and his disciples stopped in the

Yashtivana. T he king came to see him,and after having

heard the Buddha preach,he invited him to a feast on the

morrow (f. When the feast was over, the kingpoured water over the Blessed One ’s hands , and said, I

give the Kalantakanivasa Bamboo grove to the BlessedOne to dispose of as may please him

”

(f. T he

Buddha accepted it,and this was the first vihara or per

manent residence that the Buddhist order possessed .

T he origin of the name of Kalantakanivasa Veluvana i sthis . Before Bimbisara had ascended the throne, he tooka great fancy to a park belonging to a householder ofR é

‘

tjagriha. He asked the owner for it, but he would notgive it up

,so the prince made up his mind that as soon as

he S hould become king he would confiscate it (f.T his he did

,and the lawful owner became after death a

venomous snake in his garden ,and sought an occasion to

bite the king. One day the king had gone into the parkwith his wives

,and had fallen asleep while only one of

the women was beside him . T he snake was crawlingnear him

,but some Kalantaka birds seized it and com

menced crying,when the woman awoke and killed the

snake .T o S how his gratitude to the birds, the king had the

place planted with bamboo groves , of which these birdswere especially fond, S O the park became known as the

44 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

Bamboo grove,the place Of the Kalantaka birds (f.

I n this grove the Buddha passed the'

rainy season of thefirst year of his ministry,2 and there the sixty discipleswhom he had previously sent out t o preach joined him

,

as is shown by the following episode taken from Dulva i .t. I 3

-

5O .

T here lived at N ei landa, near R itjagriha, a brahmancalled Mitthara (Gnas- len-kyi bi t) , who had a son calledKoshthila (S tags-rings) (f. I 3) and a daughter called Cari .Koshthila went to S outhern I ndia to study the Lokayatasystem

, and he received the surname of the long-nailed,”

or D irghanakha, because he had vowed not to cut hisnails until he had learnt the castras . Cari married a

brahman from S outhern I ndia called T ishya (S lear- rqya l) .S he bore him a son whom they called U patishya

3(N yer

Tqya l) after his father, Cariputra or son o f Cari, after hismother

,and as they belonged to the Citradvati family, he

was also called Citradvatiputra . He learnt all the sciencesof the brahmans

,and excelled in them at an early age

(f.I n a village near by , Modgal, the wife of the purohita

of King Kaundinya Potti la bore a son,who was called

Kolita,or

“ the lap-born,

”and as he greatly resembled his

mother,he received the name of Modgalputra, or son of

Modgal, and from the family to which he belonged hetook the name of Maudgalyayana. He also became a

master of all brahman lore at an early age .

T hese two youths met at school,and became fast

friends , so when Maudgalyayana decided upon renouncing

1 B igandet, p. 157, speaks of this Hardy, Manual, p. 200 Feer

,op .

place as the Wiloowon (V eluvana ), cit , p . 4 ci seq. Huen T hsang ,but it is only in the N orthern legends B . ix. p. 54 , says that Cariputra wasthat I have seen the term Kalanta born at Ka1apinaka , and (p. 51)kan iva sa (or nipata) joined to it . that Maudgalyayana was born at

S ee Huen T hsang, B . ix. p. 29 . Kulika . Fah Hian, p. 1 1 1

,says

2 S ee S chiefner, T ib . Lebens, p. that N Alanda was Cariputra’

s birth

315 place .

3 Cf. B igandet, p. 158 S pence

CON VE R S I ON OF CAR I PU T R A . 45

the world,notwithstanding the Opposition of his parents

,

his friend Cariputra resolved to follow him (f.T ogether they went to R fijagriha and became disciples

of S anjaya Yang-dag TgyaZ

-ba -chan) , (f . When theirmaster died they each assumed the leadership of 250

disciples and took up their abode at R itjagriha. Beforedying

,

1 S anjaya had spoken to them of the young Cakya,and had advised them to become his disciples (f.One day Cariputra met Acvadjit while in R fijagrihabegging his food . S truck with his appearance

,he ques

tioned him concerning himself and master.

Acvadjit replied that he was but a neophyte, and couldnot expound all the doctrine, but he repeated the verse

,

Ye dharma heta p rabha i'

a,

” 2 &c .,and this was enough to

enable Cariputra to see the truth of the Buddha’ s doctrine .

He inquired where the Buddha was, and learnt that hewas at the Bamboo grove ; so he went to Maudgalyayana,

and repeated to him the verse he had heard,and he also

perceived the truth ; then together with 250 of their disciples they went to where the Buddha was, and entered theorder.

A few days later Cariputra’

s uncle,Koshthila

,came to

the Bamboo grove, and was converted by the words of theBlessed One, which , at the same time, made Cariputra an

arhat (f. Cariputra and Maudgalyayana are knownin Buddhist history as the model pair ; the former wasunsurpassable in wisdom ,

the latter in magical power.

I t was at about this period of his ministry that theBuddha converted the nephew o f the old rishi Asita,N alada

,who

,under the name of Katyayana orMahfikatya

yana, played such a prominent rOle as a missionary .

1 B igandet, p. 161 , says that

T hindzi (S anjaya) was not dead

when they entered the B uddhist

order, and that they each entered

w ith 220 compan ion s . T hindzi,

enraged at being left alone , died,vom iting blood from his mouth .

T his S anjaya must not be con

founded with S anjaya the son of

V a iratti,one Of the s ix heretical

teachers . S ee p. 79.

2 T here is a good commentary on

this verse by N agarjuna in the 72dvol. of the Mdo of the B stan -hgyur,

f. 244—245. T he title is Dharma ~

dhatugarbha vivarana.

46 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

His conversion is told as follows in D ulva xi . f . 1 18 ci seq.

While the Buddha was yet in the T ushita heaven hehad S poken these two enigmatical verses

T O whom is lord and king the senses) ,U nder the rule of the passions, he is covered with dust(raga ) ;

Free from passion (raga ), he is free from dust (raga)Who is it that thus speaks of passion here ?

Wickedness,by it is sorrow produced

Wisdom,by it is joy brought forth

B y being separated from the possession Of what

DO we learn here what is perfection and bliss 1

Before the Buddha’ s birth no one was even able to readthese words, and after his birth they could be read, butnot understood

,as it required a Buddha to explain them .

T here lived at that time a n’

aga king called S uvarnaprabhasa (Gser- ocl) , who saw in the palace of the naga Vaicra

vana (R nam- thos-ky/i- ba ) a Copy of these verses he re

peated them to E lapatra (E lai-mdab) , another naga wholived at T akshacila, and who was very desirous of seeinga Buddha. S uvarnaprabhasa advised him to go everywhere offering a laksha of gold to any one who couldexplain these lines to him (f . I E lapatra followed hisadvice after having assumed the appearance of a youngbrahman . After a while he reached Benares , where wasN alada

,who promised that he would bring him the

desired explanation within seven days . Having foundout that there was a Buddha in the world, and that hewas stopping in the deer-park of R ishivadana, he went tohim . He was as ravished with his appearance as wouldbe a man who had been plunged in abstraction for twelveyears

,or as a childless man to whom a son is born

,or as

a poor man who sees a treasure ; and as soon as the Buddha had preached to him , his eyes were Opened

,and he

saw the truth . S o having gone and fulfilled his promise1 T hese verses are very difficult Konig T shanda Pradyota, p. 1 1. S ee

to translate . Cf. S chiefner’

s transl. also B eal, R omantic Legend, ‘ p.

of them in his Mahakatyayana und 277.

S U DAT T A S E E S T HE B U DDHA . 47

to E lapatra, he came back and became a disciple (f.and henceforth he was called Katyayana or Katyayana

the Great (f .While stopping at the Citavana of Rajagriha,

1 the BlessedOne was invited to a feast by a householder of the city

,

at whose house was then stopping a rich merchant of

Cravasti called S udatta, better known on account of hisgenerosity and charitableness as “ the incomparable almsgiver

,

”or Anathapindada. T he night before the feast

S udatta heard the master of the house giving his orders ;and havrng inquired the reason of these preparations

,he

heard of the Buddha and his disciples,and conceived great

admiration for the Master. E arly on the morrow he wentto Oitavana, and finding the Buddha walking in front ofthe house

,he was led by him into his room

,and there the

Blessed One talked to him Of charity,morality

,&c.

,so

that he saw the truth,and became a lay follower.

T hen the Blessed One questioned him as to his name,

his country,&c . ,

and S udatta besought him to come to

Cravasti in Kosala,and assured him that he would provide

him and his disciples with all which they might require .“Householder

,

” the Buddha inquired,

“ is there anyvihara at Cravasti 7

“ T here is none,Blessed One.

I f there was such a place,householder

,bhikshus could

go,come

,and stay there .

Onlycome, Blessed One, and I will provide a viharaalso .T he Buddha promised him,

and with that assuranceS udatta departed .

After a little while he came back and asked the Buddha

1 T aken from Dulva iv . f. 123—139. to his father to build the vihara of

T his episode is also in Dulva iii. the B anyan grove on the plan of the

f. 317 34 1 . T he N idanakatha, R hys Jetavana . Prof. R hys D avids, loc.

D avids, op . cit , p. 130, place s the cit , translate s S itavana by“grove

donation Of the Jetavana vihara of S ita.

”I cannot believe that this

after the journey to Kapilavastu, but can be correct . Cf. Huen T hsang,the T ibetan texts do not agree with B . vi. p. 296 et seq.

this, as it is said that he sent word

48 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

to send a bhikshu with him who could superintend thebuilding of the vihara. T he Buddha chose Cariputra, forwell he knew that he would also work at the conversionof the people of Cravasti.S udatta sought to procure a suitable piece of ground for

the vihara, and his choice fell upon a park belonging toJeta 1 (R gg/aZ-byed) , son of King Prasenadjit . He askedthe prince for it ; he at first refused

,but finally agreed to

sell it if S udatta covered all the ground with gold pieces

(f. T o this the householder consented . When hehad nearly finished having the ground covered with gold

,

Jeta thought that it would be good for him to offer something to this Buddha for whose sake S udatta was sacrificing so much , so he asked him to let him retain that parto f the park not yet covered with gold . S udatta let himhave it ; and on this ground the prince afterwards builta vestibule

,which he gave to the order (f.

T he members of other orders (the tirthikas) in R itjagrihabecame jealous of the sudden popularity of the new order

,

so they complained to the king. Cariputra offered to demonstrate his greater worthiness by a trial of their relativemagical powers (f . out of which contest he came offvictorious (f. He also converted the chief o f thetirthikas

,

“Red eye,

or R aktftksha (Mig-dmar) , aud1

manyof the spectators .T hen the tirthikas sought to kill Cariputra while the

vihara was being built ; but they were unable to executetheir plan

,and were finally converted

,and became arhats

(f 135)T he vihara was built on the plan of one sent by the

devas of the T ushita heaven,and contained sixty large

halls and sixty small ones (f.

1 Jeta was most likely the son of (early part of the fifth century A.D. )V arshika

,a princess of kshatriya there were very few inhabitants

caste . S ee Dulva x . f. 126 ; he is in it , perhaps about two hundred

there represented as a little Older families .

than V irudhaka , who succeeded 2 I n Dulva xi . fol. 34h,Anatha

Prasenadjit . Fah Hian , Chap. xx . , pindada asks the B uddha how the

says that when he visited Cravasti vihara must be ornam ented with

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

50 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

I n this vihara of Jetavana the Buddha passed theseason of was of the third year of his ministry.

We are not told where he passed the summer of thefourth year, but he was certainly at Jetavana in the fifthyear

,for it was from that place that he went to Kapila

vastu in the sixth year of his ministry.

T he Dulva does not chronicle any important conversionbetween that of Prasenadjit, king of Kosala

,and that Of

the Cakyas of Kapilavastu in the sixth year.

1

Part of the intervening time was most likely occupiedin framing the regulations for the order of bhikshus

,

although the Dulva informs us that the most importantrules of the code

,which was afterwards called the Pratimok

sha,were only formulated when Devadatta commenced

sowing strife among the brethren, some ten or twelveyears before the Buddha’s death . At all events

, our textslead us to suppose that until after the conversion of Prasenadjit the mendicants of the order did not live together,and that the only rules laid down for their guidance werethat they were obliged to beg their food, that they mustobserve the ordinary rules of morality (the cila precepts) ,that they must own no property, and that they mustpreach to all classes of people . T hey may have adoptedsuch rules as were in general usage at the time amongascetics

,but it appears improbable that they had any

regulating their dress ,2 for we are told that King Prasenadjit several times mistook doctors , &C.

,for Buddhist

mendicants on account o f their similar costumes,and

that it was only then that the Buddha prescribed that thebhikshus should make their cloaks out of pieces of stuffdyed of different colours and sewn together (Dulva iii .f. I Of course, the rule about Shaving the head and

1 S ee for this date E dkins, Chinese same vol. fol. they were pro

B uddh . , p. 32 S chiefner, T ib. Le hibited from drawing lines in white

bens, p . 3 15. clay (on their persons ) , as do at the2 T hus in Dulva x . fol. 9, the present day manyHindu sects

, such

bhikshus are prohibited from wear as the N imbarkas, the R amanujas,ing the sacred cord (T s

’

angs pa i 810.

skud ) of the D vijas . Also, in the

T HE VI HA’

R A OF T HE B AN YAN GR OVE . 51

beard was in force from the first days of the order,for this

rule was common to all ascetics of those times .Prasenadjit, shortly after his conversion

,sent a mes

sage to Cuddhodana, king of the Cakyas of Kapilavastu,

in which he told him ,

“Rejoice, O R itja, for thy son has

found the drink of the cessation of death (amrita) , and heis quenching the thirs t of mankind with this nectar ! ” (D .

iv. f.T hen Cuddhodana sent several messengers to his son at

R itjagriha begging him to visit him at Kapilavastu ; butthey all entered the order

,and came back no more to the

king .

Finally he dispatched KR ludiryi2 with a letter to the

Buddha . U dfiyi promised that he would come back, evenif he entered the order in the meantime. 3 Hardly had hearrived at t jagriha but the Buddha converted him,

and

Cariputra received him into the order (f. after whichthe Buddha allowed him to return to Kapilavastu ; but heinstructed him to stop at the gate of the town

,not to

dwell in a house in the town, and to inform the king thatwhen he himself came he would not stop in the town ,

but in a vihara, and that Jetavana was the model vihara

(f.Kitludayi delivered the message

“as it had been given

him (f. and King Cuddhodana had the vihara of theBanyan grove , or N yaqrodhcirama , built on the plan ofthe Jetavana vihara for his son

’ s reception (f.1 Cf. Dulva vi. f . 93—102 ; and brothers, ascetics . And on the full

Feer, op . cit , p. 43.moon day of the month of January

2 T he N idanakatha, R hys Davids ,B uddh . B irth S tories, p. 120, says

that Kala U dayin was born on the

same day as the future B uddha , andhad been his playfellow and com

panion . S ee also Feer, op . cit , p.

38 .

3 T he N idfinakatha , p. 120, says,

T he Master S pent the first Lentafter he had become B uddha at I sipa

tana ; and when it was over, wentto U ruvila, and stayed there three

months,and overcame the three

he went to R atjagriha with a retinue

of a thousand mendicants,and there

he dwelt two months . T hus five

months had elapsed S ince he leftB enares, the cold season was past ,

and seven or eight days since the

arrival of U dfiyin the elder ” (them ) .S ee also B igandet, p. 169.

4 T he N idftnakatha, loc. cit , says

that U déyin started for Kapilavastu

on the full-moon day Of March

(Phaggunipunnamd). Also B igan

det, p. 170.

52 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

When all was ready,the Buddha started forKapilavastu

w ith his disciples,and first stopped on the banks of the

Rohita near the city,where he and his followers performed

all kinds of magical transformations in the presence of theking and the Cakyas who had come to meet them ,

1 sothat great was the astonishment of Cuddhodana and hispeople (f. T he king bowed at the Buddha’s feet ,much to the astonishment o f his people ; but he recalledto them how he had done S O on former occasions whenthe Buddha was but an infant. He conversed with hisson

,recalling to him (in verse) the S plendours and j oys

o f his former life,to which

,however

,the Buddha Opposed

those of his present one (f. 150After this first meeting the Buddha took up his abode

in the Banyan grove , and by his first predication heconverted his uncle Cuklodana and Cakyas (f.

but Cuddhodana was not among them . At shortintervals after this he converted Dronodana with

Cakyas, and Amritodana with (f.T he Buddha was very anxious to convert his father

,but

he had not been able to make any impression on his mind ,although he had sent Maudgalyayana to him,

who hadperformed wondrous magical feats in his presence: One

day a great number of gods came to the Banyan grove andbuilt a marvellous hall, in which the Blessed One took hisseat and explained the truth ; and there his father sawhim

,surrounded by the fourLokapalitas, by Cakra, B rahmfi,

&c. (f. 155 and when the Lord had finished teachingthe gods

,he came and taught his father

,who believed and

entered the paths (f .

1 T he N idanakatha, p . 122, says2 Cf. Huen T hsang, B . vi . p. 318

that the B uddha went to Kapila ci seq.

vastu attended by m endi 3 T hese numbers appear fanciful.cants, and that he took two months B eal

, R om . Leg . , p. 351, speaks of

to travel the sixty leagues which “all the Cakyas of Kapilavastu,

s eparated it from R itjagriha . B ig in all.”

andet , p . 170, says the same thing,4 T he N idanakatha , p . 126

,does

but all this portion of his text is a not agree with this version . S ee

translation Of the N idanakatha,—at Feer, 0p . cit , p. 57.

least so it appears to me .

DON AT I ON OF T HE B AN YAN GR OVE . 53

T he two following episodes seem out Of place here,but

it appears proper to preserve the arrangement of the text .

Cuddhodana offered the succession to the throne o fKapilavastu to Cuklodana, but he refused (f. havingbecome a Buddhist (bhikshu f) ; the king

’ s other brothersre fused for the same reason

,

1 so they chose as Cuddhodana’

s

successor Cakyaré’

tja B hadrika (f.T he following dayCuddhodana gave an entertainment

to the Buddha and his disciples,and presented the Banyan

grove to him by pouring water on his hands (f.S hortly after this the Cakyas made a proclamation

by which one man out of every family must enter theBuddhist order (f. and it is probable that to thisdecision

,to which the Buddha was obliged to consent

,

was due a great deal of the trouble he afterwards had withsome of the Cakya bhikshus whose names are mentionedfarther on . I reproduce the following anecdote

,not so

much for its his toric value , as to Show the curious alterations some of these old legends have undergone during theages in which they were preserved orally .

Dronodana had two sons,Aniruddha and Mahé

’

tnAman ;

the former was his mother’s favourite,but never took any

part in the sports and amusements of his age, whereashis brother had learnt all kinds of field-work .

2 Whenthe king’ s decree was proclaimed

,their mother wanted

MahftnAman to enter the order, but he told her that herfavourite Aniruddha was better entitled to such an

honour and,to find out who was the more worthy

,they

made the following experiment . T hey took an emptybasket in which they put a vase , which they coveredover (at the mouth with sugar painted (or sealed) with

1Cuddhodana could not have a fter the B uddha had taken up his

made this Offer to his brothers until residence there .

a fter the conversion of N anda and 2 T his is a reminiscence of the

R ithula , which, according to our passage in the S outhern version ,in

text, only took place later on . S O, which MahanAma describes to his

likewise , it appears curious that the brother the labour Of the husband

presentation of the N yagrodha vi man . S ee S pence Hardy, Manual,

hara only took place some time p. 235.

54 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

lac,and this they gave to a servant-girl with orders that

i f (f. 160) any one asked what was in the vase, to say thatthere was nothing . On the way to where Aniruddha was ,Cakra filled the vase

’

with pease,vegetables

,and other

kinds of food . Aniruddha asked the girl what She hadin her basket. “ N othing

,

” she answered him .

“Mymother loves me dearly

,she cannot have sent this empty ;

surely it is a dish called ‘ nothing. S o he Opened thevase

, and the fragrance of the contents pervaded thewhole park and filled him with wonder and gratefulnesstoward his mother

,so he sent her word begging that

She would send him every day some of that“nothing

dish .

His mother,on hearing what had happened , wondered

greatly and said to Mahanaman,S eest thou that, my

son ? “Yes,truly

,mother.

”And by this means did

they discover that Aniruddha was in truth entitled tothe honour of entering the Buddhist order.

T he mother told Aniruddha that he could enter theorder, and she explained to him what this term implied.

Aniruddha sought his friend Cakyaraja B hadrika (f.16 1) and having embraced him

,he told him of the

king S proclamation and asked him to enter the order withhim . B hadrika objected that if he did so the thronewould belong to Devadatta (f . to the great prejudiceof the people . Aniruddha then suggested that theyS hould induce Devadatta to enter the order at the sametime ; so they obtained his promise , and as soon as theyhad it they caused to be announced in the streets of thecity that B hadrika

,R aivata

,Aniruddha

,Devadatta, five

hundred in all,were about to enter the order of the

Blessed One.

Devadatta was greatly worried at this ; he had hopedto be able to perjure himself and escape becoming a

bhikshu,for that would put an end to all his hopes of

reigning ; but it was too late , and he had to submit.T here appears to have been many more of the five hundred

N AN DA’ S CON VE R S I ON . 55

who entered the order under compulsion, and who after

wards aided Devadatta in bringing about a schism ; thebest known were Kokalika

,Khandadvaja, Katamora

katisya, S agaradatta, &c . (f. N anda,

1 the Buddha’shalf-brother

,was also one of those who entered against

his will. N anda, says the Dulva x . (f . was very muchin love with his wife Bhadra

,

2 but was led by the Buddhato the Banyan grove and there made a bhikshu . His

fondness for his wife was so great that he tried severaltimes to get back to her

,and the Buddha was obliged to

take him to the T rayastrimcat heaven,and also to hell

,

to convince him of the unworthines s of any worldly love .3

Cuddhodana, on hearing of the young Cakyas’

determi

nation,sent the royal barber U pt

’

tli (N ye-baT -blthor) to shavetheir heads and beards . When he had finished doing so

,

they took off all their j ewels and ornaments and gavethem to him (f . and then went to bathe . Upalithought

,I f these young noblemen have given up wealth ,

the pleasures of youth,wives

,and treasures

,to become

mendicants , it cannot then be seeming in me to care forthese baubles ; they would bring me but grief. I f I had

not had an evil birth,

4 I would have entered the orderof the well- spoken dharma,

and have devoted my self tocrossing the stream and to freeing myself of all my bonds .

”

N ow Cariputra knew that U pé’

tli would become famous as

a bhikshu, so he went to where he was standing, and

said, U pfili, what troubles you and then he told him

the thoughts Of his mind . Cariputra led him to where the

1 T he N idanakatha (p. 128) says &c. S ee Dhammapada, 150 Ude‘

in

that N anda was received into the avarga , xvi . 22 ; and Dulva x . fol.

order on the day Of his marriage , 246—247, where there are many

the third day after the B uddha had more verses of an equally instruo

reached Kapilavastu.tive character.

2 I n the N idanfikatha (p. 128 ) sheis called JanapadaKalyfini. Kalyani

B hadra, good, beautiful .3 I t was then that the B uddha

S poke the famous gatha,“When a

c itadel has been made Of bones ,

plastered overwith flesh and blood,”

4 Can the B uddhist order havebeen in the first place only open to

men of the higher castes? Upali is

the first bhikshu mentioned in the

legends who did not belong to the

brahman or kshatriya caste .

56 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

Blessed One 1 was,and told him that U pt

‘

rli wanted toenter the order.

“Come hither,bhikshu

,the Blessed

One said ,“and lead a life of purity ; and forthwith

Upali ’ s hair fell off and he stood arrayed in bhikshu ’ sapparel

,an alms-bowl in his hand

,with the look of a

bhikshu of eight years’ standing .

When the young Cakyas arrived, the Blessed One consented to their admission into the order with m i sgrvmgs,

for he saw that some of them would soon become dissatisfied (f. U pftli had been received while they wereyet on their way, so they were obliged , on being receivedinto the order

,to do him homage

,and to bow down before

him . Devadatta,however

,would not consent to this .

“ S on,the Buddha said to him

,

“ bow down . Hast thounot entered the order to cast Off pride ? ” But he stillrefused

,and this was the first time that D evadatta dis

obeyed the Blessed One’ s orders (f .One day while the Blessed One was out begging, YacO

dhara saw him from the palace , so she sought t o win himback (i. S he gave five hundred pieces to a charmmaker o f R é‘tjagriha, who gave her a philter which wouldbring the Buddha back to her. YacOdhfira gave this toR ithula, and told him to present it to his father. When thechild came to where the Blessed One was

,there appeared

five hundred Buddhas,but R ithula recognised his father

among them all,

2and gave him the charm . T he Buddha

gave the food back to R ithula, and he ate it ; after whichhe could not be prevented from following after theBuddha. N ow the Lord saw that he was in his lastbirth

,so he told Cariputra to admit the child into the

order (f. although he was only six years old.

YacOdhfrra , foiled in this attempt, arrayed herself, anda lso GOpa, Mrigadja, and the women of the palace

,

1 B igandet (i. p. 183) says that he thief who was recognised by his

was in the village of Anupya, in the son . T he B uddha had been the

country Of the Malla princes . thi ef. S ee S chiefner, T ibetan T ales,2 I t was on this occasion that the p. 37 and B ulva iv. f. 209- 2 14 .

B uddha told the story of the clever

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58 T HE LI FE OF THE B U DDHA .

and on the morrow he led him in great pomp to theN yagrodha vihara, where he was received into the brotherhood by Dficabala Kacyapa (f.While the Buddha was yet at Kapilavastu,

1 the Cakyawomen attempted to gain admiss ion into the order. T he

story is told as follows in Dulva iii . f. 365—368T he Buddha had expounded the truth to the Cakyas

three times,he had also taught Cuddhodana three times,

and had made many converts (f. T he Cakya Ma

hfinéman had also heard the truth,and was so delighted

with it that his wife was struck with his enthusiasm and

asked him the reason . He told her about the Buddhaand his doctrine , and said that he was their saviour.

“He is the saviour Of men , but not of women,

” sheexclaimed .

“ S ay not so,”

her husband replied ;“his

mercy extends to all creation . Go, seek him,and you

w ill hear the truth from his mouth ”

(f. Mahanaman was unable , however, to get King Cuddhodana

’

s

permission for the women to go_to the Banyan grove

(doubtless the king suspected their purpose) , but heinterested Mahfrprajapati Gautfimi (S kye-dgulii -belag tokenmo) , the king

’ s wife,in their undertaking

,and she Obtained

the necessary authorisation (f .Mahanaman also persuaded five hundred 2 other Cakyawomen to go with them to the Banyan grove . N ow Mahanaman ’ s wife was young and beautiful

,and she wore much

j ewellery on this occason . As she was approaching the Buddha with the otherwomen, the Buddha

’ s attendant“sawher,and reproved her for wearing such gorgeous apparel . S he

1 Already in the fifth centuryA .D . it was deserted and in ruins .

S ee Fah Hian ,chap. xxii.

2 T his number makes the storylook suspicious . I t reminds us too

much of the episode of B hadrika,

R aivata, Aniruddha , &c . I n fact,every episode relating to the female

members of the order seems a copyof one concerning the bhikshus, and

3 T he text says Ananda, but this

can hardly be if we follow the in

dications Of D . iv . f. 51 and 232,for Ananda was the same age as

R ahula, six years Old, when this

event happened . T hat this is the

commonly received version is ap~

parent from S pence Hardy, Man . ,

p. 24 1, where we are told that

Ananda was ordained “in the

is evidently much more recent than twentieth year after the teacher Of

the former. the three worlds became B uddha,

”

R AT N AVAL I , PR I N CE S S OF CE YLON . 59

gave her j ewellery to a maid- servant who had accompaniedher

,and who was very desirous of hearing the dharma

,and

t old her to take her jewels home (f. but the girlwas so distressed at being deprived of hearing the Buddhapreach

,that she died on the way to the city. S he was

,

however, reborn as the Princess R atnavali (Ma- tig-chan) ,

daughter of the king of Ceylon . Although the latter partof this legend occurred some years later

,it is as well to

reproduce it here,as does the Dulva.

I t happened that some merchants of Cravasti (f.pushed by contrary winds

,came to the island of Ceylon

,

and through them Princess R atnavali heard of the Buddha,

o f his life and his doctrines . S he wrote a letter to theBlessed One (f. asking him for the amrita

,and the

merchants carried it to the Buddha,who was then at Cra

vasti . He,knowing that the princess could be converted,

told the merchants to speak his praise when they shouldreturn thither

,and moreover he decided upon sending the

princess his likeness . T he artists who were called topaint his portrait were unable to do so . T he Buddha toldthem to take a piece of cotton stuff

,and to hold it up be

tween him and the light,and by this means they traced

the outlines of his person,and filled them in with diffe

rent coloured paints (f. Below the portrait he hadwritten the three refuges

,the five prohibitions

,the twelve

nidanas,what was the truth (lugs dang mili tia ) and what

was not the truth , and the holy eightfold way. Above it

which would make Ananda twentyat that time

,the regulation age for

ordination . S ee Dulva i . f . 108 .

I f, on the other hand, we follow the

legend which makes him of the same

a g e as the B uddha, he was a

hundred and twenty when he died ,for he was head Of the church for

forty years after Mahfikacyapa’

s

death. S chiefner, T ib . Lebens, p.

309, says that Ananda was chief ofthe doctrine for forty years, and

passed away when he was e ightyfive . T his cannot be considered as

accurate , for it does not take intoconsideration the time during which

Kacyapa was patriarch, possibly tenor eleven years . Klaproth , Foe

Koue Ki, p. 251, says that Ananda

lived a hundred and thirty years,which would allow five years for

Kacyapa’

s patriarchate , fortyo five

for his own , and would make himthe same age as the B uddha. E d

kins,

op . cit , p. 42, says that

Ananda was sixteen when he was

chosen as the attendant Of the

B uddha.

60 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

were written the two verses,Arise

,commence new life

,

&c. , and“He who leads a life of purity ,

”&c.

1

T he merchants explained to the princess that whosoeverobserved all the rules written on the piece of cloth onwhich was the Buddha’s likeness had found amrita (f.

When the merchants started for their home again,R at

navali gave them three dronas (bushels) of pearls (f .one for the Buddha

,one for the dharma

,and one for the

sangha .

With this legend the account given in the third volumeof the Dulva of the first attempt of the Cakya women tofound a female order of mendicants comes abruptly to anend. We must turn to the eleventh volume , f . 326

“—338 ,

to find the sequel .When the Blessed One had finished preaching to the five

hundredCakya women in the Banyan grove , MahaprajapatiC antami said to the Buddha,

“ I f women could have thefour fruits of the cramana, they would enter the order andstrive for perfection . I beseech the Blessed One to letwomen become bhikshunis, and to live in purity near theBlessed One .

” But he answered her, C antami,wear the

pure white dress of lay-women ; seek to attain perfection ;be pure

,chaste

,and live virtuously

,and you will find a

lasting reward,blessings, and happiness (D . xi . f.

A second and yet a third time she renewed her request inthe same terms , but she only elicited the same answer ; sobowing down

,She left his presence . 2

When the Blessed One had remained at Kapilavastu

as long as suited him,he took up ’his alms-bowl and

1 S ee Csoma, T ib . Gram . , p. 164 , take into consideration the factswhere part Of this episode is trans mentioned in the S outhern versionlated . U danavarga , p. 23. of the first visit to Kapilavastu in

2 I t would be possible to make the first year, and another at the

the S outhern and N orthern versions time Of his father’s death in the

agree , to a certain extent,as to the S ixth. I n our text these two jour

time Of the B uddha’

s life when Gau neys are confounded . T his, however ,

tami entered the order,&c. , if we is Of secondary importance.

T HE B U DDHA ’S FE AR OF WOME N 6 1

cloak and went to the N atika 1 country in Vriji, and

stopped at a place called N akaikundjika (sic) (f.C antami having heard this , S he and the five hundred

Cakya women S haved their heads,put on bhikshuni

’

s

clothing,and followed after him and came to where he

was,wearied , ragged, wayworn, and covered with dust .

When the Buddha had finished preaching to her and hercompanions , she renewed her request to be admitted intothe order

,but she received the same answer as previously

(f. S o she went and sat down outside the entranceOf the house and wept, and there Ananda saw her and

asked her what was the matter. S he told him,and An

anda went to where the Buddha was and renewed Gautami’ s request (f .

“Ananda,”replied the Buddha

,

ask not that women be admitted into the order,that they

be ordained and become bhikshunis, for if women enterthe order the rules of the order will not last long. A11

anda,if in a house there are many women and but few

men,thieves and robbers may break in and steal so will

it be , Ananda, if women enter the order, the rules of theorder will not long be safe .2 Or yet again

,Ananda

,if a

field of sugar- cane is blighted (blsah-nad) , it is worthless ,good for nothing ; so will it be , Ananda, if women enter theorder

,the rules of the order will not last long (f.

However, Ananda, if Cantami accepts the eight followingrules

,She may enter the order — 1st

,T o thoroughly under

stand the nature Of a bhikshuni ; 2d, a bhikshuni beingnear bhikshus , shall be taught every half-month ; 3d, a

bhikshuni shall not pass the season of was in a placewhere there are no bhikshus ; 4th,

a bhikshuni during was

1 Fah Hian , ch. xxi . , speaks of a angry, the spiteful, the hating, thetown called N a -

pi-ka , twelve yojanas ungrate ful, and the venomous one ;

south -east Of Cravasti. T he N atika so likewise there are five kinds of

of our text must have been east of dangerous women—the angry, the

Kapilavastu,whereas that OfFaHian spiteful, the hating, the ungrate ful,was less than a yojana to the west and the venomous women .

”S ee also

of it . p. 152, where Ananda’

s conduct on

2 E lsewhere (Dulva x . f. this occasion is severely reproached

the B uddha says ,“ T here are five by him .

kinds of dangerous serpents—the

62 THE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

shall be sufficiently separated fromthe bhikshus so as notto see and hear them or fear the proximity ; sth, a bhikshuni by words or by reviving recollections shall notdamage the morals of a bhikshu 6th, a bhikshuni shallnot be wrathful

,abusive

,or do anything S inful ; 7th, a

bhikshuni shall confess her S ins to the bhikshus everyfortnight ; 8 th, a bhikshuni, though She has been ordainedsince an hundred years, shall always speak kindly to a

bhikshu,even if he he recently ordained she shall honour

him,rise before him ,

reverence'

him,and bo

'

w down tohim (f . Gautami accepted all these rules

,and so

S he and the other women were received into the order,

and among them was YacOdhara, the Buddha’ s wife .

From here the Blessed One went on to Vaisé‘

tli. 1 I takethe following description of this celebrated city fromDulva iii . f . 80 T here were three districts in Vaisali.

I n the first district were 7000 houses with golden towers,in the middle district were houses with silvertowers

,and in the last district were houses with

copper towers in these lived the upper, the middle, andthe lower classes

,according to their positions .” T he people

Of Vaisé‘

tli (who were the rulers, f. 79) had made a law

that a daughter born in the first district could marry Onlyin the first district

,not in the second or third ; that one

born in the middle district could marry only in the firstand second ; but that one born in the last district couldmarry in any one of the three ; moreover, that no marriagewas to be contracted outside Vaisali.2

T heir chief magistrate was called N ityaka (S aleralpon)(f . and he was elected by the people

,or rather

by the ruling clans Of Licchavis,for the people of the

country were called Vrijians, or inhabitants of the land of

1 S ee S chiefner, T ib . Lebens, p. and abode in the Jetavana vihara268 . Dulva iv. f. 334b says that (f.the B uddha on leaving Kapilavastu

2 I have followed S chiefner’ s transwent to R ajagriha, where Jivaka lation in W . R alston

’

s E nglish ren

cured an abscess on Ananda’s head ; dering Of it. T ibetan T ales, page

and from there he went to Cravasti

‘

H I S T OR Y OF S AKALA . 63

Vriji (Spong-byeol) .1 Vaisali I s I nvari ably described in

the Dulva as a kind of earthly paradise,with its handsome

building's,its parks and gardens

,the singing-birds

,and

continual festivities among the Licchavis. N anda U pananda exclaimed the Chabbaggiyfi. bhikshus when theyvisited Vaisfrli ;

“ the Blessed One never saw the like o fthis, even when he was among the T rayastrimcat devas

(Dulva x . f.S akala (Dam—bu) , a minister of King Virudhaka Of

Videha, had been obliged to flee from his country 011

account of the j ealousy of the other ministers of the king ;so he went to Vaisali together with his two sons

, Gopala

(S a -sleyonq) and S inha (S enq-

ge) . S akala soon became a

prominent citizen in Vaisitli,and after a while he was

elected N ayaka (f . His two sons married at Vaisali,

and S inha had a daughter whom they called Vasavi

(Gos—chan) itwas foretold that S he would hear a son whowould take his father’s life , set the diadem on his ownhead

,and seize the sovereignty for himself. S inha

’

s wifebore him

,moreover

,another daughter, whom they called

U pavé‘

rsavi (N ye-qos-chan) , and the seers declared that shewould bear a son provided with excellent qualitiesGopala was fierce and of great strength, so he ravaged

the parks of the Licchavis . T o restrain him,the popular

assembly (Don-die ts’

oqs) gave him and his brother a parkand thus it is said by the sthaviras in the Sfitras

,

“ T he

Blessed One went out from Vaisali to the sala forest ofGopfila and S inha (f.When S akala died, the people appointed S inha

,his

son N fiyaka and Gopala, S lighted at this, departed fromVaisali and took up his residence at R itjagriha in Magadha

,where he became the first minister of Bimbisara

(f.A little later on King Bimbisara married Vii savi

,

GOpAla’

s niece, and as she was Of a family from Videha,

1 Dulva v . f. 284—288, A jatasatru ravages the territory of V riji, and

it is the Licchavis who defend it.

64‘

T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

she became known as Vaidehi (f. 8 After a while shebore a son

,who

,on account of the prediction made to his

mother,received the name Of Adjatasatru,

or“ the enemy

(while) not (yet) born (Ma - skyes dgra )1(f.

We will farther on have frequent occasion to speak ofthis prince

,who is one Of the prominent personages in

the history of the last . years of the Buddha’ s life .T he history of two other persons from Vaisali who

played an important rOle in this story is told as follows inDulva iii . f. 87—l o7 z— T here lived at Vaisfili a Licchavi

namedMahfinaman . From a kadali tree in an amra grovein his park was born a girl

,lovely to look upon

,perfect

in all parts of her body, and he called her name Amrapali (Amra skyonq

-ma) . When she was grown up,as

there was a law of Vaisitli by which a perfect woman wasnot allowed to marry

,but was reserved for the pleasures

of the people (f. she became a courtesan .

Bimbisara,king of Magadha, heard of her through

Gopala ; he visited her at Vaisali, though he was at

war with the Licchavis,and remained with her seven

days .Amrapali became with child by him ,

and bore him a

son whom she sent to his father. T he boy approachedthe king fearlessly and climbed up to his breast

,which

caused the king to remark,T his boy seems not t o know

fear ; so he was called Abhaya or fearless (f .King Bimbisara ,

who was always longing after strangewomen

,

”had a child by the wife of a merchant of Raja

griha, and the mother had the child left in a chest before the palace gate (f. T he king had the Chestopened, and asked his son Abhaya if the child was living

(j ioa) , so it was called Jivaka ; and having been providedfor by Abhaya

,it was moreover called Kumarabhanda or

Jivaka Kumarabhanda (Hts’

o-byed qdzon-nus-

qsos) .When Abhaya and Jivaka were grown up

,they deemed

1 B urnouf, Lotus (p. 340 and says that the name of Adjatasatru'

s

mother was Crithadra.

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66 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

true and what a lie ? Householder,when he said

,

S he will bring forth a male child,

’ that is true that ‘ hewill be renowned in his family ’ is true

,for ‘ renowned ’

or‘

prakasa’ is a man ’ s name ; but it is this child

’ s lotto be burnt up in his house a short time after his birth .

T hat ‘ he will enjoy the pleasures o f gods and men isa lie

,for there are but few there are none) men who

enj oy the pleasures of gods and men,or who ever see

the gods . T hat he will enter the priesthood of myorder ’ is true

,for when he is without food or raiment

he will certainly be a member of the Cramana Gautama’ sorder. T hat ‘ he will cast Off all the miseries of sin and

become an arhat is a lie,for the Cramana Gautama

himself has not cast off all the miseries'

of sin and become an arhat ; how much less then can one of hisdisciplesS ubhadra was greatly distressed at this, and asked what

he must do . “Householder,

” the N irgrantha replied ,“enter

only our order,and by learning our precepts you will find

wisdom,

”and with that he departed .

(After this S ubhadra tried to bring on an abortion,but

being unable to do so,he took his wife into the woods

,where

she died,and his servants and friends came and put the

corpse on a bier and carried it to the Citavana cemetery . )T he N irgranthas, on hearing all this

,were greatly de

lighted ; so they erected canopies, flags,and streamers ,

and went about saying to every one in the streets,the

lanes,and in the cross -roads of Rajagriha,

Listen,sir; the

Cramana Gautama prophesied that S ubhadra’s wife wouldbring forth a male child , &c. (as above) ; and now she isdead , and they are carrying her to the CitavanaT wo young men ,

one a believing kshatriya,the other an

unbelieving brahman,were out walking

,and the brahman

told the news to his companion ; but the kshatriya youth ,who did not think the words of the Blessed One could beuntrue

,answered him in this verse

B I R TH OF f YOT I SHKA . 67

T he moon with all the stars may fall to earth

T his earth, its hills and forests, may reach the SkyT he waters of the mighty deep may all dry up,

B ut by no chance can the m ighty R ishi tell a lie.

S ubhadra having had firewood made ready,put his

wife ’ s remains on it and set fire to the pyre . When all

her body had been consumed there still remained as itwere a ball o f flesh , which burst open, a lotus appeared

,

and 10 ! in the centre of the lotus was a child,beautiful

and of pleasing appearance .All the vast multitude saw this

,and exceeding great

was the ir astonishment,but the N irgranthas suffered in

their might,in their pride

,in their haughtiness .

T he Blessed One said to S ubhadra, Householder,take

your child but he looked at the N irgranthas, who said ,N o one has ever entered a roaring fire without beingburnt to death so he would not take the child .

T hen the Blessed One said to Jivaka,D octor

,take the

child .

”He

,thinking the Blessed One would not bid one

do what was impossible, entered the fire without hesitationand took the child . T hen it went from mouth to mouth

,

“At the Conqueror’ s bidding he entered the flames ; hetook the child in the fire ; by the Conqueror

’

s might thefire harmed him not !”

T he Buddha said to Subhadra, “Householder, take thischild

.

” But he,putting his trust in false doctrines

,would

not take it,and turned to the N irgranthas, who said,

Householder, it is undeniable that this thing will beburnt by fire ; if you take it to your house, your dwellingwill burn

,and you will lose your life .

”S o he, thinking

that his own preservation was of paramount importance,left the child .

T hen the Blessed One said to Crenika Bimbisara, kingof Magadha, Mahé

’

rrfija, take the child ; and he, filledwith the deepest respect for the Buddha, held out hishands and took it.

68 THE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA.

He asked the Buddha what name it ought to receive .Maharaja,

”answered the Buddha

,as this child has been

born from out the fire , let it be called Jyotishka (Me skyes)or Born of the fire (jyotis) .

(Bimbisara had the boy reared with every care,but

finally the father was persuaded by his brother- in- law totake his child . )According to universal custom

,as long as the father

lived the son ’ s name was not mentioned, but after a whilethe householder S ubhadra died , and young Jyotishkabecame the head of the house . Filled with faith in theBuddha

,he sought his re fuge in the dharma

,the sangha

,

and the Buddha. He had a vihara built on the spotwhere he had been (preserved from) the death that

(awaited him at the hands of) S ubhadra. He fitted it upwith everything of the most perfect des cription,

and gavealms to the clergy of the whole world . T herefore is itsaid in the sfitranta of the sthaviras

,

“ T he Blessed Onewas stopping at R itjagriha, in the Arama of the

‘rubbed

S ide (I lka mnyed—pai ts’

a l) .N ow the agents of S ubhadra in foreign parts heard Of

his death , and that Jyotishka had become head of thehouse

,also that he was a firm believer in the Buddha

,the

dharma, and the sangha . On hearing this they tOOk an

alms-bowl of sandal-wood,which they decorated with jewelsand sent it to Jyotishka. He had it put on the end of along pole , with this notice appendent, N 0 one may havethis by using a ladder, steps , or a hook (to reach it) , butwhatever cramana or brahmana can get it by using onlymagical or supe rhuman means S hall have whatever hewishes . ” 1

S ome tirthikas came along, after washing on the riverbank, and saw this, so they asked the householder whatit was there for. When he had explained it

,they said

,

Householder, you are a believer in the Cakyaputra1 Comp. B igandet, op . cit , vol. i. p. 212 ci seq. .

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70 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

But those fish which seem to move about ?they are made to move by machinery.

” 1

T he king could not believe it, so he threw down a ring ;and when he heard the noise it made on striking the floor,great was his amazement .T hen he entered the room and sat down on a throne .

When the women came and bowed down at his feet,they

had tears in their eyes . T he king asked,

“Why are the

women crying ? ” S ire , answered Jyotishka, theyare not weeping (in grief) ;

’ tis the smoke from the woodin the artificial sun which brings tears to their eyes

(lhai -na -bzah-Za sli inq-

qi dud-

pai dri dqah—bas) .

2

Here we will leave Jyotishka for the time being . T he

end of his history will find place in the latter part of ournarrative , after Adjatasutra had begun to reign .

Campa,which was a part

!

of the kingdom of Magadha,

and where the Buddha made frequent excursions,was the

birthplace of the two following heroes,whose stories have

been preserved to us in the third and fourth volumes o fthe Dulva .

Mrigadhara (R i -days hdzin) , first minister of Prasenadjitof Kosala

,had seven sons

,the youngest o f which was

called V isakha (S a -

qa) , whom he married to V isakha (S a

qa-ma ) , the daughter of B alamitra (S iobs-kyi bshes-qnyen) ,

an illegitimate son of King Aranemi B rahmadatta,who

was living at Campa,where he had been exiled (f.

S he soon became celebrate d for her intelligence,cleverness

,

and wisdom (f . 1 15 which was so great that her

1 T here are several other stories N epalese princess, wife of the T ibe

in the Dulva about mechanical de

vices one is given p. 108 . S ee also

Dulva xi. f. 166, the story of the

elephant which a mechanic made

for B harata,minister of King

T chanda Pradyota . T he same storyoccurs in R odger

’

s B uddhaghosha’

s

Parables, p. 39, and S chiefner, Mem .

de l’

Acad. de S t . Petersb . , xxii. N O .

7, p. 36. I n the Mongol historyentitled B odhimur (S chmidt, S anang S etsen , p. we read of the

tan king S rong-btsan-sgam-

po, building a temple on Mount Potala

, at

Lhasa,in which was also a crystal

floor. T he king was also deluded

when he first saw it . T he whole

passage Of the B odhimur seems to

be a copy of our text .2 T aken from the Jyotishka

Avadana,Dulva x . f. 17—38 . T he

S anskrit text is in the Divya Ava

dana. S ee B urnouf, I ntrod. al

’

Hist .du B uddh. , p. 199.

VI S AKHA ’

S S ON S . 71

father-in-law asked permission of the Buddha to call herhis mother (f. and so she is called in Buddhistlegends Visakha

,the mother of Mrigadhara.

”

Likewise,

King Prasenadjit was so faithfully nursed by her in a

severe illness that he called her his sister. S he built avihara near Cravasti, in what had formerly been a park

,

and made it over to the clergy. T herefore it is said in theSfitranta of the sthaviras, T he Blessed One was residingat Cravasti, in the vihara of Mrigadhara

’

s mother, Visakha,

in what had been a park (pdrvdrama) ?At another time Visfikhabrought forth thirty- two eggs

,

which S he placed in cotton, each in a separate box, on theBuddha’ s advice, and on the seventh day thirty-two sonscame forth

,who all grew up to be sturdy

,very strong

,

overcomers of strength (f . T hey once had a

quarrel with the purohita’

s son,so he sought means to get

rid of them . T he hillmen had defeated the king ’s troopsseven times (f. Visfikhé

’

s sons were sent againstthem

,but they defeated the hillmen

,took from them

hostages and tribute,and came back . T hen the purohita

tried to make the king destroy them ,for they were

dangerous to his power,S O strong were they. T he king

therefore invited them to a feast,and there he drugged

them,and while stupefied he had their heads cut off

(f. which he sent in a basket to their mother,who

was then entertaining . the Buddha and his disciples .T he Buddha consoled her by telling her of the evil deedswhich her sons had committed in a former existence . 1At about the same time as the previous events were

taking place , there lived also at Campa a rich householder.

named Potala 2 GTuT -hdzin) , to'

whom a son was bornwhile he was on a trip to Rajagriha. A person ran to thehouseholder and told him that he had a son . S O great was

1 S ee also S chi efner, T ibetan take for gro-dzin Crona . T he

T ales , p. 1 10 ci seq. Fah Hian following story is taken from Dulva

p. 78, where she is called iv. f . 314—325. Cf. the Pali versionV isakha-matawi. in Mahavagga , v . 1, and S fitra in

2 I t is probable that this is a mis Forty-two S ections, sect. 33.

72 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

his delight that he made the messenger repeat the newsthree times

,and would have had him repeat it again

,but

the man thought he was laughing at him, and would notspeak . T he householder told him that he wasmistaken

,and

that for every time he had told him he would fill his mouthonce with gold . Moreover he sent word to his treasurerto distribute twenty kotis of gold to celebrate the event.As the child had been born under the constellation Orona

(Gro-dzin) , he was called Crona-twenty-kotis,” or Grena

oimgatikoti . On the soles of his feet were tufts of goldencoloured hair four fingers long (f. T he Buddhadesiring to convert him

,sent Maudgalyayana to him ,

whoappeared to him in the orb Of the sun, and talked to himof the Buddha . Cronavimcatikoti filled his bowl withfood of extraordinary fragrance

,and this he carried back

to the Buddha in the Kalantaka bamboo grove . Justthen King Bimbisara came to visit the Buddha, and

smelling the sweet odour,he asked from whence the food

came . T he Buddha told him that it wa s from his ownland of Campa

,and related the young man’s history. T he

king decided to go and see this wonder, but the people ofCampa, fearing that the king

’s visit would be dangerousfor them

,sent him word that the young man wouldcome

to Rajagriha . As he was not accustomed to walk,they

prepared for him a boat in which he could journey to thecapital of Magadha (f.T he king came down to the Ganges

,and had dug a

canal from there to the capital,by which means the boat

was brought to Rajagriha amid great rej oicing . T he

king having asked the young man if he had ever seen theBuddha

,learnt that he had not, so they went together to

the Bamboo grove , and there Cronavimcatikoti was converted and became a bhikshu (f.After that he retired to the Citavana cemetery of

R itjagriha, and gave himself up to the rudest penances,

but it did not bring him the passionlessness he sought .T he Buddha called him to him and asked why he had

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74 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

ductory passage of this story, though I have found nomention Of this event in the Vinaya T he Blessed Onewas teaching his doctrine to the multitude in the city ofVaranasi

,when perceiving that the time for the conver

sion of Udayana (T cha T -byed) , king of Vadsala (Kaucambi had arrived“

,he

,together with his disciples

,

departed for the Vadsala country .

Udayana,king of Vadsala

,had as sembled his army

w ith the intention of conquering the city of Kanakavati

(GseT - ehan) , when , seeing the Blessed One approaching,

he exclaimed in anger, All such messengers of bad luckmust be put to death ! ’ and with that he took a sharparrow and shot it at the Blessed One . As it flew throughthe air these words were heard

From malice is misery brought forth.

He who here gives up to strife and quarrels,Hereafter will experience the misery of hell.

Put then away malice and quarrelling.

When the king heard these words,he became submissive

to the Blessed One, and with clasped hands he sat downnear the Buddha, who preached to him on giving up strifeand quarrelling, on conquering, not human enemies, butegotism

,that great and mighty foe . ‘ Let discernment

(T nam- T iog) be your sword ; faith, charity, and moralityyour fort ; virtue your army, and patience your armour.

Let diligence be your spear, meditation the how you bend ,and detachment the arrow.

’ 1

While the Blessed One was once stopping at Kapilavastu in the Banyan grove,2 the steward of the CakyaMahanaman died , and he appointed a young brahman inhis stead steward of the hill-people . D esirous to possessthis world ’ s good and not to see his race .die out

,this

1 T his is the substance of his ser fore the end of the B uddha’

s life .

mon , not a literal translation . I only give the general outlines of2 T his must have been in the the story, which is too long to be

early part Of his m inistry, for, as we given here in extenso. I t is takenwill see

,Malliké

‘

r’s son V irudhaka from Dulva x . f. 12 1—134.

had reached man’

s estate long be

THE S T OR Y OF MALL I KA. 75

brahman married a woman of the same caste as his own,

who after a while bore him a daughter,whom they named

T chandra Zla—ba ) .S he grew up to be shrewd and well-bred

,and her pretty

face gained the hearts of all the hill-people . After a

while her father died,and the hill-people went and told

Mahfiné’

rman of his death .

“ S irs,

” he inquired,

“had hecollected the taxes and dues ?

Lord,he had certainly collected

'

the greater part ofthem , but he used it to procure remedies for his cough .

He did not recover, however, and he even made other loansbesides

,so that to-day the little he has left belongs to his

creditors . But he had'

a house,a son and daughter

,and

the latter is shrewd and good-looking, a favourite amongthe hill-people .”

S o Mahénfrman took the daughter into his house . His

wife was old,and it was her duty to cook the food and to

gather flowers . T hen she said,

“My lord , I am very old,

and my hands are unable to accomplish both my tasks,

so I pray thee let T chandra help me .

”T o this he con

sented,and the old woman said,

“ T chandra, go to thegarden and gather the flowers while I cook the food .

”

Mahi‘

mfiman was S O well pleased with the way in whichshe made the wreaths that he changed her name to

Mallika (Phreng- chan) , or“ the wreath girl .

N ow it happened that one day Mall ika had gone intothe garden with her food , and just then the Blessed Onepassed that way collecting alms . Mallika was greatlystruck with his beautiful appearance, and wished to givehim her food, but she felt so poor that she held back,hesitating . He

,knowing her heart, held out his bowl ,

and she put her Offering in it, wishing the while,“May

this make me some day to be no longer a slave or poor.

”

One day Prasenadjit, king of Kosala, carried away byhis horse in the heat of the chase , came to Kapilavastu

alone,and wandering here and there, he came to Mahfinft

76 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

man’s garden . T here he saw Mallika.

“Maiden,

”he

said, “whose garden is this 7”

“ I t i s the Cakya Mahanaman’ s . ’

He got off his horse and said,

“B ring me some waterto wash my feet. ”

A little while after he said , Maiden,bring me water to

wash my face .” T hen she, pushing away with her hand ‘

the surface water,took water which was neither too warm

nor too cold,and with that he washed his face .

Again he said,

“Maiden, bring me some drinkingwater.

”

T hen mixing 1 the water thoroughly,she took

cool water in a leaf cup and gave it to the king. Whenhe had drunk it he asked Mallika, Young girl

,are there

three different pools in this garden that thou hast broughtme three kinds of water ? ”

T hen she explained what she had done,and Prasenadj i t

praised her shrewdness . After that he requested her torub his feet with a towel

,and she willingly complied

,but

scarcely had she touched his feet when he fell asleep .

Mallika thought,“ T hese kings have many enemies . I f

any one should harm him while thus asleep , it would be aslur on my master’ s reputation

,so I will close the gate .”

Hardly had she done so when she heard cries of Openfrom a crowd of men who wanted to get in, but sheopened not the gate ; and the king awakening

,asked

what was the matter. When he heard why Mallika hadclosed the gate

,he admired still more her shrewdness and

wisdom .

Having found out who she was,he went to Mahfinfiman

,

and asked him for the girl to make her his wife . Mahitné

‘

tman consented,so the king took her with him in great

state to Cravasti.2

N ow Prasenadj i t’

s mother was displeased that her son

had married a servant-girl of humble birth . But whenMallika went to salute her and took hold of her feet,1 My translation is conjectural . derived from klong, a wave .

T he text is tchu Imam-

par glongs2 Cf. Huen T hsang, B . vi. p.

nas. I think that glonqs may be 317.

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78 T HE L I FE OF THE .B U DDHA .

T he elders seeing them,asked them where they were

going.

“Virudhaka is in our park , and we are going to killhim ! ” they cried .

“Young men,

” the old Cakyas replied ,“you are over

hasty ; resent not his wickedness and turn back .

”And

the young men obeyed them;Virudhaka, who had heard them, went after his troops

(who had accompanied him in the chase) and returning,

he introduced them into the park .

T hen the keeper of the park went and told the Cakyas,S irs

,Virudhaka has entered the park with all his troops .

I t is not right to let the park be spoiled by dirty elephantsand horses .”

T he Cakyas , greatly exasperated, and disregarding thewords of their elders , started out to kill Virudhaka. Buthe

,hearing that the Cakyas of Kapilavastu were coming

to kill him,said to one of his men

,I am going to hide

(with all the troops) ; if the Cakyas ask you anythingabout me

,tell them that I have gone away .

S O the Cakyas came to the park , and not seeing Virudhaka

,they asked the man

,Where is that son of a slave 7”

“He has run away,

” he answered them .

T hen some of them cried , “ I f we had found him wewould have cut off his hands ; others said , “We wouldhave cut off his feet ;

” others would have killed him .

But S ince he has run away, what can we do ?S o they decided to have the park purified .

“Clean upthe park

,

” they said to the workmen ;“and wherever this

son of a slave has been , clean it and sprinkle fresh earth

(over his footprints) . Whatever part of the walls he hashad hold of, plaster it over and make it new. T ake milkand water and sprinkle it about, and also scented water ;strew about perfumes and flowers of the sweetest kind .

”

N ow Virudhaka’

s man,who had heard all this

,went

and told him what the Cakyas had said . Virudhaka was

greatly incensed, and exclaimed,“Gentlemen

,when my

THE VI CT OR Y OF VA I S AL I . 79

father is dead and I am king,my first act will be to put

these Cakyas to death . Promise me that you will giveme your support in this undertaking .

”

All those present promised,and Ambt

‘

trisha said,

Prince, you must certainly do as you have resolved,

(and remember) the virtuous man is steadfast in what isright. ”

And from that time he sought means to take possessionof the throne of Kosala.

S hortly before the Buddha’ s death Virudhaka ascendedthe throne and executed his plan against the Cakyas, aswill be seen in the next chapter (p . 1 16 ci seq. )N ot wishing to reproduce in this narrative those legendswhich have already been translated from T ibetan into anyE uropean language

,I will devote but a few lines to one

of the most celebrated victories of the Buddha, viz.

,the

one he gained over the six brahmanical teachers assembledat Vaisali. T his important event took place in the earlypart of the Buddha’ s public life, most likely in the sixteenth year of his ministry .

Buddhist works mention six principal philosophicalmasters who were the chie f opponents of the Buddha .

T heir names are frequently met with in T ibetan works

(Dulva iv. f . 14 1, 409 , et seq. ) T hey were Pfirna-Kacyapa,

(Maskari) -Gocala, S anjaya son of Vairati, Aj ita-Kecakam

bala,Kakuda-Katyayana, and N irgrantha son of Jnata.

We will have occasion , in speaking of the conversion ofKing Adjatasatru,

to mention their principal theories ;for the moment we will content ourselves with mentioning that they all claimed to be great magicians, and as

they felt that the Buddha was depriving them of theirpopularity

,they decided to have a public trial, which

would establish their supernatural powers and their superiority over the Cramana Gautama. Prasenadjit, king ofKosala

,had everything made ready (Dulva xi . f. 239) in a

place between Cravasti and Jetavana ; the Buddha performed such wonderful feats (f. 24 1- 249) that the tirthikas

80 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

dared not Show their inferiority,so they fled in dismay 1

(f. T he most prominent Of these S ix was Pfirna

Kitqyapa, a man who went naked in the villages beforeall the world ” (f . When his disciples asked him

,

Master,tell us what is the truth ”

(tattva) , he told someof them

,

“T he truth is that this world is eternal .” T o

others he said,“ I t is not eternal . ” T o others

,

“ I t iseternal and perishable . T o others

,

“ I t is neither eternalnor perishable .” T o others

,

“T he finite and the infiniteexist.” “ T here is no finite

,no infinite .” “Vitality (srog)

and the body are one . Vitality and the body are separate .On departing this life there is a hereafter. T here isnot . T here is and there is not . T he truth is that ondeparting this life there is a hereafter and there is nohereafter. T he other (teachers) are fools ; and withthese and similar reasons he upset their minds 2 (f .He could no longer reason , so with wandering mind healso ran away. As he went along he met a eunuch

,

who recognised him and said , Whence comest thou, thuscrestfallen

,like a ram with broken horns ? I gnorant

though thou art of the truth (taught by) the Cakya,thou wanderest about without S hame like an ass .

”T hen

Pfi rna-Kacyapa told him that he was seeking a lovelypool full of cool water

,in which he wished to clean him

self of the dirt and dust of the road . When the eunuchhad pointed it out to him ,

he went there , and fasteningaround his neck a jar full of sand, he threw himself intothe water and was drowned .

3

After defeating the tirthikas the Buddha vanished fromamidst his disciples and went to the T rayastrimcat heaven ,where

,seated on a slab of white stone in a beautiful grove

1 Cf. B igandet, vol. i. p. 2 15 et seq. teaching of Kacyapa , but only whatHe places the contest Of B uddha he said when his mind was troubled

with the heretics immediately after by his defeat. For Pfirna -Kacyathe story Of Dacabala Kacyapa and pa

’s doctrines

,see p. 100 .

Jyotishka ’

s jewelled bowl,see p. 69 .

3 For a full account of the B ud

Huen T hsang ,B . vi . p. 304 , says dha

’

s m iracles and the subsequent

that the B uddha converted the events, see Dulva xi. f. 230—252, alsoheretics . D er Weise und der T hor, ,chap. xiii. ,

2 I do not think that this is and B urnouf, I ntr. e. l’Hist . , p. 162

intended to illustrate the habitual ci seq.

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82 THE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

sent her away,and the Buddha told his disciples the story

of S usroni. 1

T here lived at about that time in Koeala a celebratedbrahman called Pfi shkarasarin (Padma snying

-

po, in PftliPokkharascidi) , who had a very learned disciple calledAppriya (7Ma -sdag) . Hearing that the Blessed One wasat Cravasti, he sent Appriya to him to see if the reportsconcerning the Buddha’ s learning were really true .S o Appriya came and entered into conversation with

the Buddha,who compared the different occupations of

cramanas and brahmanas with what their occupationsought to be (see B rahmajala S fi tra) , and asked him manyof the questions contained in the sermon known in thePfi li version as the T evidja S fitra, or

“On the Knowledgeof the Vedas .” Appriya returned to Pushkarasarin,

and

told him that the cramana Gautama was worthy of all thepraise bestowed on him ,

and he repeated the conversationhe had had with him . S o greatly was the master enragedwith the way in which his messenger had behaved that hehit Appriya on the head with his shoe (f . and then andthere he decided to go see the Buddha himself . He droveto where the Buddha was, taking with him a supply ofpure food

,and he found him attended by Ananda

,who

was fanning him .

T he Buddha soon remarked how devoured he was bypride

,for he wanted to fix the ceremonial that should be

used when he and the Buddha met , s o he sought to dispelit. He talked to him of charity

,of morality

,&c . When

he saw that he had gladdened , incited , rej oiced him ,that

his mind was free from Obstacles , intent, that it was prepared to receive the highest truths , then he explained thehighest truths, namely, suffering, the cause Of suffering

,

the cessation of suffering, the path . Just as a clean cloth,

1 S ee for the descent from heaven,seq. T his translation of S chiefner

’s

Dulva xi. f. 308 315 and for the is not, however, literal. Conf. alsostory Of S usroni (in T ib . S ho shum Fah -Hian , p. 62 ; andHinen T hsang,pa ) , Dulva xi . f. 3 16—325 and B . iv. p. 237.

S chiefner’

s T ibetan T ales, p. 227 et

D E VADAT TA’S WI CKE D N E S S . 83

free from black spots and ready for dyeing,takes the colour

when put in the dye,thus the brahman Pushkarasarin

while sitting there discerned the four blessed truths ofsuffering, the cause o f suffering, the cessation of suffering

,

the path (f . T hen the brahman Pushkarasarinhaving seen the truth, having found the truth, having discerned the truth, having fully mastered the truth, havingpenetrated the whole depth of the truth

,having crossed

over beyond uncertainty,having dispelled all doubts

,de

pendent on the favour of no one else (f. not havingfound it by another

,having found the incontrovertible

doctrines in the teaching of the Master,rose from his seat

,

and throwing his cloak over one shoulder,turned with

clasped hands to the Blessed One, and said to the BlessedOne

,

“Lord,glorious

,truly glorious ! Lord

,I take my

refuge in the Buddha,in the dharma ; I take my refuge in

the fraternity of bhikshus may I be received among thelay followers . From this day forth , while life lasts, I takemy refuge and I put my trust (in them)

” 1

We have seen (p . 54) that D evadatta and quite a number of Cakyas had been made to enter the order muchagainst their will when the Buddha visited Kapilavastu

in the sixth year of his ministry. D evadatta was theleader of this dissatisfied portion of the fraternity, and hisname became in later times synonymous with everythingthat is bad

,the obj ect of the hatred of all believers . We

read in Dulva iv. f. 453, that while the Blessed One wasat Cravasti, D evadatta started for Kapilavastu with theintention of stealing COpfi, the Buddha

’ s wife . He cameup to her and took her hand, but she gave it such a

squeeze that the blood spurted out, and then she threwhim from the terrace where they were standing into theB odhisattva’ s pleasure pond . T he Cakyas heard the noise

1 T his passage , which is continu ever it was possible, S O that the com

ally repe ated in the Dulva , is repro parison m ight be made by those

duced to Show how exactly the T i who cannot avail themselves Of thebetan text and the PAHagree . I have original texts.

used R hys Davids ’ expressions wher

84 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

of his falling . When they found out that Devadatta

had penetrated into the inner apartments of the B odhisattva

,

1and had tried to seduce his wife , they wanted to

put him to death ; but they remembered that the Buddhahad once predicted that D evadatta would inevitably fallinto hell

,so they let him go .

Another time,while the Blessed One was stopping at

R itjagriha at the Kalantaka nivfisa Bamboo grove,there

was a dire famine,and it became difficult to get alms . S o

the bhikshus who had magical powers,and who knew the

country called Jambudvipa (or the island of Jambu) , usedto go there and fill their alms-bowls with delicious jambu

,

myrobolan,or vilva fruits

,and bring them back and divide

them with the other bhikshus . Others would go to Purvavideha

,or to Aparagaudani, or to U ttarakuru,

wherethey would fill their alms-bowls with the wild rice whichgrew there

,and with this they lived

,dividing what was

left over with the fraternity of bhikshus or they wouldgo to the four Lokapalitas heaven ,

to the T rayastrimcat devas ’ heaven , and fill their alms-bowls with nectar

(amrita) ; or yet again they would go to distant countrieswhere there was prosperity and plenty and fill their almsbowls with all kinds of savoury viands, with which theylived in plenty

,dividing what was left over amorig the

bhikshus .T hen D evadatta thought that it would be a great thing

for him to be able to do like these bhikshus with magicalpowers . S o he went to where the Blessed One was,and asked him to teach him magic . But the Buddha,

vadatta’

s death,which took place

when Adjatasatru was kingduring the last five years of the

1 T he use of the term B odhisattva

in this legend, and in another (Dulvaiv. f. 454 ) which we will have occa

sion to relate farther on, seem s to B uddha’

s life) . On the other hand,

imply that the B uddha had not

reached enlightenment at the time

when it took place , or, at all e vents,that his wives were not aware of it.

I n the legend of f. 454, Y aq hara

is the heroine , and the story is said

to have occurred shortly before De

we have learnt (p. 57) that Y acO

dhara became a bhikshuni . I t is

impossible to make these differentaccounts agree , but the legend

is interesting as illustrative of the

B uddhist ideas Of the characters of

the B uddha’

s wives .

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6 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

(makara) . T hrough the might o f the great magicalpowers he had acquired he could give to himself thesplendour of the sun and moon .

T hen he thought, I f I could get the greatest personin the land of Magadha to become my disciple , thecommon of mortals would follow his example withoutany difficulty.

”T hen he thought of Prince Adjatasatru,

who would be the ruler of the kingdom at his father’ sdeath ; so transforming himself into an elephant

,he en

tered the front door of Prince Adjatasatru’

s house and

went out by the wicket,and having entered by the wicket

,

he came out by the front door. After that he trans formedhimself into a horse

,into a bhikshu

,and passed before

him in the same manner,Prince Adjatasatru thinking the

while,

“Why,this is the venerable D evadatta !

”T hen

he transformed himself into a golden necklace ; encirclingthe prince ’ s neck

,he fell into his bosom

,entwined him

self around his person,&c. ,

and he knew that Adjatasatruthought

,

“Why,this is the venerable Devadatta Why,

there is no greater teacher than the venerable (ayuchma t)D evadatta great are his magical powers S o the princebelieved in him ; and after that each morning he would gowith five hundred chariots

,and would give him and his

friends five hundred bowls full of different kinds of'

food,

on which Devadatta and his five hundred adherents didfeast .1

Devadatta became so infatuated with the gifts and

honours which Adjatasatru was lavishing on him that hesaid to himself, T he Blessed One is getting old and

decrepit,and it wearies him to exhort the bhikshus and

lay followers, both male and female . What if the BlessedOne turned over the direction of the congregation to me 7

I will guide them,and in the meanwhile the Blessed One

will be able to live in comfort,without any pre- occupa

tion . Hardly had he conceived this idea but his magical

1 Dulva v . f. 430—439. S ee also Dulva iv. f. 249—255; cont. S penceHardy, Manual, p. 327 et seq.

D E VADAT T A’S R E FOR MAT I ON . 87

powers commenced decreasing, and finally left “ him en

tirely,although he knew it not . But Maudgalyayana

was informed of the fact by a deva from the Brahmaloka 1

(who had been the son of Kaundinya) , so he went andinformed the Buddha j ust as Devadatta was coming tomake him the above-mentioned proposition. When theBlessed One heard him he replied

,T hou fool ! thinkest

thou that I will commit the care of the congregation toan eater of filth and S pittle like thou dang t a -ba

mtchil-ma za-ba) , when I do not intrust i t to virtuousmen like Cariputra or Maudgalyayana

7”

D evadatta was indignant with the Blessed One ; hewas provoked and dissatisfied

,so he S hook his head thre e

times,and with the words

,

“Let us abide our time,he

went out of the presence of the Blessed One.

2 I t was

probably after the preceding events that Devadattabrought about the first s chism in the Buddhist order ofwhich we have any record . T he five rules which seem tohave been the distinguishing features of his reformationare given as follows in Dulva iv. f . 453 saidD evadatta to his hearers , T he cramana Gautamamakes use of curds and milk ; henceforth we will notmake use of them

,because by S O doing one harms calves .

T he cramana Gautama makes use of meat ; butwe will not use it , because, if one does , living creaturesare killed .

3 T he cramana Gautama makes use ofsalt but we will not use it, because it is produced from a

mass of sweat (a a l !shred-nets byimq) . T he cramana

Gautama wears gowns with cut fringes ; but we will weargowns with long fringes

,because by his practice the

skilful work of the weavers is destroyed . T he (gra

mana Gautama lives in the wilds ; but we will live in1 S pence Hardy (op . cit , p. 328 ) prepared for the bhikshu, if it bad

calls him Kakudha . apparently been prepared for him,

2 Dulva v . f. 436-

439, and Dulva or if it was presumable from Circum

iv. f. 256—258 . stances that it had been prepared

3 T he B uddha allowed the use Of in his intention:

S ee Dulva iii.meat , but it was not lawful to make f. 38 . On the third rule see Wassi

use Of it if it had evidently been lief, B uddh. , p. 56.

8 8 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

villages, because by his practice men cannot performworks of charity 1

When the Buddha was about fifty years old,

2 he saidto the bhikshus

,

“Bhikshus,I am bent down with age

and infirmities, and worn out through giving counsel tomy followers ; you must appoint a bhikshu who willattend to my wants .”

Kaundinya asked to become his attendant, but theBuddha told him that he was too Old and would requirean attendant himself. Acvadjit, S ubahu,

and all the othergreat sthaviras asked for this place

,but he told them that

they were all too old . T hen Maudgalyayana bethoughthim that Ananda would be a fit person and acceptable tothe Lord ; so he took Cariputra with him and went and

asked Ananda if he would accept this most honourableplace . Ananda at first refused

,

“ for,he said

,

“ it is a

difficult matter to wait on a Buddha. As it is difficult to approach a mighty sixty-year- old elephant of theMittanga (forest) , stron g with great curved tusks and

o ,

deep- set chest,revelling in the fight

,when he is ready

for the fray,S O i s it difficult to serve the Blessed Buddha

and to attend on him therefore,venerable Cariputra,

choose me not as the Blessed One ’s attendant.”

Finally he consented,but on three conditions T hat

he should never have to partake of the Blessed One ’ s food ,use his underclothes (smacl qyoqs) , or his cloak ; T hathe S hould not have to accompany the Blessed One whenhe went to a layman’ s house ; T hat he might at any

time see and revere the Blessed One. T he Buddha agreedto these conditions

,and from that day on Ananda became

his inseparable attendant,and was the foremost among

those who heard much,who understood what they heard

,

who remembered what they had heard .

3

1 S ee also U danavarga, p. 204 , means . Cf. S pence Hardy, Manual,where the third rule is still less in p.

338 .

telligible , but m ight be rendered S ee S pence Hardy, Manua l,

“ because it is produced from the p. 24 1.

semen ofMahesvara,

”whatever that 3 S ee Dulva iv. f. 240—243.

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90 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA ,

life by shooting an arrow at him ,but he failed in the

attempt . When the Buddha heard of this he laid all theblame on D evadatta, and he told the Bhikshus the storyof the guilty dogs (D . iv. f. of the grateful animals

(f. 333—33 and of the ichneumon,the snake

,and the

mouse (f. 335Bimbisara having found out that Adjatasatru

’

s Objectwas to become king, made him viceroy of Campa, and

there he and D evadatta gave themselves up to plunderingthe people

,so that they complained to the king.

Bimbisara imagining that if his son’ s domains werevaster he would be less rapacious

,gave him the whole of

Magadha, with the exception of his capital, Rajagriha ; buteven this did not arrest his exactions . T hen the kingrelinquished also R itjagriha, only reserving his treasures ;but as Devadatta suggested to Adjatasatru that the realsovereign was the one who had the treasures , he prevailedon the king to relinquish these also . Bimbisara complied

,but at the same time he implored his son to give

up his wicked associate Devadatta . E xasperated at this,

Adjatasatru had his father cast in prison, there to die ofhunger ; but Q ueen Vaidehi, the only person admitted tosee him

,brought him food in a bowl . Adjutasatru heard

of this through the jailers,and forbade the Q ueen doing so

on pain of death . T hen Vaidehi had her body anointedwith a quantity of nutritious powders

,and filled her ankle

rings with water ; by this means She kept the king alive .T his device was also found out

,and she was no longer

allowed to visit the king . T hen the Bles sed One walkedon the Vulture’ s Peak, in a place where Bimbisara couldsee him from his window,

and the joy that this gave himkept him alive . Adjatasatru found this out, and had thewindow walled up and the soles of his father’ s feets carified.

T he Blessed One then sent Maudgalyayana, who entered

1 All Of these stories have been translated in S chiefner’

s T ibetan

T ales .

D E ATH OF B I MB I S AR A . 91

the prison through his magical power,and comforted the

king with the assurance that he would come to life againin the region of the four great kings .I t happened that at that time U dayibhadra, son of

Adjatasatru,had a gathering on his finger

,which made

him cry, though his father took him in his arms and

kissed him. T hen Adjatasatru put the finger in hismouth and sucked it

,which broke the sore and relieved

him . Just then Vaidehi came in,and seeing what Adja

tasatru was doing, she told him that his father had oncedone the same thing for him . Great was the king’ s distress at the way he had treated his father, and he wishedthat he were still living.

“Ah !” he cried

,

“ if any onecould tell me that the old king was alive I would givehim my kingdom ! A great crowd rushed to the prisonwith shouts of j oy

,but when Bimbisara heard them

,he

thought that they were going to inflict some new tortureon him

,so

,filled with terror

,he heaved a deep sigh and

passed away .

1

According to the Li-yul-gyi lo-rgyus pa, f. 429“(see p .

23 Adjatasatru became king of Magadha five years beforethe Buddha’ s death

,but this is a very little time for the

accomplishment of all the events enumerated in the nextchapter. T he S outhern recension 2 says that it was eightyears after Adjatasatru

’

s coronation that the Buddha died .

T his is a little better,though still a very short period .

1 Dulva iv. f . 336—341. Conf. S pence Hardy, op . cit , p. 328 et seq.

2 S ee D ipawansa, iii. 60.

( 92 )

CHAPT E R I V.

FR OM THE COMME N CE ME N T OF ADJAT AS AT R U’

S R E I GN T o THE

DE AT H OF THE B UDDHA.

S HOR T LY after Adjatasatru had become king of Magadha,

and while the Buddha was on the Vulture ’ s Peak nearRajagriha

,in the abode of the yaksha Kumbhira

,Deva

datta asked the king to assist him in becoming Buddha,

For you owe your crown to me ,” he said .

D evadatta had a skilled mechanic called from S outhernI ndia

,and made him construct a catapult in front of the

Buddha’ s residence . He stationed 500 men to work it,

250 more were stationed so as to kill the Buddha incase the machine missed him

,and Devadatta took up a

position so as to be able to do the deed himself if theothers failed .

Just as the men were about to let off the catapult,

they saw that it would kill the Buddha ; so they wouldnot do so

,but went away ; and descending a magical

s taircase which the Buddha had caused to appear,

they came and sat down at his feet,and he converted

them .

D evadatta thinking that the deed was done, climbedto the top of the Vulture’ s Peak

,and from there he saw

the men seated at the feet of the Buddha,and then the

mechanic, to whom he had given as a reward a pearl necklace worth a hundred thousand pieces (of gold) , ran awaydown the magic steps . Devadatta managed, however, tohurl a stone from the catapult at the Buddha, and thougha yaksha called Vadjrapani shattered it, and the yaksha

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4 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

might continue to look at him , the Buddha changed thewalls of the house into crystal, but the king caused a

wall to be put up between the elephant and the house ,when

,deprived of the sight of the Blessed One

,it died

of grief and was reborn in the heaven of the four greatkings . 1

Devadatta sought by every means to make the bhikshus doubt the truth of the Buddha’ s word

,and to make

them disobey the disciplinary rules which he had established. Cariputra and Maudgalyayana went to whereD evadatta was teaching his five hundred followers

,with

Kokalika on his right S ide and Kandadvaja on his left.

Cariputra exhorted the misguided bhikshus to return tothe true doctrine , andMaudgalyayana performed all kindsof magical feats before them ; so that finally their eyes wereopened

,and they asked to be led back to the Blessed

One . T he“ perfect pair took them back

,and caused a

ditch to appear across the road, which arrested D evadatta, who, with Kokalika

,Kandadvraja, Katamoraka

tisya, and S agaradatta, had started in pursuit, hOping toturn them back . T he misled bhikshus were presentedto the Buddha ; they confessed their sin,

and were re

admitted into the order without a word of reproach,

the Blessed One only repeating to them the thebry ofcauses and effects, and vindicating the truth of hisdoctrine . 2

We left in the preceding chapter (p . 70) Jyotishka,the wealthy householder of R itjagriha, in peaceful enjoyment of all human pleasures

,but when Adjatasatru,

beguiled by Devadatta, had killed his righteous father,placed the crown on his own head

,and become king

,he

called Jyotishka, and said to him,

“Householder,you

and I are brothers,3 let us divide our household property .

”

T hen Jyotishka thought,“He who has killed his

1 Dulva iv. f. 374—376.

3 I t must be remembered that2 Dulva iv. f. 396

—399. Conf . B imbisara had brought up Jyotish

S pence Hardy, op . cit , p. 339. ka.

yYO T I SHKA E N T E R S T HE OR DE R . 95

righteous father,who has put the crown on his own

head,and made himself king, will perhaps kill me . He

wants to deprive me of my house , but he will be foiled .

”

S o he said,“ S ire, how do you want to divide ?

I will take your house , and you will take mine .Jyotishka answered

,S O let it be .”

T hen Adjatasatru moved into Jyotishka’

s house,and

he into Adjatasatru’

s ; but all the splendour of the firstresidence passed into Jyotishka

’

s new one,and he had to

change with the king seven times .Adjatasatru thought,

“ S ince I cannot get Jyotishka’

s

jewels by this means,I will try another. S O he com

missioned robbers and thieves to go and steal the j ewelsin Jyotishka

’

s house . T hey were discovered by thewomen of the house

,and Jyotishka learnt from them

that they had been sent by the king. Adjatasatru,on

hearing that they had been caught,sent a messenger to

Jyotishka saying,“ I am the culprit ; let them go .

”

T he householder dreading lest the king should killhim

,made up his mind to enter the Buddhist order ; so

he gave his wealth to the needy,to the forlorn

,to the

poor,and to the sick

,and the paupers he made rich .

T hen,with the consent of his friends

,kindred

,neighbours

,

and sons,he went to the Blessed One and became a

bhikshu .

1

T he Blessed One was at R fijagriha, in the mangogrove of Jivaka Kumarabhanda,

2 where he was passingthe summer.

T hen it happened that the son of Vaidehi, the king ofMagadha, Adjatasatru,

knowing that it was the night ofthe full moon of the mid-summer month, went on theterrace of his palace , into the brightness of the full moon,surrounded by all his courtiers .T hen he said to his courtiers, S irs

,

’ tis midsummer ; of

1 S ee Dulva v . f. 36—38 . place ; but this does not agree with2 According to S chiefner, T ib . our text . I t cannot be placed earlier

Lebens , p .

'

315, the B uddha passed than the forty-first summer, or in his

the thirty-sixth summer in this seventy-fifth year.

96 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

a truth ’tis the night o f the full moon of the midsummermonth

,for the moon has risen full as the sun . What can

(we) doT hen said one of the women of the palace to the son of

Vaidehi, to the king Of Magadha , Adjatasatru, S ire,as

it is midsummer,the night of the full moon

,&c.

,having

all that heart can wish, let then your maj esty rej oice , beglad

,make merry. T hat

,methinks

,would be well . ”

Another of the women suggested decorating all aroundR fijagriha, and “ let then your majesty rejoice

,be glad

,

and make merry , &c .

Prince U dayibhadra suggested a campaign against someother kingdom in commemoration o f the day. One Of theking’ s old ministers said , T here is Purna Kitcyapa,

1 whohas a retinue

,who is a teacher o f many

,who is honoured

by many,revered by many . He is exceedingly old

,the

master of five hundred,and he is passing the summer at

Rajagriha. Let your maj esty go and pay his respects toli inaf

’

Another old councillor made the same remark aboutthe parivradjaka (Maskarin) , son of GOcali, S anjayin,

sonof Vairatti, Aj ita Kecakambala, Kakuda Katyayana, and

N irgrantha Djnatiputra, who had retinues, who wereteachers of many (rest as above) , who were passing thesummer at R ajagrihaaN ow Jivaka Kumarabhanda was present among thecourtiers while this was going on , s o the king said to him ,

“S ay you nothing , Jivaka ? Why do you remain silent ? ”

S ire , there is the Blessed One, who has a retinue,who

is a teacher of many, who is honoured by many, who isrevered by many, and who is pass ing the summer here atRaj agriha in my mango grove ; let your maj esty go and

pay your respects to him,and that

,methinks

,would be

well .1 How can this be, for we have all the di screpancies we meet with

seen, p. 80, that Purna Kacyapa in these legends . Al l that can be

drowned him self near Cravasti in the done is to try and arrange them so

s ixteenth year of the ,B uddha minis that the contradictions are not too

try? I t is useless to seek to explain evident.

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98 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

want to kill me,ensnare me

,or may he not wish

'

to

deceive me,or deliver me over to the executioner, to my

adversaries,or to my enemies ? And he was s o sorely

disturbed in mind that he broke out in a profuse sweat.T hen he said to Jivaka Kumarabhanda, Jivaka, do younot want to kill me, ensnare me, or do you not wish todeceive me

,or deliver me over to the executioner

,to my

adversaries,or to my enemies 7

S ire,” he answered

,

“ I do not intend ! to do any oftheseT hen Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru said to Jivaka Kuma

rabhanda ,

“Jivaka, what is the number of the BlessedOne’ s followers 7”

T here are twelve hundred andfiftybhikshus (with him) .Ah ! Jivaka, how can it be that thou dost not wish to

kill me,to ensnare me , to deceive me , or to deliver me

over to the executioner, or to my foes, or to those who arenot my friends

,for here is the Blessed One with such a

great number of followers , and I hear not even the soundof a cough or a whisper ! ”

S ire, the Blessed One likes a low Voi ce,he delights in

a low voice, he S peaks in a low voice ; and as he extols alow voice

,his disciples speak softly. S ire

,push on your

elephant,for there is the light of the lamp in the court

yard (hkhOT -gyi khyamS O the king of Magadha, Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru,

pushed on his elephant, and having ridden as far as was

right,he alighted and entered the vihara on foot .

N ow at that time the Blessed One was seated in themidst of his disciples as in the middle of a calm and

placid lake ; so when the king of Magadha, Vaidehiputra

Adjatasatru,had come to the middle of the court

,he asked

Jivaka Kumarabhanda, Jivaka, which is the B lessedOne 7

”

S ire, the Blessed One is he who is sitting in the midstof the congregation of bhikshus as in the middle of a calmand placid lake .

”

ADj’ATAS AT R U VI S I T S T HE B U DDHA . 99

T hen Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru,king of Magadha, went

up to the Blessed One, and throwing his cloak over oneshoulder

,he touched the ground with his bended knee

,

and with clasped hands he spoke to the Blessed One as

follows : My lord (btsun-pa ,B hante in Pirli) , would that

Prince (Kumara) U dayibhadra had a spirit as controlledand dispassionate as are the minds of the bhikshus of theorder of the Blessed One .

Good , good , Maharaja ; great is the love thou hastS hown him . Be seated , Mahfirfitja .

”

T hen Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru, king ofMagadha, boweddown his head at the Blessed One ’s feet

,and sat down to

one side . While thus seated he said to the Blessed One,

“ I f the Lord,the Blessed One

,will permit it

,I will ask

him a question .

Mahfiraja, ask whatever question you like .

My lord, there are many kinds of trades and proiessions

,such as wreath-makers, basket-makers (7 smywq

mkhan) , weavers (qdan pa mkhan) , grass gatherers,trainers

,elephant - riders

,horsemen

,chariot drivers

,

swordsmen (T al-qT ii ihabs) , archers (gcljui hdsin stanqs-

pa ) ,body - servants (dj am hbrinq bqyid

-

pa) , scribes, dancers

(bro-

gar Zen-

pa ) , rajaputras warlike and valorous,j esters

(mnyen-

par byecl-

pa) , barbers , and bathers . Any one ofthese exercising his trade or profession gives in charity,does good

,tends the sick (qso-ba m ams qso-olj inq) ; he

acquires the five kinds of desirable things all that hecan wish for) , he enjoys himself, is happy, and partakesof the pleasures of this world ; is there any such visiblereward for one who devotes himself to virtue 7

” 1

“Maharaja,have you ever propounded this question

before to any cramana or brahmana 7

1 I n T ibetan yang -dag-

parmthong de la B onne Loi, p. 448 ci seq. , and

ba i dge-sbyong-

gi ts’

ul . T he last by Gogerly. S ee Grimblot,S ept

two words, dge-sbyong-gi ts

’ul

,or, in S uttas Palis, p. 1 13 ci seq. Conf.

Pali, samanna -

pha la , have become S pence Hardy, op. cit , p. 333 et

the name of this sermon,which has seq.

been translated by B urnouf, Lotus

100 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

My Lord , I have . Once,my “ Lord

,I went to Purna

Kacyapa, and I asked him !the same question as above! .he answered,

‘ here is my theory .

’

T hen hesaid

,

‘ Offerings, sacrifices , and burnt- offerings exist not,

righteousness is not,neither is unrighteousness . Rewards

for righteousness or for unrighteousness are not . T hisworld is not

,the other world is not . Father and mother

are not ; there is no such thing as opapatika birth ; 1 therei s no birth . T hey whohere in this world have reachedthe truth

,who have entered into the truth

,who under

stand this their present life, have perfectly understoodthat this life and another life (lit. world) are severed (theone from the other) , that their being horn is at an end .

T hey live a life of purity and do what ought to be done .T hey do not know that there are o ther existences butthis one

,so there are none who go (to another existence) .

I n this very life they will come to an end,decay

,die

,and

come not forth again after death . T he body of man iscomposed of the fo

'

ur great elements,and when he dies

the earthy part of his body returns to earth,the watery

part to water, the fiery part to fire,and the airy part to

air. T he perceptive powers are scattered in space . T he

corpse is carried by men to the cemetery and burnt,and

is at an end . T he burnt remains are ashes,and the bones

become the colour of wood-pigeons . T hus both the fooland the wise man who pretend that they will receiveanything for their charity speak empty

,foolish

,lying

words . ’

“T hen did he talk of both the fool and the wise manbeing destroyed

,decaying

,and having no hereafter when

once dead. My Lord, if a man had asked about mangoesand one had talked to him about bread- fruit (labaj a ,

butin the text la -kue tsai hbT as-bu) , or if he had asked himabout bread- fruit and he had talked to him about mangoes

,

so it was that Purna Kficyapa, when I asked him con

1 S ems chan brdzus te skye ba Op apatilcci . T he Pa1i attributes theseemclo. Conf. the Pali n ’

atthi sdlta theories to Aj ita Kecakambala.

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102 THE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

T hen he said, (T here is such a thing as) to do, to cause to

be done,to mutilate

,to cause mutilation

,to burn

,or to

cause burning, to strike , or to cause to be struck, to inflictpain on living creatures , to steal, to commit adultery, toprevaricate , to drink intoxicating liquors , to break intohouses

,to untie knots mda ri pa t ol-ba) , to rob in

arms, to make ambuscades on the high road lam hqoq

citing ha’ug

-

pa ) , to plunder villages , to plunder cities , toplunder the country. I n this world all sentient creaturesare whirled around on the circle of a wheel ; so if onemutilates

,torments

,strikes

,tears to pieces

,he only does

something to a little flesh,to an accumulation of flesh ;

and having only done something to a little flesh,to an

accumulation of flesh, there is no sin in any of theseactions

,no sin will accrue from such deeds . I f a man on

the'

south bank of the Ganges hurts everything,tears to

pieces everything, mutilates everything, or if a man onthe north bank of the Ganges makes offerings

,gives alms

,

from these actions there is neither 8 111 nor merit ; by sodoing there will be no future punishment nor acquisitionof merit . ’ T hus did he speak of the non- existence ofmerit in charity

,good conduct

,self-restraint

,in seeking

what is right,in liking what is right. My Lord , if a man

had asked about mangoes , &c 850. S o when I asked himabout the reward of virtue

,he talked to me of irrespon

sibility (Dyed-pa nyid-ma min) .

T hen,my Lord

,I thought ’twould not be seeming

,&c.

,so

I arose from my seat and went to Aj ita Kecakambala, andI asked him ! the same question! .

(f.‘Maharaja

,

’ he replied, here is my theory .

’

T hen he said , T he seven following kinds of corps are notmade or caused to be made , they are not emanations orcaused to emanate

,

1 they do not conflict (gnarl-p ar bya -ba

ma -

yin-

p a) they are eternal, they stand like a pillar. T heseseven are earth , water, fire, wind, pleasure, pain , and

1 Ma sprul-

pa sp T ul-

pas ma bya s-

pa .

KE CAKAMB ALA’ S T HE OR I E S . 103

vitality is the seventh .

1 T hese seven corps are not madeor caused to be made

,&c. ; they stand like a pillar. T hey

are not moved for the production of merit or demerit,for

that of merit and demerit,nor for the production of plea

sure or pain,nor for that of pleasure and pain

,in either

bringing them about or arresting them . T he man who

cuts off another man’ s head does nothing to a being movingor existing in the world

,but the sword in penetrating

between the seven elements injures a living being,and

that is all. T o kill,to bring about death

,to think or to

cause to think,to exhort or to cause to exhort

,to know or

to cause to be known,none of these exist. T he foolish

and the wise have principal kinds of births,

(or) 600 great kalpas ;2 there are five(fold) actions, or

three(fold) , or two(fold) , or simple actions or half actions ;there are 62 paths, 62 medium kalpas , seven senses

(sandjna ) , 120 hells (nayakas) , 130 organs (dbanq-

po) , 36elements of dust

,nitgas , of. the garuda

S pecies,

of the parivradjaka species, of theakelaka S pecies , of the nirgrantha S pecies

,seven

modes of conscious existence,seven of unconscious exist

ence,seven as asuras

,seven as pisatchas, seven as devas

,

seven human ; there are seven (or) 700 lakes , seven (or)700 (kinds of) writing (7 hbT i- ba) , seven (or) 700 dreams ,seven (or) 700 proofs (7 sad-

pa) , seven (or) 700 kinds of

1 Grog-

gson-ba nyid

'a i bdun-

p a

ste. T his resulted from reading in

the original ; sattame instead of sa tta

me.

2 T he text is riog -

patchen-

po, which

can only mean literally great con

sideration,alternative ; but this is

so very unsatisfactory that I ventureto suggest that

'rtog-

p a may here be

used to translate the S anskrit kalpa ,which admits of the double S igni

fication of “thought and “

age ,cycle .

”At all events

, this would be

very uncommon, for the T ibetan

word bskal-pa kalp a is Of con

tinual occurrence , and it can onlyhave been because this phrase was

rather obscure for the T ibetan trans

lators that they substituted 'rtoq -

pa

for bskal-pa . T he same difficultyrecurs a little farther on ,

where we

find rtog-

pa bar ma , which I havetranslated by

“medium kalpas .

”

All this is very uncertain . I t maybe that T iog

-

pa is intended to trans

late U ikalpa , doubt, uncertaintybut thi s is not much more satisfac

tory than the sense I have adopted inthe text . S ee the Chinese versionof the text , p. 258 , where the ex

pression great remembrances also

occurs, without, however, the phrasebeing more intelligible .

104 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

precipices there are six social degrees,ten kinds of ranks

,

eight kinds of mahapurushas ; and all must inevitably goon transmigrating through great kalpas before theyreach the end of misery.

I t is as i f a ball of thread was dropped in space ; itunwraps itself to . its full length ; so likewise both foolsand sages must go on in the inevitable round forgreat kalpas ere they reach the end of misery .

“ ‘ T herefore cramanas and brahmanas who say,“ By

morality,religious Observances

,penance

,a life of purity

, I

will mature this action and the action which has maturedwill be wiped out

,

” talk senselessly. Pleasure and painexist

,and there are no ascending or descending births . ’

“ T hus did he speak,saying that transmigration was

given out equally to all. My Lord, if a man had askedabout mangoes

,&c. so I arose from my seat and went to

N irgrantha, son of Djnati, and I asked him ! the samequestion! .

(f. Mahirr'aja,’ he replied

,here is my theory .

’

T hen he said, ‘All impressions experienced by beings are theresult of a previously produced cause . From the fact thatformer deeds are wiped out by penance

,recent deeds cannot

be arrested by any dam . Whereas,there being no future

misery (aspava ) , there will be no actions as there is nomisery ; actions being ended , affliction will be at an endaffliction being at an end

,the end of affliction is reached .

’ 1

T hus did he speak,saying that by the extinction of

asrava one reaches the end of affl iction .

My Lord , if a man had asked about mangoes,&c. ; so

when I questioned N irgrantha Djnatiputra concerning thereward of virtue

,he talked to me about first causes . My

Lord,then I thought

,&c. ; so I arose and went to Kakuda

Katyayana, and I asked him ! the same question! .

(f. Mahéraja,’ he replied, here is my theory.

T hen he said,I f any one asks me if there is another life,

1 Dr. Leumann inform s me that 2 T he Pfi li attributes these theoriesthese theories agree with Jain dOC to S arnjaya .

trines, as Shown by their canon .

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106 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

will of his own,of Vaidehiputra, king of Magadha, &c. ,

&c. he abstains from slandering and from malice : let usgo and tell the king. ’ I f thencoming to where you are, theyS hould say,

‘Does your majesty know that his slave,his

attendant,&c.

,&c .

,is living abstaining from slandering and

from malice ? ’ would your majesty on hearing this say,

‘ Bring the man here ; he shall again be my slave , myattendant

,without a will o f his own 7

“ N ot so,my Lord ; but in whatever place I met him I

'

would speak respectfully to him,how before him

,rise in

his presence,j oin my hands to him (make an anjali) , and

S how him every possible kind of respect ; and as long as

he led such a life I would provide him with clothes,food

,

lodgings,and medicines .”

“What think you,Maharaja 7 I n such a case as this have

I not demonstrated that there is a visible reward for a lifeo f virtue 7

“Of a truth you have , my Lord . I n such a case theBlessed One has shown that there is a visible reward fora life of virtue .

” 1

T he Buddha continued to converse with him until theking was finally gained over to the Buddhist creed .

After Adjatasatru’

s conversion by means of the Cramana-phala S fitra, he would no longer admit D evadatta

’

s

followers into the palace,but had them all turned away.

One day Devadatta came to the palace and was refusedadmission . Just then he espied the bhikshuni Utpalavarna entering the palace for alms , and he thought, I t isfor such bald-pates as this that they have quarrelledwith me . T hen he said to U tpalavarna, What have Idone thee that thou hast deprived me of alms 7 and withthat he struck her.

“ Persecute not the righteous,

” shemeekly said . “How can you, a relative of the BlessedOne, treat so badly one who is a Cakya who has renouncedthe world 7 Be not S O harsh with me . ” But he struck

1 S ee Dulva iv . fol. 405 et seq. and for the end Of the Sutra,B ur

nouf, Lotus, p. 46 1—482.

D E VADAT TA GOE S T O HE LL!

.

her with his fist on the head. S he reached the abode ofthe bhikshunis, though suffering great pain, and shortlyafter she died .

1

D evadatta having failed to reach eminence as a religiousteacher, still retained some hOpe of being able to becomeking of the Cakyas . N ow the Cakyas had thought ofputting YacOdhara on the throne, so D evadatta went toKapilavastu and ascended the terrace of the palace whereYacfidhé

‘

Lra was . He took her hand and besought her tobecome his wife

,that they would reign over Kapilavastu.

On hearing such a proposition she sprang up from her

seat and threw him to the ground . T hou shamelessfool

,She cried , “ I cannot bear thy touch. My husband

must be one who will become an universal monarch or a

bodhisattva.

”

T he Cakyas, on hearing of this new insultof D evadatta to the Buddha, told him to go and beg theBlessed One ’ s pardon,

and that if he granted it they wouldmake him their king.Devadatta filled underneath his nails with a deadly

poison,intending to scratch the Buddha’ s feet . When he

drew nigh the Buddha and cast himself at his feet he triedto scratch him

,but the Blessed One ’ s legs had become of

adamantine hardness,so that Devadatta

’

s nails broke Off.2

T he Buddha granted him forgiveness, but on condition thathe professed his faith in the Buddha. I f

,however, he should

do so with a lie in his heart, he would at once fall intohell . Devadatta

,who was in great pain , exclaimed, T o the

very marrow of my bones I seek my refuge in the Buddha.

”

Hardly had he uttered the words but he fell into hell.But even there the Buddha’ s mercy followed him ,

forhe sent Cariputra and Maudgalyayana to visit him in hell ,and to tell him that

,though he was then suffering for

having tried to divide the brotherhood and for havingkilled U tpalavarna, he would on the expiration of a kalpabecome a pratyeka buddha .

3

1 S ee Dulva iv . f. 448—449 . Hdzangs -blun gives another version2 Conf. Huen T hsang, B . vi . p. Of Devadatta

’

s death.

302, and Fa -Hian, p. 80 . T he 3 S ee Dulva iv. f. 455-

457.

108 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

T he bhikshus came to the Buddha and said,

“Lord,see

to what grief Devadatta has come because he hearkenednot to the words of the Blessed One.

T he Blessed One answered them,

“Bhikshus,

’ tis notonly now that grief has come to him because he hearkenednot to my words . Listen how the same thing happened tohim in days of yore .

“Bhikshus,in times gone by there lived in a mountain

village a master-mechanic (likhi'

ul-hlchor-

gyi slob-dpon) who

married a woman of the same caste as his own whoafter a while gave birth to a son . T wenty—one days afterhis birth they had a naming- feast

,and

,tenderly nurtured

,

the child grew apace .“After a while his father died

,and (the lad) went t o

another mountain village where lived another mastermechanic

,and with him he commenced learning his trade .

“ I n yet another mountain village there lived a householderwhose daughter’ s hand (the young man) asked Oi herfather. T he father replied

,I f you can get here on such

and- such a day,I will give her to you

,but on no other

day

T hen (the young man) said to his master, Master, insuch a village there lives a householder whose daughter’ shand I have asked of her father. He told me that if Icould get there on such - and- such a day he would give herto me

,but on no other.

’

T he master-mechanic said,

‘ S ince that is the case,my

lad I will go (with you) myself and get her.

’

S O on the appointed day they mounted together a

wooden peacock,and the same day they reached the

mountain village,to the great astonishment of all the

people . T hey took the girl,and mounting the same

machine,they went to (the young man

’ s) own home .T hen (the master-mechanic) took the machine and said tothe youth ’ s mother

,

“Your son does not know how tomanage this machine

,so do not let him have it .”

“After a while (the young man) said,‘Mother, please

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1 10 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

he had taught. His disciples were so enraged at this thatthey resolved to avenge themselves on the calumniators .T hey at first tried to quarrel with Cariputra, but he passedon ; S O they attacked Maudgalyayana, whom they met inR éjagriha a little later. T hey pounded him like sugarcane and beat him through the whole town

,and would

have killed him then and there if Cariputra had not cometo his rescue

,and having changed him into a little child

,

carried him off in his cloak to the Veluvana vihara .

1

T he news of this attempted assassination S pread like wildfire

,and a great crowd with King Adjatasatru came to the

vihara . T he king had the heretics seized . He askedMaudgalyayana why he, who was such a great magician

,

had not been able to escape . He told him that such washis destiny on account of bygone deeds (he had in a

former existence treated his father and mother in likemanner) . Adjatasatru sent all his physicians to Maud

galyayana, and told them that if he was not cured withinseven days they would all be degraded dbang

- thang

beltad) . T hey were greatly worried at this,for Maud

galyayana’

s condition was hopeless,and nothing less than

a miracle could cure him . T his they told to the woundedman ,

who promised that in seven days he would be inRajagriha begging his food ; and he did as he had promised ; but after

cD

having shown himself in R éjagriha, hewent to “ the town with the wooden paling ” Grang

khyer shing- thags

- chan) , and died on the afternoon of thatsame day. Cariputra, who was at N alanda

,was taken ill

the same day, and died at the same time as his friend ,and ordinary bhikshus also died at this time .2

1 Conf. B igandet, op . cit , 11. p. 25, until the time of Cariputra’

s death

and S pence Hardy, Manual, p. 349. 80

,000 bhikshus had died

,&c. B i

2 Dulva xi. f. 652, we are told that gahdet, op . cit , vol. ii. p. 9 , places

when Cariputra died bhikshus Cariputra’

S death in the forty-fifth

died and that at Maudgalyayana’

s or last year of the B uddha’

sministry.

death died, and at the B ud He recounts it after the B lessed One Sdha

’

s death passed away. B y illness at B eluva. S ee p. 130 . Histhis may also be understood that version of this event is much fullerfrom the first founding of the order than that of our text.

HON O U R S S HOWN CAR I PU T R A’

S R E MA I N S . 1 1 1

'

When Cariputra’

s disciples had finished cremating hisbody

,they carried his ashes (T ing-bsrel) , his alms-bowl

,

and his cloak to the Blessed One at Rajagriha .

T he Blessed One after their arrival left t jagriha and

went to Cravasti and stopped at Jetavana. N ow,when

Anathapindada heard that Cariputra was dead , and thathis ashes were in the hands of Ananda

,he went and

asked permission of the Buddha to build a cairn (tchaitya)over his ashes

,in consideration of their long- standing

friendship . T he Buddha having given his consent, Ana

thapindada carried the remains to his house, put them ina high place

,and honoured them in .the presence of his

friends and relatives with lamps, incense, flowers, per

fumes,wreaths

,and sweet- scented oils (byaq -

pa- T nams)

and all the people of Kosala,King Prasenadjit and queen

Mallika,the royal family and Varshika

,the rishi Datta

,

the elders,V isakhaMrigadhara

’

s mother,and many other

believers came and honoured them .

T hen Anathapindada inquired of the Buddha how thecairn or tchaitya ought to be built . I t must have fourstoreys

,gradually decreasing in size

,and it must contain a

vase,and there must be one , two, three , four, thirteen bal

dachins,and it must have roofs to protect it against the

rain (tchaT -lchab-daq bdjaq-

paT- byao) .

1

Moreover, Anathapindada asked permission of theBuddha to found a feast which should be celebrated ata certain time at the tchaitya of Cariputra. T he Buddha

gave his consent, and King1 T he text adds, “For a pratyeka

B uddha there shall be no rain -court

(tchar -kkab) for an arhat there shall

be four festoons for a sak

ridagamin three ; for an anagamin

two ; for a crotapanna one ; as to

ordinary people, their tchaityas must

be plain”

(byi -bor byi-dor We

see from this that the tchaitya of

Cariputra was similar to that made

for a B uddha. S ee Dulva xi. f.53—68 for the preceding episode.

We will not insist on the death of

Prasenadjit had proclaimed

Mahatprajapati Gotami, and of theotherCakya women who had foundedwith her the female order Of mendi

cants. T hey are said to have diedshortly before the B uddha, while hewas at the banyan grove of Kapila

vastu. Prajapati Gotami was aged120 at the tim e of her death

, but S he

had retained her youthful appear

ance , and her hair had not become

white . S ee Dulva x. f. 180—185, alsoS pence Hardy, Manual

, p. 317 ci

seq.

1 12 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

with sound of hell,

“Give ear,ye people of Cravasti , and

all ye foreigners I At the time of the feast of the tchaityao f the venerable Cariputra, all merchants who may comethither with goods will have to pay no duties or tolls orferry fees ; they may come freely .

We may as well note here that Dulva xi . f . 53 givesthe following directions for disposing of the corpse of abhikshu . His body must be burnt

,but in case wood

cannot be found,it may be thrown into a river. I f there

be no river in the neighbourhood,it must be interred in

a S hady spot,the head to the north

,lying on the left side

,

on a bed of grass . T hen it must be covered with greengrass and leaves . Previously to being interred the bodymust be washed. A cairn or. tchaitya (michod- T ten) mustbe raised over the remains .We have seen in the preceding chapter (p . 79) that

Virudhaka,son of King Prasenadjit of Kosala, and heir

apparent , was very desirous of becoming king, so as toavenge himself on the Cakyas of Kapilavastu. He thencommenced conspiring against his father

,and trying to

gain over to his interests all the five hundre d councillorsof Prasenadjit ; and they all promised him their support,with the exception of D irghachftrftyana

1(Spyod-

p ai-bu

T ing-

po) , the chief m inister, who was devoted to his lord.

On a certain occasion, while Dirght‘

tcharayana was at

Virudhaka’

s dwelling on business , the prince spoke tohim about his desire to avenge himself on the Cakyas as

soon as he became king, and he proposed assassinating hisfather, so that he might the sooner reign . T he ministerpersuaded him to desist from such a crime

,

“for,

” he said,

the king is Old, and in a little while you will ascend thethrone

,for there is no other heir but you .

”

Virudhaka

1 Conf. Feer, Annales Musée Guimet, v . p. 65. He there translated

son of the walker. I have no doubtthat in our text Spyod -

pa i-bu is in

this name D irgha , son of Citri. S ince

then he has written to me that in

the Avadana-Cataka he is called

D irgha CArAyana , translated in T ibe

tan q u-bai-bu T ing-

po,“D irgha,

tended as a translation Of Caré‘

tyana .

I have,there fore

, availed myself ofM . Feer

’

s remark, and have adoptedthis restitution of the name instead

of S chiefner’

s Dirghachfiriya.

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1 14 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

T hen the Buddha said,Maharaja

,why are you so very

humble,so excessively humble towards the T athagata 2

Venerable One,it is because I believe that the Blessed

One is the T athagata, the Arhat, the Perfectly E nlightenedOne . Well spoken your doctrine , excellent your disciplesand the order.

”

But,Maharaja

,why do you believe in me

Venerable One, I have seen those cramanas,those

learned brahmans, filled with pride in their learning , acting and speaking accordingly. I have seen their selfsufficiency and their intolerance for all other Opinions .

Venerable One,I have yet other reasons for believ

ing in your doctrine . Venerable One,I am o f Kosala

,and

the Blessed One also is o f Kosala ; I am of kshatriyacaste

,and so is the Blessed One ; I am aged and decrepit

,

fourscore years old, and the Blessed One is aged and decrepit, and (nearly) fourscore years old . Venerable One,I am the anointed king of the country

,and you are the

king of the exalted Dharma .

When they had finished conversing,the king came out

of the house . Mallika and Varshika (his wives) had seenDirghacharayana, and learning from him that the kingwas at the village of Metsurudi, they started out on footto find him . When the king heard from the bhikshusthat Dirghacharayana had abandoned him

,he continued

his road on foot, going in the direction of Rajagriha.

1

After a while he metMallikaand Varshika.

“How cameyou here on foot ? ” he exclaimed . S ire

,

” they answered,

D irghacharayana has put Virudhaka on the throne, sowe who are of your maj esty

’ s family went away .

“Mallika,” the king replied

,

’

tis thy son who is inpossession of the throne ; go and enj oy his sovereigntywith him ; I and Varshika will go to Rajagriha.

”S o

,

with sorrow and tears Mallikawent away as she had beentold .

1 I think this must be a mistake Dirghacharayana’

s treason then he

for gravasti, for it was only after turned his steps toward R ajagriha .

meetmg his wives that he heard of

D E AT H OF PR AS E N ADf l T . 1 15

T he king and Varshika set out for Rajagriha ; after a

while they reached it,and wandering about

,they came

to one of King Adjatasatru’

s parks,which they entered .

T hen the king said to Varshika,

“Go and tell King Ad

jatasatru that Prasenadjit, king of Kosala, is in his park .

”

S o she went and told the king, who cried out in anger,

What, sirs ! this king has a mighty host,and he has

quietly come here without any of you knowing it !”

T hen Varshika1 said,

“ S ire,where is his army ? His

son has usurped his throne,and he has come here alone

with his handmaid .

”

T he king,well pleased with Prasenadj i t

’

s confidence inhim

,ordered everything to be made ready to show him

respect,and he had announced to the people that whereas

Prasenadjit the king of Kosala was in the park,every one

must accompany the king with flags and banners to receivehim .

After waiting a long time for Adjatasatru,King B rasen

adjit became irritated and sick from inanition,so he went

to a turnip-field near the park,and the gardener gave him

a handful of turnips,and he ate them

,tops and all (la

pug-

gi-rdog

-ma dang lo-ma -dag 203 -100, dang) . T his made

him very thirsty,so he went to a pool of water and ,

quenched his thirst. S uddenly his hands stiffened,and

,

seized with cramp in the stomach , he fell in the road anddied

,suffocated by the dust caused by the wheels of

(passing) vehicles .When King Adjatasatru and all the people reached thepark

,they searched everywhere

,but could not find Prasen

adjit. T he king sent messengers all about, one of whomcame

,to the turnip-field and learnt from the gardener that

a man had been there,had taken a handful of turnips and

gone toward the pond . T he messenger went that way,

and found Prasenadjit lying dead in the road . S o he wentand told Adjatasatru,

and he came there followed by a

great concourse of people . On seeing the disfigured corpse,1 S he is here called Dbyar

-byed, instead of Dbyar-ts

’

ul-ma.

1 16 T HE L I FE OF T H E B U DDHA .

he said, S irs

,Prasenadjit was a sovereign king

,and it is

very unfortunate that he has died in my realm. You

must show him every honour in accompanying his remainsto the cemetery ; and, so that I may show him the highestmarks of respect

,I will go and consult the Blessed One .

”

S o they carried the corpse to the cemetery while the kingwent to the Blessed One . T he Buddha told him to renderto the deceased monarch whatever honours he was ableto

,and this Adjatasatru accordingly did .

1

Hardly had Virudhaka become king of Kosala but hisminister

,Ambharisha

,reminded him of his oath to destroy

the Qakyas, and the king got ready his army hOping to beable to surprise them . T he Buddha, who knew Virudhaka

’

s

intentions,went out from Qravasti on the road to Kapila

vastu,and sat down under an old shakotaka tree on which

was no bark ; a crooked, leafless tree that could offer noshade

,and there he passed the day. Virudhaka found

him there,and asked him why he had chosen this tree

which afforded him no shade .

“Maharaja,

” the BlessedOne replied

,

“my relatives and kindred make it shady.

T hen Virudhaka thought , “ T he Blessed One is filled withcompassion for his kinsfolk

,so forthwith he turned back

and returned to Qravasti .2

N ow it occurred to the Buddha that if the Qakyas ofKapilavastu knew the truth, they would not be subject torebirth in case they were destroyed by Virudhaka. S o

he started up and went to the Qakya country, and comingto Kapila, he entered the Banyan grove . T he Qakyashearing that he had come to their country

,flocked to see

him,and he taught them the four truths, so that great

numbers were converted, and many entered the order.

(F. Ambharisha persuaded the king to march againagainst the Qakyas . S o V irudhaka reassembled his troops

,

marched to Kapila,and pitched his camp near the city.

3

1 S ee Dulva x . f. 133- 143 . Agatagatru’

s mit seinen T ruppen zu

2 Cf. Huen T hsang, B . vi . p. 305. Hii lfe und schliesst die S tadt ein .

”

3 S chiefner, T ib . Lebens, p . 288 , I have found no mention of this in

adds here, Darauf kommt ein S ohn the Dulva.

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‘

1 18 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

greater part of whom he killed outright . Virudhaka,

greatly discouraged,said to Ambharisha, Are these your

righteous people who will not kill even a beetle ? I f‘ they

all kill as manyiof us as this one man,there will not be

left a soul livingamong us !”

When S hampaka tried to enter Kapilavastu,the people

would not let him,for he had violated their law, and

though he pleaded that he had had no knowledge of it,

he was obliged to go away with his attendants . Beforeleaving the country he went to the Blessed One, and

besought him to ' give him some memorial of his person

(f. T he Buddha gave him by magic some of hishair

,some nail-parings, and a tooth

,

1and bearing them

with them,he set out for the country of Vaku .

2 S hampaka was made king of the country by acclamation

,and

was called King S hampaka. He built a stupa for therelics of the Blessed One

,and it was called S hampaka

’

s

stupa . He married a woman who was a pagan , convertedher to Buddhism

,and established a regular government .

He , moreover, organised means for protecting the forests ,and taught the people not to kill the deer (f.Meanwhile Virudhaka said to Ambharisha,

“N ow thatthe Qakyas have closed their gates and remain cringingbehind their walls bewailing, what is to be doneT he minister suggested that they should try to foment

dissensions among the inhabitants,and that by that means

the city would soon fall into their hands . S o the kingsent a messenger to the Qakyas , saying, S irs

, although Ihave no fondness for you,

yet I have no hatred against

1 Dulva x. , f. I 6gb, it is prescribedthat a bhikshu shall circumambulate

the chortens (cairns ) which contain

hair and nail-parings of the T atha

gata. S ee also same vol . f. 198 .

2 Huen T hsang, B . iii . p . 14 1

et seq. , gives the history of fourQ akyas who were obliged to leavetheir country for having fought withV irudhaka . One of them (theS hampaka of our text) founded the

kingdom of U dyana . Huen T hsang,p. 131 et seq. , gives a description of

U dyana , a country of N orthern I ndi a,

watered by the river S wat, a tribu

tary of the Kabul. T here is also a

region south-east of Kachmere which

was called T champaka , a name

which forcibly rem inds us of the

hero of our story. I t is on the north

western frontier of Lahul .

1 19

you . I t is all over ; so Open your gates quickly. T henthe Qakyas said,

“Let us all assemble and deliberatewhether we shall Open the gates .” When they 'had

assembled,some said

,

“Open them ; others advised notdoing so . S ome said,

“As there are various opinions, wewill find out the opinion of the maj ority.

”S o they set

about voting on the subject .T hen Mara

,the E vil one

,thought that it was a good

occasion to revenge himself on Gautama’s kinsmen for

his former defeats by the Buddha ; be ,took the form

of the headman (man-

pa) of the Qakyas; and advocatedOpening the gates, and they all voted in the same way.

S o they sent Virudhaka word that he could enter thecity

,and he made his entry with all his army. Hardly

were they in but the king cried out,I will shut up the

Qakyas’ mouths ; I will exterminate the Qakyas And

with that he commenced having the Qakyas slaughteredwith wild vociferations (kn tchen-

po hdon—to

Mahanaman hearing the noise,and filled with anguish

for his people,ran to Virudhaka

,and said

,S ire

,you came

here on a promise ; make me a promise, I beseech you !”

What do you ask ?

S pare the people , O kingI will not spare your people , replied the king, but

you and your family may leave the place .”

“ S ire,said Mahanaman

,

“ let as many of my peopleescape as may while I can remain in the water withoutsinking.

”

T hen the king ’ s courtiers said to him, S ire, this Mahanaman is a compatriot (ga l-mes) of yours, and he was a

friend of your father’ s,so grant him his request .

T he king told him to do as he wished ; so, filled withanguish for his people , he went down into the water of apool . On the edge of the pool there grew a sala tree , thebranches of which fell into the water ; they got entwinedin Mahanaman

’

s hair-knot,so that he was pulled under

and drowned.

120 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

I n the meanwhile some of the Qakyas of Kapilavastu

got out o f the city without any o f their goods , and

hastened away. S ome of them went to B al-po (N epal) ,s ome to different towns and villages , some to the Raja

(griha 2) country (rgyal-p oi yul-hkkor) , and to differentcastles (pho-bm ng de dang dc dag

- tu) (f . S ome ofthe Qakyas, thinking of their property, went out of onegate and came in by another, and Virudhaka

’

s courtierscalled his attention to this . “Go

,

” said the king,“and

see if that countryman of mine has sunk yet . S o theywent

,and looking

,they found him dead . When they

told this to the king,he became enraged, and said to his

courtiers,

“Prepare me a seat . I will not leave it untilthe blood of the slain runs down this road in streams .”

But the blood that flowed from the men and women hehad killed was not in sufficient quantity (to make a

stream) , so his courtiers poured on the road one hundred thousand jars o f red lac. S eeing this

,V irudhaka

thought,

“ N ow I may depart, for I have fulfilled my

promise . He had massacred in this way Qakyas,the greater part believers . Moreover, he took five hundred youths , and a like number Of maidens , whom hecarried Off to the drama Of the Parivradjaka tirthikas

called the “Place of the S ow ; 1 but Ambharisha advisedthe king to have them also put to death . T hen Virudhaka tried to have the young men trampled to death byelephants

,but they overcame the elephants and kept Off

their tusks ; so he had them thrown into a pit and

covered over with iron plates .Virudhaka sent a man to the Blessed One with instruo

tions to listen to what he might say (about the mas sacre) ,and to come and repeat it to him . T he Buddha went towhere the young '

Qakyas had been cast in a pit coveredover with iron plates, and as there still remained a littlelife in them

,they cried out when they saw him ; and

1 I n T ibetan, phag-moi gnas. T his rdo-n

’

ephag-moi gnas,

“the place of

may possibly be an abbreviation for Vadj razarahi .”

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122 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA.

When Virudhaka’s messenger came and told him whatthe Buddha had said

,he was filled with trouble . Ambha

risha comforted him with the assurance that Gautamahad only said this because the king had killed so many ofhis people . Moreover

,he advised him to have a kiosque

built in the water,and there to pass the seven days . T he

king followed his advice,and retired to the kiosque with

all his harem . On the seventh day, as they were preparing to return to Qravasti, and the women were arraying themselves in all their jewels

,the sky

,which until

then had been overcast, cleared up , and the sun’ s raysfalling on a burning-glass which was on a cushion

,set

fire to the cushion,and from that the flames spread to

the whole house . T he women ran away and made theirescape

,but when the king and Ambharisha tried to do

likewise,they found the doors shut

,and with loud cries

they went down into the bottomless hell . 1

I n the following pages will be found an abstract o f theT ibetan version of the Mahaparinirvana S fitra, or as Pro

fessor Rhys Davids has happily translated it “ T he Bookof the Great D ecease ,

” in which are related the eventswhich took place during the last year of the Buddha

’ slife— that is to say, his seventy-ninth year. T his

.

workhas been considered as perhaps the oldest one extant inthe Pali canon

,and as having been composed before the

time of the ~first synod held after the Buddha’ s death .

2

T here appears to me no reason to believe that this narrative has been handed down with any more or any lesscare than the history of the first years of the Buddha ’ sministry

,for example ; but as this sutra is confessedly

very important,I have thought it advisable to give an

analysis of the T ibetan version . Wherever the text Of

this and the Pali version agree, I have used Professor Rhys

1 S ee Dulva x . f. 133, 161 ; also and Huen T hsang, B . vi. p. 307for parts of it

, Feer, Annales du 308 .

Musée Guimet, vol. v . p. 65, 76 ;2 S ee Oldenberg

’

s Vinaya PitaS chiefner

,

’fi b. Lebens, p. 287

—289 kam, vol. i. , p. 26.

VAR SHAKAR A VI S I T S T HE B U DDHA 123

Davids ’ translation,

1 so that the similarity Of the two textsmay at once be detected.T he Blessed Buddha was stopping at Rajagriha on the

Vulture ’ s Peak mountain . N ow at that time Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru,

king of Magadha, was not on friendlyterms with the Vrijians ; so he said to his courtiers,

“ I

will conquer these Vrijians, I will crush them,I will put

them to rout for their turbulence ; rich,mighty

,happy,

prosperous,numerous though they be . ”

S O Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru said to the brahmanVarshakara (Dbyar-byed) , one of the great nobles (snatchen-

po Za -

gtogs Mahdmatm )2 of 'Magadha, Varsha

kara,go to where is the Blessed One ; bow down on my

behalf at his feet,and ask him for me if he is free from

illness,if he is suffering or not

,if he is comfortable

(bskyod) , at ease , in vigorous health , happy, free fromtrouble (f . then tell. him

,

‘ Lord,Adjatasatru

Vaidehiputra, the king of Magadha, and the Vrijians arenot on friendly terms

,and (the king has said to his

courtiers) , !as above! , and bring me word what theBlessed One says when he hears this . Because, Varshakara

,the tathagatas

,arhats , perfectly enlightened ones

never say anything which does not come true . ”

T hen the great noble of Magadha, the brahman Varshakara

,having hearkened to the words of Vaidehiputra

Adjatasatru,king of Magadha, said,

“ S ire,be it as you

command .

”S o be mounted a pure white chariot with

S plendid horses , a golden seat (khang) , as if he wasgoing to carry the globular anointing vase (for a coronation) , and went out of Rajagriha to see the BlessedOne and to Offer him his respects . He went to wherewas the Blessed One, riding as far as was practicable,

1 S acred B ooks of the E ast,vol. nirvana Of the B uddha. T hey are

xi. p. 1—136. Conf. also B igandet, I n Mdo, viii. f. 1—23 1, entitled

op . cit. (3d edi t ), vol. ii . p. 1—95 ; Mahd parinirvc’

ina sdtra Do . , f .and S pence Hardy, op . cit. , p. 355 et 231

—234 , same title and the section

seq. My text is from B ulva xi . f. called Myang -hda s or N 1rvana, ln

53513—65211. T here exist several other two volumes .

works in the B kah ~ hgyur on the 2 S ee B uddh. T r1g1. , p. 273.

24 T HE LI FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

then alighting and climbing the Vulture ’ s Peak on foot

(f. When he approached the Blessed One,they

exchanged different greetings and congratulations,then

he sat down to one side . While thus seated,the brahman

Varshakara,the great noble of Magadha, !delivered the

king ’ s message,and when he had finished he said! ,

“Whatdoes the Bles sed Gautama say to this ?

“Varshakara (the Buddha replied) , they were once

disunited . Varshakara,I was once staying near the

R tseb-

pa1 tchaitya of the Vriji country (f . and

there I taught the Vrijians the seven conditions o f welfare ; and as long as they continue to keep these sevenrules of welfare

,so long as they keep present to their

minds these seven conditions,so long will the Vrijians

’

prosperity increase and not diminish .

”

“Gautama , I do not know the particulars Of these

summarily mentioned facts . I beg Gautama to repeat tome what he then said

,so that I may be able to appreciate

his words .”

N ow at that time the venerable Ananda was standingbehind the B lessed One holding a fan

,with which he was

fanning him . T hen the Blessed One said to the venerableAnanda

,

“Have you heard, Ananda, whether the Vrijiansassemble frequently and from afar ?

“Lord,I have heard ! that they do! (f.

Well,Varshakara

,so long as the Vrijians !do this! , so

longwill the Vrijians’

prosperityincrease and not diminish.

”

(T he six other conditions of welfare which he inquiresabout in the same terms as above are) Whetherthe Vrijians sit in harmony, rise in harmony ; whetherthe Vrijians

’ plans and undertakings are carried out inharmony ? Whether the Vrijians do not edict anything not desirable

,or abrogate anything desirable

,

whe ther they follow the institutions made by the Vri

1 T his word does not appear to T he Pali version calls the place the

be T ibe tan . I t is most likely a mis S firandada cetiya (p.

print, but I am unable to correct it .

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126 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

S hortly. after his departure the Blessed One said to thevenerable Ananda

,

“GO, Ananda, and cause all thebhikshus who are stopping on the Vulture ’ s Peak toassemble in the service hall .” When Ananda had

hearkened to the words of the Blessed One,he replied

,

S o be it ;”and he went

,and having assembled in the

service hall all the bhikshus then stopping on the Vulture ’s Peak (f. he went back to the Blessed One, andhaving bowed down reverentially at his feet

,he stood to

one side,and while thus standing he said to the Blessed

One,

“Lord,all the bhikshus stopping on the Vulture ’ s

Peak are assembled in the service hall ; may the BlessedOne do as he deems proper.

”

T hen the Blessed One went to the service hall and tookhis seat in the midst of the congregation of bhikshus

,

and then he said to them,

“Bhikshus,I will explain to you

seven consecutive conditions of welfare ; listen well andbe attentive and I will explain them .

”

(T hen follows

(f . 54010- 544

10

) different serie s of conditions of welfare .T he text does not materially differ from that of the P511version

,except that Of the sth and 7th condition in the

first series but as we only have to do with the historicalportion of the narrative

,I must refer those whom the

question interests to the text .)(F. 545

32) From the Vulture

’ s Peak (Gridhm kuta parva ta) the Buddha went toward Pataligama (Dmar-bu

chan-

gyi-

grong) and stopped at Ambalatthika (Od-ma i

dbyug-

pa- chan) , in the king

’ s house,and there he ex

plained the four truths to his disciples ;“For

,

” he said,

both you and I,from not having perceived them

,have

been wandering about for a long time in the orb o fregeneration .

”

From thence he went to Pataligama, and stopped nearthe tchaitya of Pé

‘

i taligama,

1and the people having heard

of the B uddha’ s arrival , went to him,and he told them

1 01,Patalitchaitya, as it is h e B ooks Of the E ast, xix. p. 249 ;

quently written. B eal , S acred B stan-hgyur, Mdo, 94, f. 90 .

T HE FU T U R E OF PAT AL I PU T R A . 127

of the fivefold loss of the evil -doer (f. 546) and of thefivefold gain of the well-doer 1 (f.At that time the great noble of Magadha, the brahman

Varshakf‘

n a,

2 was having built the fortress of Pataligama

for the purpose of subduing the Vrijians ; and at thattime in the village of the Patali there were many powerful devas (U m) , who haunted the whole place . N OW theBlessed One

,while passing the day at his abode

,saw with

his divine sight,which surpassed that of men

,the many

powerful fairies who were haunting all the ground ofPatali(gama) ; and when he had seen them he bore itin mind

,and entering into his house

,he sat down in the

midst of his disciples . While thus seated, the BlessedOne said to the venerable Ananda

,

“Ananda,have you

heard who was building the fortress of Pataligama

Lord,it is the great noble of Magadha, the brahman

Varshakara,who to subdue the Vrijians (f. 549

1

) is building the fortress of Pataligama.

”

“Ananda,j ust so, just so ! Ananda

,the great noble of

Magadha, the brahmanVarshakara, is as wise as if he hadheld council with the T rayastrimcat devas . Ananda

,

while I was passing the day (near this place) , I saw withmy divine sight

,which surpasses that Of men

, !a quantityof powerful fairies! . Ananda

,whatever spot is haunted

by powerful fairies, they influence the minds of powerfulmen to build there . Whatever S pot is haunted by fairiesof medium or inferior power, they influence the minds ofmedium or inferior men to build there . Ananda

,this place

Of Pataligama is haunted by powerful fairies, thereforethey will influence the minds of powerful men to build here .Ananda

,among the abodes of high- class people

,among

famous places, among famous marts and mercantile em1 S ee R hys Davids, op . cit , p. 16, p . 250, also alludes to two persons,

et seq.although it does not give their

2 T he Pali version , p. 18 (R hys names . N ot so, however, the T ibeDavids , op . speaks of two per tan version Of the B uddhacharita

sonages, S inidha and V arshakara . (f. which only mentions T char

T he Chinese B uddhacharita (B eal, dbyings or V arshakara .

S acred B ooks Of the E ast, vol .

128 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

poriums (zany-69mm gar) , Pataliputra (Dmar-bu-chans

gyi

grong-khyer

1) (f. will be the greatest. T hree perils

will menace it— fire,water

,and internal dissensions .

When Varshakara heard that the Blessed One was at

Pataligama,he went to the Blessed One, and having ex

changed compliments and greetings with him (f . heinvited him with his disciples to a meal on the morrow

(f. 5 When the meal was over,the Blessed One left

the village by the western gate then turning northward,he passed the Ganges at a ferry (or ford) , and these werecalled Gotama’ s Gate and Gotama

’

s Ferry (f.

(F . After this the Buddha went to Kotigama

(Grang-khyer spyil-

po- chan) , and stopped in a cincapa

grove north of the village,

2where he taught the brethren themeaning of morality, meditation , and Wisdom . On leavingthis place he went to N adika (Grong -khg/er sym

-chan) , andresided in the gunjaka

3(or brick hall) Of N adika (f. 5

N ow the lay disciple Karkata (sic) had died, as had

also the lay followers N ikata (N ye-bet) , Katissabha (Kat-iikkyu

-mickoy) , T ushti (Mdj es-pa) , S antushti (N ye-mdj'

es-pa ) ,Bhadra (B zang -

pa) , S ubhadra (S hin- ti t bzany-

pa) , Yacas

(Grays-

pa ) , Yacodatta (Grays-byin) , &c. ; and when thebhikshus found this out, they went and asked the B lessedOne what had become of them (f. 55 After havingtold them (f. 553

1 he explained to them the Mirrorof T ruth 4 which enables one to see what willbe his future

,and which would help them when he would

be no more (f . 5After this the Blessed One went to Vaisali and stopped

at Amrapali’

s grove (f . 5 When Amrapali heard ofthe Buddha’s arrival , she went to see him,

attended bya great number of waiting-women . T he Buddha seeingher coming, cautioned the bhikshus . Bhikshus

,

” he said,

1 Usually Patiliputra is rendered 3 T he text has Kunj ika i gnas -na

in T ibetan by S kya-nar -

gyi-bu. I n bdjugs-so. T here can be no doubt

the T ibetan B uddhacharita (f. 90h) that this is an error for Gunjaka .

it is Pa -ta -li-yi-

grong .

4 S ee R hys Davids, p. 26—27.2 Cf. R hys Davids , op . cit. , p. 23.

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130 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

T he Licchavis were so much pleased with his versesthat each one of them gave him the cloak he was wearing.

Again the Blessed One instructed, incited , and gladdenedthem by his words

,and the Licchavis asked him to eat

with them on the morrow,but he refused, having accepted

the courtesan ’ s invitation ; then the Licchavis havingsaluted him

,departed .

After their departure the brahman youth Kapila beggedthe Blessed One to accept the five hundred cloaks whichhe had received ; and the Buddha, to please him ,

accededto his request . T hen having taught him concerning thefive wonders which attend Buddhas in this world (f. 559

Kapila took his leave .On the morrow,

after eating at Amrapali’

s (f . shesat down on a low stool and listened to the Buddha’ s discourse on liberality and its merits . 1

On leaving Vaisali the Buddha went to B eluva (Gd-ma

chan—gyi—grong) in the Vriji country (f. and stayedin a cincapa grove to the north of the village (f .N ow at that time there raged a famine

,and it was a

difficult matter for all the bhikshus to find food ; so theBlessed One told them to go and dwell in the Vriji country round about Vaisali during the rainy season

,wher

ever they had friends and acquaintances . He decided topass the rainy season with Ananda at B eluva (f.While spending the rainy season there

,a dire illness fell

upon the Blessed One,and sharp pains came upon him

even unto death . T hen the Blessed One thought,

“ T he

sharp pains of a dire illness have come upon me evenunto death , but the congregation of bhikshus is scattered ,and it would not be right for me to pass away while thecongregation of bhikshus is thus scattered . I will by a

strenuous effort dispel the pain,so that I may retain a

hold on this body until it has accomplished its task . I

will keep this body until all my proj ects have been

1 T he text does not mention the for which see R hys Davids,op . cit. ,

gift Of her residence -to the order, p. 33.

AN AN DA’ S GR I E F. 131

accomplished .

” 1 S o he overcame the pains and kept hishold on life (f.Ananda came to him (when he was convalescent) and

gave vent to the sorrow he had felt . My body was asstiff as if I had taken poison ; the cardinal points (phyogs)became confused ; I forgot the lessons I had heard ; therewas yet a hOpe in my heart (lit . throat) , for I thought theBlessed One would not pass away before he had made afinal exhortation to the congregation of bhikshus

,how

ever brief it might be ” (f.T he Buddha reproached him for thinking that he had

withheld any part of his doctrine. T hink not,Ananda

,

that the T athagata withholds what he does not deem suitable for certain persons . I am not (one of those) teachersunwilling to lend his books 2 (f. Moreover, Ananda,the T athagata has reached fourscore years ; his body hasbecome bent down and decrepit, and he lives holding thetwo parts together (with difficulty) . Just as an old cartis only kept in order by binding (tight) together the twoportions Of it

,so the T athagata, having reached fourscore

years, his body bent down and decrepit, only lives holdingthe two parts together (with difficulty) . T herefore sorrownot

,Ananda

,neither give yourself up to grief.

Ananda, let the truth be your island ; let the truth be

your refuge . T here is no other island , no other refuge .T hen the Blessed One went with Ananda to Vaisali

,

and there they abode in the mansion built on the edge ofthe monkey pond . I n the morning (after his arrival) hewent into Vaisali accompanied by Ananda to collect alms ,and when he had finished his meal and washed his bowl ,he went to the T sapala Kapala) tchaitya (f. and

1 T he text here is difficult it is , be made out Of it, but I have no

Mis’an ma tha ms chad yid la mi authority for so doing .

mdzad -

pas sems-kyi ting-nge

-hdzin 2 I n T ibetan slob-dpon-

gyi dpe

mts’an -ma med -

pa skus mngon sum mkhg/ud con f. the Pali d/ca riya.

da mdzad -

pa bsgrubs—nas djugs-te. I mutthi, which R hys Davids, p. 36,

have translated mts’

an -ma (z lak very happily translates by“the

sham ) by“project,

”because I did closed fist Of a teacher who keeps

not see that any other sense could some things back.

”

132 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

sat down near a tree to pass the day. T hen he said toAnanda

,

“ 'Ananda,how delightful a S pot is Vaisali, the

Vriji country, the Kapala tchaitya, (the tchaitya of ) theseven amra trees (S attambaka) , the B ahuputra (E u-mang

po) (tchaitya) , the banyan tree o f Gautama, the twin salatrees

,the B rtson-

pa-

gtong and the crested tchaitya o fthe Mallas (makuta bandhana tcha itya ,

chad-

pan kicking

pai michod- frten) , and many other spots in Jambudvipa,

”

&c &c. (see Rhys D avids,p . 40

After having conversed with Ananda, he told him to

call the brethren together at the Kapala tchaitya, and

there he exhorted them to practise the four earnest meditations, the fourfold great struggle against sin

,&c. (see

Rhys Davids , p . 60—6 1) (f.T hen the Buddha went to Kusinagara Ki ts- iii-grong)

(f. and as he and Ananda were passing throughV aisali, he turned his whole body to the right as wouldan elephant (B al—glamg) and looked at (the city) . Anandaasked him why he did so , and then the Buddha told himthat it was the last time he would ever see Vaisali

,for he

was about to pass away in a grove of sala trees (f .T hen the Blessed One j ourneying in the Vriji coun

try passed through different villages called Amr’

agama

(Amm i -gronq) , Jambugama (Hdzam-bui -grong) , Bhandagama (R j o (77

'

s grong) , S hur-pai-grong Hasthigama

(B a l-glcmg ltar-

gyi-

grong) , villages Of the Vrijians and

Mallas , and he came to Bhoga-nagara (Long-spyod-

grong) ,and there he stopped in a cincapa grove to the north ofthe village (f. And while he was there the earthtrembled, and he explained the reason to his disciples

,

attributing earthquakes to three natural causes . 1 On

leaving this place the Blessed One went to “ the villageof the earth ”

S a -

pai-

grong2) (f. 5 Proceeding

1 T he text does not exactly agree text they are to be found,f. 5739‘

with the Pali version ,for which see 577

3; but it is much more developed

R hys D avids , p. 44 . Our text says than the Pali version, and gives

that it was here that he spoke Of many more rules .

“the ~ three great references .

”S ee 2 I t may be that S a -

pa i is an

R . D . , p. 67 et seq. I n the T ibetan error for Pa -m i, as the letters which

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134 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

in four the T athagata’ s robe . T hen he laid down on hisright side and drew his feet together ; having done which ,he asked Ananda to go to the Kakustana river 1 (sic) andfill his bowl with water to drink (f .Ananda went with the bowl to the river, but fivehundred waggons had just crossed it and had stirred itup ; Ananda filled the bowl and brought it back to theBlessed One . He told him

,however

,that the water was

muddy,and added

,

“My Lord , I beg you to only washyour feet and to rinse your mouth with this water. A

little way hence is the Hiranyavati river,and if the

Blessed One only drinks of its waters , his body will oncemore be whole (ska - la yang gdab

-

par bgyio) . S o theBlessed One only washed his feet and rinsed his mouth

,

and sitting down patiently,his legs crossed and his body

erect,he was s oon lost in meditation (f. N ow at

that time one of the great nobles of the Mallas,a man

called Pushkasa (Gyung -

pa ) , was travelling on this road,and seeing the Buddha in all his splendour seated at thefoot of a tree

,he approached him

,and having respectfully

saluted him,he sat down to one side . T he Buddha asked

him what teacher he followed,and he said that Arata

Kalama was his master. T hen the Buddha having toldhim what had happened to him while in a room at Atumaduring a violent storm 2

(f. 583—5 converted him,

and Pushkasa told one of his attendants to bring him a

piece of chintz the colour of burnished gold,and he

offered it to the Buddha (f . 5853

) then having listened tohis teaching, he saluted him and went his way. N ow

as soon as Pushkasa had left, the Blessed One said toAnanda, T ake the chintz the colour of burnished gold

,

1 S pence Hardy, op . cit. , p. 356, stream . S ee also his note , p. 40,calls the river in which the B uddha on the Hiranyavati. T he P511 ver

bathed the Kukuttha. B igandet, sion doe s not mention the name of

vol. ii. p. 39 , calls it the Kakanda , the river. Kacyapa reproached

an arm of the little Gundak .

“ I t Ananda for his conduct on this occa

is at present dried up, but up to this sion . S ee p. 153.

day are to be seen several marks 2 S ee R hys Davids, p. 76 ct seq.

indicating the ancient bed of that

T HE T WI N S ALA T R E E GR OVE . 135

cut off the fringes and give it to me, for I will wear it .T hen Ananda did as he

’

had been told ; and when theBuddha put on the robe, lo 1his body became exceedinglybrilliant

,s o brilliant that Ananda said

,

“ Lord,I have

been in attendance on the Blessed One twenty years andmore

,but never before has the Blessed One’ s body been

bright as at present . What may be the reason of it ?”

T hen the Buddha told him of the two occasions on whicha Buddha’ s body becomes resplendent 1 (f.T hence they went to the Hiranyavati river, and when

they had come to the bank of the river, the Blessed Oneput aside all his garments but one, and going down intothe river he bathed ; then crossing the stream,

he driedhimself and sat down . T hen he told Ananda that Kunda,the worker in metals

,must not feel remorse because he

died after eating a meal at his house (f.T hen they departed, j ourneying to Kusinara through

the wilderness between the Hiranyavati river and thattown . Again he asked Ananda to arrange him a couch

,

for he was weary and would fain rest a while ; so he laiddown and went to sleep (f When he awakenedhe exhorted Ananda to steadfastness and the bhikshus towalk in the way of the truth , and to follow the S fitranta,the Vinaya, and the Matrika, &c.

,&c. (f. 58 8 and

then they resumed their j ourney to Kusinara,and stopped

in the twin sala tree grove .2 N ow,knowing that his time

had come,he told Ananda to place the T athagata

’ s couch

(Ichri tchos) between the twin sala trees , with his head tothe north

,

“ for in the middle watch of this night I willutterly pass away . Ananda did as he was hidden,

and

the Blessed One laid down on his right side, drew his feettogether

,and gave up his mind to thoughtfulness , to the

thought of light (snang) , to the thought of nirvana (f.Ananda stood by his side holding on to his couch , andthe tears flowed from his eyes as he thought, S oon the

1 S ee R hys Davids, p. 8 1.

2 S ee on the position of this grove, B igandet, vol. 11. p. 46.

136 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

Blessed One will utterly pass away ; soon the S ugata willutterly pass away ; the eye of the world will soon passaway

,and he went out and wept.

T he Buddha noticed his absence,so he asked the

bhikshus who pressed around him to call Ananda, and hesaid to him

,Ananda

,thou hast ever been attentive to

the T athagata by acts of love,kind and good ” (f.

590 and then he explained to the brethren that asthere were four wonderful qualities in a king of kings

,

so likewise there were four in Ananda 1 (f. 59 11

When the Blessed One had finished speaking,Ananda

said , “ Lord,there are the six great cities of Gravasti

,

S aketa,Gampa

,Varanasi

,Vaisali, Rajagriha, and others

besides ; why then has the Blessed One seen fit to rej ectthese and to decide to die in this poor village

,this sand

hole (dgon-dung) , this straggling village (mkkaT -ngan) ,this suburb

,this semblance of a town ? ” T he Buddha

rebuked him for thus speaking of Kusinara, and then henarrated the history of King Mahasudarcana (Legs-mthonqtoken-

pa) and of his glorious capital Kusavati, which hadbecome Kusinara2 (f . 592N ow the venerable U pavana (Dp e-chan) was standing

in front of the Blessed One, and the Buddha told him,

Bhikshu,stand not in front of me .

T hen Ananda said,“ Lord, I have attended on the

Blessed One twenty years and more,but I have never

heretofore heard him speak harshly to the venerableU pavana.

”

T hen the Blessed One told the former history of U pavana

,which accounted for what he had said to him 3

(f.608—609)

1 S ee R hys Davids, p. 95- 99. tion the facts related in 10—15.

2 T his agrees very exactly with B igandet, vol. ii. p. 49, says that it was

the Mahfisudassana S utta ; cf. Pali the B hikshuni U tpalavarna who was

Digha N ikaya . S ee R hys Davids, standing in front of the B uddha .

op . cit. , p. 237—289 . S ee, however, what has been said

,

3 Cf. R hys Davids, p. 87 ci seq. p. 106.

T he T ibetan version does not men

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138 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

(F. N ow there then lived at Kusinaraa par1vradjaka called S ubhadra 1 (R ab-beang) , old , well stricken inyears

,decrepit

,one hundred and twenty years of age. He

was a man greatly respected,revered

,and honoured by

the people of Kusinara, who deemed him an arhat. T he

parivradjaka S ubhadra had seen many things during theBuddha’ s life which had led him to believe in his authority, so when he heard that he was about to pass awayso near where he was

,he decided to visit him ; and

having been introduced to his presence,he asked him con

cerning the truth of the doctrines of Purna Kacyapa,Maskharin

,son of GOoali, 810. (see f. 6 18 T he

Buddha answered him,S ubhadra

,he who does not know

the holy eightfold way is no true cramana of the first,

second,third

,or fourth degree . S ubhadra, he who professes

a doctrine and discipline in which is the holy eightfoldway, he is a man of true saintliness of the first

,second

,

third,and fourth degree

,

”810. (f.

And S ubhadra became yet another among the arhats,

and as soon as he had attained arhatship he thought,I t

would not be right in me to witness the utter passingaway of the Blessed One, so I will pass away before him .

”

S o he went to the Blessed One and said, Would that Imight pass away before the Blessed One, and the Buddhagranted him permission (f. s o after performingdivers wonders

,by which five hundred Mallas who were

standing by were converted,he utterly passed away .

N ow the bhikshus were astonished that he should haveobtained such a great privilege, so they questioned theBlessed One

,and then he told them this birth- story

“ Bhikshus,in days gone by there lived in a valley a

deer,the leader of a herd of a thousand deer ; he was

prudent,wide- awake

,and of quick perception . One day

a-hunter espied him

,who went and told the king. S o

1 Cf. B igandet, vol. 11. p. 6 1 ci seq. authors I have been able to consult

R hys Davids, p. 127note, says that disagree with our text . S ee also

S ubhadra was “a young man of Hiuen T hsang, B . vi. p. 337.

high character. N one of the

T HE D E VOT E D DE E R . 139

the king assembled all his army and came and surroundedall the deer and their leader. T hen the leader thought

,

I f I do not protect these deer they will all be destroyedso looking about the place in which they were penned

,he

espied a torrent flowing through the valley,but the cur

rent was so swift that the deer feared that it would carrythem away. T he leader at once jumped into the water,and

,standing in the middle of the stream

,he cried

,

‘Come,

jump from the bank on to my back,and from there to the

other bank ; it is the only means of saving your lives ; ifyou do not do so you will surely die 1

’

T he deer did as

he told them,and although their hoofs striking his back

out the skin and tore the flesh off to the bone,he endured

it all. When the deer had thus crossed the stream,the

leader looked back and saw a fawn who could not getover. T hen

,with body torn

,with every joint racked with

pain,he took the fawn on his back

,crossed the stream

and put it on the bank , and thus he saved them tostill enjoy the pleasures of life . Knowing that all thedeer had crossed and that death was approaching

,he

cried,May what I have done to preserve the pleasures of

life to these deer and this fawn make me cast off sin,

obtain unsurpassable and perfect enlightenment ; may I

become a Buddha,cross over the ocean of regeneration to

perfection and salvation,and pass beyond all sorrow ! ’

What think ye,bhikshus ! I am he who was then the

leader of the herd ; the deer are now the five hundredMallas

,and the fawn is S ubhadra.

”

T hen he told another story about S ubhadra,in which

he had also played a part,but I am forced to omit it as it

is too long (f. 625When he had finished telling it he S poke to his disciples

about keeping virtuous friends (ka lyanamitra secana ) , (f.629

1

T hen the Buddha said to the bhikshus (f.“ I f

hereafter any of my kinsmen, the Qakyas, shall comebearing the insignia of the heretics, and desire to enter

140 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA

the order and be ordained,they shall receive the requisites

of bhikshus,and be ordained (at once) , and this because

I have made this concession in favour o f my kinsmen the

Gakyas.

I f any other heretical parivradjakas (with the exception of the fire-worshipping Jatilas

,who must be treated

like the Qakyas) shall come wishing to be received intothe order and ordained

,the bhikshus shall give them

probationers ’ robes,which they must wear for four

months when they can be ordained,if

,at the expiration

of that time, the bhikshus are satisfied with them ” 1

(f.T hen the Buddha enumerated the different parts of the

sacred writings S fi tranta, Geya, Vyakarana,

Gatha,

Udana,

N idana,

Avadana,

I tivritaka,

Jataka,

Vaipulya ,Adbhutad

harma, U padeca ; and he exhorted the bhikshus to

study them,and recommended them to hold half-monthly

meetings,in which they should recite the Pratimoksha

S fitra 2 (f .Moreover he said

,

“ Let the assembled congregationmake a selection of the minutiae of the precepts (bslab-pa i

gdzi) and of the minor matters (phran so that theymay be able to dwell in harmony

3(f .

“ T he novices must not hereafter call the elders by theirnames

,by their patronymic names (T i cs-Has bod-

p a T-mi

bya ) , but they must use no other expression than Venerable (B hadanta ,

btsun-

pa) , or Ayuchmat (T s’

e-dang- ldan

10a ) . T he elder bhikshus must provide the novices withalms-bowls

,robes

,nets (dT a -ba ) , cups, and girdles

,and

they must incite them to steadfastness, to reading,recit

1 Cf. Mahavagga, I . xxxviii. 1 1. B ulva xi. f. 733 , the B uddha, whileR hys Davids, S acred B ooks of the lying between the twin sala trees

,

E ast , xiii. p. 190 . explains to his disciples how they2All this passage is evidently an must understand the rules he had

interpolation . laid down . Unfortunately the T ibe3 T he text is diflicult ; it reads, tan text is very obscure . S ee , how

B ge-hdun ts

’

ogs-nas skab dbye

-dj ing ever, my translation of it in R evuebde-ba -la rig

-

par gnas-

par-byao. I n de l

’

Hist . des R eligions,!1884.

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142 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

T hen he thought,I f Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru,

who hassuch infinite faith

,suddenly heard that the Blessed One has

died,he would die of a hemorrhage . I must devise some

means of informing him of it.” S O he told the brahmanVarshakara

,the great noble of Magadha, of the danger to

Adjatasatru of suddenly hearing of this event, and he added ,“Go quickly

,Varshakara, into the park and have made

representations (T i -mo) of the Blessed One having examined the five subjects while living as a bodhisttava inthe T ushita heaven (see p . and having three times expounded the truth to the sixKamavatcharas devas

,

1 comingto enter his mother’ s womb as an elephant ; acquiringperfect and unsurpassable enlightenment at the foot of theB 0 tree ; having converted different persons inmanyplaces

,and having reached the end of a buddha’ s career

,

(represent him) in his last wrappings (gzims-ma l-da ) , inthe town of Kusinara. T hen get ready seven tubs full offresh butter

,and one with pieces of gocirsha sandal-wood .

When the king shall come to the gate of the park,you

must ask him if he would not like to see it ; and when heshall come to the pictures, you will explain them to him,

commencing with the first. When he shall have heard thatthe Blessed One is dead, he will fall to the ground

'

; thenyou must put him into one of the tubs of fresh butter

,and

when the butter shall have melted,you must put him

into another, and so successively in the seven (f.after which you must put him into the tub with thepieces of gocirsha sandal - wood, and he will recover.”

After giving these instructions, Mahakacyapa started forKusinara, and Varshakara did as he had told him

,and

Adjatasatru’

s life was saved .

On the morrow after the Buddha’ s death, Aniruddha

sent Ananda to the Mallas of Kusinara(f.“Go

,

Ananda,

” he said,

and say to the Mallas of Kusinara, O

Vasishtas, to-day at midnight the “Master left behind

1 B aod -

pa-na spyod

-

pai-lha . S ee Lalita Vistara (Foucaux

’

s transla

tion), 37.

B U R N I N G THE B ODY. 143

every particle of the skandhas , and has utterly passedaway ; do whatever you see fit

,so that hereafter you may

not have to reproach yourselves,saying ; Our Master left

behind every particle of the skandhas, and utterly passedaway within our district, and we did not show him properhonours and attention .

” ” 1

Ananda went and did as he was bid (f . and

explained to the Mallas that the Buddha’ s remains mustbe treated as those of a king of kings . T hen the Mallasasked that seven days be allowed them to get everythingready for the funeral (f .On the seventh day, having prepared a golden bier, and

got together all the perfumes,garlands

,and musical in

struments within twelve yojanas, from Kusinara to theHiranyavati river, from the twin sala grove to the crestedtchaitya of the Mallas 2 (Makuta bandhana tchaitya) , theywent out of the town to the twin sala tree grove to honour the Buddha’ s remains (f. When they camethere

,the principal Mallas of Kusinarasaid, O Vasishtas

,

let the Mallas women and maidens make a canopy of theirgarments over the Blessed One ; then when we have honoured his remains with perfumes and garlands

,they will

carry his bodyto the western gate of the city, which wewill traverse and leave by the eastern gate ; then afterhaving crossed the Hiranyavati, we will go to the Makutabandhana tchaitya of the Mallas

,and there we will burn

the body (f. But when the Mallas women tried tomove the body

,they were unable to do so ; and Anirud

dha told Ananda that the will of the gods was that theMallas and their sons should carry the bier. S o Anandatold the Mallas

,and they lifted up the bier and carried it

to the Makuta bandhana tchaitya (f .N ow at that moment there fell in the town of Kusinara

1 Csoma’

s translation of this pas passages . M oreover, it omits sevesage , Asiat . R es , vol. xx . p. 309

—317, ral important facts .

and Foucaux, n a -tcher-rol-pa, ii .2 I n B igandet, vol . 11. p. 8 1

,it is

p. 4 17 et seq ,is incorrect in several called Matulabandana .

places, notably in this and parallel

144 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

such a quantity of mandarava flowers (E rythrina fa lgens) ,that they were knee-deep . T here was an ajivaka

1(hts

’

o

ba -chan) , who was going to the Pava country on business ,and this man picked up a quantity of these divine flowers

'

.

Mahakacyapa, with five hundred disciples,was going to

Kusinara,and was passing through the Pava country

when he met this man,and from him he heard that the

Buddha had been dead seven days . Among Kacyapa’

s disciples there was an old man

,who

,when he heard of the

Buddha’ s death,spoke these unseemly words : “Why should

we thus lament ? for now the old mendicants (Tqan-dzugs)are freed from being :told , T his may be done , this may notb e done ; now we may do what we want to do and not dowhat we do not want to do ” (f. But Kacyapa re

buked him and spoke to his followers of the impermanencyof all created things .2

When the Mallas tried to light the funeral pile, theywere unable to do so , and Aniruddha told Ananda thatit was because Mahakacyapa had not arrived ; then herepeated this to the Mallas (f .When the people saw Mahakacyapa coming from afar

off,they took perfumes and wreaths

,&c.

,and went out to

meet him 3 then they bowed down at his feet and fol lowedafter him to the place where the Blessed One ’ s body was .

He uncovered the body and worshipped it . At that timethere were in the world four great sthaviras—AdjnataKaundinya, T chunandana (S kul-byed token-

pa) , Dacabala

Kacyapa, andMahakacyapa ; and as Mahakacyapa was thegreatest among them through his knowledge and virtue

,

he had a store of robes , alms,bedding

,medicines

,and

other necessaries (yo-byad) ; so he changed the garmentswhich enshrouded the Blessed One for others from his1 B igandet , vol. 11. p. 83, says that B eal

,Four Lectures

, p . 68, gives the

the man who was carrying the flowers bhikshu’s name as B a landa .

was a heretic R ahan ,

”called T hou 3 T his passage is incorrectly trans

bat (S ubhadra ) , and that he it was lated by Csoma (at least in Foucaux’

s

who rejoiced at the B uddha’s death, translation of it , p. 422, the only one

and spoke the words of our text . I have at my disposal) .2 Cf. R hys Davids, op . cit , p. 127.

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146 T HE LI FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

had happened,and also that the above-mentioned tribes

had gone to Kusinara; so he told it to the brahman Varshakara, and ordered him to assemble his troops

,so that he

also might go there and get a portion of the relics of theBlessed One (f. When the troops were ready

,Adja

tasatru mounted his elephant,but the recollection of the

virtues of the Blessed One made him faint , so that he fellto the ground ; so likewise when he tried to mount his horsehe fainted . Varshakara

,

” he then said,I cannot go ; take

you the army and salute the Mallas of Kusinara in myname

,and ask them for a portion of the Buddha’ s relics .”

Varshakara did as he had been told,and the Mallas

gave him the same answer as they had given to theMallas of Pava; but when they saw the great multitude of the king’ s men

,

1 they taught their wives and

children how to use bows,and when the united forces

of the Buluka,of the Mallas o f Pava

,&c.

,advanced

toward the town to fight,they assembled all their forces

,

with their wives and young men,and sallied forth to

resist them (f .N ow there was a brahman called Drona 2 who hadcome with the troops

,and when he perce1ved that there

was going to be blood shed,he put on his skin robe

(gyang-

gdzi) , and going to the Mallas of Kusinarahe said ,“ T he Blessed Gautama was long- suffering

,and greatly

praised patience ; why then would you slaughter eachother over his remains ? I will divide his re‘lics into eightparts

,and you will give me the vase wherewith I shall

have divided them,and I will build in the town of Drona

sama (1) a tchaitya of the relics of the Blessed Gautama,”

1 Csoma adds,

who had come to

carry Off by force the B lessed One ’srelics ; but I have not found this

in my text . At all events, it isd ifficult to see why they prepare to

fight , for they had consented to

divide the relics .

2 T he text has B re-bo dang mnyamp a . T he latter portion of this ex

pression is generally rendered in

S anskrit by sama,

even,level. ”

T he brahman’s name would thus be

Dronasama but I have thoughtit advisable to drop the second part

and to follow the S outhern version .

(Fol. 65010) the brahman calls his

native place“the town of B re-bo

dang muyan-

pa .

T HE B R AHMAN N YAGR ODHA . 147

&c. (as above) . T he Mallas accepted his proposal ; thenhe went successively to each of the other parties

,and

having also Obtained their consent, he divided the relicsamong them

,and he took as his share the vase which the

Mallas o f Kusinara had given him to make the divisionwith (f.T hen a young brahman who had also come with the

troops said to the Mallas of Kusinara,Heark en to me

,

all ye assembled Mallas of Kusinara. For a long time Ihave honoured and loved the Blessed Gautama

,and now

that he has expired in your town,I beg you to give me

the embers of the cremation fire,so that I may build in

the N yagrodhika country (z : Pipphalivana)1a tchaitya

of the relics of the Blessed One,

”810. S o the Mallas gave

the brahman N yagrodha the embers (f.At that time there existed in Jambudvipa eight

tchaityas of the body relics of the Blessed One ; thetchaitya of the vase made nine, and that of the embersten . Of the eight measures of relics of the S eer (Spy/anldan) , seven remained the object of honours in Jambudvipa the other measure of the relics of the Greatest ofmen is honoured in the city of R oruka (Z)

2 by a king ofnagas . Of the four eye- teeth of the Greatest of men

,one

is honoured in the heaven of the T hirty-three the secondis in the town of Anumana Yid-ong

- idan) the third isin the country of the king of Kalinga, and the fourth eyetooth of the Greatest of men is honoured by a naga kingin the city of R oruka 3 (f. 6

1 Cf. R hys Davids, p. 134 :

“And translation of R amagama of the Palithe Moriyas of Pipphalivana heard text .

the news Also Fah-Hian,3 Cf. R hys Davids, p. 135, and

chap. xxiv . his note on same page ; also B ig2 Sgra -sgrogs, which may be a andet, vol. ii. p. 95.

CHAPT E R V.

HI S T OR Y OF THE CHUR CH DUR I N G T HE HUN DR E D AN D T E N

YE AR S WHI CH FOLLOWE D THE B UDDHA’

S DE ATH.

T HE following account of the councils o f Rajagriha and

Vaisali, and of the spread of Buddhism in Kachmere,is

taken from the eleventh volume of the Dulva,and is the

only canonical version of these events to be met with inT ibetan works . Before giving an analysis of these passages

,I must call attention to the difficulties which the

text presents . T hese difliculties are s o real that a learnedT ibetan lama from the monastery of S nar- T hang

,near

T achilunpo, has said of this volume that“ this translation

is not felicitous it is full of obsolete expressions,is badly

written,and in the latter part '

oi the volume the correotors’ minds appear tired and their other faculties wornout ;and all this is a source of much incertitude ”1 T he translators of this volume were the well-known I ndian punditsVidyakaraprabha

2and Dharmacriprabha.

Mahakacyapa, whom we have seen (p . 144) acknowledgedas the head of the order on account of his wisdom and

virtues , heard , after the death of the Buddha, people re

mark that whereas bhikshus had died at the sametime as Qariputra, on Maudgalyayana

’

s death,and

more when the Buddha had died,the words of the

Blessed One had vanished like smoke ; and that as all themighty bhikshus had utterly passed away

,the S fi tranta

,

the Vinaya,and the Matrika of the Blessed One were no

longer taught. When he heard people thus censuring,

1 S ee Dulva xi. f. 706.

2 S ee U danavarga, p. xi.

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150 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

not go,for his end was nigh ; so he gave him his alms

bowl and his three robes, and told him to present themto the sangha then

,by means of his magical powers

,he

was consumed and passed into the state of parinirvana (f.T hen Purna, having honoured his remains, returned

to the twin sala tree grove,where the five hundred bhik

shus and Kacyapa were , and presenting them with thebowl and robes

,he told them what had occurred .

Kacyapa told the bhikshus that he thought it wouldbe advisable to assemble in Magadha, where the BlessedOne had acquired omniscience

,and he consulted the

bhikshus as to the proper spot to choose . One of theirnumber proposed to go to the Bodhi tree (and therehold the synod) , but Kacyapa said that as Adjatasatruwas a very firm believer, he would provide the sanghawith all the necessaries, and that they must consequentlygo to Raj agriha. T he bhikshus consented

,and then

asked if Ananda, who had been the Master’ s attendant,

and to whom several of the sfitras had been addressed,

would not be admitted into the synod . Kacyapa saidthat if they made an exception in Ananda ’ s favour

,the

other bhikshus who had had something to do with theBlessed One would be angered ; however, if they werewilling that he (Ananda) S hould be appointed to supplythe sangha with water when they required it

,he would

be admitted, otherwise he would have to be excluded .

T he bhikshus having shown their willingness, Kacyapaasked Ananda,

“Venerable Ananda,if you are sent to

get water for the assembly —“I will go . T hen Kacyapahaving repeated the question,

said,

“Hear me,venerable

S irs . T his venerable Ananda, the personal attendant o fthe Blessed One, who has been in close attendance onthe Blessed One, and to whom he spoke several of hissfi tras, i s to be appointed to bring water to the as

sembly. N ow I ask you if you approve of the appointment of the venerable Ananda. I f it appears proper

,

remain S ilent. I t is approved . N ow hear me . T he

ME E T I N G I N THE N YAGHOB HA CAVE . 151

venerable Ananda, the attendant of the Blessed One ,

who stayed near his person, and to whom the BlessedOne spoke several of his sermons

,has for these reasons

been appointed to supply the sangha with water. I f thesangha requires water, the venerable Ananda, having beenappointed to the office of supplying it with water

,must

supply it with water. I f the sangha approves (thesearrangements) , let all remain silent . T he assembly issilent

,therefore the venerable Ananda is appointed water

provider of the assembly (dgeT hen Kacyapa said to Ananda,

“GO along to Rajagriha with the congregation of bhikshus by the waywhich suits you best ; I am going directly there (throughthe S o Kacyapa went to Rajagriha, and whenfirst Adjatasatru, king of Magadha, saw him

,the recol

lection of the Buddha made him fall s enseless to theground (f. When Kacyapa had told him of theintention of the five hundred bhikshus well versed inthe S fitranta, the Vinaya , and the Abhidharma

,he gave

orders to supply them with everything which theymight require

,and he had the city decorated as if for a

feast .When the elders 1 (with Ananda) arrived

,they asked

Kacyapa where they could reside (and hold the council) .N either the Kalantaka-nivasa bamboo grove nor theVulture ’ s Peak could answer their purpose

,but the N ya

grodha cave2 was sufficiently secluded if it had bedding

in it (or seats, i ii al-stan) . S o when the king heard thatthis place suited them

,he had it provided with beds (f.

659)As soon as the bhikshus had assembled, Kacyapa re

quested Aniruddha to examine if any one out of thefive hundred was still subject to passions

,anger

,ignorance

,

desire,or attachment .

1 E gan-rims, which I take B . ix. p. 22 . Our text is wrong ,

for

throughout these pages to be the the S attapani cave by the side of

same a s gnas-brtan or sthavira . theWebhara mountain was the place

2 Or the Pippala cave . S ee Fah where the synod was held. S ee Ma

Hian , p. 1 17, and Hiuen T hsang, hawanso, p. 12.

152 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

Aniruddha discovered that there was only one out o ftheir number in this case

,and that it was Ananda ; s o

Kacyapa excluded him from the assembly (f.“ B ear

p

with me,venerable Kacyapa,

” said Ananda ;“ I

have neither sinned against morality,the doctrine

,nor

against good behaviour,neither have I done aught un

seemly or detrimental to the congregation . Be forbearingthen

,O Kacyapa 1

”

Ananda,thou wast the Blessed One ’ s close attendant

,

what wonder then that thou didst not commit any of thesins thou hast mentioned ; but if thou sayest that thouhast done no wrong to the congregation (f. howcomes it that when the Blessed One said that womenwere as dangerous as snakes, and that it would be wrongto admit them into the order

,thou didst ask that they

might be allowed to enter it 1

“Bear with me a while,Kacyapa, replied Ananda .

I thought of all that Mahaprajapati Gautami had en

dured,and how it was she who had nursed the Blessed

One when his mother died . I only asked that womenwho were (my) relatives and friends might enter theorder.

’

T was surely no wonder,no subject of shame 1

”

T hen Kacyapa said , When the Buddha (shortly beforehis death) explained to thee how it was possible for a

buddha to prolong at his will his life, why didst thou notask him to deign to remain in the world during the rest ofthe present age for the weal of mankind ?

”

Kacyapa,”Ananda replied

,

“ ’ twas no wonder,nor is

there aught to be ashamed of, if I did not do so, for I wasthen possessed by the E vil one .

” 2

“Moreover,thou didst commit another S in

,rej oined

Kacyapa ,

“ for thou didst rest thy feet for a whole dayon the golden -coloured raiment of the Blessed One .

”

“ I did S O,” replied Ananda, because at the time there

was no friendlybhikshu anywhere about ” (f.

1 S ee p. 61. cease . S acred B ooks of the E ast,2 S ee the B ook of the Great De vol. xi. p. 40, 48 .

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154 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

the thirteen sanghadisesa, and the two aniyata, all are

minor moral precepts and minutiae. N ow if a tirthikashould discover that some bhikshus adhere to the four

parajika, while others keep to the thirteen sanghadisesa,

(he would say) ,‘ T he doctrine of the Qramana Gautama

has vanished like smoke ; while the Oramana Gautamawas yet alive

,his disciples strictly kept his ordinances

,

but now they allow themselves all the indulgences theysee fit . T hey do what they want to do , and do notdo what they do not want to do . ’ T herefore

,in not

questioning the Blessed One for the sake of futuregenerations

,thou didst wrong.

”

Ananda replied, “When the Blessed One spoke thesewords

,I was overcome with grief (at the prospect) of

losing the T athagata.

“ T here again thou wert in the wrong ; for if the at

tendant of the T athagata had (borne in mind) that allcreated things are of their nature impermanent

,he would

not have felt sorrow. Moreover,why didst thou S how

to men and women of low habits the T athagata’s hidden .

privy parts ? ” 1

Venerable Kacyapa, replied Ananda,

“’ twas no q der

nor source of shame to me,for I thought that women

,

being naturally sensual,if they but saw the privy parts of

the Blessed One , would they not cease being so ? (f.“Moreover

,thou didst S how to corrupt women the

golden body of the Blessed One,which was then sullied

by their tears . ” 2“ I thought

,replied Ananda

,

“ that if they then butsaw the Blessed One, many of them would conceive a

longing to become like him .

”

“Ananda,

” said Kacyapa,“ thou art s till under the

rule of passions ; none may enter here who have not put

1 F. Khyim-

pa i hkhor dang2 T his alludes to the woman who,

bud-med spyod pa pan-

pa-rnams -la worshipping the body Of the B uddha

de-bdzin-

gshegs-pa i hdoms-kyi sba after his death

,let her tears fall on

ba -sbubsu nub-p a batan-p a . mo his feet. S ee B eal

,Four Lectures,

mis’

an dang Oral-bar .ma gyur-tam. p. 75.

AN AN DA B E COME S AN AR HA T . 155

away all passions ; so depart thence ; thou canst not beamong pure - speaking men .

”

Great was Ananda’ s gr1ef,but he called to mind what

the Blessed One had said to him shortly before his death .

“Ananda,

” he had said,

“ sorrow not,neither be dis

tressed nor affl icted . T hou must turn (gtocl) to the bhikshu Mahakacyapa (as to the head of the order) . Bepatient and do as he shall tell thee . Weep not

,Ananda ;

thou shalt magnify the law of virtue ; thou shalt not bringit low.

T hen Aniruddha said to Ananda,GO

,Ananda

,and de

stroy every particle of the passions,become an arhat

,and

then,but only then

,thou mayest enter the synod .

”

Ananda thought of his Master who was dead ; his eyesfilled with tears , and he was sorrowful ; but he departedfor the city of Vriji (sic—Vaisali and arranged himselfas was the rule during summer (f . N ow Ananda’ sattendant at that time was the venerable Vrijiputra (or anayuchmat of Vrijian descent) ,

1and he expounded the law

to the fourfold assembly while Ananda diligently appliedhimself (to cast off all sin) . But when Vrijiputra locked,by means of the mental abstraction of samadhi

,he found

out that Ananda was not yet freed from all passions, so hewent to him and said

Gautama,be thou not heedless

Keep near a tree in the dark, and on nirvanaFix thy mind ; transport thyself into dhyana,

And ere long thou shalt find the ab ode of peace.

When Ananda heard the advice of the venerable Vrijiputra

,day was waning ; then he went and seated himself

(near a tree) and fixed his mind on the five obscurationssin) , and in the first watch of the night he had

thoroughly freed his mind of them . I n the middle watch ,after having washed his feet outside the vihar, he enteredit and laid himself down on his right side, and just as he

1 Cf. B eal, op . cit , p. 71.

156 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

was putting one foot on the other, 10 1 he acquired thenotion of the visible

,of memory, of self- consciousness

(shes-bdzin-dang-ldan pai heist

- shes) . As he was putting hishead on his pillow,

his mind became detached and freedfrom all asravas (f. T hen Ananda in the enjoymentof bliss and peace was free

,and having become an arhat

,

he went to Rajagriha and entered the N yagrodha (S attapani) cave , where Kacyapa and the five hundred arhatswere compiling (or about to compile) the dharma.

Kacyapa said to the bhikshus, S irs , whereas hereafterbhikshus may be oblivious and ignorant (or weak , ! a snyam tchnnq

-bas) , and not able to understand the S fi tranta,the Vinaya

,and the Abhidharma

,because there are no

gathas of the sutras , therefore in the forenoon the gathasof the sutras will be recited

,

1and in the afternoon the

S utranta,the Vinaya, and the Abhidharma will be taken

into consideration (discussed or T hen the bhikshus asked Kacyapa which of the S fitranta, the V inaya,or the Abhidharma would be collated first, and Kacyapadecided that the S fi tranta S hould first receive their attention .

T hen the five hundred arhats requested Mahakacyapa topreside over the assembly

,and he therefore sat down in the

lion ’ s seat (presidential chair or pulpit) . T hen he asked theassembly if they would allow Ananda to commence withthe compilation of the S fitranta of the T athagata. T heyconsented by remaining silent (f. and then the fivehundred arhats spread their cloaks over the pulpit .Ananda

,after having circumambulated the pulpit

,keep

ing it to his right S ide,bowed down to the elders and sat

1 S nga -droi dus-sa mdoi ts igan

bchad -

pas brj od-

par byao . T his is a

remarkable phrase , which can hardlyadmi t of any other translation than

the one I have given ,but I do not

see to what part of the canon it re

fers . I t may be rendered literally,“ in the forenoon—of Sutra—withgathas

—it will be spoken .

”N o fur

thermention ismade of this forenoonoccupation Of the council

,whi ch was

probably to collect short verses of

the sacred discourses which would

enlighten the bhikshus who might beunable to learn long passages of the

sacred works . Perhaps this refers tothe composition of the uddna s.

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158 THE LI FE OF THE B U DDHA.

citing each sfitra,Kacyapa and the assembly cried aloud ,

T his,then

,is the dharma ; this is the vinaya (rule) 1

”

I n this way Ananda recited all the sfitranta which theBlessed One had spoken

,and he mentioned in which

villages,towns

,countries

,and kingdoms they had been

uttered ; and'

when it was a sfitra concerning a skandha,

he put it in a compilation relating to the skandhas ; whenit related to an ayatana, he compiled it with the six ayatanas . All that had been explained by the cravakas hecompiled in the explanations by the cravakas.

”All the

explanations (tshoa) of the Buddha he gathered togetherin the explanations of the Buddha. All which relatedto acquiring memory

,abstraction

,to real change

,to the

bases of supernatural power (irrdhipada ) , to the fivefaculties, to the branches of the bodhi, the branches of theway, he collected in the

“branches Of the way.

”All

sfi tras which had been rightly spoken he collected in the“rightly spoken S fi tras .

”T hose which had gathas with

them he collected in the “well-named sfitras. When itwas a long sfi tra he placed it in the D irghagama. T he

medium length sfi tras he placed in the Majjimagama, andthose which were of one, two— ten words (f. 674) formedthe E kOttaragama .

1

(F. When he had finished, Kacyapa asked him,

Venerable Ananda, is your exposition (lung) at an end ?”

Venerable Kacyapa, that is all ;”and with that he

descended from the pulpit .T hen Kacyapa said ,

“Venerable S irs,the whole of the

S i’

itranta of the Blessed One has been compiled, we willnow pas s to the Vinaya .

N ow at that time there was the venerable Upali,a wise

man, and one conversant with the origin of the rules and

1 T his passage would lead us to certain bhikshus were appointed cussuppose that the canon was written todians of one section and others of

down at this council,but this is another

, and that they only taught

not explicitly said, a s the verb “to the section which they had been ap

write,

” hbri -ba , does not once occur. pointed to learn by heart .

T he probable explanation is that

U PALI R E CI T E S THE VI N AYA . 159

their history ; so Kacyapa ascended the pulpit and proposed to the assembly that Upali should compile theVinaya section . When the assembly had consented

,

Kacyapa said to Upali,“Venerable Upali

,if you (recite

the vinaya) , will you repeat every particle of the T atha

gata’ s vinaya “ I will

,

” he replied.

When Upali had taken his place in the pulpit,Kacyapa

asked him to narrate where and for what reason the firstordinance had been laid down by the Blessed One .

“ I t was

at Benares,

” Upali replied ;“ it was on account of the five

bhikshus,and he ordained that cloaks (sham- ihabs) should

be circular (slum-

par)1(f.

Kacyapa then asked him where and for what reasonthe second ordinance had been made . I t was at Benares,

”

.Upali replied ;“ it was on account of the five bhikshus

,

and he ordained that (bhikshus) S hould wear circularsanghati (tchos-qos) . T he third rule was promulgatedin the village of Kalandaka, on account of the man fromKalandaka called S udatta (B 2anq &c.

,&c. (f. 675)

and in this way he narrated each of the ordinances laiddown by the Buddha

,and the 499 arhats listened atten

tively ; and as he finished with each rule they said,T hi s

is the teaching of the Master ; this is the law ; this is therule

,&c .

,&c . these are the parajika, these the sanghadisesa,

these the two aniyata, the thirty nirsaggiya pacittiya, theninety pacittiya dharma, the four pratidesaniya, the manysekhiya dharma, the seven adhikarana samatha dharma.

T hese (things) are to be put away, these to be conceded .

Having entered the order, this is the way to be ordained

(to receive the upasampada ordination) . T his is the wayto ask ,

and the (proper) act to perform. S uch and

such persons may enter the order, such others may notenter it. T his is the way to confess (one

’ s S ins) (qsosbyonq) . T his is the way to enter seclusion (for the wasseason) . T hese are the habits, these the lesser moral

1 Cf. , however, B eal, opfcit , p . 76, Pratimoksha S fitra . T he chronolo

where Upali is said to have recited gical method appears more rational.

the rules as they are arranged in the

160 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

prescriptions (phra-mo ni E di ) . T his the index (gleng~

gdzi) . T his the way to worship (mos-pa )” 1

T hen Mahakacyapa thought, For the sake of those menwho will hereafter wish for wisdom and who will followwhatever letters there be , for the sake of those who willdelight in the essence of the doctrine (lit . the profound signification) , why, I myself will expound the Matrika to preserve the sense oi the S fitranta and Vinaya as it wasS poken .

” 2 S o he mounted the pulpit and said to the bhikshus

,

“Venerable sirs , in what does the Matrika consist ?”

T heMatrika(they replied) is that which makes perfectlylucid the distinguishing points o f that which ought to beknown . T hus it comprises (explanations of) the four smrit

yupasthana, the four right renunciations, the four irrdhipada ,

the five faculties,the five forces

,the seven branches of bodhi

,

the holy eightfold way, the four kinds of analytical knowledge

,the four fruits (rewards) o f the virtuous man (cra

mana) ,3 the four words of the dharma (tchos -kg/i ts’

ig-bdzi) ,

4

absence of kleca, the knowledge of what is desirable , perfection

,the veryvoid of very void (stony-

pa-nyid stonq

-

pa-ngia) ,

the uncharacteristic of the uncharacteristic (mis’

an-ma -med

pa nyiclmis’

an-

pa—med-

pa) , the samadhi by means of mixinghdres pa bsga

-nas-pa i bsam-

gtan) , the emancipation hf perfect understanding

,subjective knowledge, the abode of peace

nirvana ) , supernatural sight, the correctway to compileand put together all the dharma,5 this is in what consiststhe Matrika the Abhidharma

,or metaphysics) .

1 T hese are the different headings 105, Grimblot, S ept S uttas Palis.

of sections of the vinaya in the 4 Or tchos-kyi ta’

ig -

gdzi, the root

T ibet-an translation . words or fundamental dogmas of the2 T his phrase is Obscure . T he dharma .

text (f. 6761 ) says, “Ma -ongs-

pa i5 T ckos kyi Tnam grangs kyi

dus-na mi -rnams shes-T ab dzen-

pa yi phung-

po yang- dag

-

par bsdus pa

ge tsam-

gyis rj esu hbrang -la , zab-moi dang btaqs pa ste, says the text . I t

don-la mos-par-

qyur-pa , de rnams

-la, must be noticed that the text does

ma la bday-kho-na s bshad -

pa r not say thatKacyapa delivered thesebyao. B eal

’

s version of the origin metaphysical doctrines Of the B ud

of the Abhidharma Pitaka, op . crt , dha as a separate part of the canon .

p. 79, substantially agrees with our T hey are only considered as a com

t ext, although it says that it was mentary on those subjects laid downAnanda who recited it . in the preceding sections Of sfltra3 S ee the Gramana phala S utra, p. and vinaya .

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162 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

T lcang) mountain , and having arranged a grass mat in thecentre of the three peaks

,

1 he went through the marvellousmanifestations customary on such occasions, and entered

parinirvana (f.Adjatasatru was greatly distressed on hearing of Kac

yapa’ s death. He-

ascended the Kukutupada mountain incompany with Ananda (f. and having told him thathe had not been able to see the Buddha after his death

,

and now could not see Mahakacyapa after his nirvana

(f . the sthavira promised him that he S hould seehim .

2 Moreover,the king had a chaitya built on the spot

where Kacyapa had passed away, and he honoured it.When Oanavasika had happily returned from sea

,

3,

and

had stored away his wealth in his treasury,he entertained

the congregation for five years . At the expiration of thattime he went to the Bamboo grove

,and having saluted

Ananda,who was standing in the door of the gandhakuta,

he said to him,Where is the Buddha ? ” “My son , the

sthavira replied,the Blessed One has passed away .

”

WhenOanavasika heard this he fell senseless to the ground .

He was revived with water, and having recovered hissenses

,he asked where was the sthavira Qariputra ? He

also is dead,and so is Mahamaudgalyayana and Maha

kacyapa. My son,

”added Ananda

,

“now that thou hast

finished laying up goods for the disciples of the BlessedOne, lay up stores of the Dharma and enter the order ofthe Blessed One’ s doctrine . “ S o be it

,

”replied cana

vasika, and he was ordained, and in a little while heacquired the triple knowledge, and learnt (by heart) theT ripitaka, for he remembered whatever he heard Anandasay (1.

1 Cf. Hinen T hsang, B . ix. 6 . He jatasatru was able to look at the bodyalso says , p. 7, that it was twenty of Kacyapa, over which the moun

years after the B uddha’s nirvana tain had closed .

tha tKacyapa died. S ee also E dkins, 3 T he text here is S O corrupt that

op . cit , p . 64 . it is impossible to follow it closely.

2 T he text does not tell us that Iq

have only reproduced the outlines

Ananda fulfilled his prom ise , but w e of it.

know from other sources that Ad

AN AN DA’S OLD AGE . 163

One day at the Bamboo grove a bhikshu spoke the following gatha :

I n whom life is of (but) an hundred years,I t is as the footprint of a bird on water

Like the appearance of the footprint of a bird on water

I s the virtue of the life of each separate one.

” 1

When Ananda heard this , he went to where these (sic)bhikshus were and said

,

“My son, the Blessed One didnot say that, but he did say

I n whom life is of an hundred years,T here is therefore birth and decayB y teaching to both classes of men

T hat here on earth exists permanency,T he unbeliever will have angry thoughts,T he believer perverted ideas.

Having wrongly understood the S fltranta,T hey go like cattle in a swamp.

When they are nigh unto dissolution,

T heir minds have no knowledge of their own death

When one understands not what he has heard,

’tis fruitless ;

T o understand what is erroneous is as smoke .

T o hear,and of correct understanding

T o be deprived, is to have intelligence with(out) fruit.’ 2

T hen (that bhikshu) said to his master,“Ananda has

grown Old,and his memory is impaired ; he has become

broken down by old age. T his man’ s (lns-chan-de) memoryis bad ; he does not remember well ; his mind is impairedthrough old age .

”His master told him,

“Go and say,‘

S thaviraAnanda, (you are) again wrong ;’

and the bhikshuwent and repeated these words . My son

,

” the sthavirareplied

,I did not say that the Blessed One did not say

1 T his verse is extremely Obscure . T his,however, does not make the

I t reads, Gang -na lo-brgya hts

’

o -ba fourth line very clear.

a i, des-par tchu-la bya kar bdzin,

2 Here again the text appears intchu-la bya kar minong -ba ltar, bdag correct the last two lines are thos

nyid gehig-

pui hts’

O-ba dye. I pro pa yang-dag nyid - shes-p a , bral

- ba

pose reading in the second and third hbras-bu blo idam yin . Or is this

lines bya'rkang, instead of bya kar . intentional to set forth Amanda

’

s

T he two words are graphically alike . failing memory?

164 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

that . ” 1 T he bhikshu repeated the words Of his master, towhich Ananda replied (f. I f I should speak to thebhikshu (your master) , it would occasion a quarrel . I t isnot my duty to go to where he is ; he has not come towhere I am .

”

T hen he thought, Gariputra, Mahamaudgalyayana, &c .

,

have passed away,and when I S hall have passed away

the doctrine of the Blessed One will still be followed fora thousand years . T he men of the old times have ere

now passed away, and the young men and I do not agree ;I stand alone ; I am like an outcast

,for all my associates

and friends have long since departed . S O he saidto Oanavasika,

“My son,the Blessed One

,havmg confided

the doctrine to Mahakacyapa, passed away. He confidedit to me , and now I intrust it to thee, and when I shallhave passed away thou shalt protect it. Moreover

,in the

city o f Mathura (B chom-brlag) , the two sons of a merchantof that country

,whose names will be N ata and Phata (sic) ,

will build a vihara at R imurundha 2 (sic) , and will becomethe patrons of the vihara ; this has been foretold by theBlessed One . He has also predicted that after the building of the vihara o f R imurunda (sic) there will be a sonof a perfume- seller called Gupta (S ims-

pa) whose.

namewill be U pagupta (N yeT -sbas-

pa) . He will enter the orderone hundred years after the nirvana of the Blessed One ;and, having become a buddha without the characteristicS igns ,3 he will accomplish all the acts of a buddha.

”

T hen the venerable Ananda said,

“T he time for my passing away has come . T hen he thought

,

“ I f I S hould diehere (in the Bamboo grove) , King Adjatasatru and theVrijians being on bad terms with each other (f . the

1 T he text appears incorrect here . the thirty-two s igns of the great

T he negation appears out of place , man, or the eighty peculiarities

or perhaps here again Ananda had which characterised the B uddha

forgotten what he had previously Gautama . T he legend of U pagupta

said . Of the 47th chapter of the Hdsang2 Con f. T aranatha, p. 1 1 Of the blun (DerWeise und der T hor) says

text . that he was a native Of B enares ,2 T hat is to say, he w ill have an and was converted by Y asheska or

enlightened mind, but will not have Yacas .

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166 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

Magadha will be displeased . T herefore,I will give hal f

o f my body to the sovereign and half to the peopleand by this means both of them both parts

of my relics) will receive proper and lasting honours .As Ananda was dying the earth shook in six ways .Just then a rishi who had a retinue of five hundredfollowers came to the sthavira Ananda by magical meansand with clasped hands said

,

“ I beg thee to receiveus into the order of the well- spoken law,

and that webe ordained and receive the requisites o f bhikshus .”

T hen Ananda said,

“Come hither with your disciples ;and hardly had he conceived the wish but the five hundred disciples were there . T he sthavira Ananda createddry land in the middle of the river, and having made itinaccessible

,he admitted into the order the rishi and his

five hundred followers ; and having conferred on themthe desired upasampada ordination, they obtained thereward of anagamin . He explained the three acts

,

1and

they cast off all kleca and obtained the reward of arhatship . As they had entered the order in the middle of theriver Ganges and in the middle of the day, to some theybecame known as Madhyantika (T enn-dims) , to others asMadhyanika (N yi-mai-gung) (f.T hen they bowed their heads at Ananda’ s feet and said,T he Blessed One allowed S ubhadra

,the last of his con

verts,to enter nirvana before him ;2 now we beg the master

to allow us to enter nirvana before him,so that we may

not see him die .”

T he sthavira replied,“ T he Blessed One confided the

doctrine to Mahakacyapa and died ; the sthavira Mahakacyapa intrusted it to me (and said When I shall havepassed away, I intrust this doctrine to you .

’

T he BlessedOne has said of Kachmere

,

‘ T he country of Kachmereis the best place for dhyana that can he wished for. One

1 Probably “right acts, right by the name of Madhyantika or

thoughts, right speech . S ee Feer, Madhyanika , and T aranatha, p. 7,I ntroduction du B ouddhisme dans agrees with this .

le Kachmir, p. 9. Our text says2 S ee p. 138 .

that all the five hundred were called

D E ATH OF AN AN DA . 167

hundred years after the death of the Blessed One 1 (theBuddha went on to say) there will be a bhikshu calledMadhyantika ; he will introduce the teaching into thiscountry.

’

T herefore, my son, introduce the doctrine

“ I will act accordingly, (Madhyantika the rishi)replied .

(F. T hen the venerable Ananda commencedshowing all kinds of miracles . A Magadha man withtears of love cried, Master, come here .

”A Vrijian with

tears of love cried, “Master,come here . Hearing these

words spoken on the banks of the river by the two men,he

wisely divided in two his worn- out body. T hen Anandagave his blessing

,and having S hown different miracles

,

he became like water thrown on fire steam) and

entered parinirvana. Hal f of his body was taken by themen of Vaisali and the other half by King Adjatasatru.

S o it was said

B y the sagacious diamond of wisdom,

Who had subdued the mountain of his own body,

A half was given to the sovereign,A half the mighty one gave to a nation .

After that the Licchavis had a chaitya built in Vaisaliand placed (the half of the body therein) . LikewiseKing Adjatasatru,

having built a chaitya in the city of

Pataliputra, placed (the other half in it) .Madhyantika thought

,My master ordered me to in

troduce the doctrine into Kachmere, (for) the Blessed

One has predicted that there would be a bhikshu calledMadhyantika who, having conquered the malicious nagaHulunta 2 in Kachmere

,would introduce the doctrine . I

will accomplish the purpose of the teacher.

”S o the

venerable Madhyantika went to the Kachmere country1 T his is extraordinary, for either would allow sufficient time for ca

Ananda’

s life must have been much navasika’

s patriarchate . S ee T ara

longer than all other legends say, or natha’s remark, op. cit , p . 10 .

else Madhyantika only carried out 2 Conf. p. 238 , where he is called

Ananda’

s command some seventy the naga-king E u-lor.

years after his master’

s death. T his

168 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA.

and sat down cross - legged . T hen he thought,

“ T o coni

quer the nagas of Kachmere,if I can but trouble them

, I

will be able to subdue them .

”

S o he composed his mindin deep meditation

,and the Kachmere country trembled

in six ways . T he nagas were troubled,they panted

violently,and having caused rain to fall in torrents

,they

tried to injure the sthavira,but he remained deep in

the perfect composure of the profound meditation of

mercy ; so these nagas were not able to move even thehem of his garment . T hen these nagas rained downarrows

,but the sthavira made them reach the ground as

beautiful flowers,ulvas

,padmas

,kumudas

,and white

lilies . T he nagas commenced to throw at him a stringo f thunderbolts 1 and of great arrows

,a continuous stream

of swords and axes ; but as they all fell on the sthavira

in a rain of blue lotus flowers,they said

,

“As one seesthose summits of a glacier remain unchanged thoughstruck by the rays of the sun

,those summits of mountains

on which all is harmless, so the drenching rain fell as a

shower of various flowers,and the rain of arrows falling

from the sky has become garlands of flowersAs he (Madhyantika) was in the state of perfect com

posure of the profound meditation of mercy , the fire (ofthe thunderbolts) did not burn his body, nor did theweapons or poison harm it ; so the nagas were astonished.

T hen the nagas went nigh unto the sthavira and spake tohim

,saying

,Venerable one

,what would you

T he sthavira said,Give me this place .

“A stone is not much of an offering ! ” the nagas replied .

2

T he Blessed One has predicted ,” the sthavira rej oined

,

that this place would be mine . T his Kachmere country,

being a good place for meditation,henceforth it is mine . ”

1 T his passage has embarrassed T here is no doubt about rdo-iy'

e in

M . Feer, who reads the text rtseg my copy of the text . T he word

chig rdo-rtse,“une quantité de rtse gchig occurs farther on in con

pointes de rochers .

”I think it nection with swords , axes, &c.

better to read rtse-gehig rdo-rj e,2 T he sthavirawas probably seated

lit . “a stream of thunderbolts .

”on a stonewhen hemade this request .

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170 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA.

years,

answered the sthavira. T hen they made him thispromise

,

“As long as the teaching of the Blessed Oneendures

,so long will we allow you (to take saffron plants

from 1 S o when the sthavira had planted the saffron in Kachmere

,he blessed it (and it prospered)

When the sthavira Madhyantika had introduced thedoctrine of the Blessed One into Kachmere

,he S pread it

abroad, and having gladdened the hearts o f the charitableand virtuous

,and having S hown different miracles

,he

passed away as water when thrown on fire. After thathis body had been burnt with the best of sandal-wood

,

aloe-wood,and other kinds of wood

,it was placed in a

chaitya which was built (for that purpose) .N ow the venerable Oanavasika received into the orderthe venerable U pagupta, by whom the doctrine wasgreatly spread . He (Canavasika) said to the venerableU pagupta,

“Venerable U pagupta, be attentive . T he

Blessed One,having intrusted the keeping of the doctrine

to the venerable Mahakacyapa, passed away. T he venerable Mahakacyapa intrusted it to (my) master ; (my)master (intrusted it) to me, and passed away . My son,

now when I also shall have entered nirvana,you must

defend the doctrine and devote all your energy to tellingevery one

,

‘T hus spoke the Blessed One . T hen the venerable Canavasika having gladdened the hearts of the cha

ritable and virtuous,having performed different miracles

,

such as producing sparks, fire, rain,lightning (from out

his body) , utterly passed away into the middle wherethere is no particle of corporality .

T he sthavira U pagupta (taugh t) the venerable Dhitika,and the venerable Dhitika having accomplished the re

quirements of the doctrine , (taught) the venerable Kala

(N ag-

p a) , and he the venerable S udarcana (Legs-minong) ,and in this order the mighty ones (lit. the elephants

2)

passed away (f.1 Conf. T aranatha, p. 9

—10 (12 ply here that these first patriarchs13 Of the trans . ) were the mightiest of their order, and

2 Glang-

po, elephant, may im were not succeeded by as great ones .

THE T E N I N D U LGE N CE S . 171

One hundred and ten years after the death of theBlessed Buddha the sun of the Conqueror was obscured ,and the bhikshus of Vaisali imagined ten false propositions which transgressed the law and the rules

,which

were not of the Master’ s teaching,which were not com

prised ih the S fitranta, nor to be found in the Vinaya,which transgressed the Dharma and the bhikshus ofVaisali taught that these evil things were right. T hese tenpractices were : the bhikshus of Vaisali practised as lawfulthe exclamation a lala ; (those who) did not agree wereheterodox (those who were) assembled (elsewhere than at

Vaisali) were heterodox ; those who did agree were orthodcx.

1 T his was the first. proposition which transgressedthe doctrine

,which was not the Master’ s teaching

,which

was not in the Sfitras,nor to be found in the Vinaya

,

which transgressed the Dharma,which the bhikshus of

Vaisali carried into practice,teaching that what was

unlawful was lawful .Moreover

,the bhikshus of Vaisali (said) ,

“Venerablesirs

,enj oy yourselves and indulging in enjoyment in the

congregation of bhikshus,they made enjoyment lawful ;

and those who did not agree were heterodox ; those whowere assembled (elsewhere than at Vaisali) were heterodox ; those who did agree were orthodox . T his was thesecond proposition

,&c.

Moreover,the bhikshus of Vaisali held as lawful that (a

bhikshu) might dig the earth with his own hand , or haveit dug

,&c. T his was the third proposition, 850.

Moreover,the bhikshus of Vaisali held as lawful the

practice of keep ing salt as long as one lived, if he added to

1 T his phrase , which recurs manytimes in the same words , is exceedfugly difficult . T he text is , Mimthun -

pas tekos-ma yi n-

pa dang,lit/tun pas tekos ma yin

-

pa dang , mi

mzhun -

pa s tekos kyi (a s byed de. I

propose considering the second mi

mthun-

pas mi -T namsmthun-

pas, and

the first mi -mthun-

pas as taken in

its usual acceptation of “not agree

ing .

” My translation,however, is

very doubtful. From f. 690 to the

end Of the volume is extrem ely Oh

scure, and , as I have remarked,severely criticised by the T ibetan

lama . T he general sense is , how

e ver, clear, the difficulties bearingon unimportant details .

172 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

(his supply) at the right time some consecrated Salt} &c.

T his was the fourth proposition,&c .

Moreover,the bhikshus of Vaisali practised as being

lawful during j ourneys,

(away from their viharas) , then meeting and eating .

was the fifth proposition,&c.

(F. Moreover, the

G oing a O'

ana or a half O'

anao o Y J Y .)

T his

bhikshus of Vaisali havingdeemed it lawful to take food

,hard or soft

,that was not

left- over food,with two fingers

,did practise as lawful

eating with two fingers . T his was the sixth proposition, 850.

Moreover,the bhikshus of Vasali held it lawful to suck

fermented drinks as would a leech (srin-bu bad-

pa bdzin

da ) , though one was made ill by drinking (thus) . T hiswas the seventh proposition

,&c.

Moreover,the bhikshus of Vaisali held it lawful to eat

between times a mixture of half-milk and half- curds,&c.

T his was the eighth proposition,850.

Moreover,the bhikshus of Vaisali held it lawful to use

a new mat (gating-

pa) without patching it around theedge (the width of ) a S ugata span,

2 &c.

ninth proposition,&c.

T his was the

Moreover,the bhikshus of Vaisali held it lawful to

take a round alms-bowl and to besmear it with perfumes,

to make it redolent with sweet burnt incense and adornit with different kinds of sweet- smelling flowers . T henthey put a mat on a cramana

’

s head and on it (the bowl) ,and he went through the highroads

,the lanes

,the cross

1 T he text is, Ji -srid hts’ oi ba r-da

byin-

gyis brlabs -

pa i ts’

wa dus su

rung-6a dang lhan-chig bsres nas

kun - tu spyod-ching tswa rung

-ba i

dzes byed pa-ste. Conf . T aranatha ,

p . 4 1 note 3. I n Dulva,

x . 290, the B uddha allows salt to be

kept in certain cases . I t must be

kept in a box with a cover. S ee also

the T ibetanPratimoksha S fitra ,pac it

t iya 67, where the Vinaya -vibhanga

says that a bhikshu who hides an

other’

s alms -bowl, &c . , &c .

, or his

salt -horn (tswa khug ) ; the text Of

the Pratimoksha, howe ver, reads, instead Of this expre ssion, phor -bu

,

“ drinking-cup.

”R evue de l ’Hist .

des R eligions, 1884 .

2 I n the B hikshuni Vin aya -vib

hanga it is said that a S ugata span

is equal to a cubit and a half. I t

moreover remarks that S ugata means

the Master.”

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174 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

‘ I s 1t lawful to say a la la ? T hen Yacas explained itin the same terms used above

,and S arvakama answered

,

“Venerable S ir,it is not lawful .”—“ S thavira

,when was

it declared (unlawful) I t was in the town of Gampa.

”

On account of what On account of acts ofthe six bhikshus . ” What kind of a transgression wasit ? T hey committed a dukkata Offence .” S thavira

(said Yacas) , this is the first proposition which disregardsthe S fitranta, the Vinaya, which is not the Master’steaching

,which is not in the sfltras

,which does not appear

in the Vinaya, which transgresses the Dharma, which thebhikshus of Vaisali teach as lawful when it is unlawful .I f they practise it will you remain quiet ? ” (S arvakama)remained without ever saying a word . T hen (Yacas)said

,

“T hen,sthavira, I will ask you if it be lawful to

amuse oneself ? Venerable sir,what does that mean

,

‘ I s it lawful to amuse oneself Yacas having explained what it meant, he replied,

“Venerable sir,it is not

lawful . I t was declared unlawful in the town of Gampain consequence of acts of the six bhikshus

,and it was

pronounced a dukkata offence . ” S thavira,this is the

second proposition which disregards the S fitranta,859 . I f

they practise it will you remain quiet ?”

(S arvakama)remained without ever saying a word.

T hen (Yacas) said, T hen, sthavira, I will ask you if it

be lawful to use one’ s strength (to dig theVenerable sir, it is not lawful. I t was declared unlawful at Gravasti

,in consequence of the acts of the S ix

,and

it was pronounced a pacittiya .

”

S thavira,this is the

third proposition,

”&c.

,&c.

S thavira, I will ask you then this question,I s it

lawful to use (kept) salt ?“Venerable sir

,it is not

lawful . I t was declared unlawful atRajagriha on accountof an act of Gariputra, and it was pronounced a pacittiya .

S thavira, this is the fourth proposition,

”&c &c.

1 S ee 73d pacittiya of the B hikshu Pratimoksha, s6th of the B hikshuni

Prat.

S AR VAKAMA19 OP I N I ON . 175

S thavira,I will ask you then this question

,I s it compa

tible with (the rules) of journeying (to go a league or a halfleague and then eat) Venerable sir

,it is not lawful.

I t was declared unlawful at Rajagriha on account of whatDevadatta had done, and it was pronounced a pacittiya.

”

S thavira, this is the fifth proposition,

”&c.

,&c.

S thavira,I will ask you then this question

, I S thepractice of using two fingers lawful ? (f.Venerable sir

,it is not lawful . I t was declared unlaw

ful at Qravasti on account of what a great number ofbhikshus had done

,and it was pronounced a pacittiya .

“

S thavira,this is the sixth proposition

,

”&c. ,

&c.

S thavira, then I will a sk you this question, I s it lawful to get sick (from sucking wine) ? Venerable S ir

,

it is not lawful. I t was declared unlawful at Gravasti onaccount of an act of the ayuchmat S uratha (ZLegs-ongs) ,and it was pronounced a pacittiya,

”&c.

,&c.

S thavira, then I will ask you this question,I S the

practismg (of drinking) a mixture1(of milk and curds)

lawful ?” Venerable sir, it is not lawful . I t was declared unlawful at Gravasti on account of an act of a

number of bhikshus, and it was pronounced a pacittiya,”

&c &c.

S thavira, then I will ask you this question, I s themat practice lawful ? “ Venerable sir

,it is not law

ful . I t was declared unlawful at Qravasti on account o fan act of a number of bhikshus, and it was pronounceda pacittiya,

”&c. ,

&c.

“ S thavira,then I will ask you this question

,I s the

gold and S ilver practice lawful ?” Venerable sir, it isnot lawful. I t is a nissaggiya pacittiya according to theVinaya

,the Dirghagama

, the Majjimagama,

theKathina section of the (Pratimoksha) S atra, theE kottaragama

,

”&c .

,&c.

S thavira,this is the tenth proposition which disregards

1 S ee 37th—39th pacittiyas Of the B hikshus, 25th—27th of the B hik .

shuni Pratimoksha .

176 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

the S fitranta, the Vinaya, which is not the'

Master’ steaching

,&c ,

&c. I f they practise it will you remainquiet ? ” Venerable sir,

”replied S arvakama

,wherever

you choose to go I will be your adherent in following theDharma .

” 1

T hen he composed his mind in the dhyana of perfectperfection

,and remained in it.

N ow at that time there lived in the city of Gonaka a

venerable sthavira called Salha (Gyo- ldan) , who had livedwith Ananda . He was an arhat contemplator of the eightperfe ct freedoms . T hen Yacas went to the venerableS alha

,and having bowed down at his feet (he asked him

the same questions and received the same answers) , andhe also agreed to be his adherent .After that Yacas went to the city of S amkacya, wherelived the venerable sthavira Vasabhagami (N OT -chan) , anarhat like the two preceding ones, and also a contem

porary of Ananda’ s . From him also he received the same

answers to his questions .

(F. T hen Yacas went to Pataliputra (D inar- bu

chan) ,where lived the venerable Kuyyasobhito (Zla - sqrur) ,2

&c .,&c . (F. After that he went to (Qrughna, .where

lived the venerable Adjita (Ma -

pham-

pa ) , to whom healso explained the ten indulgences , &c .

,

T hen he went to Mahismati (Ma -na- ldan) , where livedthe venerable S ambhfita (Yang-dag slag/es) after thatto S ahadsha Lhan- chig skyes) , where lived the venerable

son of Kakandako , and S ambfito, anative of sana, these six theros werethe disciples of the thero Ananda .

1 T his oft -recurring phrase is Oh

scure , but I see no other way of

translating it . D es song-la phyogs

ts’

ol-chig dang, ngas tekos bdzin-da

phyoqs byao .

2 T his nam e is variously writtenzla -sgur,

‘

zla -T gur, or zla -sgrur. I

have adopted the last form , which

is also followed by S chiefner, T aranatha , p. 290 . T he word cm ghna

is also transcribed by sT ug-na or sug

~

na . S ee S chiefner, loc. cit T heMaha

wauso, p . 19, says ,“ S abbakam i,

salho, R évato, KujjasObhito, Yaso

V asabhagam iko and S umano, these

two theros were the disciples of thetheroAnuradho . T heyrepairedto the Valukarama v ihara

,a situa

tion so secluded (that not even the

note of a bird was heard ), and freefrom the strife of men . T he high

priest R évato, the chief of the interrogating party, questioned the thero

S abbakami in due order on the ten

indulgences, one by one .

”

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1 78 THE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

us also seek partisans who will uphold us . Anothersaid

,

“ S irs,they are going to fight us ; we must flee . ”

Another said,

“Where can we go ? wherever we may gowe will be thought badly of. We must sue for pardon ; weare

,as it were , in a trap .

”Another said

,Let us get all

(the bhikshus) who are in the neighbourhood together (bygiving them) alms-bowls, robes, nets, drinking- cups, girdles ,and all will be arranged phyir gang rigs par hyao) . T hisc ourse being approved

,they decided to act accordingly ;

so they gave to some (bhikshus) robes, to some mantles,t o some nether garments

,to some sweat- cloths

,to some

cushions,to some alms-bowls

,to some water- strainers ,

and in this way they got them all together and remainedin their midst . 1

When Yacas had little by little got together his partisans he came back to Vaisali, and his disciples askedhim

,

“Master, have you found your partisans ?” “My

sons,he replied

,they wil l S hortly be here .”

When his disciples had told him of the right claimedby the Vaisali bhikshus to interpret diversely the commandments

,and that they were using terms not formerly

spoken by (the Buddha) , he said ,“As the partisans for

relaxing the rules will rapidly increase, (we) niust do

everything for the true doctrine ; for the gatha says

He who instantly does a thing to be postponed , who postpones (athing to be done) instantly,

Who follows not the right way of doing, a fool he, trouble is his

share

Cut off by associating with Obscure and unworthy friends,

His prosperity will decrease like the waning moon .

He who swiftly does what is useful has not forsaken wisdom .

He who has not put away the right way of doing wise, happines

will be his,

N ot cut off by associating with worthy, virtuous friends,His prosperitywill go on increasing like the waxing moon .

T hen Yacas sat down in the hall (hkhor-kyi khamsa )1 Conf. B eal, op . cit , p. 90, where T ibetan text is not very clear

,and

the goods are given to B evata . T he my translation is open to correction.

PR OCE E D I N GS OF T HE CO U N CI L . 179

having composed his mind in the fourth dhyana of perfection

,and having discerned the proper course (to follow) ,

he beat the ganthaand assembled 700 arhats less one,all

contemporaries of Ananda. N ow at that time the venerable Kuyyasobhito was deep in the samadhi of arresting

(hqog) , and he did not hear the gantha. When all thearhats had assembled, the venerable Yacas thought, I f I

should salute each one by name it would cause great confusion lit. if I should call them by name there wouldbe much wrangling) . I will not call them by name . ” S o

he bowed to those who were well stricken in years,and

having saluted by raising his hands to his forehead thosewho were verging on old age , he took his seat . 1

Just then Kuyyasobhito came out of his meditation,and a deva came and asked him

, Venerable Kuyyasobhito,why stand you there thinking ? GO quickly toVaisali

,where

the 699 arhats are assembled to mainta in the doctrine,

thou who art the first master (Ichyod dang mkhan -

po gehigT hen he vanished from Pataliputra, and coming

to Vaisali,he stood before the door of the hall and asked

admission,for it was Closed .

After having told those within who he was in severalverses (f . 703 he was admitted and took his seat.T hen the venerable Yacas informed them of the tenindulgences in the same terms which he had p reviouslyused in speaking to S arvakama and the other arhats

,and

they gave the same answers we have seen given above,after

which they said,T hese bhikshus of Vaisali who proclaim

that which is unlawful lawful, and who act accordingly,we condemn them ! ” And this formula they repeatedafter each indulgence had been condemned .

(F . When they had examined and condemned theten indulgences

,they beat the gantha, and having assem

1 T his passage is Obscure . T he gis ming -nas mi dbyung-bar biy

'

od

first part of it,which is the most par hyao.

embarrassing, is, D e-dag-

gis ming2Which may also be,

“T hou art

na s phyung-ste brj od -na ni

,hkhrug the one master (m issing to complete

pa token-

par hgyurebas, ma-la bdag the

180 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

bled all the bhikshus at Vaisali,Yacas informed them of

the proceedings and decision of the council (f .T he text of the V inayaksudraka ends abruptly here

,

and I have not been able to find in any canonical textany mention of the subsequent work which the Mahawauso says the council performed in settling the wholecanon ; nor does the Chinese version of the council ofVaisali 1 mention anything beyond the condemnation ofthe ten indulgences . I t will, however, be seen, by referring to B havya

’

s work (p that the N orthern authorsdo not disagree with the S outhern ones as regards thehistory of these events .

1 S ee B eal, Four Lectures, p. 83 ci seq.

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182 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

terms in their original form,for by translating them mis

takes might be made which would entirely alter the senseof the original

,whereas the S anskrit term will enable the

reader to reconstrue more easily what may have been theoriginal text .T he first twelve pages only of B havya

’

s work are

translated,for the last ' five present but little interest

,and

add nothing to our knowledge of the doctrines of theseschoolsAdoration to the triratna !How came about the eighteen schools and their peculiar

features ? T his is the way in which they are all said toproceed from (the teaching of) the one highest Lord .

One hundred and sixty years 1 after the utter passingaway of the Blessed Buddha

,when King Dharmacoka

Kalasoka) was reigning in Kusumapura (Me- tog-

gis Tqyas

p a , i a ,Pataliputra) , there arose a great schism in the

congregation on account Of some controverted questions,

and0

it divided into two schools,the Mahasanghika and

the S thavira . Of these,the Mahasanghika school gradu

ally divided into eight fractions (to wit) , the Mahasan

ghika s chool, the E kavyavaharika, the Lokottaravadina,the B ahucrutiya, the Pradshnaptivadina, the T chaityika,the Pfirvacaila , and the Avaracaila .

T he S thavira school gradually divided into ten fractionsthe S thavira proper, also called the Haimavata ; (2)

the S arvastivadina ; (3) the Vaibadyavadina ; (4) theHetuvidya, which I S also called by some persons Muduntaka (or Muruntaka) (5) the Vatsiputriya ; (6) the Dharmottariya ; (7) the B hadrayaniya ; (8 ) the S ammatiya,whichis also called by some persons Avantaka, and by othersKurukullaka ; (9) the Mahigasaka ; (10) the Dharmaguptaka ; (1 1) the S addharmavarshaka (or properly S uvar

1 T he two Acokas are generally Khoten appear, however, to haveconfounded in N orthern B uddhist derived some of their statements

works . S ee, however, p. 233, where from S outhern B uddhist works not

we find the correct date for Acoka known to,or

, at all e vents, not men

the Great’

s reign . T he Annals of tioned by N orthern writers .

. N AME S OF T HE S CHOOLS . 183

S haka) , which some persons call the Kacyapiya ; (12) theU ttariya, called also by some the S amkrantivadina. T heseare the eighteen schools . 1

T he Mahasanghika received this name on account ofthe great number of its followers

,which made it a great

assembly or Maha sangiti .

S ome persons contending that all the doctrines are

thoroughly understood by an unique and immediatewisdom (shad ckig gchiq

-dang-ldan-

pai-shes-rab) , for all

doctrines of the blessed Buddhas are comprehended bythe intellect (thugs-9153 instead of thugs -gi) , are for thisreason called “D isciples of the dispute on one subject

,

or E lsa oyavakara .

T hose who say that the blessed Buddhas have passedbeyond all worlds existences) , that the T athagata wasnot subject to worldly laws

,are called, Who has passed

beyond all worlds,

or Lokottaravadina .

T hose who were taught by the master B ahucrutiya are

called B ahaprutig/a .

T hose who contend that misery (dukha) is mixed withall compound things are called Pradshnap tivadina .

T hose who live on the T chaitya mountain are calledthe T chaityika .

1 B y re ferring toV asumitra , £ 158 , badyavadina, (4 ) Pradshnaptivawe learn that the S arvastivadina was d ina (B tags-par-smra ) , 5) Lokottathe sam e as the Hetuvidya or Mu vavadina (the original school makesduntaka . With this exception, and up the six) . Five divisions com e

by supposing that the V a ibadyava from the S ammatiyas—(I ) T amra

dina of our list is the same as the catiya, (2) Guptaka , (3) KurukulS hannagarika of V asumitra

,the two laka, (4 ) B ahucrutiya , 5) V atsi

lists agree . T he B hikshu varhhagra putriya . T hree divisions proceed

pritsha , f . 295, has as follows : T here from the S thaviras— (I ) Jetavaniya,are four schools (sde, nikaya ), which (2) Abhayagiriya , 3) Mahavihara

are the Aryasarvastivadina , vasina . I t appears difficult to reducethe Mahasanghika, 3) Arya B havya

’

s list to ten sects , as his textsammatiya , (4 ) Aryasthavira . T here prescribes . T he list of schools givenare eighteen divisions , of these four in the Mahavyutpatti is substanti

come from the Aryasarvastivadina ally the same as that of the B hikshu(1) the Kacyapiya , (2) Mahicasaka V arshagrapritcha . T he Mahawanso

(the text has by m istake S a -srung ), tells us that the Abhayagiri schism

(3 ) the Dharmaguptaka , (4) Mula occurred in the 453d year after thesarvastivadina . S ix division s come B uddha

’

s death. S ee T urnour, p.

from the Mahasanghika school 207.

Purvacaila , (2) Avaracaila , (3) V ai

184 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

T hose who live on the Purva mountain (caila) and onthe Avara mountain are respectively called Paroagailaand Avaraga ila .

T hose who teach that the sthaviras belong to the bodyof the elect (ariyas) are called S thavi ra . T hey are als ocalled Haimavatas because (f. they live on MountHimavata.

T hose who say that all exists , the past, the future , andthe present

,are called in consequence

,

“T hey who say thatall exists

,

”or S arvastivadina .

T hose who say that some things exist, (such as) pastactions of which the result has not matured

,and that

some do not exist, (such as) those deeds of which the con

sequences have occurred, and the things of the future ;making categories (or divisions) , they are called in consequence

,

“ T hey who speak of divisions,

or Vaibadya

vadina .

T hey who say that things which have been,which are

,

and those which will be,have a cause (hem) , are called,

T hey who S peak of a cause ,”or Hetuvidya

}

T hey who live on MountMuruntaka are for that reasoncalled Muruntaka .

T hey who,teaching of man ’ s birth

,say that, woman

kind being the dwelling—place (110131 ) of the family, man,

being born of her, is a son of the dwelling-place or t asa

pntra ,are for this reason called Vaisipntriya

2

T hose who were taught by the master Dharmottara are

the Dharmottariya .

T he disciples of B hadrayana are the B hadrayaniya .

T hey whose teacher was S ammata are the S ammatiya .

T hey who congregated in the city Of Avanta were consequently called the Acantaka .

1 T he text says,“T hey who not the name of the sect. Conf.

speak of wind, clung smra -ba i . T his S tan . Julien, Listes divers des N oms

is of course a mistake , as rgyu and des dix-huit E coles schismatiques ;rlung are graphically similar. Journal Asiatique, sth series

,N O.

2 Correctlywe Should have Vasap xiv. pp. 353 and 356.

utriyas but we know that this was

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186 T HE LI FE OF THE B U DDHA .

Other people say that it is not so . T hey say that therewere three original divisions (lit. root-divisions, T tsa -ba i

dbye-ba ) , to wit, the S thavira, the Mahasanghika, and the

Vaibadyavadina. Moreover,there are two (sub)divisions

of the S thavira— the S arvastivadina and the Vatsiputriya .

Again,the S arvastivadina are divided into two—the S ar

vastivadina (or Mala S arvastivadina and the S autrantika. T here are four (sub)divisions of the Vatsiputriyathe S ammatiya, the Dharmottariya, the B hadrayaniya, andthe S hannagarika . I n this way are the S thavira dividedinto six schools .Moreover

,the Mahasanghika school has eight divisions

(according to their theory) -the Mahasanghika, the Parvacaila, the Avaracaila, the Rajagiriya, the Haimavata,

the T chaityika, the S amkrantivadina} and the Gokulika .

T his is the way in which they divide the Mahasanghika.

T he Vaibadyavadina (they say) comprise four divisions—the Mahicasaka, the Kacyapiya, the Dharmagup

taka,and the T amracatiya (f.

T his is the way in which they give the eighteen divisions of the schools of the Ariyas .

Again,others say that 137 years after the death of

the Blessed One,King N anda and Mahapadma convened

in the city of Pataliputra all the different Ariyas. Mahakacyapa, a man who had attained to unassailable composure

,and the venerable Mahaloma (spa tchen-

po) , Mahatyaga (qtanq-ba token-

pa) , Uttara (bla -ma) , &c.,arhats , with

correct analytical knowledge,there assembled to bring

round the wicked to agree with the good .

2

to understand by this that this knowledge itself is nirvana , or whether itonly shows the way to liberation .

1 T he text has bden drug-

pa

S hattasatyika but it is un

doubtedly a m istake for don -

grub

pa or S amkrantivadina . T he two

T ibetan expressions may easily be

mistaken in writing.

2 T his passage , which appears to

me very important, is not w ithout

difficulties. T he word rygol-

po,

king, 18 in the singular, whereas

we m ight expect the plural, althoughN anda and Mahapadma reigning to

gether m ight be S poken Of in the

singular . S ee Wassilief, T aranatha,

p. 291, where he gives this passagefrom the work Of T shantsha Khutuktu . T his relates to the eventswhich followed the second counc il

,

that of V asaila , which we haveseen (p . 171 ) the Vinaya places 1 10

years after the B uddha ’ s death.1

CO U N CI L OF PAT AL I PU T R A . 187

Having settled the habits tcha -byad) of the bhikshusthe ten indulgences ? see p . and having ex

hibited different miracles, there occurred, on account offive propositions, a great schism in the congregation (san

gha) . T he S thaviras called N aga, S thiramati (Yid brian

pa) , and B ahucrutiya advocated the five propositions andtaught accordingly. T hey said that (the doctrines concerning) answer to another (or advice to another

, gdzan

la lan-

gdab) , ignorance (mi shes-pa) , doubt (lit . doublemindedness

, gid gngis-

pa ) , complete demonstration (gong8a btags

-

pa) , restoration of self (bdag-ngicl gso—ba '

r hyed-

pa) ,were the way, and that they were taught (lit. the doctrineof) by the Buddha.

1 T hen they (the congregation) becamedivided into two schools, the S thaviraand theMahasanghika,and for sixty- three years after the division of the congregation they obstinately quarrelled (hkii rag long-

gio gnas-so) .

One hundred and two years later, the S thavira and theVatsiputriya rightly collected the doctrine (hsian-

p a gang

dag-

p ar badas- so) . After they had rightly collected it,

there arose two divisions of the Mahasanghika, theE kavyaharika and the Gokulika. T he E kavyaharika considered as fundamental doctrines that the blessed Buddhas

(f. 661

) having passed beyond the world, the T athagata is notsubject to worldly laws ; that the dharmachakras of all theT athagatas do not agree ;

2 that the words of all the T atha1 V asumitra, op . cit , 175

1,says, ledge (rang rig ma yin

-no) to evenI t is asserted that a little more arhats are doubt and ignorance

than a century a fter the death of the

B lessed B uddha , after the setting of

the radiant sun,in

'

the city of Pataliputra, during the reign of KingAcoka , the one ruler of the (whole)land (of I ndia) , occurred the schism

Of the Mahasanghika . I t took placeon account Of the conception and

promulgation Of five propositions :

influence by another (gdzan -

gyis

nye-bar bsgrub-pa ) , ignorance (mi

shes -pa ), doubt (som-nyi ), investigation Of another (gdzan -

gyi m am-

par

spyod-

pa ) , the production of the

way (by) words (lam syra (yis ) khyin V initadeva , op . cit , f. 1733 ,has,

“T here is no intuitive know

(dgra -bchom-

pa-rnams -la gang som

nyi dang mi-shes-p a yod-de) the ex

planations of another are useful in(acquiring) the fruit (hbra s-bu -la

gdzan-

gyi brda-sp rad dgos-so) ; to

speak Of misery, to explain m isery(to another ), will produce the way

(sdug-bsnga l smos-shing, sdug bsngal

ts’

ig-tu brj od-

pas lam Skye-bar bygar

fro) . Conf. also T aranatha, p. 4 1,line 20 .

2 S o I understand the text, whichis, .De-bdzin-

gshegs-

p a thams -chad -kyi

tchos-kyi kkhor -lo bskor -ba i rjesu

gsungs-

pa ni mi hjug -

go; lit . of all the

T athagatas , the wheel of the law has

been spoken in agreement (it) does

188 THE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

gatas are revered in their spirit (snying-

po- la) . (T hey say)

that all the T athagatas here (in this world) are withoutlonging for rapa ; that the bOdhisattva does not passthrough the successive stages of embryonic development

! lit . does not receive the condition of kalala (mar-na p) ,arbada (mer-mer) , p echi (nar-nar) , and gana (gor (butthat) , after having entered his mother

’ s S ide as an elephant,

he appears is born) (by) his own (will ?) (T heysay) that a bOdhisattva has no kamasandjna (hdod-

pai

hda shes) ; he is born at his will among inferior beingsfor the salvation of mankind (lit . to bring people tomaturity) . (T hey say) that with one wisdom (dj ana ,

ye shes) the four truths are perfectly understood that thesix vidjnanas are subj ect to passions (ndoa- tchags

-dangbehas) and free from p assions . (According to theirtheories) the eye sees forms ; arhats acquire the doctrine by others ; and, moreover, there is a way to castoff ignorance, uncertainty ; complete demonstration, andmisery (exist) .

1 T here are words (spoken while) in a

state of perfect abstraction ; there is (such a thing as)to cast off impurity he who has perfectly acquired rightrestraint has cast off all yoga (attachment) . T atha

gatas

have not the right view (of the rest of) humanity. T he

mind (sems) being of its nature radiant,it must not be

said that anucayas (bag-la nga l, thoughts) participate of

not exist . Wassilief, however (B uddhisme

, p. 235, note translates it ,

T he predication of the T athagata

does not enter (mi kj ug-

go) into thewheel of the doctrine . T he textof the T ibetan translation of B havya

must be incorrect, for both Vasu

m itra (f. and V in itadeva (f.172

b ) agree in saying just the oppo

s ite . T he first says, All the words

of the T athagata turn with the wheel

of the law”

(i . e. are true ) ; the latter,T he turning the wheel of the law

is of the word”

(tchos-kyi hkhor -lo

bskOr -ba ni ts’ig

-

gi yin-no) which I

suppose means that the wheel of the

law is in agreement—is part of the

words spoken by the B uddha ; but

the phrase is curiously constr ucted,

and,to me

,ungrammatical. B y

changing the order of the words in

B havya it would be easy to arriveat the same sense as that of the

other texts, but the negation would

have to be suppressed .

1 T he text is, Dgra

-bchom-

pa

rnams Icyang gdzan-dag -

gis bstan -

pa

sgrub-

par-byed

-do. Mi -shes-pa dangyid gnyis dang yonsu brtags

-

pa dangsdug

-bsngal spong-

pa i lam yang god

do. V asumi tra, op . cit,f. 1593 , re

fers to the same theories, but his

words are very obscure . S ee Wassi

lief,B uddh . , p. 228.

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190 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

T here are two divisions of the S thavira ,the Old S thavira

(sngar-

gyi gnas-brian) (f. 167

2

) and the Haimavata .

T he fundamental doctrines of the Old S thavira are as

follows Arhats are not perfected by the teaching ofanother

,so likewise the remainder of the five propositions

are denied ; the pudgala exists ; there is an intermediarystate (between two successive existences) arhatship is

parinirvana (dgT a -bchom-

p a gongsu mga-ngan

- las-hdas-pa

ni god-do) the past and the future exist (in the present)

there is a sense donz artha ) of nirvana. T hese are thefundamental doctrines of the (Old) S thaviras.

T he fundamental doctrines of the Haimavata are that abodhisattva is not an ordinary mortal ; that even a tirthika

has the five abhidjnanas ; that the pudgala is separate fromthe skandhas

,because in the (state of) nirvana in which

the skandhas are arrested the pudgala exists . Wordsenter into samapatti words are S poken in that state) ;suffering is removed by the marga. T hese are the fundamental doctrines of the Haimavata.

Moreover,the first S thavira (dang p oi gnas brian)

divided into two sects,the S arvastivadina and the Vatsi

putriya.

T he fundamental doctrines of the S arvastivadina are allcomprised in two (propositions T he compound and theelementary exist. What is the consequence of this (theory) ?T hat there is no pudgala ; therefore if this body withoutatman comes into existence

,there being no agent (hyed-

pa

med-citing) , no right-doer, one consequently drops into thestream of existence . 1 T his is the way they S peak. T heseare the fundamental doctrines of the S arvastivadina.

T heir fundamental doctrines are all comprised in R ama

1 T his passage on the theories Of ba . I t is not contrary to what

the S arvastivadina is difficult : E das V asumitra tells us,f. 160 . S ee also

byas dang hdus-ma byas

-so. D e skad V initadeva, f. who has that

amras-pas-chir hgyur. Gang -sag ni they believed it very meritorious to

med ches bya-ba ste, j i skad -da bdag honour tchaityas ; that they distin

med-

pa-yi lus hd i khyang

-na,byed

-

pa guished three kinds of elementary,med ching, rigs

-

pa-

po-

yang med, j i &c. , &c.Ztar hkhor-ba i tchu-klang hjug-hgyur

THE OR I E S OF THE MAH I CAS AR A . 19 1

'

rapa . T he past and the future exist (at the present time) ;the crotapatti is not subject to degeneracy. T here are threecharacteristics (f. of compound things . T he fourholy truths are gradually understood. T he void

,the un

desired,and the uncharacteristic lead to the unblemished

(state, skgon-med-

pa- la) . With fifteen seconds one has

attained the fruit o f (grotapanna.

1 T he crotapatti findsdhyana. E ven the arhat has an imperfect existence .2

Ordinary mortals can cast ofl‘

raga or evil-mindedness.E ven a tirthika has the five abhidjanas. T here are meansfor even a deva to lead a virtuous life (brahmacliariya ) .All the sfitras have a straight (drang-

po, richa ) sense . Hewho has entered the unblemished (truth) , has (passed)beyond the kamadhatu. T here is a right view of thekamaloka inherent to persons inhabiting the kamaloka All the five vidjnanas are not under the rule ofthe passions

, (but) they are not also free from passions .T hese are the fundamental doctrines of the S arvastivadina.

T here is,moreover

,a se ct (bye-brag) of the S arvastivadina

which is the Vaibadhyavadina.

T he divisions of the Vaibadhyavadina are the Mahi

casaka, the Dharmaguptaka, the T amracatiya, and theKacyapiya.

T he fundamental doctrines of the Mahicasaka are T he

past and the future do not exist ; present compound thingsexist. T o distinguish misery is to see into the parts ofthe four truths. Anucayas are one and the evident cause

(mngon da n 11 ! sems I ) is another they must be distinguished) . T here is no intermediary existence (betweentwo successive regenerations) ; there is (such a thing as) alife of virtue (brahmachariya) in the abode of devas ;

3 even

1Wassilief, op . cit , p. 248 , note 3,2 T he text has dgra

-bchom-

p a

tells us that there are sixteen periods yang nyam pa sring-ngo. I read the

or moments through which onemust last words nyams-

pa sT id-do.

pass before he becomes an ariya.

3 V asumitra , op . cit ,f. says

Con f. V asum itra,f. 16010,

“Having the contrary, and V initadeva , f.entered the unblemished reality, the also . V asum itra

,loc. cit , also says

m ind’

s development (sems bskyed-

pa ) that they deny an intermediaryin fifteen (moments) is called crota existence , but V initadeva does not

panna .

”agree with him .

T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA

an arhat accumulates merit.1 All the five vidjnanas are

(subject to) the passions and without passion (raga) . T he

pudgala pervades all the individual ; 2 the crotapatti ao

quires dyana. Ordinary beings (can) cast off passions andwickedness . T he Buddha is comprised in the sangha.

T he emancipation (lit. perfect freedom) of the (or a) Buddhaand of the cravakas is one . T here is no such thing as toperceive (mthong) the pudgala. N either the mind nor itsmanifestations

,nor anything which participates in the

least of the conditions o f birth,passes from this life into

another. All compound things are momentary. I f birthis through an extension of the sanskara

,the sanskara do

not (however) exist permanently. Karma is as is themind . T here is no liberty of body or speech ;3 there is nocondition not subject to degeneracy ; there is no rewardfor honouring a tchaitya. (Any) present event is alwaysan anucaya (da - ltar byang

-ba T tag- tn ni bag

- la -nyal-ba yin

no) . T o distinguish compound things is to enter the unblemished (truth) .T hese are the fundamental doctrines of the Mahicasaka.

T he fundamental doctrines of the Dharmaguptaka are

as follows : T he Buddha is not comprised in the sangha.

1

T here is a great reward from (offerings made to) theBuddha

,but none from (those made to) the sangha,

T here is (such a thing as) a life of virtue (brahmachariga)in the abode of the devas . T here are worldly laws (hj igfrian-

pa i- tchos-ni god

-do) . T hese are the fundamentaldoctrines of the Dharmaguptaka.

5

1 V asumitra ,loc. cit ,

says the

contrary, but V initadeva agrees with

our text .

facultywith freedom of action .

4 B ut V asum itra, f . 1633,says ,

T he B uddha is represented in the2 T he text is, Gang-sag ni mgo la

sogs-

pa las dang mnyam-

pa yin-no,

lit . “the pudgala is equal to the

head and all the rest Of the body.

”

V asum itra, f. says,“T he pud

gala is even with the head”

(mgomnyam

-

pa yod -do).3 T hat is to say, if I understand

rightly the text (sems j i -ltar-ba de

ltar las-yin-gyi

-lus dang ngag-

gi las

ni med -do) , the mind is the only

sangha .

”V initadeva agrees with

our text . I n the following clause

the words in brackets are supplied

from V asum itra’

s work our text isevidently imperfect .

5 V asumitra, loc . cit , adds that

the body of an arhat is without

asrava. All the rest (of their

theories ) are like those of the

Mahasanghika .

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194 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

mentary,and also (some) which are not momentary .

One must not say that the pudgala is either an apadana

skandha,or that it is not . T hey do not say that nirvana is

in the unification of all conditions,or that it is in the

disruption (of them) .1 T hey do not say that nirvana is

real existence (god-

pa ngid) , or that it is not real existence . (T hey say that) the five vidjnanas are not subjectto passions ; that there are none without raga. T hese arethe fundamental doctrines of the Vatsiputriya . T here areyet two divisions of the Vatsiputriya, the Mahagiriya and

the S ammatiya .

T he fundamental doctrines of the S ammatiya are : (T hebelief in) the existence of what shall be futurethings) , o f what is, of what shall be arrested ; (the beliefin the existence of) birth and death (as well) as of thething which shall die, of the agent

,of the thing which

shall decay (as well as of) decay, of what shall go (aswell as) in going, of what must be perceived (as well as)in perception (cidjnana) .

2

T here are two kinds of Mahagiriya (T i- tchen-

po) , theDharmottariya and the B hadrayaniya.

(F. T he fundamental doctrines of the Dharmot

tariya is : I n birth is ignorance ; in the arresting of birthis the arresting of ignorance . T he B hadrayaniya are likeunto them . S ome say that the S hannagarika school is adivision of the Mahagiriya others that it is a division ofthe S ammatiya, thus making four divisions of the Vatsi

putriya school .T he eighteen divisions (T nam-

pa) came into existencegradually through following (the theories of) certaindoctorswho are the originators of them .

3 T here is much1 T his clause is obscure it runs

, I offer my translation as tentative .

Mya -ngan- la s-hdas-pa n i takos thams Conf. what V asumitra (f. 162) and

chad dang gehig-

pa-nyid

-da dam tha V initadeva (f. 174h) say of this

dad -

pa-nyid

-da mi brj od -do. N either school. T he latter classes it with

V asumitra nor V initadeva mention the Kaurukullaka , Guptaka, and

this doctrine . V atsiputriya schools .

2 I n other words , they believe in 3 B havya gives this as the theorysubjective and Objective existence . of another class of historians.T he passage is certainly obscure, and

T HE OR Y OF PR I MAR Y S U B S TAN CE . 195

more to be said about another separation . Here is how

(arose) the diversity o f doctrines and the four divisionsof the S arvastivadina, which was caused by the diversity

(of Opinions) on substance (bhasa , angos-po) , characteristics (lahshana ,

mis’

an-ngia) , condition (gnas-shahs) , and

change (gdzan gdzan-da hgynT-ba-ngia) .

Concerning primary substance and its change, the B hadanta Dharmatrata said that, according to circumstances

(tohos- T nams) and time, there is (no) changing of substance and no transmutation into another substance

(bhasa ) . I f a gold vase has been destroyed and (afterwards) made into something else , made into anothershape

,it will not however be another substance (T dsas) .

Likewise milk,if it become curds

,though it has acquired

a different taste, property (nus-p a) , another shape (smin

pa) , (yet) it is the same substance .1 I n like manner

,i f

past conditions (dharma ) exist in the present, (they retain)the substance (dngos-po) of the past. T here is no destruotible matter therefore

,he said, if the present (condition)

exists in the future ; the present substance (dngos-po) isnot of a destructible nature it will be the same inthe future) .

(T he theory of) the change of characteristics is (the'work) of the B hadanta Ghoshaka . He said that all

things under the influence of time cannot but have inthe future and in the present the characteristics whichthey had in the past . T he future and the future characteristics of a thing cannot but be the past and presentones . For example , if men loved one woman,

they are

not without affection for all the rest (of womankind) .2

(T he theory of) the change of condition is (the work) ,of the B hadanta Vasumitra . He said that things underthe influence of time which are said to change do not

1 T he text ishka -dog n i ma yin-

pa , &c . , but on the circumstances and

it is not the colour, which I sup time .

pose must imply that the new quali2

.Dp er-na skyes

-bu-dag bud-med

ties acquired by m ilk in becom ing gchig-la tchags

-

par-

ggur-

pa-na

, lhagcurds do not depend on the colour, ma rnams -la tchags

-

pa-dang

-bral-ba

a i ma yin-no .

196 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

alter their condition (gnas-shahs) . For example,in a

single vegetable one speaks of one life, in a series of anhundred it is an hundred lives, in a thousand it is a

thousand existence s . T hat is what he said .

1

(T he theory of) passing from one (condition) intoanother of change) is (the work) of the B hadantaB uddhadeva . He said that when one looks at the remote

(sngon) and the proximate (phyi -ma) in the work of timeon things, one says that they (have passed) from one

(condition) into another. For example,one speaks of a

woman as ma (or mother) she is also called bi t-mo,”

(or girl) . S o it is that these (four) men say that allthings exist

,and they are S arvastivadinas.

Likewise some (teachers) said that there are seven

pratitga (T kgen) ,—cause (hem) , thought (alambana) , proxi

mity de-ma - thag-

pa ) , the atman (bdag-

p o) , karma, food

(zas) , dependency (men) . S ome said that there beingfour ways of mental perception, truth was various (bden

pa so-soo) . Others say that as there are eight (kinds) ofreligious knowledge (tekos-shes-pa ) and knowledge derivedfrom experience (lit . example, Tj esa shes-pa) , there is noanalytical knowledge .Here we will leave B havya, for the remaining pages of

his treatise only recapitulate the opinions of the S arvastivadina school, and we know enough of these from Vasumitra . Although it is not within the scope of thiswork to examine in detail the doctrines of the Mahayanaschools of Buddhism which superseded those of which

B havya and Vasumitra speak, and which were called bytheir opponents Hinayana schools, yet I cannot refrainfrom giving the following extract from a very interesting

Vaipulya sfitra called Angulimaliya sfitra (B kah-hggur,

Mdo xvi. , f. 208 et seq. ) (f.“All sentient beings

exist in the essence (garbha ) of the T athagata ; this isthe teaching of the Mahayana, whereas the Cravakayana

1 S ngon-bu gchig

-bubgrangs-

pa i-ts

’

e dzes - bya , granga stong- da bgrang

ni gehig ches brj od-

par-gyur

-

pa-la , pa its

’

e ni stong dzes-bya -ba dang

grangs brgyar gtogs

-

pai-ts

’

e ni brgya hdrao.

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198 1 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA.

T he five organs of sense are a chief dogma in the

Cravakayana, but it is not so in the Mahayana. (Here)the five organs of sense are : T o see the T athagata as

eternally vis ible (gsal bar) in all one ’ s meditation,this i s

the (organ of the) eye . Having heard the T athagata iseternal

,

”always to meditate this way is the (organ of the)

ear. Always to refleCt that the T athagata exhales thefragrance of eternity is the (organ of the) nose . Alwaysto reflect that the essence of the T athagata is in nirvana

(the freedom from sorrow)1 is the (organ) of the tongue .

Always to reflect when one has heard and felt that thedharmakaya of the T athagata is the most exalted body,that is the body.

T he six senses (ayatana ) are a chief dogma in the Cravakayana

,but there is no such series o f six senses in the

Mahayana . (With it) what is called the six ayatana are

T o reflect,as a means for arriving at perfection

,that the

T athagata must be considered (seen) as eternally visible,that is the ayatana of the eye . T o reflect

,as a means for

arriving at perfection,that one has heard the T athagata

is eternal,that is the ayatana of the ear. T o reflect

,

!

as

a means for arriving at perfection,that one has heard the

essence (gartha) of the T athagata is the odour of eternity

(or is an eternal fragrance) , that is the ayatana of the nose .T o reflect

,as a means for arriving at perfe ction

,that the

essence of the T athagata is the doctrine (hsian-

pa ) , is theayatana of the tongue . T o reflect

,as a means for arriving

at perfection,that one has heard and felt that the dhar

makaya of the T athagata is the most exalted mind of thatbody (ska dei blo-dam-

pa ) , that is the ayatana of the body.

T o perfectly believe with unwavering heart in the manifest doctrine of the T athagata, that is the ayatana of thedoor of entering this sense of the way of truth) , i sthe ayatana of the mind (manas) .T he s even branches of the Bodhi is a chief dogma in

1 D e-bdzin -

gshegs-

pa i snying-

pa i nas ma -ts’

ang-ba -med-

par syan-

pa de

mya-nga s

-nas (z mya -ngan-las hdas) ni lcheo.

DOCT R I N E S OF T HE MAHAYAN A . 199

the Cravakayana. E ven in the Mahayana those seven

(branches) are difficult terms to find, like the bloomingflower of the fig- tree (udumbara ) . T hose seven brancheso f the Bodhi

,the seven full-blown flowers, are the eternity

of the T athagata.

T he holy eightfold way is a chief dogma in the C ravakayana. T his Mahayana has another holy eightfold waythan right views

,&0. Furthermore, the teaching that the

T athagata is the chief eternity (T tag-

pai mtchog) is an holyeightfold way. T o have heard and fully appreciated thegreatnes s of the T athagata is to have found the right wayto pass beyond sorrow (nirvana) . (T o know that) theT athagata’ s eternity, everlastingness, is the highest blessing, is to become cool .

1 E nlightenment (bodhi) is bliss

(shis-pa ni sangs- Tgyas

- ie) . T he Dharmakaya is the T athagata . T he essence of the T athagata is without old ageknows no decay) . T hese are what one must know as theeight branches o f the way. T he nine branches of thesatra nikaya are a chief dogma in the Cravakayana. T hisMahayana says that there is but one mode of conveyance

(gana) in all penetrating (f. 27 wisdom . T he ten forcesof the T athagata are a chief dogma in the Cravakayana ;in this Mahayana there are not ten forces of the T athagata

,but an unlimited force . Whereas the Blessed Buddha

is incomprehensible and cannot enter the mind, thereforehis might is infinite . T he Blessed Buddha taught infiniteparables (in the) sfi tra nikaya (mdo- sdemikah-

gas-

p a idem

po-ngad

- ta ston-

pao) .2 T his is the only way. T he T atha

1 D e-bdzin -

gshegs-

pai-rtag

-

pa ther

zug gyang-drung

-

gi mtchog bsil-bar

gyar-

pa .

2 Which might perhaps be ren ~

dered ,T he B lessed B uddha ex

pounded ih parables the infinite Of

the satra nihaya .

” M ade man ifestby parables the doctrine of the infi

nite as it was contained in the sfitras

in Obscure terms . However, it maysimply imply that the Mahayana

taught that the doctrines in the six

tras were to be understood allegori

cally, a theory which we know to

have been held by some of the earlier

schools . S ee V asumitra’

s S ama

yabedhoparachanachakra , f. 16 13 .

(T he S arvastivadina school teaches

that ) there are doctrines which havenot been taught in the precepts (lungda mi ston-

p a i tchos-rnams god

-do . )Conf. however, Wassilief

’

s transla

tion Of this phrase . B uddh. , p, 249,

where I cannot follow him .

200’

T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

gata is the only vehicle (gana) , the one refuge, the onetruth to follow after

,the one realm (khams) , the one being,

the one colour !aha -dog) ; therefore there is but one yana ,

the others are but expedients .”

I would like to examine more in detail the characteristics o f the Mahayana doctrine

,which gave a new impetus

to Buddhism, and perhaps made it acceptable to races

which would have refused it in its primitive purity ; butenough has been said to S how how pervaded its teachingswere with mysticism and ideas antagonistic to Gautama

'

steaching . I will only give a short text concerning a veryinteresting feature of the Mahayana theory, namely, thatof the three bodies or kagatraya ,

in which we find an

important link in the chain of doctrinal evolution,which

finally led to the theory of the Adi Buddhas or divineessence

,

”and to that of the Dhyani Buddhas .

Once I heard the following discourse (said Ananda) ,while the Blessed One was stopping at Rajagriha

,on the

Vulture ’ s Peak,together with an innumerable number o f

bodhisattvas,davas

,and nagas who were doing him homage .

T hen from out this company,the Bodhisattva Kshiti

garbha (S ai-snying-

po) , who was (also) there, arose.from

his seat and S poke as follows to the Blessed One : Has

the Blessed One a body T he Blessed One said,Kshiti

garbha, the Blessed One , the T athagata, has three bodiesthe body of the law (Dharmakaya) , the body of perfectenjoyment (S ambhdgahaga) , the apparitional body (N irmanakaya ) . N oble sir (Kalapa tra ) , of the three bodiesof the T athagata, the Dharmakaya is a perfectly purenature (scabhava) , the S ambhOgakaya is a perfectly puresamadhi a perfectly pure life is the N irmanakaya o f allBuddhas . N oble sir

,the Dharmakaya of the T athagata

is the prerogative of being without scabhaoa 1 like space ;the S ambhOgakaya is the prerogative of being visible like1 I think that scabhava is here space , and space is without charac

used to express absence of all char teristics .

”Dr . E dkins , J . R . A . S .

,

acteristics .

”I n Angulimaliya S fitra, 188 1, p. 63, renders the expression

f. 250, T he B lessed B uddha is like Dharmakaya by“doctrinal self. ”

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202 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

sattva Kshitigarbha , the davas , nagas, yakshas, gandharbas

,and men were delighted

,and lauded greatly what the

Blessed One had said .

” 1

I f we refer to the work of the Chinese Buddhist JinCh’an

,we find that Dharmakaya has become Vairojanathe omnipresent) , S ambhOgakaya is called Rajanathe infinitely pure or glorious) , and N irmanakaya i s

Cakyamuni. N ow these three T athagatas are all in

cluded in one substantial essence . T he three are thesame as one ; not one , and yet not different ; withoutparts or composition . When regarded as one, the threepersons are spoken of as T athagata. But it may beasked , if the persons are one substance , how is it that thisone substance is differently manifested ? I n reply wesay there is no real difference ; these manifestations are

only different views of the same unchanging substance .” 2

1 S ee B kah-hgyur, Mdo xxn . f. 8 1. and sages , exclusively devoted to theCon f. S tan . Julien , M em . sur les practice Of religion . I t is for this

Contrées Occidentales, i . p. 240 . I n reason,said Cakya , that he is called

the Karandavyuha (B urnouf, I ntr. Dharmakaya who has for body11 l

’

Hist .

, p. 200 ) the preceding inter the law.

”S ee also J . E dkins ,

pretation Of Dharmakaya is un J . R . A . S . ,188 1 , p . 63 ; Wassilief,

known . I n each of the pores Of B uddh. , p. 127 ; B eal, Catena , p .

the B odhisattva Avalokitesvara rise 124 , 373. o

mountains and woodswhere live gods 2 B eal, Catena , p. 124.

( 203 )

CHAPT E R V I I .

T HE E AR LY HI S T OR Y OF B OD-YU L (T I B E T ) .

T HE early history of T ibet or Bod-yul can only be saidto commence with the introduction of Buddhism

,or per

haps rather of Chinese influence,into that country

,and it

appears highly probable that all the events chronicled as

anterior to that epoch must be considered in great partas legendary. I t is

,moreover

,worthy of remark that

these legends seem to be a rather clumsy adaptation o fthe Chinese ones relative to their first sovereigns

,which

are recorded in the Bamboo books .Another consideration, however, exercised great influence with T ibetan historians when

,in the reign of R al

pa- chan

,they commenced writing their national history

,

and that was to make the genealogy of their monarchsascend

,if not to the Buddha himself

,at least to one of

his friends and protectors . And as we have in E uropefamilies who are proud to claim descent from the VirginMary or from the wise men of the east, so likewise thefirst T ibetan monarch claims descent from Prasenadj it,king of Koeala, one of the early converts and the lifelong friend of the Buddha Gautama .

1

What information is derivable from early Chinese

1 S anang S etsen , in his history Of Khri bstan po, the first T ibetan

the E asternMongols , p. 2 1, says that king, belonged to the fam ily Of

the Qakya race (to which the B uddha Cakya the Licchavi. Many other

belonged ) was divided into three B uddhist sovereigns of I ndia and

parts , whose mo st celebrated repre elsewhere claimed the same descent .

sentatives were Cakya the great S ee Huen T hsang, S i-

yu-ki (Julien ) ,

(the B uddha), Cakya the L icchavi, i . p. 179, ii. p. 107, 810.

and Cakya the mountaineer. Guya

204 T HE LI FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

authors,such as S se-ma- tsien

,or from the later compila

tion of Ma-twan -lin relative to the T ibetans,may not be

applicable to those tribes which founded the kingdomof T ibet

,for the early Chinese were only acquainted with

the eastern and north - eastern T ibetan tribes which havealways been wilder than those S ituated farther west .N evertheless

,as all these tribes belonged to the same

stock,it may prove interesting to note what fewparticulars

I have been able to collect from the works at my disposal .

T he Chinese name for the early T ibetans is -K ’

iangGfi )(S se-ma- tsien

,Kb . 123, p . or “ shepherds

,

”and even

to the present day a large part of the T ibetan nation are

pastors . T hey were divided into small clans,which

were continually at war with one another, and were con

sidered by the Chinese as an assemblage of ferocioustribes still barbarians . E ach year they took a littleoath ” to their chiefs

,who were called T han -phu (B tsan-

po,

when they sacrificed sheep,dogs, and monkeys .

E very three years they took the great oath,

”and sacri

ficed men,horses

,oxen

,and asses . T hey had no written

characters,but made use of notched pieces of wood and of

knotted cordelets .

1 I n short,the degree of civilisatibn of

the early T ibetans may unquestionably be compared withthat of the Lo- lo tribes of our days

,who inhabit Yunan ,

and who are most likely of the same stock as their easternneighbours . T he T ibetans pretend that their first parentswere a monkey-king who had been sent to the snowy kingdom by Avalokitesvara and a rakshasi or female demon .

T hey had S ix children,and as soon as they were weaned

the father took them into a forest of fruit trees and abandoued them . When , after a few years

,he came back

,he

found to his great surprise that their number had increasedto five hundred . T hey had eaten all the fruit in the forest

,

and so , pressed by hunger, they came clamouring piteouslyaround him . T he monkey-king had recourse to his patron1 Abel R emusat , R echerches sur B ushell, J . R . A. S . , N ew S eries, xi i .

les Langues T artares, p. 384 and p. 440 et seq.

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206 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

Gyang-drung

-

gi-bon} and this creed is still followed by.

part of the T ibetans and the barbarous tribes of the Himalayas . Mr. Brian Hodgson connects it with the primitiveT uranian superstitions and the doctrines ofCaivism ; but,

”

he adds,

“ in theHimalayas even the B OD -

pa priests themselves can tell nothing of the origin of their belief. ” 2 T he

word Bon-pa is unquestionably derived (as General Cunningham was first to point out

,Yule ’ s Marco Polo

,i . p .

287) from Pa nya ,one of the names of the S vastikas or

worshippers of the mystic cross swasti, which in T ibetanis called gyang

-drung.

”

T he only work of the B on-

pawhich has been made accessible to Western scholars is a Satra translated by A. S chiefner ;

3 but Buddhist influence is so manifest in it that itis impossible to consider it as giving us very correct ideaso f what this religion was before it came in contact withBuddhism . T he B on-

pa religion has repeatedly been saidto be the same as that of the T ao- sse

,

‘1and it is remark

able that these two religions have drawn so largely fromBuddhist ideas that they have nearly identified themselveswith it .I fancy that the following description of the religious

ideas of the Lo - los of S se-tchuen will give us some ideaof what was the early T ibetan national religion .

“ T he

religion o f the Lo-los is sorcery ; it almost entirely consistsin exorcising evil S pirits

,which are

,they say, the sole

authors of evil . T hey fear the devil and devilish imprecations ; therefore to get away from their evil influencesthey wear on their persons amulets as talismans

,and hang

1 S ee S chiefner, Ueber das B on -

po

S utra, p. 6.

2 J. R . A . S . , vol. xvn . p. 396

399. S ee also his notice “On the

T ribes of N orthern T ibet in his

E ssays, p . 80 , note.

3 T he T ibetan t itle of this workis Gtsang -ma klu hbum dkar -

po, or“ T he holy white naga hundred

thousand .

” Mem . de l’

Acad. de S t.

Peters , xxv111. , N O . 1. S ee also E .

S chlaginweit , Ueber der B on-

po

S ecte in T ibet .

4 Klaproth, D escription de T ibet,

p. 97, 148 . S utra in 42 S ections ,I ntr. ,

“T he B on -

pa of China ,”&0.

S ee on the influence of B uddhism

on T aoism,Dr. Legge

’

s Lectures on

the R eligions of China, p. 166—170et seq.

1 T HE B ON -PA DOCT R I N E S . 207

on the walls of their houses branches of trees or skulls ofanimals . ” 1

From the work translated by M . S chiefner we learnthat the founder of the Bon-pa religion was Gshen-rabs

,

or Gshen-rabs mi-bo,called also excellent Mahapurusha,

glorious Mahapurusha,“whose compassion S hines forth

like the rays of the sun . I n his right hand he holds theiron hook of mercy

,and in his left the mudra of equality.

On his head is the mitra j ewel . I t may possibly be thatthis “ iron hook of mercy,

” with which Gshen-rabs fishespeople out of the ocean of transmigration

,has something

to do with the swastika cross,which is also a hooked

cross . I n former times,as a bodhisattva

,

” he says (f.I have Obtained perfect freedom by walking in the

way of perfect charity. He took upon himself the taskof teaching the holy law to all humanity in the ten regionso f the thousand millions of continents, and for that purposehe took the form of the holy white naga Hundred- thousand .

He taught the four truths of Gshen-rabs,the five perfec

tions—charity,morality

,patience, steadfastness , and me

d itation . T he five exoteric perfections—virtue,charity

,

prayer, means , and wisdom . T he nine branches of the

gyang-dm ng (cf. the nine B odhganga ) , &c. ; in all the 142

rules of deliverance which “are the foundation and root

for humanity ” “Any one who masters them possessesall knowledge . For him who has faith this doctrine isthe foundation of all knowledge . S hun evil

,and learn to

know this excellent law ”

(f.“Form is the cause of transmigration , of desire, of

misery, and by walking in the way of the five perfections ,of charity

,morality

,patience, steadfastness, and medita

tion (the five Buddhist paramitas) , one will leave behindthe torrent of the misery of lust and subjection to transmigration .

“ I f any one lives in the perfection of charity, it I S

1 S ee Vivien de S t . Martin,Année letter of M . Crabouiller to the Mis

Geographique, 1873, p. 99, from a sions Catholiques.

208 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

happiness ; if he enters the perfection of charity, it ishappiness ; if he abides in the perfection of charity, it ishappiness ; if he remains steadfastly in the perfection o fcharity, it is happiness . I f any one is in possession of thisidea

,it is the heaven of Bon (B on-ngia) . I f any one is in

possession of this idea,it is the gyang-aming (scasti) of

B on. I f any one is in possession of this idea,it is the

wisdom of B on . S o it is in like manner with the pericot ion of morality

,patience} &c.

T he first king of T ibet was Gnya -khri btsan-

po (in Mon

golian S eger S andalitu) , a son of King Prasenadjit ofKosala. He was elected by the twelve chiefs of thetribes of S outhern and Central T ibet

,who hoped by this

means to put an end to the internecine wars which wereravaging the country. He took up his residence in theYar- lung country 2 the S anpu valley

,south of Lhasa) ,

and built a castle at Phyi-dhang- stag- stse

,which became

known as the U -bu bla- sgang or Ombo-blang-gang . He

ruled according to law,and the kingdom was in happiness .

He organised an army to protect his person,to quell

troubles in the country, and to keep Off foreign enemies .T he five principal sages glorified (the king) in records ingold and turquoises (E . S chlaginweit, Konige von T ibet

,

p . 332 T his last remark seems to confirm whatthe Chines e say about the T ibetans making use of a

species of quippus. According to S anang S etsen (p .

1 S ee S chiefner, op . cit pa ssim.

2 T he Y ar-lung river empties intothe Yaru T sang

-

po a little east of

Dhamda , and takes its rise in the

D alatang T chukhang glaciers . I ts

course has been explored by E uropeans . Yap -lung , says Jaschke,D ict . , s . v. , p. 508 , a large tributaryof the Yang-tse -kyang, coming fromthe north, in Western China, east of

the town of B athang. N everthelessT ibetan historians , from a partialityto old legends , describe it as flowingnear the mountain of Y arlhasam

po , which is a snowy mountain be

tween Lhasa and the frontier Of

B hotan, near which, according to

tradition , the first king of T 1het,coming from I ndia , first entered thecountry.

”S arat Chandra Das

,Op .

cit , p. 214 , says“that he erected

the great palace of Y ambu Lagari,on the site of which Lhasa was builtin later days .

”T his can hardly be

made to agree with the statement

that S rong btsan - sgam-

pomoved hiscapital to Lhasa . T hough it is

true that he says m y great-

grand

father T otori snyan-shal resided in

Lhasa, on the red mountain (Dmar

po S anang S etsen p.

325.

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210 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

that the first miS S 1onar1es m T ibet came from N epal . T hisprince ascended the throne at the age of twenty in 367A.D .

(S anang S etsen) . While he was at Ombu in his eightiethyear (427 there fell from heaven into his palace a

casket which contained a Copy of the Za-ma - thog bleed

pa i mdo (Karandavyuha satra ) , an almsbowl (patT a) , theS ix essential syllables (0m mani padme ham) , a goldentchaitya and a clay image of the chintamani . I t is remarkable that the Karandavyuha satra, which does notappear to have been especially venerated in China or inI ndia

,was one of the favourite books of the N epalese , and

an object of great veneration in their country . T his isone of the reasons which has led me to suggest that Buddhism first came to T ibet from N epal . Another one isthat when King S rong-btsan sgam

-

po wanted to propagatethis religion in T ibet, he sent for religious works to N epal ,and

,as we shall have occasion to relate farther on, he

made his envoy translate this sfi tra before returning toT ibet.A few years after the apparition in T ibet of these objectsof Buddhist worship

,five strangers came to the king and

explained their use and power ; but this first attempt atconversion proved unsuccessful . T he king

,most likely

imbued with national superstition too deep - set to beeasily dispelled, had all kinds of honours and offeringsmade to the precious casket, as if it were a fetish, but didnot embrace the religious ideas of the strangers

,who

departed from the country. Lhathothori lived a hundredand twenty years , dying consequently in 467 A.D. (S anangS etsen) .

1

T he fourth successor of Lhathothori was Gnam-ri srang

bisan ,who ascended the throne in the latter part of the

Fanni, son of T hufa Liluku of the than the one I have adopted, but it

S outhern Liang dynasty (A .D . is very difficult with the materials

S ee B ushell, op . cit , p. 439 . we have at our disposal to fix any1 Csoma

,op . cit , p. 182, says that date in T ibetan chronology. Csoma ,

he died 371 A .D . ,and S arat Chandra S anang S etsen ,

and S arat Chandra

D as,op . cit , p. 2 17, in 561 A .D . T his Das

, our chief authorities , do not

last date is perhaps nearer the truth agree on any one date. According

KI N G S R ON G-B T S AN -S CAM-PO . 1 1

sixth century . During his reign the T ibetans got theirfirst knowledge of medicine and mathematics (arithmetic)from China. T he great salt-mine north of Lhasa

,called

the great northern salt (mine or B yang-

gi tswa tchen

po, which still supplies the greater part of T ibet, was discovered in his reign (Chandra Das

,p . S ome of the

tribes between T ibet and N epal were also subdued . His

son was the famous S rong-btsan- sgam-

po, or,as he was

called prior to the commencement o f his reign,Khri- ldan

srang—btsan

,who was born about A.D .

T his prince is known in Chinese history as Xi - tsnnglan- tsan

,which appears to be a transcription of his name

prior to his accession . S rong-btsan ascended the throneof T ibet in his thirteenth year

,and the neighbouring

states recognised him as their sovereign,so that his rule

extended over the whole of T ibet,to the north as far as

Khoten,which during his reign became subject to China

,

and to the east to China. T o the south the frontiers wereless well defined

,and for several centuries the sovereigns

of T ibet carried on a desultory warfare with the mountaineers ’ who lived on the southern borders . One ofS rong-btsan ’

s first preoccupations appears to have beento form an alphabet for the T ibetan language . He dispatched a mission composed of seven nobles to I ndia forthat purpose ; but they were unable to find a route

,and so

returned without having accomplished his design.

2 T he

king,however

,did not relinquish his purpose, and in

the third year of his reign (6 16 A.D . ) he sent T houmiS ambhota

,son of T oumi Anu

,together with S ixteen com

panions,who

,after having had to overcome great difli

culties on their road,reached I ndia. T houm i S ambhota

to the B odhimur (S anang S etsen ,sen

, p. 29, says 6 170

A . D . I havep. eighty

-one years elapsed followed the indicati ons furnishedbetween the death of T hothori and by the T hang chu

.

which places

the commencement of the reign Of S rong ~ btsan’

s first m i ssion to China

Gnam -ri . T his puts the beginning in 634 .

of the latter’

s reign at A .D . 548 .

2 S ee B odhimur in S anang S et1 Csoma

, op . cit , p. 183, says that sen, p. 327.

he was born 627 A.D . S anang S et

2 12 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

went to S outhern I ndia,where he learnt the I ndian

characters from a brahman called Li -byin1and the pundit

S inhaghosha . He also made himself acquainted with thenagari characters then in use in Kachmere . He tooktwenty- four of these characters

,with only S light altera

tions,and invented six new ones for sounds which did not

exist in the I ndian language, viz 5 tsa, cf) t

’

sa, Z dza

,

t a, 5 2a

,and Q ha

,

2and with these he formed the

T ibetan capital alphabet, or Ka -

phreng dha-chan.

Moreover, before returning to T ibet he translated theKarandavyuha sfi tra, the Avalokitesvara sfi tra, and a

number of other works . He also carried back to T ibet alarge collection of religious works .3 I n the B stan-hygur,

Mdo,vol . cxxiii . , there is a work called S ha -

gzngs-kgi

mis’

an-ngia, by Aneibu son of Anu) , and in vol.

cxxiv. (ngo) , two grammatical works attributed to T houmiAna (i -bn or S ambhota , the S grai hsian-bakes sam

cha -

pa in S an skrit, Vyakaranamala tringadnama (f.

37 and the Lang- I la sion-

pa stags-kgi hjng-

pa , or

Vyakarana lingaoa tara (f . 38King S rong-btsan sgam

-

po soon became proficient inwriting, and is credited with having translated SeveralBuddhist works

,among others the Karandavyuha sfi tra

,

and with having composed instructions on horse-raising,verses and stories ; but the chief work to which his namehas remained attached is the Mani bkhah-hbum

,or

“T he

hundred thousand precious a glorifica

tion of Avalokitesvara and a history of his own life . I

1 S ee E . S chlaginweit, op . cit , p. vowel. S ee Jaschk’

e,T ibetan Dic

47, note 4 . T his name may be a tionary, s.

'v.

corruption of I / ip ikara ,

“a scribe .

”

T he B odhimur, Op . cit , p . 327, says

that it was in S outhern I ndi a . T he

same work, p. 49, says that the two

teachers came to T ibet .

2 T hey were made by differentiat ion of other T ibetan characters

,

the last one being , probably, a modi

fication of the character’a . T his

sixth character denotes the pure

3 S ee B odhimur, op . cit , p. 328 .

4 For an analysis of this worksee E . S chlaginweit, B uddhism in

T hibet, p. 84 et seq. I have not

been able to examine this work,

although we know Of at least two

copies of it in E urope , one in S t .

Petersburg , the other in the library ofthe French I nstitute , N o . 58 of the

Catalogue of T ibetan works .

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214 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

T ibetans in Buddhism .

” 1 I f these Chinese missionariestranslated many Buddhis t works into T ibetan,

they musthave been eliminated when the I ndian pundits revisedthe translations in the ninth century, for there remainvery few works in the B kah-hgyur or B stan

-hgyur whichare translations by Chinese Buddhists nearly all are thework of well-known I ndian pundits of the ninth and

succeeding centuries .2 On the other hand, we mayperhaps argue that but few works were translated byChinese because Buddhism was in their time in its infancy in T ibet

,and that it was only in the eighth and

ninth centuries that it became popular in that country ;and I am inclined to think that this is the correct viewof the question .

According to the T hang chu ,3 it was after S rong-btsan’

s

marriage with the Chinese princess that he built a walledcity and erected inside its walls a palace for her residencewhich event I take to be the same as that chronicled bythe T ibetans of his removing his capital to Lhasa and

building the palace on Mount Dmar-

po- ri . 4 “As the

princess (Wen- ch ’eng) disliked their custom of paintingtheir faces red

,Lung- tsan (S rong-btsan) ordered his

people to put a stop to the practice,and it was no longer

done . 5 He also discarded his felt and Skins,put on

brocade and silk,and gradually copied Chinese civilisa

tion . He,moreover

,sent the children of his chiefs and

rich men to request admittance into the national schools1 S ee Wassilieff, B uddhism, p. of the town at the mouth of the

320 . I ndus where the Cakyas first resided2 T he n al-rabs (E . S chlagin (see p. and a favourite residence

weit’

s edit ., p. 49) says that the of Avalokitesvara , ,

the patron saint

principal B uddhist teachers who of T ibet. For a description Of this

came to T ibet in this reign were celebrated place , see lVI arkham’

s

Kumara from I ndia , Cilamanju from T ibet, p. 255 also a S ketch of it on

N epal, T abuta and Ganuta from p. 256 .

Kachmere,and Ha -

chang (or Hwa5 T hang chu in B ushell

,op . cit ,

Chang) Mahadeva from China, and p . 445 ; also Wei thang thu chi

the lotsavas T hou-mi, Dharmagosha, (Klaproth

’

s p. 27. Conf .and Crivadjra . what Huc says in the 2d vol. of his

3 B ushell,op . cit , p. 445. S ouvenirs de Voyage about the

4 I n 1640 the mountain became habit of T ibetan women of Lhasa

known as the Potala, from the name of painting their faces black.

COMME R CE AN D LAWS . 215

to be taught the classics , and invited learned scholars fromChina to compose his official reports to the emperor.

Furthermore , he introduced into T ibet from China silkworms and mulberry- trees (B odhimur, p . and askedthe emperor for persons knowing how to make wine

,

water-mills , for paper and ink ; all of which were senthim with the calendar.

1

S rong-btsan sgam-

po established commercial relationswith the Chinese , the Minak 2 (T anguts) , with Hindustan ,

N epal (B al-po) , with the Hor (the Hui -ho of the Chineseand Guge (the modern Mngari Korsum) , and extendedhis rul e over half of Jambudvipa . A high tribunal wasestablished to see that all laws were respected

,to keep

under the arrogance of the mighty,and to protect the

oppressed . T he authors of quarrels were whipped,the

murderer was put to death, the thief was made to restoreeight times the value of the stolen property

,the adulterer

was mutilated and exiled,liars and perjurers had their

tongues torn out. 3

T he N epalese and Chinese princesses had no children,

so the king married four other women,one o f whom

,called

Khri cham,belonging to one of the Mon tribes which

lived among the mountains between T ibet and I ndia,

bore him a son,whom he called Gang- T i gang

- btsan . He

died in his eighteenth year,leaving a son called Mang

srong mang-btsan

,who succeeded his grandfather in 650 .

I t was in the reign of S rong-btsan sgam-

po that T ibetfirst became known among the Chinese as T hu—fan

1 S eeWei thang thu chi, loc. cit cit , p. 446, silkworms were intro

T ibetan historians add that the duced into T ibet during Kao -tsung’s

Chinese princess introduced na s reign (649ch

’

ang or whisky. T hat milk was 2 Minak is generally supposed to

for the first time made into butter have designated the T angutans or

and cheese,clayinto pottery, and that the tribes of the Koko-nor basin .

the art of weaving was introduced . I t is also used to designate the

S ee S chlaginweit, op . cit , p . 49 . M anyak Of Hodgson (E ssays , i i . p.

T he beginning of the first cycle of who extend south of T a -chien -ln

S ixty years among the T ibetans is at the present day.

A . D . 1026. S ee Csoma,T ib . Gram . ,

3 B odhimur, Op . cit , p. 329. Conf.p. 148 . According to B ushell, op . B ushell, op . cit , p. 44 1.

216 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

(i fi ) as it ought to be read in this case, T hu-

pa}

which appears to be the transcription of two T ibetan words,

T hab-phod, both of which mean able, capable the lasthas been softened into bod

,

2and the final a dropped in

the pronunciation . T he Mongolian T abed reproduces theT ibetan pronunciation very closely. Klaproth

,however

,

and several other Orientalists after him, pretend that T ubetor T ibet is a word unknown among the people of thatcountry

,and that it is of T urkish origin . Mr. E . Colborne

Baber,in his interesting “ T ravels and Researches in the

I nterior of China,

” 3(p . says : “A T ibetan arriving in

T a- chien-lu from Lhassa,on being asked from what coun

try he has come , will often reply, From T ea Pea ,

’

meaningfrom High or Upper T ibet. ’ Perhaps T eu Peu is thes ource of our T ibet . A native employs the expressionPeu Lombo (

‘ T ibet country to designate en bloc all theT ibetan- speaking nationalities

,without intending to con

vey the least insinuation that they are subject to Lhassa .

”

As a general rule,however

,T ibet is called B od-

ga l, or thecountry of Bod

,

”and in one work I have found it called

T he country of the red- faced men or, U dong

-dmar-

gyi

gut4

Mang—srong mang-btsan,or

,as he is called in the T hang

chu, Xi -li p a—pa ,being very young at the time of his

accession,the prime minister of his grandfather

,called

Michar or Gar by the T ibetans,

5and Latangtsan,

“whosesurname (tribal name) was Chitshih, by the Chinese, wasmade regent . T he T ibetan history called Grub-mthahsel-kyi me-long (S arat Chandra Das

’ trans . ) says (p . 222)that in this reign the Chinese attacked the T ibetans that

1 S ee B ushell, op . cit , p. 435. a translation . B uddhaghuya in his2 S ee A . S chiefner, T ibetische S tu epistle to Khri-srong, calls him Mgo

dien in M el . Asiat . de S t. Petersb. ,i. nag yongs

okgi iy'

e,“Lord of all the

332, note . black-heads ,”

an expression very3 J . R . G . S . , S upplementary common in the Chinese King .

Papers, vol. i . pt . 1 .

5 S ee S arat Chandra Das,op . cit ,

4 S ee p. 242. I t must not be for p. 220 S anang S etsen, p. 338 .

gotten that the Li—yul lo-rgyus

-

pa is

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218 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

ch ’eng} or Chin-ch’

eng hang- chu

,but

,like her predecessor

,

the wife of S rong-btsan,she is generally called in T ibe

tan works “ the princess,

”or Kong

—aha (A.D . T hismonarch contributed very materially to propagating and

encouraging Buddhism . He built several monasteries,

and invited a number of monks from Khoten,with a view

of introducing monachism into T ibet, but failed, as nobody would come forward to take the vows of monkhood .

2

T he S uvarna pT abhasa sfi tra and the Karma ga taka weretranslated into T ibetan

,the text o f the first work having

been obtained from China. T he translations of theseworks which are at present in the B kah-hgyur are of a

later date,having been made during the reign of R al-pa

chan .

3 S ome emissaries whom he had sent to I ndia toinvite to T ibet two I ndian pundits

,B uddhaguhya and

B uddhacanti, committed to memory while in I ndia fivevolumes of the Mahayana sfi tras, which they subsequentlyreproduced in their own language .4 T his statement ofthe T ibetan historian is very interesting

,and may help to

throw some light on the somewhat Obscure question ofthe discrepancies which we find in different translationso f a Buddhist text

,such as the B uddhacharita of

.Acva

ghosha, for example, of which the Chinese version has beenmade accessible through Mr. Beal’ s translation of it invol . xix . of the S acred Books of the E ast .” I have hadoccasion to compare the greater part of the T ibetan translation of this work with Mr. Beal’ s version

,and was

astonished to find that even in the cas e of this work,

which is not a canonical one , the two translations couldnot have been made from the same original . I f

,then

,we

1 S ee B ushell, op . cit , p. 456 ;We i thang

-thu-chi, p. 28 ; B odhimur,Op . cit , p. 348 , &c . T his last workgives dates for all the events Of

T ibetan history, which are perfectlyunacceptable . I have consequentlyadopted those supplied by the

Chinese annals . With this except ion , the e vents told by the Mongol

and the T ibetan historians agree

very well with those related in the

Chinese works .

2 S arat Chandra Das, op . cit , p.

223.

3 S ee B kah ~hgyur, n ud xi i . f.208 et seq. , and Mdo xxvii . xxviii.

4 S arat Chandra Das, p . 223 . A

letter of B uddhaguhya addressed to

Ag-ts

’

oms’

son,Khri-srong , is in the

E stan-hgyur, vol. xciv. S ee p. 221.

KI N G KHR I - S R ON G LD E B T SAN . 219

find that T ibetan translations were made,not from written

originals,but from ones which had been preserved orally

for a long period before they were taken down in writing,

we can understand how the early texts have become sochanged

,and in some cases distorted

,in the T ibetan trans

lations .

Ag-ts

’

oms had also translated from Chinese severalworks on medicine, astrology, and other works concerningreligious ceremonies (magicHe died in 755, leaving the throne to his son by Chinch’eng

,called Khri-srang lde bsid a ,

or,as he is known in

Chinese annals,Xi - li- tsan .

1 He availed himself of thedisturbed condition of the Chinese empire during the firstyears of S u- tsong

’

s reign , and “daily encroached on theborders

,and the citizens were either carried off and

massacred, or wandered about to die in ditches,till

,after

the lapse of some years,all the country to the west of

Feng—hsiang and to the north of Pin- chu belonged to theFan barbarians

,and several tens of chou were lost . ” 2

T ibetan rule extended over the greater part of S se-tchuenand Yun-nan

,and their troops in 763 took Ch

’

angan,the

capital of China.

T his sovereign is especially celebrated for the aid and

protection he afforded Buddhist missionaries , to favourwhom he did not even hesitate to persecute the followersof the national religion of Bon-po, —a strange measure fora follower of the most tolerant creed in the world ! He

called from I ndia Cantarakshita ;3 but the teachings of this

doctor met with so much opposition— from the ChineseYogatchariyas most likely—that he departed from T ibet,

1 I n the Chinese annals (B ushell,op . cit , p . 439) we find a kingcalled S ohsilungliehtsan between

Khi-li-so-tsan (Ag-ts’

om ) and Khili-tsan (Khri-srong) , whereas all

T ibetan histories are unanimous in

affi rm ing that Khri - srong was son of

the Chinese Princess Chin -ch’

eng,and

succeeded his father on the throne .

2 S ee B ushell, op . cit , p. 475.

3 T he E stan -hgyur conta ins manyworks by this Atcharya , amongothers a commentary on the S a tyadvayam

’

bhanga of D jnanagarbhacommentaries on the Madhyantika

theories, Vddangdyaw'itti pakshitdr

that, &c.

220 T HE LI FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

but advised the king to invite Padma S ambhava ofU dyana, who belonged to the Madhyamika school ofBuddhism .

1 T his celebrated teacher superintended thebuilding of the famous Hsam-

yas (pr. S amye) monasteryat Lhasa

,which is supposed to be a copy of the N alanda

monastery in Magadha .

2 I have not met with any worksof his in the T ibetan T ripitaka, but his treatise on theDharani doctrine is still extant . Ananda, a Buddhist ofKachmere

,also came to T ibet

,where he taught the theo

ries of the ten virtues,the eighteen dhatfis

,and of the

twelve nidanas. He also largely contributed to the increase of Buddhist works by the translations he made . I n

the E stan-hgyar his name is o f frequent occurrence , andin the sutra section of that work there are two treatisesby a DjayaAnanda, who may possibly have been the sameperson . He must not, however, be confounded with thefamous Anandacri, who came to T ibet in the ninth century. But by far the most popular teacher in T ibet duringthis reign

,after S ambhava’s death, was Kamalacila. He

at first met with a great deal of opposition from theChinese Hwa -shcmg or Ho-shang,

3 the most influential ofwhich was called Mahayana or Mahadeva

,perhaps the

same as the Hwa -shang zab-mo,the author of two works

in the B stan-hgyur (Mdo, xxx .,xxxiii . ) Kamalacila de

feated him in a grand controversy held in the king’ s

presence} and from that time the Madhyamika doctrineswere generally followed . Besides translating a greatmany Buddhist works into T ibetan , he wrote a large

1 T he followers of Padma S am S ee Markham’s T ibet, p. cxx. I t is

bhava are called U rgyen.-

pa , an ab

breviation for “disciples of the man

from U dyana or U rgyen . T heyare chiefly found in the present dayin those parts of T ibet which border

on N epal and I ndia . S ee E . S chla

ginweit, B uddhism in T ibet, p. 73 .

2 T he pundit N ain S ing resided

in this monastery when at Lhasa in

1874, He says that the images in

it were of pure gold, and that it

contains a large”

B uddhist library.

south -east of Lhasa,and near the

famous Dgah-ldan monastery. S ee

Wei thang thu chi, p. I 30.

3 A Chinese expression for B ud

dhist monk . T he word was trans

ferred from the language of Khotento Chinese . I t corresponds to the

S anskrit Upadhyaya or“Master.

”

S ee E dkins, Chinese B uddh. , page

143.

4 For all the part iculars see the

B odhimur,op . cit , p. 356

—357.

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222 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

One of the firs t things which the I ndian pundits andtheir T ibetan aides or lotsavas appear to have done was todetermine the T ibetan equivalents of the innumerableS anskrit words which have a special sense in Buddhistworks , and to this we owe two excellent S anskrit-T ibetandictionaries

,the larger one known as the Mahavyutp atti

or n bye-brag

-da stoys- byed token-

pa, and an abridgededition with the same title both of these works are in the124th vol . of the Mdo section of the B stan-hgyur.

I t is quite beyond the scope of this work to give evena list of the principal works which were made known inT ibet at this time . Besides the numerous canonical workswhich are mentioned in the index of the B kah-hgyur and

E stan-hgyur as having been translated in the latter partof this sovereign’ s reign or in that of his successors

,we

must mention two due to King Khri srong lde btsan himself

,and which have been preserved to us in the Mdo sec

tion of the E stan-hgyur. One in the 12th and 13th vols .is a commentary on a work by Danshtasena, the other invol . 124, entitled Fifteen chapters of perfectly measuredcommandments

,or B kah yang

-dag-

pa i ts’

ad-ma Zen beho

lnga-

pa . Khri srong died in 786 ,land was succeeded by

his son Ma -kri btsan-

po (or Mum} btsan-

pa) , who is knownin Chinese as T su-chih-hien.

T his young prince,of great promise , was poisoned by

his mother after a reign of a year and nine months,and

was succeeded by his brotherMa -khm’

btsan-

pa, or S ad-na

legs, as he is also called . S chlaginweit’

s n al-rabs,how

ever,erroneously calls this sovereign the son of the pre

ceding one . He induced Kamalacila, who had left T ibet,1 S ee Csoma

’

s Chronological T a the Wei-thang thu-chi, p. 127, we

bles, T ib . Gram . , p. 183. I t is im hear of a treaty concluded between

possible to make the statements of T e -tsung and Khri-srong. B ut T e

the T hang chu agree with the suc tsung onlybecame emperor of China

cession of kings as given by T ibetan in 799 . I t,moreover, calls them the

and Mongolian writers , at least uncle and the nephew. We know ,

there exists great confusion in the however, that Khri-srong ’s uncle

names . I remark,en passant, that all was the E mperor T chong tsong

Chinese works do not agree about (684events in T ibetan history ; thus in

KI N G R AL -PA-CHAN . 223‘

to return and reside permanently in that country . He

had many Buddhist works translated, and devoted much

time to forming good interpreters for that purpose . Ac

cording to T ibetan historians,he had a long and prosperous

reign , and died at a good old age. On the other hand,the

T hang chu says that he only reigned for six years, viz. ,

798—804

1 As, however, be commenced his reign at a

very early age, it appears improbable that the Chinesechronicles can be perfectly correct. Moreover

,they do

not mention any sovereign between the time of Mu-khri’

s

death and the commencement of the reign of B al-pa chan

(Kolikotsu) in 8 16. But even supposing that he reigneduntil this date, we would still be unable to make theChinese chronology agree with the T ibetan

,for the latter

say that B al-pa—chan , his son and successor,was born

between 846 and 864. N otwithstanding these discre

pancies, we prefer, as we have said before,the dates

furnished us by the Chinese , for we have no reasons fordoubting their accuracy in general

,and a great many for

Suspecting those given by the T ibetans or Mongols,who

,

as is well known,attach no importance to dates . We

accept,therefore, provisionally 8 16 A.D. as the date o f the

commencement of the reign of R al-p a - chan or Khri- ral,

the Chinese Kolilcotsu,second son of Mu-khri btsan-

po.

2

A few years after the commencement of his reign heconcluded peace with China, and at Gungu Meru theChinese and T ibetan monarchs had a temple erected

,in

which was placed a great stone slab upon which the sun

and moon were represented, and where it was writtenthat “whereas the sun and moon moved in the heavensin friendship

,so would the two kingdoms do

,He

B uddhagoshya’

s epistle with the list

of translators in S chlaginweit’

s

n al-rabs .

1 S ee B ushell, op . cit , p. 439.

2Another fact which shows that

the reigns of the two sovere igns whosucceeded Khri-srong was short is

that the lotsavas who figure in Khrisrong

’

s reign are known to haveassisted pundits who only came to

T ibet in R al-pa-chan

’

s reign . Cf.

the names of lotscwas given in

3 S ee B odhimur, op . cit , p. 36 1.

For more particulars concerning this

treaty see B ushell, op . cit, p . 521,

and rubbings of the inscription in

the same work. Cf. also. S chlagin

weit, 0p . cit , p. 58 .

224 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

was the first T ibetan sovereign who appears to have paidany attention to the annals of his country ; he had all

the events of his reign recorded according to the Chinesesystem of chronology

, and he adopted Chinese weightsand measures .T he Chinese tell us that the B tsan-

po, during his reignof about thirty years , was sick and unable to attend tobusiness

,and the government was in the hands of the

chief ministers . 1 T ibetan history, however, attributes theprofound peace which the land enj oyed during this reignto the sovereign ’ s love of religion . He called from I ndiathe Buddhist pundits Dj inamitra, Crilendrabodhi,

2 Danacila

,Pradjnavarman,

S urendrabodhi, &c .,who

,assisted by

the T ibetan interpreters Dpal brtsegs, Ye- shes- sde,T chos

kyi rgyal-m ts’

an,&c. ,

added an immense number of worksto the T ibetan collection of Buddhist literature . Besidesthe canonical works which they translated , they madeknown to the T ibetans the works of Vasubandhu

,of Ary

adeva,T chandrakirti, N agarjuna, Acvaghosha, &c.

,also

numerous commentaries on the sacred works,such as the

Pradjnaparamita in verses,Sac.

3 Moreover,they

corrected all the translations .made previously,and doubt

lessly substituted their own work in place of the olderones ; for, as I have remarked , nearly all the translationswhich are in the T ripitaka date from this reign . T heythoroughly revised the two collections of precepts theB kah-hgyur and B stan-hgyur) and the works on knowledge

,and rearranged them .

“ And the work of thesemasters has never been superseded by the succeedinggenerations of doctors, for we may safely assert that atleast half of the “ two collections, as we know them

,is

1 T hang chu in B ushell, op . cit , on the S addharmapundarika , by

p . 522 .Prithivibandhu from Ceylon (S inga

2 T he two first were disciples of gling ) .S thiramati. S ee Wassiliefi , T aran

4 S ee E . S chlaginweit , op . cit , p .

atha , p. 320 . 69. T he two collections may mean

3 Among other works translate the Vinaya and S utra ; the worksat this time into T ibetan I note in on knowledge, the Abhidharma .

the sutra of the E stan-hgyur a film

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6 T H E L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

a man“ fond of wine

,a lover of field- sports

,devoted to

women,and

,besides

,cruel

,tyrannical

,and ungracious .” 1

He appears to have persecuted Buddhism so effectuallythat all the lamas had to flee from T ibet . 2 T he n al

rabs says that in this reign priests were made to use meatand intoxicating drinks . Whoever did not give up theway of l iving of the priesthood was banished . S ome leftof themselves

,but those who remained had to take the

drum and horn,and with bow and arrows follow the

hounds in the chase . S ome even had to learn thebutcher’s trade .” 3 Glang Dharma was murdered, after a

few years ’ reign} by a Buddhist priest called Dpa l-gyirdo- rj c or Opii

'

adjm ,of Lha-lung.

He was succeeded by his son Od- srimg, who may havehad a hand in his murder

,for the B gyal-rabs says that as

soon as he became king he consulted with Crivadjra on

the best means of re- establishing Buddhism . With this,

however,S anang S etsen does not agree

,for he tells us

that this prince reigned fifty- three years without the Law

(p . 51)He was succeeded by his son E de dpa l hiclior btsan,

inwhose reign eight copies of the sacred works were res toredto the monasteries of Upper Mngari, and many personswere intent on re- establishing the supremacy of Buddhism .

N evertheless , with Glang Dharma the glory of T ibet as anation vanished

,and we learn from Ma- twan- lin that in

the year 928 no one could be found at the court of Chinawho could read a letter written in T ibetan which hadbeen brought there by four priests . 5 T he same work adds

1 S ee B ushell, op . cit , p. 522. his death at about 842, which an

2 Cf. the chap. of this work on the swers the requirements, for it would

early history of Khoten, p . 243. be difficult to believe that he extir3 S ee S chlaginweit, Konige von pated B uddhism from Central T ibet

T ibet, p. 60 . in a year.

4 Acc . to Csoma , loc. cit ,he died 5 Ma twan lin

, Wen hien tungin A . D . 900 . S anang S etsen, p . 49, khao

,Kinen

, 335, p . 1, and R emu

says that he reigned twenty-three sat, R echerches sur les Langues

years , and was killed in 925. T he T artares, p. 386.

T ang chu (B ushell, p. 439) places

M I LAR AS PA AN D H I S WOR KS . 227

that in the commencement of the tenth century the T ibetannation was disunited , and formed tribes of a hundred ora thousand families .I n A.D . 10 13 the I ndian pundit Dharmapcila came to

T ibet with several of his disciples,and in 1042 the famous

Atislict , a native of Bengal, who is known in T ibet as Jovo rjc or Jo-vo

frtislie

,also came there . He wrote a great

number of works which may be found in the B stan-hgyur,

and translated many others , relating principally to tantriktheories and practices .His principal disciple was the T ibetan B i t - sion

,whose

historical work called T he Jewel of the Manifestation ofthe Dharma

,

”

or T chos-hbyung T in-when,is one of the

principal authorities in T ibetan history. T he good workwas continued byMarpa and his disciple Milaraspa ,

whosemissionary labours appear from his works to have beenconfined to those parts o f T ibet which border on N epal

,

and to the north of the 111077. or hill tribes on the southernslope of the Himalayas . We know of two works by thismissionary

,or rather by his disciples , one an

“Autobio

graphy of the Reverend Lord Milaraspa ,

” the other T he

Hundred T housand S ongs of the Venerable Milaraspa .

”

T his last work,of which I possess a copy—due to the

kindness of Mr. Wherry o f Ludiana— is written in a

language which offers many difficulties for one accustomedto the classical language of the translators of the ninthcentury

,and we cannot help thinking that such radical

differences in works which were composed at the most atan interval of three hundred years from each other, helpto show that the so- called classical language of T ibetanworks was an artificial one

,which differed in its vocabu

lary,its phraseology

,and its grammatical structure from

the spoken language of the same period. T he Buddhistpundits translated literally, and observed , as far as possible

,the peculiarities of style of the originals . T his is

clearly shown by examining works translated into T ibetan

228 .T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

from I ndian dialects on the one'

hand,and from the

language of Khoten or China on the other. T he samestock phrases are rendered in an entirely different way,

which is easily explained,however

,by referring ’ to the

peculiar genius of each of these languages .I t is not my intention to follow the history of Buddhism

in T ibet later than what we may call its Augustine era,

which ended with I tal-pa chan ; but I must call attentionto the literature of this country

,which is not so thoroughly

Buddhistic as has been generally supposed . Without mentioning the numerous works on grammar, logic, and polity

(niti) , which are contained in the B stan-hgyur, and weretranslated from S anskrit , we know of traslations of Kalidasa

’

s Meghaduta , the Catagatha of Vararutchi, the Aryakosha of B avigupta ,

&c. ,&c. ProfessorWassilief says

,

“Weknow that besides the Gesser Khan the T ibetans have otherpoems ; that they possess dramatical works , and haveeven translations of the Ramayana and of Galien .

” 1 Mr.

Colborne Baber says, S avants have allowed us to suppose

that the T ibetans possess no literature but their Buddhistclassics . A number of written poems , however, exist ,couched in an elevated and special s tyle ; and

,besides

,

there are collections o f fairy tales and fables . . T he

epic mentioned above is styled Dj iimg ling (Moso D ivis ion) , and is only one of three parts of a very extensivework known as the Dj riung-

pi, or S tory Book .

’

T heyhave never published it

,and even the manuscript of the

three divisions cannot be obtained in a united form . Butevery T ibetan,

or at least every native of Kham,who pos

sesses any education,is able to recite or to chant passages

of great length .

” 2

1 Mel. A siat. de S t . Petersb .,11. I re fer my readers to the work

574 . We may add that in the 1st itself ; the whole passage is highlyvol. of the B stod ts

’

093 of the E stan interesting, but too long to be re

hgyur is a translation of the Ma produced here . T he word Dj riunghabharata . yi may possibly be forn us-yi dp c,

2 E . Colborne B aber, op . cit p. 88 . B ook of T ales .

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( 230 )

CHAPT E R V I I I .

T HE E AR LY HI S T OR Y or LI -YU L (KHOT E N ) .

T HE country called in T ibetan works Li -yul has beendiversely identified by Orientalists . Csoma takes it tobe “

a part of the Mongols ’ country ; S chiefner (T ibLebens Calcyam . ,

p . and T aranatha,p . 78 ) thinks

that it was the N a-kie of Fah-Hien,Vakula of the

Buddhist works ; Wassilieff p . 74 ) says that itwas the Buddhist countries north of T ibet

,and particu

larly Khoten ; S arat Chandra Das (J. B . A . S . ,vol . i .

p . 223) says,“ Li-yul is identified with N epal by the

translators of Kaligyur . I have been able to ascertainthat the ancient name of N epal was Li-yul . ” 2

T he following pages w ill superabundantly demonstrate,

I think,that Wassilieff

’

s Opinion is correct,and that by

Li-yul we must understand E astern T urkestan,or that

region surrounded by the Kuen- lun,the T ung-lin

,and

the T hien- chan mountains , but more especially Khoten .

T he T ibetan name of Li-yul admits of no other translation than “ country of Li

,

” 3 which one might be inclined to compare with the modern Chinese name forKhoten,

I lichi. As to Khoten,

” it is (as Abel R emusathas pointed out) a corrupt form of the S anskrit Kusthana ,

the name of the first sovereign of Li,and which was after

1 P . 290 S chiefner says that it

was in his eightieth year, shortlybefore his death, that the B uddha

went to Li-yul .2 T he only passage in T ibetan

writers which places Li-

yul south

of T ibet is in E . S chlaginweit’

s

Konige i on T ibet, p. 850, and f . 218 ,line 4 of the text .

3 Cf. Li-thang , name of a district

in E astern T ibet , or Pla in of L i .”

Li in T ibetan means“ bell-metal.

S ee Capt . G ill,“ R iver of G olden

S ands,”2d 6d . , p. 206 .

S O U R CE S OF KHOT E N H I S T OR Y. 231

wards applied to the country . T he same remark holdsgood for the Chinese Yu- thien .

Fah-Hien and Huen T hsang, who visited Khoten inthe fifth and seventh centuries respectively

,have given us

a glowing account of the power and splendour of Buddhism in that country at the time of their visits

,

1and the

legends preserved to us by Huen T hsang are substantiallythe same as some of those which are contained in theT ibetan works which I have consulted for this notice.T he same may be said of several passages translated byAbel R emusat in his Histoire de la Ville deKhotcm,

whichwork has enabled me to complete to a certain extent theT ibetan texts at my disposal.T he following notes are derived from four T ibetanworks which are probably translations from works writtenin the language of Khoten or Djagatai T urki but as theyare not followed by any colophon (with the exception ofthe fourth and least important one) giving the names of thetranslators

,&c.

,it is quite impossible to decide this ques

tion . T he titles o f these works are as follows , classingthem by their respective value — 15t, T he Annals of Liyul (Li -yul-gyi Lo- rgyus

-

pa ) B stan-hgyur, vol. 94 (u) , fol .

4 26-

444 ; 2d, T he Prediction (vyakam na ) of Li-yul (Li -yul

lung-bstan-

p a ) , do . ,fol. 420

—425 3d ,

T he Prediction of theArhat S anghavardhana (n - behom- t a Dge

-hdun-hphel

gyi lung-bstan -

pa ) ,2 do . ,

fol. 4 12—4 20 ; 4th, Gocringa Vya

karana (R i-glang- ru lune -bstan) B kah-hgyur, vol . 30 ,fol.

336—354 . T his last work, we are told , was translated

into T ibetan from the language of Li-yul .T o translate these works literally would have proved

very unsatisfactorv and would have g iven but an imperfectidea of their general value . I have , therefore, deemed it

1 From a passage of Hoe i-li s hundred convents in Khoten .

Life of Huen T hsang (p . 288 ) one2 T aranatha (p. speaks of

m ight think that at the t ime of S anghavardhana as l1v1ng in L i -yul

Huen T hsang’

s visit Khoten was a at the time when the M letscha doc

vassal of the Kao -tchang (Uigurs ) . trine (I slamism ) first made its ap

P . 278 he says that there were a pearance 1n I nd1a (p.

232 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

best to give their contents . in chronological order,and to

use the past tense instead of the future,which occurs

throughout these predictions or revelations (vyakam na s) .Li-yul

,like T ibet and a great many other Buddhist coun

tries,

1 on adopting Buddhism,saw fit to recast nearly all

its national traditions,and to consider the first king of the

country,if not a descendant of the Cakyas, at leas t a son

o f one of the illustrious Buddhist monarchs of I ndia. I n

the present case we are told that the founder of the kingdom of Khoten was a son of King Dharmfiooka.

I n the davs of the Buddha Kacyapa, Li-yul was fre

quented by some Rishis, but theywere badly treated bythe people of the country, so they departed. T hen theN agas were vexed , and from a dry country they convertedLi-yul into a lake .

2 When Cakyamuni was in the world hevisited Li-yul in company with a great number of his disciples. T hen the BuddhaCakyamuni enveloped the wholeof Li-yul , which was then a lake , with rays of light, andfrom out these rays there came 363 water-lilies , in thecentre of each one of which was a lamp . T hen these ravsof light united into one

,which circled around the lake

,

three times,going to the right, and then disappeared in

the water.

After that the Blessed One said to the Arya Cariputraand to Vaieravana , Cut open this lake which is as blackas the S amangasarana Parvata T hen the Arya Cariputra made an opening for the lake (lit. pierced) with thebutt end of his staff, and Vaicravana (did likewise) withthe end o f his pike (melting) . After this the Blessed Oneremained for seven days for the weal of mankind in the

for Warren Hastings (Markham ’

s1 Cf. Huen T hsang, S i-yu -lci

,vol.

i. p. 179, vol . ii . p. 77—210, &c. ; also

S ana ng S eisen, p. 2 1.

2 Cf. with this tradition that of

the Chinese about the l'

ok-chui

(Kingm ill, J. R . A . S .,N . S . ,

vol .

xiv. p. 8 1 note ) . Cf. the history of

the conversion of Kachmere and

a lso what the T eshu -lama says in

the history of B od -

yul he prepared

T ibet, p .

“When the divineS aki S inha went to Kasi, this coun

try of B hot was an expanse of water .

About one hundred years after thisdivine personage left his kingdomthe water ran out through B engal

and the land was le ft dry.

”Cf . D .

Wright’

s History of N epa l, p. 94et seq.

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.

234 T HE,L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

and had vowed to sin no more. At that time thelake had dried up , but Li-yul was uninhabitedf. 428

h

)I n the thirtieth year o f Dharmacoka

’

s reign (f . hisqueen- consort brought forth a son . T he soothsay ers beingsummoned

,declared that the child bore many marks of

greatness,and that he would be king during his father’ s

lifetime . T hen the king,fearing that this child would

dethrone him,gave orders that he should be abandoned ;

and the mother, apprehending that if the child were notabandoned the king would have him put to death

,did as

he had ordered. But when the child had been abandoned,

there arose a breast on the earth from which he derivedsustenance

,s o that he did not die . For this reason he was

called Kusthana,or breast of the earth .

” 1—(F.

N ow at that t ime there lived a ruler of n a (China) ,a great B adhisattva. He had 999 sons, and had prayedto Vaicravana that he might have one more to -completethe thousand . Vaieravana looked about

,and perceiving

that the little waif Kusthana was a promising person,he

carried him off and made him the son of the ruler of

n a . T he ruler of n a brought him up,but one day

while quarrelling with the children of (the king of) n a,

1 Cf. Huen T hsang ,xii. p . 224 et

8 69. His version of the story is

e as ilymade to agree w ith that of the

text by suppress ing the part which

precedes Kusthana ’ s arrival in

China . I n the Goerin .,vy . f . 340, we

read,

“One hundred years after mynirvana there will be a king of

n a (China ) called T cha -

yang, who

w ill have a thousand sons , each one

of which will go and seek a new

country. Having heard of the

B uddha’

s prediction about L i-yul

and the Gocringa mountain in the

w est, he will implore of V aiera

vana another son to go settle in

such a blessed land . He w ill givehim a son of King Acoka of Jambudvipa ,

for whom a breast w ill havecome out of the earth

,for which

reason he will be called ‘ S uckledfrom the earth

’

(S et -la s nu-ma nu) ,or Kusthana . When he shall havegrown up, he w ill leave China witha great host, the great m inister

Hjang -cho,

and others . He will

come to this country (L i-yul), and

will establish himself here , and thecountry w ill take its name of Kus

thana from him . At that time a

great manymen will come here fromn a -

gar (I ndia) desirous of becom

ing his subjects theyw ill be dividedby a stream and the great m in i

ster of China,Hjang - cho , and the

others, will found many Chinese and

I ndian villages and towns, and there

w ill King Kusthana become kingover many fam ilies of men .

”

KU S T HAN A D I S COVE R S KHOT E N . 35

they said to Kusthana, “ T hou art not the son of the sovereign of n a .

”

He was distressed at that, and having

ascertained from other men that this statement was borneout by the annals of n a

, he asked the king to allow himto go seek his native land . T he king answered

,

“T hou art

my son th1s 1s thy native land ; be not thus distressed .

”

T hough he told him this many times, yet he hearkened

not to him . Kusthana, the son of the ruler of n a,

wanted a kingdom for himself ; so he got together a hosto f men

,and with them went to seek a home in the

west, and while thus employed he came to Me- skar ofLi-yul.N ow Yaca 1 (Yacas) , the minister of Raja Dharmacokafrom I ndia

,had so extended his family influence that

his relatives became obnoxious to the king ; so he left thecountry with 7000 men,

and sought a home to the westand to the east

,and thus he came into the country below

the river of U - then .

2

N ow it happened that two traders from among thefollowers of Kusthana ran away from Me- skar in theirslippers (bet-bu nang lungs

-net s) , and though there was no

road,they came to T o-la (T o- law bros -

pa- las) , and from the

fact that they had walked (librangs) with slippers (ba -bei i )on

,this country received the name of B at-beta librcmgs

pai-sa (or) Hbri i - so- lo-nya . T hen these men

,seeing a

goodly tract of uninhabited land,were pleased

,and thought

also found under the form of sliel1 Yacas is also the name of the

B uddhist who pre sided over the

synod of V a isali (see p . Acoka

was also converted by a person of

this name (see T arana tha, p. 25 ct

seq. ) T he personage of our text canhardly be the same as the latter.

2 U —then -

gyi shel-tchab. T his ex

pression , sli el-tclzab, is of frequentoccurrence in these works . Lite

rally it m ean s crystal stream ,but

I am inclined to think it is a literaltranslation of a local term for river,particularly as it occurs in connec

t ion with stream s which must havebeen distant from each other

,and is

tchu . T his river may be the one

alluded to by Huen T hsang (B . xii .

p . 239) when he says,“About 100 li

south -east of the capital there was

a mighty river which ran to the

north-west .”T his is apparently the

Khoten—darya . Abel R emusat (op .

cit , p . 2 1) speaks of this same riveras being 20 1i from the city. I t is

called U liu-tchi (p. 30 ) he gives itsname as Chit -pa . T he T ibetan word

U -then corresponds very closely w ith

the M antchu nam e of Khoten ,

viz. ,Ho-thian, and w ith the Chinese ,

E u -tan .

36‘

T HE LI FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

T his will do for a home for PrinceKusthana. After thatthey visited the encampment of the minister Yacas

,which

was south of where they were . Yacas having learnedwho was their chief

,sent a message to Kusthana in Me

skar,saying, T hou being of royal family and I a noble

(lit. of ministerial family) , let us here unite and establishourselves in this district of U - then

,and thou shalt be

king and I minister.

”T hen Kusthana came with all his

followers and met Yacas in the country south (of theU - then river) , which is called Hang-gu-jo.

T he prince and the minister could not agree where tolocate their home

,and their hosts were divided

,and s o

they commenced to quarrel ; but Vaicravana and Crimahadevi having appeared to them

,they built on that very

spot a temple to each one of these gods,and from that

day forth they honoured Vaicravana and Crimahadevi asthe chief guardians of the realm .

S o Kusthana and the minister Yacas were reconciled,

and the first was made king (rgya l-bu) and the secondminis ter. T hen the Chinese (E gg/ti ) followers of PrinceKusthana were established on the lower side of theU - then river

,and in the upper part of Mdo me - skar. and

S kam- shed. T he I ndian followers o f the minister Yacaswere established on the upper bank of the river (shel- tehu

gong-ma ) , and belown a and Kong-dzeng .

1 Between thetwo shel- telm albus) they settled, the I ndians and Chineseindiscriminately. After that they built a fortress .Li being a country hal f Chinese and half I ndian

,the

dialect of the people (liphT a l-sleacl) is ne ither I ndian nor

Chinese a mixture of the two) . T he letters resembleclosely those of I ndia 2 (n a ) . T he habits of the peopleare very similar to those of China . T he religion and thesacred (clerica l) language are very similar to those ofI ndia f .

1 I am unable to give the modern resemble those of I ndia ; their formnames of any of these places . has been slightly modified. T he

2 Cf. Huen T hsang , xii. p. 224 . spoken language differs from that of

T he characters of their writing other kingdoms.”

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38 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

May I never sound the ganta unless the T athagatacomes here and gives me a ganta ! I mmediately Vairotebana assumed the appearance of the T athagata

,and

after having taught like the T athagata sixty great cravakas at T sar-ma

,he gave King Vijayasambhava a ganta

,

and the king sounded it without ceasing for seven days .

(Do. ,f. After that Vairotchana invited the N aga

king Hu-lor 1 to bring from Kashmere a tchaitya whichcontained corporal relic s of the seven T athagatas . I t camethrough the air

,and i s at present at T

’ sar-ma. T histchaitya is in the Gandhakuta

,and is surrounded by a

halo .During the seven following reigns no more viharas were

built,but after that his eigh th successor) was King

V ijayavirya, an incarnation of the B adhisattva Maitreya

(f . One day while looking out of S rog-mkhar he

perceived a light brilliant as gold and silver at the spotwhere . now stands the n m- stir tchaitya . T hen helearned that the Buddha had foretold that at that spot avihara would be built , T hen the king called to his presence the Buddhist B uddhadhuta

,and having made him

his S piritual adviser, ordered him to direct the building ofthe n m-stir vihara. Later on this king built on theOxhead Mountain (G

’ocireha ) the n u- to - shan vihara .

2

f . During the two following reigns nomore viharas were built . ' After that his third successor) reigned KingVijayajaya, who married the daughterof the ruler of n a (China ) , Princess Pu-nye- shar. D e

s iring to introduce silkworms 2 into Li-yul,she commenced

raising some at Ma-dza ; but the ministers (of China) having led the king to beli eve that these worms would become venomous snakes which would ravage the land

,he

1 I n D al-var, (xi. f . 68710) we 3 Huen T hsang (xi i . p. 238 )

hear of this naga as Hulunta,who gives another version of this story.

was subdued byMadhyantika . S ee R emusat (op . cit , p. 53) substan

p. 167. tially reproduces it, but gives the2 T his seems to be a corrupt form Chinese princess

’

s name as Lou

of the S anskrit Gocircha or Gocringa . tche.

S I LKWOR MS B R O U GH T T O KHO T E N . 239

gave orders to have the snake- raising house (sbm l gso- ba i

kliar) burnt down . T he queen,however

,managed to save

some and reared them secretly . When after a time she had

(thus) procured Ke-tcher silk and raw silk (grin-bai l) , she

(had it made up and) put 011 silk and men- clTi 1 (garments) .T hen She showed them to the king

,and explained the

whole thing to him, and he greatly regretted what he had

done . He

D

called from I ndia the Bhikshu S anghagoshaand made him his S piritual adviser (Ka lyanamitm ) , andto atone for his wickedness in having destroyed thegreater part o f the silkworms , he built the Po- ta-rya and

Ma-dza tchaityas and a great vihara (or, the tchaitya and

the great vihara of Ma-dza) .2— (Lo-rgyur, f . 43

T his king had three sons . T he eldest entered theBuddhist order

,took the name of Dharmananda

,and went

to I ndia . T he second son became king under the nameof Vijayadharma. When Dharmananda returned to Li-yul

,

he introduced into the country the doctrines of the Mahasanghika s chool , and was the

' spiritual adviser of the king .

- (Do f. E ight viharas were occupied in S kamshid by sanghas o f the Mahasanghika school.He was succeeded -by his younger brother, Hdon-hdros

,

who called from - I ndia the venerable Mantasidhi (sic) tobuild a vihara fer him . He introduced into Li-yul thedoctrine of the S arvastivadina school of the Hinayana .

(Do. ,f. He built the S ang- tir vihara . T his king had

as his wife a princess from n a called S he - rgya—(F.

His successor was V ijayadharma’

s son, V ij ayasimha ,

111 Whose reign the king of Ga-hjag waged war against

1 Jaschke says that men-hr i, or

,

as we have it, men dri, is a kind offur I am inclined to think fromthe passage of the text that it may

possibly ha ve some connection w ith

the mungct silk of A ssam (AnthemAssama ) . Perha

ps it may be a local

term for “satin .

2 Huen T hsang (op . cit , p. 237)says that this vihara was 50 or 60 li

south of the capital, and that it was

called Lu-che -seng-kia -lan . Julien

is unable to expla in this term , but

by referring to what R emusat says ,“ it means the sa righcirdma of Ln

che .

”

240 T HE L I FE OF THE B U DDHA .

Li-yul . He was defeated by V ij ayasimha, and to savehis life adopted BuddhismT his king married a daughter of the king of Ga hjag,

the princess A- lyo hjah,who helped to sp1ead Buddhism

in S hu- lik .

1 —(F.

V ijayasimha was succeeded by Vijayakirti, an incar

nation of Manjucri. T his king,together with the king of

Kanika,

2 the king of Gu-zan,&c.

,led his army into

I ndia,and having overthrown the city of S o-kid

,he

obtained a great quantity of cariras, which he placedin the vihara of Phro-nyo , which he had built f.

I n the time of the fourteenth sovereign,Vijayakirti,

f01eion invaders overran and ruled the land,and greatly

vexed the people . After this,A-no- Shos of Drug-gu

brought an army into Li-yul,and burnt down the

greater part of the viharas on the south side (lit. lowerS ide) of the n n- to- shan (Gocircha) . 4 3 T he

population decreased, and no new viharas were built .Fifteen hundred years after the death of the Blessed

Cakyamuni, the king of Li-yul was an unbeliever whopersecuted the clergy, and the people lost their faith inthe T riratna

,and no longer gave alms to the Bhikshus

,

who had to work in the fields and gardens. vy.

f. 4 13h

)Li-yul, S hu

- lik,An- se

,

3 &c . , were consequently visitedby all kinds of calamities . E ach succeeding year wasworse than the previous one ; wars and diseases raged

,

1 T aranatha (p. 63) says that 3 T hese appear to be neigh

S hulik was this side (east ) o f T uk

hara . May not this word havesome connection w ith the S u le

(Ka shgar ) of the Chinese?

2 Perhaps this is King Kanishka,

who commenced to reign A. D . 75.

His rule extended over Yarkandand Kokan . As to the king

”

6f

Gu-zan , I am unable to identifythis name . He was probably some

petty monarch whose kingdom was

near that of Khoten .

bouring countries to Li-yul, most

likely to the west of it . An -se

may possibly be the same a s the

Chinese An -hsi . T he Chinese go

vernor -

general of Pohuan was

styled Anhsi T uhufu, and he ruled

over Khoten (Yu-tien) , Kashgar,

(S u-le ) , and S iri-yeh . T hese fourmilitary governments were collee

t ively called the four chen. S ee

B ushell,J. R . A . S . , N . S . ,

vol. xii.

p. 529.

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242 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

selves into a man and woman of that country,1 and entertained the clergy for a fortnight ; and when they departed,

Crimahadevi gave them a bag (phur- T i mg) full o f goldpieces .—(Li-yul. vy. ,

f.Little by litt le they drew nigh to the country of the

red- faced men (G’dong

-dmar-

gyi-

yul T ibet) , but comingto a cross -road

,they got into a lateral valley and lost

their way. T hen Vaicravana assumed the appearance o fa loaded white yak and the Bhikshus followed after it

,

thinking that it would take them to where men lived . He

led them for four or five days, until they reached T s’

al-byi ,in the red- faced men ’ s country (T ibet) , and then he vanished.

- (Li-yul . vy. ,f. T he inhabitants sent word

to the king of Bod-yul that a great crowd o f Bhikshusfrom Li-yul had arrived there, and they asked what wasto be done—(S ang. vy. , f.At that time reigned in Bod-yul the seventh successorof the king in whose reign Buddhism had been introduced into the country.

2 T his king had taken as his wifea daughter of the sovereign of n a (China) , and (thisprincess) , Kong- cho by name, had come to the red-facedmen’ s country (T ibet) with six hundred attendants . 0 S hewas a fervent believer (in Buddhism) , as was also theking of T ibet.—(Li-yul . vy. ,

f.When the queen heard of the presence of the Bhikshusof Li-yul at T s ’al-byi, she requested the king to allow her

well with our text .1 Of the steppe (hbrog-mi -pho) ,says the S angh. vy. , f .

2 T his passage cannot be easilyexplained, for R al-pa -chan ,

who is

evidently the monarch alluded to ,is always

‘

represented as a fer

vent B uddhist . T he expulsion of

the B hikshus from B od took placeunder his successor

,Glang

-dharma,

Whose short re ign began A. D . 899 .

S arat Chandra Das (J. B . A . S . , vol.

1. p. 229) says that he ascended the

throne between 908 and 914 A.D .

What S arat Chandra Das says , loc.

cit ,about Glang

-dharma reviling thefirst Chinese princess agrees very

Although it

appears from T ibetan history that

R al-pa o chan introduced many Chinese customs into T ibet, I find itnowhere mentioned that he marrieda Chinese princess . T he Wei-thongtlm-chi (Klaproth

’

s trans , p 28 )says that Khi-li-son -tsan (Khrisrong

-lde-btsan) married the daugh

ter of Li-jung , king of Yung . T he

word lrony-cho is only a Chinese

title for “royal princess . T he

full title of Khri-srong’

s wife was

Kin -tching Kung-chu . S rong-btsan

S gam-

po’

s wife is also called Kongcho .

E XP U L S I ON OF THE B H I KSH U S FR OM T I B E T . 243

to get together riding-beasts (bdzon) , clothing, &c for thecongregation

,and to invite them (to their capital) . T he

king consented,and when the Bhikshus arrived he had

built for them seven viharas .N ow the Bhikshus of An- tse

,of Gus- tik, of Par-mkhan

pa and of S hu-lik were also greatly afflicted ; so they setout for the B ru-sha country

,and there also repaired the

Bhikshus of T okara and of Ka who werepersecuted by unbelievers . When they had all come toB ru-sha

,

1 they heard of the viharas which were being builtin Bod-yul, and that the king was a Bodhisattva whohonoured the T riratna and made much of the images

(T i-mo tcher-byed-

pa) so they started out for B ed rejoicing, and they all lived there for three years in peace and

plenty. At the expiration of this time there appeareda sore (hbrum) on the breast of the queen, and she , feeling that she was dying, besought the king to allow herto confer on the T riratna all her property ; and to this theking consented . T his epidemic of smallpox (librum nad)carried off the minister (Dzang-blan-

po2) of B ed, his son,

and a great multitude of people . T hen the Dzang-blon

of Bod-yul were angered and said to the king, Before allthese vagabonds came here our country was happy and

prosperous,but now every kind of misfortune has come

upon us . Kong- cho has died, so has the Dzang-blon-po,

his son,850. Let these Bhikshus be turned out of the

country. S o the king gave orders that not a singleBhikshu should remain in Bod-yul .—(S ang . vy. ,

f.Li-yul . vy. ,

f . 42. T hen all the Bhikshus started out for Mahagandhara

2

in the west,and it being then a time of war and trouble, the

1 B ri t-Clea or B rie-ska is the name magistrate ) . Jaschke, s . v . I thinkof a country west of T ibet

,border it corresponds w ith the modern

ing on Pe rsia . Jaschke , s . v . ; E . B leak-Dion (pr . Kalon ) .S c hlaginweit, Kanige

'von T ibet, p.

3 Gandhara , the capital of which

55 . was Puruchapura, the modern Pe2 “B zany

-blon seems to be a shawar.

kind of title given to a minister (or

244 T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA .

Bhikshus of I ndia also started for Gandhara,so that down

to the Ganges there was an end of following the Dharma .

T hen the troops of Bod-yul hurried in pursuit of theBhikshus

,who came to a great lake . T hen the N aga king

E lapatra (E - la -hdab)1 took the shape of an old man and

went to the Bhikshus and asked them where they weregoing. We have lost in an unbelieving land all meansOf subsistence

,they replied

,and we are now on our

way to Gandhara, where we hope to find the . necessarie sof life . ” E lapatra asked them what provisions they had

,

and when they had accurately counted all that they hadamong them

,they told him that they had provisions for

fifteen days . From here to Gandhara,replied the N aga

king,

requires forty-five days , and you must go aroundthis lake ; how can you manage with fi fteen days ’ provisions ? Moreover

,the intervening country is very

elevated,thickly wooded

,infested with wild beasts

,veno

mous serpents,and brigands .” T hen the Bhikshus

,both

male and female, gave way to grie f, for they thought thattheir last hour was nigh .

But E lapatra, kneeling down before them ,said

,Weep

not ; for the sangha I will sacrifice my life ; I willbridge this lake over with my body. T hen he took theshape of an enormous serpent, and made a bridge wideenough for five waggons to pass abreast, with the forepart of his body encircling the top of a mountain inBod

,and with his tail wrapped around the top o f a

mountain in Gandhara. T he fugitive Bhikshus passedthe lake on this bridge , but the skin on the back of theN aga king was torn off by the hoofs of the cattle and

the men ’ s feet,so that it made a great wound

,from

which flowed matter and blood , and any of the men or

beasts who fell into (this wound) died from it. Whenevery one had passed over, the N aga king died , and the

1 T he N aga had apparently episode of the conversion of Kat

changed his residence since days of yayana. B ulva, xi. f. 1 18 et seq.,and

old . When the B uddha was living p. 46.

he resided at T akchacila. S ee the

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246 I

’

T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

were allies,and they had a brave and valorous

'

army ofmen says Li-yul vy. ) with which they

conquered every country (of I ndia ?) with the exceptionof Mid- I ndia. T hey put to death many people , and laidwaste the country. T hen these three kings took counciland led their armies to Madhyadeea (Mid- I ndia) (or, asthe Li-yul . vy. says, into Kaueambi) . N ow at that timethere reigned overKaucambi a king called Durdarca E zod

alkali ) , at the time of whose birth there had fallen a rainof blood

,and on whose breast was marked two hands red

as if smeared with blood . T his king had 500 ministersand an army of men. And when the king ofS tag-gzig (Persia) and the others turned their forcesagainst him

,Durdarca went towards them with his army,

and after having fought them for three months,he put

them to rout— (S ang. vy. ,f .

Durdarea, wishing to atone for all his sins,invited

from Pataliputra a Bhikshu called Cireaka,1

a man

learned in the T ripitaka,and

'

having confessed his sins ,the Bhikshu told him that as a penance he must entertain all the Bhikshus of Jambudvipa , and daily confesshis sins before them . T hen the king invited all theBhikshus throughout I ndia

,

’

and they,rej oicing

,gathered

together in Kaucambi to the number of On

the night of the fi fteenth day of the month, the Bhikshusassembled together for confession ,

and they called uponthe 'Bhikshu Circaka to repeat the Pratimoksha S atra .

But he answered them,

“What can the Pratimoksha dofor you ? (khyecl-rnams- la so-sor tli a T pas chi dzig bya) .What is the good of a looking-glass for a man whosenose and ears are cut off (mi sna dang T na- ba bekaa-

pa

la me- long-

gi chi-dzig bya) . T hen an Arhat called S urata

arose and cried with a lion ’ s voice, Bhikshu Circaka,

1 Wassilieif, loc. cit , calls the B ahucrutiya, he calls I-kia -tu (? An

B hikshu T ripitaka -B ahugrutiya ; the gada ) . He does not give the name

Arhat S udhara, the disciple of of the disciple of S udhara .

MAS SACR E OF T HE B H I KSH U‘

S . 247

why speak you thus ? I am whole as the S ugata or

dained (that a Bhikshu mustT hen the Bhikshu Circaka was fined with shame ;but Agnavi, the disciple of Ciroaka ,

said to the Arhat,

How dare you speak thus to such an exalted personageas my master ? ” and enraged, he seized a door-bar withboth hands , and kill ed the Arhat . Karata

,the Arhat ’ s

disciple,seeing his master killed

,inflamed with anger

,

took a stick ,and with it killed the Bhikshu Circaka. All

the Bhikshus became enraged , and dividing into twocamps

,they killed each other.

And when it was dawn , the king saw all the Bhikshuslying dead

,and his eyes were obscured with tears . T hen

he rushed to the vihara, calling the names of the Arhat ,and Of the Bhikshu T ripitaka (Cireaka) . He pressedtheir corpses to his breast, crying ,

“Alas , T ripitaka !thou didst possess the treasure of the Dharma of theS ugata ! Alas

,Arhat ! thou didst know the command

ments of the S ugata, and here you lie dead ! ”—(S ang .

vy.,f.

And as the shades of night were closing around theblessed law

,

1 the T rayastrimcat Davas were defeated bythe Asuras , and fled

, and transmigrating , they passedamong the Asandjasattva Davas (R tag- ta myos

-

po) .f. 420

a

)

We must not infer from the preceding narrative thatBuddhism became extinct in Li-yul at the time of thispersecution

,for we learn from R emusat (Hist de la Ville

de K hoten,p . 80) that in the tenth century (940 A.D . )

the people worshipped the spirits, but principally theBuddha.

I n the fifth year, Khian- te (A.D . Chen-ming

1 T his extinction of B uddhism count of the extinction of B ud

in I ndia occurred in the latter part dhism in Magadha , T arana tha ,.p,

of the n inth century (according to 193, (255 o f the also Manya

our text ) : Cf . with the above ao cri—mulatantra , f . 462.

T HE L I FE OF T HE B U DDHA.

(Yacas and Chen- ta (S addharma priests of Yu- thien,

came to court (p . 8 T hese were evidently BuddhistBhikshus .I n the time of the Yuen dynasty, however, Buddhism

had been stamped out of the country by I slamism .

1

1 On the present state of Khoten, journey to I lichi, J. R . G. S , vol .

see W . H . Johnson’

s report of a xxxvii. pp. 1

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250 APPE N D I X.

Mahavira said,

“ I t is an error on the part of Gosala if hebelieves himself to be a Jina ; he is the son of a beggar(mankha) named Mankhali and of his wife Bhadda ; he wasborn in a cow-stable (go-sdld), and was consequently calledGosala . He himself became a beggar like his father.

“When,after having passed thirty years in my home up

to the death of my parents,

1 I left it to begin a religiousmendicant’s life , I happened to come to Rajagriha in the

second year, and to take upon me the vow of a half-month’s

fast in the T antuvaya- Sala near the town. At that time

Gosala came also to the same place as a simple beggar.

2

“When, later on,it happened that the citizen Vijaya, be

cause I had taken my alms at his door,obtained great happy

ness,Gosala reverently approached me with the desire to

become my disciple but I declined, and soon after I departedfor Kollaga, where I took my alms at the door of the Brahman B ahula . Gosala accidentally came also to that village,and having heard that I was there, he approached . me againand renewed his request . I granted it, and we lived togetherduring six years on the ground of the bazaar (paniya -blizZmie) ,experiencing obtainment and non-obtainment

,pleasure and

pain,honour and dishonour.

“Once,at the beginning o f a rather dry autumn

,we went

together from the town S iddha thaggama to the town Kummagama. On our way we came across a large sesam shrub

,

which was covered with leaves and flowers and in a veryflourishing condition. Gosala asked me if it would perish or

not, and where would the seven living beings of the flower 3

reappear after it had vanished . I answered that the shrubwould perish, and that the seven living beings would all

reappear in the same pericarp of the same sesam shrub. B ut

he would not believe it,and

,saying that I must be wrong, he

approached the Shrub,tore it out of the ground, and threw

it away. (S hortly after we had left this spot) a sudden rain

1 A corroboration of this state was a place opened to all comers,ment is to be found in the Aca and not reserved for only religious

ranga (published by Professor Ja mendicants .

cobi in the Pali T ext ii. 15.

3 S atta tilapuppha -j‘

iva , i . e. , the2 I f we accept Mahavira ’ s state seven senses , each representing a

ment as trustworthy, we are led to particular living object or a life .

”

suppose that the T antavaya hall

APPE N D I X. 251

came on,So that the ground was moistened and the

.

sesamshrub was able to take root again so the seven lives reallyreappeared all in the same pericarp of the same shrub .

When we came to the town Kummagama, Gosala saw the

ascetic Vesibayana, and he went to (mock) him with the question

,

‘Art thou believed to be a sage, or merely the abode of

lice ? ’ T he ascetic did not answer, but when Gosala had re

peated his question again and agaln,he became angry and

shot forth his magical power to kill him . B ut through compassion for Gosala I interceded, and paralysed the hot flashof the ascetic’s power by a cool flash of mine . When theascetic saw that his power had remained without effectthrough mine , he said to me (pacified) , I see

,I see.

’Gosala

,

wondering what that meant, asked me about it

,and learnt

from me that he had been saved through my mediation . He

was somewhat terrified at the account,and wished to know

how he could himself acquire that magical power. I ex

plained to him the austere discipline which it required , andhe thought of undergoing it.When we once 1 returned to the town S iddhatthagama

,we

again passed the place where the sesam shrub was,and he

reminded me that I had certainly been wrong in my statement. I answered that

,on the contrary

,a rain which had

fallen in the meantime had made true all that I had foretoldof the shrub

,and I added that in this way plants in general

can undergo the change of a reanimation. Gosala again wouldnot believe it ; so he turned to the plant to split Open the

pericarp when he had counted the seven living beings , he at

once formed the idea that in this way (not only plants) butall living beings can undergo the change of a reanimation .

T hat is his doctrine o f the change through reanimation,and from that time Gosala left me. After the lapse of six

months he himself acquired magical power by means of the

austere discipline , and now (recently) the six Disacaras haveintrusted themselves to his guidance ; but he is wrong inbelieving himself to be a Jina.

T he rivalry of Mahavira and Gosala became known in the

1 I . e. , some days afterwards, for, as will be seen farther on, the flower haddeveloped into a fruit.

52 APPE N D I X.

town S avatth‘

i ) , and alsoMahavira’s statement that Gosalawas wrong. When Gosala heard of it

,he began to bear a

grudge against Mahavi i a,and once when a pupil of Maha

vira’s named Ananda passed the settlement of the Ajivakasin Halahala’s pottery bazar

,Gosala called him in

,saying that

he would tell him (of) a simile . Ananda entered,and Gosala

said to him, Once in days of old some merchants were pass

ing through a forest with waggons and goods . After a whilethey exhausted their (supply of) water, and they could findno fresh supply ; at last they discovered a large fourfold anthill : 1 opening the first part

,they obtained an abundant

supply of water ; from the second part they got a quantityof silver ; and from the third a heap of j ewels. Beforethey had set about Opening the fourth part, in which theyexpected to find some ivory

,one of the men who was thought

ful,recommended not opening any more

,and to let the three

parts be enough, for the fourth might possibly bring themsome evil. T he others did not follow his advice

,and on Open

ing the fourth part they met with a huge serpent of a terrifying aspect, and through the fire of its eyes all the men wereat once burnt up, with the exception of the one who had

given the advice, who now,

through the favour of the goddess

(i. e. the serpent) , returned home safe and providedwith riches .I n like manner

, 0 Ananda, has thy teacher, the S amanaN ayaputta Mahavira) , obtained in a threefold manner

1) merit of ascetism , (2) gg reat fame , and 3 ) many adherentsamong men as well as gods ; but if he turns to me

,then I will

burn him up by means of my magical power, just as thosewho were burnt up by the serpent ; but thou shalt be savedlike the man who advised (them) . T ell this to thy teacher,the S amana N ayaputta. Ananda

,who had been horrified at

these words,imparted them all to Mahavira

,who dwelt out

s ide the town near the Kotthaya ceiya , and he asked him if

Gosala really possessed the faculty of burning up anybody.

Mahavira answered him in the affirmative ; only,

”he said

,

Gosala could not do any harm to one of the teachers of thefaith (arahanta bhagavanto) , because theirmagical power wouldbe still mightier than his, so they could easily withstand it

1 Vammiya ? (odlmika ) .

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254 APPE N D I X .

every century one single grain of sand is removed,then the

time which would be required for the disappearance of the

whole amount of those Gangas would be one S ara(s) ; threehundred thousand of such S ara(s) periods make one Mahd

lcappa period, and of these make one Mahdmdnasa.

“(Living beings, after having passed already through endless

births,are successively reborn in the following order z)

1) As a deity in the upper Manasa.

(2) As a sensible being for the first time .

3) As a deity in the middle Manasa .

(4) As a sensible being for the second time .

(5) As a deity in the lower Manasa .

(6) As a sensible being for the third time .

(7) As a deity in the upper Manasuttava.

(8) As a sensible being for the fourth time .

(9) As a de ity in the middle Manasuttava .

(10) As a sensible being for the fifth time .

(1 1 ) As a deity in the lower Manasuttava.

(12) As a sensible being for the sixth time.

(13) As a deity in the B ambhaloga.

(14) As a sensible being for the seventh time.

I n this the last birth as a sensible being, I myself left myhome early in youth for religious life , and then, after havingobtained universal knowledge ,1 I underwent the seven change so f body by means of reanimation.

(1) With the first change, I left outside R ajagriha, near the ceiya

Mandikucchi, the body of U dai Kundiydyana , and entered

that of E neyjaga for the space of twenty-two years.

(2) With the second change, I left outside U ddandapura, near the

ceiya Candoyarayana, the body of E nejjaga , and entered

that ofMallarama for the space of twenty-one years.

(3) Wi th the third change , I left outside Campa, near the ceiya

Angamandira, the body of Mallarama,and entered that of

Mandiya for the space of twenty years .

are merely introduced as a S imile to could only suggest themselves to

give an approximate idea of the human fancy on I ndian soil . I t is

immensity of time implied by the the term sdgarovama ,“a sea-like ”

terms and Makd period .

manasa . A s to S ara(s) , a similar 1 S amkhdnam. T his term seems

word is used by the Jam s for the to have had the same value w ith thesame purpose, viz. to denote one of Aj ivikas as Kel ali -nana with the

those immense periods of time which Jam s

APPE N DI X. 255

(4) With the fourth change, I left outside vanarasi , near the ceiya

Kamahavana, the body of Mandiya, and entered that of R oha

for the space of nineteen years .

(5) With the fifth change , I left outside Alabhiya, near the ceiya

Pannakalaga, the body of R oha,and entered that of E M.

raddai for the space of eighteen years.

(6) With the sixth change, I left outside Vesali,near the ceiya

Kandiyaya, the body of B haraddai,and entered that of

Ap nnaga for the space of seventeen years.(7) With the seventh change, I left in S avatthi

,in Halahala’s

pottery bazar the body of Ajjunaga, and entered that of

Gosala Mankhaliputta for the space of sixteen years .

S o I have fulfilled the seven changes in the course of 133years , according to my doctrine .

1 I n this respect thou hast“

been right in calling me thy pupil.T he story goes on to relate subsequent events, the death of

Gosala,and his punishments in a long series of subsequent

births but there is no furthermention of any of his doctrines.

I I .

T HE DOCT R I N E S OF THE 8 11: HE R E T I CAL T E ACHE R S ACCOR DI N G

T O T WO CHI N E S E V E R S I ON S OF THE S AMAN A-PHALA S U T R A.

B y B anyin N anj io, E sq.

N o. 545. Chin. B ud. T ripit. , kh .

17, f. 1 (A.D . 4 12

T he B uddha said to the king,Have you ever asked this ques

tion to any cramana or brah

mana ?”

T he king said to the B uddha,I have formerly been to a place

where was a cramana or brah

mana , and have asked him a

similar question . I remember

having once gone to E u-ran-ka

shio (Parna Kacyapa), and hav

N O. 593. Chin. B ud. T ripit.

(A. D . 38 1

T he B uddha said, Maharaja ,have you ever asked such a ques

tion to any heretic

T he king said to the B uddha,I once upon a time went to the

place where E u-ran ka-shio (Pf1r

na Kacyapa) was, and I askedhim (about the reward of the

cramana) .He answered me

,

‘ T here is

no such thing as this, nor (such

1 B hai antiti m’

akklidyd .

256

ing asked him (about the rewardof the cramana) .

T hatParnaKacyapaansweredme

,I fthe kinghimself oranother

kills or injures beings who cry

and grieve on account of it,or if

he steals,or commits adultery,

or lies,or robs others by entering

their house’

(lit . jumping over

the fence of their house) ,‘or if

he sets anything on fire, or does

evil by cutting a path ; to do

even these things, Maharaja, is

not to do evil.

Maharaja,if any one cuts all

beings into pieces, and makes a

heap which will fill the world, it

is not an evil deed, nor is thereanyrequital for this crime . T here

is no requital for the evil-deer

who cuts beings to pieces on the

south (bank) of the Ganga, nor isthere a reward for the righteous

doer who makes a great assem

bly for distributing (alms) , and

who gives to all equally.

’

Again (the king) said tothe B uddha,

“ I once went to

Matsu-ka-ri ku-sha-ri (Makkhali

Gosala) and asked him (the same

question) .“He answered me

,Maharaja,

there is no (such thing as) dis

tributing, nor giving, nor law of

sacrifice, nor good and evil,nor

reward and punishment for good

and evil deeds, nor presentworld ,

nor world to come,nor father,

normother, nor dava,nor fairy

norworld of beings, nor cramana

and brahmana who practise

equally, nor this world and a

world to come,for which one

can show others any proof. All

APPE N DI X.

T herefore, though theybeings) have body and life

, yet

after death the four elements are

scattered about and destroyed ,

their heart (or soul) comes to

nought, and is never born again .

T hey are buried under the

ground, they rot,and nothing is

left of them .

’

O

KingA-

ga-se(Ajatasatru)

said to the B uddha,

“Moreover,

I went to Maku-ka-ri Ku-

ga-ru

(Maskarin Gosaliputra) and askedhim (the same question) .“He answered me

,

‘ T here is

no present world, nor world to

come,nor power and powerless

ness, nor energy. All men haveobtained their pleasure and

pain

a thing as) the world honoured,nor reward for righteousness and

favour,nor (is there) sin and

happiness, father and mother,

nor R a-kan (arhat) who has ac

quired the path (marga) , nor

happiness in worship, nor the

present world and the world to

come,nor one who walks with

his whole heart and mind in the

path“1

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258 APPE N D I X.

Again he said to the

B uddha,

“Once upon a time I

went to S an-niya B i-ra-ri

’s son

(S anjayin Vairattiputra) , and

asked him (the same question).He answered me

,Maharaja

,

there is a visible reward of the

eramana.

’I asked

, (I s it) thus’

I ’

of the body comes to an end,

there is nothing to grieve about

in the death of life .

Others do not speak of this

desire As to these desires

and supports there are five

theories and sixty-two different

sorts or species . T hese sixty-two

different kinds are .spoken of bythose who have no nature as

sixty-twomatters or thingswhich

accompany nature,without any

thought or idea . When theyenter into eight difficul ties theywill throw them away, and beingbenefited thereby, they will be atease. B eing at ease, they are

constantly in heaven . When theyare in heaven

,there are eighty

four great remembrances (or intense thoughts) which are aecom

panied by magical arts and

miracles . T hen they can removethe pain of old age and disease .

T here are neithermen acquainted

with the way nor brahmacharis.

T hus do I say my precepts are

pure and free from love and de

sire (or the desire of love) .When desire comes to an end

,

that state of being which always

follows is as the going out of a

burning lamp.

“ T hus it is,and there is no

brahmachari who has found the

way or path.

”

Again I went to S en-hi

ro-

j I , and asked him (the same

question) .He answered me

,Yes

,Maha

raja, what a man does himself or

lets another do,to cut

,rob

,see

or not to see,to dislike what is

sought after, to lament,to break

APPE N D I X. 259

He replied, I t is so ; the truth

is so it is different (from that) ,it is not different, it is not not

different. Maharaja, there is no

visible reward of the qramana.

’

I asked, (I s it) thus ?’ He re

plied, I t is so,

’as above) .

Maharaja, there is a visible no

reward of the cramana.

’ I asked,(I s it) thus 2

’ He replied,‘ I t

is so,

’as above) . Maha

raja,there is

,and there is not

a visible reward of the cramana.

’

I asked,

‘

(I s it) thus ?’ He re

plied, I t is so,

’as above) .

Again he said to the

B uddha,Once upon a time I

went to N i-ken’s son (N irgrantha

Djnatiputra) , and asked him (thesame question) .He answered me

,Maharaja

,

I am an all-knowing and all-see

ingman,I know everything that

is. While walking or standing

still,sitting or lying down, I am

always enlightened, and mywis

dom is ever manifest. ’

N . B .—T he

.

Chinese characters for proper names are given with their

Japanese sounds .

vases, to be devoid of covetous

ness,to break (down) and destroy

castles of the country, to injure

people , to kill, to steal,to com

mit adultery, to lie, to be doubletongued, to drink intoxicatingliquors though one commits

these deeds there is no crime

nor demerit.“One who is charitable does

not receive any reward for his

virtue. For one who does injury(to others) , who acts unright

conely, and who commits all

kinds of evil, there is neither

sin nor virtue,nothing to be lost

or made,no cause nor reason, no

truth,no honesty.

E ven the man who practises

what is right and lawful, there is

nothing in it which corresponds

with right or wrong.

”

Again I went to N i-ken’s

son,and asked him the same

question .

He answeredme,

“Yes,Maha

raja, whether it be evil or good

which is here given to all sentient

creatures,it is the karma of their

former existences . T hey were

born through the cause and byreason of love and desire.

T hrough cause and reason (pratityasamudpada) are old age and

disease . T hen there are the

ideas of cause and reason in their

learning the path, in the waytheir children and grandchildren

are born to them ,and after that

they obtain the path

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262 I N DE X.

B amboo st ove. 45. 49. 72. 84. 93S ee also Veluvana .

B amyan, 1 17.

B anyan grove, 51 , 58, 74, 1 16. S ee

also N yagrodharama.

B anyan tree of Gautama,132.

B aradvadja, 9, 11 .

B athang, 208 .

B ela va, 1 11, 130 .

B enares.29. 46. I S7. I S9.

164 . S ee also Va ranari.

B hadda, 250 .

B hadra,128 .

B hadra, 10, 55.

B hadrayaniya, 182, 186, 194.

B hadrika,28

,85.

B hadrika Cakyaraja, 13, 53, 54, 58.

B hagirathi, 1 1, 30 .

B hallika, 33.

B handagama,132.

B haraddai,255.

B harata, 70.

B havya, 149, 18 1, 182 et seq.

B hikshu varshagrapritsha, 18 1, 183.

B imbi, 16.

16, 27: 4 1a 43a 49, 63 : 64:67, 68 , 69, 72, 89, 90, 9 1, 94 .

B odhimanda, 35.

B od-

yul, 216, 221, 24 1- 244.

B on-pa, 206, 207, 208 , 219 .

B rahma,27, 35, 52, 8 1 .

B rahmajala sfitra, 82.

B rahmaloka, 87.

B rigu, son of, 26.

B rtson-pa

-gtong, 132.

B ru-sha,243.

B uddhacanti, 2 18 .

B uddhadhuta,238 .

B uddhaghuya, 205, 216, 218, 221 .

B uddhatcharita,127, 128 , 2 18 .

B ulis or B uluka, 145, 146.

E u-ston,213, 227.

AR E A, 27, 30, 31, 33, 52, 54 .

akyavard ana, 17.

ambi, 1 17.ampa , 70: 71: 72: 90, 136, 174 )2 4 .

Cansavasika, 161, 162, 164, 165, 167,

170 .

Candoyarayana, 254.

Cantarakshita, 219 .

Cari, 44 .

Cariputra. 51. 55. 56. 73.8 7. 94. 107. 109 . 1 10

. m . 148.

aradvatiputra, 44 . S ee Cariputra .

ataketu, 16, 24, 25, 26, 8 1.

Catagatha, 228 .

Catanika, 16.

Ceylon. 59. 237Chabbaggiya bh ikshus, 63, 159.

Chang’

an, 219.

Chang vihara, 241.

Chen -ta , 248 .

Chen-ming, 248 .

Chin-cheng, 2 18 , 2 19.

Chintamani, 210 .

ilamanju, 2 14 .

incapa grove, 128 , 130, 132.

irgaka, 246, 247.itavana

, 47, 72.

onaka, 171 , 176.

ravakayana , 196, 197, 198 , 199.

ravasti.I 6

. 47. 48 . 49. 59. 71. 76.79, 82, 96, 1 1 1, 1 12, 1 13, 1 14, 1 16,122. 136. 174 . 175. 255

Crested tchaitya of the Mallas

(Makuta bhandhana) , 132, 143.

Crilendrabodhi, 224.Crimahadevi, 236, 24 1, 242.

Crimant Dharmapala, 221.

Crithadra, 64 .

Crivadjra, 214 .

Cronavimsatikoti, 72, 73.

Crughna, 176

Cudddha, 13.

Cuddhodana , 13, 14, 15, 20, 24, 26,

ukla,13.

uklodana,13, 52, 53.

ulekasataka tirthikas, 109.

DAQAB ALA KACYAPA, 58, 69, 80, 85,93. 144

Dahara sutta, 49.

Danacila , 224 .

Dandapani, 20.

Danshtasena,222.

Datta,1 1 1 .

Deva the brahman, 40 .

Devadaha,12, 14, 20 , 145.

Devadatta, 13, 19, 2 1, 31, 50, 56, 83et seq.

, 94, 106- 109, 175.

Devala, 213.

Dgah-ldan monastery, 220.

Dgung srong hdam rja, 217.Dhanvadurga, 12.

Dharma dbyig-dur btsan-

po, 225.

S ee Glang der-ma .

Dharma chakra pravartana sfitra, 37,157.

I N DE X. 263

Dharmagoka, 182,232, 233, 234,

Dharmagriprabha, 148 .

Dharmagupta, 185.

Dharmaguptaka , 182, 183, 185, 186,

Dharmaghosha, 214.

Dharmananda,239.

Dharmapala, 195.

Dharmottara,184 .

Dharmottariya, 182, 184, 185, 186,. 194 .

Dhitika, 170 .

Dhyani B uddhas , 200.

D j ina, prince, 13.

D isacaras, 249, 251 .

Djinamitra , 224 .

Djnanagarbha, 2 19.

Djriung-ri, 228 .

Dmar-po-ri

,208

,2 14, 217.

Dpal-

gyi rdo-rje (Crivadjra ), 226.

Drona , the brahman,146.

Drona, 13 .

Dronasama, 146.

Dronodana, 13, 52, 53.

D rug-

gu,240 .

Durdarga, 246 .

E KAVYAVAHAR I KA, 182, 183, 187,189.

E kcttaragama,158 , 175.

E lapatra. 244. 245E nejjaga, 254.

FE N HS I AN G, 219.

GA-HJAG, 239, 240.

Galien,228 .

Ganges , 26, 72, 97, 102,128 , 165,

Gandharva , I 37.Gandhamadana

,169.

Gandhara , 244, 245.Gantacabda, 2 1 .

Ganuta, 2 14 .

Gatha, 140, 156, 158 .

Gautama, 9 , 10, 1 1 , 128 .

Gautam i,Mahaprajapati, 20, 60 , 61.

Gavampati, 39, 149.

Gaya, 28 , 4 1, 89 .

GayaKacyapa, 40 .

Gayacirsha, 4 1, 42.

Gesser khan, 228 .

Geya, 140 .

Ghoshaka , 195.

Glang dar-ma

, 225, 226, 242.

I KS HVAKU , 1 1, 27.

I kshavaku Virudhaka, 1 1, 12.

I lichi, 230.

I ndia: 211 ; 215) 235: 236) 239! 240)244 .

I tivritaka, 140.

Gnam-ri srong btsan, 211.

Gnya-khri btsan -

po , 208 , 209.

Gocirsha, 233, 238 , 240 .

Gocringa, 231, 233.

Gokulika, 186, 187, 189.

Gomayuputta, 249.

Gépa. 20. 21. 24 . 31, 56. 57. 83.

Gopala, 63, 64 .

Gosala Mankhaliputta. S ee Mas

kharin .

Gshen -rabs, 207.

Gtsang-ma

, 225.Guge , 215.

undak,Little . S ee Kakustana .

Gunjaka, 128 .

Gung-ri gung btsan, 215.

Gungu Meru,223 .

Gupta , 164 .

Gupta, 2 1 .

Guptaka , 183, 194 .

Gus -tik,243.

Cu-zan, 240.

Gyang-drung, 206, 207.

HA-CHAN G or Hwa-chang Mahadeva,

Ha imava ta,182

,184 , 186, 190.

Halahala,249, 252, 255.

Hang-

gu-jo, 236 .

Has tigama, 132.

Hastigarta, 19.

Hastinajaka, I I , 12.

Hast ipura, 9 .

Hbru-so -lo -nya , 235.

Hdon -hdros,239.

Hetuvidya , 182, 183, 184 .

n u-to -shan,238 , 240 .

n m -stir (or h r) , 238 .

Himalaya , or Himavat, 11,18

,27,

129, 184 , 206.

Himatala , 1 17.

Hindustan , 2 15.

Hiranyavati, 133, 134, 135, 143.

Hor (or Hur, Hui-ho ), 2 13, 2 15,2 17.

Hsam -

yas, 220.

Hulunta (or Hu-lor) , 167, 238 .

Hwa-shang zab-mo,220 .

264 I N DE X.

Law s , 104, 249, 254 .

Jaluka mahavana,133.

Jambudvipa, 33, 8 1, 84, 132, 147,

Jambugama, 132 .

Janapada Kalyani, 55. S ee B hadra.

Janta, 1 1 . S ee R ajyananda.

Jataka,140 .

Jeta , 48 , 49, 121.

Jetavana, 49, 50 , 51, 79, 1 1 1 , 121.

Jetavan iya, 183.

Jin -ch’an , 202 .

J ivaka (Kumarabhanda ) , 63, 64,

95. 96. 97. 98Jo -vo - rje . S ee At isba .

Jyotishka, 68 , 69, 70, 94, 65.

KACHME R E , 148 , 166, 167, 168 , 169,170 , 2 12, 220, 232, 238 , 243.

Kagi, 35. S ee B enares and Va

ranas i.

Kacyapa, 42, 69, 185. S ee U ruvi

lva,N adi

,Gaya, N yagrodha,

Maha, Kacyapa .

Kagyapiya , 183, 185, 186, 191, 193.

Kakuda Katyayana , 79, 96, 104,I 05, 257

Kakudha, 87.

Kakustana,134, 153 .

Kala,18

,170 . S ee also Asita.

Kalacoka , 182.

Kalanda,249.

Kalandaka,159 .

Kalantakanivasa (or nipata) , 43, 14 1 ,151 . S ee B amboo grove and

Ve luvana .

Kalidasa,228 .

Kalika,23.

Kalinga , 147.

Kalfidayi, 17, 21. S ee U dayin .

Kalyana, 9 .

Kalyanavardana , 13.

Kamahavana , 255.

Kamalagila, 220, 222 .

Kamaloka,8 1 .

Kamapala, 9 .

Kamavatcharadeva, 142.

Kanakavati, 74 .

Kanakavarna, I O .

Kandiyaya, 255.

Kanika, 240 .

Kanishka,240 .

Kaniyara, 249.

Kanthaka,17, 25.

Kanyakubdja , 9 .

Kao -tsung, 215.

Kao-tchang, 231 .

Kapala tchaitya, 131, 132.

Kapila, 1 1, 12.

Kapilavastu, 12, 14 , 19, 20, 26, 3o ,

31 : 32, 40 . 51 : 52, 57a 58 . 60 ,73. 75. 77. 83. 1 17.

Karandavyuha entra, 202, 210, 212.

Karakarna,I I

, 12.

Karata,247.

Karkata, 128 .

Karma cataka, 2 18 .

Karnika, 9 .

Karu, 9 .

Karumant, 9 .

Kasava , 253.

Ka -sar vihara, 24 1.

Kashgar, 240 .

Katamorakat isya, 55, 94 .

Katissabha,128 .

Katyayana, 18 , 45, 47.

Kaucambi, 16, 73, 246.

Kaucika , 19 , 24 .

Kaund inya, 28 , 38 , 85, 87, 144 , 157.Kaund inya Po tala , 44 .

Kechana, 213.

Ke issa C antam i,23.

Khandadvaja , 55, 94 .

Khoten,2 1 1

,2 18

,220

,225, 228

,

230, 231, 232, 335. S ee also

L I -yul .

Khoten darya , 235.

Khri,seven celest ial

,209.

Khri-cham,2 15.

Khri-ldan srong btsan, 2 11 . S ee

S rong btsan sgam -

po .

Khri-lde gtsug bstan mes Ag-ts

’

oms,

Khri-srong lde btsan, 2 19, 221, 222,22

Khrii-al, 223. S ee R al-pa-chan.

K’iang, 204 .

Kinkinisvara, 21.

Kishkindha,18 .

K’

iang, 204 .

Klui-rgyal-mts’an 22 I

Kokalika , 55, 94 .

Kokan,240 .

Koko-nor,2 15.

Kolita, 44 . S ee Maudgalyayana .

Koliyas of R amagama, 145.

Kollega , 250 .

Kong-dzung, 236.

R osala. 50. 70. 75. 76. 79. 8 2.

1 11, 1 12, 1 14 , 1 15, 121, 203, 208 .

Koshthila, 44, 45.

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66 I N DE X.

Minak or Manyak, 215.

Mkhar or Gar,2 16.

Mletchas , 231.

Mngari Korsum,215, 226.

Mon tribes , 215, 227.

Mongols , 217.

Monkey pond, 131.Mrigadhara , 70 .

Mrigadava, 29, 35.

Mu-khri btsan -

po, 222, 223.

Muduntaka or Muruntaka, 182, 183,184 .

Mfilasarvastivadina, 186.

Mutchilinda, 34 .

N AQI , 38 .

N ad i Kagyapa, 40 .

N adika,128 .

N aga, 187.

N agarjuna, 45, 224 .

N akaikundjika, 6 1.

N a-kie,230 .

N airanjana, 28 , 30 , 33, 37, 40 .

N alada (N alaka , N aradat ta) , 18 , 45,46. S ee Katyayana .

N alanda, 44 , 1 10 , 220 .

N anda, 13, 14, 19, 53, 55, 73, 186.

N anda, 30, 40 .

N andabala, 30, 40 .

N and ika, 30 . S ee S ena .

N ang-kod, or God, 2 17.

N a-pi-ka

, 61.

N ata, 164 .

N epal, 120, 210, 211, 215, 217, 220,230 .

N ikata, 128 .

N imbarkas , 50 .

N irgrantha, 65, 66, 103, 253.

N igrantha Jnatiputra, 79, 96, 104 ,259 .

N yagrodha cave,151, 159 .

N yagrodharama, 51, 53, 58 . S ee

also B amboo groveN yagrodhika country, 147.

OD-S R U N G, 226.

Cm-mani padme hum, 210 .

Ombo-blang-

gang, 208 , 210 .

Opapatika birth, 100 .

PADMA S AMB HAVA,220 .

Pandava,15, 27.

Pannakalaga, 255.

Parivradjaka,49. 103. 140.

189 .

Par-mkhan-

pa, 242.

Pataligama, 126, 127, 128 .

Patali pond, 121.

Pataliputra , 128, 167, 179, 182,

179, 186, 246. S ee also Kusuma

pura .

Patali tchaitya , 126.

IPava, 133, 144 .

Pers ia, 243, 245.

Peshawar,243.

Phata, 164 .

Phyi-dbang stag

-rtse,208 .

Pin-chu,2 19.

Pippala cave , 151 .

Pipphalivana . S ee N yagrodhika.

Potala, 9, 1 1, 12, 70, 208 , 214.

Po-ta-rya , 239.

Prad jnaptivadina, 182, 183, 189.

Pradjnavarman,224 .

Pradyota, 17, 32, 70 .

Prasenadj it , 16, 48 , 49, 50, 51, 70,

Pratimoksha satra, 50, 140, 153,I 59. 175. 246.

Pro-nyo vihara, 240.

Punya, 206.

Punyabala avadana, 73.

Pu-nye-shar

,238 .

Pum a. 39. 149. 156.

Pum a Kagyapa, 499 79, 80 : 96: 100,101, 138 , 255, 256.

Purvarama, 71 .

Pfirvaqaila, 18 2, 183, 184, 186.

Purvavideha, 84 .

Pushkarasarin, 82, 83.

Pushkasa, 134 .

R AHULA, 13. 32. 53, 56, 57: 58R aivata, 54, 58 .

R ajagiriya, 186.

R ajagriha. 16. 26. 47.

48 . 49. 51 . 56. 63. 64 . 65. 69. 71 .84 . 99 . 92. 105. 199. H 4 .

R ajana,202.

R ajyananda, 1 1.

R aktaksha, 48 .

R al-pa-chan, 218 , 223, 225, 242.

R amanuyas, 50 .

R amayana, 228 .

R atnapala, 93 .

R atnavali, 59.

R avig upta , 228 .

B evata, 177.R sya (China) . 234. 235. 236. 237.

I N DE X.

R ig veda, 77.

R imurunda, 164.

R ishyasringa jataka, 57.

R ishivadana, 35, 39, 46 .

R ohita , 20, 2 1, 52.

R okha, 9.

R oruka,145, 147.

R tseb-pa tchaitya, 124.

R ubbed s ide , grove of,R udraka R amaputra, 28 , 35.R fipaloka, 8 1 .

R upananda, 13. S ee N anda.

S ADDHAR MAVAR S HAKA, 182.

S ad-na-legs, 222.

S ahadeva, 19.

S ahadsha , 176 .

S agaradatta, 55, 94 .

S akala,63.

S aketa, 136.

S ala grove , 63, 119, 132, 135, 143,

S alha, 176.

S ama veda, 77.

S amavadho paracha chakra, 18 1.

S amayabhedo parachana chakra,18 1 .

S amangasarana Parvata , 232.

S amanna phala sutta, 99, 106.

S ambhuta, 176 .

S amkacya, 8 1, 176.

S amkrantivadina, 183, 185, 186, 193.

S ammata,184 .

S ammatiyas , 182, 183, 184, 188,1940

sana,249.

S anghaghosha, 239.

S anghavardana, 231, 24 1.

S ang-tir vihara, 239 .

S anjaya, 45.

S anjaya Vairattiputra, 49, 79, 96,10 1, 104, 258 .

S an-pu valley, 208 .

S antushti, 128 .

S arandada tchaitya, 124.

S arvadhara, 17.

S arvakama, 171, 173, 174, 176, 177,179.

S arvarthasiddha, 17.

S arvastivad ina, 182,183, 184 , 185,

186. 190 . 191. 193. 195. I 96. 239S attapani cave, 151, 156.

S autrantika,186.

S eger S andalitu, 208 .

S ena, 30 , 33.

S enanigama, 30, 39, 40.

T AB U T A, 214 .

T a-chien-ln,215, 216.

T achilhunpo, 148 .

T akshacila, 9, 21, 46, 65.

267

S enayana, 30.

S even amra tree, tchaitya of, 132.

S evered hand, pool of, 121 .

S hampaka, 117, 118 .

S hannagarika, 183, 186, 194.

S hi-dkar, 2 17.

S hing-dkam , 217.

S ho -rgya, 239.

S huli, prince of, 217.

S hu -lik, 240, 243.

S hur-pai-grong, 132.

S iddha-thaggama, 250.

S iddhartha, 13, 20, 21, 23.

S inha, 63.

S inhahanu, 13, 14, 18 .

S inhaghosha , 212.

S inhanada,13 .

S inidha,127.

S ka-ba-dpa l-brtsegs, 221, 224”

S kam-shed , 236.

S nar-thang, monastery of, 148 .

S o-kid,town of, 240 .

S ow , place of (Vadjravarahi 120 .

S pu-de gung rgyal, 209.

S rong-btsan egam

-

po, 208,209 et

seq. , 2 15, 217, 218 , 241.

S thiramati, 187.

S tag-

gzig, 213, 245, 246.

S tong-nya vihara, 24 1.

S ubahu, 39, 8 8 .

S ubhadra, 65, 66, 67, 68, 128 , 138 .

S udarqana, 170 .

S udatta, 47, 48, 49, S ee

Anathapindada.

S ujata, 30 .

S ulabha, 13, 19 .

S umeru,161, 205.

S undarananda, 13. S ee N anda.

S uprabuddha (or S uprabodha) , 12,

13, 14, 20 , 28 , 29.

S uratha, 246.

S urendrabodhi, 224 .

S uryavamsa,1 1.

S usroni, 82.

S utra in 42 sections, 71, 206.

S uvarshaka, 182, 185.

S uvarna prabhasa sfitra, 218 .

S vastika, 31, 206 .

S wat , river, 1 18 .

S se-ma-tsien, 204 .

S se-tchuen, 206, 213, 219 .

268

T amracatiya, 183, 186, 191, 193.

T angutans, 2 15.

T antuvaya sala,250 .

T ao-sse,206.

T chaityika , 182, 183, 186, 189.

T champaka, 1 18 .

T chandaka, 20, 2 1, 22, 25.

T chang-tsang, 2 17, 222.

T chao-tchang , 225.

T chos -kyi rgyal-mts

’

an,224.

T chudapratigraha, stupa of,26.

T chunandana,144 .

T evidja sutta, 82.

T hal-tsung, 213.

T hien chan , 230 .

T ho-tho-ri long btsan, 209.

T humi Ann,2 1 1.

T humi S ambhota, 21 1, 212, 2 14 .

T irthikas, 48, 68 , 69, 79, 120, 154.

T ishya, 44 .

T okara, 243.

T o -la,235.

T rapusha, 34 .

T ripitaka, the bhikshu, 247.

T sal-byi, 242.

T sar-ma,237, 238 , 24 1.

T su -chih hien,222.

T ung-lin

,230 .

T urkestan,230.

T urks,2 17.

T ushita,15, 46, 48, 14 1.

T ushti, 128 .

U -E U B LA- S GAN G, 208 .

U ddandapura, 254 .

Udai Kundiyayan iya, 253, 254.

U danavarga, 29, 33, 35.

Udayana , 17, 74 .

U dayi, 2 1, 51, 8 1. S ee Kaludayi.U dayibhadra, 9 1, 96.

U djayani, 17.

U dyana, 1 17, 118 , 220.

U lkamukha, 1 1, 12.

U pagupta, 164, 170 .

U paka, 35.

U pakaru, 9 .

U pakarumant , 9 .

Upali. 55. 56. 158 . I S9U patishya, 44. S ee Cariputra .

U pavana, 136 .

U pavasavi, 63.

U ruvilva, 39, 40 , 4 1 , 51.

U ruvilva Kacyapa, 28 , 40, 4 1.

U -then,233, 235, 236, 24 1. S e

Khoten.

U tpalavarna, 21 , 8 1, 106, 107, 136

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I N DE X OF T I BE TAN WORDS WHI CH OCCUR

I N THI S VOLUME , W I TH THE I R SAN SKR I T

E QU I VALE N T S .

AMR A1-CR ON C—Amragama .

Amra skyong-ma—Amrapali .

B A-LAN G bdag—Gavampat i.

B al-glang ltar-gyi-

grong Hasthi

gama .

B ohom-brlag—Mathura .

B ehom-ldan-hdas—B hagavan .

E kra-shis—S vastika.

B la-ma—Uttara .

B re-bo—Drona.

B re -bo-ma—Drona.

B re-bo-zas—Dronodana .

E tang-bzung—Mutchilinda.

E tsuu-

po—B hadanta.

E yang-tebub -sems-pa

—B odhisattva .

B yang-tebub-kyi snying po B od

himanda .

B ya-gag

-rkang—Kukutupada .

E u-ram S hing-pa—I kshvaku.

E u-mang-

po—B ahuputra .

E zang-ldan—B hadrika .

B zang-len—S ulabha .

B zang-po—B hallika .

B zod-dkah—Durdarca

CAKYA -HPHE L or Spel Cakyavardana .

Cakya -thub-pa—Cakyamuni.

Chod -

pan-htching-

pai-mohod-rten

Makuta bandhana tchaitya.

D E -B De -GS HE Gs -PA—T athagata.

Dbang-

phyug tchen poi S de Ma

hesvarasena .

Dbyar-ts’ul-ma or Dbyar

-byed

Varshika and Varshakara .

Dgah-bo—N anda .

Dgah-mo—N anda.

Dgah-stobs—N andabala .

Dgra-bchom -

pa—Arahan or Arhan .

Dge-ba—Kalyana.

Dge-bai-snying

-po—Kalyanagarbha .

E LAI -MDAB—E lapatra .

Dgs -bdun hphel—S anghavardana.

Dge-hphel

—Kalyanavardana .

Dge-mtchog—Varakalyana.

Dkar-mo—Cukla.

Dmag-brgya ba

—, Catanika.

Dmar-bu-chan—Patali.Dmar-bu-chan grong

—Pataligama .

Dmar-bu-chan grong-khyer—Patali

putra .

Don-ka—Karnika .

Dps-med—Anupama.

Dpe-chan—U pavana .

Dril-bu-egra—Kinkinisvara.

Dri-med—Vimala.

Dum-bu—S akala.

Dus-legs—Kalika .

Dza-lu -kai ts’al mang pa Jalfika

mahavana .

GA-GON—T rapusha.

Gang-

po—

.

Purna .

Gdju-brtan—Dhanvadurga .

Glang-

po-tche -hdul—Hastinajaka .

Gnas-len-kyi-bu—Mathara.

Gnas-hjug—Vasishta .

Gnod -

pa-chan—N agi or Varana .

Gos -chan—Vasavi .C rags

-

pa—Yacas .

C rags-hdzin-ma—Ya96dhara.

Gro -dzin—Orona.

Grong-khyer spyil-

po-chan—Ko ti

gama .

Grong-khyer sgra -chan—N adika .

Grong-khyer rtsa -chan—Kusina1a.

Gru-hdjin—Potala.Gser-gyi

-mdog—Kanakavarna .

Gser-cd S uvarnaprabhasa

Kanakavati

Gso-sbyong-hphags

—U tposhada .

Gtang-ba tchen-

po—Mahatyaga.

Gtsang-mae -Cuddha.

272

Gyo-ldan—S alha .

Gyung-

pa—Pushkasa .

E B OD-PA-N A S pyod-pai lha

—Kamavatcharas devas .

Hdun -

pa—T chandaka .

Hdzam-bui grong—Jambugama .

t ags skyes -po—Virudhaka .

Hts’

o -hy ed gdzon-nus gsos

—JivakaKumarabhanda.

KA-T I I khyn mtchog—Katiss‘

abha.

Khyab-hjug gling—Vethadvipa.

Kun-dgah-bo—Ananda.

Kun-hdzin—S arvadhara .

Kunjikai-gnas—Gunjaka .

Kun mongs med Asita

Aklega) .Kun-tu hts

’o nyerzhgro

—Aj ivaka.

Kus-tii grong—Kusinagara .

(lit .

LAG-B ZAN Gs—S ubahu .

Lag-na dbyug-chan—Dandapani.

Lag-rna—Karakarna.

Legs-mthong

—S udarcana .

Legs -mthong tchen po Mahasu

dargana.

Legs-ongs

—S urathaLegs-par rab sad—S uprabuddha .

Lha-yis bstan—Devadaha .

Lhan-chig skyes ahadsha.

Lhar bebas—S ahadeva .

Lhas sbyin—Devadatta .

Lnga sde—Panchavarga.

Long-S pyod grong—B hoga nagara.

MA-E H ldan—Mahismati.

Ma-la good—Ambharisha .

Ma-pham-

pa—Adjita.

Ma-hgags-pa—An iruddha.

Ma-skyes-dgra—Adjatasatru.

Ma sdug—Appriya

Mchod-rten—T chaitya .

Mdjes-pa—Karu and T ushti.

Mdjes-dgah-bo—S undarananda.

Mdjes -ldan—Karumant .

Mdog-nag—Krichnavama.

Mig-dmar—R aktaksha .

Ming-tchen—Mahanaman.

N AG-Po—Kala.

N am gru—R evata .

N am -mkah-lding—Garuda.

N ga-las -nu—Mandhatar .

N or-chan Conaka and Vasabha

gami.

I N DE X.

CD -MA-CHAN -GY I grong—B eluva .

Cd-mai dbyug-

pa chan—Ambalatthika .

Cd-mdjes—R okha.

PADMA snying-

po—Pushkarasarin.

Phreng-ba chan—Mallika .

Phreng-chan—Mallika.

N ye -ba—N ikata .

N ye-bar-hkhov—Upali.

N ye -gos-ehan—U pavasavi.

N ye -mdjes-pa—U pakaru and S an

tushti.

N ye-mdjes -ldan—U pakarumant .

N yer-rgyal—U pat ishya .

N yer sbas-

pa—U pagupta .

N yi-mai-gung—Madhyamika.

R AB -E ZAN G—S ubhadra .

R ab-dgah—Abhinanda .

R ab-snang—Pradyota .

R as-bal chan—Karvasika .

R angs hyed-kyi

-bu lhag-spyod

R udraka R amaputra .

R do-rje phag moi gnas Vadjravarahi.n al-byed

—Jeta .

n al-srid dgah—R ajyananda .

n u - stsal shes -kyi bu ring-du

hphur—Arata Kalama.

n un S hes-kyi-bu—Atraya .

R i-dags skyes—Mrigadja.

R i-dags hdzin—Mrigadhara.

R jo (rje grong—B handagama.

E kang-

gdub chan—N fipara .

R na-ba-chan—Karnika.

R nam-thos -kyi-bu—Vaigravana .

R tag-tu smyos

-

pa—Asandjasattva.

S A-GA—Visakha.

S a-

pai-

grong—Pa-vai-grong S ee

S dig-

pa-chan—Pava.

S ai-snying-

po—Kshitigarbha.

S a -skyong—Gopala .

S a-hts’

o -ma—Gépa.

S a-las -nu—Kuethana.

S has -pa—Gupta.

S bos kyis ngad ldan Gandhamadana .

S de—S ena .

S de-chan —S enani.S de -dpon

—N ayaka.

S dig-

pa-chan—Pava.

S eng-

ge hgram—S inhahanu.

S eng-

ge egra—S inhanada.

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