MEDITERRANEANARCHAEOLOGY

A U S T R A L IA N A N D NEW Z E A L A N D JO U R N A L FOR THE A R C H A E O L O G Y OF THE M E D IT E R R A N E A N W O RLD

Vol. 24, 2011

OFFICIAL JO U R N A L OF THEA U S T R A L IA N A R C H A E O L O G IC A L IN S T IT U T E AT A TH ENS

CONTENTS

ArticlesSophia Asouchidou and Pantelis Nigdelis Torone after 348 b c : New Epigraphic Evidence

Catherine RicochonLes pendants d'oreilles étrusques à barillet: un témoignage éclatant de l ’apogée d ’une civilisation au carrefour de la vie et de la mort

Fabia Curti La ceramica listata

Jamel HajjiChrysès et Agamemnon sur une mosaïque de Neapolis. Quelques réflexions iconographiques

Hugh LindsayThe Tomb of the Arruntii: Sponsoring Burial Arrangements for Slaves and Freedmen. The 18th-century Drawings and the Inscriptions

Australian Fieldwork in the Mediterranean RegionStephen BourkePella in Jordan 2003 and 2005: Further Excavations in the Bronze Age Temple Precinct

G. W. Clarke et al.Jebel Khalid Fieldwork Report 2009-2010

Abstracts

Addresses of contributors to Meditarch Vol. 24

Colour plates I-XX

Plates 1-10

1

9

47

93

103

121

131

183

185

TORONE AFTER 348 BC: NEW EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE

Sophia Asouchidou and Pantelis Nigdelis

The inscription which is published in this paper was discovered by chance at Porto Koupho in the municipality of Torone (prefecture of Chalcidice).1 The area of Porto Koupho lay within the chora of ancient Torone which covered the southern tip of the Sithonian peninsula.2 The new inscription is an ώνή, a deed of sale, the second example of this category of inscriptions known from Torone. The first was published 50 years ago by M. Karamanole-Siganidou.3Poly gyros, Archaeological Museum ΜΠ 1650 (pi. I)Inscribed slab of schist. Pres, height: 42 cm; greatest pres, width: 26 cm; greatest pres, thickness: 7 cm. Letter height: 0.5-1.5 cm. Line spacing: 0.5 cm.. The slab is chipped on all four sides. Parts of its upper left and upper right corners have been lost. Parts of the stone have flaked off the obverse surface. The stone narrows on the right towards its top. The greater part of the right side o f the top of the stone is preserved, and a smaller part of the left. The lower part of the stone was left uninscribed so that it could be inserted into the ground.The text on the obverse may be read as follows:

[νΘεός, ο]ύνή εύ[θεΐα][νίερε]ύς του Άσκ[ληπι]- [οΰ -c'3-]ç Κύλλου, μείς

4 [-c-4-]uov, Ν ικίας Νικο-[.. .]ου παρ ’ Αύτολύκου [το]ΰ Παυσανία του οίκοπέ- [δ]ου τα δύο μέρεα τα κάτω-

8 θεν ώι γείτων Άπολλων-ίδης Πολυστράτου ΧΔΔΙΙΙ. βεβαιωτής Δωρόθεος Θε­οδότου, μάρτυρες Άνδρων

12 Νικοδήμου, ΆρίστανδροςΑίσχρίωνος, Διο[ν]ύσιο- νν ς Θεοφίλου VÖC\ vacat

1 The inscription was surrendered to the authorities in September 2006 by K. Vzivzis, of Aghia Paraskeve (prefecture of Thessalonica) and I. Panagiotidis of Thessalonica, along with a fragment of a small statue of Aphrodite. They stated that the find spot of both pieces was Porto Koupho.We would like to cordially thank Dr Stavros Paspalas for his help in preparing this paper. To him we also owe the translation of our Greek text.

2 For the history of Torone, see: M. Zahrnt, Olynth unddie Chalkidier. Untersuchungen zur Staatenbildung aufder chalkidischen Halbinsel im 5. und 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (1971) 247-51; A. Cambitoglou-J. K. Papadopoulos- O.T. Jones, Torone I. The Excavations of 1975, 1976 and 1978. Β ιβλιοθήκη της εν Α θήναις Α ρχα ιολογικής Ε τα ιρ ε ία ς 206 (2001) 37-65; Ρ. Flensted-Jensen in: Μ. Η. Hansen-T. Η. Nielsen (eds.), An Inventory of Archaic

and Classical Poleis (2004) 847-8 and more recently E.Winter, Stadtspuren. Zeugnisse zur Siedlungsgeschichte der Chalkidiki (2006) 177-91.

3 M. Karamanole-Siganidou, ‘Ωνή εκ Τορώνης’, ADelt 21, 1966, 152-7 = SEG XXIV = J. Game, Actes de vente dans le monde grec. Témoignages épigraphiques des ventes immobilières. Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée 50 (2008) no. 38 (with earlier bibliography). The onë was dated to the first decades of the 4th century BC by Karamanole-Siganidou; D. Henning, ‘Kaufverträge über Häuser und Ländereien aus der Chalkidike und Amphipolis’, Chiron 17, 1987, 154-9 no. 39 dates the inscription (on palaeographic grounds) to about 350 BC, and M. B. Hatzopoulos, Actes de vente de la Chalcidique centrale. Μελετήματα 6 (1988) 36, 67, 72-7 on the basis of a combination of palaeographical arguments and the period of service of the eponymous priest to whom the inscription refers to 353-352 bc.

MEDIT ARCH 24, 2011, 1-8

2 Sophia Asouchidou-P ant élis Nigdelis

Critical notes. The text is not aligned to the right because o f the irregular surface o f the stone. The same must have held for the left side, at least for the first two lines. The restorations on the left side of the stone are made on the basis o f the secure calculation o f the missing letters in lines 6 and 7 which are, respectively, one and two in number. Consequently, we calculate that there were six letters in line 1, five to six in line 2, five in line 3, four in line 4, and three in line 5. Between lines 11 and 12 there is an erasure 1.5 cm in height. At the right terminal of line 9 the name ΑΝΔΡΩΝ is written on an erased area. In the middle o f the delta there is a vertical line, while at the top o f the omega an alpha. In the erased area there are traces o f the letters upsilon, pi, and tau.Translation: [God.] Deed o f immediate sale. In the archonship o f [ — ]s son o f Kyllos, priest o f Askflepios], in the month o f [— ]ion. Nikias son o f Niko[— ]ou bought from Autolykos son o f Pausanias the two-thirds o f a plot located at the sloping side (?) o f it and neighbouring to that of Apollonides son o f Poly stratos for twelve drachmae and three obols. Guarantor was Dorotheos son of Theodotos, witnesses Andron son o f Nikodemos, Aristandros son o f Aischrion and Dionysios son of Theophilos.

On the basis of the letter forms the inscription can be dated approximately to the middle of the 4th century b c . The characteristic letters are: the alpha (its horizontal bar is rendered as a straight line), the epsilon (squared and with all three horizontal bars of equal length), the theta (circular with a central dot), the kappa (with short and diverging bars), the mu (with diverging vertical bars and two converging bars which terminate approximately at the mid­height of the vertical bars), the nu (the right bar of which is higher than the base of the left bar), the pi (with a shorter right bar than left), the sigma (with two diverging horizontal bars), and the omega (open at the base) which is shorter than the other letters, as is also the omicron. Palaeographic parallels for these letter forms occur on onai from other cities on the Chalcidic peninsula which can be dated on internal grounds to approximately, or precisely, 350 b c .4

The new one supplements similar legal transactions from cities of the Chalcidic peninsula,5 and is characterized by the same features. Specifically, if one judges by the number of missing letters in line 1, the text must have simply begun with the epiklesis theos, as is the case on two onai from Olynthos6 and Stolos (Kellion),7 without the dedication to Agathe Tyche which occurs on the other known one from Torone.8 The type of contract is termed an [ο]ύνή εύθ[εΐα] (or εύθ[έα]). The adjective εύθεΐα — which can be restored with certainty on the basis of known parallels9— means the immediate, unhindered transfer of the property, i.e. the transaction is not subject to restrictions or special terms as would have been the case, for instance, with a mortgaged property (πρασις επ ί λύσει).10

In the immediately following lines 2^4 the period during which the transaction is to take place is defined in two ways: by the name of the eponymous priest of Asklepios11 in the

4 Compare the letters of the new one with the following onai from the Chalcidice that date to c.350 bc:a) Olynthos: Game op. cit. no. 24 figs. 19-20 and no. 26

fig. 22, both date to 350-349 bc;b) Stolos (Kellion): Hatzopoulos op. cit. 19-23 pi. 8 = Game

op. cit. no. 31, and Hatzopoulos 23-7 pis. 9-10 = Game op. cit. no. 32, both date to 350-349 bc;

c) Torone: Karamanole-Siganidou art. cit. drawing 1 and pi. 54 = Game op. cit. no. 38 which is dated either to 353- 352 or c.350 bc (see n.2 above). For the dating of the other onai we follow Hatzopoulos and Gage.

5 These onai (in reality fragments of such documents, see Game op. cit. 172) are re-published with detailed notes by Game. They refer to the sale and purchase of real estate at Olynthos, Stolos (Kellion), Polichne (Smixe), Spartolos (Bottike), Aphytis, and Arnaia. Onai are also known from Mieza, Tyrissa, Amphipolis, and Philippi.

6 Game op. cit. no. 18 1.1 (certain restoration).

7 Ibid. no. 291.1.

8 Ibid.no. 381.1.

9 In these parallels the phrase ούνή εύ&εΐα is usually used(see Game op. cit. nos. 15, 30, 34, 37) and less often the phrase ούνή εύΟέα (see ibid. nos. 29, 31).

10 For the meaning of the term, see M. Gioune, ‘Ωναί Μ α κ ε δ ο ν ία ς I (Α γ ο ρ α π ω λ η σ ίες α κ ινή τω ν σε μακεδονικές επ ιγραφές του 4ου και 3ου π.Χ. αιώνα)’, Αρμενόπουλος Επιστημονική Επετηρίς Δ.Σ.Θ 12, 1991, 32; Hatzopoulos op. cit. 54ff. especially 64; and Game op. cit. 44.

11 The restoration Ά σκ[ληπιου] is certain, though the spelling of the name of the god between lines 2 and 3 is not. For the spelling which we suggest above we take into consideration the number of letters we restore at the end of 1.1.

Torone after 348 bc 3

nominative case12 and by the name of the month of which only its ending, -uov, is preserved. As regards the dating by the name of the priest of Asklepios the new one differs from all the other known onai (including that from Torone) which are dated by the term of a priest of an unknown deity. We shall return to the reasons for this differentiation at the end of this paper. The month in which the sale took place must have been [Τππ]ιών, [Ήρα]ιών or [Ληνα]ιών given that approximately four letters are missing from the name of the month in line 4, that it ends in -uov, and that it must have been one used by the Chalcidic cities.13 That Torone used the same calendar as that of the other Chalcidic cities is established by the transaction recorded on the previously known one from the city which took place in the month of Artemision.14

Lines 4 -9 mention the names of the buyer and vendor, the details of the property to be sold, its location, and its price. The parties to the transaction are recorded with the phrase that is known from other inscriptions, ό δείνα παρά του δεινός, without the addition of a verb.15 The subject of the text is the sale of the lower (τα κάτωθεν) two-thirds (τα δύο μέρεα) of a property.16 The property is described as a plot (οίκόπεδον), and its location is further defined by the neighbouring plot of land of a certain Apollonides Polystratou who is referred to as ώι γείτων, an expression known from other Macedonian onai. The fact that only one neighbour to the plot in question is mentioned leads to the conclusion that it must have been a comer property.17 As is primarily known from the written sources, the term oikopedon originally meant a ruined structure.18 Subsequently, it came to generally mean a plot on which the building of a house was intended, or, in some cases, part of a plot that, after the construction of a house, remained vacant and could be used, for example, as a garden.19 The term, with the addition of the participle προσόν (sc. οίκόπεδον) is used with the latter meaning in a number of sale contracts, e.g., a 3rd-century b c one from Amphipolis, one of the few Macedonian one transactions which attest it.20

12 The rendering of the name of the priest in the nominative is paralleled on onai from other cities in the Chalcidice: see, for example, Game op. cit. nos. 13 (Olynthos), 29 (Stolos), 34 (Polichne), and 38 (Torone).

13 For the calendar of the cities of the Chalcidice, see Hatzopoulos op. cit. 65-8; D. Knoepfler, ‘The Calendar of Olynthus and the Origins of the Chalcidians in Thrace’, in: J.-P. Descceudres (ed.), Greek Colonists and Native Populations. Proceedings of the First Australian Congress of Classical Archaeology held in Honour of Emeritus Professor A. D. Trendall, Sydney 9-14 July 1985 (1990) 99-115; id., 'Le calendrier des Chalcidiens de Thrace. Essai de mise au point sur la liste et l’ordre des mois eubéens', JSav 1989, 23-59. The two researchers suggest the following correspondences between these months and those of the Julian calendar:'Ιππιών (April-May according to Hatzopoulos, June-July according to Knoepfler); Ή ραιών (August-September according to Hatzopoulos, August-September according to Knoepfler); Ληναιών (January-February according to Hatzopoulos and Knoepfler).

14 See Game op. cit. no. 38 1.2.

15 For parallels see, for example, ibid. no. 38.

16 We have not found an epigraphic parallel in which anoikopedon is defined topographically by the phrase τάκάτωθεν. Rather, for the location of a specific piece of realestate adverbs such as νοτόθεν are used, see IG II 2, 1241 11.4—11: κατά τάδε έμίσθωσαν τό χωρί[ο]/ν τό Μυρρινουντι

οί φρατρίαρχοι Κα[λλ]/ικλής Άριστείδου Μυρρινούσιος κα[ί Δ ] / ιο π ε ίθη ς Διοφάντου Μυρρινούσιος [κα]/ί τό κοινόν Δυαλέων τήν Σακίνην καλ[ου]/μένην έτη δέκα, ώι γε ίτων βορράθεν κ/[ή]πος, νοτόθεν Όλυμπιοδώρου χωρίον, ήλ/ίου άνιόντος οδός. One can suppose that τά κάτωθεν may refer to a visible slope in the area. (We thank the anonymous referee for this suggestion.) The term μέρος is used for part of a piece of real estate in other onai, see, for example, Game op. cit. no. 3Sbis 1.18 (Aphytis).

17 For the mention of γείτονος or γειτόνων on onai from the Chalcidice see, for example, Game op. cit. no. 38 1.12 (Torone) and no. 38bis 1.14 (Aphytis). For similar cases from Olynthos that refer to only one γείτω ν and which are confirmed by archaeological evidence showing that the property in question was indeed located on a corner, see D. M. Robinson, ‘New Inscriptions from Olynthus’, Transactions of the American Philological Association 65, 1934, 129.

18 For this meaning, see M.-Chr. Hellmann, Recherches sur le vocabulaire de l’architecture grecque d’apres les inscriptions de Délos. BEFAR 278 (1992) 297-8.

19 See Game op. cit. 113.

20 See SEG XLI 566 = Game op. cit. no. 12: άγαθήι τύ[χηι]. έφ’ ίερέως Αισχύλου, έπισ/τάτου δέ Κλεάνδρου, μηνός Δίου. Κίσσο/ς Έ καταίου έπρίατο παρά Σωσικράτους του Ά/νδρονίκου τήν ο ικ ίαν καί τό οίκόπεδον τό / προσόν, ήι γείτονες Αντίγονος Μαχάτα.

4 Sophia Asouchidou-P ant élis Nigdelis

What actually comprised the two-thirds of the oikopedon that Nikias Niko[...]ou bought from Autolykos Pausania cannot be determined with certainty. Although rare, the part-sale of an oikopedon near a house is known from other examples. In the extensive catalogue of sale contracts from Tenos, for example, a certain Xenodemos [Moi]regenous buys his mortgaged property from his lender Peisikrates Isandrou; it consisted of, among other items, half a house, the doors which he installed in it and half of the oikopedon by the side of the house.21 The price for which the Torone oikopedon was bought is exceptionally low, indeed it is the lowest price for a piece of real estate on an one from the Chalcidice.22 Although the price cannot be used as a basis for comparison with other such transactions given that the size of the property is unknown, as are the unit price and the property’s precise location, it is still highly likely that the transaction refers to the sale of 2/3 of an unbuilt plot in the asty of Torone or, less likely, in one of its villages.23 The price paid is indicated in the Chalcidic numerical system known from elsewhere,24 and amounts— including the transaction charges, the έπωνίον and κηρύκειον, i.e. duty on sale and herald’s fees respectively, known from other inscriptions25— to ΧΔΔ (= 12) drachmae and III (= three) obols. This means that the whole plot would have been worth 18 drachmae and 4.5 obols. It is, furthermore, worth noting that this inscription evinces for the first time the use of I in the Chalcidic numerical system. It is our opinion that this symbol can only refer to a subdivision of a drachma since the numbers in the text are given in descending order.

Lines 10-15 complete the document. In this section reference is made to a βεβοαωτής, that is a guarantor to the ownership of the property by the vendor, and three μάρτυρες (witnesses) who took part in the composition of the contract, as is exactly paralleled in the previously known one from Torone.26 If the patronym of the buyer is to be restored as Niko[dem]os,27 then one of the witnesses, Andron Nikomedou, may have been his brother.

The similarities of the new one with those known from other Chalcidic cities are not limited to the structure of the text but include details of language. It shares with them Ionic dialectal forms such as [ο]ύνή28 and μείς,29 while the previously unattested μέρεα is also Ionic. The use of these forms, along with the Chalcidic calendar, is due to the fact that Torone was founded by Ionian colonists from central Euboea.30

21 IG XII 5, 872 11. 62-64 = Game op. cit. no. 59: Ξενόδημος [Μοί,]ρηγένους Έ λ ε ι& υα ιεύς π [αρά Π ε ισ ικ ρ ά το υ ς ] / Ί σ ά ν δ ρ ο υ Θ ρυησ ί[ο ]υ έ π ρ ία τ ο τ η ς ο ικ ία ς τ η ς έν ά σ τ ε ι την ή μ ίσ ε ια [ν ] κα [ ί 0ύρ]ας τά ς έπούσ ας κ α ί του ο ικοπέδου τό ήμ ισ υ , ο ίς γ ε ί τω ν Ά κ εσ ίμ βρ ο το ς , δραχ[μών αργυρίου] / δ ιακοσίων π ε ν τή κ ο ν τα , π ά ν τα όσα έπρ ίατο Πεισί,κράτης παρά Θράσωνο[ς] Θρασ[υβ] ούλ[ου]. The sale of only part of a property is evidenced in other contracts from Greek cities, see Game op. cit. nos. 21 and 22 from Tenos and no. 83 from Morgantina.

22 On the basis of the available data the first of the hitherto known two lowest prices in the Chalcidice refers to a town house in Stolos/Kellion which was being sold for 40 drachmae (the transaction probably dates c. 350-349 bc and is termed, as is the Torone transaction considered here, an ούνή ευθεία), see Game op. cit. no. 31; the second refers to an oikopedon 3000 square meters in area at Spartolos/ Bottike which is being sold for 110 drachmae (the transaction probably dates to 352 bc and is also termed a ούνή ευθεία), see Game op. cit. no. 37, and pp. 170-1 for real estate prices in the Chalcidice.

23 We note again that the stone was not found in situ, seefn. 1. However, if the property was in the chora of Torone,

one would expect that this would have been stated in the inscription as, for example, is the case on such documents from Tenos.

24 For the Chalcidic numerical system, see J. W. Graham, 'X=10', Phoenix 23, 1969, 347-58.

25 For the έπώνιον and the κηρύκειον, see Hatzopoulos op. cit. 31-3 and Game op. cit. 77 and fn. 54, with earlier bibliography.

26 See ibid. no. 38. For these roles in Macedonian onai, see Gioune op. cit. (n.10) 43-8.

27 Though other restorations, such as Νικό[μαχ]ος, cannot be excluded.

28 See Game op. cit. index.

29 Ibid.

30 For the colonization of Torone, see most recently M.Tiverios, ‘Greek Colonisation in the Nothern Aegean’, in: G. Tsetskhladze (ed.), Greek Colonisation: An Account of Greek Colonies and Other Settlements Overseas, vol. 2 (2008) 45-6 (with earlier bibliography). See also M. Zahrnt, ‘Macedonia and Thrace in Thucydides’, in: A. Rengakos-A. Tsakmakis (eds.), Brill’s Companion to

Torone after 348 bc 5

None of the individuals mentioned in the inscription are known from any other literary or epigraphic source on Torone.* 31 They enrich the onomastic record of the city and of the Chalcidice more generally since a number of the names appear for the first time in the epigraphic record of these cities.32 One of these new names is the patronym Κύλλος. The name is constructed from the adjective κυλλός, ‘club-footed’. Like other derivatives from the same adjective, such as Kyllas, Kyllias, Kyllon, and Kyllaros, it is known from a number of areas in the Greek world (Crete, Phthiotis, Elis, Aizanoi, Hypata in Thessaly, etc.).33 Furthermore, the names Autolykos and Theophilos are documented for the first time in the onomastic record (at least that of the 4th century) of the Chalcidic cities.34 An examination of the names mentioned in the inscription, all of which were previously undocumented at Torone, reveals that of the 14 completely preserved names, 11— namely, Nikias, Pausanias, Apollonides, Polystratos, Dorotheos, Theodotos, Nikodemos, Andron, Aristandros, Aischrion, and Dionysios, are known from other cities of the Chalcidice, specifically Olynthos, Stolos, Aphytis, and Potidaia.35 It is also of interest to note that most of the names in the inscription, although they are panhellenic, also appear on 4th- and 3rd-century inscriptions from Eretria.36 The last two observations confirm the conclusion reached by earlier researchers who examined the material available to them (primarily the previously known one) that the first colonists of Torone originated in central Euboea. In contrast, we cannot state that any of the 14 names of the new one is Macedonian.

The major difference between the new one and those known from elsewhere in the Chalcidice (including that from Torone) is, as was referred to above, the manner in which the date is determined. All the other onai are dated by the name and patronym of an eponymous priest, though the name of the deity he served is not supplied; the new one is dated by the eponymous priest of Asklepios. On the basis of the fact that the same individuals appear as eponymous priests in onai of different cities of the Chalcidic League38 previous researchers rightly expressed the opinion that those individuals were eponymous priests of the League.39 Indeed, some researchers suggested that they were priests of Apollo since

Thucydides (2006) 597-8. The central Euboean origins of the colonists of Torone and the other cities of the Chalcidice is further confirmed by the onomastic study of their inhabitants based on the epigraphic evidence, see D. Knoepfler, ‘Was there an anthroponymy of Euboian origin in the Chalkido-Eretrian colonies of the West and of Thrace?', in: E. Matthews (ed.), Old and New Worlds in Greek Onomastics. ProcBritAc 148, 2007, 105-20 and specifically for Torone 111-3 (with earlier bibliography).

31 The literary and epigraphic sources for the history of the city are collected in A. S. Henry, Torone. The Literary, Documentary and Epigraphical Testimonia. Βιβλιοθήκη της εν ΑΟήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 230 (2004).

32 Toronian names are studied by Knoepfler art. cit. 111-3.

33 See L. Robert, Noms indigènes dans TAsie-mineure gréco- romaine (1963) 253-5 and 301; see further O. Masson, Onomastica Graeca Selecta, I (1977) 279. The name is not attested elsewhere in the Macedonian epigraphic record.

34 Theophilos is, though, attested to in an inscription of Imperial age from Mende, see the relevant entry in M. J. Osborne-S. G. Byrne (eds.), Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, II: Attica (1994).

35 See the relevant entries in P. M. Fraser-E. Matthews (eds.),Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, IV: Macedonia, Thrace,

Northern Regions of the Black Sea (2005).

36 Specifically: Nikias, Pausanias, Apollonides, Polystratos, Theodotos, Nikodemos, Aristandros, Aischrion, and Theophilos. See the relevant entries in P. M. Fraser- E. Matthews (eds.), Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, I: Aegean Islands, Cyprus, Cyrenaica (1987).

37 See Knoepfler art. cit. (n.30) 111-3.

38 Thus, Kallipides Menekleous appears as the eponymous priest on the onai from Olynthos (Game op. cit. nos. 19-20), Stolos (ibid. nos. 29-30), Polichne (ibid. no. 35), and Aphytis (ibid. no. 38bis). Furthermore, on onai from Olynthos (ibid, no. 15), Polichne (ibid. no. 34), and Torone (ibid. no. 38), the eponymous priest is Euphrantides Aristotimou. Finally, the onai from Olynthos (ibid. nos. 21-7), Stolos (ibid. nos. 31-32), and probably Arnaia (ibid. no. 36) are dated by the eponymous priest Antidotos Polykleous.

39 See Hatzopoulos op. cit. (n.2) 67. This opinion is followed by the majority of later researchers: see, for example, I. Vokotopoulou, ‘Νέα τοπογραφ ικά στοιχεία γ ια τη χώρα των Χαλκιδέων', in: Πόλις και χώρα στην αρχαία Μακεδονία και Θράκη. Μνήμη Δ. Λαζαρίδη (1990) 125; Μ. Faraguna, ‘A proposito degli archivi nel mondo greco: terra e registrazioni fondiare’, Chiron 30, 2000, 102 n.135; B. Misailidou-Despotidou, ‘Μ ία νέα επιγραφή από την

6 Sophia Asouchidou-Pantelis Nigdelis

the obverse of the League coins carry a laureate head of Apollo turned to the right.* 40 The different manner of defining the date on the new Torone one is not simply an accident of chance. One could, of course, hypothesize that we have here the first instance of the fully preserved title of the eponymous priests of the Chalcidic League. However, the fact that the priest of Asklepios was the eponymous archon of many cities of the Macedonian kingdom (conquered or native), such as Mieza, Kalindoia, Antigoneia, and Amphipolis, and probablyPella, Beroia, and Morrylos,41 indicates that the priest of Asklepios [.....]s Kyllou must havebeen the eponymous archon of Torone after the city was taken by the Macedonians. A recent suggestion would have the priests of Asklepios as the eponymous archons in all Macedonian cities, and assigns this distinction to a reform of Philip II.42 In any case, the interpretation offered above as regards the priest of Asklepios at Torone is further supported by the change in the eponymous archon at Amphipolis, a city also conquered by the Macedonians and added to their ‘new lands’. It is indicative that in onai from Amphipolis dating from immediately after the Macedonian conquest (357 b c ), and in all instances before 352 b c when Macedonian institutions are definitively dominant, the old eponymous archon, the epistates, appears in conjunction as eponymous archon with the priest of Asklepios, while the local calendar is still in use and the prices of real estate are calculated in drachmae and not gold staters (philippeioi).43 In a similar fashion on the new Torone one the priest of Asklepios appears as the eponymous archon alongside a month of the Chalcidic calendar (see above),44 while the price is given in drachmae. These observations allow the hypothesis that the new deed of sale, too, should date to a transitional period, slightly after Torone was taken by the Macedonians in 348 b c and during its transformation into a Macedonian city with the gradual introduction of Macedonian institutions. The dating of the inscription on palaeographical grounds (see above) agrees with such a date.45 That such a change in the eponymous archon had political significance and that it was effected by the collusion of the pro-Macedonian element in

Άφυτο’, in: E. Sverkos (ed.), A ' Πανελλήνιο Συνέδριο Επιγραφικής (Πρακτικά). Στη μνήμη Δ. Κανατσούλη (2001) 84; S. Psoma, Olynthe et les Chalcidiens de Thrace. Etudes numismatique et d’ histoire (2001) 170; Cambitoglou-Papadopoulos -Jones op. cit. (n.3) 51; Henry op. cit. (n.31) 72. In contrast, R. Sherk, ‘The Eponymous Officials of the Greek Cities. Mainland Greece and the Adjacent Islands’, ZPE 84, 1990, 231-2, seems unaware of the office of the eponymous priest of the League, while Hennig art. cit. (n.2) 158 expresses, overcautiously in our opinion, reservations as to the existence of the office.

40 The suggestion has been made, amongst others, by Vokotopoulou art. cit. 125; Misailidou-Despotidou art. cit. 84; Psoma op. cit. 170. For the coins of the Chalcidic League see, for example, D. M. Robinson-P.A. Clement, The Chalcidic Mint and the Excavation Coins found in 1928-1934. Excavations at Olynthus, 9 (1938) 71 (issues of the period 361-358 bc).

41 The relevant epigraphical evidence is collected in Μ. B. Hatzopoulos, Macedonian Institutions under the Kings, I. Μελετήματα 22 (1996) 153-6.

42 This view has been most recently expressed, furtheringthe position stated in the work referred to in the previous footnote, in Μ. B. Hatzopoulos, La Macédoine: géographiehistorique, langue, cultes et croyance, institutions. Travauxde la Maison René-Ginouvès, 2 (2006) 54. A more cautious approach, without excluding this possibility, is taken by

E. Voutyras, Ή λατρεία του Ασκληπιού στην Αρχαία Μακεδονία’, Ancient Macedonia V (1993) 261 especially n.51.

43 See Μ. B. Hatzopoulos, Actes de vente d’Amphipolis. Μ ελετήματα 14 (1991) nos. Ill ff. and 61-86, 93. See Game op. cit. nos. 1-8. Strangely, Sherk art. cit. (n.39) 248-9, does not refer to any institutional changes regarding the office of the eponymous archon at Amphipolis during the Classical period.

44 The possibility of a double dating formula, as was employed at Amphipolis, did not exist at Torone during the transitional period, since the eponymous archon of the city in 348 bc was the eponymous archon of the Chalcidic League that had been disbanded.45 In support of this dating one could further note the low value of the oikopedon: a fact that could be explained during a period when demand was low such as one of depopulation as is the case before and after a war. See the suggestion by Hatzopoulos op. cit. 76 as regards the fall in prices of real estate in the Chalcidice. However, as we do not know important details regarding the property in question, such as its area and location, it is preferable to leave the question open. For a study, based on the houses of Olynthos, of the role such details played in determining the price of real estate in antiquity, see L. Nevett, ‘A Real Estate ‘Market’ in Classical Greece? The Example of Town Housing’, BSA 95, 2000, 329-43.

Torone after 348 bc 7

Torone, who handed the city to Philip without any resistance in early 348 b c ,46 is self-evident and needs no further commentary. What needs verification is the conclusion, based on the results of excavation alone, of the excavators of Torone that Philip established a garrison on the Lekythos,47 not an unexpected move given that Torone was one of the most important cities of the Chalcidice and the most important harbour of Sithonia.48

If the date we suggest for the new one stands, then the reservations of earlier researchers, who based their conclusions on the then available material (primarily inscriptions), as regards the continued existence of Torone as a political entity after 348 b c should be put to one side.49 In light of this conclusion, the ethnic ‘Toronaios’ in the better dated of these inscriptions can be interpreted as having a political significance rather than being a means used by its bearer to anachronistically express his dedication to a homeland which had lost its political status.50 We refer here, of course, to the well known Samian proxenos decree, recently re-dated to slightly after 322 b c , by which the Samian demos granted political rights to a certain Gyges son of Menetheos Toronaios because in difficult times he supplied Samos with 3,000 medimnoi of grain.51 The other two inscriptions that could date after 348 b c do not supply as much historical information. The first, from the sanctuary of Asklepios at Epidauros (350-300 b c ), refers to a miraculous recovery;52 the second is a lead letter (350-325 b c ) in which a certain Toronian by the name of Tegeas is asked to send seven talents of fuel wood to Mende(?).53

In addition to the important conclusion to which an analysis of the new inscription leads, i.e. that Torone continued to exist as a city after 348 b c , there are still some open issues regarding its fortune from that date until the end of the 4th century b c . The major one, undoubtedly, is whether Cassander changed Torone’s political status by forcing its inhabitants (or some of them) to participate in the synoecism of Cassandreia in 316 b c as has

46 See Diod. XVI 53: 2: Μηκύβερναν μεν καί Τορώνην χωρίς κινδύνων διά προδοσίας παρέλαβεν ^ .Φ ίλ ιπ π ο ς ) ... and ibid. 3 καί χρημάτων διαδούς τοΐς έν τα ΐς πόλεσιν ίσχύουσιν πολλούς έσχε προδότας της πατρίδος. For the details of the taking of Torone and its dating (spring 348 bc), see G. T. Griffith, A History of Macedonia 550-336 BC, vol. II (1979) 322 and J. R. Ellis, ‘Macedon and north-west Greece’, CAH VI2 (1994) 749.

47 See Cambitoglou-Papadopoulos-Jones op. cit. (n.3) 52. According to the excavators, new fortification walls were erected at the end of the 4th century bc that included a larger area than the earlier circuit.

48 For the importance of the city, see Zahrnt op. cit. (n.3) 248 and Tiverios art. cit. (n.30) 45. For the importance of Torone’s harbour in the Classical and Hellenistic periods, see J. L. Beness-T. W. Hillard, ‘Torone, Trade, and the Sea: Towards a History of the Harbour’, Meditarch 22/23, 2009/10, 85-97.

49 Zahrnt op. cit. 250-1 doubts if the inscriptions from Samos and Epidauros (see nn.47-8) evince the existence of a polis and simply notes that the passages of Aristotle, Hist. An. 523a, and Theophrastus, Hist. PI. IV 8: 7-8, that refer to Torone provide the only evidence that the city still existed. In contrast, Cambitoglou-Papadopoulos-Jones op. cit. (n.3) 50-1 accept that the city continued to exist for a period of time after its capture.

50 The latter interpretation is supported, though with somereservations, by M. B. Hatzopoulos, Une donation du

roi Lysimaque. Μ ελετήματα 5 (1988) 47 n.8; see also H. Pieket in: SEG XXXVIII 844. The name Gyges can be interpreted as Phrygian or, alternatively, as a name that refers to the Lydian Mermnad dynasty, see Knoepfler art. cit. (n.30) 112. The second interpretation allows the possibility that Gyges was a member of a merchant family which had commercial links with Lydia, see J. K. Papadopoulos, 'Euboians in Macedonia?', OJA 15, 1996, 163.

51 See IG XII 6, 46 with the earlier bibliography to which should be added G. Shipley, A History of Samos (1987) 170 and 204. See also Henry op. cit. (n.31) 69-70 (T 88) where the earlier accepted dating of 321-306 bc is preferred without any argument. The decree is dated to 320 bc by S. Tracy, 'Hands in Samian Inscriptions of the Hellenistic period', Chiron 20, 1990, 64, and to slightly after 322 bc by the editor of the Samian corpus, K. Hallof.

52 See IG IV 2 121 = Syll. Ill 1168; Henry op. cit. (n.31) 70-1 (T 89). According to the inscription the god cured the patient from an attack of leeches which had been served to him in a potion by his stepmother. The inscription is further discussed by P. Watson, Ά Fistful of Leeches or Stepmotherly Ingenuity', in: M. Whitby-P. Hardie (eds.), Homo Viator: Classical Essays for John Bramble (1987) 69-78.

53 See Beness-Hillard art. cit. 90 (with the earlier lit.). Of the other known inscriptions the only one that probably dates to our period is a funerary inscription from Thasos (end of the 4th/beginning of the 3rd cent, bc) where a certain Άριστοβούλ[η] Βιακράτου Τερωναίη is mentioned, see Henry op. cit. (n.31 ) 77 (T 99).

8 Sophia Asouchidou-Pantelis Nigdelis

been suggested by some researchers.54 A convincing answer to this question, however, can only be supplied by new epigraphical documentation with similar historical importance to that of the new Torone one.

54 For the synoecism of Cassandreia, see Diod. XIX 52: 2: έκτισεν 8ε καί πόλιν επ ί της Παλλήνης ομώνυμον αύτοΰ Κασσάνδρειαν, εις ήν τάς τε έκ της χερρονήσου πόλεις συνωκισεν κα ί την Π ο τ ίδ α ια ν , ε τ ι δέ των σ ύνεγγυς χωρίων ούκ ολίγα* κ α τω κ ισ εν δ ’ε ίς αύτήν κ α ί των ΌλυνΦίων τούς διασωζομένους ούκ ολίγους. The view

that Torone participated in the synoecism is supported by, for example, Hatzopoulos op. cit. (n.50) 47. Furthermore, the excavators of Torone suggest, on the basis of the archaeological finds, that the city’s population decreased owing to the transference of a large part of it to Cassandreia, see Cambitoglou-Papadopoulos-Jones op. cit. (n.3) 52 and Beness-Hillard art. cit. 92.

Sophia Asouchidou-Pantelis Nigdelis Plate I

Polygyros, Archaeological Museum ΜΠ 1650. Slab from Torone with deed of sale, mid-4th century bc; ht. 42 cm.