VNIVERSITAS IAGELLONICA

FACVLTAS PHILOLOGICA

ANALECTAINDOEVROPAEACRACOVIENSIAIOANNIS SAFAREWICZ

MEMORIAE DICATA

CONTENTS

Preface by WoJCIECH SMOCZYŃSKI. . '. .."': "'"

PLEZIA, MARIANUS: De loannis Safarewicz studiis Graecis atque Latinis .

SŁAwsKI, FRANCISZEK: on two unwritten books of Jan Safarewicz " ' " '

URBAŃCZYK, STANISŁAW: Professor Jan Safarewicz - Polish scholar ' ' ' '

SABALIAUSKAS, ALGIRDAS: Jan Safarewicz's contribution to Lithuanianstudies

PoPoWSKA-TABORSKA, HANNA: Problems of ethnic history in the works

of Jan Safarewicz. ..

KARPLUK, MARIA: Professor Safarewicz's research on onomastics " " " "

AMBRAZAS, SAULIUS: On the origin of nomina feminina with the ending*-(i)ć in the Baltic languages

AMBRAZAS, vYTAUTAS: Der baltische Infinitiv aus der sicht der syntak-

tischen Rekonstruktion .. '.BALLESTER, XAVERIO: The Lucubrationes of Furius Bibaculus (Plin.

praef. 24)

BAMMESBERGER, ALFRED: Griechisch eigegeniiber litauisch esi 'du bist'und altlitauisch eisi 'du gehst' '.......

BEDNAROZUK, LESZEK: Substrat et thóorie des contacts }inguistiques ' ' ' '

BEDNARSKI, MICHAŁ: Gerund or gerundive: Which was first? "BOCHNAKOWA, ANNA: Sur Ia prononciation de -um latin dans les mots

franęais

BORYŚ, wIEsŁAw: Problems in reconstructing proto-languages

CZARNECKI, ToMASZ: Zum Problem der dJtesten Lehnwórter des Polni-schen aus dem Deutschen. ... .

11

15

19

27

35

41,

47

51

61

65

ąl

89

99

103

109

DANKA, IGNACY RYSZARD and WITCZAK, KRZYSZTOF TOMASZ: Someremarks on the Albanian vocabulary in the Palaeo-Balkanic and Indo--European view...

DĄMBSKA-PROKOP' URSZULA: Remarques sur Ia ,,textualitó" . ..

DINI, PIETRO U.: A propos du vieux sI. sabora

ECKERT, RAINER: Alte lettisch-slawische Ubereinstimmungen .

HOLVOET, AXEL: On the evolution of the passive in Lithuania.n and Latvian

HONOWSKA, MARIA: Quelques dćtails sur le dćveloppement des idóes lin-guistiques du XX'-" sićcle. .

KARALIUNAS, SIMAS: PIE *hzTtk'o-'bear' in Baltic.KAROLAK, STANISŁAW: Remarques srrr la sćmantique de l'aspect

KUCAŁA, MARIAN: Bi-aspectual verbs in old Polish

LASKOWSKI, ROMAN: Text as a structural and a communicative unit . . . .

MAŃCZAK, WITOLD: Critique de ]a thćorie des laryngales. . . . . '

MICHELINI, GUIDO: Uber die Stellung des Objektes in der Postille vonBretkunas

MINDAI(, JOLANTA: Le verbe albanais

MoSZYŃSKI, LESZtrK: Thietmars slavische Etymologien

PAULIS, GIULIo: Problćmes de phytonvmie latine

PISARtrK, WALERY: Language in social space..

PISARKOWA, KRYSTYNA: Zum Archetypus und dem semantischen MusterPISOWICZ, ANDRZEJ: How did New Persian and Arabic words penetrate the

Middle Armenian vocabulary? Remarks on the material of KostandinErznkac'i's poetry.

POLAŃSKI, KAZIMIERZ: The current state of Polabian tesearch

RIKOV, GEORGI T.: Hittite śanna- and Greek &ueu. '

ROKOSZOWA, JOLANTA: The problem of synchronic description in language

RoSńN, I{AIINI B.: Wiederum ,ignominia'

RUSEK, JERZY: Bezeichnungen des ZóIIners in den slawischen Sprachen...SĘDZIK, WŁADYSŁAW: on Baltic and Slavic agricultural terminoiogy .. . .

SŁAWOMIRSKI' JERZY: Ancien franqais lais. Quelques doutes sur unećtymologie indubitabIe

l

723

r37

747

153

773

183

189

797

2r3toa

249

257

263

279

287

295

305

321

331

JJI

349

355

365

371

STACHO\Ą/SKI, STANISŁAW: Die Rolle des Griechischen in der Geschichtedes Osmanisch-Tiirkischen 377

STALMASZCZYK, PIOTR: A note on Celtic influence upon English vocabu-lary... 3Bz

STtrF.AŃSKI, WIToLD: Quelques lemalques concetnant la. fleńon plonoml-

nale en indo-europćen 393

STUNDŹIA, BoNIFACAS: Regularities of the accentuation of mixed-type

verbs of Standard Lithuanian 401

szvLc,ALEKSANDER: Graphogene Phoneme in der deutschen Hochlautung 409

TABAKOWSKA, ELZBIETA: Language in time and space: The concept o{

radial category and polysemy (A study of the Polish lexical item fo). . . 429

TEMĆINAS, SERGEJUS: Typological parallelism of *u-stem adjective trans-

formation in Lithuanian and Slavic 443

WANIAI(OWA' JADWIGA: Les modes d'acceptations de Jabbać hóbreu en

tant que clćnomination d'un jour de Ia semaine dans les langues indo-

europćennes ...."" 449

WEITENBERG, JoS J. S': La grammaire armćnienne "latinatip" du XVII"siócle. . 46I

WIDŁAK, STANISŁAW: Le conseguenze dell'omonimizzazione sul piano lessi-

cale " ' 473

WIKTOROWICZ, JOZEF: Zum lexikalisch-semantischen Wandel im Deut-

schen" 487

WITCZAK, KRZYSZToF ToMASZ: 'Prothetic vowels' in Hittite and other

Anatolian languages 495

WOJTYŁA-ŚWIERZOWSKA' MARIA: Slavic vocabuiary of time (Proto--Slavic *goda,*doba, *pora', *uerrnę, +ćelo, *ćasa) . 503

WOLANIN, IIUBERT: Plato and the position of etymology in Greek intellec-

tual culture 513

ZABORSKI, ANDRZEJ: Some Greek, Latin and Coptic loan words in Ethiopic 537

ZINKEVIĆruS, ZIGMAS: Uber die Polonismen in Mażvydas' Schri{ten ..... 545

SMOCZYŃSKI, WoJCIECH: Bibliography of works by Jan Safa.rewicz. . 551

(Prothetic vowels' in Hittite and other Anatolianlanguages

KRzysztor' ToHłłsz WIrczłx

1. INtąoouctoRY REMARKS

In certain cases Hittite and other Anatolian languages seem tohave preserved a reflex - in the form of a so-called 'prothetic vowel'

- of initial vocalized laryngeals which have otherwise disappearedin all non-Anatolian Indo-European languages except the palaeo--Balkanic group (which includes - in my opinion - Greek, phry-gian, Armenian and probably a number of the ancient languages ofthe Balkans).

It is broadly accepted that "certain prothetic vowels in Greek andArmenian have a 'laryngeal' origin" (Lindeman 1987, 8J), but thedevelopment of the 'prothetic vowels' in Anatolian, and particularlyin Hittite, has not been yet established. what is more, opinions as tothe development of vocaLized laryngeals in the non-initial position are

Analecta Indoeuropaea CracoviensiaI. Safarewicz memoriae dicataEd. W. SmoczyńskiCracoviae: Universitas 1995, pp. 495-502.

496 KRzYszroF ToMAsz wITczAK

also divided. It is frequently assumed that schwa indogermanicumprimum, i.e. a vocalized laryngeal, has given (o) in Hittite (see e.g.

Kronasser 1956, 29; Gamkrelidze 1960, 76ff'; and many others), butLindeman (1982, 55ff.; 1987, 105f.) flnds no convincing evidenc.e for

such a development.Unlike Lindeman (1982; 1987) and Bammesberger (1989),I agree

with the common view that Greek provides strong evidence for three

vocalized laryngeals and I also agree with the scholars who regard the

tripie representation of Schwa in Greek and Phrygian as a phonetic

archaism. As Lubotsky (1988, 14f.) convincingly assumes' "Phrygianshows the same treatment of interconsonantal and initial laryngeałs

(prothetic vowels) as does Greek". For lexical evidence, see e'9.

(a) oPhr' e'u- = Gk. ćó- 'we11; good' < PIE *a1sd-, cf. Hitt. aśśu-,

Skt. sd-, Avest. hu-'id.', etc.(b) NPhr. aUap = Gk' &uĄp'husband; man' < PIE *a2nór, cf.

Skt. nd,r-, Arrn. ayr 'id.', Hitt. innarawatarn. 'strength, force' vigor',Lttw. annari- n. tid.t, etc.

(c) NPhr. ouopxu = Gk. iiuos'taf óuupa n. 'name' < PIE*a3nómq,, cf. Skt. niźrna, Avest. nama,Lat. nómen, Arm' anun,Hitt.laman-, Hier. Luw. ad'aman- tnamet, etc'

Furthermore, I think that the triple representation of the so-called

'prothetic vowels' was pleselved Nor oNLY IN GREEK AND PHRYGIłN, butalso rN HITTITE AND LYDIAN.

2. LBxlcłl, MATEBIAL

In the following pages I would like to show the fate of the

'prothetic vowels'in Hittite and other Anatolian langtages. For rea-

sons of convenience, I suggest using the following cover symbols:

ó. d ó- e-fa-fo-colouring vocalized laryngeals (i.e. e1 e2 ?3 in the

traditional symbolism) ;

a - an undetermined vocalized laryngeal;

E A o - e-la-lo'colouring laryngeals (i.u. Ę Hz Hs, respectively);

H - an undetermined larYngeal'

In the following survey of the material I attempt to inciude those

examples, for which a reconstruction with a 'prothetic vowel' seems

reasonably well founded, but as a consequence of the ambiguity of

'Prothetic vowels' in Hittite 497

the material, I am well aware that I cannot expect general agreementas to every detail.

3. PossmlB EVIDENoE pon PIE xe (: *al )

3.1. Hitt. ośśu- adj. 'good, dear, favorable' (see Tischler 1983,

87-90; Puhvel 1984, 189-206; Weitenberg 1984, 91f.) < PIE *ćsds

adj. 'good', cf. Gk. ćós, oPfu. eo-'good' (Lubotsky 1988), Skt. sti-tgoodt, etc.

3.2. Hitt. allanta(ta)ru n. 'a kind of tree'1 < PIE *elryto-doru,

cf. Gk. ć),órr7 f. 'silver fir, Abies cephalon'ica' (< *el(ta), Skt' laffif. 'liana', Gk. "Pelasg." ó)'óuÓq f. 'wild fig-tree' (< *óI;tta) besideó\uu$oq m. 'id.' (< *ólr"ltos). For Hitt. taru- t. 'wood, ttee', see

especially Weitenberg (1984,48-49). It cannot be excluded that Hitt.alanzan- c. 'a kind of tree' descends from the base *€lry,t- as we11 (see

Poetto 1973,29). Puhvel (1984, 30) prefers a comparison with Lat.alnus 'alder', Lith. alksnł,s 'id..' (. *hrals-n-). But the suggestedmetathesis of -sn- > -nz- in Hittite is not suitable. The Latin andBaltic terms for 'alder' resemble Hitt. $alaśśar (n.) 'a kind of tree'(Puhvel 1991, 30 leaves it with no etymology) rather than alanzan-.

3.3. Hitt. eś-f aś- 'to be, to exist' (Tischler 1983,76-77) and Luw.aś- (Laroche 1959' 32-33), Hier. Luw. as-,Lyc. es-'id.' < PItr *Ees-

l*ćr-, cf. Hitt. aśanzi 3"d pers' p1', Gk' Myc e-e-si /ehensi/, Att.eioi, Skt. sónti, Lat. sunt (< PIE *ósonti ot *ósenti).

3.4. Hitt. ed,-lad- 'to eat'and Luw. ad-'id.' (Laroche 1959,32)< PItr *Eed-l*ćd-'to eat', cf. Hitt. adanz'i'they eat' 3"d pers. pl.(*ćdonti),pafi. ad,ant- (< PIE *ć,dont- > *ódont-l*ódónt-'tooth', cf.

Gk. ?i6ourec pl. 'teeth', Skt. dd,ntah pl., Lat. dentes pl. 'id.').Further lexical evidence proves the existence of a 'prothetic vowel',

presumably *ć-, cf'3.5. Hitt. aggalaś c' 'furtow'(Puhvei I9B4,23) or'a deep-delving

plow distinct from GIS4ppg' (Tischler 1983, 9-10) < IE. *i:|holos,

lThe usual variant allantaru arose from *allantataru by haplology, cf. thespelling G1ś al-la-an-ta-G1Ś_ru (Weitenberg 1984, 23). The meaning 'oak' is pro-posed on the basis of a semantical convergence with the,Semitic arboreal terms,cf. Akkad. allanu,Hebt. 'allÓn 'oak' (Puhvel 7984,29).

498 KRzYszroF ToMAsz wITczAK

cf. Skt. (ni)hatayati 'ploughs', halarekha-'furtow' (see Wojtilla 1986,

31), Arm. jłem'to furrow, plough' (with regular development of *ć'-

into Arm. Q- before consonant stops) beside Atm. joł, Skt. hala-

'plough'. Wojtilla, following Burrow (1973, 350), suggests unreliably

"a Munda origin" (hala- can be hardly taken as a non-prefixed form

- with a change k > h - of' Iańgala-'plough').3.6. Hitt. anaśśa- 'a part of the body' (but not'nose', cf. Puhvel

1984, 63_64) < PIE *anasos (where a- stands probably for ó-), cf.

Slavic nos6'Ilose', Lat. naris, Skt' nós-'nose' (but Vedic urunasa-

'wide-nosed' and rjunas- 'straight-nosed'). I agree with Nussbaum(1986, 276), who thinks on the basis of the Vedic evidence that a,,more precise reconstruction of the PIE root noun for tnoset would

be Hnas-".3.7. Hitt. *akulan (n.) 'anus' > Lyd. &nu\ou. oi 6ć ró ai6otou órb

Au6óu (Etym. Magnum), d.rcu\Xóu' rb ai\otou. Au6oi(Hesychius)2< PIE *akulo-'back, anus' (with hypothetical *ć- fot *a-), cf. Lat.culusm.'id.', OIr. cul'back, nape', Welsh cil'back, nape of neck',Lith. kó,las, etc.

4. PossrslB EVIDENcE r'on PIE *ti (: *az)

4.1. Hitt. iya- 'make', Lyd. i- 'id'.' vs' Ltw. aya-, also a-o-,

Lyc. a- 'make'(Laroche 1959,23-24 [Tischler 1983, 338-343]) < PIE*ćiya- 'to make', cf. Toch. 9o- (also yam-) 'id.', Gk. Myc. a-ja-me-

no /ajaimenos/ 'inlaid (with ivory, etc.)', orig. 'made' (Ventris-Chadwick 1956, 386).

4.2. Hitt. źnnarawatar- n. 'strength, male force, vigor' (Puhvel

1984, 366-373) and Lttw. annari- n. 'id.', annaru- adj. 'strong, force-

fui' (Puhvel 1984, 62-63) are usually derived from the PIE appella-

tive *ćinór- m. 'man, husband', cf' Gk. óufip'hvsband; man', NPhr.auap) Arm, ayr,, Skt. ndr-, etc.

4.3. Hitt. irhaśvs. Luw.-Hitt. arhaś c.'line, rim,limit, boundary,conflnes'< PIE *dłffiós 'open space', cf. Lith. órasm.'open air', Alb'arć'field', Messapic aran (acc. sg.) 'id.', etc.

tOf. Gosmuoi (1964, 27r).

'Prothetic vowels'in Hittite 499

4.4. Hitt. irma(la)- adj. vs. Luw.-Hitt. armala- adj. 'sick, i11' <

'weak, wretched', Goth. arrnan' misereri' (see Puhvel 1984, 155-160).The presence of the vocalized laryngeal'td- (> Hitt. i-, Luw. a-)

can be assumed in such cases as, e.g.4.5. Hitt. idalu- adj. 'bad, evil'= Llw. aduwali- adj.'evil', Hier.

Ltw. aduwati-'bad' (Puhvel 1984, 487-493);4.6. Hitt. iśhaś'lotd'(cf. Luw. waśhaś 'maitte', see Laroche 1959,

109) < Anatolian *(w)tisilos.

For further possibie evidence, see, e.g.4.7. Hitt. iśtaggaś c. 'bowstrings' < IE *ristogho-, cf. oN sźag,

OE stag'cab1e, hawser'. A possible Anatolian ("Luwoid") cognateis perhaps attested in the Hesychian gloss: dora1auó.t.Lt"óq (Puhvel1984, 451);

4.8. Hitt. iśśalli- n. 'spittle' (Puhvel 19B4,380-381) < PIE *tisali'-,

cf. Lat. saliua f., OIr. saile,W. haliw'spittle' (Pokorny 1959, 879).4.9. Hitt. iśkunna(ĘĘ)-, iśhuna(hb)- 'to stain, stigmatize, de-

nounce, degrade, disgrace, demote' (see Puhvel 1984, 426) < PItr*tiisghunH-, cf. Gk. ałoyóua 'to make ug1y, disfigure, dishonot',aioyóur1 f. 'shame, dishonor'.

The reflexation of the vocalized laryngeal *-ri- in any intercon.sonantal position is probably the same as in the initial position, cf.

4.10. Hitt. mekki,ś adj. 'viel', adv. 'sehr'(Friedrich 1952, 139-14q)< PIB *mógris, cf. Skt. mdhi-, Gk. p,ć1ac, -ó\r7, -a adj. 'big, g."u*',mighty, strong', etc.

5. PossrBr,B EVIDENcE r'on PIE xó (: *as)

5.1. Hitt. Iaman'name' vs. Hier. Ltw. adaman- 'id.' < PIE*ónórnrrl n. 'name', cf. Gk. Buop,a beside óuupa n., NPhryg. ouopaun., Arm. anLl'n'name' (< *óró*r), Lat. nómen n., Skt. nóma n., etc.

Cowgill (1965, 152) concludes the following:An example of a prothetic vowel for which there is no evidence for laryngealorigin is Żiuopa (...), Arm. anun'r.ame'. The Hittite cognate, la-a-ma-an,isin fact rather negative; one would have expected an initial laryngeal to appearas ń- or o_ in Hittite.

500 KRzYszroF ToMAsz WITCzAK

I feel that Cowgill is mistaken, since there is evidence for xó inHieroglyphic Luwian. The absence of an initial reflex in Hittite is aregular deve1opment of *ó, which may be observed also in different

instances.5.2. Hitt. zena-'autlmil' < PIE *óseno-, cf. Arm. ośun 'id.'. See

also Russ. osena'antllmn'' Pol. .jesień, oPruss. assanis, Goth. as&ns

'harvest' (a11 from *Oesen-).

The difference between Nesitic (purely Hittite) Q- and Luwoid a-

was observed and discussed by Kronasser (1966,33 35)' who uncon-

vincingly suggested the presence of an "a-mobile", e.g'

5.3. Hitt. śuraśura- beside aśśuraśura- ("Luwismu''') 'u kind ofbird';

5.4. Hitt. latdari- beside alatdari- ("Luwismus") 'eine Geback-

sorl et.

Further examples for the initiai *ó may possibly be found afterthe publication of (Tischler's and Puhvel's) Hittite etymological dic-tionaries in their entirety.

For the development of the vocalized laryngeal *-ó- to Hitt. -u_

in the internal position, see e.g.

5.3. Hitt. dalugaśti c. 'length' < PIE *dlógh-osti-, cf. Slavic*dalgostu'id.' (PoL. długośi) beside *ddga adj' 'long' (Pol. długi),cf. Skt. dr,rgha- adj. 'long'. Add here Lith. ilgas,Latv. i,lgs (< Baltic*tlgas < PIE *dloghós, a palatalized variant of *d!oghós).

6. CoNcl,usrorus AND SUMMARY

A. On the basis of the afore-mentioned lexical data, it may be

concluded that if the triple representation of the 'prothetic vowels'

in Hittite is due to regular phonetic development' Hitt., then a-, i-ald Q- are reflexes of PIE *€-,*i;- and *o-, respectively. Nothing inthe material seems to contradict this solution and positive evidence

concerning these three continuations is at hand.B. The same treatment of the 'prothetic vowels' may be found in

Lydian.C. In the Luwoid languages (i.e. Luwian, Hieroglyphic Luwian,

Lycian, Mylian) one may find only a- as a reflex of the 'protheticvowels'.

'Prothetic vowels' in Hittite 501

D. As the development of prothetic vowels in Greek and Phrygianagrees with that in Hittite and Lydian' we call safely conclude thatthe Greek triple representation of Schua is a phonetic archaism (butnot an innovation).

E. The development of the Proto-Indo-European initial vocalizedlaryngeals can be presented as follows:

PIE language groups(and languages)

PIE'prothethic vowels'*t1 *e2_ *e 3-

Anatolian group

- Nessitic subgroup(Hettite, Lydian)( "Pelasgian" )

- Luwoid subgroup(Luw., IILuw., Ly..)

a-o-

a-

,-i-

a-

O-o-

a-

Central group

- Greco-Phrygian sbg.

- Armenian sbg.

- Albanian sbg.

- Thraco-Dacian sbg.

e-

e-*?

?

a-a-a-?

O-

o-a-?e

Northwestern group

- Western subgroup(Italo-Celtic)(Illyro-Ligurian)

- Northern subgroup(Germanic)(Balto-SIavic)

Q-/o-*t*

r*r*

Q-/"-*))*

t*

tr*

Q-/o-*r*

D*

tt*

Eastern group

- Indo-Iranian sbg.

- Tocharian sbg.O-O-

O-a-

0-a-

* NorE: The continuation depends on the adjacent sonantsand consonamts.

502 KRZYSZTOF TOMASZ WITCZAK

RBFERENCES

BAMMESBERGER, A. 1989. "The laryngeal theory and the phonology o{ pre-historic Greek", in Venneman, Th., ed., The New Sound of Indo-European.Essays in Phonological Reconstrucfion. Berlin, 3b-41.

BURRO, TH. 1973. The Sanskr,it language. London.COWGILL, W. 1965. "Evidence in Greek", in Winter, W., ed., Euidence Jor

Laryngeals. The Hague: Mouton, 142-180.FRItrDRICH, J. 7952. Hethitisches Wórterbuch. Heidelberg: Winter.GAMKRtrLIDZE, TH. V. 1960. I{hetskij jazik i laringal'naja teorija. Tbilisi.GUSMANI' R. 1964. Lydisches Wórterbuch, Heidelberg: Winter.KRONASSER, H. 1956. Vergleichende Laut- und Formenlehre des Hethitźschen.

Heidelberg: Winter.

-. 1966. Etyrnologie der hethitischen sprache, Bd. 1. wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

LARoCHE, E. 1959. Dict,ionnai,re de la langue louuite. Pałis.LINDtrMAN, F. O. 1982. The triple representation of Schwa in Greek and, some

related, problerns of Indo-European phonologg. Oslo etc.

-. 1987. Introduction to the 'laryngeal theory'. Oslo.

LUBOTSKY, A. 1988. "The Oid Phrygian Areyastis-inscripiion", Kadmos 27,9-26.

POETTO, M. 1973. "Sul alcuni termi botanici etei", RIL 107,25*32.POKORNY, J. 1959. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wórterbuch. Bern_

Miinchen: Francke.PUHVEL, J. 1984-1991. Hittite etymological d,ictionary. Vol. 1-2, 3. (Trends in

Linguistics. Documentation 1 & 5). Berlin-New York-Amsterdam.TISCHLER' J' 1983-1990. Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar. vol. 1-2. Inns-

bruck.VENTRIS' M.' CHADWICK, J' 1973. Documentsin Mycenaean Greeł. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.WEITENBERG, J. J. S. 1984. Die hethitischen u-Strimme. Amsterdam: Rodopi.WOJTILLA, GY. 1986. "Notes on Indo-Iranian terms for ,ploughing' and the

'plough"', The Journal of Indo-European Studies 1,4, 2T-37.

University of ŁodźChair of Classical PhilologyIndo-Europeań Lexicon ProjectWólczańska 90PL_90_522 Łódź

Krzysztof T. Witczak