J O U R N A L

OF THE

AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY .

E DIT E D BY

E . W ASHBURN HOPK INS,AND CHARLES c. T ORR E Y

,

Pro f essor in Y ale Un iversity , Pro f essor in Y a le Un is-rsity,

New Haven . New Haven

'

l‘

WENTY - THIR1) VOLUME ,

FIRST H ALF .

T H E A M E R I C A N O R I E N T A L S O C I E T Y .

s aw H A V E N . co s u m c r l co'

r , U . s . A .

M C M I I

A copy or th is vo lum e. postage pa id , m ay be obtained any

where with in the l im its of the Un iversal Postal Un ion . by

send ing a Postal Order f or two dol lars and fif ty cents, or itseq u ivalent. to T he Am erican Oriental Society , New Haven ,

Connecticu t, United S tates of Am erica .

According to the conversion - tab les u sed in the Un ited Statesm oney- order system as the bas is of international m oney

orders. two dol lars and fif ty cents 10 sh i l l ings and 3pence 10 m ark s and 30 pf enn igs 12 f rancs or l ire and 70

centim es 9 kroner and 25 fire 6 flor ins and 9 cents Netherlandish .

[This volum e i s f or January—Ju ly, 1902 . Issued Augu st, 1902 . in an editionof 500 copies ]

T he T a ttle , Morehouse Taylor Press .

C O N T E N T S

T W E N T Y - T H I R D V O L U M E,

FIRST HALF .

Page

T E E PAHLAV I TE XT OF Y ASNA Ix . 49- 103,E DITE D W ITE TE E OOLLATION

OF ALL T E E MSS ALSO DE OIPE E E E D .

—By Rev . LAW RE NCE M ILLS ,D.D.

,Professor in the University of Oxford

T E E TE XT OF AN ARCHA IO TABLE T IN T E E E . A . HOFFMAN COLL E CTION .

—By E LLE N SE TON STRONG ,of New York

INTE RPRE TATION OF T E E ARCHA IO TABLE T OF TH E E . A . HOFFMAN COLLE CTION .

—By G E ORGE A . BARTON,Professor in Bryn Mawr Col lege,

Bryn Mawr, PaCRE ATOR GODS .

—By CRAW FORD H . T OY ,Professor in Harvard Univer

si ty, Cambridge, Mass .RE MAR KS ON T E E H E BRE W TE XT OF BE N - S IRA .

—By CRAW FORD H . T OY,

Professor in Harvard University,Cambridge , Mass .

THE COLLE CT ION OF ORIE NTAL ANTIQ U ITIE S AT T E E UN ITE D STATE SNATIONAL MUS E UM .

—By Dr . I . M . CAS ANOW Icz,U . S . National

Museum , Washington , D. C .

T E E NAME OF T E E FE RRYMAN IN TH E DE LUGE TABLE TS .

—By Mr . S . H .

LANGDON,Columbia University, New York City

SPE C lME NS OF TE E POPULAR L ITE RATURE OF MODE RN A E Y S S IN IA .

—ByDr . E NNO LITTMANN ,

Princeton University,Princeton , N . J .

NOTE S ON T E E OLD PE RSIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF BE m ST UN .

—By LOU IS H .

GRA Y,Princeton University, Princeton , N . J .

T E E CAR ADA~T ILAKA TANTRA .

—By Dr . ARrE UR H . E W INU, Al lahabad ,

i ndie

NOTE ON BRE AOOE ANDA S , AV . m . 12 . 3 .—By Dr. ARTHUR W . RYDE R ,

Harvard Unive rsity, Cambridge , Mass .KRSNANAT RA

’

S Couu NT ARv ON T E E BE NGAL RE CE Nsm N OF T E E

QAKUNT A LA.—ByDr. ART E UR W . RYDE R , Harvard University, Cam

bridge , Mass .

Pag e

JUPITE R DOLIOHE NUS .

—By Rev . CHARLE S S . SANDE RS , A intab , Turkey . 84

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF KAL IDAS A‘

S MALA V IKAGNIM IT RA A ND V IKRAMOR

—By MONTGOM E RY SCHUYLE R,JR . , United S tates E m bassy,

S t. Petersburg ,Russia

A MAN USCRIPT OF GUL U NAUROZ,A SE V E NTE E NTH C E NTURY PE RSIAN

ROMANC E . IN THE LIBRAR Y '

OF COLUMBIA UN IV E RS ITY .

—By. Dr

ABRAHAM Y OHA NNA N,Colum bia Un iversity , New York City

RE MAR K S ON T HE FORM OF NUMBE RS,T HE ME T HOD

'

OF US ING THE M ,

AND T HE NUME RICAL CATE GORIE S FOUND IN T HE MAHABHARATA .

Bv E . W ASHBURN HOPK INS,Professor in Yale Un iversity, New

A PHOE N IC IAN ROYAL INSCRIPTION .

—By CHARLE S C . TORRE Y,Professor

in Yale Un iversity, New Haven,Conn .

JOURNAL

OF THE

AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY .

T he P ahlewf T ewt of Y asna ix. 49—103, edi ted with the

col la tion of a ll’the M SS .

,a lso deoz

'

phered— By Rev .

LAW RE NCE MILLS,D.D .

,Prof essor in the Un iversity of

Ox f ord.

FOR an account of the M SS . used see the n umber of the Journalof the R . A siat i c Soc iety for July

, 1 900 , pp . 5 1 1—5 16 . I Should

add here that my col lat ion of M .,though very careful ly made

i n 189 1 , has been subj ected to much abrasion through use , whil eth e notes are here added as a merely supernumerary i tem ;

‘ they

were not origi nally i ntended for c itat ion,and should not be con

sidered exhaust ive . The attent ion O f searchers i s e spec ia l ly

ca lled to the fac t tha t the Pah l . trlr . occasionally errs rad ical ly,

as wel l a s O ften,i n the matte r O f form . A S may be seen from my

tran sla t ion O f Y . i x . i n x xx i .,one espec ia l mot ive i n

undertak i ng th i s laborious and harass ing work has been the

desi re t o destrov the false impress ion that the authori ty of thet radi t ional documents i s absol ute . An exaggerated rel iance uponthem is nearly as dang erous as the neglect O f them . AS one

fa i rly said of my fo rmer wel l mean t st ud ie s on the G ftthas

(tog ether wi th a clo se reproduct ion O f the o rig i na l i n the l igh t ofthe c ri t i cal school), I endeavour to presen t a l so the nnd

Unwerth der Tradi t ion ’

; and i t i s to the last deg ree necessarythat we should ne i ther exaggerate the one nor the. other . In the

i ntere s t o f s ta ti st i c s I should say that I have omitted to reco rd

W ith the exception of one wh ich i s a repl ica . See the introductoryremarks cited above .

VOL . XXI " .

a l l th e oc'

currences of final - 6 ; t ime , not to say pati ence , hav i ngfa i l ed me . I Shou ld add that I regard th i s wi th reg ret , as th i sseeming so t r iv ia l mark would be in terest ing ,

i f we could prove

that i t represented a letter or what not . SO far,I may say

that I fear i t i s a mere mechan i cal div i s ion mark,occurri ng with

out any regular law whatever . It i s almost a p i ty that we couldnot ent i rely neglect i t . But i t i s better to reta i n i t for th e present ; some reason may yet be g iven for i t . It i s sometimes usedbefore a termi nat ion l ike the avagraha . I had intended to c i te

th e variat ions as b e ing those from th e reading O f our Oxford

Codex , cal led D .J . by me i n th e Cathas fi rst even so far back as

1881 , but later cal led J2 ; i t seemed to me , however , to be rath eran ung rac iou s act to avoid plac ing the edit ion of our venerablefi rst edi tor i n that posi t ion . Th i s i s al so more conven ien t forreaders

,as th e pri nted edi t ion i s more access ible than the photo

g raphed one ; and al so reduces the amount O f annotat ion . [Th i scol lated edit ion i s an attempt to meet th e most cryi ng need inconnect ion with th e subj ect . I have u sed the Old transl i terat ionO f th e g lossari es for practi cal reasons ]

T h e A ttribute s of H aom a .

Y . i x . shap ir hOm i hfidehak 2

[aigh pavan f rarfin O Ih 3

yehabfind‘

yekav im fin ih] i rfisto dehak 6

[a igh°m indavam

7avO

8

valman 8 yehab f m ih8 i ghal

9avayadi

'

)3

yehab f m tand.

”

(50) v éh3

- dehakl l

[a igh m indavam i shap i r bara yehabfin ih] ibeshazin idar [a igh m indavam I

1 3avO

3béshazin ih

w

] .

1 D .J . ins . va .

9 D . hudehak ,so also Parsi - Pers . MS . hu- dehak (so) K .

5,M .

- dehak ;Ner . sudan am ; D .J . dehak .

3 So D .J .

4 So D . ; D .J . ,etc . dadO, so a lso the ParS i - Pers . MS .

5 SO D .J . ; D . , and the Parsi - Pers . MS .

6 D . om a i’

gh .

SO D.J . ,D . m indavam ; so the Parsi - Pers . MS . with tradit iona l

‘m andfim ,

’m indav am K x

"(Sp. ) chiz (or ‘ ebish for ch iz ’ (N .

3 D .J . has and (or means hu’ with dehak fol lowing instead of

D . m ay be and: K .

5(Sp. ) valman yehabf m ih Pers . avO trans

lat ing an (I dehi . ’9 So D .J . ,

and Pers . MS . ; K .

5 valman .

1“ So D .J D .

1 ‘ So D .J . dehak .

‘9 SO D .J . ,D . ; K .

5(Sp. ) rather ful l characters .

‘3 D . m ay ins . I or i .

Vol . xxi ii - l T he P ahla vi T ext of 17 13 710 4213. 49—103 . 3

(5 1) hfi - kerpO hOm an ih [aighat kerpO nevak ] hu- kam akO

hOm an ih‘

[aighatO’av a

‘

tyastO9i3f rart

‘

InO] .

(52) pi rnzkar i zard6 ‘ -

gunO‘i narm tak [aigh tak

"

i lak

narm] .

(53) am atatO“

vashtam find pahlum ih avO ruban ’ yehabnn ih an

bariktnm8hOm an ih

, [a igh anbar i r f ibanO pavan lak shap ir ShayadO

“kardanO maman garOdm an ik ih ih pavan lak

Appeals.

(54) hard lak zar ino m fidishnO yem alelun [m indavam I

am i pavan f arahang yem alelfin a igham danak ih yehevunad‘e

] .

(55) bara am avandih va” bara ‘“ pi rfizkarih afam

“

yehevunadO.

(56) hard drustih va2 1 bara beshazishn ih .

So D.J D . ; K .

5(Sp. ) m ay have meant haé .

’

9 So D.J .

3 D.J . in s . i .4 SO M . : D.J . zarinO va gt

‘

IDO i (sic), but the S ign for va i s probablyan oversight . D . has va zarinO.

5 D.J . seems vad (sic); Pers . MS . trls.

‘ték .

’

5 So D .J .

SO D .

D.J . ,D . om . haé , or what it m ay be . Was it ‘

gs'

ts " 9 better ca l l it arepeated thou art . ’ So D .J . , D . ; K .

5(Sp. ) bed.

9 One wou ld th ink that the form in D .J . should be dec iphered askhshayadO reproducing an orig ina l ‘ kh or e lse it would seem to beashayadO (sic ) ; otherw i se I should say that it must be irrational .

8 0 D J . , D. ; K .

Ii(Sp. ) bed.

So D.J . , D . , and see be low for bara ; K .

ls(Sp. )

‘3 D .J . ,D . exaggerate the signs , or ins .

‘3 D . marks the d .

’

Th is mistake evident ly arose from the accidenta l separation ofyem alelhn and am for yem a lelunam z m rii vé , see the am after mindavam ; it would have been much better before it or both . Ner. wasa lso misled : so the Parsi - Pers . MS . a lso ; al l d iv ide and mistake the firsts i ng . pres . for the second sing . imper . , plus am to me .

’

‘5 D.J D . have m indavam I am .

D.J . om i ; D . has i .SO D.J . , D .

‘9 D . m ed.

‘9 D . ins . va barii ; D .J D . om . va or - 6 .

D.J . (and perhaps D . ) afam K .

“(Sp. ) am .

So D.J D .

8 0 D.

4 L . 31 1713 [1902.

(57) hard f radahishn ih’va

° bard2 dah ishn ih .

(58) bard a O i harvispO tanO bard f arzz'

m ak ih i‘

harv ispO

pésid‘

[hOInand amat6f arj f un i m indavam I

7khav i tfinC-dO a f ash

"

ham fni"

danak ih

(59) bara'

t min ° zak ch igfin dén g éhfinO‘ 2k ftm akO

l a- kh f l tldl

f ril z satund va“ besh tarv i nend ‘ “ ‘ 6

va dri O”van énd

‘6

(60) bara min zak ch ig f InO tarv i nz’

m i' 8

harv ispi'

)1 9

zak besh idar f i n o va

’nbbsh i

” min shed fu’

in2 4Y a

“a l l S ll f ltfidDO [i

2 7

So K .

’s M . ; D .J . , D . seem f radahan ih (or f radan ih ) (S ic I had

fir st considered vardanO (dah ishn ih) as a later form of astem . D .J . has erasures , but seems to have decided for varishn ih (notvardan ih ) ; there is no escap ing the a in van .

9 D . ins . va , or has irrationa l marks .3 So I decipher , bring ing to l igh t the error (as I hold it to be) of thePahlavi tran slator in seeing a form of var (vr) instead of a form ofvardh (vrdh ): we might even read varishn notw ithstanding the S ignwhich represents a, in varishn , so in default of better ; but the ParsiPerS . MS . transl iterates varishn and trans lates according ly ; some havethought of vah rishn

’

(so).4 D .J . ,

ins . I .

5 D .J . obscured by decay .

6 SO D . ; others mun .

7 SO D . seems I .

8 M f .

?af ash .

9 So D.J . ,M . ; D . hamak .

10 D . defaced .

D.J . defaced by decay .

19 D .J . ins . ch ig i m , but seems to have cancel led it .1 3 So D .

14 D . ins . va .

‘5 So D . D .J . etc . tarvénd .

“ 5 There is,of course , the question whether we ought not to read these

verbs tarv i nén i , an d v anén i as first singular conj . impen , in v iew ofthe origina ls (see Ner who was not m isled) ; but Satf m d seems to cal lfor a dec ipherment which recogn izes the error otherw ise a l l the formsShould be reproduced as first personal s .

1" D .J . bleached out .“ 3 SO K .

3 D .J . , D . tarvénd ? or tarvén i .‘9 So D.J . ,

D . O.

90 D .J . 0 m .- 5 (sic); D . om zakO (some m ay wel l desire the statistics

as to this sti ll curious - 5 ; but pat ience has sometimes fai led me).9 ‘ So D .J . ,

D .- O.

99 D . ins . v a .

93 So D . in s. i .94 D .J . , D . seem redundant . 95 D.J . , M . ins . va .

9“ So D.J . ,K 3)

(Sp. ) m ardii m an .

9 7 SO D .J . on ly .

V ol . xx i i i . ] T he P ahla vi T ext of Y asn a. 17x . 49—103 . 5

(61) vat f i kanO va parikanl

va2sdstz

'

i ran‘va k ikan ' (kayakan ,

so bet ter) va karpii n'hOm and k ik kayak) va

’

karpO‘

[zak

m fin pavan m indavam i‘

vazadfinO ku r“va

(62) marich i dO- zang va2aharm OkOch i (IO- zang va

‘

gfirg ich

i chahar - zang .

(63) henOch‘

i f ari'

tkh I‘

I - an ik 9 [a ighsh fi no m aradd kabed ai t

In f i n aétfinO yem alelnned ae hOm and an ikshfinO f arakh t‘

IO“

]Innn pavan f ri f tarih paténd .

P rayer for B oone.

(64) denman m fin lak f rat I'

Im ydn hOm i zaidem (or‘ za id

yam i dt’

IraOsh zak i pfth lum ahvm i aharnbz'

tnO i rfishanO

i hamai” - hv{i rih .

(65) denman mi n lak dadigar yan hOm i za idem (ori dfiradsh dfiru stO

' “rfibisbn ih i tano.

(66) denman min lak1 9

sadigar yan hdm i za idem (orvam i

”dt

‘

IraO'

sh dér ziv ishn ih i j z’

m O.

“

So D .

9 So D.J .

9 So D.J . , D . i ns . va .

4 D.J . , D . ins . i' .5 SO D.J . , D . and parsi pers . MS . ; others reverse the order , but see Ner .

SO D.J .

7 D . has four strokes .9 See the Zend text ; D.J D . have a superfluous strokefi D .J . m ay

wel l be haenOOch (S ic, see the Zend).9 So D .J . ; D . seems f arakh t‘ IO K .

5(Sp. ) f ari khh in ik fl sic), M .

I th ink has Sp. + ~E n ik .

W D.J . , om . ae. so D.J . : M . has i t in a different form .

SO D. J ., D . an ikshan : K .

’(Sp. ) péshan ik . D .J . has the preceding

hOm and in the marg in , but added by the orig i na l copyist w ith the samein k .

‘9 D .J . worm - eaten . Notice the freedom of error of patend , a lso followed by Ner . though using a di ff erent form see the Zend .

'3 D.J . ins . i . and has za idém (or -

yam ) blotted out purpose lySo I th ink we should dec ipher in v iew of the orig ina l and the cor

respond ing word i n the inscriptions ; bu t the Parsi - Pers . the propertranslation as khaham .

’

‘9 So D.J . , M. ; D . hamak ; K .

5(Sp. ) ham a fi).

‘9 So D.J D. , M .

‘7 D .J . , M . in s . i .D . jo ins i to the preceding word, poss ibly meaning to express a

condi tiona l .‘9 D.J . worm - eaten ( fi na l - 6 , so 9“ So D.J D .

9 ' D. S . i ns . i . 99 D . again joins to the preceding word .

99 D . varies ziv w ith (P) zfi(y) D . om . i .

9‘ D.J . marks , however , as i f it were g ri nd.

6 L . Jll z'

lls, [1902.

(67) denman min lak ta S t‘

Im yan‘hOm za idem (or i

2

d f i radsh eh ignnb min khv z‘

lst fi r va3am z

'

l vand vaa

padikt f rdz9

satun ftn ils pavan dam ik madam bGsh tu rv in i

’

i n i6

va drt'

IjO vanen i7

(or read vfin z'

m i,see below).

(68) denman In in lak pan j t’

Im vanO 11 5m 18zaidem (or - yam

i“dt

‘

n'adsh

”ch ig t

‘

m pi rnzkar van iddr pavan k f tsh ishnO f razO satami n i “ pavan dam ik madam 1 2 besh t t‘ trv in z

’

tn il ava drfijO v z

'

i nen i .

”

(69) denman min lak shashfim yzi n 116m za idem (or - yam i

dt'

IraOSh a igh lev i nO min dt‘

Iz1 6

va lev i nO min gadak va lev inO

min g f i rg khadi tfun’

un1 8

[m adishn1 9

So D.J . ,M .

9 D . again joins . Ner . is better here , apparent ly referring the wordto Indian isira, etc .

3 D .J D . i ns . v a .

4 SO D .J D .

5 So D.J . (corrected from - u nd at first hand); but i t mark s d’ instead

of i z’ this , however , i s almost universa l wi th D .J . and the Parsi - Pers . ;

not SO Ner . , though , as often , he has sing . for plur .

6 D .J . , D . again mark - end ; not so Ner . ’s orig inal , or if marked d’

instead of i in - an i , then it by no means m isled h im .

7 D .J M . , D . mark - and ; not so Ner .

8 D .J . ins . i .9 D . again curiously j oins to the preceding word does he real ly mean

za idém - i (or -

ya m- i i ; th i s must be considered .

1° D .J . has curiously diraosha for di l raosha ; and in one Zend MSS . K .

4

the S ign for long (I and that for long i’ are indistingu ishable ; in fact it

is very frequently thus in D .J .?

‘1 So D .J . ; M . D . seems Satund ; and D.J . marks ‘ d’

; not so Ner . ’sreading .

19 D .J . ,D . om i .

13 Bu t D.J . , D as al l other MSS . , mar the word w ith a mark over ‘ i , ’

indicating the fal se final d Ner . was not deceived by these m istakensigns (or were they added since h is day

14 D . van énd ; a l l MSS . aga in falsely mark a fina l ‘ d ;’ but see the

orig inal ; Ner. does not, however . err .1 5 D . j oins again to the preceding word .

1 5 So D . diiz : others zOba ; Pa rS i - Pers . translating d fi zd of course .

17 So D. ; see the orig ina l , a lso Ner . ’s nrcam sebhyah and the text ofthe ParS i - Pers . MS .

‘

gadah .

’

1 3 So D.J . , K s”(Sp. ) khaditf m ém .

‘9 SO D . and al so the Pars i - Pers . MS . translating ‘ hunar ; ’m an ishn wh ich seems senseless . A t Y . x . 60 the form seemsm adishnO.

’

I think the m istake ‘ manisha ’ arose from som e Persiantex t wi th imperfect diacritica l signs , or simply from writing too long astroke the letter d in m ad - 3 Ner . omits the word here : but see himon Y . x . 60 with v idyain as usual (twice): so the Pars i - Pers . MS . there ,trans lating ‘ hunar ’ and reading and not m an ishn

’

(‘

Ps ic).90 So D .J . , D .

Vol . xxi ii . ] T he P ahlav i T ext of Y asna 49—103 .

(70) a l a igh lev inO khadi tfinfido lev inO m i n lanman min harvi spOgnn

2lev inO khaditnnam

’

[ l i va hav ishtane 1 l i ] .

T h e G if ts of H aem a.

(7 1 ) hOm valm anashfin m hu arvand 3 IIOm and‘ashfino zak i

f arhzi khtO6va

7tv z

'

ikhshak vabdfinyen [sitsyz'

t‘aa f shfinO

" zavar ‘0 va "

a O khelkfinédO‘”[arateshtarand] .

(72) hOm i”azatanO i ch “ bard y ehabun éd zak i rt

‘

tshano

benm an‘ eva

”zak i aharubo fa rzand 9 °

(73) hOm valm anshan m i m kat ik pavan nask f rz‘

izo {un f ikh

tishn ih yetibund [pavan aerpatistand“kardanO] ashano a f zfin i

k ih va“f arzanak ih khelkfin édO j

’ "

So D .J .

9 D .J . h arv ispO. D .J . has the first m in written over as doubtfu lthe correction itsel f seems later written over .

3 Ner . has castr im an tah and acvan k shatriyanam .

4 D . hOm Ond.

’

So D .J . , and it has a cancel led pavan .

‘

So D . and the indicat ion of the Pars i - Pers . MS . wh ich is , however ,strict ly in itself considered , erroneous w ith f rahtan . K .

“ etc .

have a marring stroke .

‘

SO D.J . i ns . v a . So D .J . , K .

“ D . and the Pars i - Pers . MS . aspO.

9 So D .J .

1° So D . and Parsi - Pers . zavar ; D .J . . Sp. zavar .

Parsi - Pers . , D.J . , M .

? ins . va . or - O.

‘9 So D.J . ; Ner . om . here : but ins . varshati’ below .

1“ D . ins . i .D . seems azerkh ii ntdn ich ; so M f 9 the Parsi - Pers .

, but the lattertranslates as negative a - zayandagan (so D.J . etc . azadand.

1“ D.J . i ns . va .

1“ D.J. has va zak arddisbnd, or but I should th ink th iswas a c lerica l mistake for the usua l i , and made through haste

but see K .

“ (sp. ) w i th wh ich M . probably agrees , as in m y careful col lati on of 1891 , I marked no variation om i .

So D . rushan (see Ner .) others arOdishn (sic).‘9 Or barman .

‘9 D.J . , D . va .

9° M 9 diff ers from Sp iege l hav ing f ardand’

(but intending to reportthe same mean ing).

9' D.J . has k - t- k - ik w ith the second k ,

’ or struck not so theParsi - Pers . Ner . trans lates grhasthah reading ‘ kadak ik

’ or kadak ,

’

as I suppose the Pars i - Pers . does not trans late see m y S .B . E . xxxi . atthe place .

‘Katik as the katavO at the Pah lav i stage certain ly favoursa Zend form in the sense house - abid ing ,

‘ sitting at home ; ’ and I wouldnow regard m y form er rendering as the alternative .

9’ SO D.J . ; diff ers from Spiege l see Ner . ’s naslta - R9“ So D.J . , thoug h the 6 stands apart i t cannot we l l be va .

’

9‘ So D.J .9“ So D.J .

8 L . Jlfi lls, [1902.

(74) ham valm anshdn m nn kan ik o hOm and va yetib f i nd dér2

agript8

[a igh la Sari tfind yekav im und] ashan zak i‘

zi shkarak9

zak

i‘rz

'

ido"

khelkfined’

[a igh shfinOs

Sh f i i bard pedfik in éd a f shanO

t i zO‘zerkhfin édd

’va

' °zak i

“h i ikh iradO

”[hOm and amat avO

1 8

gabrz‘

t bara pedak in id pavan j in z‘

ik (l en kar yekav i m i‘

m id] .

A Puni shm ent.

(75) hOm valm anshan m t‘

In keresaik read

(omitted nasal i zat ion ; see keresan im ).

1 So. D .J . , M .

9 D .J . , D . om i .3 D .J . curiously mistakes for aérpat which has the same characters ,

and it adds istanO not so the Parsi - Pers . MS . , nor Ner .4 D . om i .

5 SO D .J D .

6 So D .

7 SO D .J .

8 So M .

9 So D . D .J . i s blurred purposely ; Ner . strangely enough rendersyacayi taram did h e have a blurred MS , a nd was i t D .J .?see h i s yacayam i at 65 , etc . : zaidém (so).

1° D .J .,D . ins . va .

‘1 D .J D . ins . i .19 So D .J .

,D D.J . ins . here div ision mark of the subsection ( s ic).

1 3 SO D .J . avo (to the verb ‘avO péda or ané z va lm an ; D . om . ;

some m ight prefer pedak i néd yek av im nn éd.

14 I do not we l l see how we can avoid using the vowe l and consonan

ta l signs of the orig inal in a case l ike th is at least it is convenient soto use them ; cp. k eresaspO. The Parsi - Pers . MS . has k - r - s- a- k - i tran slating k - r - s- a- i so a lso D . k - r - i - S - a- k - i - k ; D.J . seem s k eresaih ikO (sic ?)or k - r- s- a- sh - i - kc

‘

i , poss ibly k - r - sa- a- i kO, the a being doubled by mistake .

Read M . k eresaik , it has characters for k - r - s- d - i—k, so K .

“(Sp. ) w ith

sl ightly lengthened ‘ k see the orig inal . The translators at first ev idently attempted to trans l iterate and their fa i lure m ay wel l be due tothe omission of a nasal S ign in the orig ina l word . This nasal , let it beremembered , would be we l l represented in the Pahlav i merely by aperpendicular stroke . Or else , as so often , the S ign of the nasa l izationhas been lost . ‘ K eresa(n )i would represent the orig inal word ,

whilethe ‘k ’

(or ‘ik’

) is the frequent term inal letter general ly possessingadjective , or merely nomina l force , and intended on ly to carry on the iof the im . Ner . reports the deeply interesting impression wh ich preya i led among the Fars i - experts of h is day that keresa(n )ik and its varian ts referred to the ‘ ecclesia that is to say, to the Christians seeh is tarcak adin ih cp. tarsaz

‘ christian D.J . ins . va or - O.

Vol . xxii i . ] T he P ah la v i t t of Y asna ix . 49—103 . 9

hOm and‘ashdnd

‘ bard2 m i n khfiddyih n ishdnedo m un rdstO

(or‘rOdidO

’

) hOm andl pavan khdddyih - kdm ak ih

‘

[a igh pavan

khdddy ih ldtd ydtdnd yekav im dnd] .

(76) s igh“111 l g f tyend a igh 1d lanman rdi akhar asravanako

pavan avar - hOshm uriShnih pavan kdm akO den m atd sdtt‘

m d

[ lanman aeta vabddndn i7 m i n kardO i lanman yehevfinedd

"

amat 9 la

(77) zak i harv isp-

g i‘

m gfirdih vdnedO bard harv isp-

gdno

gnrdih m akh i tdnedO”[pesh

1 2 pas ’Q] .

H ai l to H aom a .

(78) nevako lak [a igh tanO i lak n évak mado yekav i

m dnéd] m f i n pavan zak i na f sm an”a O kh I

‘

Iddi

hc'

)m an ih1 8hOm .

D . hOm Ond as often . D.J . has asha , or ins . va .

9 D . has curiously gabrd’ for bard SO the pet s . MS . a lso, translat

ing m a rd ; ’ Ner . has noth ing analogous .Parsi - Pers . transl iterates ni sh inéd and translates m ’

shénd . (bard)min n ishdnédOm ay mean restrain from ,

’ cause to abate .

’

4 8 0 K .

“ D.J . , D . pavan khfiddi (not impossible) ; see Ner .

So D . ins . a igh here .

D .J . seems asravanak , or asriIOk why not read so far as possiblein ana logy w i th the Zend ?

7 So I would read D. ; others vabddnam - i ; but D . . as it stands is ofcourse vabdii nd i

’

id ;’ see the variant v abdt' l nam - i , K .

“ Ner . doesnot render . M .?has vabdii ném M f .?vabddnand - i ? (so i t seems); Pers .

MS . translates k u nand .

’W hy not vakhdim dnd?

3 So D.J . ; K .

“ (sp. ) bed.

9 D.J . i ns . ; so a lso the Pars i - Pers . MS . ; K .

“(Sp. ) has amat - t

‘

1nd (so ,i n fragments); but M . has no space .

“0 So D.J . ; M . seems -

gu n , but not -

g1'

m ; D .J . om foregoing i .D . ins . va or - 5 ; the ‘n ’ of D.J . is somewhat separated from the it ;

which fact bears upon the further question whether he means ‘va

’

i n certa in places or ‘O.

’

“9 So D.J . . D . pésh pas ; K .

“(Sp. ) lev inOakhar .

So D.J .

D.J . , so D . om . i .

D.J . om kdm ak here see the Zend text .N . B. a O- kdm ak not in M . but in K“

. [and yet M . i s reportedas a copy of the Fab] . trl . not hav ing been examined . It i s a mod ified copy

“7 D .J . ins . va or - 6 .

D . hdm dn ih ; D.J . hO'

m an ih (so).

10 L . M i lls [1902.

[a ighat aOJO pavan zak kdr‘zakato avdvadd

“ at tfiba 9

ddshtand] .

(79) nevak lak m in i den khav i t f m ih 6kabed gObishnO i rdstO [ i

f rdr I'

InO maman 7 a i tO rdstO ld (s i c?; read rdi

s

) f rdra9

(kd navaca

(80) ndvak lak m ini ld f rdz min ham pdrsak ih zak i aré

shfikhtO“

gObi shnO va ham pd rsak- had

1 6

[a igh m indavam ld

v em a lelfindi‘“ i afiharm azd den ham pdrsak ih 1d

”gd f tO] .

(8 1) f rdz lak zak i”adharm azd bfirdO paravand a iv iydo (n)g

handm (not‘a iv iydgg ishnO

’

(so star pésidO i m inavaddn2 0

1 D .J . irreg . character for ‘d’ one stroke too much ; it m ay be acci

denta l .9 So D .J .

3 D .J . m ay mean z itO; th is z itO (it) would be written much l ikezakat as sometimes wri tten .

4 D . in s . va or - O. D . tubdn ; D .J D . om . Sp.

’s i .

D .J . ddndk , om . aé or - ih , K .

“(Sp. ) k hav i tdn ih ; D . seems khavi

tii n with a separated - ih .

’ 7 D .J . , D . manan ; K .

“(Sp. ) m ii n .

8 Ner . ’s yena saves the sentence from the senseless Id ; SO the MSS .

should be read rai, or otherwise rel ieved and discounted (the Parsi - Pers .

MS . a lso has Id D . m ay insert i before 1d .

9 M .- Ok others f rdri md.

1° D .J . a reshu khdha Zend characters w ithin the brackets .“1 D . J . om . m in here , ins . after f rdz .

‘9 I think f rdz was erroneously mot ived by pairi yet Ner. seems tohave understood f rdz min as equa l l ing rte .

‘3 D .J . ,D. , M . have and SO the Pers . MS . trans

lates at least . Spiege l alone has pI’

Irsak ih ; but see Ner. ; th is trifleShows that M . i s not a rig idly exact transcript of K .

“ accord ing toSp iegel . D .J .

’s ih is not clear , but over - written ; looks l ike - ih .

1“ Bu t for the orig ina l Zend text I should emend to arsh the wordseems to be a hybrid D .J . adds gas . or - i hd .

1 “ ihd as and as adverbia l Seem each to be suspic ious . On theother hand . to see a ful ly conscious 2d sg . pursiydih (SO , or ydé i sdoubtful as immediately fol low ing the ham pdrsak i h . The most prudent view is to see a s and haé .

‘ Thou wou ldest be of a truth fulspeech and question ing D .J . om . the v a before it .

“5 So M . , or - ih others - ih .

‘7 D . erroneously rdi . 19 D . om . i .1 9 So D . ins . evidently an attempt at a transl iteration ; the ‘o’ of

a iv iydo is in Pers ian form somewhat S imi lar to Persian 6 , or 11 , otherwis e read -

ydkgdn 5ih (sic). Ner . reads the same text , attempting on lya transliterat ion a iv ianghan atdm (S . reading a i v i though he translates a iv iydstO i n 82 as d vesti tah the read ing i s needed see the Zendtext . The Parsi - Pers . translates or im itates évdnghan ; wh i le at82 it refrains from the translation of the related word.

9° So D .J .

Vol . xxii i . ] T he P ahla v i T ext of Y asm l ix . 49—103 . 1 1

takhsh ido shap ir2 denO i m a (zda)yastdno [a f ash a i viyd(ng)han

Oih (S ic)‘ hand a igh ch iga k i i stik levatm an gabrd khed i

‘

t- kar

dakO"denOich i levatm an hOm aétdnd

"khadI

‘

I - kardak a f ash kha

dI‘

I - kardakOih"a i tO

’ hands a igh vad hOm ld vashtam finedO“ pavan

(IGDO astdba ld vehev l‘

InC-dd bOml o

vashtam undd kdr (1611

(d)yazishn

(82) pavan zak hOm anv ih a i v iydsto pavan bdl istO madami g i ra [a i m at tamman rOsto

”

yekav im i‘

m ih a f atO“ denman

khadd - kardak ih at nO” vad avO zak i dirdz madam sdtt

‘

i n ishn ih

[vad tam“

) i pasi n t“

) yekav i m dn ih ] pavan m dnsar‘ “

[a ighat dén yazishnO

”kdr ghal f arm dv éndfl .

Others might prefer ‘tdshido or tu khsido : D.J . has a superfluous

S ign which is , I th ink , accidenta l .9 So D .J . , D . ; others véh .

3 So D.J . seems . I have l itt le doubt but that m d (sic) is for mazd ,

’

as the same ma is i n adharm a(zd).4 So D. ; the Pars i - Pers . MS . transl iterates biydkgdn i (so here), mean

ing and expla in ing évdnghan (thus approx imately). while j ust above itseems to have aébiydkgdn translated again by evdnghan . D .J .

~ has

superfluous sign s for the first ‘ i . ’ a iyv

So D . D .J . has a superfluous and accidental mark between k ’ andar in kardak .

D . ins . aétfinO or is i t a later interpolationD . ins . aitO.

9 D . hand ; others aé .

9 D . , Mf . om . m l] i n the middle of the word .

‘9 D.J . has a word struck out (not Spiege l’s form); ins . vashtam ii ndO

D . has an abortive word as above for vashtam dndé ,or it m ay mean

hom sheddntOkdr dén dyaz ishn but there are no signs of sheddntd orydtt

’

m dd in Ner. ; D.J . hOm vashtam dnd kdr dén yazishn .

D. seems dyazishnO, D .J . yaz ishnO ; bu t space seems left .‘9 D . hOm On ih M . m ay be hOm anyih ; so D.J .

‘3aiv iydksto ( sic), again . or is the ‘ k ’ Persian 5 (sim ilar S ign), see

on 8 1? S trange to say, D.J . has the same th ing , and the ParS i - Pers .MS . as wel l . Is it the sufli x - k wh ich . l ike the - 6 , has found its way

into the interior of the word as a S ign of the d iv ision of syl lables? ; cp.

the avagraha . As - k appears i n voh t‘

t - k even at the end of a word , i tm ay here appear at the end of a syl lable ? or again , can i t po int to asuspected form of yI

’

Ij , to yoke on or is it the S ign mere ly of an echoof the ng

’ in 8 1 ?N D . ins . i . Or rddido ‘9 SO D.J . a i att

‘

i .“7 D.J . , D . have aé ti m so Pars i - Pers . MS ; Sp. ait .9“ Or Indnthar “9 Mi . again dyazishn .

9° 8 0 D.J . ; M . seems f ardyénd i . e . om .

‘m ,

’ accidental ; Ner .g ives no sign of th is : and the Pars i - Pers . has f arm dyend ( so).

12 L . M ills, ( 1902.

(83) hOm m dn Indi ipat‘

hdm an ihQm dn v ispat

3lIOm an ih vd

‘

m dn zandpatO"hd inan ih va dahydpat

0

hdn i an ih2

[a ighat m inavadihd ham dk

’

pat ih] vas

a f zun ik ih va dkdspatO"hom an ih

g

V I O ” 1 1 V

[a ighato bard tdbdno yehabt‘

tn tan om

] .

D eprecations .

(84) am dvandih i lak va pi rdzkarih avO denm an i l i tanOV ] ?

i madam pavan afr in e va padikhv ihich i”’pdrfibazishn ih

1 8

[khvdstak i”m dn nevak ih i

2 0kabed azash ] .

(85) bard min zak i lanm an“’ lbésh iddr a besh va bard. m in

ishn t"

)2 3bardich yedrdndfid

" 4i”g irdn

2 6m dn

" 6

[kh dddyih] .

1 So . D .J D. ; K .

“(Sp. ) m dnpatdn , so also the Parsi - Pers . here .

9 D . hOm On ih .

3 So D .J . ; K .

“(Sp. ) - pata M . might be v ishpatdn (so).

4 D.J . Ins . va .

SO D .J . zandpat but mechan ica l ly d iv ided ‘ zand pat ’ otherszan dpatdn not so Ner .

’s orig .

D . might be ddhyi lpat M. dabyfipatdn (sic).7 So D . ,

M . ; D .J . hamdi (but I much question whether the stroke fori ’ in hamdi m ay not , as a S imi lar one elsewhere , represent a k Sp.

3 D .J . ins . va .

9 D.J D . dkds-

patO hOm an ih ; others - pat5 haé or ha i h (S ic (oris it possibly akas -

patO- ihd, K .

“(Sp. ) Ner . does not corroborate the

plurals , nor does the Parsi - Pers . MS .

1“ So D .J .

D .J . has curiously two dots over and a l itt le before the characterfor t in til bdno.

‘9 D . yehdbi’

m d ; others yehdbdntand.

13 D .J . ins . i .1“ D .J . ins . v a .

1 “ D .J . om . i . 1“ D .J . ins . i . “1 SO D .J . ,D .

1“ So D .J . a lone the translation of the Pers . does not Show - ih .

“9 D .J . in s. i . 90 D .J . ,D . ins . i .

9 ' D .J . om the zak i . This lanman corrects D .J .

’s n oid (sic), a nd

notice wel l that the ancient copyist has just written Zend noid with thelast stroke of his pen yet here is the correcting ‘ lanman .

’D .J . meant

116 ( : from us) id99 M . ins . v a .

9“ So D .J . m in ishnObard ich , and D .J . om . i . after Sp.

’s m in ishnO ich .

9“ So D .J . ; K .

“(Sp. ) dedrii nyén .

9“ M f . seems to insert a needed i ; it m ay , however , belong be lowbut we. should not hes itate to supply one in such a case .

9“ D . , M . g irdn ; K .

“(Sp. ) garén Have we here a transl i terat ion , or

have we here a translation , as Ner . w i l l have it? Perhaps Bear awaythe thought which is the abode of severe af fl iction (theThis Should imply an interesting blunder arising undoubtedly from the

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1 4 L . M 1113, [m os

(90) a l pavan kold II (do) zbdr f rdz patdkO‘hdm anddO

“al

pavan kold II (dO) gavad madam tdbdn ik3bdm anddd

2

[a igashpavan y adm an v indS kardanO al tdbdn

(9 1) a l da ln ik khadi tdndd" pavan kold II (dd) ash“al gOspend

khadi tdndd pavan kold II (dO) ashash .

7

(92) m dndk i n ik hdm dndd"

avO zak i lanman ID IDISDDO [a ighvad m a

"m indavam i

l of rdra m i n idand

“al tdba yehevd

nddO”

m i in k in ik hdm andd‘a

] avO zak i “ lanman kerpO, [a ighlevatm an kerpO

”il s lanman k inO

A nathem as .

(93) bard azo i zardO i”sahm gdn

2 0i“n vi sh bard dydf tO [m dn

ash vi sh avO tanO bard a df t t‘

i2 3

ekav im dnedO2 3

y

1 D . ins . - O, or v a .

9 D .J . adds - 5 ; D . reads yehevi m éd or - ndd D .J . has a cancel led pav

3 D . tii bdn4yehev i i n éd or m adD . khadi tfin édD .J . , D . om . va .

7 SO D.J . ; others ash .

9 D . hOm and D .J . hOm andd.

9 So D .J . m a D . m an .

10 D .J . . D . ins . i .‘7 So D .J . ,

D .

19 So D .J .,D . hOm and and D .J . ,

D . ins . va , or - O.

73 D . m ed.

1“ D .J . ins . i .1“ So D D .J . has k erpih w ith the - ih apart ; so three words beforepossib ly, though the S ign is confused ,

looking more l ike an - Oor a careless i .

1 “ SO D .

1 7 D .

“9 So D .J . ,D .

1“ D .J . om . i .9° So D .J . and Pers . MS . ; K .

“(Sp.) etc . D .J . has the usua l S ign for ‘k ’

whi ch m ay, however , wel l render ‘

g :’ the Pars i - Pers . MS . seems sahm

g il u , hardly S i in akgdn so D . distinctly S im akgdn .

9 “ M . seems to introduce a ‘k ’ or ‘

g’

,though the character is more

probably meant for the ‘v ’ O f ‘vish ; ’ but if so it is in the Pers ian fo rmand a lso misplaced ; otherwi se I cannot explain it , as ‘v ’ would beexpressed twice . The Pars i - Pers . is not very c lear, but shows s igns oflong i ; its translation i s , however, pla in as zahir (so for zahar

99 So M f .

93 So D .J .

Vol . xxi i i . ] T he P ahla vi T ext of Y asn a ix . 49—103 . 15

(94) amat kerpO‘

yezrnndnd2avO valman i ’ aharfibO i hOm i

zarinO va‘ ash “ peddk inih

"zan ishnO [a igash chdrakO

" bard yem ale

la ] .

(95) bard gadako i’

jav idO varzidar [m nn jav idar varzedoa igh e zak i

“

ghal“avdvadO

‘°varzidanO] i

“khrdkO- bav ih dnd

1 2

[a igh ,résh

"vabddnyen

"dzdrddr bard yem aleldn .

So DJ.

9 SO D.J M f . ; others - Ddd ; so D.J . I shou ld say that the word wasa variant for yezderi i ndfid m ay they drag .

’Un less a mean ing c losely

a l l ied to Ner .

’s vindcayati is g iven to th is word , i t is , of course , an errorwhich mars the section . The ‘ dragg ing of the corpse

’m ay be the

idea : cp. V endiddd .

9 So D .

9 So D .J D . Obl i terated i n D .J .

M . m ay be pédOk or péd6 not so the Parsi - Pers . MS .

7 D.J . om . i ; not so M .

9aigh z

‘tban ,

’ or ‘ more than ,’ or diff erent from .

’Here we have

another exceedi ng ly important case to prove how the last Pahlav icopyists unconscious ly preserved Zend texts di ff erent from those wh ichth ey had just mechanica l ly transcribed i n the MSS . whi ch contain bothZend and Pahlavi . The last copyist here wrote a v iveredvatO,

eitherby oversight , orig inating the blunder (see some other or fol lowing some predecessor ; but h is Pah lav i translation text (also m echan i

ca lly cop ied ) restores the correct reading w i th - varz to viverez thetranslation being impossible for v ivered we might even correct tov i verezvatO, (so on the streng th of th i s varzidar . I do not th ink thatthe ‘d

’ i s organic .

9 So D .

79 So D.J M . ins . va or - 6 .

“1 D .J . om . i .‘9 Corrected , D . and the Parsi - Pers . kht' Irk (for khrt

‘

tk )- bav i hi1n5 . D .

div ides kbfirk (6); but that is immateria l . The tex t is partial ly tran sl iterated , and the sib ilant treated as a form of i sh , so w ith sev iStO (seenote on Y . ix . 30 , July number of the Jou rna l of the R . A siatic Soc . ,

khrt'

Ik ’

(so) wou ld be qu ite leg i timate as expressing the root ofkhrv ishyatd, we might even read khru vak , so , i n fact , better .The ‘k’ is again the frequent loose ly appl ied letter . D . and the ParsiPers . MS . show the closest attempt , and as such g ive us the importantreading i . e . kh i Ir - k )- bav ih t

'

1n . A lthough the latterword is mistaken , it g ives us the fair rendering , des iring blood ,

’ orprone to cruelty .

’

D.J .

’

s text is difficult of explanation in vi ew of- ish in the Zend text and bav ihii n in D . The nearest seems basimkhriIk - basim ‘ hav ing pleasure in cruelty,

’ but the letters representbasino’

; i t must be a mere blunder for bav ih t’

m (we are reminded ofbisrayd

79 D . exaggerates the s ign for ‘6’ ti l l i t looks l ike that for ‘k ’ or ‘

g ,

’ orPers ian ‘u ,

’ ‘v .

’

7‘ D.J . ins . va or - 6 (so).7“ D . ins. bard ; D.J . ins . va .

16 L . JlI i lls, ( 1902.

(96) m h u kerpO yezrdndd avO valman ahardbO IIOID il zar ino

ash peddk in ih zan ishnO [a igash chdrak bard3 yem aleldn] .

(97) bard ansh dtd i’darvand i ‘ Sdstdr ’ m in i madam andah ishnO

(anddshnO read anddzishnO for andazishnO"

) ddd’

yekav i

m dnéd6

[m iIn a isha padash andahishn (S ic anddshn read

anddzishn“

(or‘anddzéd

’ or both) anddzishn anddzéd](98) amat kerpOyezrdndd avO valman i ' ° ahardbb“

hOm hOm

i ahar iIbO h i m i” zari nO vdsh"

peddk i n ih“

zan ih [a ighashchdrak bard vem a leldnb

‘ 9

] .

(99) bard aharm OkO‘ 6 9

i anahar i ibO i ahvdn m erench in iddr

aérpatOl gva dastObar m fin m in ishnO va

2 0

gObiShnOyehabdnedd2 1

1 M f .?om . i ( so). 9 D .J . ins . va .

3 D.J . ,D . and Pers . MS . ins . hard .

4 D . ins . i .D.J . , D . and Pers . MSS . om . ave, or the d a d of a false pl D .J . (or

M . ) seems sdstdr I D .J . has i before sdstdr .

9 These signs must be meant for an andaz ishn to correspond to the‘anddz ishn

’ of anddkh tano.

’It seems hardly fair to read the s igns

anddshan (sic ) as they stand, though the meaning ‘ a casting ’ seemscertain cp. also new Pers ian anddkhtan and anddza z

‘ throwing .

’Or

18 the ‘d’ of an ddshan (s ic) as in the case of adharm a(zd) and of the

S ign in yazadan ,

’ here a lso : ‘az

’in au harm azd az

‘d g iving usandazishn

’ for andazishn ? The Pars i - Pers . has andash n (for andahishn : see below). The Parsi - Pers . has (see below andah ishn andahéd (sic) (so with no trans lat ion D . marks the ‘d .

’

On e might think of an aOSh ishn as a solution for the word . but thefirst occurrence must mean , ‘ hurl ing ,

’

and be related to the Pers .

an ddkh tan .

’

7 So D .J . and the ParS i - Pers . ‘ddd others yehabi md.

9 No vacant space in M . ; D .J . has - O.

9 D . anddshn or andah ishno’

,s ic for andazishn (an ddzishn ).

D . J . has the characters andahéd (sic) but means , I th ink , andazéd foranddzéd.

7° D . ins . i D .J . decayed .

7 1 D .J . ,M . ins . an additional hOm here .

1 9 D . ins . h i m i here ; the Parsi - Pers . om D .J . is decayed here .

7“ D .J . , D . and Parsi - Pers . in s. v a va - ash , written vdsh in D .J .

7“ So M . D .J . and others zan ishno so Spiegel (not as7“ D . has 4 a ,

wh ich,however

,needs notice on ly for the stati stician ,

or spec ia l questioner as to the cur ious character wh ich i s reproducedas - O.

7“ So D .J . , D .- ko.

“7 D .J .,D . ins . i , and M . seems irregular, diff eri ng aga in from Spieg e l ;

seems a i a li ari lbo.

“9 D .J D . have no vacant space h ere nor has M .

1 9 SO D.J . , D .

90 D.J . ,D . ins . va not so the Pers . MS .

9 ' D . om .- O (S ic), but D .J . i ns . v a .

V ol . xxi ii . ] T he P ahla v i T ext of Y asna 17x . 49—1 03 . 1 7

va 1d pavan k ii n ishnd bard aydf dt’

[aighash kardak o 1d yehévfi

n édo m i ned va‘

yem aleldn édd’a igh vabddnam

"

va71d vab

ddnyén ] .

(100 ) m i i n kerpOyezrnndd avO valman i aharfibo hem e“ zar

ind vdsh"

peddk in ih zan ihl o

[aighash“chdrakO bard

( 10 1) bard j eh I"i“

ydtdkO”va

‘ “m iIdakO

”- karddr .

”

[a igh m indavam tapdh] vabdi i nyen madam pandh ih b i u'ddr

[a igh pandh ih v inds- kdrdnd vabddnyén] m I‘

In valman”0 rdi 2 0 m inishm O f rdzO

" ch ig im abr m ii n vdtO- Sh iIOk -

g itn” ‘ so ;

or read shdtdk -

gdn).

D.J . aydf ed so the Parsi - Pers .9 D . seems k ir f ako (so), and a lso the Pers . MS ; but Ner . g ives nosign D . ins. i bef ore 1d .

9 D.J .

9 D .? ins . v a . M f .

D.J . , vabddnam so M . and and the Parsi - Pers . ; om . Sp. m ii n .

7 So K .

“(Sp. ) in the erroneous m i m .

9 D . ? ins . i . , and D.J . ins . i after ahari ibo.

9“ D.J . om . i after hOm ;

M 9 ins .9 D . ash . , om . v

So M . (N . B . ) zan i h : not zan ishn D .J . and others zan ishno.

7“ D.J . . D . a ighash z, K .

“(Sp. ) om . ash .

‘9 So D .J .

“9 SO D.J . , D . seem : K .

“ Sp. ) would seem j ého i, but D.J . ins . a

va ,

’

Sp.

’

s apparent - 6 m ay be va . We m ay suspect D.J . to be j éh - I i si t j ehih ?

D.J . om . I'

, but m ay have va but D . seems jeh - I i .’

7“ So D.J . , D .

7“ D.J . . D . va’ for ‘ i .

’

“7 So D.J . , D . according to the g loss , wh ich , however , m ay have beenlater and erroneous see Ner. ’s m andatvam ,

’ the g loss being brough tinto harmony by the negative . Fol low ing th i s , we shou ld understandthe form to be a correct Pahlav i reproduction for the root - form of theZend word m aodhano.

’In that case we might i ntroduce a 1d on the

authority of Ner .’s ‘na but i t is the more rationa l to accept the Pah

lavi word in an ev i l sense just here , l ike i ts orig ina l : see the secondg l . The Pers . MS . translates khardb - kardar ; and the Pah lav i PazandC l . understands the same .

“9 D.J. seems m indavam ich or - a f was it an awkward m indavam - I ,

so D.J . might seem to some to be tapdh - I .

“9 D . om . i . 9° 8 0 D. ; D.J . , K .

“(Sp. ) due or ave, om . tdi .

9‘ 80 M . and D.J . , D ; D.J . a lso i ns . Spiege l' s form pii ha l seems

improbable in v iew of the orig ina l text ; see al so Ner . who g ives noS ign in that di rection the Parsi - Pers . has f rdz prav inéd (text).

99 One mig ht restore th is shattered word on the mode l of Y . xi x . 8,

and the orig ina l Zend , as sh iItak -

g ii n ; Ner.’s ‘

sdrita ti i shows that aPahlav i form of the Zend word must be meant . S trict ly the word atVOL . XXI II. 2

1 8 L . 111 1118,T he T ext of Y osm r ix . 49—103 . [1902

( 102) m I'

In amato kerpO yazrdnddO a vO2 valman ahar iIbO hdm

i zar ino ash ‘ pcddk i n ih zan ishnO"

[a igh ash“

chdrak" bard yem ale

111 11]( 103) amat m in

"valm anshdn kerpO bard

7

yezrdndd8

avO val

man i"ahar iIbO h i m i zarinO

‘ 0 ash peddk i n ih zan ishnO, [a igh

chdrakO“ bard yem aleldn

‘

fl.

Y . x ix . 8 i s ‘Sdtak ,

’ so the Pers . MS ., but the Pahl . letter for 3 some

t imes replaces one for sh . D .J . has what m ight be deciphered ‘va

sh iIOk -

gi m (or - k ino S ic), see Sh ii tem but w ith a consonant labia l weShould read v a Shak -

g i in ; D . has v a savodo (s ic) v id ? or silodO),

the ‘d’ marked for savoko M f . seems Suoko (sic) or savoko ( sic). The

Parsi - Pers . has vdtO siti . A s ide from the orig inal , one might read theMS . shud i . It translates hdd Si l i . Al l obviously aim to im itate thesh ittem of the orig inal .

9 So D .J . ,D . , and Pars i - Pers . MS .

9 D . om . avo not so the ParS i - Pers . MS .

3 D .J . ins . va (or - O D . om .

4 So D . ; D .J . seems to ins . va before pedSo D .J .

9 D . om . min v alm an shdn’

; Ner . has asya .

7 D . ins . bard after k erpo ; Pers . MS . has zak i n its Pahl . text ; om .

the rest .9 M f .?has avO D . om . i ; see the other places .9 D . ins . i .70 D . om . v of vdsh , or vash .

’

‘1 So D .

“9 D .J . does not report th i s needless 103 .

T he T ext of an A rcha ic T ablet i n the E . A . Hof m an Collection .

—B v E LL E N S E T ON OGDE N,of N ew Y ork .

IN the Spring of 1 90 1 , whi le a student in Semi t i cs at BrynMawr Col leg e , my attent ion was call ed by a footnote i n D r .

Redan’

s‘

book , to a very archa i c Babylon ia n tablet i n the E . A .

Hoffman col l ect ion i n the General Th eolog i cal Seminary , New

Y o rk ( Ity . By the k i nd pe rmi ssion o f the “ ca n,the V erv

R ev . E . A . Ho ffman , a copy w as made ; and as s ubseq uen t studvl Rev . Hugo Ra dau ; E a rly Babylon ia n H istory.

p. 12, note 1 , and

Appendix . p . 321 .

20 E . S . Ogden ,T he T ext of an A rcha ic T ablet. [ 1902

oi the i nscrip tion has shown i t to be of except ional ant i qui tyand interest , the accompanying tex t i s o ff ered as a smal l contribu tion to th e materia l for th i s period .

The tablet,whi ch

,with five others

,was purchased in 1898

by D ean Ho ff man,i n P ari s

,and whi ch form s part of a larger

col lect ion obta i ned i n 1 896 , i s of smooth black stone , 3% by 3%i n . i n s i ze , with convex sides , S lop ing from 1V8 i n . at th e centerto on the flat edges . Th e signs are clearly and strongly cutand the tablet itself i n a perfect state of preservati on . In the

lower r igh t hand case the bases of the signs are carried downover the edges , as though there were not room above .

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Vol . xx i ii . ] I n teiyn'

eta tion of the A rcha ic T ablet. 23

i nterest to Babylon ian palaeography as wel l a s to h istOIy that Iventure to publ i sh m y version of i t i n connecti on with Mi ssOgden ’s text

,and to cal l atten t ion to some of i t s most important.

palaeog raphi cal contribut ions to our knowledge . Unfortunately,

the s ign which designate s the local i ty from wh i ch i t comes Iam unab l e to ident i fy . The writ ing shows the document to beo lder than the Blau monuments

,but lat er than the archa i c

i n script ions pub l i shed last vear by Fath er Scheil i n h i s T extese

'

la m ites - sém itiqu es and the If ecueil ( lo tra va ux .

* Transc ribed

i nto the later A ssyrian character i t appears as 0 11 th e oppos itepage .

It reads th usI . l . IIIMV GANA DUK

'- KA

°DINGIR KI ‘ LAG “

2 . SAL - LAL9

- T UR7

II . 1 . IIIMV ICL UR I9

- N I- A SIG LIK - A

2 . IIIMV ICL GAL P I N E R - A DA‘ °

- KU CUR DIM

M E NA BABBAR N IN - A T AB BAR (UMUN)II I . 1 . IIIMV IC E BABBAR LUG AB T AB BAR

2 . 11111m IG I"

KUR IR DU“

BAD LIK - A

GAR - A

3 G IR” SAG

I . e . ,I . 1 .

“ 30 05 Bur of a fi eld of clay,to the god presented

2 . Sa l la ltu r . II . 1 . 36050 cubit s on i t s Akkadward s ide , the

lower (s ide), from the beg i nn ing ; 2 . 36050 cubi ts runn i ng along

the breadth of th e z igg u rat of Shamash , th e lady who poursforth brightness ; III . 1 . 36000 cubi ts (to) th e t empl e of Shamash

,the messenger of Ab , who pours fo rth b righ tness , ( i . e .

S in) ; 2 . 36050 cubit s before th e mountai n un to the abode ofIshtar to th e beg i nn i ng ; fo r mak i ng brick . 3 . Mav he give

streng th , m ay he bless .

”

NOTE S .

“ Th is s ign , wri tten was identified by T hu reau - Dang in , S upplem ent, NO . It i s clearly a s imple p ic ture of an antique c laypot , orig ina l ly in an upright pos i tion simi lar to tha t wh ich i spic tu red twice i n the archaic inscription publ ished by Father Schei l inh is Tex les elam i tes- sém i tiques , p. 180 , and i n the Recuei l dc tra va ux ,

7’ One of them was repeated in the Jo urna l of the A m er ica n Or ienta lSoc iety, xxii , 126 if .

“

24 G . A . B a rton, [1902 .

vol . xx ii . p . 149 if , and which I reproduced in JAGS . , vol . xx i i , p . 126fi .

Ba l l , PSBA vol . x i i i , p . 374 , had conjectured from the form whichthi s sign assumes in the inscriptions of Gudea , that it was composed oftwo e lements . C1 . a vessel , and W , water . That view is now no

longer defensible .

The sign in later Babylon ian a lways stands for pot (see B ru nn ow‘

s

List, No . but pots were made of c lay in the early times . Indeed ,

c lay must have been employed for that long before it was employedfor tablet writing , and in that early period it would be natura l i n wr iting to use the sign to designate a clay bed , or field of c lay . The context ind icates that that i s the case in th is tablet .

9 This sign ,T hu reau - Dang in , S upp lem ent. No . compares to

x M iss Ogden first suggested the ident ificat ion with v4 which I

bel ieve to be correct . 9 7 is afterward written 3 (T hu reau - Dan

g in’s T ex tes cha lde

’

ens i nedi ts, No . 3 , II , and (Man ishtu - irba .

S tele , Face A , xii i , and (G udea , B . i . From th is latterform it is easy to see how the neo - Babylon ian and A ssyrian formsare derived . QA usual ly i s the ideogram for a measure , which wasthe fract iona l part of a GUR or ta lent. Our tablet shows that thesign was orig inal ly the picture of a smal l vessel , wh ich was, no doubt ,u sed as a measure , and which was formed with a rounding bottom soa s to be easi ly he ld in or on the palm of the hand , thu s V T he s ignseems to be here a phonet ic complement . It is of interest to note howearly the use of phonet ic complements began . One occurs on the B laumonument B . l . 2 (cf . JAGS . vol . xx i i , p .

3 On this sign I am as yet able to obtain no l ight .4 The form of th is sign i s as archa ic as any form of it yet d iscovered ,

ex cept the form in wh ich i t appears on the tablet of Father Schei lreferred to in n . 1 . It indicates that th is text is younger than that .

5 C f . Dang in’

s Récherches S up , No . 419 . Del itzsch correctly explainsits orig in , Urspru ng der K ei lschrzf tzeiichen ,

168 fi’.

6 The ident ificat ion of this sign is somewhat uncerta in . Its form ,

M ,resembles somewhat .

‘

o' the form in which Gudea , (col .

A,xv i ii

,writes eta! 1 have w ith some hesitation identified i t

with that sign ,wh ich has i n Sumerian the value LAL , and the mean

ings , honey ” and good .

” W ith this same sign I have a lso identified4 7 ,

wh ich occurs on B lau monument A , Rev . , 1. 2 (cf . JAGS . ,vol .

xxi i , pp . 119 , 120 , an d 122. n . Was not the form of i t in our present text a ru de picture of a bee entering a hive , and the form on theB lau monument a variant , in wh ich the h ive is om itted , but the stingadded ?

7 Th is s ign , 4 1-16 , T hu reau - Dang in correct ly ident ified in R . S up

44 . Del itzsch’s view of the orig i n is confirmed. It is the picture of a

court plus the motive for g reat .9 Th is s ign ,fi ' T hu reau - Dang in does not ident ify (cf . h is S up

plém ent,No . He wavers between two or three possibi l ities . I

Vol . xx ii i . ) I u tm '

pretu tion of t/w. A rcha i c Y i lblet. 25

tentatively identi fy it w ith Gudea (Dangin’s

Recherches. No . and w i th the sign g , wh ich occurs in

de Sarzec- Hen zey’

s Découvertes. pl . 1h“ ,in two or three different con

nections. has the meaning “ Akkad ,

” wh ich suits the connection in the tablet before us , and “ Urtu ,” a kind of plant , wh ichsati sfies the mean ing in the various connections in which the signoccurs in the Déco uvertes. I would suggest that the sign in theform on th is tablet is intended for a picture of the leaf of some plant ,that it orig inal ly represented the plant , and that it was appl ied toAkkad because that plant g rew there in abundance .

9 This sign is thus identified by T hu reau - Dang i n (S up , No . I

in terpret it by Br i’

m now , L ist, No . 1 1259.

W This sign , was identified by T hu reau- Dang in (S up ,

It is ev idently the picture of a hand w i th the thumb turned in . H i l

precht (OBL , pt . i i , p . 40) and Del itzsch (Urspru ng der K ei lschrif tzeichen ) regard the sign as the picture of an arm . That was ev ident lya later form of the sign , or possibly a var iant of the one before us .That it was simply the picture of a hand in early times the sign beforeus proves . Here it is the right hand . In some cases it m ay have beenth e left hand RE D, i n wh ich cases it would approx imate c lose ly i nform to the picture of a wing \&D ) in B lau monument B . Th is confirms m y identification of that sign as a variant of the s ign for hand(JAGS xxi i

,124, n .

Th is sign , L _ _ occurs a lso on B lau monument B . I was able ,from its connection in the tablet now under d iscuss ion , to identi fy it ,when at work on the B lau text , w ith t; v? (cf . JAGS . , vol . xx i i ,p . 124 , n . the latter occurring in Lu ga lzagg isi as L. (cf. OBI . , 87 ,

I . Our sign g ives the latter in a more curved and archaic form .

T he first element is the sign for “ two ,” and represented the conceptdoubl ing or “ increasing ; making abundant ” (c f . Del i tzsch ,

Urspr i m g der Kei lschrif tzeichen ,p . 47

,The second e lement

represented the concept side ,” or that wh ich is seen (Del itzsch . op .

ci t. , p . and natural ly came to express in connection w i th a beaven ly body , d isc ,” and then “ bri l l iance .

”In our text th is s ign is used

to describe fi rst the sun . and then the moon . There can , I think , he nodoubt bu t that the identification i s righ t .The group of sign s wh ich beg ins at th i s poin t is most puzz l ing ,

and m y rendering i s tentative ly put forward w i th much hes itation . I

have puzzled much over what constitutes the fi rst sign . Is the l ine atth i s po int a case - div ider . or is it , l ike the basa l l ine 0 1m i n col .I , a port ion of a sign wh ich might be easi ly mistaken for a case - div ider? A fter much hesitation th is seems to me the more probable v iew .

In that case the first sign is L . . Bu t what can th is mean ? May

26 G . A . B a rton, ( 1902 .

i t not be a variant form of C wh ich a lexicograph ica l tablet published in the Cuneif orm Texts f rom Babylon ian T ablets i n the B ri tish

M useum . pt . v (No. 81—7—27, defines as i f? " I tentativ ely so takeit . 4 stands for “

eye ,

” “ face . etc . , and seems in our tablet tohave the meaning of “ before .

‘Tb i s written in Découvertes, pl . 1b“ , In the form 0 and hasusua l ly been regarded as the picture of an eye . So Oppert, E xpedi tionen Mesopota m ic, i i , 64 , Del i tzsch , 0p . cit. , 1 11 , and Bal l , PSBA . , xi i i ,96 . Probably the sign did orig inate i n attempts to picture the eye , butas in some cases (cf . JAGS . , xxi i , 125 , “ addition to n . it wasrepresented in the earl iest writ ing by vari ous p ictog raphs . 0 pictures the eye in one way, 6 in another . Perhaps the latter wasconceived as representing the way in wh ich a ray of l ight strikes theeye . Ou r sign , C m ay have been intended to represent the archof the eye and the l ine of the nose , and was probably not i ntended inthe first instance to represent the eye , bu t the face , an d so would natu ral ly mean “ before .

”As the p icture for eye was afterward used in

the same mean ing , it would be natura l for it to supersede the other .13 This sign , I take to be an older form of (3? (cf . T hu reau

Dangin’s Recherches, No . wh ich appears i n later Babylon ian and

A ssyr ian as by? S c 260 ff . cal ls i t a gu nu of tr: (old Babylon ian

p and Del itzsch (op . ci t. , 68) is probably r ight in accepting th isas the explanation of the or ig in of 5? He is also r ight (ibid . ,

p . 69 )

in the view that P is a p icture of a peg or post . A log or tree wasrepresented by CD ( later bf and the log sharpened so as to stickin the ground represented the idea of “ bui lding ,

” “ mak ing ,

” or“ do in g , and the gunu of it , the idea of doing these th ings w ith energyor despatch . From this the sign came to represent rap id mot iontoward a th ing , and then as a post - position to have the mean ing“ unto , the mean ing which i t has in our inscription . Kent has su ggested (AJSL . , vol . x i ii , 299 If . ) that the gnnu signs were orig inal ly thepicture of a hand . It is a suggestion which has much in its favor , bu tthe form i n which the sign occurs in our tablet g ives the suggestion ofthe hand by five dots , which represent the five fingers .

‘4 This sign , i s written on tablet y (cf . T hu reau - Dang in’s

Supplem en t, No . The French savant has not ident ified it . I

take it to be an older form of 4 later ( fa (cf . T hu reau - Dang in’

s

Récherches, No . It s ignified “ mound ,

” “ abode ,” etc . Del itzsch(Ursprung der Kei lschr if tzeichen ,

90 111 , and 156) explains the orig in ofthis sign from the form which is used by deriving it fromAW

“ court , plus the gunu signs . Perhaps Babylonian scr ibesunderstood it in this manner , but it seems c lear to me that in thesig n before us we have the d iagram of a mound , dotted w ith dwel l i ng s .

V ol . xxi i i . ] I n terpreta tion. of the A rcha ic T ablet. 27

15 Th i s sign , t fi I take to be an older form of M later

m (cf. Thu reau - Dang in’

s Récherc/ws, No. mean i ng “ bricks,

”

or “ to make bricks .

” These signs were once , as is wel l recogn ized ,

written perpend icu larly . Th i s very tablet was , perhaps , held i n read

ing so that this sign wou It was , I th ink , intended to

represent the arch of a brick ki ln with the smoke from the k i ln risingabove . In the later form the smoke i s omitted and part of anotherarch added .

Th is sign is very puzz ling . Its form was apparent ly a pic

ture of the neck and head of an ass , probably the orig ina l of the later

wh ich sti l l later became b k Del itzsch has ca l led

attention (op . cit. , 146—149) to the fact that in the period between Lu ga lzaggisi and Gudea there is quite a series of s igns wh ich are a lmostidenti ca l i n form . Thus , in add it ion to the sign a lready g iven , we have

equ ivalent to Q“ foot (cf . Dang in , Reche rches, No .

and in Man ishtu - irba and Alu - u sharshid0

57 , equa l to

(m (cf . Scheil ’s T extes ela m i tes- sém i tiques, pl . 1 , col . I . 3 . 8 , and

OB I . , Nos . 5 and “ k is.

” Now Del i tzsch finds the key to th is groupof signs in Q , a hypothetical g round—form of “ k is,

” wh ich does

indeed approach the formW , wh ich the sign assumes as late as

Gudea . Del itzsch explains th is as the “ Urm otive 0 wh ich desig

nated “ mass , plus the gunu signs . Th is g ives h im the mean ing k issa tu ,

“ host ,” from wh ich he th inks the sign came to s igni fystreng th .

”He further th inks ( E was simply a variant of

{E and was appl ied to the feet because of their strength . S imi lar lyhe derives E YE from LE plus ti staff , assum ing , apparently ,

that every ass had to be kicked and beaten . Now the scribes of a latertime m ay have reasoned thus , and Del itzsch i s possibly right in h isexplanation of$3. but as for the rest h is explanation i s too abstract

to correspond to primitive ideas . the ancestor of the s ign

6’

was , I bel ieve , right ly explained by Houghton as long ago as 1878

( T SBA , vol . v i , 470 if . ) as orig ina l ly a p icture of the human foot w i tha sanda l bound around the ank le . The sanda l distingu ished i t from

[S b f , which sign ified “ stand ,

" “

go , etc . Th is s ign might in

time come to represent “ strength and the verb “ to be strong .

"

The sign 99' is , I be l ieve , a l inea l descendant of the sign on the

E10 6man tablet , wh ich was origina l ly the picture of the head and neck

28 B a rton,I n teipreta tion of the A rcha ic T ablet. [ 1902

o f an ass . That . too , would natura l ly be used to represent the idea , tobe strong . Later. when the picture - writing had g iven way to l inearwriting , the forms of these three signs so nearly approx imated oneanother that the ir funct ions were somewhat confused : hence the sign forfoot " displaced the sign for “ ass as a means of express ing the ideaof strength On the confusion of one of these signs w ith st i l l anotherduring this period . cf . T hu reau - Dang in , S upplem ent, pp . 1 1 - 15 . Th isd iscussion will explain m y reason s for the interpretation of the s ign .

T he reason for translat ing this last case as a prayer i s that the in script ion of Lu ga lzagg isi (OB I . , No . inscription B . of Gudea , and thoseof many later k ing s have sim i lar conc lusions .

Th is last sign , orig inal ly written in an uprigh t positi on ,

ev idently the picture of the top of a pa lm tree The sign for pa lm tree

in the time of Lu ga lzaggisi was Del itzsch explains th isL_.

latter form as composed of three elements , “1: S ig ,

“ favor ;M w ,

“Open ,” ‘ cdistribu te , and g

“ people ; the

whole meaning , the tree which g ives blessm gs to people (of . op . ci t. ,

144 f f ). Bal l , on the other hand ,regards the sign as the branch of a

date palm to which a cone , such as are so often pictured on the monuments in the hands of winged beings , is being applied (cf. PSBA . , xvi ,

I was i nc l ined , unti l w ith in the last few weeks , to th ink De l itzschright (c f. m y S em i tic Or i gins, but h is v iew seems to me now tooabstract , and Ba l l ’s seems preferable . It i s c lear , however , that , asnoted i n at least three other cases , there was a strugg le between twodi f ferent forms in the early writing , one of wh ich final ly displaced theother . The ear l ier form was the picture of a palm tree

,such as we

have on the Hoff man tablet ; the later represented the act of artificia lferti l ization of the palm . A s I have shown in the Sem i tic Orig ins thatthe art ific ia l fert il ization of the date palm was of Semitic orig in , i t follows that the picture of the palm wh i ch we have here is probably ofSumerian orig in , while the variant form , which represented the ferti l ization , and which final ly displaced the other , i s of Semit ic orig in . I

therefore ident ify the sign w ith g ram? and interpret it as No . 7290

of B riin now ’s L i st.

In concl usion it should he remarked that the study of such inscript ions as this and the B lau monuments makes it evident that the nearerwe push back to the beg innings of Babylon ian writing the greater isthe variety of s ign - forms upon which we come . As long as the signwas a picture of an object the p icture migh t be varied at the fancy ofthe scribe . When the pictures became conventional ized ,

there was aperiod of strugg le between the various forms of the signs whichresulted in the survival of the fittest .

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30 C. 11. T oy [ 1902

and th e i r deta i l s need not be repeated here . I w i sh to cal l attent ion to one or two errors i nto wh i ch

,as i t seems to me

,Mr . Lang

has fallen in the i nt erpretat ion of h is evidence .

One prel im inary remark may be made . It has been said byeminent authorit i es that early rel ig ion has no connect ion withmora l s . Th i s statement may mean that early m ora l s are verylow

,or that early gods tak e no accoun t of th e conduct of m en ;

th e former of these proposi t ion s i s to be taken with a “ dis

t i ng a o ,” th e latter i s contrary to much that we know of early

peoples . As to the fi rst,i t i s general ly h eld (and i t i s admitted

by Mr . Lang) that the moral character of a god i s that of h i sworsh ipers

,so that from th e eth i cal attr ibutes of a de ity we may

infer the eth i cal ideas of th e commun ity at th e t ime when th eseattributes are ascribed to th e dei ty ; i f h e be though t of as aperson

,he must have some sort of moral character

,and th i s

must be i ncluded i n the rel ig ion of the t ime . As to the second

proposi t ion,i t i s difiicu lt

,from pauc ity of data

,to bri ng con

v incing ev idence on one s ide or the oth er . Even th e remarkably ful l and cl ear descript ion of th e Cen tra l Austral ians g ivenby Messrs . Spencer and G i l len leaves much unexpla ined . Thesetribes do not appear to connect conduct with any superh um anbeing ; but , on the one hand, they seem to have no rel ig ionworsh ip of any k i nd

,and i ndeed no gods ; and , on th e other

hand,th ey have a defin i te system of moral conduct

,so that

,i f

they have gods , we cannot say that th ese do not tak e accoun tof moral conduct . The quest ion i s wel l i l lustrated by the OldTestament records : i f we look ed only at th e denunciat ion s ofthe peopl e by the proph ets

,we migh t concl ude that the Israel i t

i sh rel ig ion of the t ime was qu ite divorced from moral i ty,that

th e Y ahweh of th e popular fa ith cared for noth ing but hi s per

q u isites of sacrifice ; yet we can hardly suppose th i s poss ible ofa community that produced the prophets and th e legal codes .

find general ly i n savage peoples that th e m arriage laws

(wh i ch are usual ly stri ct) are under th e protect ion of th e gods .

As far as the ev idence goes , i t cannot be said that th e gods everstand aloof from moral i ty as i t i s understood i n th e i r communit ies .

1 Th e question of th e sort of moral i ty i n vogue in any

g iven place and t ime i s one of prime importance .

1 O f the two sorts of service offered to the gods , the r itual and th emoral , the former i s apt to be more in evidence the latter m ay easi lybe overlooked by the observer .

Vol . xxi ii . ] Crea tor Gods. 31

Mr . Lang has col lected a la rg e mass of material going to showthat m anv earlv creator gods are moral ly pure and h igh . He ha som itted certa i n oth er material that look s In a di fferent di rect ion

,

but there i s an element of truth i n what he says : we do find

good ethical ideas and customs i n low t ribes . h e fa i l s t o

g ive due weight to i s that th i s e th ical elemen t , embodied i n th eperson of the god ,

represent s noth ing more than the s impl e

k i ndly inst inct s and social necessi t ie s of all commun it i es . Man

i s born w ith certa i n impul ses of sympathy ,whi ch he shares to

some extent with the lower an imals . These impulses,when not

counterbala nced bv the selfi sh i n sti nct , l ead h im to t reat h i sfel low - man or fel low - an imal wi th k indness . The wel l - known

story of Mungo P ark i s a good i l l ustrat ion of natural sympathy .

Savage man i s free from some of the compl i cat ions of c iv i l i zedl i fe— from the selfi sh impul ses ari s ing from the accumulat ion of

personal property and from the i nnumerable obl igat ion s springing from multipl i ed rela t ions wi th fel low - men . Th i s simpl i c i tyof savage l i fe g ives i t such an ai r of i nnocence that some phi losophers have held that c iv i l i za tion mean s decl en sion i n vi rtue .

That i s an unwarranted fancy,but doubtless the simple v i rtues

ex i st among savag es . l Further,as soon as soc iety i s organi zed ,

some rules respect ing regard fo r l i fe and property must be establ ished . It i s not strange that Mr . Lang ’s savages should have law s

agai n st murder,theft and i n fringemen t of marriage rights , and

that the gods should be the g uardian s of the laws . And th i s i sal l that i s i nvo lved i n h i s con tent ion regarding early moralc reato rs . T hev embody the curren t moral i ty

,and that repre

sen ts the natural impulses o f human being s . It m ay be added

that the eternal ’ character tha t he ascribes to earlv god s i s o fan equal ly simpl e nat ure . On thi s po i n t the statemen ts ofsavag e theolog y are often vag ue : the creator m ay have had abeg inn i ng or he m ay not . he i s conce ived o f a s with outbeg i nn ing ,

thi s i s due to the necessi t y o f having some fixedpo i n t o f start i ng . It. i s th e n egat ion o f beg i nn ing and no t thea ffi rmati on o f etern i ty . It i s im po ssi b l e to g o back a nd back

Th i s remains true after the abstraction of probable or poss ible influence from contact w ith wh i tes .

See , for example . the precepts of the Kurmai god . g iven by How i tt ,i n Journ . An thr . Inst , 1885, p . 8 13 .

32 C. 11 . T oy, [1902.

for ever— one must pause somewhere .

‘ How a g iven tribe cameto fix on a certai n person as th e orig inator of the world , wecannot say ; any such determinat ion has been preceded by a

long period of wh ich no records ex i st,and th e concept ion of

the creator i s doubtless a relat ively late ach i evement .The view that the an imi st i c cu l t has i nduced degenerat ion

appears to rest on a confusion of ideas . S i n ce th e moral i ty ofth e rel ig ion of any period i s the moral i ty of th e commun i ty ofthe period

,decadence i n th e i st i c concept ion s must mean deca

dence of soc iety ; but th e theory of a un iversal soc ial deg enerat ion wi l l hardly find favor even w i th Mr . Lang . Though i t i sfar from being proved that mythology i s a product of an imist i cbel i ef

,i t i s true that the moral ity assumed i n early myths (and

i n later ones as wel l) i s often i nferior to that ascribed to th e

g reat gods . Theology and mythology represent , to a certai nexten t

,two di st i nct l i nes of thought , two currents , as Mr . Lang

wel l puts it,flowing tog eth er th rough rel ig ion . Theology deal s

with th e conduct of l i fe,mythology with the construct ion of

th e world and of soci e ty . For th i s reason the latter permit s theplay of popular fancy to an extent not general ly possible i n th eformer . Mythology i s not rel ig ion but sc i ence— a di st i n ct ion

that Mr . Lang fa i l s to mak e . W hen men approach the gods i nworsh ip

,th ey th i nk of th em as th e guardian s of the ex i st ing

soc ial laws ; wh en they undertak e to account for th e origi n ofth i ng s , th ey are unrestra i ned by moral law ,

and may g ive loose

re i n to the baser side of h uman nature . It i s the di fferencebetween deal ing with th e present , for wh ich men feel respons ible

,and deal i ng with the past , for whi ch th ey do not feel

respon sible . One example i s found among the Central Au s

tral ian s,whose stories of the ancestors (creators and social

constructors) set at naught al l th e eth i cal customs that th epeople now ob serve wi th the utmost str i ctness . An example

of a sl ightly di fferent character i s furn i sh ed by th e exterminat ion law of Deuteronomy (ch . and Joshua (chs . 6

wh i ch has i n mind a former van i shed si tuat ion,and would

probably have been impossible for the end of the seventh

Th is doubtless i s the sign ification of the Centra l Austral ian Ungambiku la ,

“ out of noth ing ” (Spencer and G i l len , Cen tra l A ustra lia ,p .

not , however , exactly “ sel f - ex isting , as Mr . Lang renders it(Maki ng of Religion ,

p . xx i).

Vol . xx ii i . ] Crea tor Gads . 33

century B . C . i n the k i ngdom of Judah . the Israel ite si n the t ime of the conquest actual ly did to the Canaan i tes was

far more humane than the pol i cy ascribed by the later wri ters toY ahweh ; but we should not cal l th i s a proof of eth i ca l degencrat ion .

There i s,however

,another considerat ion

,which has bee n

wel l stated by Mr . Lang himsel f .

‘ Myths often conta in express ion s of early usages and ideas that are condemned by a laterage . Cann ibal gods , for example , had thei r origi n i n a cann iba lsoc iety

,and polyandrous goddesses i n a polyandrous soc iety .

“

S tori es of thi s sort cont in ue for a long t ime to stand side bys ide with elevated concept ion s of the character of the gods ; theexamples are too well known to need ci tat ion . Here

,aga in

,

we have not degenerat ion,but rather the oppos ite . It i s the

an tagon i sm between the more advanced and the more backwardci rc les of the commun ity ; an antagon i sm that ex ists

,so far as

we k now,everywhere and at al l t imes . Some port ion of the

moral ly low mythi cal material reflects the usages of a formert ime . W e cannot say which of the two l i ne s of thought

,the

rel igious and the myth ical,was the earl i er . P robably they

began at the same t ime ; the wi sh to account for the world wasprobably coeval with the impulse to enter i nto relat ion s wi ththe superhuman powers . 3 The fact suggests another poi nt thatMr . La ng appears not to have had in m i nd . He has observed

that in some cases,among savage tribes

,moral ly low storie s

occur i n conj unct ion wi th moral ly h igh concepti on s of de i t i e s,

and in these case s h i s explanat ion i s degenerat i on . But thesame fac t appears i n Homer

,and the explanat i on i s probably

the same i n the two cases . In Homer we easi ly recogn i ze afa i rly h igh moral con cept ion with a background of low myths

,

and we assume that the Homeri c period was preceded by a longperi od of barbari sm . W e have probably to assume a s imi larcondit ion i n the savage hi story known to us . But M r . Langappears to take i t for granted that Daram u lun

,Baiame

,and the

rest are prim i t i ve,and he canno t account for thei r moral eleva

In the first edition of his Myth , Ritua l a nd Rel igion .

9 See Barton , Sem i tic Orig ins. ch . 2 .

There are facts that appear to mi l i tate against th is v iew . The question is too la rge to be di scussed here .

VOL . xxm . 3

34 c. H . T og , 11902 .

t ion except by th e supposi t ion of a primi t ive eth i cal i ntu i t i oni n th e human soul . Now

,from the point of v iew of th ei sm

,

human nature i s a divine revelat ion,and h uman though t a

div i ne in tu i t ion,and so far he i s right ; but he apparen tly

wish es to see i n high savage moral i ty a ful l - g rown intu i t ioni ndependent of the ord i nary processes of h uman growth . His

hy pothesi s i nvolves th e supposi t ion of a ful l - g rown soc ia l order ,s i nce the eth i cal laws to wh i ch he refers relate main ly to th econst i tut ion of soc iety . He forgets that a hundred mi l lenn iumsof human experi ence l i e beh i nd th e gods of the lowest tribes weknow . In th i s space of t ime there i s room for any developmen tthat we can concei ve

,and there i s a poss ibl e explanat ion of th e

eth i cal differences between mythology and rel igion .

In another poi nt Mr . Lang’s concept i on of rel igious h i story

seems to be not wel l though t out . In th e fi rst place,he i s

under a m i sconcep t i on i n supposi ng that he stands alone i n the

v iew that a god i s not necessar i ly a development out of a

ghost or a beast , but may have been original ly though t of as aman - l ik e being ; others have held th i s v i ew .

1 Thus he spends

much time i n assa i l i ng a posit i on that i s by no means the re igni ng one

,and he seems to suppose that i n refut i ng i t he i s over

throwing the argument for a gradual development of the ideaof a god . He mak es the mi stak e of parcel l ing off the genealo

g i e s of superh uman bei ngs too sharply . Al l sp i r i t s,according

to h im,come from ghosts

,and al l h igh gods from man ’s primi

t i ve i ntuit i on of an exalted person who i s creator and father .

But,with our ignorance of early human h i story

,i t i s imposs ible

to rest i n th i s smooth and simpl e divi s ion . If we had recordsof savage h i story for some thousands or myriads of years , wemight venture to frame a defin ite th eory of theogony ; as a matter of f act

,our k nowledge of th i s h i story extends over only two

hundred or three hundred years at most,and even i n th is short

space i t i s most meag re . Moreover,such knowledge as we have

of the h i story of human ideas and customs l eads us to supposethat every idea or custom i s complex

,and has reached its ex i st ing

form by th e convergence of m any l i nes of thought and experi

ment . I t i s not possibl e to say whether man began by deifyi ngbeasts or inan imate obj ects or human beings or ghosts or by

1 Among them Mr . Hartland .

Vol . xx i i i . ] Crea tor Gods . 35

imag i n ing great superh uman man - l ike be ings a s the authors of al l

th ing s . There are fact s that may be adduced i n favor of al lthese hypotheses . \Vho can tel l by what devious route s early manreached wel l - defined concept ion s of the unseen P owers ? W e

have to content ourselves w ith chron icl i ng the earl i e st facts wecan find

,and awai t i ng the di scovery of new facts tha t may

th row light on the problem .

Mr . Lang attaches great importance to the fact tha t i n manycases the “ h igh gods

” of savages are not approached withsacrifices and o ff eri ngs

,and

,as he think s

,were never so wor

sh iped . Such prop i t iat ion was reserved , he holds , for the

u ndi gn ified greedy sp i ri t s of ancestors and simi lar i nferiorsupernatural be ings . It i s possible that certa i n gods hav e neverbeen m ol lified by gift s or import un

‘

ed for bless i ngs ; but i n thenature of the case i t i s impossible for us to determine whethe ror not thi s i s true . The memory of savages reaches back to noremote period

,and what the original custom was they cannot

tel l . Poss ibly many anc ien t gods shared the fortunes of theZul u Unku lunku lu

,

‘ who l ived so long ago that the recol l ect ionof h im had become dim

,and the people ’s i nterest turned to thei r

ancestral ghosts . W i th such changes i n popular cults we maycompare the Babylon ian and G reek success ion of div in e dynasti e s

,ia wh i ch the somewha t vague figures of Heaven and Earth

yield to nearer and more human de it i e s . And i n fact the savageSupreme Be ings

,described by Mr . Lang

,commonly dwel l i n

Heaven,and are more or less removed from the pass ion s and the.

aff a i rs of men . On the other hand,such creators or con strue

tors a s (according to Spencer and G i l len) the Centra l Austral ian srecogn ized were dec idedly human in thei r purposes

,plans and

modes of act ion , and ne i ther to them nor to the sp i r i ts of thedead were g i fts o ffered . These people seem to have no socia lrelat ion s proper with superhuman or extrahuman be ings ; theybel ieve tha t the i r world was made or shaped . by such be ings

,

but , fo r them selves , they are sat i sfied to l i ve the i r l i ve s withsuch soc ial regulat ion s a s have been devi sed by them i n thecourse o f ages . They are very nearly i n the posi t ion of certa in ci rcl es of our own t ime

,who hold that the wo rld was made

,

but see no advan tage i n enteri ng i nto relati on s wi th the maker .

As described i n Ca l laway’s Am azu lu .

36 0 . f l . T oy, [1902 .

In th i s case,as in many oth ers

,modern though t , by ph ilos0ph i

ca l reflect ion,has reach ed a concl usion not substant ial ly d iffer

ent from that held vaguely by savages . are unable to say

wheth er or not th e presen t creed of th ese Austral ian s has a lwaysbeen h eld by them . If they once pa id worship to the creatorancestors

,then some process has gone on i n the i r h i story of

wh ich we know noth i ng . If they have never pa id worsh ip,

th ey may represent an early sub - rel igious stage , possib ly ex i sting at some t ime everywhere , i n which no soc ial bonds un i tedman to the extrahuman powers whose ex i stence he vaguelyrecogni zed . Ou t of such unworsh iped powers may have come

,

i n th e course of t ime,the di st i n cter moral fig ures to whom no

worsh ip was o ff ered . It i s not improbable that there were di ff erent l i nes of development among di fferent savage tribes , j ustas there have been among c iv i l ized peoples . W e cannot explai n

how i t was that the Indians and th e Iran ian s,start i ng (as appar

ently th ey did) from the same body of bel iefs , followed diversepaths

,or how it was that both of these groups di ffered rel ig

iou sly so great ly from th e Chinese . There appear to be i n it ia la nd fundamental d i fferences between the various savage systemsof thought , and these , as wel l as thei r resemblances ( i n totemi sm ,

taboo,

must be studied .

In regard to the relati on,as to thei r orig i n s , between sp i ri t

and man - l ike gods , one obvious poi nt i s not always had i n mi nd .

There may be such gods that never were sp iri t s , but the ri se ofa god from a sp i r it i s by no means i nconce ivable . Mr . Langand oth ers somet imes speak of sp ir its as i f they were regardedby savages as immaterial . W e k now

,however

,that th ey are

supposed to have bodies,real

,though of a pecul iar character ,

not subj ect to the ordi nary laws of human bodies : th ey moverap idly th rough ai r or water or sol id earth

,may assume differ

ent shapes or become i nv i s ible,yet eat

,dri nk and sleep as

h uman be ings do . Now Ea,Indra

,Zeus and Y ahweh have j ust

such bodies,and

,so far as corporeal form i s concerned

,might

once have been Sp irits . Nor i s th ere any di fficu lty i n supposingthat out of a mass of spi ri t s one might i n t ime be clothed withmoral qual i t i es and supreme domin ion and i t i s not n ecessary

1 Professor Hopkins cal ls m y attention to the fact that the LordSpirit of Yoga ph i losophy is at first just such a being—a separate spirit ,mora l ly superior to other independent spirits .

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R em a rks on fire H ebrew T erri of .Be7z- S ira .

—By CRAW FORD

H . T or,P rofessor in Harvard Un ivers ity, Cam bridge,

Mass.

A BOUT two th i rds of th e Hebrew text of Ben - S i ra have now

been di scovered (most of chapters 3—16 , 30—32 , 35—51 , and partsof other chapters) enough to j ust i fy a provi s ional op in ion as toit s character . The heated di scussion s of the last five years

appear to have ceased,and a consensus of j udgment i s g radual ly

bei ng reached . The v i ew i s gai n ing ground that the fragmentsdi scovered represent a g en u ine Hebrew text , but a very corruptone— a text that has passed through many hands , has su ff ered avarietv of fortunes , and only to a l imited extent furth ers therecon struction of the orig i nal book .

1 The hypothesi s that theHebrew text

,as a whole

,i s a retranslat i on from th e Syriac or

from the Greek or from both th ese,can hardly be mainta i ned .

The Opposite v iew i s supported by the fol lowing facts : (1) In an umber of cases th e Hebrew i s obv iously i ndependent of th eVersion s

,

2and somet imes enables u s to expla i n the erroneous

reading s of the latter .

“

(2) W hi l e there i s often ag reementbetween th e Hebrew and one or both of th e Versions

,the ag ree

ment i s so i rregularly di stributed (th e Hebrew i ncl in ing now tothe G reek

,now to the Syriac

,i n th e same paragraph and even i n

th e same couplet), that to suppose th e scribe to be a translatorwould be to credi t him with a high ly improbable cathol ic ity orcapri c iousness

,or with a sti l l more improbable sp ir i t of criti cal

research . (3) In th e majori ty of passages the style has thequal it i e s of th e old aphori st i c l i terature— the condensat ion andthe curtness (somet imes approachi ng obscuri ty) of P roverbs and

Th is v iew is held by Neubauer , Cowley , Schechter , Taylor , Driver ,G . Margol iou th , Sm end , Bacher , Kon ig ,

I . Lev i , Noldeke , Schlatter ,Ryssel , Hou tsm a , Abrahams , E . N . Adler , Tyler , and others . On theoppos ite side are D . S . Margol iou th , and perhaps B ickel l , Gaster and

others .See , for example , 8 . 6 , 7 , 11 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 9 . 4 , 1 1 , 15 , I O . 5 , 7 , 10 , 17 ,

18 22, 1 1 . 28 .

A s in 1 8 . 32 f . ,1 9 . 1 , 2 0 . 6 , 36 . 26 .

Vol . xxi ii . ] T oy,T 116 If ebrezc T ext of B en - S im . 39

Koheleth— a l iterarv form that a late t ranslator would not bel ikely to attempt or to atta i n . (4) The vocabulary i s so s im i larto that of th e lat est Old Testament wri t ings that

,after exclud

i ng a few Svriasm s and A rabi sms and some obvious imitat ions of

O ld Testament passages,we cannot regard i t a s belong i ng

‘tothe period duri ng which translat ion s would probably have been

m ade ; for such a period would almost certa i nly have betravedi t sel f bv i t s di ct ion .

In connect ion wi th the A ramai sm s and A rabi sms that occuri n the Hebrew fragments the quest ion ari se s : How far are theseto be referred to the orig i nal Hebrew tex t

,or to the earl ie st

form of Hebrew text that can be fixed,or to the dict ion of later

scribes ?

First,as to the A rama i sms . The composit ion of the Hebrew

Ben - S i ra may be placed at about 1 90 B . C . ,at which t ime the

c urrent spoken Hebrew was probably largely contaminated wi thArama ic words and express ions . The facts that A ssyrian andJewish o ffi cers of the t ime of Hezek iah were acqua i nted withArama ic Kgs. 1 8 . that A rama i c was the offic ia l la nguagei n th e western provi nces of the P ersian empi re

,that Aramaeans

were found i n large numbers in the \Vest,that port ion s of the

book s of Ezra and Dan iel are written i n A ramai c— al l these showthat. th i s language had penetra ted deep i nto the common speechof the Jewish t erri tory . The Chron i c ler

,writ i ng i n the thi rd

century,employs a number of A rama i sm s

,and many more occu r

in Koheleth,a book that may belong to the same period as Ben

S i ra,or may be a century or more la ter . A compari son between

these two shows some i nterest i ng resemblances and di fferencesthey are a l ike i n the i r free secular tone and sp i ri t

,both stand

ing to a certa i n exten t outs ide of the theocrat i c c i rc le of i nterests ; they diff er i n the fact that Koheleth shows no in terest i nthe sacred books

,whi le Ben - S i ra ’s p ie ty leads h im to preserve

the t radi t ional expression s and g rammat ical construct ions o fc la ssi cal Hebrew ; thus , be freely employs wa wi th the Imperfeet , whi le Koheleth has largely adopted we w ith the P erfec t .

It cannot be supposed that Chron i cl es , Koheleth and other la teB ib l i ca l hooks exhaust the borrowed Arama i c vocabula ry o f thet ime ; l i en - S im m av have used many wo rds not found there in .

\Vhen we come down to the second cen tury o f our e ra,the.

point to which we can probablv trace the ex i st i ngr tex t of Ben

40 C. 17 . T oy [ 1902.

S i ra (as wi ll be shown below), th e case i s st i l l stronger . Ara

mai c was th en the vernacular of th e Jews,Ben - S i ra ’s book was

not guarded by canon i cal sacredness and an authori tat ive text ,and scribes might naturally i n troduce A ramai c words and

expressions . In the succeedi ng centuries , down to the probabledate of the M SS . of our Ben - S i ra fragments (th e tenth or th eeleventh century) A ramai c i nfluence cont i nued . Th e l i ngui st i crelat ion s

,i t i s true

,were modified : after th e Moslem conquest

,

i n th e middle of the seventh cen tury,the Jews

,espec ial ly i n

Babylonia,began to adopt A rab i c as thei r language of i nter

course ; but they con t i nued to write i n A ramai c or i n Hebrewwith a mixture of Aramai c (and A rabi c), and the employmen tof Syriac terms by Copyi sts would be natural .It thu s appears that at no period i n th e hi story of the Hebrew

text of Ben - S i ra would i t be strang e to find that i t contai n edA ramai c words . These might be of the W estern dialect or of theEastern ; but it i s not always easy to draw th e l i ne between th etwo i n Jewi sh writ i ngs

,for the reason that i n these wri t i ng s both

dialects were a ffected by Hebrew . Such a form as DJHJ (BS .

37 . i f it be an Imperfect,i s certai n ly Eastern ; but i t i s dif

ficu lt to mak e such a di st i n ct ion i n the vocabulary .

The number of Aramaic words not found i n Old Testamentor i n late Hebrew writ i ngs i s not great . In addit i on to the onement ioned above (DDHJ) the fol lowing appear to be Syriasms .

In 3 . 1 3 , 3171) i s employed in the sense“ forg ive ,

” i n imitat ionof Syr . P3 12) ; 8 . 1 1 , FWD,

depart,

” i f i t be the right reading ,i s not Hebrew ; but the word i s , perhaps , m i swrit i ng of 121111and th e text appears to be in di sorder ; 6 . 7 , 1 3 . 1 1b , p

’DJ,for

which Saadia has ”DD and nDJD; 1 2 . 13 , 39 . 30 , (if).

fl ’n .

“ beasts of prey,

” Hebrew fl ’l'

l or 1)" a

‘

h ; 30 . 200 ,

[DRJ“ eunuch ” i s translat i on of Syr . NJD’TTD;

‘

8 . 1 , nwp“ hard , cruel ; 9 . 1 8 , m m by arm ; 3 1 . 7 , exp:

“ stumble ,”

cf . 4 1 . 20 ; 38 . 25d, m

’ym“ discourses .

”IT ) (42 . 12)

1 It is impossible to understand DR) here otherw ise than in thesense of “ eunuch

,

”and this sense is not Hebrew ; the Hebrew word

for eunuch ” is D’WD A rabic u pd m l l M l is “ treasurer,

”and

an ebvobxog m ight be a treasurer, or m ight be a “ trusted person in anyposi tion but this fact does not warrant us in regarding eunuch asa Hebrew sign ification of DR) ,

Vol . xx ii id Renm rks on the H ebrew T ext a f B en - S c’

ra . 41

among ( z fl j ’j ) i s doubtful ; i t occurs i n P r . 8 .

‘

2, and may

perhaps be regarded as a neohebra ism .

Very few Arabi sms occur i n the fragments . If the readi ngof 1 2 . 3 (newsb rip

-

n: [u an] on mm m m“; ru in rs)

be correct, m j D must be taken as ident i ca l with Arabi c

c—A - fl

th e word i s not elsewhere found i n Hebrew or Arama ic . The

Vers ions,however

,do not so understand i t : Greek has c

’

vSeAc Zow-

c

persi stent,

” apparently reading some form of m ) ; Syriac has

Wb , apparently readi ng P i e l or Hifil of Sm end,fol

lowed by Ryssel , emends to .‘

T’JD t ranslat i ng : “ there i s no

advantage for him who leaves wi cked men i n quiet . ” The

obj ect ion to th i s reading i s that i t fa i l s to bring out the poi n tdemanded by the connect ion

,namely

,the diverse results of giv

i ng to the righteous and to the ungodly ; thus , i n v . 7 : “

g ive

to the good and withhold from the bad . Fai l ing of a better

explanat ion,we shal l have to suppose that a root ”JD “ give

did ex i st i n Hebrew,or that the form here used i s an A rab

i sm that came i n to the Hebrew vocabulary not from late scr ibes

(s ince Septuagin t and Syriac had nearly th ese consonants), butat an early period .

The stem P3P! undoubtedly occurs (38 . 1 and el sewhere) i nthe sense create

,

” a mean ing found elsewhere on ly i n A rabi c .

It i s possible,therefore

,that i n Ben - S i ra i t i s an A rabi sm

,th e

i n sert ion of an A rabi c - speak i ng scribe ; a fact that would not be

at al l st range,s in ce A rabi c became the language of the Jews i n

the Moslem realm probably before the tenth century . Several

schola rs (Noldeke and others) hold , however , that the sensecreate may be good Hebrew . The stem has acqui red sets of

opposed mean ings,on the one hand

,

“ create,

” on the other

hand,

“ peri sh,

” and both may be derived from an orig i nal sense“ d iv ide

,measure

,arrange .

” It i s conce ivab l e that the meaning create ” ex i sted i n Heb rew

,and on lv by acc iden t does no t

occur i n the Hebrew tex t s . Y et th i s can not be sa id to be l ikely ,

and there i s no di ff i cul ty i n accept ing the word as an A rabism .

The part i c iple flP'

lWD“ sh in ing ” (50 . 7) appears to be an

A rabism . One may doubt the orig i n of“ have regard fo r

,

honor ” (38 . a mean ing that m av come natura l ly from the

common O ld Testament sen se “ past ure,feed

,take ca re of . ”

The specia l sen se “ hono r ” may have come in under A rabi ci nfluence .

42 ( t 11 . T oy, ( 1902.

It i s to be noted that,whi le there are almost certa inly cases of

t ranslat ion from a Syriac text (notab ly i n th e acrost i c , 5 1 . 12

not al l seeming cases of tran slat ion are to b e so expla i ned .

A s an i l lustrat ion we may tak e 46 . 20 , i n wh i ch th e fi rst couplet

(speak i ng of Samuel) reads :“and even after h is death h e

al lowed h imself to be consul ted and declared to th e k i ng hi sways .

” Here th e word “ ways does not ag ree with the OldTestament narrat ion and i s obv ious ly i nappropriate ; th e G reek ,

th e Syriac and th e Lat in have “ hi s end,

” whi ch i s what th econnecti on demands ; th e Hebrew i s a synonym of

and th i s i s a corrupt ion of Wfl ’fiflx . As the Syriac

has nr'

fi'

m , i t i s natural to suppose (as Levi does) that theHebrew i s a translat ion of th e incorrect Syriac form . But a

Hebrew scribe with the Syriac before h im would probably havewri tten th e fam il iar Heb rew word r' I

‘

lN and not ‘

p‘

l . The

latter i s more simply explai ned as a variat ion,by a Hebrew

scribe,of Hebrew I

'

l'

tR ,which would be accounted for as a cor

rupt ion of th e orig i nal Hebrew D’WHN .

The quest ion ari ses,how far we can now establ i sh th e orig i nal

Hebrew text of Ben - S i ra . Th e answer must be,that i t i s not

possible to fix th e origi na l as a whol e . Th ere are many passagesin wh i ch there need not be doubt as to th e form

,and th ere are

many i n which both form and mean i ng are quest ionable . The

most that can now be attempted i s to establ i sh a probabletext of about the th i rd century of our era . In g eneral , our

Hebrew fragments ag ree wi th the quotat ions i n Saadia,and

therefore may be tak en to represent the current text of th e tenthcentury . The G reek

,Lat in

,and Syriac Versions furn i sh a some

what corrup ted text of th e th i rd,fourth

,and fi fth centuri e s

,and

th e Talmud quotat ions appear to be i n general accord with the

ung lossed G reek In th e Hebrew and the V ersions wehave probably two g eneral ly i ndependent l i nes of tradi t ion ; th eone coming down ch iefly or wholly th rough P al est i n ian andBabylonian Jews

,th e oth er coming ch i efly th rough A l exandrian

Jews and Chri st ians . The former reta ined th e orig i nal Hebrew ,

and there i s no ev idence that a Jewi sh A ramai c translat ion of i twas made . The ex i stence of the Hebrew was known to Jerome

,

but,i n stead of goi ng to the orig i nal , he adopted the Old Lati n

Version without rev i s ion ;— a reg rettabl e procedure , as a translat ion by Jerome would have gone far to fix the text of the

Vol . xx i ii -J R em a rks on the IIel/ rew T eret of B en - S ira . 43

fourth century for us . As i t i s,the Old Lat i n o ff ers a highly

g lossed text of about the th i rd century , and thi s may be controlledi n part bv the Syriac and the unglossed G reek . Such compari son

be ing made , we have in the Version s a tex t standi ng at the di stance of about four centuries from the orig i nal translat i on i ntoG reek

,and bearing the marks of scriba l carelessness and rev i s

i on . The Syriac. t ranslator undoubtedly exerc i se s h i s edi toria lfunct ions often freely

,and i t i s not improbable that Ben - S i ra ’s

g randson took l ibert ie s with th e text i n the interests of G reekclea rness and smoothness . The Hebrew

,on i t s s ide

,had suf

f ered simi lar fort unes . In the th i rd century i t had been nearly

five hundred vears i n the hands of scribes,and i t would have

been a m i racle i f i t had escaped wi thout addit ions,omissions

,and

corrupt ions . Our fragment s are burdened with another long

period (about four hundred years) of tran sm i ss ion ; yet , afterel iminat i ng obv i ous bl unders of wri t ing and arrang ement , wemav conclude that the i r t ext i s not very differen t from that

known to the Talmudi c writers,after thi s latter

,i n i t s turn

,has

been freed from excrescences . The result i s that we reach twomain text - records i n the th ird cen tury

,one Hebrew and one

G reek . W'

hen these are compared,i t appears that thei r agree

ments and di sagreement s are so i nvolved that i t i s impossible todi st ing ui sh fam i l i e s of manuscripts i n a stri c t sen se . \Ve are

ra ther l ed to the concl usion that the constan t act iv i ty of scribesthroughout the Chri st ian and Jewish worlds had produced a

con side rable vari ety of readi ngs,and that these are d i str ibuted

among the di ffe rent g roups according to laws with whi ch we arenot acquai nted . For conven ience ’s sake we dis t ing ui sh two

G reek types,one Svriac, and two or three Hebrew

,but an

archetypal tex t account ing for al l these we are not ve t able toconstruct .

l e Collection of Orien ta l A n tiqu i ties at the Un ited States

N ationa l M u seu m .— By Dr. I . M . CASANOW ICZ

,U . S .

N ational Museum,W ashington

,D . C .

T H E beg inn ing s of the Sect ion of Ori ental Ant iqu i t i e s at theNat iona l Museum were described by D r . Cyrus Adler i n th i s

Jou rn a l,vol . x i i i

,pp . ccc i ff . S i n ce then i t has slowly but

steadily g rown , and though i t i s st i l l i n the“ day of smal l

thing s , i t compri ses suffici ent material to be represen tat ive i ni t s several di v i si on s .

Th e sect ion i s now o ffic ial ly div ided i nto th e “ D iv i s ion ofHistori c A rchaeology ” and the “ D ivi s ion of Hi stori c R el igi ons

,

” both forming a part of th e “ D epartmen t of Anth ro

pology .

”

Th e D iv i s ion of Histori c A rchaeology occupies th e two al coveswest of the R otunda . Th e v i s itor’s eye i s attracted to them byth e colossal composi te figures of the human - headed winged l i on

and bul l wh i ch guard th e entrance to these compartment s asth ey once guarded th e entrance to the palaces of the A ssyriank i ngs . Inside are i n stal led the col lect ions of B ibli cal

,Assyro

Babylon ian,Egypt ian and Hitt ite ant i qu it ie s . Th e col lect ion

of B ibl i cal ant iquit ie s i n cl udes cast s of th e monument s found onP alest i n ian soi l

,and some specimens of the geology and flora of

P alest ine ; a col l ect ion of th e musical i nstruments ment ioned i nthe Bible ; a seri es of the coi n s of B ibl e lands ; a col l ect i on ofth e prec ious stones m ent ioned i n th e Bible ; and ob j ects belonging to modern l i fe i n the Orient

,wh i ch serve to expla in and

i l l ustrate many a l l usions i n th e Bibl e,such as a goatsk i n water

bag ,mill stones

,ko/zl

,etc . Th e B ible i tself i s represented by a

collect ion of facsimi les of manuscripts,and old and rare

edi t i ons of th e origi nal texts,as wel l as by cop ies of th e most

important anc ien t and modern translat ion s .Of the Assyro

- Babylon ian ob j ects may be ment i oned,besides

the composite figures referred to above,th e b lack obel i sk of

Shalmaneser II , th e stele of Sargon II , found i n Cyprus , th etwo G udea fig ures from Telloh

,Delug e tablets , a model of a

Temple - Tower of Babel,made at th e Museum after the descrip

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

46 I . 1 11 . C'

asa norcicz, [1902 .

of the sta i rcase,beacon th e vi s i tor to th e D ivi s ion of Histori c

R el igions i n the sou thwest gal lery . Here th e collect ions of ceremonial obj ect s of si x rel ig ion s have thus far found a home , i nfourteen large cases , besides a n umber of smal l Kensi ngton

cases . Th e cases are bui l t i n compartments,or according to th e

alcove system,so that each i ndividual rel ig ious col lect ion may

be v i ewed and studied separately,without i ntrusion from another

one .

Th e fi rst two compartments are occup ied by th e col lect ion ofmodern Jewi sh ceremon ial obj ects . Th e col lect ion i s perhapsun rivaled i n com pleteness and i n art i st i c and h i stori cal value .

It compri ses curta in s of the Holy Ark ; Torah scrol l s with si lve rbel l s

,breastplates and pointers ; Meg i l loth i n revolvi ng cases of

wood and si lver of rare workmansh ip ; manuscripts of prayerbook s ; lamps , phylacteries , prayer - shawls

,and other obj ect s

used i n the servi ce of th e Synagogue . Then the obj ects used

on feast days,such as the s/i of ar

,la lab and ethrog , etc .

,and

especial ly a complete set for th e sem i - r itual P assover meal

(seder) . On e case i s . given to obj ect s used on spec ial occas ion s,

such as uten si l s of c i rcumci sion,marriage contracts

,wedding

rings,a slaughtering k n ife

,etc . Anoth er case contai ns a series

of embroideri es and tapestri es dep i ct i ng Bible narrat ives , as thesacrifice of Isaac

,th e worsh ip ing of the golden calf

,the fight

of David and Gol iath,etc .

Judaism ’s daugh ter - rel ig i on , Mohammedan i sm ,

comes next,

showing a model of a mosque , manuscripts of th e Koran upo nth e i r i nla id stands

,mosque lamps

,flags and tablets

,some of th e

equipment of p i lgrims to Mecca,and the costumes and utensi l s

of several of th e D erv i sh orders .G racco - R oman rel igious sent iments are i l l ustrated by a set of

statues and busts of the ( lei m a iores,as wel l as m inores

,and bas

rel i efs wh i ch dep i ct mythological scenes,as the battl e of the

gods with th e Ti tans,etc . A col lect ion of sepulch ral and vot ive

tablets al lows a gl impse i nto the popular rel igious vi ews andpract i ces .

Leaving th i s class i c g round , th e vi s itor i s transferred i n sp iri tto East A sia . There he fi rst meets Brahmanism

,wh i ch sways

the mi ll ions of India . The col lect ion comprises a set of marbleimages of th e so - cal led tr im arti gods and the i r su ites , of thea va ta rs of V i sn u and some of th e minor divi n it i es. Special

Vol . xxi i i . ] Or ien ta l A ntiqu ities, U. S . 1V ation a l JIcwem / i . 47

not i ce deserve two finely carved stone ste les,represent i ng

V i sn u and hi s ret i nue . Temple utensi l s,as lamps

,vases

,

cruses,i l lustrate some of the Brahman ic rel ig ious customs .

Caste - mark s give opportun i ty for the explanat ion of the castesystem

,which plays such an importan t part i n the rel igious

,

pol i t i cal and socia l l i fe of India . The contemplat ive and ascet i celement of Hindui sm i s i l l ustrated by a seri es of model s ofY og in s and ascet i cs i n various att i t udes .Buddh i sm

,the offspring of Brahmani sm

,i s represented by a

ri ch coll ect ion,

fil l i ng two al coves . There i s any number of

representat ions'

of Buddha,i n bronze

,stone

,clam shel l s

,and

carved and lacquered wood,some of which have much art va lue .

No less vari ed are the forms and atti tudes . The Cfikya sag e

can be seen i n the Burmese,S i nhalese

,Japanese and Tibetan

concept ion s of him ; s i tt ing i n meditat ion , preach ing ,blessing

,

and even recl in ing . The h i erarchy i s represented by severalimages of a rli a ts and monk s . The elaborate ri tual of Buddhi sm

i s i l l ustrated by a large col lect ion of musi cal i nstruments,cruses

,

candlest ick s,rosari es

,prayer - wheel s

,( lorjes (vaj ras), etc . ; while

among the represen tat ions of Buddhi st sacred edifices may beespec ial ly ment ioned a magn ificen t model of the W at Chang atBangkok

,S iam . One case i s given up to the syncret i st i c and

popula r acc ret ion s to Buddhi sm i n China and Japan . The

sacred l i terature of Buddhi sm i s represented by the S iamese

edit ion of the T r ipi ta /ca ,presen ted by the King of S iam .

Shin toi sm,the primi t ive nat ional rel ig ion of Japan , which

even now con tests Buddh i st supremacy in that country,i s repre

sented by a col lect ion of shrines and thei r contents,as the go - hei

,

mirror,etc . ,

and some vot ive tablets .A Korean sorcerer ’s outfi t and a col lect ion of amulets

complete the exh ibi t of rel igious ceremon ial obj ects in i ts

presen t status .The Nat ional Museum also possesse s a co l l ect ion of obj ects

belong ing to Chri st ian ceremon ials,i n cl udi ng some val uabl e

i cons , priests’ vestments

,c roz ie rs

,altar coverings

,chal i ce s and

other church pa raphernal ia,o f the Eastern branch of the Church

as wel l a s of the \Vestern . I t i s expected that i n the nearfuture a specia l al cove wil l be se t aside for the exh ibit ion ofth i s collect ion .

T he N am e of the F errym an in the Deluge T ablet8 .—By Mr .

S . H . LANGDON, Colum b ia Un iversity,N ew Y ork C ity .

T H E name of the f eriy m an i n th e Del uge Tablet s has had avari ed h i story . It was fi rst read by George Smith

,U r - Hamsi

,

g iv i ng syl labic va lue to th e fi rst s ign and ideog raph i c value tothe second . In th e translat ion of Sm i th ’s book i nto German , byHermann Del itzsch

,the same reading was fol lowed . Sayce , in

1880,read Nes - E a

,on the bas i s of a bi l i ngual tablet wh i ch h e says

P i nches had discovered and wh i ch expla i ned the s ign m ,u r

,

as mean ing Ncsu,a young l ion . Sayce was a lso the fi rst to

g ive the reading Ea for which he says i s never written ‘

ij‘

with five heads,as George Smith reads (passim). No one

bes ides Mr . P i n ches has given any evidence of the readi ng Ncsu

for £1 . Sayce h imself did not see the tablet ; it i s not men

tioned i n B r iinnow’s Syllabar , nor by any other scholar . Sayce ’s

reading has been fol lowed by no oth er editor .

Jensen,without comment

,read Arad - E a i n h i s Cosm olog ie,

1 890 . Jeremias i n the same year,a l i tt l e later

,fol lowed

Jensen ; and agai n two years later , i n Roscher’s Jll ytholog ica l

D iction ary,he read al so A rad - E a .

P rof . Jastrow fol lowed in 1 898 , reading Ardi - E a . The read

i ng ardu for(EH has no warrant other than its be ing a syn

onym of am élu . The readi ng amel u for fl i s certai n . The

only reading,therefore

,warranted by k nown informat ion i s

Amel - E a .

The name of th e boatman occurs s i x t imes i n tablet X . ,written

a lwaysM if,“ (u r fol lowed by th e sign with f ou r heads). In

tablet XI . the name occurs ten t imes , but the readings here do

not agree . Column vi . l i nes 1 and 32 read$5 , five h eads ; l i ne14 of column vi , «at, th ree heads [Haupt

’s Texts] . Th e nameof the boatman of th e ark i n the t ime of th e De luge i s commonlyread P uzu r - Bel or P u zur Shadu- Rabfi

,

“ the one h idden fromBel ;

” written 269 ” in?

m ”4- 34 E L

Now I mean to defend the followi ng theses

Vol . XX i i iJ L a ngdon ,[V ar/ re of the I

’

errym a n,etc. 49

1 . The original name of the boatman of the ark was AmelB81.

2 . This was changed to P u zu r - Bel,for theologi ca l reasons

,

by the priest s .

3 . The name was changed to Am él - E a by the same i nfluence .

It has been assumed on the basi s of R . 44 , 48c that th e signwith five heads

,can be read Ea ; but thi s i s based only on the

readi ng Amel - E a for E ii‘, that i s , only i n connect ion withth i s name . Now the readings Ea for $44 and Bel for if? area lreadv clearly establ i shed . If

,then

,the popular name of the

boatman i n the orig i nal l egend , Am él - Bél,wi th five heads

,was

chang ed to Am él - E a by the droppi ng of one head,i t would not

be unnatural for the reading Amel - E a to be given to the old

way of wri t i ng , viz . m456,by the scholars who composed the

syllabars. Thi s would account for the m i staken reading in R .

44 , 48c, quoted by B riinnow . The old reading Amel - B él agai n

occurs twice i n P rof . Haupt ’s texts,which would prove e ither

one of two th ings : (1 ) a cropping out of the tradit i onal folkname of the boatman

,or (2) the g ivi ng of the name Amel - E a to

the old reading without changing the reading i tself .

In tablet XI . the story i s told of how B 61 and other godsof the pantheon planned to dest roy al l men . Ea foi l s the plotby causing a boathouse to be bui lt , and saves at least three persons

,S it - Napishtim and hi s wi fe

,and Am él - E a the boatman .

The story has been worked over by th e priests . The accurate

measurements of the ark,the rules for utteri ng i ncanta t i on s

over

'

the s i ck hero G ilgami sh,the attribut i ng of the del iverance

o f men to Ea,the father of Marduk

,patron dei ty of Baby lon

,

al l poi nt to priestly i nfluence work i ng upon an original folk

legend of the destruct i on of the world by water . S it - Napish

t im ’s father i s al so cal led K idin - Marduk i n table t IX . l i ne 6 .

In the plan of Ea,B01 i s dece ived . The ark escapes h i s

a ttent ion , i t i s l i te ral ly“ h idden from him ” together with the

voyagers , and thus Ea preserves men . By a sl ight change o fthe la st sig n , the pa rt Bel o f the boatman

’s name i s changed t oEa . If then , as I have suppo sed , the name was o rigina ll y writ

ten m if , e ither of two thi ng s m ay have. occurred : ( 1) Eitherthe pri est s played upon the s ign m (as they had al ready upon

the s ign bv using i t a s the la st pa rt of the epithe t Pu zur,VOL . xxm . 4

50 L a ng/don ,A

'

a m e of t/ wF erry/n a n ,

etc . [ 1902.

thus call ing th e boatman the one who was h idden from Bel or

(2) P u - Zu i s to be read as an ideog raph mean ing , perhaps pro

tection,

and th e translat ion of th e l i nes would be,

“ To manage

the sh i p I gave the boat togeth er wi th i ts goods i nto th e careof Am él - B él th e sk ipper .

”Col . i i . l i n es 38—39

«m m , p i- Zl i - i 5a é

'

lz'

pp i ( m a [P u - Zn ] A m e’

l—B él m am /m .

e’

lra llw a t- m - d in a - (Zz'

bet- se- é- sv'w.

Th i s hypoth esi s accounts for th e confusion of reading s i ntablet XI .

,and tends to confi rm th e argument already set forth

by P rofessor Jastrow for th e arrangement of th e story both intoto and i n deta i l

,by prie sts who desired to carry out certai n

ideas i n th e E pic of th e Zodiac .

Th e h i story of the word th en would be1 . P opular name i n th e 0 1d l eg end , Am él - Bél Ki2 . P erhaps chang ed later under pr iestly influence to P u zu r

Bél (wri tten al so with the ep ithet shadu rabu for B 61).

3 . Changed permanently to Amel - E a m i“ .

W eigh t i s al so given to th e theory that u r was the orig ina lfi rst part of th e name

,and was used purposely as th e last part

08 a ,

O O 0

of P u zu r ; i nasmuch as the form M 18 rarely wr i tten l n the

construct with double 11,and in the other case where pu zru i s

used i n a preper name (P u zur - A sh ur), th e con struct state iswri tten with th e usual form P u - zur .

Specim en s of the P opu lar L i terature of M odern Abyssz’

n ia .

— By Dr. E NNO LITTMANN,Pr inceton Un i versity

,Pr ince

ton,N . J .

AM ONG the popular work s wri tten in the modern Sem i t i clanguages of Abyssin ia , there are many which are of i nterest tous

,whil e some are even of cons iderable importance . I give

here extracts from a few composi t ions of th i s nature,

‘

writt en i n

dialects of Northern Abyssin ia .

The fi rst of these i s a smal l book i n the Tigra i language,

ent i tled,

Story of the Journey of an E th iolnan from E th iop ia

to Italy,which was prin ted in the year 1895 in R ome . It i s a

very simple and natural tal e of an Afri can who never had lefthi s country before . It s sc ient ifi c value i s ma inly phi lological

,

but i t i n terest s us al so from a human standpoint . In order to

g ive an idea of the style i n wh ich the author , Fesha G iorgi s ,wri tes

,I translate the passage where he describes h i s departure

(p . G,1. 10 adding

,however

,that i n a few places the trans

lat ion i s not ab solutely certai n :Then I took l eave of my friends and acqua in tances . Some

o f them tried to keep me and some of them said unto

me : ‘ Y ou have been persuaded .

’ But I,having now dec ided

to go,repl i ed noth ing to the talk of the people . And i n th e.

even ing I started,acco rd ing to the order of the major , to go t o

th e steamer . And some of my fri ends accompan ied me andcame to the seasho re

,and there we took leave of one another .

But when the separat ion took place,my nature trembl ed

,and

two of m v fri ends began to weep tog ether . \Vhen tha t happened we embraced each o th er aga i n and I stepped in to the boat .

Until I reached the steamer,th ey stood on the seash o re

,to see

me o ff . Bu t I then,whi le turn ing my face towards them ,

unt i l

I cam e to the vesse l,was no t embarrassed . And when I had

come on boa rd the vessel,I wave d to them wi th a wh i te hand

ke rch i e f . And they went away sad .

”

G o i ng on , he desc ribes h i s experiences i n the Red Sea ,the

Suez Cana l , the Medi te rranean , where he has a very quee r an d

d i sag reeable fee l ing , called wi th us sea - s ickness ; and lina llv i n

Naple s and Italy .

52 E . L ittm m m, [ 1902.

O f quite a different character are two coll ect ion s of texts i nthe Tigre lang uag e , wh i ch are of g reat i nterest bo th fo r th eh istory of th e Semit i c languag e s and for th e h i story of Semit i cthough t and c ivi l i zat ion . In the fi rst p lace

,a coll ect ion of

t riba l l egends (S tammessagen) of the Tig re people was pub l i shedby D r . Cont i R ossi n i

,i n th e Journa l of the Ita l ian A siat i c

Soc i ety,1 90 1

,under the t i t le

,Tradi z ion i stori ch e dei Mensa .

”

The read i ng of these texts reminds u s strik i ng ly of the tribal

leg ends of th e Israel i t i c clans i n Canaan . Each tribe derivesi t se lf th rough a long l i ne of ancestors from a heros eponym os

,

who i n a

'

manner i s a personificat ion of the tribe . Th i s i sshown also in an i nterest i ng way by a fact of g rammar , asfollow s : two prominent tribes of th e Tig re are Mensa

‘ and

Marya,but th e ir tribe heroes are M ense

‘ay and Mayray

°

that i s to say,the adj ect ive form expressing derivat ion or

appurtenance i s employed,j ust as though we had ’DD1’ or

’31P¥2as names of persons , i n stead of qm’ and Bil

-

3353 i n theO ld Testament . The single heroes are then as usual brough ti n to relat ion to each oth er as broth ers

,cousins

,father and son

,

and so forth . lV e see thus before our eyes,and i n a mainly

Semi ti c people,a process i n developmen t wh i ch in a simi lar way

took place many centuri es ago i n the Hebrew nation . Of course

t radi t ions more or l ess l ike these are spread over a lmost al l th eearth

,and on th e other hand i t i s a l i ttle dangerous to compare

t imes so remote from one another . But the Semit i c characteri s so tenacious

,and the elements of Semit i c c ivi l i zat ion , such as

found for i nstance with th e Bedou ins,change so l ittl e i n the

course of t ime,that we are led to compari son wh erever we find

s imi lar traces .

As a Specimen of the Tig ré tradit ions I g ive h ere th e story ofM en se

‘ay and Mayray,

th e ancestors,or better

,the representa

tives,of the Mensa‘ and Marya

M en se‘ay and Mayray,

without div id i ng th e estate of the i rfather

,l eft [the ir brothers] Tor

‘ay and Hazotay and went to

Ha igat . And after that,they went out from Ha igat to spy out

th e land,saying :

‘ W hi ch wil l be th e best for u s [and theywent] to Erm a. And after th ey had gone to Erm a, Mayray saidunto Mense

‘ay :

‘ In th i s Erota le t us dwell,i t i s good .

’ And

after that sa id M ense‘ay :

‘ How can we dwell i n th i s drough t i npreference to th e two rai ny season s and the two harvests and the

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

54 E . L ittm m m, [ 1902

poem,and copious no tes i n Swed i sh on the poem i tsel f . O f

i nt roducti on and poem I present here an Eng l i sh translat ionA ft er th e death of a ce rta i n Ch i efta in

,named Dav id

,a quarre l

arose about th e leadersh i p ; for the surv iv i ng son (Mahammad)was sa id to be a weak l i ng ,

whom th ey did not desi re for ach i efta in . It i s a custom for the ch i e f

'

tai n to have a special

strong - sounding drum,at the sound of wh i ch al l the male popa

lat ion of th e v i l lag e must gather at the counc i l place , i f anyimportant matter i s to be tran sacted . W i thout th i s drum no

one can ru l e . Therefore th e rival party succeeds,after some

i nt rigues,i n gett i ng the ch i eftai n

’s drum ; and , while th e legitimate successor i s sleepi ng ,

i n stal l s i t s man as ch i efta in,and the

drum sounds . Th e son of David wakes up,se i zes the f orm ida

able sword Q attan , j umps over th e enclosure of h is house , andstands suddenly on the counc i l place . He cleaves the poordrummer with the flash i ng Q attz

‘

m,and then turns around to the

bard,who is j ust s i ng i ng the pra ise of the newly i n sta l l ed ch ief .

D eath before h i s eyes,the bard now si ng s , to save h is l i fe , th e

fol lowing song

1 . Not shal l be desp i sed i n song s th i s Mahammad , th e sonof Gadal .

2 . His moth er i s not a slave , nor i s h i s fath er a serf .

3 . His mother i s th e leg i t imate wi fe and a pri ncess ; h i sfath er i s k i ng and ruler .

4 . He i s the o ff spring of Fekak ,th e offspring of Nawed °

h e takes tribute from the free as wel l as from th etributary .

5 . He i s th e offspring of Claud ius , the offspri ng of Theodoros ; he k eeps back warriors , horse and foot .

6 . He i s th e offspri ng of‘Egel , th e offspri ng of E kked ; th e

offspri ng of the strong owner of Q att f m , [the precioussword] .

7 . He i s the offspri ng of (i sweg, th e o ffspri ng of Fekak°

th e o ff spring of the strong ch i ef , whom al l obey .

8 . He i s a dark shouldered l ion ’s whelp , no lynx nor hyaena .

0 . He i s [ l ike] an i rri table camel , that does not al low h i s

nose to be pierced .

10 . He i s [l ike] a strong h igh - h umped camel,that snorts

wildlv .

Vol . xx i ii - l P opu la r L itera ture of fli edern Abyssin ian. 55

[S trong] l ike Maf arrah’s boat and l ike the fi rm house of

Gahtan’s son .

He is [l ike] the moon i n the firm am ent ; and [ i f he were]flour on the m ill stone ,

W ho could make i t to bread and eat i t It were a deadly

poi son .

After the manuscript of the preceding had been sent i n to theedi tors

,I rece ived a more complete version of th i s same poem

,

w i th more notes and a Tigré - Swedi sh vocabulary by M .

s trom . An edi t ion of th i s very val uable p iece of work with at ranslat ion of the whole i nto G erman wi l l soon be publ i shed .

[ Votes on. Me Old P ersian I nscr iptions of B elt5stu n .

—ByLom s H . GRAY ,

Princeton Un iversity,P rinceton

,N . J .

E h . i . 6 5, vida ibis

‘om ni a .

’

ON E of the most diflicu lt cruces i n the Old P ersian i nscr ipt ion si s th e passage E h . i . 64—66

,a f la m n tyaél

rc

'

trag/a m kdrahyd ao5

ca r5§ ga ifldm cd m an ly/a m at 0 505655666 tyel tl5s’

Gawnata hya

m ag aé’

( a lm d . Two years ago , i n AJP /z. , xx i . 1 6—18 , I sug

g ested as a translat ion of th ese words : I restored to the peopl eth e and the l ive and the real estate

,and

th e private of wh ich Gau m ata th e Mag ian had

deprived them .

’W h i le the arti cle men t ioned was i n press

,a

paper by Just i treat i ng of the same passage appeared i n

ZDM G .,l i i i . 89—92 . He rendered the crux by ‘ das Bes itz

tum,die D ienerschaft

,Hof und Hans nahm er ihnen .

’ He

adopted the reading abdéar5§ i nstead of abtca rz'

s'

,with wh i ch

I have been unable to agree,desp ite R awl in son

, JRA S ,O. S .

,

xi i .,p . i i .

,and he compared m c

‘

m iya m with th e Cretan g loss ofHesychios, puqiu

‘ Sovkela,i nstead of Y AV . m n c

’

m a,GAv . ( lom c

'

m a

(cf . A JPh .,xxi . Just i ’s conclus ion s were crit i c i zed by

Foy,ZDflI G . ,

l i v . 341—355 (cf . al so If Z .

,xxxvi i . 551

who returned to the reading ab5éa r5s’

,which he

,however

,l ike

Spiegel ,l connected with New P ersian ea r l tlan ‘ to pasture ’

and

translated ‘ W e ideland,

’ whi le h e rendered m e'

m 5ya m byA fter a renewed study of th e passage and carefu l

reading of the contr ibut ion s of Just i and Foy , I find myself st i l ladhering to my old V i ew concern ing abtd‘a ra

'

s ga z’

fldm éc’

t m an t

ya m éc’

t . W i th regard to th e fourth word,read ctfltbis

'

by

W e i ssbach and Bang ,I have changed my explanat ion mate

rially . My old renderi ng‘ private A JP Ia

,xxi .

1 7—18 , wh ere former i nterpretat ions are co llected , i s cri t i c i zed byFoy

,ZD JI G .

,l iv . 374 , but h i s own di scussion of th e word , 349

355 , seems to me altoge ther untenable . From th ewh i ch Foy adopts i n stead of he evolvesé‘L- cc

'

t or - cd,i . e .

,- c(

'

l or

1 Bartholom ae , A lttran . W tb. , 1889, favors the same etymology.

Vol . xxi i i . ] Oltl P ers5an. l u scr t'

pfi ons of B ehistun . 57

b5s'

aeas- cd,

‘ Gesehlechtsgef olgschaf t (das s ind :“ die Ge f olgs

l eute der adl igen W'

i th a conj ecture at once so boldand so unnecessary I cannot agree .

I bel i eve that the true reading and root - mean ing of

we 'd i s that wh ich i s adopted by Bartholom ae

,G rctndr . ( ler

i ron . Ph ilol ,i . 226 , c 50a565§cd . Th i s v iew I have already put

forth i n JA OS . ,xx i . 1 81—182 , when di scussi ng the phrase bade

-

v50a 565s'

baya 5b5s'

,which I bel i eve to mean ‘ with al l the gods . ’

Foy, 350 , rai ses an obj ect ion to th e form adopted by Barthol

omae and myself,but h i s remark s seem open to cri t i c i sm . Vor

al lem spri ch t dagegen ,

’he writes

,dass c"56la o

‘5sa v‘ispa

“ al l”

stets plene geschri eben i st und nur v"(5)0 Haus,Heimat

,Oesch

lecht i n der Beh istaninschrif t stet s defek t iv . Da nun son s t

ke i ne andren ‘Vorter ausser Namen defek t iv geschri eben werden ,so muss im Anfang von das IVort v

"(5)0

“ Hans,Hei

mat,G eschlecht ” stecken .

’\Vhy the orthography of the proper

name Vis'

tdSpa ,to which Foy ev idently al ludes

,cannot be

call ed in to serv i ce here , I do not see . Th e Beh i stun i nscript ion sshows the scriptio defect iva i n al l i nstances of theword (cf . Rawli n son

,JRA S .

,x .

,pp . xl . , Contrari

w ise,i n al l other i n script ion s (except i ng the late text Art . P ers .

a namely , Dar . P ers . a 4 , Dar . P ers . e 4,Dar . B lv . 1 9

,

NR . a Sz . b (5, A rt . Sus. a 3 , we have the scriptio plena

v‘5s

'

tdspa throughout . In exactly the same wav the Behi stun

text. has the scriptio defect iva i . e . ,ci 5n9a 5bz

'

s'

,whil e

Dar . P ers . d 14,the on ly text other than the Beh i stun inscrip

t ion s where the word occurs unmut i lated,shows the script io

plena i . e . ,v‘50a 5b5s. I have

,therefore

,no hesi ta

t ion i n adopt i ng Bartho lom ae’s readi ng 135011 511 55 on the analog y

furn ished by the double orthography of the name o f I—IystaSpes .

I now turn to the mean ing and construct ion of the word .

The rendering i s fixed,I th ink

,by the phrase ‘ 15m m

ba f/a 5b5s' ‘ with al l the gods

,

’Dar. P ers . d 14

,

‘

24 . It i spla in , furthermore , from previous d i scussion s of the passag e , that.vi 0 rt5b5s

'

éd i s paralle l i n construc tion with «Mam

Tie le , Geschieden is ra n den Godsdienst in de Ondheid . Amsterdam .

190 1, p . 36 1. maintained the old v iew sti l l , as he wrote : hadd baga ibis

vithdn‘

s’

bedeu idt zeker ‘ met de goden van den stam ,

’ of m issch ien

van het (kon ings hu i s . ”

58 L . f f . G ray, ( 1902.

Bartholom ae’

s earl i er v i ew,A r . i i . 1 04

,

that the word i s an i n strumental p lural used as an accusat ive,i s

th e one wh i ch I hold now as I h eld i t i n my former paper (cf .

a l so my explanat ion of th e i n strumental plural rm zéabis“ as a

nominat ive in ar i a . ra yon/N'

s90 1 mm 14 days were i n course ’

and s imi lar ph rases,A JP /l . ,

xxi . My ‘ k iihne u nd b equemeA nnahme

,

’ as Foy,374 , ca l l s i t , that the i n st rumental plura l

mav be u sed as an accusat ive and nominat ive,i s not wi thou t

arguments i n i t s favor . It seems to me a lmost imposs ible todenv that th e Iran ian possesse s many other i n stances of th i s veryusage . Collect ions of materia l on th i s sub j ect may be found i nH iibschm ann

,Casusle/n '

e,265—66

,Spiegel , Vgl . Gr ,

428—429,

Jack son,A r . G ra m m .

, § 944 (unpub l i sh ed ,read i n proof

sh eets). That th ese forms,e . g .

,Av . staota is

'

,( lam aw s esam e

,

( lem on anyd zis’

,( Zam ora c ispm

'

s'

,sa tai

’

s'

,coeSyats, are real instru

m entalsland not

,as Johannes Schmidt

,P lu ra lbi ld .

, 259—275 ,

arg ued, forms with a nominat ive - aceu sative neuter pl ural suffix

i s“

seems clear for several reasons . First,not only neuters but

mascul ines are found i n th i s construct ion,e . g .

,frrq f strm fs, a ztl

i bi s“

,( «teams Second

,Schmidt h imself

,272—273 , admits that

such a formation i n as i s unk nown outside th e Iran ian . Third,

the i nstrumental p lural u sed as n ominative - accusat ive ag reesw ith th e use of th e i nstrumental si ngular as nominat ive (cf .Galand

,Ji

'

Z . ,xxxi . 259—261

,Geldner

,ib id .

,31 9—323 , Barthol

omae,

i i . 124—1 25,Gr m zelr . ( ler tron . i .

1 34 , Jack son , A c . Gr( t77m z., §945 Fourth

,th e

syntact i c usage may , I bel ieve , be expla i ned more easi ly thanD elbruck

,Vgl . Syn t ,

i . 232—233 , seems to th i nk .

For the u se of th e i nstrumental s i ng ular a s nominat ive , Bartholom ae

,i i . 124—125

,has

,in m y opi n ion , found

the correct explanat ion . Oth er Indo - Germani c dialects offer

paralle l s for the employment of th e i nstrumental as accusat ive .

Th e germ of the usag e i n Iranian i s to be found i n su ch phrasesas V d . 6 . 40 , [mm worm) : i r istawam ba rt

'

m za . a /m ra m a zda

[er a n idaflam a wh ere bear we th e bones of dead men,O Ah ura

Mazda,wh ere depos i t them V d . 4 . 5 , Gr is

“

satais lm Sa - (Ez'

fla nam

1 The instrumenta l plura l seems to be used at least once in the Gc‘tfidsas a nominative

, Y s. 2 8 . 2 , dyaptd asat hacd ydtsrapa ntodatditx"d0ré

,

boons in accordance w ith righteousness which are to place the rej oicing ones in g lory.

’ The passage is not , however , a ltogether certain .

Vol . xxi i i . ] Old P ersia n Descr iptions of B eh istun . 59

n a rtm z pa ra- ba ro iti ‘ he brings three hundred

l ik e penalt i es to the nearest kin .

" From phrases l ik e these

comes the later complete equivalence of i nst rumental a nd accus

at ive,e . g .

,Y s. 55 . 1 , iris/Jr

“

? ta n rasc‘a azdabis’

ca u s’

tan

kaluym sca u rr r‘

m am éu j ru cus'

i m ca pa ir ica.

( ItM/t tl /l l ( lea. cu éSz/yu m uhi‘ al l creatures and bodies and bones

and frames and forms and power and i ntell ect s and soul and

fravash i we both exal t and procla im,

’Y t . 8 . 33, a r i u sfi a r i

56 50177? a ci ka rs'

rrtm g/ iris

“

l i t/pm‘ over seat s

,over abodes

,over

the seven zones .

’ The S lavi c and G erman ic dialects o ff er

c lose paral lel s to th i s usage . S lav i c e spec ia l ly employs thei n strumental o f means with verbs of motion used i nt ran s it ivelywhich take th e accusat ive when thev are t ran sit ive . Thus we

have O ld Church S lav . r isk? n orotla rerz'

e. ll 'tm zen i iem‘

t ‘om n is

populus jecit lapidibus’ beside crfizi [ca m e/at m t n ig

‘rc

‘

w MOov

éf r’

(161 -5 BaAéro .

’

The usag e i s l ess common i n G erman ic ,a lthough i nstan ces are not lack i ng i n Goth ic , Old Norse , andA ng l o - Saxon

,e . g . ,

Goth . wswm’

trpm i i m m a a t uspa nam a i cei n a

‘e’

f e’

fiakov a in 'ov 25m 7 0 5) see s aw ; Mark 1 2 . 8 bes ide" ( m / irpum la ns in u wt u s pa nam a we in aya rda ,

Luke 2 0 . 1 5 .

Examples o f th e use of the i n st rumental bes ide the accusat ivea re fo und al so i n G reek and in Sansk ri t . For further l iteratureand examples I mav refer to Delbrttck

, i tt/I. Syn t ,i . 25 7 —260 ,

Audouin,Ij écl im u son ( la u s [es lam /Hes i n ( le

- eu rope

'

en n es,1 9

,85

86 , 170 , 273—274 , 371 , M ik losich , I'

g l . G rin /m u,i v . 695 - 700 .

It seems to me,therefore

,that we are fa i rly ent i tled to assume

that th e funct ions o f the i n st rumenta l o f means approx imatedtho se o f the accusat ive of the direc t obj ect i n connec tion withce rta in ve rbs i n Iran ian a s wel l a s i n Sanskr it

,G reek

,German i c

,

and S lav ic,and that by analog i ca l ex tension the i nstrumenta l

was f requentlv subst i t uted fo r the accusat ive both i n Old Persian and i n Avestan . The syntact i c. usage wh i ch I here presuppo se does not

,there fore

,rest me rely on i t s l ikeness to that of

the Avesta,where corrupt t ransmiss ion of tex t may frequently

be a source of seem i ng a bno rm al i t y i n sy ntax , bu t on the broade rba s i s of compari son w i th other d ia lect -

g roup s o f Indo - G erman i c .

I al so rega rd r id / ibis,f o r reasons stated above

,as m 'ani ng

I purpose ly omit instances of the accusative after Vbaras being toofrequent to requi re notice .

60 L . f ] : Gray , [1902 .

‘ al l,

and I according lv now render Bh . i . (54—66 ,‘ I restored

to th e people th e and th e l ive and th e realestate and al l of which Gau m ata th e Mag ian haddeprived th em .

’

Ol d P ersian tavam Fed : D oric sci .

Th e phrase ta ra m [ at i s found fi ve t imes i n Old P ersian,E h .

i v . 37 , 4 1 , G7 , 70 , 87 . Its Babylon ian equ ival en t i s m a n n a a tta

qui sque tu,

’E h . 105

,wh i le th e New Susian has m

u i ma le/ea ‘ tu

qui,

’E h . i i i . 63—64 , 66 , 83 , 84 , 94 . Th e old explanat ion of k it

as a vocat ive si ngular mascul i ne (e . g . ,Spi egel

,e i linsc/wz

’

,

213) can hardly be mai nta i ned, and Kern’s v i ew i n Caland

,

Syn t. ( ler P rom,47 , that led hya i s the Old P ersian equ iva

l e nt of Sansk rit yafi leaccit, seems equally untenable . Bartholomae

,L itera ta rbl . f .

_or Ph i l

,i . 1 7 , Grzm tlr . ( ler i ran . P /i i lol . ,

i . 235 , i s on the righ t track when he regards led as a part i cle .

On the oth er hand,i t does not seem to me that x6. i s equ ivalen t

i n mean i ng to ye or i s even a'mere i nterj ection as he has sug

g ested . Th e Old P ersian word i s rather to be compared withwhat I regard as i ts exact correspondent in G reek

,Dori c Kai

,

Indo - German i c *q (

'

t (cf . B rugm ann,Gr . Gr

”,543 A few

examples wi l l be su ffic ient to show that m i has,somet imes at

l east,a general i z i ng force . T heok . x i . 49 , 7 5; KG. Odhaoa av

02b m i Kv'

pa O’

E'

Aocro ; xvi i i . 57—58 , redaefla Kti'

aptes 6’

s 5p0pov, c’

1rei Kc

wpdros 55 Kehadwjon a’

waoxt’

ov efirptxa Setpciv 0 1‘ A ri st .

A charn . 799 , A . n’

S’

éodt’

et ndam m ; M . m ivél’

5. K0 . 86539 . I th ereforeth ink that such a ph rase as ta va nt led 41

:c yafliya lag/ a apara m a iry,

E h . iv . 37 , should be translated ,‘ thou whosoever shalt be k i ng

hereafter .

’

E h . iv . 4 4 : RV . 11 .'7 .

lVeissbach - Bang’s readi ng A ttra m azwiya ] ta iyiya in E h . iv .

44 i s very doubtful . Rawl in son ’s copy (cf . also JRA S .,

x . p . l i x . ) has merely A erra m azhlc‘

t] and a b lank space . On th i s

1 Old Persian vifia is to be comparedw ith Old Church S lav . visi , Lithu a

n ian v isas, Indo - Germanic *iti Ii - o while I sti l l hold to m y former

explanation of Old Persian visa beside vispa ,Indo - German ic ”gi lt- l la

as du e to sp !s(s) (AJPh xx i . 7 , see now Salem ann , G ru ndr . der i ran .

Phi lol . , i . With the v iew of Foy , KZ . , xxxvi i . 533 , that visa isfrom Indo - German ic *

l l i8' kO I am quite unable to agree .

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62 L . 11 . Gray, [1902

7a which should be c i ted in th i s connect ion . Th e Vedi c passage in quest ion contain s th e sole i n stance th us far noted of th efi rst si ngu lar m iddle of i i n Sansk ri t . Th e l i ne i s as followsa m dj c

‘

ir i va. p itroh stict'

t sa ti sa m am ttl it team ig/e blu i

ga m‘ as a g i rl maturing at home dwel l ing with her parents ,

from the j oin t abode I betak e myself to thee for weal . ’ Th ewords tvdm 5ye M uir/am ,

whi ch are important for the suggestedread i ng of th e Old P ers ian passage , are th us g lossed by Sayana :stout/5a m b/i aga m bl a n iya i ii ( lha i i a n

'

i team tye tvf mii ydce .

I see no very g reat semanti c difli cu lties i n a development ofmean ing from ‘ I go ,

betak e myself,to Ormazd ’ to a practical

equivalen t of ‘ I cal l Ormazd to wi tness,so help me Ormazd .

’

Ce‘rta inly al l epigraph i cal and g rammat i cal requ i rements seem to

me to be met by such a sugg est ion .

E h . iv . 4 6, avat.

The general sense of E h . i v . 46 i s cl ear both from the OldP ersian and New Susian versions

,th e Babylon ian b e ing lost

here . Th e thi rd word of th e l i ne i n the Iran ian text i s,how

ever,muti lated and doubtful . R awl inson i n h i s copy reads th i s

word and th e one before i t au ra [m az( ld lza . tya ]m iya (cf . al so

JRA S .,O. S .

,X . ,p . xv i i i .

,l ixI—l x .

,bu t i n h i s rev i s i onal

note (xi i . , p . vi . ) he says that the last four characters are certain ly a m

“ 5y"

. W ei ssbach and Bang read api ]m a iy,thus sub

stitu ting i for R awl in son’s a . But th i s can scarcely be th e inten

s ive ap i (of . th ei r tran slat ion by for that word o ccurs i nthe i n scr ipt ion s only as an encl i t i c i n th e si ng l e ph rase ( lu ra iy

Ctpl]/ or ( lu ra iapiy . I would sugg est the reading a va,wh i ch th us

g ives a vam a iy . Thi s a r e? i s the ablat ive si ngu lar n euter for*a c( tg

‘

governed by a n iyasci t wh i ch sh ould tak e the ab lat ive inOld P ersian as i t does i n Avestan and Sansk ri t (cf . Jack son

,

A v . Gra h a m, § 965 , n . 1 [unpub l i sh ed ,

read i n proof—sh eets] ,Speijer, S an s/c. Sync , 78

—79 , Delbri ick,Viol . Syu t.

,i .

Th e mean ing of m a i j/ i s fixed by th e New Susian renderi ng

1 On the loss of fina l I, in Old Persian see Bartholom ae , G ru ndr . der

iran . P hi lol . , i . 183 , Foy , KZ . ,xxxvi i . 500—501 . In passing I m ay note

regarding Foy’s critic i sm of m y v iew of tyana, E h . i . 23, as expressed inAJP h . ,

xx i . 12—13 , that da ta. i s evidently plural , not singular (cf . theBabylonian rendering dé

‘

ndtu ,E h . We should therefore expect

tyana instead of tya na if h is v iew were correct .

Vol . xxi ii - l Old P ersia n I nscr iptions of B eh istun . 63

anena (E h . i i i . 70 ) and the encl i t i c pronoun thus stands i n it s

proper posi t ion after (wel t. Th e passag e E h . i v . 46—47 , vas’

n d

au ra [9na zddlza a v] (27na iy (m iyasciy vasiyastiy ka rtm n o va.

ava ils/Gym ( l ip ig/a] na iy n ipsita m i s th en to be rendered,i n my

j udgment ,‘ by the g race of Ormazd much more than th i s was

done by me . This i s not writ ten on thi s tab le t . ’

Old P ersian duvi tdta ranam : Ol d Church S lav ic davé, G reek dfiv.

The word ( la vitt’

rta ra na m occurs twi ce , E h . i . 10,a 17 , i n the

Old P ersian i nscript ion s i n passages wh ere no help i s given bythe Babylon ian or New Susian version s . The latter tex t hasi ndeed (E h . i . 7) sa m ak - m a r corresponding to ( lu citf tta ra n a m

,

but as th e New Susian word al so i s a am key ,i t i s usel ess for

i nterpretat ion (cf . however , Foy , l i i . Early

conj ecture s on the mean ing of th e Iran ian term are col lected bySpi egel , 83—84 . The second component i s obv i

ou sly to be compared , so far as etymology goes , with Sansk ri tta ra qm

‘ crossi ng ’

(so already Ben f ey,I i

'

eil inschr .,

The

word seems to mean ‘ for a long time,from days of old ’

(cf .

Justi,G ru

-

n tlr . ( ler i ra n . Ph ilol . , i i . 417 and hi s references there ;see also Rawli n son

,JRA S

,x . 1 97 , Ben f ey, I f eil in sc/nz ,

Bartholom ae,G ru ndr . ( ler ira n . Phi lol .

,i . 151

,re turns to

the o lder rendering,best defended by Oppert, L epeuple

cles M étles,1 13 , 163 , and adopted by \Veissbach and Bang ,

‘ i n

doppelter R eihe .

’ The hi stori ca l di fficult i e s i n expla in i ng th epassag e i f dew itdta ra u u m has th i s mean i ng , are too con siderableso be l ightlv overlooked . I in cl i ne

,th erefore

,to the renderi ng

‘ from time o f o ld,

’ especial ly as I thi nk th i s can be j ustifi edetymo log i ca lly The latest di scussion of ( In m

’

tc’

tta rm m m i s byFoy,

I( Z . ,xxxvn . 546 , who st i l l adheres to h is compari son wi th

La ti n ( l i u tu rn u s . S uch an equat ion seem s to me impo ssi ble .

\Vhether Lati n ( l i f t by day , long’ stands for *rl ioa- 5or fo r

(cf . Brugm ann,

i . " 9 10,S to l z

,L a t. 13 1 ,

Su m m er, La t. L a n t nm l I'brm en l . , i t seems clear

,a t any

rat e,that just as l l l 't - l

'

Il 'tS i s afte r the analogy o f n octu r - n ws conce ived as *

n ov l u - r1m s (S to l z , so ( tin - ta rm ac i s analog i ca l tothe same n e c ta r - n u s divided *

n oc - tu rm 1s .

'\Vi th «l i u ttrrzm s

,

then ,f l u e [wh i rl / n o ne has no th ing to do .

For further h i nts on the influence of now on d ies i n Latin , see Sommer , 429 , Schrader , Rea llea‘ikon , 845- 846 .

64 Gray,Old Pers ia n L ascr iption s of B eh istu n [1902

Th e fi rst component of the Old P ersian word i s to be compared with G reek 817- 06, Sn-

pdu, 86V, Dori c 80 (F)ci v (Alkm an,frag .

135,ed . El . Mr

,O . Ch . S l . da r é formerly

,

’dor i m

‘

t‘ old

,

’

A rmen ian tecem ‘ I cont inue,

’Lat i n ( la - r as

,( la- ( li on

,Sansk rit

( la - ré (see Fick ,T

r

y/l . t b.,i .

3

624,i i . ’ 383 , Hirt , Abla u t, 1 04 ,

Htibschm ann,A rm en . i . 497 , P rel lwitz , E tm . t b.

,

74 , B rugm ann,Gr . Gr .

" The same phonet i c change i sfound i n th i s equat ion as i n th e compari son of Old P ersian da virig/a

‘ second,

’ with Sansk ri t dv itiya ,G reek Sis, Old Lat i n da is

(Paul i excerpta ex Festo , ed . Th . de P onor,

I consequently

fee l l it t le hes itat ion i n renderi ng d'

av itdta rtm a m‘ th roughout a

long period .

’ I think,furth ermore

,l ik e Foy

,that we are

ent it led to compare th e Old P ersian word with the V edi cdcitd. Geldner

,Ved. S tu d

,i i i . 1

,has very recent ly expressed

himself as unfavorable to thi s view,apparently on semasiological

g rounds . Y et i t wou ld seem that th e underly ing force of dv i ta‘

as h e has outl i ned the usage of the term,1—1 0

,may wel l have

been ‘ long,cont i nuous

,fi rm

,

’ wh ence were der ived the meaning s h e assigns th e word on a bas i s of Vedic phi lology and th enat ive commentators . Unt i l a better etymology shal l have beens uggested for doi ta

,I should certa i nly prefer to compare it with

O ld P ers ian ( la vi tdta ran a m ,and both these words with Old

B u lgarian ( lave,G reek 8151 5 and thei r cognates .

1 For cf . B 36 , 0 56’

dp’

en (5771) 75cm . The phrases A rmenian itevoy forever ’ and Old Bulgarian izi

’

t davina from olden time m ay

a lso be noted i n this connect ion . Cf . further Kern , ZDMG . , xxi i i . 222226

, Osthofi'

, E tym . Pa rerga , i . 114—115 .

T he e ada- ti laka T antra .—By Dr. ARTHUR H . E W ING

,

A l lahabad,India.

DR . R S J E N DR A LRLA M ITRA once expressed the opin ion tha tth e Tant ras const i tute the l i fe and soul of th e modern svstem of

Hinduism . l W h i le Tantra l i terature has made i t s way al l overInd ia from Tibet to Madras

,i t i s ch iefly to Benga l tha t i t owes

its origin . The wri ter j ust quoted,i n h i s Not i ces of San sk ri t

MSS . ,vol . i i i . p . x iv

,points out tha t th e Tan tra s have alway s

held the fi e ld aga inst th e Vedas i n the prov i n ce of Bengal .Bengal i P undits have no Ved i c MSS . ; th i s he bel ieves to bedue to the fact that “ Bengal has never been the seat of a

Ved ic S chool,and conseq uen tlv i t has never been taug h t th ere ,

nor MSS . prepared and preserved .

” These and other fac ts

regarding the importance of the Tantras,especia l ly in Bengal ,are to be found i n a recent pamph le t bv D r . K . S . MacDonald

,

o f Calcutta,ent i tled

,

“ W h ether Tantra or Veda in Bengal ?”

The same wri te r has al so publ i sh ed i nformat ion regard ing Tant ri c l i te ra ture in and Oudh

,i n Mvsore and South Ind ia ,

and o ther pamphlets a re i n the course of preparat ion regardingth e sa id l i terature i n oth e r prov i n ces .The clo se relat ion of th i s branch o f Sanskri t l i terature to the

every - day rel igion of mil l ion s o f Hindus,furn i shes an ade quate

reason fo r careful inqu irv i nto th e contents of th e various Tantri c product ion s . Such i nqui ry i s now be ing carried on underthe leade rsh ip o f Dr . MacDona ld

,at whose request work on th e

Q’

arada- t i laka was undertaken .

The Caradz‘

t- t i laka appears a s No . 160 i n Aufrech t ’slog ue of Sansk ri t MSS . i n the Bodle ian L ib ra ry .

”l lc the re

g i ves a b ri ef outl i ne. o f the conten ts and adds,

- t i la l< a

( Y amala alone be ing excepted) hold s the fi rs t place among them vst ic books ; and unle ss l am m i staken , surpa sse s the rest. i npo i n t o f ant iqui ty .

T he Title .

T he. mean i ng which the wo rd i s he re int ended to

co nvev i s no t ce rta in,bu t i t i s probablv used as a name o f

Compare what i s said i n [ ado- Arya ns , vol . i . p . 404.

VOL . xxm . 5

66 A . 11 . E wing , [1902.

Saraswat i , who stands fi rst i n th e l i st of de i t i es worsh ipped i nconnect i on w i th various Man t ras i n th e body of th e book

,i. e . ,

from chapter v i . to chapter xx i i i . The word Cfirada is not fou nd

i n the 108 Upan i shads wh i ch are tabulated i n Jacob ’s Concordance nor i n the Am arakoga . It i s

,however

,found as a nam e of

Saraswat i i n T rikz‘

m dacesha i . 1 , 32 Qfirada i s al so th e nameof a k i nd of San sk ri t character

,e . g .

,th e Kashmirian Atharva

Veda i s w ri tten i n the C-z

'

i rada character . Here agai n th e reference

,as \Veber has sa id

,I S

,x iv . ,

p . 405,i s doubtless to Saras

wat i,who i s th e tutelary goddess of speech and learn ing .

T h e A uthor.

A t the close of the work,i n chapter xxv .

,th e author i s stated

to be Lak sm an, th e son of Lak sm i , who rece ived i t from Qri

Krsna , who rece ived i t from V firun endra,who rece ived it from

Mahabala .

G eneral Character of '

th e Tantra and P oints Worthy of M ention .

1 . Th e Qarada- t i laka i s pract i cally free from reference to th el i cent ious practi ces wh ich

,mark ing the so - cal led “ l eft - handed ”

Qaktas, have done so much to bring them in to di srepute . The

only except ion i s i n th e general references to th e power of certa in Man tras to bri ng women under control and to compel th emto come where they may be wanted

,e . g . i x . 100 ; x . 25

, 70 , 95 ,

96 , 1 1 1 , 145 .

2 . Th e Sam khya - Y oga terminology prevai l s i n the book ; th elast chapter i s devoted to Y oga by defin i t ion ,

xxv . 1 .

3 . The larger part of the book i s devoted to th e mak ing andhandl i ng of Mantras and Y antras . It fol lows from th i s that thework i s fu l l of sorcery pract i ces

,bei ng th ere i n th e l in ea l

descendan t of the Atharva Veda . Sorcery appears i n i t s benefi

cent and terribl e aspects . On the one hand,th e Mantri n

,by

proper pract i ces,can obtai n almost anything that the heart may

wish ; on th e oth er hand , he can k i l l or enable a man to k i l l h isenemy . This i s the ch ief blot upon th i s Tantra .

The techn i cal word for th i s sort of th i ng i s given i n xx ii , 1 ,v iz . ca tm w i m a rdcm a

,or k i l l i ng of enemies .

The A tidu rga - Mantra of chapter xx i i . has th i s as i t s defin itepurpose . Other Mantras al so are used i n the same way . Th efollowing are some concrete pract i ces referred to :

Vol . xxi ii . ] T he e add - tz'

laka T an tra . 67

(1) The Vayu Y antra , buried by the door of an enemy’s house

at n ight,wi ll bring about hi s death unless he m akes haste to

l eave i t,v i i . 54 , 56 . Compare for a sim i lar use and effect of

oth er Y antras,x i . 63 and x x i v . 29 if . W hat a mag n ificent s i t

nat ion th is creates for a sort of re ign of terror !

(2) An image,i . e .

,e ffigy of an enemy

,i s made of a certa in

k i nd of wood,and i t i s th en cu t to p i eces

,the enemy thus

becom i ng “ a guest of death ” (Kalatithi), x i . See

also xx i . 95 if . The defeat and death of enem ie s are aga i n andaga i n attributed to the Mantra i n x i . 62—128 .

(3) A young deer i s taken as a symbol of an enemy and thenk i l led and flung away

,xvi . 24 . Cf . xvi . 90 .

(4) A goat i s taken as a symbol of an enem v and th e goat i sk i l l ed

,xx . 129 .

(5) Messengers are sent to tak e the l ife of enemies , xx i i i . 94 , 95 .

(6) Agn i is besought to k i l l a man , xx i i . 142 ; i ndeed , chapte rxx i i . i s so ful l of th i s sort of th ing as to make quotat ionimpract i cable .

4 . Aufrecht ’s Op in ion that Qarada- t i laka surpasses the otherTantras i n ant iqui ty seems doubtful from the statemen t whichth e book g ives of itse lf . In i . 4 i ts p urpose i s sa id to be to g ive

the essence,sdra

,of a l l the Tantras and the method of Y an

tra s and Mantras . Such a cla im could hardly be made un les s

o ther Tantra s were in ex i stence . In fac t the book seems to be

a compilat ion . Chapters v i .—xx i i i . make up the body of the bookand bear a common character . The early chapters establ i sh

the theory of Mantra format ion and describe what i s preparatoryor co l la teral . In the same way the two clos ing chapters are

addi t ions regarding Y an tras and Y oga . On the other hand,i t

may sti l l be that of the Tantras now i n ex i stence the Qarada i sone of the oldest . Anyth ing l ike accuracy here wi l l depend

upon further i nvest igat ion .

Ce rtai n of the work s classed as Upan i sads clearly belong to

the same stra tum of l i te rature as the Tantras,at least i f Oaradz

‘

i

t i laka be taken as a fai r representat ive of the latter class . The

Ram apurvatapaniya and the N rsix’

ihapi‘

i rvatapan iya Upan i sads

con ta i n the same sort of materia l as the (pm -

ads does and bo thare equal ly far removed from the earlv Upan i sads . Aga in

,the

use of the word Cakti i n Atharvaeiras, Kalagn irudra , Il ansaand Nyasa Upan isads serves to loca te them approxim atelv i n

the same sphere of l i terary produc t ion .

68 A H . E wing [1902.

5 . An important feature of th i s Tantra i s i t s references to th e

goddess Kundal i .The Tantras

,as i s wel l understood

,set forth th e rel ig i on of

th e Cak tas, i . e . of those who beli eve in and worsh ip th esupreme female energy , i . e . Oak ti . In th i s T an tra

,Kundal i i s

th e personal name chosen to describe th i s supreme Cak ti , act iv eboth i n man and i n th e un iverse .

Th e fol lowi ng are th e ch i ef references to h er nature , herplace and her act iv i t i e s :

(1 ) On th e one hand,sh e i s ident ifiedwith Cabdabrahm an

,i . 14

,

55 ; sh e i s call ed P aracak ti , i . 53 ; and P aradevatz‘

n,i . 56 ; xxv .

34 ; and Adhara -

cak ti , iv . 57 ; sh e i s pra i sed i n many stanzas ofchapter xxv . and g iven th e attribu tes of al l the gods and god

desses,xxv . 64 if ; sh e i s ident ifi ed with Om ,

th us : Om equal sP inda , Kundal i equal s P i nda , th erefore th e two are equal , andth i s i s equ ivalent to ident i fying her with Brahm an , xxv . 65 .

On th e other hand,h er form i s g iven as th e form of a serpent ,

i . 54 . No te that i n Am arakoca [sungla l in i s one of the synonym s

for serpent .

(2) She dwel ls i n th e middle of the body (delm m adhyagd) ofal l l iv i ng (breath ing) creatures , i . 1 4 .

Agai n she i s man ifested i n the trunk of the body (dd/10 m ) asP aragak ti , i . 53 . R eferences to her coming forth from the

(i d/earns are found i n xx i i . 3,49

,50 . Aga i n as P aradevatz

‘

i sh ei s sa id to dwell i n th e midst of a k not i n the (rd/Lara

,from whence

th e ve in s go out , xxv i . 34 . Furth er in xxv . 67 sh e i s sa id t omove i n th e midst of the Su su m nft Vei n .

(3) She creates th e world . Th i s i s put i n th e fol lowi ng ways :Fi rst sh e i s sa id to be mu lt ipl i ed (gran i te ) i n th e bodi es of al lc reatures

,i . 56 . Furth er

,i t i s sa id that sh e

,hav i ng awak ened

to th e fact that sh e i s endowed wi th the essence of al l th ing s ,creates th e Mantra - endowed world

,i . 57 . Th e deta i l s of th e

above declarat ion s are then g iven . She man ifests hersel f i n al lsi ng l es , al l doubl es , al l tripl es and so on up to twelves

,then in

twenty - fours,th en i n th i rty - twos

,th en i n th i rty - si xes

,th en i n

forty - twos and th en i n fi ft ies . Th e various phenomena of thev i s ib l e world are gath ered under th ese g roups , i . 58—1 09 .

Agai n she i s said to a id i n the destructi on of an enemy , xxn . 3 .

Further,she i s sa id to go ou t by th e B rahm arandra

,xx i i . 50 .

Further,the orig i n of all l etters i s attributed to her . T he

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70 A If . E wing [1902.

the ch i ld separates from the moth er th e power goes asl eep . She

i s no more wanted now . Upon the suppl i e s of th e Kundal idepend the dimens ion s of the body of th e ch i ld . It i s said thati t i s possib le to awake the goddess even i n th e developed organi sm by certa i n Y oga practi ces . N a tu re

’s F iner F orces

,p . 1 94 .

T h e P h i losophy of M an tra F orm ation accord ing to garada- ti laka .

The starting - poin t i s th e Sat - c i t - i‘

m anda attr ibute - possessi ng

(sag u n a ) P aram ecvara . From P aram ecvara pakti i s produced

sa cciddn a nda vib/i a vdt saba lat ( i . e . sag/ u n dt) pa ram ecva rdd

("

talc chakti[1,i . 6 . From cakti comes n dda

,i . e . th e n asa l

sound represented by a semic i rc le and here pu t apparently forunman ifested sound . From n dda comes binder

,i . e . th e dot

represent i ng an u s-

cam,i . 7 . This bindu possesses the qual it ies

of th e h ighest pakti (pa racakti m ayafi) and i s itself made up ofthree parts

,vi z .

,binda

,n dda

,and blj a m . From th e divi s ion

of thi s h ighest bindu , man ifested sound (raua ) i s produced .

Sound wh i ch i s thus created takes shape i n le tters and words .

Letters and words form Mantras ; hence Man tras i ncarnate , asi t were

,th e power of Oakti , which i s the power of P aram ecvara .

Th e Mantras as i nfolding the power of Param ecvara become

the media of world - creat ion . Kundal i,who i s the supreme

Oak ti , i s sa id to create the Mantra - endowed world . The five

elements are sa id to have th e five root - sounds as th ei r cause,

i . e . th e elements are five because the letters are divi ded intofives— not th e Opposite

,as one might more easi ly have imagined ,

i i . 10 . The detai l s of th e explanat ion are so abundant as to bealmost confu sing . However

,the above th eory seems to be th e

idea at th e basi s of the deta il s . It i s easy to see the reason forsuch a th eory . Th e Mantri n was determined to have h i s Mantrash ighly regarded and so h e creates a th eory accordi ng to whi chno power wi l l be too g reat to attribute to them . Not that thei dea orig i nated with th e T antrics. Speech i s a goddess of theR ig Veda and the power of bra hm a n or th e “ holy word ”

was recogn ized from earl iest t imes . Th e Tantras are i n th i sm atter but a degenerate offspring of an honored parentage .

Th e Brahmana wi th h i s bra /”n an i s th e g randfather of theMantrin wi th h i s Man tra . The one i s sacerdotal i sm with astrong i n cl ination to sorcery ; the oth er i s sacerdotal i sm immersedi n an ocean of sorcery .

Vol . xxi i i . ] T he Qarada- tilaka T an tra . 7 1

Othe r matters worthy of ment ion are

(a) th e Nad i s or ve in s . These are sa id to be ten,the prin c i

pal be ing I da,P ifif/a ld and S uszu n nd , which are referred respect

ively to the left s ide and nostri l , the right side and nostri l , andthe m i ddle . The seven others are : 1 . Ga m I/u

‘

l rz,to the l eft

eye . 2 . Hastzj i/wd , to the righ t eye . 3 . I ’asa,to the right

ear . 4 . A la m busd,to the mouth . 5 . H ica m f in i , to the left

ea r . 6 . Qa fikh in i , to the anus . 7 . AT

M/“ 7,to the gen i tals .

Ten winds or fi re s are al so g iven as presen t i n the body ,but

i t does not seem poss ible to locate them in the m a l ls . They

are pran a ,apam a ,

nyan a ," Jan a

,sanu

’

m a,nag/a (connected with

vomi t ing or bel ch ing), karm a. (wink i ng), (en largement), krka ra. (sneez ing), derada tta. (yawn ing), i . 40—44 .

As to S usu m n d severa l poin ts are given . (a) It i s the

prana which goes up from the navel i n five sect ions (p in,up ,

vy .,

3a m . ) and therewith prevades the body , i . 43 . (b) Bywav of the S usum n ri th e (Ztm a n, i s un ited wi th the P a ra m

dtnm n,i v . 24 . (o) By the way of S uswn n d

,reins comes from

i t s own place i . e . the heart,i v . 88 ; cf . Fraena Up .

i i i . 9 . (d) S usi /471.2112 i s i n the backbone , xxv . 29 .

(b) Moving l ife i s of three origin s : (a) from sweat , (b) fromegg , and (c) from the embryo - sack

,i . 29 fl’ . and 38 .

(c) The seven (Hiatus or con st i t uen ts of the bodv are sk i n ,blood , flesh , fat , bone , marrow ,

and seed,i . 34 . In v i . 7 and

xxi i i . 84 the last named i s omitted .

(d) The body i s sa id to be n inety - s i x fingers long ,xxv . 27 .

The pr i m er. i s said to abide twelve fing ers from the navel ; cf .

the reference i n Am ritabindu Up . 32 to measurements bvthumb - breadths , and mv di scussion thereof i n “ The HinduConcept i on of the Fun ct ion s of Breath

,

”JA OS . xxn . 264 .

(e) The .S'

m izskdras i n the h i story of the ind ividual are a s

fol lows : si nm n tu m m y/m m, j am

ku rnm n,n dm a ka ra gw

,npan. 1

'

skra nm 1m,

a m m /n'figa n a ,

( vi m /a,

uprm dya n a , i . e . brn /m m cdr in ,N/m n i

sa i l/ 1, ga l liu m /Ind iv ikd i t

,and (v .

‘

60 if ).

OUTLIN E OF CONT E NT S .

Chapte r I . The ch i ef purpo se o f the fi rst chapter i s t o set

forth the theoretic ba s i s o f the sci ence o f Mant ra format i onand use . The arg umen t ha s been b ri efly sta ted above .

The

72 A . I f . E cing , [1902.

Sam khya terminology i s used . Such terms as ta nnu ‘

d ras,ra t

tva s,m a lcd ta ttva s, n m n as

,(fl u id/i i

,ci t

,a /un hkdra

,m a /i a t

,a rg

akta m, j fidnendr iga s, etc .

,are used .

Chapter II . The sub j ect of th i s chapter i s stated to be todescribe the utterance (vgakti) of sounds i n the m outh s of men .

In oth er words,i t i s a natural prog ress u pon chapter fi rst .

Sounds are sa id to be driven along th rough S u su nzn d by the windor breath

,th e i r starti ng poin t hav i ng been the person ified Cakti

who,as Kundal i , dwel ls i n the body

Many gods and goddesses are named and are al l cal led sca r

caktis , th us emphas iz i ng the theory that sounds are creat iveforces (29 In an earl ier verse (8) th e vowels are cal led

pi vapaktim ag as, i . e . ,possessed of the power of Civa .

From verse 56 the descript ion of Mantras beg i n s . Th ey ared ivided (a) as to gender ; (b) as to character i nto good and bad

(lei-

am and sam nga ) ; and (0 ) i nto ready for use— siddha— and

those yet to be perfected— sadl iga (56—62 and 130 The

ch i ef causes of Mantras be ing defect ive are (1 ) th e too frequen toccurrence of certa i n letters

,and (2) the putt i ng of sa id letters

i nto th e wrong place A l ong l i st of defect ive Mantraspre cedes the above statemen t (63 Note that the restric

t ions are such that Mantra - mak i ng i s not a matter to be l igh tlyundertak en . Th ey seem to have been made with a vi ew tok eep ing th e product ion ent i re ly i n th e hands of a

“ MantraCompany

,L imi ted .

”

Th e Sw iss/rai ns for Mantra - format i on are next g iven , and thi si s fol lowed by a statement of the proper astrolog i ca l conditions ,and that agai n by a descript ion of a mag i cal diag ram ; cf .

N rsinha . Up.,v . 2 (1 12

Th e chapter ends wi th a descript ion of the proper place,the

food and th e character of th e Mantrin and al so of the characterof th e disc ip le (138Chapter III . The subj ects of th i s chapter are1 . Th e preparat i on of the asan a

,i . e . ,

th e g round where asacrifice i s to be performed (12 . Fu l l deta i l s of th e erection over th e of a m a n glapa

or temporary temple on the occasion of a rel ig ious fest ival ; of th evessel s u sed i n the ceremony and the variou s g rain s pu t i n th em ;and of the g iv i ng of food to th e gods and demons (193 . Th e forming of [su ndae i n the various squares of th e (

"

tsa n a and

a descrip t ion of occult effects of th e variou s shaped kn n glas (48—86)

Vol . xx i i i . ] T he Carada- tilaka T an tra .

4 . The format ion of m a nda las or charmed c ircle s of con j ur

ors (105

5 . The descript ion of pit/m s or pedestal s upon which the godsare put (1 19 if ).Chapter IV . The aim of th is chapter i s to expla in the con

secrat ion ceremon ies or ( l l/( 3 0 8 which must be performed pre

paratorv to undertak i ng the spec ific acts of worsh ip . Fi rstcomes an account of what the B ecaka must do from the t ime ofh i s bath to h i s enteri ng i nto the place of sacrifice

, g rg'

fiam a n glapa

( 1 Then fol lows the eerem onv of alternately rec i ti ng theMant ra of the occasion and touch ing parts of the body (28

A fter th i s comes the ceremony of pr i m apra tisf ha ,i . e . ,

the putt i ng o f l i fe i n to the idol s and the obj ects used i n the sacrifice

(77 The chapter ends wi th a descript ion of foot - rin s ing,

mouth - wash ing,and g uest - recept ion ceremon ies (93

Chapter V . The subj ec t of th i s chapter i s the sacrific ial fi re .

The product ion thereof i s fi rst taken up . Eighteen Sm irskaras,i . e . ,

sancti f ving ceremon ies , are men tioned i n the beg inn i ng ofth e chapter and others later (1—6 and 43 if ). The seven tongueso f Ag n i are ment i oned and these agai n d iv ided i nto three seven s

(20At the close of the chapter

,fi re i s l ikened to a l iv i ng creature

with a head and other pa rts . The various colors of the flames

have a Spec ifi c sacrific ia l val ue ; the sounds of the flames areal so g i ven ( 150 ii ).Chapters VI—XXIII . W i th the close of the fi fth chapter the

i nt roductory matter comes to an end and the author addressesh imsel f to the desc ript i on of various Mantras

,as to the i r forma

t ion , use , and the resul ts obtai nable by them . The method of

the An ukram an is i s fo l lowed and the R si,the meter

,and the

d iv i n i ty are g i ven .

Chapte r VI . The ma in Mantra here i s cal led V arnatanu ,and

the dei ty the reo f i s Saraswat i . It i s made up of fi fty lettersand twenty - four l 'ipis. The word [ 5s seem s to refe r to the

sect ions of the Man tra ; the body i s to be touched i n twen tyfour places and the de i ty thus placed in i t . The e ight mothe rs ,i . e . , person ified energ ie s of the pri n cipal de i t i es , are named and

described ( 17 Five Man tras are man i pulated (5 1A bh isckrm

, i . e . , ba th ings of the idols , and m i n /1°0 8,i . e . ,

i nt e r

twin i ngs of the fing ers wi th supposed magica l effi ca cy , are

named and their e ff ects given (75

74 A . H . E wing , [1902.

Chapter V II . Th e fi rst half of th i s chapter is devoted toY antras , i . e .

,amulets upon which Mantras are wri tten . Th e

ch i ef one i s cal led Bhutal ipi ;” a diag ram of i t i s g iven (1

Long l i st s of pa lms contai n i ng 1 6,23

,and 64 names respect

ivelv ,are g iven from verses 20—50 .

A kag'

a,vag u ,

agn i , va rzm a,andprth ivzY antras are described

(5 1From verse 62 the format ion of Mantras begin s agai n . Th e

main Mantra i s call ed V ag icvm' i and th e deitv of it i s Trakya .

Thi s i s probab ly a return i n real i ty to th e Sa raswa tzof chapterV I

,who i s th e goddess of speech . In the latter part of the

chapter there are frequent references to obtain i ng sk i l l i nspeech . Th e chapter closes wi th a l i st of th i ngs forbidden to aMantri n .

Chapter VIII . Formation,u se and value of Lak sm i - Man

tras . At verse 37 a new Mantra i s ment ioned cal led the AngaMantra . From 141—3 the format ion of a Y antra i s descr ibed .

Th i s i s fol lowed by anoth er Mantra of 27 l etters (144The chapter closes wi th a l i st of th i ng s forb idden and al lowed

to the Mantri n (149Chapter IX . Th e goddess of th e Mantras of th i s chapter i s

Bhu vanecvari . V arious Mantras are formed and gods and goddesses worsh ipped i n the d ifferen t quarters (1 The cahtis

of Bhuvanecvari are then given and th i s i s fol lowed by theformat ion of th ree Y antras (34 The chap ter ends wi th astatement of th e wonderful powers of the Mantra (95Chapter X . Th e name of both th e Man tra and th e goddess

of th i s chapter i s T varit fi,a t i tl e of D urga. Both Mantras and

Y antras are formed (1 Th e ten paktis of K am adeva are

mentioned in verse 69 . Here al so wonderfu l powers are attribu ted to th e Mantra .

Chapter XI . Th e Mantra of th i s i s cal led the D u rg z‘

l - Mantra .

The value of th i s Mantra as a means of destroying enemies i sfrequently referred to . Abh icara

,one of th e techn i cal words

used in connect ion wi th the terribl e aspects of sorcery,i s found

i n verses 81 and 124 .

Chapter XII . Th e de ity of th i s chapter as wel l as the mai nMantra i s n amed Tripura- Bhai rav i . Thi s goddess is very

h igh ly pra ised . In one passag e she i s ident ified with V i snu ,Civa , Brahman , and th e i r w ives (84Y antras are formed (25 if . ) and caktis named (35

Vol . xxi ii . ] T he QaraJa- ti laka T an tra . 75

Chapter XIII . The Mantras of Ganapat i , i . e . ,Ganeca , are

handl ed in thi s chapter . The posit ion i n which he s it s with h i sw i fe i s described i n 73 , 84 , 91 (untranslatable). S tars are sa id

to be made by water thrown from Caneca’s trunk

,and he i s sa id

to play with the sun and moon as wi th ball s (142 and As

to the rest,the “ pract i ces ” of the chapte r a re a s i n other

chapters .

Chapter XIV . The Mantras of the heaven ly bodies are heregiven .

1 . The Moon - Mantra wi th Soma as de i ty (1 2 . The

S un - Mantra with Adi tya as de i ty (29 3 . The A j apa

Mantra,i . e .

,H - a - n- s- a . Thi s i s al so the sun 4 . Agni

Mantra wi th Anala as de ityChapter XV . The great Man tra of V i sn u i s the subj ect of

th i s chapter . In verses 13—20 the sun and V i sn u are correlatedby the i r names . The Mantras of certai n of V isnu ’

s i n carnat i on sare g iven : (1) Ram a Candra (85 (2) V arz

’

iha (1 10

(3) P rth iv i (140Chapter XVI . Th e Man tras of th i s chapter are l i nked up

wi th N rsinha . These Mantras are remarkably e ff ect ive i n

destroy ing enem iesChapter XVII . Here we have the Man tras of P u rusottam a

,

i . e .,Jagannath , i . e . ,

V i snu - A vatar . The ch ief Man tra i s madeup of 200 l etters . Eight shorter Man tras are named i n 44—5 1 anda Krsna - Mantra i n 87 . A long l i st of caktis i s g iven and a lo tof Y an tras are formed (124 V arious acts of twelv e Ava

ta rs of V i sn u are referred to (a) fi sh , (b) tortoi se , (c) boar , (d)man - l ion

, (e) V am ana,i . e . ,

T riv ikram a, (f) P aragu Ran i a , (g)

Rama Candra , (h) Baladeva , ( i) Buddha , ( j) Kalk i , (k) Krsna ,i . e .

,P u rz

'

m a P urusa,and ( l) V i snu him sel f (156

Chapter XVIII . The ma i n Mantra i s named Mahega withIca as a dei ty . In 42—44 there i s a Bhai rava - Man tra ; i n 45 aDurgz

'

i - Mantra ; i n 48—49 a C aneca - Nl antra,and i n 52 a Civa

Man tra .

Chapter XIX . The M an tra here i s named Mantraratna

and the dei ty i s Cam bhu . In 57 the (‘

in tz’

nm ani -Mant ra i sgiven ; i n 1 14—121 the Kharag ravan (sic)- Man tra of 170 l ette rs .

Ca lais are nam ed i n 124—125 .

Chapte r XX . The Aghora- Mantra stands at the head of th i schapter . Further

,the larg e and smal l Mantra s o f K se trapz

‘

da

76 A . If . E r ing , T he Cdradd - ti laka T a n tra . [1902

are g iven i n 35 and 47 . Three k i nds O f meditat ionare named

,i . e .

,sattv ika

,rayasa and tam a sa (55

Chapter XXI . Th e Mantras of Gfiyatri are the subj ect O f th i schapter . Gavatr i

'

i s sa id to be th e man ifestat ion Of the Saccidananda Brahman Many names O f Agn i are g iven (51A l i st Of psych i ca l and other essences and act iv i t ies i s found i n67—71 . Nak satras and Raci s are dealt wi th (78 if . and 84 if . )There i s a good deal of foe - destruction prov ided for i n thechapter .

Chapter XXII . Th e main Mantra Of th i s chapter has twonames (1) Udi nastra (sic)- k rtyastra . Th e second word describesth e reverse use O f th e Mantra

,i . e .

, pra ti lonza . (2) Atidu rga .

The purpose O f th i s Mantra i s defined in th e fi rst verse as ca tru

v im a rdan a,i . e . ,

enemy - destruct ion and the whole chapter proves i ts power for th i s purpose . The Lavana - Mantrabeg i n s at 59 . Th e var ious m an da la s

,i . e .

,myst i cal c i rcles O f

th e body,are referred to (8 Many Mantras are handl ed i n

th e chapter . A goat,a snak e and a cat fig ure i n the ceremonial

(56 , 73 ,Chapter XXIII . Th e ch ief Mantra O f th i s chapter i s cal led

T rfiiy am baka and refers to Mahadeva,i . e .

,th e th ree - eyed

one . Its purpose i s j ust the Opposi te O f th e Atidu rga - Mantra .

Its purpose i s expressed by the word “m rtgm nj aga ,

i . e .,

death - conqueri ng . Th e Mantra O f V aruna i s g iven at 52 f f . In

93—96 we have the P ranapratistha- Mantra

,and i n 1 1 7—122 a

descript ion O f m ndrt’

ts.

Chapter XXIV . Th i s chapter expla in s th e variou s k i nds O f

Y antras h idden i n the Tantras . From 94 on Kundal i i s pra i sed .

It i s as though the author returned to the subj ect O f th e fi rstchapter .

Chapter XXV . Th e clos ing chapter deal s wi th Y oga . In

verse 1,the author says that th e wi se (v iedraddh) cal l the un i ty

of the J iva and the Atman,Y oga . Eigh t k i nds O f Y oga are

named and described (5 if ). Th e chapter con ta ins many references to th e body wi th i t s ve ins and parts . Kundal i comes i nfor ment ion several t imes (34 , 35 , 62 , 65 Nada i s sa id tobe produced by closi ng al l apertures of the body The

seven n ibha va s,or secondary forms O f Om

,are g iven as m ahd

ta ttva,ahm izkdra

, cabda ,spa rca ,

r z‘

ipa ,ra m

,and gandha

Various dei t i es are pra i sed,vi z . : Parbati Narayana

(61 Mahadeva and Kundal i (65 if ).

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

78 Ryder , IVote on brhdcchandas,A V. i i i . 12 . 3 . [1902

between the b ui lding house and th e g reat meter i s apparent . ‘

Espec ial ly s ig n ificant , i n connect ion with the second ha lf O f our

verse,i s th e re lat ion that ex i sts between th e brha ti and domest i c

cattl e T M B . v i i . 4 . 4, pacaxvo v ii i brha ti CB . x i i . 7 .

bdrha tdh paca vah of . further CGS . i i i . 3 . 1 , i n th e house - bu i lding ceremony r a tha n ta re pra ti t'istha ndm adevye cragasva

brha ti stab/edge’ti sthz

‘

i n drdj a m abh in i rpa ti and i i i . 4 . 7 , i n thesa crifice to V astospati brha to [stotrigen a ] apa rdhn e [j a hoti ] .

1 For the symbol ism of the brha ti , see Weber , IS . v i i i . passim (fordetai ls , see Index).9 These and other references are g iven by Weber, 1. c . p . 44 .

K rsnandtha’

s Com m en tary on the B enga l R ecensio n of the

Qahu n ta la. By DR . ARTHUR W . RY DE R,Harvard Un i

versity, Cambr idge, Mass.

AN excellen t and l i ttl e known commen tary on the Benga lrecens ion O f Kalidasa

’s Abh ijfifii iacak i i ntala i s th e P ravegika O f

K rsnanfitha Nyz‘

iyapau canana (second edi t i on . Cal cutta . 1 888 .

T O th i s work mv attent ion was cal l ed in thefal l O f 1 900 by P rofessor Geldner Of the Un ivers i ty O f Berl i n .

Thi s com m en tarv i s recent the colophon tel l s us that the workwas fin i shed on the n i nth day i n the bright half Of Acv ina ,

pa ka 1 789 (autumn O f 1 867 whi le the author was l iv ingat P urvasthal i

,a v i l lage on th e Bhfig i rath i , n ear N avadv ipa

(z Nadiya , at the confluence O f th e Jellinghy).The work i s prefaced by eight stanzas

,the fi rst of wh ich con

ta in s a n i n troductory prayer to Giva , full O f plays on words .In these introductory stanzas

,the wri ter ’s elder brother Ci vanz

‘

i

thacarm an rece i ves a handsome tribute for h i s character and

erudi t ion . He was l earned in the ( 1ha rm acastra’s,i n g rammar,

astronomy , and music , and employed hi s l e i sure t ime withhang/ a s, a lm ii h f tra s

,and dramas . This Civanathacarm an wrote

a commentary on the Ratnaval i . The fathe r O f K rsnanz‘

i tha was

K eca vacandra , Of the family O f A rj u nam icra , resident i n V idcha .

Further informat ion conce rn i ng K rsnanatha’

s l i fe mav be

gathered from hi s work as fol lows . In commenting on the useof m a hr

’

tbrdhm ana ,as appl i ed by the k i ng to the V id l

’

tsaka

near the end O f the second act (P ischel 45 . he shows h im sel ffami l ia r wi th the i diom of Benares by saying (76 .

“ In

Benares and el sewhere the te rm n a rhdhrahm a n a . i s appl ied to

Brahmans who steal the best craddha (agHe i s appa rently the auth or of the commenta ry on

the V ataduta,men t ioned at 1 17 . 12 . The expression a t 47 . 20

al so seems to show that he wro te other works .Apart from the very numerous ci tat i ons of Amara , Krsna

natha g i ve s about th ree hundred and si xty quo ta tions from

A MS . of th is work is mentioned i n Oppert, Lists of Sanskr i tMan

uscr ipts in P riva te Libraries of Sou thern Ind ia ,Vol . II, NO . 8882.

80 A . IV. Ryder, [1902.

nearly th i rty lex i cog raph ers . His m ost frequent ly quoted l ex icog raphical authori t ies are th e Am arakoca , th e M edin ikoca (1 14quotat ions), th e V icvaprakfica (9 1 quotat ions), th e T rikz

’

indacesa ,

and th e Qabdf ibdh i . Th e l ess frequent ly ci ted authori t ie s areHem acandra

,th e Vai j ayant i

,th e Qabdaratnava l i , Jatad hara

,

Dhanam jaya ,th e Qabdfirnava , Bhag uri , th e Hflrfi val i

,th e

R atnakoga , th e R ajan irghan ta , R udra , Qficvata , Halzi yudha ,

Dharan i,the Bhuriprayoga , A jayapfil a , a D v irupakoca , R abha

sapala,and V yfidi . He furth ermore c i tes (30 . 12) certai n

commentators on Amana and (11 0 . 21 ) S ubh uti .In addit ion to numerous quotat ions from m i n i and th e l i t

eratu re anc i l lary to h i s work , there are found 28 quotations fromth e K av ikalpadru m a and two from the Dhatudipika.

To the fol lowi ng l egal author it i es reference i s made Manu

(22 t imes), Y fijfiav z‘

i lkya , Dak sa,Devala

,V i snu

,Hari ta

,Narada

,

Y ama,th e Agastyasam h itz

‘

t,K atyftyana , Gautama , P aracara ,

P fi ith i nasi,B rhaspati , th e R atnam alz

‘

t and Qafikha - l ikh ita al so

K am andaki .

K rsnan fttha’s rhetori cal authori t i es are th e Szi hityadarpana , th e

K avyadarca , the K avyaprak z‘

ica , th e Candraloka , the U j jvalan i laman i and Bhojaraja . Bharata ’s work on th e drama i s quotede ig h t t imes .

Th e Sam g i tadfim odara i s quoted for a musi ca l defin i t ion for

metr ica l matters,P ingala , and Halayudha

’s comment on P ingala

are quoted .

A stronomy i s represen ted by the S iddh f intacirom an i,Jyotis

tattva,and Suryasiddhan ta .

Th e medi cal authorit i es to wh i ch K rsnanatha mak es reference

are S ueru ta , th e t‘

ivaprakaca and Caraka . V atsyfiyana i s

referred to for erot i c material .

For aug u ry and ch i romancy th e Sam udraka,V asan tarz

'

i ja and

th e Adbh u tasz‘

igara are c ited .

Final ly,a quotati on i s g iven from th e Y a)napfl rcvaparicista .

O f several quotat ions I have not di scovered th e source .

Var ious l i terary work s are furt h ermore laid under con tribu

t ion for i l lustrat ive material . Th u s among th e P u rz‘

inas : the

V isn upu rana ,th e Matsya Garuda P adma K in -

m m,V iim ana

Naras inh a Brahma and V ftyupu r f inas. Th e Mahabharata isquoted e igh t t imes ( includ i ng a reference to th e Bhagavadg i tft),an d the R amayana once . Other dramas a re very sparing ly

V ol . xx ii iJ K rsm‘

m dtlza’s Com m en ta ry on. {be Qu i eun ta l <7. .

made use of reference i s made once to the Urvaci and once to th eU ttararz

‘

i m acarita . Occasiona l c i tat ions are found further from

the Kadambar i , the Raghu vanca , the K iratfirj un iya , the Va‘

l sa

vadatta,and the Cicupalavadha .

K rsnanatha seldom c ites other commentators on the (‘ak im

ta le] and never bv name,— though he once (140 . 24) makes

reference to an opi n ion expressed bv Mallinatha i n h i s comm en tarv on the K iratz

'

i rj u n iya . In the seventh of h i s introductorv stanzas , he i nfo rms us , however , that he sometimes di ffersfrom previous commentators .

A few of K rsnanatha’

s i n te rpretat ion s may be adduced bvway of i ll ust rat ion .

In the fourth act (P ischel 79 . 6—7) P rivam vada says Hurry,

Anusuy a, h urry Th e h ermits who are going to IIastinapura

are mak ing the i r voi ces heard .

”K rsnanatha (136 . 20) ment ion s

th e opin ion of a som ebodv who declare s th i s to be a fal se reading ,

because Hastinapu ra did not at that t ime ex i st . O u r com

m entator ingen iouslv refutes th i s op in ion . as fol lows Hast ina

pura,he says

,was D u sm an ta

’

s capi tal i n that version of the

(‘lak untala story which i s found in the fi rst book of the Mahabharata

,and th i s i s proved by th e fol lowing quotat ion (MBh .

i . 74 . Good ’ sa id they,and al l the m ightv

men,sett ing before them (

l

f

akuntala with her son,set out f or

Gajasahvaya ,” where th ey were to meet Du sm an ta . But

,con

t inues K rsnanz‘

i tha,Gajasz

’

ihvaya i s Hastinapu ra . Thi s h eendeavors to prove by means of two furthe r quo tat ions from thefi rs t book o f the Mahabharata and the sta temen t o f the T rikz

’

m

dacesa“ Nagahva , Hastinapu ra ,

Gaj z'

ihva,and Hastina are

synonv m s . Hav i ng th us e stabl i shed th e posi t ive side of h i sa rg ument , namely , tha t we cann o t go behind the autho ritv

which we may by a l i ttl e combinat i on deduce from the Mahabhara ta , he return s to the obj ect ion , fo rmula ted i n a quotat ionfrom the V isnupurana . Thi s tex t declares ( iv . 10 . 10 ) that

“ i twas l last in who founded l last inapu ra and l l astin ( i v . 19 . 2 if . )wa s the g reat -

g reat -

g rea t -

g randson o f the adopted son o f Dusmanta

’ s son Bharata . But thi s,savs K rsnanatha

,simply means

that he beau t ified the c i ty,a s did Kuea upon Rama

’s decease i n

the case o f the ci ty o f Ayodhya. To be sure the Mahabhara tasays “ O f hcr (S u varnz

’

i ) wa s bo rn to him (S uho tra) l lastinwho e sta bl i shed th i s l lastinapu ra

”(M l ih . i . 95 .

vOL . xxm . 6

82 A . TV. Ryder , [ 1902

Y et i n th i s case ‘ estab l i sh ed ’ mean s no more than protected

from destruct ion .

’ In th e same way are to b e understood th ewords of th e R aghu vanga , wh i ch declares that Qatrughna wasth e founder of M athu r fi (R agh . xv . though th i s c i ty i sneverth eless described as the cap ita l of Ki ng S u sena , who madeone of th e gath ering at th e t ime of King A j a

’s weddi ng (Ragh .

v i .Very i ngen ious i s K rsnanfitha

’s explanat ion of th e uncommon

word «psa ra stlrflm ,wh i ch occurs three t imes i n th e play (stanza

148 2 P ischel 1 12 . 2 beg i nn ing of Act vi . Z P ischel 1 1 8 . 1 0

near the end of A ct v i i . z P isch el 1 67 . Th e word i s ordim ari ly regarded as the n ame of a place (PW . s. v . ; Apte

but K rsnanatha defines as fol lows . First occurrence whose

appearance i s l ike that of Apsarases ’ ( f irtl m m . .

.da rcm ze

, Qabdabdh i), i . e . vi rtual ly ‘ appeari ng l ike

an Apsara s . ’ Or th e mean ing is‘ whose place of orig i n (yam ?)

i s th e Apsarases,

’ i . e .

‘ Apsaras - born ’

(rim /m m . yon du ,Hala

yudha) (K . 207 . Second occurrence (K’s text has

s a n d ittm h for Fi sch el ’s sm im ijj lem h)“ th e act ions (K . suppl ies

ka rm q idtcun ) ment ioned (sa i izdi sm m z u kta m ) by the Apsaras

born ( ( lpsa ra sfirtha ( Lpsa royon i fi rtlzw h yon d u ,Halay

udha) (K . 217 . 12 Third occurrence “apsa m sti rthdca

ta ran d t : (wa tim cipsa rasti rtkdt (abstract with lef t- su ffix used

concretely), i . e .

‘ from one Apsaras - born descended to earth ’

(ti rthm h yon du ,Halayudha) (K . 317 . 1 1

As an i nstance of K rsnanatha’s sk i l l i n detect i ng clesas may be

tak en h i s comments on stanza 177 (K . 264 . 1 0 In th i s versehe finds four words wh i ch conta i n an i ntent ional ambigui ty i nthat th ey refer both to th e royal house (or th e k i ng) and to th eSarasvat i

- sa rhta ti 1 . fami ly 2. stream

pdu ravam 1 . pertaining to Pfiru 2. exceeding ly (bht’

tyistha m )

praj dcandhye 1 . without of f spring 2 . desertedandrye 1 . ignoble 2. untraversable (agam ya)

Furth er examples are to be found at 25 . 7—1 7 (expla i n ing thespeech of Qaku n tala, P ischel 1 3 . 1—4) and at 35 . 24—36 . 12

(explai n i ng the speech of th e k i ng ,P ischel 1 9 . 12

A matter apt to escape the not i ce of th e occ idental readermay be added . In comment i ng on stanza 202 , K rsnanatha call s

Vol . xx i i i . ] Ji'

rsn andtha’s Com m en ta ry on the Ca frzm ta ld .

atten t ion (293 . 9) to the color of the lotus , whi ch i s here compared with Sarvadam ana

’s hand . He then adds (293 . 1 1 ) a

quotat ion from the S ftm udraka :“ P i nk palms are a sig n of

royal ty (yasya pd gl ita ld u raktdw tasya rdj ya rh

Q uotat ions might be mult ip l i ed . Y et these c i tat ion s wi l l

perhaps su ffice to show the erudit ion and j udgment of Ixrsna

natha . His commen tary i s a contribut ion to the bet te r unders tandi ng o f the play .

1 Thi s point i s often made in the Mahabharata . Compare i . 122. 29,

where , when the k ing makes the a rij a li , h is p i nk fingers ( raktdfiguh) ,look l ike a lotus - cup .

—E D .

J upiter D ol ic/zenu s.— By Rev . CHARLE S S . SAND E RS

,A i ntab

,

T urkey .

FOR a thorough understanding of Jup iter Dol ichenu s and his

worsh ip,two thing s would be necessary . The fi rst of these i s a

sat i sfactory kn owledge of the old Baal cults or worsh ip of Syria ,for without doub t the cul t of Jup iter Dol ichen u s i n i ts orig i na lform was simply the worship of the local Baal . How much i sreal ly known concern i ng th e old Baal worsh ip i n North Syria i sa matter that admits of quest ion . One valuable source of

i nformat ion i s the coins of the reg ion , of whi ch more later .

Again , on th e R oman side , the cults of the purely R oman

worship of Jupiter— Jupiter Stator,Jupi ter Depu lsor, etc .

would need to be better understood . The relat ion of these tothe nat i onal worship has not yet been adequately i nvest igated ;see

,for exampl e

,the art i cl e “ Jupi ter ” i n th e E zcyclopaedia

B r itan ni ca (vol . x ii i . , p . If th i s relat ion cou ld be madecl ear to u s

,we should very l ik ely see how easy it was for the

R omans to adopt the Dol ichenu s cul t,i ts worsh ippers among th e

R omans conce iv ing of i t as merely a new manifestat ion of thei rnat ional worsh ip .

Dol ichenu s seems to have come into th e R oman world as oneof the Ori ental gods , so popular i n R ome i n the second cen tury .

Th e Anton ines being very fri endly toward th e Orien tal cu l t s .

(witness A ntoni nus P i u s even bui lding a templ e to Jup i terHel iopol itanu s), they came i n with a rush . M i thra

,the most

popular of al l,has l i ttl e bearing on our subj ect

,though B ol i che

nus i s eluc idated pass im i n D r . Cum on t’s great work on Mithra .

1

Th e Egyp t i an cul ts have al so no i n terest for us i n th i s connect ion . Two cul ts

,however

,seem to have much i n common with

the worship of Jup iter Dol ichenu s,namely

,that of A targatis

(Derketo), th e Dea Syria ” of Hierapol i s,wel l k nown through

Lucian ’ s D e D ea Syr i a ,and that of Jup iter Hel iopolitan u s.

Th ere are oth er cults,as J upi ter D am ascena s

,Jupi ter Olbiu s,

1 T extes et Monu m entsfigu rés rela tif s aux Mysteres de M i thra ,Brus~

sels , 1899.

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86 C. S . Sanders, [1902.

Accordi ng to Hettner (D e Jove D ol ic/zen o,Bonn

,we

have a bi t of loca l idiom i n th e very name “ Dol ichen u s.

”

S tephanus says that th e god was cal led “ Z eus Dol ichaios,

” butthat “ th e local usag e i s Dol ichen u s.

”D ol icha ios i s not once used

in th e in script ions,th e form being D olichen us or a misspel l ing

of th e same,or el se what seems to be an echo of one of th e

Syriac forms of th e name,wh i ch i s variou sly written D oluk

,

D a l i/e,etc .

IVhen we come to the conven t ional represen tat ion s of the

god , two di st i n ct quest ions ari se : (1) How was h e represen tedat home ? (2) \Vhat was h is appearance i n h i s European transformat ion ?

(1 ) Th e Dea Syria i s abundantly pi ctured on coi n s ; Jup iter Hel iOpol itanu s appears on coin s and al so on bits of statuary ,though the lat ter are general ly broken , as i n the case of th espec imens i n th e museum of the Syrian P rotestant Col leg e i nBeyrou t . Coi ns of Dol ichenu s are rare . Th e writer has beenal lowed to see some in the possess ion of Mr . E . Mich el of A lexandretta . W e seem to have here th e orig i nal Syrian form . Th e

god i s standing on an animal wh i ch i s rath er smal l i n proport ion ,and both are fac ing the right . The mi l itary accoutrements soprominent i n the European transformat ion are wanti ng . On

one coi n the god— st i l l standing on an an imal— i s represented asunder a canopy or roof on p i llars . T he quest ion at once ari ses ,wheth er the tetrastyle of CIL . ,

vi . 414,i s not ident i cal wi th

such canopies as th ese,which are often met with on coi n s of

North Syria,certa i n coin s of Zeugma , for example , and oth ers

probably belong i ng to de it i es whose names have passed i ntoobl iv i on .

L i t tle bronzes with a human bei ng standi ng on an an imalmore or less fantast i c are qu i te common . P robab ly th ey arealso representat ions of Syrian gods . They are very common

around Ze itun and Geek - sun,i n W estern Com m agene . Thi s

branch of th e subj ect i s as yet pract ically un invest igated .

(2) In h i s European transformat ion there seem to be only twofeatures of Dol ichenu s

,on th e monuments where h e is p ic

ta red,wh i ch are Ori ental ; namely

,th e upl ifted posit ion of th e

arms,and th e fact that th e god stands on an ox which faces th e

right . He has th e p i leus on h is head,th e lori ca on h i s body

,i s

often prov ided w i th g reaves , and wears th e soccus . Somet imes

Vol . xxi i i . ] J upiter D e l is/ten us .

there i s the m i l itary c loak . In th e right hand i s the bipenn isand a thunder - bol t i n the left . Often a winged vi ctory i s aboutto crown h im

,and an eagle i s sometimes near . In a very few

cases the Sun and Moon fig ure , as i n the represen tat ion ofMithra . Somet imes the god i s represen ted unmounted , and certa in ly once j ust l ike the R oman Jupi te r . Thi s tak i ng on of

pure Roman form s happens also somet imes i n the Egypt ian cults .

It i s a strik i ng feature of the old Syrian gods that they havethe i r part ners

,though the partners are subord inated . Thus

,the

Dea Syria has her male complemen t (see Hettner), and sim i l arlyJupi ter Dolichenus has h i s female assoc iate . She i s on an ibex

,

a wild goat or some such an imal,which faces the l eft

,and

thus Dolichenu s and hi s complemen t face each o ther on monuments where they both ex i st . Her name in the in scription s i sJuno ; but as Jupiter Dolichenu s i s the local Baal of Southern

Com m agene, so , probably ,i n the original worsh ip

,h i s comple

ment Juno bore one of th e severa l names under whi ch A starteappears .

To one in terested in Com m agene , th ere ari ses at once thequest ion why thi s dist i nct ively Com m agenean god had hi s origi

nal seat in so obscure a place . The di scoveri es of Humann and

P uchstein,

‘ which show. so strong a developmen t of the Mi thracul t i n N imrud Dagh , suggest one answer . As the i n script ion

there shows that the re ig n ing dynasty at Sam osata were fol low

ers o f M i thra,

“ we should hardly expect,very near by

,a god

who could be cal led “aeternus Com m agenoru m deus .

”Aga in

,

whi le some of the old si tes have kept the i r identitv through the

centu ri es,one has on lv to travel through Com m agene, Cyrrhes

t i ca,and Osrhoene

,now

,to find many old temple sit-os marked

as once importan t cen ters of worsh ip by the number and si ze ofthe weather - beaten pi lla rs wh ich are st i l l s tand ing

,though

no record of thei r g lo ry rem a ins f Dol iche may in the preR oman t ime have had an importance i n the rel ig ious wo rld ofSouthern Com m agene of whi ch we now know very l i ttl e .

IIettncr does not en ter at al l i n to the manne r i n whi chDol ichenus was wo rsh i pped . O f thi s ve ry l i t tl e i s known . Tha t

the re used to bc ( lo l ielm u n,j u st as there were m i l /0 °

8 1! i n the cul t

of Mithra,i s f u l lv asce rta ined

,such having been act ually

M en in Kleinasien u nd Nord - Syr ien , Berl in , 1890 .

See Cumont , Testes et Monu m ents. i i . 187 f .

88 C. S . S a nders, [1902.

found .

‘ The coi ns would seem to show that th e tetrastyle was

a feature of the worship of th e old Syrian gods . Such a tetrastyle with Jup i ter Dolichenu s under the Open roof i s figured on

one of th e coi ns mentioned above . “T ould i t be too bold a con

jectu re to assert that such a tetrastyle did not represen t th eorig in al seat of worsh ip , but that i t was a feature of the countryth en

,as th e z iyaret i s now

,and that very l ikely many modern

z iyz'

irets represen t such ancien t h igh placesSa cerdos i s used so often as to show plai nly that the priestly

idea and functi on were v ery ful ly developed . Ca nd ida tu s i s a

word occurring i n a way that mak es us wonder wheth er i t doesnot mark a special class

,being employed, that i s , i n someth ing

lik e i t s primary mean ing (whi te - cloth ed), and not i n the usualsecondary sense of th e word . See espec ial ly the R oman inscript ion CIL . v i . 406 (al so p . 834

,note to pro sa lou te

sacerdoti um et [can dida te/ mun et coli toru m . In the same in script ion

,lectica ri dei . fl ‘ icl in i u m

,CIL . i i i . 4789 (b), and cen a

tor i um,quoted by Cumon t

,

2 rath er go to show something l ikea sacramen t

,or at l east a sacrifi cial meal . There was such i n

the cult of Mithra ; and in th e upper part of Com m agen e, amongsome of th e Kuzul - bash Koords

,there i s probably som ething of

the same th ing to - day . Though k ep t secret as much as possible

,i t i s k nown that such ri tes ex i st .

A side from the hi nts contai ned i n th ese and l ik e words,we

have no k nowledge of the detai l s of the worsh ip,beyond what

may be i nferred from the l i tt l e we k now about the cu l t s ofMithra and Atargatis. Vows were ev ident ly qu ite a feature ofth e worsh ip— hence many of the i nscript ions . E a j u ssu ipsiu s,er j ussu n u m in is would go to show a deg ree of personal rela

t i on,or at l east the possibi l i ty of rece iv ing impressions from the

god regarding hi s wi ll .

As no i n script ions have been found in the East (so far as I amaware) relat ing to Dolichenu s

,we are obl iged to speak of thi s

god hereafter wi th excl usive reference to hi s W estern transf ormation . These Eastern cu lt s do not seem to have tak en root atall i n G reece ; i t i s the R oman world which fol lows them .

Hettner g ives th e fol lowing as the di stribution of the th reecults

,i n th e W estern world

See Cumont , T extes etM onum en ts, i . 333 .

T extes et Mon um en ts, i . 320 , note 8 .

Tota l by countries

It must be borne i n mi nd that the above l i st i n cl udes not onlyi nscript ion s but titu l i as wel l ; often , for example , only a statueor part of a has- rel ief

,which

,however

,has features wh ich make

i t w i thout doubt the ti tu lu s of such and such a god .

In two Dacian in scrip t ions Hel iopol itanu s and Dolichenu s are

j oi ned together . Thi s i s good ev idence of the close resemblancewhich was recogni zed as ex ist i ng between the two cults . As i n

North Syria the two de i t i es were d i fferen t local man ifestat ions of the same god, essen tial ly , so i n Europe thei r votarie slooked upon them as holdi ng much the same relat ion . Leave

the sex out of accoun t,and the same would probably be true of

Dea Syria al so .

It remai n s to answer bri efly three quest ion s perta i n i ng to theDolichenu s cul t i n Europe : (1) How did i t get there

?(2)

W here did i t take root,and to what degree ? (3) The dates

a gu o and ad guem .

(1 ) f l ow d id i t yet to E urope9 The fi rst answer that comes

to m i nd i s,tha t of course th e leg ion s i n the East brought it

back with them (compare Tac i tus , the legion from the Eastsa l uti ng the ri si ng sun they had become votari es of

M i thra . Bu t th i s i s probably a wrong in ference . W e mustespec ial ly bear i n m i nd that

,so far a s we can tel l from compari

son of the represen tat ions on coi n s and on bas - rel i efs found in

Europe,i t was not a purely O riental cul t

,but a transf orm ed

O rien tal cul t,that was so popula r i n the R oman empi re .

One fac t wh ich espec ia l ly a ttracts our a ttenti on i s the f requent recurrence o f the name fil a r inws

,and the way i n whi ch i t

i s connected with 8 0 0 6 7 710 8,i n the i n script ions . It seems proba

90 C. S . San ders, [ 1902.

ble that “ Marinus was a name special ly connected with th ecul t ; perhaps i t was the name of a pri es tly fami ly , or rank .

1

In the early centuries there seems to have been a very larg enumber of traders f rom the East th roughout th e R oman empire .

Th e in script ions prove thei r ex i sten ce as far as Lyons,at least

,

and probably th ey travel led over th e known world as d i l igentlyas do to - day th e A rmenians , and sti l l more , th e Syrians of th eBeyrout reg ion . W e must a l so remember th e vast n umber ofslaves from the East

,so plent i ful espec ia l ly i n R ome . As

Ch ri st ian i ty often worked up from slaves to the i r masters,why

may not th e worsh ip of Dol ichen u s have done th e same ?

Outside of Italy,these cul ts seem to have tak en firm est root

i n Dacia . W hen thi s provi nce was dra ined of men after Trajan ’s subj ugati on of the country , E u tropius tel l s us that th eemperor ordered that large drafts be made on al l part s of the

empire to re - people th e country . The i nscr ip t ions of A zi z of

Edessa i n Dac ia show us that a larg e draft was tak en fromOsrhoen e

,j ust across the Euph rates from Com m agene . W hy

should not th e presence of the Dol ichenu s cult i n Daci a l ead usto bel i eve that such a transplant i ng took place , at that t ime ,from Com m agene al so ? That even assoc iat ion s and gui lds ofSyrians ex i sted there

,and i n numbers too

,i s shown by the

i n scripti on s .

Ju venal ’s “ Jam pridem Syrus i n T iberim deflu xit Oron tesshows us what an i nfluen ce the orienta l part of the R oman pcpulat ion had at that t ime

,i f not on th e government , at least on th e

l i fe of the people . W hat with merchan ts,soothsayers

,danc ing

g i rl s , soldiers , and slaves , the different l i nes of i nfluence fromthe East were cont inual ly t igh ten ing their g rasp on the W est .

Th e obj ect ion may be made that,i f th e i nfluences of these

cult s had been so powerfu l,later R oman l i terature would reflect

th em more . The Mithra cult may be quoted i n an swer . The

enormous number of its monuments shows how i t flou rished,

even some of th e emperors patron i zed it,—and yet what can we

learn of i t from Lat i n authors ? It i s very evident,at al l events

,

that the priest s of Dol ichenu s were everywhere zealous i n

propagat i ng thei r rel ig ion , and that the i r e fforts were successful . Hettner th i nk s that the i nfluence of th e soldiery i n spread

1 See , however , E d . Meyer , in Roscher’

s Lex icon der Mythologie, s . v .

Dol ichen u s,” who suggests that th is is a Latin ized form of the Syriac

m a rna (our) lord .

”

V ol . xxii i . ] J upiter D olichen us. 91

ing the cu l t has been overest imated . W e know,however

,that

the XVI . l eg ion Flavia firm a se rved i n Com m agene . Oflicers

were changed from legion to leg ion , and thus may have influenced other leg ion s when serv i ng later i n Europe . There were

,

moreover,at least s ix cohorts from Com m agene , and that these

cohorts were very busy i n propagating thei r ancestra l worship i sextremely probable .

(2) IVhere d id the worsh ip take root,a nd to wha t deg ree .

9 So

fa r a s extant i n script ion s give us an an swer,the cul t of Dol iche

n us seems to have taken root qu i te deeply i n Dacia,P annon ia

,

G erman ia,Bri tann ia

,Italv and R ome . In Dac ia

,two or three

cohort s from Com m agene served a long t ime . In Pannon ia,

pri est s and merchan ts seem to have been very act ive,and we

find one in script ion,

“ Syrus ex reg i one Dol i cs .

”As to Eng

land,we know ( i . e .

,can certa i n ly infer) that Dea Syria , Hel io

pol itanu s and Dol ichen us were al l taken there bv Cohort I . of

the “ Ham m i i . Thi s name has wi th great probabil i ty beenreferred to the Syrian c ity Ham z

‘

i (Hamath). If thi s explanat i on i s correct

,the fact shows how true i t i s that these worsh ip

pers regarded a number of di st i nc t Syrian cult s as essent ia l ly

the same ; for Ham il i s far beyond the territory of Dol ichenu s,

and there i s no ev idence tendi ng to show that the Dol ichenu s

worsh ip had in i t s own land anyth ing l ike the wide - reach ingi nfluen ce of Dea Syria

,as attested by Luc ian of Sam osata .

As to the degree to whi ch these cu l t s a ff ected the terri tori esi nvolved

,we can on ly guess . The i nfluence must

,however

,

have been verv considerabl e i n Dacia and Pannon ia , and in Eng

land in the small terri tory north of Hadrian’s wal l

,where al l the

Eng l i sh i nscripti on s but one are found .

(3) T he da te . The earl i est in script ion known,which i s dated

,

i s one i n Eng land ; namely the i n script i on ( T L . v i i . 506 , belongi ng to the t ime of An ton inus P i u s

, 139—161 A . I) . The temple

of Dol ichenus on the Avent ine was probab ly bui l t (aedificatus)or recogn ized a s a temple i n the time o f the An ton ines . That

such a temple was founded (conditus) befo re the time of C laudius i s very probable . IIettncr, using arg uments put fo rth by

Jordan ‘ i n treat ing of the temple o f the Dea Svria a t Rome ,concludes that the wo rshi p of Dolichenus must have become

1 In Herm es, 1872, p . 820 .

92 Sa nders,J upi ter Dol ichen u s. [1902.

natural i zed,so as no l ong er to appear fore ign to th e R omans , at

th e t ime wh en Claud iu s brough t the Avent i n e wi th in the l imitsof th e pom er iu m

,as foreign gods were forbidden withi n th e

pom er iu m .

W e cannot suppose that the cul t of Dol ichenu s went from

Com m agene to Eng land at a bound . It i s found there,how

ever,in th e t ime of An ton i nus P i us . In th is connect ion CIL .

v i i . 31 6 i s i nterest i ng ,“

[tem plu m ] vetu sta te The

i n scrip t ion i s not earl i er than th e c lose of th e second centurybut how much older was th e temple ? It seems impossible toaccount for the facts k nown except on th e supposit ion that i nthe fi rst century

,and possibly even earl ier

,th e cul t fi rst began

to work westward ; compare the earl ier appearance of Dea Syria

i n Italy . Later th e cu l t seems to have become merged i n thatof Mith ra . CIL . v i . 412 and 413 show th e begi nn i ng of th i sprocess

,i n the dedicat ion to the Sun and Dol ichenu s together .

Y et the very late date of some of the i nscript ions mak es itprobable that i t cont i n ued to mai ntai n i ts separate ex i stence i nsome local it i es

,at l east

,unt i l the t ime when Chri st ian ity rel e

gated so many of these cults to obl iv ion .

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94 M Sch uyler , [1902.

2 . Malav ikagn im itra , a Sansk ri t drama , t ranslated i nto Eng l i shprose by G . R . Nandarg ikar .

P oona,1 879 , 8vo ,

pp . 53 .

[See al so under Text Edi t ions , Nos . 12,1 3

,

B . F rench .

1 . M alav ika et Agn im itra . Tradu it pour la premiere foi s enfranca i s par P . E . Foucaux .

P ari s,1 877 , 1 6mo , pp . x i+ 1 18 (Bibl . Ori en t . Elze

v irienne,no . x iv).

Malav ikagn im itra . Agn im itra et Malav ika,comédie en c inq

actes et 1111 prologue , melee de prose et de vers,traduite

de san scrit et du pracrit par V i ctor Henry .

P ari s,1889 , 8vo ,

pp . x i i+1 10 .

(E xtr . des M ém . de la Soc. des Sci ences de L i l l e . )

0 . G erm an .

1 . Malav ika und Agn im itra , ei n D rama des Kal idasa i n f u n f

Ak ten,zum ersten Male fibersetzt von A lbrecht W eber .

Berl i n,1 856 , 1 6mo , pp . x lv i i i+1 07 .

2 . Malav ika und Agn im itra , e i n i ndi sch es Schausp iel , metri schubersetzt von Ludwig Fritze .

Le ipz ig ,1 881 , 32mo , pp . 74 .

D . D utch .

Danseres en Koning . Malavika en Agn im itra . T ooneelstuk

ui t het San sk ret vertaald door J . van der V l iet .

Haarlem,1 882, 8vo , pp . 1 32 .

B . Sw ed ish .

Malav ika.E tt indisk t skadespel . Fran Sansk r it o f versatt a f

H . E dgren .

Malm O,1 877 , 8vo .

F . D an i sh .

Kongen og Danserinden . Lystspil i fem Akter . Oversat a f

E . Brandes . Med T egn inger .

K jObenhavn ,1874 , 8vo .

V 0 1. xxii i . ] xl l c’

l la vi leagn i-

m i tra a nd Vikra m orvaci .

G . Ital ian.

1 . Malavica ed Agnim itro . D ramma i n c i nque A t t i . Tradotto

da Anton io Marazz i .Milano

,1871 ( in h i s Teatro Sce l to Indiano , vol .

2 . Malavikagn im itra . Dramma i ndiano tradotto i n i ta l iano daFrancesco C immino .

Napol i,1 897 , 12mo , pp . xi+ 126 .

H . B ohem i an.

Malav ika a Agn im itra . P i 'eloi il Zubaty.

P rag,1 893, 8vo , pp . 102 (Sborn ik svétové poesi e

I . B engal i .

Malav ikagnim itra , tra nslated i nto Bengal i by Sou rindro Mohun

Tagore .

Calcutta,1877 , 18m O .

J . M arathi .

1 . Ra j a Agn im itra , a Marathi translat ion of th e Malav ikagn im it ra by Vaman Shastri Islam pu rkar .

Bombay,1 889 , 8vo , pp . 204 .

2 . Malav ikagn im itra . Translated i nto Marath i by R 50 SahebNarayan Gopal Raj e .

Bombay,1895 , 8vo , pp . 156 .

3 . Sang ita Malav ikagn im i tra Natak , or the drama of Malav ika

and Agn im itra i n musi cal verse . Translated in to Marathi by Balkrsna Gangadhar Varde .

Bombay,1895 , 8vo , pp . 136 .

K . H indi .

Malavikagn im itra . Translated from Sansk ri t i nto Hind i byS i ta Ram a .

Cawnpo re, 1899 , 8vo ,

pp . 70 .

L . G ujarati .

Malavikagn im itra . Tran slated in to G uj erat i by R . Udarvaram a .

Bombay, 1870 , 8vo ,

pp . l 09 .

i ll . S ch uyler , [1902 .

TE XT E D ITION S .

Malav ikfign im itra , T extum primu s edidit ct varietatem scripturac adjecit O . F . T u llberg . V ol . i [no more publ ished] .

Bonn,1 840

,8vo

,pp . i x+ 108 .

Malav ikagn im itra .

Bombay,1 868

,8V O ,

pp . l i thog raph ed .

Malav ikagn im itra . A Sansk ri t P lay . W i th the commentaryof K atayavem a . Edi ted with notes by Shankar Pandurang P andit . (In Bombay Sansk ri t Series , No . vi . )

First edi t ion . Bombay,1869

, 8vo ,pp . xxx ix+ 164 .

Second edi tion . Bombay,1889 , 8vo ,

pp . xxxv+230 .

Malav ikagn im itra : a D rama . Edi ted with Notes by P anditT aranatha T arkavachaspati .

First edi t ion . Calcutta,1870 , 8vo, pp . 1 65 .

Second edit ion . Cal cutta,1 887 , 8V O ,

pp . 148 .

Malav ikagn im itra , das i st Malav ika und Agn im itra , e i n D rama

K al idasa’s i n f iin f Ak ten . Mit k ri t i sch en u nd erkl

'

aren

den Anmerk ung en h erausg egeben von F . Bol lensen .

Leipz ig ,1879 , 8vo .

M alav ikagn im itra with the commentary named K u m aragiri

raj iya of Katayavem a .

V i zagapatam ,8vo ,

pp . 1 33 .

Malav ikagn im itra , edited with an original commen tary byM rityufijaya N issanka .

Madras,1885 , 8vo , pp . 262 .

Malav ikagn im itra .

L ittl e K an j iveram , 1 886 , 8vo , pp . 64 . (In Grantha characters. )

Malav ikagn im itra . San sk ri t text wi th ful l notes i n Engl i shby M . C . Sadagopachariar .

Bombay,1 889 , 8vo .

1 0 . Malav ikagn im itra , edited with the commentary of Katay avema

,and wi th explanatory Engl i sh notes by K . P .

P arab .

Bombay,1890 , 8vo , pp . 1 53 .

1 1 . Malav ikagn im itra . Edi ted wi th th e commentary O f Kataya

vema .

Bombay,1891 , 12mo , pp . 1 12 .

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Jil . Schuyler , [ 1902.

V IKRAMORVACI .

T RAN SLA TION S .

A . E ngl i sh .

V ikram a and Urvasi,a drama tran slated from the orig inal

Sansk r i t,by H . H . W i l son .

(In h i s Hindu Theater , vol . i . )V ikram orvasi . Translated i nto Engl i sh prose by E . B .

Cowell .

Hertford, 1 851 , 8vo .

V ikram orvaci . Translated i nto Eng l i sh lyri cal verse byB raj endranath De . Canto I .

(In Calcutta R eview ,Oct . 1884 , pp . 440

[See also below under Text Edit ion s N OS . 1 6,18

,

B . F rench .

V ikram orvaci Ourvaci donnée pour prix de l’héroism e .

D rame traduit du San scrit par P . E . Fou caux .

P ari s,1 861 , 8vo ,

pp . 96 .

P ari s,1879 , 16mo , pp . 137 . (Bibl . Ori en tal e Elze

v irienne,no . xxvi . )

C . G erm an .

Urwasi , der P re i s der Tapferk eit . Ein i ndi sches Schauspiel .’

Au s dem Sansk ri t und P rak ri t ubersetzt von K . G . A .

IIoef er .

Berl i n, 1 837 , 8vo , pp . v i i i+100 .

Urwasi und der Held . Indi sches Melodram von Kal idasa,

dem D i chter der Sak untala . Au s dem Sansk ri t undP rak rit metri sch ubersetzt von B . Hirzel .

Frauenfeld,1 838 , 1 6mo , pp . xxx

V ikram orvaci , das i st Urwasi,der P re i s der Tapferke i t

,e in

D rama K al idasa’s,i n fun f Ak ten . Herausgegeben , uber

setzt und erlau tert von F . Bol lensen .

St . P etersburg (Leipz ig), 1846 , 8vo , 2 p ts .,pp .

xvi i+608+88 .

Urvasi . D eutsch metri sch bearbeitet von E . Lobedanz .

L eipzig, 1861 , 1 6mo , pp . x iv+1 15 .

Urvasi,ei n i ndi sches Schausp iel von Kal idasa , metr i sch uber

setzt von Ludwig Fritze .

Leip zig 32mo , pp . 80 .

Vol . xxi ii . ) fll ala -

vikayn im itra a nd V ikra m orcaci .

1 . V ikram orvaci . O f versat och f orklart a f C . J . Bergstedt .S tockholm

,1 846 , 8vo .

2 . V ikram orvaci . Of versat a f A . J . Call i n .

Helsingborg, 1 866 , 8vo .

E . Ital i an .

V ikram orvasi,dramma tradotto d i Francesco C immino .

Tori no,1890 , 8vo, pp . 79 .

P . Spanish .

V ik ram orvasi,drama del poeta i ndio Kal i dasa Ve rsion

di recta del San skri t por Garc ia Ayuso .

Madrid,1 874 , 8vo , pp . 136 . (In Bibl ioteca San

skrita,edi ted by the translator . )

G . B ohem i an .

Urvasi . D rama v pet i jednan ich od Kal idasy. Emanuel Fai t .

P rag, 1890 , pp . 10 . (P rogramm Eech . Real

gymnase . )

H . B engali .

V ikram orv aci tran sla ted into Bengal i by K aliprasana S ingh .

Cal cutta,1 857 , 8vo .

I. G uj arati .

1 . V ikram orvasi . Translated i n to G uj erat i by R . Udayaram a .

Bombay,1 868 , 8vo .

2 . V ikram orvash i . A Sansk ri t drama i n 5 acts translated int oG uj erat i p rose and verse wi th cri t i cal

,explanatory and

mytholog i cal note s , and a complete l i fe of the poet bvK ilabhai Ghanashyam i Bhatt .

Bombay, 1898 , 8vo ,

pp . 258 .

T E XT E DITIONS .

l . V ikram orvasi : a drama . \Vi th a commen ta ry explana toryof the P racrit passages .

Cal cutta,1 830 , 8vo , pp . 122 .

2 . Urvasia Fabul a Ca l idasi . T extum sanscritum edidit , i n te r

pretationem la t i nam et no ta s illustrantes adjecit Robertus

Len z .

Berol ini, 1833 , 4to , pp . xxv+238 . (Same tex t a s

100 i ll . Sch uyler , [1902.

3 . V ikram orvaci . A D rama by Kal idasa . Edited by Monie rW i l l iams .

Hertford , 1849 , 8vc . (P rak ri t passages i n Sansk ri tonly . )

4 . V ikram orvaci prak rtabhasayac chayaya sah itam .

Bombay , 1 859 , 8vo ,pp . 1 19 . (L i thographed . )

5 . V ik ram orvaci . Edi ted by R am ayasarm a T arkaratna .

Calcutta,1 868 , 8vo .

6 . V ik ram orvaci nama trotakam . Ed i ted wi th notes by Ramamaya Sarman .

Calcutta,1 869

,8vo

,pp . i i+1 55 .

7 . V ikram orvaci trotakam .

Calcutta,1 870 , 12mo , pp . 67 . (P rak ri t passag es i n

Sansk rit on ly . )8 . V ikram orvash i

,a drama i n five acts

,by Kal idasa . Edited

with the commentary of T aranatha Sarman by P andi tJ ibananda V idyasagara .

Cal cutta,1 873, 8vo , pp . 1 84 .

9 . Kal idasa’s V ikram orvaciyam ,

h erausgegeben nach drav id

ischen Handschri ften von R . P ischel .

Berl in,1875 , 8vo (Auszug aus dem Monatsb . der

K on igl . Akad . der W i ssens . zu Berl in . Nachtragzum Ok tober - heft

,pp . 609

1 0 . V ikram orvaciyam . Edited with Engli sh notes by ShankarP . P andit . (In Bombay Sansk ri t Seri es , no . xvi . )

First edit ion . Bombay,1879, 8v0 , pp . x i i

Second edi t ion . Bombay, 8vo , pp . 310 .

1 1 . V ikram orvaci nataka .

L i ttl e Con jeevaram ,1883

,8vo , pp . 60 . (In Grantha

characters . )12 . V ikram orvaci , with i nterpretat ion of the P rak r it passages .

V i zagapatam ,1883 , 1 6mo , pp . 1 1 8 .

1 3 . V ikram orvagi with a commentary . Edi ted by Cri P aravast u Crin ivasa Bhatta Nadha Charya .

V izagapatam ,1883, 8vo, pp . 180 .

14 . V ik ram orvaci natakam with commen tary .

Madras,1884 , 8vo ,

pp . 24 .

1 5 . V ikram orvaciya with th e commentary (P rakacika) of B an

ganatha . Edi ted by K . P . P arab and M . R . Tel-ang .

Bombay,1888 , 8vo ,

pp . 148 .

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A l ll an u scr ipt of Cu l it N a u ruz,a Seven teen th Cen tu ry

P ersian R om ance,in the L ibrary of Colu m bia Un iver

si ty— By Dr. AB RAHAM Y OHANNAN

,Columbia Un iver

sity, N ew Y ork C ity .

AM ON G th e manuscripts i n th e l ibrary O f Columbia Un iversity th ere i s a small octavo volume of a seventeen th cen turyP ersian romant i c poem

,to which i t i s appropriate to cal l furth er

attent ion . It is a manuscrip t presen ted to th e l ib rary by Mr .

s. P . Avery . The book i s ent itl ed Gutu ZV au ruz (”vsor R ose and New Y ear ’s Day ; and i t contain s an attract iv espec imen of th e roman t i c epopee of P ersia

,wh i ch may be of

some in terest to students of mediaeval l i terature as wel l as toOr iental i sts

,because of the paral lel s whi ch it a ffords to compo

sition s i n the W est .

From th e in troductory l in es of the romance we learn that th ewriter of thi s poet i cal work was a Turk

,and i n th e colophon we

are told hi s name,M irza Daulat R i za Beg Han ik i ( cu-50 57m

g0, g; m L5) ,

and that he wrote th e poem i n the years

A .H . 1 033—1 036 (A .D . 1 621 A ccordi ng to h is own

statement,he wrote i t orig i nal ly i n Turk i sh , and afterward

translated i t i nto P ersian . It i s a resul t of th i s process,evi

dently, that a few Turk i sh words are to be found i n th e book .

Thus th e words an th i ng ,

’and ‘

a ura t (cups ),

‘ woman,

wife,wh i ch are Arab i c - Turk i sh

,have occasional ly been

employed,i n stead of th e reg ular P ersian terms , which are (

512

(In ) f or th e former and za n Q» ) for th e latter .

A simi lar work which our wri ter may have taken as a model

i s the iV au ruz i t G u l,composed by K hwz

'

i jfi Kirman i (7 .9 egab

/J ) i n A .H . 742 (A .D . 1 341—1342) cf . E thé

,i n Gru ndr iss der

I ran ischen P h i loloyie, i i . 249 . A ccordi ng to Erdman , ZDM G .,

i i . 212,th e m anuscrip t of th i s poem i n th e Un iversi ty L ib rary

of Kasan was copi ed by Haj i S i nan i at Samar

kand i n A .H . 1038 (A .D . and was dedi cated to the v i z i r

V OL xx ii i . ] A . Y ohann a n 4 l l l an uscr ipt of G ut it N'

a ur itz. 103

Taj uddin Ahmad ‘Iraqi M lv ad

. "CU), and com

pri sed 5230 half - verses or 26 15 ful l verses . Another copy of

Khwaja K irm an i ’s work i s found in the Bri t i sh Museum ; i t wa s

probably made by one T aranshah (ti l-b ), accordi ng to R i eu ,

Ca ta log u e of P ersia n all an uscrzpts, 11 . 867 and 622 . The ti tl e

o f the book i s there given as Gu t it JV aur az,preci sely as i n our

manusc ri pt,whereas Haj i S i nan i

,accordi ng to Erdman , cal l s i t

iVa ur az a G a l,th e order of th e names bei ng reversed . There

i s st i l l another book of the same nature by Maulana Ja lal udd in

Ahmad of Sh i raz (éylfl

a

a » !u se

. "db ), common ly cal led

Jalal Tabib (M asks ), composed i n A .H . 734 (A .H .

and dedi ca ted to th e P ri nce Ciyath udd in K a ikhu srau ; cf .

R i eu,Ca ta log ue qt

'

P ers ia n. JLS’

S . ,i i . 867 ; Ethe, loc . cit. supra ;

Dau latshah (ed . Browne , p . P i zz i,S tor iu delta. P oes ia

P ersia n a,i i . 210 .

W i th the exception of th e t i t le,C ut n iV au raz

,almost al l

the names of the person s and places connected with thi s presen t

romance are differen t from those ment ioned i n the manuscript

O f Khwaja Kirman i , as b riefly described by Erdman and Ethe.

Khwaja Kirman i,for example

,says that N au raz was the son of

Shah F i ruz th is), of Khorasan , and G u l was the daugh ter

o f the Byzanti n e emperor (V7) fansou ). The presen t manuscript ,

on the othe r hand,says that Nauraz was th e son of Shah Fer

rukh,.s .u.) of Nau Shad (ou

t and that the fath er of

G a ] was Mushk in Shah (nu of Ferkhar A

g reat n umber o f simi lar d ivergences i n names and i n ciden ts

m igh t be no ted,as fa r a s can be gath ered from so scantv a

desc ription .

W i th reference to the C ut a .V uu rfiz of .Ialal Tab i b,I canno t

j udge , as no detai led i n formati on i s a ccessib l e to m e beyond the

brief statemen ts of R icu,Ethe

,and I’ izzi ; bu t the introducto rv

verses of al l three m anusc ripts va ry . The open ing l i n es o fKhwaja K irm an i ’s poem

,accordi ng to R i e u ( Ca ta log u e, i i .

run :

ebb?!vb,»”fir”pix: cJLs w

jb M r

e.

104 A . I'

oha m m n [1902 .

Th e manuscrip t of Jalal Tab i b beg in s th us , accordi ng to R i e u

( Ca ta logu e, i i .

dL} OP ) )0 “ML? db W

I“ QT )? )

O GUS

Th e beg i nni ng of the Columbia m anuscript,on the other hand

,

i s differen t from both the others,and runs as follows :

So much may be sa id by the way of general i n troduct ion .

W e may now turn directly to th e work i tself .

The manuscrip t as i t l i es before u s mak es a vol ume of 66fol ios

,each measuring 12% X cent imeters

,s i ze of the written

port i on, 21 X 1 1 cent imeters s ize of the whole page . It i s bound

in maroon leather,and the tops and edges of the pages are appro

priately gi lded . The first page i s i l l uminated and th e remain i ngones are spri nk l ed with gold and framed with g i lded marginall i n es .

Th e wri t i ng i s i n a good clear m‘l iq hand , two col umns of 12

l i n es to the page .

Among the pecul iari t i es of the wri t i ng may be not i ced theoccasional use of for

C. In cases where the long stra ight

l i ne i s u sed for the letters U“ and U“,the former i s somet imes

d i st i ng ui sh ed by three dots below the l i n e (T ).Turn ing to the meter of the poem ,

i t may be added that the

work i s i n the m a t/m om , (6 7 4m m ) form ,and consi sts of 1560

rhyming couplet s . It i s divided into 126 sections,whi ch are

i ndicated by rubri c h eadings i n th e manuscrip t .Th e fi rst si x sect ion s 1—6) of th e poem are devoted to an

i nvocat ion of God for div i ne grace and i nspi rat ion for the task,

and there are the usual ascr ipt ions of pra i se to the deity and toh i s prophet Mohammed

,whose ascen t i n to heaven i s bri efly

described accordi ng to the Koran . Th e seventh sect ion 7) is

a eulogy of th e g reat Mogh ul ruler Shah Jahangir (tb

TAQ LP ), to whom i t should be said that th e wri ter dedicated

hi s poem . The eighth section 8) i s a reflect i on on the ex i sting lack of fai th i n the world . In th e n i nth secti on (g9) theauthor recounts th e i n sp i rat ion he has rece ived i n a dream to

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06 A Y oh (w u tz/e, [ 1902 .

l over i s Opposed bv a crue l woman,Sasan (o u

r ) by name ,the governess of G u l . After be i ng rebuked by G u l and l iberal ly

br ibed by Bulbul,Sasan i s won over

,and not only makes an

apology to G u l but even acts as a go - between 21

But th e tardy foot of t ime moves more slowly than ever forth e impatient N au r t

‘

i z,whose anx iety al lows h im no repose and

impel s h im to wai t no longer for th e l ingering Bulbu l to return .

He wanders agai n i n to the desert . Upon see ing hi s son’s d i s

tress,Shah Ferrukh dec ides to send Nauruz wi th a large army

and vast treasures di rectly to Ferkhar .

On the way,Behman (M ), the chi ef ofli cer accompanyi ng

Nauruz (he i s spok en of as an Abyssin ian (W a x— unless lzabaai s s imply servan t here), opposes th e young lover

’s plan of gorngto Ferkhar

,sayi ng to N au rfiz that i t would be a g reat humi li a

t ion i n case G u l shoul d refuse hi s su i t 30 Fail i ng to

induce the ardent Nauruz to return,Behman takes a larg e por

t ion of the treasures and of th e army,and goes back to the cap

i tal by n ight . N au rfiz,however

,arrives safely at Ferkhar and

i s welcomed by Shah Mushk in,th e fath er of G u l . His su i t i s

presented i n person,and every prepara tion i s made for th e

young prince to rece ive the hand of th e maiden 40

But'

an ob stacle unexpected ly ari ses ; a ri val appears on the

scene . Th e Khaqan (g li b ) of. China sends a more imposi ngembassy for the purpose of securing the hand of th e lovelyG u l for h i s own son . Hi s suit i s crowned wi th th e Shah ’sfavor ; he win s the day , and carri es off th e unhappy G u l on the

road to China 59 But N au rfiz fol lows th e party on th ej ourn ey eastward One stormy n igh t h e trie s to carryo ff G u l to hi s own country but the pai r i s overtak en i nthe mounta in s

,and brought back as capt ives by a slave of

the Khaqan,who i s named Y elda (DJ - 3) 76 , Nothi ng

daunted,however

,the lovers mak e a second attempt to escape

,

and thi s time they su cceed . G u l,according to the custom of

the country,i s sent to the temple to l earn the method of wor

sh ip . N au raz also finds h i s way th ith er,but both of them bei ng

con sc ience - stri cken at the practi ce of idolatry,determine upon

fl igh t . Th e Khaqan and th e whole of (3m and Maci n

GA L”) are g reatly exci ted ; m en are sent in every d i rec t ion

i n pursu it,but wi thout success . G u l and N au rfiz with g reat

Vol . xx i i i . ] A flfi m uscr ipt of G u l c? a r-az . 107

diflicu lty escape an assemb lage of tim es,whom they meet i n

the desert . Soon after th i s they arrive at the palace of the

Sheikh of Naj d (AS who attempts by means of a wi tch ’s

charm s to win the heart of G u l . W h en she and Nau rt‘

i z per

ceive th i s they leave Naj d 78 They manag e to reach

Bah r Q ul zum (tel-L3 anc ien t Clysma

,and

,after the fami l

iar manner of both Eastern and W estern m edizeval romance,

embark i n a boat,which soon sufl

'

ers sh ipwreck in the gulf of

Oma n . A ll th i s,as my frie nd P rofessor Jack son rem inds me

soun ds much l ike i nc idents in the old Engl i sh romances or theGesta Rom anoru m . Though separated , the lovers , of course ,are not suff ered to peri sh . G u l

,float ing on the sea

,i s found by

a diver (un i?) i n the pearl fi shery of the k i ng or prince of

Aden,which i s one year’s j ourney from China . The diver

brings her to the shore to take her to the k i ng . On the way

they encounter several fierce l ions,which she k i l l s on the spot .

The report of her prowess soon spreads abroad . The k ing of

Aden has her summoned in to h i s presence,and charmed by her

beauty as wel l a s by her h eroi sm rece ives her‘

with g reat honor

83

The fortunes or m i sfortune s of Nau raz are equal ly romanti c .

He floats on a piece of t imber to the A rabian shore,and

enters a fisherm an’

s bu t c lose by the sea . The fi sherman,be ing

too poor to supply hi s needs,i n forms the V i z i r

,who al so dwell s

near . T he V i z i r,after en tertain i ng Nau rfiz for a wh i l e

,takes

h im to the k i ng of Y emen , who honors h im wi th high o ffice andrank 99

But an old - t ime feud exi sted between the k i ng o f Y emen , towhom Nau raz had gone , and the k i ng o f Aden , i n whose arm v

G u l was comm i ss ioned . So chance bring s i t about tha t war i sdeclared between these ho st i l e rule rs . The storv o f the confl i c tfo l lows . After several engag ements , c i rcumstances dram at i

cally b ri ng Nau rt‘

rz and G nl face to face i n ba ttl e . E ach recogn izes the other

,and the resul t may be imag i ned . The war is

stopped at once and lasti ng fri endsh ip i s estab l i shed be tweenthe two k i ng s 10 8 G u l and Nau rfiz

,by the permi s

sion o f the i r k i ng s , make a pi lg rimag e to Mckka and Med ina .

Meanwhi le the k i ng s Fe rrnkh and Mushk i n Shah , from the

t ime they hear o f the fl ight o f thei r chi ld ren from China,are i n

1 08 A . A M an uscr ipt of Gu l i t N d a/m m .

a state of g reat uneas iness , and wander about th e world i nsearch of them . Final ly th ey also con cl ude to mak e a pilgrimage to the sacred land

,to pray th ere for th e restorati on of thei r

dear ones . At Mekka th e parents and the ch i ldren meet u nex

pectedly and have a happy reunion . The party return s homei n peace

,and Nauruz succeeds h i s fath er at the latter ’s death

1 1 9

Such,i n bri ef

,i s the romance of Gu l and N au rfiz . The

whole story,as i t seems to me we are j ust ified i n bel ievi ng

con tai n s certai n myst i c el ements . Th e names of G u l,Nauruz

,

Susan,Bulbul

,etc .

,may be not without symbol i c s ignificance .

The P ersian New Y ear occurs i n th e Spring ,and the love of the

springt ime for the n igh t i ngale i s as old as P ersian lyri c poetry .

The l i ly belong s r ightly amid the same myst i c company of flow

ers and numerous other symbol i c ph rases l ik e th e fervent heat

of N au r i‘

i z,

’ ‘ love open i ng the breast of the rose,

’ or the sunny

days of the spri ng t ime causi ng the bud to blossom,

’ recal l the

a llegori cal energy of the Iran ian myst i c poets .

In concl usion I may say that I hope to gather some moredetai l s regarding th i s i nterest i ng work i n connecti on with the

other P ersian poems that bear the same t it l e .

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1 10 E . l ir

. Ifiqflc'in s

, [1902.

X1] . 1 1 4 . 20 , k rudd/ro (h eard/rem ! lu'

tr'

i rIug/ed W 7 .

Analogous i s pm‘

i cacc‘

tkha,

“ hav i ng five branch es,

” the hand

x i . 1 7 . 30,svacirafi ( lb/zi ll cttyu ,

which i l l ust rates Nala v . 5 . In the Ramayana , v i . 59 . 55,th i s

word i s st i l l an adj ect ive to bal m . Compare RV . x . 1 37 . 7 ,

(bastdbbydm ).I have el sewh ere suggested that th e word for four appears to

b e a combinat ion of “ three and .

” That the dig i ts , as wel l asth e h igh er numbers

,were i ndicated by addit ion i s shown by

many examples of “ and ” combinat ion s to express them,for

example,i n i . 234 . 1 5 , s ix i s expressed by

“ five and one,

”poaca

cd i Veam ca . Double - s i x (sa tka for si x) reflects a commondoublet

,the year consi st i ng of two six - month “ courses ” of the

sun,dv isa tkapadagdm in ,

x i . 5 . 1 5 . Such “ double ” terms arenot rare : double - five - h eaded

,dcz

'

paficafl rasafi kecit,v . 1 03

7 dvz’

pafica rd tra ,i i i . 230 . 37 dv isaglaksa ,

wi th twelve eyes,

x i i i . 86 . 1 9 ; whi le for twenty - one,

“ thri ce seven ” i s normaltrisaptan ,

s i c,tr ihsaptakrtvah .

I have no record of alternate adj ect ive numeral s,such as

dettra or tr icota ra among ep ic material ; but unexpressed alternates are found : five or six mouthful s

,

”pa rted sa t

“ for seven

or e ight days,

saptdsta divasan ,v . 1 60 . 40 ;

“ even (Opposedto fifty) five or s i x or seven

,

”apt cd pafica sa t septa ,

v i . 3 . 83 ,

al so xi i . 102 . 21 ;“ of ten or twelve ” (years), dacadvddapa

i i i . 1 88 . 60 . Compare dvyelca“ of two or of one

,

” Manu,x .

7 . For tr iad,tri taya m and traya m ( i n i . 2 . 329

,etc .

, ca ta tra

ya m ) are used indiflerently ; i n x i i i . 1 1 1 . 18—1 9,s ide by side

di mrm ac ed’rthac ca [cam els ca tr i tayam j iv i tep/La la m

eta t traga m a vdpta vya m .

Thi s i s th e usual tr iad to be desiderated,but i t i s often al luded

to as a triad without defin it ion,as i n i x . 64 . 21

,tr im yam see i

tam screa m . It i s possible that i t m eans tri n i ty i n x i i i . 147 .

53,wh ere Oiva says of V i sn u

te tra ca tr itayam drstam bitcwz'

sg/ a ti n o sm hcayafi

sa m astd h i s ag/ am deeds tasya dehe easdm ahe,

though even here it may , as usual , be equivalen t to the tr ivargacal led tr i taya above (rather than the three t imes , as suggestedi n T reta for triad i s rather affected i n the later ep ic

Vol ; xx i i i . ] R em a rks o n EV'

znnbers . 1 1 1

and (without the impl ied complemen t) stands alone fo r a Y ugaand for the g roup of th ree fi res (ref . [ rt/ca i s u sed sparingly, pm

’

éca tr ika, hav i ng a tr iad of five

,fi fteen ; tr itca i s a late

soleci sm ( ref . below). A g roup of four i s cu tu sm g/a m or ca taska m ; a g roup of five

, pa acaka m ,etc .

Me taphori cal n umber - names I have i l l ust rated by a passagec i ted i n m y G

'reu t p c

'

c,p . 206 , where ca rayn i i s 5 x 7 . The

passage,however

,i s late and un ique i n the ep ic .

I turn now to the reg ular n umbers .The ep ic i s not so careless of art as to chang e the g ram m at i

ca l form of al l the numbers,but i t conta in s seve ral abnormal

numeral s . I shal l speak of the form of the numbers three,four

,

seven,e ight , n i ne , ten , addi ng someth i ng on deriva tives of the

word for one,and the use of the h igher n umbers .

T ri . In the Sanatsu jata P arvan , which i s a late im itat i on ofan ci en t ma tter

,occurs th i s verse

v . 43 . 15 , ta t/ta " rearward (Zara tr i,raj a u .

In 91. 19 are men t ioned seven cases of c ruelty , whi ch apparen tly led Telang

,S E E ,

vi i i . p . 1 68 , to transla te the wordsabove “ and l ikewi se the seven cruel t ie s . But the seven of

cl . 19 are expressly di ff erent ia ted from six that precede , etepa res rlpta ,

seven other cases,

” and i t i s these si x and seven togetherwhi ch make up the th i rteen

,( l ac-a tr i

,ment ioned i n the i n tro

ductory fi fteen th cloka . Consequently,N i lakantha i s righ t i n

sayi ng that (Inca tr i i s for ( rag/odaca ,or

,i n other words

,tr i

here stands for tri gri .

In the last number of th i s J i m rm rl,xx i i

,p . 345 if ,

I poin ted

out an epic case of a dropped ending ,( loco ea

where the m l shows clearly that ( laca stands fo r ( Ir/ca blt i lt, whichhas lost i ts ending because i t i s suppl i ed by the nex t wo rd .

’A

st i l l more extraord inary case of di slocated endi ng i s fo und i nthat book whi ch h i stori cal cri t ique has pronounced later thanthe early ep ic

i v . 62 . 14 , ( I lMtt‘l tdd/LO ‘ca ra t Part/to va rsity”?tr i ( lucan i ca ,

‘ The meter bere shows that the corrupt form is intentiona l . Theca se differs ,

therefore . from that of the QB. udine. M itrdya Va rundya

ca ,wh ich a l l MSS . o f JB Professor Oertel informs me , have as M itrd

va ruzzdya ca , si nce the latter form 8 poi l s the meter.

1 1 2 E . l lr

. f f opk iu s , [1902 .

wh ere tr i dacan i stands for th i rteen . Here we cannot read tr i(Zacan i , for two reasons . First

,th i s word means thi rty and not

th i rteen , and th i rteen i s th e requ i red mean ing . Second,even i f

we took tr idacan i as an adj ect ive mean ing th i rteen , there wouldst i l l rema in the ca

,which only a very stra ined i nterpretat ion

could d i spose of otherwi se than as N i lakan tha has said (trim ca

( taca ca ). Th ere remains only the explanat ion that i n tr ick /pan tthe poet has transposed th e end i ngs for metri ca l purposes andnot only wri tten tr t for trl n z

’

but ( lacam'

for daca ,helped

there to undoubtedly by th e preced i ng va rsam’

. Such a mon

strosity i s one that need not surpri se us among the many evidences of lateness found in the V i rata

,whi ch

,as a whole

,l i e s

nearest to the pseudo - ep i c i n i t s di sregard of Sansk r i t g rammaras i n oth er part i culars . So i n V i rata we find the slovenly con

struct ion of iv . 39 . 10 , j ttva vaya n’

e n esya ti ca’clya ga

'

va la

conquer us and carry of f th e cows,

” a verse admitted by Ni lakan tha (compare 47 . and qu i te comparable with the loosen ess of form found i n Qanti .

The PW . has al ready noti ced , i . 1 13 . 21,e i/Lrtya tr idaca

n icafi, for tr iaca t ; tr idacau ,i i i . 1 23 . 1 (Acvm au ) ; and tr ida

call , 3X 10 ( 2 33) gods , passim .

Catu r . P rofessor Holtzmann,i n h i s A rt/tang to W hitney

’s

Gra m m a r, §482 , ment i on s can/rah as nominat ive i n x i i . 24 . 27

and ca tu r as accusat i ve,seda n

,i n 111 . 45 . 8 . Both forms are

found elsewhere as well . In vi i . 149 . 22 , gayan ti ca ta ro vedalt;

v i i . 202 . 74 , s edan krtva’tha ca ta rac ca t'

a r acvan m ahecva rah .

A l so i n v i i i . 34 . 70 , ta thai’va eedacca ta ro kayagryafi. Al l these

passages are late laudat ion s or describe metaphori ca l cars ofrel ig ion , the four V edas being made th e steeds . Unique i s v i i i .

20 . 49,sa ta dv ipafi paficabh ir a ttam esub/Lih kr tah saqlaacuc

ca ta ro nrpa lz tr ibhz’

fi the elephant wi th five arrows made s ix

fo ld [cut i nto si x p ieces] and th e k i ng with three (arrows made)kr to dacar

’

tcah [vaca/Zen a yadhya ta ya t/La [Lam'

s tad ( tact /

(Zaiva tam ta t/1a (“ was made ten - fold [cut i nto ten p i eces] by

th e sk i l l fu l warrior,l ik e an oblat ion o ff ered to ten div i n it i es

Here ca ta ra lz i s pla i n ly ca ta rartcafi i n sense , but as to the

form,it i s d i fficul t to say whether by analogy with late com

pounds in ca ta ra i t i s nominat ive s ing ular, or by analogy wi th“ mak e one four ” accusat ive pl ural , or by analogy with the

cases above,nominat ive pl ural . I th i nk i t belong s to the last

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1 14 E . l lr

. H yflriu s, [ 1902 .

x i i i . 1 1 1 . 69 , b/m‘

a‘

va m i n e‘s/a r a rsagaz

’

,al so requ ired .

v . 86 . 9 , (Zara’sl a ca

,and vi i . 82 . 8 . and 1 6

, ca f e/m ( IS / ( l cu,

cases of di iambus,b revi s requi red ;

i x . 46 . 74 , m a ln’

sa ih ca

short vowel requi red ;

v i i i . 22 . 6,a stabln

'

r apz'

,B /tara ta

long vowe l requ i red ; ih . 1 7 , M ike/layerpa lany a staa,i ndi fferent .

R espect ing the al leged di fference between ecsf ayaca and a sta

f /a ca ,PW . i . 531 , th ere are two verses , one of which i s

v i i i . 67 . 6,a staga

'

vam a sta ca tam’

bazaar. (se .

wh i ch N i lakan tha i nterprets as eight e ight - cow wagons carryh undreds of arrows

,

” h is tesam a staga vam implying a short

g en i t ive modell ed on ga vam (a sgaf

a gave ya sm ias tad a staga

caka tam tesam a stagavam a sta a stasam khyc'

m z’

paka tam'

n u dab/ta'

va arsah, ca tan i banan an ekaca tasam khyan va lza n ti).

One i s tempted to read a stagavany,as i n th e n ext passage ,

wh i ch,however

,has th e short vowel :

v i i i . 20 . 30 , a stav astag/a eany cl i m b cake/ ( an t yad dya d/ta m

a /m as tad a stab/tag/en a D raw n’

cciksepa ,m arisa ,

Drona’s son

,S ir

,th rew as many missi l e s i n an eighth of a day

as eigh t e ight - cow wagons carry , which repeats wi th elaboratedefin iteness the statement of th e precedi ng verse that th e heropoured arrows as P usan ’s “ young er brother ,

”P usanu ja , that i s

P arj anya,pours ra i n . Th e scene i s late and in struct ive for th e

c ri t ique of th e ep i c . Th e hero here part i cularly lauded i s a certai n Pandya

,qu i te unnot i ced previously but now extoll ed as the

ablest warrior on the P andu s ide . It i s he who,as explai ned

above,i s quartered and made wi th h i s el ephant a ten - fold obla

t ion . There appears to be no g rammati cal di fference between( ( s f aga va and a stagava .

’

In regard to a sracakra,the P etersburg l ex i con g ives only th e

Vedic a stacakra,but a stacakra i s found (of Hari

’s wagon ,

yan a ) i n v i . 8 . 1 6 ; x i i . 335 . 1 1 ; and (of a demon’s car

,ra t/1a )

1 Compare for these compounds , hastisadga '

va, vii i . 38 . 7 , of a war

car , and sadgaviyam cuka tam ,ih . 76 . 17 . In x i i . 37 . 32, sixteen cows

are yoked to a war - car .

Vol . xxi ii . ] R em a rks on N'

um bers. 1 15

i n vi i . 156 . 61 ; 1 67 . 38 ; 1 75 . 13 ; and (of an mea n t) i n vi i . 1 75 .

96 . In the fi rst three D rona cases,sa m aya lrta i s added , a set

formula . In the fi rst case,from Bh i sm a

,the word al so begin s

a pa thya and the whole verse i s repeated i n the next Qanti case ,a stacakra -

rh hi tad yan a m b/u‘

l taya lcta m m an ora m a m . As the

last case,too

,stands a t the head of a pa t/cya and i n thi s s i tua

t ion a stacakra m would be metri cal,the choice must be due to

preference for the later form .

Nava . T he Vedic phrase j ug/tan " n a rra ti r n a ra I have

already,Jou rn a l

,vol . xx i i . p . 389 , located in the ep ic , i i . 24 .

19 . To thi s example should be added also the same phrase

occurr ing at i x . 51 . 36 and xi i . The last i s farthest

removed i n contex t from th e orig i nal , whi le the passage i n

Qalya gives the Vedi c text very closely i n mak ing the weaponthe bones of Dadh ica (ep i c form)

RV . i . 84 . 13,Indro D ad/two astab/ci r crtrany aprc

’

ttis/rutu lf

j ag/lan a n a va ti r n a ra,

Mhb . ii . 24 . 1 9 , yen a (ra then a ) Qakro ( lana vanam

j ag/lean er n a na ti r n a ra,

ih . i x . 51 . 36 , (D a d/l ien,tasg/a ( laityadan a va vi ran am .

j aghan a n a ca ti r n a r a,

ih . x i i . 22 . 1 1 , Indra the son of Brahman became a Ii satriva

by h i s acts and j f tatin am papa l'

rtt'

i n am

Jag/1am : n m f ufi r n a ru .

In each case (but th e fi rst i s not annotated) N i lakantha savsthat the number i s (not n i nety - n ine but) e ight h undred and ten

(n i ne n ine t ie s). In i . 32 . 24,n rwa tg/a n a ea ti lt (krtcri ), v . l .

nn vn tyo , the mult i pl i cat ion i s defin i te , 8100 .

To the form s recogni zed i n grammars and lex icons I amtempted to add n a vaih as i n strumen tal pl ural . Othe rwi se we

mu st assume that n ew arrows a re espec ia l lv used when the i r

n umber i s n i ne ty,whereas g ene rally there i s a na tu ra l predilec

t ion for such conj uncts as six and sixtv , seven and seventv ,and

n i ne and n i ne ty . So by analogy with wo rn /ya m o u th/M y m 111

v i i i. 30 . 25 we find ru l m

'

u'

r wa nt /{ya m l ya rd”: i n vi i i . 90 . 60 .

At the same time ,“ n ine and “

new , owing to thei r l ike

sound,are found tog ether , as i n vi i i . 48 ,

50 , n o nair n m wb/u'

r

fiya sd ifl, but i n the case above m seems to show that na val/c is

a numera l .

11 6 E . IV. H opk in s, [1902.

I wou ldi

rem ark,by th e way

,on th e part ial ly formulai c char

acter of most of th e shooting i n th e bat tl e - scenes . Th e test ofan arch er ’s sk i l l i s not on ly to shoot one arrow wel l but to shootmany arrows at once . Among dig i t s th e obj ect shot at determines

,for th e main part

,th e number of arrows used . W i th

four arrows one shoots the four steeds ; with th ree , th e arms andforehead or the three charioteers

,etc . But even h ere th ere i s

an occasi onal i rrupt ion of e igh ts , th e favori te number of th elater ep ic . Thus i n vi i i . 89 . 63

,ten and e ight ; 65 , eight ; 68 ,

e igh t hundred and e igh t thousand ; 76 , e igh t ; al l i n a bunch ,though up to th i s passag e the whole preceding e igh ty odd sect ions show only half a dozen cases . So i n the late wonder - tale s

of th e fi rst book,larger numbers are by preference expressed i n

terms of e igh t or i t s mult iples,e . g .

,i . 1 00 . 20

,to express th irty

si x years,

“ years si xteen and eight and also four and eigh tmore .

”I shal l have occasion i n a later section of th i s paper to

show how th i s Buddh i st i c number has driven out th e moreanc ient hol iness of n i ne .

In the “ down - pour of arrows said to be shot by decadesthere i s a certai n preference for stereotyped g roups . Twelve

,

fourteen,fi fteen

,and s ixteen are shot more often than seventeen

and eigh teen . Twenty - one,tr isapta n ,

i s a favorite for thesame reason that endears tr isapta tz

'

,as th ree and seven (ty) are

sacrosanct numbers . In th i s decade,twenty - five is also a

favori te,wh i l e twenty - seven i s th e rarest ; i n the th i rd decade ,

th i rty - s i x i s th e convent ional number,with a few cases of th i rty

and thi rty - two . Th e fourth decade i s almost ignored ; th e fifthappears rarely as fifty ; then come sixty and six and si xty (l esscommon are th ree and four and sixty) ; seventy and seven and

seventy (less common are two and three and seventy) ; e igh ty

(rare) ; n i nety (n ine and n inety as above) and occasional ly one

hundred,three hundred

,five hundred

,and even ten thousand

arrows al l di scharged from one bow at one shot !Daga . The (Zapa ta of vi . (rightly condemned in

PW . ) i s replaced in B . 61 . 21,by tr inca ta. The epi c has

Japan}analogous to sapta ti , n a va ti,not as decade but as one

hundred (as who shou ld say“ n in ety

,the form

,how

ever,being formulai c l ike n a va tl r n a va, (above), and probably

a new formation,as i t occurs only i n th e la ter part of the ep ic .

The dec i sive cases as regards the mean i ng are (i . 1 6 . 8—13 and) v .

1 08 . 14,the latter :

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1 1 8 E . ”7

. Il opk in s, [1902.

Before l eav i ng th i s sub j ect I w ould say a few words on certai n decl i ned forms of cit -a

,not because they are i rregular as

forms,but on account of th e way they are used . Th e fi rst poin t

i s th e parall el i sm between th e adverb ial ablat ive and th e instrumental

,as shown i n

v . 43 . 21,tr ib/u

’

r ( lvab/Lydm clua to ca’rt/az

°

to yafl.

A ccordi ng to th e commentator , a rt/vita h ere means possessedof or furn i sh ed wi th

,a rt/1a

,a mean ing not u sually recogn ized ,

but i n accordance wi th th e sense of th e passage , wh i ch says thatone who has i n h is power al l th e twelv e v i rtues i s fi t to ru le th eearth

,wh i l e “ h e that i s furn i sh ed with th ree

,two

,or one

,

” i s

to be k nown as one hav i ng wealth , tasya sva m ( a n’ti sa ced i

ta vyafi. In any case,t

‘

l tfl /L i s used freely here as a correlat iv eof th e i n strumental . ‘

The same form has a mean ing almost recog ni zed i n th e P et .

lex i con,whi ch ascribes to i t

,besi des th e ablat ive sense and that

of on th e one hand,

” th e meani ng of togeth er,

” or “ i n one .

”

By a sl igh t extens ion of mean ing cha tak m ean s al togeth e r ,solely

,or

,qui te l i terally

,one - ly,

only,as m v i . 1 07 . 20

,

ya thd pref/"va l itam va /m im pa tm hgafi sa m ab/tidra va n

eba to fl irty/u m abhyeti ta t/1a B /tZsm a m Zyi vdn ,

As an insect entering a blaz ing fi re meets on ly w i th death,so

I,on hav i ng encountered Bh i sm a .

” Th i s,at l east

,i s Nilakan

tha’s expos i t ion

,who tak es the word as equivalen t to (eka i iz)

kena lam,m rtg/u m eva

,rather than as contrast i ng th e in sect on

th e one hand ” with th e speaker . Th e plural eke mean in galone ” m ay be used as wel l as th e si ng ular , ndz

’

706 ‘

en am i

s zm cm zpcm n a m,

“ eat dain t i e s alone,

” x i i . 228 . 44 .

Exampl es of th e correlat i on by two clean/h are not uncommon .

One i s found i n

x i i . 12 . 12,cka tac ca, ( rag/ o rdj a n grba st/al cra m a (aka/ f a ll

,

wh ere aga inst the other th ree orders i s we igh ed that of the

householder,wh i ch i s sa id to be equal to al l the oth ers put

tog ether .

1 For the usual meaning i f applied here would be he who on the onehand is furn ished w ith three or two .

”Compare the paral le l use of

pra tha m a tah in x i i . 82. 1 , esd pra tha m a to vrtti r dvi tiy’

dn’

z em u , B hd

ra ta .

V ol . xxi ii . ] R em a rks on M l m bers. 1 19

In the following stanza I thi nk we may see an extension ofV edi c usag e surviv i ng i n th e epi c :

x i i . 21 . 7 , ( m g/e sam a.praca f wa n ti rydydm a m apa re j a na/i.

m i i’ka n

’

z n a cd’

pa-

re kecc'

d ab/i aya n'

t ea ta t/i d inu re .

The commentator adm i t s the double negat ive as an affi rmat iv eand accordi ng to h im the stanza would mean : Some pra ise mild

ness,others prai se a strenuous l i fe , st i l l others prai se the one

(Y oga - di sc ipl i ne,

and others agai n pra i se both .

” But,

a lthough the afii rm ative double negat iv e i s not an impossibi l i ty,

i t carries wi th i t a streng th of afii rm at ion' that i s qu i te uncal led

for i n th i s passag e , where eka m certa in ly has no right to be

represen ted by In the cont i nuat ion i t i s sa id tha t

some si t i n quiet medi tat ion,some are act ive i n govern ing , and

others are ekda taci l inafi, which may have led the commentatorhere to se t up a th i rd obj ect of devotion . But wi th the antithe

s i s of a blzaya m there can be no doubt that elua m i s one of the

two already ment ioned,and the mean i ng to be expected i s that

some prai se mildness,some pra i se energy , some pra i se ne i ther ,

and some pra ise both ; which , in my opin ion , i s wha t the passag e was i ntended to mean when i t was fi rst wri t ten . In othe r

words,for wai ’lca n

'

z. m t va.

,we should read nai

’ka u

’

z ea n a,whi ch

preserved the old phrase found i n BAU . vi . 2 . 2 , m 7’/m m a m

ca . n a. vcda ; ih . 3,la te n d i W a n}ca n a m ’da . O therwise

n a ca n a, s urv ives only in indefin ites,n u . Ava/u n i : m . 7m

,etc .

The sen se of 71515 Vern /L as “ many a ” i s he re excl uded . Thi s

latter mean ing i s common , e . g .,m 7 ] Va t /h.

.

z/ uya r ipa ryaya m

(a vasa m ),“ many an age ,

” x i i . 229 . 49 .

a

1 It is used , however , genera l ly, where two c lauses are di stingu ished .

e . g . , na cci i ’

va na prayufij i ta , sam ki rnam pa ri varj ayet, not that oneshould not commit (these faults , but) one should avo id excess , x i i . 56 .

42 ; or in strong affirm ation , na sa yaj fio na bha v ita, i . 38 . 2,“ i t w i l l

sure ly occur nah i team no’

tsahe ha ntu m , x i i . 227. 80 . assuredly I cank il l thee .” Compare the para l le l in the same scene (repeated) i n x ii .224 . 38 , cum a ndi

’

va na cet kalalz . pdtayeya m aham tvd’

dya ,

“ I

cou ld ki l l you now if it were not so , i f Time did not (prevent). Com

pare xi i . 239. 4—6, ending etad evam ca nc’

u’

Wa rnca na co'

bhe na‘

nublw

ta thd .

9 In xi v . 49, a simi lar but longer string of opi n ions is g iven by keci t,a nye, apa re, and eke. indifleren tly. end ing w i th el . 12, sa rva m ekepra

ca fwanti na sa rra m iti ca’

pa re, “some prai se everyth ing and others

noth ing .

"

120 E . IV. H opk i n s , [1902.

In regard t o th e choice between eka or elua ta ra,th e epi c uses

e ither,as i n x i i . 81 . 9

,eg

'

pom g/ eka ta ra zit 91a ca,

‘ 10,eka sya

j aya m cl eanse, (“ l ik e the moth er of two gamblers) I prefer

nei th er,hope for v i ctory of the one .

” In i . 1 1 9 . 1 5,cdsyd i

m m taksa to ba/m n'

z. ca nda n enai’l ;a m u lcsa tah 7i a

’ka lydqzam n a

ka lydp a m cm tayan n u bbayos tayofl,

“ not th i nk i ng i l l or goodto apperta in to [th ese both] e i th er of these , him cutt i ng onearm wi th an axe and him anoint i ng one w i th sandal - paste (fora nya ta ra m ). In triads

,on e

,another

,and a th i rd

,a nya ,

apa ra ,

pa ra ; eka,

apa ra ,eka

,and so forth

,xi i . 86 . 30 ; 1 37 . 4 .

Though ka ta ra i s u sed qui te reg ularly , [rim may tak e i ts place,

as i n x i i . 126 . 1 6 , where , after two are ment ioned, we find k i ndn u j ydya sta rm n

,

“ which (of these two) i s more greater?” So

ka la m a and lea,x i i . 1 67 . 2 .

On the form of other ep i c n umbers I may refer to whathas already been g i ven i n the P etersburg lexi con and in P rof es

sor Speyer ’s Sa nskr i t Syn tax . I wi l l only regi ster another pancaca ta m (g unaapro/Im p) for pa ficdca t, x i i . 256 . 8

,and observe

that dvz’

sapta ti appears i n Manu , vi i . 1 57 but epi c dvdsapta ti ( i nthe same passage) at xi i . 59 . 71 ; at the same time remark i ng as

to ca td for ca tdn i , in i ii . 67 . 6 , where C . has yam /h pawl » , thatmascu l i ne yam belong s to the more recent parts of th e epi c

,

whence ca td ,l ik e v icvd , may have been the orig i nal . As to

th e femi n i nes,tr ica ti , etc .

,which have been noti ced by Speyer

,

op . ci t., §294 , these forms are also late i n the ep i c

,tr ipa ti and

saptaca tz ( i . 2 . 324) and cognate forms are found i n st i l l

later work s . Further : besides (Zacaea ta m ,above (and dapa sd

hasra m ),“ a ten - hundred

,th ere i s the uncommon u ncom

pounded singula r form (as if pl ural), as i n x i i i . 1 12 . 1 4—1 5,

where,parall e l to ( laeapa tam eeda vzfdam ( i n 91. appears

brdhm an dn dmJca tam dapa .

The quest ion as reg ards apposi t ional construct ion may be discussed here though it pertai ns to syntax rath er than to form .

A ll substant ive numerals may take th i s construct ion,sa /La s

ra m pa r i va tsa ran ,i . 94 . 41 , etc . wh i ch i s not i rreg ular i f we

understand “ years,a thousand

,rather than “ thousand (of)

years . ” But wi th th e h igh er numbers the noun i s usually e i thercompounded

,va rsdywtdm

’

,etc .

,or i s i n th e gen i t ive , pu r l /sa m e

( Ihdn dm aya ta m ,i . 95 . 20 .

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1 22 E . IV. f l op/ti n s, [ 1902.

Th e si ngular noun (an unusual case , compare Speyer , S . Sy

f a ir, § 294) occurs with tr i fzpa t i n x i i i . 1 0 1 . 1 5

,wa raka ih tr in

(v . 1. i n The pl ural decade al so i s found i nthe later epi c

,e . g . {r inga to

‘bdf m,x i i i . 1 03 . 34 .

Th e word vim'

a ti g ives th e name V ivincati , a hero whoseforegone fate i s to be attack ed with twenty arrows , i n a repeatedph rase : r

i v i 'li ya ti /h. ca v inca tyd v ira t/La zh kr ta vdn prab/zu /z, v i .

1 17 . 44 z v ii . 14 . 27 , etc . Such number - names are not confined

to th i s h ero and the three wi se men,Ekata

,Dv ita

,Tri ta

,as thev

are found al so in th e satyrs ’ names,A staka and Navaka

,Skan

da ’s goat - faced sons,i i i . 228 . 12 ; and i n x iv . 4 . 5 are mentioned

Ik svak u’s descendants V inca and V iv inga , who are u nk nown to

th e early ep i c but appear i n the P uran ic l i terature and thepseudo - ep i c so clearly associated with i t .An ordinal may be employed to tak e the place of a cardinal pre

fixed to anoth er cardinal,as i n i . 95 . 37 , ca ta rvz

’

r’

zea m pu tra ga f

a m babhava,

“ a twenty - fourth son - century was born,

” that i s

one hundred plus twenty - four,wh i ch leads eventually to ca ta r

oinpa be ing used for ca tu rvinpa ti as i n ca tu rvinpdksa ra for the

Gayatr i i n th e Harivanca (v . a meani ng that may belongto the passage above as wel l .The ordi nal may (but does not generally) ag ree wi th distrib

u ted si ngulars , al though combi ned wi th one , as i n the verse ofi i . 77 . 31 repeated at x i i i . 148 . 61

,D u ryodba n a sya I i

’

e qw syu.

Qaku n ec ca D ufipdsa n aca turtham 2m b/m‘

tm z'

fi pdsya ti cow'

ta m . The ordinal i n such a phrase as “ five went and she too

(as) s ixth needs no comment,and almost as common i s such a

t urn as “ they five set out having her (as) sixth ;” but “ with

sel f as i s probably a late locut ion,though l ike the G reek

i diom . It i s found i n (xi i . 1 77 . 52,dtm a n d sapta m a ih, lrdm a n

'

t

ha ted) the same passage from wh ich examples of th ese con stru ct ions may be taken namely

,

“ seventh with h imself (instrum en

tal) went th e k i ng ,xv i i . 1 . 23—25

,prast/Li tdn D rdapadZsa st/z("

m

bhrdta rafipa fica f f rsn d ca sa st/vi cud cd i’va, sapta m a/L, fol

lowed by (Ztm a n d sapta m o M id Gw’

rzsd/Lvaydt ( lateaddi t i on to Panin i , vi . 3 . 6 , PW . R am . examples). As (i t-

171m l,

plural reflex ive i n sing ular , i s not very fully i l lustrated in PW . ,

I wi l l add natha van ta m ind Min d /aw n m en i re,

“ th ey regardedth emselves as hav i ng a savior ,

” i . 1 83 . 10 .

Vol . xx i i i . ] R em a rks on .Nm nbers. 123

The word ( lvitiya ,second , passes i n compounds from the

mean i ng “ hav ing as second to that of with,

”and independ

ently to that of alter (ego), i . e . ,a friend . Famil ia r examples a re

those g iven by Speyer , cliayadc itiya , (doubled) with h is shad

ow,

”" sh in ing/a seconded by hi s sword .

”An example of the

personal construct ion i s P ug/ udhan adnifiya ,

“ along with

x iv . 66 . 1 1 (compare de itig/ (wa t,wi th i nst rumental

,i i i . 313 .

m e ( lzi cftiyc'

cli,

“ my friend,

” x i i i . 102 . 57 . The idiom,tho ugh

perhaps not new , i s not often used ,— general ly i n late passages .

Another case occurs i n v . 50 . 26 , a passage not

removed from th e suspi c ion of being a late adornment .The second ord ina l an swers to our “ another ” i n such ph rase s

as ( lvitiya saga ma m'

blza,

“ l ik e another ocean wh i le the same ”

i s expressed bv the fi rst cardinal : ckza la /rklu’

ck pg’ l/aaksakkala

,

“ havi ng the same sorrows but separate pleasures,

” i . 10 4 and

50 ; ekartha ,ekablm j a n a ,

“ hav ing the same aim ,food

,ete .

sI

Ordi nal s are occasional ly used to i nd icate t ime . Fi rst i n

t ime,as contrasted with a subsequent event

,i s

,i ndeed

,gener

al ly g iven by p c‘

l rva,

“ form er, pfirva rapagu

'

,

“

prel im inarv

symptoms,x i i . 228 . 1 ; or pu rastat,

“ previously , i . 189 . 22 ;

bu t pra t/cm n a. i s used i n the same way , pra t/u nn a m pa ced !

“ a t fi rst and afterwards,

” x i i . 227 . 68 , etc . A “ second t imeis i ii . 60 . 7 ; ( 11) s p f l rva m [ ( 1t trtlg/a m ,

“ twice

b efore and now for the th i rd t ime ,” i i i . 92 . 9 ; parvu m

[ u m ida n’

e. tri l l/a m ,

“ fi rs t,then again , and now for the

thi rd t ime,

” xvi i i . 3 . 35 ; often as adj . , m i. ( rm/a _ig’

i fu‘

zsa tm w.

kr i ll,

“ thi s i s the th i rd examinat ion y ou have taken ,”ih . 32 .

Be fore passing on to the epic methods of i ndi cat i ng arithm e

t i cal processes i n deta i l , I mav remark that with the except iono f t ime (and rel igious where the duodec imal sys

The next stanza , xiv . 66 . 12, has a form not recognized in the lexicon , p itrsva sdm ,

as compared w ith the regu lar p itrsvast'

i ra m , the latterfound in v . 90 . 1 ; v i i i . 87 . 16 ; xiv . 52 . 53 . Another late passage . v i .“ 6 . 8 . has svasdm (l ike duhi ta

'

m in Vini ta ; the last noticed by Holtzmann , A nha ng ,

Occas ional ly ambiguous . Thus . ekapa tn itr’

i i s the condition of having

“ the same w ife but in R. v . 28 . 13 , ekapa tni tva m i s hav ingonly one w ife .

”Bu t the context makes the meaning c lear .

3 The expansion is rather w ide on th is s ide and varies between timed ivi sions ( twelve years of fasting , sacrificing , etc . ) and rel ig ious numbers , for exam gfle , the twe lve syl lables of the pdda of the j aga ti verse ,i i i . 134 . 19 (observe na vdksa rt

‘

i brha ti , ih.

124 E IV: H opk ins, [ 1902 .

tem, 1 2 , (30) 60 , etc .

,i s nat ural ly sel ected

,th e decimal system

i s i n ordinary use,both for th e system of admin istrat ion

,x i i .

87 . and for th e army,ih . 100 . 31

,etc . But i t does not

appear i n any system of measures and on ly once i s used ofweights

,though i t should be added that the i ndi cat i on s of

val ues are so rare as to be of l i ttl e importance ( i n i i i . 1 34 . 1 5 ,

a srau pa n ak ga ta m an am vaka n ti al so dra u n ika,ref .

COUN TING AND ADD ITION .

Excep t i n counting up money , sa m plglaya tz’

,and a poet i ca l

u se of ya}and yoga (n a vai ’na yep/ 0 ga n a nam c

’ti pacva t, of

the n i ne dig i t s i n count i ng ,i i i . 134 . 1 6 ; ta m m u lm

‘

crta n’

z ksa

n a n’

z velam diva sa n’

z ca yuyq j a ha ,

“ she reckoned the t ime,

” ih .

296 . the usual word for count (count i ng i s ga rl an d) i s (pra ) l

ga p aya ti , as in i i i . 193 . 28 , ya tra Vtam'

n a ga qzyan te,“ wh ere

days are not counted ;”

sa i izgaqzana m 2’stz

’

,

“ there ’s no counting ,

” x i v . 73 . 24 ; ga naya sva ,

“ count,

”i i i . 72 . 23 ; a word

that passes in to the sense of reckon,thi nk

,espec ia lly with v i

,

and regard , 77 a ca {an ga n try/ (2m C-

ZS UZL,

“ d i sregarded th em ,

” vi i i .

37 . 1 0 (ganaye i n R . v i i 1 6 42 appears as ga p e, m an -

m an 7i a

ga p e, I don ’t regard men Often fol lows the obj ect comparedi n the i nstrumental

,n a ga n ayam y a i ms tr n ena

’

pi ,“ I do no t

care a straw for them,

” i i . 44 . 34 . Though yan eya i s used , ye tthe corresponding adj ect ive , cal culable , i s usually pa r im eya o r

sam kkyeya ,safizk/zya ,

i . 74 . 33 ; i i i . 121 . 1 1,etc . ; i . 55 . 2

, cak

rasya yaj fiak ca ta sam kkya u ktafi x i i i . 107 36,sm irk/rye? a ti

g/u na,“ i ncalcu labl e number .

” The idea of addit i on i s g ivenboth by simple j uxtaposit ion

,u sual ly prefixing ,

of card i nal or

even ordi nal (above) numbers , wh ereby i t i s somet imes doubtfulwhether

,as in ( lapaca ta m ,

the modificat ion i s by addit ion or bymult ip l i cat ion ; and by adlm

'

ka m,as i n ska ca tad/cf ika ( i . 1 1 5 . 21

and 41,ekdd/zikaca ta m pargza m , ca ta m pa ficad/Lika m ,

or pre

fixed) that of completeness , by pargi a ,full

,sdgra ,

al l,and ap i

and pa r i . Only th e last requi res a word .

‘2 Th e nat ive sch o

1 ta tahpraganayam dsuh kasya varo ‘dya ,

“ they calculated whoseturn it was ,” i . 164 . 14 .

9 For parna :“ they say that ten hundreds are a ful l , parna , thou

sand ,

” i i i . 134. 17 . For sdgra : ca tam sagram , a whole hundred ,

” x ii .112. 6 ; R . G . v . 7 . 28 ; for api “ sti l l be to thee even (full ) n inety- n inesons , but abandon this one ,” cata m ekonam apy a stu pu trdnam , tyaidi’

nam ekam , i . 115 . 37 .

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1 26 E . V'

. Il opk in s, [1902.

v i i i . 83 . 31 , a b/cyad/a'

ko ra sa lt,

“ a better taste .

i i i . 92 . 1 5 , kc nan td’b/iyadlzt

°

ka s ta tak,

“ more b l essed (superio r

,better off ) than h e .

”

So (ab/zy) ad/t t'

ka m i s used as the comparat ive - mak er of adjectives : S om a R ak in g/d in a blzya d/n

’

km n przti m dn blan d/z, Soma

was more i n love with R ohini ,” xi i . 343 . 57 ; ad Wi l t/cam cob/1a

m dn d,

“ sh e was more lovely,i . 221 . 20 . But ad/tz

'

ka may

mean “ too g reat ,” as in th e on ly defect of A rj una : p i -

gzglz’

ke’93/d x iv . 87 . 8 (hi s ch eekbones were too prominen t). l

SUB TRA CTION .

The farmer ’s crop wh i ch i s saglb/tdgapa r icadd/za i s cleared

of th e royal tax,that i s

,the s ixth part of i t has been subtracted

,

x i i i . 1 12 . 1 9 . T he usual term to indi cate that one number hasbeen subtracted from another i s d u a

,lack i ng

,defic i en t

, pa dco

wam pa ta m ,

“ a hundred less five,

” i i i . 72 . 1 1 . The independen t

use of thi s word i s rare : an e de iyfia n e ga ted , two incompleteleagues (not qu i te two), i x . 5 . 50 . N i lakan tha recogni zes themean ing of out/ 12n d ,

th e usual word for almost,i n a va ra

,wh i ch

occurs i n i i . 22,eea n

’

z sa rvdn cage cakre Ja rdsand/taj t ca td

r a rdn,

“ h e has overcome almost all a hundred,

” after i t hasbeen said that the

.

k ings overcome were a hundred and one , andj ust before th e more preci se statemen t that th ey numberedeighty - s i x and that fourteen remained

, _ccsd rdj a r'

tp ca ta rdaea ,

91. 1 8 and 25 , to complete th e tale of one h undred As one and

a hundred means only a large number,nyd

fn a

,not qui te

,

” i s

supported by the context as th e probable mean i ng of a va ra ,and

another passage al so seems to show that thi s mean i ng ,not recog

n ized i n the lexi con,wh i ch gives only “ at l east ” wi th numbers

,

i s poss ible Th i s i s n a kac cid a lta ra t ta tra sa /ta src‘

wa ra m

a rka gza m,no one brought as tr ibute th ere l ess than a thou

sand,

” i i . 35 . 1 1,l i teral ly “ a tr ibute having a dimin i sh ed thou

sand,so that a va ra

,

“ l ess,forms th e counterpart to a tta ra

,

“ more .

” The other mean ing ,from th e idea of “ l ess

,

” that of

at least,i s

,however

,th e u sual one

,as i n m a u tr in ak trya

1 For a ha lf more than a l l we have a l l and more by in xii i . 125 .

10 (extension of Manu iv . ardhend i’tdn i sa rvdni m pa tz

’

h ka thya te‘dhikah. The scholiast says adh ikah i s in antithesi s to a l itt le , ksudra ,

k ing (equa l to al l these by a hal f i s a great king).

Vol . xxii i . ] R em a rks on I'V am bers . 127

va rdk,

“ at least three,xi i . 83 . 47 . The “ defic ien t ” i dea i s

common enough with nouns , for example , g apd va ra ,

“ defic ien t

i n qual i t i es,

” and g l ides nat ural ly i nto th e combinat i on withnumbers . Another example of the rare r sense m ay ,

I th i nk,he

found i n x i i . 321 . 1 58 : sa (rdj d) [ a syed ( Irrea ldi dgen a ta tas tr

a nyo dacdr a rd ilz, where at least ten ” scarcely makes therequi red ant ithesi s of not even ten ; for the sense seems to bethat a verv energet i c warl ike k i ng should be sat i sfied with a

tenth and any oth er wi th st i l l Opposed,by the way

,to

a r a ra i n the usual sense i s pa ra m a . As shown above, pa ra

means “ more but pa ra m a. means “ at most,

”sa /za srapa ra m a

,

“ at most a thousand,

” and thi s “ mo st ” i s used for “ whole,

”

tr i va rsapa ra nw sita,of seeds k ept to the h ighest poi nt of three

y ears , or , as we should say ,three whole years

,x i v . 91 . 1 6 .

The “ remainder ” i s cesa m or cisau n ,as i n pa ficdcata zit sa t

ca pesa va (fin d /M7151. trw a j i vitasya ,

“ the rema inder of thy li fe i sfif ty

- s ix days,

” x i i . 51 . 14 ; cista m a lpa n’

c fl ak,

“ our l i fe ’s rem

nant i s short ceeesv anyesu kdlesa“ at other t imes

,on rema in

ing occasions,i . 122 . 26 ; case,

“ as for the rest,

”acesa tab

“ whol ly ” (without rema inder). The part i c iple i s more common tha n the noun

,e tn

'

sdp z'

tripe?gistdn t, three vears rema in ,”

xv . 20 . 32 , and so often , espec ial ly w ith other part i c iples , ka ta

et’

stdb,

“ those left from the k i l led,

” st i l l al i ve,x i i . 54 . 5 , etc .

The verb commonly used i s h iya te,“ i s less ” (a vapc

’

sya te,“ rema ins

,a va eista m : pista m ), opposed to a tir ieya te

“ is

more sa nd blawa ti,

“ i s equal ” (equal i n size i s general ly sa m

m ita m ) ; for equal as qui t,the same word

,ub/taya n

'

t ta t sa nd

bltd ta m,

“ both sides are qui t,

” x i i . 139 . 24 ; equal , of sca les ,ta ld m e sa rvabkd tesu sa la d tzistha ti (sa m e

‘lta n'

z sa rvab/tdtcsa ),x i i . 263 . 10 . Compare xn . 1 76 . 1 0

(“

tk i i iwa nya'

rh ca rdj ya /h ca Inlay/d. sa m a to la g/a m

a lya r icya ta f /dre'

tlrj/m iz rdj ydd apt g a p d f l/u'

ka m,

I weighed i n the scal e povertv and k i ng sh ip ; poverty havingmore good qual i t i es surpassed even The measure is

given by pra m d u a ,e i the r o f s i ze (as usual) o r o f number, as i n

1 Ju st before , the dacava rga i s the group of imperia l factors , bu t th isdoes not seem to be referred to i n th is verse . The k ing , 8a , i s express lym ahotsdha and fond of mi l i tary duties .

1 28 E . l lr

. IIoIJk eI/zs, [1902.

x i i i . 1 07 . 32,lom m

‘

u n pru m dn en a sa m a m,

se . rksu ca rm upon/syn , (h e i s exal ted i n the Brahman world)equal ly (as to y ears) with th e number of hai rs

”(of a hundred

bearsk i n s).

“ Less ” as in ferior,secondary

,i s gd u gm (see th e nex t

parag raph).

M UL T IPL ICA T ION .

W h i le the wo rd for t imes i n i t s l i tera l sense i s (w a r f m z)k rtva lz

, pa f wu krtva s ( m ag/ o Vatmfi,i . 1 97 . 49 ;

passim,the verb for t imes

,mult iply

,i s g antry,

when ce g uy/1760 ,

mul t ip l i ed bv (the number preceding), l i teral ly“ qual ified .

”In

later texts, yuan

-

rm i s u sed i n j u st the sam e way,but i n the

ep i c th i s word i s,I th ink

,used only i n

( Grea t E pic, p . In the same way , m ono/m m i s u sed in

later texts for grani te ,mul t ipl i ed

,bu t in th e ep i c i t means in f e

r i or (compare gdwqm ), gu zz'

iblzz‘

tm g u guflc som e ti sf /wm ti Izi pa rfi

kra m e,

“ al l qual i t i e s are qual ified i n ( i nferior to) va lor ,” i i . 1 6 .

1 1 . But u sually no verb i s needed to express mult ipl i cation,

wh i ch as a formal arithmetical process the epi c has as l i tt le occas ion to m ak e use of as subtract ion . But the i nformal mul t ipl icat ion of ord i nary language , double , th r ice , a hundred - fold

,

wi thout formal sums,i s as common as i n any other language ,

and th e t imes thu s i ndi cated i s regularly expressed either bvs imple j uxtapos i t ion of numbers

,whereby

,as has already been

said,one i s uncertai n whether addit ion or mult ipl i cat ion is

i ntended,as i n pa ficapa ta m ,

one hundred and five or five hu ndred

,i v . 43 . 6 (only the syn tax sometimes shows decidedly , 7m m ?

gzdm pa ficapa flcdpad esd pa ttir v id/ziya te,“a pa tti i s reckoned as

five [and] fifty men,

”V . 1 55 . or by the noun gu zm ,

as in

sappz’

rd dm'

gu qm protm fi,hav i ng si x heads and double as many

ears,

” i i i . 225 . 1 7 ekd ikm h tr igu qzd i/L pa rd ifi,“ each one (h e

wounded) with three t imes the number of arrows”(each had

used), v i i i . 48 . 70 ; ta ta lz sa stigq kale,

“ i n a t ime si xty t imeslonger than that ,

” x i i i . 28 . 10 . In thi s last case the same ideai s expressed in thefol lowing stanzas wi thout 9m m

,but perhap s

only because th i s word has been u sed several t imes al ready .

Thus i n 1 1,ta ta s tu dv ipa te kale labha te kdqzdaprstha tdm ,

“ in a

t ime two hundred (t imes longer) than that .” As an adverb

tom b pa tagzm m h du h/cha nt z'

da m m am a spy'

pad b/Lrpa m ,

“ this

grief has affl i cted me sorely , a hundred t imes worse than that ,”

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130 E . IV. H opk ins, [1902 .

number,sm irk/(ya ,

the poet adds : “ But vour sacrifice h ere,0

Bharata,i s ta t/1apa ra ih tu lya sa fizk/oya rh J

ca ta u'

z vai,which th e

schol ia st expla i ns as equal to an aya ta of Cak ra’s (100 x 1 00),

bu t perhaps only anoth er h undred i s in tended . In x i v . 65 . 1 8,

however,there i s no escap ing th e awkwardness wi th wh i ch one

n umber i s mult ipl ied i nto another of a separate category . W hatth e poet wants to say i s s i x ty thousand camels and twi ce asmany h undred horses

,which h e expresses by “ twi ce as many

horses hundreds,

”sa stt

'

r a srrasa /ta sragzi pa tan i ( la ir/a rm kayak .

Thi s i s fol lowed bv tavad er a with the pl ural noun, caka tan i

ra t/zap cat’va tavad eva kr

‘

tregza vaa, that i s , j u st as much ”

i n stead of “ as many .

”So i n i i i . 281 . 1 0—12

,

“ fourteen crores

of P igacas, twice a s much of Rak sasas,( le tstr

'

tva t (with gen i t iveand with kotya lt suppl i ed), and th ree t imes as many Y ak sas

,

”

ta tafi tr ig/ ta ut yaksa/t . S imi larly, g/ava t ta s‘

z/ a M a vetpastas tej o

I frsn e ta ttr ig a a a m ,

“ however much may be Arju na’s

prosperi ty,glory

,etc .

,K rsna

’s i s three t imes that

,

” xi i i . 148 .

34 . Ord i nari ly the numeral adj ect ives ag ree w i th the nounscom pared

,as i n i i i 122 . 27 , yava n tah paw /salt pro/aah som as

tava n ta eva ta v 11 . 201 , 59 , sastirit vca'

sa sa /ta src'

tn t ta'

va n ty

6 0 a pa tdm’

ca . A connect i ng l i nk i s furn i shed by tc‘

wa t as part

of a compound yavan ti tasya rom c’

m t tavm lyagasa/tasrc'

tzzi,i i i .

200 . 71 , etc .

A nother case of comparing numeri cal ly difierent sorts ofth i ng s is found in vi i . 65 . 9 , but h ere the number i s the samevarksap ca yapa ya

'

va n tah . te ta t/tat’va pa n ap ca Wye

tara n tafi kaficana’bha va 71 .

D i stribut ion i s expressed by repet i t ion,with or wi thout an

adverb : n a vam e n ava m e‘lta n t

'

data/w vat ga te ga te,“ each

ni n th day as often as the tenth day passed,

” x i i i . 107 . 39 ,

43 ; trayaqzam m i th zm a n’

r sorva m ekas asya pr t/eak prthak ,“ each one separately has two of the three

,

” x iv . 18 . 27 . Th i srel i eves one of th e necess i ty of di st ing u i sh i ng between each and

al l ; for example , i n x iv . 90 . 34 , Ica gla va vit lua gla vavit sa rve cya

b/taj a n ta“ th ey al l d ivided (so that each obtai ned) one

lea / la va ; i i i . 124 . 21,ca ta srap ca (Za '

zistra yoj a nanarit

pa tam pa ta r/z, four fangs extending a hundred leagues each .

”

But ekaika i s usual ly expressed , as above and i n i i . 52 . 21 , ( la t

tvai 765 079 0 dapapa tazt It'

afij a ran ,

“ each g iv i ng ten hundredelephants .

” Th e noun used alone may be s ingular , j atam j atam

Vol . xx i i i . ] R em a rks on , N'

u m bers. 131

ca sr’

tpa tra i it ksipa ty ( nub/ca st,she throws i n th e water (each )

son when born ,

” or pl ural,j am " . j am pra kse

’

pd Kam a» (pu tran ),i . 98 . 13 and 99 . 43 . The verb may agree wi th the singul ar :ekai/m s ( 6 ( add payafi kra m a gaZc pa r im oksya te, x i i . 227 . 1 1 6 ,

perhaps on ly metrical,as i n the same chapter pocim i for pocam t

,

88 . The late deriva t ive ekat’

kayycna i s found in xi i . 326 .

38,ta d a n tafipa ra l

'an ( m a m sara m ya zh da ryayam chat/la

pyena (here the g rove Open s out from the th ird kaksya of thepalace).

\Vi th adj ect ives the cardi nal stem prefixed mult ipl i e s theadj ect ive

,ca turblzadra ta ras

‘f rag/ (7, four t imes a s happy (com

pared) with you ,”in vi i . 55 . 49 . and x i i . 29 . 30 , two scenes

where a ll the “ k i ng s that died are spok en of a t length i n two

di fferent but related accounts,of some value for the h i story of

the ep i c .

2 In vi i . 70 . 25 , the phrase i s i n tensified : ca tu rb/m

( lra ta ras traga bl: adrapa tfa l/z{M (a.

F i na lly , there i s the mult ip li cat ion e xpressed by dint as an

endi ng,which gives not cm l v the t imes of divi s ion and couse

quent mult ipl i cat ion of parts,and t ime l i teral ly

,dead/ca,

“ a t

one t ime,

” but al so the mult ipl e t imes i n numbers,saptad/u

‘

c,

seven t imes (over). Sapta tr irl/u‘

t i s thus equ ivalent to sapra

tr ig u gzam'

. In x i i . the Gandharvas dance sa t sa /u'

l sra'

n i

l T he instrumenta l is not so very rare . Compare eko h i. bahabhilt

cregan ,

“ one (sage) better than many” ( fools), i i i . 99. 22 ; Ice nu sva n

ta ta ro m ayd , ix . 64 . 21 3a ea krga ta ri m aya, xi i . 128 . 14 ; durm a rsana

taras tvaya, x ii . 227 . 81 . The ablative is u sed after a po sitive , m am a

ba lam bh i m m h st'

iger apt, m y strength is greater than the w ind ,

” x i i .155. 6. One case expresses comparison , the other the distance from ,

sukhc‘

i t sukha ta ra m prapta lz, coming from j oy to more j oy,

” x i ii . 119 .

11 . The ablati ve is found w ith on ly an implied comparison , raj gaddeva tvam icchanti ,

“ they w ish godsh ip from kingsh ip ,” x ii . 180 . 20,

leading to pre ference (van: and abl . : a lso cregan daho na bhaksa zga m , i .230 . 21 , etc . ; B oltzm ann , g 292 b). Noticeable is the double ablativeshow ing c learly the construction

’ s orig i n , sva viryad rdj a virydc ca sva ,

vi rya m ba la v atta ra m , from (of) h is own and a k ing’s , h is own power

is stronger ," xii . 165. 18 . B oltzm ann , at § 281, g ives a few more exam

ples of the instrumenta l . To the gen . com parat. , m y Grea t E pic, p .

478 , add m a raaam cobha na ih (=va ra m ) tasya , i . 79. 18.

The introduction of the former is in the latter put at the end of theaccount and the latter om i ts the second Rama , wh ich completes the l i stof sixteen in Drona . Bharata , too , changes places. being the antepsnu ltim ate king in cans but the fi fth in Drona , which has severa l laterfeatures .

1 32 E T V. H opl'

z'

ws [1902 .

saptad/a'

t,l i teral ly i n seven groups of si x thousands

,or seven

t imes si x thousand,that i s

,a not unusua l ampl ifi cat ion by a

sacred mu l t iple of an old g roup , for the Atharva Veda , xi . 5 . 2 ,

g ives th e same convent i onal sa tsa /ta srt’

dz,though h ere three

h undred thi rty - th ree are added . Th e ep ic i tsel f g ives to theGandh arvas another convent ional number at i i i . 1 39 . 6

,where

they are eigh ty - eight thou sand i n number and the Y ak sas are

four t imes as many, Y alrsag

cat’v (

’

t ea targ a gu‘

t/t . Anoth er exampl e i s furn i shed by th e l i stof Muni s i n seven g roups of seven each ,

at x i i i 1 51 . 42 : ttg ete

77m a ago ( livgd eluatlraa sapta saptad/za, etc . ,seven

,one by

one,reckoned sevenfold ” (a di ff eren t account i n x i i i . 1 66 . 37 if )

Compare al so saptad/ta sapta saptasa j a m n a saptad/za, x iv .

20 . 23 and 27 . The number of t imes a mult ip l i ed god appearsi s often expressed th us

,as when R udra

,k i nd and terrible

,one

eyed and three - eyed,appears as e/rad/za

,(Ze ta/ta

,ba lla d/ta

,

ga tadha,sahasradlta

, ea ta sahasradbc’

t,x i i i . 1 61 . 43 . One of

h i s forms,by the way

,i s ( litam r a

,whi ch gives

,i t i s sa id

,hi s

name of a t i tl e found only here,xi i i . 1 62 . 9

,and

vi i . 202 . 129 , two passages of the same period and content , alate ep i c Oatarudriya .

D IV ISION .

Halvi ng i s expressed by deatdhzblza or Jra r or dctd/zdka r

other divi sions by tr idlza (traidbam ), ea ta rdha, and so on , with[car or s ibhaj , e . g .

,daead/ta karga n

'

t pesm a,

“ the remainderi s to be div ided tenfold ;

”deal/ta krta j i/wafi, (

“ therefore thesnak es’) tongues were cloven ,

” i . 34 . 23 (dr if t/wag ea It 'r tafi,

gavafit de d idhtkrtalt kha raZz,khu ran ar id/ta Voarot

,

R udra clove the hoofs of hi s bul l and other catt le ,” vi i i . 34 .

105 . The half,a rdha

,i s u sed no more wi th nouns than wi th

part i c iples : a rdhasan am labd/tavan ,

“ he got half of Indra’s

th rone,i i i . 126 . 38 ; a rd/ta cgu tasa nafi,

“ half flung from

the ir seat,

” vi i . 1 96 . 15 ; al so of course w i th other numbers .

W ith words of t ime,

a rd/ta fol lows or precedes i n m asa

rdha,

a rd/ta m asa,and means e ither the middle (of day or

n ight,a rdhadivasa ,

- ratra) or half : a rd/za ratra sa m age, atmidnight ” (so passim) ; gady ard/tadiva sam geld/aga te,

“ i f he

fights half a day,

” v i i . 1 90 . 46 (a rd/tadiva sm it ga ted , going

half a day,

” R . vi i . 46 .

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1 34 E . I V. f l opl' in s

, [1902 .

i i . 68 . 78 , a rd/za n'

z Iza ra ti r at west/1a ] : pado blaa ra ti ka rtrsu .

i v . 52 . 1 7 , ba la ea tu rbhaga ,one fourth th e army .

”

x i i . 24 . 12,adaga ba lz

’

sa db/a'

rgm iz go rastra i iz m 7’b/n

’

raksa ti

pra tigrbgzati ta tpapa ih. ca tura fzgen a

i i . 5 . 70 ,

Ira ccz'

d aga sga ea ”ra/m m ea tarblzagen a capu naZz.

pada blzagais tr io/ctr r t?’

pz’

rgaga lz sa'fizgu dd/zga te ta va ,

“ are your expenses covered bv a half or a quarter,or

at any rate by th ree quarters of your i n come ?”

v 11 . 1 86 . 1,

tr iblzaga m aftrapesagam ratrgam g l am /1a m , a va rta ta,

th e batt l e was renewed when one th i rd the n ight wasl eft .

”

v 11 . 1 91 . 9,

tasga ca Vm as trz’

bhagena ksaga ah j ag/ m a ltpa ta ttrz’

n a /t,

“ i n the course of one third of that day .

”

The “ th ird ” may of course be expressed,as i n x i i . 285 . 23

labheta bltaga m a rdlta oiz ta t/ea b/a’

iga m a t/to trtZga m . In x i i i .

1 68 . mean s “ having th ree quarters l eft .

In i . 96 . 21 (as a rd/tard/ta st i l l later means a fourth) one

e ighth i s expressed by“ half a fourth

,

”t'za 'Zgard/tam pradas

gam o v i rga sgai’kaika§o r aga m ,

we shal l several ly g ive a halfof the fourth of our power

,

” sa id by the e ight V asu s. It i s

rather remarkable that Krsn a i s described i n x i i . 281 . 62 as thi sfract ion of God : m am a /tag ; m a /tader aa ta tst/zah srj a tz

'

. tan

blzc'

wan ta rtgard/cen a tasge’m aw

’

z m ad/ti If epa va m .

W hen quarters are ment ioned , as when Ori i s quartered ,ca ta rd/ta v iblta lcta

,and the quarters are enumerated

,the fi rst i s

pada alone , th e others are dvz’

tiga ,trtige/ a ,

ca tart/za, pada s, x i i i .

225 . 1 9 if .

A ccordi ng to the commentator,tr ig u gza ,

threefold,l ike tr i

b/zaga ,al so means one th i rd i n v . 55 . 66

,where

,after eleven

armies have been contrasted with the seven wh i ch i n compari sonare cal led ozgm zalz

,defic ien t

,

” th e deficienev i s declared to begreat enough to warrant a battl e

,for

ba la n’

t tr ig a qta to Ma a ria god/(ya m , pra/za B r/za spa tz'

lt

pa rebhga s tr ig/

a nd ce’

ga m m a m a raj a im a n ikt'

nfl,

wh ereto N . remark s that the adverb m ean s (defi c ient) by ath i rd

,trgaapen a ,

and th e adj ect ive “ a th i rd more .

” And cer

Vol . xxii i .) R em a rks on A'

fu m bers. 1 35

tainly if number i s impl ied a t al l , el even are not thri ce seven bu tm ay be loosely reckoned a s a group of three fours , deduct ing

one of wh i ch would leave seven,so the defic ient host would

be “ a th i rd le ss ” and the host of el even would be “ a thi rd

more ” (measured by i t sel f). There seems,however

,to be a

consc ious play on words here , for in the next stanza the defi

ciency,

””y e

-

m am,i s expla i ned as g ram /721m m or a moral la ck .

In v i tuperat ion , whi ch exerci ses the ep ic poets a good deal , i ti s cu stom arv to sav tha t an opponent i s not worth a half , aqua rter

,or a six teenth of the other man . In prai se

,on the other

hand,one savs that the obj ect of prai se i s worth one and a half

of the oth er . One s i xteenth ,expressed e i ther as si xteenth par

ticle or s imply a parti cl e or a part i cl e - part,denotes the smal lest

part usually tak en i nto accoun t . The word gives the lastimperi shabl e fract ion of the moon vi sibl e before i t di sappears

(x i i . 305 . 4 , so the pure soul , ka la saksm a,ih . 6 and 335 .

The adj ect ive ful l i s somet imes added to the part . Twi ce th i s

fract i on i s exceeded,once by saying that one e ighteenth wil l not

express the rela t ion of i nferiori ty,once bv descending to one

hundredth part to express contempt . Apart from vi tuperat ion ,the s ixteenth parti cle i s employed i n a few old phrases . It

i s found al so i n Manu and in Buddhi st i c l i terature . Examples

i . 100 . 68 , agm'

lm f ra ziz f rag/7. vidga sa n tdn am api ca T sa r/a m

sa rr (741g d ang apa tga sga ba lm}, m i ’r/u m tzf sodayi m .

n . 4 1 . 27 i sm /h Ja tta m ( NULZf /‘

Uh ca. ga jfiag'

ca. ba lm/Ja ks im'

th

sa rra m etad apa tgasga ka lara m 7.’r/u m tt

°

sodc'

lyb u .

i i i . 91 . 23 , n a sa Part/l asga sa mg ram e ka lam u rla /ti soda yi m .

So i i i . 174 . 3 ; 254 . 27 ; 257 . 4 (your sac rifi ce is i n feri or) ; vn .

36 . 7 ( the army)° v i i . 11 1 . \Vi th par /m : i v . 39 . 14 , n a

ca [ram pargaa’m a m a

,

“ A rj una i s not (a s much as) oneW hole ( six teenth) part O f me V . 49 . 34 , N a.

”

O

I/ f u a Ar t/(7 71 1°

sa m

pflrpa Pam lm-anem

,

“ he i s not even one whole (s ixteen th) part i el e of the Pandua.

” So i n vi i . 19 7 . 1 7 ,

g a it ka le,» soda /Ju l. pc’

cru am D lra m u igja ga na ( 0

In the next stanza , m i’

Ia m Parthasya sm ug/age (rare genitive). notequa l to .

”

9 So I read (compare the next citation). PW . accepts the text , ka lep i

‘

t m o, 8 . v .

136 E . TV. f l opk tns, [1902 .

In v i i i . 1 5 . 28 i t i s sa id,“ al l weapons are not worth a sixteenth

part of him .

” A s an equ ivalen t of 71

3 ,prast/za (fir of a measure)i s used where i t i s appropriate

,xiv . 90 . 7 , thi s sacrifice i s not

equal to a prastha of g ra in of (given by) a man l ivi ng by gleaning corn ,

”saktrm rastben a 92a t'u lga lt .

In rel ig i ou s writ ing ,besides the phrase above is found a

(Buddhi st i c) compari son , repeated, X1 ] . 174 . 46 ; 177 . 51 ; 277 . 6

ga e ca. Icr'

m zasu l 'lzm it loke gac ca (Zivgm n m a /za t sa lulta m

trsn alrsagasa irba sgai’te m 2

’rha ta{z goqlactm ka lam .

Thi s stanza i s i n fact attributed to the same Buddh i st i c k i ngwho si ngs of h i s happ iness i n having noth i ng

,and i t i s assoc iated

with that famou s stanza i n th e last two passages . In the sameway i s u sed ka la al one

apea m edhasahasrasga vaj apegapa tasga ca

gogasga ka laga tata n a ta lgam m ag/ a tep/za la m ,

xi i . 324 . 9 (a Y oga improvement of Spruch

I have found the “ si xteenth ” ph rase but once i n a tristubh

stanza,with a sl ight alterat i on i n form and sense (truth sur

passes al l possess ions)

i ii . 34 . 22, raj ga i it ea pa trae ea yaeo ( litan am ea

sa rvam 7ta sa tga sga ka lam

A curious account of the di stribut i on of th e world ’s wealth i nv i . 6 . 23 asserts that Kubera has one quarter of the valuablesof Meru

,out of whi ch he di spenses one part icle - part to mank i nd

,

equ ival ent to one si xty - fourth of al l,as i n th e case of Kal i ’s

v irtue (above)

tasm at kabero b/taga vaae ea ta rt/ta m bhaga m ag i ta te

ta tah Ica lc'

m ieam v ittasga m am tsgebhgaflpraga ee/ta tt'

.

Example s of other fract ions i n scorn : i . 201 . 1 3, (g addhe)

R adhega sga n a padab/talc,“not worth a quarter of h im ; i i i .

253 . 9 , n a ca’

pi padabhak K arnah P an dasanam

vi i . 76 . 1 , tesdm v im/ a m m am a’r ( t en a 7ta ta lga m ,

“ thei r

power i s not equal to half of me ;” x i i . 1 55 . 6 , lua lt

'

an a stadaetm‘

prc'

m c'

ti r na m e prapnoti m dra tafi,

‘ x . 12 . 1 7 n a sa m a m a m a

vi rgasga ea tc'

m eena’

pt’

pim l i tafl,“ th ey al l together are not

equal to one hundredth part of my power .

’

Th is 115 for the older "

rls i s a pseudo - epic alteration of the old phrase .

It occurs in the Wind and galm ali fable .

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

138 E . TV. H opk ins, [1902 .

D IM E N SION S,TE RM S

,VA LU E S , SY N TACTICAL CON

STRUCTION .

Th e usual d imension, pa r im ana ,

menti oned in th e epi c i sleng th , and with few except ions di stance (l eng th) or heigh t i sthe pra m an a ,

a general word for size and extent . Certa i n

measurements are made i n the case of th e few small th i ng smeasured

,b ut short d i stances are loosely cast i n such forms as

“ near by ,

” “ not far,

” “ with i n s ight,or “ with i n hearing ,

”

and i ndefin ite smallness of extent i n th e same natural manner i sdescr ibed as not an atom

,

” “ nor a b it,

” etc .

D i stance : tesc'

nn sa mpra rane“ with i n h earing of them ,

xv .

1 8 . 21 (ib'

. 20 , a r idiuwta lz,

not far o ff,

” l ik e sa m ipa tah ,“ near

,with gen i t ive ; al so w i th ablat ive , n a

’tt

'

(h7 ren a n aga

ra m van ad a sm ad ( th i laksage, i . 15 1 . 44 ; a r id t‘

tre r a'

nat,1 52 .

1 ; n a daram r a nat,1 54 . 35 ; a b/tgaee, 1 56 . 1 0

,

“ i n th e neighaerm na m pra ti , a tsasary

’

a ga rb/1a m ,i . 8 . 7 ,

“ near

the asylum al so a n ti/ra m and a n tilce,accordi ng to th e verb .

In th e case of sakaea ,with (i n) s igh t , proximity

,the orig inal

sense i n m any cases has wel l - n igh di sappeared, m atte/t sakaeat

m m, papam gr a ted ,“ heari ng of the curse on th e part of h is

moth er,

” i . 37 . 1 .

Th e Ramayana has anoth er,more modern

,phrase to i ndi cate

prox imity,namely m a la

,as in a lta m ga m isgam i Y

'

a m a sga

m ala m,v . 28 . 17 ; m a m a m a la m

,i i . 64 . 49

,wh i ch belongs

rath er to P uran i c than to ep i c di ct ionExtent : n a ta sga/t sa lesm a m ap t, no (superfic ial) atom of

her,

” i . 21 1 . 1 6 ; n a tasg a ka'

ge an ta ra m,

“ no space on h i s

body,

” i i i . 21 7 ; haga nam na’n ta ra m

,

“ no i nterval betweenth e horses

,i i i . 172 . 6 ; citidram n a ra t/ang el) ,

“ no ch i nkbetween th e two chariots

,

” i . 226 . 3 . Indeterminate si ze i s

g iven by compounds , much as i n Eng l i sh , gaj a aca lasm nkc'

tealt

mountai n - si ze elephants,xv . 23 . 9 , etc .

Th e verb extend,aga m ,

i s used of extending a ci rcle,syn

onymous with a tsar'

,m a nda la m u tsn a

,v . 1 95 . 15 . T he c ir

cu m f erence i s pa r ina/ra ,the diameter

,m

’

sl '

a znbha . To express

the idea of equal di stance from a center,th e term usual ly em

ployed i s sa m a n ta,

“ on every side ,”in adverb i a l form

,vedt

sa m a n tat“ five leag ues on every side ,

” i i i . 129 .

22 . G eneral ly,the g eometri cal figures impl ied by batt le - arrays

,

called vyz‘

cha s,are described i n figurat ive language , as a bi rd , a

Vol . xx ii i . ] R em a rks on .N um bers. 39

needle,a dolph i n

,and the troops are stat i oned on the beak

,ta il

,

and wing s . Thus ka rna ,ear

,becomes “ corner ” i n vi . 60 . 10 ,

ea taeca tur ryala sabasra l'

arna lc,

“

(an array ) with four thousandelephants on each corner ” (N . ka rpesu r id igb/cagesu ). But

there i s a pecul iari ty here i n that no figure ha s been ment ioned,

and according to th e account th i s a rray should be l ike a formerone of crescent shape with two horns

, grfige, but , not to speak

of the plura l , we cannot take th i s statemen t too l i teral ly , and Ido not know that ka rn a i s even cornu .

A erfigataka ,named from a t riangula r n ut whi ch has

horn s,

” i s used to describe one of these syn/( a s i n v i . 87 . 1 7,

a nd may be a triangle,though here al so the schol ia st g ives the

usual epic mean ing“ shaped l ike a four - road place

,

” j ust a s a t

i v . 68 . 25 , ea taspa tlza ,etc . A triang l e i s trikona ,

rpc’

ywvos,

of the ga ra f la ,late

,as explai ned i n my Grea t L}n'

c,

p . 372 . A c i ty square is a “ four place,

”ca tva ra

,x i i . 69 . 52 ,

squares and mark ets be i ng ment ioned together i n descript ion sof c it i es . In x i i . 73 . 21

,i n ant i th esi s to the whole

,krtsn a

,c ity

,

th i s word may mean as i n E ngl i sh a town - quarter ; but i n x i i .

86 . 8 , ca tva rapanapob/n'

ta i s sim plv“ beau tified bv squares and

markets .

” The four ” of a square i s used al so to g ive the ideaof a four - square house

,care/[zealca and a n ta

,boundary

,i s al so

used to imply a square,as in ( Ir/yak iskasa lrasran ta,

of a hal l,

ten thousand cubi ts square,

” a meaning made clear by a para]l e l passag e , where sa m a

'

n tar, on al l sides,

” i s expressly added,

i i . 1 . 21 ; 3 . 23,and no c i rcl e can he i ntended . E arth

,ca ta r

a n ta,

“ has four boundaries,

” that i s,i t i s bounded by the

“ four seas . In x i v . 64 . 10 , a camp i s saga / ( Ia. or st/ (pa t/m

(and n a ra sm hkhgam r or wi th three st reet s runn ingnorth and south and three east and west

,according to the

schol iast ; but i n xv . 5 . 1 6 he expla in s sa ga / ( 7a m Inn-

u m . as hav

ing s ix (t rave rsable) places wi th i n the seven wall s (up to thei n ner c i ty), whi ch i s not a l ikely mean ing , s in ce the word i s followed by sa r ra torl iga m ,

“ i n a l l di rect ions . ” Octagonal i s a sra

gw'

and other numera l s a re used with the same word,but on lv

of edges , e ight - edged post s and cl ubs .Land i s measured by bow- l engths (above), and by cow - hides

,

api gor'

a rm a indtren a b/n‘

u m'

dan eu a pal/a te,“ purified by g iv i ng

even a cow - hide mea sure of land,

” x i i i . 62 . 19 ; and the l ength o fa cord i s mea sured i n the same way,

n u m m r a d/w?[ w r ina /wc

E . I V. H opk in s,

pa taea rnu‘

z,a cord of a hundred h ides could not enc ircle i t

,i .

30 . 23 . A “Span of land ” am

“ as much land as a n eedle ’s

poin t could cover ” are contemptuous terms .

From these general methods of m easuremen t I turn to themore exact spec ificat ions found i n the ep ic

,arranging them on

an ascending scale of compari son , from the “ smal lest finger”

to the i ndefin i te yoj a n a ,wh i ch i s best rendered league , because

i ts l ength varies l ike that of a league,whi le i t approximates

most closely to the th ree - mile league,though it ranges from that

extent to about ten miles,according to later authorit i e s ; but

noth i ng i n the ep i c determines i ts l eng th .

F ing er- m easu rem en t : A thumb - j o in t serves as th e meas

ure of a small b it i n general,a itg east/tapa rva ntatra ga rb/zak , i .

1 1 5 . 20,and thumbk i n sp i ri t s are perhaps conce ived as being

of thumb - s i ze i n relat ion to breadth as wel l as height . God

him self,as a sp i rit

,i s measured by the si ze of a thumb - j o i nt

,

hrdagam sarvab/tatanam pa rva na’fig asp/ta m atraka ft , x i i . 31 3 .

1 5 ; as al l sp ir i ts are descr ibed as a f tg astha m atra ,thumb - si ze .

1

A ll

shortest measured distances are calculated by th i s norm,usual ly

by twos and fours,the appl i cat ion showing ,

however,that

“ two thumbs and “ four thumbs ” refer to thumb - breadths .

Thus there i s a stereotyped battle - phrase,n a ta sga

’sZ(Z an tr

b/t inn a i it gatre dvga f tg a la m a n ta ra m,

“ there was not an

unwounded space of two thumbs on hi s l imb,vi . 1 1 9 . 86 ; 1 75 .

54 ; i v . 55 . 5 (v . x i i . 77 . 27 . The same phrase i s found i n

R . vi . 45 . 20 with the verb of the V i rata passag e but wi th onlyone “ thumb n a by (w i eld/tam tagor gatre babhz

‘

wa’f tga la m

an tara m,perhaps to be corrected as i n Mbh . Earth i s flung up

“ four thumbs,

”ca tarafig a la m ,

by a chariot,vi i i . 90 . 1 06 . In

a late scene,Y udhisth ira

’s chariot floats four thumbs from the

earth, prth ivgae ca ta rcuEg a la m a ce/tr ita lt

,vi i . 1 90 . 56 .

The “ l ittl est finger ” serves as a comparison i n the descript ion of x i i . 127 . 7—8 (Tanum)

any/ air n a raz’

r m ahabako vapasa

ca rZra m apt raj en dra ta sga kan istlzikasa m a m,

e ight t imes in shape compared with oth er men ( i . e . eigh tt imes as tall), th e body be i ng (slender) as the l i t t lest finger

1 References in m y Grea t E pic, p . 32 .

9 A man ’s height i s often g iven by saying how many cubits he has (asbelow). For tal l and short are used praacu and hrasva , respectively,

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1 42 E . ”7

. I f opk in s, [1902.

between Bh i sm a and A rj una,for Bh i sm a i n si ze was more by

a span than A rj una,

”pra n tana to B ld sm a sen tflz. pradepena

’dln

'

ko "rian c

‘

tt,v . 51 . 1 9

,and (the same expression except for

the i nstrumental case) i n v . 1 69 . 8,the P andu s are a span tal l e r

than al l others,pradeeena Wi l t/l ak pa m bh t

’

r a ngais te ea pra m a

72t‘

l f 0 7t .

A noth er word for span i s v ita sti,whence th e arrows cal led

span - long ,r d i ta sttk t

’

t nam a,used only by spec ia l warriors at

short di stances i n th e descript ions of th e late seventh book and

nowh ere else t i l l thev are met with agai n i n th e Harivanea and

i n the later Ramayana . Thus i n v i i . 1 91 . 42 and i n R . vi . 49 .

49 of th e Gorresio edit ion , but not i n the Bombay text . Thi s i s

one of th e many l i ttl e i ndi cat ion s that show how close D ronastands to th e latest addi t ions made to th e ep i c . On th e otherhand

,i t h elps to a term i nus ad quem to find that Itasta i s never

used for a measure i n the ep i c,though common i n the P uranas ,

and reckoned as two c i tastis or twenty - four thumb - breadth s .Cubits : The cubits ment i oned are k iska

,i n v i i . 1 34 . 1 0

,

“ a

club of four cub its,

” and a ra tm’

,i n i . 1 67 . 25 , a bow (of

D rona) of si x cubits (ea ta sk isk a and sada ra tn i ( lha n afi,respec

tively, as possessive and determinat ive compounds). P ost - ep ical

authorit ie s (c ited by Colebrook e) mak e the a ra tm’

equal to

twenty - one thumb - breadths,and two a ra tn z

’

s are one k iska ;though some reckon a k isk a as equal to four cubits . In vi i . 1 75 .

1 9,both these names

,as i f synonymous

,are un ited in the

descript i on of a demon ’s how,

“ a twelve - cub it - bow a cub i t

round,

”vgaktam k iskzm a rtn aham dva( lacara tn z

’

karm a kant .

Arj u na’s bow

,i . 1 89 . 20 ; v . 1 60 . 108 , i s as long as h imself , tala

m atra,

“ palm - tree tal l,

” a common though i ndefin i te measure ,whi ch accordi ng to i . 1 97 . 39 i s the height of al l th e P andus.

The five - cubit (k isk a) bow of x . 1 8 6 i s al legori cal but mayindi cate the usual l ength . A rrows are axle - long ,

”aksa m atra

,

pass im,and th e a fij a l ika arrow ment ioned i n vi i i . 91 . 41 i s three

cubi ts,trga ra tn i . A later form

,ra tn t

’

,i s used i n th i s same book .

Here,v i i i . 72 . 30

,i t i s said that Karna was a sta ra tn ik

,

“ eigh tcubits tal l ( i n i i i . 126 . 32 a man g rew thirteen cubits ,

”ava r

(Z/ta ta k tskan tragodaea ,but h e was Mam dhatar

,and enj oyed

pecul iar nursing). IV e might almost suppose that th i s se - cal led

cubit,wheth er k isk a or ara tm

'

,was really a foot

,or about

twelve i nches i n stead of e ighteen . For the actual l ength of

Vol . xx i i i . ] R em a rks on M em bers. 143

Hindu bows and arrows are for the ordinary bow five feet andfor the ord inary arrow two and a half to three feet (R u l ing

Ca ste,pp . 270 , and both five and six cubi ts are the si ze

of th e epi c bows , whi le the one arrow measured i s given a s threecubits

,the heroes being a l i ttl e above but not much over the

normal height and on lv Karna be ing of e igh t ra tn c’

s. Even he

i s not extol led as a gian t, a s a man of e ight cub its would be .

“ P alm - t ree tal l ” and another phra se used of the heroes, gala

sta m bha i ro Y ip/ ( law,

“ l ofty as trees,

” v . 1 69 . 7 , are more

grandi ose than exact . As the later schemes reckon the cubi t sin th umbs (or fingers), the twentv - one and twenty - four thumbsthat go

,respect ively

,to an a ra t and [casta must be estimated

by the si ze of a Hindu hand , which at presen t i s ra ther small .Further

,the relat ion between thumb - j o i nts and span

,reckoned

a s from the end of the thumb to the outstretch ed fore - finger, i s

g iven a s twelve , which i s too many , for the distance corresponds rather to the re lat ion between the span and the fingerbreadth . R eckoned as e ight i nches

,a normal span

,the later

cubit would be nearer sixteen than eigh teen inches and the

ra tn c’

,be ing st i l l shorter , would not be much over a foot .

Accord ing to the Su gru ta , a man’s he ight i s one hundred and

twenty thumbs,i . 126 . 1 1 , or ten span s , which at n ine i nches to

a span would make the average Hindu seven and a half feet tal land at seve n i nches would st i l l make h im nearly six feet .F oot and P ace : Th e measure bv foot - pace i s almost con

fined to a convent iona l “ e ight paces,

”pa ddn i , often used i n

battl e - scenes,bu t always

,i f I am not mistaken

,i n the same way

,

apla tga ,or abhgetga , pa rlang astan

,as i n vi i . 15 . 28 ; ix . 12 .

20 . Even a deer wen t e ight paces and then turned,ta ta l: sa

Ia tr i gw ga trapa dt'

tng a staa nga ra rta ta ,x i i . 273 . 14 . A ccord

ing to the Markandeva P uri na , c ited by (‘ ol ebrook

,E ssays,

vol . i . , p . 539 , a pa t/a i s a foot - breadth and not a pace,be ing

‘ only hal f a vita sti span or six fing ers ( thumbs). In the ep i c,a s

i n “ seven paces ” i n the marriage - ri te,and i n the co l loqu ia l

ph rase pm le pa t/e,“ step by step ,

” the wo rd means a genera lpa ce - l ength or step . No t a step i s almost equ ivalen t to theFrench ne pas ; for example , m 7. ka m pa ta pra lat pa rla m ,

“ he

did not budge a step (at a ll), a common phrase , as i n i x . 57 .

46 . The la ter epi c has padaka m . m akan'

c. ya nac'

a,

“step bv

s tep,slowly

,

” x i i i . 53 . 35,and ano ther pa ssage has ckapm la m

i n the sense of “ i n one wo rt i i i . 3 13 . 69 .

144 E IV. JIOpk in s, [1902.

A rm s and f a thom : Est imated at four or five cub i ts i nla ter work s

,th e eyam a

,space between th e outstretch ed arms

,

i s used a few times,but onlv of trees and sacrific ia l appu rte

nances . A bough Japa n/ (717m ,ten 133/ (7m m l ong ,

i s ment ioned

i n a repeated ph rase,i v . 23 . 21

,etc .

,and a r ed ; da pa ryanu

‘

tya td

n a r otsed/Ld ,

“ ten ryd m a s long and n ine h igh ,” i n i i i . 1 17 . 12 ;

while the c ircumference of a sacrific ial post,as made i n th e good

old days of marvel s,i s g iven as one hundred , g/Q

-

bpt’

bfi ga ta'

vyd

m a ll pa r igzdhen a ,v i i . 68 . 12 . Th e divi ne di scus of Krsna i s

vyc‘

m zan tm '

a,which th e schol iast says i s “ five cubits

,the space

between the outstretch ed arms, pra sar itayor hastayor yc

’

tvdn

v istarafipafiea /za sta m i tafi car a t,v . 68 . 2 . It may be cal led i n

general (of . Cat . Br . i . 2 . 5 . 14,etc . ) a sacerdotal measure , not

employed i n the tables,and

,except for th e measurement of

trees,i t k eeps th i s character i n the ep i c .

R ods and Bows : Anoth er sacerdotal implement was the

pa m yd rod , the cast of wh i ch , according to the ep ic , measures thei nterval between the altars set up by a very p iou s man . The rod

,

according to th e schol iast , i s poi n ted at one end and has a th i ckk nob at the other

,and i s thirty - s i x thumbs

,two and a half stat

ute c ubit s,i n leng th . W hen one “ sacrifices by the rod - cast

,

”

one goes around the earth sacrifi ci ng at i n terval s,which are

measured by the di stance a strong man can fl i ng the rod, gam ya

i n the ep i c,or

,accordi ng to th e schol iast , sa m pa, from its fal l ,

sam pa ta ti . The tech n i cal expression i s pa m yaksepeqza (o idh ind)or pam ydksepd ifl (devc

'

m sacrifice to the gods by thecast of the rod

,

” i i i . 90 . 5 ; x i i . 223 . 24 ; x i i i . 103 . 28 . Th eonly varyi ng u sage i s found i n i i i . 84 . 9

,where a T i rtha i s

described as being“ s i x rod - casts from an anth i l l

,sa tsu pa m

ydm’

pdtesu va lm i/cd t,but th i s i s st i l l i n a sacerdotal connect ion .

Measure by arrow - casts i s confined to est imat ing t ime,as wi l l

be shown hereafter .

Bows are used for measurement,but the ep i c examples g ive no

clue to th e leng th , though later authorit i es reckon thi s as equal toa staff

,dan gla ,

or four cubits,wh i ch must be regarded as the

length of a bow (s i x feet). In the three ep i c cases,two forms

of the word are used,d/zan u s and (Mam a: dragged e ight dil a

m‘ wai

,i . 1 53 . 40 ;

“ struck ten vi i i . 83 . 9 °

“ land measuring one and a half thousand of bows ,”d/Lan u sam

,

vi i i . 88 . 1 0 (c ited above , p .

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1 4 6 E . W I f opk ins, [1902.

t ree known,th e galm a l i). A K alam ra t ree i s yoj cm otsed/La /l

,v i .

1 5 (n ot a Dv ipa , but a tree that g ives perpetual youth).A fol low i ng stanza tell s of another wonder - tree

,estimated as

being one thou sand and one hundred l eagues tall , which measu re s th e u tsed/ca or height from earth to sky, v i . 7 . 21 . It s c i r

cu m f erence i s “ of a ra tm’

s one thousand and hundreds ten andfive (2500 cubi ts).K roga Th e k ropa ,

Ang lo - Indian koss,which means l iteral ly

scream and i s est imated i n later work s as two thousandbows ” or a fourth of a yoj an a ,

i s the usual number to i ndi catet ravell i ng di s tances , not i n mult ipl es bu t always as a boss, as i fone a lways went j ust one koss unless he went at l east as muchas half a yoj a n a (rare , i i . 2 . 22, yoj anard/La m a tao ga ted ,

i n

accompanying a depart ing guest) or a yoj a n a ,wh i ch latter i s

u sed for al l long stretches . The almost un iversal use of yoj a n afor thi s purpose rath er than two or th ree koss would i ndi catethat th e y/oj an a was shorter than i s usual ly assumed . It i s notoften that a koss i ndi cates he ight , but th e examples below wil lshow one case of mountain s thu s measured . For j ourneys

,

besides the use of the half - l eague i n th e example j ust g ivenand th e l eague , as i n vi i . 1 12 . 12

,i tas tr iyoj a a am m ange ta m

adlwan a m ya tra tisflza ti,

“ I th i nk it i s a course of threel eagues from here (to) wh ere he stands ,

” we have i n the fol low

ing examples the regu lar (si ng le) koss .

‘ i i i . 271 . 53,kroea m a

trdga tc’

m apvan v i i . 99 . 9 , ra i ll e kroeam a tikraa te i x . 29 . 42,

kroeam dtram (wakram ah xi . 1 1 . 1,kropam atram ta to ga ted .

In other measurements : vu . 1 03 . 37 ta st/Laa kropa m atre sam

an ta tafi,

“ at a di stance of a koss on every side .

”

A g reat archer shoots a koss :“ He seized several arrows and

when he had fi tted them to h i s how qui ck ly as i f th ey were one ,th ey fell at a di stan ce of a koss

,

” kroea m atre n ipa tan ti , vi i i . 79 .

57 ra t/za st/aito ‘

gra tah kroeam asg/ a ti ea ran ,vi i . 99 . 9 . Moun

ta in s “ ra i sed a Loss are ment ioned i n vi i . 65 . 1 0, parva ta/L kro

pa m a echr itah . Most of th e oth er cases of the use of koss arequi te a s usel ess i n h elp ing to a determinat ion of i ts real l ength .

They are as follows : For a koss on every side around a beleagu red

c i ty th e earth i s brok en up and mined,sa m awat kroea m atram ,

i i i 1 5 . 1 6 ; ponds are of th i s extent , eagle/a lt krogasam m i tafi,

vn . 56 . 7 ; the heroin e can be smel t up to a koss, gandhae ca

’8?/ C7JL kroeam atrat pravdti , i . 1 97 . 36 ; kroeat pradhava ti , i .

Vol . xx ii i . ] R em a rks on A'

m nbers. 147

167 46 (see below on yoj a n a ). The on ly passage that seems tocast l ight on the ep ic measure i s found in x i i i . 90 . 37 , where

speak i ng of the puri fyi ng e ff ects of the men “ fi t for the row ”

and of the dacaparusa (91. that i s,a m an te nth i n descen t

i n inherited Vedic wi sdom (one who has n i ne generation s ofp ious and learned ancestors), the poet says :

“ They puri fy as

far as they see even one such would pu rif v to a distance of

two and a half koss,

”yara tl ete pram cg/a n ti pafiktyas tava t

panan ty a ta kroef ld ca (above , 133) pavayedeka era Inf. Here

,as two and a half koss are regarded as less

than the l imi t of ordinary abi l i ty to see a person,and five and a

half mi le s far exceeds thi s , i t would seem th at i n the epi c the kosswas not two m i le s and a quarter but nearer one m i le

,as i s the

est imate of the V i snu P a rana (which ascribes to i t , Colebrook e ,loc. cit four thousand cubi t s , a thousand bows , again st the Adi tyaP u rana s est imate of e ight thousand cubits), or , exactly one m i l eand one e ighth rather than two mil es and a quarter . This

,how

ever,i s based on two surmi ses , fi rst

,that the even one clause

i ntroduces a restr ic t ion appl icable al so to the distance as less th anthat previ ously ment ioned

,which seems to me leg i t imate , and ,

second,that the express ion “ as far as thev can see ” means a s

far a s they can see a person (that person becomes pure by be ingseen). Thi s latter surm i se al so seems to me to rest on thei ntended meani ng , though i t i s possible that the expressionmere ly means a s far a s eyesight can reach , i n whi ch case thepassag e i s as useless as the others .

Gavyt'

iti : After the koss comes the ya vyati , est imated bylater wri ters as two koss. It i s used i n the ep i c to give di stance

, ga vyatim atre nya vasa t,“ stayed at a di stance of four

m i l es,i i i . 239 . 29 ; and , i n the bombast of the late book of

D rona , the ba ttle - array i s est imated as extend ing twelve g a v

yatis or forty - e ight m i l e s,

( l ira/w duadacfa/a vyatia (paced.

’r¢l/Le pa

-fica vc’

strta lc, and twentv i n the rear), vi i . 87 . 22, a

statemen t the more remarkable as the whole battl e - field i s on ly

five l eagues in exten t,v . 195 . 15 . In v i i . 87 . 14 i s found al so

the expression, ”a vg/ m ists tr iuu

'

ttrasa. The yam/ an:

i s seldom used for travel le rs,but often for sta t ionary ex tent of

hal l,cam p

,and qu iescen t d i stance

,as i n x i i . 125 . 18 , where a

deer springs ahead,but stands a gam/m i di stant , ya ry t

‘

m’

m a

trepa ,bdpapa l-ha m m ak l vd

,tast/u

'

vda . At least , i t i s no t t i l l the

148 E W . II Opk in s, [1902.

late “ house of lac scene,i . 1 51 . 20

, ga eg m im dtrdd dga tga ,

“ coming up to a di stance of a ga rg m i ,” and in th e (al so late)

scene at (Gorresio) R . i . 79 . 27 , ga ted g a eg d tim d traka m ,that

I find i t wi th a verb of mot ion . Thi s i s doubtless because ofi t s mean ing orig i nal ly a meadow ,

that i s a field or acre,rath er

than a measure of length . A ccording to N i lakan tha, goga ta i s

the equ ivalent of ga eydti , as used i n x iv . 65 . 22, geg u te g oyu te

od e? -

ea a g a ea sa t,“ he rested (camped) at every ga eg d ti ,

”

des ignat ing a daily march retarded by the weigh t of treasurecarri ed . In any case the term i s a sol eci sm . A march l ik e th i s

,

by the way , i s descr ibed as be ing made kram ep a,step by step

,

“ slow march,

” xv 23 . 1 6

Y oj ana : Th e ,

yok ing cal led yoj an a ,estimated at two

g a egd tz’

,four koss

,e ight thousand bows , and consequently si x

teen thou sand cubit s i n the Ad i tya P uran a,i s reckoned i n th e

V i snu P urana as on ly half of thi s di stance , that i s , as n inemi les i n the former and four and a half i n the latter work (Colebrooke

,loc. ci t ), but i n the Markandeya P urana as four ga e

g d ti or e ight koss (c i t . I shal l render i t l eague . It i s

th e longest measure and i s used i n est imat i ng extent of lengthand surface . As th e syntact i cal construct i on of thi s wordi ncl udes that of al l the oth ers previously ment ioned

,I have

reserved the subj ect for th i s parag raph . The construct i onvaries between adj ect ive compounds i n th e modifying word

,

adj ect ive compounds with yoj an a ,and accusat ive (nominat ive)

or ablat ive of extent,as fol lows

i . 30 . 23 , sa ta taZt pa tasdhasram g q jandn ta ra m dga taZz

kd len a 72d

i n a short t ime he wen t a hundred - thousand league - i nterval,

i . e . a di stance (measured by) a hundred thousand l eagues .

x iv . 9 . 34—35 : saha sram da n tdndm ga tagoj a a dwdm ( la ti

strde ca tasrd ( lee pa te goj a ndndm ,

“ a thousand of hundredl eag ue teeth four fangs two hundred of leag ues . i . 1 75 .

43 , ta t sd ing a n’

z tr ig oj an a m ,

“ th e army wasdriven three leagues ; x i i . 1 70 1 5 , i tas trc

’

goj a n a m ga ted ,

“ going th ree l eagues from here .

i i . 7 . 2 : e istir gtd goj an apa ta e’

z ga ta m a tZ/tg/a rd/tam dga td

paficagoj an a m a ccln '

t'

td, (a hal l , sab/ad)

“ one hundred leagues

broad,one hundred and fifty long five leag ues high ; ih . 8 . 2

,

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1 50 E "7

. H opk in s, [1902.

So i n est imat ing the (stat ionary ) h eight of a mountai n one saysthat i t i s "

upraiset so much i n a compound preceding ,as in

“ a s1x - l eague - upi a1sed

(mountai n), i i i . 139 . 1 1 ; or that i t i s so m anv l eagues , withoutany th i ng to i ndi cate that the numeral i s not a predi cate nominat ive

,as i n Mam e/str inged sa /za srd n z

'

g qj a ndn i“ golden (Meru i s) th irtV - th ree thousand leagues ,

” i i i . 261 . 8 °

g oj a n dn d n'

z s1“

1/1a srd 11 1'

pa fica sap Ill dh/a edn a t/za,

“ Malyavat

( i s) five s i x (eleven) thousands of leagues ,” vi . 7 . or that it

i s up1 aised”sso many leagues i n the nominat ive

,as i n

Jlf era lz. ka n akapa rea ta /t se . tistka tt’

yoga a an a m saha srdm’

ca tarach‘

z’

r 11cc/11 ' 1'

tah

adlm stdc ea ta rafl tt’

r2

goj an dndm ,

golden Meru . (stands) e ighty - four (nom . ) thousands ofl eagues upra i sed , (and) under ( - g round) eighty - four (nom .

,so.

thousands) of leagues ,” vi . 6 . 1 0—1 1 .

Further,there i s the one con struct ion where

,i n stead of sayi ng

that th e heigh t or breadth of a mounta in i s so much,one may

emp loy part i t ive appos it ion wi th (apparently) a nominat ive

(predi cate), as i n

a stddaga sa lzasrdm’

yq iandm’

,e tednwa te,

sa t ea tdn t’

ca e i ska m bho J am bapa r ea ta it

ldea p asya sa m a drasga 11 17ska 11tb/10 (Zez'

gzm ah sm r tah,

e ighteen thousand l eagues and si x fu l l hundreds th e breadth

( i s) Jambu - dv ipa , and th e salt sea’s breadth ( i s) recorded (as)

twi ce as much,

” vi . 1 1 . 5—6 . The ordi nary construct ion i n sucha case i s to prefix the number

,i f i t i s easi ly manag ed, as part of

a compound,as i n ddeftgapa rea tcnh

“ of

ten - l eague - extent,

” x i i . 328 . 23 ; or to put th e dimens ion i n an

obl i que case,as i n

ekd ika e’

z goj anaea tam e istdrdgdm a tah sam a m

each (c ity was) one hundred leagues (of a l eague - hundred)al ik e i n respect to breadth and leng th ,

” vi i i . 33 . 1 9 (compare

pra m da dgdm a ta /t sa 111a_/1,of a man

,i . 222 . but with such

1 Here occurs a word rare enough in early texts to be noticed , m ahd

raj a ta as gold (colored people). C f . JAGS . , xx . , p . 221 for hiraaya assi lver .

9 For the meter, of . No . 37 i n the Qloka - forms of m y Grea t E p ic.

Vol . xxi ii . ] R em a rks on Aru m bers. 151

an unmanageable number as that above i t i s more natura l tohave the constr uct ion of the second part of the sentence a gen it ive

,with the dimension i n the nom inat ive .

The locat ive gives the extent only when th is i s impl ied orcondi t ioned by the context

,as “ on the wav

”(above) and i n

ekddaca sahasrdpi got/1111171117111. sa m wcckr ita m ,a f t/10 b/td m er

sahasresu tdva tsv eea pra tistk éta m , (Mt . Mandara), eleven

thousand of leagues upra i sed,and supported on j ust as many

thousands below the earth,

” i . 18 . 3 . So at s i x - rod - ca sts from

the anthi l l (above , p . i s on lv a locat ion of place , not of

ex tension ; al so kroga m dtre (p .

Final ly,

‘ i n est imat i ng di stance to a certa i n extent,the abla

t ive m ay be used wi th some preposi t ions to convey the notionof exceeding the l imi t

,or simply

,beyond

,whil e the abla t ive

a lone or with d i nd icates the l imi t i t self up to which the di s

tance impl ied extends . Of the fi rst case an example is found

un i ted with the i n strumental i n

x11 . 336 . 9 , JIeroZz. sabasrd ilz sa 11 1°

goj a ndndm

( ledtr i fzya to ka e ib/u'

r

“ th i s (white i sland) i s sa id by the poets (to be) from Meru morethan th irtv - two thousands of l eagues (bv thousands more thanth irtv - two)The ant ique expression m aldt

,up to the root

,i s used

though rarely , both i n th i s sense and i n that of from the root ,that i s from the beginn ing

,but i t i s s ign ifi cant that the ep i c

usual ly expresses the idea by a compound,as in

ta ta /1 sa '

m alo Irr iya te 11a <Zd ldd i ra dra m ak

xn . 95 . 21 ; or it i s paraphrased , for example , 11a 111 17 laglc1‘

1ta lc

ka rta eg/ak , xi i . 268 . 12 . Moreover,i n words expressi ng di s

tance,the exampl es l eave i t a l i ttle doubtful whether the abla

t ive means “ from ” or “ up to,

” but by analogy w i th the samephrase wi th the preposit ion i t would seem that the latte r idea

was tha t of the simple abla ti ve . Thus,to express the idea of a

smel l extendi ng a koss we find pra rd l i and kroydt

‘ Of course I omit idioms wh ich m ay be translated to g ive extentw ithout rea lly expressing th is . such as bm hm dd isu l m dntesu 111117113311pa ri va rta te.

“ pervades a l l be ings from Brahman to grass ,“ i i i . 2. 72 (a

common ph rase).

1 52 E 1V. H opk ins, [1902 .

prad/zd ea ti (above , p . tasgds ta yay’

a n dd ga 11d/1a 11i (“

1g 1g/1

ran ta n a rd 111111 11 13,i . 63 . 82 ; dg q ian a sagan (M in ,

i . 1 85 . 21 ; and ,

i n the province of sight , g q ja n dd (Zadg'

pe, i i . 24 . 22 ; dgoj a i i a

sada rpm i a ; and final ly,d with th e ab la t ive

,as i n loca n d ir a m t

j agm a s te ta m d drstipdtlzdt tadd , then th ey fol lowed him wi ththe eyes up to th e l imi t of th e i r vi s ion

,

” i i . 2 . 26 . As witht ime - words

, gd va t i s also used , gdeac Ca rm a n ea ti,as far as

the river,

”1. 138 . 74 .

A nother reason for tak i ng the ablat ive as one express ing thel imit up to (rath er than the orig i n) i s that i t th us o ffers a perfectparal lel to the use of th e abl at ive with t ime - words

,for

,as I

shal l show i n th e next sect ion of th i s art i c le,th e i dea of a simple

t ime - ablat ive expressi ng the t ime after which any th i ng occursi s erroneous

,though thi s i s the only explanat ion of th i s ablat i ve

given by Speyer (and adopted by W hitney). On th e contrary,

the t ime - ablat ive,unless expressly accompan i ed with d rd/i ea m

or i ts equ ivalent i n the sense of “ beyond,

” always i ndi catestime up to the l im it expressed by th e ablat ive

,and so th e

extent - ablat ive i ndi cates the exten t up to th e l imi t expressed bythi s case . W i th adl i i th e ablat ive means above

,over .

1

W h en the name of a dimension i s g iven , it i s usual ly compounded with th e number

,and th i s has led Speyer i n h i s excel

lent S an skr i t Syn tax , §54 a), to remark that“ wh en naming

the dim ensm n of a th i ng one does not use thi s accus . [of space] ,but ava i l s one ’s sel f of bahuvr i h i compounds .

”W i th few

except ion s th i s i s qu i te correct and as a general rule i s perfectlyunimpeachable . Thu s i n i i i . 82 . 107

paficagoj a n a m dga td

etdea ti D ee ikd ta,

of half - l eague - breadth,five leagues long (extended) - such i s

the si ze of D evika.

”

vn . 66 . 1 6,sa ttr i i ’icadgoj an dgdm d

?tr idpadg oj an a m dya td

papcdtpa rac ca ta re iv’

i ead eedi 11g ( 1d (Zl1i 1'a 1i 11i ag i ,

1 I take yoj andd adh i in 0 . i i . 619 in th is sense , but B . 14 . 54 has goj ande adhi (triyoj a ndya tam sadm a triskhandham y. and PW. interprete C . as a Y oj ana h igh .

” Th i s preposition, by the way,

is used ( ina way not recogn ized in PW . or pw . ) w i th gen . of place , i n H . i i . 79 .

12, sapa tn indm adhi f

n i tyam bhaeeyam ,over m y rivals .”

9 C . has sade i ii cad"

, 91. which inverts the ratio and makesdydm a , leng th , i nto breadth .

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1 54 E . IV. H opk ins, [1902.

m a nda la /1,

an elephant si x l eag ues upra ised and twice as

extended ; a th ree - l eague - heigh t and ten - league - ci rcle tortoi se ”

( i n Eng l i sh , three leagues tal l and ten round).

ON

A lthough no word i n the ep i c expresses th e relat ion b etweenthe d iameter and the ci rcumference

,yet th i s relat ion i s g iven

i n figures , as applying to th e si ze of th e sun , the moon , and the“ planet ” that swal lows them

,the moon b e ing rather larger

than the sun .

1 Th e account of the s ize wi l l be found at vi . 1 1 .

3 (R ahu) ; 12 . 40 of th e cau se of ecl ip se,i . 1 9 . 9 (rdk a

m a le/ta). The relat ion between the diameter and the c ircum

ference d iffers i nversely accordi ng to the si ze of th e obj ect,th e

g reatest c i rcle havi ng the smal lest rat io . Of the th ree heavenlybodies

,Svarbhanu or Rahu (th e devouring planet) i s c i rcular ,

pa r im a n da la,no less than the moon and the sun

,so that 7r

can be establ i shed i n th i s case as wel l as in th e others . Itsdiameter

,e iska m bka (breadth), i s twelve thousand leagues , goj a

n as,and “ i n i ts c i rcumference and extent

, pa r in d/zen a e ipu la t

eca d ca,i t i s “ th i rty - si x thousand six ty h undred ” or

leagues , as say th e Pau ran ic sages , ba d/1 1221pdn rdn ikdk . Th emoon ’s diameter

,e iskam b/i a

,i s el even thousand and i ts c irc le

,

m a n da la,i s th i rty - three (thousand) and sixty - less - one (hun

dreds, g iven in the text as the e iska m bha

,but th i s must be

pa r in dlza ,as i n the preceding case), mak i ng th e sum in thou

sands (33) and in hundreds (59) equal i n al l to 38 900 . Th e sunin diameter i s “ eigh t thousand and two more , a ng e, and i ts

c i rcl e i s equal to th i rty (thousand), m an da lam tr inca td sa m a m,

and fif ty- eight (hundred) i n extent , e ipal a teen a ,

or

Thus (i n stead of a :

1 Th is i s not strange . In fact, the ful l moon in India on a c lear n igh tcertain ly looks larger than the sun even when the latter is on the horizon . E spec ial ly at the end of a dusty day ; when the moon seemstwice the s ize even of the harvest moon of th is country . Bu t this isnot the on ly reason for the great size attributed to the heaven ly bodiesas compared w ith that ass igned by the G reeks. E ven the stars areregarded as huge worlds because thoug h smal l as lamps in appearancethey are so far removed (the passage is g iven in m y India , Old and

New,p . 59 , from i i i .

Vol . xxii i . ] R em a rks on A'

wn bers. 1 55

Rahu,

Moon,

1r 2 3 . 53+Su n

,

There i s noth ing to i ndi cate that the g oj an a here used i s the

spec ia l astronomical yoj a n a of later work s . A ccordi ng to the

Suryasiddhanta , iv . 1 , the sun’s d iameter i s (astronom i cal)

yoj anas , and the moon’s i s 480 , whi le W i n tha t work i s

and accordi ng to c ircumstances notes ,JA OS . v i . pp . 183 and A l i ttl e later

,i n the fi fth cen

tury,Aryabhata (Thibaut , A stron om ie

,etc . , 75 , i n B ilhler

’s

Grundr iss) knew that 7rz 3 . 141 6,and i t seems grotesque enough

that even an ep i c poe t could give such statements as those madeabove

,i f he had an approx ima te not ion of the true rela t ion .

For i t i s not as i f the author carelesslv (poet i cally) sa id tha tthe sun ’s c i rcumference i s about three and a hal f t imes i t s diameter . The numbers are given i n deta i l for three difierent c i rcl es

and show that the cal culat ion had been made i n each case . But

any boy with a stri ng and a tree - stump cou ld get nearer to thet rue rat i o than

[T o be continued ]

A P koen ician R oya l In scr iption— By CHARLE S O. T oaanv

,

Prof essor in Y ale University, New Haven , Conn .

IN th e summer of the year 1 900 , a number of stones , bearingthe same P hoen ic ian i nscr ip t ion i n somewhat vari ed form

,were

unearth ed near S i don . Th ey formed part of an extensive rui n,

the ex i stence of which had been unsuspected unt i l acc identbrought i t to l ight .The local i ty i s somewhat less than two miles north of the

modern c ity,half way up the slope of th e h i l l s

,wh i ch face the

sea and are here about half a mi le di stant from i t . At th i s

poin t the Auwaly river break s through ,and the hi l l s r i se very

abruptly from it,espec ial ly on the south side

,where the ru i n

j ust ment i oned was di scovered . It has long been k nown thatlarge bu i ldings of some sort must have stood i n th i s n eighborhood

,for g reat block s of hewn stone have been found, i n con

siderable number,on e ither side of th e river . The bridg e

whi ch crosse s the Auwaly here i s bu i lt i n part of such block s ,th e pos it i on of th e marg i nal draft on some of them showing thatthey were not orig i nal ly i ntended for the ir present place .

There i s good reason to bel i eve that the anc ient c i ty of S idonextended far beyond th e l imi ts of th e presen t c i ty

,espec ial ly to

the northward . Indeed,we have some evidence that i t reached

even to the locali ty j ust described . The geog rapher D ionysiu sP eriegetes (th i rd or fourth century A .D . ) says of S idon , i n anoft - quoted passage , that i t was situated

“0 11 the B ostrenu s.

”

It i s qu i te beyond quest i on that th e Auwaly r iver i s h ere meant ,but few i n modern t imes have been disposed to bel i eve that theold c i ty actual ly extended so far ; see , for example , the art i cl eBostrenu s

” i n the new edit ion of P auly ’s R ea l - E ncyclopddie.

It i s qui te possible,however

,that the statemen t of D ionysius

was l i t eral ly accurate ; at any rate , th e evidence now brough t tol igh t must re - open th e quest i on .

Th e di scovery of the i nscript ions was 0 11 th i s wise . W ork

men engaged i n remov i ng the stones of a large wal l whi ch hadbeen part ial ly uncovered came upon a block with an i n scr ibedface . No sooner had th i s been removed than anoth er

,s imi larly

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Vol . xxi ii . ] T orrey, A P hoen ician R oya l I nscription . 1 57

i n scribed,was found . Others fol lowed

,unt i l (as was reported)

five i n al l had been taken out . 1

Happen ing to be i n S idon soon after thi s,i n the fal l of 1 900

,

and heari ng of the di scovery of the in script i ons,I v i si t ed the

spot several t imes , and also managed , after some di fficulty , toget sight of one of the i n scribed stones— the same one which i s

reproduced i n the present arti cle,though i ts two piece s were

then in di ff erent loca l it i e s , and i t was'

not un ti l some t ime lat erthat I was able (thank s to the help of P rofessor Jswett , of th eUniversi ty of Minnesota) actually to get possession of i t . A

rather poor squeeze made from one of the other stones gave

valuable help . The in script ion presented the u sual proport i on

of di ffi cult ies,though nearly every letter could be made out

wi th tolerable certa i nty . A ll i t s most important features,how

ever,were pla i n at the fi rst g lance . The bu i lding from wh ich

the stones had been taken was a temple,bui l t and dedicated to

the god E sm un by Bad -

‘Astart,King of S idon

,grandson of

K i ng E sm un‘azar .

” The points of contact with the E sm u n

‘azar i n script ion were al so sufiicientlv obvious , and seemed to

furn i sh a cl ue to the relati ve posi t ion occup i ed by thi s k ing Bad‘Astart i n the S idon ian dynasty al ready part ial ly known . The

new insc ri pt ion thus proved to be one of no ordi nary importance .

As for the temple - rui n,th e l ittle that could be seen consi sted of

port ions of two paral le l wall s runn ing east and west . E ach was

bui l t of nearly cubical block s of l imestone,from three to four

feet in thi ckness . The upper wal l con si sted of two courses ofstone ; that i s , was seven or eight fee t i n th i ckness . Th e lowerwal l

,perhaps fi fty yards further down the slope of the hi l l

,was

st i l l more mass ively bu i l t . The whole edifi ce,th us so l idly con

structed,and of such imposi ng dimensions

,was si tuated j ust at

the turn of the moun ta in,where the river val ley open s out in to

the narrow mari time pla i n . It i s an idea l s i te fo r a temple , theoutlook embrac ing a wide stri p of the sea

,the pic turesque river

below,and the whole exten t of the deep vall ev beyond ; i t is,

moreover,the one spot near S idon where a com parative lv u nob

s tructed v iew eastward i s to be had .

I was unable to gain suffic i ent ly exact. i n format ion a s to theposi ti on of the i n sc ribed stones i n the wa l l ( i t was the lower

1 Regarding the subsequent discovery of a sixth stone , see be low .

p . 178 .

158 (7. C. T orrey [1902.

wal l) where thev were found . O f th i s,however

,I was repeat

cdlv a ssured bv workmen who had seen th em in s ita,that they

occupi ed no typica l posi t ion,but that the i nscribed face was

somet imes uppermost,and again beneath

,or on one of the per

pendicu lar s ides . A ll five were found very near together,the

block s contain ing them being of the same genera l shape and sizeas those already described

,and situated i n the core of th e wall

,

so that no one of them could have been seen when the edifi cewas completed .

The in scrip t ion was not exactly the same i n al l cases . On

two of th e stones it was pract i cal ly ident i cal wi th th e one whichI was so fortunate as to secure ; the only di fferences , so far as Icould ascertai n

,being due to pecul iarit i es of orthography , or to

the carel essness of th e stone - cutter . My knowledge of one of

these two (wh i ch I shal l c ite , for conven ience , as Inscrip t ion B)was gai ned from an imperfect copy— not a squeeze— made by onewho was quite unable to read the i n script i on ; the other —th eone from which the squeeze above ment ioned was made— I waspermitted to see on one occasion

,but only for a moment

,not

l ong enough to enable me to study i t , or even to mak e a hastycopy . Thi s latter i n script ion

,a very careful ly executed and

well - preserved spec imen,exh ibited one or two forms of letters

wh i ch were so pecul iar as to lead me to doubt i ts genui neness ;th ese doubts I have sin ce withdrawn

,however

,and shal l have

occasi on to refer to it (c it i ng i t as Inscrip t ion 0 ) once or twicei n th e sequel . On a fourth stone (Inscr ip t ion D)— to j udg eagai n from a sing le copy— th e wordi ng was somewhat abridged ;moreover

,i n thi s case j ust half of the i nscrip t ion was missi ng

,

and i t was evident that i t had orig i nally occup ied two adjacentstones

,i n two long l i n es and th e beginn ing of a third , i nstead

of fi l l i ng five or si x l i nes on a si ngle stone . R egardi ng the fifthstone which was reported to have been found I could gai n noinformat ion at all . P ossibly i t may have conta ined the m i ss inghalf of the two l i nes j ust ment i oned .

1

It remai ns to describe the stone contain i ng the i nscript i on

(designated as A) which i s publ i sh ed and commented upon i nthe fol lowi ng pages .

1 A l l of these stones were “ on the market , and at least two of themhad left S idon before m y arriva l . I do not know what has become ofany one of them excepting the one wh ich I mysel f purchased .

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1 60 C. C'. T orrey, [1902.

It i s a slab of so f t l im estone,three and one - half feet i n leng th ,

one foot and eleven i nches w ide,

and five i nches th i ck . It

seems to have been sawn from one of the b lock s describedabove as forming the bu i ldi ng un it s of th e templ e , and to havebeen acc identally broken i n th e process

,so that i t now consi st s

of two pieces,wh i ch j o i n f a irlv well . Fortunate ly

,th i s break

has not obl i terated any le tte rs wh i ch cannot b e supp l i ed withcerta inty . In th e lower righ t - hand corner

,a p i ece wh ich con

ta ined several le tters or part s of l etters has been b rok en away .

The surface of th e stone i s not even ly weath ered,but i s some

what more worn towards the left s ide . For th i s rea son,a

n umber of th e characters on the smaller p iece are nearly obl it

erated,wh i l e those 0 11 th e larger fragment are for th e most part

very di s t i nct .

Th e in script ion i s i n four and one - half l i nes,the number of

l etters to th e l i ne varying between n ineteen and twenty - f o

The end of the l ine happen s i n each case to coinc ide wi th th eend of a word .

1 The characters used are of a type ident ica l

w i th that which appears i n the i nscript ion s of T abn it and

E sm u n‘azar . The only letter whose shape seems to deserve

spec ial ment ion i s th e Dwh i ch stands at the beg i nn ing of thefourth l i n e . So far as its form i s concern ed

,i t might well be a 1

(though somewhat long , and wi th not qu ite th e usual slan t) ;but i f I am right i n my understandi ng of the passage , the letteri s a form of D,

di fferi ng but very sl igh t ly , after all , from th eone wh i ch i s seen at th e end of th e fi rst l i ne .

The workmansh ip i s genera l ly very good, though occas ional lya trifle careless . Th e letters were or ig i nal ly colored wi th red

pai n t,wh i ch st i l l appears very di st i n ctly i n th e better preserved

parts of th e stone,and can often be found by lightly scratch i ng

the surface i n th e more weath ered portion s .

The text of th e i n scr ipt ion fol lows . Letters destroyed e itherwhol ly or partially by the accidental break i ng of th e stone arei ndi cated by square brack ets l etters whi ch cannot be clearlymade out or whi ch for any reason shou ld be designated asuncertain

,by a dot placed above .

1 In the paral lel inscriptions , on the other hand , i t happens i n severa lcases that a word is divided between two l ines .

Vol . xxi i i . ] A P hoen ic ian R oya l I n scr iption . 1 61

35133 13 1311 31: a m arry

D es igns-

11:11: 19wasnsnm nnw

H N Him 1—1]nfi m w flwfisj

c'wpfiwxnwsb]

Thi s I should div ide as follows

151: in 1: 0 1-

11: 1513 m nwy a: mtr fix: cm : arm s/s

1: es“item nea r

-

1s am one:

“at? i: 1 m a m a m are

111-

1paw (new?

TRANS LATION .

’

The k i ng Bad -

‘Astart,k ing of the S idon ian s

,grandson of the

k i ng E sm u n‘azar

,k i ng of th e S idon ian s ; re ign ing in

2S idon

ou - the - Sea,High Heaven s

, [and] the B esep D i s tri ct , belonging to S idon ; who bui l t th i s house l ike th e ey ri e of an eagle ;

(he) bu i l t i t for h i s god ,E sm ti n

,the Holy Lord .

COMM E NTARY .

L ine 1 . R egardi ng the name Bad (or Bod‘Astart

,

“

D

f fiflwy “ Off shoot (or Branch) of A starte ,” see L idzbarsk i

,

H a n dbu ch (Zer nordsem i tisclcen p . 1 34,note 4 . A

k ing of S idon hearing th i s name i s known to us from the inscripti on CI S . I 4 . On the quest ion whether our k i ng i s to be identified wi th thi s one

,or wi th e i ther “ St rato ” ment ioned bv

G reek wr i ters,see below .

The word “

PD,i n the middle of th e l i ne

,i s en t i re ly broken

away .

as usual for the people,or the pol i t i ca l un i ty (as almost

always on the coin s of S i don,fo r example) for the c i ty i tself ,

1 It is hardly necessa ry to say that th is translation is off ered as anattempt , not as the final solution . No one can rea l i ze more keen ly thanI the uncerta in character Of many of the conc lusions wh ich are reachedin the fol low ing pages .

Or , ru l ing over .voL . xxm .

1 62 C. C. T orrey, [ 1902 .

I'

m ,so i n l i nes 2 and 3— in the latter case

,the c i ty i n cl us ive of

it s ou tlv ing di stri cts . Th e le tters of the word are al l di st i nctlyleg ible .

“

171”w"

(L713 73 j] ,

“ G randson of lu ng E sm u n‘azar . Th e

very same words i n the E sm un‘azar i n script ion

,l i ne 14 . A s

wi l l soon appear,the co inc idence i s not merely verbal

,but the

same k i ng— the one k nown to us as E sm un‘azar I .

- i s meant i n

both i nscr ipt ion s . It i s unfortunate for us that Bad -

‘Astartshould have omitted to g ive th e name of hi s father . It would

not be d i ffi cul t to imag i n e a plaus ible reason for\

the omi ssion,

even i f we suppose th e father to have been King T abn it . It i sposs ible

,however

,that the latter was the uncle of Bad -

‘Astart,

not hi s father . See further below .

L ine 2 . D1 71 33 . In Inscript i on C thi s i s written D1 (was,

that i s,th i s text affords us a new example of th e rare

form DN of the preposi t ion 3 , a fortunate c ircumstance . It i s

p la i n that D1 my i s the equ ival ent of the phrase D1

VWNwhich occurs twice (l i n es 1 6 and 1 8) i n the E sm un

‘azar inscrip

t ion .

1 In th e latter passages,there i s noth ing to show that the

ph rase meant anyth ing more defin ite than ‘ the parts of S idonadj oi n i ng th e sea .

’ In th e new inscript ion,on the oth er hand

,

i f my reading of i t i s not erroneous , three separate and defini t edistr icts “ belong i ng to S idon

” are ment ioned by name ; andi n such a way as to imply that th ese three di str i cts compri sed i nthemselves a ll th e terr itory properly i ncl uded within the l imi t sof the c ity . Th e name S idon - ou - th e - Sea

,

” as the designat ionof one (and apparently the pri nc ipal one) of these distr i cts ,suggests fi rst of al l th e cape 0 11 which the modern c ity stands .

Here,of course

,was th e c itadel

,and th e most important part

,

of the anc ient c ity,and i t i s h ighly probable that thi s was the

0 1 71 3” of our i nscript ion s . The di stri ct beari ng th i s name

may,however

,have i ncluded al so an adjo in i ng port ion of the

marit ime pla in see furth er below .

L in e 3 . DD“

) mow}:A 11 extremely i nterest i ng phrase

,

espe cial ly because i t at once suggests th e problemat i c D'

HNDDW

1 For a third (probable) var iation of th is phrase , see bel ow , page 172.

9 The reading of Inscription C is noteworthy here . In the secondD of DDW ,

the shank of the letter slants sharply to the r ight, and thetop has a somewhat unusua l shape ; the resulting character does notc losely resemble any known Phoenician letter ( it certain ly is not D) .

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1 64 C. C. T orrey, [ 1902.

the temple of ‘A étart i n S i don - on - th e Sea,and who made ‘A étart

to dwell i n D'

HN DDW and i t was we l 7wl1o bu i l t a temple to

E sm u n i n th e mounta in,and made h im dwel l i n a

O'

HR. A t fi rst sigh t , one temple only seems to be thought of

in l i ne 1 6,as only one i s i n tended i n l i ne 1 7 and in that ca se

,

D'

HN DDW could not be the name of th e hi l l - di str ict . But

th e word ing i n l i ne 1 6 i s not qu i te paral le l to that i n l i ne 1 7not ice th e repetit ion of th e name Astart . It i s more probable

that two temples are i ntended i n l i ne 1 6 , one i n the sea - di str i ct

and another i n th e h i l ls overlook i ng th e c ity . R ecol lect that

the moth er of E sm un‘azar was a priestess of ‘Astart ; i t must

be borne in mind al so that th e verb 3 121 ”i n such passages asthese may be a tech n ical term referri ng to some special ceremony

,which might have th e nature e i ther of the dedi cat ion of

a new bui ldi ng or of the re - dedicat ion of an old bu i ldi ng . In

vi ew of al l these facts,i t seems to me that 110 other th eory can

hold i ts g round agai nst th i s one , that DDW DD?) and 0 13WO

‘

HN are merely sl ightly d i fferi ng forms of th e same ph rase ,which i s everywh ere to be regarded as the proper name of th ehil l - di stri ct in cl uded i n the c i ty of S idon .

l

fill/ W YWN,

“ The D i stri ct Of R esep (or R esup). If the

designati on D1 i nc luded merely th e cape where the modern

c i ty stands,it i s easy to determin e the posit ion and th e approxi

mate l im its of the QWW r‘

lN. It cou ld only be the reg ion

lying east and north of the cape , the str ip of nearly level pla inbetween th e mountai n s and the sea

,runni ng northward perhaps

as far as th e Auwaly r iver .

2W e should then have th ree di s

tricts which are topograph i ca lly very wel l defined , and wh i chwould compri se al l the terr i tory that we k now to have been

1 W hy the word 0 13W should have been chosen , in nam ing th i s di striot , i t is perhaps useless to conjecture . F l ights of fancy are noteasi ly fol lowed . Bu t the use of the adjective D‘

HN seems to showthat the mean ing of DD?) in the phrase was neither simply sk ies ”

n or“ heights .” Perhaps the reg ion was thought of as being in an

especial degree the abode of the gods .’ It would be strange , indeed ,

if it h ad not contained a number of conspicuous temples . And fina l ly,

i t is qu ite possible that the designation was very short - l ived , and

employed in its day ch iefly by the members of th i s roya l fami ly .

9 T h l s reg ion is now occupied ,for the most part , by the famous

orange groves O f S idon but traces of the old c ity are st i l l to be found ,

here and there , if the spade goes far below the surface .

V ol . xxi ii . ] A P hoen ic ian R oya l I n scr iption . 65

i n cluded i n the c i ty proper . The pla in to the southward seemsto have been used on lv as a bury ing - ground . It i s

,of course

,

possible that. the term D1 [fix] 71 3" i nc l uded more. than the

cape ; on th i s suppos it ion , any attempt to determ i ne the l im i ts ofthe three d i st ric ts must be fru i tle ss .

j'

lgrj . The crack passes di rectly through the le tter D,so a s

to eff ace the perpendicular strok e across the top l i ne . I hav etherefore marked i t wi th a dot

,al though the read i ng i s practi

cal ly ce rta in .

$WD. Of the two dotted letters,the fi rst i s en t i rely gone ,

but the hole i n the stone i s of such a shape and size as to showtha t the mi ss i ng charac ter must have been e i ther {0 or y. The

5 fol lowi ng i s pract i cally certai n , for the hori zontal l i ne , withthe angle at the left

,remai ns di st i n ct

,and i t i s qu i te plai n tha t

the letter was not cont i nued downwards . My copies of B andC both read here ; i n D ,

thi s part of the i n script ion i s m i ssi ng . Compare the use of (part i c ip ia l noun , as here) i nE sm . l i n e 9 . The word i s evidently to be connected with th epreceding

,not with the fo llowing ; [3 WN beg i n s a new clause .

The prepos it ion 3 i n ( l i n e whose force extends al soover the following names of the S idon ia n di stri cts , may bee i ther the prepos i t ion of place

,

“ ruler in S idon - ou - the - Sea ,

or the complement of the verbal idea,

“ rul ing cr er”

these di st ri cts .

(3 . My copy of C reads 1) i n the place of these two letters ,and thi s reading seems to be confi rmed by the squeeze . But

the squeeze i s qui te untrustworthy at th i s poi n t ; and as mycopy was made from memory (see above) and before I hadtran slated th i s part o f the i n scr ipt ion

,the varian t readi ng

deserves l i ttle confidence,especiallv as both le tte rs a re pe rfec tly

pla i n on stone A .

L in e 4. fill/07133 . On the fo rm of the 3 , see above , page

160 . In what follows,

"

I might be read ( twice) i n stead of 7 ,

bu t no plaus ible read i ng would resul t , so fa r as I can sec . 0 11

the other hand,the compari son of th i s temple

,perched i n i t s

commandi ng po si t ion on the spu r of the m ountai n , with “ the

evri e of an eagle would be a happy one , though something of

an exaggerat ion .

‘

ig i s pro bably”mg (o r WY ), rock

,so tha t

WW .) fig i s the rock or crag where the eagle dwells.

DJ”. The le tte rs are somewhat. widely sepa rated,bu t al l

three are ve ry dist i nctly legibl e . In place o f the Inscript i on

1 66 C. 0 . T orrey, [1902 .

C g ives distinctlv and u nm istakablv W,the uprigh t strok e of

th e character bei ng unusual ly long .

I) . If I have d iv ided th e text correctlv,th i s word beg i n s a

n ew clau se,the preceding n oun fl ) be i ng th e di rect obj ect of

th e ID at the end of l i ne 3 . Th e obj ect i s then understood wi ththe v erb i n l i ne 4 . In scrip t ion D ends with th e words IT}:I nj n,

wh i ch stand at the beg i nn i ng of l ine 3 (th e preced i ngwords

,i n th e second half of l i ne 2

,are mi ss ing ; see above).

’5N5. Th e i s hardly leg ib le .

‘

A l l th i s port ion of th e stonei s very much weath ered .

L in e 5 . The w i s a lmost ent i re,and th e upper

part of the D i s preserved ; both l etters are unmistak able . Th eremai n ing space at th e beginn ing of th e l in e was of courseoccup ied by the two characters N5.

WWI?

51W . An acc iden t to th e stone has somewhat obscured

the l ower part of the P. my i s probably WW ,lord

,

” though

the word has not been found el sewhere i n Phoen i cian in script ions . WW

I"

) m ight be e ither adj ect ive or noun (as usual ly i n

Hebrew), but i s probably th e former , whose plural occurs inthe expression DW

‘

lPDJ5N,

“ holy gods ,”E sm . 9

,22 . Final ly ,

the whole ph rase, W

'

IPWW finds an extremely i nt

e st i ng and important paral le l i n th e passage E sm . 1 7 , wh ere the

reading g iven by Lidzbarski (H and’bu clz,p . 41 8) i s ?DWN5

WWP. It would be obvious,even without further ev i dence

,

that the Bad -

‘Astart i nscr ip t ion furn i shes th e true readi ng ofth i s h i therto doubtful passage there i s

,however

,addi t ional

ev i dence su ffic ien t to prove not only the ident i ty of the two

ph rases,but also to show that one and the same temple i s men

tioned i n the two passages,as wi l l appear i n the sequel .

Several noteworthy verbal coin c idences with the E sm u n‘azar

i n scr ip t ion have been poi nted out i n th e preceding pages ; andwh en i t i s remark ed i n addi t ion that k ing Bad -

‘Astart stylesh imsel f a “

g randson of E sm u n‘azar

, flTpJDtZ/‘N I: I) ,

the

probabi l ity becomes very strong that we have found a newmember of th e famous dynasty . Fortunately

,however , the

ev idence i s such as to l ead to much more defin ite conclusions ,and th e value of th e new i n script ion i s enhanced accordi ng ly .

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1 68 (7

. ( 7. T orrcy, [1902 .

The temple on the “ Bostrenu s th en,i s i ncl uded i n th e l i st

of bu i ld i ng s c la imed bv Em -

‘Astart and her son . It i s of course

bevond quest ion,however

,that Bad -

‘Astart,and not E sm u n

‘azar II .,was th e one who buil t the house or rather

,— to speak

accurately ,—that he was the one who began the work and car

ri ed it on for some t ime,wh ether he fin i shed i t or not . It fol

lows,that th e reign of Bad -

‘Astart came between those ofT abn it and E sm u n

‘azar II . i n al l probabi l ity

,hi s was the only

re ig n i n that i n terval . The time during which he occupied th eth rone must have been bri ef

,probably only a few years

,for we

k now that E sm u n‘azar was qui te young (perhaps a mere boy) at

th e t ime of h i s access ion . It i s perhaps most l ikely that Bad‘Astart was th e elder brother of E sm u n

‘azar

,though he may

have been h i s half - brother,and poss ibly was not the son of

T abn it at al l . 1 Supposing him to have been the son of the

la st - named k i ng ,we should gai n at l east one more bit of in f or

mat ion as to h i s personal h i story . King T abn it himself di ed i n

middle l i fe ;2 and even h i s eldest son must have been a young

man at th e t im e of the fath er ’s death .

“ fountain that is conducted ,

” “ condu it - spring We could thencompare the name of the Jerusa lem aqueduct

, n‘7w

1 In th is case , the fact that Bad -‘Astart omits the name of h i s father

in the inscript ion would receive a probable explanation , namely,that

the latter n ever occup ied the throne .

2 As the ev idence on which th is statement rests is not general lyknown

, I subjoin it here : When the sarcophagu s of T abn i t was exhu m ed ,

in the year 1887 , and the l id was removed, the body of the k ingwas found to be in a very good state of preservation . It was lying in abrownish - colored , somewhat “ oi ly ” flu id , wh i ch nearly fi l led the sarcophagu s. The eyes were gone ; the nose , l ips ; and the most prominentpart of the thorax

,wh ich had not been covered by the l iqu id, had

decayed away ; in other respects , however, the corpse was l ike that ofa man on ly recently buried . It was but sl ightly emaciated ; plenty offlesh remained on both face and l imbs , and the sk in was soft to thetouch . The v ital organs and v iscera had not been removed (a noteworthy circumstance), and were perfectly preserved . Dr . Sh ibly

Abela , of S idon , a physician of education and experience remarkedthat the face showed traces of smal l - pox ; it was not apparent ,however

,that the k ing had died of that disease . The color of the sk in

was described as somewhat coppery,

” the tinge being perhaps du e tothe influence of some substance , or substances , held in solution by theenvelop ing fluid . The fluid i tself m ay have been partly, or evenwhol ly ,

rain - water,which finds its way into most of the tombs about

Vol . xxi i i . ] A P hoen icia n R oya l I nscr iption . 1 69

As for the assertion of E m -

‘Astart,

“ W e bui l t ” the temple,

i t mav be exp la ined i n more than one wav . Thi s da ughter o fE sm un

‘azar I . ,

and pri estess of ‘Astart,may well have coop

crated wi th the young k ing Bad -

‘Astart i n th i s undertak i ng(espec ia l ly i f he was her own son), or even have been the moving sp iri t in i t . More probably

,however

,the words of the

ep itaph are l i tera lly true,the fact bei ng that Bad -

‘Astart di edbefore the work was fin i shed

,whereupon the queen - mother and

her son completed the bui ldi ng and inducted the god E sm u n

in to hi s new abode .

The genealogical table of the E sm un‘azar dynasty

,as now

k nown to us , would therefore have the followi ng form

E sm un‘azar I .

T abn it Em ‘Astart

Bad ‘Astart E sm un‘azar II .

It i s an i nterest ing quest ion,whether the name of th i s same

king Bad -

‘Astart i s k nown to us from any other source .

Ne i ther one of the two k i ngs ment ioned by G reek write rs underthe name Strato (E rpa

’

n-

m v) can be thus ident ified . The fi rs t

of these was the well known friend of the A then ians,who

reigned in the fi rst half of the fourth century B . C . The length

and character of hi s re ign would il l accord with what we knowof the brief career of young Bad -

‘Astart . The date of thi s

S idon but in any case it i s evident , from the facts just g iven , that thebody of the king had been ski lfu l ly emba lmed . I do not know thatany simi lar case has ever been observed and reported . A fter the bodyhad been removed from the sarcophagus and exposed to the sun . itdecomposed and shrunk to w ithered sk in and bones in a very shorttime .

My chief authority for these facts i s the Rev . Wi l l iam K . E ddy . ofS idon , a keen observer and cautiou s reporter, who was one of the fewwho saw and touched the body of T abn i t when it was fi rst exposed tov iew . Mr . E ddy was positive i n h i s opin ion that the k ing . at the timeof his death , had not passed middle l ife ; the face , he thought , wasthat of a man of less than fifty years of age .

1 70 (7

. C’. T orrey, [1902.

S trato,moreover

,i s probably more than half a century earl ier

than that of the E sm un‘azar dynasty— though th i s i s a matter

st i l l i n dispute . And final ly,i f the D elos b i l i ngual i n script ion

( 0 1 8 . I 1 14) can be admitted as ev idence ,‘ th e Phoen ic ian

name of which E rpairwv was the accepted G reek representat ive

(not was i n thi s case not B ad -

‘Astart,but ‘A bd

‘1kstart .

The oth er Strato named by th e G reek wri ters i s the mon

arch who was reign ing in S i don at the t ime when A lexander theG reat i nvaded Phoen ic ia

,and who was deposed at that t ime .

It i s pla in that th i s k i ng ,al so

,may be left out of account here .

In the P hoen i cian i nscr ip tion 0 1 8 . I 4,on the other hand

,i t

i s qu ite l ikely that we may recogni ze our temple - bu i lder . The

i nscript ion i s that of a S idon ian k i ng Bad -

‘Astart . T he stonecontain ing i t i s now in the Louvre . The tex t run s as fol lows :

m m m e: you m 0

Tm m nwv 1 3 Tmm nwy a: 3 cm :

was my D’N em 1em mwb t ab 7

P assi ng th rough Pari s i n the summer of 1 901 I had an opportu n ity to re - exami ne th i s inscript ion with some care . A ll of

th e letters i n the transcript ion g iven above are qu i te certa in ,wi th th e possible except ion of the f i n l i ne 5 . T he

'7 i n l i ne 1

has been brok en away,but can be suppl i ed with certai nty . Of

th e seven or e ight oth er letters of th e i n scr ipt ion wh i ch aremore or less obl i terated

,each one i s p laced beyond th e reach of

doubt by the traces wh i ch rema in ? or by th e context ; i n almostevery case

,the ev idence of both k i nds i s qu i te sat i sfactory . In

the lower right - hand corn er of the stone,a large p iece has been

brok en away,and the gap extends i nto the beginning of the fifth

l i ne . At th e very beginn ing of the l i ne , before the l e tter there

i s space su ffi ci ent for two letters ; too large a space for a si ngle

1 It is at al l events the inscription of a Phoenician king , named

flflflW}? who was friendly to the G reeks . and l ived in the fourthcentury B C . (j udg ing from the Greek palaeog raphical evidence).

9 The portion of the letter 3: wh ich remains at the end of l ine 4, forexample

,could not possibly be a part of any other character .

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1 72 C. C. T orrey [1902 .

see D el i t zsch,H an (heo '

rterbucl i,s . v . It i s pla in that the strue

ture wh ich was “ bu i l t ” i n th i s case was not a temple of anyk i nd . Th e k i ng ,

who had on ly j ust come to th e th rone,had

not had time for any such bu i ldi ng operat ion s moreover,th e

word I' D would then certai nly have been used . But th e erect ion of a p i llar

,or monument

,to ‘Astart would be a very nat

ural proceedi ng on the part of the newly - crowned k ing . Th i smonumen t

,apparently i n di st i nct ion from others already ex i st

i ng,i s spok en of as that of th e sea - di stri ct . ” If my reste ra

t i on of the text i s correct here,we have a th i rd form of the

name of thi s di str i ct, D’ i

/‘

WN standing side by side with D’ {WL’

and D’ Y'

WN IWE'

There i s of course noth i ng i n al l thi s to prove that Bad‘Astart the grandson of E sm un

‘azar i s th e one named i n th i s

last i n scrip t i on . Th e ident ity of name,however

,combined

with the sl ight verbal coin c idences , the honor pa id to‘Astart at

the beg i nn i ng of the reign , and th e palaeograph i cal ev iden ce ,which would assign the inscript i on s to approx imately th e samedate

,may be sa id to render the ident ifi cat ion probabl e .

If th e sarcophagus of King Bad -

‘Astart should at last cometo l ight

,we have reason to hope that it would give us new and

important i nformat ion regardi ng thi s royal fam ily . Both hi spredecessor and hi s successor on the throne were bur ied i nEgypt i an sarcophagi furn i shed with Phoen i cian i n scrip t ion s ;and it i s an i nterest ing possib i l ity ,

or even probab i l ity,that

somewh ere i n the ne ighborhood of S idon another of the same

k i nd i s h idden away— unless,i ndeed

,the fragment described by

Clermont Ganneau i n hi s E tudes d ’ A rc/i e’

oloyie Or ien ta le, i .

91 i ,came from the sarcophagus of th i s k i ng .

There i s new l ight to be expected from st i l l another source .

In the summer of 1 991 , th e temple - ru in on the Auwaly was

part ial ly excavated by Macridy Bey , of the Imperial OttomanMuseum . Because of the very l imited t ime

,as wel l as l imi ted

versions prove . The Greek of our canonical E zra renders by xopnyt'

a

wh i le the Greek F irst E sdras has arm It i s thus

ev ident (though the ev idence has been overlooked by a l l commentatorsand critics , so far as I am aware) that the orig ina l text had xWJN,

roof .

’ The N3“ ! fol lowing was respons ible for part of the corruption ,wh ich was taken over from verse 3 i nto verse 9 .

Vol . xx i i i . ] A P hoen icia n R oya l I nscr iption . 1 73

funds,at hi s di sposal

,he could undert ake nothing bevond a sort.

of prel im inary exam i nat ion of the ru i n ; th i s , however , as Ihave heard

,was thoroughly and sk i l fully conducted . It i s to

be hoped that the results of th i s t rial excava t ion may soon bepubli shed

,with a ful l descript ion both of the bui lding it se lf

and of the many and various obj ects— among them a sixth stone

bearing the same i nscript ion as the others - which were found .

It i s al so very much to be des ired that the whole s i te bethoroughly excavated

,and that means be taken to preserve i n

as good condi t ion as possible thi s sole surv iv i ng temple of oldPhoen i c ia .