ABSTRACT

LATE ARCHAIC RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGY IN THE NORTE CHICO

REGION OF PERU

Khristin Nicole Landry

Department of Anthropology

Northern Illinois University, 2008

Dr. Winifred Creamer, Director

It is widely held that the existence of corporate architecture represents a shift from

hunter-gatherer lifeways toward increasing social complexity. Ancient monumental

architecture in the north central region of Peru may represent the very first examples of

such building in the Americas. An array of radiocarbon dates collected from Late

Archaic (LA) sites in the region support this claim. This paper attempts to review the

link between corporate monuments and a religious ideological base of power, which

supported increasing social complexity in this region. Seven variables have been picked

to test the relationship between architecture, religious ideology and social complexity.

These seven variables of ritual architecture include the following: Monument

Construction Material, Relative Spatial Arrangement of Monuments, Main

Mound (MM) Location, Site Architectural Components (AC), MM Directional

Orientation, Huanca (stone monoliths) Arrangement, and Visibility.

Three conclusions were drawn from data collected and analyzed from fourteen

LA Norte Chico sites. This study also compares and contrasts data from the Norte Chico

sites with those from other temporal and spatial sources. The primary conclusion for the

present research is that a Late Archaic religious ideology existed and was shared among

sites in the Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys of the Norte Chico. This LA religion

paralleled increasingly complex and hierarchical sociopolitical organization within sites,

though it does not seem that a regional hierarchy among sites existed. This conclusion

was based upon the presence/absence and arrangement of variables of ritual architecture

and was especially apparent through review of sunken circular plazas throughout the

Pativilca and Fortaleza sites. The second conclusion is that water and hill ideology, as

well as ancestor/deity worship, was important to this LA religious ideology. This

conclusion was drawn from review of main mound construction material, the presence of

huancas and their arrangement, and evidence for visibility control. The final conclusion

of the study finds that religious ideology was becoming more standardized throughout

time. Increased standardization most likely paralleled further increase in social

complexity and hierarchical sociopolitical organization. The evidence to support this

conclusion appears in relative spatial arrangement of main mounds and site architectural

components.

Ultimately, it seems the fourteen Late Archaic sites reviewed in the Pativilca and

Fortaleza Valleys shared a strong ideological system grounded upon religion. The

monumental architecture these people left behind leaves testimony to their ancient ritual

and religious practices. Although theirs was a shared religious system, their beliefs and

rituals seem not to have been enforced through coercive power from one site to another.

This religion evolved throughout time and became increasingly more standardized as

their sociopolitical system became increasingly organized.

 

NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY

DEKALB, ILLINOIS

AUGUST 2008

LATE ARCHAIC RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGY IN THE NORTE CHICO

REGION OF PERU

BY: KHRISTIN N. LANDRY

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

IN PARTIAL FUFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE DEGREE

MASTER OF ARTS

DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY

Thesis Director: Dr. Winifred Creamer

1457245

1457245 2008

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to sincerely thank Dr. Winifred Creamer and Dr. Jonathan Haas for

their unending guidance and support during this process as well as for giving me the

opportunity to work on the Proyecto Arqueológico Norte Chico. I also extend my

gratitude to Dr. Jeff Kowalski and Dr. Kolb for their insightful input during the drafts of

my proposal and thesis.

I could not have completed this project without the support of the Field Museum

of Chicago and monetary support from Dr. Michael Gonzales and the Center for Latino

and Latin American Studies at Northern Illinois University.

Finally, I would like to extend my gratitude to all those involved with the

Proyecto Arqueológico Norte Chico. I especially thank Alvaro Ruiz, co-director of the

project, and Mario Advincula, my crew leader, and of course Allen Rutherford, Kaelyn

Dillard, Erin Van Bladel, Ed Jakaitis, Martin Authier and Miles Halpern.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ……………………………………………………. v i

LIST OF FIGURES …………………………………………………… viii

LIST OF ACRONYMS ………………………………………………. x

MAP OF PERU AND SOUTH AMERICA ……………………… xi

MAP OF THE PATIVILCA AND

FORTALEZA VALLEYS WITH

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES ……………………………………… xii

TIMETALBLE OF PREHISTORY OF PERU ………………….. xiii

CHRONOLOGY OF HIGHLAND AND

TITICACA REGION …………………………………………………. xiv

CHRONOLOGY OF COASTAL PERU …………………………. xiv

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………. 1

Objective …………………………………………………. 1

The Andean Region and Civilization ……………………. 1

Power, Religious Ideology, and Developing

Social Complexity …………………………………….. 4

Ideology, Religion and Ritual …………………………. 5

Ritual and Ritual Architecture ………………………… 6

iv

Chapter Page

Corporate Architecture and Its Relationship

with a Religious Ideological Power Base:

A Study in the Pativilca and Fortaleza

Valleys of Peru ………………………………………… 9

2. PREVIOUS RESEARCH ………………………………… 12

Preliminary MA Thesis Work …………………………. 12

History of Archaeological Research

in the Norte Chico …………………………………….. 12

3. METHODS …………………………………………………. 16

4. PATIVILCA VALLEY: INTRA-SITE AND

INTRA-VALLEY ANALYSIS AND

DISCUSSIONS …………………………………………. 34

Upaca: Analysis and Discussion ………………………... 34

Punta y Suela: Analysis and Discussion ………………… 40

Pampa San José: Analysis and Discussion ……………… 46

Carretería: Analysis and Discussion ……………………. 52

Huayto: Analysis and Discussion ………………………. 57

Vinto Alto: Analysis and Discussion …………………… 62

Intra-Valley: Analysis and Discussion …………………. 68

v

Chapter Page

5. FORTALEZA VALLEY: INTRA-SITE AND

INTRA-VALLEY ANALYSIS

AND DISCUSSION ……………………………………….. 83

Porvenir: Analysis and Discussion …………………….. 83

Caballete: Analysis and Discussion ……………………. 90

Cerro Blanco 1: Analysis and Discussion ……………… 96

Cerro Blanco 2: Analysis and Discussion ……………… 101

Huaricanga: Analysis and Discussion ………………….. 105

Shaura: Analysis and Discussion ………………………. 110

Intra-Valley: Analysis and Discussion …………………. 114

6. PATIVILCA AND FORTALEZA

VALLEYS INTER-SITE ANALYSIS

AND DISCUSSIONS ……………………………………...... 125

7. CONCLUDING DISCUSSION …………………………… 144

BIBLIOGRAPHY …………………………………………... 161

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Example of Construction Materials………………………………… 18

2. Example of Relative Spatial Arrangement of Monuments…………. 22

3. Example of Main Mound Location…………………………………. 24

4. Example of Site Architectural Components………………………… 26

5. Example of Main Mound Directional Orientation

and Huanca Arrangement…………………………………………… 29

6. Example of Visibility Measurement………………………………… 32

7. Upaca Variables of Ritual Architecture……………………………... 36

8. Punta y Suela Variables of Ritual Architecture……………………... 42

9. Pampa San José Variables of Ritual Architecture…………………… 48

10. Carretería Variables of Ritual Architecture………………………….. 53

11. Huayto Variables of Ritual Architecture…………………………….. 59

12. Vinto Alto Variables of Ritual Architecture…………………………. 64

13. Intra-Valley Variables of Ritual Architecture: Pativilca Valley……... 69

14. Porvenir Variables of Ritual Architecture……………………………. 85

15. Caballete Variables of Ritual Architecture…………………………... 92

16. Cerro Blanco 1 Variables of Ritual Architecture…………………….. 97

17. Cerro Blanco 2 Variables of Ritual Architecture…………………….. 102

18. Huaricanga Variables of Ritual Architecture………………………… 106

vii

19. Shaura Variables of Ritual Architecture……………………………… 111

20. Intra-Valley Variables of Ritual Architecture………………………… 115

21. Inter-Valley Variables of Ritual Architecture………………………… 125

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. River Cobble, Site: Punta y Suela………………………………… 18

2. Angular Stone, Site: Carretería…………………………………… 18

3. Example of Relative Spatial Arrangement of Monuments………. 20

4. Example of Site Architectural Components……………………... 27

5. Main Mound Directional Orientation Maps……………………… 29

6. Upaca Site Map…………………………………………………… 35

7. Example of U-Shaped Layout: Main Mound,

Sunken Circular Plaza (SCP) and Subsidiary Mounds (SM)……… 39

8. Punta y Suela Site Map…………………………………………… 41

9. Pampa San José Site Map………………………………………… 47

10. Carretería Site Map……………………………………………….. 53

11. Huayto Site Map………………………………………………….. 58

12. Vinto Alto Site Map……………………………………………… 63

13. MM Directional Orientation: Pativilca Valley…………………… 74

14. Porvenir Site Map………………………………………………… 84

15. Caballete Site Map ………………………………………………. 91

16. Cerro Blanco 1 Site Map…………………………………………. 97

17. Cerro Blanco 2 Site Map…………………………………………. 101

18. Huaricanga Site Map……………………………………………... 106

ix

19. Shaura Site Map………………………………………………….. 111

20. MM Directional Orientation: Fortaleza Valley…………………... 120

21. MM Directional Orientation: Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys…… 134

22. Norte Chico Mound Structure with Christian and

Andean Symbolism………………………………………………. 149

23. Machu Picchu with Stone Worked to Resemble the

Mountain Behind it………………………………………………. 151

24. Site Map Sechin Alto…………………………………………….. 153

25. Caral, SCP………………………………………………………… 154

26. Sunken Circular Plazas (Williams1982)…………………………... 154

27. Fanged Anthropomorphic Frieze Holding San Pedro

Cactus (Burger 1992)…………………………………………………… 155

28. Huanca On Top of the Main Mound Sector A Vinto

Alto (Creamer et al. 2007)……………………………………….. 156

29. Sunken Circular Plaza with Iconography: Procession

of Mythical Figures and Jaguars (Burger 1992)………………….. 157

30. Replica of the Lanzón at Chavín de Huantar,

Lima Museum……………………………………………………... 157

LIST OF ACRONYMS

PANC- Proyecto Arqueológico Norte Chico

LA- Late Archaic time period

MM- main mound

SM- subsidiary mound

AP- associated plaza: may be a sunken circular plaza or an intermediate area

SCP- sunken circular plaza

HB- hill base

NE- natural elevation

O- other location

NA- not applicable

GIS- Geographic information systems

RC- Radio carbon date

RPM- rectangular platform mound

AC- site architectural components

xi

Map of Peru and South America (after Chun 2003)

xii

Map of the Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys with Archaeological Sites

xiii

Timetable of Prehistory of Peru (after Chun 2003)

xiv

Chronology of Highland and Titicaca Region (after Chun 2003)

Chronology of Coastal Peru (after Chun 2003)

Chapter 1: Introduction

Objective

This thesis reviews the relationship between corporate monument building and the

presence of a religious ideological power base within ancient Andean society. It begins

with an introduction to the Andean and Norte Chico regions and continues with a

discussion of religious ideology and its relationship to corporate architecture and social

power. Methods for study, data analysis and discussion conclude the work.

The main objectives of this project were to offer new data regarding the

beginnings of social complexity and review the relationship between social complexity

and ritual and religious ideology. Exact methodology and data analysis undertaken in

this project have never been carried out in the region under examination. This study

offers an innovative way to look at cultural evolution in a region heralded as one of the

six world areas where civilization developed independently of outside influences (Fried

1967).

The Andean Region and Civilization

The Andean region of South America encompasses the Great Andean Cordilleras1

and their valleys, parts of the Amazonian region to the east, and coastal zones to the west

(Pearson and Beletsky 2001). The many ancient societies of this expanse existed over a

long period of time and inhabited diverse regions.

1 Part of the Andean mountain range.

2

The beginnings of a distinctive Andean complex society can be traced back as far

as 3,000 BC to the cultural traditions associated with building colossal monumental

architecture on the arid coast (Moseley 2001). Prehistoric Andean social complexity

reached its climax with the rise and expanse of the Inca Empire, which governed an

extensive territory from 1438 until its termination on the eve of Spanish conquest in

1533. Many different polities rose and fell, often developing independently due to the

distinct geography and climate of the Andean region. This geographical variation led to

the great cultural diversity that still typifies the Andean region. It was not until the

expansion of the Inca Empire that differing cultures were brought under the control of a

unified state. The Inca realm stretched 3,000 km from modern-day Ecuador to Argentina

along the spine of the Andes. Tahuantinsuyu, as the Inca called it, was a large state

society comprised of numerous regions, ethnicities and social classes. It was the largest

civilization to ever arise in the Western Hemisphere and, according to Michael Moseley,

“on the eve of Columbus’s Caribbean landfall, the largest nation on earth was not Ming

China or the Ottoman Empire, but Tahuantinsuyu - the Land of Four Quarters” (2001:7).

In a time span of less than one hundred years the Inca consolidated nearly all surrounding

contemporary cultures into their empire, built cities, invaluable road systems and

maintained highly structured economic, educational, religious and military divisions

(Malpass 1993). It was the great wealth of this empire that drove Spanish conquest of the

region and spurred ensuing foreign exploration.

The Inca were the last ancient civilization to develop in the Andean region;

however, they were preceded by other widely known cultures including the Chimu,

Moche, Nazca, Tiwanaku and Wari (Moseley 2001). These state-level societies were

3

dispersed over the north, central and south coastal and montane regions. To find the

origin of complex society in the Andes, however, one must go back further in the

prehistoric record. Before the Chimu with their expansive cuidadelas and much earlier

than the Nazca with their famous geoglyphs, the foundations of complex society were

being laid on the arid north and central coasts of Peru (Donnan 1982). It is the cultural

florescence that occurred in this region, namely the area nicknamed the Norte Chico or

“Little North,” that will be the focus of this project.

The Norte Chico region in Peru is located on the country’s desert coast

approximately 200 km north of Lima. The region is comprised of four distinctive river

valleys, the Huaura, Supe, Pativilca, and Fortaleza. Archaeological work in these valleys

has revealed the existence of very early monumental and residential architecture in the

form of gigantic mounds, sunken circular plazas and apartment complexes (Williams and

Merino 1979, Shady 2003a). The Norte Chico region is important because it marks a

crucial moment in time and space in which, “a stable and qualitative evolutionary change

occurred” (Haas and Creamer 2006: 745). It was during the time period known as the

Late Archaic (LA), from roughly 3,000 to 1,800 BC, that the cultural system of the

Andean region witnessed a significant and permanent increase in complexity, making it

the crucible for emergent Andean civilization (Haas and Creamer 2006). What is

remarkable about this time period is the presence of monumental construction and

cultigens, but also the absence of pottery or other artistic forms. For this reason, the

period is alternatively known as the “Preceramic.”

Early studies of the region proposed that LA cultures increased in size and social

complexity due to the abundant marine resources that were readily available in coastal

4

waters. These studies also cited a lack of dependency on agriculture, except for cultigens

utilized to aid in fishing (Lanning 1967, Stephens 1975). This proposition was further

supported by study of Aspero, a LA coastal site which, upon excavation, exhibited a

prehistoric diet largely composed of marine fauna (Moseley, 1975, Feldman 1982). The

theory has been recently questioned, however, with the discovery and dating of more than

20 other LA sites within the Norte Chico region, many of which occur inland. Floral and

faunal remains from these sites demonstrate a subsistence economy that was rich in not

only marine, but also agricultural resources (Haas and Creamer 2006). Monumental

architecture has also been documented at many of these sites. The question remains as to

why and by what means monumental corporate architecture began to be concentrated in

the Norte Chico region. The following section examines one possible answer.

Power, Religious Ideology and Developing Social Complexity

According to Haas, power can be defined as “the ability of an actor, A, to get

another actor, B, to do something B would not otherwise do, through the application,

threat, or promise of sanctions” (1982:157). Haas (1982) discusses three bases of power

which are important to increasing social complexity in the Andean region. These power

bases include control of the economy, military and/or ideology of a society. It is with

control of one, two or all three power bases that a certain actor is able to gather a larger

population and persuade them to perform certain actions. The present study reviews the

extent to which religious ideology, based on evidence of ritual architecture, functioned as

a power base in the Norte Chico region during the LA.

5

Ideology, Religion and Ritual

This section defines ideology and its relationship with religion and ritual

architecture. The Merriam -Webster Dictionary defines ideology as “a manner or the

content of thinking characteristic of an individual, group, or culture and/or the integrated

assertions, theories and aims that constitute a sociopolitical program” (www.merriam-

webster.com). According to Barth (1976) in his discussion of Marx, the rise of an

ideological consciousness is evident economically, by the involuntary division of labor

and private property and sociologically, by the origin of the classes and increasing social

complexity. According to this review, “the ideological consciousness brings forth two

things- a supernatural, religious ersatz world that affords man an illusory compensation

for his real misery and a philosophy whose sole purpose is to offer an apology for

existing social conditions and to declare the legal and political order underlying them as

God’s will or the manifestation of reason” (1976: 100).

Religion, according to Durkheim, is a social aspect of human society which

involves a shared belief system made manifest in a church, or collective consciousness of

persons (Renfrew 1994). Renfrew (1994) redefines Durkheim’s term “church” to

facilitate a study of ancient religion by the archaeologist. According to Renfrew, the term

“church,” “implies also a special place dedicated by those persons for special activities

and rituals undertaken in relationship to the beliefs shared by that community” (1994:

49). If religion can be defined as “a shared belief system made manifest in a collective

consciousness,” then by this definition it is an ideology. According to Renfrew, religion

is an ideology maintaining the possibility of being defined archaeologically due to its

6

manifestation in a church and the special activities and rituals which are inherent to that

term (1994). For the purposes of the present study, the term “ideology” will refer to

religious ideology made manifest through ritual architectural features.

Ritual involves actors and participants, the leaders of which have often undergone

certain rites, have acquired select knowledge, and are often recognized as having

supernatural abilities (Hicks 2002). The rituals serve to remind the rest of the community

of a ritual leader’s abilities and status as well as to remind other members of the society

where they stand in relationship to ritual leaders and other members of the community

(Hicks 2002: 119). Ritual is also inherently repetitive. Replication has its relationship

with power in the following manner:

In a given situation, individual A asserts dominance over another individual B

[using any power base]; someone observes that B submits to A, and one says that

“A has power over B.” In another situation individual A1 undergoes a

performance that he believes will coerce a fourth individual, B1. (Hicks 2002:

119)

Ritual and Ritual Architecture

Moore (1996) defines ritual as “a culturally constructed system of symbolic

communication… [ritual] is constituted of patterned and ordered sequences of words and

acts, often expressed in multiple media, whose content and arrangement are characterized

by varying degrees of formality…” (1996:136). Moore also states that, “[Ritual] has

emphasis placed on its behavioral and performative aspects” (1996: 136).

Moore’s studies of Late Archaic and Initial Period Andean sites examine the use

of corporate architecture as a physical place and communicative mechanism for ritual.

7

He defines ritual architecture based on five criteria. Ritual architecture must display a

certain level of permanence, centrality, ubiquity, scale and visibility (Moore 1996).

Moore’s analysis of permanence attempts to understand the cultural vision behind

a particular public construction and to find evidence of intention in the archaeological

record. Permanence is a measurement of the durability of materials used to construct

buildings and therefore a measurement of approximately how many years a building was

intended to last. Moore (1996) divides this analysis into three construction categories.

Ephemeral constructions are constructed from highly perishable materials which are

never refurbished. Episodic constructions evidence refurbishing, but are without

evidence that they were constructed to last long periods of time. Generational and multi-

generational constructions are more permanent, made from nonperishable materials, and

are periodically refurbished across generations.

Moore’s centrality analysis aims at defining the relationship between the

placement of ceremonial structures and the location of resident populations. Monumental

structures can fall into three different categories of centrality. Structures surrounded by

residential zones are considered centrally located. A structure on the margin of a

residential zone is considered peripherally located. Mounds are terminally located if

more than one ceremonial structure exists and they are located on the margins of the

residential zone.

Ubiquity refers to the replication of ceremonial center building styles and the

settlement level at which comparable structures are found. Moore’s levels of ubiquity

include community, subregional, regional, and interregional (Moore 1996).

8

Scale analysis is an attempt to determine the social function of different types of

ceremonial architecture. Moore (1996) divides scale analysis on the basis of two

categories, human scale of sunken circular courts and human scale of plazas. Moore

differentiates sunken circular courts from plazas by defining the former as semi-

subterranean and the latter as, “large culturally modified, open spaces” (Moore 1996).

Moore first determines the size and placement of sunken circular courts and plazas. He

then estimates human occupancy in the following ways: 1) comparison with population

data established from historically documented Andean sites2 and 2) analysis of “dwelling

units” defined as the ratio of sunken circular court size to size of an average dwelling

from the same site.

Moore’s visibility analysis addresses the limitations of human perception. It

considers ritual architecture as communicative and then determines what kinds of ritual

communication could be perceived and from where. Moore assumes the focal point of a

ceremonial space to be either the center of small chambers or the highest point of a

mound construction. Moore (1996) focuses on two architectural categories exhibiting

different kinds of visibility, U-shaped ceremonial centers and processional and

observational centers. Inherent to visibility analysis is the measurement of personal and

public distances, including visual and audio thresholds. Moore explains the constraint on

human vision and hearing would allow certain rituals to be carried out at certain

ceremonial structures and for varying purposes. The architecture of a structure (elevation,

depression, doorways, stairways, etc.) reflects consequences for human sight and hearing.

2 Example: Precontact population at the Inca town of Ollantaytambo is estimated to have been 1,000

people. This suggests the ratio of ceremonial space was between 3.2-3.6m² per person (Moore 1996).

9

Moore’s study ultimately reviews the following points: increasing importance of

ritual over time (through permanence), ritual architecture’s relationship to resident

populations and the nature of this relationship at different social levels (through centrality

and ubiquity), evidence of building patterns and carrying capacity of plazas (through

scale), and how and what kind of information could be communicated over different

distances given the limitations of human perception (through visibility) (1996: 164-167).

The present study draws from previous work and criteria of ritual architecture

assessed by Moore. It does not, however, define variables of ritual architecture in exactly

the same manner nor does it implement their measurement in the same way. The sites in

the present study have not been completely excavated and are less well known by

scholars than those reviewed by Moore. For these reasons, variables have been adapted

to reflect the situation in the Norte Chico region. The study ultimately aims at reviewing

the relationship between religious ideology, manifested through ritual architecture, and

social complexity.

Ritual architecture has to have an important ideological component and therefore

can be viewed as semiotic based on its communicative nature. Subsequently, seven

variables have been picked to assess ritual architecture in this study. These will be

addressed further in the Methods chapter.

Corporate Architecture and Its Relationship with a Religious Ideological

Power Base: A Study in the Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys of Peru

The purpose of the present research is to examine the role of religious ideology in

increasing social complexity in the Norte Chico during the LA. The Norte Chico lacks

10

palatial and warehouse architecture that would reflect a centralized or directed economy.

It also seems to lack architecture associated with warfare such as fortification walls or

other defensive architecture. It seems religious ideology played a more important role as

a power base than did control of economic resources or a military. Determining the extent

to which ideology served this function is the endeavor of this project.

Although pottery is absent during this time period, the sociopolitical role of

religious ideology may still be defined through examination of monumental architecture

based on its semiotic nature and its role of shaping perception in social space. The

proposed study attempts to measure the importance of religious ideology based on the

presence or absence and/or arrangement of the following seven variables picked to define

ritual architecture and adapted from Moore (1996). These variables include: Monument

Construction Material, Relative Spatial Arrangement of Monuments, Main Mound (MM)

Location, Site Architectural Components (AC), MM Directional Orientation, Huanca

Arrangement, and Visibility.3 These seven variables are measured at twelve LA sites in

the Fortaleza and Pativilca Valleys of Peru. Data are compared at intra-site, intra-valley

and inter-valley levels. If the variables are highly similar from one site to the next, when

considering both valleys, this implies strict religious control existed, which also alludes to

an existent hierarchical system of sociopolitical power. If the variables are highly

variable among sites, when considering both valleys, this suggests no religious ideology

was widely shared and a hierarchical sociopolitical system did not exist to incorporate all

sites. If either of these statements is true for one valley and not the other, than it can be

3 The term “visibility” has not been changed from Moore 1996. However, the word’s definition and

implications for the present study deviate from Moore’s original use of the term. The term “usage” was

kept for lack of a better word.

11

said the valleys varied in their religious ideologies, their level of religious ideological

control, and their level of sociopolitical power.

Chapter 2: Previous Research

Preliminary MA Thesis Work

Data used in analysis of LA sites was either derived from Fieldiana publications,

archaeological site reports, regional aerial photos and GIS maps, or personally collected

in the field June and July of 2007 while working with the Proyecto Arqueológico Norte

Chico (PANC).

History of Archaeological Research in the Norte Chico

Initial work in the Norte Chico has focused on identifying archaeological sites and

establishing a correct chronological sequence. Site locations vary. Some sites are

located near the coast and others are further inland situated between hills which

demarcate valley boundaries. Radiocarbon dates for these sites have been invaluable. A

common classificatory system has also been established based on the presence or absence

of ceramics. The region presents immense opportunity for continued study in that it has

received comparably less attention than other Andean areas. Identification and dating of

sites are still being carried out by the Proyecto Arqueológico Norte Chico as well as by

other projects. The following is a brief history of previous and contemporary work in the

Norte Chico.

Sites in the Norte Chico were first recorded archaeologically by Max Uhle (1925).

Uhle’s excavations focused around the mouth of the Supe Valley. His documentation

13

included sites from the Initial Period, Early Horizon, Middle Horizon, Late Intermediate

and Late Horizon (Creamer et al. 2007: 3). Succeeding work was carried out by Kosok

and Schaedel (Kosok 1965) in the 1940s. Kosok and Schaedel located and documented

sites in all four of the Norte Chico valleys through the use of aerial photographs.

Kosok’s research is particularly important to the current study as he was the first to

document with photographs sites lacking pottery in the Norte Chico region.

The first truly scientific excavations of the region were documented by Willey

and Corbett (1954). Willey and Corbett’s work was concentrated at sites in the Supe

Valley near the coast. At the site of Aspero, Willey and Corbett excavated a LA midden

and ceramic-bearing cemetery (Creamer et al. 2007). Willey returned to Aspero two

decades later with Moseley (Moseley and Willey 1973). Research from these latter

excavations established the existence of monumental architecture in the form of platform

mounds. This work tentatively associated Aspero architecture to the LA based on the

scantiness of ceramics (Moseley and Willey 1973; Moseley 1975). Feldman (1980,

1983, 1987, and 1992) reinforced Moseley and Willey’s work with radiocarbon dates

ranging from 4900+/- 160BP to 3950+/-BP (Creamer et al. 2007).

In the Huaura Valley, radiocarbon tests run for the site of Bandurria yielded a date

range of 4530+/-80BP to 4300+/-90BP (Fung 1988). Bermejo, a site to the north of the

Fortaleza Valley, was excavated by Silva in the 1970s (1975, 1978). A large shell

midden at this site relinquished dates from the Initial Period and Early Horizon.

However, in other parts of the site Bermejo’s architecture resembles that typical of LA

sites and many parts of the site lack ceramics (Creamer et al. 2007).

14

Williams undertook study of Norte Chico sites in the 1970s as well and reported

on those from the Supe Valley (Williams and Merino 1979). The temporal sequence for

these sites runs from the Late Archaic through Late Horizon Inca times (Creamer et al.

2007). More recently, Shady (Shady et al. 2003a) returned to visit the sites recorded by

Williams and Merino in the Supe Valley in an effort to assign sites to a chronological

sequence. A survey associated with construction of a power line of the Fortaleza Valley

followed, which recorded more than 100 sites.

Engel (1987) surveyed sites in the Pativilca Valley during the 1980s; however,

they were not fully documented (Creamer et al. 2007). The site of Caral (formerly

Chupacigarro Grande) in the Supe Valley was documented by Shady in the 1990s (Shady

and Leyva, 2003; Shady 2003a, 2004). Shady studied architectural features of the site as

well as ethnobotanical and ethnozoological specimens. According to Creamer et al.,

“Shady’s research provides the first detailed account of a major inland Late Archaic

urban center in the Andes” (2007: 4). Recent publication of radiocarbon

dates from Caral range from 4090+/- 90 to 3640+/-50 BP (Shady et al. 2001).

The Proyecto Arqueológico Norte Chico (PANC) draws upon previous work done

in the Norte Chico area. The project was created as a 15-year investigation into the

processes affecting the rise to complexity within the four valleys comprising the Norte

Chico: the Pativilca, Huaura, Fortaleza and Supe. The first phase of the project has tested

most of the known large Late Archaic sites in the Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys. The

testing consisted of limited excavations in midden areas and in monumental

architecture at each center targeted for the study. The purpose of these excavations was

twofold: 1) to obtain organic materials for radiocarbon samples and 2) to sample

15

stratified residential trash for assemblages of artifactual and nonartifactual (botanical and

zoological) materials (PANC Website http://www.fieldmuseum.org/PANC/

proj_desc.htm).

During 2004-2005 Nelson and Ruiz recorded over 500 sites, and 2,000 different

site localities were recorded in the Huaura Valley. Zechenter (1988) investigated sites in

the Supe Valley in an effort to recreate LA and IP subsistence strategies (Creamer et al.

2007). Radiocarbon dates from nine sites in her study have yielded dates from 7330+/-

110BP to 3110+/- 80RCYB (approx. 6190+/-1370 Cal BC).

PANC has recently turned its attention to the Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys

which are located directly to the north of Supe. A total of fourteen LA sites have been

located in these valleys (PANC website at http://www.fieldmuseum.org/PANC/

proj_desc.htm). Twelve of these fourteen sites bear LA monumental architecture and

will be the focus of the present study.

Chapter 3: Methods

For my comparison of ritual architectural features both between and within LA

regions, I have examined a data set of twelve LA sites within the Norte Chico. Six sites

are located in the Pativilca Valley and six are located in the Fortaleza Valley. All of

these sites have been surveyed by the Proyecto Arqueológico Norte Chico (PANC)

(Creamer et al. 2007 and Creamer et al. n.d.4). These sites were chosen based on

presence of a main mound and associated sunken plaza, except in the cases of Vinto Alto

and Cerro Blanco 1.5 Data were analyzed and compared on intra-site, intra-valley and

cross-valley levels. The radiocarbon (RC) date range within this group of sites is 3,800-

1,800BC (outlying RC dates are not considered although they appear on maps). These

dates were gathered from PANC site report data. In these reports, RC dates were

established from test units, profiles and looters’ pits (Creamer et al. 2007 and Creamer et

al. n.d.). The sites used for this study are considered LA sites. Due to the relatively new

study of this region, radiocarbon dates are not exceedingly abundant. Not every sector of

every site reviewed in this study exhibits a radiocarbon date. However, unless a

radiocarbon date specifically notes a date not of the LA, all site architecture (often

demarcated in sectors) is considered in this study so as to incorporate as much data as

possible.

4 “Creamer et al. n.d.” is the unpublished field reports for PANC’s study of the Fortaleza Valley.

5 The sites of Vinto Alto and Cerro Blanco 1 are included in this study due to architectural features they

share with other LA sites, radiocarbon dates which place them within the LA, and intermediate areas which

could have acted as gathering places.

17

This study attempts to identify variables of ritual architecture within the sample. Main

mounds6 at each site are the focus of study unless a variable calls for inclusion of the

entire site. This methods section is a brief discussion of those variables and categories.

Monument construction material, in this study, is defined from type of

construction resources used to construct MM. All mounds in this sample are highly

permanent according to Moore’s definition as they have all existed across multiple

generations. Construction materials, however, are variable. Moore’s variable of

permanence has been adapted to discussion of monument construction material

consequently. Ritual ideology is related to monument construction material in that

analysis of resources used to build mounds may offer insight regarding ideological or

other purposes of a material. An abundance of river cobbles used in MM construction

may indicate ritual or religious importance. Use of a particular stone quarried from a

mountain, natural elevation or taken from a river may also connote that religious ideology

was tied to that source (see also Chapter 7 for further discussion). Mounds can be

completely constructed of dirt, angular stone, river cobble, shicra or a mixture of two or

more materials. Nominal categories of Dirt, Angular Stone, River Cobble and Shicra7

were used to analyze monument construction material (see Table 1 and Figures 2 and 3).

Information on construction resources was gathered from the Proyecto Arqueológico

Norte Chico field reports (Creamer et al. 2007, Creamer et al. n.d.) as well as from field

observation. Materials observed in looters’ pits and in the superstructure of main mounds

were noted during field observation to determine this variable.

6 These are designated “main mounds” based on comparison with other mounds at the site. Main mounds

are defined as having an associated plaza or intermediate area.

7 Shicra are woven bags filled with stone used for construction

18

Table 1: Example of Construction Materials

Site Name/

Construction Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Carretería X X X X

Relative spatial arrangement of monuments is based on examination of main

mound location relative to other mounds and platforms; this measurement utilizes the

entire site. Main mounds will be noted as Central, Peripheral or Terminal in comparison

to other mounds and platforms. This measurement draws upon Moore’s terminology;

however, it does not compare main mounds to residential architecture as in his study.

Figure 1: River Cobble Figure 2: Angular Stone

Site: Punta y Suela Site: Carretería

19

Residential architecture is not yet well defined within the areas of the sites

included in this sample. Spatial arrangement of monuments can provide helpful

information when reviewing the relationship of main mounds relative to subsidiary

mounds. This has important religious ideological significance as main mounds are

considered to be the focal point of ritual activity (Moore 1996). Centrally located main

mounds would function as focal points to people situated in associated plazas and would

reinforce the ritualistic nature of this monumental spatial arrangement. Oftentimes,

centrally located main mounds sit at the base of a “U-shaped” layout of mounds. U-

shaped layout of mounds suggests stricter planning and organization of architecture. The

U-shape layout also helps to enclose space and delimit boundaries (Pozorski 1980). This

suggests certain space associated with U-shaped mound layout may have had sacred

purposes.

A main mound is considered centrally located if two or more mounds are

adjacent to it: peripheral, if fewer than two subsidiary mounds adjacent to it; terminal if

the MM is the final mound in a linear layout of more than two mounds (see Figure 3a-c

and Table 2). The notation “Not Applicable” (NA) is used if spatial arrangement of

structures does not conform to any of these types. This measurement is not applicable to

main mounds which exist without subsidiary mounds.

Evidence for location of other mounds was noted as present or absent from site

report data and GIS maps.8 Site report data were compared with air photos from 1943

(which, in many cases, show archaeological structures before contemporary demolition).

8 GIS maps demarcate mound, terrace, residence and plaza, as well as modern-day construction.

20

a. Central: Mounds immediately flanking the MM

Figure 3a-c: Example of Relative Spatial Arrangement of Monuments

Main Mound

21

b. Peripheral: Mound immediately flanking MM

c. Terminal: Final mounds in linear layout of more than two mounds

Main Mound

22

Table 2: Example of Relative Spatial Arrangement of Monuments

Site

Name/Relative

Spatial

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Upaca Sector A X

MM Location, Site Architectural Components, MM Directional Orientation and

Huanca Arrangement are the final variables of ritual architecture to be assessed. These

measurements were taken both within sites and compared across valleys. The term “NA”

is again used where proper measurements could not be taken. Charting building trends

helps define ideological power because religious ideology, measured through ritual, is

highly repetitive and exhibits varying degrees of formality. According to Renfrew,

archaeological indicators of ritual often include, “a sacred zone likely to be rich in

repeated symbols (i.e. redundancy)” (1994: 51). Therefore, we expect to see important

symbols repeated within and among sites. If huancas, for example, have symbolic value,

we would expect to see them at all or nearly all sites, positioned similarly from one site to

another (the multiple images at Cerro Sechin are repeated, Maya stela are repeated, etc.).

MM Location documents the location of the MM at the site. MM location is divided into

the following three categories: Hill Base (HB), Natural Elevation (NE) and Other (O).

This research aims at defining any patterns in MM location. Principally, I seek to

determine if there are more main mounds positioned in one locational category than

another. Repetition of MM location is related to ritual ideology as discussed previously;

23

however, MM location also relates to ideology in other ways, including the Andean

tradition of venerating mountains and rivers. The Inca, for example, often shaped their

architecture to mimic surrounding mountains and even sacrificed children to mountain

spirits (Ceruti 2004) (also see Discussion in Chapter 7). It seems likely hills may have

functioned on a similar ideological level to mountains for people living in valleys and on

the coast. Throughout this study, main mounds are often located upon natural elevations

or on or near hill bases. When main mounds do not occur on natural elevations of any

sort, they are very large. It seems likely builders wanted their main mounds to imitate

mountains in their shape and height. The massiveness and arrangement of hill-like main

mounds could also have functioned as an element of social control related to mound

access and visibility. This trend of building main mounds to mimic natural hills occurs in

other parts of coastal Peru. Pozorski (1980) reviews the Early Horizon mound complex

of Huaca de los Reyes in the Moche Valley of the north coast of Perú. According to

Pozorski, “Huaca de los Reyes consists of two contiguous mounds facing eastward…both

principal mounds are roughly the same height, but the western one is built on much

higher ground with its back against the edge of the latest quebrada9 cut. This placement

was by no means accidental for it served two purposes: 1) the gradual rise in architecture

from east to west is augmented by the natural ground rise…2) the back of the mound is

closed to easy access by a steep 6m drop; entrance was permitted only through the

controlled passages of the east” (1980: 101).

In the present study, MM location defined as “HB” defines the MM as built upon

or closely flanked by hill slopes. MM location defined as “NE” differs from that of HB

9 A dry river wash.

24

in that the MM is defined as located upon a natural elevation which does not occur as a

result of immediately flanking hills. An example of NE location would include a MM

built upon a rocky outcrop. MM location defined as “O” or other classifies the MM as

existing on moderately level ground and away from hill bases or other natural elevations.

MM falling into the other category are defined as being more than a quick (ten-minute)

walk from hill bases or other natural elevation. Examples of categories defined as

“other” would be a -“quebrada”- or dry river wash. Generally, MM location mirrors

location of the entire site. However, this is not always the case. Documentation of each

MM location at a site will be made to correct for any disparity (Table 3). For example, at

the site of Vinto Alto, one MM is situated on the valley floor while the other MM is

located upon a rocky outcrop.

Table 3: Example of MM Location

Site Name/

Location

HB NE O

Carretería X

Site Architectural Components (AC) are measured by the presence or absence of a

rectangular platform main mound (RPM), architecture including atriums and staircases,

sunken circular plazas (SCP), other plaza types, rectangular architecture surrounding the

SCP, and huancas (stone monoliths) occurring at the archaeological site. Previous

research has shown the prevalence of these architectural components throughout the LA

25

Norte Chico (Donnan 1982, Feldman, 1982, Moore 1996, Moseley 2001, Shady 2003a,

Haas and Creamer 2006). This study provides a comprehensive inventory of these

features in the presented sample and documents repetition which is a factor related to

ritual and religious ideology. Additionally, some architectural components are related to

ritual in other ways. Atriums and staircases, for example, are thought to be suggestive of

summit activity which may likely be associated with ritual. Plazas within mound

complexes have likewise been indicators of gathering places which can subsequently

prove indicative of ritual activity based upon their seating capacity, recurrence as an

architectural style and association with a main mound (Moore 1996). Plazas are found in

a variety of styles throughout the Andes, including circular and rectangular shapes which

may or may not occur as subterranean spaces (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1980, Renfrew

1994, Moore 1996, Chun 2003). Subterranean architectural features have also been

associated with religious traditions throughout the Andes. Rectangular sunken hearths

were used for ritualistic purposes at many LA and IP highland sites, including the site of

Huaricoto (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1980). Rectangular sunken hearths are often

referred to as belonging to the Kotosh Religious Tradition (Burger and Salazar-Burger

1980). The present study aims at defining the recurrence of plazas and their different

styles.

Huancas as architectural components have been associated with Andean ritual and

religious ideology by Andean scholars. Huancas seem to have served a function in

ancestor and deity worship (Mills 1994; Glowacki and Malpass 2003). They also have

been thought to have ideological significance related to water (Glowacki and Malpass

26

2003). Given the high possibility of religious and ritual significance of huancas, their

presence or absence as well as arrangement is documented in this study.

Andean sites which have been proposed as religious centers, such as Chavín de

Huantar, evidence many of the same site architectural components that will be discussed

in this study (Burger 1992). This final point further supports the theory that a

relationship exists between this study’s architectural components and ritual/religious

ideology. See Table 4 for site architectural components table. See Figure 4a-c for photo

examples of site architectural components.

Table 4: Example of Site Architectural Components

Site Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Carretería X X X

X

27

a. Rectangular Platform Construction, Site: Caral

Figure 4 a-c: Example Site Architectural Components

b. Sunken Circular Plaza, Site: Pampa San José

28

c. Huanca, Site: Huaricanga

MM Directional Orientation and Huanca Arrangement documents MM

orientation as well as qualitative analysis of huanca arrangement at the archaeological site

(See Table 5). Main mound orientation is documented by the compass direction the main

mound faces. Directional orientation was derived in the following manner: A linear axis

bisecting an associated plaza (AP), usually a SCP, and connecting it with its MM serves

as the reference line for visibility measurement. The reference line provides a way to

monitor human vision when looking from atop the MM toward the associated SCP. This

reference line was established by using GIS maps and a protractor in the following

manner: 1) A protractor was used to draw a straight line on a GIS map bisecting the AP

and connecting it with its MM. 2) A straight line representing due north/south was drawn

to cross the reference line at the point where the reference line intersects the MM. 3) A

second straight line representing east/west was drawn at the point where the north/south

line intersects the reference line. 4) The protractor was then used to take angle

measurements of the reference line. The angle measurements of the reference line were

29

taken left and right of the north/south line. These measurements were then used in field

observation to establish the compass directions one would be facing if they looked in a

straight line from a given MM to its AP (see Figure 5a-c).

Table 5: Example of MM Directional Orientation and Huanca Arrangement

Site Name/

Directional Orientation and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Carretería 325° NA

a. Reference line bisecting the SCP and connecting it with its MM

Figure 5a-c: Main Mound Direction Orientation Maps

30

b. North/south and east/west line crossing the reference line at MM juncture.

c. Standing from the MM and looking toward the SCP a viewer would be looking 135°

east of north.

Huancas appear throughout Norte Chico sites; however, their arrangement varies

and is descriptively documented. Huancas have been recorded by numerous scholars to

31

have had religious significance in the Andes (see also Discussion in Chapter7). Noting

repetition or lack thereof in huanca arrangement will allow me to examine this argument

further.

Main mound orientation is important to religious ideology in that its

documentation may reveal repetition or other attributes of ritual and religion. For

example, the IP site of Cerro Sechín in the Casma Valley evidences relief sculptures

which have been reputed to have had religious connotations; this site also displays

specific directional orientation. According to Burger, “The site is oriented toward the

cardinal directions and the principal access was a northern staircase…” (1992: 77).

Given this example, it seems important to document MM directional orientation when

assessing religious ideology and ritual function of architecture. Distinct patterning

emerging from the data would also seem to indicate a shared religious system and

presence or absence of that system’s hierarchy among sites.

MM location and orientation were derived from report data, GIS maps, and aerial

photographs. Platform construction, sunken circular plazas and huancas were delineated

from report data, GIS maps, aerial photographs and site visits.

Visibility in this study is the same term used by Moore (1996); however, it is used

differently. Visibility in this study is measured by the presence or absence of four

variables in a measurement taken from on top of a main mound (MM) and from its

associated plaza (AP). Visibility variables include: 1) the MM, 2) the AP, 3) hills,10

and

4) rivers (see Table 6). These variables have been chosen as they are present at all sites.

10

The term “hills” is used to refer to the foothills of the Andes. These hills rise from the valley floor and

delineate the width of each valley included in the Norte Chico. Hills and mountains may have had similar

ideological significance. Given the latter statement, hills are included in the current study’s visibility

measurements.

32

Other objects appearing in sight are documented qualitatively but are not considered in

the quantitative analysis of visibility represented in the tables. This methodology is

employed to maintain consistent analysis of sites.11

Descriptive documentation of other

variables appearing in sight will further augment the four variables documented in the

tables.

Table 6: Example of Visibility Measurement

Site

Name/Visibility

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Carretería MM Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X X

Carretería AP X Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X

It is important to note what one could see from the top of main mounds and

sunken plazas as one feature of ritual architecture is control of visibility of objects from a

person’s view shed. Moore (1996) designed his study of visibility around this premise as

well.

The methodology in the previous paragraph provides a way to take systematic

visibility measurements from both main mounds and their associated plazas. MM and

associated plazas (AP) have high visibility if more than two of the four visibility

11

Error of up to 10° is allowed.

33

variables can be observed, moderate visibility if two variables can be observed, and low

visibility if less than two variables can be observed. The designation “Not Applicable”

(NA) is used where weather and other implications affect the measurement. The distance

between all sites and rivers is taken in meters to correct for weather, which often hindered

measurement of this variable. All rivers, relative to sites, are located within 600m, far

less than 1 mile and within the human physical constraints of vision.

This methodology is designed to illustrate what LA architecture in the Pativilca

and Fortaleza Valleys was constructed of, how it was laid upon the landscape, and how it

may have been perceived by human beings. It is also designed to review the extent of

shared religious ideology through a documentation of recurring architectural trends.

Chapter 4: Pativilca Valley

Intra-Site and Intra-Valley Analysis and Discussions

Upaca: Analysis and Discussion

Upaca is located on the right margin of the Pativilca River approximately within

50m of this river. The site is flanked by hill ranges on two sides. According to site

reports, “It includes a series of [platform] mounds, circular plazas and residential areas,

two large compounds with what appear to be storage rooms, and a cemetery” (Creamer et

al. 2007). There are two mounds at Upaca that are considered main mounds based upon

their association with plazas. These mounds are located in Sector A and Sector C (see

Figure 6).

Figure 6 is the site map for Upaca. Variables of ritual architecture are included in

Tables 7 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the table

number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from Upaca follows the tables.

35

Figure 6: Upaca Site Map

36

Table 7a-f: Upaca Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site

Name/Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Upaca Sector A X X X X

Upaca Sector C X X X

Table 7a: The main mound in Sector A is constructed of all four construction materials.

The main mound in Sector C is constructed of dirt, angular stone and river cobble. No

shicra was noted from the main mound in Sector C.

b.

Site

Name/Relative

Spatial

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Upaca Sector A X

Upaca Sector C X

Table 7b: The MM in Sector A is considered peripherally located as one subsidiary

mound is directly adjacent to it. Another subsidiary mound is located south of this

mound (see Figure 6). The layout of these mounds seems to indicate a preliminary “arm”

configuration frequent of IP “U-shape” mound layouts (see Figure 7). The other arm is

not present (see Figure 7).

The MM in Sector C is peripherally located as less than two subsidiary mounds

are adjacent to it. It seems to occur as a solitary mound construction (see Figure 6).

37

c.

Site

Name/Location

HB NE O

Upaca Sector A X

Upaca Sector C X

Table 7c: Both the main mounds in Sector A and Sector C are located near hill bases.

Creamer et al. (2007) notes that the entire site is flanked on two sides by hill ranges.

d.

Site Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Upaca

Sector A

X X X

Upaca

Sector C

X X

Table 7d: No staircases, atriums or huancas are apparent from Sector A or Sector C.

The SCP was surrounded by a rectangular structure at one time. This is untrue for the

SCP in Sector C.

e.

Site Name/

Directional

Orientation

and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Upaca Sector A 340° NA

Upaca Sector C 70° NA

38

Table 7e: The main mound in Sector A faces 340° in the direction of its associated SCP.

The main mound in Sector C faces 70° in the direction of its associated SCP.

f.

Site

Name/Visibility

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Upaca Sector A

MM

Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X X

Upaca Sector A

AP

X Measurement

taken from

this variable

X

Upaca Sector C

MM

Measurement

taken from

this variable

NA NA NA

Upaca Sector C

AP

NA Measurement

taken from

this variable

NA NA

Table 7f: From atop the MM in Sector A one can see the associated SCP, the hills and the

river. If they were constructed synchronically, one can also see Sector A subsidiary

mounds. The MM, has high visibility. From inside the SCP in Sector A one can see the

hills and the MM if one is directly facing it. Because of its size, the MM obstructs view

of anything else if one were standing in the SCP. The SCP, therefore, has moderate

visibility. Visibility measurements were not taken from the top of the main mound in

Sector C due to destruction of the mound.

Discussion

Upaca is interesting for a number of reasons and displays many variables of ritual

architecture. The site is primarily of importance to this study due to the presence of two

possibly contemporaneous main mounds with associated sunken circular plazas. The

relative spatial arrangement of both main mounds is unique to other sites analyzed in this

39

study. Both main mounds are peripherally located; however, their association with

subsidiary mounds is unusual. These subsidiary mounds in Sector A are on the opposite

side of the MM’s association with the rectangular platform and SCP (see Figure 6),

which is not typical of LA or IP site layout (see Figure 7). If a U-shape spatial layout

was evolving throughout the course of Sector A’s use, this configuration would not have

enclosed the SCP as is typical of other sites. The main mound in Sector C appears as a

solitary main mound with no subsidiary mounds directly adjacent to it. However, it is

still close enough to other mounds to be considered in the same site (Creamer et al.

2007). This layout does not occur at other sites reviewed in this project.

Typical U-shape layout with “arms”

Figure 7: Example of U-Shaped Layout: Main Mound, Sunken Circular Plaza (SCP) and

Subsidiary Mounds (SM)

Main

Mound

SM

SM

SM

SM SM

SM

SCP

40

Both main mounds evidence similar usage of construction material as well as

preference for hill base location. The usage of architectural components is also similar.

Lack of architectural components could very likely be due to modern destruction of the

site and lack of complete excavation. Despite similarities in construction material,

architectural components and relative spatial arrangement, main mound orientation

differs between the two main mounds. The main mound in Sector A evidences high

visibility, whereas its associated SCP has moderate visibility. It is assumed visibility

measurements would be similar from the main mound and associated SCP in Sector C.

Unfortunately, visibility measurements for Sector C were not taken in the field and could

not be included in the study.

The architecture at Upaca seems to portray many attributes of ritual and religious

ideology (see Chapter 1 for definition of ritual and religious ideology). Construction

materials and many architectural components are shared between the two mounds,

constituting a form of repetition. The mounds themselves are small man-made “hills”

that are situated near the bases of actual hills. The two sunken circular plazas are

indicative of large gathering spaces. Control of visibility from these plazas also seems

indicative of ritual and religious ideology.

Punta y Suela: Analysis and Discussion

Punta y Suela is located on the right margin of the Pativilca River about 50m

from this river and 8km from the coast. The site consists of four large mounds, six

subsidiary mounds, a residential area and two sunken circular plazas (Creamer et al.

41

2007) (see Figure 8). There are two LA mounds associated with two different plazas--

both will be considered as main mounds.

Figure 8 is the site map for Punta y Suela. Variables of ritual architecture are

included in Tables 8 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the table

number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from Punta y Suela follows the tables.

Figure 8: Punta y Suela Site Map

42

Table 8 a-f: Punta y Suela Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site

Name/Construction

Materials

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Punta y Suela Sector

A

X X X X

Punta y Suela Sector

B

X X

Table 8a: The largest MM at the site is located in Sector A and measures 40x50x12

(LWH). Construction materials for the main mound in Sector A include dirt, river

cobble, angular stone and shicra. The mounds in Sector B are located more than 50m

from Sector A (see Figure 8). Construction materials for Sector B include river cobble

and dirt. No shicra or angular stone are present.

b.

Site Name/

Relative Spatial

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Punta y Suela

Sector A

X

Punta y Suela

Sector B

X

Table 8b: The main mound in Sector A and main mound in Sector B both have peripheral

relative spatial arrangement according to the criteria established for this variable.

43

c.

Site Name/

Location

HB NE O

Punta y Suela

Sector A

X

Punta y Suela

Sector B

X

Table 8c: The main mound in Sector A as well as the main mound in Sector B are located

near hill bases. The entire site is flanked on two sides by these hills.

d.

Site Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Punta y Suela

Sector A

X X X

Punta y Suela

Sector B

X X

Table 8d: Sector A MM is a rectangular platform mound with an associated SCP (which

has been destroyed by modern cultivation). A huanca sits at the summit of the main

mound. The MM in Sector B is also a rectangular platform mound with an associated

SCP. No atriums, staircases or rectangles surrounding the sunken circular plazas were

apparent at this site.

44

e.

Site Name/ Directional

Orientation and Arrangement

Main Mound

Orientation

Huanca Arrangement

Punta y Suela Sector A 75° On summit of mound

Punta y Suela Sector B 180°

Table 8e: The MM in Sector A faces 75° toward its associated SCP. The MM in Sector

B faces 180° in the direction of its associated SCP.

f.

Site Name/Visibility

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Punta y Suela MM

Sector A

Measurement taken

from this variable

X X X

Punta y Suela AP Sector

A

X Measurement taken

from this variable

X

Punta y Suela MM

Sector B

Measurement taken

from this variable

X X X

Punta y Suela AP Sector

B

X Measurement taken

from this variable

X X

Table 8f: From the summit of the MM in Sector A, one can see surrounding hills, the

river, and associated plaza, as well as other mounds. The SCP in Sector B, if

contemporaneous, could likewise have been seen. The MM in Sector A has high

visibility. Due to modern destruction of the SCP, visibility measurements for this feature

had to be taken from the area it once occupied. The hills and the MM could certainly

have been seen from the plaza’s original subterranean floor. It remains uncertain if other

mounds could have been seen from a subterranean vantage point; however, the river

could not be seen even from ground level. The associated SCP in Sector A has moderate

visibility.

Visibility from atop the MM in Sector B is high. One can see other mounds, hills,

the river, and the area where the associated SCP was located. It is impossible to know

exactly what could have been seen from inside the associated SCP in this sector as it has

been destroyed and replaced by modern cultivation. However, one can reasonably

45

assume SCP visibility included the associated MM, large surrounding hills and the large

mound in Sector A, if it was contemporaneous. Visibility would thus be considered

moderate for the associated SCP.

Discussion

Punta y Suela architectural design is interesting for several reasons. First, LA

builders seemed to have had a preference for one type of rock in Sector B. This was

obtained from the river despite the fact that the site is closely flanked on two sides by

hills. These hills could have provided quarries for angular stone. No shicra is present in

Sector B either. Curiously, angular stone and shicra are used in Sector A along with

some river cobble. The use of angular stone, shicra and dirt seem to have served more

practical building purposes. Building with river cobble, which are rounded and smooth,

would have been more difficult. Given this, it seems river cobble was used for more

ideological reasons linked to ritual and religion.

Both main mounds at this site exhibit peripheral layout. Location preferences, as

well as architectural components, are similar between the two sectors. Unlike Sector B,

however, Sector A also evidences a single huanca at its summit. Similar positioning is

exhibited at Vinto Alto Sector A. Lack of architectural components at this site may be

due to modern site damage or lack of complete excavation. No similarity seems to exist

between MM directional orientation when comparing both sectors. Visibility from

summits of main mounds is similar. Each MM has high visibility and each SCP has

moderate visibility.

Punta y Suela seems to indicate some variables of ritual architecture and evidence

of religious ideology. Primarily, there seems to have been a preference in Sector B for

46

river cobble use. Cobbles are more difficult to build with than angular rock, which was

readily available and used to build Sector B mounds at Punta y Suela. Construction

material was selected based on choices other than what was easiest to use. I hypothesize

that this is due to the sacred nature of water in Pre-Columbian Andean society. The

action of water produced the smooth, rounded surfaces of cobbles. The huanca atop

Sector A also suggests symbolic expression (see Discussion sections in Chapters 6 and

7). In addition, repetition of variables exists between the main mounds in each sector.

Both main mounds are peripherally located, both are located near hill bases, both share

similar architectural components and both share analogous visibility results.

Pampa San José: Analysis and Discussion

Pampa San José is located on the right side of the Pativilca River on a flat plain

situated between bordering hills. The site is about 200m from the river. Radiocarbon

dates for the largest mound secure a date range well within the LA: 2230-1870 cal BC.

The entire site consists of a MM measuring 73x101x20m, its associated plaza, two

smaller platforms, five subsidiary structures and a structure constructed directly across

from the MM and SCP (see Figure 9).

The entire site is surrounded by modern agricultural fields, which presents some

difficulty for interpretation. The SCP, for example, is completely filled with water.

Measurements for visibility were taken from the periphery of the SCP. Figure 9 is the

site map for Pampa San José. Variables of ritual architecture are included in Tables 9 a-f.

A summary of data follows each table and begins with the table number/letter. A

discussion of the data gathered from Pampa San José follows the tables.

47

Figure 9: Pampa San José Site Map

48

Table 9a-f: Pampa San José Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Pampa San José X X X X

Table 9a: The single MM at Pampa San José is constructed of mostly river cobbles, but

also includes some angular rock. Dirt and shicra were also employed in construction.

b.

Site

Name/Relative

Spatial

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Pampa San José X

Table 9b: Pampa San José site layout is in the shape of a U. MM relative spatial

arrangement is central. The MM sits at the base of a U-shape configuration (see Figure

9).

c.

Site

Name/Location

HB NE O

Pampa San José X

49

Table 9c: The main mound at Pampa San José is not located at or near a hill base. It

likewise is not located on a natural elevation. The main mound seems to be located on

the relatively flat valley floor. For this reason its site location is designated “O” or

“Other.”

d.

Site Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Pampa

San José

X X X X X

Table 9d: The MM at Pampa San José was constructed as a rectangular platform mound.

Rubble from what appears to have been the atrium at its apex is still evident. The

remnants of a staircase descend from this atrium. Williams (1982) has documented the

presence of huancas at this site.

e.

Site

Name/Directional

Orientation and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Pampa San José 135° Ring around top of SCP

Table 9e: The main mound at Pampa San José faces 135°. The huancas documented by

Williams (1982) were placed around the rim of the associated SCP. It appears there were

at least four.

50

f.

Site

Name/Visibility

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Pampa San José

MM

Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X X

Pampa San José

AP

X Measurement

taken from

this variable

X NA

Table 9f: Standing atop the MM one can see all other mounds, the associated SCP,

surrounding hills and distant river. Visibility is considered high for the MM. Visibility

measurements could not be taken from inside the SCP as it was filled with standing

water. However, from the periphery of the SCP while facing the MM one can see

subsidiary mounds at the site and the flanking hills, but not the river. Visibility for the

SCP is thus considered moderate. Williams (1982) notes the presence of huancas around

the circumference of the SCP. These have since been demolished. However, they would

have been visible from inside the SCP and from atop the MM.

Discussion

Pampa San José presents some remarkable data regarding ritual architectural

design. The MM uses all four categories of monument construction material. It is

centrally located with a U-shape layout reminiscent of IP design. RC dating from the

MM secures it within the LA, however. When RC dates are obtained from subsidiary

mounds at Pampa San Jose it may be possible to determine how early the U-shape layout

was implemented. If all or many of the mounds at Pampa San José were

contemporaneous and built in the LA (which seems probable given the paucity of

ceramics) than the U- shape layout so often executed at IP sites, was already being

skillfully mastered in the LA (see Figure 9). There is also the question of the subsidiary

mound which lies within a linear axis bisecting the SCP and connecting it with the MM

51

(see Figure 9). This particular design has only been recorded at Pampa San José and

Caballete. The MM also occupies the valley floor, which is another attribute atypical of

most main mounds in this study. Usually main mounds are located at or near hill bases or

on natural elevations.

Pampa San José evidences all architectural components of ritual architecture

except for one category. Huanca arrangement is particularly interesting. Huancas are

arranged around the circumference of the SCP. This seems somewhat reflective of the

spatial arrangement of huancas at Cerro Blanco 2 and Caballete in the Fortaleza Valley.

The MM at Pampa San José faces 135°, an orientation that roughly aligns the MM with a

subsidiary mound in front of it (see Figure 9), similar to Caballete, but not reproduced at

other sites in the study.

At Pampa San José the MM is centrally located. According to Moore (1996) this

would place the MM at the focal point of activity; the staircase on its side and atrium at

its summit further support this idea. The U-shape layout of mounds would have

controlled visibility and access (Pozorski 1980). The large SCP directly in front of the

MM most likely served as a gathering place for the masses while activity was taking

place at the summit of the mound. Pampa San José’s SCP could have held at least 244

people (Chun 200312

).

Pampa San José is not positioned on a hill base or upon natural elevation as most

other mounds in this study are. However, the MM at Pampa San José is very large and

resembles the hills in the distance. The evidence of huancas around the SCP further

12

This figure was obtained from Chun’s unpublished master’s thesis which, reviewed sunken circular

plazas in the Norte Chico.

52

validates this site’s religious importance. As mentioned, huancas have been linked to

ancestor and water worship in Pre-Columbian times (also see Pativilca intra-site

discussion) (Glowacki and Malpass 2003). At this site, as others in this study, visibility

was being controlled. The huancas situated around the circumference of the SCP would

have further hindered visibility from inside it.

Carretería Analysis and Discussion

Carretería is located on the right bank of the Pativilca River about 50m from this

river and 12.5km from the coast. The site has been badly destroyed and now only

consists of one large mound positioned on the natural elevation of a rocky outcrop. One

can see remains of the associated SCP and the rectangular platform which surrounded the

plaza, although contemporary cultivation hinders some measurements.

Figure 10 is the site map of Carretería. Variables of ritual architecture are

included in Tables 10 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the

table number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from Carretería follows the tables.

53

Figure 10: Carretería Site Map

Table 10a-f: Carretería Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/

Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Carretería X X X X

Table 10a: All construction material categories were used in the construction of

Carretería. There is an abundance of angular stone. Carretería sits upon a rocky outcrop.

The angular stone used in its construction seems to have come from this rocky outcrop.

54

b.

Site Name/Relative Spatial Arrangement Central Peripheral Terminal

Carretería NA NA NA

Table 10b: Relative spatial arrangement of the MM could not be taken at Carretería as the

MM is the sole mound at the site. This may have been due to modern site damage, as

much of the site is now being used for farming.

c.

Site Name/

Location

MB NE O

Carretería X

Table 10c: The MM at Carretería sits on top of a natural elevation in the form of a rocky

outcrop. Parts of the rocky outcrop extend to the sides of the MM similar to artificial

platforms (see Figure 10).

d.

Site

Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Carretería X X X X

Table 10d: Excavation profiles of the MM have revealed the presence of various

staircases which would have created access to the summit of the mound (Creamer et al.

2007). One particular staircase leads from the associated SCP to the summit of the MM.

This is highly suggestive that additional architectural features, such as an atrium, would

55

have been present at the top of the mound. The SCP is surrounded by a rectangular

structure. No huancas have been reported from this site.

e.

Site Name/

Directional Orientation

and Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Carretería 325°

Table 10e: The MM at Carretería faces 325° in the direction of its destroyed SCP.

f.

Site

Name/Visibility

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Carretería MM Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X X

Carretería AP X Measurement

taken from

this variable

X

Table 10f: From the summit of the MM one can see the associated SCP below, the hills

and the distant river. If subsidiary mounds were present at the site in ancient times, it’s

highly probably one could have seen these given the height of the mound. The MM has

high visibility even given modern destruction to the site. True visibility measurements

from inside the subterranean SCP were impossible as the plaza has been destroyed in

recent years and is surrounded by an agricultural field. Visibility measurements were,

however, taken from the area where the plaza was historically located. From the location

of the SCP, one can see the hills and MM, but not the river, as the associated MM blocks

56

it from view shed. It remains unknown if subsidiary mounds could have been seen.

Visibility from the SCP is considered moderate.

Discussion

The MM at Carretería utilized all four construction material categories; however,

angular stone is the most abundant. It seems this stone is the same stone present in the

rocky outcrop which serves as the mound’s base. Similar to other sites in this study,

Carretería uses natural elevation to bolster mound height. It is unknown if the MM at

Carretería was centrally, peripherally or terminally located, as other mounds at the site

are not apparent. The solitary mound at Carretería features many different architectural

components, including an associated SCP, a rectangle surrounding the SCP and

staircases. The mound was also constructed as a rectangular platform mound. It seems

highly probably that an atrium existed at the summit of the MM due to the presence of

staircases. The MM at Carretería faces 325° in the direction of its associated SCP.

Visibility from the summit of the MM is high, whereas visibility from the location of its

associated plaza is moderate.

Complicating the situation at Carretería are its proximity and similarities to

Pampa San José. According to Creamer et al., “The main mound complexes for these

sites are less than 2km away, and the two main mounds with associated sunken circular

plazas face one another” (2007: 48). Additionally, radiocarbon dates from both sites

reflect contemporaneous occupation. Carretería also shares similarities with Huayto and

Vinto Alto Sector C, two other LA sites in the Pativilca. Huayto, Vinto Alto Sector C,

and Carretería are all located on natural elevations not associated with mountain bases.

57

Variables of ritual architecture and evidence of religious ideology are apparent at

Carretería. The main mound is situated on a natural elevation which increases the height

of the mound and makes it look more “hill-like.” Carretería also evidences ritual

architectural components which include staircases, a SCP and a rectangle surrounding the

SCP. It seems highly likely, given the existence of staircases, that activity was taking

place at the summit of the mound. This is further supported by the existence of an

associated SCP. The SCP would have functioned as a gathering place for masses of

people watching activity atop the mound. Pozorski (1980) asserts the existence of a

staircase, atrium and plaza suggests access control, which can subsequently be indicative

of such architecture’s ritual nature. The seating capacity for the associated plaza at

Carretería (including the rectangle surrounding the destroyed SCP) would have been

about 190 persons (Chun 2003). Visibility was also being controlled through ritual

architecture at Carretería. For example, the subterranean nature of the SCP would have

hindered visibility of other things besides the main mound. The river, for example, could

not be seen from the area of the destroyed SCP.

Huayto: Analysis and Discussion

Huayto, according to Creamer et al., “Is located on the right margin of the

Pativilca River on the summit of an elevated natural feature…” (2007: 48). The site is

located approximately 150m from this river. The site consists of several mounds

constructed around an open plaza. Presently there is a soccer field occupying what was

the open plaza and where an associated SCP was likely connected to its MM.

58

Figure 11 is the site map of Huayto. Variables of ritual architecture are included

in Tables 11 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the table

number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from Huayto follows the tables.

Figure 11: Huayto Site Map

59

Table 11a-f: Huayto Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/

Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Huayto X X X

Table 11a: The MM at Huayto is constructed of dirt, river coble and shicra. No angular

stone is present.

b.

Site Name/

Relative Spatial Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Huayto X

Table 11b: The MM at Huayto is centrally located and sits at the base of a U-shape

configuration of subsidiary mounds.

c.

Site Name/

Location

HB NE O

Huayto X

60

Table 11c: Huayto is positioned on a natural elevation away from the bases of hills. This

positioning is recorded in site reports from PANC survey (Creamer et al. 2007).

d.

Site

Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Huayto X X X

Table 11d: The main mound at Huayto is designed as a rectangular platform mound. A

shallow indentation evidences what appears to be an atrium at the summit (Creamer et al.

2007). Measurements for this mound are 68x75x7m. No staircases or huancas are

reported for this site. The presence of an atrium, however, assumes the existence of

staircases to achieve it. These may not be evident due to lack of complete excavation

and/or destruction at the site.

e.

Site Name/

Directional

Orientation

and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Huayto 90°

Table 11e: The MM at Huayto faces 90° in the direction of its destroyed SCP. A linear

axis would have bisected the SCP from this angle measurement.

61

f.

Site

Name/View

Shed

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Huayto MM Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X X

Huayto AP X Measurement

taken from

this variable

X

Table 11f: Standing on the summit of the MM one can see all other mounds, the plaza,

distant hills and the river. Areas where residential architecture has been proposed

(Creamer et al. 2007) can be seen as well. Visibility from atop the MM is high. A

subterranean SCP visibility measurement could not be taken as the area supposed for the

SCP is currently being used as a soccer field. Standing on level ground where the SCP is

proposed to have been located, however, one can see the surrounding mounds and hills,

but not the river. Therefore AP visibility measurement is moderate.

Discussion

Architectural features at Huayto are interesting for a number of reasons. River

cobbles were used to build the MM at Huayto. The use of cobbles, more difficult to

incorporate into walls than angular rock, is a building technique similar to the MM in

Sector B at Punta y Suela (see Table 8a) as well as the MM at Shaura in the Fortaleza

Valley. The MM at Huayto also shares similarities with Carretería in that it is positioned

on a natural elevation away from hill bases (see Table 10c). The main mound at Huayto

is centrally located at the base of a U-shape configuration of similar mounds. This

position is similar to the main mound at Pampa San José (see Table 9b). Architectural

components at Huayto include a SCP (now destroyed), a rectangular platform MM and an

atrium at the top of this mound. Other architectural components may not be evident due

62

to destruction of the site. The MM faces due east in the direction of the associated plaza.

The MM at Huayto has high visibility, whereas its associated plaza has moderate

visibility.

Evidence of ritual architecture and thus religious ideology is supported through

analysis of the MM at Huayto. Primarily, the MM is centrally located, which would

place it at a focal point for activity. The atrium evident at the summit of the MM further

supports this theory. The SCP that was associated with this MM very likely served as a

gathering spot for the masses who were watching activity taking place at the summit.

River cobble is the preferred construction material at this site, and the difficulty of

building with river cobbles, collecting and carrying them to the top of the natural feature,

suggests that river cobble had ritual/religious ideology surrounding its use based upon the

additional labor required to secure this building stone (see also Discussion sections in

Chapters 6 and 7). The main mound at Huayto is oriented due east. Orientation in

cardinal directions is something that takes place at Cerro Sechin, which has been

proposed to have had ritualistic functions (Burger 1992), though orientation to the

cardinal directions is not common in the Norte Chico. Control of visibility also seems to

have played a part in the ritual nature of Huayto architecture. The river is blocked from

view from the SCP though it is visible from the summit of the MM.

Vinto Alto: Analysis and Discussion

The site of Vinto Alto is located on the left margin of the Pativilca River

approximately 600m from this river. The two largest mounds at the site face one another

and date to the LA (2580-2100 cal BC). They are located in Sector A and Sector C (see

63

Figure 12). These two mounds are both treated as main mounds in this study due to their

mass and terminal alignment. Vinto Alto does not conclusively evidence a plaza;

however, it is possible the intermediate area between the two mounds served as the

simplest type of open plaza.

Figure 12 is the site map of Vinto Alto. Variables of ritual architecture are

included in Tables 12 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the

table number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from Vinto Alto follows the tables.

Figure 12: Vinto Alto Site Map

64

Table 12a-f: Vinto Alto Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/

Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Vinto Alto

sector A

X X X X

Vinto Alto

Sector C

X X X X

Table 12a: The two main mounds at Vinto Alto were constructed primarily of angular

rock, although river cobble is also apparent. Shicra and dirt were likewise used in

construction.

b.

Site Name/

Relative Spatial

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Vinto Alto Sector

A

X

Vinto Alto Sector

C

X

Table 12b: The two main mounds at Vinto Alto are considered terminally located given

the criteria established for this definition.

65

c.

Site Name/

Location

HB NE O

Vinto Alto

Sector A

X

Vinto Alto

Sector C

X

Table 12c: The MM in Sector A is located on the valley floor away from hill bases or

natural elevation. Conversely, the MM in Sector C is located on a natural elevation. A

rocky outcrop can be seen beneath the base of the artificial mound in this sector.

d.

Site

Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Vinto

Alto

Sector A

X X X

Vinto

Alto

Sector C

X X X

Table 12d: Both main mounds at Vinto Alto are constructed as rectangular platform

mounds. An intermediate area, considered as a plaza type, joins the two main mounds.

The MM in Sector C has summit architecture in the form of an atrium. The MM in

Sector A has a huanca measuring 2.6 m in length, 85 cm wide at one end and 75cm side

at the center. It is located at the summit. Creamer et al. have noted that the huanca

resembles the “lanzón” at the EH religious center of Chavín de Huantar (2007: 63).

66

e.

Site Name/

Directional

Orientation

and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Vinto Alto

Sector A 25° On top of mound A, polished

Vinto Alto

Sector C 200°

Table 12e: The MM in Sector A faces 25° in the direction of the MM in Sector C. The

MM in Sector C faces 200° in the direction of the MM in Sector A. A polished huanca

sits atop the MM in Sector A.

f.

Site

Name/Visibility

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Vinto Alto MM

Sector A

Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X X

Vinto Alto AP

Intermediate

Area

X Measurement

taken from

this variable

X

Table 12f: From the top of the MM in Sector A one can see the distant hills and river as

well as other mounds and the intermediate area. Given the size of the huanca it is

possible that one could have seen the huanca on the MM of Sector A from standing atop

the MM in Sector C, although visibility measurements were not taken from atop MM

Sector C due to time constraints. The distance between these mounds is about 150m,

which is well within the range of human vision. The MM in Sector A has high visibility;

it seems likely the MM in Sector C (of similar height) also has high visibility. SCP are

not apparent at Vinto Alto; however, from the intermediate area between the two main

67

mounds, one can see the mounds themselves and the surrounding hills. The area

therefore has moderate visibility.

Discussion

Vinto Alto architecture is interesting for a number of reasons. All construction

materials were used in building each main mound from Sectors A and C. Curiously, the

MM in Sector A is located on the valley floor as opposed to the MM in Sector C which is

located on natural elevation. Vinto Alto is the only site evidencing terminal layout of

MM in this study; the main mounds are aligned to face one another. The placement of

the huanca provides the implication that the mound in Sector A was the primary mound

at the site, although both MM are of similar mass and height. Additionally, the atrium

atop the Sector C MM suggests summit activity. Visibility from atop the MM in Sector

A is high, whereas visibility from the intermediate area is moderate. Visibility

measurements were not taken from Sector C due to time constraint; however, it seems

probable (given the similar heights of mounds) that the MM in Sector C had similar

visibility as the MM in Sector A.

There is much evidence of ritual architecture and religious ideology at Vinto Alto.

The relative spatial arrangement of the mounds is especially interesting. This site

evidences terminal spatial arrangement unlike any other sites in this study. The spatial

arrangement at Vinto Alto, however, is similar to Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke in the

Casma Valley; the latter site evidences stone friezes exhibiting ritualistic and/or religious

symbolism (Burger 1992: 83). The dual mounds at Vinto Alto resemble miniature hills

and the artificial architecture in Sector C is bolstered by its placement on a rocky outcrop.

Site architectural components at Vinto Alto are also indicative of ritual architecture and

68

religious ideology. The main mound in Sector C evidences an atrium which is suggestive

of summit activity. Vinto Alto lacks sunken circular plazas; however, given the presence

of the atrium atop Sector C’s main mound, it seems very likely that people were

gathering in the intermediate area between the two main mounds. Furthermore, the main

mound in Sector A has a huanca at its summit which resembles the huanca at the

religious center of Chavín de Huantar.

Finally, visibility was being controlled at Vinto Alto. One cannot see the river

from the intermediate area; however, it is visible from the top of Sector A’s main mound

(it seems likely it was also visible from Sector C’s main mound). Control of visibility,

according to Moore (1996), is inherent to ritual architecture.

Intra-Valley: Analysis and Discussion

This section is a summary of intra-site data gathered from the Pativilca Valley.

The tables in this section are meant to highlight similarities and differences that existed

between all of the sites and their main mounds. Brief descriptions of the data presented

follow each table and begin with the numbering of that table. A discussion of all

variables of ritual architecture reviewed in the Pativilca Valley concludes this section.

69

Table 13a-f: Intra-Valley Variables of Ritual Architecture: Pativilca Valley

a.

Site Name/

Construction Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River

Cobble

Shicra

Upaca Sector A X X X X

Upaca Sector C X X X

Punta y Suela

Sector A

X X X X

Punta y Suela Sector B X X

Pampa San José X X X X

Carretería X X X X

Huayto X X X

Vinto Alto X X X X

Table 13a: Frequency of architectural construction material shows continuity in material

preference. At the majority of LA main mounds all four categories of construction

material were used in construction. Shicra was employed in building construction of MM

at all sites except at Punta y Suela Sector B and Upaca Sector C. River cobble was

employed at more sites than angular stone in this valley as it was used in construction of

all MM. Dirt was also used in the construction of all MM at all sites. Many subsidiary

mounds at these sites mirrored the trend in MM construction material preference. The

MM at Punta y Suela Sector B and MM at Huayto use river cobbles in the absence of

angular stone.

70

b.

Site Name/ Relative Spatial Arrangement Central Peripheral Terminal

Upaca Sector A X

Upaca Sector C X

Punta y Suela

Sector A

X

Punta y Suela Sector B X

Pampa San José X

Carretería NA NA NA

Huayto X

Vinto Alto Sector A X

Vinto Alto Sector B X

Table 13b: Frequency of relative spatial arrangement of monuments evidences peripheral

and central layouts were the preferred spatial arrangement of MM. Carretería could not

be included in this measurement as it is the sole mound at the site. Both main mounds at

Upaca and both main mounds at Punta y Suela have peripheral layout. Peripheral layout

constitutes the most popular category. Pampa San José and Huayto have central layout

with Pampa San José exhibiting a highly organized U-shaped layout. Only one site in the

collection (Vinto Alto) evidenced terminal relative spatial layout.

71

c.

Site

Name/Location

HB NE O

Upaca

Sector A

X

Upaca

Sector C

X

Punta y Suela

Sectors A

X

Punta y Suela

Sector B

X

Pampa

San José

X

Carretería X

Huayto X

Vinto Alto

Sector A

X

Vinto Alto

Sector C

X

Table 13c: Three of the nine MM, including Carretería, Huayto, and Vinto Alto Sector C,

are located on natural elevations away from the base of hills. The main mounds at Upaca

and Punta y Suela sectors are positioned at or very near hill bases while Pampa San José

and Vinto Alto Sector A MM are located on the valley floor, farther from any sort of

natural elevation.

72

d.

Site Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

Surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Upaca

Sector A

X X X

Upaca

Sector C

X X

Punta y

Suela

Sector A

X X X

Punta y

Suela Sector

B

X X

Pampa San

José

X X X X X

Carretería X X X X

Huayto X X X

Vinto Alto

Sector A

X X X

Vinto Alto

Sector C

X X X

Table 13d: Frequency of site architectural components portrays that one of the six sites

evidenced five of the six variables of architectural components: Pampa San José.

Carreteria utilizes four of the six architectural components. Huayto, Punta y Suela Sector

A and Upaca Sector A feature three of the six architectural components while Punta y

Suela Sector B, Upaca Sector C, and Vinto Alto Sectors A and C feature two. Frequency

of architectural component use is illustrated in the following order, from most frequently

used to least frequently used architectural component: 1) rectangular platform mounds

(occurring at all sites), 2) SCP (appearing at five sites: twice at Punta y Suela and twice at

Upaca), 3) atriums and huancas (evident at three sites), 4) staircases and rectangles

surrounding SCP (each category evident at two sites).

73

e.

Site Name/Directional

Orientation and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Upaca Sector A 340°

Upaca Sector C 70°

Punta y Suela

Sector A 75° One positioned on the

summit

Punta y Suela Sector B 180°

Pampa San José 135° Ring around top of SCP

Carretería 325°

Huayto 90°

Vinto Alto Sector A 25°

One on top of Sector A

MM/ polished

Vinto Alto Sector C

200°

Table 13e: MM directional orientation revealed some interesting data. Pairs of MM often

have similar directional orientation as is the case with the MM at Carretería and Upaca

Sector A, the MM at Punta y Suela A and MM at Huayto, as well as the MM at Punta y

Suela B and Vinto Alto C. Some main mounds from the same site face one another, as is

the case at Vinto Alto. Some mounds from different sites face one another as well.

Other mounds, such as Huayto and Punta y Suela Sector B face cardinal directions (see

Table 13e and also Figure 13). Variance in MM directional orientation patterns seems to

indicate that no religious hierarchy existed among Pativilca LA sites. No directional

orientation or orientation pattern is inclusive of all sites; therefore, it seems no site held

religious power or sociopolitical control over other sites.

Huanca arrangement seems to exhibit a tendency for placing a sole monolith at

the summit of the MM; this is the case at Punta y Suela Sector A and Vinto Alto Sector

A. The huancas at Pampa San José were arranged in a circle around the SCP and there

were at least more than four (Williams 1982).

74

Figure 13: MM Directional Orientation: Pativilca Valley

75

f.

Site Name/ Visibility

Measurement

Visibility

Upaca MM Sector A

Upaca AP Sector A

High

Moderate

Upaca MM Sector C

Upaca AP Sector C

NA

NA

Punta y Suela MM Sector A

Punta y Suela AP Sector A

High

Moderate

Punta y Suela MM Sector B

Punta y Suela AP Sector B

High

Moderate

Pampa San José MM

Pampa San José AP

High

Moderate

Carretería MM

Carretería AP

High

Moderate

Huayto MM

Huayto AP

High

Moderate

Vinto Alto MM Sector A

Vinto Alto Intermediate Area Sector A

High

Moderate

Vinto Alto MM Sector C

Vinto Alto Intermediate Area Sector C

NA

NA

Table 13f: Frequency of visibility measurements depicts a cohesive picture. All main

mounds analyzed have high visibility and all associated plazas analyzed have moderate

76

visibility.13

Hills can be seen from all main mounds and all associated plazas.

Interestingly, rivers can be seen from all MM but are obstructed from view while

standing in or near the AP. All sites are within visibility of the valley’s river

(documented by distance measurements presented in discussion of individual sites).

Discussion

To conclude comparison of sites in the Pativilca, it seems builders at all six sites

were utilizing a variety of ritual architectural components. Evidence from each site of

variables including construction material, relative spatial arrangement of monuments,

main mound location, site architectural components, MM directional orientation and

huanca arrangement, and visibility are reviewed in this section. The relationship between

these variables and ritual/religious ideology will also be discussed.

Construction Materials: It seems from the data gathered, that Pativilca MM

builders developed a special ideology regarding the use of river cobble. River cobble is

the most frequently used construction material besides dirt. Again, repetition is an

element of ritual and religion (see this discussion in Chapter 1). Although river cobble is

present at all sites, I argue that river cobble was employed more selectively than dirt,

angular stone or shicra and this selectivity was due to religious or ritual ideology

surrounding this material. For example, the main mound in Sector B at Punta y Suela

(along with all subsidiary mounds) is constructed entirely of river cobble in the absence

of angular stone or shicra. The main mound at Huayto and its subsidiary mounds are also

composed of river cobble in the absence of angular stone. No main mound in this study

evidences use of angular stone without the use of river cobble. I therefore believe river

13

Vinto Alto does not have a proper associated plaza so the flat area where measurements were taken

between the bases of MM is referred to as “intermediate area;” the term is used interchangeably with

associated plaza (AP).

77

cobble was preferred and selected over angular stone for its ritualistic/religious nature. I

believe angular stone, shicra and dirt conversely served building purposes not related to

ritual or religious ideology. The ritualistic nature of river cobble can be related to the

sacred nature of the rivers themselves. Andean Pre-Columbian cultures including the

Wari and Inca held water to be sacred and tied this substance to cycles of rebirth and

fertility (Glowacki and Malpass 2003). The contemporary Quollahuaya Indians of the

Andean highlands also believe water has a sacred nature and treat it with special ideology

(see also Discussion sections in Chapters 6 and 7).

Furthermore, in the present study, rivers were routinely obstructed from view if

one were standing in an associated plaza and routinely apparent in view shed if one were

standing from atop a MM. I conclude that this control of river visibility further supports

the hypothesis that water and subsequently river cobble, had ritualistic/religious

connotations for LA builders in the Pativilca.

Relative Spatial Arrangement of Main Mounds: Spatial arrangement of main

mounds is important when considering ritual architecture and religious ideology. Moore

(1996) claims that centrality of main mounds helps these to function as focal points for

ritual activity. This is further supported when plazas, especially, sunken circular plazas,

are associated with centrally placed main mounds. Pozorski (1980) claims that the

association of a mound’s atrium, staircase and SCP suggests access control.

The main mound at Pampa San José and main mound at Huayto are centrally

located and have or had associated SCP. The main mounds at Vinto Alto are the only

mounds with terminal relative spatial arrangement. This arrangement is similar to that of

Pampa de las Llamas Moxeke which evidences religious and/or ritual symbolism (Burger

78

1992). It seems through the use of central and terminal arrangement of main mounds that

religious ideology was at work and is evidenced through ritual architecture.

Main Mound Location: Most of the main mounds in this study are either situated

upon a natural elevation or are situated near mountain bases. It does not seem that this

positioning was related to defense, as no architecture of warfare is apparent. I argue that

the tendency for main mounds to be placed upon elevations had religious connotations. It

seems likely LA Pativilca builders intentionally fashioned their mounds to resemble

surrounding hills similarly to the way Inca builders shaped their architecture to resemble

highland mountains. This point is further supported by the fact that LA builders used

natural elevation when possible to bolster human-made architecture and increase the

mass and height of a main mound which occurs in other areas of the Andean coast

(Pozorski 1980). Furthermore, when main mounds do not occur on or near hill bases or

other natural elevation (which would increase their height), they have a tendency to be

very large artificially. Vinto Alto Sector A and Pampa San José are two of the largest

main mounds in this valley and they are both located on valley floors. Andeans have a

long history of mountain worship. As mentioned in previous sections, the Inca worked

their architecture to resemble surrounding mountains. Other Pre-Columbian cultures

including the Wari also revered and worshiped mountains (also see Chapters 6 and 7).

The Inca and the Wari were both highland Andean cultures surrounded by extremely tall

mountains. It seems likely cultures existing on the coast or valleys would have similarly

been inspired by the hills surrounding them.

Site Architectural Components: This category probably exhibits the most

evidence for architecture associated with ritual. First, there is notable repetition among

79

architectural components. All mounds at all sites in the Pativilca were constructed as

rectangular platform mounds, and sunken circular plazas appear at five of the six sites.

Two sites in the Pativilca, Punta y Suela and Upaca, exhibit two possibly

contemporaneous main mounds with their own associated SCP. Summit atriums and

staircases leading to the atriums occur less frequently than do SCP; however, this is very

likely due to site damage and/or lack of extensive excavation. Their existence,

nonetheless, suggests activity at mound summits and access control (Pozorski 1980;

Moore 1996), which likely seems related to ritual. The sunken circular plazas suggest

gathering space for masses watching activity at the summit of associated mounds. I use

the word “masses” because these courts seemed to have served ritualistic rather than

practical purposes. Their subterranean nature affects visibility, which is a variable

associated with ritual and religious ideology, according to Moore (1996) and Renfrew

(1994). Furthermore, sunken circular plazas seemed to have been designed for a large

number of people. According to Chun’s (2003) study of seating capacity of sunken

circular plazas, the SCP at Pampa San José for example could have held at least 244

people. The occurrence of huancas at Pativilca sites further supports the importance of

ritual/religious ideology in this valley. Huancas seem to be moderately utilized as they

occur at three of the six sites. More may have existed in antiquity; however, modern

cultivation has obstructed many sites in the Pativilca. Huancas at Pampa San José, for

example, are only evident in dated photographs (Williams 1982); the huancas have since

disappeared from the site. Huancas in Pre-Columbian as well as contemporary times

have and still carry ritualistic and religious importance. Their ideological significance,

80

according to Glowacki and Malpass (2003), relates to ancestor and deity worship as well

as to the ritualistic importance of water in the life and death cycle:

Huancas, sometimes associated with ancestor worship…then were links and

portals to this ideological system whereby death and water [my emphasis]

produced a cycling of creation and recreation. Mythologically, the ancestors

associated with these natural shrines or huacas were said to have emerged from

them to found their descent groups. Occasionally their deeds were so great that

they were turned into stones, referred to as huancas [my emphasis], and remained

with their people to enhance agricultural fertility and impart wisdom as oracles.

(Glowacki and Malpass 2003: 436)

Directional Orientation of Main Mounds and Huanca Arrangement: Determining

the orientation of main mounds is important when considering an analysis of ritual

architecture. Directional orientation of main mounds was chosen as a variable of ritual

architecture because other sites in neighboring valleys evidence specific orientation. The

mounds at Pampa de las Llamas Moxeke in the Casma Valley, for example, are oriented

to face one another. The entire site of Cerro Sechín in the Casma Valley is oriented on a

cardinal directional axis. Both of these sites evidence ritual and or religious ideology in

the form of stone relief symbolism (Burger 1992). Three patterns of MM directional

orientation emerge in the present study. First, some mounds from different sites face

similar directions or face one another. The main mounds at Vinto Alto face one another

and are from the same site. Other mounds, such as the main mound at Huayto and main

mound at Punta y Suela Sector B face cardinal directions. Although these patterns

emerge from the data, there seems to be no overarching preference in orientation of main

mounds when considering all mounds together.

Huanca arrangement seems to indicate ritual or religious ideology. The sole

pattern for huanca arrangement in this valley is their placement as solitary monoliths atop

81

main mounds. This is the case at Vinto Alto Sector A and Punta y Suela Sector A. These

huancas, situated atop main mounds, would have been part of the focal spot viewed by

those in associated plazas. The huancas at Pampa San José were arranged in a ring

around the circumference of the SCP. This arrangement also seems related to ritual and

religious ideology. These huancas may have functioned to control visibility of those

within the SCP, which is a feature related to architecture of ritual (Moore 1996).

Visibility: Control of visibility of objects, as discussed in the previous paragraph,

is important to ritual ideology. Based upon the findings of this study, visibility from

plazas, and especially SCP, was more restricted than visibility from atop main mounds.

The arrangement of huancas around SCP, as is the case at Pampa San José, would have

further restricted visibility from the SCP. Conversely, no rings of huancas were found at

the apex of main mounds. If huancas were present at the top of main mounds, they

occurred as solitary monoliths and don’t seem to have been erected to limit visibility.

Furthermore, whereas mountains can be seen from plazas and main mounds, river

visibility seems to have been controlled. Those privileged to occupy the top of main

mounds could have seen the valley river. Those in plazas below could not have seen the

river given the scale of surrounding mounds and often subterranean nature of plazas. The

importance of water to Andean religious and ritual ideology has been mentioned in

previous sections. Rivers most certainly served practical purposes given the desert

environment of the Pativilca Valley; however, I argue the importance of water was re-

emphasized through ritual activity and religious ideology. One way it may have been

emphasized was through visibility control. If ritual leaders were occupying the top of the

main mounds during ceremonies they would have had select visual access to the rivers,

82

thus asserting a dimension of power over those below, whose visibility was purposefully

limited by architecture.

Chapter 5

Fortaleza Valley: Intra-Site and Intra-Valley Analysis and Discussion

Porvenir: Analysis and Discussion

The archaeological site of Porvenir is located on the right margin of the Fortaleza

River in a dry alluvial fan. Large hills closely flank three sides of the site, leaving the

fourth facing the valley floor. There are two MM with an AP. These are located in

Sectors A and B. The site of Porvenir is located 100m from the river.

Figure 14 is the site map of Porvenir. Variables of ritual architecture are included

in Tables 14 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the table

number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from Porvenir follows the tables.

84

Figure 14: Porvenir Site Map

85

Tables 14 a-f: Porvenir Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/

Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Porvenir

Sector A

X X X

Porvenir

Sector B

X X X

Table 14a: The MM in Sector A as well as the MM in Sector B at Porvenir are both made

of dirt, angular stone and shicra. No river cobble was present in construction.

b.

Site Name/

Relative Spatial Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Porvenir Sector A X

Porvenir Sector B X

Table 14b: The MM in Sector A as well as the MM in Sector B both have central relative

spatial arrangement based upon the criteria established for this variable.

86

c.

Site Name/

Location

HB NE O

Porvenir

Sector A

X

Porvenir

Sector B

X

Table 14c: The MM in Sector A as well as the MM in Sector B are both situated near hill

bases.

d.

Site

Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

types

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Porvenir

Sector

A

X X X

Porvenir

Sector

B

X X X X

Sector A MM is a rectangular platform mound with an associated SCP and a rectangle

surrounding the plaza. No atriums, staircases or huancas are recorded for this sector.

Sector B MM is a rectangular platform mound with an associated SCP and a rectangle

surrounding the SCP. An atrium is apparent at its summit. This MM also lacks a

staircase and huancas.

87

e.

Site Name/

Directional

Orientation

and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation

Huanca Arrangement

Porvenir

Sector A 150°

Porvenir

Sector B 60°

Table 14e: The MM in Sector A is oriented 150° in the direction of its associated SCP.

The MM in Sector B is oriented 60° in the direction of its associated SCP.

f.

Site

Name/Visibility

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Porvenir MM

Sector A and B

Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X X

Porvenir AP

Sector A and B

X Measurement

taken from

this variable

X

Table 14f: The MM in Sector A exhibits high visibility as the hills, AP and river can be

seen from its summit. Architecture in Sector B is also visible. Conversely, from inside

the SCP one can see the associated MM and hills, but not the river. Other architectural

features to include some subsidiary mounds and the SCP in Sector B are also blocked

from view shed. From the MM in Sector B, one can see the bordering hills, the distant

river and the associated SCP as well as all other mounds and the unassociated plaza in

Sector A. It seems, from such altitude residential architecture, if present, could have been

seen as well. The MM has high visibility. Conversely, one can see the MM and the

88

surrounding hills from the associated SCP, but not the river. The associated SCP

therefore has moderate visibility.

Discussion

Porvenir displays many variables associated with ritual architecture. Primarily,

the site has two possibly contemporaneous main mounds associated with their own SCP.

The dual SCP associated with different main mounds at Porvenir is also a pattern

evidenced at the site of Punta y Suela, located in the Pativilca Valley.

An atrium was found atop the MM in Sector B. It seems highly likely that the

MM in Sector A also had an atrium at its summit at one time. Atriums and sunken

circular plazas are suggestive of ritual activity as discussed previously with sites in the

Pativilca Valley. Each SCP at Porvenir could have seated from about 132-220 people at

one time (Chun 2003), which suggests a large number of people were gathering to watch

activity at the summit of the MM. I hypothesize this was ritual activity. The sunken

circular plazas at Porvenir were each stylized with rectangles surrounding them. This

aspect of repetition is found in some Pativilca sites, suggesting a shared ideology

regarding building style or ritual symbolism. The lack of staircases and huancas at

Porvenir may very likely be due to destruction of the site or lack of complete excavation.

The main mounds at Porvenir are arranged in a U-shape layout close to the hill

bases. The MM in Sector A sits at the base of the U, whereas the MM in Sector B

occupies a position in one of the architectural “arms” (see Figure 14). As discussed in

previous sections, the U-shape layout recurs in the IP and EH sites. Some of these sites,

including Chavín de Huantar, have associated ritualistic symbolism (Burger 1992).

89

The MM in Sector A faces 150° toward the opening of the U-shape layout. The

MM in Sector B faces 60° toward a mound located on the opposite “arm” (see Figure 14).

A main mound and SCP which faced the opening of the layout of mounds may have been

important to welcome guests or those possibly on pilgrimage to the center. The MM in

Sector B faces the center of the rectangular plaza created by the spatial arrangement of all

mounds. This orientation may have functioned to help create solidarity and define a

concept of “shared identity,” which is common to religious ideology. To reinforce the

latter statement, instead of facing outward, away from the other mounds and plazas in the

complex, the MM in Sector B faces inward.

Visibility measurements from each MM further support the importance of

religious ideology as a form of power within this site. When standing atop the MM in

Sector A, one can see all other mounds, the surrounding hills, the river, and the

unassociated SCP. Additionally, the mound is exactly oriented to face the opening of the

U-shaped site complex; any travelers who would have been coming into the complex

would immediately have been seen from this vantage point. From the MM in Sector B

one can also see all other mounds, the unassociated SCP, and the river. Conversely, from

each SCP, one cannot see the river or those entering the site through the opening of the

U-shape complex. When standing inside one sector’s SCP, the interior of the second

SCP cannot be seen. This means that a group inside one SCP could not have seen

another group in the second SCP. Those standing atop each MM could have seen both

groups which would have given those atop the main mounds power over those in the

plazas. It seems highly likely his power was religious in nature.

90

Caballete: Analysis and Discussion

Caballete is situated on the right bank of the Fortaleza River. It fills the mouth of

a wide, dry alluvial fan bounded by hills on three sides. Caballete is 100m from the river.

Figure 15 is the site map of Caballete. Variables of ritual architecture are

included in Tables 15 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the

table number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from Caballete follows the tables.

91

Figure 15: Caballete Site Map

92

Tables 15 a-f: Caballete Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/

Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Caballete

Sector A

X X X X

Caballete

Sector C

X X X X

Caballete

Sector E

X X X X

Table 15a: All main mounds at this site were made of all four construction materials

including dirt, angular stone, river cobble and shicra.

b.

Site Name/

Relative Spatial Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Caballete Sector A X

Caballete Sector C X

Caballete Sector E X

Table 15b: All main mounds at Caballete are centrally located based upon the criteria

established for this variable.

93

c.

Site Name/

Location

HB NE O

Caballete

Sector A

X

Caballete

Sector C

X

Caballete

Sector E

X

Table 15c: All main mounds at Caballete are positioned near hill bases.

d.

Site

Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

types

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Caballete

Sector A

X X X

Caballete

Sector C

X X X

Caballete

Sector E

X X X X

Table 15e: The MM in Sector A is a rectangular platform mound evidencing an atrium

and has associated huancas. The MM in Sector C is a rectangular platform mound

evidencing an associated SCP with a rectangular platform surrounding this plaza. The

MM in Sector E is a rectangular platform mound evidencing an atrium, and a SCP with a

rectangle surrounding the SCP.

94

e.

Site Name/

Directional

Orientation

and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Caballete

Sector A 35° In a ring in front of the MM

Caballete

Sector C 125°

Caballete

Sector E 25°

Table 15e: The MM in Sector A faces 35° east of north in the direction of an associated

ring of huancas. The MM in Sector C faces 125° in the direction of its associated SCP.

The MM in Sector E faces 25° in the direction of its associated SCP.

f.

Site Name/

Visibility Variables

MM AP Hills River

Caballete MM Sectors

A, C, E

Measurement taken

from this variable

X X X

Caballete AP Sectors

A, C, E

X Measurement taken

from this variable

X

Table 15f: From the top of the MM in Sector A one can see the associated plaza, the hills

and the river as well as subsidiary mounds. Alternatively, from its plaza (the center of

the huanca configuration), one can see the MM, hills, subsidiary mounds and platforms,

but not the river. The MM in Sector C has high visibility; from its summit one can see

the hills, the river and the SCP. Alternatively, its SCP has moderate visibility as one can

see the hills and the MM, but not the river. The MM in Sector E has high visibility as one

can see the mountains, the river, and SCP. The SCP has moderate visibility as one can

see the MM and the hills, but not the river.

95

Discussion

Evidence for ritual activity and religious ideology is rich at Caballete. First, the

site features three possibly contemporaneous main mounds with associated plazas. Two

of these associated plazas are sunken circular plazas. One plaza is designated by a ring of

huancas in front of its MM. The presence of two sunken circular plazas and the huancas

evidences ritual activity as discussed in previous sections. Each associated plaza at

Caballete could hold at least 114 people (Chun 2003). The arrangement of the huancas is

especially connotative of ritual activity and religious ideology. The ring is a pattern seen

at Pampa San José in the Pativilca Valley. The ring pattern is thus repetitious and could

likely represent the repetition of religious symbolism. Huancas themselves have been

associated with ancestor and deity worship (see Chapters 6 and 7); they have also been

associated with water ideology as discussed in previous sections.

The entire site of Caballete is bounded on three sides by hills which may have

further supported its religious importance. The mounds themselves appear as miniature

mountains, mimicking natural mountains surrounding them. Notably, all four categories

of construction material were used in construction of main mounds.

All three main mounds at Caballete are centrally located. The MM in Sector A

sits at the base of the U-shape configuration of other mounds at the site. The other main

mounds are situated on the “arms” of the U-shape configuration (see Figure 15). Similar

to Porvenir, the MM in Sector A faces the opening of the “U.” I hypothesize that this

orientation served similar ritualistic purposes to the MM at the base of Porvenir’s U-

shaped arrangement of monuments (see Porvenir Discussion). It also seems likely the

main mounds in Sectors C and E of Caballete functioned to create ideological solidarity

96

by facing into the U-shape instead of away from it (see Figure 15). This is also a concept

addressed in the Discussion section of Porvenir.

Visibility results seem to further uphold that religion was responsible for

increasing social complexity at Caballete through elements of power and control.

Visibility from all main mounds is high, whereas visibility from all associated plazas is

low. The river is routinely in view shed to those standing atop main mounds and

routinely blocked from view shed in associated plazas. Furthermore, the subterranean

nature of the sunken circular plazas and arrangement of the huancas would have further

hindered visibility of those inside as opposed to those on associated main mounds.

Huanca arrangement, as a repeated symbolic element and factor of visibility control, is

also evident at Pampa San José in the Pativilca Valley.

Cerro Blanco 1: Analysis and Discussion

The site of Cerro Blanco 1 is located near the Fortaleza River and is built upon a

mountain base (Creamer, Haas, Ruiz n.d.). The MM at this site has not been RC dated,

but a RC date from the same sector reveals a date range between 1950-1720 BC placing

the area within the terminal period of the LA. The site of Cerro Blanco 1 is located

approximately 600m from the river.

Figure 16 is the site map of CB1. Variables of ritual architecture are included in

Tables 16 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the table

number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from CB1 follows the tables.

97

Figure 16: Cerró Blanco 1 Site Map

Table 16 a-f: Cerro Blanco 1 Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/

Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Cerro Blanco

1

X X X

Table 16a: The solitary main mound at CB1 is constructed of dirt, angular stone and

shicra. No river cobble was used in construction of the main mound.

98

b.

Site Name/

Relative Spatial

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Cerro Blanco 1 NA NA NA

Table 16b: Relative spatial arrangement of the MM at CB1 could not be taken due to lack

of LA subsidiary mounds at the site.

c.

Site Name/

Location

MB NE O

Cerro Blanco

1

X

Table 16c: The MM at CB1 is located on a mountain base.

d.

Site

Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Cerro

Blanco

1

X X

The MM at CB1 is a rectangular platform mound. The site lacks all other architectural

components listed for this variable except for an intermediate area which may have

functioned as type of plaza.

99

e.

Site Name/

Directional

Orientation

and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Cerro Blanco

1 285°

14

Table 16e: The main mound does not definitively have a plaza; however the mound is

oriented to face 285°.15

f.

Site

Name/Visibility

Variables

MM AP Mountains River

Cerro Blanco 1

MM

Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X X

Cerro Blanco 1

AP

(intermediate

area)

X Measurement

taken from

this variable

X

Table 16f: If one was standing at the apex of the MM and looking toward the

intermediate area, one could see the surrounding hills, subsidiary mounds, the

intermediate area and the distant river. Standing from the intermediate area at the base of

the MM one can see the MM, subsidiary mounds, the surrounding hills, but not the river.

The MM therefore has high visibility while the intermediate area or supposed associated

plaza has moderate visibility.

14

Measurement taken from highest point of Sector C mound and looking toward declining elevation. 15

Measurement taken from highest point of Sector C mound and looking toward declining elevation.

100

Discussion

Similar to other sites in the region, the MM at Cerro Blanco 1 takes advantage of

the natural elevation of the mountains for building purposes. As mentioned in previous

sections, it seems likely this building style was meant to make the artificial mound look

more mountainous. Mountains have been related to Andean religious ideology in

previous sections. The MM at Cerro Blanco shares architectural similarities with other

mounds in the study based upon its design as a rectangular platform mound. The MM is

constructed of dirt, angular stone and shicra but lacks river cobble. No other architectural

components, besides its design as a rectangular platform mound, are apparent at CB1.

This may very likely be due to destruction and lack of complete excavation. Relative

spatial arrangement of the MM at CB1 could not be established because subsidiary

mounds at the site have IP radiocarbon dates. The MM is oriented 285°. The MM at

Cerro Blanco 1 does not decisively exhibit a SCP or associated plaza; however, it seems

likely the intermediate area between the MM and IP mounds functioned as a gathering

spot (see Figure 16). This hypothesis seems logical as the platforms and overall elevation

of the MM slope down to this intermediate area as if it were a focal point.

It is difficult to determine the ritualistic nature of CB1 based upon study of the

site alone. In close proximity, however, is the site of CB2 (see following section). These

two main mounds share architectural similarities which, when compared, may better

support their function as ritual architecture.

101

Cerro Blanco 2: Analysis and Discussion

Cerro Blanco 2 is located near Cerro Blanco 1 at the base of a mountain. The site

has only one mound. It is a rectangular platform mound with an associated SCP which

has been partially destroyed. A ring of huancas once surrounded the SCP. A destroyed

cemetery sits to the north of the MM, although this is from the IP. Cerro Blanco 2 is

located approximately 600m from the river.

Figure 17 is the site map of CB2. Variables of ritual architecture are included in

Tables 17 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the table

number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from CB2 follows the tables.

Figure 17: Cerró Blanco 2 Site Map

102

Table 17a-f: Cerro Blanco 2 Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/

Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

C Cerro Blanco 2

X X X

Table 17a: The MM at CB2 is constructed of dirt, angular stone and shicra. No river

cobble was used in construction of the mound.

b.

Site Name/

Relative Spatial

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Cerro Blanco 2 NA NA NA

Table 17b: Relative spatial arrangement of the MM at CB2 could not be taken due to lack

of subsidiary mounds at the site.

c.

Site Name/

Location

HB NE O

Cerro Blanco

2

X

103

Table 17c: CB2 is built up against the base of a hill. This building technique utilizes

natural elevation to bolster artificial height.

d.

Site

Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Cerro

Blanco

2

X X X

Table 17d: CB2 is a rectangular platform mound featuring a SCP and huancas. No

atrium or staircases are apparent nor is a rectangle surrounding the SCP.

e.

Site Name/

Directional

Orientation

and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Cerro Blanco

2 300° Huancas in ring around SCP

Table 17e: CB2 is oriented 300° in the direction of its destroyed SCP. A ring of huancas

once encircled this SCP.

104

f.

Site

Name/View

Shed

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Cerro

Blanco 2

MM

Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X X

Cerro

Blanco 2

AP

X Measurement

taken from

this variable

X

Table 17f: From the top of the MM one can see the associated plaza, the hills and river.

From the plaza one can see the MM and hills, but not the river.

Discussion

CB2 features some evidence of ritual architecture and religious ideology. Like

CB1, the MM is constructed of angular stone, dirt and shicra and lacks river cobble. It

faces 300° toward the associated SCP and ring of huancas. This orientation is likewise

similar to the orientation of CB1. The MM at CB2 is constructed as a rectangular

platform mound, again like CB1, but CB2 had a SCP and huancas. Repetition of

construction materials and MM orientation seems to indicate shared ideology between

CB1 and CB2. The presence of huancas and evidence of a SCP at the latter suggest ritual

activity and religious ideology. It seems likely that the ideology shared between CB1 and

CB2 was religious in nature. Furthermore, Cerro Blanco 2 shares similarities with

Caballete in the Fortaleza Valley and also with Pampa San José in the Pativilca. All of

105

these sites evidence huancas arranged in rings; Cerro Blanco 2 and Pampa San José have

them around the circumference of their SCP. Such shared huanca arrangement seems

indicative of religious ideology and ritual function shared between sites based upon

visual control and symbolic repetition discussed in previous sections.

Huaricanga: Analysis and Discussion

Huaricanga is located near the Fortaleza River and is flanked by hills on two

sides. This site includes LA and IP architecture. The modern-day Pativilca-Huaraz

highway now intersects the LA section.

Figure 18 is the site map of Huaricanga. Variables of ritual architecture are

included in Tables 18 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the

table number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from Huaricanga follows the

tables.

106

Figure 18: Huaricanga Site Map

Table 18 a-f: Huaricanga Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/

Construction Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River

Cobble

Shicra

Huaricanga X X X

Table 18a: The MM at Huaricanga was made of dirt, angular stone and shicra; no river

cobble is present.

107

b.

Site Name/

Relative Spatial

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Huaricanga X

Table 18b: The MM at Huaricanga is peripherally located.

c.

Site Name/

Location

HB NE O

Huaricanga X

Table 18c: The MM at Huaricanga is situated near hill bases.

d.

Site

Name/ AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Huaricanga X X X X

Table 18d: Huaricanga features many site architectural component categories, to include

its construction as a rectangular platform mound, an atrium at its summit, an associated

SCP and huancas.

108

e.

Site Name/

Directional

Orientation

and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Huaricanga 0° Two huancas similar in shape

and size placed parallel to one

another about 150m north of the

MM

Table 18e: Huaricanga is positioned due north in the direction of its SCP.

f.

Site

Name/View

Shed

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Huaricanga

MM

Measurement

taken from

this variable

X X X

Huaricanga

AP

X Measurement

taken from

this variable

X

Table 18f: From atop the MM, and facing due north and looking toward the SCP, one can

see the SCP, surrounding hills, subsidiary mounds and the river. From the location of the

SCP, which has been nearly entirely destroyed, one can see the MM, all other subsidiary

mounds and the surrounding hills. It is doubtful the river could have been seen from a

subterranean plaza at the base of the MM. The massiveness of the MM and surrounding

mounds block view shed to the south and southeast if one were standing in the SCP and

facing the MM. The SCP, therefore, has moderate visibility while the large MM has high

visibility.

109

Discussion

The site of Huaricanga is important to a discussion of ritual architecture. LA

architecture is constructed of dirt, shicra and angular stone. No river cobbles were

identified. The largest mound, whose SCP was recently identified in the 2007 field

season, is the largest LA platform mound in the Norte Chico region (Creamer, Haas, Ruiz

n.d.16

). It has a RC date of 2390-2190 cal BC and is located in Sector C. The MM

seems to have disorganized peripheral relative spatial layout when compared with other

contemporaneous mounds (see Figure 18). This layout remains in stark contrast with the

IP section situated just across the highway in Sector A. This IP site, named “El Castillo

de Huaricanga,” displays a neatly organized U-shape configuration. It had an associated

SCP in its center before an agricultural field replaced it (Creamer et al. n.d.).

Huaricanga maintains similarities with other LA sites. The MM is a rectangular

platform mound with an associated SCP, and evidences an atrium at its summit.

Staircases must have been present as well to allow access to this atrium. Huaricanga also

has two huancas situated about 150m to the north of Sector C. These stone monoliths

stand upright and parallel to one another. Unfortunately, it is not known if the huancas’

current placement is their original LA provenience.

Huaricanga’s spatial organization seems to lack organization when compared with

other sites. However, size has important implications for this site. The MM in Sector C

is the most massive of all main mounds reviewed in this study. A profile of the MM

exposed during construction of the modern highway evidences many building episodes.

A RC date range of 3750-2260 cal. BC was also established from research of this profile.

16

The SCP is demarked by a curved line due north of the MM near the northwest portion of the mound.

110

The MM in Sector C could possibly be the oldest LA mound constructed in both the

Fortaleza and Pativilca Valleys combined.

It seems that well-organized relative spatial arrangement of monuments was not

of high concern for LA builders at Huaricanga. It does appear that size of the MM was

important as was its association with a SCP as a gathering spot. Since the SCP was

discovered last season (summer 2007) its carrying capacity is unknown.

The huancas at Huaricanga also seem to indicate Huaricanga’s function as a ritual

site, as does the atrium positioned at the main mound’s summit.

Shaura: Analysis and Discussion

Shaura is located in the upper reaches of the Fortaleza Valley. This site was not

visited in person (due to recent destruction); however, from topographical lines on the

site map it appears the site was located on a natural elevation. In past field seasons,

PANC was able to survey and partially excavate the remaining mounds; air photos also

aided in determining mound location.

Figure 19 is the site map of Shaura. Variables of ritual architecture are included

in Tables 19 a-f. A summary of data follows each table and begins with the table

number/letter. A discussion of the data gathered from Shaura follows the tables.

111

Figure 19: Shaura Site Map

Table 19 a-f: Shaura Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/

Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River Cobble Shicra

Shaura X X

Table 19a: The MM at Shaura was made of dirt and river cobble; no shicra or angular

stone were recorded in PANC reports (Creamer et al. n.d.).

112

b.

Site Name/

Relative Spatial

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Shaura X

Table 19b: The MM at Shaura was centrally located.

c.

Site Name/

Location

HB NE O

Shaura X

Table 19c: The MM at Shaura is located on a natural elevation according to topographical

map lines.

d.

Site

Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Shaura NA NA NA X NA X

113

Table 19d: Most architectural components could not be accounted for at Shaura due to

destruction of the site. A SCP was, however, apparent from survey and dated air photos

(Creamer et al. n.d.).

e.

Site Name/

Directional

Orientation

and

Arrangement

Main Mound Orientation Huanca Arrangement

Shaura 45°

19e: The MM at Shaura is oriented 45° in the direction of its associated SCP.

f.

Site

Name/View

Shed

Variables

MM AP Hills River

Shaura MM Measurement

taken from

this variable

NA NA NA

Shaura AP NA Measurement

taken from

this variable

NA NA

19f: The site of Shaura was not personally visited, so visibility measurements are not

applicable.

114

Discussion

Although Shaura has been nearly completely destroyed, many features of this site

make it applicable to a study of ritual architecture and ancient religion. The mound was

constructed primarily of river cobble and dirt. No angular stone or shicra is apparent.

This seems to evidence sacred ideology associated with water and rivers as discussed in

previous sections. Furthermore, the MM had an associated SCP which suggests ritual

activity based upon its function as a gathering space and its relationship to visibility

control.

The MM faced 45° in the direction of the destroyed SCP. This MM sat at the

base of a U-shape configuration of subsidiary mounds, thus the MM is centrally located.

This relative spatial arrangement seems suggestive of ritual activity as discussed in

previous sections throughout the course of site analysis. The position of the MM at the

base of the “U” and its orientation toward the opening of the “U” suggests the MM was

the focal point of activity, probably ritual, given the evidence of a SCP. This orientation

also suggests that those standing atop the MM had high visibility which included a view

shed of anyone approaching the inner part of the U-shaped complex.

Intra-Valley: Analysis and Discussion

This section is an intra-valley analysis and discussion of all sites within the

Fortaleza Valley. The first section is an analysis of sites, which is exhibited in Table 20

a-f. A discussion follows the tables and reviews the relationship between ritual

architecture, religious ideology and the variables presented.

115

Analysis

Table 20 a-f: Intra-Valley Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site Name/Material Dirt Angular Stone River Cobble Shicra

Porvenir Sector A X X X

Porvenir Sector B X X X

Caballete Sector A X X X X

Caballete Sector C X X X X

Caballete Sector E X X X X

Cerro Blanco 1 X X X

C Cerro Blanco 2 X X X

Huaricanga X X X

Shaura X X

Table 20a: The MM in Sectors A, C, and E at Caballete are the only mounds which

employ all four categories of construction material in the Fortaleza Valley. However,

from the Fortaleza field notes taken by PANC there is mention that the river cobbles do

not comprise the majority construction variable when found in a mixture of the others.

Five of the main mounds recorded from each of the sites in the Fortaleza Valley were

constructed of dirt, angular stone and shicra. Shaura is the only site which has a MM

constructed entirely of river cobble without the use of shicra or angular stone.

116

b.

Site Name/

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Porvenir Sector A X

Porvenir Sector B X

Caballete Sector A X

Caballete Sector C X

Caballete Sector E X

Cerro Blanco 1 NA NA NA

Cerro Blanco 2 NA NA NA

Huaricanga X

Shaura X

20b: Porvenir Sectors A, B; Caballete Sectors A, C, E; and the MM at Shaura all have

central relative spatial arrangement. Huaricanga has peripheral relative spatial

arrangement. Accurate measurements of this category for Cerro Blanco 1 and 2 could

not be taken. The site of Cerro Blanco 1 has subsidiary mounds; however, they date to

the IP. The site of Cerro Blanco 2 has no subsidiary mounds with which to relate its

MM.

117

c.

Site

Name/Location

HB NE O

Porvenir Sector

A

X

Porvenir Sector

B

X

Caballete

Sectors A

X

Caballete

Sector B

X

Caballete

Sector C

X

Cerro Blanco 1 X

Cerro Blanco 2 X

Huaricanga X

Shaura X

20c: All MM visited were located at the base of hills. Shaura was not visited; however,

from topographical lines the site seems to be located on a NE of some sort.

118

d.

Site Name/AC RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Porvenir Sector A X X X

Porvenir Sector B X X X X

Caballete Sector A X X X

Caballete Sector C X X X

Caballete Sector E X X X X

Cerro Blanco 1 X X

Cerro Blanco 2 X X X

Huaricanga X X X X

Shaura NA NA NA X NA NA

20d: All sites analyzed in the Fortaleza Valley evidence MM which were constructed as

rectangular main mounds (this measurement could not be taken at Shaura due to

destruction of the MM). Sunken circular plazas occur frequently; four of the six sites

have them associated with main mounds. Porvenir has two sunken circular plazas as

does Caballete. Caballete does not have one associated with the MM in Sector A;

however, this MM has a ring of huancas in front of it, suggestive of a gathering place.

Huancas occur in moderate frequency, evident at three of the six sites; twice they occur in

rings (at Caballete Sector A and Cerro Blanco 2). Rectangular structures surrounding the

sunken circular plazas are evident at two sites: Porvenir and Caballete. They appear twice

at each site. Atriums are reported in site reports from Caballete, Huaricanga and

Porvenir. In total, atriums are apparent at four main mounds. Their absence or lack of

notation at the other sites is probably due to the high frequency of damage at Fortaleza

sites. Although staircases are not evident at any of the Fortaleza sites surveyed, their

absence is probably also due to more contemporary destruction of sites and lack of

complete excavation. It was particularly difficult to obtain accurate measurement of

architectural components at Shaura due to heavy site destruction. Variables including

119

“rectangular platform mound,” “staircase,” “atrium,” “rectangle surrounding SCP,” and

“huancas” appear as “NA.”

e.

Site

Name/Directional

Orientation and

Arrangement

Main Mound

Orientation

Huanca

Arrangement

Porvenir A 150°

Porvenir Sector B 60°

Caballete A 35° In a ring in front of

the MM

Caballete Sector C

125°

Caballete Sector E

25°

Cerro Blanco 1 285°17

Cerro Blanco 2 300° In ring around

circumference of

SCP

Huaricanga 0° Two huancas

similar in shape and

size placed parallel

to one another about

150m north of the

MM

Shaura 45° NA

17

Measurement taken from highest point of Sector C mound and looking toward declining elevation.

120

20e: Directional orientation and arrangement of huancas showed some interesting

patterns. First, the majority of MM in the Fortaleza are oriented to face a northern

direction. Secondly, when comparing individual sites, some MM face the same or similar

directions. For example, both the MM at Cerro Blanco 1 and Cerro Blanco 2 face

roughly the same direction, between 285° -300°. These latter mounds are the two located

closest together in the study. Sector A and Sector E MM at Caballete are oriented to face

within 10° of the same direction. They also face roughly the same direction as the MM at

Shaura which faces 45° (Figure 21).

Arrangement of huancas displays interesting patterns as well. Huancas often

appear in a ring and never by themselves at the sites recorded in this valley. The huancas

at Huaricanga are located about 150m from the front of the MM and stand parallel to one

another, but according to local residents they have been moved. The ring of huancas at

Caballete either took the place of a proper SCP or they remain as the sole evidence of a

destroyed SCP. A ring of huancas exists around the SCP at Cerro Blanco 2 and at Pampa

San José in the Pativilca Valley. Perhaps the ring of huancas at Caballete is evidence of

this type of formation.

Figure 20: MM Directional Orientation, Fortaleza Valley

121

f.

Site Name/ Visibility Measurement Visibility

Porvenir MM Sectors A and B

Porvenir AP Sectors A and B

High

Moderate

Caballete MM Sectors A, C, E

Caballete AP Sectors A, C, E

High

Moderate

Cerro Blanco 1 MM

Cerro Blanco 1 AP (intermediate area)

High

Moderate

Cerro Blanco 2 MM

Cerro Blanco 2 AP

High

Moderate

Huaricanga MM

Huaricanga AP

High

Moderate

Shaura MM

Shaura AP

NA

NA

Table 20f: Eight MM could be accurately analyzed for measurements of visibility.

Shaura appears as “NA” due to MM and SCP destruction. All eight MM analyzed

evidenced high visibility. One can see the associated plazas, hills and the river from atop

each of the main mounds at each site analyzed. Conversely, all AP evidenced moderate

visibility as one can see the MM and the hills, but not the river. This qualitative analysis

is further qualified with measurements recording the distance in meters from each site the

valley’s river. All sites are located within the distance limit of human vision.

122

Discussion

Religious ideology is clearly manifested through architecture of ritual at sites in

the Fortaleza Valley.

Construction Material: It seems river cobble was used less frequently than

angular stone, dirt or shicra at all main mounds in the Fortaleza, except for Shaura.

When river cobble was used, it was often used sparingly (see Table 20a). I suggest, as I

have with the Pativilca Valley, that river cobble served less practical building purposes

and had instead a sacred context based upon its selectivity in use. This context was

related to the ritual or religious ideology attached to rivers. The only main mound in the

Fortaleza which is constructed entirely of river cobble and dirt is Shaura. Builders there

selected river cobble instead of angular stone even though Shaura is positioned on a

natural elevation where angular stone could have been quarried.

Relative Spatial Arrangement: All main mounds analyzed for this variable

exhibited central relative spatial arrangement which is indicative of ritual architecture as

discussed in previous sections. U-shape arrangement is apparent in many of the sites

including Caballete, Porvenir and Shaura. The position and orientation of main mounds

at the base of the U further substantiates the claim that these sites were acting as religious

and ritual places with the sides of the U acting to focus attention on the main mound and

providing a location for ritual to take place.

MM Location: All main mounds in this study were situated on or near mountain

bases except for the site of Shaura which seemed to have been built upon a natural

elevation of some other sort. As discussed before, mound builders may have built their

mounds to resemble surrounding mountains for religious purposes and may have used

123

natural elevation to bolster artificial architecture and make it look more “mountainous.”

This is especially evident at the sites of CB1 and CB2.

Site Architectural Components: This variable reviewed throughout the Fortaleza

Valley displays many features related to ritual architecture and religious ideology.

Sunken circular plazas are frequent at sites and many sites evidence atriums atop their

main mounds. This combination suggests religious ideology based upon the repetition of

sunken circular plazas and their likely function as ritual symbols and ritual gathering

places. Huancas are also apparent at sites in the Fortaleza. They occur at Caballete, CB2

and Huaricanga. Their existence suggests religious ideology and ritual as discussed

previously in the Pativilca Valley (see also Discussion sections in Chapters 6 and 7).

MM Directional Orientation and Huanca Arrangement: MM directional

orientation features some interesting data regarding the variable’s relationship with ritual

and religious ideology. Some main mounds within the Fortaleza and from the same site

face similar directions as is the case with Caballete A and E. Some main mounds from

different sites face one another such as Caballete C and CB2. Repetition of MM

orientation can be seen as evidence of shared religious ideology. Huaricanga very likely

faced due north (further establishment of atrium and SCP location would augment this

preliminary measurement) a cardinal direction that would liken it to the Site of Cerro

Sechin regarding cardinal orientation. Probably most connotative of religious ideology

and ritual architecture, are sites which feature U-shape spatial arrangement and evidence

a MM at the base of the U which is oriented to face the U’s opening. Participants

standing atop the MM at the base of the U would have been able to see anyone coming

into the interior of the U-shaped complex.

124

Huanca arrangement in the Fortaleza seems to indicate symbolic repetition.

Huancas at the sites of Caballete and CB2 were arranged in rings. This arrangement may

have also functioned to restrict visibility of anyone standing within their circumference.

Visibility: Measurements of visibility suggest that visibility of those within

sunken circular plazas or other plazas was being controlled. This is evident by the

subterranean nature of sunken circular plazas and by the presence of rings of huancas

around plazas and as plazas themselves. Visibility control is a factor of ritual architecture

and religious ideology which has been reviewed in previous sections.

Chapter 6: Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys

Inter-Site Analysis and Discussions

This chapter is an analysis of data gathered from each site in the Pativilca and

each site in the Fortaleza. This chapter notes similarities and differences between sites in

both valleys as well as documents the presence, absence and/or arrangement of ritual

architectural variables. The section begins with Table 21 a-f which charts and explains

inter-valley variables of ritual architecture. The section concludes with a discussion

regarding the relationship between these variables and ritual or religious ideology.

Table 21 a-f: Inter-Valley Variables of Ritual Architecture

a.

Site

Name/Construction

Material

Dirt Angular

Stone

River

Cobble

Shicra

Upaca Sector A X X X X

Upaca Sector C X X X

Punta y Suela

Sector A

X X X X

Punta y Suela Sector

B

X X

Pampa San José X X X X

(Table 21a Continued on following page)

126

(Table 21a continued)

Carretería X X X X

Huayto X X X

Vinto Alto Sector A X X X X

Vinto Alto Sector C X X X X

Porvenir Sector A X X X

Porvenir Sector B X X X

Caballete Sector A X X X X

Caballete Sector C X X X X

Caballete Sector E X X X X

Cerro Blanco 1 X X X

C Cerro Blanco 2 X X X

Huaricanga X X X

Shaura X X

21a: Dirt is used in construction of all MM from all sites in both valleys. Shicra is the

next most widely used construction material and is employed at fifteen of the eighteen

main mounds. Evidence of shicra appears nearly equally throughout the two valleys.

Angular stone is the next most widely used construction material and is used at fifteen of

the eighteen main mounds. It is found more often in the Fortaleza. River cobble is used

least frequently and is found primarily from Pativilca main mounds. The only exception

in the Fortaleza Valley is at the site of Shaura. Thirteen of the eighteen sites employ river

cobble in small quantities.

No MM from any site uses angular stone without also using shicra. Alternatively,

Shaura in the Fortaleza and Punta y Suela Sector B in the Pativilca employ river cobble

without shicra or angular stone. Huayto is the only MM that uses dirt, shicra and river

cobble. Nine of the eighteen main mounds recorded use all four of the construction

material variables.

127

b.

Site Name/

Relative Spatial

Arrangement

Central Peripheral Terminal

Upaca Sector A X

Upaca Sector C X

Punta y Suela

Sector A

X

Punta y Suela

Sector B

X

Pampa San José X

Carretería NA NA NA

Huayto X

Vinto Alto Sector

A

X

Vinto Alto Sector

C

X

Porvenir Sector A X

(Table 21b continued on following page)

128

(Table 21b continued)

Porvenir Sector B X

Caballete Sector A X

Caballete Sector C X

Caballete Sector E X

Cerro Blanco 1 NA NA NA

Cerro Blanco 2 NA NA NA

Huaricanga X

Shaura X

Table 21b: Eight of the eighteen main mounds documented in this study were centrally

located. This variable constitutes the most frequently used relative spatial arrangement of

monuments. Two of these main mounds are located in the Pativilca and six are located in

the Fortaleza. Three of the twelve sites were single mounds, not applicable to

measurement of relative spatial arrangement of monuments. Peripheral arrangement is

the next most popular layout among all sites. Peripheral arrangement is noted at four

main mounds in the Pativilca and at one in the Fortaleza. Only two main mounds in the

study evidenced terminal layout; these are located at the site of Vinto Alto in the Pativilca

Valley.

The majority of sites evidenced central layout, which seems to be an architectural

property connotative of ritual action and religious ideology. The centrality of the MM

places it at the focal point of an audience who might occupy associated sunken circular

plazas. This is especially the case when the MM is situated at the base of a U-shaped

layout of mounds. Although peripheral arrangement does not seem to be an architectural

feature highly expressive of ritual, terminal layout may be. As mentioned previously, the

Casma Valley site of Pampa de las Llamas Moxeke has terminal layout and has been

associated with ritual symbolism (Burger 1992). The arrangement of main mounds at

Vinto Alto may have been in the preliminary stages of such an arrangement and may also

have held religious or ritual importance.

129

c.

Site Name/Location HB NE O

Upaca Sector A X

Upaca Sector C X

Punta y Suela Sector A X

Punta y Suela Sector B X

Pampa San José X

Carretería X

Huayto X

Vinto Alto Sector A X

Vinto Alto Sector C X

Porvenir Sector A X

Porvenir Sector B X

Caballete Sector A X

Caballete Sector C X

Caballete Sector E X

Cerro Blanco 1 X

Cerro Blanco 2 X

Huaricanga X

Shaura X

130

Table 21c: Twelve of the eighteen main mounds are located at hill bases. This constitutes

the largest category of preferred location. Four of the eighteen main mounds are on

natural elevations not associated with the base of a hill. Pampa San José and Vinto Alto

Sector A were the only main mounds marked Other.

It seems that builders from both valleys preferred to build their main mounds on

or near hill bases. I hypothesize that their proximity to this form of natural elevation

made the principal artificial main mounds appear more like natural hills. It seems

builders wanted their main mounds to resemble or at least be associated with surrounding

hills. If main mounds were not built upon or near hill bases then they were often built

upon other natural elevations to include rocky outcrops as is the case at Carretería and

Vinto Alto C. Mounds located on the valley floor were often quite large, seemingly to

make up for lack of natural elevation.

It is likely that coastal and valley hills held ritual or religious significance for LA

peoples just as their taller Andean counterparts did in the highlands. (see also Chapter 7).

131

d.

Site Name/

AC

RPM Atrium Staircase SCP Other

plaza

type

Rectangle

surrounding

SCP

Huancas

Upaca Sector

A

X X X

Upaca Sector

C

X X

Punta y Suela

Sector A

X X X

Punta y Suela

Sector B

X X

Pampa San

José

X X X X X

Carretería X X X X

Huayto X X X

Vinto Alto

Sector A

X X X

Vinto Alto

Sector C

X X X

Porvenir

Sector A

X X X

Porvenir

Sector B

X X X X

Caballete

Sector A

X X X

Caballete

Sector C

X X X

Caballete

Sector E

X X X X

Cerro

Blanco 1

X X

Cerro

Blanco 2

X X X

Huaricanga X X X X

Shaura NA NA NA X NA NA

132

Table 21d: All main mounds reviewed in this project, except for Shaura which was NA to

the measurement, were constructed as rectangular platform mounds. Sunken circular

plazas are the second most frequent architectural component among all sites; they are

recorded at fourteen of the eighteen main mounds. Atriums appear at seven of the MM

while huancas appear six times in the study. Rectangles surrounding sunken circular

plazas are also recorded six times. Staircases are recorded at two. Record of atriums,

staircases and rectangles is probably incomplete as none of these sites have been fully

excavated.

Record of architectural components from both valleys suggest these sites

functioned as ritual or religious centers. Many architectural components are repeated

throughout sites which seems indicative of ritual and shared ideology. Repeated

components including atriums and sunken circular plazas indicate ritual or religious

functions based upon the idea that sunken circular plazas were gathering spaces and

atriums are suggestive of summit activity (Moore 1996). Huancas recurring at sites

suggest possible ancestor and/or deity worship. They also may represent ideology

surrounding the sacred nature of water (see also Chapter 7). Staircases may be less

accounted for than other architectural attributes based upon the fact that many main

mounds have been badly destroyed and no mounds in the study have been completely

excavated.

e.

Site

Name/Directional

Orientation and

Arrangement

Main Mound

Orientation

Huanca

Arrangement

Upaca Sector A 340°

Upaca Sector C 70°

Punta y Suela

Sector A 75° One positioned on

summit

Punta y Suela

Sector B 180°

Pampa San José 135° Circle around top of

SCP

Carretería 325°

(Table 21e continued on following page)

133

(Table 21e continued)

Huayto 90°

Vinto Alto Sector

A 25°

On top of Sector A

MM/ polished

Vinto Alto Sector

C 200°

Porvenir Sector A 150°

Porvenir Sector B 60°

Caballete Sector A 35° In a circle in front of

the MM

Caballete Sector C 125°

Caballete Sector E 25°

Cerro Blanco 1 285°18

Cerro Blanco 2 300° In circle around

circumference of

SCP

Huaricanga 0° Two huancas

similar in shape and

size placed parallel

to one another about

150m north of the

MM

Shaura 45° NA

Table 21e: Different patterns are revealed by the data regarding inter-valley comparison

of MM directional orientation. The first reflects that some main mounds both within and

between valleys face similar directions or face one another. Three main mounds face

cardinal directions (Figure 21). Some main mounds, as addressed in each site analysis

and discussion, face the opening of a U-shape layout of mounds.

MM orientation seems to have been related to ritual and religious ideology. It

seems that some sites shared ideology regarding orientation. Based upon other variables

of ritual architecture which are inherent to those sites, it seems this ideology was

18

Measurement taken from highest point of Sector C mound and looking toward declining elevation.

134

probably religious in nature. This may have been the case with sites that face similar

directions and with sites that face one another. Pampa San Jose and Carreteria, for

example, roughly face one another. They also exhibit similar architectural components

including staircases and an associated sunken circular plaza. Main mounds that face one

another such as the terminal mounds at Vinto Alto may be compared with sites

evidencing similar layout in the IP, such as Pampa de las Llamas Moxeke, which also

exhibits ritual iconography (Burger 1992).

Mounds which face cardinal directions such as Huaricanga, Punta y Suela B and

Huayto may have been LA examples of a pattern recorded later among IP sites oriented

along cardinal axes such as Cerro Sechin, which again exhibits ritual iconography

(Burger 1992). Mounds which are oriented to face the opening of a U-shape layout also

seem to indicate the importance of ritual or religious ideology at that site. Those standing

atop the main mound would be able to see those coming into the interior of the complex

affording those at the apex of main mounds with power over those on the ground and in

plazas (Pozorski 1980, Renfrew 1994, Moore 1996).

Figure 21: MM Directional Orientation, Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys

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Huancas are recorded at six of the twelve sites. The tendency seems for huancas

to be placed in a ring. This occurs at Pampa San José in the Pativilca and at Caballete

and Cerro Blanco 2 in the Fortaleza. At Pampa San José and Cerro Blanco 2, the rings

encircle SCP. Huaricanga has two huancas positioned about 150m from the MM. These

are positioned parallel to one another. Vinto Alto has one huanca situated at the top of

the MM in Sector A. The site of Punta y Suela also has a huanca, it is on the summit of

the mound in Sector A.

Huanca arrangement is highly indicative of shared ideology, ritual and religion.

Huancas set atop main mounds would inhabit a focal place within the site. Huancas

repeatedly arranged in a ring seem to indicate repeated ritual or religious symbolism.

Furthermore the arrangement of these rings around plazas, and especially sunken circular

plazas, would likely have been a source of visibility control, (a factor related to ritual

architecture, (Moore 1996).

136

f.

Site Name/ Visibility Measurement Visibility

Upaca MM Sector A

Upaca AP Sector A

High

Moderate

Upaca MM Sector C

Upaca MM Sector C

NA

NA

Punta y Suela MM Sector A

Punta y Suela AP Sector A

High

Moderate

Punta y Suela MM Sector B

Punta y Suela AP Sector B

High

Moderate

Pampa San José MM

Pampa San José AP

High

Moderate

Carretería MM

Carretería AP

High

Moderate

Huayto MM

Huayto AP

High

Moderate

Vinto Alto MM Sector A

Vinto Alto Intermediate Area Sector A

High

Moderate

Vinto Alto MM Sector C

Vinto Alto Inermediate Area Sector C

NA

NA

(Table 21f continued on following page)

137

(Table 21f continued)

Porvenir MM Sector A

Porvenir AP Sector A

High

Moderate

Porvenir MM Sector B

Porvenir AP Sector

High

Moderate

Caballete MM Sector A

Caballete AP Sector A

High

Moderate

Caballete MM Sector C

Caballete AP Sector C

High

Moderate

Caballete MM Sector E

Caballete AP Sector E

High

Moderate

Cerro Blanco 1 MM

Cerro Blanco 1 Intermediate Area

High

Moderate

Cerro Blanco 2 MM

Cerro Blanco 2 AP

High

Moderate

Huaricanga MM

Huaricanga AP

High

Moderate

Shaura MM

Shaura AP

NA

NA

Table 21f: Sixteen of the eighteen main mounds and associated plazas surveyed showed

similar visibility results. Shaura could not be tested due to destruction of the main mound

and SCP. Of all the sites analyzed, all main mounds had high visibility; one could see the

associated plaza, the mountains and the river. Alternatively, all associated plazas had

138

moderate visibility; one could see the associated MM and the hills, but not the river.

Distance measurement in meters was taken between sites and rivers to reinforce this data.

All rivers fall within 600m of all sites.

Control of visibility is a factor related to ritual architecture and thus religious

ideology (Renfrew 1994, Moore 1996,). From the Norte Chico data, visibility on top of

main mounds is generally high; conversely from plazas it is moderate. The river in each

valley seems to have been the object controlled in view shed. Those privileged to occupy

the top of main mounds could have seen the river on clear days. Those at ground level or

in subterranean sunken circular plazas could not have seen the river.

Discussion

MM Construction Material: It seems as though dirt was a standard construction

material for all MM from all sites. This was probably for purposes of practicality in

building technique as opposed to having a religious dimension. Shicra also seems to

have had been used for building practicality purposes and did not have a religious

dimension. Shicra is the second most widely utilized construction material. It seems

shicra had to be used when constructing mounds made of angular stone. This was not the

case for mounds made of river cobble as evidenced especially by Punta y Suela and

Shaura. Angular stone appears frequently as a construction resource for main mounds

throughout sites in both valleys. River cobble, however, is used less frequently. River

cobble appears only in Pativilca main mounds and in the MM at Shaura in the Fortaleza

Valley. Punta y Suela, Huayto and Shaura all use river cobble in the absence of angular

stone. Punta y Suela and Shaura do not even employ shicra.

From this analysis of construction material it seems river cobble may have held

some sort of religious significance. Each site is located near a river so that cobbles would

be attainable yet also close enough to hill bases to quarry angular stone. While it seems

that angular stone was preferred over river cobble given its frequency, angular stone may

139

have served more practical purposes, as did dirt and shicra. The use of river cobble at

fewer sites and its appearance only once in the Fortaleza Valley may evidence its sacred

nature through selectivity of the resource. The MM at Punta y Suela, for example, is

composed entirely of river cobble, without angular stone and even without shicra. No

MM in this collection of sites is composed entirely of angular stone without at least using

shicra. This conclusion can likewise be supported by looking at measurements of

visibility. From atop all the main mounds analyzed, where I am proposing priests were

participating in ritual performance or addressing onlookers below, one can see the

valley’s river. This is not the case from the plazas below. It seems likely that rivers were

associated with ritualistic and/or religious ideologies. This is discussed further in the

following chapter.

An alternative hypothesis is that river cobble maintained different religious

ideological significance for builders in the Pativilca Valley than for builders in the

Fortaleza (perhaps the outlier site of Shaura shared ideological values with sites in the

Pativilca as opposed to those in the Fortaleza).

Relative Spatial Arrangement of Monuments: Relative spatial arrangement of

monuments evidences a preference for both Pativilca and Fortaleza builders to locate

their main mounds centrally. If a MM is centrally located it is also generally the base

mound of a U-shape configuration of subsidiary mounds. This building style takes place

at Pampa San José, Huayto, Porvenir, Caballete and Shaura. No valley widely used this

preferred arrangement over the other valley; their use of the technique is nearly equal. As

discussed previously, a U-shape configuration with a MM at the base, is suggestive of the

main mound’s importance as a focal point in the complex.

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The repeated pattern of centrality as a preferred relative spatial arrangement

variable seems to suggest religious ideological significance by focusing attention on the

central mound and providing a gathering space. The tendency of placing a MM in a

central location and at the base of a U-shape configuration is a frequent pattern in the IP

and EH. The building of mound complexes during the IP increases not only in scale but

in organization style. Mound complexes dated to the IP and located on the central and

north coasts evidence a U-shape configuration (Donnan 1982, Moore 1996: 19-91). One

example of this U-shape layout in the Norte Chico is the IP sector at Huaricanga in the

Fortaleza Valley. This sector contains the U-shape mound complex called El Castillo de

Huaricanga (Creamer et al. n.d.).

Given the association of IP and EH religious artworks with centrally located MM

and U-shaped arrangements, as is evidenced at sites including Cerro Sechín in the Casma

Valley and Chavín de Huantar in the highlands (Moseley 2001), it seems likely this

distinctive spatial arrangement of monuments developed ritualistic/religious importance

in the LA and reached its peak in the subsequent IP and EH.

MM Directional Orientation and Huanca Arrangement: Based upon this study’s

findings, MM directional orientation reveals various patterns. One pattern is the

tendency for main mounds within and between valleys to be oriented in similar

directions. Another is for main mounds within and between valleys to be oriented to face

one another. Other mounds are oriented to face cardinal directions. The ritual

significance of these orientations has already been discussed in association with Table

21e; however, it may be more helpful to refer to Figure 21. Although some patterns

141

emerge regarding MM directional orientation, no singular and overarching pattern is all

encompassing.

Arrangement of huancas seems highly indicative of LA ritual. The most

common arrangement is the ring. This occurs at Caballete, Cerro Blanco 2 and Pampa

San José. Caballete and Cerro Blanco 2 are both in the Fortaleza Valley; however, Pampa

San José is in the Pativilca. The ring of huancas at Cerro Blanco 2 and Pampa San José

occur around sunken circular plazas associated with main mounds. This trait seems to

evidence the existence of shared ideology. Since the sunken circular plazas are

considered gathering places given their proximity to main mounds and seating capacity

(Moore 1996; Chun 2003), it seems even more likely this ideology was religious in

nature. Perhaps the placing of the huancas around the SCP was related to controlling

view shed of an audience. Moore mentions control of view shed as one of the

characteristics of ritual architecture and subsequently existent religion (1996: 157-167).

Huancas may have had other ritualistic purposes aside from their role in view

shed control. They are recorded occurring in pairs at the site of Huaricanga and singly at

the Sites of Punta y Suela and Vinto Alto. At the latter two sites each sole huanca is

positioned atop a MM. The huanca documented from Vinto Alto Sector A is noted by

Creamer et al. (2007) to resemble the lanzón at Chavín. It may have served similar

religious purposes. According to Moseley:

The lanzón depicts a being with a human body whose fingers and toes terminate

in claws…Thick lips curl up and back, exposing two tusk-like canines, while

eyebrows and hair are depicted as snakes…Variously called the “smiling” or

“snarling” god the deity gazes eastward…By lifting a floor stone in the gallery

immediately above the Lanzón, an unseen attendant could speak for the deity

below. This has led to the proposition that the Lanzón was an oracle which spoke

to privileged supplicants who gained access to the inner sanctum. (2001: 164-165)

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Visibility: Visibility results were highly consistent among the LA sites reviewed

in this study. The hills, valley river and AP (or Intermediate Area) can be seen from

every MM analyzed in both valleys (this measurement was not taken from Shaura, Upaca

Sector C or Vinto Alto Sector C). Alternatively, this is not reflected in visibility from the

AP or Intermediate Area. One can see the MM and hills, but not the river. It is highly

likely this disparity between visibility from the summit of a MM and its AP had

religious/ritual ideological significance. It seems visibility was being controlled.

The hills can be seen from wherever anyone stands, whether that person were

standing on top of the main mound or in a SCP. The main mounds themselves seem to

resemble these hills.

Moore (1996) discusses sunken circular plazas as gathering places where people

had restricted visibility of the things around them. Visibility from the plazas reviewed in

this study would have been controlled by the large structures surrounding the plazas and

the often subterranean nature of the plazas themselves. In the case of Moore’s study and

my own, these large structures are constructed mounds.

The river in every case reviewed in this study is hidden from visibility when one

stands in the AP or Intermediate Area. Sunken circular plazas have the most restricted

visibility given their subterranean nature. U-shape layout of mounds provides further

visibility restriction. One sees the artificial subsidiary mounds on either side, which

obstructs vision of anything (besides the hills) beyond their perimeter. The viewer

instead has a clear view of the MM.

143

Visibility from atop the MM is very different. One can see the hills, the valley’s

river and the AP. One also has a clear view of residential architecture if existent at the

site as well as other mounds and plazas.

Chapter 7: Concluding Discussion

The results of this study bring up a number of topics for discussion. My primary

conclusion, according to the evidence provided, is that LA mound builders of the

Fortaleza and Pativilca Valleys shared a religious ideology, though no one site held

religious power over other sites. I support this hypothesis by noting that this religion,

while being widespread, was not expressed in the architectural layout in exactly the same

manner at every site. This is apparent through presence/absence and arrangement of

variables of ritual architecture recorded at each site as was detailed in the previous

chapter. The fact that many variables of ritual architecture recur among sites in the

Pativilca and Fortaleza suggests shared ideology between these valleys.

The high recurrence of sunken circular plazas is especially indicative that this

shared ideology was religious and ritualistic in nature. Through my own analysis of SCP

recurrence throughout both valleys and through examples of SCP seating capacity, it

seems highly likely that sunken circular plazas in the Norte Chico LA functioned as

gathering places for masses who watched ritual performance at the top of main mounds.

Seating capacity for sunken circular plazas, where information was available or

attainable, was between 100-244 persons.19

Evidence of atriums and staircases leading to

19

Seating capacity for sunken circular plazas was obtained from Moore’s calculation and from Chun’s

master’s thesis. Chun did not have seating capacity information for all sunken circular plazas in the present

study. Similarly, Moore’s formula for seating capacity could not be used for all sunken circular plazas in

the present study as his formula requires diameters to be known; not all diameters are known from the

sunken circular plazas in the present study.

145

the atriums on main mounds further supports the hypothesis that mound-plaza complexes

functioned for ritualistic purposes. Atriums and staircases suggest summit activity

and access control (Pozorski 1980).

Sunken circular plazas have been documented at many sites throughout the Norte

Chico (Chun 2003). It seems highly likely sunken circular plazas not only functioned as

gathering places but also were an important symbolic component to LA ritual and

religious ideology based upon their special circular and subterranean nature. LA builders

could have built sunken rectangular courts as did many Pre-Columbian Mesoamerican

cultures (Longhena 1998). Alternatively, LA courts need not be subterranean at all. Yet

Late Archaic builders did design sunken circular plazas in a particular way; they were

subterranean and circular with stairways leading up onto the main mound. This

combination of architectural design is similar to the ritual architecture of other cultures

including those of the American Southwest. Southwest Indian kivas were subterranean

circular rooms where select people could congregate and partake in religious traditions

(Plog 1997).

The sunken circular plazas of the LA Fortaleza and Pativilca sites recur

throughout all Norte Chico valleys as well as in various other regions of the Andes. They

were also built throughout various time periods. The particular design of the sunken

circular plaza existed for hundreds of years.

While the primary hypothesis of a shared religious system is especially supported

by recurrence and shape of sunken circular plazas, it is also important to review other

indicators of religion which were found in the data. My second conclusion, therefore,

asserts the importance of water, hill, and ancestor/deity worship to LA religious ideology.

146

Through analysis of variables of ritual architecture, it seems water and hills played an

important part in ancient LA religious ideology as did ideology associated with ancestor

and/or deity worship. Water as an ideological symbol was associated with river cobble

use as a MM construction material and with control of river visibility. Water may also

have been associated with huanca erection and arrangement. Ancestor and/deity worship

seems most likely related to huancas and their arrangement as well.

Two theories are proposed for the ideological significance of river cobble. Both

theories suggest river cobble helped maintain an ideology associated with ritual or

religion based upon its association with the rivers the resource came from. River cobble

was used more selectively than was angular stone even though both were obtainable at all

sites (all sites are located within walking distance or 600m). Though the frequency of

angular stone is greater than that of river cobble I suggest this is because angular stone

may have served purposes similar to that of dirt and shicra, which maintained no

religious ideological purpose. The use of river cobble at fewer sites and its appearance

only once in the Fortaleza Valley may evidence its sacred nature, through its selectivity.

The MM at Punta y Suela Sector B, for example, is composed entirely of river cobble,

without angular stone and even without shicra. No MM in this collection of sites is

composed entirely of angular stone without also using shicra. At the sites of Shaura and

Punta y Suela Sector B, for example, main mounds were constructed of only river cobble

and dirt. A second theory also maintains the religious ideological significance of river

cobble; however, it posits that river cobble had different religious ideological significance

for builders in the Pativilca Valley than for builders in the Fortaleza (perhaps the outlier

site of Shaura shared ideological values with sites in the Pativilca as opposed to those in

147

the Fortaleza). I also note that river cobble is present at all sites, although it appears in

small amounts at most sites. Given the smooth and rounded nature of river cobble it must

have been difficult to build with this material. River cobbles’ infrequent use in most

main mounds in this study supports this theory. It seems increasingly likely that river

cobble as a construction material served purposes more related to religious ideology and

ritual than to purposes of construction practicality.

I believe special ideology surrounding river cobble was also associated with the

source of that material. I suggest rivers held ideological significance related to ritual and

religion due to evidence suggested by visibility measurements.

Throughout the Pativilca and Fortaleza sites reviewed, rivers are a controlled

variable in visibility. Visibility control is likewise linked with ritual architecture and

religious ideology (Moore 1996). In this study, rivers can be seen by those standing at

the summit of main mounds; however, river visibility is routinely blocked from those

standing in associated plazas. Additionally, all sites are located close to rivers (within

walking distance). Many are located within 50m, which is well within human vision

range (Moore 1996). Each of the main mounds in this study are located less than 1 mile

of a river. The height of main mounds is a factor in restriction of river visibility from

associated sunken circular plazas because in many cases the main mound itself blocks a

view of the river from the rest of the site. However, visibility also seems to have been

controlled through arrangement of huancas in rings around plazas and in the often

subterranean nature of plazas themselves.

I propose that rivers, as a water resource, in the Norte Chico carried religious

connotations because of this study’s results. This hypothesis seems increasingly likely

148

due to the arid nature of both valleys. These valleys would exist as absolute deserts if it

were not for the Pativilca and Fortaleza Rivers that feed them (Haas and Creamer 2004).

During a time period in which agriculture is evident (Haas and Creamer 2004), rivers

clearly served economic ends as well, but their material benefits were then incorporated

into the sociopolitical world through ritual and religious ideology.

Other studies relate elements of water’s sacred nature with Pre-Columbian

religions. Glowacki and Malpass (2003) review the importance of water to the religious

ideology of the Wari, a Middle Horizon civilization existing from about AD 500-800, and

the Inca of the 15th

/16th

centuries. The scholars note that in the Wari case, water worship

was probably initiated as a response to environmental pressures brought on by drought

and aridity. The sacredness of water was also tied to Wari ancestor worship according to

the authors. Glowacki and Malpass note, “We believe that Wari state ideology, which

revolved around ancestor worship as a means of cosmologically controlling sacred places

(i.e. huacas), stimulated territorial expansion. An important component of that ideology

may have been ancestor worship associated with the control of water” (2003: 434). The

Norte Chico data suggest the significance of water and its association with ancestor

worship may have originated long before the Wari state arose and endured throughout

Andean history to the time of the Inca.

Glowacki and Malpass also note the Inca religious situation seems analogous with

that of Wari. Both cultures practiced ancestor worship, and both revered water and

mountains in doing so. To the Inca, huacas (sacred places such as lakes, hills, mountains,

rivers, human-made mounds, etc.), often associated with ancestor worship, were links and

portals to this ideological system whereby death and water produced a cycling of creation

149

and recreation. According to Glowacki and Malpass, “Mythologically, the ancestors

associated with these natural shrines or huacas were said to have emerged from them to

found their [the Inca] descent groups. Occasionally, their deeds were so great that they

were turned into stones, referred to as huancas, and remained with their people to

enhance agricultural fertility and impart wisdom as oracles” (2003: 436). Similarly, the

mounds and stone monoliths found at Norte Chico sites are referred to by the local people

as huacas and huancas respectively. Some mounds in the region have become

contemporary shrines for syncretic Andean ritual and religion. Figure 22 depicts a LA

mound of the Norte Chico region which has remained a sacred place. At the mound’s

summit stands a Christian cross decorated with Andean religious iconography including

sun and moon symbolism.

Figure 22: Norte Chico Mound Structure with Christian and Andean Symbolism

150

Returning to a discussion of visibility measurements, just as visibility control was

important for rivers at Pativilca and Fortaleza sites this was also the case for hills

surrounding the sites. The majority of main mounds in the Pativilca and Fortaleza are

built next to or on hills bases or on other forms of natural elevation. Additionally, one

can always see the surrounding hills from main mounds and from associated plazas or

intermediate areas. It seems, therefore, large hills at Pativilca and Fortaleza sites had a

special and religiously important ideological nature. The significance of mountains to

Pre-Columbian Andean culture is reviewed by Glowacki and Malpass in the previous

paragraph when discussing huancas, but this topic is discussed by various other authors

as well. Ceruti (2004) discusses Inca child sacrifice to mountain spirits and gods. The

reverence of mountains and stones can be plainly seen in Inca architecture. Large stones

at sites such as Machu Picchu (the summer residence of emperor Pachacuti) were often

carved to resemble surrounding mountains (see Figure 23). It seems very likely that large

hills on the coast and valleys carried similar religious connotations to their highland

mountain counterparts because it seems, through a review of MM location, that main

mounds were built to resemble the hills around them.

151

Figure 23: Machu Picchu with Stone Worked to Resemble the Mountain Behind It

More evidence for the importance of mountains comes from a contemporary

Andean Indian tribe. Bastien (1987) discusses the importance of mountains to the

contemporary Andean Quollahuaya Indians. He notes the highland Quollahuaya Indians

view mountains as analogous to their own physiology. According to Bastien’s

ethnographic study:

Qollahuayas understand the body as a vertical axis with three levels through

which blood and fat flow from the center to the peripheral in centripetal and

centrifugal motion. The methodological assumption is that Qollahuayas look to

their mountain-ayllu and hydraulic systems for understanding their physiology.

There is wholeness characteristic to their ayllu that is projected on their body

concepts. Qollahuayas understand ayllu as a vertical triangular land mass divided

into high, center, and low ecological zones, in which communities live; its

solidarity is formed by kinship ties, common earth shrines, and exchange of

resources. (1987: 596)

The previous discussion hypothesizes that mountains and rivers enjoyed religious

and ritual ideology in the LA Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys. I reach this conclusion

152

based upon the evidence provided through visibility and construction material

documentation in my data and also through a practice of middle range theory

incorporating the Middle Horizon Wari, 15th

/16th

Inca, and ethnography of contemporary

Quollahuaya Indians.

My final conclusion for this study reviews the evolution of ritual and religion. I

suggest that greater frequency and more precise execution of U-shape configuration and

increased frequency of sunken circular plazas, huancas and their arrangement at Pativilca

and Fortaleza sites, parallels increasingly complex and hierarchical sociopolitical

organization and a correspondingly more standardized religious ideology in the LA. The

evidence to support this conclusion appears in relative spatial arrangement of main

mounds and site architectural components.

The recurrence of U-shaped layout of monuments occurring in the IP and EH is

an architectural assemblage pattern started in the LA as is evidenced at Pativilca and

Fortaleza sites such as Pampa San José and Caballete. A U-shape spatial arrangement

often coincides with centrality of MM throughout the LA, IP, and EH. Many sites in the

Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys including Huayto, Porvenir, Caballete, Shaura and Pampa

San José, have main mounds positioned centrally and at the base of a U-shape layout of

subsidiary mounds.

U-shape design evident at LA sites can be compared with IP sites including El

Castillo de Huaricanga (less than 100m from the main mound at Huaricanga) in the

Fortaleza Valley and other sites throughout the central coast of Peru. Some other IP sites

from the central coast exhibiting U-shape layout include La Florida, Mina Perdida,

Garagay, Huacoy and Chocas in the Rimac, Lurin, and Chillon Valleys respectively

153

(Williams 1982). Williams also notes the high frequency of sunken circular plazas at

sites in this region during the LA and IP, some of which include Sechin Alto (see Figure

24), Caral and Era de Pando in the Casma and Supe Valleys respectively. Williams

suggests the U-shape layout and sunken circular plazas of these complexes were used for

ritualistic purposes. Figures 25 and 26 are examples of sunken circular plazas.

Figure 24: Site Map Sechin Alto

154

Figure 25: Caral, SCP

Figure 26: Sunken Circular Plazas

(Williams 1982)

Williams notes the similarities between these IP mound complexes from the

central coast and the religious EH center of Chavín de Huantar. Williams especially

notes the presence of SCP inherent to many IP sites and the EH site of Chavín. U-shape

155

mound layout, as well as sunken circular plazas are both architectural features evident in

the LA.

In discussing Chavín de Huantar, Burger (1992) notes that the sunken circular

plaza at Chavín had a ceremonial and religious purpose. Burger’s theory is supported by

the imagery on relief sculpture panels which shows possible shamanic or priestly figures

with animal features and holding hallucinogenic San Pedro cacti (Burger 1992) (see

Figure 27).

Figure 27: Fanged Anthropomorphic Figure Holding San Pedro Cactus, Chavín de Huantar.

(Burger 1992: 135).

Chavín de Huantar shares many similarities with the Pativilca and Fortaleza sites

reviewed in this study. Huancas, sunken circular plazas, rectangular-shaped mounds and

156

U-shape relative spatial arrangement rank among the highest (See Figures 28, 29 and 30).

The huanca which sits at the summit of Sector A main mound at Vinto Alto resembles the

Lanzón at Chavin de Huantar (Creamer et al. 2007) (see Figure 28 and Figure 30).

Figure 28: Huanca on Top of the Main Mound Sector A Vinto Alto (Creamer et al. 2007:

66).

157

Figure 29: Sunken Circular Plaza with Iconography: Procession of Mythical figures and

Jaguars, Chavín de Huantar (Burger 1992:134).

Figure 30: Replica of the Lanzón at Chavín de Huantar, Lima Museum.

158

A full account of how Chavín acted as a religious center is beyond the scope of

this research. However the religious and ideological importance of Chavín’s principal

structures is confirmed by its sculptural iconography, as has been discussed in multiple

works including Burger (1998), Williams (1982), and Moseley (2001).

Huanca arrangement at sites in the Pativilca and Fortaleza are likewise indicative

of shared ritual/religious practice. The huancas at Pampa San José and Cerro Blanco 2

conclusively encircled the associated sunken circular plaza. They appear in a ring around

the circumference of the subterranean plaza. A similar ring occurs at Caballete, and

appears associated with the main mound at this site. It is uncertain if Caballete’s ring

once circled a sunken circular plaza as well. The Norte Chico huancas may have served

to control visibility or acted as objects of ancestor, deity or water worship.

Given the data presented, it appears very likely principal structures and

architectural features at the sites reviewed from the Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys

functioned as administrative and religious ritual centers for a hierarchically organized

society. The duplication and recurrence of key elements suggests that this religious

ideology was widespread spatially throughout the Pativilca and Fortaleza and possibly in

other Andean areas. It also persisted temporally, throughout at least three time periods

(the LA, IP and EH) and perhaps through the Inca era and into historic times. Analysis of

variables of ritual architecture including Monument Construction Material, Relative

Spatial Arrangement of Monuments, Site Location, Site Architectural Components, Main

Mound (MM) Directional Orientation, Huanca Arrangement, and Visibility support this

argument.

159

This study is a preliminary project designed to systematically assemble and

provide provisional interpretations that I expect either myself, or others will build upon. I

suggest for future research the following: excavation to verify and determine the nature

of staircases and atriums of mounds; gathering more radiocarbon dates at sites, ceramic

and glyph analysis at IP sites exhibiting U-shape layout of monuments and sunken

circular plazas; and the systematic studies of the volume and mass of principal mounds to

determine how much labor was needed to construct such monuments and architecture. A

review of the Norte Chico’s economic base and how this was or was not related to

religious ideology is another area that would enrich the archaeological database of this

region.

Researching these suggestions would help further review the nature of ritual at

individual sites. The existence of multiple main mounds and sunken circular plazas at

some sites, for example, is a particular avenue that may provide data helpful in

understanding LA religion at these sites. On a larger scale, undertaking the research

suggested might help to define presence/absence and nature of religious hierarchy within

and between the two valleys. Incorporating a study of LA economy would further

augment studies of social hierarchy within these valleys. One might then compare the

Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys with others in the Norte Chico. Caral in the Supe Valley,

in particular, would provide an interesting site for comparison. Caral has been the most

thoroughly excavated and reconstructed of the Norte Chico sites. As claimed by Shady,

Caral exists as the “capital” of a Norte Chico state and the first Pre-Columbian American

city. It seems from the evidence documented in the present work that religion was shared

among Pativilca and Fortaleza sites, yet it does not seem to have been enforced through

160

coercion due to lack of architecture of warfare. Additionally, after review of the

architectural features at the twelve Pativilca and Fortaleza sites, I find it unlikely that one

site functioned as a capital over the others, as variability of many architectural features

associated with ritual exists. The extent to which variables of ritual architecture are

repeated throughout other valleys in the Norte Chico, including Supe, is an interesting

venture for further academic pursuit.

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