Personal Names and Ethnic Names in Archaic Italy

Personal Names in the Western Roman World.

Proceedings of a Workshop convened byTorsten Meißner, José Luis García Ramón and Paolo Poccetti,held at Pembroke College, Cambridge, 16–18 September 2011

edited by Torsten Meißner

Studies in Classical and Comparative Onomastics I

2012

Bibliographische Information der Deutschen NationalbibliothekDie Deutschen Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliographie;detaillierte bibliographische Daten sind im Internet unter hp://dnb.ddb.de abruar.

Torsten Meißner (editor):Personal Names in the Western Roman World. Personal Names in the Western Roman World. Proceedings ofa Workshop convened by Torsten Meißner, José Luis García Ramón and Paolo Poccei, held at PembrokeCollege, Cambridge, – September

Studies in Classical and Comparative Onomastics, edited by Torsten Meißner: Volume .ISSN: -ISBN: ----

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Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix

General Topics and Methodology

. Heikki Solin:Do We Need a New Latin Onomasticon? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

. Marie-érèse Raepsaet-Charlier:‘Decknamen’, Homophony, Assonance: an Appraisal of Consonance Phenomenain Onomastics of the Roman Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

. Monique Dondin-Payre:Les processus d’adaptation des onomastiques indigènes à l’onomastique romaine . . . . . . . . . 25

Italic Languages

. Katherine McDonald:Do Personal Names in South Oscan Show Influence from Greek? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

. Paolo Poccei:Personal Names and Ethnic Names in Archaic Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

. Giovanna Rocca:L’onomastica nelle iscrizioni del Piemonte orientale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

. José Luis García Ramón:Antrophonymica Italica: Onomastics, Lexicon, and Languages in Contactin Ancient Italy: Latin and Sabellic names with /Op-/ and /Ops-/ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109

Latin and Greek

. Frédérique Biville:Un défi pour l’anthroponymie latine: Les noms grecs féminins en -o . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

. Felicia Logozzo:Greek Personal Names in Southern Italy: Aspects of Continuity and Differentiation . . . . . . 141

Celtic and Germanic

. Patrick Sims-Williams:Celtic Personal Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151

. Jürgen Zeidler:Gallo-Roman Aristocracy and the Gaulish Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167

. Torsten Meißner:Germanic and Celtic Naming Traditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179

. Daniel Kölligan:Germanic Personal Names in Latin Inscriptions: Names of theGermani cisrhenani and the Ubii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199

Minor Languages

. Dan Dana:La différenciation interne de l’onomastique thrace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223

. David Stier:On the Linguistic Situation of Roman-period Ig . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247

050505Paolo Poccei

Personal Names and Ethnic Names in Archaic Italy

Personal names universally represent essential evidence for cultural contacts and socialmobility as well for language contacts, even if they have to be considered separately fromother evidence for language contact. Every personal name,when passing from a languageto another one, provides us with a clue for the direct provenance of a person or his socio-cultural environment. Nevertheless, every name, in parallel to other linguistic items, issubjected to various processes of integration within both morphological structure andnaming system of the new language.

Notoriously personal names arising from geographic names (more precisely, ethnicand place names) have a prominent importance in the domain of onomastic study. Firstly,they connect two distinct parts of onomastics, namely place or ethnic names (toponymy)and personal names (anthroponymy), frequently implying a switch of functional values.Secondly they involve historical, geographical and cultural aspects with respect to theoriginal relevance of each name absorbed in the naming system of the other language.

Personal names derived from ethnic and place names are found since the earliest epi-graphic documentation of the Italian Peninsula. More precisely, a considerable part of theevidence for the earliest personal names arises from ethnic and place names pertainingto languages and countries different from those of their documentation. Moreover, thegreatest part of such evidence consists of the most important ethnic names of Pre-RomanItaly later mentioned in literary sources.

ere was awareness throughout Classical antiquity that personal names frequentlyderived from local or ethnic names. is consciousness underlies the choice of propernames in Vergil’s Aeneid, where almost all characters relevant to different communitiesof Italy are formed from local names pertaining to other Italian regions.¹ For instance,Messapus, from the name of theMessapi, is the name of the leader of the Falisci;²Massicus,a mountain in Campania, gives the name to an Etruscan commander;³ Umbro, a river inEtruria, designates a priest of the Marsi;⁴ Iapyx, an ethnic name of Apulia, is the name ofthe personal physician of Aeneas.⁵

By way of contrast, early Greek historians oen followed the opposite path, whenascribing the name of a community to the personal name of an alleged leader or founder.So, for instance, some native communities of southern Italy are presented as derivativesfrom a legendary ‘eponymous’ founder, such as Οἰνωτροί, Μοργῆτες, Σικελοί, Ἰταλοί,Αὔσονες, whose names are traced back to Οἰνωτρός, Μόργης, Σικελός, Ἰταλός, Αὔσων.

1 On this naming strategy in Vergil’s Aeneid, see S with bibliographical references toprevious works.

2 Verg. Aen. VII .3 Verg. Aen. X .4 Verg. Aen. X .5 Verg. Aen. XII .

Torsten M (ed): Personal Names in the Western Roman World, Studies in Classical and Comparative Onomastics 1, (Berlin: 2012): pp. 59–83.

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In other words, the formation of an ethnic identity is connected with a heroic founderwho gave his name to the ethnos itself. e act of naming aer a founder coincides withthe beginnings of the history of the community concerned. Even if these charactersactually result from literary or fictitious inventions, archaic epigraphy shows that thepractice of calling people aer ethnic names was quite common.

Owing to the fact that its documentation in the earliest period is the richest in com-parison with any other pre-Roman language, Etruscan epigraphy provides us with thewidest set of personal names derived from ethnic names belonging to different Italianareas, so that such documentation predates by far any literary sources. Significantly,almost all names of the main populations of pre-Roman Italy, aested by Latin sources,are reflected in Etruscan personal names, as shown by the following list:⁶

Latini: Latine, Latinie, Latinna, LatiθeCalabri: KalaprenaFalisci: FeluskeUmbri: Umre, Umrie, Umrces, Umrina, UmranaLigures: Lecusti, Lecs(u)tina, Lacs(u)tiniCelti: Celθe, KeltieVeneti: VeneteMarsi: Marśi, MarśialSabini: Sapinas, ŚapiniaśRaeti: Reite, ReteSiculi: Śicle

is list displays more or less remarkable variants of each personal name. Partly bothsynchronic and diachronic variations internal to the Etruscan language, partly the roleof intermediary languages were probably responsible for a considerable number of thesevariants. For example, the set Lecusti, Lecs(u)tina, Lacs(u)tini pertaining to the name ofthe Ligurians possibly mirrors different evolutionary stages of the Etruscan language,in that Lecusti chronologically should precede Lecsti, characterized by the syncopatedinternal syllable.⁷ On the other hand, the different outcome of the name of the Umbrians,i.e. Umre, Umrie, Umrces, Umrina, Umrana, is likely to be due to morphological variantsthat exclude an Etruscan origin. More precisely, the Etruscan reflects of the name of theUmbrians may be traced back to the following variants, whose morphology arises froman Indo-European language:

Umrces < Ombriko-Umre < Ombro-Umrie < Ombrio-

We shall come back to the name of the Umbrians later on with respect to the Greekevidence.

Now, it is important to stress that the great deal of personal names derived from ethnicnames demonstrates that the Etruscan civilization, especially in very archaic times, was

6 is list is a selection among the most important ethnic names preserved in early Etruscan epi-graphy. Further material is to be found in P and HL .

7 C : .


very receptive to foreigners. Moreover, the fact that so many ethnic names are used aspersonal names proves that the identity of the main communities of pre-Roman Italy,described by literary authors of the Augustan age, was formed since the appearing ofthe wrien texts.

Also, names of populations outside the Peninsula are reflected by Etruscan personalnames already mentioned in the most archaic inscriptions. us, Etruscan epigraphyprovides us with the earliest and richest documentation of personal names derived fromthe name Γραικοί, the name of the Greeks inWestern languages, such asCreice, used bothas first and as a family name, and Creicna as a family name. Significantly, a very archaicaestationKraikalus, found in an Etruscan selement in northern Italy,⁸ is marked by thenorth-Etruscanmorpheme -alo- borrowed fromCisalpine Celtic languages, which can betaken as an argument for the integration of this name into the local naming system sincethe earliest appearance of the wrien texts.

Notoriously, the origin of the designation of the Greeks in Latin and other westernMediterranean languages is a debated question that involves several aspects, namelylinguistic, philological, historical and archaeological ones. e core of the question con-cerns, on the one hand, the relationship between the variants Grai and Graeci, alreadyaested in early Roman literature,⁹ and, on the other hand, the flows and paths of theearliest contacts of the ‘Italic’ world with a specific Greek area, where such a name wasused. Historically, the diffusion of the name of Greeks can be traced back either to thepre-colonial or to the early colonial period.¹⁰ Linguistically, Grai and Graeci could beexplained either as forms inherited from the Greek language (Γραῖοι and Γραικοί res-pectively) or as a secondary derivation of Graiko- from Graio- (Graio- + -iko-), that tookplace in Italy.¹¹

Here, it is important to stress that Γραικοί, which is the base of Latin Graeci, wasalso common to other languages of ancient Italy, independently from Roman influence,as evidenced by personal names derived from Graiko- occurring in the Etruscan lan-guage, in Venetic (e.g. Graikoi: dat.sg.)¹² and in the Sabellian languages (e.g. Pael. Graex:nom.sg.). e documentation of those languages only displays the form Graiko-. By wayof contrast, Messapian personal names like Grahis and Graivas¹³ arise from Graio- andGrai-wo-. However, the fact that Messapian does not seem to share the form Graiko-common to other ‘Italic’ languages hardly enables us to solve the main problem of thevariants of the name that designated the Greeks among the different population of Italy.

Further names referring to populations of the Mediterranean coast are also reflectedby personal names in early Etruscan inscriptions. is is the case of ‘Africans’ and‘Celts’. e family name Afrcna-¹⁴ is a -na-derivative from Afriko- equivalent to theLatin adjective Africus, reflected also by Etruscan Afrce.¹⁵ Afriko- actually is an Etruscan

8 ET Fe ..9 D ; F .

10 e diffusion of these names has been placed by M A : within the perspec-tive of the contacts of the Homeric Graia with Kyme in the framework of Euboean colonization.

11 Cp. the different perspectives: D ; F .12 P & P : II, ; L : n° .13 P : –; D : ; S : .14 ST Cl ..15 ST Cl .; ; ; .

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borrowing from Latin (or more probably a Sabellian language),¹⁶ in that Afriko-, markedby a morpheme -(i)ko-, common to other ‘Italic’ ethnic names (e.g. Turs(i)cus, Mars(i)cus),is a derivative of Afro- (> Latin Afer), which was also borrowed into Etruscan as Afre.Analoguosly the Etruscan personal name Kursike (ᵗʰ century BC)¹⁷ and its (more recent)variant Cursni < *Kurs-naie are morphologically parallel with the Latin names of theisland Corsica and its inhabitants Corsi.

Concerning the name of the Celts the Etruscan names present geographically deter-mined morphological variants. All evidence is consistent with respect to the vowel ofthe initial syllable, that is Kelt- following the form documented in classical sources.

e earliest evidence is found in a votive inscription on a vase assigned to the lateᵗʰ century BC from Caere in Southern Etruria. e text reads mi Celθestra. is formulais to be interpreted ‘I am (a votive offering) by Celthe’, if, according to C. De Simone,¹⁸the morpheme -tra corresponds to the agentive function of English particle ‘by’. So Celθeshould correspond to Keltos, as suggested by G. Colonna.¹⁹ If so, the Etruscan evidenceis roughly contemporary with the earliest documentation of the ethnonym in the Greeksources, namely by Hecataeus and shortly thereaer by Herodotus.²⁰

A further morphological variant leading to personal names is Celtalual from Clusiumin Central Etruria (ʳᵈ–ⁿᵈ century BC). is form features the North-Etruscan mor-pheme -alo- (already mentioned with respect to Kraikalus), very frequent in Leponticpersonal names. Consequently, the name Celtalu-, found in Central Etruria, originatedfrom Northern Etruria, where this name has to have existed long before, as shown byits morphological integration within the local name system.is fact makes problematicthe arrival of the name of the Celts among the Etruscans. Both Celθe (from southernEtruria) and Celtalual (pointing to a North-Etruscan provenance) are convergent on abase Keltos belonging to the -o-stems. By considering that the -o-inflection was morecommon in Greek (Κελτοί) than in Latin, where the -ā-stem inflection was prevailing(Celtae) and perhaps was common to Gaulish, too,²¹ it cannot be excluded that the nameof the Celts was borrowed from Greek. If so, the Etruscan reflexes in personal names,especially the archaic evidence from Caere, result from Greek acquaintance with thisethnonym. Nevertheless, numerous clues argue for direct Etruscan contacts with Celticcommunities in the earliest stages of the documentation.

Moreover it cannot be excluded that the name Keltos arrived in Etruscan already asa personal name rather than as an ethnic name. Interestingly, in this perspective the-o-stem inflection in Latin (Celtus) is preserved only in personal names. e particularconcentration of Celtus in Roman personal names of the Etruscan speaking area,²² prob-ably to be interpreted as a romanization of Etruscan Celθe, provides us with indirectconfirmation of the diffusion of this name among the common people.

16 is view is supported by S : .17 M : .18 D S : .19 C : .20 SW : .21 SW : ‘In this case, the Gauls presumably called themselves *Celtās in Celtic

rather than Keltai or Celtai.’22 E.g. C. Celtus C. f. from Volaterrae (CIL XI ), already quoted by S (: ) in connec-

tion with the Etruscan personal name Celtalual.


A vase inscription from Spina (a site not too far from the Po river), which seemsto be more recent than that one from Caere, aests Keltie, indicating the owner of thevase.²³ e form Keltie, enlarged by a morpheme -yo-, arises from Keltios, but it is notcertain whether this variation is to be assigned to Etruscan owing to the productivenessof the morpheme -ie < IE *-yos or to other languages (in this case, presumably, Greek).

Alongside names of the most prominent populations of Pre-Roman Italy, the Etruscaninscriptions preserve a considerable number of names of minor or less important com-munities used as personal names.²⁴ ey are recognizable either through the morphemefeaturing the Etruscan ethnic names, namely -te /-θe (e.g. Velχite probably to be connec-ted with the Etruscan city known under the Latin name Volci) or owing to the transpar-ency of a place name well known in the Latin literature: e.g.Nulaθe, Manθvate in relationwith the famous city names Nola, Mantua.

Among other names early Etruscan epigraphy also provides evidence for a derivativeof the name of Rome, i.e. Rumate, marked by the morpheme -te, just mentioned as typicalfor the Etruscan ethnic names. is morpheme should have a functional value differentfrom -aχ that occurs in another derivative from the name of Rome: Rumaχ, aested inthe later frescoes of the ‘François tomb’ in Vulci. In this case, however, Rumaχ is notused as personal name,²⁵ but functions as a ‘geographic adjective’ distinct from an ethnicname properly speaking, for indicating the provenance or the citizenship of the characternamed Cneve Tarχunies.²⁶

In this respect early Etruscan evidence is quite important as it concerns the veryarchaic age of Roman history. An inscription recently discovered presents Rumel-na,a family name to be analysed as a derivative from Rumele + -na, based on the firstname Rumele.²⁷ Such a name can be nothing else than the etruscanization of the LatinRomulus, the legendary founder of Rome. Of course the Etruscan nomen Rumelna doesnot prove the existence of the mythical founder of Rome, Romulus, but just that the nameRomulus was in use a century aer the traditional date of Rome’s foundation. AdmiedlyRomulus is morphologically related to the name of the city by means of the morpheme-e/o-lo- indicating a kind of relationship, so that Romulus should mean ‘who belongs oris connected to Rome’.

Interestingly, the Etruscan reflex of this name preserves the vowel /e/ before /l/ inparallel to the treatment of further Latin derivatives featuring the same morpheme thatwe shall consider later on, e.g. Rutelna: Rutulus; Puinel: Poenulus.

Among the ethnic names referring to minor communities of the ancient Mediter-ranean world reflected by Etruscan personal names a very archaic inscription from Romedeserves mentioning which reads Araz Silqetenas Spurianas.²⁸ is name, consisting res-pectively of a praenomen (Araz) and two nomina, (Silqetenas) and (Spurianas), is inscribedon a tessera hospitalis (hospitality card) in the shape of a small ivory lion. As a con-sequence of the function of this object the elements that form this personal name are

23 C : . For a survey of the archaeological contexts see G & P .24 Listed by H-L .25 S .26 ET Vc .. e function of Rumaχ in the personal name is strictly connected with the interpreta-

tion of the fresco’s circle of the ‘François tomb’, which cannot be analysed here.27 D S .28 ET La ..

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to be explained in the following way: Araz is a well-known first name, connected withthe typically Etruscan Arnθ; both Silqetenas and Spurianas function as family names, theformer referring to the person who received the hospitality, the laer to the person whogave it. Consequently, Silqetenas has to have an origin different from Spuriana.e laerbelongs to an Etruscan family namewell-known in Tarquinia (later occurring as Spurinnain the Latin elogia Tarquiniensia).²⁹ e archaic inscription found in Rome reveals that amember of this Etruscan family had his residence in Rome or had some relations withseventh-century Rome, which is not surprising if we consider the close relationship ofarchaic Rome with the Etruscan communities nearby.

On the other hand, Silqetenas, aested only here, is a family name (Silqetena) basedon an ethnic name (Silqete).³⁰ Morphologically, Silqete can be traced back to an Indo-European -o-stem to be reconstructed as Silqo- or rather Silko-. e closest comparisonwith the basic form Silko- is provided by the name Sulci, Σόλκοι (in Latin and Greeksources respectively), referring to a small community on the island of Sardinia. If so, it isinteresting to note that the name of this marginal population, whose literary mentionis quite late, is reflected by a personal name in a very archaic age. e Phoeniciansprobably were the mediators of Etruscan contacts with this Mediterranean island inarchaic times. In any event, the name Silqetena on the tessera hospitalis from Rome pointsto direct relationships of the Etruscan selements on the Tyrrhenian coasts with nativepopulations of Sardinia.

Another tessera hospitalis inscribed in the Etruscan language and discovered inCarthage parallels the preceding one from Rome. e inscription, likewise engraved ona small ivory tablet (in this case fragmentary), again consists of a name displaying threemembers Puinel Karθazie Vesqu[…]na, referring to only one person. In parallel to thehospitality card from Rome just mentioned, the three elements can be classified: Puinel,the first name (praenomen) followed by two nomina (Karθazie and Vesqu[…]na). Analog-ously to the tessera hospitalis from Rome, Karθazie and Vesquna may refer to the personwho received the hospitality and the person who gave it respectively.

Karθazie is an ethnic name derived from the Etruscan name of the city of Carthage(Kartada), quoted by a Servius gloss, whose source was the Roman historian Cato.Kartada is an Etruscan adaptation of the Phoenician name Qart-hadašt, on which alsoboth the Greek name (Καρχηδών) and the Latin one (Carthago) of the Phoenician foun-dation are based. Karθazie confirms the Servius gloss, in that the name is to be tracedback to a -ie-derivative from Kartada, where the morpheme -ie is an adaptation of theIndo-European -yo- morpheme, perhaps of Latin or Sabellian origin. Moreover, Karθazieis marked by the development of the consonant cluster -di- > -zie, parallel to Arazia, justmentioned, arising from Aranθia. In other words, Karθazie seems to be a compromiseform between the Etruscan name of Carthage and a non-Etruscan morpheme adapted tothe Etruscan morphophonetic system.

Vesqu[…]na is a unique name, which can be recognized as typically Etruscan, cor-responding to Vescna aested in central Etruria in more recent times, whereas Puineland Karθazie Vesqu[…]na point, to a different extent, to contacts with the Latin and/orSabellian languages. Semantically, Puinel and Karθazie are based on two ethnic names

29 T : –.30 is explanation suggested by C a: was rejected by D S : , C

: and C : for unconvincing reasons.


referring to the same place, namely Carthage, the place where the inscription was found.Puinel (here functioning as first name) is related to Latin Poenulus, well known as a titleof a play by Plautus, but not commonly used as personal name. With respect to Etruscanpersonal names derived from designations of the Phoenicians in foreign languages, threedifferent reflexes are found, namely: Φuinis once occurring in Vulci,³¹ transposed fromGreek Φοῖνιξ, Puine (more frequent) as a rendering of Latin Poenus and finally our Puinel,occurring once in Carthage and corresponding to Latin Poenulus. A Sabellian personalname is also derived from the regular Greek form Phoinik- (> Φοῖνιξ), that is OscanPuinik(is).³²

Puinel is an adaptation of a Latin (or even Sabellian) form Poin-e/o-lo-, which predatesby far (almost three centuries) the first Latin documentation of Plautus’ Poenulus. eEtruscan reflex demonstrates that the form Poenulus, used by Plautus, was quite commonfor designating the Carthaginians among Latin and/or Sabellian speaking people.

More specifically regarding Puinel in Etruscan, an origin from the classical LatinPoenulus seems to be excluded, because in Etruscan *Puinele or *Puinule would be theexpected outcome of Latin Poenulus. Conversely, the Sabellian languages show evidencefor the evolution of the morpheme -e-lo- > -el (e.g. Oscan famel vs. Latin famulus),dating back to a very archaic time.³³ A similar development also occurs in Late Latinfeaturing low sociolinguistic levels, as shown by the Appendix Probi (e.g. masculus >mascel).³⁴ erefore, by taking into account the chronology, Puinel is more likely to betraced back to a Sabellian origin rather than to a Latin one.

e Etruscan evidence for Puinel significantly contributes to solving some problemsraised by Poenulus mostly considered as a hypocoristic in Plautus’ play. However, theuse of a hypocoristic is not consistent with an old man embodied by the characterof the play. On the other hand, the Plautian title Poenulus should translate the titleof Menander’s play Καρχηδόνιος, that is the usual name of the Carthaginians amongthe Greeks. Further aempts to account for a diminutive value of Poenulus seem to beunnecessary, given that the -e-lo-morpheme does not always have diminutive functionin Latin. An example of the non-diminutive use of -e-lo-formations in ethnic names isprovided by Vulsculus used by Ennius instead of Volsci,³⁵ which parallels the pair Poeni:Poenulus. e Etruscan evidence for Puinel speaks in favour of this conclusion, giventhat Puinel and Karθazie refer to the same community, namely the Carthaginians. Evenif these names arise from different languages, Etruscan and Sabellian respectively, theyare likely to have no significant difference as to their original meaning, in that bothpoint to the same ‘designatum’. On the other hand it cannot be excluded at all that Puinelentered Etruscan as personal name and, consequently, it did not appear to the Etruscaneyes as the name of the Carthaginians properly speaking.

e name of Sicily gave rise to a remarkable quantity of personal names especiallywidespread in the Greek world. e diffusion of this name bears testimony to the im-portance of this island within the archaic Mediterranean world. Both names referring tothe main groups of inhabitants of Sicily, i.e. Σικελοί and Σικανοί, on which the names

31 ET Vc ..32 ST Cp ; Lu .33 M : .34 L : .35 Ennius Ann. V.

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of the island, Σικελία and Σικανία respectively, were based, were commonly used aspersonal names in fih-century Athens. Here, alongside the men’s names Σικελός andΣικανός, the feminine names Σικελή and Σικελία occur as women’s names.³⁶ e nameΣίκων, identified as a hypocoristic name by ancient grammarians,³⁷ also occurs both inGreece and in Southern Italy.³⁸ In sixth- and fih-centuries BC Athens, personal namesreferring to this group were found among different social classes and borne by both cit-izens and slaves. However, their concentration in particular social spheres points to themain occupation of Sicilian immigrants in Athens, namely the fabrication of poery.ename Σικανός occurs as name of a poer, whereas Σικελός and Σίκων occur as names ofpainters decorating Aic vases, exported to Campania, and as the name of a poer.³⁹ Onthe other hand the name Σίκων figures in Aic comedy as the name of a slave employedfor cooking.⁴⁰ In Western Greek colonies the name Σικανός is used as a women’s nameespecially in Selinus and Camarina.⁴¹

A more complicated question is raised by the name Σικαινία once occurring in adonation text from Petelia, an Oscan-Greek mixed selement in southern Italy. isepigraphic document dates back to the early ᵗʰ century BC.⁴² Undoubtedly the personalname Σικαινία is connected with the Sicilian name Σικανία, already mentioned in theOdyssey.⁴³ More exactly, Σικανίη is the unique name of westernMediterranean countrieswhich can be topographically identified with certainty in the Homeric poems. eseseem not to know Σικελία, aested by later authors. Instead, in the late archaic age bothΣικελία and Σικανία as well the respective ethnic names Σικελός and Σικανός occur aspersonal names. is fact provides evidence for their previous use in a geographic sense.

e personal name Σικαινία may be explained in two different ways with respect tothe name of Sicily. Both require a correction of the form epigraphically transmied: a) asa female corresponding to Σίκων, in parallel to Λάκων/Λάκαινα.⁴⁴ is solution requiresthe correction Σικαιν{ι}α; b) the name of the island used as personal name. is solutionrequires the correction Σικα{ι}νια.⁴⁵

Another example of a name of a large Mediterranean island, used as a personal name,is the name of Crete, found in southern Italy.e epigraphic formula Κρετας ε᾿μί ‘I belong

36 F & M : .37 Choir. Gr. Gr. IV , ; Herod. II , , whο, however, wrongly aributes this nickname to

Σιμονίδης: see B : . For further remarks see W : , , ; D : ,, n. .

38 D n° .39 Σίκων is found in signatures of vases imported in Campania from Aica. It is worth quoting

Trendall’s claim: ‘e inscription ΣΙΚΩΝ on the painter’s name vase is of considerable interestboth because of the rarity of such inscriptions in Campanian and for its possible association withSicily, since Sikon, which is common enough as a slave name, seems to be a shorter form of Sikelos’(T : ).

40 Aristoph. Eccl. . Also W : .41 D n°s , ; D n°s , .42 D n° ; A n° .43 Od. XXIV .44 According to W : , ; D n° .45 In this case the spelling of <ι> aer <κα> could have been influenced by the <ι> of the following

syllable.


to Kreta’ can be read on a loom weight from Sybaris in Magna Graecia, dating back tothe ᵗʰ century BC.⁴⁶ Evidently Κρετα refers to a woman, the owner of the object itself.

Sometimes, however, homonymy does not enable us to identify precisely the ori-ginal reference of a local name, such as Νάξος aested as a personal name at Mile-tus.⁴⁷ Notoriously Νάξος could refer both to the island of the Cyclades and the Chalcidianfoundation in Sicily.

e name of Sybaris, an Achaean colony that flourished in the ᵗʰ century BCbut was defeated in BC, is found in Athens in a personal name: Γόργιας ὁΣυβάριος.⁴⁸ Basically the form Συβάριος can be interpreted as: a) a variant of the morecommon ethnic name Συβαρίτης, given that the morpheme -ιος could alternate withother ones in the formation of ethnic names.⁴⁹ In this case the personal name wouldmean ‘Gorgias from Sybaris’; b) as the genitive case of his mother’s or father’s name(Συβάρεως > Συβάριος) as a consequence of a vowel shi ε > ι before another vowel.⁵⁰ Inthis case the meaning would be ‘Gorgias, son of Sybaris’. e name Σύβαρις as a placename is feminine. But it cannot be excluded that this place name, when passing to a newfunction as a personal name, could refer both to men and women.

In fih-century Athens the personal names reflect personal knowledge or politicalaims with respect to foreign countries. According to Plutarch, emistocles gave thenames Σύβαρις and Ἰταλία to his daughters.⁵¹ ese names clearly are reflexes of hisideas concerning Athenian policy toward the Western Mediterranean area, particularlyin Southern Italy. However, an Athenian epitaph referring to an unknown woman calledἸταλία and a contemporary of emistocles reveals that this name was quite commonin classical Athens, in parallel to the name of Sybaris.⁵² In the case of emistocles’daughters, however, the combination of both names, Σύβαρις and Ἰταλία, is significantin the perspective of his ideas about Athenian foreign policy.⁵³

e names of the main communities of ancient Italy, aested only later in liter-ary sources, are also reflected by personal names occurring in different languages,namely Greek, paleo-Sabellian and Etruscan. A paleo-Sabellian inscription from Cam-pania presents the personal name Bruties,⁵⁴ likely to be connected with the name of theBruii (Βρέττιοι in Greek)⁵⁵ who seled inmodern Calabria in Southern Italy.eir namelies at the base of the name of the region during the Roman period, namely ager Bruiusin Latin and Βρεττία (χώρα) in Greek, as pointed out by Pliny and Strabo respectively.

e rise of the Bruii as an independent ethnic identity is referred by Greek historiansto as starting only from BC, when, according to the ancient sources, that communitybecame autonomous from the neighbouring Lucani. However, this name should precedethe dating of this historical fact as shown by a fragment of Aristophanes that mentions

46 According to L : . More cautious D n° .47 B : .48 SEG : .49 E.g. Μυκηνεύς vs. Μυκηναῖος: cf. R : .50 Cf. T : –.51 Plut. em. .52 IG II³ ; M : .53 M : ; R : .54 ST Ps = R : , C : .55 Already C : considered Bruties as an evidence for archaic personal mobility.

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the name of the Βρέττιοι, referring to their ‘obscure language’: μέλαινα δεινὴ γλῶσσαΒρεττία παρῆν.⁵⁶ Such a quote from the Athenian playwright demonstrates that thisname, belonging to the western colonization, was known in fih-century Athens. Nowthe personal name Bruties evidenced by the paleo-Sabellian inscription dating back tothe early ᵗʰ century is consistent with the more or less contemporary quote from Aris-tophanes of the same name. Both pieces of evidence point to the existence of this namelong before the official formation of the community of the Bruii as reported by Greekhistorians. Of course it remains questionable whether this name in the course of the ᵗʰcentury BC referred to an ethnic or political unit different from that aested since BC.

Another important ethnic name of Southern Italy, which became a name of a wholeregion in the Roman period, is reflected by an archaic personal name found in an Etruscaninscription from Campania: Apulas Sepunes.⁵⁷ Apulas, which works here as a first name(praenomen) accompanied by the family name Sepunes, is likely to be connected withthe name of the Apuli. Even if alternative explanations for Apulas have been suggested(namely from an Etruscan base Apu),⁵⁸ the relationship with the name Apuli cannot beexcluded at all. Further reflexes of the same ethnic name through personal names invarious languages consistently confirm this view. Firstly, an Oscan inscription also foundin Campania, not too far from the place where Apulas comes from, presents the familyname Appúliis.⁵⁹ is name implies the previous existence of Apulo- used as a first name.If we consider that the Oscan inscription dates back to the ⁿᵈ century BC, the local useof a first name Apulo- at least from the early ᵗʰ century BC seems to be evidenced byApulas in the Etruscan inscription.

Secondly, a further piece of evidence for the existence of a personal name arisingfrom the same ethnic name is provided by Ἄπελος, occurring in Greek epigraphy fromSelinus in Sicily. More precisely, Ἄπελος figures among other non-Greek names onthe great curse tablet dating back to the late ᵗʰ century BC.⁶⁰ Ἄπελος can be easilyexplained in comparison with the Latin ethnic name Apulus (in parallel to Latin-Greekcorrespondences like Siculus: Σικελός; Bruii : Βρέττιοι), and consequently it can berelated with the Etruscan first name Apulas and the Oscan family name Appuliis.

e treatment of the Latin and Sabellian morpheme -e/o-lo- induced some variationswhen passing to another language. Frequently, the original languages were responsiblefor these variations. We already mentioned that the different endings -ele and -el inEtruscan personal names of Italic origins can be traced back to the Latin and the Sabelliantreatment of -o-stems respectively.

Concerning the vowel preceding themorpheme -lo- an inverse treatment with respectto Etruscan Apulas : Greek Ἄπελος, both referring to Latin Apulus, is manifested by thereflexes of the ethnic name of the Rutuli among personal names. Notoriously the Rutuliwere a prehistoric population of the Latium, which Virgil’s Aeneidmade famous, but theyalmost disappeared in historical times. However, some clues for the actual existence ofthe Rutuli are preserved by personal names of archaic Etruria not too far from Rome.

56 Arist. fr. Kassel-Austin. More details on this fragment are found in P .57 CIE ; ET Cm ..58 C : ; C : .59 ST Cm .60 D n°s , , .


Rutile used as a first name is found in ᵗʰ century BC Tarquinia (Rutile Hipucrates)⁶¹ anda family name Rutelna occurs in ᵗʰ century BC Volsinii.⁶² Interestingly the Tarquinianname Rutile is accompanied by Hipucrates clearly representing the Greek personal nameἹπποκράτης.⁶³ at means that a Greek immigrant in the Etruscan city (whose originalname was Ἱπποκράτης) integrated into local society by adopting as his first name Rutileconnected with the ethnic name of Rutuli.⁶⁴ We do not know the social status of thisperson and the reason for his onomastic choice, which probably had nothing to do withthe historical origin of such a name. e reason simply was that Rutile had to be quitecommon in Etruscan area, as shown by the family name Rutelnamentioned above, arisingfrom Rutile/Rutele + -na,⁶⁵ confirming both the widespread nature and the integration ofthe onomastic base Rutile/Rutele among various Etruscan communities.

Further reflexes of the name of the Rutuli can be found in Greek Sicily of the late ᵗʰcentury BC. e great curse tablet from Selinus that aests Ἄπελος also contains thepersonal name Ῥότυλος,⁶⁶ which renders the Latin vocalism of Rutulus.⁶⁷ Sociolinguisticvariation internal to Latin with regard to the vowels /e/ and /o/ preceding -lo- probablywas responsible for the inverse treatment of Etruscan Apulas : Greek Ἄπελος in compa-rison with Etruscan Rutile/Rutel(e) : Greek Ῥότυλος. ese variations are synchronicallyparalleled by Latin nomina probably derived from each ethnic name, namely Apuliusvs. Apellius/Apilius from the former, Rutul(l)ius/Rutuleius vs. Rutilius/Rutelius from thelaer. Moreover, we recall that the name of the Rutuli is probably connected to the Latinadjective rutilus ‘red’.⁶⁸ In this perspective, the name Rutuliwas conceived as designationof a population called ‘Reds’ (i.e. ‘red skin people’), in parallel to the name assigned bythe Greeks the Phoenicians: Φοίνικες is more convincingly connected with the adjectiveφοινός ‘red’,⁶⁹ that is consistent with a universal practice of naming foreign populationsby referring to their outward appearance. Morphologically the adjective rutilus is inser-ted into the set of adjectives such as mutilus, aquilus, nubilus, so that the different vowelpreceding the suffix -lo- of Rutuli probably served to distinguish the adjective from theethnic name.

Further important ethnic names are reflected by personal names documented in botharchaic Greek and Etruscan epigraphy. Here we focus on the reflexes of the names of themost prominent communities of Central Italy since archaic times, namely the Umbrians,the Etruscans and the Latins.

e name of the Umbri is probably echoed by the name Ὀμβρικός, wrien in bothIonic dialect and alphabet, in a votive vase inscription to the goddess Hera fromGravisca,

61 CIE ; ET Ta ..62 ET Vs ..63 D S : , .64 Cf. the different explanations: A : ; C : .65 D S : ; : .66 D n° , .67 As already stressed by B (: ), the remark by M (: ) that a Greek

spelling Ῥούτουλος for Lat. Rutuli would be expected is irrelevant. e vowel <o> is commonlyused for rendering Latin /ŭ/, whereas <ου> occurs only in the Imperial period (D ,), as shown by Ῥούτουλος in Dionysius of Halicarnassus.

68 A : ; Z .69 See the discussion of the different explanations in DÉLG s.v. Φοῖνιξ.

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the port of Tarquinia in southern Etruria.⁷⁰ e variant Ὀμρικός occurs on a Corinthianvase, imported into Caere, another Etruscan city.⁷¹ Ὀμρικός is probably remodelled fol-lowing the phonetic treatment of the consonant cluster in Greek -mr- > -mbr- (e.g. *amr-tos > ἄμβροτος). It cannot be excluded that this name was related to the lexical family ofὄμβρος ‘rain, flood’ by the Greeks.⁷² However, a derivative Ὄμβριος would be expectedfor a personal name connected with the lexical item ὄμβρος ‘rain, flood’. On the otherhand, Ombrio- did exist in the Sabellian languages, evidenced by the paleo-Sabellianphrase Ombriiíen akren,⁷³ which should correspond to Latin *in agro Ombrio.

e morphology of Ὀμβρικός rather suggests a connection with the name of theancient Umbrians because the morpheme -(i)ko- frequently occurs in ethnic names ofancient Italy. Particularly in the main Umbrian texts, i.e. the Iguvinian Tables, threeethnic names, namely Naharko-, Iapuzko-, Tursko-, feature this morphological item. InLatin the most common form of the ethnic name is Umber < Ombro-, which gave wayto two derivatives, Ombrio- < Ombr-yo- and Ombriko- respectively. e former occurs inthe paleo-Sabellian inscription mentioned above, the laer is reflected by Greek personalnames Ὀμβρικός and Ὀμρικός, found in Etruria. In any event, Ὀμβρικός occurs in Greekboth as an ethnic and as a personal name.⁷⁴ Originally the different morphology shouldcorrespond to distinct functions which in this specific case remain unknown. Accordingto another explanation, Ombro- could result from shortening of Ombriko-,⁷⁵ in parallel toPoenus and Corsus from *Poiniko- and *Korsiko- respectively.is possibility is supportedby the earliest evidence for Ombriko- reflected by the personal names just mentioned.

Moreover, the actual use of Ombriko- in the Sabellian languages is confirmed by vari-ous Etruscan reflexes of this name, such as Umrke (Populonia), Umurkes, Umrkial (Si-ena).⁷⁶ FinallyOmbriko- is the base of the Faliscan family name Upreciano, correspondingto the Latin Umbricianus to be analysed *Ombrik-yo-āno-.⁷⁷

Further Etruscan names such as Umres (territory of Volsinii) and Umria, Umrinal(territory of Chiusi) are based respectively on the forms Ombro- corresponding to theLatin official name and Ombrio- which is found in the paleo-Sabellian inscription justmentioned. e morphological variety of Etruscan reflexes of this ethnic name pointsto both the importance and the diffusion of this name since archaic times, which isconfirmed by the Greek evidence conveyed by both Ionic and Corinthian trade objects.

Sicilian Greek inscriptions are a striking source of personal names derived from eth-nic names pertaining to the Italian area. e epigraphy of Selinus in particular pre-serves the evidence for the most prominent ethnic names of the Peninsula, such as theEtruscans, the Latins, the Lucanians and Sicily, such as the Sicanians. Significantly, allof these belong to epigraphic documents dating back to the late ᵗʰ century BC, that isabout a hundred years aer the foundation of the Greek colony between and BC. Consequently these names point to the presence of immigrants or relatives of im-

70 SEG , ; J & P : , n° .71 W : Cor .72 B .73 ST Sp CH .74 W : , .75 B : ; F , .76 For further references see LE .77 Cf. H : s.v. Upreciano.


migrants, whose integration within the social context of the city is revealed by theirmention among other personal names arising from ethnic names (e.g. Ἄπελος, Ῥότυλος)that occur on the great curse tablet above quoted. e majority of these names, such asΤυρρανά, Σικανά and Λευκανά refer to women, arguing for their integration within thesocial framework of the Greek colony.⁷⁸ With respect to Λευκανά, it is worth stressingthat the personal name derived from the name of the Lucanians predates the first literaryquotation of the ethnic name properly said which occurs at least a century later.⁷⁹ usthe reflex of the name Lucani parallels the name of the Bruii mentioned above. In otherwords, the names of the two Sabellian populations of southern Italy that are knownas politically autonomous communities only starting from late ᵗʰ century BC did existpreviously, in that they date back to the late ᵗʰ century BC as personal names. Of course,what they actually meant at this chronological stage remains unknown.

e names of the Etruscans and Latins reflected by personal names are of the greatestinterest, owing both to their importance concerning the archaic history of the Peninsulaand their earliest mentions by Greek authors, particularly in Hesiod’s eogony.⁸⁰

e female name Τυρρανά corresponds to the Doric form of the Greek name of theEtruscans. More precisely, Greeks called Τυρρηνοί both eastern and western Mediter-ranean populations of the archaic age, particularly people that inhabited the Aegeanislands, especially Lemnos. Pre-Greek inscriptions in a language very close to Etruscan,discovered in Lemnos, have recently again raised the problem of the ethnic identity of thecommunity that seled on this island in its historical relationship with the Etruscans.⁸¹

With respect to the designation Τυρρηνοί, Greek sources normally refer to the Ae-gean populations mainly in the Ionic form, as a consequence of the fact that the Ionicworld of Asia Minor was the intermediary for the diffusion of such a name. ereforeAthens, being in close contact with the Ionic world, has been recognized as the centre ofboth araction and diffusion of the traditions concerning the Τυρρηνοί especially of theAegean area.

However, other traditions different from the Ionic one concerning the populationsystem called Τυρρηνοί did exist, as revealed by Tursano-, a non-Ionic and/or non-Aicvariant of the ethnic name. is form is reflected by personal names found in variousplaces. Τυρσανός can be read in a graffito on a vase from the Athenian agora, datingback to the early ᵗʰ century BC, showing that the non- Ionic form of the personal namewas not uncommon in a city very representative of the Ionic dialectal area.⁸² e Doricform of the same personal name was circulating in the westernMediterranean world. Aninscription in the Venetic language from Altino, not too far from Venice, contemporarywith Τυρσανός in the Athenian graffito and Τυρρανά on the curse tablet from Selinuspresents Tursanis accompanied by the ethnic name Patavnos, clearly referring to thename of the city of Padua:⁸³ ?]voltiies Tursa[?]-is Patavnos do[. Tursanis arises fromTursan-yo-, a derivative from theDoric formΤυρσανός that probably reached the Veneticspeaking area through the city of Padua, a trade centre of the Adriatic sea near the mouth

78 ese are aested in D n°s , , , and D n° respectively.79 L : ; M : .80 Hes. eog. –.81 D S : .82 G : ; D S : .83 M : .

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of the river Po. e adjective related to Padua occurs in the same personal designation,i.e. Patavnos.

Conversely, Τυρρανά from Selinus is a compromise form between Doric and Ionicdialects, because of the presence of the /a/ vowel and the consonant cluster -ρσ- whichearly evolved into -ρρ- in the Aic dialect.⁸⁴

e Doric tradition of the ethnic name followed a path different from the Ionic one, sothat the name Tursano- probably referred to western rather than eastern Mediterraneanpopulations which could be nothing else than the Etruscans themselves. us, the Doricname Τυρσανός found on the vase graffito fromAthens is likely to have a western origin,possibly Sicily or Southern Italy, where the name Τυρσανός could only be related to theEtruscans. In this perspective the presence of a personal name like Τυρσανός whicharrived in late archaic Athens from Italy or Sicily, is paralleled by names of further‘western’ countries, personal names like Σικελός and Σικανός mentioned above.

Analogously Tursanis as a personal name found in the Venetic speaking area is con-sistent with the Athenian Τυρσανός, pointing to a western Mediterranean origin withprecise reference to the Etruscans. Both names agree in showing that the Doric form forcalling Etruscanswas common among theWesternGreeks.Moreover, votive inscriptionsfrom the most important Panhellenic sanctuaries, such as Olympia and Delphi,⁸⁵ presentΤυρρανοί and Τυρσανοί, but never Τυρρηνοί,⁸⁶ showing that the Doric form for namingthe Etruscans was also common in Greece itself. Only literary authors whowrote in Ionic(like Hesiod, Herodotus) used the regular Ionic vocalism noted by η.

Even Latin personal names provide evidence for the widespread nature of theDoric form. us the nomina Tusanius and Turranius, from the republican cemetery ofS.Cesario near Rome (ⁿᵈ century BC),⁸⁷ can easily be explained as variants of Tursāno-evidently different from the literary (Ionic) variant Turrēno-. Tusanius and Turranius aredistinguished by a different treatment of the consonant cluster -rs-. On the one hand,Turranius results from an assimilation of the consonant cluster -rs- > -rr- typical of theAic dialect. Consequently Turranius (< Turrano-) is the male counterpart of the femalename Τυρρανά aested in Selinus in the late ᵗʰ century. As already said, Turrano- is acompromise form of a Doric vocalism with an Aic consonantism.

On the other hand, Tusanius arises from a Greek dialect preserving the original con-sonant cluster -rs-, that is the Doric form Tursano-. e evolution of -rs- into -s- followedthe Latin phonetic system, as shown by the synchronic variations rursus / rusus, sursum /susum, prorsus / prosus.⁸⁸ Sociolinguistically the evolution Tursanius > Tusanius belongsto informal levels of the language. In this sense the different distribution of Turraniusand Tusanius in the same cemetery is also significant: Turranius belongs to female names,whereas Tusanius is found in male names. e fact that Tusanius arises from Tursano-,

84 As noted by T : : ‘the consonant cluster -rs- is preserved in a number of anthrop-onyms ultimately of non-Aic origin.’

85 For instance D n° .86 T ; B .87 CIL I² ; .88 L : , S & P : .


the genuine Doric form, is consistent with the general tendency of preserving archaic orliterary forms in male personal names more strictly than in female ones.⁸⁹

In conclusion, Tusanius is a variant of Tursanius, derived from Tursano-, onwhich botharchaic personal names, namely the Athenian Τυρσανός and the Venetic Tursanis, arebased, whereas Turranius can be compared with Τυρρανά from Selinus, a compromiseform between Doric and Ionic dialects.

Another Latin family name connected with the name given to the Etruscans by theGreeks is Turrenius, which, significantly, does not present any variants: in other words*Tursenius or *Tusenius do not exist. is fact shows that the ethnic name with Ionicvocalism was transferred to Latin aer the evolution of the consonant cluster -rs- > -rr-typical for the Aic dialect. To sum up, the Roman name system preserves the followingpieces of evidence for the name given to the Etruscans by the Greeks:

a) a clearly Doric form: Tursano-;b) a compromise form between Doric and Ionic-Aic dialects: Turrano-;c) a clearly Ionic-Aic form: Turreno-.

All of this shows that the Roman name system was acquainted very early with the Doricname that preceded the acquaintance with the Ionic form. Further reflexes of anothername given to the Etruscans by neighbouring populations, namely the Latin and Sabel-lian ones, are found in personal names from Etruria itself. e Etruscans were calledTursko- by both Latin and Sabellian speakers, evolving to Tusco- in Latin and in the lateUmbrian Tables of Iguvium. is ethnic name represents the base of the family nameTursikina engraved on the gold fibula from Chiusi, now in the Louvre Museum, datingback to the ᵗʰ century BC.⁹⁰ e Etruscan family name Tursikina, to be analysed *Tursko-+ -na, shows the opposite procedure. e first step is the fact that the name *Tursko-, as-signed to the Etruscans by Latin and Sabellian populations, became an Etruscan personalname at least in the ᵗʰ century BC.⁹¹ Presumably an Etruscan immigrant in the Latin orSabellian regions was given the name *Tursko-.When returning to the Etruscan speakingarea, his personal name based on *Tursko- produced the family name Tursikina.

e name used by the Etruscans for calling themselves was Rasenna, according toDionysius of Halicarnassus, who adds the further detail that the name Rasenna derivedfrom their leader’s name:

Αὐτοί μέντοι σφας αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων τινος Ρασέννα τὸν αὐτὸν ἐκείνωντρόπον ὀνομάζουσιν (Dion. Hal., A.R. I , ) ‘eir own name for themselves is thesame as that of one of their leaders, Rasenna’.

is claim deserves to be studied again aer the recent discovery of an ancientEtruscan inscription from Campania that presents the family name Rasunie.⁹² As Rasunieresults from *Rasuna + -ie this allows a comparison with Rasenna.⁹³ us the personalname Rasunie could confirm the information given by Dionysius of Halicarnassus aboutRasenna used as personal name, but raisesmore questions about the relationship betweenthe name of the Etruscans (Rasenna) with the Etruscan lexical item Rasna. According to

89 R .90 ET Cl ..91 D S : .92 Published by C n° . Rich commentary is found in D S .93 D S : .

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a stimulating view by Rix, the Etruscan expression meχ rasnal should correspond toLatin res publica.⁹⁴ us Rasna- would represent the semantic field of Latin ‘publicus’,namely what is relevant for the ‘people’. Rasenna, the name used by the Etruscans forcalling themselves, would mean ‘those pertaining to the people’. is designation, usedas ethnic name, is paralleled by the modern name of the Germans ‘Deutsch’ arising fromteutiscus < teuta- ‘people, community’.⁹⁵ In this perspective the name Rasunie, which Rixcould not know, can be compared with the Latin praenomen Publius, which is probablyrelated to populus and publicus.

Another important ethnic name is reflected by a considerable deal of archaic personalnames in different languages: Latinus. Almost all of the names derived from the ethnicname of the inhabitants of Latium occur in Etruscan epigraphy where morphologicalvariants depend on the different functions as personal names. e earliest documenta-tion is provided by the two-member formula dating back to the ᵗʰ century BC (mi) TitesLatines from Veii, an Etruscan city in the vicinity of Rome.⁹⁶ It is not clear whether thename Latines still represents the ethnic name (in this case, ‘Titus, the Latin’) or func-tions as a family name (that would mean ‘Titus Latinus’). But Latines occurs as a singlename as well in an Etruscan inscription from Campania two centuries later.⁹⁷ Admiedly,Latinies is found as a family name in Volsinii in the late ᵗʰ century (mi Larisa LatiniesMamarces).⁹⁸ Latinie is morphologically marked as a family name arising from *Latin-yo-corresponding to Latin Latinius. However, within the Roman name system Latinius oc-curs only later. Its particular concentration in Etruria⁹⁹ confirms the idea that Latiniusis the romanization of the Etruscan family name Latinie rather than the opposite (i.e.Latinie was an etruscanized Latinius). e productiveness of the morpheme -ie-, origin-ated from Indo-European -yo-, in archaic Etruscan family names could give way to anEtruscan form simply based on Latine < *Latino-, that is the ethnic name of the Latins.

Another variant connected with the names of the Latins is provided by the familyname Latinna from Caere, dating back to the ᵗʰ century BC. Yet this name does notresult from the ethnic name Latino- (> Latinus), but rather from the regional name Latium.Morphologically, Latinna is to be analysed as *Latie-na < *Latie-na in parallel with furtherarchaic Etruscan family name, such as Vipinna < Vipie-na < *Vibio-na; Spurinna < *Spurie-na.¹⁰⁰

Again the place name Latium generated Latiθe, known through its reflexes as a per-sonal name that occur as a first (or single) name in Tarquinia (ᵗʰ century BC)¹⁰¹ and lateras a family name in Central Etruria. Latiθe originated as an ethnic name marked by thegenuine Etruscan morpheme -θe/-te¹⁰² (mentioned above), which is based on the regionname Latium.

94 R .95 With respect to these types of ethnic designations and related terminology (‘autonimo’ vs. ‘eteron-

imo’; ‘endonyme’ vs. ‘exonyme’) see C : and V : respectively.96 ET Ve ..97 ET Cm ..98 ET Vs ..99 As indicated by S : .

100 For this morphological structure of the Etruscan personal names see D S : .101 ET Ta ..102 For this morpheme see R and HL .


An archaic Greek inscription from Selinus added further archaic evidence for a per-sonal name derived from the names of Latins, that is Λατινος, occurring in the epitaphΛατίνō {ἠ}ἐμι τō Ρηγίνō ἐμι dating back to the late ᵗʰ century BC.¹⁰³ e authenticity ofthis inscription has been wrongly questioned owing to both writing errors and inconsist-ency of the alphabetic system.¹⁰⁴ However, neither fact demonstrates that the inscriptionis a fake, given that errors and combinations of different alphabetic systems are not rarein Greek epigraphy, especially in Sicily, owing to contacts and cross-overs of differentalphabets.

e inscription actually combines leers belonging both to the local alphabetic sys-tems of Sicily and to the alphabet of the Euboean colonies that frequently occur in thiswriting area.¹⁰⁵ Such a detail can be explained simply by the fact that the person namedΛατῖνος died in Selinus, but that he came from Rhegion, a Euboean colony situated onthe Strait of Sicily, as explicitly indicated by his ethnic name Ῥηγῖνος. In other words,the indication of his provenance from Rhegion highlights his status as a foreigner inSelinus. With respect to his personal name Λατῖνος, admiedly it does not mean thatthe person bearing this name was born in Latium. Nonetheless, such evidence impliesthe acquaintance among the western Greeks of Southern Italy and Sicily with the Latinname.

As far as the individual name in the sepulchral inscription from Selinus is concernedseveral solutions can be suggested: a) this name was given by an emigrant parent; b) thename may have been inherited from other family members; c) the name was given bythe community who welcomed the immigrant.

e ‘Euboean’ connection manifested by the epigraphic occurrence of Λατῖνος as-signed to an earlier inhabitant of Rhegion is highly interesting in the perspective of theclosest contacts between another Euboean colony, i.e. Cuma situated in the bay of Naples,and both the Latin and Etruscan civilizations since early archaic times. Notoriously, theEuboean colonization was responsible for the diffusion of the alphabet to the earliestLatin speaking area.

Indeed, Cuma, the Greek colony nearest to Latium, is likely to have transmied thename of the Latins to the Greek world through the network of the Euboean colonizationof southern Italy. is view is confirmed by the provenance of Λατῖνος, mentioned inthe Selinuntian epitaph, from the Euboean colony Rhegion.

Moreover, the name Λατῖνος mentioned in an archaic Greek inscription leads to areopening of the debated question concerning the authenticity of the earliest literarymention of the term in Greek sources, namely Hesiod’s poetry. Notoriously, the finalverses of Hesiod’s eogony (vv. –) depict Λατῖνος as the son of Odysseus andCirce, who became a king of the Τυρρηνοί. is Hesiodean passage has generally beenconsidered as a later, non-authentic addition, based on the fact that the name of the Latiniwas unknown in Greek at this time.¹⁰⁶ Now the epigraphic evidence for the personalname Λατῖνος dating back to the late ᵗʰ century BC in a Greek colony argues againstthis reasoning.

103 Published with a commentary by J & M f.; see also D n° .104 M : .105 See D : .106 See the commentary by W : : ‘the name is not heard of again in Greek until ps-Scylax

(c. BC)’.

Paolo Poccei

Instead, the passage from the eogony confirms the use of Λατῖνος as a personalname, in that it is assigned to a character defined as Odysseus’ son and consequentlyclosely linked to the geographical investigation about the tales in the Odyssey. Alsoin Virgil’s Aeneid the name Latinus occurs as a personal name given to the mythicalking of Latium, whose daughter is married to Aeneas.¹⁰⁷ Both Hesiod and Virgil, even ifinspired by totally different mythical traditions and literary aims, seem to coincide in theknowledge of a very early use of the name of the Latini as a personal name.¹⁰⁸ is useamong the common people of the earliest period of wrien documentation is confirmedby both Etruscan and Greek archaic epigraphy.

e frequency of personal names derived from the names of Etruscans and Latinsis consistent with the earliest mention in Greek literature, so that both epigraphic andliterary data point to a prominent position of Etruscans and Latins in the eyes of theGreeks of the western Mediterranean world.

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