Wh-Fronting in Archaic Chinese—Topic and Focus Positions

Aiqing Wang University of York

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Object Preposing in Late Archaic Chinese

—Topic and Focus Positions

Outline

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�  1. Introduction —background on Late Archaic Chinese (LAC) syntax �  2. Internal topic vs. focus position —evidence for two positions between subject and verb �  3. Distribution of wh-elements into those two positions

�  4. Conclusion

Introduction

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� LAC of the Warring States period (5th-3rdc BC) as SVO language

�  Predominant SVO word order (Aldridge 2011, 2012a, Djamouri et al 2012, Meisterernst 2010)

�  (S)OV patterns: Ø  NP objects Ø  Pronoun objects Ø  Wh-objects (obligatory fronting until 2ndc BC)

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� Preposed nominal objects (1) a.令之不從 (5thc BC; Guoyu) ling zhi bu [VP cong tling] order ZHI not obey “(people) do not obey orders” � Preposed pronominal objects

b.是之不務 (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) shi zhi bu [VP wu tshi] this ZHI not conduct

“(you) does not conduct this”

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� Preposed nominal objects (1) a.令之不從 (5thc BC; Guoyu) ling zhi bu [VP cong tling] order ZHI not obey “(people) do not obey orders” � Preposed pronominal objects

b.是之不務 (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) shi zhi bu [VP wu tshi] this ZHI not conduct

“(you) does not conduct this”

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� Preposed wh-objects: Ø  bare wh-words Ø  complex wh-phrases

(2) a.何不爲乎? (4thc BC; Zhuangzi)

He bu [VP wei the] hu? what not do Excl

“What do (I) not do?”

b.何城不克? (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) [He cheng] bu [VP ke the cheng]?

what city not conquer “What city cannot (I) conquer?”

Literature Review & Proposal

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n Previous literature: � Aldridge (2011): OV word order not base-generated, but

rather derived through syntactic movement � Aldridge (2006, 2010):

Ø landing site of wh-elements located below modals Ø wh-movement only involves focus fronting n My proposal: Ø preposed XPs appear before or after negative/modal Ø preposed XPs appear in topical position or focal position

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� Wh-elements Ø fronted wh-elements > negative/modal constituents Ø negative/modal constituents > fronted wh-elements

(3) a. 其誰能恃乎? (5thc BC; Guoyu) Qi shui neng [VP shi tshui] hu? 3.Subj who can rely Excl

“On whom can he rely?”

b. 寡人將誰屬國? (3rdc BC; Lvlan) Guaren jiang shui [VP shu guo tshui]? I will who entrust state “To whom will I entrust the state?”

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� Non-wh-elements Ø fronted non-wh-elements > negative/modal constituents Ø negative/modal constituents > fronted non-wh-elements

(4) a.敢不唯命是聽? (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) Gan bu wei ming shi [VP ting tming]? dare not WEI order SHI listen

“How dare (I) not listen to orders only? (It is only orders (I) must follow.)”

b.先王未之有也。 Xian wang wei zhi [VP you tzhi] ye. former emperor not.yet 3.Obj have Nmlz

“The former emperor has not had it.” (5thc BC; Zuozhuan)

Main Claim

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� Two landing sites of object preposing Ø between TP and vP Ø evidence: wh- and non-wh-fronting � Properties of two positions Ø higher position—topic-like Ø lower position—focal

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(3) a. 其誰能恃乎? (5thc BC; Guoyu) Qi shui neng [VP shi tshui] hu? 3.Subj who can rely Excl

“On whom can he rely?”

b. 寡人將誰屬國? (3rdc BC; Lvlan) Guaren jiang shui [VP shu guo tshui]? I will who entrust state “To whom will I entrust the state?”

Two Positions of Object Preposing

Clausal Positions

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(5) Interim version:

Subject > Higher position > Neg/Modal > Lower position > vP

Landing Sites of Objecct Preposing

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� Previous literature: Ø Aldridge (2010, 2011): edge of vP Ø Paul (2002, 2005): a specifier position of some functional category below TP and above vP � My proposal (extending Paul 2002, 2005): Ø two positions for fronted objects

Ø specifiers of functional projections

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(6)a. =3(a) Higher position

wh

Aux

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(6)b. =3(b) Lower position

Properties of Internal Topic and Focus Positions

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� Higher position—Internal topic position � Lower position—Focus position

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(7)

Fronting Markers

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n  Further evidence for two fronting positions n  Further evidence for functional projections

� 之 ZHI higher or lower position � 是 SHI lower position

WEI…ZHI/SHI Marks Focus Position

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� 唯 WEI…是 SHI (4)a.敢不唯命是聽? (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) Gan bu wei ming shi [VP ting tming]? dare not WEI order SHI listen

“How dare (I) not listen to orders only? (It is only orders (I) must follow.)”

� 唯 WEI…之 ZHI (8) 将不唯卫国之败 (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) jiang bu wei weiguo zhi [VP bai tweiguo] will not WEI State.of.Wei ZHI ruin “it is not only the State of Wei (he) will ruin”

Fronting Markers

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n  Further evidence for two fronting positions

(1) a.令之不從 (5thc BC; Guoyu) ling zhi bu [VP cong tling] order ZHI not obey “(people) do not obey orders” (8) 将不唯卫国之败 (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) jiang bu wei weiguo zhi [VP bai tweiguo] will not WEI State.of.Wei ZHI ruin “it is not only the State of Wei (he) will ruin”

Fronting Markers

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n  Further evidence for functional projections (1a)

Internal Topic vs. Focus Positions

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Contrastive interpretation

Exclusive and exhaustive interpretation

Preposed constituents

Higher position—Topical

√ * Generic Definite

Lower position—Focal

√ √ Indefinite

Properties of the Lower Position

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�  Contrastive interpretation �  Exclusive interpretation

(9) 非宅是蔔, 唯鄰是蔔。

Fei zhai shi [VP bu tzhai], wei lin shi [VP bu tlin].

not mansion SHI choose WEI neighbour SHI choose

“It is not the mansion (people) choose; it is only the

neighbours (people) choose.” (5thc BC; Zuozhuan)


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� Exhaustive interpretation (10) 將唯命是從

jiang wei ming shi [VP cong tming] will WEI order SHI follow

“it is only the orders (they) will follow” (5thc BC; Zuozhuan)


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� Nature of objects: indefinite

(11) 而群臣是憂

er [qun chen] shi [VP you tqun chen] Conj some official SHI worry “while whom (the emperor) worries are some officials” (5thc BC; Zuozhuan)

Properties of the Higher Position

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� Contrastive interpretation (12) 然则我何爲乎? 何不爲乎? Ranze wo he [VP wei the] hu? He bu [VP wei the] hu? then I what do Excl what not do Excl

“Then what do I do? What do (I) not do?” (4thc BC; Zhuangzi)


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� Exclusive and exhaustive interpretations —unavailable


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�  Nature of objects: generic or definite Ø Generic (1) a. 令之不從 (5thc BC; Guoyu) ling zhi bu [VP cong tling] order ZHI not obey “(people) do not obey orders” Ø Definite (13) 其父母之不亲也 qi fumu zhi bu [VP qin tqi fumu] ye 3.Gen parents ZHI not adore Decl “(he) does not adore his parents” (3rdc BC; Hanfeizi)

Internal Topic vs. Focus Positions

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� Higher position—Internal topic position Lower position—Focus position

� Clausal positions: (14) Final version:

Subject > Internal Topic > Neg/Modal > Focus > vP

Fronting Markers

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�  ZHI—topic/focus marker �  SHI—focus marker

Ø  High (1a) 令之不從 (5thc BC; Guoyu) ling zhi bu [VP cong tling] order ZHI not obey “(people) do not obey orders”

Ø  Low (8) 将不唯卫国之败 (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) jiang bu wei weiguo zhi [VP bai tweiguo] will not WEI State.of.Wei ZHI ruin “it is not only the State of Wei (he) will ruin”

Fronting Markers

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� ZHI—topic/focus marker � SHI—focus marker (4)a.敢不唯命是聽? (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) Gan bu wei ming shi [VP ting tming]? dare not WEI order SHI listen “How dare (I) not listen to orders only? (It is only orders (I) must follow.)”

Distribution of Wh-elements in Internal Topic vs. Focus Position

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� Bare wh-words—topic or focus position

� Complex wh-phrases—topic position

� Wh-P—focus position

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� He “what”

Ø Topic position (2a) 何不爲乎? (4thc BC; Zhuangzi) He bu [VP wei the] hu? what not do Excl “What do (I) not do?”

Ø Focus position (15) 王將何爲? (5thc BC; Guoyu) Wang jiang he [VP wei the]? emperor will what do “What will the emperor do?”

Bare Wh-words

Complex Wh-phrases

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Internally complex wh-phrases must be in topic position (16) 何城不克? (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) [He cheng] bu [VP ke the cheng]? what city not conquer “What city cannot (I) conquer?”

PP in LAC

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Unmarked form: P-DP (17) 將以戈擊之 (5thc BC; Zuozhuan) jiang yi ge ji zhi will with spear attack 3.Obj “(they) will attack him with spear”

Wh-P

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(18) 將何以守國? (5thc BC; Guoyu) Jiang he [VP [PP yi the] shou guo]? will what with guard state

“Will what with to guard the state?”

� Marked form: wh-P (obligatory wh-fronting) � Wh-P must be in focus position

Wh-P

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(19)

Wh-P

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Complementary distribution of focus markers and preposition Ø Focus markers follow DP (1) a.令之不從 (5thc BC; Guoyu) ling zhi bu [VP cong tling] order ZHI not obey “(people) do not obey orders” Ø Focus markers never follow PP * wh-P-ZHI/SHI

Wh-P

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Internally complex wh-phrases selected by P (20) 其將何辭以對? Qi jiang [he ci] [VP[PP yi the ci] dui?

3.Subj will what utterance with reply “What utterances will he reply with?”

(5thc BC; Zuozhuan)

Conclusion

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� 1. Two positions for object preposing

� 2. Higher position—topic-like Lower position—focal � 3. Distribution of fronted wh-elements Ø Bare wh-word: topic & focus positions Ø Complex wh-phrase: topic position Ø Wh-P: focus position

References

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�  Aldridge, E. 2006. VP-internal Quantification in Old Chinese . R. Djamouri & R. Sybesma, (eds), Chinese Linguistics in Budapest, 1-15. Paris: Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Centre de Recherches Linguistiques sur l'Asie Orientale.

�  Aldridge, E. 2010. Clause-internal Wh-movement in Archaic Chinese. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 19.1, 1-36.

�  Aldridge, E. 2011. Survey of Chinese historical syntax. Ms., University of Washington.

�  Aldridge, E. 2012. Focus and Archaic Chinese Word Order. In L. E. Clemens and C-M. L. Liu (eds.), The Proceedings of the 22nd North American Conference of Chinese Linguistics (NACCLS-22) and the 18th Annual Meeting of the International Association of Chinese Linguistics (IACL-18), vol. 2, 84-101.

�  Djamouri et al. 2012. Syntactic change in Chinese and the argument-adjunct asymmetry. In G. Cao, H. Chappell, R. Djamouri, T. Wiebusch (eds.), Breaking down the barriers: Interdisciplinary studies in Chinese linguistics and beyond. Taipei: Academia Sinica.

�  Meisterernst, B. 2010. Object Preposing in Classical and pre-Medieval Chinese. Journal of East Asian Linguistics, 19.1, 75-102. 19.1 and Online publication doi: 10.1007/s10831-010-9056-x.

�  Paul, W. 2002. Sentence-internal topics in Mandarin Chinese: the case of object preposing. Language and Linguistics [Academia Sinica, Taiwan] 3, 4: 695-714.

�  Paul, W. 2005. Low IP area and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese. Recherches linguistiques de Vincennes 33, 111-134.

Thank you! 謝謝！

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Wh-Fronting in Archaic Chinese—Topic and Focus Positions

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