Cities - Companion to Archaic Greece (2009)

PART IV

Themes

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CHAPTER EIGHTEEN

Cities1

Jan Paul Crielaard

Introduction: The Importance of Context

The rise of cities and city-states provides the key to our understanding of what wasgoing on in the archaic period. The development of the phalanx, the creation oftemples and sanctuaries, the birth of philosophy and the flourishing of lyric poetryare all unthinkable outside the context of the polis and outside an urban setting. Notsurprisingly, the rise of the city-state has long been central to the study of the period.More recently, however, it has been recognized that it is possible, and perhaps evennecessary, to distinguish between the process of urbanization – which created “cities”– and the process of state formation, which created “states.”2 This chapter accord-ingly concentrates on cities and urbanization; the process of state formation is dealtwith in ch. 20.

Over the last decades, archaeologists and ancient historians have also come to recog-nize that the rise of the city (and, indeed, of the state) was a long-drawn-out pro-cess: it took most of the archaic period and had not reached completion even bythe end of the sixth century. The appearance of monumental architecture in the late eighth century marks an important step in the creation of an urban ambiencein centralized settlement nuclei, but on the whole ancient Greek urbanism can onlybe understood by using a rather long timescale.3

The “city” is notoriously difficult to define. Historians, sociologists, economists,architectural historians, social psychologists, town planners and geographers all usevery different concepts and definitions.4 Their criteria variously stress the city’s dis-tinct legal status, size, occupation density, morphology, way of living, type of soci-ety, or mentality. There are numerous exceptions to the rule even at the level ofsingle definitions. Size may seem to be an unproblematic criterion, but it is not. Forinstance, a nucleation of 250 inhabitants would count as a village in the United States,but in Sweden would have the status of a town. Occupation density is not always a distinctive criterion: there are fewer people per square kilometre in the city of Los Angeles than in some rural areas in Asia. As far as ways of living and economic

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activities are concerned, towns in north-west Europe during the Middle Ages maybe rightly characterized as centers of craft production and trade. However, this doesnot apply to modern cities in Sicily and Andalusia, which are large agro-towns. Finally,impersonal relationships may determine the type of society and mentality that pre-vails in cities of the modern, industrialized world, but such a qualification hardlymatches what we know of medieval towns.

Yet another problem is that sometimes settlements gradually expand and their socio-political organization and social interactions become more complex. This raises thequestion at what point exactly such a settlement stops being a village and starts to meetthe criteria that make it a city. It is, of course, impossible to fix this point in time.

Thus, cities are multifaceted, variable and dynamic phenomena to which universaliz-ing criteria and simplifying definitions can do no justice. The city must be understoodin its specific temporal and spatial context. This observation has implications for thestudy of archaic Greece. If the city is a culturally specific phenomenon, we should studythe city on the basis of contemporary sources of information. We must ask our sourcesthree important questions: What were archaic Greek cities like? How did the Greeksthemselves see them? And how did these cities come into being and develop?

The limitations of the source material determine how one tackles these questions.Political treatises on the institutions of some major Greek cities, and philosophicalessays about what the ideal city should look like, are available only from the classicalperiod. There is only very fragmentary written documentation for the archaic era,but by piecing together scraps of evidence it is possible to reconstruct how archaicGreeks saw the city. One of the positive qualities of the main literary sources of thisperiod – Homer, Hesiod and the lyric poets – is that they are part of a tradition oforal poetry: because such poetry was performed for a live audience, the ideas andvalues expressed are likely to have been shared by a large group of people, and arethus very valuable sources for a reconstruction of mentalities. It will become evidentthat the source material allows the reconstruction of a coherent picture of the ideationaland ideological side of city and city life, and of life in the countryside.5

Visual imagery is another important source of information for the archaic period.However, the information provided by the iconographic evidence is patchy. The archaicGreeks seem not to have been interested in producing images of cities and land-scapes, in contrast to their Minoan and Mycenaean forebears, their contemporariesin the Near East and later the Romans. Archaic Greek depictions of nature or ofman’s built environment often follow the principle of pars pro toto. An isolated col-umn may indicate the presence of public architecture, just as a single olive tree mayshow that a scene takes place in the countryside.6 Moreover, the images are espe-cially concerned with the high life of the urban elite.7 For a more comprehensiveand more diversified picture of towns and countryside, one has to depend on recon-structions made on the basis of archaeological findings.

Terminology

In archaic Greek literature, the words most often used for town or city are astu and,especially, polis (or sometimes ptolis). These words have their roots in Mycenaean

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Greek, although in Linear B documents only wa-tu / wastu occurs as terminus tech-nicus for “city” and “inhabitants of a city” (Deger-Jalkotzy 1995: esp. 367–9). Inthe poetry of Homer and Hesiod, “polis” evokes an image of the city as a whole, oftenin conjunction with its city wall; it refers to the city as seen from the exterior. It ismostly a topographical term, although it is also used in a political sense, referringto both city and countryside, or even to a “political entity” or “state” – no matterhow weakly developed the “state” is in Homer and Hesiod. Astu, on the other hand,is the city viewed from within; the focus is on its inhabitants. In the epics, politairefers to all the free inhabitants of a polis (mostly in its narrow meaning of “city”),including women and children.8 The term astos for “townsman” or “citizen” is alsoknown from Homer onwards, but in later sources it can have a negative connota-tion in the sense of “commoner.”9

The term dêmos designates a well-defined territory and all the free people who inhabit it. It is found in Linear B documents as damos, meaning “village.” Kômê is used in Hesiod’s Works and Days (639) and in the Shield of Heracles (18)to denote a village or hamlet. Remarkably enough, there is no specific term for “village” in the Homeric epics (Donlan 1970; 1985: 288–9), but this may be partof a more general disinterest in villages that is also attested in later sources(Inventory 75).

Images of City and Country

Figure 18.1 represents a bird’s eye view of the city of Smyrna in about 600. Thepicture is based on one of the very few instances of a fairly completely excavatedarchaic town. The drawing is by R. V. Nicholls and was first published in the late1950s (Cook 1958/9: 15, fig. 3). Since then it has been reproduced in many text-books on the archaic period, and has become part of the collective memory. Thedrawing shows an agglomeration of houses surrounded by mighty fortification wallswith gates and towers. The town is small and compact: one can see the roofs ofsome 160 buildings (representing an even smaller number of domestic units10), tightlypacked together but built along a regular laid-out street grid. Public buildings, situ-ated around a small, open area, are also visible. The town is set on a headland andsurrounded on three sides by the sea. Ships are moored to moles or have been hauledup onto the beach. Habitation continues outside the circuit wall, but in a much moredispersed form.

This is probably the image most archaeologists and ancient historians have of anarchaic Greek city. Archaic Greeks may not have had a very different image them-selves, since Nicholls included a number of elements in his reconstruction that seemto have been inspired by Homer’s Odyssey,11 which takes one to Scheria, home ofthe legendary Phaeacians.

But when we come to the city, and around this is a toweringwall, and a handsome harbour either side of the city,and a narrow causeway, and along the road there are oarsweptships drawn up, for they all have slips, one for each vessel;

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and there is the place of the assembly (agorê), put together with quarriedstone, and built around a fine precinct of Poseidon,and there they tend to all that gear that goes with the black ships.

(6.262–8)

The city wall, the precinct of Poseidon and the agorê are the most conspicuous ele-ments of the city’s public space. The agorê is the place where the community’s lead-ers and men of counsel assemble (Od. 8.5ff ), and where, later, all the Phaeaciansgather to watch the dancing and athletic contests (109ff ). In the poet’s descriptionof the shield that Hephaestus makes for Achilles, another imaginary city is portrayedand here, too, the agorê occupies a most prominent place. In this scene, people haveassembled to attend a court session conducted by the elders of the community.12

Although Scheria is a fictional town, it is not pure fantasy: there are many corres-pondences between the view of Scheria and the manner in which other Homerictowns are described.13 Rather, Scheria represents an ideal world: it gives an impres-sion of what the poet and his audience thought a city should look like.

Both Homer and Hesiod say that the city cannot prosper without the countryside, and that when the country suffers, the city suffers (Od. 19.111–14;

Figure 18.1 Smyrna: imaginative reconstruction of the town in about 600 bcSource: Cook (1958–9: 15, fig. 3).

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W&D 227–47). The reason for this is, of course, that a large majority of the town-dwellers earned their livelihood from agricultural activities. In the Iliad andOdyssey, people leave the town each morning to work their fields, which extend right up to the city walls, and at the end of the day they go back to town (e.g. Il. 18.541–7; Od. 6.259–60). Members of the urban elite make regular trips to thecountryside to inspect their fields (agroi) and estates, which are worked by slaves.Still further away from the town are pens where herdsmen tend cattle, sheep, andpigs.14

Despite this symbiosis of town and country (polin kai gaian: Od. 6.177–8), thepoet makes it clear that there is a spatial and conceptual distinction between city andcountryside. Agros/agroi and p(t)olis very often occur as an antithetic pair.15 Thisdistinction also relates to the people associated with either locality. In one of thefew passages showing that it is taken for granted that not all community memberslive in the city, Alcinous distinguishes between “people living in the astu and thoseliving around it” (hoi perinaietaousin: Od. 8.551).

The City as Concept

The literary sources for our period feature three closely connected major themes inGreek perceptions of the city: the city as center of order and civilization, the city asa sacred place, and the city as a community of men. These themes will be discussedin the following sections.

The city as center of order and civilization

A good starting point to investigate ideas and concepts concerning the city are char-ter myths about the origins of cities. The foundation stories of Scheria and Troy,mythical or legendary cities, can be expected to reflect ideas and experiences com-mon among the poet’s audience.

Scheria is a newly founded city. Alcinous’ father, Nausithous, led a migration ofthe Phaeacians to the new territory, “and drove a wall about the city, and built thehouses, and made the temples of the gods, and divided the arable land” (Od. 6.9–10).Nausithous’ tasks are very similar to those traditionally performed by the foundersof new settlements in the archaic period. The emphasis in this passage is on the factthat the Phaeacians’ new home was planned and executed according to certain order-ing principles. These include provisions for protection, division between religious,civic and private space, organization of subsistence, and division of property, whichmost probably means a regular – or at least orderly – layout of town and country.This order and degree of organization is also one of the things that Odysseus seemsto admire most when he enters the city (see above: 6.262–8). In this respect, Scheriais again a model town.

The degree of organization prevailing at Scheria becomes even more evident when the Phaeacians’ habitat is compared to the land of the Cyclopes, their formerneighbors:

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These people have no counselling or law-establishing assemblies,rather they make their habitation in caverns hollowedamong the peaks of the high mountains, and each one is the lawfor his own wives and children, and cares nothing about the others.

(Od. 9.112–15)

These cavemen “neither plough with their hands nor plant anything” (108), but livethe life of hunter-gatherers and pastoralists. They have no ships or shipwrights tomake them “strong-benched vessels” to visit “all the various cities of men,” as otherpeople do (126–9). The Cyclopes are “lawless” (106); they are indifferent to thewill of the gods and disrespectful to strangers and suppliants protected by Zeus Xenios(268–78).

We find here a set of oppositions which relate especially to the living conditionsof the Phaeacians and the Cyclopes: houses v. caves, coastal settlement v. mountaindwellings, community v. isolated families, agriculture v. pasturage and food gather-ing, and political institutions v. lawlessness. From this set of oppositions one candistil a package of positive qualities that may be designated as civilized values andcivilizing activities. The most salient are community life, hospitable behavior and com-munications with other city communities. Civilization and civilized life are associ-ated specifically with an urban community and urban infrastructure (agorB, nucleatedsettlement delineated by a circuit wall, harbor). Already for Homer and his audi-ence, city life is the norm for civilized communities.16

A number of these elements are also found in the story of the founding of Troy.The inhabitants of the Troad (the region surrounding Troy) originally lived in thewilderness, scattered over the slopes of Mount Ida (Il. 20.218), just as the barbarousCyclopes live in dispersed mountain dwellings. The Trojans-to-be became settled whenthey built a city on the plain (217). The founding of a city thus embodies the tran-sition from wild nature to culture. This transition is materialized by the building ofa community and the creation of an urban environment by means of a specific setof architectural elements. Foremost among these are city walls, which not only servedefensive purposes, they also have an important symbolic dimension: they separatethe polis from nature’s randomness, create order and identify space that is exclusivelyhuman. It is not without reason that the building of Troy’s walls is said to have“citied” Troy (polissamen: Il. 7.453), and that “driving a wall about the city” is men-tioned as the first of Nausithous’ actions (Scully 1990: 24–5). Also, a defensive wallcan spread fame (kleos; Il.7.451ff ).

Many of the walls’ symbolic properties extend to the city as a whole. This is espe-cially clear from the set of epithets frequently used for cities, which qualify the polisas “well-built,” “well-founded” or “well-walled” (euktimenos, eudmBtos, euteikheos)or, indeed, euruaguia (“with wide streets”), hupsipulos (“with lofty gates”) and eunaiomenos (“well-inhabited”; Scully 1990: 49, 78, 131–3). These epithets emphas-ize the city’s technical or technological aspects as an important characteristic of theurban landscape. More importantly, they show that urban architecture was closelyassociated with a civilized mode of life and, more particularly, with good order (cf.Ehrenberg 1960: 27, 84–5, 140–1).

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The sacred city

Homer, Hesiod, Alcaeus, Theognis and Pindar were all familiar with the idea thatthe city was sacred.17 In the epics, cities are often called hieros, Bgatheos, zatheos ordios. In fact, of all city and place epithets in Homer, the most common are thosereferring to “sacredness,” not only of cities but also of their constituent parts – walls,temples, sanctuaries and the agora.18 It is not self-evident why the polis is sacred.Although it contains sanctuaries which are the abodes of gods and goddesses – aswell as an agora which is sacred since it houses the collective force around whichcivic life is organized – it also has secular inhabitants: it is “a city of mortal men”(e.g. Il. 4.45; 20.217). Moreover, the city consists of an aggregate of oikoi whichindividually are never called sacred.

It may be that the city is holy because its inhabitants are pious people who makesacrifices to the gods, and in return receive divine protection and other favors.19

However, the city is sacred primarily because its founding and construction are con-sidered sacred acts inspired or guided by divine powers. Gods sometimes even literally take part in the founding of cities. Troy, for example, is said to have beenestablished through the agency of Zeus, while its walls were built by Poseidon. Manyhistorical cities also claimed divine support for their foundation,20 and in many foun-dation stories of archaic colonies Apollo played a guiding and civilizing role(Dougherty 1993). The city is also holy because it encompasses order and civiliza-tion, as noted, and houses a human community, including “women and (innocent)children,”21 and thus shelters human life itself. In sum, the city is thought to pro-tect human life and to create and preserve order, tasks which belong to the domainof the gods.

What is important in this connection is that the city is walled. The city wall makesthe polis arrBktos, “unbreakable” (e.g. Il. 21.446–7). In other words, the fortifica-tion walls give permanence to the order created and provide human culture withlong-term protection. These functional and symbolic properties help to explain whatis meant when a city like Troy is called “well-walled” (euteicheos) and the walls are“sacred” (hieros, theios, theodmBtos). It is this aspect of stability and well-founded orderthat further enhances the city’s sanctity.

Zeus creates and protects cities, but is also instrumental in their devastation.22 Thisis why the Greek heroes before Troy pray especially to Zeus to grant them the destruc-tion of that city. Achilles’ prayer to Zeus – “May we undo Troy’s holy veil” – sug-gests a desire to violate the city, to desecrate the walls which symbolize the hallowedbonds of civilization.23 It is important to stress that to defeat or kill the enemy wasone thing, but to seize or destroy a city was something of an entirely different mag-nitude (see e.g. Callinus F 5a, 4; cf. Archil. F 20 West; Hdt. 6.21.1). If the “sacred”and “unbreakable” city is thought to guarantee order, stability and continuity, it fol-lows quite naturally that its destruction stands for something that goes against thenatural order of things. Hesiod is very clear about this: for him the sacking of citiesis associated with times of anarchy and reversal of the existing order (W&D 189).

The destruction of a city is thought not to happen without reason. A frequentlygiven explanation is that a town was destroyed as a punishment for committing hybris

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(Il. 16.384–92; 21.522–4). This applies not only to a mythical city like Troy butalso to such historical towns as Magnesia, Smyrna, and Colophon, which were devastated during the archaic period. Troy had violated the laws regarding the sacro-sanct institution of xeinia (Il. 6.55–60; 13.621–7; 24.27–30). The historical townsof Asia Minor were thought to have provoked their destruction by violent beha-vior, an excessively luxurious lifestyle or the persistence of stasis, which had disruptedthe existing order.24 The logic behind this way of thinking is that, when internal,“god-given” order is destroyed, the physical devastation of a city becomes virtuallyunavoidable. A city that loses its divinely inspired order also loses its right to exist.

Men, not stones, make a city

Homer and other authors of the archaic period may use the term polis to refer tothe city, to the community of the city’s inhabitants or to the city’s territory – justas dBmos sometimes refers to territory and sometimes to the people occupying a ter-ritory (Sakellariou 1989: 155ff, 185ff, 205). These overlapping meanings indicate thatcity, territory and inhabitants are thought to constitute an inseparable unity. A closelyrelated idea is that “men make a polis,” a notion frequently expressed in our sources,especially by means of metaphors comparing people to fortifications. Thus Odysseus,after slaughtering his rivals, exclaims: “we have killed the city’s herma” – the “stay,”“support,” or “defence” of the city – that is, its “finest young men” (Od. 23.121–2;cf. Il. 16.550), who no doubt constitute the elite of Ithaca.

The idea that men make a polis relates especially to those men who are able andwilling to defend themselves and their community. A fragment of Alcaeus ofMytilene (ca. 600) says “for men are the warlike tower of a city” (polios purgos areuios:F 112.10 Voigt). Another version is given by the orator Aelius Aristides, who para-phrases “the words which the poet Alcaeus spoke long ago and which all surely havesince borrowed from him, that cities are not stones or timbers or the craft of builders,but wherever there are men who know how to defend themselves there are walls anda city (polis).”25

Alcaeus was certainly not the first to use this metaphor. In Homer, Achaeans andTrojans are collectively and individually compared to a “tower” (purgos) or “bulwark”(herkos: Scully 1990: 58–9). Callinus of Ephesus (ca. 675–650) reminds his audiencethat people honor the stout-hearted man who dies defending “country, children,wedded wife”: “alive, he equals the demigods, for in the people’s eyes he is a towerof strength, his single efforts worth a company’s” (F 1 West; cf. Tyrtaeus F 12 West).Theognis, finally, tells us that “a man of worth is the witless people’s citadel andrampart.”26

These passages provide a consistent picture of the city as a collective of inhabi-tants, and more specifically express the idea that, if the community forms the city,the elite constitutes the foundation of the polis, while those who fight on the frontlines are its most prominent defensive works. The metaphorical language employedconfirms once again that the city wall was considered one of the most notable features of the city. It also underscores how strongly the idea of the city and thecommunity was interwoven with war and violence.

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City and Self-image: Self-definition by Opposition

The archaic Greek city not only defined itself in opposition to fictional savage crea-tures like the Cyclopes, but also exploited oppositions with the countryside. Country-people expressed antithetic feelings of a similar kind. This is something of a surprisein view of the earlier conclusion that city and countryside were conceptually one.

View from the city

The local elites of archaic Greece were both based in and strongly oriented towardsthe city. The lifestyle of city-based local elites, especially in towns on the east sideof the Aegean, is illuminated by lyric poetry, which places much emphasis on per-sonal adornment, clothing, and the consumption of food and drink. This urban life-style was intended to accentuate contrasts not only with commoners but also withcountry-people and country life.

The agora was in many respects the heart of the city. In the towns portrayed byHomer, the people come to the agora to attend court sessions, games, and assem-blies, but on other occasions it is the sole domain of the community’s leaders andmen of counsel, as noted above. The special importance of the agora to membersof the elite is underlined by the poet-politician Alcaeus (F 130b.1–4 Voigt). Fromhis place of exile in an out-of-the-way corner of Lesbos, the poet or his personapities himself and complains that he longs “to hear assembly (agora) called and council.” By contrasting his present “rustic” living situation (moiran agroïDtikan) withthe town’s quintessential activities, he makes it clear that the city is the political epi-center – the natural habitat of aristocrats.

The agora, however, is not only a political arena but also a meeting place, wherepeople gather for everyday social intercourse. In Homeric Ithaca, the men congre-gate every morning at the agora to talk and gossip, the most distinguished amongthem carrying weapons and attended by dogs.27 In the course of the archaic periodthe agora appears to have become more and more the playground of the leisure class– in some cities, at least. Xenophanes of Colophon (ca. 565–473) scolds his fellow-citizens in the following terms:

They would go to the agorB in full purple robes,a thousand of them at the very least,proud in the splendour of their finely coiffed hairand sleek with unguents of the choicest scent.

(F 3.3–6 West)

The “thousand” to whom Xenophanes refers are probably members of a ruling élite of fixed size, and are said to have learnt this “useless luxury from Lydia.” TheColophonian oligarchs were certainly not unique in this regard, as the tyrants of Erythrae (possibly in the seventh century) and the nobles of Samos (perhaps in thesixth century) are described as behaving in a similar way.28 And then there was Alcman

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(Sparta, ca. 600), drawn “along to the agora, where I’ll be tossing my flaxen hair”(F 3.6–7). Elsewhere, dominant groups took rigorous measures to claim the agorafor themselves: in Thessaly, craftsmen, farmers and other such persons were not per-mitted to enter the “free agora” (Arist., Pol. 1331a30).

Smaller groups of aristocrats met in private or public dining halls to feast together(see ch. 26, below). Anacreon (late sixth century) refers to “tables covered with goodthings of every sort” (F 435 Page). He aims to eat “for breakfast sweet sesame cake,and drink a whole flagon of wine, in luxury” (F 373 Page). This type of food is con-trasted with the countryman’s diet by his contemporary Hipponax: “I have to digthe rocky hillside, munching modestly on a few figs and barley cobs – slave’s fodder– not champing hare and francolin, not I, not tarting up pancakes with sesame, ordripping waffles into honeycombs” (F 26–26a West). What Hipponax calls “slaves’fodder” must be the standard fare of the agricultural laborer. It corresponds to Hesiod’srecommendation to give a plough-hand a day’s ration comprising “a loaf of bread,of four quarters and eight slices, for dinner” (W&D 442).

Somewhere halfway between these two extremes of consumption were the maza(barley cakes made with goat’s milk), veal and Bibline wine that Hesiod’s farmerconsumes during the dog-days of summer, when agricultural work comes to a tem-porary standstill.29 As a place to celebrate this exceptional occasion, he – typically –prefers the rustic setting of a shady rock (589), far removed from the great dininghalls where urbanites recline.

Clothing and other forms of personal adornment were also used to make explicitthe distinction between city- and country-people. The “Lesbian maidens with trail-ing robes (helkesipeploi)” whom Alcaeus sees in his place of exile are surely city girlswho have come to the countryside for an annual beauty contest (F 130b.18–9 Voigt).Trailing garments carry associations with the heroic past,30 and also belong to theelegant attire of archaic city women, as is clear when Sappho asks: “who is this coun-try colleen that enchants your mind . . . wearing a country garb . . . who hasn’t learnedto arrange her shift well down over her calves?” (F 57 Voigt). A country girl (agroïDtis)is distinguished not only by her country garb (agroïDtin stolan), but also by the factthat she is unable to wear her dress according to what is proper or fashionable – asdetermined by urbanites. Other poems make it clear that fashion is all about wear-ing the latest headbands, kerchiefs, aprons and slippers derived from such cities asPhocaea and, of course, Sardis – the city par excellence.31

A poem by Theognis of Megara (ca. 600) visualizes a reversal of the existing socialorder in terms of a change from country garb to city dress: “Cyrnus, the town’s atown still, but it has new folk who knew no justice previously, no laws. They usedto wear old goatskins on their flanks, and lived outside the town like deer” (53–6).32

This situation is reminiscent of one encountered by Anacreon: “He used to wear arough cloak, pinched in at the waist, and wooden baubles in his ears, and aroundhis ribs a hairless cowhide, the unwashed covering of a cheap shield . . . And nowhe wears gold ear-rings, rides about in traps” (F 388). The wooden earrings that thisupstart is wearing are “wooden knucklebones” (astragaloi). Rich tombs excavatedin Smyrna and Lydia have yielded earrings in the shape of stylized knucklebones thatfit Anacreon’s description, except that they are made of gold plate.33 Astragaloi made

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of wood must be regarded as down-market imitations, and they are in this poemsurely meant to exemplify the sorry attempt of a rustic to follow city fashion.34

In lyric poetry the elite thus defined itself as decisively urban by creating opposi-tions with countrymen’s dress and consumptive behavior. At the same time, the eliteassociated itself – at least in the East Greek cities – with Sardis, the city of cities.This scheme also operated on a wider geographical and social scale, to judge fromAlcman: “He was no yokel, no fool even among experts; not of Thessalian stock,no shepherd from Erysiche, but from the center of Sardis” (F 16 West). Alcman putsthe yokel (anBr agreios), the stupid man (skaios), the Thessalian and the shepherdinto the same category, in order to draw a contrast with the man from the centerof Sardis (SardiDn ap’ akran, literally: “of highest Sardis”). These lines reveal thatthe opposition between city and country operated even in a Panhellenic context.Thessaly and Acarnania (where Erysiche is located) are Greece’s backwaters, the ulti-mate examples of “boorish” regions in which the polis is unknown. The other endof the spectrum is represented by Sardis, the finest of cities; its center is truly thecenter of civilization.

The antithesis between town and country is also – and even more strongly andexplicitly – expressed in negative qualifications of country-people similar to those usedin English (“boor,” “rustic”), as when Sappho typifies the “country colleen” wear-ing “country garb” (agroïDtis, agroïDtin stolan) or Alcaeus uses the same term to describehis miserable, rustic state. Similar terminology and stereotypes can be found alreadyin the Odyssey. When Eumaeus and Philoetius – two herdsmen loyal to Odysseus –start to weep at the sight of their lost master’s bow, Antinous calls them “Stupidrustics [agroiotai], who can only think of today, wretched pair!” (21.85–6). Thesequalifications are more than expressions of a young nobleman’s disdain of dullfarmhands. Implicitly, urban sophistication is contrasted with the lack of restraintand the narrow-minded outlook thought of as countrified.35

Conversely, Eumaeus scolds Melantheus, Odysseus’ unfaithful farm worker, for having acquired some affectations and mannerisms (aglaia) bred by life in the cityand by his close association with the suitors (Od. 17.244–6). He expresses the rural point of view which equates the idle luxury of the suitors and their class withtown life. This is contrasted with the hard work in the fields that is the norm forcountry-people, an attitude also encountered in Hesiod. The rustic is made into anoutsider, since he is unaware of the social intricacies of a city code of behavior. Whatis more, both sides – noblemen/city-dwellers and base people/country folk – agreethat it is better for rural folk to remain outside town, as they may suffer from thedangerous lack of customary restraint that accompanies town life.36

View from the countryside

For the archaic urban elite, and probably for city-dwellers in general, the city was what the countryside was not. Defining self in opposition to others is not a mechanism restricted to urbanites, however. “Othering” is something that country-people do, too. Hesiod’s Work and Days is a rich source of information for recon-structing opposing views.

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Hesiod’s description of Ascra does not mention the agora, walls or armed forcesat all, while ships, seafaring and external communications play only a marginal rolein the life of Hesiod’s farmer. A key passage is his advice to his brother Perses:

O Perses, put these things in your spirit,and do not let the evil-rejoicing Strife hold your spirit back from work,while you closely watch and listen to the wrangles of the agora.Little concern has he with wranglings and agoraswhose seasonal sustenance does not lie stored upin abundance indoors, what the earth bears, Demeter’s grain.

(W&D 27–32)

This passage illuminates one of the poem’s central themes: a good farmer works hisland and stores his provisions in the right order.37 The point that is stressed here isthat a farmer has things to do and cannot afford to waste his time in the city.38

The advice to stay away from the city and to stick to one’s own kind also rever-berates in Hesiod’s recommendation to be respectful to one’s neighbors, since theyare the only people one can rely on (343–51), even though there is competitionwithin the village for wealth (23). Neighbors are also recommended as appropriatemarriage partners (700–1) and table companions (343) to create a social network.The focus on endogamy within the kDmB community is in marked contrast with, forinstance, Sappho’s girls, who are married off to Sardis (F 96 Voigt). As for the ques-tion whom to invite for dinner, an elitist like Theognis urges his audience to bemuch more selective when choosing table companions (31–7; 113–4), and Solondoes not think of his next-door neighbors when he states that it is a guest-friend inforeign lands that gives the greatest pleasure (F 23 West).39

Thus, the oppositions that helped to shape the countryman’s conception of selfwere village v. city; territory (dBmos, 261) v. center (represented by its rulers, thebasilBes)40; hard-working farmers v. members of the leisure class; and neighborlinessv. “wrangles of the agorB.” In a more indirect way, there is also the opposition betweenmarrying and mingling with village members v. establishing marriage and xeinia linkswith one’s equals in other poleis. Finally, there is also a contrast in the pace of life.Whereas the rustic life of the Hesiodic farmer is determined by the endless cycle ofthe seasons, Sappho and her like live the fast life of urbanites, determined by thelatest trends and fashions of cosmopolitan culture.

The common element in most of these oppositions is the contrast between thesocially inferior villagers and the superior elite of basilBes.41 It is relevant to this dis-cussion of town–country relationships that the basilBes of Thespiae had jurisdictionover conflicts in Ascra brought before them. For the rest, Works and Days does notsuggest that the basilBes exercised much economic or political control over the vil-lage.42 The impression the poem gives is that polis and kDmB were very loosely integ-rated in almost every respect. Thespiae must have been larger, wealthier and morepowerful than Ascra, while the latter was a less complex, less hierarchized and lesscentralized community. Its ideal was self-sufficiency and independence at the levelof both the oikos and the kDmB. There was a sense of community, although it hardlytranscended incidental cooperation between neighbors.

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The world of the Hesiodic farmer was circumscribed by the boundary of his vil-lage. This also determined his view of the city and his perception of self: city andcountry are worlds apart, and Hesiod’s explicit advice is to preserve the situation asit is. This is highly revealing of the state of urbanization in archaic Greece. By meansof a range of oppositions, city-dwellers made country-people into outsiders, but remark-ably enough this situation was reinforced by villagers who shaped their identity bydistancing themselves from the city.

The Growth of Urban Centers

This final section deals mainly with archaeological data. I will distinguish some dom-inant trends in the process that led to the creation of an urban environment and aspatially defined urban culture, and briefly discuss changes occurring in the occupa-tion of the countryside during the Early Iron Age and the archaic period.43

Settlement patterns, settlement size, and settlement layout

Regional surveys show that after the fall of the Mycenaean palaces most regions inGreece witnessed a sharp reduction in the number of occupied sites. Only in theEuboean Gulf area and in Crete was the decline in the level of occupation muchless dramatic (Crielaard 2006, with further references). Early Iron Age settlementswere generally small, although it has been suggested that major sites like Athens,Knossos and Argos occupied roughly 200, 100, and 50 hectares, respectively, andhoused several hundreds or even thousands of people. It should be added, however,that these sites consisted of hamlets or small clusters of houses separated by openareas (Morris 1991: 29). This settlement pattern of individual habitation nuclei con-tinued to exist into the archaic period and beyond (e.g. at Corinth, Argos, Megara,Eretria, Miletus, and Ephesus).44 As Thucydides tells us, the Spartans of the late fifthcentury were still living in scattered villages (1.10.2).

From the eighth century onwards, both the number and the size of settlementsincreased markedly. It is estimated that during the later archaic period the free pop-ulation of larger poleis such as Metapontum, Aegina, Samos, Miletus, and Athensnumbered somewhere between 40,000 and 60,000; the majority of these people willhave lived in the city.45 The increase in size was interrelated with developments inhouse type. The change from single-room huts to multiple-room house complexes(see below) led not only to a growth in the size of individual houses, but also to anincrease in the total settlement area. At the same time, the rectangular house planthat became more popular in the seventh century made more economical use of spaceand allowed a more densely organized settlement. At Smyrna, for instance, an earth-quake in around 700 was taken as an opportunity to reconstruct the town accord-ing to a more tightly knit, rectilinear plan.46 What is also interesting is that duringthe later eighth and early seventh centuries, granaries or olive and wine presses werestill found within the settlement area (e.g. at Lefkandi, Mende, Smyrna: MazarakisAinian 1997: 119–22), but these agricultural installations seem to disappear

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thereafter. With a more densely organized settlement, the agrarian elements were expelledfrom the urban area, creating an even stronger differentiation between town and countryside.

Some settlements grew rapidly thanks to synoecism. Habitation nuclei were formally united by the construction of an enceinte, or the open spaces between themjust gradually filled up. In other cases, settlements that were inhabited during theEarly Iron Age were abandoned to create a new polis center (e.g. on Andros, Paros,and Chios during the seventh century).

Greek colonies in the west were among the first to implement a rationalized lay-out of the settlement space. Megara Hyblaea in Sicily in the seventh century con-tained an orthogonal street grid with rectangular residential plots and a division betweencultic and civic space demarcated by an agora and plots on which shrines and stoaiwere built.47 It is even possible that the regular town-plans of Megara and of its fellow Sicilian colonies Syracuse and Naxos were designed when these colonies werefounded in the 730s and 720s.48 In the Greek motherland, one of the first orthogon-ally planned settlements appears in the early sixth century (Boyd and Jameson 1981).

Until the late archaic period, craft and industry were carried out in domestic orcultic contexts.49 Sometimes part of the settlement was dedicated to specialized craftactivities, including the production of metals (e.g. Thorikos, Sardis) or pottery (Miletus,Corinth, Athens), and there is evidence of specialized sites for metalworking atPithekoussai and Skala Oropou, and olive oil extraction at Clazomenae (figure 18.2;next door to a blacksmith’s workshop).50 Still, these hardly amount to specializedindustrial quarters. Craft production remained small-scale, probably as a part-timehousehold operation (Morris 1991: 38–9).

Houses

During the Early Iron Age, two main house types can be discerned. The mostwidespread were houses of rectilinear plan, consisting either of one room or – especiallyin Crete and the Cyclades – of multiple room units (figure 18.3). The other main housetype consisted of freestanding, hut-like houses, oval or apsidal in shape, and gener-ally comprising a single room. They were made of mud bricks or wattle-and-daub,and covered with a thatched roof. Elevated social status had an architectural elementin the form of houses with larger dimensions and more complex internal divisions.

In the late eighth and early seventh centuries, there was a progressive replacementof curvilinear houses by buildings with a rectangular layout. These generally com-prised two or more rooms and an integrated courtyard, sometimes with a porch builtagainst one or more rooms – the hallmark of so-called pastas and prostas houses.The increase in size and complexity allowed for the segmentation and relative specialization of internal space for different functions, activities, individuals and gen-ders (see figure 18.4a).51 In the seventh century, houses became more uniform insize and design; links between architecture and differences in social status becameless obvious. Terracotta roof tiles were introduced in ca. 700, but it is not certainwhen they were first used for covering domestic structures; one of the earliest knownexamples is a house at Sardis dating to the late seventh century.52

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City walls

Around 1200, most Mycenaean citadels were destroyed. Many arts and crafts werelost, but not the art of fortification. Small fortified settlements of the LH IIIC periodare attested in the Cyclades (Siphnos, Keos, Melos, Paros), Crete, western Anatolia(Bademgedihi Tepesi) and the Peloponnese (e.g. Teichos Dymaion). As late as ca. 1100, Grotta on Naxos had a large urban center with defence works and harborinstallations. Fortifications recently discovered on the islands of Salamis and Tenoswere possibly in use from the LH IIIC to the Protogeometric or Geometric period.53

A new era of fortification started in the ninth and, especially, the eighth century.The first generation of defensive settlements were again found on the islands of theAegean (Andros, Siphnos, Amorgos, Chios, Donousa, Crete) and in western AsiaMinor (Smyrna, “Melie,” Iasos). They were generally small sites, located in inhos-pitable places, and most were not long-lived. On the Greek mainland, fortified sitesmostly date from the seventh century onwards. In central and northern Greece theybegin only in the sixth century.54

Four types of fortified settlements can be distinguished in the archaic period: walledhilltops or acropoleis acting as places of refuge (e.g. Emporio on Chios, “Melie”);

ERTAN IPLIKCI

Figure 18.2 Clazomenae: olive oil extraction plant, 525–500 bcSource: Koparal and Iplikçi (2004: fig. 13).

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settlements defended by a straight fortification wall across the neck of a promontoryor peninsula (e.g. Zagora on Andros [figure 18.3], Vroulia on Rhodes); separatefortified enclaves within the settlement area (possibly at Miletus [figure 18.4a], Corinthand Eretria); and the city enceinte enclosing most of the settled area (Smyrna,Oikonomos on Paros, Pythagorion on Samos, Gortyn on Crete). The last-mentionedtype of fortification became increasingly dominant from the seventh century onwards.It was also adopted by settlements that started out with a different defensive system.

Fortification walls almost always consisted of a mudbrick superstructure built upona foundation of large stones. Sometimes rectangular towers or bastions were added– often just one, usually flanking a gate (Zagora [figure 18.3], Oikonomos, Minoaon Amorgos, “Melie”). For the rest, there is little standardization in design or con-struction techniques. Only in the course of the seventh century were important improve-ments made: large rectangular or polygonal stones were used to make tightly fittedwalls, while gates and towers became more strategically placed.

Houses

Road

Wall

Bastion

Road

Gate

Cliff

Figure 18.3 Zagora on Andros: hypothetical reconstruction of the settlement and itsfortification wall (later eighth century)Source: Cambitoglou et al. (1991: 25, fig. 5).

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As we have seen, Smyrna is sometimes considered the archetypal archaic city. Inmany respects, however, Smyrna is exceptional – above all because of its defensiveworks. Its late ninth-century city wall is by far the earliest in the Greek world, andis also one of the first examples of an enceinte round a coastal site. Even more remark-able is that until its destruction in around 600 by the Lydian king Alyattes, this wallwas rebuilt twice. In its final form of the later seventh century (see figure 18.1) itwas no less than 10–18 m wide, which was without parallel in the Greek world andperhaps inspired by Lydian fortifications.55 The rebuilding of walls on an ever-largerscale underlines that city walls offered not only protection but also prestige.

Another unusual aspect of Smyrna’s fortifications is the location of a temple ded-icated to Athena dating to the seventh century. The large platform on which it wasbuilt was situated close to the north-east gate and its tower, and was in fact part ofthe city enceinte (figure 18.1; Cook and Nicholls 1998: 128). Perhaps this was howSmyrna’s inhabitants honored Athena as their patron goddess protecting their cityand walls. At the same time, the association of temple and defensive wall brings tomind earlier observations about the sacred nature of the city and the city’s walls.56

It is important to be aware that only a minority of settlements were walled. Theslowness of the process is remarkable: it seems that many major cities, starting withAthens, did not possess a city enceinte by the end of the archaic period. Even in clas-sical times, poleis like Elis and Sparta still did not have city walls, or indeed “costlytemples” and other public edifices (Thuc. 1.10.2; Inventory 133–7). The lack of citywalls may be connected with the preferred mode of warfare, which is the open hoplitebattle (see ch. 30, below).

Temples, agorai, and public buildings

Archaeological evidence shows that during the Early Iron Age the house of the localruler served certain cult purposes. Especially in the eighth century these chieftain’sdwellings were replaced by or transformed into sacred buildings, presumably whenthe ruler lost control of the community’s religious affairs. Particularly during the latter half of that century there was a tendency towards clearer separation and dis-tinction of religious space. All over the Aegean shrines or temples were erected forpatron deities protecting the polis; some of these represent the first examples of post-Late Bronze Age monumental architecture (e.g. the hekatompeda at Eretria and Samos;Mazarakis Ainian 1997).

In quite a number of Early Iron Age settlements, the house of the local ruler gaveon to an open area that probably functioned as a “proto-agora,” as an assembly placeand perhaps also an open-air sanctuary for outdoor religious ceremonies (MazarakisAinian 1997: 378). The stepped area in the hollow between the two citadels of Drerosforms the earliest-known spatially defined agora in the Greek world (around 700).The first examples of a monumentalized agora occur during the later seventh cen-tury, for instance in the colony of Megara Hyblaea, where the agora was delineatedby temples, public buildings and stoai (see above). At Metapontum, a monumentalagora was created between ca. 600 and 530 with the construction of a series of temples, sanctuaries, altars and an amphitheater-like assembly building (capacity:

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7,000–8,000 people), replacing an earlier wooden grandstand (ikria; Carter 2000).The agora at Athens, finally, is a little later in date, but more modest in design. Inaddition to temples, altars and a stoa, civic buildings and a fountain house were con-structed (basically in the second half of the sixth century). Directly to the north of theagora, a series of shops was found. The agora was formally delimited by boundary(horos) stones.57

Occupation of the countryside

In comparison to the detailed archaeological information we have about the archaiccity, the countryside is still largely terra incognita, although regional surface surveysdo shed some light on it. Survey evidence suggests that by the seventh century ahierarchy of settlements had emerged. In addition to the dominant, first-order sitesthat exploited the land in the immediately adjacent settlement area, second-ordersites existed at some distance into the countryside. These consisted of farming villages or hamlets rather than isolated farms.58

There were regional differences in the way that rural areas were inhabited duringthe archaic period.59 In Boeotia and East Locris, alongside fortified first-order sites,there were smaller walled towns dispersed over the countryside (Snodgrass 1986a:130). In the seventh century, the countryside around Miletus was exploited by meansof “houses on the lands,” possibly landed estates (Hdt. 1.17; cf. Lohmann 1997:290–1). The chora of Teos, and presumably of other East Greek poleis as well, wasduring the late sixth and fifth centuries divided by pyrgoi and teichB. These were pre-sumably towered manors and fortified villages that acted as centers of agriculturalproduction and storage for the oligarchic families and their clients. It has been sug-gested that Teichioussa in the chora of Miletus is an example of this type of defen-sive estate (Balcer 1985: 25–7, 38). Whatever the case, Teichioussa (modern Akbük)gives us an idea of what a second-order site in the countryside looked like. It hasyielded several complexes with rooms centered on a courtyard (figure 18.4b), as wellas structures associated with a number of conspicuous tombs.60 This kind of archi-tecture has a decidedly urban feel to it. An interesting contrast is provided by a num-ber of roughly built complexes comprising a large, walled area, bordered by oval orrectangular structures, which are found in the mountainous hinterland of the Milesianpeninsula (figure 18.4c). Some of them may date to the archaic period. They canbe identified as herding stations, and attributed to Carians (cf. Hdt. 6.20), who livedin similar compounds in the Halicarnassus peninsula.61

There is evidence that some poleis organized their chora in a rationalized manner,comparable to the layout of the town center. This happened, for instance, in Halieisin the early sixth century, and in Metapontum during the second half of that cen-tury. This process can best be followed in the Metapontine chora. Initially, the popu-lation lived dispersed in hamlets or the occasional isolated farmhouse, but after 550farmsteads started to spread over the countryside; not much later the chora was dividedinto parallel strips by a system of country lanes. The orientation of these divisionlines is very similar to that of the town grid (figure 18.5), suggesting that polis andchora were restructured roughly at the same time.62

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potterykiln

pottery kiln

potterykiln

(a)

(b)

(c)

hearth

court

porch

oven post holes

kit-chen

0 1 2 3 4 5 m

5 m0 1 2 3 4

5 m0 1 2 3 4

Figure 18.4 Miletus and Milesia, archaic structures: (a) Miletus-Kalabaktepe –fortification wall, overlap gate, and courtyard house (later sixth century) with pottery kilns of earlier phase (latter half of seventh century); (b) Teichioussa – courtyard house(sixth century); (c) Saplatansırt region – oval buildings around central courtyard, possiblyshepherds compound (first half of sixth century)Source: Senff (2000: 31, fig. 5), adapted by J. Fokkema. M. J. Mellink, AJA 93, 1989, 122, fig. 9. W. Voigtländer, AA (1988: 574, fig. 6).

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0 2 km

Figure 18.5 Metapontum and surroundings: plan of the chora between the Bradano andBasento rivers (later sixth century)Source: Carter (2000: colour pl. II/1).

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Concluding Remarks

Archaeological and literary sources provide complementary and often even fairly similar information about the archaic city. Temples, agorai and fortifications werethe city’s most distinctive features and contributed to its sacred nature. The city wasseen as the center of civilization and order, symbolized by urban architecture and aspecifically urban layout which itself helped to create and preserve good order. Theland that was part of the town’s catchment area belonged spatially and conceptuallyto the town. Far away in rural areas were hamlets which continued to exist in rela-tive isolation until an advanced stage of the archaic period.

Archaeology suggests that urbanization was a long-drawn-out process. What is evenmore significant is that the pace of development differed markedly from place toplace. The construction of city walls is a case in point. Local differences in settlementlayout and in degree of urbanization were probably related to differences in socio-political organization, just as the organization of the countryside was probably relatedto prevailing agricultural systems. The only phenomena that occurred largely simul-taneously throughout the Greek world were the building of temples and sanctuariesfor patron deities and their rebuilding on an ever grander scale. The self-assertionand the incipient rivalry of the developing poleis (“peer polity interaction”) was man-ifest especially in this aspect of urbanization (Snodgrass 1980a: 58–60).

However, there are also differences between the literary and the archaeologicalrecord. From Homer and Hesiod onwards a clearly defined conceptual distinctionexisted between city and countryside. Oppositions between town-dwellers and countryfolk found expression in different modes of life, behavior and world views. This isin marked contrast to the picture that archaeology provides of urbanization proceedingat a slow pace and with strong local variations. The conclusion must be that an urbanmentality and, indeed, ideology existed long before the typical Greek city had beenconceptualized in a spatial sense.

The antithesis between town-dwellers and countryfolk partly overlapped with theopposition between upper class and commoners. It is possible that this reflects theactual situation. Aristotle (F 558 Rose) tells us that in archaic Naxos the town wasthe domain of the wealthy, whereas the rest of the population lived in villages in thecountryside. However, this was probably not a common pattern of residence in archaicGreece. In most towns, part of the population consisted of farmers. It is thereforemore likely that the equation of town-dwellers with upper class and of rural folkwith commoners was rhetorical. Members of the sophisticated urban elite saw them-selves as the typical town-dwellers, and may have found it convenient to qualify therest of the population as “peasants.”

NOTES

1 I wish to thank Kurt Raaflaub, Reinhard Senff, Hans van Wees, and Douwe Yntema forreading the manuscript and for their useful remarks, and Jaap Fokkema for digitalizing

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and editing the drawings. For quotations from ancient authors, I have used translationsby R. Lattimore (Iliad and Odyssey of Homer, Chicago/New York, 1961, 1975), M. L.West (Greek Lyric Poetry, Oxford, 1993) and D. W. Tandy/W. C. Neale, Hesiod’s Worksand Days, Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1996), in some cases with minor adaptations.

2 See e.g. Sakellariou 1989: 154; Hansen and Nielsen 2004: 35.3 See Morris 1991, with replies in Hansen 1997; Morgan and Coulton 1997.4 Cf. Finley 1977; Kolb 1984: 11–7; Jameson et al. 1994: 249.5 The Greeks’ unusual awareness of the city and urbanization makes ancient Greece a

special case for the study of ancient urbanism: see. C. Lloyd 1983: 12.6 On landscape and architectural setting in Attic vase painting, see Hedreen 2001.7 Osborne 1987: 16–21 rightly notes the tendency to ignore the countryside in archaic

and classical Greek art and literature.8 E.g. Il. 15.558, 22.429; Od. 7.131; with Scully 1990: 8–9, 56. But cf. Il. 2.806

(= combatant). Inventory 30–2, for terminology in lyric poetry.9 Il. 11.242; Od. 13.192. Pind. Pyth. 3.71 opposes hoi astoi to hoi agathoi; cf. Hdt. 3.142–3.

10 Although Cook (1958/9: 22) estimates that Smyrna at this time housed some 1,000households or 6,000 inhabitants.

11 Smyrna claimed to be Homer’s birthplace, and the poet’s portrait of Scheria may actu-ally be a portrait of a Ionian city (so e.g. Cook 1958–9: 12). Similar to Scheria and incontrast to many archaic Greek poleis, the town of Smyrna did not possess an acropolis.

12 Il. 18.497–508; cf. Il.16.387; Od. 12.439–40; Theog. 80–93, 434; W&D 28–30.13 van Wees 1992: 28–31, 41–2; Crielaard 1995a: 243–5; Mazarakis Ainian 1997: 363–7;

Scully 1990: 6–15.14 Country estates: Il. 12.313–4; Od. 4.517; 11.187–8; 15.504–5. Remote pigsties: Od.

14.1–12. See van Wees 1992: 42, 49–53; Edwards 1993; Schnapp 1996.15 E.g. Od. 1.185, 189–90; 2.22; 11.188; 15.504–5; 17.18–9, 182; cf. 22.47: agros v.

megara, “halls.” 16 Vidal-Naquet 1986; cf. Anac. F 348 Page; Thuc. 1.1–8. W&D 276–8 contrasts men

and lawless animals.17 Hesiod: e.g. Theog. 292 (Tiryns). Alc. F 69.4 Voigt. Thgn. 603. Pindar uses hieros for

Acragas (Ol. 2.9), Thera (Pyth. 4.6), Sicyon (Nem. 9.53), Athens (F 95.4), theios forCyrene (Pyth. 4.26). Much of what follows is based on Scully’s brilliant analysis (1990:esp. 16–53).

18 Fortifications: e.g. Il. 4.378; 16.100; 21.526. Temples: e.g. Il. 6.89. Agora: e.g. Il. 18.504.19 Cult and divine protection: e.g. Il. 4.44–9; 5.445–8; 6.86–95, 269, 279, 297–310;

7.81–3; 24.64–70. Other examples of gods favoring cities: e.g. Il. 5.423; 6.305–10;9.418–20 = 685–7; Od. 5.101–2; Shield of Heracles 104–5; Callinus F 2, 2a West.

20 Troy: Il. 20.215–8, 242–3; 21.446–7. Cf. Boeotian Thebes: Od. 11.260–5; Shield ofHeracles 104–5. Megara: Thgn. 773–4. Further examples in Scully 1990: 52.

21 E.g. Il. 6.95; 8.57; 17.224; 24.730.22 Zeus protecting cities: e.g. Il. 4.378; 9.418–20 = 685–7. Zeus’ devastating powers: e.g.

Il. 2.116–8; 4.51–3, 163–8; 9.23–5; 13.621–5; 20.192. It is also Zeus who – on aneven larger scale – creates and destroys the generations of men: W&D 47–201.

23 Prayers: e.g. Il. 1.128–9; 2.111–14; 8.240–3, 287–8; “holy veil” (hiera krBdemna): Il.16.100; cf. Od. 13.388.

24 See e.g. Mimn. F 9.4 West; Thgn. 603–4, 1103–4, with Fisher 1992, 213–16; also188ff on hybris and Zeus’ destruction of the generations of men in Works and Days.

25 Aelius Aristides, Or. 46.207 = Alc. F 426 Voigt. For later authors expressing this idea,see Sakellariou 1989: 109–10; Scully 1990: 58–9.

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26 Akropolis kai purgos; 233–4. Pindar calls Theron, winner of the chariot races at Olympiain 476, “the bulwark of Acragas” (ereism’ Akragantos: Ol. 2.7).

27 E.g. Od. 17.61–70. See further van Wees 1992: 30ff.28 Hippias of Erythrae, FGH 421 F 1; Asius ad Douris of Samos, FGH 76 F 60 (= Athen.

12.525f.); also Eratosthenes, FGH 241 F 11.29 W&D 585–92; cf. Archil. F 2 West. “Bibline wine” (589) was probably imported from

Thrace: West 1978: 306 ad loc.30 E.g. Troy: Hom. Il. 6.442 etc; Thebes: Hes. F 193.2 M-W; Shield of Heracles 83; Stesichorus

F 222.6. Further Il. 13.685 and Hom. Hymn Ap. 146–7: dress of Ionians.31 See e.g. Sappho FF 39.2, 98.11–2, 101 Voigt. On Sardis also F 132.32 On Thgn. 53–8, see further van Wees 2000b, 61–3. Alc. F 379 Voigt could refer to a

similar sort of outfit. Cf. W&D 535–46, for the winter-clothes that Hesiod’s farmer’wears.

33 Smyrna: Akurgal 1998: 36, 46 pl. 14 (sarcophagus, ca. 600–575?). Lydia: Greifenhagen1965: pl. 6:5 (female tomb, mid-sixth century); further Özgen/Öztürk 1996: 204–6.

34 For further comments on this fragment, see Kurke 1999: 197–8.35 Theog. 26 offers an interesting parallel for abuse and stereotypes of shepherds.36 See further the discussion of these passages in Lloyd 1983: 15–6.37 Esp. 21–2, 30–2, 364–5, 405, 471–2, 601; cf. 502–3. For Hesiod, hard work is impor-

tant (303–13); it is man’s destiny (42ff, 289–90); see also ch. 23, below.38 Hesiod’s visit to the city of Chalkis is one of the few times he leaves his own environ-

ment, to enter a world of almost epic dimensions, where he mingles with the high lifeof the aristocracy; see W&D 650, with Crielaard 2002: 256–9.

39 Schmitz 2004b: 52–147 offers a detailed discussion of differences in social networks ofaristocrats (relying on guest-friends and hetairoi) and farmers (relying on neighbors).

40 Tandy/Neale 1996: 78; Edwards 2004: 65–6.41 Cf. 210–1: “only a fool tries to stand up to those who are better/stronger (pros kreis-

sonas),” which probably reflects Hesiod’s position towards the basilBes. Cf. 215: deilos v.esthlos.

42 See Millett 1984: 90ff; Edwards 2004: esp. 37, 65–79, 121–7, 166.43 General works on the archaeology of the archaic Greek city: Snodgrass 1980a: esp.

ch. 1; Kolb 1984: ch. 3; Lang 1996; Pugliese Carratelli 1996: 233–96.44 Lang 1996: 26. Ephesus: Hüber 1997: 32. Megara: Plut., QG 17 (Mor. 295b).45 Osborne 1987: 46; Greaves 2002: 100–2; Hansen and Nielsen 2004: 135.46 Coldstream 2003: 261–2, 303–4; Kolb 1984: 69, 98–9.47 Fusaro 1982: 15ff; Kolb 1984: 100–7; De Angelis 2003.48 Lang 1996: 12, with n. 16; Malkin 2002: 202–7, 216; De Angelis 2003: 20 (with nn.

57–8), 33. In early Megara Hyblaea and possibly Syracuse open areas existed betweenhabitation nuclei and sanctuaries: de Polignac 1999; Voza 1999b.

49 Metal production in sanctuaries: Risberg 1997.50 Pottery production: Crielaard et al. 1999: esp. 52ff, 84ff, 220ff, 291ff, with Senff 2000:

34–7 (Miletus). Sardis: Ramage and Craddock 2000. Clazomenae: Koparal and Iplikçi2004. Thorikos, Pithekoussai, Skala Oropou: Mazarakis Ainian 1997: 147, 254; 1998c:200–3.

51 This process can be followed e.g. at Smyrna and Miletos, see Senff 2000: 33–6.52 Lang 1996: 78–117; 2005, 14–28; Mazarakis Ainian 2001; also Morris 1991: 31–3,

38–40. For tiles used in a later eighth-century kiln at Tiryns, see Blackman 2001: 30–1.For archaic house architecture in Magna Graecia and Sicily, see D’Andria and Mannino1996.

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53 See Karageorghis and Morris 2001; for Bademgedihi Tepesi, see Meriç/Mountjoy 2002.Some Early Iron Age communities (e.g. at Tiryns and Mycenae) may have found pro-tection in surviving Mycenaean citadel walls, see Mazarakis Ainian 1997: 159–61,245–6.

54 Snodgrass 1986a; Lang 1996: 21–54; Cobet 1997. Note that Lohmann 2004 has raiseddoubts against the traditional view that the site of Güzelçamlı-Kaletepe can be identifiedwith Melie.

55 According to Lang (1996: 28, 41, 241) the late ninth-century Wall 1 was a retainingrather than a defensive wall. Archaic fortifications at Sardis: Lang 1996: 28–9;Greenewalt and Rautman 2000: 656ff.

56 At Emporio, the “Megaron,” which probably had a ceremonial or cultic function, wasbuilt directly against the late eighth-century fortification wall and opposite the entrancegate, as were the two slightly later buildings on the Oberburg of “Melie”: Lang 1996:figs. 66, 70.

57 Hölscher 1991: 363–8; Lang 1996: 63–8; Camp 1998: 37–57; Kenzler 2000. The loca-tion of the old agora of Athens is debated: Robertson 1998; Kolb 1999 (with referencesto earlier literature). Note that in literary sources before Herodotus the agora never hasan economic meaning (“market place”): see Möller 2000: 71–4; also Kurke 1999: 73–6.

58 See e.g. Jameson et al. 1994: 374–5; Lohmann 1999: 446, 463–5.59 Generally on this topic: Doukellis and Mendoni. For the colonial Greek world: De Caro

and Gialanella 1998; Greco 2001; Osanna 2001.60 Brief reports in English: AJA 1987: 16–7 figs. 19–20, 22; 1988: 123; 1989: 122 fig.

9, 124.61 Lohmann 1997: 291–3; 1999: 446–51, 464–5; Voigtländer 2004: 206–22.62 Boyd and Jameson 1981; Carter 2000.

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ABBREVIATIONS

A&A Antike und AbendlandAA Archäologischer AnzeigerAAA Archaiologika Analecta ex AthenonAARch Acta ArchaeologicaABSA Annual of the British School in AthensAD Archaiologikon deltionAEMTH Arkhaiologiko ergo sten Makedonia kai ThrakeAEph Archaiologike ephemerisAETHSE Acts of the Archaeological Meeting of Thessaly and Central GreeceAFO Archiv für OrientforschungAION (archeol.) Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, Dipartimento di Studi

del mondo classico e del Mediterraneo antico, Sezione di archeologia e storia antica

AJA American Journal of ArchaeologyAK Antike KunstAM Archäeologische Mitteilungen (= MDAI)Annales(ESC) Annales (Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations)AR Archaeological ReportsASAA Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in

OrienteASNP Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e FilosofiaAWE Ancient West and EastBASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental ResearchBCH Bulletin de correspondance helléniqueBICS Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of LondonC&M Classica et MedaevaliaCAH Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd edn. Cambridge 1970–CAJ Cambridge Archaeological Journal

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