Integration Trajectories: A Mixed Method Approach

Chapter 6Integration Trajectories: A Mixed MethodApproach

Rossalina Latcheva and Barbara Herzog-Punzenberger

6.1 Introduction

In contrast to the Austrian discourse on integration in the 1970s and 1980s,when socially marginalised strata of the domestic population were at the centre ofattention, in the 1990s the focus of political and media debates around the concept ofintegration shifted to a problematisation of ‘cultural differences’ of foreign workers.In academic research, too, theoretical approaches to immigration and integrationdiversified, but many of them still approach the topic from the perspective of thenation-state and majority society. Although some attempts of discussing migrationand integration processes from a life course perspective exist (primarily in theUS-American context, e.g. Portes and Rumbaut 2001), much of the existingliterature pays hardly any attention to the complex interplay between individualaction, prior life history and structural embedding. Most notably, those scholars whotry to focus on integration as a dynamic, relational and interactive phenomenon haveuntil very recently faced a lack of suitable longitudinal data that would do justice toboth a long-term and a bottom-up perspective.

This chapter attempts a joint view on objective and subjective aspects ofthe integration processes of 1st generation immigrants in Austria referring toboth structure and agency, using quantitative as well as qualitative methods andmaintaining the necessary longitudinal perspective in the analysis. Since the firstcohorts of the so-called “guest workers” in Austria, originally recruited in the1960s and 1970s from former Yugoslavia and Turkey, now reach retirement age,

R. Latcheva (�)Institute of Sociology, University of Zurich, 8050 Zurich, Switzerlande-mail: [email protected]

B. Herzog-PunzenbergerFederal Institute for education research, innovation & development of the Austrian schoolingsystem, 5020 Salzburg, Austriae-mail: [email protected]

M. Wingens et al. (eds.), A Life-Course Perspective on Migration and Integration,DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-1545-5 6, © Springer ScienceCBusiness Media B.V. 2011

121

[email protected]

[email protected]

122 R. Latcheva and B. Herzog-Punzenberger

it is possible to examine their migration processes in retrospect. Compared toother Western European countries, the share of foreign-born is relatively high inAustria (15.4%) (Statistik Austria 2010a). Out of a total of around 1.3 millionforeign-born in 2010, over 400.000 were born in Ex-Yugoslavia (half of them inSerbia/Montenegro/Kosovo) and 160.000 were born in Turkey (Statistik Austria2010a, b). In Vienna, the respective figures are 440.000 foreign-born out of which31% have a migration background in Ex-Yugoslavia and 13% in Turkey (StatistikAustria 2010b: 106–107).

In this study, we try to uncover different patterns in individual life courses andrelate these to both human agency and changing social structures. By combiningimmigrants’ subjective views and evaluations with the objective traces of theirbiographies, we discuss migration processes as ‘life projects’ of individuals whomake their own choices across the life span. Yet, individual choices are constrainedby individual characteristics and prior events in the life cycle as well as institutionalcontexts at local, national or international level. The approach applied in this studyallows us to pay particular attention to the dynamic character of integration andavoid theorizing it as a de-contextualized, dichotomous, non-relational or non-interactive process. We start from the premise that integration cannot be treatedas a dichotomy (integrated vs. not integrated) or as an inevitable final stage, butas a complex dynamic involving individuals and societal structures with potentiallyever-changing outcomes. We explore these issues by combining quantitative andqualitative data from two studies: (1) LIMITS – Migrants and Ethnic Minorities inEuropean Cities: Life-courses and Quality of Life in a World of Limitations1; (2)SIM – Equal Opportunity and Marginalisation: A Longitudinal Perspective on theSocial Integration of Migrants.2

The chapter is organized in five sections. In the first section, we discusstheoretical challenges in the research of integration processes in Western-Europeansocieties. Our methodological approach is outlined in part two. In the third section,excerpts from the qualitative empirical material exemplify the relevant dimensionsalong which the respondents evaluate their individual migration project. In thefourth section, we develop a dynamic model of integration consisting of fourdimensions and three phases. The chapter ends with concluding remarks.

6.2 Theoretical Challenges: Questioning the Causal Sequence,Finality, Linearity and Non-Relationality of Integration

In order to analyse the complex social process called ‘integration’, the diffusequality of the normative ideal of a “totally integrated society” should be madeexplicit and open to critical discussion.

1For details, see http://www.limits.zsi.at/.2For more information on the project see http://www.zsi.at/de/projekte/abgeschlossen/326.html.

http://www.limits.zsi.at/

http://www.zsi.at/de/projekte/abgeschlossen/326.html

6 Integration Trajectories: A Mixed Method Approach 123

In current theories (e.g. Esser 2001), the process described as ‘integration’appears to have a clear direction, namely the gradual adaptation of migrants tothe majority society. The majority society itself is in turn often portrayed as atotality where societal integration seems to function unproblematically. Accordingto Esser (2001: 8ff), the integration process follows a causal order from cognitive(Kulturation) via structural (Plazierung) and social (Interaktion) to emotional (Iden-tifikation) integration. Following his argument, patterns of multiple identificationsare an elite phenomenon, while migrants with minimal command of Germanlanguage and discontinuous labour market biographies are classified as marginalisedalso with regard to their feelings of belonging. Other strands of theory developmentstress the open and ambivalent character of the migration project (Pries 2005), themethodological nationalism in the understanding of ethnicity, groups and cultures(Wimmer 2008b; Brubaker 2004 ) and finally the interdependency of immigrants’actions and orientations with the changing circumstances in the country of arrivaland the country of origin (Baubock 2010). Actually, there may be changes ofdirection in the individual course of integration depending on the political, economicor demographic context. For example, the more strongly the boundaries betweena (secularized) majority society and minority groups are drawn, the more likelyimmigrants become “re-ethnicized”, religiously engaged or marginalized. There-fore, another central point of criticism of the current understanding of integrationconcerns its implied linearity. Multi-directional, curving or spiral processes seemjust as likely. Different subjective feelings of inclusion and exclusion may arise indifferent phases of the life course. This is dependent on the subjective assessment ofthe current and future individual situation, which in turn results from the availabilityof resources such as income, education and occupation as well as the familysituation, social contacts, institutional participation or the psycho-physical state ofhealth. Changes in the availability of particular resources might change the copingstrategies of the immigrants. If support by the welfare-state is limited, non-stateprovision coming from sources such as religious organisations, ethnic associationsor transfer payments and support within the family gain increased importance.

The different temporal structures of integration processes – measured by theindividual’s life-course and over the generations – is often mixed up in migration-theory. The integration process is dependent on biographical events, phases of thelife-course (e.g. becoming an adult, founding a family, retirement) and socialisationcontexts (first generation, second generation, country of birth and country ofeducation). Moreover, economic developments (recession and boom, modernisationand globalisation) and political opportunity structures (residence, naturalisation lawetc.) are decisive. Here, the time of immigration and first establishment steps playan important role. For this reason, the specific historical situation e.g. on the labourand housing market, the hierarchy of societal groups, ideological battles and theprevalent public discourse at the beginning of the migration process should be takeninto account. Changes in the societal contexts have to be tracked down during thewhole duration of stay to fruitfully analyse the course of integration.

If integration is also understood as the identification with a particular groupor nation (e.g. Esser 2001), it is important to comprehend how in-groups and


out-groups are constructed. Having said this, the relational aspect of integrationbecomes visible. Groups are constituted through the social process of boundary-drawing (e.g. categorisation practices). Individual actions, attitudes, physical fea-tures and objects can be charged with meaning and used as markers in order to setup and maintain symbolic boundaries between groups. Ethnicity is re-/produced ininteraction processes and is “ : : : thus relational, and also situational: the ethniccharacter of a social encounter is contingent on the situation. It is not, in otherwords, absolute” (Eriksen 2002: 58). Identifications and feelings of belonging donot emerge unilateral, i.e. immigrants will not develop a feeling independently oftheir environment. It is a reflexive process of ‘being’ and becoming’ and therefore itis of prime importance to scrutinise what kind of feedback processes immigrantsexperience. These are to a large part structured by public discourse, the media,politicians and representatives of all kinds of societal institutions. Alba and Nee(2003, 2004, 2008) also conceive integration3 as an inter-generational, reciprocalprocess between immigrants and the immigration society. Institutional mechanismssuch as legal standards and anti-discrimination measures play a decisive role in thecourse of this. However, not only immigrants from other countries are excluded intoday’s societies, but also internal migrants from peripheral regions and sections ofindigenous populations. Long-term unemployed, homeless, precariously employedand those affected by poverty might share similar experiences (cf. Dorre 2006).

As mentioned above, to understand integration processes in detail, the differentspheres of society such as labour market, education, housing, the legal systemetc. have to be scrutinized each in its own right. The structures of societal sub-systems are gaining increasing importance in the explanation of national differencesin integration processes. This is especially visible in research on descendants ofimmigrants (Crul and Schneider 2010). Following the boundary-drawing approach,the ethnic aspect will decrease in importance when processes of integration areno longer conceptualized as cultural assimilation. It is rather the response ofimmigrants to the structures in societal sub-systems as well as interaction processesbetween individuals representing the majority population and the different minoritypopulations in every day life situations. Analysing multiple identifications andemotional bonds as well as varying cultural and linguistic practices in this waywould ultimately lead to a new understanding of integration in its complexity,dynamic and context-dependency.

6.3 Methodology

To put these theoretical considerations into practice, an appropriate researchdesign and suitable empirical data are required. In our research design, we takethe complexity and plurality of individual integration processes into account by

3Alba and Nee use the term assimilation, which is common in the US-American academicdiscourse and does not mean the complete adaptation of the immigrants to the majority society.


interlinking deductive and inductive methodology. In particular, the complementaryapplication of different survey designs and procedures of analysis to the same studyunits – a triangulation approach with connected samples (cf. Flick 2000: 309; Flick2004) – has so far only been sporadically applied in migration research. The guidingidea of this multi-method approach is to compare individual event histories and toreconstruct the subjective meaning, systems of relevance and action orientationsascribed to them by the respondents. This approach allows a joint analysis ofimmigrants’ own views and interpretations and the objective traces of their societalintegration over the life course, “ : : : thereby minimizing the risk of adopting asubjectivist stance” (Bertaux and Kohli 1984: 223).

We proceeded in four steps: (1) we reanalysed event-history data of 1st generationimmigrants living in Vienna, (2) based on these results, we drew a sub-sampleand carried out 30 qualitative interviews, (3) subsequently, we carried out astructuring content analysis by applying a thematic and cross-case dimensioning,and (4) generalized our findings by developing a model which combines phases andcomponents of individual integration processes.

For the re-analysis of the event history data, we applied the relatively new methodof optimal matching (Schaeper 1999; Aisenbrey 2000). Similar to cluster analysisfor cross-sectional data, optimal matching is a method to discover structures indata of event history format. We analysed the employment histories (sequences)4

of 601 1st generation immigrants from Serbia and Turkey in Vienna by comparingthe distances between pairs of individual labour market trajectories.5 The produceddistance matrix made the grouping of similar labour market trajectories possible.Subsequently, multidimensional scaling and cluster analysis were applied in orderto develop a typology of the individual employment biographies. These sequenceclusters served as the basis for the selection of interview partners for the 30qualitative interviews in step 2.

Table 6.1 gives an overview of the extracted clusters along relevant socio-demographical characteristics. It is in this regard essential to always compare thecluster distributions to the total distribution of the sample.

Cluster 1 is composed of 214 persons. The respondents are characterized byfull-time or part-time employment since the year of arrival to Austria. Most ofthe respondents within this cluster are male immigrants (77.6%). Two thirds arenative Serbian; one third is originally from Turkey. Almost half of the respondentshave completed compulsory education, one third possesses a secondary degree, andone seventh has a university entrance certificate. Roughly 42% of the respondentsare 55 years old or above. The average age in cluster 1 is therefore above the averageof the whole sample. This can be explained by the earlier date of arrival of theSerbian respondents, compared to those from Turkey.

4An employment sequence is the succession of employment states during the individual migrationcourse.5For a detailed description of the methodological approach, see SiM final report, p. 29 (http://www.zsi.at/attach/3Endbericht SiM.pdf).

http://www.zsi.at/attach/3Endbericht_SiM.pdf

http://www.zsi.at/attach/3Endbericht_SiM.pdf


Tab

le6.

1D

istr

ibut

ion

ofso

cio-

dem

ogra

phic

char

acte

rist

ics

alon

gth

ecl

uste

rs

Clu

ster

1Fu

lly

empl

oyed

thro

ugho

utth

em

igra

tion

traj

ecto

ry

Clu

ster

2D

iffic

ulti

esat

the

begi

nnin

g

Clu

ster

3D

isco

ntin

uous

labo

urm

arke

tpa

rtic

ipat

ion

Clu

ster

4T

rans

itio

nfr

omed

ucat

ion

tost

able

empl

oym

entc

aree

r

Clu

ster

5O

utsi

deth

ela

bour

mar

ket

Tota

l

n214

230

65

64

28

601

Perc

ent

35:6

38:3

10:8

10:6

4:7

100

Gen

der

%M

ale

77:6

58:3

33:8

35:9

0:0

57:4

Fem

ale

22:4

41:7

66:2

64:1

100:0

42:6

Eth

nici

ty%

Tur

key

33:2

54:3

52:3

75:0

82:1

50:1

Serb

ia66:8

45:7

47:7

25:0

17:9

49:9

Edu

cati

on%

Non

e3:4

6:8

3:4

6:3

4:0

5:1

Ele

men

tary

46:6

45:5

50:8

37:5

64:0

46:3

Seco

ndar

y36:3

38:6

32:2

31:3

12:0

35:1

Uni

vers

ity

entr

ance

cert

ifica

te13:7

9:1

13:6

25:0

20:0

13:5

Age

%35

–44

22:9

43:9

73:8

70:3

57:1

43:1

45–5

435:5

38:3

24:6

25:0

32:1

34:1

55–6

431:3

13:0

1:5

1:6

10:7

17:0

65an

dol

der

10:3

4:8

0:0

3:1

0:0

5:8

Sour

ce:L

IMIT

S-pr

ojec

t;ow

nca

lcul

atio

ns


Cluster 2 with 230 persons represents the biggest cluster. Members of this clusterhave been permanently employed during their whole stay in Austria, yet they had ahard time to get integrated into the labour market at the very beginning. This mightresult from the legally restricted access to regular employment for immigrants whoentered Austria via family reunification. Other reasons for the discontinuity in thebeginning of the labour market biography are phases of unemployment or longerperiods of residence abroad. Regarding gender, age and education cluster 2 showsa distribution similar to the total sample distribution. Unlike cluster 1, this groupcontains a higher share of female respondents (58.3%) and a higher percentage ofyounger 1st generation immigrants.

Cluster 3 is composed of 65 persons (10.8% of the total sample) whose labourmarket trajectories are characterized by a variety of discontinuities. It is remarkablethat the educational structure of this group barely differs from cluster 1 and at thesame time, the respondents are significantly younger: 73.8% are between 35 and44 years of age. In contrast to cluster 1 and 2, full employment does not markthe main part of their labour market biographies. It rather gets down to numerousperiods of unemployment, stays abroad and periods of education and training,maternity leave and housekeeping. The members of this cluster experienced arelatively late labour market entrance and have precarious employment trajectories.This might be due to the economic situation at the time of arrival during the1980ies. The ethnic background is almost equally distributed between the twogroups. Female immigrants are considerably overrepresented (66.2%).

Cluster 4 is composed of 64 persons (10.6% of the total sample). They canbe characterized as “labour market returnees”. While after arrival they have beenout of the labour market e.g. doing housekeeping, being still in education or onmaternity leave, they subsequently gained access to the labour market and mostlystayed employed until the time of the interview. Women and immigrants born inTurkey are overrepresented in this cluster (64.1% respectively 75%). Even thoughthe interviewees of this group show the highest level of education, their labourmarket trajectories are affected by longer phases of unemployment and part-timework. Similarly, to cluster 3 the respondents of this cluster are relatively young andarrived in Austria later than the respondents of cluster 1 and 2.

Cluster 5 is composed of only 28 persons and thus it represents the smallestcluster. The members of this cluster have been out of the labour market during theirwhole migration history, primarily engaged in housekeeping. The most of them arefemale immigrants from Turkey (82.1%). Two thirds have compulsory education(64%) and 20% university entrance degree. 43.1% are below 45 years of age.

Following the description of cluster 1 and 2, which include three-fourth ofall respondents, one might conclude that a significant part of the 1st generationimmigrants in our study experienced rather unproblematic labour market integrationthroughout their migration history. The analysis so far leaves phenomena of insuffi-cient social mobility out of consideration such as de-qualification, lack of furthereducation and professional promotion or the specific placement of immigrantsespecially in the low-wage sectors of the labour market.


In the second step, 30 problem-centred (guided) interviews with representativesof the clusters were carried out in their mother tongue. A well-balanced distributionof cluster membership, gender, ethnic background and command of Germanwas achieved. The aim of the qualitative phase was not the validation of thequantitatively-derived results but an in-depth analysis of the subjective evaluation ofthe individual “migration project”. With the simultaneous consideration of objectiveoutcomes and subjective modes of interpretation, we recognize that individual andsocial changes are mutually dependent and that the relationship between individualsand societal settings is bi-directional (cf. Colby 1998: viii; Giele and Elder 1998).

The software-supported (MAXQDA) content-analysis in step 3 builds on athematically comparative dimensioning across cases (Kelle and Kluge 1999).Instead of constructing empirically based typologies from the qualitative material,we generated hypotheses in an abductive way (Peirce 1955). The core results ofthis analysis are condensed in the model ‘Phases and Components of IndividualTrajectories of Integration’ (see Fig. 6.1) presented at the end of Sect. 6.4.

In the following part, we discuss the main dimensions along which the immi-grants evaluated their personal migration project and exemplify why integrationhas to be discussed as a non-linear process with changing outcomes dependingon the changes in societal contexts. The narratives of the respondents revealthe importance of boundary-drawing processes for feelings of belonging and thesubjective definition of a successful migration project. Moreover, the analysis showsthat the often implied dichotomy “integrated” versus “non-integrated” fails tocapture the dynamic and the open-endedness of individual life courses.

6.4 Analyses of Immigrants’ Narratives

According to our findings, the following dimensions were the most relevant in theevaluation of the individual migration project: (1) economic situation and livingconditions, (2) legal framework and political context, (3) intra- and intergenerationalsocial mobility, and (4) belonging, identifications and emotional bonds.

6.4.1 The Economic Dimension

The economic dimension in immigrants’ narratives encompasses their financialsituation, housing conditions and more generally their standard of living. In fact,the housing situation is one of the main criteria along which immigrants evaluate thesuccess of their migration project. Immigrants’ recollection of the first immigrationphase is characterized by the disappointment of their expectation of the “goldenWest”. The ideas of “Western living standards” were dashed soon after arrival bythe often catastrophic housing conditions, which made housing one of the centraltopics in immigrants’ narratives. Excessive rents and deposits compared with the


flat’s poor condition and lack of furnishing as well as unlawful terms of notice hadmanifold negative consequences such as, various illnesses. Furthermore, physicaland psychological complaints may have been exacerbated by other problems ofimmigration such as separation of families and hard working conditions.

R: Then it was really a problem finding a flat. I then found a flat – one room and a kitchen.It was very small. We had no water in the flat and only cold water in the corridor and theWC was also in the corridor. There was no warm water and it was very cold in the flat.Shortly afterwards my wife fell ill and had to spend seven months in hospital. She had alung infection; I think she became ill because it was an old building and very dirty. In theflat it was very cold and very small.

(male, Turkish, age 53, 1st cluster)

Because immigrants often provided accommodation for following relatives andfriends in their flats in the years after arrival, most of the small flats wereovercrowded. Despite the high level of inner-family cohesion, in many cases thisled to considerable tensions.

R: We were all living in 30 square meters. All these flats were about that big. There weresix people in such a flat.

(female, Serbian, age 43, 2nd cluster)

At this point, it becomes clear that the immigrants’ comparatively low income,which is also a result of their positioning on the labour market (services, industryand construction sector) was directly related to deprivation in the housing sector. Asoften as not the interviewees did not have the necessary capital to find appropriatehousing or to improve their housing conditions. Nevertheless, some managed toimprove their situation by investing a considerable share of their savings forrenovating and repairing their flats on their own.

R: First we brought the water into the flat. Then we had to buy a washing machine, adishwasher. With the two children we couldn’t live with cold water any more. Then wemade hot water. My husband was an electrician then. He heated the water with electricity.Then he installed the fuse box in the flat. Then he built a shower himself. Then the next yearwe had an oil stove.

(female, Turkish, age 66, 2nd cluster)

Legal regulations constrained the access to the housing market and state benefitsystems as well. The interviewees refer to experiences of discrimination that alsoexemplify the rigid boundary-drawing processes between the majority populationand the “guest-workers” in the housing sector.

R: There were hard times. You couldn’t find a better flat so easily. The Austrian askedstraight away, ha, foreigner? At the beginning, it happened to me a few times. No, he said,no foreigners. At that time, I did not have Austrian citizenship. I was often very confused.Whenever I found an advert in the paper and rang up, it was, no, sorry, and do you havechildren? Oh, that’s even worse, out of the question.

(male, Serbian, age 54, 1st cluster)


Despite bad experiences, the interviewees reported an improvement in theirhousing quality over time. While at the beginning they were living in extremelybad conditions, some of them have in the meantime become owner-occupiers andare happy with and in fact proud of their present housing situation.

R: I have achieved everything I wanted to. I have bought two flats in Turkey; I have boughta flat in the 22nd district [in Vienna]. For me that is something special, because I wasn’tborn rich. I’ve seen the worst side of life and so I’m proud of everything I’ve achieved.


To summarize, housing is one of the areas where the context-dependency ofthe integration processes becomes very obvious. The quality of housing is ratherinfluenced by the structure of the local housing market and especially by processesof legal and personal discrimination, i.e. the opportunity structure the migrantsencounter, than by the individuals’ preferences. There is little evidence in therespondents’ narratives that the specific housing was chosen primarily along ethnicor cultural criteria such as closeness to co-ethnics. Statistical results show thatneighbourhoods with a high proportion of immigrants in Vienna are ethnicallymixed and characterized by a specific cost and supply structure (cf. Giffinger andReeger 1997; Giffinger and Wimmer 2003).

In academic, socio-political and public discourse, gainful employment is con-sidered the main factor for ensuring opportunities of societal participation andavoiding poverty. Accordingly, discontinuous employment trajectories (e.g. phasesof unemployment or sick leaves) and de-qualification processes lead to increasedpoverty risks. Analysis shows that discontinuity of labour market participation isnot primarily influenced by immigrants’ individual characteristics or their ethnicbackground, but more so by structural features and the dynamics of the labourmarket to which immigrant workers are more sharply exposed. In times of raisingunemployment, they would be the first to be fired since the idea of native workers’protection (a principle established during the 1920s cf. Gachter 2005) is still relevantin Austria. The ethnic segmentation of the Austrian labour market leads to thefact that many 1st generation immigrants were restricted in their opportunity toparticipate in the social security system in the course of their working life. Threemain reasons for this can be figured out based on the immigrants’ narrations: (1)they have been overwhelmingly employed in low-paid sectors; (2) employers havenot or have wrongly registered them, e.g. less registered working-hours per weekthan hours actually worked; (3) due to difficult circumstances the immigrants havepartly worked without documents. Since the social benefits are directly linked topaid work, Austria can be defined as a conservative welfare state (Esping-Andersen1990). Consequently, after not having fully participated in the social securitysystem, also the pension benefits are limited. This has become increasingly evidentin recent years as the first generation of labour immigrants reach retirement age.Their claims to state pension insurance are often substantially lower than those ofAustrians who have been in similar occupations. In this regard, ‘old-age poverty’increasingly occurs in an ethnically differentiated way. The following excerptsexemplify the precarious economic situation that many 1st generation immigrantsin Vienna experience in the retirement phase.


I: And a pension?R: Will I get anything - for what? I only worked with papers for 2½ years and I won’t getanything and that’s it.

(male, Serbian, age 59, 2nd cluster)

R: When the young boss took over the company he drew up seasonal papers for me andalways just extended them. He always had them for six months : : : that was until the lastyear [2005]. He told me there was no other way. I don’t know if that’s true.I: For how long did you always get a visa then?R: For six months. The whole passport was full of visas

(female, Serbian, age 42, 3rd cluster)

The aspect of ‘old-age poverty’ seems to play a central role in immigrants’evaluations of the own migration project. Alongside a reduction in working abilityfor health or invalidity reasons, immigrants of pensionable age are confronted with alife in complex insecurity (Reinprecht 2006: 26). In summary, discontinuities in theemployment biographies can be seen as a result of multiple disadvantages (labourmarket, housing market, legal practices, precarious economic and family situationetc.), which leads us to the next relevant aspect in the subjective evaluation of theintegration processes: the legal and political developments during the last 40 years.

6.4.2 The Austrian Legal and Political Framework

In the time when most of our interviewees first came to Austria, immigration aboveall meant labour migration. Consequently, the general legal framework with regardto residence and employment rights has an overwhelming effect on the immigrants’evaluations. The complicated, often obscure legal situation is also indicated by theimmigrants’ lack of information on legal issues. The so called “guest workers” werepaid extremely low and the regulations for workers’ protection were not followedadequately by the employers for years. Especially with regard to working hoursand payment of overtime, the work relations could be qualified as exploitative.In order not to endanger their residency status, many immigrants did not defendthemselves against poor working conditions. For many, the low-paid jobs ledto exceptional physical and psychological burdens (e.g. sickness and invalidity),which the interviewees also mention as reasons for the ‘gaps’ in their individualemployment trajectory.

R: When my son was ill I was going to work three hours a day so that my visa didn’t expire.It was not like now. If you didn’t go to work you lost the workers’ visa.


The multiple burdens on female immigrants prove to be particularly critical inthis respect, as unregulated working hours and insufficient childcare support putpressure on family life and the economic independence of migrant women.


R: My working hours were not fixed. I had to stay there as long as others were working.That was terrible for the children, so I had to spend a lot of time with them in the evening.I came home tired to death after work in the evening. Only then, at ten in the evening couldI go to the park with them. Can you imagine that? At nine, ten in the evening in the park inOctober or November, whatever. The children at home the whole day on their own, alone!Oh well : : :


The lack of institutional support and the absence of the right to fight for work-ers’ interests and against discrimination additionally exacerbated the immigrants’situation.

R: I wanted to stand as a shop steward, but they rejected it without comment. I think theydidn’t want it because I was a foreigner and the others who were standing were Austrians.


For qualified immigrants, too, access to the Austrian labour market was madedifficult by the existing legal and institutional regulations.

R: A terrible situation! The work was there, but you couldn’t get every type of work. Atthat time, it was forbidden for immigrants to switch from the employment agency for blue-collar workers to the employment agency for white-collar workers. I think the process forchanging the occupation took eight years. So whatever qualification you had, anyone whostarted a job as a worker was always designated as a worker.

(male, Serbian, age 57, 2nd cluster)

The complex interaction between the legal regulations in the domains of labourand residency was also evident in the circular relationship of citizenship andemployment. The granting of citizenship as well as a secure residence status waslinked to employment, since sufficient security of livelihood was a preconditionfor application. The definition of “sufficient” however was volatile and some-times raised above the collectively bargained minimum wage. Moreover, sufficientfinancial security could only be achieved through complete integration in thelabour market, which again in many cases was only possible through a guaranteedresidency status. Pregnancy, unemployment or parental leave delayed or hinderednaturalization and residency.

To summarize, the context-dependency of immigrants’ integration processesbecomes particularly clear when looking at the interplay between legal-politicalconditions and individual behaviour over time. The legally justified exclusion anduntil very recently the lacking protection against unequal treatment have lead notonly to objective exclusion from the labour market and thus to insecure residencybut caused subjective feelings of exclusion.

Nevertheless, institutions of social security and the rule of law are highlyrespected among immigrants coming from countries with different standards andmore often than not form the basis of their emotional attachment to Austria.Especially for immigrants who were members of a suppressed minority in theircountry of origin, democracy and the rule of law is decisive for the evaluation oftheir own migration project.


The social system is a thousand times better than in Turkey. That’s why I love this country.For me, democracy is also very important. There is democracy in Austria. That’s why I feelfreer in Austria. Everybody is respected. I think that is very important. You can move freely,you are more self-confident, and you feel safe. In Austria there are human rights, which forme as a Kurd are very important.

(male, Kurdish, age 37, 2nd cluster)

Another important aspect in this respect is the question whether 1st generationimmigrants managed to climb the social ladder despite being discriminated againston the labour market. The issue of intra- and intergenerational upward socialmobility emerged as the third significant dimension along which the respondentsevaluated success and failure of their individual migration project.

6.4.3 The Subjectivity of Upward Social Mobility

Our findings confirm results from earlier research on segmentation of the Austrianlabour market and the lack of social mobility in the first generation (cf. Biffl 2000;Gachter 2005; Burtscher 2009). The spectrum of the immigrants’ occupationalprofile in their country of origin ranges from agricultural workers through handicrafttrades to white-collar workers and qualified engineers. However, on entering theAustrian labour market, existing certificates of education and qualifications rarelyplayed a role. The corresponding bureaucratic process was seen as being protractedand hopeless, and was therefore rarely undertaken successfully. Often the lack ofrecognition of certificates and prior experience led to employment as unskilledworkers.

R: I qualified as a medical orderly : : : then I worked as a housecleaner. I tidied up a house,cleaned, and washed and things like that.


In some cases, even a determined desire for occupational advancement was nottaken account of by the employer.

R: When I came to Austria and started my degree course at the university I was workingon the side at a cleaning company. What irritated me, however, was the pay. It was verylow and I wanted to get training and promotion, but they wouldn’t allow it. I wanted to besupervisor. I spoke to the boss about it, that I wanted promotion, and he refused it.

(male, Turkish, age 37, 2nd cluster)

The orientation towards returning to the country of origin influenced the individ-ual strategies for improving the social status as well. In some cases, this meant thatoffers for further training were not taken up even though they were suggested by theemployer.

Upward social mobility is often mentioned as a decisive feature of integration. InAustria however, many of the labour-migrants had to protract it to the next gener-ation. The rigid structure of the Austrian labour market – high obstacles to entry,


a traditionally limited mobility, high seasonal employment, the maintenance ofstructurally weak sectors in the low wage segment, the small and medium-sizedstructure of the Austrian economy – brought with it that a one-time de-qualificationoften hindered later advancement (Volf 2001: 55; Gachter 2010).

To sum up, the integration process of immigrants was severly hindered bythe lack of opportunities for occupational and social mobility. Sufficient Germanlanguage skills may indeed make occupational and thereby social mobility easier,but they are not relevant for immigrants’ placement on the Austrian labour marketand do not protect against unemployment. For all that, the interviewees spokeof a successful migration project.6 First, this can be explained by respondents’comparison of their individual living situation at the time of the interview with thatin the country of origin or at the time of immigration. Secondly, the compensationfunction of other elements in the migration trajectory becomes clear. A lack ofupward occupational mobility is compensated for by the acquisition of property oraccess to the welfare state, rule of law and democratic rights. Thirdly, the positiveevaluation can be explained by focusing on the cross-generational perspective,which for most migrants constitutes an important part of the assessment of theirindividual migration project. Higher education, occupational advancement andmaterial security of the following generations represent central indicators in theoverall balance. The compensation patterns mentioned here again demonstratethe complexity of individual integration processes by stressing the interconnectednature of different spheres of life.

6.4.4 Belonging, Identifications and Emotional Bonds –Function and Change Over Time

The fourth dimension deals with immigrants’ affiliations, identifications and emo-tional ties. According to some theories on immigration and integration, identi-fication with the society of immigration is the litmus test or final aim of theintegration process (e.g. Esser 2001). The approach we use for the discussionof identification processes and affiliation patterns is indebted to the paradigm ofconstructivism within which ethnicity or ethnic identity is described as situational,context-dependent and relational.

In the immigrants’ narratives, three patterns of identification can be identi-fied which do not necessarily correspond with the length of stay and the lifecourse phases: (1) predominant identification with the country of origin; (2)“identity dilemma”, which expresses ambivalent feelings of belonging; (3) multiple

6However, the fact that this research project can only reflect the view of those immigrants whocould and wanted to be interviewed must also be taken into account. Those who no longer live inAustria and who have abandoned their migration project could not be interviewed.


identifications, which imply strong emotional ties with both the country of originand the country of immigration. The following excerpts exemplify these patterns.

For some of the respondents, the emotional ties with the country of origin remainthe most important point of reference for their identification even after a longresidency in Austria.

I: Where do you feel at home?R: At home, still. I can’t say: here I’m free too. But it is nevertheless different. You know, assoon as I cross the border I feel different straight away; so light, free. Or when I get home,I understand my people, I understand my language. I don’t know, my family, my house.

(female, Serbian, age 42, 3rd cluster)

The identification process does not just imply an individual’s decision to feelpart of a group (category or collective) but also relates to the others’ perception ofoneself i.e. the feeling and certainty of being regarded by the “others” as part of theirown group, of the whole society. Experiences of discrimination in everyday life orin the workplace increase the feeling of not being accepted in Austria, which againcan increase the emotional distance from the majority society.

R: As long as they don’t like you, you can’t like them either. You can’t be friendly with themeven if you want to. For example, I moved into this flat, there was a young man downstairs.As if he was listening to us through headphones, he repeatedly called the police, broughtthem here and always said we were arguing violently. He said there was violence betweenus. Once a plate fell to the floor and broke and he even called out the police then.


Negotiating identities does not run in a straight line but can also includevicissitudes and cracks. The ‘guest worker’ status assigned by both the majoritysociety and the immigrants themselves often lead to a conflictive and ambiguousprocess of identification, especially when immigrants started to feel alien in boththeir country of origin and their country of immigration.

R: So I am from there [southern Serbia] but I go there at weekends. But I don’t feel athome, and I’m not at home here either. Unfortunately, I’m treated as a foreigner here too.But in my own country I’m also seen as a foreigner, because I can’t be there all the time.

(male, Serbian, age 44, 3rd cluster)

If a loss of clear feelings of belonging is noticeable in the excerpts quoted above,the following quote reveals the easiness of multiple affiliations.

R: I actually feel very comfortable here and I say quite openly that I feel at home here. Ilive in a wonderful area when I am in Serbia and Montenegro, in Montenegro by the sea, ina wonderful city where the countryside is really very, very beautiful. I very much like goingdown there, but I am just as happy when I come to Vienna. What I don’t have in Vienna Ifind there on the sea, in the nature, and when I’m down there, I actually miss a lot of what Ihave in Vienna when I’m here.

(male, Serbian, age 49, 1st cluster)


The interdependence of employment biography, improved quality of life andacquired property with emotional ties shows that in the identification process, thefocus does not have to be primarily on imagined collectives such as an ethnic groupor a nation.

R: I don’t have any big plans for the future. I have had a house built here, I am very happythat I made this decision, and I own a flat in Turkey. I want to sell the flat in Turkey and paya part of the mortgage here so I can finish paying the mortgage quicker. My aim is later towork for the MA34 [city department] as a house technician. I’ve already applied and I’mwaiting for the official reply.


Another central finding is that the acquisition of Austrian citizenship is not onlyseen as a means for equal access to societal resources but serves as a basis ofidentification with Austria.

R: I have built up everything here – friends, work, my family is here, I also have Austriancitizenship. I think my homeland is Austria.

(male, Turkish, age 40, 3rd cluster)

A secure residence status enables also mobility which in many ways is practicedand desired as well.

I: Where do you intend to spend your retirement?R: Retirement? Good question. A bit here, a bit there, everywhere. If I could then herepermanently, but I would like to travel if I could, but only for a short time.


In brief, the interviewees do not solely refer to one single homeland. Multipleidentifications are important in this regard and are perceived as emotional enrich-ment. There are, however, also respondents who report the loss of reference points,others even after many decades in Austria still identify primarily with the countryof origin. This is often associated with a negative evaluation of one’s own migrationproject which in turn is usually based on the experience of disqualification anddiscrimination. Another important result is that citizenship strengthens identificationwith Austria and leads to active recognition of democratic obligations and rights. Inthe following, we will summarise our findings by developing a generalized model.

6.5 The Subjective Assessment of the Individual MigrationProject: Phases and Components

The subsequently described model of phases and components of individual tra-jectories of integration is based on the reconstruction of the biographical pathsand the systems of relevance of 1st generation labour immigrants of Turkish andSerbian origin in Vienna. We aim at developing a model that captures the theoretical


Dim

ensi

on

s

1

Phase 1,Guestworker‘

Phase 2Settlement

Duration of Stay & Life Cycles

Phase 3Retirement

remittances, savings forcountry of originprecarious livingconditions in thereceiving country

2

3

4

splitting of the family family reunification

Social mobility dimension projection of the ,,socialmobility expectation“ to

children and grandchildren

Legal and political dimension

savings and investmentprimarily for 2nd and 3rd

generation

welfare state with wellfunctioning health careand social assistance

system

Economic dimension and living conditions

improvement of living standard in receiving society(e.g. condominium) and investment in country of origin

securing permanent residence of all family members,naturalization, and appreciation of democracy and rule of law;

civic participation

stagnation-improvement still mainly relative to society of origin;minor upward mobility (further education, vocational training,

proficiency in German)

Belonging, identifications and emotional bonds ,identificational mosaic’:multiple belongings,

multilingualism,transnational mobility

,identificational dilemma’postponement of re-migration to retirement phase

deskilling

law on foreign workers(rotation, recruitment,

open door policy),direct and indirect

discrimination

improvement of statusrelative to society of

origin

identification with the context of origin,

Fig. 6.1 Phases and components of individual trajectories of integration

challenges discussed at the beginning. It consists of four components which mayacquire varying importance in the individuals’ courses of immigration. In thismodel, the course of immigration and settlement is divided into three phases, whichreflect different life cycles, situations and objectives (cf. Fig. 6.1). Based on thesubjective evaluations of each individual migration project and thus on the differentassessments of the four components within each of the respective migration orlife phases we account for the multiplicity and the dynamic nature of integration.The interlocking of phases and components/dimensions does not imply causality orlinearity.

6.5.1 Time: The Three Phases

The immigrants interviewed in this study came to Austria between 1966 and 1989,with the highest numbers in the periods 1970–1973 and 1986–1989. At the start ofthe 1970s, the demand for low-qualified workers was at its highest and reached thepeak in 1974, with some 163,000 people (cf. Gurses et al. 2004). This year alsomarked the end of active recruitment of foreign workers.

Phase 1 “Guest working” and commuting: In this phase, a successful migrationproject was seen as a short-term project, originally for one year, gradually extending


to a few years. The aim was to save money for investments in the country of origin.For this reason, poor and uncertain living conditions (e.g. precarious legal status,bad working and housing situation) in the immigration country were accepted. Inthis phase, immigrants’ primary aim was the early return to the country of origin, sothere was also little targeted language acquisition. At the beginning of the migrationproject, economic and family reasons led some of the interviewed to commutingbetween Austria and the country of origin.

Phase 2 Settlement: Phase 2 is characterised by the securing of the residentialstatus (settlement) and by family reunification. This goes together with a relativeimprovement of living standards and changes concerning plans for the future.Existing intentions of returning to the country of origin in the near future weredelayed and ultimately shifted to the retirement phase.

Phase 3 Retirement phase: The success of children and grandchildren who mostlylive in Austria becomes increasingly important for the subjective evaluation of theown migration project with age. Therefore, plans to return to the country of birthbecome less attractive. Some respondents gave up the intention to return, and otherstransformed this idea into “seasonal commuting” between the country of origin andAustria. Transnational mobility is obviously an outcome of the migration projectand represents for many immigrants a valuable side-effect. In this phase, savingsare increasingly used for the second and third generation.

6.5.2 Structure: The Four Dimensions

Based on the interviewees’ narrations, the subjective evaluation of the migrationproject could be structured according to four main components: economic, legal-political, social mobility and belonging (cf. Fig. 6.1).

1. Economic dimension: The migrants’ evaluation of their economic situationincludes the amount of salary/pension, savings, investments, remittances as wellas the improvement of living conditions and the acquisition of property in Austriaand in the country of origin.

2. Legal-political dimension: Here we combine migrants’ evaluations of theirindividual legal status and the societal and political context. Secure residency,stable employment and social-security guarantees are elements assessed in thisdimension. The rule of law, democracy and gender equality are reflected upon aswell.

3. Social mobility: The third component of the model describes the evaluation ofchanges of social status based on education and occupation. This relates on theone hand to the comparison of “here and there”, the situation in Austria and inthe country of origin and on the other hand to the comparison of “now and backthen”, i.e. comparing the present situation with the individual starting position in


Austria. Within this dimension, the subjective evaluation of one’s own migrationproject can extend to a perspective across generations.

4. Belonging, identifications and emotional bonds: Here, several points of referencerelating to the country of origin and the country of immigration can be dis-tinguished. Within this component, identifications are (re)negotiated accordingto situation and context, and cognitive processes such as categorizing, coding,framing and interpreting social experience in ethnic or national terms take place.Immigrants evaluate multiple belongings and the opportunities for transnationalmobility as positive outcomes of the migration project.

The three phases described at the beginning portray the course of migration ratherroughly and do not vary in substance according to evaluation patterns. Instead,we can differentiate between different individual systems of relevance. This isexpressed in the varying combination of the four dimensions in different life phases.Thus, the dynamic of the model arises from the different subjective weighting of therespective components within each of the phases. The components are mutuallydependent not only within one phase but also between various phases. For example,multiple identifications or withdrawals of emotional ties are influenced by the legal-political and above all by the economic and social-mobility dimension. Secureresidency and naturalization proves to be significant for identification processes.However, if the evaluation of the particular migration project turns out negativedue to the economic and social mobility component, two things may happen:an identification dilemma may emerge, or the identification with the country oforigin may become stronger. The focus on the subjective evaluations makes thecompensation effects become visible as well. For example, a negative assessment onthe “social mobility” dimension can be compensated in two ways: via the “economiccomponent”, e.g. by the acquisition of property and the improvement of livingstandards, or through the occupational and social advancement of the children andgrandchildren.

6.6 Concluding Remarks

The majority of research strategies on ethnic identity, integration and migration, inparticular in the combination of empirical data and theory, build on the existenceof ethnic groups as quasi natural entities or as self-evident observation units(Brubaker 2004; Wimmer 2008a). Boundary-drawing processes that are immanentin the construction of social categories such as ethnic groups seldom form thebasis for theoretical and empirical development in migration studies. The societalcontingency and context-dependency of integration and identification processes isoften obscured by “methodological nationalism”. The adaptation or incorporationprocess itself seems to take place in a space without interaction partners andsocietal structures. On closer observation, however, the respective context explainsa large part of the phenomena described. These include the general legal conditions,


the current economic situation, the varying availability of housing and the strata-reproducing education system as well as the experience of discrimination.

Modern societies are characterised by heterogeneity and diversity, which relatesto class and life situations, ideological orientations, lifestyles and religious affili-ations. These differences are re/produced by exclusion mechanisms in the varioussocial subsystems. They are expressed in the habitus, in the sociolect and dialectas well as in the availability of resources and are subject to constant change. Thesubjective feeling of exclusion, however, is connected but not identical with objec-tive exclusion: feelings of exclusion are dependent on the subjective assessmentof the current situation as well as on the judgement of future opportunities. Tounderstand integration processes, the subjective dimension, which is neglected inmost theoretical approaches, is of great importance.

The model presented here emerged as an answer to the theoretical challenges inresearch on integration. It builds on subjective systems of relevance and illustratesthe dynamics and context-dependency of integration processes from a life-courseperspective. The components form the axes along which individual evaluationsare undertaken. In this model, integration proves not to be a linear, unidirectionalprocess that knows finality, but a dynamic process that is characterised by thechanging importance of the legal and economic conditions, inter-generational socialmobility and emotional ties and patterns of belonging in different life-phases. Aswe do not use country of origin, ethnicity or culture to explain any of the socialphenomena described we refrain from ethnicizing categories of analysis or socialprocesses. This strategy of analysis proves to be suitable and very promising for theexamination of the integration processes of 1st generation immigrants. The testingof the applicability of this model for other groups of origin, migration types andother local and national contexts remains a research desideratum.

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Integration Trajectories: A Mixed Method Approach

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