Inclusive Ethnocracy and Electoral One-Party State - A Reflection on the Dual Nature of UMNO's...

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Inclusive Ethnocracy and Electoral One-Party State – a reflection on the dual nature of UMNO’s authoritarianism Dr Wong Chin Huat Fellow, Penang Institute For the international conference on “Democratic Governance and Civil Society” Organised by KLSCAH 2013-10-26 (This is the English translation of the Chnese presentation)

Transcript of Inclusive Ethnocracy and Electoral One-Party State - A Reflection on the Dual Nature of UMNO's...

Inclusive Ethnocracy and Electoral One-Party State

– a reflection on the dual nature of

UMNO’s authoritarianism

Dr Wong Chin Huat Fellow, Penang Institute

For the international conference on “Democratic Governance and Civil Society”

Organised by KLSCAH 2013-10-26

(This is the English translation of the Chnese presentation)

The LARGEST Party of the LARGEST Ethnic Group

Multiethnic Coalition

dominates

Ethnocracy Inclusive

Electoral One-Party State

Ideological goal since 1946

Pragmatic adjustment since 1948

Dominance since 1955

Established in 1969 Declined since 2008

The Nature of the UMNO Dominance Model

Electoral One-Party State

Inclusive Ethnocracy

Aiming at Entire Nation

Aiming at Ethnic Majority

Aiming at Ethnic Minorities

Covering up authoritarianism via controlled/manipulated elections

Maintaining/reinforcing the citizenry’s fear of violence through impunity on threat of violence

Maintaining/reinforcing the fear of dominance by “the ethnic others” through the winner-takes-all political system

Weakening inter-ethnic check and balance within coalition by encouraging proliferation of minority parties

Amplifying the ballot value of the party’s supporters through partisan constituency redelineation

Maintaining/Reinforcing the support for the party within the ethnic majority through social policing

Maintaining/Reinforcing demographic strength of the ethnic majority via boundary change, assimilation/conversion and en-mass naturalisation of foreigners

The Duality of UMNO’s Authoritarianism

Constituency Redelineation

Social Policing: Suppression of the Left, Liberals, Feminists, Homosexuals, Sub-cultural groups like Heavy Metals to Non-conformist Muslims

Ethnic Expansion: Boundary Change (1963, 1965) Population Growth Assimiliation/Conversion -- Bumiputeraism Muslim Supremacy En-mass naturalisation of Muslim foreigners

Seat Share of UMNO

(and its Borneoan Muslim allies)

Vote Share of UMNO

(and its Borneoan Muslim allies)

Demographic Share of Malays (1957-1963) /

Bumiputeras( since 1963, in theory) Muslims (Since 1963, in practice)

Regime Maintenance Mechanisms of UMNO’s Ethnocracy

Electoral One-Party State

Inclusive Ethnocracy

Covering up authoritarianism via controlled/manipulated elections

Maintaining/reinforcing the citizenry’s fear of violence through impunity on threat of violence

Maintaining/reinforcing the fear of dominance by “the ethnic others” through the winner-takes-all political system

Weakening inter-ethnic check and balance within coalition by encouraging proliferation of minority parties

Amplifying the ballot value of the party’s supporters through partisan constituency redelineation

Maintaining/Reinforcing the support for the party within the ethnic majority through social policing

Maintaining/Reinforcing demographic strength of the ethnic majority via boundary change, assimilation/conversion and en-mass naturalisation of foreigners

Post-2008 Challenges for UMNO ‘s Twofaced Authoritarianism Bankruptcy of Democratic Pretension

Democratisation Bonus (PR states’ performance)

Bankruptcy of Riot Threat

Bankruptcy of Islamic State Threat

50%

The Counter-Intuitive Terminator

King of Beggers, last scene • Emperor:

How many beggars do you lead? • King of Beggars: Your Majesty, you decide!

Only PAS can terminate MCA by alleviating the Chinese’ fear Only Chinese can terminate UMNO by alleviating the Malays’ fear But do the Chinese really want to eliminate UMNO?

EXTRA

The 1969 Election Revisited

25.82%

14.99%

25.88% 25.02%

0.00%

5.00%

10.00%

15.00%

20.00%

25.00%

30.00%

Non-Malay-based opposition Malay-based opposition

Vote % of Opposition Parties in Malaya, 1964-1969

1964 1969

Malay-based Opposition: PAS, PN (1964), PRM (1969) Non-Malay-based Opposition: SF (1964), PAP(1964)/DAP(1969); UDP(1964)/Gerakan (1969); PPP

EXTRA

The 1969 Election Revisited

6

9

22

12

0

5

10

15

20

25

Non-Malay-based opposition Malay-based opposition

Parliamentary Seats of Opposition Parties in Malaya, 1964-1969

1964 1969

Malay-based Opposition: PAS, PN (1964), PRM (1969) Non-Malay-based Opposition: SF (1964), PAP(1964)/DAP(1969); UDP(1964)/Gerakan (1969); PPP

EXTRA

Tun Abdul Razak and

UMNO’s Electoral One-Party State (1969-2008)

"The view we take is that democratic government is the best and most acceptable form of government. So long as the form is preserved, the substance can be changed to suit conditions of a particular country." Report of the Proceedings of the 17th Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference held in Kuala Lumpur, London, Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, September 1971. p.xx.; ciited in Michael Ong, (1987) “Government and Opposition in Parliament: The Rules of the Game,” in Zakaria Haji Ahmad, ed., Government and Politics of Malaysia, USA: Oxford University Press..

“… in our Malaysian society of today, where racial manifestations are very much in exercise, any form of politicking is bound to follow along racial lines and will only enhance the divisive tendencies among our people.“ Malaysian Digest 5, no 1 (January 1973): p5, cited in Zakaria Haji Ahmad (1989) “Malaysia: Quasi Democracy in a Divided Society” in Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz and Seymour martin Lipset (eds.) Democracy in Developing Countries, Boulder Colorado: Lynne Rienner, p 366.

--- Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, Prime Minister (1970-1976)

The electoral one-party state was founded in the ruin of the Alliance-dominated “Consociational Democracy” in the May 13 post-election riot in 1969 by DPM Tun Abdul Razak Hussein.