i London and Middlesex Archaeological Society - LAMAS

i TRANSACTIONS

OF T H E

London and Middlesex Archaeological Society

VOL. 2 0

LONDON

BISHOPSGATE INSTITUTE, BISHOPSGATE, E.C.2

1 9 6 1

CONTENTS OF VOLUME 20

G R I M E S GRAVES. B Y R. R. CLARKE 1

T H E BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX (ILLUSTRATED). BY H. K. CAMERON, Ph.D., F.S.A 2,56,174

T H E U S E OF ARMORIAL BEARINGS BY LONDON ALDERMEN IN THE MIDDLE A G E S . BY JOHN A. GOODAI.L (ILLUSTRATED) 17

ECCLESIASTICAL RECORDS TRANSFERRED TO GUILDHALL LIBRARY FROM SOMERSET H O U S E . BY A. E. J. HOLLAENDER, Ph.D., F.S.A. . . . 22

GENERAL ROY'S MEASUREMENT OF THE HOUNSLOW HEATH BASE, 1784. A LECTURE GIVEN TO THE SOCIETY BY MAJOR J. KELSEY, B . S C , A.R.I.C.S., R.E 26

R E V I E W S . B Y RALPH MERRIFIELD AND SUSAN REYNOLDS 32

COIN HOARDS FROM THE LONDON AREA. BY R. H. M. DOLLEY, F.S.A. 37

T H E LONDON & MIDDLESEX ESTATES OF ETON COLLEGE. BY NOEL

BLAKISTON, PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE 51 A FOREIGN VISITOR'S ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT F I R E , 1666. B Y P. D. A.

HARVEY, DEPARTMENT OF MANUSCRIPTS, BRITISH M U S E U M (ILLUSTRATED) 76

FOUR PHOTOGRAPHS OF LONDON & MIDDLESEX. BY H. E. CHIOSSO, H O N . PHOTOGRAPHER Between Pages 80,81

T H E M U S W E L L H I L L AXE. B Y A. D. LACAILLE, F.S.A. (ILLUSTRATED) Facing Page 81

T H E EDWARDIAN INVENTORIES OF MIDDLESEX. TRANSCRIBED BY F. W. M. DRAPER, F.S.A 88, 218

REVIEW. T H E VIKINGS. B Y JOHANNES BRONSTED (PELICAN BOOKS).

B Y RALPH MERRIFIELD, F.S.A. 94

OBITUARY. NORMAN BRETT-JAMES, F.S.A. 97

MIDDLESEX MANORIAL DOCUMENTS IN THE COUNTY RECORD OFFICE,

SUPPLEMENTARY L I S T OF RECORDS DEPOSITED SINCE MAY, 1957 98 MESOLITHIC FACIES IN MIDDLESEX AND LONDON. BY A. D. LACAILLE,

F .SA. (ILLUSTRATED) 101 T H E ACCOUNTS OF THE HOSPITAL OF T H E SAVOY FOR THE YEAR 17 TO 18

HENRY VIII. BY MOLLY TATCHELL, B.A 151 N O T E S ON T H E CHURCH OF HOLY TRINITY MINORIES. B Y F . J. COLLINS,

A.R.I.C.S. (ILLUSTRATED) 160 REPORT ON RECENT EXCAVATIONS IN SOUTHWARK AND BERMONDSEY:

PART I. B Y PETER R. V. MARSDEN, GUILDHALL M U S E U M (ILLUSTRATED) 166

A LONDON TAVERN IN 1644. B Y T H E VERY R E V . M G R . D . SHANAHAN 194

LAING'S CUSTOM HOUSE, 1813-27. B Y RUPERT C. JARVIS, F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S. (ILLUSTRATED) 198

T w o ADDITIONS TO THE LONDON M U S E U M . BY B. W. SPENCER, B.A., F.S.A 214

ARCHAEOLOGICAL F I N D S IN THE C I T Y O F LONDON, 1960. COMMUNICATED BY THE STAFF OF THE GUILDHALL M U S E U M 220

ARCHAEOLOGICAL F I N D S IN THE COUNTIES OF LONDON & MIDDLESEX, 1960. COMMUNICATED BY THE STAFF OF THE GUILDHALL MUSEUM 224

REVIEW. LONDON & T H E OUTBREAK OF T H E PURITAN REVOLUTION (CLARENDON PRESS) . B Y W. M. A T K I N S 226

D R . F . W. M. DRAPER. NOTICE ON RELINQUISHMENT OF OFFICE AS H O N . EDITOR 228

INDEX TO VOLUME 20 230

TRANSACTIONS

OF THE


VOL,. 2 0 PART 1

LONDON BISHOPSGATE INSTITUTE, BISHOPSGATE, E.C.2

1 9 5 9

CONTENTS

OFFICERS i

ANNUAL REPORT . . , iii

ACCOUNTS . . . vii

LIST OF MEMBERS ix

LIST OF SOCIETIES AND INSTITUTIONS xvii

GRIMES GRAVES. A NOTE BY R. R. CLARKE, F.S.A 1

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX. FINCHLEY. (ILLUSTRATED) BY

H. K. CAMERON, PH.D. , F.S.A 2

ILLUSTRATION. MOOR HALL CHAPEL, HAREFIELD

THE U S E OF ARMORIAL BEARINGS BY LONDON ALDERMEN IN THE

MIDDLE AGES. BY JOHN A. GOODALL (ILLUSTRATED) . . . 17

ECCLESIASTICAL RECORDS TRANSFERRED TO GUILDHALL LIBRARY

FROM SOMERSET HOUSE. BY A. E. J. HOLLAENDER,

PH.D. , F.S.A. 22

GENERAL ROY'S MEASUREMENT OF THE HOUNSLOW HEATH BASE,

1784. A LECTURE GIVEN TO THE SOCIETY BY MAJOR

J. KELSEY 26

REVIEWS. BY RALPH MERRIFIELD AND SUSAN REYNOLDS . . . 32

MIDDLESEX MANORIAL DOCUMENTS IN THE COUNTY RECORD

OFFICE (SUPPLEMENTARY LIST) 37

Hon. Editor:

F. W. M. DRAPER, F.S.A.,

26, The Avenue, Muswell Hill, N.10.

Telephone: Tudor 4551.

The Council greatly regret the late appearance of the Transactions, which is caused by the printing strike.

TRANSACTIONS

OF THE


VOL.. 2 0 PART 1


A 1 9 5 9


ESTABLISHED IN 1855

Patrons

THE MOST REV. THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY THE RIGHT REV. THE BISHOP OF LONDON

THE RIGHT REV. THE BISHOP OF KENSINGTON THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD MAYOR OF LONDON

THE LORD LIEUTENANT OF THE COUNTY OF LONDON THE LORD LIEUTENANT OF THE COUNTY OF MIDDLESEX

THE VERY REV. THE DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S

President

D. B. HARDEN, O.B.E., M.A., Ph.D., F.S.A.

Past Presidents

COL. THE RT. HON. LORD NATHAN OF CHURT, T.D., D.L., F.S.A. (1947-1949) PROFESSOR W. F. GRIMES, C.B.E., M.A., F.S.A., F.M.A., (1950-1958)

Vice-Presidents

JOHN F. NICHOLS, M.C., M.A., Ph.D., F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S. SIR MORTIMER WHEELER, CLE., M.C., M.A., D.LIT., D.LITT.

F.B.A., P.S.A., F.M.A. MAJOR N. G. BRETT-JAMES, M.A., B.Lnr., F.S.A.

LT.-COL. WILLIAM W. DOVE, C.B.E., T.D., D.L., C.C., F.S.A CDR. G. BRIDGMORE BROWN, M.B.E., R.D., R.N.R.

T. A. N. HENDERSON, F.S.A. A. C. DABBS, F.S.A.

SIR CYRIL FLOWER, C.B., F.B.A., F.S.A. COUNTY ALDERMAN SIR ARCHER HOARE, C.B.E.

SIR SIDNEY FOX, C.C., F.R.I.C.S., F.A.I. LAWRENCE E. TANNER, C.V.O., M.A., F.S.A.

PHILIP CORDER, M.A., Lrrr.D.

Trustees

CDR. G. BRIDGMORE BROWN, M.B.E., R.D.. R.N.R A. J. GRITTEN. A.L.A.

Council

ARTHUR H. HALL, F.L.A. {Chairman) W. WHEATLEY, M.A., A.R.I.C. {Deputy Chairman)

Ex-officio: The Officers mentioned in Rule 20.

Elected:

H. F. BATEMAN. L.R.I.B.A. Miss E. D. MERCER, B.A., F.S.A. J. R. BOLITHO, B.Sc(Econ) A. TAYLOR MILNE, MRS. L. M. BURN. B.A. M.A., F.R.Hist.S. NORMAN C. COOK, B.A., F.S.A. L. E. MORRIS G. E. EADES, L.C.P.. F.S.A.lScot.) Miss SUSAN REYNOLDS, M.A Miss M. B. HONEYBOURNE, H. E. ROBINS, B.A., F.R.G.S.

M.A., F.S.A. E. H. SPELLEN G. F. WALSH

Honorary Editor

F. W. MARSDEN DRAPER, M.A., PH.D., L.-ES-L., F.S A

Honorary Librarian

A. J. GRITTEN. A.L.A.

Honorary Director of Meetings

WILLIAM WHEATLEY, M.A., A.R.I.C.

Honorary Treasurer

T. A. N. HENDERSON, F.S.A.

Honorary Photographer

H. E. CHIOSSO

Honorary Secretary

ERIC E. F. SMITH

Honorary Assistant Secretary Miss M. V. STOKES, B.A.

Bankers

MARTINS BANK, LTD. (Cocks, Biddulph Branch), 16, Whitehall, S.W.I

Honorary Auditors G. BENTLEY

S. W. HOWARD, M.C.

Offices of the Society

B1SHOPSGATE INSTITUTE, BISHOPSGATE, LONDON, E.C.2

11/

LONDON & MIDDLESEX ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY 103rd Annual R e p o r t of the Council for the year ended 30th Sept., 1958

THE COUNCIL has pleasure in presenting its 103rd Annual Report, covering the activities of the Society during the year 1957-58.

Twenty meetings were held: —

LECTURES:—11th October: The Port of London in the reign of Queen Elizabeth I, by Neville Williams, M.A., D.Phil., F.S.A.; 8th November: Prehistoric Art in France, by E. Glyn Daniel, M.A., Ph.D., F.S.A.; 6th December: Recent Archaeological Work at St. Albans, by Sheppard S. Frere, M.A., F.S.A.; 17th January: Anglo-Saxon Jewellery, by R. L. S. Bruce-Mitford, M.A., F.S.A.; 15th February. The Work of the National Buildings Record, by C. Farthing, B.A., F.S.A. (Joint Meeting with the Historical Society of the City Literary Institute); 28th February: ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING and Presidential Address on Prehistoric Burial Mounds of Britain, by Prof. W. F. Grimes, C.B.E : 21st March: St. Marylebone and its development, by A. J. D. Stone-bridge, F.L.A.; 25th April: The History of Banking, by S. W. Shelton; 26th September: The Knights Hospitallers in London, by Miss D. Edmonds, B.Sc.

VISITS:—5th October: West Drayton; 19th October: St. Mary Abchurch and tower of St. Mary Somerset; 2nd November: The Charterhouse; 14th December and 11th January: British Museum, Lecture tour—The World of the Anglo-Saxons; 25th January: British Museum, Lecture tour—The Sutton Hoo Ship Burial; 15th March: Clerkenwell; 19th April: Spencer House, St. James's; 28th May: Ightham Mote and Maidstone. All day visit; 21st June: Swakeleys and Ickenham; 12th July: East Bedfont and Stanwell; 18th July: Fishmongers' Hall.

The Council wishes to record its thanks to all who have given lectures or assisted as guides at outdoor meetings.

STOW COMMEMORATION SERVICE : —The Annual Service in memory of John Stow was held at St. Andrew Undershaft on Wednesday, 12th March at noon. The Rt. Hon. The Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs attended in state and the address was given by A. Taylor Milne, M.A., F.R.Hist.S.

iv ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

PEPYS MEMORIAL SERVICE : —This service, organised in conjunction with the Samuel Pepys Club, was held at St. Olave, Hart Street, on the 28th May at noon. The Rt. Hon. The Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs were present and the address was given by R. W. Ketton-Cremer, M.A., F.S.A.

PUBLICATIONS:—Volume 19, Part III has been published containing xii + 54 pages.

LIBRARY : —In addition to the various Transactions received by way of exchange the following donations are recorded: —

By the Guildhall Library and Museum: Guildhall Miscellany No. 9 —Small Finds from Walbrook 1954-55; by T. A. N. Henderson, Esq.: Bibby, G., Testimony of the Spade—Three issues of the Antiquaries Journal; by L. E. Morris, Esq.: Kemp, W. A. G., Story of Northwood Hills; by S. R. N. Gray, Esq.: Henney, T. S., St. Botolph without Aldersgate; Mackenzie, C , Crosby Place; Tomlinson, E. M., History of the Minories; by R. T. Kimber, Esq.: Five parts of our own Transactions; by the Authors: Barry, C. G., Sir Hugh Myddelton and the New River; Mercer, E. Doris, Middlesex Guildhall; Miller, A. Powell, Short Guide to St. Olave, Hart Street; by the Ministry of Works: Guide to Chiswick House.

The Council wishes to record its sincere thanks to all the above donors.

PRESERVATION OF ANTIQUITIES:—The Society in association with the Council for British Archaeology made representations concerning the 16th century wall paintings at Knightsland Farm which were reported to be in danger. It is understood that the farmhouse is shortly to be put in good repair by the owner under the direction of the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings.

ROMAN AND MEDIEVAL LONDON EXCAVATIONS COUNCIL:—The

representative of the Society (Cmdr. Bridgmore Brown) reports that excavations financed by the Council on sites in central London produced further evidence bearing on the Roman occupation. Although nothing spectacular has been discovered much valuable information has been obtained.

NORTH MIDDLESEX ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH COMMITTEE : —This was a year of consolidation. Further consideration was given to the results of the cutting made across Grim's Dyke at Pinner Green in 1957 and an instrumental survey was commenced, the start being made along the line of the bank and ditch in the Pear Wood section at Brockley Hill. This

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL v

work continues and it is also hoped in 1959 to carry out a further cutting across the possible line of the dyke in the Brockley Hill area.

SCHOOL ESSAY PRIZE : —The prize was awarded to Stephen Waddams of the City of London School for his essay on the Church of St. Michael Paternoster Royal.

MEMBERSHIP

Life Annual Hun. Student Total Membership, 1st October, 1957 ... 51 411 8 16 486 Elected during 1958 1 8 2 1 12

52 419 10 17 498 Died, resigned or otherwise

removed from Register ... 1 64 — 7 72

Membership, 30th September, 1958 51 355 10 10 426

Some loss of members was anticipated as a result of the increase in subscription rates but the decrease which has occurred is not regarded as excessive.

We regret to record the death of our Vice-President, A. Charles Knight, J.P., F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S., who had been a member since 1913.

Philip Corder, M.A., Litt.D. and F. W. Jessup, M.A., LL.B., F.S.A., were elected Honorary Members for their services to the Society.

FINANCE : —As was anticipated in 1957 it was necessary to overdraw at Martins Bank Ltd. for a short time in order to pay for the printing and distribution of Transactions Vol. 19 Part 2 (1957), but the amount of the overdraft was considerably less than expected. The financial position is still far from satisfactory but is much better than could be forecast a year ago. The General Account which opened with £14 closed with a balance of £84, and the Publications Account which opened with £70 closed with £140.

The Balance Sheet discloses that the Society's position is now much stronger. The current market value of the investments had risen for the first time in several years, the gain being some £85. After providing an estimated £225 for the printing and despatch of the recent issue of Transactions Vol. 19 Part 3 (1958) and providing a like sum foT Vol. 20 Part 1 (1959) the balance in favour of the Society has risen from £3 in 1957 to £166 at the close of the financial year on 30th September. 1958.

vi ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

Notification was received that the Society's appeal against the Inland Revenue's with-holding the refund of Income Tax on the Seven Year Deeds of Covenant would be heard in November, 1958. The Council invited Mr. F. W. Jessup, M.A., F.S.A., Barrister-at-Law and Honorary Secretary of the Kent Archaeological Society (who had been elected an Honorary Member) to represent the Society at the hearing together with the Honorary Treasurer.

OFFICERS : —The Council would again like to record its appreciation of the services rendered by the Honorary Officers.

By direction of the Council,

ARTHUR H. HALL, F.L.A., Chairman of the Council.

E. E. SMITH, Honorary Secretary.

2nd January, 1959.

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IX

LIST OF MEMBERS

Corrected to 5th September, 1959

* This sign indicates a Life Member. t This sign indicates an Honorary Member.

s This sign indicates a Student Member.

1950 * ALLEN, C. H., A.C.A., 53, Sandy Lane, Cheam, Surrey. 1954 ALLEN, Mrs. C. H., A.C.A., 53, Sandy Lane, Cheam, Surrey. 1956 ALLEN, Miss I. W., 2, Burford Gardens, Palmers Green, N.13. 1954 ASHBY, Miss F. E., 45, Church Road, West Drayton, Middx. 1950 BAKEWELL, Dr. Helen, M.B., Ch.B., D.P.H., 23, The Lawns, Blackheath,

S.E.3. 1950 BANKART, Miss Y. U., B.A. (Hons.), 6, Carlingford Road, Hampstead, N.W.3. 1958 BARD, D. G., 53, Park View, Hastings, Sussex. 1948 BATEMAN, Hubert F., L.R.I.B.A., 1, Warwick Road, West Drayton, Middx 1950 BATHE, B. W., 42, Deane Croft Road, Eastcote, Middx. 1956 BAWTREE, Mr. and Mrs. M., Rose Cottage, The Green, West Drayton,

Middx. 1956 BECQUE, Miss C. M„ 71, Bute Gardens, Hammersmith, W.6. 1925 BELL, Alfred Graham, I.S.O., B.Sc, F.G.S., 34, Sherard Road, Eltham,

S.E.9. 1922 *BELL, A. Stanley, 40, Buckingham Mansions, West End Lane, N.W.6. 1947 BENTLEY, Gerald, 37, Queen's Avenue, Muswell Hill, N.10. 1906 *BERNAYS, Albert Evan, M.A., 15, Petersham Road, Richmond, Surrey. 1955 *BERNHARD-SMITH, Derek, 5, Briant's Close, Hatch End, Middx. 1951 BERRY, G. C. F., M.A., 63, Chandos Road, East Finchley, N.2. 1950 BIDDLE, Martin, Flat 5, Amersham House, 32-4, Craven Road, W.2. 1957 BINSON, Miss M., 217, Westminster Bridge Road, S.E.I. 1920 BIRKBECK COLLEGE (The Librarian), Malet Street, W.C.I. 1953 BOLITHO, J. R., B.Sc.(Econ.), 51, Dawlish Avenue, Palmers Green, N.13. 1950 BOLT, Miss M. E., Waterham Cottage, Stodmarsh, Canterbury, Kent. 1954 BOLTON, Miss M. E. N., 20, Lodge Drive, Palmers Green, N.13. 1952 BOROUGH-PARAGON SECONDARY & TECHNICAL SCHOOL FOR GIRLS (The Head

mistress), New Kent Road, S.E.I. 1956 BRAIN, W., F.Z.S., Haynes, 30 Rushworth Road, Reigate, Surrey. 1937 BRAY, Francis E., Woodham Grange, Horsell, Woking, Surrey. 1926 BRETT-JAMES, Major Norman G., M.A., B.Litt., F.S.A. (V.P.), Earlsmead,

82, Barnet Way, Mill Hill, N.W.7. 1945 *BROWN, Cecil, 6, Mount Vernon, Hampstead, N.W.3. 1912 *BROWN, George Bridgmore, Commander (S.), M.B.E., R.D., R.N.R. (V.P.

Trustee), 22, Park Hill Rise, Croydon. Surrey. 1923 *BROWN, Mrs. Susan, 22, Park Hill Rise, Croydon, Surrey. 1922 *BRUNWIN, George Eustace, Haverings, Rayne, Braintree, Essex. 1951 BUCKLAND, J. S. P., Peartrees, Sweetlands Corner, Staplehurst, Kent. 1949 BURN, Mrs. L. M., B.A.(Hons.), 12 Parliament Hill, N.W.3. 1938 BURR, Mrs. Phyllis, 4, The High Road, Woodford Green, Essex. 1959 BURRELL, Mr. and Mrs. Roy, 205, Rochester Avenue, Feltham, Middx. 1955 BURTON, Mr. and Mrs. Horace John, 50, Churchill Avenue, Harrow, Middx. 1947 BUTLER, Mr. and Mrs. John L., 152, Cat Hill, East Barnet, Herts. 1956 CALLARD, Miss M., 70, Forest Hill Road, Honor Oak, S.E.22. 1958 CAMBRIDGE, Miss A. M., M.A., 19a, Lansdowne Road, Holland Park, W.ll . 1949 *CAMERON, H. K., B.Sc., Ph.D., F.S.A., Tinkers Roost, 5, The Drive,

Northwood, Middx. 1953 "CAMPBELL, Miss E. M. J., M.A., Birkbeck College, Malet Street, W.C.I. 1956 CARR, Miss E. D., 20, Holmes Road, Twickenham, Middx. 1956 CARTER, Mrs. E. A., Buckland, 24, Crown Lane, Southgate, N.14.

X LIST OF MEMBERS

1951 CARTER, Miss M. A., 38, Great Smith Street, Westminster, S.W.I 1959 CATCHPOLE, Miss G. R., M.A., 46, Highfield Avenue, N.W.I 1. 1956 CATTELL, Mr. and Mrs. H. G., Flat 4, la , Queen's Gate, S.W.7. 1951 CHALK, I. C , 10, Park. Lane, South Harrow, Middx. 1958 CHAMP, Mr. and Mrs. E. H., 26, Hillcrest, Potters Bar, Middx. 1933 I C H I O S S O , H. E., (Hon. Photographer), Hockley Cottage, Rydes Hill,

Guildford, Surrey. 1935 CHIOSSO, Mrs. H. E., Hockley Cottage, Rydes Hill, Guildford, Surrey. 1957 CLAYTON, C. E. A., 32, Bernard Street, Russell Square, W.C.I. 1958 CLAYTON, R. C , 20, Fairholme Crescent, Hayes, Middx. 1950 CLEVELAND PUBLIC LIBRARY, 325, Superior Avenue, Cleveland 14, Ohio,

U.S. A. 1949 CONSTITUTIONAL CLUB (Hon. Librarian), Northumberland Avenue, W.C.2. 1951 COOK, Norman C , B.A., F.S.A., F.M.A., Guildhall Museum, Royal

Exchange, E.C.3. 1958 tCoRDER, Philip, M.A., Litt.D., 108, Riddlesdown Road, Purley, Surrey. 1956 CORP, Mr. and Mrs. E. A., 354, Finchley Road, N.W.3. 1947 Cox, A. H., Winsley, Bagley Close, West Drayton, Middx. 1955 CRAWLEY, L. C , 38, Lukin Crescent, Chingford, E.4. 1958 CROWE, Stanley, 5, Bloomsbury Street, W.C.I. 1950 CURTEIS, Miss G. B. R., 7, Manson Place, South Kensington, S.W.7. 1927 DABBS, Albert C , F.S.A. (V.P.), The Church House, 12, High Street,

Sevenoaks, Kent. 1953 DARLINGTON, Miss Ida, M.A., F.S.A., A.L.A., 22, Addison Way, N.W.I 1. 1953 DAVIES, Mrs. M. L., B.A., 92, Waddington Way, Upper Norwood, S.E.19. 1957 DAVIS, Miss D. N. A., 20, Grove Crescent, Kingsbury, N.W.9. 1956 DAWE, R. M., 21, Morgan Crescent, Theydon Bois, Essex. 1959 DEAN, The Rev. and Mrs. Maurice, St. Olave's Rectory, 8, Hart Street,

E.C.3. 1950 DENNY, J. L. P., M.C., J.P., Deputy, 19, Eastcheap, E.C.3. 1959 D E VERINNE, Miss Aline, 1, Victoria Gardens, W. l l . 1926 * D O V E , Arthur Norman, J.P., Cloudesley Place, Islington, N . l . 1933 *DOVE, Miss Hilda Constance, Corner Cottage, Hadley Green, Barnet, Herts. 1926 *DOVE, Lt.-Col. William Watkins, C.B.E., T.D., D.L., C.C., F.S.A., (V.P.I

Cloudesley Place, Islington, N . l . 1947 DOWDELL, Mrs. Edith M., Flat 11, 99, Haverstock Hill, N.W.3. 1956 *DRAKE, J. G., B.A., 24, Court Road, Godstone, Surrey. 1946 DRAPER, F. W. Marsden, M.A., Ph.D., Lic-es-Lettres, F.S.A. (Hon. Editor),

26, The Avenue, Muswell Hill, N.10. (Telephone Tudor 4551). 1948 *EADES, George E., L.C.P., F.S.A. (Scot.), M.R.S.T., 29, Eversley Road,

Norwood, S.E.19. 1948 *EADES, Mrs. Ivy L., 29, Eversley Road, Norwood, S.E.19. 1947 EDWARDS, George W., 15, Westlands Drive, Hayes, Kent. 1957 EGGLESTON, A. F., M.A., Tile Barn Flat, The Swillett, Chorleywood, Herts. 1954 ELSY, Miss W. M., Flat A, 519, Finchley Road, Hampstead, N.W.3. 1935 * E P P S , Miss Theresa D., 14, Quay Hill, Lymington, Hants. 1954 ESDALE, Mrs. R. M. J., B.A., 13, Fitzgeorge Avenue, W.14. 1959 EVANS, Miss H. M., 49, Abbey Road, St. John's Wood, N.W.8. 1945 EYRES, Miss Winifred, B.Sc. (Econ.), F.N.G.A., L.G.S.M., Tigh Beagh, 70,

Vine Lane, Hillingdon, Middx. 1951 FALKNER, A. H., 63, Elmfield Avenue, Teddington, Middx. 1933 FALKNER, V. M., D.Sc, D.I.C., A.M.I.Mech.E., 63, Elmfield Avenue,

Teddington, Middlesex. 1947 FARTHING, Cecil H. J., B.A., F.S.A., 61, Egerton Gardens, S.W.3. 1933 FENDICK, T. Gordon, M.A., LL.B. (Cantab.), The Castle, Wisbech, Cambs 1950 FITCH, H. B., C.C., 80-81, St. Martin's Lane, W.C.2. 1938 FLETCHER, E. G. M., LL.D., B.A., M.P., 9, Robin Grove, Highgate, N.6. 1955 FLETCHER, Miss Grace Emily, M.Sc. (Econ.), D.P.A., 82, Whitmore Road,

Harrow, Middx. 1953 t FLOWER, Sir Cyril, C.B., F.B.A.. F.S.A. (V.P.). 2, Lammas Park Gardens.

Ealing, W.5.

LIST OF MEMBERS XI

1957 FORGE, Mr. and Mrs. F. W., 6, Grey Close, Meadway, N . W . l l . 1950 Fox, Sir Sidney, C.C., F.R.I.C.S., F.A.I., Bassishaw House, Basinghall

Street, E.C.2. 1920 FOYLE, Gilbert S., 4, Ashbourne Court, Burlington Place, Eastbourne. 1950 FOZZARD, P. R., 40, Fitz James Avenue, W.14. 1950 FROOM, F. J., 9, Marion Grove, Woodford Green, Essex. 1947 GABRIEL, Douglas B. G., B.A., Pottshays, Ridge, nr. Barnet, Herts. 1952 GARRETT, E. L., Windle, The Common, Berkhamsted, Herts. 1950 GASTER, F . J., 93, Lancaster Gate, W.2. 1957 SGASTER, Miss L. M., 1, Antrim Road, N.W.3. 1951 GAULD, R. M., 5, Queen's Avenue, Muswell Hill, N.10. 1953 GOODWIN, E. R., 87, Station Road, West Drayton, Middx. 1947 GORSKY, David, 39, Clay worth Road, Brunton Park, Newcastle-on-Tyne, 3. 1953 GOULDING, R. V., 32, Crawford Street, W.l . 1958 GRACE, R. W., St. Faith, 220, Elson Road, Gosport, Hants. 1954 GRAY, S. R. N., 23, Redcliffe Square, West Brompton, S.W.10. 1947 GREEN, Miss R. A. M., 12, Avenue Mansions, Finchley Road, N.W.3. 1943 GREENE, Mrs. G. E., 59a, Shooters Hill Road, Blackheath, S.E.3. 1951 *GREENE, N. W., M.A., A.M.I.C.E., 33, Highland Road, Northwood Hills,

Middx. 1954 GREGSON, Miss P., 34, Wood Lane, IsJeworth, Middx. 1948 GRIMES, Professor William F., C.B.E., M.A., F.S.A., F.M.A., Institute of

Archaeology, 31-34, Gordon Square, W.C.I. 1959 ^GRINKE, P. D., 20, Hamilton Road, Ealing, W.5. 1941 -J-GRITTEN, A. J., A.L.A., (Hon. Librarian, Trustee), Bishopsgate Institute,

Bishopsgate, E.C.2. (Telephone, Bishopsgate 2254). 1938 GROVES, Lt.-Col. H. G. S., J.P., F.R.I.C.S., Little Park, 5, Gentleman's Row,

Enfield, Middx. 1948 HALES, Mr. and Mrs. G. T., 1, Oppidans Road, N.W.3. 1949 HALL, Arthur H„ F.L.A., (Chairman of Council), Guildhall Library, E.C.2. 1954 HALL, Miss M. L., M.A., 78b, Ashley Gardens, Victoria Street, S.W.I. 1952 HAMMOND, Bertram, 32, Ashridge Gardens, N.13. 1957 HARDEN, D. B., O.B.E., M.A., Ph.D., F.S.A. (President), London Museum,

Kensington Palace, W.8. 1954 HARPER SMITH, T., Ph.D., M.Th., B.D., 48, Perryn Road, W.3. 1959 HARRIS, Mrs. E. A., 70, Langham Court, Wimbledon, S.W.19. 1958 HARRIS, Mr. and Mrs. R., 49, Franklyn Gardens, Hainault, Ilford, Essex. 1958 HARRIS, Miss V. C , 49, Franklyn Gardens, Hainault, Ilford, Essex. 1914 HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 1950 HASELGROVE, D. Cliff, M.A., 22, Coleherne Court, South Kensington, S.W.5. 1928 *HAWARD, Frederick N., A.M.I.E.E., 10, Waldeck Road, Ealing, W.13. 1956 HAYWARD, Miss C. M., 309, Fulham Road, Chelsea, S.W.10. 1957 HAZELL, B. G., 49, Helen Avenue, Feltham, Middx. 1956 HEADRIDGE, Miss E., 104, Calabria Road, Highbury, N.5. 1950 HENDERSON, Miss Sylvia V., 2, Ivymount Road, S.E.27. 1931 *HENDERSON, T. A. N., F.S.A., (V.P., Hon. Treasurer), 2, Ivymount Road,

S.E.27. (Telephone, Gipsy Hill 4909). 1957 HILL, Miss H. A., 33, Ashley Court, S.W.I. 1953 tHoARE, Sir Archer, County Alderman, C.B.E. (V.P.), 10, Great George

Street, S.W.I. 1950 HOGG, G. L., 40, Woodland Rise, Muswell Hill, N.10. 1949 H O M E , P. J., 30, Holland Park, W . l l . 1948 *HONEYBOURNE, Miss Marjorie B., M.A., F.S.A., 16, Highlands Road, Barnet,

Herts. 1952 *HOWARD, Miss D. J„ 38, Great Smith Street, S.W.I. 1957 HOWARD, Miss I. G., 43, Cuckoo Hill Road, Pinner, Middx. 1952 HOWARD, Mr. and Mrs. S. W., 179, Combe Road, Croydon, Surrey. 1951 HOWE, H. St. J. B., B.A., 59, Solent Road, N.W.6. 1954 *HOWISON, Mrs. CEnone Noel, 21, Smith Street, Chelsea, S.W.3. 1954 HOWLETT, Victor, 5, Ramsden Road, Balham, S.W.I2. 1953 HUGHESDON, Miss C . 37, Birchington Road, Crouch End, N.8.

xu LIST OF MEMBERS

1956 HUNTER, Miss J. R., Flat 174, Gordon Court, Du Cane Road, W.12. 1937 HUNTINGDON LIBRARY AND A R T GALLERY, San Marino, California, U.S.A. 1926 INSTITUTE OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH, (The Secretary), University of London,

The Senate House, W.C.I. 1948 IVATTS, Miss Hilda, 7, Townley Road, Dulwich, S.E.22. 1950 JACOBS, H. R., C.C., 1-4, Copthall Chambers, Copthall Court, E.C.2. 1945 JARVIS, Mrs. Mary, 31, Hitherfield Road, Streatham, S.W.16. 1934 *JARVIS, R. C , 31, Hitherfield Road, Streatham, S.W.16. 1958 fJESsup, F . W., M.A., LL.B., F.S.A., Rewley House, Wellington Square,

Oxford. 1958 JOHNSON, D. J., B.A., 14, Amberley Road, Buckhurst Hill, Essex. 1957 JONES, Mrs. D . M. M., 23, St. Mark's Crescent, Maidenhead, Berks. 1953 JOSLING, Mrs. R. F., 113, Prince's Avenue, Palmers Green, N.13. 1937 *JOSLING, Walter, 113, Prince's Avenue, Palmers Green, N.13. 1958 SKEEN, L. J., 255, High Street, Willesden Green, N.W.10. 1950 fKEMSLEY NEWSPAPERS L T D . (Chief News Editor), Kemsley House, W.C.I. 1930 K E N T , William R. G., F.S.A., Culpho Cottage, Islington, via St. German's,

Kings Lynn, Norfolk. 1956 KIDDLE, D. F. A., B.A., 59, Pembroke Road, Ruislip, Middx. 1952 KIMBER, R. J., 107, Stamford Court, Goldhawk Road, W.6. 1957 KING, A., A.M.I.Mech.E., 86, Vicarsmoor Lane, N.21. 1947 KITCHENER, Sydney W., 1, Shepherd's Hill, Highgate, N.6. 1958 KNIGHT, Mr. and Mrs. C. J., 15, Osborne Road, Palmers Green, N.13. 1958 LAITHWAITE, J. M. W., B.A., St. Pancras Hostel, 43, Holmes Road, Kentish

Town, N.W.5. 1957 LANNING, Miss B., 110, College Road, Harrow Weald, Middx. 1956 LAURIE, Mrs. C. M., 3, Beauchamp Place, S.W.3. 1955 LEACH, C. H., 18, Gayton Road, Harrow, Middx. 1955 L E E , C. E., 2, Duke's Road, Tavistock Square, W.C.I. 1959 LEE, Miss J. J., 74, Rowley Avenue, Sidcup, Kent. 1959 LELLO, B. D., B.Sc, 37, Greenfield Gardens, Cricklewood, N.W.2. 1929 LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL, MEMBERS' LIBRARY, (The Librarian), County

Hall, S.E.I. 1950 LONDON M U S E U M , Kensington Palace, W.8. 1950 LONDON NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY, (Archaeological Section), 13, Woodfield

Crescent W.5 1956 LOVELOCK, Miss E. H., 71, Clarence Road, Enfield, Middx. 1955 LOWENSTEIN, E. H. 1, Park Avenue, Golders Green, N.W.I 1. 1954 LUMSDAINE, K. B. F., B.A., 24, Belsize Grove, Hampstead, N.W.3. 1949 * M C A D A M , Mrs. F . M., F.L.A., 66, Tanfleld Avenue, N.W.2. 1954 MCDONNELL, K. G. T., B.Sc. (Econ.), St. Anthony's, 2, Sandal Road, New

Maiden. Surrey. 1954 MACAL.SI-ER, E. L. Campbell, 70, Great North Road, East Finchley, N.2. 1957 MACDONALD, Mrs. D . C , 36, Milford Gardens, Edgware, Middx. 1957 MACDONALD, Miss H., B.A., 36, Milford Gardens, Edgware, Middx. 1959 MACE, Miss V. E., 19, Grimshaw Close, Highgate, N.6. 1947 MACLAGAN, William D., M.A., 22, Hamilton Terrace, N.W.8. 1946 *MAGUIRE, Leonard J., M.B.E., 62, Shirley Avenue, Croydon, Surrey. 1953 MANDER, N. P., St. Peter's Organ Works, St. Peter's Avenue, Hackney, E.2. 1950 MANSBRIDGE, Miss Winifred, Flat 5, 29, Sloane Square, Chelsea, S.W.I. 1925 MARCHAM, W. McBeath, 39, Wood Street, Barnet, Herts. 1956 MARFLEET, Miss B. F., 50, Lee Road, Aldeburgh, Suffolk. 1958 MARIA G R E Y TRAINING COLLEGE, (The Librarian), 300, St. Margaret's Road

Twickenham, Middx. 1957 MATTHEWS, T. W., 5, Brighton Road, East Finchley, N.2. 1955 *MENZLER, F . A. A., C.B.E., B.Sc., F.I.A., 56, Chiltern Court, Baker Street,

N.W.I . 1948 *MERCER, Miss E. D., B.A. (Hons.), F.S.A., Hillside, Deepdene Drive,

Dorking, Surrey. 1937 MERCHANT TAYLORS' SCHOOL. (The Headmaster), Sandy Lodge, Northwood,

Middx.

LIST OF MEMBERS Xlll

1957 MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY, Library Dept., East Lansing, Michigan, U.S.A. 1951 MIDDLESEX, COUNTY OF. STANDING JOINT COMMITTEE, Guildnall, West

minster, S.W.I. 1955 MIDDLESEX TOURING CLUB, 11, Blaydon Close, Ruislip, Middx. 1958 MILNE, A. Taylor, M.A., F.R.Hist.S., 14, Allison Grove, Dulwich Common,

S.E.21. 1954 *MILNE, Miss H., 252, Holly Lodge Mansions, Highgate, N.6. 1955 MILNER-WHITE, Miss U. M., B.A., 48, Addison Road, W.14. 1956 MINNITT, Miss M. C , 114, Arthur Court, Queensway, W.2. 1948 MOORE, Cyril H., 60, Park Lane, Hayes, Middx. 1956 i-MooRE, S. G., 60, Park Lane, Hayes, Middx. 1952 MORRIS , L. E., 99, Eastcote Road, Ruislip, Middx. 1957 MORRISON, A. C , M.A., 25, Rowsley Avenue, Hendon, N.W.4. 1952 MUIRHEAD, L. R., M.A., The Blue Guides, 154, Fleet Street, E.C.4. 1951 MULLINS, E. L. C., M.A., Institute of Historical Research, Senate House,

Malet Street, W.C.I. 1953 MUSGROVE, G. H., 20, Redbourne Avenue, Church End, Finchley, N.3. 1949 MYERS, Miss Winifred A., 80, New Bond Street, W.l . 1936 * NATHAN OF CHURT, Col. The Rt. Hon. Lord, T.D., D.L., F.S.A., 42, Berkeley

House, Hay Hill, W.l . 1959 NEAL, L. A., 84, Prince Albert Road, N.W.8. 1949 NEWBERRY LIBRARY, 60, West Walton Street, Chicago, 10, Illinois, U.S.A. 1931 NICHOLS, John F., M.C., M.A., Ph.D., F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S. (V.P.), 15, Minster

Road, Godalming, Surrey. 1953 NIEDERSACHSISCHE STAATS-U, Prinzenstrasse 1, Gottingen, Germany. 1958 NOCKLES, Miss R. E., 33, Lapstone Gardens, Kenton, Middx. 1955 O'CONNOR, Miss E. K., 17, Lewisham Park, S.E.13. 1954 *OLDFIELD, P. J., 45, Ridgmount Gardens, W.C.I. 1947 ORDNANCE SURVEY, Director of Establishments and Finance, Leatherhead

Road, Chessington, Surrey. 1954 ORME, Miss M. L., 23, Mayfield Avenue, Old Southgate, N.14. 1956 ORSON, Miss D. M., 2, Talma Road, Brixton, S.W.2. 1958 OSMAN, C. A. E., 170, Chase Road, Southgate, N.14. 1933 PAGE, George E., 20, Kings Close, Kings Road, Lancing, Sussex. 1954 *PALLAN, Miss H. K., 5, Makepeace Mansions. Holly Lodge Estate, Highgate,

N.6. 1948 PARKER, Miss Anne C , 30, Museum Chambers, Little Russell Street, W.C.I. 1958 PATEMAN, H., A.C.A., St. Mark's Vicarage, Sandringham Road, E.8. 1906 PEABODY INSTITUTE OF BALTIMORE. Baltimore, U.S.A. 1955 PECHE, G., F.J.I., 11, Blaydon Close, Ruislip, Middx. 1950 PERCIVAL, A. J., 17, Delf Street, Sandwich, Kent. 1947 PERCIVAL, Norman S., 18, Warwick Road, S.W.5. 1950 PERRING, R. E., Alderman, Frensham Manor, Frensham, Surrey. 1951 *PETREE, J. Foster. M.I.Mech.E., A.M.Inst.N.A., 36, Mayfield Road, Sutton,

Surrey. 1958 PHILLIPS, Hugh, F.S.A., 29, Hartfield Road, Cooden Beach, Sussex. 1950 PHILLIPS, J. F. B., 5, Longfield Road, Ealing, W.5. 1956 PIKE, M. C , 49, Lynette Avenue, Clapham, S.W.4. 1938 PLAYER, Mrs. Mary, 133a, London Road, Luton, Beds. 1958 PODMORE, Miss F., B.A., 55, Lincoln House, Basil Street, S.W.3. 1952 POSNETT, Miss M., 59, Sloane Gardens, Chelsea, S.W.I. 1955 POTTS, Miss M. R. Fraser, The Firs, 121, Chertsey Road, Twickenham.

Middlesex. 1955 JPOWLEY, Miss P. A., 20, Lower Wood Road, Claygate, Surrey. 1958 JPRATT, Miss C. J., 157, Fulham Palace Road, Hammersmith. W.6. 1958 PRIEST, Dr. R., C.B., M.A., M.D., F.R.C.P., 627, Nell Gwyn House, Sloane

Avenue, S.W.3. 1956 PROSSER, R. J., 16, Althorpe Road, Harrow, Middlesex. 1943 PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, Chancery Lane, W.C.2. 1930 *QUARRELL, William James Chance, M.A., Via Bruxelles 67. Rome, Italy 1950 QUEEN MARY COLLEGE LIBRARY, Mile End Road, E. l .

XIV LIST OF MEMBERS

1958 RADCLIFFE, H. V., Gunnersbury Park Museum, W.3. 1920 *RANN, Ernest H., Hagley, 13, The Avenue, Muswell Hill, N.10. 1958 RAPLEY, Mr. and Mrs. E. E., 255, Wanstead Park. Road, llford, Essex. 19^9 RAYNER, Miss E. K., A.C.I.S., 11, Wyatt Road, Highbury, N.5. 1951 REA-PRICE, W. J., The Elms, Third Avenue, Frinton-on-Sea, Essex. 1946 *REDDAWAY, Major T. F., M.A., F.R.Hist.S., F.S.A., Garden Hill, Totteridge

Lane, N.20. 1957 RENNIE, Mr. and Mrs. H. M., 42, Heathfield Court, Chiswick, W.4. 193/ REYNOLDS, Miss S., M.A., 44 Cadogan Square, S.W.I. 1957 RICHARDSON, Miss K. M., B.A. (Hons.), Beaulieu, Witherby Close, Croydon

Surrey. 1956 RICHES, S., 55, Balham Park Road, S.W.12. 19D2 RICKARD, Mr. and Mrs. L., 33a, Hating Park Road, South Croydon, Surrey. 1938 RICKARD, S. W., A.R.I.B.A., 5, Park Crescent, W.l . 1947 ROBBINS, R. Michael, Mr. and Mrs., 64a, Longridge Road, S.W.5. 1952 ROBERTS, D. O., M.B.E., 33, Hillcroft Crescent, Ealing W.5. 19^6 ROBERTS, D. W., B.Com., 53, Hilloury Avenue, Kenton, Harrow, Middlesex. 1952 ROBERTS, Major K. A. B., M.A., 12, Dearne Close, Stanmore, Middlesex. 1952 ROBINS, H. E., B.A., F.R.G.S., 60, Widmore Road, Bromley, Kent. 1936 *ROBINSON, H. H., Eversley, Nightingale Road, Rickmansworth, Herts. 1950 ROOT, J. L., 44, Stanley Road, Nortnwood, Middlesex. 1945 *RUBINSTEIN, Stanley J., Savage Club, Carlton House Terrace, W.l . 1958 ST. KATHARINE'S COLLEGE, (The Librarian), White Hart Lane, Tottenham.

N.17. 1959 ST. MARK'S C.E. (S.B.) SCHOOL, Bishop's Avenue, S.W.6. 1956 SCARLETT, Miss G. M., 7, Strathray Gardens, Eton Avenue, N.W.3. 1954 SCOTT, Miss E. M. P., M.A., 87, Gloucester Court, Kew, Surrey. 1948 *SCOULOUDI, Miss Irene, M.Sc, 67, Victoria Road, W.8. 1954 SEAFORD, J. G., 5, Heathfield North, Twickenham, Middlesex. 1957 SEDDON, Miss S., 42, Broadhurst Avenue, Edgware, Middlesex. 1957 SIMPSON, Mrs. E-, 19, Belsize Lane, N.W.3. 1926 *SIMS, Herbert Sewell, M.B., B.Ch., 45 Upperton Gardens, Eastbourne,

Sussex. 1877 SION COLLEGE LIBRARY, Victoria Embankment, E.C.4. 1932 *SMITH, Eric E. F . (Hon. Secretary), 49; Mayford Road, Wandsworth

Common, S.W.12. (Telephone, BATtersea 2925). 1955 SMITH, Mrs. E. H., 12, Burton Street, W.C.I. 1949 *SMITII, Frank J., F.R.I.C.S., Fivewents House, Swanley, Kent. 1956 SPELLEN, E. H., 95, Moring Road, S.W.17. 1951 *SPENCER, Miss B. D., 53 Vandon Court, Petty France, S.W.I. 1952 STOKES. Miss M. V., B.A., (Asst. Secretary), c /o . The Clerk's Office,

St. Bartnolomew's Hospital, E.C.I. 1950 STONEHAM, R. T. D., 108a, Cannon Street, E.C.4. 1956 B A N N E R , L. E., C.V.O., M.A., F.S.A., The Muniment Room and Library,

Westminster Abbey, S.W.I. 1950 TATHAM, F . H. C , B.A. (Oxon.), 66, Talbot Road, Highgate, N.6. 1956 TAYLOR, Miss M. L., 1, Beatrice House, Gunnersbury Lane, Acton, W.3. 1957 THIRKELL, Miss A. M. L., 29, Brushwood Drive, Chorley Wood, Herts. 1952 THOMAS, Miss E. M„ 20, Cardigan Road, Richmond, Surrey. 1956 THOMPSON, P. B., Norcot, Oakmore Lane, Potters Bar, Middlesex. 1951 THOMPSON, Miss P. J., B.A. (Hons.), 33, Elm Park Road, Finchley, N .3 . 1946 TINGEY, Arthur H., M.A., 110, Walliscote Road, Weston-super-Mare,

Somerset. 1958 TOUFAR, F. A., Ph.D., 11, Wimborne Gardens, Ealing, W.13. 1956 TREACHER, Miss M., 31, Cary Road, Leytonstone, E . l l . 1950 *TURNER, Cyril, C.C., Valley Lodge, Snaresbrook, E . l l . 1954 TURNEY, G. J., 32, Clissold Crescent, Stoke Newington, N.16. 1952 UNIVERSITY OF LEICESTER. (The Librarian), Leicester. 1921 UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON, (The Librarian), Gower Street, W.C.I. 1951 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS, Urbana, Illinois, U.S.A.

LIST OF MEMBERS xv 1942 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, Goldsmiths' Library, Senate House, Bloomsbury,

W.C.1. 1933 UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA LIBRARY, Minneapolis 14, Minn., U.S.A. 1957 UNIVERSITY OF NOTTINGHAM LIBRARY, Nottingham. 1951 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LIBRARY, Philadelphia, Penn., U.S.A. 1958 VALENTINE, Miss M. O., M.A., 55, Lincoln House, Basie Street, Chelsea

S.W.3. 1958 VICTORIA AND ALBERT MUSEUM LIBRARY, Brompton Road, S.W.7. 1952 WALSH, G. F. W., 7, Oakleigh Court, Redhill Estate, Edgware, Middlesex. 1956 WALTON, Miss Grace, 60, Inverness Terrace, W.2. 1874 WASHINGTON CONGRESS LIBRARY, Washington D.C., U.S.A. 1958 WATKINS, A. J., 49, Woodlands Gardens, Isleworth, Middlesex. 1937 WATSON, Henry J., 16, Thorley Park Road, Bishops Stortford, Herts. 1959 WEINBERG, Miss G. J., 3, Hillingdon House, Swiss Cottage, N.W.3. 1959 WELFORD, Miss E. K., 48, Kingshill Drive, Kenton, Middlesex., 1958 WELLSMAN, J. S., 107, Queen's Gate, S.W.7. 1933 fWHEATLEY, William, M.A. (Oxon.), A.R.I.C. {Hon. Director of Meetings),

4, Castle Gate, Richmond, Surrey . 1937 fWHEELER, Sir Mortimer, CLE., M.C., M.A., D.Litt., F.B.A., P.S.A., (V.P.),

The British Academy, Burlington Gardens, W.l. 1946 WHITBREAD, John R., B.A., Albany Chambers, 86, Petty France,

Westminster, S.W.I. 1954 WHITE, W. E., 32, Wellesley Buildings, Euston Square, N.W.I. 1937 *WHITEHORN, Mrs. E. L., 321, Brownhill Road, Catford, S.E.6 1949 *WHITTING, P. D., G.M., B.A., 9, Rivercourt Road, Hammersmith, W.6. 1958 WOOD, Mrs. L. E., 37, Rhodes Avenue, Alexandra Park, N.22. 1959 WOODWARD, S. J., B.A., 27, Delvino Road, Fulham, S.W.6. 1957 WORRALL, Miss V. R., LL.B., 78, Yale Court, Honeybourne Road, N.W.6. 1949 WREN, Melvin C , B.A., M.A., Ph.D., Montana State University, Missoula,

Montana, U.S.A. 1913 YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A. 1952 YOUNG, Miss E. M., 2, Beatrice House, Gunnersbury Lane, Acton, W.3.

CITY LIVERY COMPANIES 1952 APOTHECARIES OF LONDON, SOCIETY OF, Blackfriars Lane, E.C.4 1955 BASKETMAKERS' COMPANY, 9, Fenchurch Street, E.C.3. 1955 BREWERS' COMPANY, 18, Mansfield Street, W.l. 1953 BUTCHERS' COMPANY, Butchers' Hall, 61, West Smithfield, E.C.I 1955 CARPENTERS' COMPANY, 28, Austin Friars, E.C.2. 1955 CLOTHWORKERS' COMPANY, Clothworkers' Hall, Mincing Lane, E.C.3. ,1955 COOPERS' COMPANY, Guildhall Annexe, 23, King Street, E.C.2. 1952 CUTLERS' COMPANY, Cutlers' Hall, Warwick Lane, E.C4. 1948 DRAPERS' COMPANY, Drapers' Hall, Throgmorton Street, E.C.2. 1951 DYERS COMPANY, Dyers' Hall, Dowgate Hill, E.C.4. 1951 FISHMONGERS' COMPANY, Fishmongers' Hall, E.C.4. 1955 GIRDLERS' COMPANY, 22, St. Andrew Street, E.C.4. 1950 GOLDSMITHS' COMPANY, Goldsmiths' Hall, Foster Lane, E.C.2 1955 GROCERS' COMPANY, Grocers' Hall, Princes Street, E.C.2. 1955 HABERDASHERS' COMPANY, Haberdashers' Hall, Staining Lane, E.C.2. 1955 INNHOLDERS' COMPANY, 82, King William Street, E.C.4. 1953 JOINERS' COMPANY, 22, Buttesland Street, N.l. 1955 LEATHERSELLERS' COMPANY, 15, St. Helen's Place, E.C.3. 1953 MERCERS' COMPANY, Mercers' Hall, Ironmonger Lane, E.C.2. 1950 MERCHANT TAYLORS' COMPANY, Merchant Taylors' Hall, Threadneedle

STREET, E.C.2. 1951 PEWTERERS' COMPANY, 62, New Broad Street, E.C.2. 1952 SADDLERS' COMPANY, Saddlers' Hall, Gutter Lane, E.C.2. 1950 SALTERS' COMPANY, 36, Portland Place, W.l. 1951 SPECTACLE MAKERS' COMPANY, Apothecaries' Hall, Black Friars Lane. E.C.4. 1952 STATIONERS' AND NEWSPAPER MAKERS' COMPANY, Stationers' Hall, E.C.4.

XVI LIST OF MEMBERS

1951 TALLOW CHANDLERS' COMPANY, 1, Vintners' Place, Upper Thames Street E.C.4.

1952 TURNERS' COMPANY, Apothecaries' Hall, Black Friars Lane, E.C.4. 1955 TYLERS' AND BRICKLAYERS' COMPANY, 6, Bedford Row, W.C.I. 1955 UPHOLDERS' COMPANY, 1, Princes Street, E.C.2. 1950 VINTNERS' COMPANY, Vintners' Hall, Upper Thames Street, E.C.4.

AFFILIATED SOCIETIES EAST LONDON HISTORY GROUP, West Ham Central Library, Water Lane Stratford,

E.15. EDMONTON HUNDRED HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 14, Spigurnell Road, N.I7. FULHAM HISTORY SOCIETY, Central Library, 598, Fulham Road, S.W.6. GREENWICH AND LEWISHAM ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, 107, Mycenae Road, S.E.3. HAMPSTEAD LOCAL HISTORY SOCIETY, 93, South End Road, N.W.3. HAYES AND HARLINGTON ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, 3, Shakespeare Avenue, Hayes,

Middlesex. HOLBORN SOCIETY, East Holborn Library, 34/6, Gray's Inn Road, W.C.I. ISLINGTON ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, 70, Great North Road, N.2. ROXETH, FRIENDS OF, 91, Woodend Avenue, Roxeth, Harrow, Middlesex. ST. MARYLEBONE SOCIETY, Central Library, Marylebone Road, N.W.l . STANMORE, EDGWARE AND HARROW HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 5, Elmgate Gardens,

Edgware, Middlesex. SUNBURY AND SHEPPERTON LOCAL HISTORY SOCIETY, 19, Halliford Road, Sunbury-

on-Thames, Middlesex. UXBRIDGE LOCAL HISTORY SOCIETY, 70, Vine Lane, Hillingdon, Middlesex. WANDSWORTH HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 102, Disraeli Road, S.W.15. WATFORD AND SOUTH-WEST H E R T S . ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 9, Cuffley Avenue,

Garston, Watford, Herts. WEMBLEY, BOROUGH OF, HISTORY SOCIETY, 50, Mallard Way, Kingsbury, N.W.9. W E S T DRAYTON LOCAL HISTORY SOCIETY, 28, The Green, West Drayton, Middlesex.

PUBLIC LIBRARIES 1950 ACTON CENTRAL LIBRARY, High Street, Acton, W.3. 1914 BATTERSEA PUBLIC LIBRARY, 265, Lavender Hill, S.W.ll. 1914 BERMONDSEY PUBLIC LIBRARY, Spa Road, S.E.16. 1950 BETHNAL GREEN CENTRAL LIBRARY, Cambridge Heath Road, E.2. 1898 BIRMINGHAM PUBLIC LIBRARIES, Reference Library, Ratcliff Place,

Birmingham, 1. 1912 BISHOPSGATE INSTITUTE, Bishopsgate, E.C.2. 1922 CHELSEA PUBLIC LIBRARY, Manresa Road, S.W.3. 1920 CHISWICK PUBLIC LIBRARY, Duke's Avenue, W.4. 1950 EALING CENTRAL LIBRARY, Walpole Park, W.5. 1950 EDMONTON CENTRAL LIBRARY, Fore Street, Edmonton, N.9. 1950 ENFIELD CENTRAL LIBRARY, Cecil Road, Enfield, Middlesex. 1950 FINCHLEY CENTRAL LIBRARY, Hendon Lane, Finchley, N.3. 1922 FULHAM CENTRAL LIBRARY, 598, Fulham Road, S.W.6. 1911 GUILDHALL LIBRARY, Guildhall, London, E.C.2. 1950 HACKNEY CENTRAL LIBRARY, Mare Street, E.8. 1900 HAMMERSMITH CENTRAL LIBRARY, Brook Green Road, W.6. 1950 HAMPSTEAD CENTRAL LIBRARY, Finchley Road, N.W.3. 1929 HENDON CENTRAL LIBRARY, The Burroughs, N.W.4. 1937 *HESTON AND ISLEWORTH PUBLIC LIBRARY, Treaty Road, Hounslow, Middx. 1948 HOLBORN CENTRAL LIBRARY, 198, High Holborn, W.C.I. 1939 HORNSEY CENTRAL LIBRARY, Tottenham Lane, N.8. 1944 ""ISLINGTON CENTRAL LIBRARY, 68, Holloway Road, N.7. 1917 KENSINGTON CENTRAL LIBRARY, Kensington High Street, W.8. 1950 LAMBETH, TATE CENTRAL LIBRARY, Brixton Oval, S.W.2. 1951 LONDON LIBRARY, 14, St. James's Square, S.W.I. 1937 MIDDLESEX COUNTY LIBRARIES, School Road, Hounslow, Middlesex. 1938 PADDINGTON PUBLIC LIBRARY, Porchester Road, W.2. '949 ST. MARYLEBONE PUBLIC LIBRARY, Marylebone Road, N.W.l .

LIST OF SOCIETIES A N D INSTITUTIONS xvii

1950 ST. PANCRAS PUBLIC LIBRARY, Town Hall, Euston Road, N.W.I. 1950 SHOREDITCH, HOXTON (CENTRAL) LIBRARY, Pitfield Street, N . l . 1951 SOUTHALL CENTRAL LIBRARY, Osterley Park Road, Southall, Middlesex. 1950 STEPNEY PUBLIC LIBRARY, Bancroft Road, E. l . 1924 STOKE NEWINOTON CENTRAL LIBRARY, Church Street, N.16. 1935 TOTTENHAM PUBLIC LIBRARY, High Road, Tottenham, N.17. 1936 TWICKENHAM PUBLIC LIBRARY, Garfield Road, Twickenham, Middlesex. 1914 WESTMINSTER PUBLIC LIBRARY, St. Martin's Street, W.C.2. 1905 WILLESDEN CENTRAL LIBRARY, Willesden Green, N.W.10. 1950 WOOD GREEN PUBLIC LIBRARY, Wood Green, N.22.

LIST OF SOCIETIES A N D INSTITUTIONS IN UNION FOR INTERCHANGE OF PUBLICATIONS, ETC.

ACADEMICA SlNICA, PEKIN. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF U.S.S.R. BERKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. BIRMINGHAM ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. BRISTOL AND GLOUCESTERSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. BRITISH ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION. BUCKINGHAMSHIRE ARCHITECTURAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. CARDIFF NATURALISTS' SOCIETY. CARMARTHENSHIRE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. CHESTER ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. CUMBERLAND AND WESTMORLAND ANTIQUARIAN AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. CZECHO-SLOVAK INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY DERBYSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY. DORSET NATURAL HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. DURHAM AND NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHITECTURAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY DUTCH STATE SERVICE FOR ARCHAEOLOGY. EAST H E R T S . ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. ECCLESIOLOGICAL SOCIETY. ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. ESSEX FIELD CLUB. HAMPSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. HISTORIC SOCIETY OF LAVNCASHIRE AND CHESHIRE. HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES. ISLE OF MAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. JUGOSLAV ACADEMY OF SCIENCES. KENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. LEICESTERSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. LINCOLNSHIRE LOCAL HISTORY SOCIETY. NORFOLK AND NORWICH ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. OXFORD HISTORICAL AND ARCHITECTURAL SOCIETY. OXFORDSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY, DUBLIN. ST. ALBANS AND HERTS. ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. SHROPSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, WASHINGTON, U.S.A.

SOCIETE ARCHEOLOGIQUE DE LIEGE. SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE. SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES, LONDON. SOCIETY OF GENEALOGISTS. SOMERSETSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY. STAMFORD AND RUTLAND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. SUFFOLK INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY. SURREY ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. SUSSEX ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

xviii LIST OF SOCIETIES AND INSTITUTIONS

UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM. UNIVERSITY OF LODZ, POLAND. UNIVERSITY OF LUND, SWEDEN. WORCESTERSHIRE ARCILEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. YORKSHIRE ARCIMOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

The following Libraries receive a copy of each publication: — British Museum. Dublin (Trinity College). Bodleian, Oxford. National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh. Cambridge University. National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth.

GRIMES GRAVES i The Society paid a visit to Grimes Graves at Weeting in South-West

Norfolk on September 6th and inspected this celebrated flint mining site, the most extensive and best explored in Britain, now in the custody of the Ministry of Works. 16^ acres are occupied by 366 infilled mine-shafts, visible as cup-shaped hollows, while excavation has detected other shafts, invisible on the ground, over a further 17^ acres. The earliest investigation, by Canon Greenwell in 1869, established the function and Neolithic age of this site and further excavations, principally by A. L. Armstrong from 1914 to 1939, confirmed this, though for many years there was an unfortunate tendency to believe in a hypothetical sequence of mining ranging from Upper Palaeolithic to Neolithic times. Pottery of Windmill Hill and Peterborough types from the shafts and galleries attest their Neolithic date and show the mixed culture of the mining community. It is probable, from the time taken by 20th century flint miners to dig and exploit a single shaft, that the total mining activity at Grimes Graves was the result of a few centuries' work by a small group of full-time craftsmen who depended on farmers and hunters for their food and supply of deer antlers. This short intensive development was probably a result of the need of the Neolithic farmers of Breckland to expand their area of tillage by woodland clearance, as the population increased and the soil of the open country became exhausted. This clearance was effected by the slash and burn technique for which large quantities of flint axes were essential, and the primary function of Grimes Graves was, therefore, the production of these axes for tree felling. The best quality flint occurred at varying depths from the surface, so that some of the mines are open-cast pits not more than 15 ft. deep, though it was often necessary to dig deep shafts, some 30 ft. deep, with radiating galleries at the level at which the flint occurred, a hazardous and less economical undertaking. The principal tools employed were polished axes of flint and stone, while long bones of oxen and red deer antlers were used as levers, the waste chalk being dumped in the fully exploited mines. Sometimes the supply of flint was deficient, as in Pit 15, where a remarkable ritual assemblage was discovered and the principal feature was a carved chalk figurine of a pregnant female. It has been suggested that the offerings to this "goddess" were placed there to ensure that the next pit dug would yield a more abundant supply of flint. The flint was hauled to the surface and there trimmed into the shape of axes on one of the working floors, of which over one hundred have been excavated, and traded unfinished to farmers in the surrounding district.

R. R. CLARKE

2

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX By H. K. CAMERON, Ph.D., F.S.A.

FINCHLEY

/. Lady, c. 1480, now mural, S. aisle, on west wall.

This brass is much worn. In Lysons' day1 it was on the floor of the nave, and even at that date the inscription was missing.

The figure is 2 ft. 4 in. high and is of a lady in the elegant fashion of the Yorkist period, with narrow waisted dress cut low at the neck and hanging on the shoulders, and long sleeves turned down at the cuffs to expose only the ends of the fingers. The headdress of this period is carried high behind the head on a wire frame and is described, according to shape, as "steeple" or "butterfly". It is common on brasses of the period to show the figure in a sideways stance which reveals the elegance of the headdress, but in this example the figure is three quarters full face, with an effect rather uncommon on brasses.

Lysons' description "a brass figure of a woman, in the dress of the fifteenth century—the inscription gone" carries a footnote: "The arms are those of Hampson, three hemp-hackles." The brass has been refixed in new stone on the west wall of the church and there is no evidence in the church of the indent to show the original composition. There is no mention of this brass in Haines' list, published in 1861, but there is a record2 that during the restoration of the church in 1872-73 by Billing a 15th century brass was discovered under the flooring of the chancel.

//. Richard Prate, 1487, effigy in civil dress lost, and wife Joan, inscription; figures of children also lost, in original stone now raised against the N. wall of N. chapel.

The figures were very small, both being there in Lysons' time. The male effigy is now lost. The lady, a figure 9\ in. high, is shown full face with hands in the attitude of prayer. Her gown has fur cuffs and lapels. A simple covering to the head shows the frontlet not folded back.

Beneath is a rectangular plate 13|- in. wide and 2\ in. high, upon which, in black letter, is a Latin inscription in three lines.

Hit iarFt tJicariiuB flratE et Joljatta nxat eius qui qntftin fltcartms otritt jrrinto hie mens' tflabtmbtis ^ ° tint mtllta (ECWIacX-Etra0 qniit aiabs ppitiet be' am?

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX 3

Beneath are the indents of two plates which appear to have represented children; the stone has flaked badly and the indent outline is not very clear. The stone itself is some 5 ft. long and 2 ft. wide.

This brass was said by Lysons to have been on the floor of the north aisle.

///. William Blakwell and son Richard, ca. 1500, inscription only, mural, on W. wall of S. aisle.

This inscription is now mounted on the same new stone as No. 1. This, too, was on the floor of the nave in Lysons' time. The plate is 13 in. wide and 2J in. high. The engraving of the inscription, of two lines in black letter, is of poor quality and is in part illegible as a result of wear. It reads, as far as it can be deciphered:

$3ran fnr g* souls of fflBillm fjlakmcll & itlirbarb (bis son on tabose sanies) gob babe merrti ami"

IV. Thomas Sanny, 1509, an inscription recoiding part of his will, on north wall of N. chapel.

This inscription, in fourteen lines of black letter, is engraved on two equal sized brass plates in juxtaposition. The width is 15^ in. and the total height 9£ in. The condition of these plates is not very good; there is evidence of earlier wear and corrosion.

The inscription reads : — In be: nine Amen An0 bni nfb^ii print An0 benriri octabi SIljc biii11' bap

of # o bembcr 1 Sbomas £>atmg of tbe (Bstenb of 3Fimcbclcn in 51' rountne of Jtteb bilsea: boh of mijnb & sirke of bobtic make mtr Ccstamente anb last ranll in forme folotanng first 8 bcouetb trnj soule to Allmngbtn gob to cure labti anb to all tbe saints in Hcbgn & my bobne to be bnrjreb in tbe rbarrb garb of or labti of SFimrhelen. Jftm 8 tagll aftr tbe bcressc of mg wife tbe bomse callgb Faroes & istotokefelb sball eb" tabile tbe taorlb last be payb orate of tbe fore sayb borasc & lanb3 fortg shilling8 gerelg to

crest5 to

4 THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX

singe for titg sonic mg father soule mg mother sonle mg hrgfe mg tbelbgn mp kgnrebe

soull3 & all a-neh souls & a nobnll to tbe reprartons of tire sago bofarse & bgspose

to bggb taaps & to poure people or in otber goob bebes of ebartte anb also I tagll tbatt tlje rbureb taarbanns sball gerelg se tbgs bonn for eber Itm 1 mgll tbat tbgs be grabgn in a stone of mbul tbat all men mag knoto bit as in mg togll more plagnlg botb apere etffl Ibesn merrg. Ifabg belpe.

This is a most unusual brass, being a literal copy of the will expressed in the language to be found at Somerset House in all contemporary wills, and not the commoner form such as was noted at Enfield of an extract giving details of local benefactions. Unfortunately the will in which Thomas Sanny says these things are set down "more playnly" is not to be found among those proved in the Consistory Court of Canterbury, nor in the Hustings of London.

There are many wills in which mention is made of the desire to be commemorated by a monument in brass (see, for example, an article on Testamentory Brasses by R. H. D'Elboux, M.C., F.S.A. The Antiquaries Journal, XXIX, 1949, p. 183), but this is, as far as I am aware, the only example in the country of a brass in a church being used as so complete a conveyance of the terms of a will.

\ % * V.

IS

II. FINCHLEY, MIDDLESEX RICHARD PRATE, 1487, AND WIFE, JOAN

\»(irw twr r W r a t h s tflnomr. «K tiorifi is ornir g& [iirff tiattt "ftufliur stmwll ) i t i p w , » ^ -;-ft«nirstSmrtii«ttnn irikii fflwrflK. «?

V. FINCHLEY, MIDDLESEX WILLIAM GODOLPHIN, 1575

VI & VII. FINCHLEY, MIDDLESEX S I M O N S K U D E M O R E , 1609. and wife and daughter

Elizabeth and her husband, Nicholas Luke

7 v*y t r t

H E R F E Y F T H nvKt,v.i> rtf,, ftopv oi' T H O M A S W H S re. SOME-.,

•flMF Cn:T,f£.EN VNOGRaC.F.K Of LONDON: ••WHO Hi-.C&ASFD TFE f*> ! M , Of 1'\N'.VARY'1N I I t VI ARE OF OVP L.OHO GOD 1,(>10 WHO HAl) THRFF WIVE" HY MA|JY Hks FIRST WIFE*-. FF.R HAD 1SSVF. TB*"fT SONFii AND TV^l DAVC HTt.KS. & BY M A R X HtvsV.roNh.wi-VF.. HFE H A H I*SVE O N E SONF, k TW.EE

DAVCHTfiRS A N D ; BY HONNOK'' H'H LAfP WIFE EBB. B AD

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VIII. FINCHLEY, MIDDLESEX THOMAS WHITE, 1610 and 3 WIVES

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V. William Godolphin, 1575, effigy lost, inscription and 2 shields, in original stone raised against the N. wall of the N. chapel.

The original stone, 5 ft. long and 2 ft. 3 in. wide, was lifted from the floor and put against the north wall in 1953. Near the head of the stone are two shields, each 5^ in. high and 4J in. wide. Between them is a rectangular indent, 4f in. wide and 2\ in. high. Beneath is the now much worn indent of the figure, which must have been about 2 ft. 6 in. high. Immediately below this is a rectangular plate, 17 in. wide and 6 in. high on which are seven lines of English inscription in black letter, the last six being in verse. The inscription reads : —

the aisiii41) of gmmber. 1575. (Soiolpljin fria Uaac to Heat trattre Hune 18 bm grare HUroriea felijrniie. Hia tenth is gone Ijia Ir/cff bath irrottnc (Eiemall perpethritgc. Cfrotaofre William bis rorppea frm oead ftotbe Igc fSantes aaagetb to bent shall nebcr tige.

This highly protestant and not very graceful poem excites some curiosity in its last line.

The two shields are also curious. The family of Godolphin was long established in Cornwall. Godolphin, in Cornish, had the meaning of white eagle, which was always borne in the arms of this family (Burke's General Armory). The Earldom of Godolphin, extinct in the 18th century, bore the following arms:

Gules an eagle with two heads displayed between three fleurs-de-lis argent.

The crest is given by Burke as, A dolphin naiant embowed proper.

The sinister shield is therefore a simple version of Godophin, but the metal used for the eagle is the brass of the shield which is customarily used to represent or or gold. The other shield is a rebus with the initials W.G. and a dolphin as used for the family ciest, but again engraved in brass.

The clue to the mystery of who was Barnes, in the last line of the inscription, is found by examination of the will.3 This is dated 15 December, 1575, or eight days before his death as recorded on the brass. It was proved on the 13 February following. William Godolphin, of


Ballard Lane in the parish of Finchley, asked that his body should be buried in the new chapel in the parish church at Finchley if he dies in the parish. He contributes 10/- to the poor mens' box and asks that his forgotten tithes be paid. He leaves £8 to John Coplestone and £5 to Jone Coplestone, the children of his sister. To his cousin Francis Godolphin Esquier he leaves his best bedstedd with his best bed bolster and pillow, to cousin Margaret, the wife of Francis Godolphin, thirty shillings to buy a ring; to his cousin William Godolphin, brother of Francis, his best gown and his satin cassock "garded" with velvet; and to his cousin William Godolphin, the eldest son of Francis, his damask coat garded with velvet. So much for his family, with these modest bequests. The rest of .all his goods as well as the lease of his house with all its appertenances in Ballard Lane in Finchley, and the parts of his lease of Gwallant and Ludsvan (which sound to be in Cornwall?) guaranteed to William Godolphin by virtue of the Queen's letters patent, and all debts owing to him, he gives to Robert Barnes "my man" and Helen his wife, whom he appoints his executors for the faithful performance of this, his last will. He renounces and revokes all former wills and ordains as overseers of the will John Spendlove, dark parson of Finchley and Robert James, "dark & petti-canon of Paul's."

There is evidence of some dispute of the will by Francis Godolphin. but it was upheld in the court and no doubt his man, Robert Barnes, succeeded to such estate as there was- It would therefore seem that the same Barnes caused the brass to be engraved in memory of his dead master, to be placed on his tomb in the north chapel at Finchley.

The references to the Godolphin "cousins" in the will do help to place him in relation to the main branch of the family, whose seat was the manor of Godolphin, near Helston. The lineal descent of this family, from Norman to Tudor times, from father to son with one break in the male line in the 14th century, has been traced in Vivian's Visitations of Cornwall and in Maclean's History of the deanery of Trigg Minor. An account of the family of Godolphin was published in 1930 by Brig. General F. G. Marsh, to which additions and corrections were made in 1943. Even so, the actual relationship of the subject of the brass is still unclear and the dates of his contemporaries at the manor uncertain. One Sir William Godolphin of Godolphin Kt. was born about 1480. He married in about 1509 and had four children, two of whom were sons. William the eldest was born about 1510, married about 1536, and had two daughters only. The second son Thomas, born ca. 1512, appears to have succeeded the father in 1547 (although the date of his elder brother's


death is given as 1575). Thomas, who was governor of Stilly around 1550, married twice. By his first wife he had two sons and one daughter. The sons were Francis and William, who were no doubt the two brothers referred to in the will. William, the second son, was born ca. 1540, became M.P. for Helston, 1586, and was buried at Breage in Cornwall in 1611. Francis succeeded to the manor of Godolphin, and married Margaret, daughter of John Killigrew of Arwenneck in June 1552 at Breage. The son William referred to in the will was aged over 40 at the time of his father's death (in 1608) and must therefore have been a small boy when he was left a damask coat. He succeeded his father, becoming Sir William Godolphin of Godolphin and was buried at Breage in 1613.

Marsh's reference to the Finchley William appears to be conjectural. He says he was a younger son of the Sir William first mentioned, second of the same name! Vivian says that William Godolphin of Windsor was third son to Sir William and that from him Guy Godolphin was descended, this Guy being alive in 1620. Marsh goes so far as to say he was styled "of Windsor" and was father of William of Chalfont St. Giles and grandfather of Guy, who was buried at St. Giles Cripplegate in 1625. There is a reference* to William Godolphin of Chalfont St. Giles, Bucks., Administration of the estate was granted to his relict, Alice, on 10 May, 1564. It is curious that our William at Finchley makes no mention of nor bequest to his direct descendents and one can conclude that he had none. In his will he is stated to be simply of Ballards Lane of the parish of Finchley.

The term "cousin" was in fairly general use in Shakespearean times, but if he were in fact a son of the first Sir William, then Francis Godolphin was his nephew. It seems more likely that he was collateral in descent from a brother of Sir William and that he died without leaving widow or any issue.

VI. Simon Skudemore, 1609, in civil dress, and wife Jeane, achievement and inscription; mural in N. chapel.

This brass was, in Lysons' time, on the chancel floor within the communion rails. This and the following brass No. VII are all on the one stone and this has been lifted against the north wall of the church. The condition of these two brasses is not good; the thin metal used at this time has suffered much indentation. The two figures are shown standing partly facing towards one another. On the dexter side the male effigy.


19J in. high, is shown in long gown, with plain turned back cuffs and with a ruff round the neck. The lady, £ in. shorter, has a pointed stomacher and wide dress without ornament. She also wears a ruff and Queen Mary bonnet.

Immediately below the effigies is a rectangular plate, 21 in. x 4J in-bearing an English inscription of five lines in Roman capitals : —

HERE LYETH THE BODY OF SIMON SKVDEMORE GENT

WHO TOOKE TO WIFE IEANE EDWARDS AND HAD

ISSUE BY HER ONE ONLY DAUGHTER, ELIZABETH THE

SAIDE SIMON DEPARTED THIS LIFE THE xviiiTH DAY

OF MAY 1609. BEING OF THE AGE OF Lxxxiii YERES.

Above is a small rectangular plate, 7 in. x 5\ in., with a shield, mantling and crest. The shield bears (gules), 3 stirrups leathered and buckled (or) with a crescent for difference for Skudemore.

The crest is a bear's paw proper. Below the inscription and on the same stone is No. VII. Simon

Skudemore's will5 is short and simple. He is described as yeoman of Finchley. His wife survived him, was his executor, and inherited his property at Finchley. Bequests are made to his grandchildren, to his tenants' children, and 40/- to the poor householders of Finchley.

VII. Nicholas Luke, effigy lost, and wife Elizabeth, daughter of No. VI, 3 sons lost, 3 daughters and shield; engraved 1609 and on same stone as No. VI.

This brass is mounted on the same stone and immediately below No. VI.

The lady, a figure 12 | in. high, is facing partly towards the right hand with her hands pointing forward in prayer. The bodice of her costume is without pattern but the dress is ornamented. Her neck ruff is moderate in size. The husband's effigy is missing. Below, is an inscription in 5 lines of Roman capitals on a plate 19^ in. x 3 - in., but partly damaged.


ELIZABETH SKVDEMORE DAV SIMON SKVDE

MORE WAS MARRIED VNTO NICHOLAS LVKE GENT

SECOND SONE TO WALTER LVKE ESQVIER WHO HAD

ISSVE BY HIM 3 SONNES AND 3 DAVGHTERS AND

LYETH BVRIED IN AVERSLE CHVRCH IN THE COVNTY

OF HVNTINGTN


Three daughters, in similar dress to their mother, are shown on a small plate about 6 in. square below this inscription. A similar plate with effigies of the three sons is now missing.

Above and between the effigies is a rectangular plate 1\ in. x 6 in. on which is a shield with the following arms:

Quarterly 1 and 4 (argent) a bugle horn (sable) stringed (vert), 2 and 3, (gules) a fleur-de-lis (argent) for Luke, impaling (gules) three stirrups leathered and buckled (or), for Skudemore.

The pedigree of Luke6 in the Visitation of Bedfordshire is shown deriving from Sir Walter Luke of Coupley (or Cople) who was a judge of the King's Bench and who is described on his brass at Cople as justice of the pleas. On this very fine monument he is shown in legal robes and his wife Anne, daughter and one of the heirs of Sir Thomas Launcelyn, also of Cople, in a heraldic mantle. She is described as "norysthe" or nurse to Henry VIII. She died in 1538 and Sir Walter Luke, who was her second husband, in 1544. His heir was Nicholas Luke, also of Cople, who became baron of the exchequer and is also shown in legal robes on his brass in Cople church. He married Cecyle, daughter and one of the heirs of Sir Thomas Waulton of Basney in Bedfordshire, by whom he had five sons and four daughters. He died in 1563. His second son Walter Luke married Anne widow of Thomas Spencer and daughter of Robert Bulkeley. The eldest son of this marriage and heir of the estate was Oliver Luke who died without issue. The second son was Nicholas, of Payton or Paxton parva in Huntingdonshire. He married Elizabeth Scudamore as his first wife and had by her three sons and three daughters. The plate with the three daughters remains but the missing plate of the sons would have therefore had three figures on it. One of these sons was called Scudamore Luke, and is specially mentioned in his grandfather's will (see VI supra). Bequests were also made to the three daughters, Anne Collins, wife of Edward Collins of London, Elizabeth wife of William Francis, and Mary Luke, evidently unmarried at the death of her grandfather but subsequently the wife of Edward Bernard of Barnet.

The visitation arms of Luke are given as argent a buglehorn sable stringed of the same tasselled or. The quartering gules a fleur de lys argent derives from Launcelyn.

One of the manors belonging to the Luke family was at Abbotsly alias Abersley in the County of Huntingdon, and it was no doubt here that Elizabeth Luke died, the place being misspelt Aversle on the inscription at Finchley.

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX 11 Vlll. Thomas White, 1610, in civil dress, and three wives and children,

all' kneeling, on a rectangular plate, with inscription, also three shields of arms; mural in N. chapel.

This monument is set in a mural marble slab mounted high on the north wall of the north chapel. Much of the brass is set within a round-headed recess in the marble, but two of the shields are on the upper face of the stone in the spandrels of the arch created by the recess. The marble slab is 39 in. high and 30 in. wide.

The brass, apart from the shields, has the appearance of a rectangular plate, but is in fact made up of five separate pieces. The main figures are on the upper plate, 13-J- in. high and 23 in. wide, reduced in width to 18 in. for the upper part of 7 in. in order to fit within the span of the recessed arch. The inscription plate immediately below is 7 in. high and 23 in. wide and below this are three separate plates, each 5 in. high and 6 | in. wide separated by mouldings in the stone and each with figures of children by the three wives.

The kneeling figure of Thomas White is on the dexter side of the plate, in three quarter face view with hands before him in prayer. On the opposite side of a prie-Dieu are his three wives, all similarly kneeling on cushions and in three quarter face view turning towards him. The background to the upper (and narrow) part of the plate is plain; the lower part is covered with a simple tiled paving shown in perspective. The engraving throughout is of a high quality and, for its date, well preserved. There is a great deal of hatching and the engraving may well have been the work of a goldsmith. There is some evidence that the brass was gilt and, in addition to paint on the shields, there is painted behind the man's head, in capitals, the following:

/ETAT SV/E

57

From his mouth issues a scroll, also painted, with the words: "Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord", also in small capitals.

The costume worn by Thomas White and his wives is simple and plain yet of good appearance. There is little evidence of fur or lace. All wear the ruff, the ladies' being wider than their husband's.

The interesting feature of the ladies' costume is the excellent portrayal of the hat, with broad brim and high wreathed crown, a fashion that first appeared some twenty years earlier. The wreath worn by each


of the three ladies is differently ornamented, but the figures are in all other respects identical. The bodice is shown with pronouncedly pointed stomacher, but there is no embroidery on any part of the costume and the impression is that of an austere and perhaps puritan city merchant and his wives.

Below is the inscription in eight lines of Roman capitals, clearly and well engraved. This reads: —

HERE LYETH BVRIED THE BODY OF THOMAS WHITE SOME TIME CITTIZEN AND GROCER OF LONDON WHO DECEASED THE 19TH DAY OF I AN VARY IN THE YE ARE OF OVR LORD GOD 1610. WHO HAD THREE WIVES, BY MARY HIS FIRST WIFE HEE HAD ISSVE THREE SONES AND TWO DAVGHTERS & BY MARY HIS SECOND WIFE HE E HAD ISSVE ONE SONE & THREE DAVGHTERS, AND BY HONNOR HIS LAST WIFE HEE HAD

ISSVE THREE SONES AND ONE DAVGHTER.

Below this inscription are the three separate plates with the children by each of his wives. On the dexter plate are five figures, the three sons on the dexter side and the two daughters facing them, all in three quarter face view except the left hand son, a chrysom. The other four figures are kneeling on cushions. The sons appear clean shaven, unlike their father who has a beard, and they have a wide collar in place of the ruff. The two daughters are dressed much as their mother, including the wide brimmed hat. Scrolls above these figures bear the names of the children. Reading down the line, the sons are Anthony and Abraham; the third, in swaddling clothes, was unnamed. The two girls were Jone and Mary.

The centre plate shows the children of the second wife, one son and three daughters. All are named although two are shown as chrysoms. The son, a chrysom, was called Thomas, and the three girls Martha, Anna and Elizabeth. Anna is shown as a chrysom, the other two are dressed like their half-sisters, but without hats

On the third plate are Honnor's children, three sons and one daughter. Again reading down the line, the sons were Samuel, Nathaniel and Thomas, of whom Samuel is shown as a chrysom and the other two are dressed as their half-brothers. The daughter is Hanna and is shown as a small figure, dressed in similar bodice and skirt to the others, but with a high collar instead of the ruff and with long false sleeves hanging off her shoulders. She also is without hat.

Above this whole composition, in the head of the arched recess, is a shield of arms, in brass and painted (the appearance suggests at a 19th


century restoration). This bears argent a chevron sable between three roses gules barbed and seeded proper. On the top surface of the stone and in the spandrels above the arch are two other brass shields, also painted. That on the dexter side bears the arms of the City of London, argent a cross gules, on the dexter chief quarter a sword erect of the second. On the sinister side are the arms of the Grocers' Company, argent a chevron gules between nine cloves sable, three, three, and three.

Thomas White in his will7 dated 20th January, 1610, divided his property, after payment of his debts and funeral expenses, into three equal parts. The one part he left to his wife Honnor who survived him, and a second part to his children not yet "advanced", presumably to maturity, these being named as Elizabeth White, daughter of his second marriage, and his sons Nathaniel and Thomas by his third wife, as well as to the child "that my wife nowe goeth withall". This no doubt was the daughter Hanna, shown as a small figure on the brass, who was unborn at the time of her father's death. The third part of his "goodes and chattelles" he disperses as follows:—if the child beneficiaries of the second part do not receive the full sum of £300 each then this shall be made up to them. He then leaves £400 to Mary Evans, widow, one of the daughters by his first wife. To her son Thomas he leaves £100 of which half is to be paid out of the present estate and—an interesting sidelight on his merchanting activities as a citizen and grocer—"fiftie poundes more out of the first proffitts that God shall hereafter send from beyond the seas out of the gaine of my East India Stocks after my principall stocks receaved". After further bequests of £20 each to Sara Hutchins and Elizabeth Brabron and £5 each to Susan Phillips and Francis Hutchins and 40/- to his Kinswomen Anne May and Anne Sparkes, he gives £5 to the poor of the town of Stepell Aston in Wiltshire, to the parson and churchwardens to be employed for the good of the poor as the ten pounds that his father gave was employed. "And to the poore of Finchley to whom I was accustomed to give almes three tymes as much as I usuallie gave them at one tyme. And I estimate fortie shillinges will perform this legacie". Here is evidence of the careful bookkeeping merchant.

He leaves small legacies to six ministers of God's word, including 10/- to John Barkham who became rector in 1608. According to Lysons, this Barkham was a man of learning, publishing several anonymous works, and the author of the Display of Heraldry, which goes under Guillim's name!


Good clothing was costly and part of a good inheritance. Thomas White left to his old friend Henry Bunche "my third cloake my best breeches and best sleeves and best hatt and all my ruffe bandes".

After payment of rent for a carefully forecast number of years, he left the lease of his house in London to his daughter Johane Haddyn, wife of Francis Haddyn, goldsmith. This must be the other daughter of his first marriage. A legacy of £50 each goes to Rebecca and to John, their children, and £27 to Francis Haddyn.

To his wife Honnor he leaves the two needlework cushions and pillows, "which were of her owne makinge" as well as the use of the house and lands at Finchley. He appointed his wife, his loving brother Mr, Hughe Wollaston, draper, and his loving friend Mr. Richard Langley, merchant tailor, as his executors.

It is difficult to trace connection between this merchant and others of his name who flourished at around this time. His coat of arms differs from any described under the name White in Burke's General Armory. At the London visitation of 16648 the arms of White are gules a chevron between three boars heads couped argent, and refer to Sir Stephen White of Dalston, who was citizen and grocer and master of the Company in 1659. However, his father, Thomas White, merchant of London, married Anne Stephens, and his grandfather, Thomas White, came from Norfolk. The bequest to the poor of Steeple Ashton in Wiltshire suggests that Thomas White of Finchley came to London from Wiltshire. The records of the Grocers Company show that two Thomas Whites were apprenticed about the same time, one to Robert Wolleston in 1580 and one to Thomas Pigott in 1583. Unfortunately, this is all to be found in the record. It is interesting to note that one of the executors of Thomas White of Finchley was "my loving brother" Hugh Wolleston, although he was a draper. One could speculate on Thomas marrying a daughter of the merchant to whom he was apprenticed.

This could be solved by finding the maiden names of his three wives. The marriage records at Finchley, although dating from 1560, contain no reference to Thomas White and it seems evident that he only came to reside in the parish after marrying his third wife Honnor. Her four children were all baptised in the parish—Samuel on 17th September, 1605; Nathaniel on 25th February, 1607; Thomas on 6th June, 1609; and Hannah on 7th April, 1611, nearly three months after the death of her father. Thomas White's burial is recorded on 2nd February. None of the children of the first two wives was baptised in this church.

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX 15 IX. Charles Brydges, 1729, arms and inscription; mural on north wall.

In a stone frame set on the north wall is a very lightly engraved plate, about 12 in. square with a round head extension, making the maximum height 16^ in. On the square part of the plate is the following inscription: —

UNDER THIS GROUND

LYETH THE BODY OF

CHARLES BRYDGES GENT

OF ST CLEMENT DANES

LONDON

DYED 17™ SEPT 1729

IN THE 17™ YEAR

OF HIS AGE

In the head of the plate is a shield and crest, the arms being a cross with a leopard's head thereon and the crest a saracen's head and shoulders.

BRASSES FORMERLY EXISTING

1. Standing outside the church and against the wall at the east end is a slab that must formerly have covered an altar tomb in the church. This is bevelled around the sides with stone mouldings and has the indent of a marginal inscription on the chamfer.

On the face of the stone are the indents of five shields, one at the centre and one in each corner. Rivets remain. The date of this slab would be 15th or early 16th century.

2. In the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments book on Middlesex, published in 1937, Mill Stephenson, who accurately described the brasses then existing, recorded an inscription and shield, mural in the north chapel, in memory of Roger Hayton, 1663. This is not now to be found in the church and its whereabouts is unknown.

A dabbing of this plate is in the library at the Society of Antiquaries. The plate was rectangular, \2\ in. high and 9 in. wide, and had at the top an achievement too likely engraved to appear in the dabbing. It is recorded as a shield bearing, on a bend engrailed 3 bulls' heads erased, with a crest of a bull's head couped gorged with a coronet.


The inscription below was as follows: — Mr Roger Hayton late of this Parrish

Deceased ye 1 of May Anno 1663 Gave to ye

Poore of this Parrishe 12s p Annu for ever to

be paid (viz) every Lords day 12d in Bread

The plate was nailed on the north wall of the north chapel in 1920 when the dabbing was taken.

3. Norden9 records the following in Finchley church: —

"Lord Frowyke, Lord chiefe Justice of England, in the time of H.6. lyeth under a Marble toombe where hath beene his picture and armes in brasse, with circumscription about the toombe, but now defaced, his armes onely remayning in the chauncell window in this manner.

"There is also another Marble stone having the picture of a woman whereon is inscribed thus.

"Joan la feme Thomas de Frowicke gist icy, & le dit "Thomas Pense de giser aveque luy. "There lyeth also buried under a Marble stone in the Chauncell of

the Church one Thomas Aldenham Esquire sometime Chirurgion to King Henrie the sixt who died in Anno 1431, his armes."

NOTES 1 Lysons, Environs of London, 1795, Vol. 2, p. 338. 2 L.M.A.J. Trans. N.S., VI, p. 662. 3 P.C.C. 57 Pyckering. 4 Admon. P.C.C. 1564. 5 P.C.C. 50 Dorset. 6 Harleian Society, XIX, 1884, Visitation of Beds., p. 39. 7 P.C.C. 11 Wood. 8 Harleian Society, XCII, 1940, p. 149. 9 John Norden, Speculum Britannia, p. 20.

MOOR HALL CHAPEL, HAREFIELD Built in the early 13th Century by the order of St. John of Jerusalem

1936

- 7 1

From the Royal Commission's Inventory of Historical Monuments in Middlesex—By permission of the Controller of H.M. Stationery Office

1958

• • ' . • . • . " • . . . . •

From a photograph by Dr. W. I. Carter, Thames Basin Archaeological Observers' Group

THE USE OF ARMORIAL BEARINGS

John Gedney, Alderman of Cornhill Ward c. 1446-7 from the Visitation of Clarenceux Legh in the Guildhall Library

17 17

THE USE OF ARMORIAL BEARINGS BY LONDON ALDERMEN IN THE MIDDLE AGES

By JOHN A. GOODALL

The use of devices on shields and standards in warfare is of great antiquity and their continuance during the early medieval period is proved by contemporary chronicles and other sources.1 In the 12th century, apparently as a result of the gradual acceptance in feudal law of the heritability of the fief, the association of the banners used to distinguish the contingents of the feudal host was transferred from the the fief to the holder. Thus heraldry, which has been defined by Dr. A. R. Wagner as: "the systematic use of hereditary devices centered on the shield",2 came into being. In the course of the next two centuries the use of such devices spread among all the ranks of medieval society including women, merchants, and even peasants and Jews.3 This gradual widening of the theory of heraldic capacity, that is the capability of bearing arms, and the consequent developments in the law of arms have not been given such close attention by English heraldic writers as they have abroad. Doubtless this is due in part to the absence of published collections of seals from town archives which makes any study of the subject difficult.

In London, however, we are fortunate in that the evidence from seals for the use of arms by merchants is supplemented by various ordinances beginning in the 13th century. It is with these that the present essay is principally concerned. The important, indeed frequently decisive, part played by the citizens of London in the dynastic wars of the 12th century suggests that there, if anywhere in England, early evidence for the use of arms by the citizens would be found.4 A collection of documents relating to London and Middlesex, compiled by some person unknown in about 1215, provides the starting point for our enquiry. The terminus post quem of the collection is established partly by paleographic evidence and, more closely, by a list of sheriffs ending with those for 16 John (1214-15). Selections from this were published by Miss Mary Bateson, but the pasage with which we are concerned was incorrectly transcribed.5

This occurs in a series of ordinances for the host, probably drawn up at the time of the Barons' war against John culminating in the granting of Magna Carta in 1215, which provided: . . . "in every parish let there be a penoncelle, and let the alderman have his own banner, and let the men

18 THE USE OF ARMORIAL BEARINGS

of each parish, with their penoncelles, follow the banner of their alderman, when the aldermen have had a summons, to the place ordained for the defence of the City".

These banners would be personal to the aldermen and bear distinctive devices, but nothing is known of their design. It is evident then that by 1215 the aldermen of London were using banners for military purposes in the same fashion as the barons. This antedates by several decades the use of arms by citizens seen on surviving seals either in London or abroad.7 The explanation of this early date doubtless lies in the status of the citizens who, in chronicles, writs, and charters, as well as on their common seal, are called Barons of London (Baronibus Londonie). The exact meaning to be attributed to the word baro in documents of this age is a matter of debate. In 1141, following upon the capture of Stephen, the Empress Maud held a council at Winchester under the presidency of Henry of Blois, Papal Legate and Bishop of that city, who referred to Londoners attending it as "those who were especially regarded in England as noblemen (proceres)".s The identity of the 12th and 13th century barons of London with the aldermen, while not absolutely certain, is strongly suggested by a passage in Bracton who wrote, in connexion with the assize of mort dancester: "In truth the barons of London and the burgesses of Oxford determined what may be bequeathed as a chattel, both property inherited and property purchased, and therefore it is true that in boroughs no assise of mort dancester lies".9 Since the aldermen alone took part with the mayor in determining pleas and giving judgments in the Court of Husting, the identification suggested would appear to be correct.

Certain it is that in the 14th and 15th centuries the aldermen of London enjoyed privileges proper to parliamentary barons for, in the Liber Albus, compiled about 1415, we read that the aldermen were anciently called "Barons" and were buried with the honours of that rank even after 1350 but, on account of the pestilences and frequent changes in their ranks, this fell into desuetude. A man armed and bearing a banner of the deceased's arms, with his shield and helm, would go to the church where the alderman was to be buried.10

This ancient usage of burying aldermen with baronial honours, although fallen into desuetude in 1415, was later revived for, in the will of Sir Hugh Brice, knight and onetime Mayor of London, we read:—

"Nor I wolle haue noone armes Sworde Helmett nor cote of armes borne offered ne sett vp as it is vsed within the Citie but only myne armes vpon Papers in certeyn places of the church for the

THE USE OF ARMORIAL BEARINGS 19

better remembraunce of my soule . . . And I woll that the Herold of armes haue his dewtie as it is accustomed".11

We may conclude, therefore, that from at least the beginning of the 13th century the aldermen of London had used arms and were allowed in the 14th and 15th centuries baronial honours at their funerals.

On the death of Edward III in 1377 the Mayor and Aldermen issued a series of ordinances for the defence of London against the possibility of an invasion from France amongst which we read that "each Alderman shall have a pennon of his arms boldly displayed, so that, when the alarm is given in the City, he shall immediately cause his pennon to be borne to the place assigned to assemble the men of his Ward".13 Again, on 13th September, 1386, ordinances for the defence of London were issued again laying down that the aldermen were to have pennons "de vos armes bien & convenablement arraie"." These ordinances show quite clearly that, apart from their personal status, the aldermen were required to use arms by virtue of their office.

Among the duties of the kings of arms, enjoined by their oath from the 15th century and apparently exercised from at least the middle of the 14th century, was that of having knowledge of the arms borne in their province.15 The inventory of Clarenceux Benolte's books, made after his death in 1534, includes among them "a booke of Visitation of many shires with Lond. and peinces painted with men of armes made by Roger Leghals, Clarencieux king of armes".16 The portion of the book relating to London is probably to be identified with a manuscript now preserved in the Guildhall Library. Three leaves, detached from the manuscript, were presented to the library in 1932 and the remainder was identified in the Clumber MS 189 purchased by the British Museum in 1938." The relevant section was detached and is now in the Guildhall Library. Each page was painted with a conventional portrait of an alderman with his shield, and sometimes a crest, and supporting a frame containing blank shields for the arms of his successors in the ward. The form of the record derives from Bruges' Garter Book compiled about 143018 but the panels, with a few exceptions, were not used until the 16th or 17th century when the arms of various aldermen were tricked in them upon no discernible plan. The writing and style of painting is consonant with an early to mid 15th century required by Benolte's attribution of his visitation to Clarenceux Legh (1435-60) and the appearance of John Olney "maior Colnew (sic) strete warde" at fo. 2 gives a precise date for the collection as he was Mayor of London in 1446-7. All the twenty-five wards are represented, Portsoken without Aldgate by the Prior of Holy Trinity

20 THE USE OF ARMORIAL BEARINGS

bearing a banner Azure, the verbal emblem of the Trinity Or, lettered Sable, presumably for his priory. All but five of the remaining aldermen have their personal arms, six of them with crests, but of the latter one is uncoloured and another painted over with a white wash to delete it. The last page is occupied by seven coats for various civic officials—the Recorder, Chamberlain, Common Clerk, Sword-bearer, Bailiff of South-wark, and Serjeant at Mace. In view of the ordinances cited above the absence of arms for one fifth of the total number of aldermen in an official record of their arms is interesting. Arms are in fact attributed to all but one of these aldermen in the 17th century armorials of London Mayors, Sheriffs, and Aldermen,19 and the case of Stephen Forster, alderman of Bread Street, suggests, moreover, an explanation for this. In 1478 he used a non-armorial seal bearing a merchant's mark including a broad arrow and, in Stow's Survey of London, we read that his arms, three broad arrows, were to be seen on London Wall near Ludgate.20 It would appear, therefore, that these omissions may have resulted from Clarenceux Legh disallowing arms composed from merchant's marks in accordance with the Law of Arms as later used in England.21

Reference has been made to the 16th and 17th century London armorials giving the arms attributed to mayors, sheriffs, and aldermen several examples of which are to be found in the British Museum and other libraries. The most important of these was compiled c.1607 by Nicholas Charles, Lancaster Herald, and refers to arms in churches which have been subsequently destroyed. The arms of the sheriffs are given twice, first in chronological sequence, and secondly by companies—an arrangement also found in a later collection.22 In William Smith's Description of London c.1588 the order of the Mayor's procession is described and we read that this was headed by: —

". . . ij great estandarts, one hauinge the armes of the citie, and the other the Mayor's company; . . . and then about lxx or lxxx poore men marchinge ij and two . . . euery one bearinge a pyke and a target, wheron is paynted the armes of all them that haue byn Mayor of the same company that this newe mayor is of. Then ij banners one of the kynges armes, the other of the Mayor's owne proper armes".23

It is evident that to provide these arms collections would be required and that the manuscripts under discussion appear to fulfill the requirements. While in many cases arms appear to have been invented, some derive from monuments and glass now destroyed and it is hoped that further research will provide more information on this point.

THE USE OF ARMORIAL BEARINGS 21

My thanks are due to Dr. A. R. Wagner, Richmond Herald and Registrar, and the Chapter of the College of Arms for the block used for the illustration and to the Corporation of London for permission to reproduce it here.

NOTES 1 J. A. Giles, The History of the Britons, by Nennius, 1861, p. 24; J. R. Clark

Hall, Beowulf, 1950, pp. 35 (1. 303-6), 72 (1. 1021-2), 129 (1. 2152-3), and 158 (1. 2767-9); D. L. Sayers, The Song of Roland, 1957, 11. 707-9, 3093-5, and 3265-7.

2 Heralds and Heraldry in the Middle Ages, 1956, p. 12. 3 D. L. Galbreath, Manuel du Blason, 1942, pp. 45-58. 4 W. Page, London its origin and early development, 1923, passim. 5 "A London Municipal Collection of the reign of John," in English Historical

Review, vol. 17, 1902, p. 480 et seq. 6 Brit. Mus., Add. MS 14252, f. 125r. 7 H. Spelman, Glossarium Archaiologicum, 1664, p. 74; cf. J. Selden, Titles of

Honour, 1672, p. 570; and Sir J. Doddridge, The Magazine of Honour, 1642, pp. 54-5.

8 Quoted by Spelman, op. cit., p. 74, col. ii. 9 H. de Bracton, De Legibus et consuetudinibus Angliae (Rolls Series), vol. iv,

p. 265. 10 Munimenta Gildhallae Londonienses (Rolls Series), vol. i, p. 33. For the use

of "baron" to denote "an alderman of London" see Liber Albus (Richard Griffin and Co., 1861), pp. 13, 45, 67, 71, 92.

11 Prerogative Court of Canterbury Register. 2 Home, dated 30 August, 1496, the probate aot is omitted.

12 Corporation of London, Letter Book H, f. 63r. 13 R. R. Sharp, Calendar of Letter Books H, pp. 64-6—cf. Bodleian Library,

Douce MS 271, f. 71, of early 16th century date, has a list of fees paid to heralds in certain circumstances including "whan eny Due doth releve or display his baner".

14 Letter Book H. f. 201 r. 15 Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry, pp. 52-60. 16 Ibid., p. 150, no. 4. 17 Now Add. MS 45133, v. Wagner, A Catalogue of English Mediaeval Rolls of

Arms, 1950, pp. 92-7, and Heralds and Heraldry, pp. 111-5. 18 Wagner, Catalogue of . . . Rolls of Arms, p. 83-6. 19 Brit. Mus., Stowe MS 860 passim. 20 Brit. Mus. Harl. Ch. 50 D 21; J. Stow, Survey of London, Everyman edition.

p. 38. 21 G. D. Squibb, The High Court of Chivalry, 1959, pp. 162-90 22 Brit. Mus., Harl. MS 1349, cf. Harl. MS 1464, and Stowe MS 733. 23 William Smith, Description of London, published in Sir E. Bridges, The British

Bibliographer, 1810, vol. i, p. 539.

22

ECCLESIASTICAL RECORDS TRANSFERRED TO GUILDHALL LIBRARY FROM

SOMERSET HOUSE By A. E. J. HOLLAENDER, Ph.D., F.S.A.

On 23rd June, 1954, the Bishop of London appointed, by instrument over his hand and seal, Guildhall Library as Diocesan Record Office and also central repository in respect of the records of all parishes situate within the City of London and its ancient liberties.1 This act facilitated and was, in fact, followed in October, 1954, and February, 1955, by the transfer of the court and probate records of the Archdeaconry of London and the London Commissary Court (London Division) from the Principal Probate Registry at Somerset House to the Guildhall Library.2

With this transfer, the Library received into official custody two large record groups of diocesan origin, two years before it began the intake of the archives of the central diocesan administration of the See of London from the Diocesan Registry. Each of these groups consists, roughly, of testamentary and non-testamentary sections. That the Principal Probate Registry had, in consequence of the Court of Probate Act of 20 & 21 Vict. (1857), c.77 and 79, come into possession of non-testamentary archives is not surprising, for that Act was quickly followed by the Matrimonial Causes Act 20 & 21 Vict. (1857), c.80 and what was lodged in 1858 and during the next following few years by the various diocesan registries with the Principal Probate Registry was actually the records of ecclesiastical courts when exercising the testamentary and matrimonial jurisdiction which the above quoted Acts removed from them.3 Yet, a first examination of the accumulations demonstrated that the transfers to Somerset House of 1858 and after were, to some degree, effectuated at haphazard, or without proper control, since documents were traced which in their entirety bore no relation to either probate or matrimonial jurisdiction. They were, de facto, splinters from other classes the surviving bulk of which reached Guildhall Library subsequently.

Of the Archdeaconry Court records formerly at Somerset House, the probate section comprises a large accumulation of original wills and administrations with papers appertaining, registers of wills and the act books of the probate court dating from the second half of the 14th century, and closing not with 11th February, 1858, but in 1807, by

ECCLESIASTICAL RECORDS 23

which time the archidiaconal probate jurisdiction, exercised from late mediaeval times over 45 parishes in the City and three parishes in adjacent ancient liberties, had virtually come to an end. No original or registered wills have been located anywhere after that date. In the non-testamentary section, documents like a general court book 1562-3, a deposition book relating to libel causes 1566-7, an instance book 1636-48, a series of assignation books 1635-1781 (among them a volume of assignations in respect of proceedings taken against dissenters 1683-4), were found. There were also numerous bundles of general court papers covering the period 1660-1762.

With regard to the London Commissary Court (London Division) the original wills date from the first quarter of the 16th century and go up to 1857; registers of wills begin in 1374 and also reach up to 1857; probate and administration act books begin in 1496 and end with 1858. The jurisdiction of this court extended over 53 City parishes and a number of parishes in Middlesex, and Barking (Essex). Of its non-testamentary archives prior to the Restoration but little remains, other than acts and court papers dating chiefly from 1660. There were, however, identified four large volumes of Acta quoad correctionem delin-quentium 1470-73, and 1489-1495 respectively, an invaluable and largely untapped source not merely for the history of ecclesiastical court procedure, but for that of manners and morals in late 15th century London.

In addition to the above record groups, Guildhall Library received, in January, 1957, the entire historical archives of the Royal Peculiar of St. Katherine by the Tower. On the occasion of their transfer, the Principal Probate Registry added to the accumulation certain archival units which were handed to it under the legislation of 1857, chiefly wills and testamentary papers of the Commissary Court of the Peculiar, dating from the first third of the 18th to the early 19th centuries. Among the records formerly at Somerset House, but now in the custody of the Library, is a small unit consisting of miscellaneous legal papers and fragments covering the period 1545-1653.

What follows is a short hand-list of the principal classes referred to above.

I Archdeaconry of London. A. Probate Records;

Original Wills. 1524-1807,

24 ECCLESIASTICAL RECORDS

Original administrations, bonds, exhibita and other papers. 1663-1786.

Registers of wills. 1393-1806. Probate and administration act books. 1564-79 and 1588-1807.

B. Non-testamentary records Court book. 1562-3. Depositions in libel causes. 1566-67. General examination and deposition books. 1686-92. Instance book. 1638-48.

Instance book—a Court book relating to proceedings in lawsuits brought at the instance of a private party (in difference to the ex officio suits, brought by the Court itself, in virtue of its spiritual jurisdiction, especially in cases of moral delinquency).

Assignation books. 1635-1781. Assignation books. The ecclesiastical Judge's (usually rough)

entry book in which he "assigns" terms. Court papers. 1602, 1660-1742, and 1750-62. Various bonds. 1668-1679.

II London Commissary Court {London Division) A. Probate Records

Original Wills. 1523-1857. Registers of Wills. 1374-1857. Probate and administration act books. 1496-1858. Original administrations and bonds, with papers appertaining. 1670-

1857. Court book mainly testamentary. 1663-1665.

. Court Agenda book, testamentary and matrimonial. 1671-1677. Inventories. 1666-7. ("Fire inventories"). Warrants. 1660-1764. "Mixed" Acts probate and non-testamentary. (Loose). 1662-1784. "Mixed" bonds, probate and non-testamentary, 1664-7, and 1660-91

respectively. B. Non-testamentary Records.

Acta quoad correctionem delinquentium. 1470-3 and 1489-95. Liber examinationum. 1489-1516. Deposition books relating to libel actions. 1622-1628. Miscellanea. 1663-1794. Exhibita. 1685-1826.

ECCLESIASTICAL RECORDS 25

III Commissary Court of the Royal Peculiar of St. Katherine by the Tower.

A. Probate Records. Wills, original and copy. 1729-1818. Miscellaneous testamentary papers, except wills. 1748-75. Miscellaneous legal papers and fragments, probate and non-

testamentary. 1545-1653. B. Non-testamentary Records.

Miscellaneous papers in several causes (non-testamentary) including such brought before the Lords Commissioners for appeals in prize causes. 1777-1803.

Miscellaneous legal papers. 1745-1798. Warrants and bonds for marriage licences granted by the Commis

sary. 1755-1802. Act book containing (a) minutes etc., relating to contentious pro

ceedings, 1743-1800; and (b) entries relating to marriage licences and citations, also some probate and administration acts and caveats, 1698-1793.

Detailed calendars with indices to all probate records are available at the Library. There is also a modern calendar of the non-testamentary documents of St. Katherine by the Tower, formerly at Somerset House.

The above brief survey will, it is hoped, suffice to show that it is by no means only the genealogist who will profit by the use and study of the three record groups transferred from Somerset House to Guildhall Library and the record service instituted there. The searcher is, however, advised, in order to make his study exhaustive, to refer to all other classes of ecclesiastical records in the charge and custody of the Library as well as to have recourse to the archives of the Consistory Court transferred from Somerset House to the London County Record Office and to those of the Archdeaconry of Middlesex now at the Middlesex Record Office.

NOTES

1 Albert E. J. Hollaender, Local Archives of Great Britain: xii. Guildhall Library. Archives, 2, 1953-6, p.320.

2 Ibid, the Essex and Herts Division was adjudicated and transferred to the Essex County Record Office, Chelmsford. See F. G. Emmison (ed.) Wills at Chelmsford (Essex and East Hertfordshire), vol. 1, 1400-1619. The Index Library, 78, London 1958, p.V.

3 These records were declared Public Records for the purposes of the Public Records Act 6 & 7 Eliz. 2 c. 51.

26

GENERAL ROY'S MEASUREMENT OF THE HOUNSLOW HEATH BASE, 1784*

A Lecture given to the Society on December 12th, 1958

By Major J. KELSEY, B.Sc, A.R.I.C.S., R.E.

The title of my talk is General Roy's Measurement of the Hounslow Heath Base. I have taken the liberty of expanding my talk somewhat beyond the actual measurement of the Base as this could only have consisted of a detailed discussion of the techniques employed.

The measurement of the Base in 1784 was, in fact, the beginning of the first organised survey in this country. Furthermore, it led to the formation of the Ordnance Survey in 1791. I therefore propose to discuss the events which led up to the measurement of the Base which are in fact a brief account of General Roy's life.

During the 1745 rebellion the army felt the need for maps and the Deputy Quarter Master General, Lieut. General Watson, determined to map the Highlands. William Roy was at that time a civilian assistant of General Watson and was given the task of executing the map. It was in reality a sketch map of the country rather than an accurate survey, but it was nevertheless remarkable, and the original 84 field sheets are preserved in the Kings Library of the British Museum. When the Highlands were completed, the task was extended to the Lowlands of Scotland, but this was interrupted when the Seven Years War broke out in 1756.

In 1757 William Roy was appointed an Ensign of the new Corps of Engineers formed at that time. In 1765 he was appointed Surveyor General of Coasts and Engineer for making and directing military surveys in Great Britain. The wording of his warrant of appointment was "to inspect, survey and make reports from time to time of the state of the coasts and the districts of the country adjacent to the coasts of this Kingdom and the islands thereunto belonging". This is addressed to the Major General of the Ordnance, who was required to pay Roy an allowance of 20s. per day for these duties. In those days the Board of Ordnance was a great department possessing extended powers. The Master General was responsible for the artillery and engineers in the army, for fortifications and armaments and was one

* This lecture was arranged to mark the International Geophysical Year.

GENERAL ROY'S MEASUREMENT 27

of the King's personal advisers. At that time the third Duke of Richmond held the appointment, which was in later years held by the Duke of Wellington. Although Roy had the title of "Surveyor General", he had no surveyors and his duties probably consisted of no more than inspections and investigations, but he ceaselessly advocated the establishment of a National Survey.

His chance came when in 1783 the celebrated French astronomer and geodesist Cassini de Thury wrote to the Royal Society in London. In this letter Thury stated rather tactlessly that the latitude of Greenwich Observatory was in error by 15 seconds, that is 500 yards, when compared with that of Paris Observatory. He proposed that the Greenwich and Paris observatories be connected by a system of tri-angulation to determine the difference in latitude, as he put it, "to great exactness." Thury concluded his letter on a more tactful note that "he had no doubt that this project would be agreed by a Sovereign who loves the sciences and who, not content with the discoveries of the celebrated Cook, has just ordered a second voyage round the world, and that the execution of the trigonometrical operation would connect the two most beautiful cities in Europe."

Although, in fact, Roy felt that the connection of the observatories of Paris and London by triangulation was unlikely to throw any light on the errors in their respective latitudes due to the uncertainty about the true dimensions of the earth, this memoir was used by him as a lever to establish a National Survey. George III wished to oblige the French, the Royal Society was anxious to prove that the latitude obtained at Greenwich was comparable in accuracy to that of Paris, and Roy wanted to get the survey done to provide an accurate framework for maps in Kent and Sussex. So the survey was approved.

The scheme proposed consisted of a triangulation from Greenwich to Paris and would be done by observing the angles of a chain of triangles connecting the two cities.

King George III took a keen personal interest in the project and personally defrayed the cost of the instruments required, which had to be specially designed. An entirely new type of instrument was designed for measurement of the angles called the "Great Circular Instrument". This was the forerunner of the modern theodolite. It consisted of a horizontal circle of brass 3 ft. in diameter on which angles could be read to 1/10 of a second through micrometers. It weighed 200 lbs. and was in use from 1787 to 1853. It was preserved in the Ordnance

28 GENERAL ROY'S MEASUREMENT

Survey Office at Southampton where, together with many other treasures, it was destroyed during the blitz in 1940. However, the second Great Circular Instrument is still preserved in the Science Museum.

In addition to measuring the angles it was necessary to measure one side of the triangle to provide the scale. Roy reports in his "Account of the Measurement of the Base on Hounslow Heath", published in 1799, that "King George III, a generous and beneficent monarch, whose knowledge and love of the sciences are sufficiently evinced by the protection which He constantly affords them, and under whose auspices they are seen daily to flourish, soon supplied the funds that were judged necessary." Having thus the good will of the highest authority of the State and in the scientific world, Roy started the measurement of the Hounslow Heath Base on April 16th, 1784. On that day the President of the Royal Society (Sir Thomas Banks), General Roy, and others began the examination of the ground at King's Arbour and finished at Hampton Poor-House near the side of Bushey Park, a distance of some 5 miles.

Roy decided to employ soldiers instead of country labourers as assistants because, in addition to their surveying duties, they would furnish the necessary sentinels for guarding the apparatus. Accordingly, a party of the 12th Regiment of Foot, consisting of a serjeant, corporal and 10 men, was ordered to march from Windsor to Hounslow Heath, where they encamped on May 26th.

In accordance with universal custom on the contingent Roy decided to measure the Base with a set of wooden rods. He had a set specially prepared and the greatest care was taken in their construction. However, experience showed that variations in humidity caused considerable changes in their length and after exhaustive trials the wooden rods were abandoned.

Roy also had a steel chain made by Ramsden the instrument maker, who was making the Great Circular Instrument. This chain, which was the forerunner of the surveyor's chain, still in use to-day, was used to make a rough measurement of the Base between June 16th and 22nd. When the deal rods failed, one of Roy's party, Lieut.Col. Calderwood, F.R.S., of the Horse Guards, suggested that they should use glass tubes. Colonel Calderwood "was accordingly requested to make the trial at the glasshouse as soon as possible after his return to town. The next day he succeeded in getting, a fine tube drawn 18 ft. long and 1 inch in diameter." Eventually, several tubes each 20 ft. long were made, again


by Ramsden. The method of measurement was as follows. The glass tubes were rigidly supported in wooden boxes. The boxes were supported on wooden trestles which were placed into position every 20 ft. along the Base. At each end of the glass rod a buffer was attached to the rod protruding beyond the end of the box. One buffer was fixed to the rod and the other could slide in and out. The rods were so designed that, when the sliding buffer was set in a certain position, the rod was 20 ft. long at 68 ° F. Three rods were placed end to end and adjusted. Then the first rod was moved beyond the third rod and so on right down the length of the Base.

They started on August 17th, 1784, and usually measured about 1,000 ft. per day. As usual, they had their troubles and interruptions. Where the line of the Base crossed the Great Road (which is the present Staines Road running through N. Feltham) Roy reports great trouble owing to a number of carriages that were continually passing, the depths of the ditches, and the height of the banks of the old Roman wall. However, some interruptions were more welcome. On August 21st "about noon, His Majesty deigned to honour the operation by His presence, for the space of two hours, entering very minutely into the work of conducting it, which met with his gracious approbation." Again, quoting Roy, "the respectable and very worthy President of the Royal Society ever zealous in the cause of science, repeatedly visited the Heath, and in the final stages of the measurement gave his attendance from morning to night and, with the liberality of mind which distinguishes all his actions, ordered his tents to be continually pitched near at hand, where his immediate guests, and the numerous visitors whom curiosity drew to the spot, met with the most hospitable supply of every necessary, and even elegant refreshment." It is a pity that such traditions have no place in modern society. The Base was completed on August 30th. Later, during the 19th century, a check was obtained on the Base and found to have an error of about 2 feet in its length of 5 miles.

The angular observations were started in 1789 and the connection to the French triangulation was made across the Channel in 1788. Roy died soon after this in July 1790. He was renowned not only for his ability as a soldier and a surveyor, but he was also an authority on antiquities and wrote a great work entitled "The Military Antiquities of the Romans in Northern Britain", published by the Society of Antiquaries in 1793.

After General Roy's death the Duke of Richmond, Master General of Ordnance, appointed two officers of the Royal Regiment of Artillery to continue the triangulation survey and so the Ordnance Survey was

30 GENERAL ROY'S MEASUREMENT

founded. General Roy marked the terminals of the Base by wooden pipes 1/5 in. in diameter sunk into the ground. However, in 1791 the wooden pipes were found to be very decayed and were replaced by cannons. These cannons, which were condemned as unfit for further service, were sent to Hampton by water and were buried vertically into the ground with their muzzles upwards. Roy had realised the need to make the terminals of the Base indestructible. In his last letter to the Royal Society he said "these should be low circular buildings rising but a few feet above the surface of the field composed of the hardest material such as granite. They would resemble those basements of ancient crosses we often meet with. In the interior of this little building metal tablets would be inserted containing the name of that much beloved monarch in whose reign the operation was begun, the distance one from another, the angle of the Base with the meridian, and also the magnetical variation."

In 1926, to commemorate the 200th anniversary of Roy's birth, steps were taken to ensure that the two cannons, which were still in position, should be preserved. They were both uncovered after a search, one of them being found under a dung heap, and an appropriate tablet was attached to the muzzle of each cannon bearing the following inscription : —

THIS TABLET WAS AFFIXED IN 1926 TO COMMEMORATE THE

200TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH OF

MAJOR-GENERAL WILLIAM ROY, F.R.S.

BORN 4TH MAY, 1726—DIED 1ST JULY, 1790.

He conceived the idea of carrying out the triangulation of this country and of constructing a complete and accurate map. and thereby laid the foundation of the

ORDNANCE SURVEY

This gun marks the N.W. terminal of the base which was measured in 1784, under the supervision of General Roy, as part of the operations for determining the relative positions of the Greenwich and Paris Observatories. This measurement was rendered possible by the munificence of H.M. King George III, who inspected the work on 21st August, 1784. The base was measured again in 1791 by Captain Mudge, as the commencement of the principal triangulation of

GREAT BRITAIN


LENGTH OF BASE reduced to M.S.L.

As measured by Roy — 27404.01 feet As measured by Mudge ... — 27404.24 feet As determined by Clarke in 1858 in terms of the Ordnance Survey Standard 01 — 27406.19 feet

These tablets were unveiled by the Astronomer Royal at an appropriate ceremony. At the same time an approach was made to the National Trust to see if they would take these monuments over, but they declined to do so, and there the matter rested until 1944 when the inexorable march of progress required the destruction of the western terminal on Hounslow Heath. Our planners had selected the fogbound heath for the site of London Airport and the cannon lay in the path of one of the runways, which was inconvenient. After much discussion the runway triumphed and the cannon was removed to the H.Q. of the Ordnance Survey, where it stands to-day. However, a buried mark was left under a small cover in the runway so that the site should not be lost.

In 1957 the Ordnance Survey erected a memorial to General Roy at his birthplace in Carluke, Lanarkshire, to the south of Glasgow. He had been born on the top of a hill and so we were able to select the site for a triangulation station without reference to higher authorities. Hence the monument consists of a standard triangulation pillar with a small tablet inserted on the side.

32

REVIEWS Excavations in Southwark. By Kathleen M. Kenyon. Pp. 112, with 8 plates. Research Papers of the Surrey Archaeological Society No. 5, 1959. Price, including postage, 30/- for non-members.

The destruction by bombing of built-up areas in ancient towns presented the post-war archaeologist with a unique opportunity and a formidable challenge, which has been accepted by some of our most experienced and brilliant excavators. This is the report on the work by the Southwark Excavation Committee under the direction of Dr. Kathleen Kenyon, during three seasons from 1945 to 1947. The Committee was formed through the initiative of the Surrey Archaeological Society, and it is as a Research Paper of the Society that the report appears.

Funds were inevitably limited, and "almost every spade-full of soil was shifted by volunteer labour". With a few notable exceptions, volunteers do not now play a large part in comparable work in London, and there are obvious difficulties that hinder any extensive exploitation of amateur enthusiasm on sites that are always complex and sometimes dangerous. The successful use by Dr. Kenyon in similar conditions of a labour force consisting almost entirely of volunteers is not the least of her achievements, and it was obviously made possible through the devoted work of several experienced and trusted site supervisors.

Excavations were carried out on five sites, on or near the line of Stane Street and within 700 yards of London Bridge, where there were cellars of medium depth not encumbered with debris; and a number of points of great importance in the history of Southwark were established.

Stane Street was located at 199 Borough High Street, exactly in its presumed line between proved traces further south and the probable position of the Roman London Bridge a little more than 100 feet east of the present bridge. The early construction of the road was for the first time proved by the dating of at least two levels of metalling to the first century. On the other hand, there was little or no evidence of actual occupation earlier than the Flavian period, so that Haverfield's hypothesis that the earliest Roman settlement of London was south of the river must finally be abandoned. Roman Southwark, on the evidence of these excavations and of earlier finds, was a small bridge-head settlement, which did not extend to King's Head Yard, 300 yards south of the river, until the Antonine period, when a large building which may have been

REVIEWS 33

an inn, the precursor of the mediaeval "King's Head", was constructed there. Although there was some ribbon development along the line of Stane Street in the second century, the sites excavated in Newcomen Street and Mermaid Court, 300 yards further south, were never built upon in the Roman period. The area was sufficiently damp to require drainage ditches from the first century, and during the fourth century flooding from the Thames brought effective occupation to an end—apparently until about 1300, although the scarcity of archaeological evidence of occupation during the Anglo-Saxon period in the City of London, Winchester, and other towns which figure largely in the history of the period, make one unwilling to accept such negative evidence as conclusive. Southwark had a mint in Anglo-Saxon and Norman times, and somewhere must surely have had some inhabitants too, but as with their contemporaries across the river, traces of their presence are unaccountably elusive.

The Roman coarse pottery is published as in Dr. Kenyon's now classical report on Jewry Wall—i.e. both in type series and associated group?; and thus she commences here for London, with a limited range of material, what she achieved so admirably for Leicester—the compilation of a corpus of the local wares. This task, so much greater in the case of London, will no doubt one day be completed by another hand (or hands), but Dr. Kenyon has not only pointed the way but also made a very substantial contribution to the work. From it she draws some interesting conclusions: the tribal affinities of the early Romano-British population of Southwark were not with the south-eastern Belgae, but with the non-Belgic inhabitants of the North Downs and southern part of the Thames basin west of the Medway. Such Belgic elements as occur seem to be linked with Silchester and the south-west rather than with the Belgae of Verulamium and east of the Medway.

With the exception of an interesting associated group of about 1300, and two early 16th century bowls, the later pottery is disappointingly unillustrated, even when it is described as unusual. This deficiency spotlights the dilemma of the archaeologist who must prepare such a report. Description of finds is of little use without illustrations, and illustrations are expensive. If the price is increased to pay for them beyond a certain limit, few copies will be sold, and a further increase in price may be required to cover the cost of production for a more limited market. Even with the sacrifice of adequate illustration of the later material, it has in this case been found necessary to price a report of only 112 pages with 16 half-tone blocks and 37 figures in the text at 25/- for members f

34 REVIEWS

of the Surrey Archaeological Society and 30/- for non-members. At this price many students will reluctantly decide not to buy a copy, and this is unfortunate, for it should certainly be on the bookshelves of all who have a special interest either in the London area or in the archaeology of Roman Britain.

RALPH MERRIFIELD

F. H. W. Sheppard, Local Government in St. Marylebone, 1688-1835. Athlone Press, 37/6.

According to Dr. Sheppard, the administrative history of St. Marylebone is "blessed with a character and individuality of its own", and in this account of the parish government between 1688 and 1835 he makes this fascinatingly clear. In 1688 Marylebone was a village; in 1835 it was part of London and was even on the way to losing its suburban character. Between the two dates the parish had to learn to deal with a continually increasing and changing list of problems. The open vestry of village tradesmen and farmers gave way in 1768 to a cooptative select vestry in which the peers and gentlemen of the new residential areas in the south were dominant, and that in its turn was ousted in favour of an elected body under Hobhouse's Act of 1831. It is the select vestry with which this book is primarily concerned. Throughout its career, as a member admitted in 1830, the vestry "always made a point of having as many noblemen and members of Parliament as we could get hold of". This happy and influential state of affairs was not achieved without difficulty, and there is a fine mixture of public spirit, private avarice, and plain cussedness to be seen in the years of agitation and argument before an Act was successfully passed. The Radical agitation which brought about the downfall of the select vestry makes equally lively reading, and in between the two episodes lies what the author calls the success story of St. Marylebone.

As in so many growing towns, the need for more ground for burials provided the first of the problems whose solution was to transform the methods of parish government, but it was the paving and lighting of the streets which really put Marylebone on its mettle and which constituted the most spectacular success of all. Bai ;ly a quarter of a century after street paving was " a very foolish thing ijr any gentleman to give himself any trouble about", St. Marylebone had, by the standards of the time, clean, safe, well-lit, and solidly-paved roads. The history of poor relief is less pleasant and raises the question whether any history of parish government in the eighteenth century can be as "happy" as Dr. Sheppard

REVIEWS 35

claims this one to be. Deterrents from poverty are not a comfortable subject and it is sometimes hard to decide whether the bitter and terrible efficiency of the later years was preferable to the haphazard cruelties of the first half of the century. The stories of the parish apprentices and of the White House may indirectly show a "real and active concern" for the welfare of the paupers on the part of the vestry, but they also show how very much less important this subject quite naturally was to the vestrymen than the state of the streets outside their own houses or the size of the rates which they paid. Nevertheless, because of the multitude of other problems in the growing town, the history of poor relief looms less large here than it does in many rural parishes.

The book is written with a combination of local detail and general background that is quite admirable. Each stage in administrative development is closely related to the social changes which gave rise to it, and the first paragraph sets the tone of the whole by the vivid way in which it conjures up the appearance of the eighteenth-century villiage and its geographical setting. To meet so exact a topographical sense in any work of local history is refreshing and unusual: to meet it in what is primarily a description of administration is almost unheard of. The resulting increase in reality and in appeal to those who may not expect to be interested in the details of local government is very great. Among it all are a mass of good stories, told on the whole without that patronising appreciation of "quaintness" which often afflicts those who quote from eighteenth-century sources. It is, unfortunately, not possible in a review to give the flavour of, for instance, the running dustmen, the blue bottles, the Barlow Street committee, or "the new invented machine for the detection of sleepy watchmen".

It is almost common form for a reviewer to end with criticism of indexes and maps. The lack of thorough indexing of subjects is made less annoying by the pleasure of browsing through the pages in search of a particular item and also by the clear arrangement: nevertheless it is a nuisance. The absence of a clear and legible sketch map on a decent scale, marking the main streets and buildings mentioned in the text, is more serious. Londoners are inclined to be parochially arrogant about those who are less familiar than themselves with the geography of their town, but this book deserves to be read by far more people than those who can remember off-hand where Marylebone High Street meets Marylebone Lane.

SUSAN REYNOLDS

36 REVIEWS

Barnard Garside, A brief history of Hampton School, 1557-1957 (1957).— The Free School of Robert Hammond in Hampton-on-Thames and other Hampton charities during the 16th and 17th centuries (1958).

Hampton is fortunate in having Mr. Garside for its historian. His local knowledge and enthusiasm are reinforced by qualities less common in an amateur local historian: his chief interest seems to be in the real life of the town and its people, not in celebrities who have been casually connected with it, his scholarship is exact, he appears to understand the many technical documents he cites, and his work is based on the survey of a wide range of records and not merely on those locally available.

The booklet on the school and charities in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the last of a series of ten which describe different aspects of the history of Hampton during that period. The greater and more interesting part contains, perhaps more clearly and with greater accuracy on one or two small points, the first part of the story told in the history of the school. This, however, is excellent of its kind. Complicated legal disputes and transactions in real property are reduced to their essentials, and the last hundred years are rightly given the lion's share of the book in spite of the more picturesque appeal of the earlier period. Like so many other endowed grammar schools, Hampton ended the tnhteenth century in anything but thriving condition, and only after prolonged suits in Chancery and a number of Chancery and Charity Commission schemes, began to resemble the grammar school of today. Reading between the lines, it is possible to guess that piety towards his predecessors has led Mr. Garfield to minimise the faults of some of the nineteenth-century masters, while he perhaps fails to emphasise sufficiently the probability that very little Latin was taught before the reforms of the 1830v. Nevertheless, it would be ungrateful to criticise such small faults in a work which other school historians would do well to imitate.

SUSAN REYNOLDS

PRINTED BY PROBERTS • PRINTERS • LTD

LONDON a SOUTHEND

TRANSACTIONS

O F THE:


VOL. 2 0 PART 2


I 9 6 0

CONTENTS

OFFICERS i

ANNUAL REPORT iii

EDITOR'S NOTES vii

ACCOUNTS viii

LIST OF SOCIETIES AND INSTITUTIONS IN UNION x

COIN HOARDS FROM THE LONDON AREA. BY R. H. M. DOLLEY,

F.S.A 37

THE LONDON & MIDDLESEX ESTATES OF ETON COLLEGE. BY

NOEL BLAKISTON, Public Record Office 51

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX, PART X : FULHAM; GREENFORD,

GREAT OR MAGNA; GREENFORD PARVA OR PERIVALE. BY

H. K. CAMERON, PH.D. , F.S.A. (ILLUSTRATED) 56

A FOREIGN VISITOR'S ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT FIRE, 1666. BY

P. D. A. HARVEY, Department of Manuscripts, British Museum (SEE ILLUSTRATION FACING PAGE 80) 76

FOUR PHOTOGRAPHS OF LONDON AND MIDDLESEX. BY H. E.

CHIOSSO, HON. PHOTOGRAPHER. BETWEEN PAGES ... 80&81

THE MUSWELL HILL AXE. BY A. D. LACAILLE, F.S.A. (ILLUS

TRATED) FACING PAGE 81

THE EDWARDIAN INVENTORIES OF MIDDLESEX, I, CHELSEA, TRAN

SCRIBED BY F. W. M. DRAPER, F.S.A. 88

REVIEW. THE VIKINGS. BY JOHANNES BR0NSTED (PELICAN

BOOKS). BY RALPH MERRYFIELD, F.S.A 94

OBITUARY. NORMAN BRETT-JAMES, F.S.A. 97

MIDDLESEX MANORIAL DOCUMENTS IN THE COUNTY RECORD

OFFICE, SUPPLEMENTARY LIST OF RECORDS DEPOSITED SINCE

MAY, 1957 98

Hon. Editor

F. W. M. DRAPER, F.S.A.,

26, The Avenue, Muswell Hill, N.10

Telephone: Tudor 4551.

TRANSACTIONS

OF T H E


VOL. SO P A R T 2

LONDON

BISHOPSGATE INSTITUTE, BISHOPSGATE, E.C.2

I 9 6 0


ESTABLISHED IN 1855

Patrons THE MOST REV. THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY

THE RIGHT REV. THE BISHOP OF LONDON THE RIGHT REV. THE BISHOP OF KENSINGTON

THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD MAYOR OF LONDON THE LORD LIEUTENANT OF THE COUNTY OF LONDON

THE LORD LIEUTENANT OF THE COUNTY OF MIDDLESEX THE VERY REV. THE DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S

President


Past Presidents

COL. THE RT. HON. LORD NATHAN OF CHURT, T.D., D.L., F.S.A. (1947-1949) PROFESSOR W. F. GRIMES, C.B.E., M.A., F.S.A., F.M.A., (1950-1958)

Vice-Presidents

JOHN F. NICHOLS, M.C, M.A., Ph.D., F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S. SIR MORTIMER WHEELER, CLE., M.C., M.A., D.LIT., D.LITT.,

F.B.A., P.S.A., F.M.A. LT.-COL. WILLIAM W. DOVE, C.B.E., T.D., D.L., C.C., F.S.A

CDR. G. BRIDGMORE BROWN, M.B.E., R.D., R.N.R. T. A. N. HENDERSON, F.S.A.

A. C DABBS, F.S.A. SIR CYRIL FLOWER, C.B., F.B.A., F.S.A.

COUNTY ALDERMAN SIR ARCHER HOARE, C.B.E. SIR SIDNEY FOX, C.C., F.R.I.C.S., F.A.I.

LAWRENCE E. TANNER, C.V.O., M.A., F.S.A. PHILIP CORDER, M.A., LITT.D.

ARTHUR HALL, F.L.A.

Trustees

CDR. G. BRIDGMORE BROWN, M.B.E., R.D., R.N.R. A. J. GRITTEN. A.L.A.

Council ARTHUR H. HALL, F.L.A. {Chairman)

W. WHEATLEY, M.A., A.R.I.C. (Deputy Chairman) Ex-officio: The Officers mentioned in Rule 20.

Elected:

H. F. BATEMAN, L.R.I.B.A. Miss E. D. MERCER, B.A., F.S.A. H. J. BURTON A. J. PERCIVAL NORMAN C. COOK, B.A., F.S.A. Miss SUSAN REYNOLDS, M.A. G. E. EADES. L.C.P., F.S.A.IScot.) H. E. ROBINS, B.A., F.R.G.S. Miss M. B. HONEYBOURNE, R. M. ROBBINS, B.A., F.S.A.

M.A., F.S.A. E. H. SPELLEN G. F. WALSH

Honorary Editor F. W. MARSDEN DRAPER, M.A., PH.D., L.-ES-L., F.S.A.

Honorary Librarian A. J. GRITTEN. A.L.A.

Honorary Director of Meetings WILLIAM WHEATLEY, M.A., A.R.I.C.

Honorary Treasurer T. A. N. HENDERSON, F.S.A.

Honorary Photographer H. E. CHIOSSO

Honorary Secretary ERIC E. F. SMITH


Bankers MARTINS BANK, LTD.

(Cocks, Biddulph Branch), 16, Whitehall, S.W.I

Honorary Auditors S. W. HOWARD, M.C.

Miss M. C. MINNITT

Offices of the Society BISHOPSGATE INSTITUTE, BISHOPSGATE, LONDON, E.C.2

iii

LONDON & MIDDLESEX ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

104th Annual Report of the Council

for the year ended 30th Sept., 1959

THE COUNCIL has pleasure in presenting its 104th Annual Report, covering the activities of the Society for the year 1958-59.

Twenty-two meetings were held: —

LECTURES:—17th October: The Jewel Tower, Westminster, by Arnold Taylor, M.A., F.S.A.; 14th November: Crosby Hall, by Miss M. A. Honeybourne, M.A., F.S.A.; 15th November: The Development of the Port of London, by J. H. Bird, Ph.D. (Joint Meeting with the History Society of the City Literary Institute); 12th December: General Roy's Measurement of Hounslow Heath Base Line, 1784, by Major J. Kelsey, B.Sc, A.R.I.C.S.; 16th January: ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING and Presidential Address on the London Museum, Past, Present and Future; 13th February: The History of the Uxbridge Area, by L. D. Jarvis, J.P., A.R.Hist.S.; 13th March: Historic Houses of Chiswick, by Miss F. M. Green, F.L.A.; 10th April: London Pleasure Gardens of the 18th Century, by Miss J. Gibbs, B.A.; 25th September: The use of leather through the Ages, by J. W. Waterer, F.S.A.

VISITS:—4th October: West Drayton Local History Exhibition; 18th October: P.L.A. Building, Trinity Square; 6th December: Guildhall and the Church of St. Lawrence Jewry; 24th January: Nos. 4 and 15, St. James's Square; 21st February and 26th September: The College of Arms; 21st March: The London Museum; 25th April: Chiswick House and Hogarth's House; 30th May: All day visit to Farnham and district; 12th June: St. Paul's School, Hammersmith; 20th June: Port of London River and Docks Cruise; 11th July: Edmonton; 17th September : Ordnance Survey Office, Chessington.

The Council wishes to record its sincere thanks to all who have given lectures or acted as guides at outdoor meetings.

STOW COMMEMORATION SERVICE : —The Annual Service in memory of John Stow was held at St. Andrew Undershaft on Wednesday, 4th March, at noon. The Rt. Hon. the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs attended

iv ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

in state and the address was given by the Rev. Dr. Gordon Huelin, M.Th., Ph.D. The Essay Prize was won by Jane Alexander of the Lady Eleanor Holies School, Hampton.

PEPYS MEMORIAL SERVICE:—The annual service organised in association with the Samuel Pepys Club was held at St. Olave, Hart Street, on the 27th May at noon. The Rt. Hon. the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs were present and the address was given by Alderman Sir Cuthbert Ackroyd, Bt.

PUBLICATIONS : —Volume 20 pt. 1 was published but issue was delayed by the printing strike.

LIBRARY : —In addition to the publications received by way of exchange the following have been added to the library. Donations: —

By the Guildhall Library: List of Vestry Minutes of City Parishes; By the Middlesex Local History Council: Middlesex Bibliography (typescript); By the Stanmore, Edgware & Harrow Historical Society: Davenport MSS.: 12 additional files of material dealing mainly with Stanmore; By the Deputy Librarian, Kensington: Album of Middlesex Photographs, 1922-23; By Dr. Robert Priest: Blake (A.H.), London Cameos, Blackham (R.J.), London The Sovereign City.

The Council on behalf of the Society wishes to record its sincere thanks to all the above donors for their generous action.

Additions by purchase: —

Kenyon (K.M.), Excavations in Southwark. Places Names of Derbyshire.

In order to encourage the use of the library Mrs. Burn and Mr. Spellen have kindly volunteered to assist the Hon. Librarian and they will be available to help members at all lecture meetings.

PRESERVATION OF ANTIQUITIES : —The Society made a donation of £50 to the fund being raised by the Uxbridge Local History Society for the preservation of Moor Hall Chapel, Harefield. Work has now started on the work of conservation.

ROMAN AND MEDIAEVAL LONDON EXCAVATIONS COUNCIL:— The

Society's representative on this Council reports that, in view of the construction of Route 11 through the Barbican area, the work undertaken during 1958-59 was principally in this area, and revealed further details of the City Wall, the Roman Fort and mediaeval repairs to the Wall.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL v NORTH MIDDLESEX ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH COMMITTEE : —The

following report has been received.

"This year the Committee decided to excavate on the projected line of Grim's Dyke in the field to the east of the top of Brockley Hill. Mr. Suggett having removed to Wales, Dr. J. C. Kent of the British Museum assisted by Mr. H. W. Prior and Mr. A. J. Adam volunteered to direct the dig. Five six-foot squares were opened across the apparent bank and ditch. A miscellany of pottery, very little Roman and mediaeval, somewhat more 17th to 19th century, was found on the surface of the undisturbed clay. Thus it became clear that the earthwork at this point is no more than a lynchet formed by the plough in modern times. The Committee has decided to check the line of the dyke once again at the point where it emerges from Pear Wood, a cut will be made close to the wood to prove the dyke there before a move is made once more to a point further east.

During the year, as a result of an application made by the Committee, the Carnegie United Kingdom Trust offered a grant of £66 for the purchase of equipment, etc. This offer was gratefully accepted and a cheque for £61 on account was received in August 1959, the balance of £5 being retained by the Trust until after submission of a report. The Committee has purchased a Contractor's Site Hut which has been erected in Pear Wood by kind permission of the Middlesex County Council. This hut now contains the committee's equipment together with a new purchase of spades, shovels, forks, angle-iron fencing stakes, etc.

In conclusion the Committee would like to put on record its thanks to Mr. Suggett for the many hours of work he has put in over the past few years, and at the same time to welcome the new team which the Committee is proud to say is drawn entirely from its own representatives."

SCHOOLS SECTION : —It has been decided to form a Schools Section with a view to encouraging interest in archaeology in the schools of London and Middlesex. A preliminary meeting was held, to which representatives of schools in the London area were invited, and the proposals put forward met with a very satisfying response. A Steering Committee has now been formed with Dr. Harper Smith, Ph.D., M.Th., as Chairman and Miss Y. Collins as Hon. Secretary, and the first meeting of the Section will be held at Bishopsgate Institute in March 1960.

VI A N N U A L REPORT O F T H E COUNCIL

MEMBERSHIP

Life Annual Hon. Student Total

Membership, 1st October, 1958 ... 51 355 10 Elected during 1958/59 — 27 —

51 382 10 Died, resigned or otherwise re

moved from Register 2 39 —

10 2

12

6

6

426 29

455

47

408 Membership, 30th September, 1959 49 343 10

We regret to record the death of our Vice-President Sir Frederick Tidbury-Beer, F.R.S.A.

FINANCE : —The past year has shown a marked improvement in the Society's financial position. In November 1958 the Special Commissioners for Income Tax heard the Society's appeal against the Inland Revenue's decision to with hold payment under members' Seven-Year Deeds of Covenant, and gave their judgment in favour of the Society. The Inland Revenue gave notice that they would appeal to the High Court against this decision and the Council commenced arrangements to oppose this appeal by consulting a solicitor with a view to briefing Counsel. In April 1959, however, the Inland Revenue decided to withdraw its notice of appeal and in May payment of the outstanding 1956 claim was received. A further claim for the years 1957 to 1959 has now been lodged: also, as the original seven years had now expired, fresh Deeds of Covenant were sent out to members.

After making a special donation of £50 towards the preservation of Moor Hall Chapel it could be seen that a substantial balance would still be left in the General Account at the end of the financial year. In view of this it was decided to invest £150 of the accumulated proportion of Life Compositions awaiting investment. This had been steadily growing since 1952 but had been drawn upon from time to time in order to meet current expenditure. After consultation with Martins Bank Ltd., and with the assent of the Trustees, it was decided at the same time to sell the Society's holdings in 3% Savings Bonds and 2\% Consols; reinvesting the proceeds, plus the £150 mentioned above, in 4% Consols. The result being that, although the gross holding is slightly reduced, the market valuation is much more favourable; in addition there will be a larger annual income from dividends.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL vii To sum up, the year's financial position can best be seen in the

Balance Sheet; last year this closed with a balance of some £166 in favour of the Society, whereas this year's closing balance is £476.18.5. As soon as it can be seen that the improved position will be maintained the Council has decided that the Society's publication shall be the first to benefit. Thus it is hoped that the 1960 Transactions will be larger in volume whilst maintaining the high standard expected of a leading county society.

In conclusion the Honorary Treasurer would draw attention of members to the fact that only a small proportion have signed Bankers Orders and a smaller proportion have signed Seven-Year Deeds of Covenant. It is most important that all who can should sign such Deeds of Covenant; in this way the Society's income gains very materially without any further expense falling on the members. If any part of a member's income is taxed at the full rate that member can sign a Deed of Covenant, no expense beyond the normal subscription is incurred; have you signed?

OFFICERS -.—The Council again wishes to express its appreciation of the services rendered by the Honorary Officers. In particular it desires to record its sincere thanks to Mr. H. E. Chiosso for his admirable work as the Hon. Photographer during a period of 21 years and also to Mr. William Wheatley who for over 11 years has never spared himself in arranging the Society's programme of meetings and assuring their success.


ARTHUR H. HALL. F.L.A., Chairman of the Council.


EDITOR'S NOTES

1 It is proposed to publish Mr. A. D. Lacaille's "Mesolithic Facies-in London and Middlesex" as a separate Part in the autumn.

2 Mr. Chiosso's four photographs in this Part are designed to mark his long association with the Society.

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LIST OF SOCIETIES A N D INSTITUTIONS IN UNION FOR

I N T E R C H A N G E OF PUBLICATIONS, ETC.

ACADEMICA SlNICA, PEKIN. ACADEMY O F SCIENCES O F U.S.S.R. BERKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. BIRMINGHAM ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. BRISTOL AND GLOUCESTERSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. BRITISH ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION. BUCKINGHAMSHIRE ARCHITECTURAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. CARDIFF NATURALISTS' SOCIETY. CARMARTHENSHIRE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. CHESTER ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. CUMBERLAND AND WESTMORLAND ANTIQUARIAN AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. CZECHO-SLOVAK INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY. DERBYSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY. DORSET NATURAL HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. DURHAM AND NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHITECTURAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. D U T C H STATE SERVICE FOR ARCHAEOLOGY. EAST H E R T S . ARCHAEOLOGICAU. SOCIETY. ECCLESIOLOGICAU. SOCIETY. ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGICAU. SOCIETY. ESSEX FIELD CLUB. HAMPSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAU, SOCIETY HISTORIC SOCIETY OF LANCASHIRE AND CHESHIRE. HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES. ISLE OF MAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. JUGOSLAV ACADEMY OF SCIENCES. K E N T ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. LEICESTERSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. LINCOLNSHIRE LOCAL HISTORY SOCIETY. NORFOLK AND NORWICH ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. OXFORD HISTORICAL AND ARCHITECTURAL SOCIETY. OXFORDSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAU, SOCIETY. ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY. DUBLIN. S T . ALBANS AND H E R T S . ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. SHROPSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. SMITHSONIA\N INSTITUTION, WASHINGTON, U.S.A.

SOCIETE ARCHEOLOGIQUE DE LIEGE. SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE. SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES, LONDON. SOCIETY OF GENEALOGISTS. SOMERSETSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY. STAMFORD AND RUTLAND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. SUFFOLK INSTITUTE OF ARCHEOLOGY. SURREY ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. SUSSEX ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM. UNIVERSITY OF LODZ, POLAND. UNIVERSITY O F LUND, SWEDEN. WORCESTERSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAVL SOCIETY. YORKSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

The following Libraries receive a copy of each publication: — British Museum. Dublin (Trinity College). Bodleian, Oxford. National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh Cambridge University. National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth.

37

COIN HOARDS FROM THE LONDON AREA

AS EVIDENCE FOR THE PRE-EMINENCE OF LONDON

IN THE LATER SAXON PERIOD

By R. H. M. DOLLEY, F.S.A.

Department of Coins and Medals, British Museum.

The purpose of this note is not to attempt a detailed appraisal of even a tithe of the numismatic evidence which will have to be taken into account by future students of Saxon London. Any such attempt would be as premature as presumptuous, and the progress that has undoubtedly been made during the last decade must serve as a warning of the extent to which hallowed beliefs can be shattered overnight when new minds come to grips on material the import of which has been dulled by sheer familiarity. A good example of this is afforded by the coinage which in the past has generally been associated with Halfdene's occupation of London in 871/872, an association for which the numismatists must take full responsibility but which has been accepted by historians and archaeologists of the calibre of Sir Thomas Kendrick. Sir Frank Stenton and Sir Mortimer Wheeler.1 Recently, however, it has been demonstrated on purely numismatic grounds that the three coins concerned were struck for another Halfdene more than twenty years later and in quite another part of the country!2 One day, doubtless, it may be possible for the still infant post-war school of Anglo-Saxon numismatists to demonstrate that at such and such a period there were in London so many moneyers, and that their average annual output was so many tons of silver, but it will be many years before we are within measurable distance of that goal, and for the present we must continue to muster the basic facts on which future theorizing must be based if it is to possess essential validity. Even for the extraction of these facts it has proved necessary to evolve—too often to improvise—new techniques, and there can be few fields of historical research today where the prizes to be won are so tangible but where progress is so positively retarded by a dearth of trained interpreters.

Immediacy has been given to the question of coin-hoards by the recent publication of Mr. Thompson's Inventory of British Coin-Hoards, cited hereinafter as the Inventory, a work that has to be consulted by every serious student of the mediaeval coinage of these islands but which

38 COIN HOARDS FROM THE LONDON AREA

undoubtedly suffers from having been published at a time when the post-war school of Anglo-Saxon numismatists was still girding its loins.3

The submission of this note is that the position as regards coin-hoards from London and from the immediate neighbourhood of London is very different from that which appears in the Inventory, and that there is a very real danger that the importance of the coin-hoard evidence for Saxon London will be overlooked.

There are three principal classes of coin-hoard which may be distinguished in a paper of this kind, (a) hoards from within the presumptive Anglo-Saxon defences, i.e. for practical purposes from the modern "City", (b) those from the immediate vicinity of the Saxon burh, i.e. from those Metropolitan Boroughs which are contiguous with the "City", and (c) those from the remaining area which falls within a circle with a radius of twenty-five miles or thereabouts and with its centre at London Stone. For convenience, too, it is possible to divide up the coin-hoards according as they contain (a) less than thirty coins, (b) between thirty and one hundred and twenty coins, and (c) more than one hundred and twenty coins. These divisions, incidentally, are not quite arbitrary, and reflect traditional Anglo-Saxon units of reckoning. As it happens, too, long experience has taught that they possess considerable scientific validity.

To take first the hoards from within the Saxon defences, the Inventory lists no more than three of these deposited before the Norman Conquest, one from Fore Street, one from Gracechurch Street, and one from St. Martin's-le-Grand.4 The Fore Street "hoard", however, is one that can safely be left out of our calculations, the coins concerned being nineteenth-century forgeries which were "planted" to give them a hoard-provenance. As it happens, too, genuine coins of the issue concerned have never been found so far south, and the scholarly significance of the find is neither more nor less thart that of the mythical "Byzantine" hoard from Carpenters' Hall.5 The Gracechurch Street find is dated by the Inventory "c.1015", a perpetuation of an obvious misprint in the original publication which is the more curious because all the coins listed are of Edward the Confessor!6 As far as can be judged today, the hoard numbered about sixty coins, and they had been struck at a number of mints over a period of some years. The date of deposit would seem to be c.1062/1063.7 For the student the hoard is of some interest because it affords welcome evidence of the way that money could move about the country. Almost every coin, incidentally, is from a mint accessible from

COIN HOARDS FROM THE LONDON AREA 39

London by water, and this may be thought to suggest that the "barge" was already the London merchant's favoured means of transport.

The St. Martin's-le-Grand hoard has been the subject of recent reappraisal, and has been shown to have been on a somewhat larger scale than was originally supposed.8 It must have consisted of sixty coins at least. All prove to be of the Last Small Cross type of /Ethelraed II—the Inventory is in error when it suggests that they were all of B.M.C. type XI (the Agnus Dei /Last Small Cross mule known to me only from a unique cut halfpenny in the Stockholm Collection). The great bulk of the coins had been struck in London, and there is an interesting run of more than a score of coins struck from a single pair of dies, but a few of the coins are from mints as far afield as Chester and Barnstaple. The hoard is dated by the Inventory "Nov.1016", but almost certainly this is too late, and most numismatists will prefer to associate the non-recovery of the hoard with the slaughter which characterized Eadmund Ironside's battles against the Danes. Granted that many citizens of London may have had reason to fear that Cnut might not be able to keep in hand his soldiers the frith which in fact was established was of a kind calculated swiftly to bring back into the light of day such valuables as had been concealed.

The post-Conquest but largely Saxon St. Mary Hill "hoard" was discovered in the eighteenth century and there are many points concerning the original publication which await elucidation by the numismatist of today.9 Already, however, my colleague Mrs. J. S. Martin has made it clear that there were not two distinct hoards, a supposition which could have received support from the circumstance that there were on Dr. Griffith's own telling two containers.10 Incidentally the Inventory is in error when it states that the discovery was made in 1775—writing early in 1776 Griffith gives the date as June 24th 1774." Together the coins seem to have numbered several hundred, and there is some reason to think that ten successive types were present, in each case in quantity. Certainly there were present 27 Sovereign /Eagles coins of Edward the Confessor, and on purely numismatic grounds I would date the concealment of the hoard c.1075.12 Strictly speaking it lies outside the Saxon period, but for the purpose of this paper I propose to take into account all hoards which were deposited before the Domesday survey, a criterion which conveniently coincides with the date-bracket chosen for The Oxford History of England. As it happens there is an obvious occasion for the hoard, and I would suggest that it reflects the troubled state of


England in 1075 when the barely subjugated country was lacerated anew by the fratricidal turmoil which accompanied the abortive revolt of Roger and Waltheof.13. On this occasion, we may note in passing, England was also threatened with sea-borne invasion by the Danes. The Inventory suggests a dating "c.1070", but it seems impossible to date so early a find which spans four of the Conqueror's eight substantive issues, even if this solution were not open to objection on other grounds.

A second immediately post-Conquest "hoard" also is dated by the Inventory "c.1070" but unlike that from St. Mary Hill seems in fact to represent a conglomeration of two distinct parcels.14 In this case, however, the two elements are extremely disproportionate, and the circumstances of the discovery were such that it is by no means impossible that the places of concealment were quite distinct as well. The earlier of the two "hoards" seems to have numbered some six thousand Anglo-Saxon pennies, predominantly of Edward the Confessor. The Inventory summary is difficult to use because of its lay-out, and a further complication is the fact that at one point at least the coins are not of the B.M.C. types alleged.15 Moreover the assumption that all the Bailey coins in the Guildhall Museum are from this source is one that can be shown to be without warrant.16 The interpretation of the hoard is not easy, but the comparative paucity of coins of Edward's last (Michaelmas 1065) issue and the extreme rarity of coins of Harold II perhaps afford a clue. In the same way one cannot but be struck by the fact that the issues already obsolete at the time of the hoard's concealment had been struck on a very wide range of weight-standards so that "speculative" hoarding may seem to be precluded. On balance, therefore, I am inclined to believe that the treasure was an "official" one, part of the "bullion" reserve of one or more of the London moneyers, and that William entered London while it was still awaiting conversion into current coin.17 Further support for this theory may seem to be supplied by the circumstance that the hoard included three foreign coins, one Byzantine, one German and one Danish.18 Coins from abroad had been forbidden to circulate in England since the time of JEthelst&n at least, and recent papers have underlined the extent to which the late Saxon kings were successful in enforcing specific legislation to this effect.19 The second of the two hoards appears to have comprised only a handful of coins, and like the much larger hoard from St. Mary Hill might possibly be associated with the revolt of Roger and Waltheof did not some private misfortune provide no less plausible an occasion.


The Inventory, then, has thrown up a total of five authentic hoards from within the Saxon defences of London which are to be dated before the Domesday survey, one c.1015, one c.1062, one c.1066 and two c.1075. One of the hoards ran into thousands of coins, one seems to have numbered more than 120, while two consisted of some 60 coins, and only one of less than 30. It will be noticed, however, that all seem to date from the eleventh century, and were one to judge from this total alone one might justifiably surmise that London did not begin to achieve its importance until the very end of the Anglo-Saxon period. It is precisely here that the hoards overlooked by the Inventory are so useful, and they may be thought to go a long way towards restoring the balance. Earliest in point of date is a hoard of at least sixty portrait pennies of Alfred the Great from Bucklersbury Bargeyard which came to light in the nineteenth century.20 As far as can be judged, the hoard was concealed a year or so alter Alfred had entered upon military occupation of London in 886. Only less significant is a small but quite unpublished find of pence of /Ethelstan and of Eadmund of which a proportion at least is preserved in the London Museum.21 The coins came to light a number of years ago in Threadneedle Street, and must have been concealed c.945.22 Thirdly there is the little find of eight pennies of jEthelraed II found in 1837 in the course of building operations on the site of the old Honey Lane Market just to the north of the western end of Cheapside.23 The date-bracket for this find is Michaelmas 997—Michaelmas 1003, and a recent note has argued that it may be one of a group which could conceivably be associated with the St. Brice's Massacre of November 1002.24 By these three hoards the overall bracket of London finds is extended by a century and a half so as to run from c.885 until c.1075, while the total now stands at eight, an advance surely on the five—one bogus— which the Inventory had dated within the bracket C.1015-C.1070.

It must be stressed, though, that the above nine finds are all from points within the presumptive line of the Saxon defences. It is no quibble for the student of Anglo-Saxon London to seek to include three further hoards which had been concealed within sight if not bowshot of the walls. Two of the hoards appear in the Inventory under London, but the third is included under the heading "Unknown Site" though the fact that it is from London was revealed by Brooke as long ago as 1932.25

In order of date of deposit the three finds are as follows. Firstly there is a silver sceatta hoard from the Thames which is to be dated to the second quarter of the eighth century—the Inventory dating "VHIth


century" seems quite unnecessarily vague.26 The exact find-spot is not known, but there is reason to associate it with the foreshore in the immediate vicinity of the City. The "Unknown Site" hoard in fact is from the Middle Temple, and was composed of more than 250 coins.27

On purely numismatic grounds it is to be dated not more than a few years after the accession of ^thelwulf of Wessex, and it is difficult not to associate its non-recovery if not its concealment with the great slaughter of the Londoners—presumptively at the hands of the Vikings— which is recorded by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as occurring in the year 842.28 Our third hoard likewise would seem to be connected with Viking devastation, though there must be a little doubt about the exact find-spot. In the Inventory it is described as from "Waterloo Bridge," but the sale-catalogue which is our sole authority for the view that it contained at least one coin of Alfred The Great as well as roughly a hundred coins of Burgred suggests that the provenance was "Waterloo Railway Bridge"—perhaps Charing Cross Bridge (?).29 However this may be, the hoard is to be dated c.870, and the presence of the odd coin of Alfred would be consistent with the supposition that the hoard is in some way to be associated with the occupation of London by the Danish army in the winter of 871/872.30

The importance of Anglo-Saxon London is further emphasized when we consider that there are a further eight hoards concealed at points lying within a radius of twenty-five miles of London Stone. Four of them are described in the Inventory—though in some respects the summaries stand in need of modification—but four have to be added. Earliest in point of date are a small find from Croydon Palace and a very large hoard from near Dorking.31 Both may well have been associated with the great Viking assault on southern England during /Ethelbearht's reign which resulted in the sack of Winchester—an event not securely dated from English sources but perhaps to be assigned to 861 on the evidence of a Continental chronicle.32 One hastens to add that the Dorking hoard, which consisted of close on one thousand coins, has been dated by most authorities rather later.33 Much hinges on the presence or absence of a coin of Burgred, and even more upon acceptance of Brooke's view that Burgred's coinage did not begin until 866, a view which many of us are coming to regard with some misgiving.34

Two hoards ignored by the Inventory are from Barking and from the Thames at Wandsworth. Very little is known about the former which came to light in the eighteenth century, but it is known to have included

COIN HOARDS FROM THE LONDON AREA 43 coins of Burgred, and so it is unlikely to have been deposited outside the decade c.865-c.875.35 Indeed, the early demonetization of the joint issue of Burgred and of ^Ethelraed and Alfred means that the latter date is to be considered a firm terminus ante quern. From the Wandsworth find of much more recent date four Burgred coins are in the London Museum.36 They seem to span his earlier and later issues, and a date for the hoard c.870 must seem very plausible. Broadly comparable in date are two large hoards from Gravesend and from Croydon.37 The former (published, incidentally, by Hawkins and not by Borrell) comprised some 540 coins, the latest a lone penny of vElfred. The presumptive date of deposit is thus the winter of 871/872—cf. the hoard from Waterloo Bridge already mentioned. The Croydon hoard has recently been studied in great detail on the basis of a number of sources which the Inventory has overlooked, and the find-spot appears to be a point on the railway line a hundred yards or so south of Thornton Heath station.38

It was about half the size of the hoard from Gravesend, but the presence of more than a score of pennies of Alfred points to its having been concealed a year or two later.39 It is the only coin-hoard from Southern England to have contained Kufic dirhams and the only one to include "hacksilber".m There is reason to think, therefore, that the owner may have been a Viking raider and not an Englishman, and this would be consistent with the fact that it had been concealed in a cloth bag and not a pot. Incidentally it is worth remarking that the five "London" hoards deposited within the decade c.865-c.875 (Gravesend, Barking, Waterloo Bridge, Croydon and Wandsworth) comprise one end of a chain which runs up the Thames and then in a great arc back to the North Sea, the other links being finds from Reading (Berks.), Hook Norton (Oxon.), Leckhampton (Glos.), Beeston Tor (Staffs.), Dunsforth (Yorks.) and Gainford (Co. Durham).41 Together they account for eleven out of sixteen hoards from the period under review, the outliers being from Hitchin, Great Casterton, Southampton, Trewhiddle and Talnotrie.42

A hoard passed over by the Inventory but recognized recently as being of the very greatest significance is a little find from Erith." it is the probable source of almost all of the genuine English halfpennies bearing the name of Alfred the Great, and like the Bucklersbury hoard already mentioned cannot have been concealed (or lost?) more than a very few years after Alfred's military occupation of London in 886. Finally there is the hoard from Isleworth which is dated by the Inventory "c.980" but which cannot have been concealed before Michaelmas 991,


and which probably dates from the winter of that year." A ninth hoard which is described in the Inventory is a small find of late pence of /Elfred alleged to be from Ingatestone in Essex, but there are many suspicious features which incline me to the view that the provenance is bogus, and that the coins concerned were a parcel from a larger find from Leigh-on-Sea in Essex.'5 Accordingly it has been left out of the calculations on which is based this present study.

Coins found singly are not strictly relevant to the theme of this paper, but it is perhaps legitimate to draw attention to a few single-finds of coins of the very greatest rarity from London and the London area which point to a certain continuity of intensive use of coin throughout the period embraced by the coin-hoards proper. Pride of place should undoubtedly be given to the Agnus Dei penny of jEthelraed II which was found in Gracechurch Street. Fewer than a dozen coins of this issue survive today, and this is the only one to have an English provenance.40 Much has been written about the issue, but it is only during the last few years that it has been possible to suggest its true date which seems to be the summer of 1009.47 Another notable discovery from London itself was a unique halfpenny of Eadgar imitating a Winchester penny of /Elfred, but this unfortunately disintegrated in the nineteenth century.48 Enormous importance also attaches to a rectangular piece of lead with rounded corners which was found in St. Paul's Churchyard.48 It bears the imprint of the dies for iElfred's second substantive issue, and I myself would regard it as a critical link in the chain of argument by which I seek to substantiate my still very controversial theory that London became the principal mint in England c.865.49

From the remains of Croydon Palace has come the unique "Two Emperors" type penny of yElfred, struck probably c.875, on which the West Saxon King assumes the title ANGLOrum, a title that he seems to have found it prudent almost immediately to drop until such time as the unification of a liberated England should be a reality.50 In conclusion we may note the penny of Beorhtric of Wessex, Offa's son-in-law, found at Sunbury and now in the British Museum.51 Only four coins of this king are known, and only three can be traced today.52 Even though, then, the numismatist is inclined to grumble that single-finds of Anglo-Saxon coins from London today are few and far between, there can be no doubt that the metropolis has had its share and more, confirmation of the testimony of the coin-hoards to the importance of


Anglo-Saxon London as a wic as well as a burh, a place of commerce as well as a military stronghold.53

In this paper, then, there have been listed no fewer than nineteen coin-hoards from London and the London area which span a period of some three and a half centuries. It now remains for me to justify my claim that London can fairly be described as enjoying "preeminence" during those years. For the same period and for the whole of the British Isles, the Inventory describes approximately 145 hoards, a total which is reduced to 132 by cases of duplication and of "non-hoards".61 As we have seen, however, there are a number of hoards which have been overlooked by the Inventory—seven out of nineteen in the case of London—and a certain experience has taught me to accept as a useful working hypothesis the principle that the Inventory has brought together about two-thirds of the hoards known for any given period.55 In other words we may reasonably postulate a grand total of approaching 200 hoards from the whole of the British Isles for the period c.600-1075 with which we are here concerned, and so the "London" hoards account in fact for one in ten of these finds. The proportion is large enough to be significant in its own right, but it is not perhaps unreasonable for us to leave out of our calculations hoards deposited in areas that never came under the continuous and effective rule of an English king. This is not the place to attempt to draw up a definite list of hoards strictly eligible to afford a basis of comparison, but for our present purpose it is sufficient to exclude all hoards from Wales, Scotland, Man and Ireland, and to accept only those from the soil of modern England.56 Of the 133 Inventory finds, 58 come in the former category, and 75 in the latter. On this basis it is probable that there have been from England some 100 coin-hoards from the relevant period. It is unlikely, too, that current research will raise that figure to 120 without producing further additions to the London tally, and so one in six if not five of the pre-Domesday hoards from England will still prove to be from London or the London area, and this fact alone must surely justify the use of "pre-eminence" in the title of this paper.

This "pre-eminence" becomes all the more dramatic when the London figures are compared with those for the other major centres of coin-production in the Anglo-Saxon period. Taken in alphabetical order they are Canterbury, Chester, Exeter, Lincoln, Norwich, Stamford, Thetford, Winchester and York. Only Chester, Stamford and York appear at all in the Inventory in relation to hoards of the relevant period,


the figures being four, one and seven respectively. It is not without interest—and value—to analyse the figures for Chester and York as they stand, distinguishing hoards from within the Saxon defences and those from the immediate vicinity and contrasting the results with those obtained for London: —

Within From the the immediate

Defences Vicinity

CHESTER 1 3 LONDON 8 3 YORK 5 2

As it happens, though, the Inventory figures for York stand peculiarly in need of drastic emendation on more than one count. For example an examination of contemporary newspapers shows that the "loose-finds" from Layerthorpe Bridge in no wise can be considered to constitute a hoard, while the alleged Norman hoard from York Minster in fact was composed of Plantagenet coins.57 A special study of the York hoards on the lines of the present study of those from London is an urgent desideratum, and work on it already has reached a point when it is possible to indicate the broad outlines. Since, therefore, York is the only place in England which can challenge London on the score of its coin-hoards of the pre-Domesday period, I have thought to conclude this paper with a table summarizing the relevant finds from in and around both places in parallel columns. Bibliographical details are not given for those "York" finds not in the Inventory as the hoards concerned will be discussed in detail in a forthcoming paper, but the London reader may be assured that the evidence for these finds is at least as good as that adduced for the "London" hoards described above.58

From this table (Appendix) it is clear that London and York stand on an entirely different plane from all other burhs in respect of coin-hoards from the period embraced by Sir Frank Stenton's Anglo-Saxon England. It would be a pity, however, not to stress important points of distinction between the hoards characteristic of the two "capitals". It is generally true that medieval coin-hoards reflect uncertainty, and especially is it likely that a majority of the hoards with which we are concerned were occasioned by threats to civic security. In this sense one might almost say that it is surprising that London after 886 has produced


so many hoards and York after 844 so few, though mathematically the two totals appear the same. Whereas London was not once taken by force of arms and only twice, in 1016 and 1066, had to sue for terms, York almost never knew substantial peace. This is not the place to catalogue all the occasions on which York either was stormed or hastened to open its gates to a new master, not to mention the violence of internal disputes often as in 1065 tantamount to insurrection, but it may be remarked that virtually every York hoard from within the Saxon defences can be linked with some major disaster directly touching the city itself. In contrast the coin-hoards from within London (a series which perhaps significantly does not begin until after iElfred's refortifica-tion) reflect only indirectly national upheavals, while the capitulations of 1016 and 1066 seem to have occasioned no more than one hoard between them. There can be little doubt in fact that London already by the end of the ninth century enjoyed a position in the country which justifies the choice of the term "pre-eminence" in the title of this paper, and I look forward to setting out in subsequent essays some of the rest of the coin-evidence which is on a scale that has never perhaps been fully comprehended.

APPENDIX

(a) Coin-hoard from within the Saxon defences. (b) Coin-hoard from the immediate vicinity. (c) Coin-hoard from within a 25-mile radius.

A Hoard of less than 30 coins. B Hoard of 30-119 coins. C Hoard of 120 coins or more.

LONDON

"THAMES"

MIDDLE TEMPLE

Croydon Palace Dorking Barking Wandsworth W'LOO BDGE Gravesend Croydon

(a) —

— — — —. — — —

(b) A

C

— —. — — C — —

(c) —

A C B A — C C

252

366

110 123

256 176 111

c.470 c.800?

c.842

c.850 c.850

?.850 c.850 c.861 c.861 c.870 c.870

871/872 871/872

c.874

391 364

(a)

C

C —

(b)

B

C

—

YORK

(O

— "RAILWAY"

EXHIBITION — BUILDING — CONEY ST.

ST. LEONARD'S — PLACE C Ulleskelf

48

BUCKLERS-BURY

Erith

COIN HOARDS FROM THE LONDON AREA

ST. MARY HILL

WALBROOK

B — —

THREAD-NEEDLE ST.

Isleworth HONEY LANE ST. MARTIN'S

LE-GRAND GRACE-

CHURCH ST. B

WALBROOK

A

B 203

c.888 c.888 c.890 c.915 c.920 c.927

c.945 991/992 c.1000

B — — CONEY ST. — C — WALMGATE

175 — — B Goldsborough 162 — — C Flaxton

— A — M1CKLEGATE

B — 249 c.1015

244 c.1063 1065

1065/1066 386 [2551* 1066

1068/1069 387 1068/1069 388 1068/1069

— — B Harewood C — — BISHOPHILL

HIGH C — — OUSEGATE C — JUBBERGATE C — — BAILEHILL

C — C —

250 255

* Hoard not distinguished in Inventory

c.1075 c.1075 c.1082 [39011 c.1086

— B — MONKGATE A — — JUBBERGATE

t Hoard wrongly associated bv Inventory with York Minster.

Inventory Inventory

REFERENCES

The following abbreviations are used throughout: — ASC = The Old English Chronicle A-S Coins = Anglo-Saxon Coins, ed. R. H. M. Dolley, London, 1960

(In the press) BMQ = British Museum Quarterly BNJ = British Numismatic Journal HB = Hamburger Beitrage fur Numismatik JMP = Jaarboek Voor Munt- en Penningkunde NC — Numismatic Chronicle

o NNA = Nordisk Numismatisk Arsskrift NNUM — Nordisk Numismatisk Unions Medlemsblad VCH = Victoria County History

1 T. D. Kendrick, A History of the Vikings, 1930, p.x. F. M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 1946, p. 248. R. E. M. Wheeler, London and the Vikings, 1927, p. U.

2 Cf. NNA, 1957-1958, p. 35 and forthcoming papers with C. E. Blunt in A-S Coins and 1959 BNJ.

3 J. D. A. Thompson, An Inventory of British Coin Hoards A.D. 600-1500, 1956.

4 Inventory nos. 243, 244 & 249. 5 Inventory no. 253, cf. forthcoming paper by P. D. Whittitig in A-S Coins. 6 Cf. also R. E. M. Wheeler, London and the Saxons, 1935, p. 191 and

Guildhall Museum Catalogue there cited.


7 Recent work in Sweden seems to establish beyond all reasonable doubt that after 973 there was a recoinage every sixth year (and later every third year). Consequently it is now possible to date late Saxon coin-hoards (and a number of single-finds) with a precision which even a decade ago would have seemed quite fantastic.

8 Inventory no. 249, c/. forthcoming paper with V. J. Butler in 1959 BNJ. 9 Inventory no. 250.

10 But Griffith fortunately was careful to stress that the crucible was found inverted within the larger vessel.

11 Cf. Archaeologia IV (1786), p. 356. 12 Unfortunately Griffith gives totals only for the three types which were of

most interest to him, but we should be grateful that the three types more or less "straddle" the full run of the hoard. If it be assumed that the 74 coins which he lists are a fair sample, and that all ten of the consecutive types were present in roughly the same proportions, it would be a fair inference that Griffith saw some 250 coins. This figure would not conflict with his estimate that the hoard consisted of between three and four hundred coins. Many coins seem to have been destroyed, and originally the find may well have comprised five hundred coins.

13 Stenton, op.cit., pp. 602-604. 14 It should not be forgotten that many months if not several years passed

before the coins were seen by a reputable numismatist, while the workmen who "co-operated" with Bailey could not have distinguished even if asked "loose-finds" from the hoard proper.

15 e.g. on p. 95 the coins listed as of B.M.C. type XV in fact are of type XIII, and on p. 96 the B.M.C. type XVII coins prove to be of type XV.

16 For example a number of the St. Martin-le-Grand coins can be shown to figure in Mr. F. Elmore Jones' very provisional 1938 listing which in any case has been superseded by Mrs. Merrifield's 1950 register.

17 In this connection we should remember the presence of the crucible in the comparable though slightly later St. Mary Hill hoard. A crucible also figures in accounts of the slightly earlier Bishophill hoard from York, and I have the feeling that a number of late Saxon hoards embracing coins of a number of consecutive issues may prove to be identifiable as quasi-official bullion reserves rather than private speculations.

18 The second Danish coin described by the Inventory has proved to be a misread penny of the Wilton mint cf. NNUM. 1957, p. 47. The Byzantine coin is claimed by P. D. Whitting in his forthcoming paper in AS Coins.

19 Cf. NNUM, 1957, pp. 253-256; HB, 1958/59, pp. 53-57 and (with G. van der Meer) JMP. 1957, pp. 54-56.

20 Marsham Sale, Sotheby 19: xi: 1888 lots 145 & 148: Webb Sale, Sotheby 25: vii: 1895 lots 7-12, cf. forthcoming papers cited supra, n.2.

21 I am grateful to Mr. S. E. Rigold for drawing my attention to the existence of relative material in the London Museum, and to the Director, Dr. D. B. Harden for permission to refer to it here.

22 Among the coins is _ what appears to be an unrecorded Brooke 5/1 mule of jEthelstan, though the dies appear to be unofficial.

23 C. Roach Smith, Catalogue of the Museum of London Antiquities, London, 1854, p. 108, cf. Wheeler, London and the Saxons, p. 191.

24 N C I 958, pp. 99-102. 25 G. C. Brooke, English Coins, 1932, p. 43 etc. For other and more precise

indications of the find-spot see Wheeler, London and the Saxons, p. 191 (quoting VCH London, / (1909), p. 161) and BNJ XXVIII, i (1955), p. 31 etc.

26 Inventory no. 252—my own feeling would be to date the hoard c.740. 27 Inventory no. 366. 28 The point is developed in a forthcoming paper with K. Skaare in A-S Coins. 29 Carlyon-Britton Sale I, Sotheby 19:xi:1913 lot 337. 30 Inventory no. 256. 31 Inventory nos. 110 & 111.

50 COIN HOARDS FROM THE LONDON AREA 32 Cf. forthcoming paper with K. Skaare cited supra, n.28. 33 e.g. by Thompson (op.cit., p. xx) c.865. 34 The point is discussed in the forthcoming paper with K. Skaare cited supra,

n.28, and a full-scale paper on Burgred's coinage is contemplated. 35 ATC 1958, p. 76. 36 Again I am indebted to Mr. S. E. Rigold and to Dr. B. D. Harden for my

knowledge of this most significant find. 37 Inventory nos. 176 & 111. 38 Cf. forthcoming paper with C. E. Blunt in 1959 BNJ. 39 It is in fact the largest single source of coins of B.M.C. type I of Alfred

recorded to date. 40 It is also easily the earliest coin-hoard from these islands which contains

either Kufic dirhams or "hacksilber" (i.e. broken up silver ornaments in pieces suitable for melting down in a crucible) cf. forthcoming paper in the North Munster Antiquarian Journal.

41 Beeston Tor, Dunsforth, Gainford, Leckhampton and Reading: Inventory nos. 40, 146, 167, 82 & 315 (but for the last see also BNJ XXVIII. ii (1956), pp. 394-399). Hook Norton: BNJ XXVIII, i (1955), pp. 39 & 46 and forthcoming paper with C. E. Blunt in 1959 BNJ.

42 Hitchin, Southampton, Talnotrie and Trewhiddle: Inventory nos. 190, 183 ("Hampshire"), 349 & 362. Great Casterton: in course of publication in excavation report.

43 BNJ, XXVIII, iii (1957), p. 480. 44 Inventory no. 203. 45 Cf. forthcoming paper with C. E. Blunt in 1959 BNJ. 46 Cf. BMQ XX, 3 (1956), pp. 69-70.

' |4? C. Roach Smith, Catalogue of the Museum of London Antiquities, 1854, •Z P- 108.

48 Ibid., p. 107. 49 Briefly my view is that the principal resources of the Canterbury Mint were

transferred to London as part of the accommodation reached when Mercia and Wessex decided to strike a common coinage—one of the earliest "monetary unions" in the middle ages.

50 Cf. forthcoming paper with C. E. Blunt in A-S Coins. 51 Cf. BNJ, XXVIII, i (1955), p. 41—the issue was at one time thought to be

East Anglian. 52 Cf. Centennial Publication of American Numismatic Society, 1958, pp. 130-131. 53 Compare the forms "Lundenburh" (ASC s.a. 457), "Lundenceaster" (OE

Bede), and "Lundenwic" (ASC s.a. 610) which bear witness to a dual concept of London as early as the end of the ninth century.

54 For a "non-hoard" cf. Inventory no. 10; for a typical "duplication" cf. Inventory nos. 81 & 345.

55 For example, in a forthcoming paper with J. Ingold in A-S Coins there are listed 50 Viking Age coin-hoards from Ireland of which no more than 33 appear in the Inventory.

56 Strictly, of course, we should also exclude the not unimportant group of tenth- and eleventh-century hoards from England north of a line from the Mersey to Flamborough Head.

57 Inventory nos. 389 & 390. 58 For much information about York hoards I am indebted to Mr. G. F.

Willmot, and even the list in Archaeologia XCVII (1959), pp. 60 & 69, must now be regarded as incomplete.

51

THE LONDON AND MIDDLESEX ESTATES

OF ETON COLLEGE

By NOEL BLAKISTON, Public Record Office

The original endowment of Eton College consisted largely of the lands of Alien Priories. Only a fragment of the College property in London and Middlesex, however, came from this source. Most of the lands in London and the suburbs belonged to the Hospital of St. James, the reversion of which, upon the death, cession or resignation of Thomas Kempe, the warden, was granted to the College by patent of 30 October, 1448. The grant became operative almost at once with the appointment of Kempe to the bishopric of London on 4 February following. The warden's residence then became the town house of the Provost and there are references to it in the Audit Rolls, which record, for example, the expenses there of Provost Bost at the time of the coronation of Richard III.1 The same Bost, who died in 1504, bequeathed to his successors his furniture in the Hospital.2

The demesne lands of the Hospital, as appears from the lease book and from receivers' accounts, were let as a single farm. There is an original indenture of lease at Eton by Provost Westbury, bearing his seal, dated 1 August 1454, to Sir Thomas Mason, chaplain, of the great garden lying on the east side of the Hospital, for seven years.

In 1531 the Provost was compelled—for he can hardly have been willing—to exchange with the Crown the Hospital and all but its remoter appurtenances, viz., Chalcots and Wyldes in Hendon, Finchley, and Hampstead, a tenement called the White Bear in Bread Street and a messuage in Westminster, for the manor of Baldwins by Dartford, the advowson of the church of Newington, and the Flache in Luddenham marsh, in Kent.3 Thus the King came into possession of the Hospital, with 185J acres mostly between Charing Cross and Hay Hill, on either side of what is now Piccadilly. This property became the nucleus of the Bailiwick of St. James.4

The property in Westminster was situated at the southern end of King Street5 and the records of Eton describe in some detail both the situation and the actual or projected, buildings at various periods. In a lease of 20 June, 1459, one of the tenements is described as abutting on

52 LONDON AND MIDDLESEX ESTATES OF ETON COLLEGE the King's way in the high road of Westminster on the east, and on the west as far as the common ditch of the town. The tenant was to build a new house 39 feet long and 15 feet broad, with a loft of the same measurements, the house to be divided into a parlour and a kitchen, between which there were to be two chimneys under one mantel of sufficient height. The chimney in the hall was to be taken down and rebuilt.

A century later one lease embraced four tenements, situated between tenements lately of the abbot of Westminster both to the north and the south, that to the north called le Swanne. By a lease of 1 October, 1623, the property was demised to one Richard Price, vintner, and was said to be commonly known by the name of the Queen's Arms. In a lease of 1753 the premises are described as four messuages, one of which was formerly known as the Queen's Arms, then as the Crown Tavern and since as Brown's Coffee House, all adjoining one another and abutting on the Swan Tavern on the north and the Green Tree on the south. The measurements are given in the following lease as 41 feet 6 ins. on the east and 45 feet 6 ins. on the west, and 194 feet from east to west on the north side and 188 feet 3 ins. on the south. A survey with a plan, of 1769, made by the architect, Henry Keene, gives a very full description of the property.

A tripartite indenture of 19 June, 1688, which is at Eton, appears to relate not to the College tenements but to contiguous property, belonging to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster. It concerns Moses Pitt, bookseller, the publisher of the "English Atlas." "The English Atlas," says the D.N.B., "was not successful from a pecuniary point of view, and Pitt also had losses in building speculations." Our document bears out the latter statement. Unfortunately it has been mutilated, but there seems no doubt that it is a mortgage of some of Pitt's Westminster property, which was already heavily mortgaged, viz., the Bores Head Inne and a piece of ground in Antelope Yard.

A tenement called le Whyte Bere in the parishes of St. Mary Magdalene and All Saints in Westchepe and Bradstreete was included in those lands of the Hospital of St. James reserved to the College when Provost Lupton on 1 November, 1531, granted the Hospital to the Crown. This property, demised to the Hospital by Stephen Blundus, had been confirmed to the leprous maidens by Royal Charter of 29 April, 1242." An 18th century transcript at Eton of a lease of 1287 (which I have not yet run to earth) of part of the land later occupied by

LONDON AND MIDDLESEX ESTATES OF ETON COLLEGE 53 the White Bear at the corner of Cheapsid© and Breadstreet, shows that this part of the property was then void and burned out. The area has been devastated by fire at least twice since then, in 1666 and in the last war. The White Bear which was burned down in the Great Fire is of much interest, for the house at the southern end of the block was occupied by Milton's father. Fortunately the records of Eton tell us a good deal about it, for there is a plan with a survey of the property made 16 October, 1617, when the poet was not quite nine years old. These have been printed.7

Another outlying appurtenance of the Hospital of St. James was a tenement called the Ball at Holborn Cross, in the parish of St. Sepulchre's without Newgate, between.the beerhouse called the Lamb on the south and Cockes lane on the north. It was here, at any rate at certain periods, that the Provost, deprived of his residence at St. James's, chose to make his London domicile. In a lease of 1599, the lessee was obliged to find in the messuage called the sign of the Ball a sufficient chamber or lodging with bedding and other furniture meet for lodging for the Provost, Vice-Provost and Fellows as often as they or any of them should come to London about the College business. The premises eventually passed out of the hands of the College when the Mayor, Commonalty and Citizens of the City of London were empowered to buy the same by the Holborn Valley Improvement Act of 1864.

The main interest of the records at Eton relating to the Chalcots estate comes from the information they provide about the building that took place at Hampstead in the nineteenth century. By an Act of Parliament of 1826 the Provost and College were enabled to grant building leases of lands in the parishes of Hampstead and Marylebone. A prospectus, dated 1 May, 1829, which included a ground plan of the estate, set out the proposals to let the land on 99 year leases, subject to building covenants, for the erection of substantial and respectable private houses and offices, the plans of which had to be submitted to the College surveyor. The surveyor at this time was John Shaw, the architect, who was succeeded, on his death in 1832, by his son, John Shaw, who, in his turn (he died in 1870), was succeeded by George Pownall. Far the largest number of the earlier building leases was given to one Samuel Cuming, to whom (or to the builders he employed), and to John Shaw, the credit must be given for the stylish elevations of the houses built during the forties and fifties in, for example, Provost Road and Eton Villas. These

54 LONDON AND MIDDLESEX ESTATES OF ETON COLLEGE

records have been examined by Sir John Summerson, who has made a study of the estate which he hopes to publish in due course.

The property in the Vintry was not connected with the Hospital of St. James. On 9 April, 1446, the King granted the College the reversion of two parts of the Crane and Wharve in the Vintry, which Derek Pile held for his life, and the third part, which Jaquetta, widow of the Duke of Bedford, held in dower. Pile's patent was annulled by an act of resumption in the Parliament of 1441 and on 30 April, 1455, the College was granted a further patent.8 Jaquetta married as her second husband Richard Woodville. She survived him, not dying till 1472, having become Edward IV's mother-in-law in 1464. The Woodvilles appear to have ousted the College from its holding in the Vintry. It was not till 1487 that, as appears from L. T. R. Memoranda Roll, Mich. 3 Henry VII rot. 13, of which there is an exemplification at Eton, the College recovered possession. There are accounts of the bailiff and collector of rents as early as Michaelmas 1447. The College leases show the property to have consisted of various tenements, including a capital messuage called Copt Hall and a garden sometime called "the Vinegar garden of the Crane." On 31 July, 1800, the College conveyed the estate to its then lessees, the premises being described as a messuage or tenement and public house adjoining on the south called The Fox and Goose, a warehouse adjoining the same on the south, a warehouse called by the name of or adjoining a wharf called Red Lion Wharf in Brick Hill Lane and three warehouses adjoining the same, all in the parish of St. Martin in the Ward of Vintry.

There are a few other documents at Eton concerning properties in London the College never held or only held for a very short time. These include an early thirteenth century grant by Arnold Fitz-Aluff to the monks of Bee of an earthen wall between his land and theirs in the parish of St. Lawrence Jewry, so that they might make a stone wall there.

The College estate at Rudsworth in Stanwell, co. Middlesex, was acquired by purchase in 1458. An indenture of 28 January, 1457, made at the Hospital of St. James, witnesses that Richard Burton had received from Master William Westbury 501. by the hands of Sir Thomas Mason, in part payment of a sum to be paid for lands and tenements, late of Ralph atte Mille in Stanwell. A further receipt, of 24 February, 1458, shows that the full payment of 100 marks had been made.

The mediaeval deeds at Eton relating to this property include nearly forty documents of the thirteenth century. Among the earlier tenants of

LONDON AND MIDDLESEX ESTATES OF ETON COLLEGE 55 the land was Master Richard, King Henry Ill's harper, to whom there are various references on the Close Rolls. On 20th October, 1242, the King, from Bordeaux, ordered Hugh Giffard, Keeper of Edward, his son, then an infant of three years old, to retain Richard le Harper ad solatium puerorum. On 15 March, 1253, he sent Master Richard to console his son, Edmund, then sick. On 29 May following, an order was made for providing robes for Harper's wife, to wit a coat, an overcoat of squirrel fur and a cloak with a hood of doe skin. One of the deeds at Eton gives the name of Harper's wife, Beatrice.

In a deed of 1 April, 1505, Andrew Wyndesore, esq., of Stanwell, undertook to found chantries in the churches of Stanwell and Dorney and provide houses for each of the chantry priests, whose prayers were to be for the welfare of the families of Wyndesore and of John Scotte, of Dorney, esq.

The Manor of Ruislip was not among those lands of the Abbey of Bee that were given to Eton. Jt went to Henry VTs other foundation, King's College, Cambridge. As, however, the proctor of the Abbey in England carried out his administration from the Middlesex manor, documents addressed from Ruislip are to be found at Eton. Such, for example, are leases of the manors of Bledlow (1326, 1336), Blakenham (1343) and Wedon (1353).

In a document of 1484 the College of Eton was given the right to distrain upon the manor of Ruislip, if the sister foundation failed to carry out the terms of a certain benefaction.

NOTES

1 Maxwell-Lyte, History of Eton College, 4th edn. p. 82. 2 ibid. p. 92. St. James' Palace is on the site of the Hospital of St. James. 3 Statutes of the Realm, Vol. Ill, p. 398. Documents at Eton. 4 To be described in a forthcoming volume of the L.C.C. Survey. 5 i.e. the King Street which ran roughly along the line of the western side of the

lower part of the present Whitehall from the end of Downing Street to Parliament Square. Rocque's map of 1746 shows the area well.

6 Cal. of Charter Rolls, Vol. 1, p. 269. 7 London Topographical Record, Vol. XIX. no. 80. 8 Cal. of Patent Rolls 1452-61, p. 231.

56

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX PART X

By H. K. CAMERON, Ph.D., F.S.A.

FULHAM

/. Margaret Svanders, wife of Gerard Hornebolt, painter of Ghent, 1529, lozenge shaped plate with half effigy in shroud, inscription and shield; mural, at east end of south aisle, in a glazed frame:

This is a brass of Flemish workmanship and commemorates a Flemish lady, the wife of a celebrated painter.

The inscription is given by Weever (1631) and the brass is mentioned by Lysons (1795) as being then against the east wall of the north aisle. He says that it was found in digging for the foundations of a column when the church was repaired in 1770.

The single plate of this memorial is remarkably thick, as are many Flemish plates of this period. The lozenge is in fact a square, the equal sides being 24$ in. in length. Around the edge is a plain border \ in. wide. Within this, in the upper corner, is engraved the head and shoulders of a shrouded figure with closed eyes. There is a small cross on the shroud over the forehead and the sheet is shaded with very fine cross hatching, as also the cushion behind the head. Across the horizontal diagonal of the lozenge is an inscription in Latin in five lines of black letter. This appears to be in a kind of frame with handles at each end and is supported by the hands of two small angels, one at either side. This inscription reads: —

"%\t I a « t iromirella Jttargareta ^irattitcra nata (gan&atri

^flanorie que zx magistro (Bcraton Hornttmlt (SanoabEttBt

ptttorc ttotntttattaaimo peperit iromireUam j^nsanttam A

Stmre ntagiatrt Itohatmta fJarrker ^rtharii ftegia Q?tte

obitt anno ittti m0 ccctc BHJliE £if JJJI0 nobebris urate p aia Below the inscription is a shield of arms, surmounted by elaborate

scroll work and with similarly elaborate capital letters one on either side. That on the dexter side is G and on the sinister M, no doubt for Gerard and Margaret, against their respective coat of arms. Outside this scroll work is the lower part of the vestment of the angels.


1mm plrtnif'iiouiiutilirauo-iwputiboriucirlliiiu- .iifniiuanv f f i j O

FULHAM MARGARET HORNEBOLT, 1529

The arms are described in the R.C.H.M. volume on West London (p. 31) as:—

A chevron between 3 martlets with an escutcheon on the chevron charged with a mill-rind cross between 4 crescents for Hornebolt, impaling a winnowing fan with a molet of 6 points in chief for des Vanders, quartering a chevron between 3 moors' heads for Deman. The inscription describes Gerard Hornebolt as a renowned painter

of Ghent and he was but one of a family of artists who had lived for some generations in Ghent. A full and scholarly account by Hugh Paget1


has recently appeared and the following brief extracts are from this article. Gerard was admitted to full membership of the Guild of St. Luke at Ghent in 1487. He was made court painter to Margaret of Austria, Regent of the Netherlands, in 1515. While chiefly famous for miniatures in illuminated manuscripts, he also painted altar pieces and portraits and made designs for vestments, tapestries and stained glass. In 1522 he sold a portrait of Christian II of Denmark to Margaret of Austria in Ghent. The next record of him is in the household accounts of King Henry VIII in this country in 1528. It is not known when he and his wife Margaret, his son Lucas and his daughter Susanna left Flanders and why they came to England. Mr. Paget suggests that Lutheran tendencies may have made it expedient that they should leave Flanders and they may have received some patronage in this country from the Boleyn family. The last entry in the royal household account appears to be that of April, 1531. The evidence suggests that he may have returned to Ghent where he is believed to have died in 1541.

Of the children who accompanied him Lucas became even better known as a painter in this country than his father. He was already in the King's service in 1525, perhaps establishing the way here for his father, and continued so until his death in 1544. In 1534 he was officially appointed King's Painter. Parish records show that he was buried on 10th May, 1544, at St. Martin in the Fields.

Susanna the daughter was also gifted, as Albrecht Diirer bought a miniature she had painted when he met Gerard with his daughter in Antwerp in 1521. She was then eighteen. She is particularly mentioned in the inscription on her mother's brass, as the wife of Master John Parcker, the King's Bowyer. This special mention of the daughter as issue of Gerard and Margaret Hornebolt, without reference to a son Lucas, could have several interpretations, but the most likely would appear to be that Susanna was present at her mother's death in London and she and her husband may have been responsible for the erection of the monument. There is a reference of 1543 to the Executors of John Parker of Fulham, Middlesex and Langley, Herts. He was probably living at Fulham when his mother-in-law fell ill.

Margaret Hornebolt was a daughter of Derick s'Vanders and was previously married to Jan van Heerweghe.2

It would seem likely that she was Gerard's second wife—he must have been about forty years of age at the birth of their daughter Susanna— and it is probable that Lucas was the son on an earlier marriage. John


Parker, Susanna's first husband, was of some consequence and is described as King's Bowyer on the brass, and elsewhere as Yeoman of the Robes to the King. Susanna married a second time and was a lady-in-waiting to both Anne of Cleves and Katherine Parr.

This brass has been previously illustrated in: — Art Journ., N.S., 1898, 122; Faulkner T., History of Fulham, 99 and Chelsea, ed. of 1829,1, 237; Girls' Own Paper, XVI, 149; M.B.S. Portfolio, IV, P1.4; Suffling, p. 306; V. & A. Museum List, PI. 56, No. 1.


Weever3 records no fewer than eleven inscriptions that are most likely brass monuments, including that to Margaret Hornebolt which still exists.

In order of date they read as follows: —

f|ir iaret Jtofrannea £fberbttrne ftiarbalanreua ntrinaqne lEegia qtumoant JlrcbtotaconriB (Eaaei: qttt ob. 1454.

©rate pro attima Jobannis fftborleg ^rmigerj qiti obiit petralttmo i)ie men. «jFebr. ^knn. gom. 1445

fjit iatet Johannes 3Ftatber, quon&am Stbeaauraritts JJomtni ffiar&inaltB $ancie |}albiiie, et poaiea HoBtienaia et Cantnarienaia ^rcbiepiacopi, qui obttt 27 ^.ng. 1463.

H'u iaret JHaniater IStUlelnros Harbjr nnper btrarina iatnta (Erelesie qui ob. 5 i&ob. 1471.

IHe iaret ft or a filia Jobannia fijlount militia Jomtn: JHonntfof & Wore moria ehta q. ob. 6 Keb. 1480.

Pray for the sowls of John Long gentylman, Katherin & Alice his wyfs. Who died the X of March, on thowsand fyve hundryd & three. On whos sowls and all Christen sowls Jesu have mercy. On whos sowls and all Christen sowls Jesu have mercy.

Of yowr cherite pray for the soul of Sir Sampson Norton Knyght, late Master of the Ordinance of warre with King Henry the eyght & for the soul of Dame Elysabyth his wyff. Which Syr Sampson decessyd the eyght day of February on thowsand fyve hundryd and seventene.


Sic iaret (georgina tftbannqj qaonbam Herepior generalis

ftebcrenoi flatria gomhtt Stir. Jfitj-Jfames IContion (Epiacopi,

qui obitt buima nana Die gerentbria 3L$j. 1520.

S i r iaret ^nna J^tnrtoa filia Jobannia j^tnrton gotnini

be Jltnrton & gomhtE fUibtrine na-orts etna. (!?at qnibetn

3btna obtit in ^ssnmptionem beatc JKarte Hirginia ^ - 1 - 1555

Here lyeth buryed the body of Syr Raufe Buts Knight, and Phisitian to our Soveraigne Lord Henry the viii Who decessyd 1545 on whos sowl,

(gnio Jlteoicina balet, qniii bonoa, qaio gratia Hcgata?

djniii popalaria amor mora abi aena benii?

^ola balet flietaa qae atrarta eat aaapkc ©briaro,

j^ola in morte balct; cetera cnncta flaant.

(Brgo ntibi in aita faerit qaanbo omnia ©briarns:

JHora mibi nnnc lactam bitaqne ©briataa erit.

Of these Lysons records, in 1795, an altar tomb on the south side of the chancel with a figure in brass of a man in armour, the arms and inscription gone. Faulkner wrote in 1813* that "touching the steps of the altar, is an altar monument of English marble, close against the south wall , under which is entombed Sir William Butts, Knight, Chief Physician to Henry VIII. It originally had his portraiture in brass, in armour as a Knight, and his arms—az. 3 Lozenges gules, on a chevron or, between 3 etoils or, at the four corners of the stone. There was also a scroll of brass on one side of him inscribed 'Myn Advantage.' On the wall just above it is put up a later inscription on a neat marble tablet by Leonard Butts one of his descendants" (in 1627). An illustration of a figure in armour is given on page 78. It is unfortunate that no trace of this brass now exists. Sir William Butts was a distinguished man of his time, much trusted by Henry VIII in affairs other than medicine. He appears in Act V, Scene II of Shakespeare's Henry VIII and in Holbein's picture of Henry delivering the charter to the Surgeons Company.

Lysons also mentions the mutilated figure in brass of a priest on the chancel floor and Faulkner (p. 67) gives an illustration of a priest in mass vestments, saying that on the floor of the chancel 'was' this brass; he attributes it to William Harvey, 1471.


Lysons also writes that on the north wall of the chancel was a rich Gothic monument (perhaps that of Sir Sampson Norton) with an obtuse arch, ornamented with oak leaves and other foliage, under which are the vestiges of brass figures and escutcheons. Faulkner repeats this statement (p. 71) adding that "the inscription is obliterated, and there was originally the annexed figure in brass with escutcheons." This drawing shows a man in armour of the early Tudor period. It is unfortunate that these three drawings, one of a priest and two of knights, are identical with those used also by Faulkner as illustration of brasses formerly existing in the church of Chelsea. There is however some support for them being of the brasses in Fulham church, for the same three figures (the priest without a head) are illustrated in 'Antiquities of London and Environs' engraved and published by J. T. Smith in 1791. The military figures are in 16th century armour and the priest is in mass vestments. Underneath these engravings is written: 'Done from the brass plates in Fulham church which are without inscriptions.'

A monumental effigy in brass from Fulham church was included in the Meyrick Sale (lot 2536) in 1806.

Haines, in his list of brasses published in 1861, mentions an inscription in this church to Augustus Parker who died in 1590 at the age of 63, accompanied by a merchants' mark.

NOTES

1 'Gerard and Lucas Hornebolt in England,' Hugh Paget, The Burlington Magazine, November 1959, p. 396.

2 Private communication from Mr. H. Paget. 3 Weever, 'Funeral Monuments,' 1631, p. 525. 4 T. Faulkner, 'A Historical & Topographical Account of Fulham,' 1813.

GREENFORD

Great or Magna

/. Priest, c.1450, half effigy in mass vestments, inscription lost, mural, north wall of chancel.

This half effigy of a priest is well engraved and similar in style to a number of ecclesiastical brasses of this date. It is well preserved and appsars to be in its original stone, although this has been reduced in


size when removed from the floor and mounted on the wall of the chancel.

Lysons records this brass, in 1795, as being on the floor of the nave and it was still there—at the east end of the nave—when Alfred Heales described it in a full account of this church in an earlier number of these Transactions.1

It appears that there must have been evidence of an indent for an inscription, long since lost, but this part of the original stone is now missing.

PRIEST c. 1450 (Simon Hert?)

The half effigy is 12£ in. high. The amice and maniple are completely ornamented with a quatrefoil pattern which also appears at the cuff of the alb. There is cross-hatching at the folds of the chasuble.


From the dexter side of the head issues a scroll upon which is engraved in black letter: —

©retro bitter' bona bni in terra btbenrin

The design and execution of this brass points clearly to a date in the middle of the fifteenth century and Heales is probably right in ascribing it to a rector named Simon Hert who died in 1452. He had held the living for 34 years and his successor remained until 1473. In his will2

which was proved on 21st November, 1452, he asks to be buried in the choir of the church at Greenford Magna of which he was rector.

An illustration of this brass appeared in the article by Heales, Transactions of the L.M.A.S., IV., facing p. 165; and in the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments Volume on Middlesex, 1937, Plate 8.

//. Thomas Symons, rector, c.1520, in mass vestments, inscription; mural, north wall of chancel.

The figure of Thomas Symons, 18£ in. high, is represented in mass vestments with apparels on the hem of the alb, on the stole, amice, maniple and around the front edge of the chasuble. He is shown standing on a grass mound and the design, with much hatching, is less good than that of Simon Hert seventy years earlier. Below is a rectangular plate 4f in. high and 20J in. wide, on which is the following inscription in 3 lines of black letter: —

Jltiserere numerator quia bero srnn perrator JKnae prernr licet reus miserere mei iieus Jltan'r ^Thomas ^gnwms WLettav ecclte oe ©rnnforth

Lysons notes that he resigned the rectory in 1518. There is no date on the brass, except that of 1500, cut in Roman characters, within a lozenge, which could not be the date of his death. Thomas Symons will3

was made in 1518 and probate was granted in 1521.

Lysons says also that this brass was found in the year 1783 upon repairing the church; and having been inlaid in a marble tablet, was affixed to the wall by Mr. Betham, then rector.


pGwiittfeafrd ouiafip fumnpttoti^

GREENFORD Thomas Symons, rector, c. 1520


Below the brass on the same marble slab is another rectangular plate of brass, 12 | in. x 3f in., on which is engraved in Roman capitals: —

EDV: BETHAM. RECTOR

MDCCLXX—MDCCLXXXIII

H.T.S.M.P.C.

The engraving of M.D. on the inscription plate of Thomas Symons is very closely like that on the Betham plat© and was probably done at the same time.

/ / / . Inscription, all that remains of the brass to Richard Thorneton, 1544, and his wife Alys: nave.

The original stone in which this brass was set lies on the nave floor near to the door to the south porch. There were figures of a civilian and his wife with an inscription below and two groups of children below this. There is also a rivet remaining in a position central and immediately below the inscription, as though a shield or other small plate was placed there. All but the figure of the civilian and the inscription have long since disappeared; Lysons is not specific on what was there in his time, but Haines records their absence in 1861.

The figure of Richard Thorneton was itself stolen from the church between the years 1916 and 1920, in which latter year a letter of protest at the theft appeared in 'The Connoisseur," with an illustration to help in its identification should it come to the attention of anyone with an interest in these memorials. Nothing more was heard of it until 1954, when it was sold by the Wolsey Antique shop in Buckingham Gate. It is now in the private possession of Mr. P. Mace of Vale Farm, Hollesley, Woodbridge, Suffolk. It is most sincerely to be hoped that it will one day be returned to the church at Greenford where it belongs and where its good care and preservation can be assured under the present incumbent, the Rev. F. N. Towndrow.

At the time of its appearance in 1954 this brass was found to be palimpsest, with a magnificent fragment of a priest of the mid 14th century by the renowned Flemish school on the reverse. A description, with illustrations of both sides, appeared in the Transactions of the Monumental Brass Society at the time,5 but there was no association of the brass with Thorneton of Greenford at the time of writing.


The figure of Richard Thorneton is 18£ in. high and shows a man in civilian costume, characteristic of a school of engravers operating at that time. It is a rather clumsy figure in a fur-edged robe wearing remarkably square-toed shoes with a strap over the instep. The reverse of this piece is part of a life size figure of a priest, the right shoulder only being shown, in a chasuble with elaborate diaper on the chasuble and on the background behind the figure. The lower part of the robes of a small angel are to be seen, a figure that would be supporting a cushion upon which the head of the principal figure reclined.

All that remains of the Thorneton brass in Greenford church now is a rectangular plate 221 in. wide and 3 | in. high, upon which is engraved the following inscription in three lines of black letter: —

GREENFORD Richard Thorneton, 1544

(Bi no (Kbarite pran for tire Monies of ttpcharo dborneton ana 3Uris bpis tonfe tbe tabncbe •RjTcbaro oeressea trje bii bag of ommb tbe ner of onr lorb ml bc ilmi on tobo5 aoulea Jbu babe mertg amen

The parish register records the burial of 'Alyce Thorneton' on 16th August, 1539, and of 'Rychard Thorneton' on 8th December, 1544, the day after his death as given on the inscription.

The parish register also records the death in 1559 (20th Feb.) of Henry Thorneton who was parson of Greenford. One wonders if this may have been one of the sons of Richard. The living was in the patronage of the Abbot of Westminster from the earliest recorded date until the suppression of the Monasteries and Richard Thorneton was the Abbey's tenant farmer of Greenford Manor. Since Domesday the Manor at Greenford belonged to the Abbey, and its lease to Richard Thorneton is enrolled in the Register Books still in the Muniment Room. There are also surviving at Westminster acquittances from the Abbey acknowledging payment of his rent and to his son Thomas, to whom the lease was subsequently granted. In the Muniment Room are also preserved some wooden tallies for corn, which he sold to the Abbey.

At the time of rubbing the brasses for the purpose of illustration (28th January, 1960) examination of the Thorneton inscription showed strong presumptive evidence of a palimpsest and in the presence of the rector this plate was taken up. On the reverse side is an almost complete inscription in Latin in three lines of black letter. It reads: —

$ruup t tiitmm jtraaii8m\j &m t jMcmamte ImiM •t-'iumyauui imu-uturo^iwwuuii umuwtu uiimuu u\v ifa {loT-kamio M gf. crcc'tf oaae ajuibj mutctTo am

GREENFORD Richard Fitzandrew, 1411

'Wi'tc latent -Rjcarons yitjattiircto rtbis & pucenartns lanba 0& Jltarjjareta nior ems <§m flicarft3 obitt trio bit nteitsi Jlta

Ira bo d J . ^.nno bni 0L° tttt° Mi" quor aiabs pptcut bs Q.m

In making the Thorneton inscription this plate has been reduced in length, by perhaps two inches. The last word in each line is therefore incomplete. In the first line this word is evidently 'londoniensis' or some abreviation of this. The last word of the third line, being the final word of the inscription, is 'Amen.' The only doubt is in the second line and in which month he died, March or May. Fortunately this can be determined by the somewhat unusual inclusion of the dominical letter in the inscription—'littera dominicalis D'—which is indeed that for the historical year 1411. As the 3rd March 1411/12 would fall in the following year for reckoning of the dominical letter it can be concluded that the date of death was in fact 3rd May.

The date of the Thorneton brass, 1544, coming so soon after the dissolution, and the figure of Thorneton being itself palimpsest with a large priest's figure appearing on the reverse, one is tempted naturally to the deduction that the material used for making the Thorneton memorial was monastic spoil. However, Richard Fitzandrew's will6 was made on the 2nd May and is associated with the church of St. George where he is buried and wherein he founds a chantry. In the Calendar of Letter Books (I) in the Guildhall Library are four references to the deliverance of patrimony and other matters respecting the children of Richard Fitzandrew. In the first (p. 106) of 2nd August, 1412, are mentioned Roger Fitzandrew, one of his sons, and Thomas OswaldKyrk,


rector of the church of St. George near Estchepe, as executors. This points to St. George, Botolph Lane, as. the burial place of Richard Fitzandrew, and not a monastic church.

In 1416, the Mayor, Nicholas Wottone, delivered patrimony to a daughter Johanna together with a bed of worstede and a mazer cup {murra). Sums of money were disposed by will among his many children: Robert, Roger, Johanna, Idonia, Richard, Thomas, Matilda and Agnes. Idonia died under age (p. 198) and her portion was divided, while the guardianship of Richard, a junior, together with his patrimony, was committed (p. 232) 13th Feb. 7 Henry VI 1419/20 by Richard Whityng-tone, the Mayor, the Alderman and John Hille the Chamberlain to Agnes, the orphan's mother. This was obviously a second wife, not mentioned in the inscription, but an executor mentioned in the will, which included bequests to, among others, John West, son of Agnes his wife.

IV. Inscription in 44 lines on a gilt brass plate, part of the memorial to Bridget Coston, 1637, mural, nave.

Against the east wall of the nave on the south side of the chancel arch was a monument to Bridget Coston, 1637, and her husband Simon. High on the south wall by this monument was an associated set of Latin verses, engraved on a gilt brass plate. The monument itself was moved to the north wall of the nave at a restoration of the church in the second half of the 19th century, when the chancel arch was widened. The inscription remains on the south wall and is practically illegible from corrosion.


1. In the centre of the nave floor was a brass to a civilian and wife of date about 1480. The figure of the man, apparently in civil costume from a description of the indent, and the inscription have long since been lost, but the small effigy of a lady with a butterfly head-dress has disappeared only recently. It was recorded as there in the Middlesex Volume of the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments published in 1937, but was not there when the present rector came in 1953. The church was restored in 1951 when the nave was refloored. There is now no sign


GREENFORD Lady, c. 1480 (now lost)

William 3|riirp ©Blr-^kan,prittft.| kfttorof ttWarigl) I9i2.imttl b# bratl) ODrtobf r 164915J (KJi# memorial uia i errttea bj> tbr vui li of W lulootuj Isabel cDolf © g l f - ^ a n utoo tort) J f tag 1M92SJ €tcmal fte£t <&rant them CD loro an& let Ijrjlit perpetual.!

, sJhirir upon them. jftan tl)ep $U#t in i)earf .^a^§^U/5x JL

GREENFORD

Rev. W. H. Ogle-Skan, rector, ob. 1915 A good example of a modern brass, placed in the church in 1926.


of the original stone nor of the brass. The height of the lady's figure was 17f in. The illustration is from a rubbing in the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Cambridge, and acknowledgement is here made to the Curator for permission to reproduce. 2. Outside the church, just west of the porch, is a much worn slab with evidence of three figures and inscription.

REFERENCES 1 A. Heales, Trans. L.M.A.S., IV, 1871, 151. 2 Commissary Court of London, fol. 75. 3 P.C.C. 18 Maynwaryng. 4 'The Connoisseur,' LVIII, 164 (1920) Chas. R. Beard. 5 Trans. M.B.S., IX, 195 (1954). 6 Commissary Court of London (Brown 198).

GREENFORD PARVA

or Perivale

/. Henry Myllet, 1500, in civil dress and 2 wives, Alice, with 3 sons and 6 daughters, and Joan, with 3 sons and 3 daughters, inscription. Nave.

As a memorial this brass is typical of the small and insignificant productions of the early 16th century. It is curiously interesting in that the figures of the children are comparable in size with the diminutive principal figures of the parents.

The figure of Henry Myllet, in civil dress, is but 1\ in. high and he is shown full face, with the figures of his two wives on either side turning towards him. All three are standing on grassy mounds and are gracefully drawn despite their small size. An interesting feature is that the costume of the two wives, unlike many such representations in brass, are noticeably different. That on the dexter side is in a plain dress, cut to a V at the neck, without ornament of any kind and with what appear to be turned back and starched cuffs. There is no hatching on this figure and the head-dress is of the flamboyant 'butterfly' type that could date this one figure by itself as c.1480. The other wife is wearing a dress that appears to have a fur lined opening down the front. The cuffs are fur lined too, while the head-dress is of a fashion later by ten to twenty years. There


PER1VALE

Henry Myllet, 1500 and wives

is considerable use of hatching on this figure, too, which creates the impression of later workmanship or at least style. The husband's figure appears contemporary with this second wife.


PERIVALE George Myllet, 1600


Below these figures is a rectangular plate 17| in. wide and 1| in. high on which is engraved two lines of inscription in black letter, as follows: —

©rate p aiaba Uxrtriri Ittjllet at JUtrie ei Jlobane u-Eor' saar qui rjuibm Hetiric' obitt u° bte ffebruar' Jbttto btti mtUio bc ituar' atabs nniciet &e' ame

Below this are two plates with figures of children. On the dexter side the plate has three sons and six daughters and that on the other side three of each. The height of these figures varies between 4^ and 5£ in.

The association of the Millet family with Greenford is recorded in a number of monuments in the church. It is perpetuated to this day by a well-known hostelry near to the church wherein this brass and one now missing are depicted on mirrors near the entrance.

The manor and advowson were held by them and their descendants by female heirs during the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries. The name appears also at Gt. Greenford and at Hayes. There is some account of these and of other tombs to Millet relatives in a small book of the parish.1

On the south wall of the chancel is a monument to Joan, wife of John Shelbury, Gent., and relict of George Millet. She died in 1623. There was, and perhaps still is, a brass figure in civilian costume thought to commemorate George Myllet who died in 1600. Lysons, in 1795, describes it as lately on the floor of the chancel. The brass must have been temporarily covered, or was later replaced. It was described, and drawn by a Mr. Farthing in 1845 and the sketch appears on p. 81 of Allen Brown's book.

This effigy is dated c.1590 and was on the chancel wall, according to Haines' list of brasses published in 1861. Local record suggests that it disappeared at a restoration of the church in about 1890 and that it may possibly be again on the floor, but covered over with tiling at the restoration.

The accompanying illustration is from a rubbing in the collection at the Society of Antiquaries to whom acknowledgement is made for permission to reproduce here.

1 'The Chronicles of Greenford Parva," I. A. Brown, 1890.


ERRATA

Finchley Brasses, Vol. 20, Part 1

P.3. Inscription IV, 1.1, herici. P.8. Inscription VI, ISSUE to 1. 2, SAIDE to 1. 3; 1. 4 ends with OF MAY. P.9. Illustration of lady is brass no. I. P.10, 1. 7, "for Luke, impaling" and 1. 8, "for Skudemore" not italics. P. 12, 1. 15, SONNES for SONES. P.15, 3 lines from bottom, "lightly" for " likely"; last line, in "a bull's head," a in italics. P.16. Last three lines of text, not italic; NOTES. 2, L.M.A.S.; last line, add 1593.

76

A FOREIGN VISITOR'S ACCOUNT OF

THE GREAT FIRE, 1666

By P. D. A. HARVEY,

Department of Manuscripts, British Museum.

Additional MS. 49977 L was presented to the British Museum in 1958 by Dr. H. T. Giissow of Victoria, British Columbia. Written on five folded sheets of writing paper, probably about fifty years ago, it is an extract from the autobiography of Francisco de Rapicani, containing his eye-witness account of the Great Fire of London. This autobiography was written in German; it seems never to have been published, and the original manuscript, said to be in Rapicani's own hand, has not been traced. Dr. Giissow writes that the extract was copied by a Dr. Hillmann, late of the German Agricultural Society, whose wife was a descendant of Rapicani. It is likely, therefore, that the original manuscript, if it survives at all, is still in private ownership in Germany; and since the account of the Fire is of some historical interest it seems worth publishing the extract now, even though the original autobiography may eventually provide a better text and more information about the author's career and his circumstances at the time of the Fire.

Practically no record of Rapicani has come to light apart from the present manuscript and documents in the Riksarkivet at Stockholm and the Niedersachsisches Staatsarchiv at Hanover and Stade.2 The date of his birth, 1636, which is noted at the beginning of the extract, was presumably provided by the autobiography itself. He must have been of an Italian family, and he was certainly a Roman Catholic—his acquaintance with the Capuchins of Somerset House, mentioned in the extract, confirms this, but the mere fact of his having been an official of Queen Christina of Sweden would be sufficient evidence. Christina had abdicated in 1654 when she entered the Roman Catholic Church, and thenceforth she lived mostly at Rome. When she died in 1689, Rapicani wrote that he had served her for 23 years, both at her court and in travelling for her on various commissions;3 this means that he must have entered her service in the year of the Fire. The present manuscript reveals him as a man of

ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT FIRE, 1666 77

scholarly interests, just such a one as Christina would welcome at her court.

But besides, apparently, becoming Christina's principal confidential secretary, Rapicani seems also to have been on good terms with King Charles XI and the Swedish government. In 1681 and 1689 he went to Stockholm with Christina's ambassador, the Marquis Bourbon del Monte, and on each occasion the king gave him a present of 200 rix-dollars.4 In 1687 Christina granted him the brewery in Zeven, a small town in the duchy of Bremen, then under Swedish rule;5 after her death he was allowed to keep this, and he soon became magistrate at Zeven (1693), then amtman or governor (1695).6 He still held the post in 1719.'

According to a note on the present manuscript, Rapicani was visiting England in 1666 in the company of some Swedish noblemen, and they seem to have been in the suite of the two ambassadors extraordinary, Count Joran Fleming and Peter Julius Coyet, who were sent to England from Sweden that summer. This embassy was a step in the growing diplomatic cordiality between England and Sweden, which led from the agreement of friendship and trade in 1665 to the Triple Alliance of 1668; its immediate purpose was to try to mediate in the war that England was then fighting against France and Holland.8 The Current Intelligence,9

reporting the ambassadors' formal entry into London on 27 June, said that their whole retinue consisted of '124 persons (amongst whom the Count Carl-Gustaveson, Son to the late King of Sweden, the Count Douglas, the Baron Sparre, Baron Wachtmeister, the Lords Appelbom and Lagerfela". Clearly not everyone in this distinguished party was engaged on diplomatic business; probably most of them were simply travelling for pleasure, in congenial company. Thus, the Swedish regent's letter of 23 May to King Charles II, recommending Count Douglas and his brother, makes no mention of the embassy, but merely says that the two young men, having travelled in Germany, the Low Countries and France, now wished to visit England.10 Probably Rapicani was doing likewise, and there seems no reason to suppose that he was undertaking any mission in England for Queen Christina. Indeed, it is uncertain whether be had yet entered her service. In May 1666 she left Rome for a visit to Sweden, and did not return until November 1668. It may have been that Rapicani was sent north in an advance party to prepare for her coming, and then took advantage of this opportunity to visit England. But it seems more likely that other circumstances had brought him and the Swedish nobles together, and that he joined Christina's household on his

78 ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT FIRE, 1666

return from England in the autumn. His account of the conversation between the Swedish ambassadors and the chaplain suggests that he already understood Swedish.

There seems no doubt that his account of the Fire is authentic; the fact that the narrator witnessed it from a distance—Lincoln's Inn seems to have been his nearest approach to the Fire while it was in progress— makes the account the more convincing, without reducing its value. The most interesting part of the narrative is its description of the maltreatment of Swedes by the London mob, who thought that the Fire had been started by the French or the Dutch, and seized upon all foreigners indiscriminately." The amount of detail (though not completely accurate) makes it certain that Rapicani was writing his account from notes or diaries made at the time. The autobiography as a whole was probably compiled towards the end of his life; the fact that it is in German suggests that he wrote it when he was at Zeven.

The transcript that follows reproduces the manuscript as it stands, including the notes at the beginning and the words of query or explanation in parentheses, which must have been added by the copyist. Most of the extract is written in German script, but for some words, given here in italics, Latin script is used; where these occur in the text, they presumably correspond to the usage of the original manuscript. The extract has every appearance of being a careful and accurate copy, and its many faults of grammar and style must be attributed to the author himself. Notes have been added by a few words which seem likely to have deviated from the original through slips of the copyist's pen. The English translation which is appended is necessarily somewhat free; with it are some notes of comment and elucidation.

British Museum Additional MS. 49977 L.

Franciscus de Rapicani, Erster geheimer Etats-Secretair der Konigin Christine von Schweden, geboren 1636, schreibt in seiner eigenhandig geschriebenen Selbst-Biographie iiber die Londoner Feuersbrunst wie folgt:

[Pencilled note:] fdamals Reisebegleiter einiger schwedischen Adligen).

"Diese frohliche Zeit wurde aber bald in Trauer verwandelt, denn im Herbst selbigen 1666'en Jahres entstand in einer Sonnstags Nacht ein so erschrecklicher Brand, nicht weit von der TTiems-Brucken in eines


Beckers Hauss, davon, wie bekannt, diese grosse herrliche Stadt fast gantz in die Asche geleget wurde. Ich war selbigen Sonnabend mit diesem Freund Baumann und noch zweijen andere seiner Bekandten hinuber in Southwark, welches die Stadt auff jenseith12 der Thems ist, spatziren gewesen; Sonst war ich noch nicht iiber die Thems briicke gekommen. Wie wir nun hinubergingen, und ich die schone grosse Reijhe Hauser ansehe, sagte ich: Dass sind recht schone Gebaude, und ware es jammer, wenn Brand darinkommen sollte, denn sie waren sehr mitHoltz und Tafel-werk gebauet: Ich gedachte weiter nichts, und vollbrachten wir unsere Spat-zier-Reijse biss gegen Abend. Wie wir nun im schummern (Dammerung) wieder iiber die Briicke zuriickkahmen, stiirtzete mir auff der Mitte unvermuthet das bluth auss der Nasen, woriiber ich sehr etschrak, sagend, dass musste wass bedeuten, gieng beij seith an der eisernen Lehne an der Briicken, und bluthete wohl ein Paar Vatterunser lang; damit giengen wir wieder forth noch in ein Ca#e-Hauss eine Pfeiff Thoback (Pfeife Taback) zu rauchen, biss es spat ohngefehr Glockzehn wurde, und kein Gutsche der Gegend mehr zu finden war.— Weilen ich nuhn in Common-garden logirte, und es schon spath war, sagte Baumann zu mir "ich sollte beij ihm in Linc'ons'ind College ubernachten. Wir waren kaum eine Stunde im Bett gelegen, da wir gegen Mitternacht einen grossen Larm von Trommeln horten, auss dem Bett aufsprungen, und zum Fenster hinauss nichts als lauter Feuer gegen der Thems und selbigen Briicken sahen. Ich wusste des Morgens nicht wie ich nach meinem quartier wieder kommen sollte, ein solch getummel und gross Desordre war in der gantzen Stadt; da vergesellschaffte (begl&itete) mich dieser Freund biss in Commongarden, und blieben wir den Sontag daselbst zusammen. Zu mittag fiihrte Er mich noch zur mahlzeit beij einige seiner Freunden, allwo eine recht schone Compagnie beijsammen war, auch Einige aus der alten Stadt, sowohl Frau- als Mans-Persohnen sich befanden. Sie waren (: Gott vergebe es uns:) beij solcher gefahrlich und jammerlichen Zeit recht lustig; Es bekam aber Einigen, so auss der Alt-Stadt zu unss gekommen waren, sehr iibel, dieweil, ehe sie ihre Hauser wieder erreichen konnten, waren sie mitten im Feuer und Rauch auffgegangen: So heftig riss das Feuer umb sich, dass man dafor hielte, Es waren allemahl etliche 100 Hausser in einer Stunde abgebrandt. Des Abends schieden wir von einander und haben uns nicht wiedergesehen noch gesprochen in gantzer 8 Tage, da den folgenden Freijtag erst das Feuer sich biss an des Tourrs' (tower's) Grafften ausgebreitet, und daselbst sich gestiitzet gehabt. In-zwischen war denen Schwedischen Ambassadeurs auch bange, dass das


Feuer gar in Commongarden kommen mogte, hielten derowegen beijm Konige an, dass sie aus ihrer Behausung nach demselben, woselbst Sie 3 Tage iiber, vom 8ten Mai) (oder Marz) waren tractiret worden, sich mit ihrer Suite transportiren mogten, welches Sie auch erhielten, und wurde soforth alien, die sich unter ihrer Suite und Schutz befunden, angedeutet, sich beijsammen zu halten, und der Ambassadeur's Gutsche zu folgen: Die Baggage wurde vorausgeschickt, und folgeten wir den Dienstag nachmittag ohngefahr 50 Persohnen stark, denen Ambassadeurs zu Fuss nach, so gut bewehrt, als wir's hatten: Wir zogen aus einem Hauss, das grade gegen Sommersethouse iiberlag, da sollte man ein lauffen, reiten, fahren, schreien, fluchen, beten, alles durcheinander von jungen und alten, Mans- und Weibs Personen gesehen haben: Wir konnten kaum durch dass verbooste (erboste) Volk hindurch kommen: Da fiel mir der Brand von Troja ein, und stellte mir gantzlich vor, dass er eben so mochte ausgesehen haben.

Als wir nun in dass Hauss beij Westmiinster gekommen waren, gab der Kdnig den Ambassadeurs eine Wache vor die Thiir und die Ambassadeurs befehlen, dass Keiner sich aus dem Hause begeben, sondern sich vor unheil hiiten sollte. Es war aber mein Stubengesell, Ein Schwe-discher von Adel, dessen Nahme ich verschweige, so voller Impatience, dass er von seiner Inclination, die Er hatte, nicht wegbleiben konnte, der wagte es, und wie Er wieder zuriick wollte, wurde er, nebst dem Tafeldecker, der ihn begleitet, von dem unsinnigen Pobel aufgefangen, und gar, so wie er ging und stund, an einer Eck einer Strassen, an einem Hauss-Steine auffgehangen: Der Tafel-Decker aber war doch noch sein Gliick, denn dieser machte so viel Wesens mit dem Pobel, Indem Sie bald diesen, bald jenen zuerst henken wollten, dass einige Zeit damit zugebracht wurde, und als kaum der Edelmann auffgehangen war, kam eine Ronde von des Due of York's Leibwache zu Pferde, sahen diesen Handel, jagen hinzu, und hieben den Strick mit dem degen ab, warffen den Auffgehangenen auff's Pferd und brachten ihn also davon. Folgenden tages kam mein guter Galan wieder beij Hofe, musste sich aber gewaltig mit seinem blauen Ring, der ihm noch umb den Halss zu sehen war, vexiren lassen.

Ob nun gleich dieses nachdenkliche Exempel vor Augen, und man ohne auffhoren vernahm, wie dass rasende Volk unter den frembden Nationen ihre Grausamkeit veriibte, so war doch dem Hoff-Prediger auch noch sein Theil verwahret: Dieser, als er horte, dass sich das Feuer minderte, und man es an unserm Ort so erschrecklich nicht mehr sahe.

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PHOTOGRAPHS

ST. GILES, CRIPPLEGATE From Site of Wood Street, looking north.

HARMONDSWORTH BARN. A Tithe Barn of the Former Priory.

BY H. E. CHIOSSO

GEORGE INN, SOUTHWARK, FACADE, Ca. 1675.

CHARTERHOUSE CHAPEL, 16th & 17th CENTURIES.

THE MUSWELL HILL AXE

To the short list of prehistoric, ground stone axes from the metropolitan area there can now be added a small specimen found eighteen years ago in the garden of 13 Windermere Road, Muswell Hill. Brought to notice only recently, when it was shown at a meeting of Group 10 of the Council for British Archaeology, the tool was recognized as of probable early Neolithic fashioning. Five-and-a-quarter inches (13.3 cms.) long, it is of the simplest, being but a pebble of roughly elliptical section rubbed down to a cutting-edge at its wide end which measures 2\ inches (5.8 cms.) across.

As it was seen that the material of which the axe is made was a metamorphic rock quite foreign to southern England, the specimen was submitted to Professor F. W. Shotton, F.R.S., Department of Geology in the University of Birmingham. We are indebted to him for his identification, to which great interest attaches. He writes on 10th February, 1960: —

". . . The specimen . . . is indeed interesting though I shall have to be little non-commital about where it came from . . . The rock may be described as a fine-grained actinolite-chlorite-epidote-schist. The minerals present in it are epidote (and possibly some clinozoisite), quartz, chlorite, actinolite, plagioclare, sphene and opaque iron ore. It has only feebly developed foliation.

"As this is a metamorphic rock its source can only be looked for very far from London. I imagine something like this could be found at various places in central or north Scotland, and there is a possibility also that it could come from Anglesey. It seems to me, however, that it is just as likely to come from Brittany or Scandinavia, so that it may well be of foreign origin. I would only be prepared to say that it is far-travelled and must come from an area of highly metamorphosed rocks. I would also say that although I have looked at perhaps 500 slices of British axes, I have not seen the like of this."

In my opinion the axe was picked up not far from where the prehistoric artisan shaped it in a pebble from the local boulder-clay or glacial outwash material. For Muswell Hill, like other north London heights, is in the line of maximum advance of the great Pleistocene ice-sheet which the deposits register. Unless the stone had been brought by man from Brittany, which does not seem at all likely, any of the other regions named by Professor Shotton might be the source of the rock. They are all abundantly represented by ice-borne ingredients of the glacial beds.

A. D. LACAILLE.

AOCOUNT OF THE GREAT FIRE, 1666 81

wollte seine curiosite auch beijssen, und selbst vernehmen, wie es darum ware, aber Er bekam schlechte Beuthe, und brachten ihn einige wieder zu Hause den ganzen Leib voller (. . . nicht lesbar), den Kopff und dass angesicht voller bluth, sein baffgen (Baffcheri) und Kragen am Halss und vor den Handen in lauter Fetzen, sein Priester Rock gantz umgewend (umgewendet) und mit Lappen gesaumt.

Als dieses die Ambassadeurs vernahmen, wollten Sie ihn auch gern in dieser Equipage sehen, und liessen ihn in den grossen Vorsaal kommen, und als sie ihn fragten, wass ihn dazu bewogen, dass er sich aus dem Hauss unter das wilde Volk begeben hatte, antwortete Er : "O, H.H. Exellentzen, ich habe die Tage iiber, dass der Brandt gewesen, Gott auff den Knieen gebethen fiir diese Schelme, dass er dass Feuer von ihnen abwenden mochte und nun wissen Sie mir es solchergestalt zu danken. O dass Sie dass hollische Feuer nun allemahl gar ewig brennen." Als nun der Priester-Eijffer dermassen begund (begann) aus ihm zu rollen, kehrten sich die Ambassadeurs umb, und lachten, damit liessen Sie ihn stehen. Also wundere ich mich nicht, dass so viele Curieuse leuthe sich in Krieg begeben, denen der Kitzel auff obgedachte Weise muss benommen werden. Mir waren zwar diese 8 Tage lang, und verlangte ich wohl hundert mal den Virgilien, dan ich mir seine Verse von dem exidio Trojae nimmermehr so schon, als ich damals vor Augen hatte, wiirde haben imprimiren und reprcesentiren konnen: Des nachts war es allzu abscheulich anzusehen, denn die ganze Lufft schien als lauter Feuer iiber der Stadt. Die Terns sah nicht anders aus, als wie lauter Brand, den in der Tems-Strasse, da all dass Teer, die Fett-Wahren und wass zu Schiffen gehoret, haufig in den Strom geworffen wurde, kamen die brennenden Balken von den abgebranndten oder abgerissenen Hausern, und steckten eines mit dem andern an, dass man sich nicht so grausam vorstellen kann, als es in der That gewesen. Wie nun der Brandt sich geleget, kahm mein Freund Bauman wieder zu mir, und offerirte sich, mit mir durch die abgebrandte Stadt zu gehen, dass wir den Jammer sehen und betrachten konnten; wir gingen sie demnach durch und durch und fanden nichts als Steinhaufen und Keller, noch voller Bohlen und glimmenden Balken. Ein gross Jammern des Volkes und unziihlbar viel arme leuthe mit dem blossen Stab in der Hand, die zuvor in guthem Vermogen und Wohlstand gelebt hatten, welche sich hin und wieder auf die Felder begaben und Hiitten auffgebauet hatten: Ich sprach einige Buchhandler, bei welchen ich offt pflegte einzusprechen, und etliche Stunden zuzubringen. Die hatten zwar ihre Bucher in die grossen St. Pauli Kirchengewolbe gebracht. Es


war aber doch nichts davon gerettet worden, sondern alles war samt der iiberaus Prachtigen und grossen Kirche vom Feuer verzehret worden. So dass nicht mehr als wie ein klein Teil vom Chor, und dass starke Gemauer, welches doch alles von der Starke des Feuers, mit samt dem schbnen Portal und den schonen Saulen zersprungen iibrig geblieben. Es war ein gross Jammer anzusehen, doch waren die Gemiither der Menschen so trotzig, wie denn die Engellander von Natur unverzagt sein, dass Sie nicht so sehr von den durch den abscheulichen Brand verursachten Schaden, als von dem Krieg, welchen Sie mit den Hollandern zur See hatten, redeten und vor dessen weiteren Erfolg besorgt waren. Es wahrte auch nicht lange, da ging eine Haupt-Schlacht zwischen ihnen auff der Englischen Kiiste vor, und zogen die Engellander den kiirzesten. Man konnte das Donnern der Stiicke in London gar deutlich horen, und war ich eben gegen Abend in Sommersets-Hmss, in dem hintern Garten mit einigen Patri bei Capucinae dicht an der Terns, da die Erde von dem Donnern der Geschiitze unter unsern Fiissen bebte.

Da sah es nun sehr Ubel auss und wurden des Friedens Gedanken zur Hand genommen: Auff die frembten (fremderi) Nationen aber ver-mehrte sich der Grimm und Hass noch viel heftiger, also dass sich_die Frembden, best Sie konnten, auss dem Staube machen mussten.

Es war ohngefahr im Oktober, dass wir uns zur13 Riickreise anschick-ten, viele Schwedische yon Adel, und andre mehr geselleten sich zu uns, fuhren also in Gottes Namen gegen Abend die Terns hinunter biss nach Greenwich, allda des Konigs Jacht, die Er dem H. Grajen deputires14' hatte, auf uns wartete.

TRANSLATION

Franciscus de Rapicani, born 1636, principal confidential secretary of Queen Christina of Sweden, in his autobiography, written in his own hand, writes as follows about the Great Fire of London:

[Pencilled note-.] (at that time travelling companion of several Swedish noblemen)

This happy time was soon changed to grief. One Sunday night in the autumn of the same year, 1666,15 there broke out in a baker's house, not far from the bridge over the Thames, so terrible a fire that, as everyone knows, this great and splendid city was almost completely laid in ashes. That Saturday I had gone with this friend Baumann and two other


acquaintances of his for a walk to Southwark, which lies on the other side of the Thames from the City; I had not crossed the bridge over the Thames before. As we went over, and I looked at the fine great row of houses, I said: "Those are fine buildings indeed, and it would be a pity if they should ever catch fire"—for they were built with a good deal of woodwork and panelling.16 I thought no more about it, and we went on with our walk until evening. Coming back in the twilight we were in the middle of the bridge when blood suddenly poured from my nose. I was very alarmed and said that it must signify something; I went aside to the iron rail of the bridge,17 and bled for the space of a good two Paternosters. Then we went on to a coffee-house to smoke a pipe of tobacco until about ten o'clock, when there was no carriage to be had.18

As I was lodging in Covent Garden,19 and it was already late, Baumann said I should spend the night with him at Lincolns Inn. We had hardly been in bed for an hour when, about midnight, we heard a great noise of drums;20 we jumped out of bed and from the window could see nothing but a great fire beside the Thames, near that same bridge. In the morning I did not know how I should get back to my lodgings, there was such an uproar and great commotion in the whole city; but my friend accompanied me back to Covent Garden, and we spent the Sunday there together. At midday he took me to a meal with some of his friends, where there was a fine company gathered, including some men and women from the City. They were (God forgive us!) quite cheerful for so perilous and sorry a time, but some of those who had come to us from the City suffered great loss, for before they could get back home their houses had gone up in fire and smoke. The fire was spreading with such fury that it was thought that about a hundred houses were being burnt every hour. In the evening we parted company and neither saw nor spoke to each other for the next week; it was not until the following Friday that the fire came up against the might of the Tower and there came to rest.21

Meanwhile, the Swedish ambassadors were afraid that the fire might reach Covent Garden and requested the king that they and the suite that they maintained might be moved from their present accommodation to that where they had been lodged for three days from the 8th May (? March).22 It was immediately ordered that everyone who was in their suite or under their protection should stay together and follow the ambassadors' coach. The baggage was sent on ahead, and on the Tuesday afternoon, about fifty strong, we followed the ambassadors on foot, as well armed as possible. We set out from a building which stood just opposite Somerset House; and what an angry mob there was to be seen, young


and old, men and women, all together, running, riding, walking, shouting, cursing and praying—we could scarcely pass through them. The burning of Troy came to my mind, and I fancied that it might have looked just like this.

When we had come to the house at Westminster, the king gave the ambassadors a guard at the door and the ambassadors ordered that, so as to keep out of harm, no one was to stir from the house. My room-mate, however, a Swedish nobleman whose name I will not mention, became so impatient at staying away from a lady-friend that he had, that he risked going out; when he wanted to come back again and was just walking or standing in the street, he was seized by a furious mob, together with the steward who was with him, and was hung up from the projecting sign of a house22a at a street-corner. The steward, however, proved his salvation, for he made such a commotion with the crowd that they could not decide which of them to hang first. Thus a little time was gained, and they had hardly got the nobleman strung up when a mounted troop of the Duke of York's bodyguard came by; they saw what was going on, rode up, and cut the rope with a sword, threw the crowd's victim onto a horse, and brought him away.23 The next day our good gallant came back home, but he was dreadfully teased about the blue ring which could be seen around his neck.

With this notable example before our eyes, we could see without being told, what atrocities the maddened people were committing against foreigners; however, there was also something in store for the court chaplain. When he heard that the fire was lessening, and from where we were it no longer seemed so terrible, he was seized with curiosity and wanted to see for himself how things were. But he got short shrift, and some people brought him back home with his whole body full of . . . (illegible), his head and face covered in blood, his sleeves and collar all in rags round his neck and hands, and his cassock turned back to front and tattered at the edge.

When the ambassadors heard about it, they wanted to see him in this state and had him come into the long ante-room; when they asked him what had led him to go out among the mob, he replied "Why, Your Excellencies, the whole time of the fire I prayed God on my knees that he would keep it away from these rogues; and now what sort of thanks do I get? Oh, may the fires of hell burn them for ever!" When he began to give vent to this sort of priestly ardour, the ambassadors turned round and laughed and let him alone. However. I am not surprised that so


many inquisitive people go to the wars, who have to get rid of the itch for this sort of thing. Certainly I found the week long, and a hundred times I wished for my Virgil, for never again would 1 be able to impress on myself his verses on the exidium Trojae so well as I now could with what lay before my eyes.21 At night it was really terrible to watch, for the whole air above the city seemed to be ablaze. The Thames looked like nothing so much as a sheet of flame; in Thames Street all the tar and fat and ships' stores had been thrown bodily into the river, then burning beams had come from the buildings that had been burnt or pulled down, setting it on fire, so that the sight was more awful than anything one could imagine. When the fire had died down my friend Baumann came to me and offered to walk with me through the burnt-out city, so that we could see and contemplate the distress. We walked and walked and found nothing but heaps of stones, and cellars still M l of planks and smouldering beams. There was great distress among the people, and countless poor persons with nothing but a stick in their hands, who had formerly been prosperous and well-placed, were scattered here and there in the fields where they had built huts for themselves. I spoke to several book-sellers with whom I had often chatted and passed the time of day. They had brought their books into the great crypt of St. Paul's, and there nothing was saved; it was all destroyed with the magnificent great church, of which nothing was left standing except a small part of the choir and the strong walls, and even these, like the beautiful portico and pillars, were all cracked by the heat of the fire. It was indeed a pitiful sight, but the people's courage was so resilient, for the English are by nature not easily daunted, that it was not so much the loss caused by the dreadful fire that they were talking and worrying about, as the war that they were waging on the sea against the Dutch. Before long a major battle between them took place off the English coast and the English came off the worse. One could distinctly hear the thunder of the guns in London,25 and towards evening when I was at Somerset House, with some Fathers in the back garden at the Capuchins',20 close to the Thames, the earth shook beneath our feet with the thunder of the artillery.

As things now seemed bad, and thoughts of peace were taken up, the fury and hatred grew far stronger yet against foreigners, so that they had to leave the country as best they could.

It was about October when we prepared for the return journey; there came with us many Swedish nobles and others besides, and it was in the

86 ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT FfRE, 1666

evening that, in God's name, we set out down the Thames to Greenwich, where the king's yacht, which he had put at the count's disposal, was awaiting us.

NOTES

1 I am most grateful to Dr. A. E. J. Hollaender for his advice and encouragement throughout the preparation of this note, transcript and translation; and to Father B. Fitzgibbon, S.J., for some very helpful references and suggestions.

2 1 am indebted to Dr. Grill of the Riksarkivet and to Dr. Weise of the Nieder-sachsisches Staatsarchiv for kindly giving me details of documents concerning Rapicani in these repositories.

3 Riksarkivet; the documents drawn on for information about Rapicani are in the volumes Biographica R4, Bremensia 87, 119, 129 and in the Riksregis-traturet, 12.6.1689.

4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 6 NiedersSchs. Staatsarchiv, Hann. 74 Zeven Fach 37 Nr. 1. 7 Riksarkivet. 8 An account of the embassy's aims is given in the article on Coyet in the

Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon (Stockholm; in progress, 1917- ), ix, pp. 31-32. 9 No. 8, 25-28 June 1666.

10 Public Record Office, Foreign State Papers (Sweden): SP 95, vol. 6, f. 61. 11 W. G. Bell, The Great Fire of London in 1666 (London; 1920), which is the

standard work on the Fire, gives a number of references to similar attacks— pp. 33, 73-76, 121-122, 320, 323.

12 sic in MS.; perhaps "jenseits" in the original. 13 sic in MS.; perhaps "zur" in the original. 14 sic in MS.; perhaps "deputiret" in the original. 15 I.e. the night of Saturday-Sunday, 1-2 September. 16 The buildings on London Bridge were mostly of wood; it seems to have been

considered that the bridge would not bear the weight of brick or stone structures—G. Home, Old London Bridge (London; 1931), pp. 215-216, plate facing p. 352.

17 Most of the thoroughfare across London Bridge was a narrow passage between the houses that were built on it, but at the south end there were two gaps between buildings, where the road extended to the edge of the bridge, and at the north end was a section of six arches where the houses had not been rebuilt since a fire in 1633; as this last was fenced with high wooden palings, the incident must have occurred at one of the southern gaps—ibid., p. 218 and plates facing pp. 224, 241, 352.

18 Hackney carriages seem, to have been a fairly recent innovation; in February 1660 Pepys mentions an abortive attempt of the watermen to petition Parliament against them—Diary, ed. H. B. Wheatley (London; 9v., 1903-04), i, p. 41.

19 This seems the most likely interpretation of Rapicani's Common Garden. The permanent Swedish resident in England, Johan Lyonbergh, was then living at Covent Garden; on Tuesday, 4 September, he petitioned the king for powers to requisition four wagons to move his goods for fear of the Fire, perhaps as a part of the ambassadors' migration that Rapicani describes— Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1666-1667, p. 99.

20 Perhaps sounded as an alarm by the officers of the ward. Actually, the Fire did not break out until nearly 2 a.m.—Bell, The Great Fire, p. 22.

21 In fact the Fire died down on Wednesday, 5 September, following the fall of the wind on Tuesday evening; although there were some new fierce outbreaks on the night of Wednesday-Thursday, the Fire was over by Thursday morning. The Tower was saved only by blowing up some of the surrounding buildings-Bell, op. cit., pp. 158-160, 165-171.


22 The ambassadors entered London on 27 June by the English calendar, but this was 8 July by the new system and Rapicani—or even the copyist—may simply have mistaken the month; the query in parentheses is presumably the copyist's. The house must have been Lady Williams* in Palace Yard, Westminster; it was there that the ambassadors had been taken on arrival—The London Gazette, no. 65, 25-28 June 1666; The Current Intelligence, no. 8. Lady Williams was paid £300 a year from the Treasury to keep the house ready to receive any ambassadors and their retinues that the Chamberlain of the Household thought fit to lodge there; her husband, Sir Abraham Williams, clerk of the signet and agent of the Queen of Bohemia, had entered into this arrangement in 1634, and she took it over after his death—Calendar of Treasury Books, 1660-1667, p. 57; British Museum Add. MS. 34326, f.50.

22a This seems to be the most likely meaning of Rapicani's Hauss-Stein. 23 The incident is mentioned in a contemporary Dutch pamphlet: "Niettemin,

zijn verscheyde Hollanders en Franschen op de straten gevat, en vast gestelt, oock eenige, daer onder 2. of 3. persoonen, van des Sweetschen Ambassadeurs volck, opgehanghen, doch nae een weynigh tijdts wederom afghesneden, die men van verraet betichte, en van dese brandt beschuldighde" (Nevertheless, some Dutchmen and Frenchmen were seized in the streets and taken prisoner, and some, among them two or three of the Swedish ambassador's people, were hung up, but after a short time cut down again; they were suspected of treachery and were accused of starting this fire)—S.V.H.V—, Londens Puyn-hoop, oft Godts Handt over de selve (Amsterdam; 1666), p.10.

24 The comparison with the sack of Troy occurred even more readily to contemporary English writers, who were familiar with the fable of Brutus' foundation of London as the New Troy; see the many references in the poems on the Fire collected by R. A. Aubin, London in Flames, London in Glory (Rutgers University Studies in English, no. 3; 1943).

25 It is difficult to see what battle Rapicani is referring to. He may have had a confused recollection of the St. James's Fight, from which the noise of guns could be heard in London (The London Gazette, no. 73, 23-26 July 1666); but this occurred on 25 July and was an undoubted English victory.

26 On the Restoration, Somerset House became the dower house of Charles I's queen, Henrietta Maria, and its chapel became once more a privileged place of Roman Catholic worship, served by French Capuchins. In 1665 Henrietta Maria left England, but the Capuchins continued at Somerset House until her death in 1669 and throughout the decade this was a centre for Roman Catholics in London—R. Needham and A. Webster, Somerset House Past and Present (London; 1905), pp. 139-141, 151-152.

85>

THE EDWARDIAN INVENTORIES

OF MIDDLESEX

Transcribed by F. W. M. Draper, F.S.A.

Henry's VIIFs dissolution of the monasteries in 1539 and 1540 was followed in 1545 by an Act dissolving chantries, hospitals and free chapels. In 1547 those in authority who sought their own aggrandisement engineered the passing of an Act vesting in Edward VI the religious institutions left untouched by his father. This necessitated the drawing up of lists of the church property to be attached and the Edwardian inventories were the result.

The Middlesex inventories are in the Public Record Office1. They are in two sections, bound together in one volume. First, a series of seven: Chelsea, Kensington, Fulham, Chiswick, Ealing, Acton and Marylebone. Then follow 20 parishes of the Hundred of Ossulstone: Edmonton, Enfield, Whitchurch, Hendon, Hadley, Tottenham, Edgware, Harrow, South Mimms, Pinner, St. Giles, Stratford at Bow, Hornsey, St. Pancras, Paddington, Finchley. Hampstead, Willesden, West Twyford, and Clerkenwell.

I.—THE PRYSSHE CHURCHE OF CHELSEY

We the Jury doo present and sertyfy the goods plate ornaments Jewells and Bells belongynge and aperteynynge to the Churche of Chelsey w.t. in the countie of Mydd as well withe in the Inventory takyn by the Kynges Maiesties Commessioners as alsoo other goods belongynge to the same Churche and parysshe not beynge in the Inventory with Rerages and other deptts belongynge to the same Churche as aperythe hereafter more playnly certyfyed by VS the same Jury the fyfte daye of Augoost in the yere of our Lorde god a thowsand fyve honndryth fyfty and two and in the Sexte yere of the Reigne of our Souvereigne Lorde Kynge Edwarde the sext by the grace of God of Inglande France and Ietlande kynge Defendour of the faithe and of the Churche of Ingland and Ierland the suprem hede imedyatly under God.

THIS INVENTORY made the tenth daye of marche in the thurde yeare of the Reigne of our most dreade sovereigne Lorde kynge Edwarde the

THE EDWARDIAN INVENTORIES OF MIDDLESEX 89

jxt of all suche goods as is in the Churche of Chelsey in the countie of lydd by the consent of Robertt Richardson Clarke parson of the same, 'nomas Beane the younger and Henry Chamber wardens of the same hurche John Shelly and George Bryce of the seyde parrysshe wytnes D the same.

swells and Itm two chalics of sylver wt patens by syde one whiche late wase brent and consumed by fyer beynge in the costodie

of Thomas Beane.

CHELSAY THE INVENTORY

tm a Crose of copper and gylte & a lyttell maser wt a Bonde of sylver.

tm three aulter clothes to hange before the aultors. tm three Aulter clothes of dyeper3. tm iiij towells of dyeper. tm two Curtens at the Highe Aulter. tm fyve Candelstycks of Latten*. tm two Basons of pewter. tm iiij Corporas5 cases and two clothes belongynge to them. tm Two Quesshions of Tynsell. tm iiij Quesshions of owlde sylke. tm iij Vestments one of Blacke Vellett and two of Satten wt Vellett

Crosses and all thyngs belongyng to them. tm vij owlde Vestments of Satten and caddas0. 'tm one Cope of Tawny Vellett & one other owlde Cope. [tm two Curtyns of sylke wt a Cannapy of sylke. tm one hearse7 clothe of tynsell sylke and Vellett. [tm fyve Surpleses newe and owlde. Itm vj great bowks besyde the Byble. Itm three masse bowks and vij smale bowks. Itm a sensor of Latten. Itm a holy water stocke.

The ladye Itm in the same Chapell two aultor clothes, mores chapel Itm an aulter clothe of Brydgs8 Satten wt a Border

to the same.

90 THE EDWARDIAN INVENTORIES OF MIDDLESEX

CHELSAY MORE OF THE INVENTORY

Itm two Corteyns of sylke belongynge to the same. Itm xiiij bowle Candelstycks of pewter and a lyttyll Branche of Latten

and two Lamps of Latten. Itm one payre of Orgayns. Itm in the steple three greate bells and one lyttyll saunce bell. Itm two Hande Bells and a sakarynge bell. Itm two Cruetts of pewter. Itm a lyttell Chest wythe two locks. Itm in the steple three owlde Chests. Sowlde Serteyn goods sowlde By Robert Fyssher and John Shelley

Churche wardens wt the consente of the same parryssheoners the parsells as followeth—

Imprimis sowlde to Thomas Hungerford gent a Corporas case iijs iiijd and a Quesshion vs and a maser gylte beynge garneshed wt sylver & gylte xiis Itm sowlde to Water Harbarde gent a Vestment of Blacke Vellett prce xxs and a nother Vestment pryce xs and a nother Vestment pryce vjs viijd and a Cannapy clothe pryce xiijs iiijd and the Hangyngs of the aulter for lentt ijs

lijs

CHELSAY. GOODS SOWLDE

Itm sowlde to Thomas Saunders two aulter clothes vjd and three Vestments pryce xs and two banner clothes pryce viijd and an other owlde Vestment pryce xvjd

xijs vjd Itm sowlde to George Bryce a Vestment a Corporas Cape and two Vestments of whytt Satten pryce xijs and two Hangyngs for an aulter pryce xijd

xiijs


Itm sowlde to Robertt Mr. Hungerfords svant an albe pryce xvjd Itm sowlde a Vestment to Harvy Chamber pryce iiijs Itm sowlde to Robert Fyssher a paynted clothe pryce ijs Itm to the same Fyssher sowlde a table clothe of dyeper pryce iiijs Itm sowlde to Sr Edmonde Burtton an albe pryce xvjd and to the same Burtton the cannapy staves pryce viijd Itm sowlde to Robert Lyawle an albe pryce xvjd Itm sowlde to Thomas Lyans an albe pryce xvjd Itm sowlde a Crose of Copper and gylte and a Lyttell Branche of Latten and two Lamps of Latten a holy watter stocke of Latten a Sensor of Latten all whiche parsells doithe weye xxx Ii pounds pryce the pounde iijd vijs vjd sowlde to John Cartar of Westmynster Itm sowlde to the same Cartar xiiij lyttell bowle candelstycks of pewter weynge vij pounds pryce of Every pounde xd vs xd Som of thes goods sowlde vi li vijs ijd

OWYNG TO THE CHURCHE

CHELSAY

Deptts and Rerages dewe to the church as aperyth hereafter Imprimis Stephen Clabrooke Itm Thomas Lyons Itm Thomas Hungerford gent Itm Thomas Saunders Itm John Ewersbe Itm Robert Fyssher Itm John Beane Itm the execuntours of Thomas Beane desesyd for a chalice of sylver and gylte brent wt fyer as they said vallewed at v Remanynge in the Churche bocks beynge in the

xls xxvjs

xxs xiis iiijs iijs iijs

viijd iiijd vjd

iiijd viijd

vjd

92 THE EDWARDIAN INVENTORIES OF MIDDLESEX

costodye of John Shelley and Thomas Smythe church wardens xxxiiijs ijd Sme of all thes deppts and Rerags xij li vjs ijd

GOODS REMANYNGE IN THE CHURCH

CHELSAY

Thes Be the parsells of the plate Ornaments and other goods Remanynge in the Churche in costody of John Shelley and Thomas Smythe churche wardens Remanynge in the Church

Imprimis two Challics parsell gylte Itm two candellstycks of Latten Itm one Corporas casse of Redd Vellett and tynselle Itm iiij Qwesshions Itm two table Clothes Itm two towells Itm three Albes Itm three Sorpleses Itm a clothe to kever the Communyon table of sylke Itm a hearse clothe of Redd sylke and golde Itm a payre of Orgayns Itm two lyttell basons Itm iij greatt bells

and a lyttell bell in the steple Itm three owlde Chests

THES PARSELLS of the goods mensioned wt. in the Inventory takyn by the Kings Highnes Commessioners in the thurde yeare of his moost gracyous Reigne were stowln and the Churche broken the parsells of the goods as aperythe hereafter.

STOWLN.

Imprimis one Coope of tawne Vellett Branched wt golde Itm a Hearse Clothe of Blewe Vellett wt a Crosse of Redd Vellett and Branched wt golde and the Coope of Caddas and


two Curttens of sylke two aultor Clothes of Dyeper and two sorpleses two towells one of them Dyeper the other playne and one Corporas case and a Clothe therein and two albes.

NOTES

1 Church Books. E.315. Aug. Off., Misc. Books. Vol. 498.—In a chapter of his English schools at the Reformation, 1546-48 headed "Edward VI: spoiler of schools" Arthur Leach has shown how undeserved is Edward's reputation as a patron of education. To many a chantry a school was attached and shared its fate. Sometimes local patriotism refounded a school to which, ironically enough, the name of Edward was then attached by suitors for the king's favour.

2 Maser. A bowl or goblet of wood. 3 Diaper. A rich figured cloth. 4 Latten. A mixed metal resembling brass. 5 Corporas. The cloth placed beneath the consecrated elements in the sacraments. 6 Caddis. Worsted ribbon, also a woollen stuff. 7 Hearse. Not a vehicle, but the strengthened frame on which the coffin was

placed when it reached the church, similar to the French herse meaning, first, a harrow and then a portcullis. Cf also passim the diary of Henry Machin (1550-1563), who was a funeral furnisher.

8 Bridges. A kind of thread probably made at Bruges.

The inventory appears to have taken a long time to make, for before it was completed the churchwardens had changed twice.

94

REVIEW: THE VIKINGS

The Vikings. By Johannes Br0ndsted. Pp. 320, with 24 plates. Pelican Book. Penguin Books Ltd., 5/-.

No public library service can ever take the place of the home bookshelves, and in spite of rising costs in all fields—not least in publishing— it is still possible to stock them with an excellent small library for the price of a television licence. Thanks to the publishing revolution of our times, led in this country by Penguin Books, well-illustrated works by recognised authorities on a wide range of subjects can be obtained for a few shillings each. The archaeologist and historian have been particularly well served by the paper-back trade. Since mass-production demands mass-consumption, the growing array of Pelicans dealing with the study of man in the past bears witness to the current popularity of this subject. One of the latest additions to their number is a study of the Vikings by Professor Br0ndsted, the Director of the National Museum in Copenhagen.

The great expansion of Scandinavian enterprise during the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries is one of the most extraordinary stories of human history. The long-ships of the Vikings brought terror to the Atlantic coasts of Europe and penetrated through the Straits of Gibraltar into the Mediterranean itself. They sailed westward, colonising the Faroes, Iceland and Greenland, reaching the shores of America five hundred years before Columbus. By way of the great rivers of Russia they reached the Black Sea and Caspian, and established trade relations with both the Byzantine Empire and the Caliphate of Baghdad. How did they achieve their dominance? What were the motive forces which drove them? What kind of men were they? These are the questions which Professor Br0ndsted sets out to answer.

He shows how the weakness of western Europe after the death of Charlemagne, and especially the lack of sea-power to oppose them, created the opportunity for these hardy marauders, who sought new trade, loot, relief from the problems of over-population by overseas settlement—and above all adventure. He deals with Danes, Norwegians and Swedes separately for each century, and this part of the book inevitably becomes a complex story of battles, dynastic struggles, conquest

REVIEW 95

and resistance. It would have been helped immensely by a sketch-map or two, especially to guide the reader through the unfamiliar geography of Dark Age Russia and the Baltic.

There follows an interesting account of Viking dress and weapons, based on archaeological finds and such precious pictorial records as the tapestry from the Oseberg ship. The book is generously illustrated with no fewer than forty-six half-tone blocks, but the tapestry, though well described, is unfortunately not illustrated, although numerous references are made to it in the text.

The following sections dealing with transport, and with towns, earthworks and camps are excellent and well illustrated, with good photographs of the Glokstad ship, a cart and sledge from Oseberg, and an oblique air-photograph of the great military camp at Trelleborg. A sketch-map, showing the position of the sites to which reference is made, would however have been helpful to the English reader. A full account of Runic inscriptions is given, and this is followed by an excellent summary of the phases of Viking art, unfortunately not clearly linked with the illustrations. A typical example of each phase should surely have been illustrated, with an unambiguous reference to it in the text.

To many readers the last part of the book, dealing with the Viking way of life and religious beliefs, will be the most interesting. Here the archaeological and historical evidence is supplemented by several fascinating contemporary accounts, and we see the Vikings through the eyes of cultured foreigners such as Adam of Bremen, a German monk of the eleventh century, Ibn Rustah, an Arab geographer of the tenth century, and Ibn Fadlan who was ambassador from Baghdad to the Khaganate of the Bulgars soon after 920, and has left a vivid eye-witness account of the Swedish traders he met on the Volga. His description of their sordid personal and sexual habits, and especially the grim story of the Viking funeral and the sacrifice of the dead man's concubine, give a wholesome corrective to any tendency to glamourise these northern barbarians. It is remarkably like a nineteenth century European traveller's account of revolting practices encountered in darkest Africa, and is a useful reminder that barbarism and civilisation have nothing to do with race, and that progress from one to the other can be rapid.

Professor Br0ndsted's book has of course been translated from the Danish, and in the process a number of mistakes and inconsistencies in spelling, and minor faults in English usage have crept in. These might have been avoided with careful proof-reading by someone whose native

96 REVIEW

language is English, and the publishers must be held responsible, rather than the author or his translator, who is presumably of Danish origin. Nevertheless the translation is clear and readable, and it is perhaps hypercritical to regret these minor blemishes. The index, sometimes a weak feature in otherwise excellent Pelican publications, here seems to be quite adequate, and scholars will welcome the bibliography for each chapter.

RALPH MERRJFIELD

97

OBITUARY

NORMAN BRETT-JAMES

The writer was one of the oldest friends of Norman Brett-James, who died on May 24th, their friendship dating from a year long past when they were colleagues at Mill Hill School. In those days Nick, as everybody called him, was a very well dressed young man, with hair parted in the middle, a great interest in politics, an addiction to Rugby football, and a passionate devotion to Mill Hill School, which claimed his loyalty, not only as a master, but as an Old Boy. The Mill Hill staff was a delightful staff to serve on, young, vigorous and keen. At that time entertainment was not left to outside agencies, and in the evenings, when we met in one another's rooms, we used to sing Victorian ballads and the songs of Gilbert and Sullivan. In these activities Nick, with his pleasant tenor, took his full share.

His study was full, not only of books, but of pictures of the school and neighbourhood. Here was the first indication of that interest in local antiquities which led him to join our society in 1926, to take a leading part in the founding of the Mill Hill and Hendon Historical Society in 1929, and to write a book on Georgian London and a history of our county.

A short account of the foundation of the active and influential Mill Hill and Hendon Society will be of interest, as showing what the enthusiasm of a few men can do. A letter from Brett-James was printed in the Hendon and Finchley Times on January 4th, 1929, urging all who valued the natural beauty and features of antiquity in the district "to be up and doing in order to save what is still left." In the following week Mr. D. G. Denoon wrote to the paper suggesting the formation of a local society and a week later Brett-James wrote inviting all interested persons to a meeting at Ridgeway House. At this meeting the society was founded.

He served the London and Middlesex Society well, becoming a member of Council in 1928 and afterwards its chairman. He was editor of the Transactions from 1929 to 1948.

It is a great pleasure to the writer to know that he received a letter from Nick only a fortnight before he died. He was a man who took trouble to keep old friendships in good running order.

F.W.M.D.

MIDDLESEX MANORIAL DOCUMENTS

MIDDLESEX COUNTY RECORD OFFICE

I, Queen Anne's Gate Buildings, Dartmouth Street, Westminster, S.W.1. Supplementary List of Manorial Records Deposited since May, 1957.

Parish: EDMONTON. Manor: EDMONTON. Court Books 1661-1933. 16 vols, and Indexes. Minute Books 1742-78, 1801-44. Court Leet Book 1735-1855. Survey, 1604 (copy). List of copyholders, fines, rents, etc., 1802 and 1823. Bailiff's Annual Rentals, 1780-1819, 1824-63. Quit rentals, 1768-1863 (gaps). Steward's Accounts, 1801-32. Steward's Notebook, 1828. Precedent Book c.1835: (Edmonton and Tottenham Manors). Manorial court rod used within living memory (Edmonton or Tottenham Manor

or both).

Parish: HANWORTH. Manor: HANWORTH. Court Books (View of Frankpledge and Court Baron) 1670-1923 (6 vols.).

Parish: HARROW. Manor: HARROW alias Sudbury. Court Rolls (View of Frankpledge and Court Baron) 1648-1675 (127 m.).

Parish: HAYES. Manor: HAYES. Quit Rent Book. 1798-1799 (1 vol.).

Parish: ICKENHAM. Manor: ICKENHAM. Court Rolls 1415, 1434, 1472, 1523; Court Baron 1685, 1713, 1722, 1731; Court Book (Court Baron) 1819-1920. Court Rolls (Translations) 1411, and of above Court Rolls 1415-1431. Grant of free warren to Bartholomew Pecche in all "the lordships of his lands"

in Cowley and Ickenham, saving royal forests. 1252. (Office extract made 1819). 1 document.

Grant of freedom from certain feudal services to copyholders and freeholders (named) in the manor of Ickenham in Ickenham and Hillingdon, and reduction of fines to a fixed (specified) amount; Schedule of 21 freehold and 4 copyhold lands and tenements subject to the foregoing grant, with occupiers and annual rents and services. 1624. 2 documents.

Accounts of Quit Rents, 1865-1909. Memorial from the occupiers and ratepayers of Ickenham to the Lord of the

Manor of Ickenham requesting assistance in maintaining the rights of the use of Ickenham Green and protection from its use by gipsies. N.D. (? early 19th C.)

Sundry Deeds and Papers. 18th to 20th centuries.

MIDDLESEX MANORIAL DOCUMENTS 99

Parish: SHEPPERTON. Manor: SHEPPERTON (in the Counties of Middlesex and Surrey).

Court Rolls (View of Frankpledge and Court Baron) 1651-1663, 1736-1771. Sundry papers and copies of Court Rolls. 1686-1840.

Parish: STANMORE, GREAT. Manor, STANMORE, GREAT. Court Books and Minutes (View of Frankpledge and Court Baron) 1813-1936.

(4 vols.)

Parish: STANMORE, LITTLE. Manor: STANMORE, LITTLE. Court Books and Minutes. (Court Baron). 1774-1924. (4 vols.)

Parish: STANWELL. Manor: STANWELL. Court Books. (View of Frankpledge and Court Baron). 1700-1787. (2 vols.) Particulars and Valuation of Copyhold Estates (with Manor of Hammonds).

1796.

Parish: STANWELL. Manors: STANWELL and HAMMONDS alias SHIP-

COTTS. Survey, made by order of Earl of Dunmore by William Gardiner, 1748 (copy).

Parish: TOTTENHAM. Manor: TOTTENHAM, PEMBROKES, BRUSES,

DAUBENEYS and MOCKINGS. Court Rolls (copy) 1626-1920. (4 vols.) Court Books 1733-1852. (4 vols.) Field book of Survey made by Thomas Clay for Richard, Earl of Dorset, 1619. Quit rentals, lists of tenants, etc., 1805-1852. Precedent Book c.1835: (Edmonton and Tottenham Manors). Manorial court rod used within living memory (Edmonton or Tottenham Manor

or both).

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MIDDLESEX PARISH CHURCHES

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LONDON ft SOUTHEND

TRANSACTIONS

OF T H E


VOL,. SO P A R T 3


1 9 6 1

MESOLITHIC FACIES IN MIDDLESEX AND LONDON

By A. D. LACAILLE, F.S.A.

CONTENTS

I INTRODUCTION 1. General observations. 2. The character of the Mesolithic industries in the north-east and

west borderlands of Middlesex. 3. Origins; environment; development; spread.

II. HOLOCENE DEPOSITS IN MIDDLESEX AND LONDON. 1. Changing relations of land and sea. 2. Valleys of the Lea, Colne and Thames.

III. ARCHAEOLOGY 1. Harefield Moor, West Middlesex.

(A) South Harefield (Dewe's pit). (B) Dewe's Farm.

2. Links with former stratified finds. 3. Hackney, East London. 4. Admiralty, Westminster. 5. Dredging of the Thames.

(A) Historical. (B) Stone artifacts. (C) Antler and bone artifacts. (D) Ornamented objects of bone and antler.

6. Surface-finds.

IV. CONCLUSIONS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS REFERENCES

Hon. Editor F. W. M. Draper, F S.A.

26 The Avenue, Muswell Hill, N.10 Telephone : TUDor 4551

Hon. Acting Editor A. J. Percival, B.A.

Members' Library, County Hall, S.E.I Telephone: WATerloo 5000, extension 255

TRANSACTIONS

OF T H E


VOL,. SO P A R T 3


1 9 6 1

MESOLITHIC FACIES IN MIDDLESEX AND LONDON

By A. D. LACAILLE, F.S.A.

CONTENTS

I INTRODUCTION 1. General observations. 2. The character of the Mesolithic industries in the north-east and

west borderlands of Middlesex. 3. Origins; environment; development; spread.

II. HOLOCENE DEPOSITS IN MIDDLESEX AND LONDON. 1. Changing relations of land and sea. 2. Valleys of the Lea, Colne and Thames.

[II. ARCHAEOLOGY 1. Harefield Moor, West Middlesex.

(A) South Harefield (Dewe's pit). (B) Dewe's Farm.

2. Links with former stratified finds. 3. Hackney, East London. 4. Admiralty, Westminster. 5. Dredging of the Thames.

(A) Historical. (B) Stone artifacts. (C) Antler and bone artifacts. (D) Ornamented objects of bone and antler.

6. Surface-finds.

IV CONCLUSIONS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS REFERENCES

Hon. Editor F. W. M. Draper, F S.A.

26 The Avenue, Muswell Hill, N. 10 Telephone : TUDor 4551

Hon. Acting Editor A. J. Percival, B.A.

Members' Library, County Hall, S.E.I Telephone: WATerloo 5000, extension 255

101

I. INTRODUCTION

1. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

In no domain of prehistoric inquiries have greater advances been made during the past thirty-five years than in that concerned with man in the stages of his Mesolithic, or Middle Stone Age, cultural development in western Europe including these islands. Upon many archaeologists certain implements of types first produced abundantly in developed Mesolithic industries have exerted a peculiar fascination. In this regard one thinks especially of the small stone artifacts called microliths. So infectious has proved the attractiveness of these objects that for many enthusiastic workers this label and the term Mesolithic are virtually synonymous. This at least partly explains why of late years no word in the prehistoric nomenclature has come to be more freely used. Indeed, for several collectors of surface-found stone implements it describes specimens that bring to mind forms illustrated in textbooks to represent Middle Stone Age industry. For instance, some recent finds in northwest Middlesex have been called Mesolithic solely on the score of typology. This designation, however, ought to be used with caution, and it would be desirable if it were restricted to objects discovered in stratigraphy or other conditions of relevant association.

In point of fact few strictly datable antiquities of Mesolithic type have been found in and around London. Nevertheless, a review of examples recovered from various deposits and an inspection of collections are informative. For, even if so many relics cannot be dated exactly, their appearance indicates that Mesolithic industrial tradition was strong in the region. Support for this is afforded by the known diffusion of artifacts in the drainage of the Thames and its tributaries. Actually the most significant remains have been found in connexion with its feeders rather than with the principal stream. This is partly because of the origin of some characteristic implements and the environment in which they evolved, spread and gained the area of this survey, namely what are now Middlesex and London.

W2.

2. THE CHARACTER OF THE MESOLITHIC INDUSTRIES

IN THE NORTH-EAST AND WEST BORDERLANDS OF

MIDDLESEX

Although not within the actual territory of the present review, yet close enough to it to call for mention, is the classic Mesolithic site long held to be the type-station of the Maglemosean1 flint industry of England/ Found by the late S. Hazzledine Warren at Broxbourne, Herts.,3 four miles north of the boundary with Middlesex, the archaeological remains underlay peat determined by pollen-analysis to be of Late Boreal age. The large assemblage of artifacts, now in the British Museum, Bloomsbury, comprises plain, utilized and edge-dressed flakes and blades, scrapers, gravers, residual cores and trimmings, characteristic tranchet axes and waste therefrom, besides a strong microlithic element. As yet unpublished, but often cited,4 are comparable groups discovered near Uxbridge in much the same conditions by the late F. N. Haward, and also preserved at Bloomsbury. From so near Uxbridge, in one of Boyer's old pits, west by north of the factory recently built by Sanderson Fabrics, they have erroneously been given a Middlesex provenance for they really derive from Buckinghamshire, since the finding-place lies in Denham parish.

Still another concentration, strictly matching the Broxbourne collection in forms represented, is that discovered by the author in the now vanished Sandstone gravel-workings in Iver parish.5 Here the great sub-station of the Central Electricity Authority now stands 200 yards from the Colne River which at Uxbridge separates Middlesex from Bucks. The compact peat overlying the gravel, upon which the flints occurred, has given pollen-counts that point to its late Boreal age, one sample according particularly well with a specimen from Broxbourne.0 A somewhat later dating is indicated at another spot at Sandstone which has yielded a similar industry (below, pp. 103 and 123).

Haward's site lay near, or was part of, that visited in the early years of the present century by the Geologists' Association,7 when many flints of exactly the same Maglemosean facies were found by the late A. S. Kennard. These first discoveries near Uxbridge seem to have been made in conditions like those observed by Mr. Haward, by the present writer on the Buckinghamshire bank and by Mr. Warren on the Lea in Hertfordshire. Because of their mode of occurrence, and in the light of

103

knowledge at the time, Messrs. M. A. C. Hinton and Kennard likened the artifacts to the Upper Palaeolithic Magdalenian of the caves.8 So far as most of the relics go, the comparison is typologically sound enough, particularly when account is taken of the parentage of the Maglemosean culture.

More recently, and until a few years before the last war, Mr. J. G. Marsden (now deceased), his sons Thomas and Mostyn, and the author recovered many artifacts, including fine microliths, by excavating at Sandstone in Iver parish. In places there were concentrations of flints upon gravel, or upon sand resting upon gravel, below shell-marl at the base of light peaty soil. This in turn lay under decayed roots and remains of heath, the whole capped with grasses and ferns. Again, compressed peat beneath an undulating land-surface locally contained flint implements with pebbles in its lower part, usually just above the water of the mere formed by the removal of immense quantities of gravel.

From five miles farther north, at West Hyde in Rickmansworth parish, Hertfordshire, also on the right bank of the Colne, the author can report some flint artifacts stained deep brown. These are identical with the ordinary output of the Mesolithic industries of Maglemosean forms found at Broxbourne on the Lea in the south-eastern corner of the same county, and in Bucks, at Sandstone, Iver, and Boyer's old pit (the so-called Uxbridge site, p. 102 above) in the parish of Denham. They were taken from the pebbly lower part of peat just above water and from the heavy peaty soil removed to reach the gravel being dredged by machinery from the bottom of the old channel.

From these discoveries it has been inferred that the various clutches of stone implements are the memorials of the sojourns of small bands squatting on gravel banks and ridges beside water or on islets in lakes or streams. The character of the terrain in which such natural features occurred will become manifest in the sequel. Some of the relics of human industry found stratified, as true Mesolithic artifacts, and as the vestiges of these food collectors, beside rivers shared with other counties, must serve as standards for comparisons with the objects to be discussed from Middlesex and London.

104

js o a i>

•«.

c i

X

vtl

- i

SCALE OF MILES

Fro. 1. Map of part of Cotne Valley, with Mesolithic sites shewn by spots.

105

3. ORIGINS; ENVIRONMENT; DEVELOPMENT; SPREAD

The term Mesolithic applies strictly to the cultures developed in north-western Europe between 10,000 and 5,000 years ago in various climatic and environmental conditions created by the melting of the Pleistocene ice. This phenomenon marked the beginning of the Holocene or Recent epoch that carries down to the present day. It did not, however, witness any change in the economy of prehistoric man. Although the ancient fauna that had been associated with the late Upper Palaeolithic human races was replaced by the same animals as are found today, man continued in the food-collecting ways of his forerunners. To a basically late Palaeolithic equipment he added innovations devised in response to the changing conditions brought about by the waning of the ice and the attendant spread of forests, alterations in sea-level and modification of river basins. Hence the Mesolithic or Middle Stone Age was not so much a period of transition as one of survivals. The true break with the past took place therefore with the coming of the food-producing people with their new arts, so inaugurating the Neolithic or Bronze Age according to regions.

Of the Mesolithic cultures that arose on the European continent as a result of this passage from the Pleistocene epoch, the Maglemosean exerted most influence in the southern part of the North Sea drainage, in which many of its industrial traditions persisted even into the early age of metal. Deriving mainly from eastern Upper Palaeolithic strains, it was cradled in the Baltic area. From encamping in boggy places on the banks of rivers and lakes, its exponents came to settle on moors and islets while the Baltic trough was occupied by the fresh-water Ancylus Lake. As sea-level outside was also lowered the Dogger Bank became an island, and land-connexions were brought into being between the Continent and Britain.

Analysis of the pollen sealed in the peat that encloses the material evidence of Maglemosean activities shews that birch and pine then predominated among trees. On the strength of this and other means of dating, the remains are assignable partly to the late Pre-Boreal, but mainly to the Boreal climatic phase, from after 8000 to about 5000 B.C. Dry continental conditions obtained during this spell of mildening climate, increasing warmth and developing woodlands. Relating the three main groups of Mesolithic cultures that arose in the Baltic region

106

to the post-glacial molluscan evidence, and particularly to the spread of forest trees under the improving conditions, Professor J. G. D. Clark has sub-divided them in terms of the natural chronology.9 Thus, the Maglemosean industries in the area of their development may be said to belong to Forest Culture Period II.

That the Maglemoseans were more versatile craftsmen than their Palaeolithic and early Mesolithic (Period I) ancestors appears from an assorted industrial output. Besides such ordinary artifacts as flakes and blades and their derivatives, typical axes and adzes known as tranchets call for particular mention. First occurring in Maglemosean industry, they were among the longest-lasting of prehistoric tool-forms. A characteristic transverse scar distinguishes their cutting-edge, from the production of which by a specialized method a typical waste- or trimming-flake resulted. Among the great variety of stone tools there have been found ground and smoothed specimens with edges bevelled to a cutting-edge and others planed by pecking. Hammers and mace^heads prepared in pebbles and partially or completely perforated for holding or hafting are also recorded.

With this kit the Maglemoseans worked bone, elk and red deer antler as well as wood, making parts of hunting- and fishing-gear and holders for stone and bone tools. They were skilled in fashioning bone and antler into plain, notched and barbed points, fish-gorges and hooks, axe- and adze-like mattocks, mostly perforated for hafting and very probably used for dealing with the blubber and fat on carcasses. In addition they manufactured microliths to mount in bony and wooden heads of weapons and domestic implements. Fibre and bast they employed too. By drilling and engraving they ornamented small objects and pieces of bone and antler with conventionalized patterns and representations of animals and human beings. Where they stayed to hunt, fowl and fish they set up tents, shelters and wind-breaks of branches.

Using boats, constructed more probably of birch-bark than hollowed out of logs (for the making of which they were not adequately equipped), the Maglemosean folk spread far across the extended European plain in a familiar and uniform environment. Over the generations bands of them eventually reached the coastal grounds north of the Humber, and of the migrants who also alighted on the east and south-east some pushed up the valleys of the Thames and tributaries, among these the Medway, Darent, Lea, Colne and Kennet. In the undrained lower reaches of fens and swamps with ridges and islands of gravel they found all the game, birds and fishes they could chase, snare, trap, lure and spear.

107 In our area the Thames then coursed between unconfined banks,

very different from the protective works engineered in modern times to restrict it. Many streams joined the main river, the northward-flowing being fewer perhaps but generally longer than those running south from the range of heights that today include Dollis Hill, Hendon, Hampstead, Highgate and Muswell Hill. Doubtless such tributaries were more numerous during the Early Post-Glacial period than are comprised in the lists drawn up by historians. Nevertheless several streams traverse that part of the Thames basin which embraces Middlesex and London of the present day*. Of those that persist, few are actually visible within the immense built-up areas. For since Roman times they have gradually been arched over and incorporated in the system of sewers. As such they are to be counted among the "buried" streams of London.10

* See sketch-map, fig. 9, relating to no. 10 of the conclusions, p.145.

108

II. HOLOCENE DEPOSITS IN MIDDLESEX

AND LONDON

1. CHANGING RELATIONS OF LAND AND SEA

About eight thousand years ago the dry continental Boreal conditions passed into the moist, warm and insular climate of the phase named Atlantic. Induced by a general sinking of the land whereby the sea regained its mastery, these conditions witnessed the development of the Mixed-Oak-Forest. Concomitantly with the submerging of the territory reclaimed earlier from the sea the land-bridges were severed and Britain became detached from the Continent. With this our modern island history began. The effect upon the main rivers in south-eastern England was to shorten and widen their estuaries, causing the tides to flow farther inland. Below London the marshes along the Thames became saline,11 and in our region the tides reached farther upstream. While the raising of sea-level was responsible for reducing the length of the smaller tributaries and the lower reaches of the larger, it would cause such streams as the Roding, Lea, Brent and Colne to flow more slowly. In so doing they would tend to redevelop old distributary channels, a process that long continued under natural conditions.

The submergence initiated rather late during the Boreal climatic phase, and marking in its waxing the transition of this phase to the Atlantic, profoundly affected south-eastern England thereafter. It comprised the Flandrian transgression that created the English Channel, and had its counterpart in the high-level Tapes Sea around the southwestern part of Scandinavia and northern Denmark. Here the marine invasion broke down the sill enclosing the Ancylus Lake on the west and rapidly overran the banks of that great fresh-water body. Thus the Litorina Sea of increasing salinity came into being and occupied the Baltic depression. To the changed environment the food-collectors adapted themselves. Settling along the shores of this new and almost entirely enclosed sea, they developed the kitchen-midden culture known as the Erteb0lle (Forest Culture Period III). ia Basically their equipment was a modified form of Maglemosean to which pottery was eventually added, owing probably to contacts with early Neolithic people. The Erteb0lle expression of Mesolithic culture had contemporary equivalents along many parts of the coasts as well as inland in north-western

109

FIG. 2. Flint industry from Dewe's pit, South Harefield.

no Europe. In England the industry of Late Atlantic age found under peat and marsh deposits by Mr. J. P. T. Burchell, F.S.A., at Lower Halstow, Kent,13 is the best known, for its output very closely resembles the products of the ancestral Maglemosean.

Since those events of Atlantic times there have been intermittent uplifts and sinkings of the land in north-western Europe. The present outlines of the Baltic Sea and of our coasts are due to the emergence that began to operate during the first half of the Atlantic climatic phase, soon after the Litorina Sea and its counterparts attained their maximum and the post-glacial climate its optimum. The climatic and vegetational response to the recovery of the land was a modified return of continental conditions and conformable forest trees in the Sub-Boreal between ca. 2500 and 850 B.C. About this time the renewed and slightly rising sea-level induced somewhat damp and cooler conditions of the Sub-Atlantic phase that carries the history of our climate down to the present.

2. VALLEYS OF THE LEA, COLNE AND THAMES

No great distance separates south-eastern England from the chief continental theatre of the phenomena described above, so it is not surprising that the reality of the physical changes is shewn in this region by sediments that range from Late-Glacial to historic times. No complete series of beds, however, is known to the writer as having been found at any site in our area, but the absence or presence of one or other deposit is of local significance only. It may therefore be supposed that the sequence can be ideally drawn up by linking the principal strata observed at different places.

The lower reaches of the Lea and Colne, which are so important to this study, have been recognized as comprising layers that prove informative of the order and nature of deposition since the melting of the Pleistocene ice. Of course the ample records of later arctic and postglacial episodes made by able workers in the valleys of these two rivers can be tied to the Pleistocene succession registered by the gravels and other beds in the Thames basin, which provide so many standards for comparisons and correlations."

I l l

Owing to the coadjutant deductions of geologists, botanists and zoologists the character of several crucial deposits associated with these tributaries is well known. Especially is this true of the Lea valley, though some results have been obtained for the Colne that offer more than visible traits of identicality. As far back as 1922 the revisers of the regional geological memoir lamented that the archaeologist had little to give the stratigrapher who most needed assistance in connexion with deposits subsequent to the so-called Middle Terrace.15 Now, this was written many years after some prehistoric flint artifacts had been recovered from just such deposits in the low grounds through which flow these two rivers and other feeders of the Thames. While the age of these relics of human industry was then only surmised,16 a more accurate estimate can be advanced today in respect of some of the past discoveries. This has been made possible by the assessing of later finds, very largely by the application of the pollen-analysis of peats. One wishes therefore that researches were continued in the basins of these rivers that appear to hold considerable promise for the palaeobotanists.

The particularly important deposits in the lower courses of the Lea and Colne have been revealed in cuts and bores, and especially in great excavations for the winning of the flood-plain gravel. Extraction is normally effected by huge dredging-grabs, the preparations for which broach overlying alternations of silt and mud, clay, shell-marl and peat. Of the series of deposits represented in the two valleys, those in the Lea are the better known.17 Over far greater expanses complications have been observed along the main, large and minor tributary valleys, in the open as well as in the reclaimed and overbuilt marshes within Middlesex and London, to east and west, also on the south or right bank of the Thames. These irregularities do not confuse the general sequence.

Although the valleys of the Thames and its tributaries have not sensibly altered since the close of the Pleistocene epoch, there have yet been minor changes. Such are the forming and filling of various subsidiary channels. Considerable interest attaches therefore to the deposits associated with several of these, particularly in the lower reaches of the River Lea, for the geological, floral and faunistic evidences they have provided. From some there have also been retrieved objects of much archaeological importance. To the physical causes that have produced many of these late streams, beavers may have contributed. On the borders of Middlesex and Essex, around Walthamstow,18 the abundant bones of these tireless dam-builders suggest that their colonies were numerous and long-lasting

112

enough to cause widespread flooding. This appears to be registered permanently by the swamp peat that entombs the remains of an inundated forest.

Man, too, has been a powerful geological agent. At different times he has been responsible for diverting, cutting, widening and deepening waterways. During the nineteenth and present centuries the construction of great reservoirs, especially in north-eastern London boroughs, profoundly affected the valley of the Lea. Again, to the ever-increasing commercial extraction of gravel by highly developed dredging machinery is due the carving out of fresh branches of main streams and the creation of considerable lakes. In many places in south-west Middlesex such openings are conspicuous features in the flood-plain of the Thames, and they are common in the territory drained by the Lea. However, the most spectacular are in the valley of the Colne between the confluence with the main river at Staines and Rickmansworth close to the borders of Middlesex, Buckinghamshire and Hertfordshire. For the latest inch-to-the-mile O.S. map19 shews the Colne widened and linked with subsidiary courses, joined in many of its meanders by channels to the Grand Union Canal, and expanding into meres and ponds with a network of connecting leets and ditches. This bewilderingly complicated hydrographic system over a stretch of twenty miles, particularly in the tracts of most import to this paper, namely between the neighbourhood of Harefield and Yiews-ley-West Drayton in Middlesex, is attributable to the very active operations for winning the flood-plain gravel which have been carried on with growing intensity. How extensive this work, and how rapid the expansion of the waters, will be realized when the contemporary sheet of the same scale is compared with that20 shewing the area thirty years ago. The distribution map of sites in the region gives an idea of this (fig. 1).

The gravel dug for at low elevations in the wet pits in our district is the infilling of the buried channel that, extending from west Middlesex eastward far below sea-level, was apparently carved out during the fourth glaciation. Locally the gravel is banked against deposits resting upon the Taplow Terrace. It comprises sands, loams and peat, much of the last being drawn from great depths in the course of commercial operations. The plants and animal remains recovered from all this basal material shew that by the time the channel was filled conditions cooler than the present obtained.21 With the subsequent mildening of the climate the Pleistocene epoch or Ice Age gave place to the Holocene or Recent age of the geologist. In terms of archaeological chronology, therefore, the low

113

flood-plain gravel and its floral and faunal ingredients are referable to the Upper Palaeolithic Age.22

From the foregoing it is manifest that the beds resting between the low-lying gravel of Upper Palaeolithic age and the topsoil belong to postglacial times. These deposits constitute the Holocene alluvium in the lower Thames valley downstream from London. They also fill a subsidiary course that was eroded out of the lower flood-plain gravel occupying the main buried channel. At places in the Thames estuary, notably dock-excavations in the neighbourhood of Tilbury and- Graves-end, the alluvium has been proved to a depth of 60 ft. below O.D.,23 and near Charing Cross to a thickness of 15 ft.24 Peat, its deepest-lying constituent, is separated from the basal chalk by sand and gravel, together 10 to 20 ft. thick. This suggests an elevation of the land of about 80 ft. above the present level, and it gives an idea of the amount of subsequent uplift because the river had again to cut down to a great depth to reach base-level. This process of renewed down-cutting or erosion may confidently be referred to the Pre-Boreal climatic phase onward until the emergence attained its peak early during the succeeding Boreal. As already stated (pp. 105-6), it was then that Britain and the European continent were connected by the land-bridges that enabled Mesolithic migrants to enter our region.

The subsequent land-sinking and marine expansion marking the transition from the Boreal climatic phase to the Atlantic, and equated above with the development of the Litorina Sea in the Baltic basin (pp. 108 and 110), witnessed the filling of the inner burial channels with the alluvial beds that have been noted in the lower Thames and in the valleys of the Lea and Colne. The various layers of peat of different ages, already glimpsed (pp. 102-3) and to be mentioned farther on (pp. 115-24 passim), are held to register pauses in the drowning of the lower reaches of these valleys,25 a process involving movements that have corresponded with oscillations round the coasts.

In the lowest reaches of the larger tributaries joining the Thames between, say, Brentford and the sea, the same order of Holocene deposits broadly holds as in the estuary of the main river, allowance being made for the decrease in effect upstream of changes in base-level. Going upstream from the estuary or confluences, however, one may notice that the Holocene deposits gradually rise in elevation. So effeotive is the incline in the Lea valley northerly towards Hertfordshire from the Hackney Marshes and Walthamstow, where the buried channel has been

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Fio. 3. Flint industry from Dewe's Farm, South Harefleld.

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proved to nearly 60 ft. down,26 and from Staines to south of St. Albans in the Colne valley, that in places the gravel stands above water and the topmost deposit supports vegetation.

Locally the gravel forms ridges or small islands under the alluvium. The Anglo-Saxon suffix in place-names testifies to the existence of such patches, whether unseen today or still visible, as aits and eyots; as Battersea and Thorney, etc.; and also Frog Island.

Actually there is a fall in the valleys, but it is not uniform. Thus, for seven miles from Staines in the main one the amount is 3 ft. per mile; in the Colne Valley from 130 ft. near Harefield to 50 ft. at Staines; and over the same distance in the Lea and Roding valleys 3 and 7 ft. per mile respectively.

Besides the conspicuous tracts of alluvium that from Watford, Herts., and Harefield, Middlesex, to Staines, distinguish the Colne valley, and from Enfield to Hackney and Blackwall lend character to the Lea valley, only a few alluvial belts are mapped prominently along the left bank of the main river. These occur at Pimlico, Westminster, Charing Cross, Wapping, the Isle of Dogs and generally in the dock area. Among the lesser streams bordered by alluvium is the Brent, to which can be added the buried Ty Bourne (Tyburn), Fleet and Walbrook. On the south or right bank, along the main and tributary streams alluvial flats are on the whole more numerous and larger than on the north side.

Varying in thickness and irregular, the Holocene beds in the lower reaches of the principal rivers in our region nevertheless comprise certain well-defined layers, but owing to local erosion and deposition they may be of very different ages though similar in appearance. This is shewn only by the molluscs in the shell-marl often found upon the sand that quite commonly overlies the flood-plain gravel.27 Inconsistency also appears from the cover of clayey peat forming a compact, heavy black mass locally charged in its lower part with small pebbles. Frequently encountered on top of the flood-plain gravel in and close to the commercial workings in water, this dark deposit dries hard like stone. Peat of much lighter body and peaty soil also occur in places, one or both overlying, with or without any intervening layer, the dense black material. Remains of forest trees and other vestiges of plants are common in the peaty beds. Where these have not been disturbed in dry areas they support shrubs, heath or grass, and in marshland aquatic plants. Over the centuries in several localities these upper beds have been cultivated. Spoil from excavations and the tipping of refuse near built-up areas have also contributed to the altering or supplementing of the natural layers.

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Only the deposits bearing directly on the author's theme need be considered at any length here. Regarding their chronological span it is enough to say that under or in them there have been found relics of industry ranging from true Mesolithic to Roman. From their contained archaeological remains Warren assigned some alluvial deposits in the Lea valley to the historic period and even to our own day,28 which means a stretch of several thousands of years. The beds are in the main connected with just such land-movements as have taken place since Holocene (post Pleistocene) conditions obtained. This is the present author's experience in the Colne valley on the borders of Buckinghamshire and Middlesex near Uxbridge. Varied in age therefore as are the sediments, an approximation of their place in the post-Pleistocene sequence will appear when the older antiquities are examined.

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III. ARCHAEOLOGY

1. HAREFIELD MOOR, WEST MIDDLESEX

The writer has sought to continue the late J. G. Marsden's scrutiny of the alluvial deposits three miles north of Uxbridge. Having surveyed the area as opportunity offered during the past twelve years, he can now comment further on local conditions and add something to the archaeological finds that keen-eyed observer assembled from the Middlesex parish of Harefield, not far removed, of course, from the sites at West Hyde, Herts., already mentioned (p.103).

The principal area of discovery, Harefield Moor, forms an irregular quadrilateral one mile south-west of Harefield village and £ mile west of St. Mary's parish church. With its long axis disposed approximately north-west—south-east, the moor is about two miles in length and one in width. On the north it is bounded by meanders of the River Colne separating Middlesex from Hertfordshire and Rickmansworth parish. The river also limits the moor on the west and divides Middlesex from Buckinghamshire and Denham parish. Practically the embankment of the Wycombe line of the British Railways (Western Region) may be regarded as the bounds of the moor on the south, a furlong beyond a small stream flowing westerly past Dewe's Farm. East of this steading, northward up the valley, the moor is flanked by fields that rise to the Uxbridge-Harefield road. This ascends from 127 ft. near the farm to 164 ft. opposite the church, and thence to 292 ft. in the village.

With its surface-level uniformly at 120 ft. above O.D., Harefield Moor is essentially such an expanse of peaty fens supporting heath, scrub, coarse grasses, aquatic plants and some small coverts, as are those other alluvial tracts in the tributary valleys of the Thames described in earlier sections of this paper. As remembered before so many houses and works were built upon Harefield Moor, one had no difficulty in visualizing the locality as food-collectors would see it in the Early Post-Glacial period. The sojourns of such folk is attested by the flint artifacts that the moor has yielded.

Sporadic finds have been made, but two sites south of Moorhall Road and east of the Grand Union Canal proved fairly prolific. All the scattered objects were recovered from hard, compressed black peat exposed in the walls of cuts. Some of the flints occurred with, or just under a sprinkling of small pebbles and sand upon gravel emerging

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above, or immediately on water-level. Elsewhere great heaped masses of this peat, that had been dug up by the grabs from the surface of the moor down to the gravel, gave a few more easily seen specimens.

(A) SOUTH HAREFIELD (DEWE'S PIT)

A third of a mile south of the ruined thirteenth century Moor Hall chapel, the flood-plain gravel was dredged in a working known as Dewe's pit by much simpler machinery than is used over a far greater area by the present operators, Messrs. John Hawtrey and Co., Ltd. Where this firm's plant and local offices stand (1 in. Sh. 160, TQ 054884) the same conditions obtained as indicated by the odd flints, but the artifacts were so much more numerous and concentrated that a good representative series can be illustrated. Although the peat under which the artifacts lay, or from which they were extracted, varies much in thickness, it generally forms a heavier overburden on Harefield Moor than at Sandstone in Iver parish down the valley (above, pp. 102-3). Similarities are strengthened by the circumstance that at the site on Harefield Moor spreads were revealed where, instead of black compact peat, crumbling peaty soil occurred under the moorland vegetation. Implements taken from it, like other finds from the Holocene beds in the locality, are made mostly of fine dark flint from the Chalk, although some are lighter in hue and mottled green. Another feature of resemblance is that, as elsewhere on this moor in western Middlesex, and whatever the containing alluvial deposit, the relics therefrom are in the same state of pristine sharpness and pleasing brown and dull staining as is so characteristic of Mesolithic artifacts from the alluvium of the Colne and Lea valleys.

A survival of Upper Palaeolithic tradition that manifests itself in Mesolithic stone implements of the Maglemosean industrial fashion appears here particularly in the fine parallel-sided blades collected. Of these, fig. 2, nos. 1-3 and 5 are good examples. The first two retain some of the original crust of the parent nodule, and their edges exhibit signs of wear as knives or saws. Nos. 3 and 5 derive from material on which flaking off was carried farther. Both, besides being slightly worn of edge, bear some marginal retouch. In no. 5 this is in microlithic style, which is interesting since no true microliths have so far been found on Harefield Moor, and this despite the evidence that the cores afford of the production of small, delicate blades.

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A plain, corticated, short and wide flake provided material for the scraper (no. 4), bearing minimal trimming near diagonally opposed corners. Such implements, however, were not commonly made here, but, if the site has yielded retouched pieces and no finished microliths, the abundant cores shew it to have been an active knapping-floor. Testifying by their scars to the diversity of blades that were struck from them, examples nos. 6, 7 and 8 could well in their final products have been the foundation of a microlithic element. For the region no. 8 is interesting as a steep scraper simply achieved by the application of retouch along the edge of a well-flaked core. Trimming-flakes detached from cores are so many more indications of the existence of a working-floor. Deriving from different parts of cores, some specimens are thin, as no. 9; others are thick, as nos. 10 and 11. These no doubt appeared attractive to the ancient artisan who transformed them into efficient tools, an end-scraper and a convex side-scraper respectively.

(B) DEWE'S FARM

South of Messrs. Hawtrey's workings, for over \ mile towards Dewe's Farm, an intensively cultivated strip lies between the lake artificially re-formed or enlarged in the moor and the low escarpment bordering the rising ground on the east. Evidently this bluff had fringed a formerly wider lake, along the gravel and sandy banks of which squatters encamped, as is demonstrated by the number of flint implements found here. These flints owe their exposure to the removal of the capping of low plants at some time long past and to the regular deep ploughing and treatment of the underlying peaty material. Soundings and inspection shew that in this tract the overburden broached by the agricultural operations varied much in thickness. Indeed, in places the top of the flood-plain gravel is no less than 6 ft. from grass-level, in others its surface outcrops flush with that of the surrounding arable soil. Here and there bones and teeth of large wild animals have also been turned up, besides fragments of trees, pine, birch and hazel being well represented.

Brown-stained and green-mottled, the artifacts brought to light in the circumstances described are identical in facies and treatment with those from the peat and heavy peaty soil at the other finding-places on Harefield Moor. In common with these industrial relics, they differ from the patinated and grey flint implements picked up from the surface of the adjacent rising ground and fields in the neighbourhood.

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The forms selected for illustration, as fig. 3, from the low-lying terrain are the impressive complement of the representative group (fig. 2) associated with the heavy peat. Looked at together, all the specimens from Harefield Moor and figured here might have come from the hands of the same craftsman.

Among the flakes and blades, which constitute the majority of the discoveries, a high proportion shew wear along their edges, as nos. 1-5. Dressing, as differing from injury, appears from the drawings of nos. 1 and 4, the second also bearing the signs of inverse edge-retouch. Similar treatment was given to no. 5, which is actually trimmed near its tip on the edge of the upper surface.

Better defined than these last tools are the scrapers nos. 6-10. The pair nos. 6 and 7, side-scrapers on thin flakes, are blunted steeply along their greater edges, slightly concave in the first and straight in the second. Much interest attaches to their companions. Technically no. 8 should be a side- rather than an end-scraper, since its admirably dressed working-edge lies across the main axis of the flakes as indicated by the bulb of percussion and concentric ripples. Although so short, no. 9 on a complete piece answers to the standards of end-scrapers. Glaze on its surface may be due to the action of sand and water. On no. 10 the retouch has been applied along the edge of the striking-platform, thus transforming the curious flake into a butt-end scraper. Fine additional working appears on its right edge at the lower end.

Usually one connects gravers, like the typical example no. 11, with the working of bone and wooden gear, such as was produced in Upper Palaeolithic and descendant Mesolithic industries, particularly those like the Maglemosean that was associated with just such an environment as the Harefield fen (above, pp. 105-6).

Cores, though numerous, are not really so varied, squat, straight-sided examples being the rule, and two- or multi-platform specimens common. Core no. 12 is typical of the place. Pyramidal shapes are rare, but this is not surprising since so few small flakes and blades have been found. No. 13 has been adapted by delicate secondary dressing and edge-trimming to form a stout, steep scraper. It is perfectly in keeping with the Mesolithic character of the assemblages of artifacts found stratified in these tributary valleys of the Thames. A core-trimming, no. 14, is also represented to shew material detached from one of the few cores found to have given small blades.

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No. 15 alone, as the lower part of a typical tranchet, is decisive, for it proclaims the Baltic origins of these industries from the peaty beds on Harefield Moor. Although this tool is unfortunately incomplete, the essential feature of its characteristically scarred cutting-end causes the implement to rank with others of its kind found under Late Boreal peat at Sandstone, Iver, in the Colne valley, at Thatcham in the Kennet valley, Berkshire,29 and at the type-station of the English Maglemosean flint industry near Broxbourne, Herts., in the valley of the Lea.30 To this can be added specimens equally expressive of the penetration of the Baltic Mesolithic method, e.g., no. 16, a waste slice resulting from the blow dealt transversely at the end of a tranchet or pick to sharpen it in the manner described by Clark.31

The implementiferous peaty soil near Dewe's Farm is to all appearances the same as that which has yielded comparable strictly similar artifacts considerably above the water at Sandstone, Iver. Samples of this soil were examined by Mrs. Elizabeth Knox, Edinburgh, to whom the author is indebted for counting the contained pollen grains. Her readings,32 despite the disappointing infrequency of pollen in the samples, indicate the presence of some hazel, birch, willow, a little alder, much fern, and a fair quantity of pine. Poor as is this assemblage, it yet suggests to the writer that the actual transition from the Boreal to the Atlantic climatic phase was under way. This, it is thought, would not be discordant with the estimated Late Boreal dating for the lower compact peat on water at Sandstone (above, p. 103), which like that on Harefield Moor contains or overlies a comparable industry. In this regard it is possible that the closely set flake-scars on the tranchet, fig. 3, no. 15, point to manufacture somewhat later than that of the more boldly faceted specimens found under Late Boreal peat at Broxbourne and Sandstone. Of course this suggestion may be supported or negatived by an awaited report on the pollen-content of the samples of the soil. If it be validated, then an early Atlantic dating for the artifacts from the deeply ploughed area between Dewe's Farm and Hawtrey's plant is quite compatible with the age to which other discoveries are referred. In this respect one thinks particularly of those from the Mesolithic site so carefully studied by Mr. J. P. T. Burchell, at Lower Halstow in the estuary of the Medway, Kent.33 Including tool-forms of the kinds described above, the producing industry is remembered as having been assigned to the Atlantic climatic phase. It has also been regarded as the natively developed equivalent of an industry of the Erteb0lle kitchen-midden

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FIG. 4. Artifacts of flint and other stone from Hackney Brook.

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culture that grew along the shores of the Litorina Sea in the Baltic region from Maglemosean strains of the preceding Boreal period.34

2. LINKS WITH FORMER STRATIFIED FINDS

The foregoing review of Holocene deposits and their archaeological contents in west Middlesex helps today in our assessment of some past discoveries in various places within the geographic scope of this Society. These discoveries consists of objects of stone and bone found stratified or in other conditions indicative mainly of the riparian habitat of Early Post-Glacial colonists. Most of these peoples' relics to be discussed in the sequel were amassed during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, a period marked by a great zeal for prehistoric antiquities on the part of collectors, many of whom were endowed with considerable discernment. Imperfect, however, as their records were, they can be understood better today because supplemented and made clearer by inferences drawn from recent work. Hence many of the antiquities concerned seem now to fall into their proper place in the human history of the region. Having all these, one can afford to exclude from present consideration sundry flint artifacts picked from the surface or turned up in the breaking of shallow ground. For, attractive though some of those examined in course of recent inquiries undoubtedly are, none is really in itself distinctive enough to warrant a place in this paper.

3. HACKNEY, EAST LONDON

Regrettably the work of the late J. Exhall Greenhill, Principal of Vermont College, Clapton, seems to have been forgotten. Yet, about eighty years ago his investigations helped to throw considerable light on the prehistory of east and north-east London.35 Some of the results

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he obtained, mainly following the extensive operations of the East London Waterworks Company (above, p.112), can reasonably be linked with discoveries fundamental to this contribution to the Society's Transactions.

In addition to the Palaeolithic artifacts Greenhill recovered from Pleistocene deposits, there are several relics of a blade industry which are preserved in the Central Library, Hackney, such as his finds near the Hackney Brook, a demonstrably late stream.36 Here he had noted that exposures normally revealed, in downward order, ordinary soil or peaty earth to a depth of 3 ft. overlying about 9 ft. of gravel, ochreous in its upper part and clayey in the lower, with a local occurrence underneath of unusually large pebbles in sandy shell debris.37 After searching through the collections arranged in the library by the late Mrs. A. R. Hatley, 38 the writer made up a series of artifacts for drawing from among those found by Mr. Greenhill under peat and over gravel at his site. Simply called Neolithic, they were evidently considered at the time of discovery to be of less account than a greenstone axe-head recovered with a bone tool from the surface soil. As the illustrations shew, the components of the group, fig. 4, found so much deeper down are of a much earlier facies than Neolithic, and this justifies their being ranked meantime with the Mesolithic series figured in the preceding pages.

Most of the relics from the Hackney Brook site are of the same grey and greenish banded flint as many of the implements from Broxbourne and the Colne Valley. Several indeed exhibit the same staining as the artifacts from and under peat in our western and north-eastern borderlands.

The Hackney assemblage appears to be of choice objects rather than a full clutch. Still, it is comprehensive enough to shew its pre-Neolithic character. Moreover, its constituents were discovered in much the same conditions as were the comparable relics held to be Mesolithic from Broxbourne farther up the Lea drainage, from around Harefield to Uxbridge, as well as from the Admiralty site described below (pp. 126-7).

All the specimens are in good condition and unpatinated. Though many consist of trimmed, defined tool-forms, the basic material on which they are fashioned shews that blades were the mainstay of the manufacturers. Parallel-sided, as nos. 1 and 2, and leaf-shaped, as no. 3, are about equally represented. Of the first, nos. 1 and 2 are worn from use, as is no. 3 of the second sort.

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In contradistinction, their companions are deliberately dressed along the edges. No. 4 is laterally notched opposite steep working, and terminates in a fine top with a steep edge. A long, narrow downward facet and a short one on opposite sides impart so distinctive an aspect as to suggest a double angle-graver. Both ends of the rather thick implement no. 5 are retouched, and thus permit of our calling this a double end-scraper. Simpler, however, is the ordinary end-scraper no. 6 with steep trimming carried round the top. On the nether or separation surface there are signs of retouch along one side, and some delicate nibbling occurs on the face along much of the right-hand margin. Similar fine trimming so distinguishes the scraper no. 7 as to rank it with microliths for workmanship. Its unusual square end warrants the inclusion of scraper no. 8, and especially recalls Upper Palaeolithic forms of thick-ended flakes and blades. Normally the type is not a product of industries weak in the older traditions. On typology alone such a piece (no. 8) would therefore uphold at least a Mesolithic ascription of the series that already in several of its components proclaims the craft of food-collectors. That in this part of the Lea basin these people were in many ways equipped like their Palaeolithic forerunners appears also in the multi-purpose implement no. 9. Primarily a knife, it bears some marginal retouch besides many signs of wear, and at its wide end it is shaped to a faintly concave scraper-edge. As the drawing indicates, the top left corner bears a narrow facet backed against another practised down the side, thus forming the working-edge of an angle-graver.

Matching Maglemosean examples from south Sweden,39 a quartzite pebble with countersunk hollows, no. 10, enhances the Mesolithic aspect of the group and points to mainly Baltic affinities. Apparently unrecognized until now, it is another interesting typological addition to the list of prehistoric stone implements in our particular area of research. As such it compensates a little for a lack of more precise details on Greenhill's site.

4. ADMIRALTY, WESTMINSTER

Recognition of the variability of the alluvial deposits overlying the flood-plain gravel permits of our rating as Mesolithic at least some of the flint artifacts found in 1890 by Mr. W. J. Lewis Abbott

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in sections about 100 yards long and 40 ft. deep revealed by excavations for the foundations of new Admiralty offices in Spring Gardens, St. James's Park,41' the surface standing at 20 ft. O.D. Here the flood-plain gravel constituting the lower layers contained an arctic bed akin to that discovered many years later by S. Hazzledine Warren in the valley of the Lea. Besides evidently derived remains of Pleistocene mammals, it yielded flakes which Abbott assigned to Mousterian and even earlier cultures.

The Admiralty site may be regarded quite properly as being associated with a tributary rather than the main river. It lies just above the north-east corner of low ground that was formerly a marsh or fen bordering the ancient Thorney island (above, p. 115) on the north, and crossed by one of the larger channels of the divided Ty Bourne (Tyburn). Reclaimed in the course of time, this area has become St. James's Park, the stream going to form the ornamental lake therein."

Only three specimens from the Admiralty have been traced among the assemblage of prehistoric antiquities acquired from Mr.Abbott in 1929 by the Wellcome Historical Medical Museum, fig. 5, nos. 1-3. Of these, one, no. I,43 is labelled as coming from the lower sediments. Though far from being typical of any specific culture, in its fresh condition and perfectly preserved, fine edge-dressing, this implement matches its two companions, the finely made scrapers nos. 2** and 3a

from the upper beds. The material in which they are worked is a greenish-grey mottled flint closely resembling some used in the industries of Hackney Brook, Broxbourne and the Colne Valley.

It is clear from a later review of his discoveries in the Admiralty section that Mr. Abbott,*6 in common with Messrs. Hinton and Kennard" and other searchers in Holocene deposits, realized that the artifacts from the alluvial beds topping the flood-plain gravel were not as late as Neolithic. Considering therefore their mode of occurrence on an old land-surface with microliths and other artifacts, peat and quantities of floral vestiges, shells of snails, and bones of animals, these two well-made scrapers record an association that links these tools with the groups of Mesolithic forms described above from .the valleys of the Colne and Lea and with others to be noticed.

Means of checking Abbott's section are, of course, not available. However, he made an important find in the fragment of the carapace of a large fresh-water tortoise (Emys) in the marl and chara bed overlying the upper deposit from which he extracted the flint tools

127 nos. 2 and 3. Curiously enough, the notice on this fossil appears not to have attracted attention, although in the absence of other indications it is strongly suggestive and helpful.

Beyond the fact that the Pleistocene fauna represented in the gravel has little in common with that in the upper beds which overlie the gravel, the animal remains at the Admiralty have really nothing out of the normal to teach us. It is otherwise with the chelonian plate from the layer immediately above that containing the assemblage of flint artifacts whereof nos. 2 and 3 are the remnants. For this bone of a tortoise is evidence of the post-Pleistocene migration of a southern form that could only have reached the latitude of London when the climate was much warmer than now, maximum being attained during the first half of the Atlantic period (see above, pp. 108 and 110). Support lot assuming an Atlantic dating for the bed yielding Emys is afforded by Abbott's reference to the large size of the shells of at least one oi the fresh-water molluscs identified.*8

rrom all this it is apparent that Abbott's upper implementiferous bed was laid down at the latest during the Atlantic climatic phase, and, of course, before the overlying tortoise-shell-bearing bed. It is even

FIG. 5. Flint artifacts from Admiralty, Westminster.

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likely that the significant artifacts were fashioned during the preceding Boreal period. In either case, however, the stratigraphy of their lie points to their being referable to Mesolithic industry. Were further confirmation needed, then Abbott's description of the constituents of the group and the facies of the surviving items supply it. Thus, after seventy years it seems that Abbott's discoveries at the Admiralty included one of value to studies of the Middle Stone Age.

5. DREDGING OF THE THAMES

(A) HISTORICAL

Collections other than those mentioned above also comprise distinctive objects that demonstrate the vigour of the Maglemosean penetration into our area. Even if these relics lack stratigraphical indications, their number, facies and workmanship suggest a wide distribution of the Mesolithic industries and the influence of their tradition. The exemplars of this are implements of stone, antler and bone made in true Baltic style. Like the remains already discussed, those to which attention is now paid were found in some fluviatile connexion. The Thames is mainly concerned, but a few of its minor old or surviving tributaries are involved too, as well probably as vanished backwaters, marshes and fens.

Archaeologists ought to be grateful to a few authors who drew notice to these typical Mesolithic forms, tranchets and allied objects, found many years ago and now preserved in museums. Writing before their significance was quite understood, Mr. C. E. Vulliamy, for instance, described and illustrated several in a chapter49 on the representation of New Stone Age culture in Middlesex and London. Before him Reginald A. Smith had commented at length50 on certain artifacts retrieved from submerged ancient foreshores of the Thames. Several of these are relevant to the present theme, particularly since they derive from the left bank in the region comprised in this survey. The relics about which Smith wrote formed part of the omnibus collection amassed during his long life by Thomas Layton, of Brentford, who died a

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nonagenarian in 1911. The importance of far more items in the immense assemblage, removed recently from Brentford Public Library to the London Museum, would be increased had not so many slips become detached from specimens, and had more details accompanied the antiquities upon which indications of provenance remain. Other collectors there have been, of course, but none of them or past students of finds from the Thames deserves higher tribute than G. F. Lawrence. Praise is especially due to him for having embodied his shrewd observations in a most useful paper.51 Lately a more comprehensive work by I. N. Hume52 has placed us in this author's debt, though his book hardly touches upon the Ages of Stone.

Many of the relics doubtless derive from such sites as are indicated by the comparable artifacts that have been found in stratigraphy. Most, however, considered by Vulliamy and others, as well as those examined recently, were dredged from the Thames in the days when the navigation channel was being widened and deepened, and when various operations connected with the construction of docks were under way. To some of the finds there clings a hard limy encrustation that testifies to a long sojourn on the river bed. Attrite ridges, blunted edges and smoothed surfaces distinguish several implements from sharp and fresh-looking counterparts, e.g., figs. 6 and 7. This may be said of both stone and bony artifacts. Some examples, particularly bone-work, though less certainly catalogued, were probably recovered during the course of utilitarian excavations in alluvial deposits adjoining the main or tributary streams.

Along its course from Sunbury, some ten miles farther upstream than the highest tidal point at Teddington, to Woolwich, the Thames has yielded typical relics. Only those found on the near side of the river within our specified limits concern us here, but it must not be overlooked that about as many antiquities belong properly to the right bank and ought to be included in a more comprehensive work than this. Inspection of museum series reveals that a few stone, antler and bone implements were so vaguely labelled by the original collectors as to be of little value today as records. Notwithstanding, the groups shew that, besides the two places just named, the principal points of discovery along the left bank are:—Hampton and Kempton; Twickenham; Isleworth; Brentford, especially the dock and near it on the north side of Syon Reach called Old England; Chiswick; Hammersmith; Westminster. Kew appears to be particularly well represented, since many specimens in museums are simply labelled and catalogued as

130 from here, certainly after collectors' lists. Lawrence, however, with his unrivalled knowledge of finding-places and conditions along the Thames, makes it plain53 that Kew Bridge on the Middlesex side was the place.

(B) STONE ARTIFACTS

When the relevant assemblages of stone artifacts in museums are examined the absence of flakes is at once apparent. The collectors of sixty-five and seventy-five years ago seemingly ignored such things and concentrated instead on the well-developed so-called Thames picks. Lawrence, however, in 1930 mentions pygmies from Eel Pie Island,54

by which he may have meant microliths or simply small flakes and blades.

Many of the picks comply with tranchet standards in so far as they are flaked in rods of flint and terminate in the characteristic bezel. It cannot be doubted therefore that these implements are based on and are related to the Baltic tools of the kind noticed in our area at Harefield (above, p.121 and fig. 3, no. 15), and just outside it at Sandstone and Broxbourne. Like these in typical form and elliptical section, several tranchets of undoubted Mesolithic facies have been studied with the Thames picks that constitute a large part of the Sadler Collection in the Gunnersbury Park Museum, Acton, and of the Layton Collection now in the London Museum, in which institution the Lloyd Collection also counts examples. Flint tranchets and picks from the bed of the Thames are also housed in the British Museum, and a few of both sorts belonging to the Thames Conservancy Board Loan Collection are preserved in the Borough Museum, Reading.

The small collection of true tranchets of flint from the Thames figured, fig. 6, proclaims the identity of its ingredients. Simply labelled "Thames", the first, no. I,55 is shewn as being still sharp of edge, but with its ridges dulled and flake-scars made somewhat lustrous, probably by the action of water and sand. Patches of crust remain on this implement of pleasing brown hue. Equally typically bearing a marked cross-scar at their lower end, the two, nos. 2 and 3, retain their pristine freshness. From Old England, Syon Reach, Brentford,56

no. 2 is slightly smoothed and stained light fawn with some incipient patination and corticated areas, one of which could help the grasp. Its unaltered companion no. 3, from Staines,57 of light grey flint stained faint greenish-brown, is narrower and rounder, and therefore perhaps nearer the Thames picks, of which some of the finest known examples are represented here.

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Ordinarily long and narrow, sub-triangular or irregularly lozenge in section, but not elliptical like the tranchet, and occurring but very rarely in Denmark, the Thames pick may be regarded as a specialization peculiar to south-eastern England.58 Not only does this form abound in the Thames valley, but on the South Downs particularly it is extremely common, since it persisted there so long as flint was used for making into tools. Although the Thames pick is normally a longer implement than the tranchet, quite exceptionally big specimens have been recovered from our main river. How these as type-forms differ and seem to develop from the tranchet, the illustrations shew. Conditions in the muddy and silty gravel and time have dealt kindly with the magnificent flaked flint from Brentford, fig. 6, no. 4,59 and with its equally skilfully made but lesser associates from Teddington, no. 5,60 Isleworth, no. 6,61 and Westminster, no. 7.62

(C) ANTLER AND BONE ARTIFACTS

If the stone implements of Mesolithic aspect from the Thames are imposing despite the lack of details of discovery, the artifacts made in bony materials are equally impressive although usually as poorly documented. The range of these as implied by museums collections, however, is not as extensive as that of the stone tools.

Except for some small objects like ground and trimmed pieces of antler and bone encountered in most comprehensive series from Upper Palaeolithic to Bronze Age and even later, the relics in these substances are all characteristic of Mesolithic industry prevalent in Baltic lands during the Early Post-Glacial period. Not only so, but in the assemblages from our region Maglemosean rather than later features predominate. Dating, however, must be precarious, because specimens vary in condition and present many contrasts. Thus, firm, heavy, mineralized implements are matched by others that scale away to the touch. Again, some implements look quite fresh, which no doubt accounts for the attribution of a number to the survival of ancient traditions in early metal age workmanship.63

The lower halves of denticulated bone points so typical of Maglemosean fishing-gear are among the best-known of prehistoric relics yielded by London's river,64 but their finding-places, Battersea and Wandsworth,65 lie outside our bounds. Just as distinctive, nevertheless, are several adze-like, a few axe-like and other implements fashioned in red deer antler from the left bank. Most of these tools appear un-

133

expsctedly heavy and thick in section. This is because the antler of which they are made had graced animals of the kind that ranged over continental forests. These were far bigger beasts than their degenerate successors living today in parts of Britain.

The quota from the left bank includes an exceptionally long and massive tool of red deer antler with an adze-like working-edge and wide cylindrical perforation below the burr, fig. 7, no. 1. The state of this shews that the horn was shed naturally and not cut off a head. At right angles to the hole practised for the reception of a wooden haft the antler has been cut obliquely and ground to form the desired edge. This disposition, of course, distinguishes the adze-like instrument from the comparatively uncommon tool with its working-edge set axe-wise, that is parallel to the horizontal axis of the hole. The rarity of this form in Maglemosean bone and antler equipment has been commented on in a brilliant essay by the late Professor V. G. Childe.66

Very regrettably the exact derivation of this splendid piece is not known, but it is thought to be Kew Bridge. Certainly the object had lain long at the bottom of the river, since a calcareous deposit adheres to its surfaces and fills recesses and cavities in the cancellated structure of the antler inside the perforation. A sample of this limy soil, or race as it is known to geologists, has proved richly polliniferous. Though interesting, of course, the count, for which we are indebted to the favour and skill of Mrs. Faith Topham, Mill Hill, would need to be supplemented by statistics of more samples and by other data. Nevertheless, it has to be noted that she ascertained that the pollens of hazel and pine predominate with respective percentages of 39 and 25.5. Willow comes next at 12%, followed by a 7% representation of maple, 5% of ash, a little less of elm, while birch shews as only 3%. Oak, if occurring at all, is insignificant, and a mere trace of alder has been detected. Mrs. Topham thinks she can discern the pollens of herbaceous plants such as commonly grow near water. The writer may be greatly mistaken and brought to task for putting to paper a seemingly hasty statement. Yet to him the reading of the pollen from inside the implement is not incompatible with a Late Boreal dating, with which the archaeological specimen could well on typology be contemporary or somewhat earlier.

A particularly fine, mineralized, but not quite so heavy example, with working-edge disposed axe-wise parallel to the main axis of the rather small perforation, no. 2, from the river at Twickenham" must, when complete, have resembled a magnificent adze of red deer

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antler found with its wooden handle still in place in the Thames at Hammersmith. Illustrated by the late G. F. Lawrence68 and acquired by the City of Liverpool Museums, this superb piece was lost with much else in an air-raid that during the last war destroyed the building in which the tool was kept.69

Recorded from New Scotland Yard, Westminster, another heavy but shorter adze made in the horn of as big a stag is housed in the London Museum as a constituent of the rich Lloyd Collection.70 That so well preserved a specimen should be the product of an industry as ancient as this tool seems to typify, is difficult to credit unless of course the relic was entombed in exceptional conditions. Figured in the first place, no. 3, for its intrinsic beauty and fine execution, the implement is all the more attractive by reason of its fine brown coloration. This it no doubt owes to the nature of the enclosing alluvial deposit connected with the stream beside which the tool probably served its owner. This was the small, northern and Thames-ward flowing stream, now covered, mapped as the eastern of the two channels of the Ty Bourne (Tyburn) that delimit the ancient Thorney.71 Among other places where such implements have been found Lawrence names: Eel Pie Island;72 the backwater at Brentford Ait,73 ^-mile downstream from the rich site called Old England on the north shore of Syon Reach; Kew Bridge.74 In the Guildhall Museum there is a find from the City that ought not to be overlooked. Closely resembling the New Scotland Yard antler tool in hue and workmanship, it is a particularly fine implement made in the same material75 with a short working-edge lying parallel to a comparatively narrow elliptical holing for the haft, no. 4. The smoothed face of the burr suggests that this end served as a hammer. Although not really satisfactory on stratigraphy, the specimen was reported forty years ago by the late Frank Lambert.76 With it from below the surface was a flint axe-head, also much rolled, in what may have been filling on a site excavated between the north side of Finsbury Circus and Eldon Street. From the record of an immediately underlying marsh deposit resting upon gravel it is tempting to see in the discovery some connexion with a sojourn of prehistoric man between the two southward flowing branches of the Walbrook.

There have been found similar artifacts but made in bone. No. 5, a heavy and injured example from Kew Bridge, is especially interesting because a bone of the extinct great ox (Bos primigenius Boj.) is involved.77 Noted by Lawrence, it is now in the London Museum.78

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Some Mesolithic axe- and adze-like tools resembling those described here have been interpreted as mattocks for dealing with the fat and blubber on the carcasses and skins of large animals.79 Quite acceptable as is this explanation of implements found associated with the remains of seals and whales in coastal and estuarine deposits, for instance in the Baltic area and the Firth of Forth, it may not be valid for the antler and bone objects from points so far up the vallev of the Thames as some of the places named. Cetaceans and aquatic animals, however, were not the only bigger beasts that came into the ken of the Early Post-Glacial folk and their later Stone Age successors. The very rare antler and bone tools of the kinds discussed, found in such contexts as graves, may have been found and treasured but never used by the Neolithic and perhaps Bronze Age people who deposited them. Anyway, the author believes that to continue to call them hoes is unrealistic. For none of the specimens examined shews any signs of ever having been subjected to hard wear.

In addition to all these denned forms there have been collected stag's horn picks and other plain objects of the same substance and of ordinary bone at: Staines;80 Old England, Brentford;81 Kew Bridge,82

and nearby at Strand-on-the-Green;83 Hammersmith,84 and Crab Tree;85

Putney Bridge.86 To them are to be annexed other kinds of perforated tools, some socketed, others not. Consisting of sleeves or holders and what have been regarded as simple hammers, they are significant relics. Whether or not some are much later than Mesolithic, all follow the fashion set by the outstanding culture of that age.

Only one of the two types of sleeves or holders made in short pieces of antler found at Maglemosean sites around the Baltic87 has been noticed in Thames collections. A mineralized specimen, retaining the burr or crown and figured here, from Eel Pie Island, Twickenham,88

fig. 7, no. 6, is characteristic of the Mesolithic device used in connexion with a stone or bone inset to serve as an axe or adze. A suitable stick pushed through the large perforation would of course form the haft and secure the other parts of the composite tool. From the river nearby, also at Twickenham, a comparable but imperfectly preserved component was retrieved and is now in the London Museum.89 Another, but in excellent condition and rather vaguely labelled Kempton-Hampton, may be accepted as from farther upstream. None of these holders can be likened to the familiar tenoned sorts harvested in such numbers last century from the remains of the Swiss lake-dwellings.

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A composite tool recorded by Lawrence from Hampton Court90

has unfortunately not been traced. It is described as a horn hammer plugged in its open end with two bits of the same material.

Some perforated pieces of red deer antler are decidedly bruised in the same way as hammer-stones. In such typical specimens as no. 7, from Isleworth,91 which, now mineralized, cracked and peeling, at first sight looks like a sleeve, the inside has not been enlarged artificially to receive a stone or bone adjunct. Another may be cited from the foreshore at Brentford.92 On these relics the opinion might be expressed that they are unfinished implements. The abrasions that they bear, however, are too characteristic to leave room for doubt. Moreover, they are the counterparts of artifacts found in Maglemosean contexts in Baltic lands.93

Partly made prehistoric tools are by no means uncommon. In respect of uncompleted bone-work from the Thames, Lawrence mentions a piece of red deer antler preparatively notched for breaking found at Staines,"* whence he also records a stag-horn pick and a chipped adze.95

(D) ORNAMENTED OBJECTS OF BONE AND ANTLER

Though all the artifacts considered in the foregoing bespeak the Mesolithic penetration into the London basin, and its legacy thereto, ultimately from Baltic lands, an implement from the Thames at Hammersmith, and now in the British Museum,96 stresses even more the peculiarly Maglemosean aspects. Like the heavy bone tool from the Thames at Kew Bridge (above, p. 134), and therefore not so remarkable in itselt as a perforated and socketed holder, and differing from fig. 7, nos. 1-4 because executed in the radius of an ox, and not in antler, it is yet outstanding by reason of the ornamentation that it bears. This is well seen in the illustration intentionally shewing the severed distal end upper, fig. 8, no. 1. Evidently, after having been cut across, the bone was not brought to a working-edge, but the hollow was slightly treated for the reception of a fitting, probably a stone tool-head. The decoration appears on the face of the bone holder between the artificial hole and the narrow end. It is of the simplest, consisting of a pattern of chevrons incised doubtless with a thick-edged graver. Whether ornamented merely to the fancy of the executant, or engraved as an owner's mark, the motif is akin to that carved on an antler tine found in muddy sand mixed with gravel 20 ft. from the surface near Romsey, Hants. "

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Whatever the reason behind this geometric line-ornament, and however regrettable that the engraved bone component from the river is only another loose find, the specimen nevertheless constitutes a further link with Maglemosean industries of the region in which they developed, and from which there spread during Boreal times the strains of the culture to which they belonged. Crude, too, as is the engraving on this object found within the Metropolitan area, it stands almost alone in England as an example of art credibly referred to people in a stage of pre-Neolithic culture.

Curiously enough, although Stone Age art is poorly represented in Britain, the left bank of the Thames in the area of this review has produced ornamented objects other than the holed bone from Hammersmith. If these relics cannot be dated strictly, they are yet certainly made and treated after a style practised by the Maglemosean fishers, hunters and fowlers in the Baltic region. The things in question are three perforated short pieces of red deer antler which formed part of the Layton Collection.98 One is a hammer from the river at Teddington," no. 2, and now in the British Museum. Another, no. 3, a hollowed sleeve or holder, is noted as found at a depth of 13 ft. in Windmill Lane.m Experience of Layton's labelling would uphold Brentford as the main provenance, and the specific indication is believed to refer to what is now called Windmill Road. The point of discovery would therefore be the low ground bordering the edge of the left-bank alluvium of the River Brent in its last reach. Catalogued as of the same derivation, no. 4101 is not scooped out, and is either unfinished or was never intended to hold a component.

The claim of these objects to special notice resides in the ornamentation that they bear on the thicker end or burr, and in no. 2 at the opposite extremity also. In this and in no. 4 the artistic work has been injured, evidently from the use to which the tool was put. The design is the same in all three, but its execution differs. It takes the form of a faceted lattice pattern, closely resembling that incised on many Maglemosean bone and antler relics. Citing several from places in south Sweden and Denmark,102 Clark points out that the distinctive design may have suggested itself to people familiar with nets and net-making.103

He shews variations of the scheme, but does not refer to examples treated in the manner of ours. On nos. 2 and 4 the design seems to have been executed by hollowing, and in no. 3 by rubbing the surface.

In the ornamentation of these three relics the symmetry achieved is remarkable, as if a net of small mesh had been stretched as a guide.

139 stencil or template over the part to be treated, in the way a housewife uses a darning ball, and the surface would then be pecked or rubbed down between the strings. Whatever the method adopted to produce it, the pleasing arrangement is certainly of Baltic Mesolithic origin. Though one cannot assert the age of the specimens illustrated here, no. 3 with the ground facets, if not all three (nos. 2, 3 and 4), may be of late Neolithic workmanship, or of the Bronze Age as Lawrence104 seems to believe was the rightful attribution of so many of the perforated antler artifacts. R. A. Smith,105 however, apparently preferred to regard as Neolithic these expressions of art upon the specimens under present discussion.

Certainly no. 3 of red deer antler might well be as late as Bronze Age. It is virtually identical with another implement from Hammersmith,106 and both have almost their counterpart in a perforated flint tool like a hammer-head from the Syon Reach, Brentford.107 The face of no. 3, which is unblemished by wear, is just as profusely faceted to a reticulated pattern, the origin of which lies in such ornamented instruments as are here figured. Further, it is interesting to recall that elaborate, finished hammer-heads of stone exhibiting the same style of net-like ornamentation have come from localities as far apart as Corwen, Merioneth;108 Bonar Bridge, Sutherland;109 Urquhart, Moray;110 and Staffordshire.111 A cruder example from the Thames at Windsor passed from the late F. Trees Barry to Sir John Evans about sixty-five years

6. SURFACE-FINDS

When inspecting collections the author has had his attention drawn to certain odd artifacts because they were labelled Mesolithic. Inquiry, however, has shewn that such objects were selected from sporadic surface-found flints. These had been turned up by the plough or spade and handed in at museums, perhaps long after discovery. Among them only two suggestive specimens have been remarked. One is a small, fine end-scraper on a parallel-sided blade, found in a garden in Connaught

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Avenue, Enfield, and now exhibited in Forty Hall Museum there. The other consists of the greater part of a long blade with some steep edge-trimming. Picked up just fifty years ago at Winchmore Hill, it is now in the Bruce Castle Museum, Tottenham. These two implements are types encountered frequently in comprehensive and characteristic groups of Mesolithic manufacture and tradition, such as occur freely in so many open and upland areas.

Relics of industry indeed attest that hunting and migrant bands did not restrict themselves to a fenland environment. They would range beyond and also seek higher ground, and where this was treeless their equipment would tend to become lighter than in wooded areas. Since long before the Mesolithic period of man's cultural development the high ground and other territory, apart from that affected as described in the Colne and Lea Valleys, had not been subjected to any major natural change. This would of course militate against the formation of stratified beds. Hence it is not difficult to understand why the relics of successive

FIG. 8. Ornamented bone and antler objects: 1, Hammersmith; 2, Teddington; 3 and 4, Brentford. (Nos. 1 and 2 dredged from the Thames. Drawing of No. 1 supplied by British Museum. Bloomsbury; Nos. 2, 3 and 4, reproduced from Smith 1917-18 by permission of the Society of Antiquaries of London:)

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generations of prehistoric folk became mixed on the surface of fields and heaths. This generalization excludes special circumstances of discovery such as working-floors, dwelling-sites, and so on, which had been occupied by people in only one stage of culture. Nor does it mean that objects found out of their proper context ought to be dismissed as of no account. Were it an inviolable rule that this should be so, then much of value to archaeological knowledge would be lost.

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IV. CONCLUSIONS

1. The materials for standards and comparisons in this consideration of remains of Mesolithic character in Middlesex and London have been found in the valleys of the Colne and Lea tributaries of the Thames. They are the Holocene, or geologically Recent, alluvial beds which with their datable archaeological contents overlie late Pleistocene deposits.

2. The drainage of the River Thames and tributaries in Middlesex and London has yielded assemblages of prehistoric industrial relics of flint which in the light of present knowledge are referable to Mesolithic culture. This attribution is based on their mode of occurrence in the Holocene deposits and on the typology of certain forms of included artifacts. It permits of the assessing of some past finds from similar layers, forgotten until now or dismissed, and of assigning them to the Middle Stone or Mesolithic Age. By their aid the identification has been confirmed of remarkable objects discovered many years ago within and close to the area of the recent inquiries.

3. The oldest of the decisive antiquities found stratified in the Holocene deposits are stone implements believed to have been produced during the Boreal climatic phase and not later than the subsequent Early Atlantic, between say 7,000 and 8,500 years back. Among the artifacts there occur forms testifying to origins that lie in Maglemosean industries, Forest Culture Period II, developed in the Baltic basin. Thence over generations the Maglemosean strains reached south-eastern Britain by way of the upraised floor of the North Sea. Their carriers were nomadic food-collectors depending for their subsistence mainly on hunting, fowling and fishing, Such surroundings they enjoyed in the Baltic region, traversed on the extended European plain of Boreal times and found in the estuary of the Thames and in the lower reaches of the main river and of its tributaries. Crucial deposits prove that those conditions obtained in our own district.

4. Bearing the title it does, this survey must take account of certain relics because of their facies, although it cannot be asserted that the objects occurred in their proper context. Of these, the most numerous are flint artifacts. Among them, catalogued as Thames picks dredged from the Thames along the left bank, are true tranchets that are quite probably of Mesolithic age. They match examples found stratified in the alluvium of the tributary valleys of the Colne and Lea.

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5. In museum collections of relics from our region there are several perforated axe- and adze-like implements, sleeves or holders, and hammers, made of bone and red deer antler. These antiquities are as characteristically treated in the Maglemosean manner as the most telling of the flints from the Holocene alluvial deposits. While not certainly recorded as found stratified, some of these bony objects are very likely of Mesolithic age.

6. To the same period of man's cultural development in what are now Middlesex and London credibly belongs one of the very rare examples of Stone Age art discovered in Britain. As a simple incised engraving on an ox-bone, it testifies as positively as do the implements to the penetration of Maglemosean influences into the basin of the Thames. If not so old-looking, other objects fashioned in red deer antler bear designs reminiscent of motifs cut on comparable artifacts produced at Maglemosean sites in Baltic lands.

7. Of multiple parentage, the Maglemosean culture that grew in the Baltic region derived chiefly from the Upper Palaeolithic of eastern Europe. So far, however, nothing indicates any connexion between the relics of its Mesolithic equivalent in Middlesex and London mentioned herein and the Upper Palaeolithic industries of England. However, in the course of the inquiries that have culminated in this compilation, a few artifacts from localities in Middlesex and London have been encountered that may conceivably be the product of industries earlier than Mesolithic.

8. It is unlikely that artifacts of Mesolithic facies can ever again be found in abundance along the main course of the Thames in our area. For the great period of discoveries was when the navigation channel was being deepened and widened. By attacking the ancient, silty, muddy and gravelly post-Pleistocene foreshores under water, these operations brought to light the contained relics of human industry. Between low-water and the deep channel the strip remains uncut, and is therefore a potential store of antiquities later than Mesolithic.

The lie from which the artifacts of Mesolithic facies were dislodged along the river was very possibly similar to that of the flaked tranchets and picks noted by the late Dr. W. Allen Sturge113 at various points on the lower Thames. He observed that normally these tools occurred lower down than polished implements, but in the upper levels of the gravel separated from the lower ballast by horizontal patches of compact peat. As the stone tools were ordinarily found unrolled, he concluded that they were roughly contemporaneous with the gravel at a date when the peat began to accumulate. Presumedly this was

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during the damp climatic conditions induced by the land-sinking and concomitant phenomena. This is no doubt equally applicable to many of the relics from the reaches with which the present communication has dealt.

9. The industrial and artistic traditions of the Mesolithic Age long persisted in the Middlesex and London area. They are manifest in a number of implement forms, notably that regional specialization, the Thames pick, and probably in some of the bone and antler tools with working-edges like those of axes and adzes, short sleeves as parts of composite tools, hammers and so on. That these traditions endured is no doubt due to the vigour and the depth of the penetration of Mesolithic culture, and to the recognition of the usefulness of the devices introduced by it during the Early Post-Glacial period.

10. Further investigations alone will shew how widely the Mesolithic industries spread in our region. A preliminary idea, however, may be had from the sketch-map, fig. 9, which indicates the principal finding-places of the antiquities of Mesolithic facies mentioned in the foregoing, and their relation to the streams of Middlesex and London.

This communication, summarizing the information obtained by the author, may suggest lines to follow. It is offered in the conviction that in backwaters of the Thames and in the basins of tributaries in Middlesex, in the Metropolitan area and their borderlands there is a virtually untouched field of much promise. To research workers practising the latest methods on the ground, and using the most modern techniques in the laboratory, it will assuredly bring its reward. Their work, it is hoped, will amplify and refine or correct many of the observations advanced in these pages.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

But for the valued assistance afforded the author this communication would have fallen short of the demands imposed by a subject that even now has been treated summarily. Throughout the investigations leading to this production he has been touched by the readiness to help shewn by all whom he has approached.

Besides those mentioned in the text, F. N. Haward and J. G. Marsden, both deceased, are remembered with emotion for their guidance many years ago in a field that was virtually unconsidered except by a few pioneers.

Those to whom the writer is beholden for leave to examine the ground and explore sites include: —the Southern Division of the Central Electricity Generating Board; the British Transport Commission, as represented by the Western Region of British Railways in the persons of Messrs. F. C. Vincent, D. C. Sansom and Inspector Gent at Brentford Dock Goods Station, and by the British Transport Waterways, South Eastern Division, Watford; MessTs. John Hawtrey and Co., Ltd., Harefield, and in particular Mr. M. Kendall; Sanderson Fabrics (Messrs. Arthur Sanderson and Sons, Ltd.), 100 Acres, by Uxbridge. In the same connexion thanks are due to Mr. R. N. Uren, Dewe's Farm, Harefield.

It is a pleasure to record indebtedness to friends in museums and libraries, who put material at the disposal of the author for study and illustration. Not only so, but several also generously imparted much useful information based on local knowledge. Among these ladies and gentlemen are: Messrs. R. Bruce-Mitford and G. de G. Sieveking, British Museum, Bloomsbury, who also kindly provided a drawing; Dr. A. J. Sutcliffe, British Museum (Natural History), South Kensington; Dr. D. B. Harden, O.B.E., London Museum, Kensington Palace, and his collaborators Mr. Brian Spencer, Mr. James Barber and his wife (formerly Miss Jennifer Clark), who with infinite patience sought out specimens and data connected therewith; Messrs. Norman C. Cook and Ralph MerriSeld, Guildhall Museum, London; Messrs. Vernon Bore and Alexr. Grant, Broomhall Museum, Southgate; Miss Elizabeth A. Flint, Bruce Castle Museum, Tottenham; Mr. F. J. Gosling, Central Library, Enfield, and his assistant at Forty Hall Museum, Mr. J. Smith; Mr. H. V. Radcliffe, Gunnersbury Park Museum, Acton, who also

147

went to great pains to clarify doubtful indications; Mr. H. Wilson, Central Library, Borough of Hackney, and his deputy and reference librarians, Mr. C. J. Long and Mr. C. D. Johnson respectively.

Cordial thanks are extended to Dr. Ian W. Cornwall, University of London Institute of Archaeology, for some useful suggestions that have been followed, and to Dr. F. W. M. Draper, Muswell Hill, for much helpful information for north and east London.

To the Wellcome Foundation Limited deep gratitude is expressed for continuous and unstinted aid in the earlier stages of the long inquiries that have led to the writing and illustrating of this article. Especially is the author most grateful to Dr. E. Ashworth Underwood, Director of the Wellcome Historical Medical Museum, for granting all facilities to carry out field-work, study and figure objects, many among the possessions of that institution, and also for his kindness, encouragement and interest. Recent awards by the Trustees of the late Lord Leverhulme and by the Pilgrim Trust of the British Academy are very thankfully acknowledged, for they have permitted of the expanding of this paper and now enable him to widen the field of his researches.

Lastly, tribute is paid to Miss M. O. Miller, now at the British Museum, for the skilful drawings that embellish these pages.

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REFERENCES

1 So called from the Danish magle mose, "big bog." 2 In no sense does this detract from the wonderful site discovered by Mr.

J. W. Moore at Star Carr, Seamer, Yorks., and so ably excavated and brilliantly studied by Professor J. G. D. Clark.

3 S. Hazzledine Warren, J. G. D. Clark, H. and M. E. Godwin, and W. A. Macfadyen, "An Early Mesolithic Site at Broxbourne sealed under Boreal Peat," in Journ. Roy. Anthrop. Inst., vol. lxiv, 1934, pp. 101-28.

4 E.g., J. G. D. Clark, The Mesolithic Age in Britain, Cambridge, 1932, p. 67. 5 A. D. Lacaille, "Pre-history at Iver Sub.," in Southern Beam [the magazine

of the Southern Division of the Central Electricity Generating Board], Portsmouth, vol. 10, no. 7, April 1959, pp. 18-21, and ibid., no. 8, May 1959, pp. 10-14.

6 Pollen-analyses and letter from Dr. G. F. Mitchell, Department of Archaeology, Trinity College, Dublin, February 2, 1956.

7 J. Allen Howe and E. W. Skeats, "Excursion to Denham and Gerrard's Cross. To the New Cutting on the Great Western Railway," June 13, 1903, in Proc. Geol. Assoc, vol. xviii, 1903-4, pp. 188-90.

8 M. A. C. Hinton and A. S. Kennard, 'The Relative Ages of the Stone Implements of the Lower Thames Valley," ibid., vol. xix, 1905-6, p. 95.

9 J. G. D. Clark, The Mesolithic Settlement in Northern Europe, Cambridge, 1936, pp. 25, 31 and 220.

10 Mem. Geol. Survey, The Geology of the London District . . ., second edition, 1922, pp. 76-8.

11 On these developments the reader may profitably consult F. C. J. Spurrell's "Early Sites and Embankments on the Margins of the Thames Estuary," in Archaeol. Journ., vol. xlii, 1885, pp. 269-302.

12 Clark, op. cit., 1936, pp. 25, 31 and 221. 13 J. P. T. Burchell, "The Shell-mound Industry of Denmark as represented

at Lower Halstow," in Proc. Prehist. Soc. East Anglia, vol. v, pt. i, 1925, pp. 73-78; idem, "Further Report on the Epi-Palaeoiithic Factory Site at Lower Halstow, Kent," ibid., vol. v, pt. ii, 1927, pp. 217-23; idem, "A Final Account of the Investigations carried out at Lower Halstow, Kent,' ibid., vol. v, pt. iii, 1928, pp. 288-96.

14 W. B. R. King and K. P. Oakley, "The Pleistocene Succession in the Lower Parts of the Thames Valley," in Proc. Prehist. Soc, vol. ii, 1936, pp. 52-76.

15 Mem. Geol. Survey, cit. supra, 1922, p. 70. 16 Hinton and Kennard, op. cit. 17 Among the works that may be cited are:—S. H. Warren, "A Late Glacial

Stage in the Valley of the River Lea subsequent to the Epoch of River-Drift Man." [With reports on the Organic Remains and on the Mineral Composition of the Arctic Beds by various Authors.] Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc, vol. lxviii, 1912, pp. 213-51; idem, "Further Observations on the Late Glacial, or Ponder's End, Stage of the Lea Valley." With notes on the Mollusca, by A. S. Kennard and B. B. Woodward. Ibid., vol. lxxi, 1916, pp. 164-82; idem, 'The Late-Glacial Stage of the Lea Valley (Third Report)." With Appendix on the Arctic Flora by Mrs. E. M. Reid, and Miss M. E. J. Chandler. Ibid., vol. lxxix, 1923, pp. 603-05; J. F. Hayward, "Certain Abandoned Channels of Pleistocene and Holocene Age in the Lea Valley, and their Deposits," in Proc. Geol. Assoc, vol. lxvii, 1956, pp. 32-63.

18 Henry Woodward quoted in Mem. Geol. Survey, cit. supra, 1922, p. 75. 19 London N.W., Sheet 160. 20 Watford, Sheet 106. 21 King and Oakley, op. cit., pp. 68-9. 22 Ibid.

149

23 Clement Reid, Submerged Forests, Cambridge, 1913, p. 17. 24 King and Oakley, op. cit., p. 69. 25 Ibid., pp. 69-70. 26 M. A. C. Hinton, Rivers and Lakes, London, 1924, p. 71. 27 A. S. Kennard in Howe and Skeats, op. cit., pp. 188-189; King and Oakley,

op. cit., 1936, p. 69. 28 Warren, op. cit., 1912, p. 227. 29 Mentioned by the courtesy of the finder, Mr. John Wymer, Borough Museum,

Reading, before the publication of his "Excavations on the Mesolithic Site at Tbatcham, Berks.—1958," in Berks. Archaeol. Journ. vii, 1959, [pp. 1-33] pp. 19-20.

30 J. G. D. Clark in Warren, Clark, Godwin, Godwin and Macfadyen, op. cit., 1934, p. 115; ibid., fig. 7, no. 101; ibid., fig. 8, no. 108.

31 Clark, op. cit., 1932, xix. 32 Dated Edinburgh, March 15, 1955. 33 Burchell (opp. citt.), 1925, 1927 and 1928. 34 Clark, op. cit., 1932, pp. 160-1. 35 "Excursion to Homerton," in Proc. Geol. Assoc, vol. viii, 1883-4 [1885], 36 J. E. Greenhill, "The Implementiferous Gravels of North-East London," ibid.,

pp. 336-43. 37 Idem, "Prehistoric Hackney," Paper i, 1881; ibid., Paper ii, 1883: typescript

copies of lectures to the Hackney Microscopical and Natural History Society, Hackney Central Library, P. 89.G.

38 Mrs. A. R. Hatley's notes on the local archaeological collection in Hackney Central Library, No. L. 145.

39 Clark, op. cit., 1936, pp. 105-6, and fig. 38, no. 4. 40 W. J. Lewis Abbott, "The Section exposed in the Foundations of the New

Admiralty Offices," in Proc. Geol. Assoc, vol. xii, 1892, p.p. 346-56. 41 Warren, op. cit., 1912. 42 W. J. Loftie, A History of London, London, 1883, vol. i, map facing p. 1. and

vol. ii, p. 34. 43 Wellcome Historical Medical Museum Accession no. 255781. 44 Wellcome Historical Medical Museum Accession no. 255777. 45 Wellcome Historical Medical Museum Accession no. 255780. 46 W. J. Lewis Abbott, "Implements from Cromer Forest Bed and the Admiralty

Section," in Proc. Prehist. Soc. East Anglia, vol. iii, pt. i, 1918-19 [pp. 110-14], p. 114.

47 Hinton and Kennard, op. cit., p. 95. 48 Abbott, op. cit., 1918-19, p. 112. 49 C. E. Vulliamy, The Archaeology of Middlesex and London, London, 1930,

chap. iv. 50 "Specimens from the Layton Collection, in Brentford Public Library, des

cribed by Reginald A. Smith, Esq., F.S.A.," in Archaeologia, vol. lxix, 1917-18 [1920], pp. 1-30.

51 G. F. Lawrence, "Antiquities from the Middle Thames," in Archaeol. Journ., vol. lxxxvi, 1929 [1930], pp. 69-98.

52 Ivor Noel Hume, Treasure in the Thames, London, 1956. 53 Lawrence, op. cit., p. 81. 54 Ibid., p. 74. 55 Sadler Collection, Gunnersbury Park Museum, no. 925/2400. 56 London Museum no. 44.107.58. 57 London Museum no. 49.107.75. 58 Clark, op. cit., 1936, pp. 158-9. 59 Smith, op. cit., 1917-18, p. 2, fig. 1, and pp. 2-3. 60 Vulliamy, op. cit., p. 68, fig. 11, C, and p. 69. 61 Ibid., fig. 11, B, and p. 69. 62 Ibid., fig. 11, A, and p. 69. 63 Lawrence, op. cit., passim.

150

65 London Museum, Lloyd Collection no. 897. 66 V. Gordon Childe, "The Forest Cultures of Northern Europe," in Journ

Roy. Anthrop. Inst., vol. lxi, 1931, p. 327. 67 London Museum, Layton Collection no. 902. 68 Lawrence, op. cit., pi. viii, B, facing p. 86. 69 Letters from Miss Elaine Tankard, Keeper of Archaeology, City of Liver

pool Public Museums, dated Carnatic Hall, Liverpool, 18, September 8 and 14. 1959.

70 London Museum no. 49.85 71 Loftie, op. cit., vol. i, map facing p. 1, and vol. ii, pp. 33-5. 72 Lawrence, op. cit., pp. 76-7. 73 Ibid., p. 81. 74 Ibid. 75 Guildhall Museum no. 10, 561. 76 Frank Lambert, "Some Recent Excavations in London," in Archaeologia, vol.

lxxi, 1921, p. 94. 77 Lawrence, op. cit., p. 81. 78 London Museum no. 27555. 79 I. G. D. Clark, "Whales as an economic factor in Prehistoric Europe," in

Antiquity, vol. xxi, 1947, pp. 84-104. 80 Lawrence, op. cit., pp. 74-5. 81 Ibid., pp. 79-80. 82 Ibid., p. 81. 83 Ibid., p. 82. 84 Ibid., p. 86. 85 Ibid., p. 88. 86 Ibid., pp. 89-90. 87 Clark, op. cit., 1936, p. 112. 88 London Museum no. 49.67. 89 Ditto. Lloyd Collection no. 923. 90 Lawrence, op. cit.. 1930, p. 75. 91 London Museum no. 924. 92 Ditto, no. 49.53. 93 Clark, op. cit., 1936, p. 112. 94 Lawrence, op. cit. p. 74. 95 Ibid. 96 Ibid., p. 81; Reginald A. Smith, "Examples of Mesolithic Art", in Thi

British Museum Quarterly, no. 121, vol. viii, no. 4, 1934, pp. 144-5 and pi. xlvi: 6. Specimen bears British Museum no. 1927. 7-73.

97 Smith, ibid. 98 Smith, op. cit., 1917-18, pp. 6-7. 99 Ibid., fig. 7, p. 6.

100 London Museum no. 0.1154.C. 101 Ditto, no. 0.1154.D. 102 Clark, op. cit., 1936, pp. 168, 170-1 and 174. 103 Ibid., p. 170. 104 Lawrence, op. cit., p. 96. 105 Smith, op. cit., 1917-18, p.7. 106 Lawrence, op. cit., p. 86 and pi. viii, A. 1; London Musuem no. 13929. 107 Ibid., p. 80 and pi. viii, A. 2. 108 Sir John Evans, The Ancient Stone Implements, Weapons and Ornaments of

Great Britain, second edition, London, 1897, p. 226. 109 V. Gordon Childe, The Prehistory of Scotland, London, 1935, pp. 100-1. 110 Evans, op. cit., p. 226. 111 Childe, op. cit., 1935, p. 101. 112 Evans, op. cit., p. 111. 113 Proc. Soc. Ant., vol. xxx, 1918, p. 31.


Studies and the

Arts.

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OBTAINABLE FROM:



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EDITOR t


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Copies of the printed summary of the Society's Survey of Middlesex Parish Churches, which was published as Volume 18, Part II, of Transactions, may be obtained from the Hon. Librarian at the Bishopsgate Institute, London,



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LONDON a SOUTHEND

TRANSACTIONS

O F THE:


VOL. SO PART 4


1 9 6 1

CONTENTS

OFFICERS i

ANNUAL REPORT iii

EDITOR'S NOTES ... viii ACCOUNTS ix

RULES . . . xii

THE ACCOUNTS OF THE HOSPITAL OF THE SAVOY FOR THE YEAR

17 to 18 HENRY VIII. BY MOLLY TATCHELL, B.A. ... 151

NOTES ON THE CHURCH OF HOLY TRINITY, MINORIES. BY F. J.

COLLINS, A.R.I.C.S. (ILLUSTRATED) , 160

REPORT ON RECENT EXCAVATIONS IN SOUTHWARK AND BERMOND-

SEY: PART I. BY PETER R. V. MARSDEN, GUILDHALL

MUSEUM. (ILLUSTRATED) , 166

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX, PART XI: HACKNEY AND HADLEY.

BY H. K. CAMERON, PH.D. , F.S.A. (ILLUSTRATED) ... 174

A LONDON TAVERN IN 1644. BY THE VERY REV. MGR. D.

SHANAHAN 194

LAING'S CUSTOM HOUSE, 1813-27. BY RUPERT C. JARVIS,

F.S.A., F . R . H I S T . S . (ILLUSTRATED) . . . 198

Two ADDITIONS TO THE LONDON MUSEUM. BY B. W. SPENCER,

B.A., F.S.A. (ILLUSTRATED) , 214

THE EDWARDIAN INVENTORIES OF MIDDLESEX. TRANSCRIBED

BY F. W. M. DRAPER, F.S.A. ... , ... 218 ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS IN THE CITY OF LONDON, 1960. COM

MUNICATED BY THE STAFF OF THE GUILDHALL MUSEUM 220

ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS IN THE COUNTIES OF LONDON AND

MIDDLESEX, 1960. COMMUNICATED BY THE STAFF OF THE

LONDON MUSEUM 224

REVIEW. LONDON & THE OUTBREAK OF THE PURITAN REVOLU

TION. (CLARENDON PRESS.) BY THE REV. W. M. ATKINS . . . 226

DR. F. W. M. DRAPER 228

INDEX TO VOLUME 20 . . . 230

Hon. Editor: A. J. PERCIVAL, B.A.,

Members' Library, County Hall, S.E.I. Telephone : WATerloo 5000, Extension 255.

TRANSACTIONS

OF THE


VOL. SO PART 4


1 9 6 1


ESTABLISHED IN 1855

Patrons THE MOST REV. THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY

THE RIGHT REV. THE BISHOP OF LONDON THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD MAYOR OF LONDON

THE LORD LIEUTENANT OF THE COUNTY OF LONDON THE LORD LIEUTENANT OF THE COUNTY OF MIDDLESEX

THE VERY REV. THB DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S

President


Past Presidents COL. THE RT. HON. LORD NATHAN OF CHURT, P.C., T.D., D.L., J.P.,

F.S.A. (1947-1949) PROFESSOR W. F. GRIMES, C.B.E., M.A., F.S.A., F.M.A., (1950-1958)

Vice-Presidents

JOHN F. NICHOLS, M.C., M.A., Ph.D., F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S. SIR MORTIMER WHEELER, CLE., M.C., M.A., D.LIT., D.LITT.,

F.B.A., P.S.A., F.M.A. LT.-COL. WILLIAM W. DOVE, C.B.E., T.D., D.L., C.C., F.S.A

CDR. G. BRIDGMORE BROWN, M.B.E., R.D., R.N.R. T. A. N. HENDERSON, F.S.A.

COUNTY ALDERMAN SIR ARCHER HOARE, CB.E. SIR SIDNEY FOX, C.C., F.R.I.C.S., F.A.I.

LAWRENCE E. TANNER, C.V.O., M.A., F.S.A. ARTHUR HALL, F.L.A.

Trustees

CDR. G. BRIDGMORE BROWN, M.B.E., R.D., R.N.R. A. J. GRITTEN, A.L.A.

Council ARTHUR H. HALL, F.L.A. (Chairman)

W. WHEATLEY, M.A., A.R.I.C. (Deputy Chairman) Ex-officio: The Officers mentioned in Rule 20.

Elected: MRS. L. M. BURN, B.A. H. V. RADCLIFFE H. J. BURTON Miss SUSAN REYNOLDS, M.A. MRS. G. E. EADES MICHAEL ROBBINS, B.A., F.S.A. E. H. CHAMP H. E. ROBINS, B.A., F.R.G.S. Miss M. B. HONEYBOURNE, E. H. SPELLEN MISS E. D. MERCER, B.A., F.S.A. G. F. WALSH

Honorary Editor F. W. MARSDEN DRAPER, M.A., PH.D., L.-ES-L., F.S.A.

Honorary Acting Editor A. J. PERCIVAL, B.A.

Honorary Librarian A. J. GRITTEN, A.L.A.

Honorary Director of Meetings WILLIAM WHEATLEY, M.A., A.R.I.C.

Honorary Treasurer T. A. N. HENDERSON, F.S.A.

Honorary Photographer H. E. CHIOSSO

Honorary Secretary ERIC E. F. SMITH


Bankers MARTINS BANK, LTD.

(Cocks, Biddulph Branch), 16, Whitehall, S.W.I

Honorary Auditors S. W. HOWARD. M.C.

Miss M. C. MINNITT

Offices of the Society B1SHOPSGATE INSTITUTE, BISHOPSGATE, LONDON, E.C.2

i i i

LONDON & MIDDLESEX ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

105th Annua l Report of the Council

for the year ended 30th Sept., 1960

THE COUNCIL has pleasure in presenting its 105th Annual Report covering the activities of the Society for the year 1959-60.

Twenty-one meetings were held: —

LECTURES: —9 October: The Towers and Spires of Sir Christopher Wren, by Gerald Cobb, F.S.A.; 13 November: Beauty in Trust: A National Trust Sound Film; 21 November: Recent Discoveries at Lullingstone, by Lt.-Col. G. W. Meates, F.S.A. (joint meeting with the Historical Society of the City Literary Institute); 11 December: Recent Finds in London, by Norman Cook, B.A., F.S.A.; 15 January: ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING and Presidential Address on Trade Connexions between Britain and the Mediterranean in Prehistoric Times; 12 February: Introduction to Heraldry, by L. G. Pine, B.A., F.S.A.; 11 March: Anglo-Saxon London, the coin evidence, by R. H. M. Dolley, B.A., F.S.A.; 8 April: The London Scene 1820-1850, as depicted by George Scharf, by F. S. Leigh-Browne, B.A.; 23 September: Hugh Myddelton and the London Water Supply, by M. Harrison.

VISITS: —3 October: West Drayton Local History Exhibition; 17 October: St. Bride's Church; 5 December: Stratford House, Stratford Place; 30 January: Temple Church; 27 February: Institute of Archaeology; 19 March: Leighton House, Kensington; 9 April: Victoria & Albert Museum; 28 May: Whole day visit to Maldon, Bradwell-on-Sea, Little Baddow and Chelmsford; 18 June: Osterley House; 1 July: Vintners' Hall and Innholders' Hall; 16 July: Ruislip; 10 September: Lullingstone Roman Villa and Otford.

The Council wishes to record its sincere thanks to all who have given lectures or acted as guides at outdoor meetings.

STOW COMMEMORATION SERVICE: —The Annual Service in memory of John Stow was held at St. Andrew Undershaft on Wednesday,

IV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

9 March at noon. The Rt. Hon. the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs attended in state and the address was given by Professor F. J. Fisher, M.A.

PEPYS MEMORIAL SERVICE:—The Annual Service organised in association with the Pepys Club was held at St. Olave, Hart Street, on 25 May at noon. The Rt. Hon. the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs were present and the address was given by the Ven. J. Armstrong, O.B.E., Th.L., Chaplain of the Fleet.

LIBRARY:—In addition to the publications received by way of exchange the following have been added to the Library. Donations: —

By the Guildhall Library: Handlist of Churchwardens' Accounts of Parishes within the City of London; Guildhall Miscellany. By the St. Marylebone Public Libraries: Handlist to the Ashbridge Collection of St. Marylebone history and topography (1959). By T. A. N. Henderson, Esq.: Batsford and Fry, The Greater English Church (1943); Galer, A. M., Norwood and Dulwich (1890); Toy, S., History of Fortification (1955).

Purchases: —Map of Ancient Britain (2 sheets), H.M.S.O. (1951); Map of Britain in the Dark Ages (2 sheets), H.M.S.O. (1939).

PRESERVATION OF ANTIQUITIES:—Despite strenuous efforts by the local society and by the Friends of Friendless Churches who guaranteed the balance of the money required for full restoration, the Uxbridge Borough Council decided to destroy Moor Hall Chapel and it was demolished on 25 October. Previous to this we had promised a further donation of £50 to the restoration fund.

A donation of £25 was made to the appeal fund for the restoration of Bruce Castle, Tottenham.

Representations were made to the Ordnance Survey and as a result a ground mark has been placed at London Airport to mark the site of the north-west terminal of the base measured in 1784 by Major-General William Roy and used in 1791 to initiate the triangulation of Great Britain. It is hoped eventually, in association with the Middlesex County Council, to erect a plaque commemorating the event in a spot accessible to the public. A sum of £25 will be set aside annually for three years for this purpose.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL v

ROMAN AND MEDIAEVAL LONDON EXCAVATIONS COUNCIL: —Our representative reports that work continued on a number of sites during the year. At Charterhouse further details were obtained of the Great Cloister and of the monastic cells; a cell door and a hatch, in good condition, are being preserved. Attempts to trace the roadways within the Roman Fort proved unsuccessful. An area south of St. Paul's was examined for possible evidence of Saxon occupation but the results were inconclusive. An account of the work of the Council during the past 14 years, written by Professor Grimes, will shortly be published in book form.

NORTH MIDDLESEX ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH COMMITTEE: —The Committee continued its exploratory work of Grim's Dyke in the Brockley Hill area, but only on a small scale, as it had been decided to concentrate the main effort in 1960 on the long overdue excavation of South Mimms Castle. By kind permission of the Marquess of Salisbury, the owner of the site, a party under the direction of Dr. J. P. C. Kent of the British Museum tackled the first modern excavation of Geoffrey de Mandeville's 12th century motte-and-bailey castle. The excavation was most impressive in size and neatly carried out. After study of the very interesting results the Committee is making arrangements to continue in 1961, and it is possible that several more seasons will be required before the full picture is revealed. In view of this it has been decided not to publish any description of the work at this stage, but a complete report will appear in Transactions upon completion of the excavations.

SCHOOLS SECTION: —With a view to promoting interest in archaeology among the schools of London, Middlesex and the Greater London fringe a Schools Section has been formed and its first Annual General Meeting was held on 1 March, 1960, at Bishopsgate Institute. Dr. J. Harper Smith was elected Chairman; Mr. T. A. N. Henderson, Hon. Treasurer; Mr. H. V. Radcliffe, Hon. Editor of the Bulletin; Miss Y. Collins, Hon. Secretary; and Mr. A. W. Stewart, Hon. Asst. Secretary. Three types of subscription were agreed upon: —

1. 10s. 6d. per annum (Primary Schools), entitling the school to participate in all events arranged by the Section, to receive a copy of all its publications and also to send one teacher to lecture meetings of the parent Society.

VI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

2. One guinea per annum (Secondary Schools), entitling the school to all the above, together with a copy of the Society's Transactions.

3. Two guineas per annum (any school), entitling the school to all the above, together with all other publications of the parent Society, the use of its Library and the attendance of a teacher and two pupils at any of its meetings.

The Section is an independent body, with powers to operate its own banking accounts, but the Hon. Treasurer of the parent Society is also to be the Section's Hon. Treasurer for the time being. Membership stands at 62, including 24 schools which pay two guineas per annum and thereby contribute to the funds of the parent Society.

It is hoped shortly to arrange special meetings for schools on a regional basis and schools in South Middlesex have already arranged a local meeting for December. We have agreed to arrange one lecture for schools each term at Bishopsgate Institute and two such meetings have so far been held.

MEMBERSHIP

Life Annual Hon. Student Total Membership, 1 October, 1959 ... 49 343 10 6 408 Elected during 1959-60 2 47 — 1 50

51 390 10 7 458 Died, resigned or otherwise re

moved from Register — 30 — — 30

Membership, 30 September, 1960 51 360 10 7 428

We regret to record the death of our Vice-President and former Editor of Transactions, Major N. G. Brett-James.

FINANCE: —The Society's financial position remains sound, as can be seen from the abstract of Accounts and Balance Sheet for 1959-1960. On the income side of the accounts, all entries show an increase over last year with the one exception of donations to the General Account.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL vu

On the expenditure side the two main items, namely, General Printing and Stationery, and Postages, Telephones and Fares, both show a considerable increase over last year. However, due to the increase in the general activities of the Society, as well as rising costs, this was to be expected. The inaugural cost, borne by the General Account, of launching the new Schools Section amounted to £50.8.6, and a donation of £25 was made in response to the appeal on behalf of Bruce Castle. During the course of the year the Hon. Treasurer foresaw an increase in the balance to be carried forward, so it was decided to increase the Society's reserves by purchasing £100 of 5% Defence Bonds. After transferring £125 to the Publications Account and £25 to the new General Roy's Baseline Plaque Fund the General Account closes with a balance of £225.6.11, an increase of £73.18.11 over last year. The Balance Sheet reflects the Council's policy to increase the size of Transactions as soon as funds became available; a total of £680 is reserved for this purpose against £450 last year. Unfortunately the market value of the Society's holding in 4 % Consolidated Loan dropped some £54, but this is fully set-off by the increased balances at Martins Bank Ltd. The Balance Sheet closes with the sum of £311.7.8 in favour of the Society, a reduction of only £165 despite the increased provision for Transactions of £230. It will thus be seen that although the Society has made a remarkable recovery in its finances over the last few years the present income must not be allowed to fall if the standard of Transactions is to be improved and the other activities maintained.

OFFICERS: —Mr. A. J. Percival has been appointed acting Editor, as owing to his recent illness Dr. Draper feels unable to undertake the editing of Transactions for the year 1961.

The Council wishes to record its sincere thanks to the honorary officers for their untiring efforts, without which the work of the Society could not have been carried on so successfully during the year under review.


ARTHUR H. HALL, F.L.A., Chairman of the Council.


vm

EDITOR'S NOTES

1 This Part includes Reports, furnished by the Guildhall Museum and the London Museum, of archaeological finds made in 1960 in the City of London and the Counties of London and Middlesex. It is intended that such Reports should become an annual feature of Transactions.

2 The Editorial Sub-Committee will be glad to consider papers submitted for publication in Transactions. Contributors are asked to note that: —

(a) Papers should be typed in double spacing, on one side of the paper.

(b) Line drawings should be in Indian ink on good quality white board or paper. Lines and lettering should be bold enough to admit of the necessary reduction. Where necessary, a scale should be included.

(c) Photostat copies are seldom suitable for reproduction. When photographs are supplied, they should be of the highest possible quality, and have a glazed finish.

3 Owing to an oversight, which is much regretted, the title and list of contents of Mr. A. D. Lacaille's paper on Mesolithic Fades in Middlesex and London (which formed the previous Part of Transactions) were omitted from the main text, although they were printed on the inside of the front cover. For the benefit of members who have their Parts bound in a single Volume, the title and list of contents have been reprinted on a single sheet (inserted loose in the present Part) which the binder may paste in Part 3.

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RULES 1. TITLE. The title of the Society shall be the "LONDON AND MIDDLESEX

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY".

2. OBJECTS. The objects of the Society shall be:— (a) To promote the study of the history and antiquities of the Cities of

London and Westminster and the Administrative Counties of London and Middlesex;

(6) To collect and publish the results of such studies in "Transactions" or otherwise;

(c) To procure the careful observation and preservation of antiquities discovered in the course of public and private building, demolition and excavation works;

(d) To make researches and excavations, and to encourage suitable individuals and public bodies in making them, and to afford suggestions and co-operation;

(e) To oppose and prevent, as far as may be practicable, any injuries with which historic buildings, monuments and ancient remains of every description may from time to time be threatened, and to acquire photographs, drawings, plans and other documents of archaeological interest relating to them;

if) To promote the practical study of archaeology by the formation of a library, by visits to places of interest, the reading of papers, the delivery of lectures and other means;

(g) To encourage the study of local history and antiquities and to assist local societies formed for that purpose.

3. MEMBERSHIP, (o) The Society shall consist of: — (i) Annual Members. Annual membership shall be open to individuals

and institutions such as livery companies, universities, colleges, schools and public libraries,

(ii) Life Members. Life membership shall be open to individuals only, (iii) Honorary Members. Persons who have rendered outstanding service

to the Society or to the study of archaeology or history may be elected by the Council as Honorary Members,

(iv) Student Members. Student membership shall be open to persons who are under 18 years of age and are attending a school, college or university, prior to graduation.

(v) Affiliated Local Societies. Affiliation shall be open to any society in and around London and Middlesex having among its principal objects the promotion of the study of local history and antiquities.

(vi) The Schools Section, formed to encourage an interest in Archaeology in schools in London, Middlesex and the Greater London fringe, is empowered to operate its own banking account and appoint its own Officers with the proviso that the Hon. Treasurer for the time being of the parent Society shall be its Treasurer. It will annually appoint two representatives to the Council.

{b) Every person or institution desirous of being admitted to membership shall complete the Society's application form which shall be forwarded to the Hon. Secretary, accompanied by the appropriate subscription or affiliation fee, for submission to the Council for election.

4. PRIVILEGES OF MEMBERSHIP, (a) Annual Members (including in the case of an institution one representative of that institution), Life Members and Honorary Members shall be entitled to admission to all meetings of the Society, to the use of the Library subject to such regulations as the Council may make,

RULES xiii

and to one copy of "Transactions". A master or mistress of a school in membership may bring not more than two students of the school to any meeting unless numbers are restricted. Each Annual, Life or Honorary Member shall be entitled to one vote.

(6) Student Members shall be entitled to all privileges of membership, except that they shall not be entitled to vote, nor shall they receive a copy of the "Transactions" unless purchased under Rule 14 (c).

(c) Affiliated Local Societies shall be entitled to describe themselves as "affiliated to the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society"; to receive one copy of the "Transactions" issued by the Society for the year for which the Affiliation Fee has been paid; to the use of the Library for reference purposes; to be represented by two of their members at any conference convened by the Society for local societies; and to receive all such support and assistance in the conduct of their affairs as the Society can give. Each affiliated local society shall be entitled to one vote.

(d) New applicants, pending election by Council, shall be entitled to all privileges of membership except that they shall not be entitled to vote nor to receive "Transactions".

5. A member desiring to resign must give notice in writing to the Honorary Secretary, and pay all subscriptions that may be due.

6. It shall be lawful for the Society at a Special General Meeting, by a majority of two-thirds of those present and voting, to remove the name of any member from the list of members of the Society without assigning any reason therefor.

7. Persons ceasing to be members shall no longer have any share or interest in the property and funds of the Society.

8. ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING. An Annual General Meeting shall be held in the month of January or February in every year, at such time and place as the Council shall appoint, to receive and consider the Report of the Council on the proceedings and financial position of the Society, to elect the Officers, Council and Auditors for the ensuing year, and for other business. Notice of the time and place of such meeting shall be sent to the members at least seven days previously.

9. OFFICERS, {a) The President shall be elected at an Annual General Meeting, on the nomination of the Council, to hold office for not more than three years. Upon retirement each President shall be styled a Past-President.

(6) Vice-Presidents, Trustees, an Honorary Treasurer, an Honorary Secretary, an Honorary Editor, an Honorary Librarian, an Honorary Photographer, and an Honorary Director of Meetings shall be nominated by the Council and elected for one year at each Annual General Meeting, together with such assistant officers as may be thought necessary. Any vacancies that may occur during the year may be filled by the Council.

(c) The property of the Society shall be vested in Trustees, who shall deal with the same as the Council may direct.

(d) At the Annual General Meeting, two members shall be elected Honorary Auditors to audit the accounts of the Society and to report thereon to the next Annual General Meeting. Any vacancies that may occur during the year may be filled by the Council.

10. COUNCIL, (a) The affairs of the Society shall be conducted by a Council, consisting of not less than 12 nor more than 16 members to be elected at the Annual General Meeting of the Society together with the President, Past-Presidents and the officers appointed under Rule 9 (Z>) as ex-officio members. Five, including three elected members, shall form a quorum. The Council shall, at its first meeting following the Annual General Meeting, elect from its own number a Chairman and Deputy Chairman.

xiv RULES

(6) All the elected members of the Council shall retire at each Annual General Meeting, and the two senior elected members shall not be eligible for re-election for one year. A retiring member shall not be eligible for re-election unless he has attended at least three of the meetings held by the Council during the previous twelve months. No new candidate shall be eligible for election unless two members of the Society shall, fourteen days previously to the Meeting, have given to the Honorary Secretary notice in writing of their intention to propose and second such person as a member of the Council. Any vacancies that may occur during the year may be filled by the Council. The Council shall have power to co-opt.

(c) At all meetings of the Council, the President of the Society, or in his absence the Chairman of the Council or Deputy Chairman, shall preside. In their absence, the Senior Vice-President present shall take the chair. If none of these should be present, the chair shall be taken by such member of the Council as the meeting may elect.

(d) The Council shall meet at least six times a year for the transaction of business connected with the management of the Society, and shall have power to make its own rules of procedure.

11. (a) The Council shall be empowered to appoint Local Secretaries in such places and under such conditions as may appear desirable.

(b) The effects and property of the Society shall be under the control and management of the Council, which shall be at liberty to purchase books, or other articles, or to exchange or dispose of the same.

(c) The Council shall have the power to publish such books, papers and other documents as it may deem fit.

12. A report of the proceedings of the Society and a list of members shall be issued from time to time as the Council may direct.

13. MEETINGS, (a) General Meetings shall be held at times and places appointed by the Council for the reading of papers, for visiting places of archaeological interest, and for other purposes relevant to the objects of the Society.

(b) The Council may at any time call a Special General Meeting, and shall be bound to do so on a written requisition from at least ten members specifying the business to be transacted. A notice stating the time and place of such meeting and specifying the business to be transacted shall be sent at least fourteen days previously to all members entitled to attend and vote, and no other subject shall be discussed or business transacted at that meeting.

(c) At all General Meetings of the Society, the President of the Society, oi in his absence the senior Vice-President present or the Chairman of the Counci' or Deputy Chairman, shall preside. If none of these should be present, the chaii shall be taken by such member of the Council as the meeting may elect. At al General Meetings of the Society ten members shall form a quorum.

(d) At every meeting of the Society, or of the Council, the resolutions of the majority of those present and voting shall be binding. In the case of an equaliti of votes, the Chairman shall have a second, or casting vote.

(e) No polemical or political discussion shall be permitted at Meetings of thi Society, nor shall topics of a similar nature be admitted in the Society' publications.

14. SUBSCRIPTIONS, (a) Each Annual Member shall pay a subscription o two guineas to be due on 1st October in each year; except that (i) a persoi under 30 years of age may pay one guinea, and (ii) a husband and wife may pa; a joint subscription of three guineas, with entitlement to one copy of "Trans actions" only.

(6) Each Life Member shall pay a sum of twenty-five guineas in lieu o annual subscriptions, provided that (i) an Annual Member who is an individua having paid ten consecutive annual subscriptions, may compound for life o

RULES xv

payment of fifteen guineas, and (ii) an Annual Member, who is an individual, having paid at least one year's subscription and being over 40 years of age, may compound for life on payment of twenty guineas.

(c) Each Student Member shall pay an annual subscription of seven shillings and sixpence to be due on 1st October in each year, and shall be entitled to purchase the current "Transactions" at the special price of ten shillings.

(d) Each Affiliated Local Society shall pay an annual affiliation fee, to be due on 1st October each year, at the rate of one penny for each of its members on that date, subject to a minimum of five shillings and a maximum of one pound.

(e) No member whose subscription or affiliation fee is in arrear shall be entitled to any privilege of membership; and when any such payment has been twelve months in arrear, the Council shall have the power to remove the name of such member from the list of members, whereupon membership shall cease.

(f) Any person or institution submitting an application form duly accompanied by the appropriate subscription between 1st July and 30th September shall be deemed to have paid the subscription for the following year.

15. ACCOUNTS. An account of receipts and expenditure for the year ending on 30th September preceding, together with a statement of the liabilities and assets of the Society, duly certified by the Honorary Auditors, shall be submitted to each Annual General Meeting. Copies of these accounts shall be provided at that meeting and shall be supplied to any member on request.

16. Three-fourths at least of the composition of each Life Member shall be invested in trustee securities, only the interest being available for current disbursements. No portion of the principal so invested shall be withdrawn except under authority of a resolution passed in accordance with Rule 13 (d) at a General Meeting of the Society.

17. The Society may borrow or raise money for the purposes of the Society on such terms as may be thought fit, and may deposit security against such borrowing under authority of a resolution passed in accordance with Rule 13 (d) at a General Meeting of the Society.

18. ALTERATION. NO alteration shall be made in the Rules of the Society except at a Special General Meeting.

Revised 20th January, 1961.

151

THE ACCOUNTS OF THE HOSPITAL OF THE

SAVOY FOR THE YEAR 17 TO 18 HENRY VIII

By MOLLY TATCHELL, B.A.

A roll of accounts acquired some years ago by the London County Record Office1 in a miscellaneous collection of documents has recently been identified as relating to the Hospital of the Savoy for the year 17 to 18 Henry VIII.2 Although it does not add anything substantial to the full and scholarly account of the Hospital contained in Mr. R. Somerville's book The Savoy (I960), the following translation of the Latin text is of interest as providing some further detail about the Hospital under its first master, William Holgill.

Founded by the executors of Henry VII under the terms of his will, the Hospital was completed in 1517 and named the Hospital of Henry VII, King of England, of the Savoy. It had been endowed by Henry VII with 500 marks (£334) annual value in land. At the date of the Valor Ecclesiasticus in 1535 the Hospital's net income amounted to £529 15s. lid.

The main part of the Hospital, a cruciform building like a church with transepts and an overall length of 320 feet, must have been an impressive sight. Holgill had been surveyor of works, and Humphrey Cooke, who had also been responsible for the roofs of Corpus Christi and Christ Church, Oxford, was master carpenter. The hundred beds provided for the poor were only intended to afford one night's lodging, but there was nothing to prevent anyone from coming back night after night; only the sick were allowed to remain in.

The Hospital was administered by the master and four chaplains, assisted by four paid priests and other officials and servants, including a physician and surgeon. There were in addition thirteen sisters, of whom one was matron.

In 1553 the Hospital was dissolved by Edward VI and all its household furnishings and fittings were handed over to Bridewell. In 1556, however, it was refounded by Philip and Mary and continued in existence as a hospital until 1702

Of this great building, once one of the sights of London, only the Savoy Chapel now remains.3

152 THE ACCOUNTS OF THE HOSPITAL OF THE SAVOY

The document consists of a single paper roll of three membranes, with a covering flap, measuring in all 16£ in. by 64 in. It is beautifully written in a common law hand with a decorated initial letter. The flap is endorsed "Anno XVIIJmo", which suggests that the roll was one of a series.

In the following free translation paragraphs have been numbered for ease of reference and repetitive phrases omitted.

£ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. 1. Annual payment in cash to the Rector

of the Parish Church of St. Clement Danes without the Bar of the New Temple for tithes and oblations for the whole Hospital 1 6 8

2. Annuity of the Master of the Hospital, Salaries of the Chaplains, Stipends of the Officers of the Church:

Annuity of Mr. William Holgill,'' Master of the Hospital, per annum 40 0 0

Stipends or salaries of the four chaplains, at £4 each per annum ... 16 0 0

Stipends of the four paid priests.5 at £3 6 8 each per annum 6 13 4

Annual stipends of officers and servants of the Church:

Subsacrist 2 13 4 Subhospitaller 1 6 8 Four altarists, at £1 6 8 each ... 5 6 8

Annual stipends of the thirteen sisters of the Hospital, at £4 each ... 52 0 0

3. Stipends of Officers and Servants of the Hospital:

124 0 0

4.

Clerk of the kitchen Head cook Butler Head porter Under porter Gardener Woman to wash the linen cloths ... Stipend of two of the Master's ser

vants or clerks Stipend of his groom

Expenses of the Church: For 7,000 "breads" for celebration of

masses in the church for the same year

To Robert Bayly* for wine

2 2

1

13 0

5 14

4 0

4 0

3 2 2 2 1 1 1

4

6 0 0 0 6 6 6

13

8 0 0 0 8 8 8

4 18 0 0

1 19 4 To William Rogers, wax-chandler, for

wax and making of wax candles and tapers 3 4 1

THE ACCOUNTS OF THE HOSPITAL OF THE SAVOY £ s. d. £ s. d.

Paid in cash to the sacrist: For thread bought to mend albs and

for the washing of vestments ... 3 0 For washing the "corporas"? and "le Tuckyng gerdylles"8 1 2

4 2

5. Expenses of the Poor and Impotent living in the Hospital:

From Michaelmas year 17 Henry VIII till Christmas: for gifts to 1,156 poor people in daily receipt of food, drink, necessaries for health, all sacraments with shrouds and decent burial after death, at a cost of lid. per day each for food and drink, £7 4 6d. With a deduction of 3/1 for those remaining in, leaving ... 7 1 5

From Christmas till the Annunciation: for gifts to 991 poor people at lid. per day each, £6 3 10i. With a deduction of 3/3i for those remaining in, leaving 6 0 7

From the Annunciation till the Nativity of St. John the Baptist: for gifts to 1,135 people at lid. per day each, £7 1 10i. With a deduction of 3/10 for those remaining in, leaving 6 18 0i

From the Nativity of St. John the Baptist till Michaelmas, year 18 [Henry VIII], 1,147 people at lid. per day each, £6 19 3 [sic]. With a deduction of 4/4i for those remaining in, leaving 6 14 11

Paid in cash to Edward Bekk for linen cloth bought for burying poor people:

For two pieces containing 92 yards 1 2 0 And for two other pieces con

taining 94 yards at 10/4 per piece 10 8

Paid in cash from Michaelmas year 17 [Henry VIII] to Christmas:

For 30 bushels or measures of ashes9 at 2d. per measure ... 5 0

4 yards of sackcloth for bags for the ashes 1 0

For candles in the Hospital in the same period:

3 dozen candles called "Cot-ten Candeles" 3 0

4 dozen candles c a l l e d "Watching Candelles" ... 5 0

26 14 H i

2 2 8


£ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. For a lamp or glass lantern for

Hospital 3 4 And for mending three lanterns

for the Hospital 1 0

From Christmas till the Annunciation :

For 3i quarters of ashes ... 4 8 And for stands and for vessels

called "wooden bowls", for easement or sick patients*0 ... 4

18 4

5 0 From the Annunciation to the

Nativity of St. John the Baptist: 28 bushels of ashes at 2d. per

bushel 4 8 From the Nativity of St. John the

Baptist to Michaelmas, year 18 [Henry VIII]:

For "Watching Candeles" ... 2 6 For brooms 1 1 For 6 bushels of ashes 1 0 And for 4 "Wasshyng betilles"" 8

5 3 For straw for the beds of poor people

bought from Henry Argentyne, with carriage, paid on the last day of February in the same year 1 1 8

6. Fees of the Physician and Surgeon and Medicine for the Sick:

Fee for the physician of the Hospital for administering medicine to the sick poor for the same year ... 4 0 0

Fee for the surgeon for surgery for the poor people for the year ... 2 0 0

Paid in cash to the apothecary for medicines for the sick poor for the same year 3 7 6

7. Cloth for Livery of the Chaplains, Sisters and Servants of the Hospital:

Paid in cash to Richard Holt for blue12 woollen cloth bought for the livery of the chaplains, 29[i] yards at 5 / - a yard 7 7 6

For the sisters 24 yards blue in colour at 3/4 a yard 4 0 0

10 yards of cloth of "Ginger Collour" at 4 / - a yard 2 0 0

And 14i yards of the same ginger colour at 3/4 a yard 2 8 4

8. Commons for the Hospital: From Michaelmas, year 17 [Henry

VIII] till Christmas:

31 2 6i

9 7 6

15 15 10

THE ACCOUNTS OF THE HOSPITAL OF THE SAVOY 155

£ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d.

... 3 5 m

... 8 9 4 for ... 19 10 0i ... 1 9 8

6 6i 13 11

... 1 0 lOi 34 16 4

From Christmas till the Annunciation:

To bakers of bread To brewers of ale ... To butchers and fishmongers for

supplies For spices To the fishmonger for fish bought

for stock For condiments For oil For necessaries

3 13 9 18

25 5 2 8

9 0 5

10 1 4

9 8

9i 10

8 1 5 4*

52 7 7 From the Annunciation t o t h e

Nativity of St. John the Baptist: To bakers of bread To brewers of ale To butchers and

supplies For spices For condiments For candles ... For necessaries

fishmongers

... 2 12

... 8 18 for ... 24 2 ... 1 3

1 ... 1 7 ... 1 3

3* 8

6i 3 0 0 1

39 7 9i From the Nativity of St. John the

Baptist to Michaelmas, year 18 [Henry VIII]:

To bakers of bread To brewers of ale ... To butchers and fishmongers for

supplies For spices For salt For condiments For necessaries with grain for

poultry

9. Payment for the printing of Papal letters of Pardon:

For the printing of Papal letters of pardon and indulgence for those visiting the Hospital, payment made by Thomas Magson, clerk of the kitchen^ 8 10

8 10

To bakers of bread To brewers of ale To butchers and fishmongers

supplies For spices For salt For condiments For necessaries

2 2 4 7 5 4

18 6 9 14 2 1 4 6 1

2 4 2i 31 0 2i

157 11 111


d. £ d. £ s. d. 10. Purchases of Wood and Coal:

25 October year 17 [Henry VIII]: To Henry Gravet for 1,500 faggots

at 2/8 a hundred paid by Mr. AsshU

5 December: For 150 billets of wood paid by

Mr. Assh For 2,000 faggots paid by Mr. Assh

28 March: For 500 firewood at 4/4 a hundred

paid by Thomas Magson For 1,500 faggots at 2/8 a hundred

paid by Magson 14 July year 18 [Henry VIII]:

Paid by Mr. Assh for 1,500 faggots at 2/8 a hundred

And for 4 wagonloads of coal paid by Thomas Magson

2 0 0

2 3 4 2 13 4

1 1 8

2 0 0

2 0 0

1 19 8 13 18 0

11. Fees of lawyers and other Experts, Officers and Attorneys of the Hospital:

For fees of lawyers and craftsmenlS of the Hospital:

To John Halys.16 baron of the exchequer, per annum

To Andrew Edmundes, retained of counsel to the Hospital

To Thomas Polsted, king's attorney, per annum

To John Palmer, retained of counsel to the Hospital, per annum ...

To Humphrey Cooke,17 head carpenter of the Hospital, per annum

To auditors, accountants, bailiffs, infirmarers, and other officers ...

4 0 0

13 4

13 4

6 8

5 0 0

5 0 0 15 13 4

12. Payments to the Exchequer: Paid in cash to the exchequer for fee

to the treasury remembrancer for registration of valuation certificate for divers manors, lands and tenements of the Hospital for Easter term year 18 [Henry VIII] according to the accounts of John Halys and Richard Listre, king's attorneys

To the Court of Pleas To the ushers for their fees ... To the Brothers' collecting-box Total, according to Humphrey Bow-

land's accounts

3 4 5 0

8 4

9 4

13. Payment of the King's Subsidy: Paid in cash to the Prior and Con

vent of Elsing Spittal, London, col-


£ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. lectors of a third part of the King's subsidy, year 15 [Henry VIII] ... 3 5 5i

14. Payment to the Clerk of the Duchy of Lancaster:

Paid in cash to William Haydon,18

clerk to the Duchy of Lancaster, 28 April year 18 [Henry VIII] for inditing, sealing and enrolling letters of the king as required for securing payment of rent on a house situated below19 the precinct of the Hospital, lately called the Old Tower2" leased to the King for [gap in manuscript] years at £10 a year for the safe keeping of records, muniments and deeds of the Duchy deposited in the house, in accordance with William Haydon's accounts 1 11 0

15. Payment to Thomas Wattlyngton, Carpenter:

Paid in cash to Thomas Wattlyngton, carpenter, for timber and construction of tenements, a further sum in addition to the £30 paid during the preceding year 17 [Henry VIII] by the Master of the Hospital and shown in his accounts for that year and in completion of payment of £106 13 4 in accordance with the agreement 76 13 4

16. For Construction of New Tenements and Repairs:

For materials and work for the Hospital under the supervision of Robert Jopplyn21 and Humphrey Cooke from 8 January year 17 [Henry VIII] to 29 March following, paid in cash 11 10i

To Henry Romyng, smith, for divers ironwork made and used in divers places and offices of the Hospital, paid in cash 18 October year 18 [Henry VIITj 1 19 1

For materials and work in the Hospital from 4 August to the last day of October under the supervision of Mr. Roger Assh, steward of the Hospital, paid in cash to Humphrey Cooke, 7 November year 18 [Henry VIII] 2 4 2

To joiners for joinery to the ceiling of the Master's house below22 the Hospital 6 6

To John Hilmar, mason, for stones


£ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. delivered by him for the new [tenements] in the parish of St. Sepulchre, with carriage of the same and wages of workmen, paid in cash ... 6 16 4

For wages of masons, carpenters, tilers and labourers engaged on the new work for the Hospital, viz., the new tenements in the parish of St. Sepulchre, without Newgate, lately called "the Harpe" in Old Bailey, according to the accounts of Mr. Robert Jopplyn, chaplain, wherein are set out the names of the workmen with the amounts paid to each to the sum of 64 17 8

Paid in cash to Mr. Robert Jopplyn, chaplain and supervisor of the said works for the Hospital, for divers materials for himself and others bought and used in the new works 124 17 7

Paid in cash to the glazier for glass for the eleven new tenements in the parish of St. Sepulchre without Newgate 6 4 7

207 17 9i

Sum total of all the above payments and allowances 682 9 2

["There is thus a debit" deleted] Thus leaving a surplus of £192 11 H i

NOTES

1 L.C.C. Q/HAL/330. 2 Michaelmas 1526—Michaelmas 1527. 3 For this brief account of the history of the Hospital I am indebted to Mr.

Somerville's book. 4 Appointed master 1517, died 1548. 5 "Capellanorum Conducticiorum". 6 Presumably Robert Bayly, Holgill's clerk of works. See Somerville, The

Savoy, page 12. 7 "Corporas"—cloth placed beneath the consecrated elements. 8 "Tuckyng gerdylles"—girdle worn with the alb which is then drawn through

it until the skirt is of the proper length. 9 Ashes were used for washing purposes before the introduction of soap.

10 "pro Canteris Carctaribus et Cauctis vocantur Bollis ligneis pro esiamentes vomitum infirmorum": the Latin text is obscure but this appears to be the meaning.

11 "Wasshyng betilles"—washing-beetle, a wooden bat used to beat or pound clothes in the process of washing.

12 "Coloris blodij". 13 The clerk of the kitchen was lay assistant to the vice-master, Roger Assh,

who acted as steward of the household. See Somerville, The Savoy, p. 28. 14 Roger Assh, or Ashe, vice-master and steward of the household. 15 "Artificiariorum". 16 John Halys or Hales, presumably the same who was appointed third baron


of the exchequer in 1522, father of Sir James Hales, the judge, who was steward of the Hospital's lands in Kent in 1535 (D.N.B.).

17 Humphrey Cooke or Coke, master carpenter of works to Henry VIII, well known for his work at Oxford, died 1531, buried in the Hospital chapel. See Somerville, The Savoy, pp. 12, 36.

18 William Haydon, clerk to the Duchy of Lancaster 1523-1545. See Somerville, History of the Duchy of Lancaster (1953) I, p. 413.

19 "infra." A house with garden was occupied from 1521 as an office of the Duchy of Lancaster. Somerville, The Savoy, p. 22 and History of the Duchy of Lancaster, I, p. 239.

20 "nuper vocati Veteris Turris." 21 Robert Jopplyn or Joplyn, hospitaller. See Somerville, The Savoy, pp. 27,

244. 22 "infra."

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The writer wishes to thank for their assistance in the preparation of this paper the members of the palaeography class promoted by the University of London Department of Extra-Mural Studies. She is specially grateful to the lecturer, Miss I. Darlington, M.A., F.S.A., F.L.A.

160

NOTES ON THE CHURCH OF HOLY

TRINITY MINORIES

by F. J. COLLINS, A.R.I.C.S.

The convent of St. Clare was founded in 1293 by Blanche, Queen of Navarre, wife of Edmund, Earl of Lancaster, as an order of Sorores Minores, or Little Sisters, from which the name of Minories has survived to the present day.

At the Dissolution of the Monasteries in 1538 the chapel of the convent was allotted to the inhabitants of the district. It was partly rebuilt in 1568 and again in 1706, when the vaults were inserted. The floor level of the church was lowered 3 ft. 9 in. to allow the insertion of two vaults giving a new raised level 6 ft. 3 in. above the old floor of the church.

The parish was united with that of St. Botolph, Aldgate, and the church closed on 1 January, 1899. A fire in 1904 exposed the outside of the north wall of the church and enabled photographs to be taken of that side for the L.C.C. The church was used as a parish room until it was destroyed in the last war, when only the medieval north wall was left standing (see fig. 1, p. 162).

This wall was demolished and the site cleared between October, 1956, and July 1958, disclosing a number of interesting features. Firstly the brick filling of the two-light window, at the west end of the wall, fell out, exposing the lath-and-plaster filling put in when buildings were erected against the north wall in 1768. The internal jambs of the window were decorated with a pattern of painted "stonework joints" in red on white. The north side of this window was photographed after a fire in 1904 (pi. 2 (a)).

The wall, which was constructed of chalk and flint rubble in a greyish white mortar, was demolished to the level of the floor above the brick vaults of 1706, revealing the impression of two blocked windows in the mortar of the adjoining wall erected in 1904. The easternmost one was a two-light window in the perpendicular style and both were probably blocked at the Dissolution, the filling being ragstone and chalk rubble in a yellow mortar.

Photo : London County Council

HOLY TRINITY MINORIES. Plate i WEST FRONT (c.1913).

Photo: London County Council

HOLY TRINITY MINORIES Plate 2(a) EXTERIOR OF WINDOW AT WEST END OF N. WALL (AUGUST 1904).

Photo : London County Council

HOLY TRINITY MINORIES Plate 2(b) EXTERIOR OF N. WALL, SHOWING SQUINT (AUGUST 1904).

NOTES ON THE CHURCH OF HOLY TRINITY MINORIES 161 When the vaults were demolished the medieval wall was exposed

in very good repair. A blocked doorway (pi. 3 (a)) and the smaller end of a squint (pi. 3 (b)) were found in the eastern part of the wall and along the whole length of the wall it was possible to trace two distinct medieval floor levels.

The wall around the squint was decorated similarly to the jambs of the westernmost window and appeared to have been rebuilt at some period prior to the Dissolution.

The squint cut into what appeared to be a putlog hole, for scaffolding, as there were traces of similar roughly arched holes along the wall at the same level. The squint was blocked with 2 in. bricks at the south face but the other side, photographed in 1904 (pi. 2 (b)), was open.

The worked stone reveals to the blocked opening were rebated for a door with hinges on the east side and showed traces of an iron catch on the west side. Some of these stones were from an earlier window sill with sockets for iron bars. The sill to the door was heavily worn in the middle, as it was 4 in. above the earlier floor level in the church and 6 in. above the lower level in the opening and consequently would be stepped upon by everyone passing through the doorway.

A later floor of tiles, set in mortar on a filling of clean sand, had been inserted in this doorway. These tiles, 5$ in. square and f in. thick, were very heavily worn and had lost nearly all trace of their original glaze.

The splayed sides of the opening were plastered and decorated with painted joints similar to those mentioned previously. The arch over the further side of the opening was very flat and part was found lying in a cavity at the back of the filling. A corner of this arch appears in one of the photographs taken in 1904 (pi. 2 (b)).

The good condition of the plaster on the two side-faces of this doorway and the existence of a squint suggest that there was a room or covered way behind the door and squint. This is borne out by one complete and one damaged corbel shown in the last-mentioned photograph. There was also a hole where a third corbel might be expected almost in line with the east wall of the church. A "reverse cast" of the complete corbel was seen in the adjoining wall of 1904 when the medieval wall was demolished.

162 NOTES ON THE CHURCH OF HOLY TRINITY MINORIES

C4 60

a o

I a 3 O

3 •2

60

E

NOTES ON THE CHURCH OF HOLY TRINITY MINORIES 163

164 NOTES ON THE CHURCH OF HOLY TRINITY MINORIES

The existence of a covered way or building to the north of the choir raises a problem with regard to the low level of the two blocked windows. The springing of the easternmost blocked window and the flat arch on the north side of the blocked doorway suggest a fairly late date but there is no evidence of a wall between the blocked door and the easternmost window (which one would expect if they are of the same date). The use of second-hand material makes it impossible to decide any order of building.

The filling of the door-opening included a pinnacle containing a quatrefoil, within which was a painting of the Agnus Dei, and a painted female figure from which the head and arms were missing. This figure, nearly 3 feet high, still retained some areas of paint and gilding on a thin layer of gesso. The outer robe was of Indian red powdered with gold fleur-de-lys and the under robe of vermilion powdered with gold marguerite flowers. The figure, now in the Guildhall Museum, was examined by Dr. Joan Evans, P.S.A., and Mr. Norman Cook, F.S.A., Keeper of the Guildhall Museum, and considered by them to date from about 1335 A.D. and to represent "Synagogue" or the Old Law. It would have been balanced by a statue of "the Church" or the New Law.

The north wall of the vault built against the medieval wall was erected on a foundation of worked stones from windows and chalk rubble.

Excavation along the south side of the site went down about 4 feet 6 in. below the floor level of the vault. The top 2 feet 6 in. of this was filled with remains of 18th and 19th century burials and the bottom 2 feet appeared to be virgin soil. The bottom of these burials would therefore be 7 feet 3 in. below the earlier medieval floor level and 8 feet 3 in. below the later medieval floor. Any medieval burials are certain to have been disturbed by these later burials if not removed during the construction of the vaults.

The infilling between the haunches of the vaults and the floor of the church also contained a number of human bones, including a Roman skeleton dug up during building operations in the neighbourhood and reburied under the floor. The excavations brought to light Henry Bassendine's vault of 1712 at the west end of the north vault and traces of Peter Cooke's vault south of the choir extension of 1706.

Photo : F. J. Collins HOLY TRINITY MINORIES

Plate 3(a) DOORWAY SHOWING TWO FLOOR LEVELS IN N. WALL (DECEMBER 1956

Photo: F. J. Collins HOLY TRINITY MINORIES

Plate 3(b) SQUINT AND PUTLOG HOLE IN N. WALL (NOVEMBER 1956)

NOTES ON THE CHURCH OF HOLY TRINITY MINORIES 165 The final clearance of the site showed that the church, as recon

structed after the alterations of 1568 and 1706, was mainly on the old foundations but that the eastern end of the south wall had been moved 8 feet 9 in. southwards, so that the choir became the same width as the nave (see fig. 2, p. 163). The line of junction of the new extension to the south wall was matched by a vertical joint in the northern wall of the north vault, suggesting that the work was carried out in two stages owing to the presence of Lord Dartmouth's vault.

The original south wall appeared to have been thickened on the inside in 1706 when the vaults were inserted, as the foundation of the inner skin was made up of re-used worked stones. The outer skin appeared to be wholly of rubble. This may partly explain the difference of width between the north and south vaults, the former being 13 feet and the latter 9 feet 6 in. wide.

A seven foot length of the west wall, approximately in the middle, was carried down much deeper than the remainder of the foundations. This suggests the original building had some sort of turret or bellcote, but there was no opportunity of measuring its extent to the west.

Miss Helen Macdonald of the Geological Survey has identified the three types of stone used on the site as:—

(1) "Hearthstone" from Upper Greensand at Betchworth, Surrey;

(2) A slightly glauconitic limestone, probably Kentish "rag", similar to a specimen from the Lower Greensand at Hythe, Kent.

(3) Chalk, no particular locality suggested.

The demolition and site clearance was carried out by Messrs. Frederick Wise of Dalston Lane, whose staff were most helpful.

REFERENCES

The History of the Minories, London, by Edward Murray Tomlinson, M.A., Smith, Elder & Co. 1907, and John Murray, 1922.

Photographs in the L.C.C. Collection. Archaological Journal, 113 (1956). The Times, 16.1.1957.

166

REPORT ON RECENT EXCAVATIONS IN SOUTHWARK AND BERMONDSEY: PART 1.

By PETER R. V. MARSDEN Guildhall Museum

This report contains accounts of "rescue-excavations" carried out on various building sites in Southwark and Bermondsey. Except where otherwise stated the excavations were carried out by the writer.

Thanks are due to Mr. Norman Cook, B.A., F.S.A., Keeper of the Guildhall Museum, who very kindly dated the pottery and gave permission for two notes in the Museum records to be published. Thanks are also due to Mr. R. Merrifield, B.A., F.S.A., Assistant Keeper of the Guildhall Museum, who kindly read the original draft of this report and made useful comments.

96-104 BOROUGH HIGH STREET (Fig. 1)

The site lies at the south corner of the Borough High Street and Union Street, and the contractor's excavations were carried out early in 1960. The natural sand, where not disturbed, lay at a depth of approximately 9 feet 10 in. below the Borough High Street pavement surface, or at about 3 feet above O.D.

A drainage ditch, about 2 feet in depth, under the Borough High Street frontage, was found running N.W.-S.E., and was dug from the lowest stratum above the natural sand. No dating evidence was found in the yellow clayey silt filling of the ditch, but an occupation layer above the ditch filling contained a number of sherds of the late 1st century (Fig 4c). Running westwards from the High Street frontage the ditch gradually grew shallower until it was no longer recognisable.

At the western end of the site was found a square timber-lined well, where, in the mixed clayey filling, were discovered a few sherds of about 100 A.D. (Fig. 4a). The well, like the ditch, had been dug from the lowest stratum above the natural sand.

It was noticed that the Roman strata under the High Street frontage were more numerous than at the western end of the site. This was probably due to the eastern end being nearer to the Roman ribbon development along Stane Street. The lowest dated stratum at the eastern end of the site contained a few sherds of the end of the 1st century

REPORT ON RECENT EXCAVATIONS IN SOUTHWARK, ETC. 167 A.D. (Fig. 4c), and the lowest at the south-western corner of the site was a greenish flinty stratum containing a few Flavian sherds (Fig. 4b).

Fix- 1

168 REPORT ON RECENT EXCAVATIONS IN SOUTHWARK, ETC.

140-147 BOROUGH HIGH STREET A visit was made to this site in 1958 when the contractor's excava

tions were in an advanced stage. Only the west end of the site had not been concreted over, and at that end several clay-filled pits dug into the natural sand were examined. Each pit contained large loose lumps of ragstone only, and in view of the depth and filling of the pits, it seems possible that they were Roman. The workmen had collected a large quantity of pottery fragments, some of which were Roman but most of which were post-medieval in date. One Samian Ware fragment (Drag, form 18/31) was stamped ANNIO3 F (Annius of Lezoux: Period: — Trajan-Hadrian).

SOUTHWARK CATHEDRAL A note in the Guildhall Museum records for 1947 states that:—

"Excavations for an unexploded bomb at the east end of Southwark Cathedral, in the Churchyard, were watched. Burials extended to a depth of 15-18 feet and the ballast level was found with no water at 16-18 feet. Unstratified finds included a collection of Lambeth delft, in biscuit condition before glazing, and with only the pattern laid on, with no overglaze. Kiln tools and ? saggers were also found." An accompanying section shows an eleven-inch-thick Roman burnt layer below 12 feet 2 in. of disturbed burials, and overlaying Roman make-up.

OTIS ELEVATOR CO LTD. SITE, FALMOUTH ROAD

The site lies at the north-east corner of Falmouth Road and Great Dover Street, and during excavations in December, 1938, two human skeletons were found by workmen in a single hole measuring 12 feet x 8 feet x 12 feet at the north end of the site. The skeletons are said to have been found at a depth of about 6 feet. Also found in the hole, and presumably with the skeletons, were two small jugs and a bowl. One of the jugs (Plate 4) is of a red coarse ware and is of 4th century date. A Roman mortarium fragment was also found about 20 yards northwest of the burials.

(This information was kindly supplied to the Cuming Museum by Mr. G. Clasby of the Otis Elevator Co. Ltd. The red coarse ware jug is in the possession of Mr. Clasby, and the mortarium he has given to the Museum. Mr. F. Boone, the Curator, kindly passed the information on for publication.)

W^fMy^sM&SiM

Photo : John Ruskin Camera Club

Plate 4 4th CENTURY JUG FROM FALMOUTH ROAD, SOUTHWARK

REPORT ON RECENT EXCAVATIONS IN SOUTHWARK, ETC. 169

E LEPHANT & CASTLE.

^KEHftQ<M)

GRAVEL METALLING.

ELEPHANT & CASTLE NORTHERN LINE UNDERGROUND STRN.

Fig. 2


160-166 BOROUGH HIGH STREET In 1959 contractor's excavations exposed part of a black silt-filled

depression, possibly a pond, several feet deep on the south side of the site. In the silt were found a few Roman sherds.

In the north-eastern quarter of the site was exposed an area of thick burnt material in which lay burnt timber planks and beams, and the stumps of vertical timber posts. These burnt timbers lay in no apparent order, and no dating evidence was found in the burnt level, which lay only a few inches above the natural sand. Below the burnt level was found a nearly complete Samian Ware dish of Drag, form 18 stamped OPASSIIV (Passenus of La Graufesenque: Period:—Nero-Vespasian). From its depth the burnt level appears to represent the remains of a Roman timber structure destroyed by fire.

A plan of this site, together with the pottery, will be published in the next part of this Report.

WORLD STORES, 28-30 TRINITY STREET A note in the Guildhall Museum records notes the discovery, in

January, 1956, by workmen, of a cremation burial in a late Ist-early 2nd century flagon, behind the building of the World Stores.

ELEPHANT AND CASTLE (Fig. 2)

Excavations immediately north of the Elephant and Castle Northern Line Station took place in April, 1960.

In the south face (line A-B on Fig. 2) of an east-west trench was seen a layer of rammed dirty gravel metalling at a depth of 5 feet below the present road surface, and this metalling was disturbed for a distance of 5 feet from the west end of the trench. At the east end of the disturbance the metalling was a little over 9 in. thick, and over a distance of 12 feet east of that point it gradually thinned down to nothing. The only find in the metalling was a crushed bone.

A north-south trench ran northwards from the east end of the east-west trench. In the west face of the north-south trench (line C-D on Fig. 2) the metalling was again exposed at a distance of 36 feet 6 in. north of section A-B. The gravel metalling was thin at first, and northwards over a distance of 27 feet it thickened to 6 in. Beyond that point it was disturbed by modern drains. In the metalling in section C-D were found a fragment of a Roman roofing-tile flange and a fragment of Roman brick.


ftlVER

DOTTED LINE REPRESENTS PROBABLE UNEOFSTANE STREI

DATES REFER TO PLACES AT WHICH STANE STREFT H A S B T F N FOUND.

THAME 3

NOT TO SCALE.

Fig. 3 Sketch-plan to show the probable line of Stane Street.


i- z. WELL.(CIRCA 100 A.Di).

6 .

S.W. EDGE OF SITE .(FLAVIAN). .

C.

7- m. CM.

OVER DITCH. (END OF 1ST CENTUM) .

96-104 BOROUGH HIGH STREET. ^ ^ '•'.[

D.

\tA BISCUIT DELFT FROM ELEPHANT & CASTLE.

Fig. 4


The metalling overlay the natural sand and gravel, and at the junction of the metalling and the natural gravel were small pockets of black mud. The gravel metalling probably formed the edge of a Roman road which apparently headed towards the centre of Newington Causeway.

It is worth noting that in a cutting excavated across Newington Causeway about 300 yards north of the Elephant and Castle, a cambered layer of hard rammed gravel, 1 foot thick and 15-16 feet wide, was observed in 1952 (L.C.C. Survey of London, Vol. XXV, pp.1-2). This was regarded as being part of Stane Street. If these attributions are correct and the metalling in both cases was part of the Roman Stane Street then the road must have left its straight course and curved round an area of marshy ground to the east. Its descendant, Newington Causeway, follows a similar curve (Fig. 3). The pockets of black mud below the metalling possibly indicate the extreme western edge of the marshy area.

Directly below the present road surface, about 50 feet north of the Elephant and Castle Northern Line Station entrance, was found a spread of broken late 17th-early 18th century delft ware in a biscuit condition (Fig. 4d), together with a waster fragment of a brown glazed stoneware vessel. This kiln waste had evidently been used as a hard core foundation for a road surface.

THE POTTERY (Fig. 4)

A.l Base of red coarse ware with a white slip. 2 Base of a grey coarse ware cooking pot.

B.3 Mortarium rim of pink ware (burnt) and a buff slip. 4 Rim of a jar of a gritty ware with a light grey core.

C.5 Rim of a grey ware jar. 6 Mortarium rim, of a buff coarse ware with a cream slip. Stamp,

PAV[, retrograde, along rim. 7 Rim fragment of a Samian Ware, Drag, form 15/17. 8 Rim fragment of a Samian Ware, Drag, form 29.

D Fragments of biscuit delft ware.

174

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX PART XI By H. K. CAMERON, Ph.D., F.S.A.

HACKNEY The monumental brasses of Hackney church have already received

full and excellent treatment in an article by the Rev. J. F. Williams, M.A., F.S.A.1 This article describes upwards of twenty brasses that existed formerly in the parish church. This old church was demolished in 1798 after the consecration of a new church nearby. The old church was particularly rich in monuments and good records exist in several manuscripts, in Weever's Ancient Funerall Monuments, 1631, in Stow's Survey of London (Strype's revised edition of 1720) and in particular in a collection of very accurate drawings made by T. Fisher shortly before the old church was destroyed.

Some of these drawings of indents by Fisher and also of the then existing brass to John Elrington and wife, 1504, are reproduced in Williams' article.

Among the brasses noted in Hackney by Weever (p. 536) is the following unique specimen:—

"For the sowl of Allis Ryder of your cherite, Say a Pater Noster, and an Ave. . . 1517. Her portraiture is in brasse with a milke pale upon her head."

Until recently four remaining brasses at Hackney had been assembled in the north-east vestibule, and three were illustrated in a composite photograph on plate 94 of the Royal Commission for Historical Monuments volume on East London, published in 1930.

The church and monuments survived the war of 1939-1945, only to be ravaged by fire in 1955. When the church was reconsecrated in 1958 it was discovered that two of the four brasses had disappeared.

That to John and Margaret Lymsey, with 3 sons, 4 shields and a marginal inscription with evangelistic symbols at the four corners has been illustrated, as a woodcut drawing by lifting, on page 231 of Haines' Manual of Monumental Brasses (1861). A rubbing of the almost complete brass, also by Haines, still exists in the library of the Society of Antiquaries.

The figure of the wife, of the children, and of one shield, the evangelical symbols and parts of the inscription disappeared during the

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX 175 later part of the nineteenth century. One shield is recorded as having been stolen in 1902. Until 1955 there remained the male effigy, a small piece of inscription and the symbol of St. John, and two shields. They were set in the original stone which was up-ended and fixed against the chapel wall as shown in the R.C.H.M. illustration. Since the restoration of 1955-58 the stone is still there and in good condition, with the pitch remaining in situ and obviously unaffected by the heat of the fire that destroyed the building. No brass remains and one is reluctantly forced to the conclusion that this was stolen while the church was under repair.

The figure of John Lymsey was a re-used plate engraved some thirty years before the date of his decease in 1545. The two shields remaining until the fire were also palimpsest and on the reverse had parts of an early 16th century Flemish brass showing the upper part of the figure of St. John the Baptist with diaper work and architectural ornament in the background. These shields were described and illustrated by Mill Stephenson2 in his account of palimpsest brasses.

The other monument that has disappeared is that commemorating a former vicar, Hugh Johnson. This consisted of a mural stone frame on which were three brass plates. The upper plate had upon it a figure in ordinary civilian costume, in gown with false sleeves and with ruff round the neck. He was shown in a pulpit. Below were two inscription plates, the upper with a script inscription in Latin and the lower in Roman capitals in English. Hugh Johnson was vicar of Hackney for 45 years, dying at the age of 72 in 1618. An illustration of this brass appeared in the Girls' Own Paper, Vol. XV, p. 26.

The two brasses remaining are: —

/. Christopher Urswic, D.C.L., Rector, almoner to Henry VII, in cap and cope, 1521, 1 shield, on altar tomb.

This figure, 38 in. high, is an excellent example of a priest in processional vestments: cassock, surplice with full sleeves, almuce and cope, with orphreys of geometrical design. He wears a pointed cap on his head. A defaced shield of arms with the word MISERICORDIA on the upper part, is above his head. The altar tomb was erected by Urswic during his lifetime on the north side of the altar of the old church, and may have been used as an Easter sepulchre. The brass was originally laid in a slab in front of the tomb, but with the building of the new church was placed upon the tomb itself. On the wall at the back


MIS€RlCORMi

HACKNEY I. CHRISTOPHER URSWIC, 1521


of the tomb is a rectangular brass plate, on which is the following inscription, now indistinct by corrosion in places: —

(Kristoforaa aratouna regis benriri septimi elemosinanus bir aua . ctate. rlaraa

snmmatibna atq' infimatibitB ia-Eta r-barns aft Eiteroa rejjEB nnbtuts pro patria

Ugatus beranaium (Kbor* ^.rtbi&iaronatnm Jlirm«ttbte iecanatum btnicaorE

babtios ttibens rcliquit; (Bpiaropatant 0.avbictnttm oblatutn recnaabit majjnoa booorea tota bita aprebit. frugali bita rontentaa bit btbere

bic mart malmt plettua atmia abut ab omnibua ieagbcratuB funeria pompam

eriam teatamento bfituit . bit aepaltua carttta reaurremoaem in abnenttt

cbriati EipEttat ffibiit faxmo ©bristi incarttaii JR. J , *» &i* xxttti marrit anno

Etatia SUE Isiitit Christopher Urswic was a prominent cleric and statesman, being

chaplain and almoner to Henry VII, eleven times an ambassador, Registrar of the Order of the Garter and of the Bath. He was a great pluralist, holding simultaneously many prebends and archdeaconries. He was successively Dean of York and of Windsor. He asked to be buried at Hackney, where he was Rector from 1502 until his death in 1521.

The brass has been previously illustrated in Boutell, Brasses & Slabs, 105 (head only); Gentleman's Magazine 1848, ii, 603 (head only); Haines, Manual of Monumental Brasses, 228; Waller, Pt. 2.

//. Arthur Dericote, Draper, in armour, 1562, and 4 wives and 2 sons, kneeling; with inscription.

This brass is set in a mural stone slab under a round arch carved in low relief.

The five principal figures are 10£ in. to 9J in. high. They are all kneeling and facing towards the dexter. Each kneels at a prayer desk upon which is an open book. The male figure, in armour, is bareheaded, with short cropped hair and long beard. His helmet is placed upon the ground in front of the desk.

Behind him are the four wives. The third is in slightly earlier costume than the others. Two sons, in gowns with false sleeves, kneel behind their Mother, the fourth wife.

Below these figures is a rectangular plate 11 in. high and 22^ in. wide, on which is engraved in blackletter the following inscription: —


HACKNEY II. ARTHUR DERICOTE AND HIS FOUR WIVES, 1562

fjere nnba fotE lietlj ^.rtljure gemote tobo burtEb inas of late of fEonbon JSomtyntE ffiitijen aub of (Baquiers state of drapers Hljilonte (Kopanic but laatE of Hailmeie totonc 0, parisabner be teas full goob all hire be leaib a bobtnc WibEs fobier by mariage bab tbat lamfull toaa anb rigbtc JItarie (Eme anb ^JtargaretE anb lone tbt fourths abc bifibtc $?y lobome tirro rbtlbrcn bears be bab anb enbeb tben bis lyfs Cbe 3JM bay of $.obembEr moneib one rbtlbE alibE anb toyfe % tbouaanb anb fibe bunbersb anb Histte ycarea anb ttao ^encc (EbriatEa IncarnaEton bE ganttE to litre a nEto 05ob graunt to ©briatians all of life aurb racE to nntE ®bat at tbe kngbe tbfii may rEtsabE of Cbriat a Joyfull gontE. This brass is illustrated in the Trans, of the Monumental Brass

Society, Vol. 5, p. 69 and the whole monument is shown on Plate 94 in the Royal Commission Volume for East London.


HADLEY

(or Monken Hadley)

/. Philip and Margaret Grene and Margaret Somercotes, 1442, inscription with two small figures of ladies, mural, East wall of South Chapel.

There are three pieces of this memorial assembled in a marble stone that has been placed against the wall.

The two ladies' figures, 12 in. high, are identical in size and style. They are full-faced, wearing the high-waisted bag-sleeved gown of the first half of the 15th century and with a headdress with flattened horns surmounted by cauls of lace or net over the ears.

Associated with these figures is a Latin inscription in three lines of blackletter, on a plate measuring 19 in. x 3 | in. This reads:—

HADLEY I. PHILIP and MARGARET GRENE and MARGARET SOMERCOTES, 1442


Hir iace't fJhilippna (Stem Slins WH&lteri (Srene axmigerl et (Bltjabetb' uafw

Et' et Jftargareta soror eiasb'm fjljilippx at Jttargareta Sfamtttatta q'ab'uvn't

MW$a bit mens' JSeptembriji &a ft'tti Jtt°r.m° a-Ui0 qttor' atthttai' ppinet' bt' ante'.

This records the death of three people all on the same day, 16 September, 1442, and presumably in this parish of Hadley. One wonders what sudden accident or, more likely, fever or pestilence struck so rapidly. A brother and sister who pre-deceased their father by fourteen years and their brothers by some forty years must have died young; and associated with them another, presumably young, lady of no obvious relationship.

The father, Walter Grene, was buried at Hayes in Middlesex, having died "in ffesto concepcois be Marie Virginis videlt' octavo die Decembris" 1456. He is there commemorated by a fine brass on an altar tomb, but without wife. Elizabeth (Warner) was his second wife, who survived him until 1471. Their connection with Hadley is not clear although early in the century there is record of a Roger Grene resident in the parish. There is also record of a grant of land to a William Somercotes in Hadley in 1423.

There is something perplexing about this memorial. The two small figures are almost identical, and the costume agrees with the date on the inscription, yet elsewhere in the church are indents for these two figures in separate stones, one in the north chapel and one in the Sanctuary. There is no remaining indent for a male effigy, nor for the inscription, on either of the stones on which the ladies' effigies were, or elsewhere in the church. There does not necessarily seem to be any connection between these two female effigies and the inscription, other than that the costume is contemporary.

There is no mention of this brass by Weever, but Lysons records (1795) "on a wall underneath the stairs leading to the gallery, is a brass plate to the memory of Philip son of Walter Grene", etc., but makes no reference to any figures. Haines, in 1861, describes the inscription and adds that the male effigy was lost and the rest of the brass was now placed in different parts of the church. In 1910 one of the ladies was still on the chancel floor and one on the north wall of the chancel, the inscription being in the South transept.


The Rev. F. C. Cass writing in 18803 in his account of the church says: "Certain of the brasses that remain carry us back to an early period of the parish history. As a rule they do not occupy the positions originally belonging to them. Several of them, preserved in a closet at the rectory previous to the church's restoration [by G. E. Street, 1848-1850] were at that time inserted in the pavement more with an eye to picturesque effect than to the sites from which they had become detached. Earliest in date comes the small scroll affixed to the east wall of the South transept." He then quotes the Grene inscription, but does not mention anywhere in his book the two ladies' figures.

/ / . Walter Tornor and wife, Agnes, 1494, inscription only, mural, South aisle.

This inscription has been moved since it was described by Cross in 1880, when it was on the floor of the South transept. It is now on the wall of the South aisle, mounted above and looking now to be part of No. III. On a rectangular plate, measuring 18£ in. x 3 in. is the following blackletter inscription: —

Uir iarct tRffialterua dtornor ct ^gnes nsax eras jpti qnt&tn

tHEaltents obiit a-tii0 biz mcnsia Jatmarii ^.ttnn $|omini tnillio

zttz la-mini 0 (EJuonim ^.ntmabna ppiristur Jens JVme.

In his will4 Walter Tornor asks to be buried "in capella beate marie de Monkynhadley". He leaves money to the church of St. Paul (in London), to the church at "Monkynhadley" and to the improvement of the roads. He leaves a silver gilt cup to his daughter Agnes and allows the further disposal of other wealth for the good of his soul to his executor William Tumour.

/ / / . William Tumour, 1500, in civil dress, and wife loan, with four daughters and inscription, now mural, South aisle.

This brass is associated with No. II, being immediately below it on the wall of the South aisle where it has been placed during restora-


HADLEY III. WILLIAM TURNOUR, 1500, AND WIFE JOAN


tion of the church. An indent is on the floor of the South chapel and has been filled with cement; the outline is still clear.

The figures of William Tumour and his wife are standing on grass mounds, half turned towards each other, with the husband on the dexter side. His figure is about 18^ in. high and 1 in. taller than the lady's figure. The engraving is bold if rather crude, with much cross hatching to provide shadow. As is often the case the hands, shown in the attitude of prayer, are disproportionately large. A rosary is shown suspended from the belt at the man's waist, while from the lady's hangs a gipciere.

Beneath the two main figures is a three line inscription in black-letter, on a plate measuring 20£ in. x 3 | in., which reads as follows:—

"%'tt iaceni Willing ©nrnour et Johns naror eiua qui qni&etn

IKilliua obiit tri° bit menaia lUnbembria ^ ° oni maiSc et pretoeta

Johna nbiit toe 3V° iini tn° qunru aiaba ppitiet' ilea.

This memorial was evidently laid down at, or shortly after, his death and the date of decease of his widow was never filled in.

Beneath this inscription and underneath the woman's figure is a small plate showing four daughters upon it, in simplified but similar costume to their mother, but with long flowing hair. This would indicate that they were unmarried, although the stylised pattern and reproduction of plates of children may or may not provide reliable guidance on this point.

The will of William Tornor5 was proved on 14 November by his widow Joan, the other executors named renouncing. (He had named also John Goodyer the elder (see brass No. IV) and Roger Wright). The will makes bequests to his three daughters "Kateryn, Elizabeth and Agnes" and goes on to mention one son. "Also I will that Johane my wife shall have the rewle and keping of John my son during his none age, and after the decesse of Johane my wife I will and charge that John my son have all the frehold and copyhold that I have."

There is therefore an error in the engraving of this brass in showing four daughters, assuming this plate is correctly associated.


IV. John Goodeyere, 1504, and wife Joan, 2 shields and inscription, now in Rectory.

This brass was formerly on the floor of the North chapel where members of this family were buried. It was moved to the wall of the South chapel at the restoration, but it became loose and is now kept at the Rectory. From the indent, still on the floor of the North chapel, it is evident that only the lady's figure was shown in this memorial. This is 17^ in. high and is a graceful figure with high-waisted dress, fur-edged cuffs, a girdle with long pendent reaching almost to the ground, and with a long and turned-back veil and pedimental headdress.

Beneath is a rectangular plate 25 in. x 2 in. on which is a black-letter inscription in two lines, reading:—

^ i c mttt Jloljea (Bnntegm ®Etttilman & Jtoljanna nior tins qui

qaiirem IOIJEB obiit

U° bit anjjttat ^.° tint JIt0tmriiit qttor' aiaba

ppttict' be amen.

Above the figure are two shields 5Jr in. high. The one bears Gules, a jess between two chevrons voire for Goodeyere, and the other , a jess , between three lions passant or.

John Goodeyere's name occurs among those appointed to be commissioners for Middlesex in 1496. His will6 dated 10 May, 1504, is long and comprehensive and provides an interesting description of the material property of a man of standing and substance of that time.

Among his effects were several books, on parchment and printed. This will is transcribed in the book on this church written by the Rev. F. C. Cass in 1880.

John Goodeyere asks to be buried in the chapel of St. Anne (the north chapel or transept) at Hadley by Joan his wife, who had evidently predeceased him. He left money "to the works of my mother church of Seint Powle within the Ciete of London" and to the parish church at Hadley for tithes "negligently withholden", and "to the making of the first flowre of the stepull in the saied church of hadlegh as moch as it wull cost the making of Carpentry". He left money to many neigh-


bouring parish churches. Much of his personal possessions he leaves to his wife Margaret, while he names his eldest son John his sole executor, leaving gifts to his other children Richard, William and Walter, and to married daughters.

The brass may have been laid at or soon after the death of the first wife. Only the date of his death appears on the inscription and this was added subsequently to the original engraving of the inscription. (In the second line the date "V" has been engraved in a space left for more figures; "August" has been added on a different level from the rest; the fifth "C" and "iiii" have been added. The original engraving was therefore executed before the turn of the century.) It is curious that the symmetry of the brass as indicated by the indent suggests that there never was a figure to John Goodeyere himself, although Mill Stephenson and Haines record "male effigy and children lost".

This brass has been previously illustrated in Cansick, F.T., Epitaphs of Middlesex, p. 251, published in 1875. This shows a disposition of the figure and inscription similar to that of the indent, from which the present illustration has been reconstructed. However, a rubbing by the Rev. H. Haines which must have been taken 100 years or more ago, and which is now in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, shows clearly that there was a male figure, already missing, on the dexter side with the lady's figure well over to the sinister side with respect to the inscription below. There were also indents below the inscription for two groups of children.

One is forced to the conclusion that probably all the indents remaining in Hadley church are Victorian fabrications, prepared as the Rev. Cass said (see under I) "with an eye to picturesque effect".

V. Thomas Goodyere, 1518, in civil dress, and wife Joan; inscription and shields lost, now mural, South wall of chancel.

John Goodyere the younger, eldest son and heir of No. IV, did not long survive his father, dying in 1513. His eldest son Thomas was his executor. Thomas himself died five years later and was commemorated by this brass, first placed on the north side of the church. The inscription and shields have long since been lost, although a rubbing of one shield showing Goodyere impaling Hawte is in the collection of the Society of Antiquaries (or a cross engrailed gules for Hawte).

His widow Joan, by whom he had four children, was eldest daughter

THE BRASSES OF MIDDLESEX

HADLEY IV. JOHN GOODEYERE, 1504, AND WIFE, JOAN

of Sir Thomas Hawte and remarried Robert Wrothe of Enfield and by him had six children.

The two figures are now screwed to the South wall of the chancel. The male effigy is 19 in. high and that of the lady half an inch shorter. They are shown half turned towards one another. His outer robe is richly trimmed with fur and at his waist belt hangs a pouch or purse. The shoes are particularly square-toed. The lady's belt has a long pendant hanging almost to the floor, while the headdress may at one time have been coloured by pigment in the cutaway background.


HADLEY V. THOMAS GOODYERE, 1518, AND WIFE, JOAN


These plates are not palimpsest.

VI. Anne [Goodyere] wife of Thomas Walkeden, 1575, inscription and shield (another lost), mural. North chapel.

This Anne was sister to Sir Henry Goodyere of Newgate St., daughter of William Goodyere of Hadley, who in turn was son of Henry Goodyere of Bermondsey, alderman of London and younger brother of

\

«

V m

£ ttmMrtur tmffir, a rxtimw toibc: ANNE WALrKEDEN a^tftfilU tififf, •

aifimftof GoobEREs arau^niHiaiT .ibfoo M$ to tmuirjirr rartWfircautlt,

•^Iiat firtafli iflotm^tiirfiooleof grair;

HADLEY VI. ANNE (GOODYERE), WIFE OF THOMAS WALKEDEN, 1575

Thomas Goodyere (No. V). She became the first wife of Thomas Walkeden, of the Inner Temple.

The remaining (sinister) shield has upon it the Goodyere arms, gules a fess between two chevrons voire. The dexter shield, now missing, was no doubt for Walkeden.

The inscription is in 11 lines of English verse, in blackletter, on a plate about 12$ in. wide and 8J in. high.

^00 bere tlje j$ese of tBtemenkjinb % perfitt fjatterne won map betoe

©f one tfjat teas (tobtlst tbat sire teas) jk matrone milbe, a mirrour trehie :

ANNE WALKEDEN a fantb&U imfe, giscenb of GOODERES annrnent flaee, Wbn batb ao ronne Ijer earthlpe (Konrse, ®bat aire batb toonne, tire goole of grate,

(©ne) lobbe of all, but lobeb best, <©f (Sob jta*!) inborn ber JStonle botb rest.

Sucieb tbe £«r of leeember ^(KCGGGg %%%,

VII. William Gale, 1610, and two wives, with five sons and eight daughters, text and inscription; chancel floor.

To the north of the altar lies the marble stone in which this brass is set. The three principal figures are now lost, but their outline is clear. In the centre was the man in full face view, evidently bare-headed and wearing a high shouldered and full length gown. His two wives stand on either side, half turned towards him. There is a clear difference in the headdress worn by the two, that on the dexter side having the broad-brimmed high-crowned hat of that time and the other wife wearing the commoner headdress of the Elizabethan period, derived from the "Mary bonnet". These figures were 15^ in. to 16J in. high. Above the man's head is a small rectangular plate, 9 in. wide and 2\ in. high, upon which in Roman capitals, is the text:—

BLESSED ARE THEY Yt CONCE DERETH Y« POORE & NEEDIE

Beneath the three figures is an inscription in six lines of Roman capitals, on a plate 24$ in. x 5\ in.:—


HERE LYETH THE BODYE OF WILLIAM GALE, CITIZEN & BARBER CHYRVRGION OF LONDON WHO DYED THE XIX& DA YE OF NO VEMBER 1610. THEN BEING Ye SECOND TYME MASTER OF HIS COMPANY, HE HAD 2 WIVES ELIZABETH & SUZAN & HAD ISSVE BY ELIZABETH V SONES AND 8 DAUGHTERS, AND WAS LX AND X YEARES OF AGE OR THEREABOUT AT Ye TIME OF HIS DEATH.

Below this are two plates, that on the dexter side, 6J in. x 5 in., showing the five sons, and the other 9£ in. wide and tapering from 5 in. to 4 in. with eight daughters. The engravings are lightly executed and rather worn, but show a variety of costume. As far as can be seen two of the sons have beard and moustache, the eldest with long gown and ornamental false sleeves hanging from the shoulder. Two wear a shorter cloak and the other two, who may be young, appear to be dressed in a schoolboy fashion (e.g., Christ's Hospital). Three of the eight daughters are wearing the high-crowned hat and the remainder bonnets. Apart from this their costume is alike. This William Gale, born in Yorkshire, was evidently a man of substance. In his will,7 he leaves to his wife Susan, among other things, a "coach with the twoe gueldings to it", and to the vicar of Hadley church a little grey ambling mare.

VIII. William Gale, 1614, in civil dress and wife Anne, with 2 sons, 1 shield and inscription, Chancel.

This monument lies on the floor south of the altar, in the corresponding position to No. VII on the north side. It commemorates William, the eldest son of the other William Gale, and his family. This second William survived his father by only four years and the two brasses could have been the work of the same engraver, the engraving and the wording of the inscription being alike.

The brass comprises the figure of William Gale, 18J in. high and that of his wife, 1 in. shorter, with an inscription of seven lines in Roman capitals immediately below on a plate 23£ in. wide and 6 | in. high. Below this are the figures of the two sons on separate plates, that on the dexter side 5% in. and the other 1\ in. high. Above and between the two principal figures is a shield 6 in. in height.

The two figures, the male on the dexter side, are in threequarter-face view, half turning towards one another. Their costume is typical of the period, without outstanding features. The male figure is shown in doublet, breeches, and hose, with laced shoes and wearing overall a

. BLESSED-ARE* THEY YCOSCE D E R E T H V POORK &.NL£D!EN '

/ "

I

\

A

*s

/

A J

\ (

i ) i DAY-E OF Not VEMBER l 6 l O . THEN BEING Y~ SECOND TYME"MASTER fc>F HIS COMPANY, HE HAD x WIVES ELIZABETH:& SVZAN &HAD ISSVE , <BV ELIZABETH V.SONES AND "5 L>AVGHTRS/AND \C/AS LX AND.X 'YEARES OF AGE'OR 1 UEREABOVT AT Y TIME OF HIS DEATH *

HADLEY VII. WILLIAM GALE, 1610, AND TWO WIVES, WITH FIVE SONS AND EIGHT

DAUGHTERS


JfeKELYETH THE'kODYE OF WlLUAM GALE GEN I SOMTIMH , M'-ov ARTS iy, OXFORD, WHO HAD TO WIFE ANNE GALE 'THE DAVGHTER OF ROGER BRA'GGE GENT AND HAD frsSVE BY HER a SONNES WILLIAM AND NICHOLAS YSAID' GNLCIIOLAS DECEASED BEFORE HIS FATHER. Y A BOVE SAYD ^WJLL'IAM GALE DYED THE XX^'DAYEW MARCH AN°D:\) ||(>J4'BE1NGE A BOVT THE AGE OF FOR.TYE YFIARES

Bm

HADLEY Vffl. WILLIAM GALE, 1614, AND WIFE ANNE, WITH TWO SONS

long gown with false sleeves. Both wear ruffs round the neck and the lady's underdress is patterned; she wears a Mary bonnet on her head. Both figures are standing on a flat round piece of paving, not uncommon at this time, a curious small pedestal or isolated pavement looking very much like a pancake or flat scone!

The shield above is engraved brass and, unlike shields of earlier date, has no erased ground for showing coloured pigment. The arms are: —Azure on a fess between 3 salt ires argent as many lions' heads erased of the field, langued gules for Gale, impaling or (or argent) a chevron between 3 bulls sable for Bragge.

One son is shown in doublet, breeches and hose, with a three-quarter length cloak over his shoulders. He is beardless and bareheaded. The other child, who predeceased his father and presumably died young, is shown in a long skirt. Both are standing on flat round stones.

The inscription, in English, reads: —

HERE LYETH THE BODYE OF WILLIAM GALE GENT. SOMTIME MR OF ARTS IN OXFORD WHO HAD TO WIFE ANNE GALE THE DAUGHTER OF ROGER BRAGGE GENT AND HAD ISSVE BY HER 2 SONNES WILLIAM AND NICHOLAS Ye SAID NICHOLAS DECEASED BEFORE HIS FATHER: Y<= ABOVE SAYD WILLIAM GALE DYED THE XXX'h DAYE OF MARCH AN° DNI 1614 BEINGE ABOUT THE AGE OF FORTYE YEARES.

This inscription, like that to the father, reveals a lack of certainty of the age of the deceased. There is record that this William Gale, of London, matriculated from Merton College on 6 April, 1593, being then aged 18. He desired in his will8 to be buried near his father and left his property to his wife Anne as long as she remain unmarried, thereafter to go to his son William. This brass has been previously illustrated as the frontispiece to Cansick, Epitaphs of Middlesex, as a line drawing.

NOTES 1 Transactions Mon. Brass Society, V, pp. 53-73. 2 Trans. M.B.S., Vol. IV, pp. 321-323. 3 Monken Hadley, by F. C. Cass, Rector, 1880. 4 P.C.C. Vox 21. 5 P.C.C. Moone 17. 6 P.C.C. Holgrave 12. 7 P.C.C. Wingfield 107. 8 P.C.C. Lawe 27.

194

A LONDON TAVERN IN 1644 By the Very Rev. Mgr. D. SHANAHAN

The old Mitre Tavern in the Strand disappeared long ago and not a trace of it remains, not even a plaque on the wall. It stood on the south side of the Strand very nearly opposite the spot where Drury Lane entered the Strand before Bush House was built. Nevertheless, although all physical trace has vanished, a vivid picture of the old tavern is conjured up by an inventory of its "goods, chattells, howsehold stuffe and implements of howsehold" which was drawn up and attached to a bill of sale dated 18 May, 1644. The inventory is contained in a deed in the manuscript archives of the Old Brotherhood of the English Secular Clergy.

The vendor was Thomas Langton, described as "Citizen and Vintner of London". He appears in the lists of the Vintners' Company from 1628 until he died in 1659. He was one of the searchers of the Company from 1645 to 1657 and was a warden in 1655. * The other parties to the sale were Thomas Burrows, of Longfield Court in the county of Kent, and John Warner, tallow chandler of London, but the sale was for the benefit of Thomas and Anthony Tilden, sons of William Tilden, a tanner of Dartford in the county of Kent, deceased. The reason for the sale was that Thomas Langton had married Parnell Tilden (n6e Godden) the widow of William Tilden, and this was part of the marriage settlement. Thomas Tilden (1624-1688), studied at Queen's College, Oxford, and at St. John's College, Cambridge, proceeding B.A. in 1641; but under the influence of John Sergeant, with whom he had become acquainted during his college course, he became a Roman Catholic and in 1642 he set out for the English Theological College in Lisbon. He was ordained a priest and distinguished himself as a scholar, becoming President of the College in 1655. In 1662 he returned to England as private chaplain of Catherine of Braganza, who was about to become the bride of Charles II. He died in London on 1 December, 1688, and was buried under the Royal Chapel in Somerset House. Because of the disabilities under which Roman Catholics were labouring at the time, he is more commonly known under the alias of Thomas Godden.2 It is not clear that the Queen's private chaplain owned a tavern in the town—presumably he merely enjoyed the rents from the lease of the property; but the deeds and parchments passed into a private Catholic archive and there they remain to this day.

A LONDON TAVERN IN 1644 195

The value of the document reproduced below is the detailed, room-by-room, description of a London tavern in the year 1644.

"The Schedule of the goods, chattells, howseholdstuffe and implements of howsehold sold by the saide Thomas Langton by this presente deed.

IMPRIMIS in their owne lodginge chamber

1 high bedstedd with a trundle bedstedd 00.06.00 2 ioyned drawers and 2 deskes 04.10.00 1 nest of boxes for spice 00.02.06 3 old boxes and a box of drawers 00.04.06 6 high stooles wrought & 4 greene low stooles 00.08.00 2 chaires and 2 trunckes 00.06.06 1 ioyned chest with a little cubbord fast to the wall 00.03.00 1 ioyned table & a ioyned stoole with a drawer in it 00.03.06 1 high cubbord for lynnen 00.03.00 Item 3 featherbedds & 2 feather bolsters and 6 pillowes 05.08.00 1 mattris and one matt 00.04.00 1 rugg & 3 blanketts and 2 cushions 00.06.00 Old curtaines & vallours about the high bed with 1 coverlidd 00.05.00 1 pewter cesterne & a scollope candlestick of pewter 00.03.00 1 paire of brass Andirons 00.10.00 1 paire of iron doggs in the chymney, 1 fire shovell, 1 forke,

1 paire of tongs 00.12.00

In the meads chamber

Item 1 halfhedded bedstedd, 1 old cubbord & 3 old ioyned chests 00.09.00

2 Fethebedds & 1 flockbedd, 3 boulsters, 2 blancketts, 1 coverledd 02.05.00

In the Roome called the Myter Item 1 large round table with 1 carpett 00.10.06 8 high leather chaires & 1 greate cloth chaire 00.19.00 1 old side table & a creeper a paire of Andirons & a firebacke 00.10.00 Old hangings of stript5 stuffe about the roome with 2 curtains

and curtaine rodds 00.05.00

In the Roome called the George

Item 6 old greene high stooles and 2 old chaires 00.06.00

196 A LONDON TAVERN IN 1644

1 table with an old forme and one high presse 00.07.06 1 paire of Andirons and a creeper 00.01.04

In the Roome called the Bull head Item 2 old tables with one forme & 3 leather chaires 00.06.06 1 greate greene chaire, 1 cort cubbord 00.02.00 1 paire of Andirons, 1 carpett, 1 cubbord cloth 00.03.00

In the Roome called the Queenes head Item one drawing table & 1 round table with a cort cubbord 00.05.06 5 chaires & one paire of Andirons 00.08.00 1 carpett and cubbord cloth 00.01.00

In the Mens chamber Item 2 halfe hedded bedstedds 00.02.00 1 feather bedd & 2 flock beds 00.15.00 4 bolsters, 4 blancketts and 2 coverlidds 00.06.06

In the Roome called the Lyon Item 1 round table and 1 cort cubbord 00.08.00 6 leather chaires, 6 low stooles 01.01.00 5 chaires of green cloth, 1 high bedstead 00.13.04 2 featherbedds and 3 blancketts & 1 coverledd 06.16.08 Curtains and Vallours of green stuffe for a bedde 01.05.00 2 bolsters and 4 pillowes 01.02.00 Old hangings of daring round about the roome 00.16.00 3 curtains for the wyndows with 2 curtain rodds 00.02.06 1 paire of creepers in the chymney with fireback & fire shovell 00.05.00

In the Roome called the Talbott Item one highe bedstedd with a chest & a round table 00.13.00 2 Feather bedds, one Rugg & 3 white blancketts 03.00.00 Greene curtains & Vallours to the bedd of cloth 00.05.00

In the Garrett Item one old drawing table with other lumber vallued att 01.00.00

In the kitchen

Item 401b. of pewter in dishes 03.06.08 2c pounde of pott mettell brasse 04.00.00 i a c lb. of brasse in kettels and skilletts 01.17.00 3 Frying panns, 1 jack & weit, 1 racke, 1 paire of Fire irons,

2 fireshovells, 1 Forke, 1 paire of tongs 01.08.10

*n

z *~' w tO

D 0 as S 0 H to D O to

b z <

w -o c rt V }

e 0 4-1

(0 3 u S as t^ u u

X U V

J £ OX) C

*> a u 0£

A LONDON TAVERN IN 1644 197

5 pott hangers & 2 gridirons, 4 dipping panns, 5 pott hooks 00.10.06 2 iron potts, 2 iron kettles, 10 spitts and other lumber

vallued att 02.00.00

In eight small drinking Roomes

Item Eight small tables and benches to them and other lumber below staires 00.16.00

About the barre 3 small leaden cesternes 01.00.00

In the celler

Eight peeces of Spanishe wyne 136.00.00 1 hogshead of decaide wyne 04.00.00 2 Butts of wyne & Lees 05.00.00 1 hogshead of Redd wyne 08.05.00 2 hogsheads and a halfe of White Wyne 16.11.03 10 gallon potts, 3 pottle potts, 13 quarts, 13 pints, two J pints 05.02.06

In lynnen

16 pairs of sheets, 6 pairs of pillow beeres 05.10.00 1 dozen of table clothes, 8 dozen of napkins, 14 dozen of

Taverne towells 07.10.00

In the yard

In wood & coles 08.00.00

[250.03.01J"

NOTES

1 Cf. K. Rogers, The Mermaid and Mitre Taverns in Old London (1928). 2 Cf. Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. Godden. 3 i.e. striped.

198

LAING'S CUSTOM HOUSE, 1813-27 By RUPERT C. JARVIS, F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S.

The present Custom House (pll. 5 and 6) in Lower Thames Street was built in 1813-17 by David Laing, the Customs Surveyor for Buildings, on a new site somewhat to the west of the old Custom House. It was partially rebuilt in 1825-26 for the Surveyor-General of Works by (Sir) Robert Smirke, better known perhaps for his work on the British Museum and the General Post Office.

It has now become customary, perhaps on account of a remark in Stow's Survey,1 to refer to Laing's building as the fifth Custom House on about this site. It must, however, now be accepted that there is quite definite evidence of at least six Custom Houses here or hereabouts. Although something at least is known about the earlier customs system2—including something in detail, for example, about the quin-decima of the Winchester assize of 1203s—the earliest Custom House at present known is a late-thirteenth century building4 which may very well have been the headquarters from which the nova custuma of 1275 was administered (known after 1303 as the antiqua custuma). This building—in which Geoffrey Chaucer may have worked5—appears to have been superseded in about 1382 by a "second" Custom House, that built by John Churchman and commonly referred to as "the first"6—and in which also Chaucer may have worked. This may not have been the house illustrated by Anthony van den Wyngaerde (1540). In any case, Lord Treasurer Winchester was responsible in 1559 for some radical reforms in the customs service7, and consequentially for a new ("third") Custom House8. The drawings of the period—those of Agas (1592?), Visscher (1616), Gottfried of Frankfort (1638—per Matthew Meriana), Hollar (1647) and Bartholomow Howlett (1663)—are, however, difficult to reconcile. In any case, this early Elizabethan building was destroyed in the Great Fire of 1666, and Wren was commissioned to build a "fourth", which he commenced in 1669 and completed in 16719.

In January 1715, huwever, a fire in Thames Street severely damaged Wren's building10, particularly its west wing, and because other defects had now become apparent, the building of a "fifth" Custom House was undertaken upon a somewhat enlarged site. Thomas Ripley, Master-Carpenter to the Customs (and later Controller of the Works), commenced this work in 172211 and completed it in 1725 at a cost of just

LAING'S CUSTOM HOUSE, 1813-27 199 over £11,000 (or £2,000 above the estimate)12. The immense growth of oversea trade in the middle- and late-eighteenth century, however, made Ripley's building altogether inadequate for its purpose, so that statutory power had to be taken to replace the old Custom House13 which by 1810 had "been for some time found inadequate to the accommodation of the trade [of the port]", and furthermore was by now "in a state so ruinous and dilapidated" as to be beyond practical repair. Nothwith-standing the war it was decided to rebuild, but the problem was how to provide a "sixth" Custom House "without creating a chasm in the despatch of commercial business which would not be destructive to the merchants of Great Britain, nor yet without incurring an expense which could not be justified"14. Laing's Custom House of 1813-17 was intended to be the solution of that problem.

By this time the current "despatch of commercial business" had become the real priority—Adam Smith had observed the fact before Napoleon. Notwithstanding the interruption of wars, oversea trade was rapidly increasing—the results of the industrial revolution were now coming into full effect. From about 1700 English imports had shown only modest fluctuations until about 1750; in the thirty years between 1760 and 1790, however, imports had about doubled, and they took only twenty more years to double again between 1790 and 1810. Exports too showed the same rapid advance15. The increasing volume of trade, which could not be met at the legal quays and sufferance wharves within the limits of the City, was now being accommodated in the newly engineered enclosed dock systems down the tideway—the West India Docks (1802), the London Docks (1805), and the East India Docks (1806). Apart altogether from this, the London Custom House served not only as the custom house for the port of London: it was the headquarters of the Board of Commissioners of Customs which administered the customs affairs not only of the whole of the United Kingdom, but also of the "Plantations" (as they were called), the oversea territories in North America, the West and East Indies, Africa, and (later) Australia16.

Obviously Ripley's Custom House—although in the middle of the century it had had another story added—had become hopelessly inadequate. Most of the public business in the Custom House was transacted in the famous great Long Room, the main features of which Ripley had copied from Wren. Some time after 1810 it was intended to enlarge

200 LAING'S CUSTOM HOUSE, 1813-27

this room and in addition to construct an extended wing at the east end. On closer consideration, however, it was realised that this could not be done without that interruption to public business which it was so desirable to avoid. In any case, the already dilapidated state of the building did not warrant such expenditure upon it. The Commissioners of Customs, therefore, pressed the Treasury to provide the funds to construct an entirely new custom house on some nearby site—necessarily in the City, and adjacent to the Upper Pool—so that, upon its completion, public business could be transferred from the old building to the new without any interruption whatsoever. The Lords of the Treasury assented to this course in principle in the May of 1812, and the site fixed upon was that immediately west of the then present site. This site extended from the west of Ripley's Custom House to the east end of Billingsgate Dock, a distance of over 550 feet, embracing thirteen islands of property, eleven side streets and two public stairs to the river. A fire in the May of 1808 had already laid a great portion of this site waste, and a statute was obtained for acquiring by purchase surviving property rights as necessary.

At this time Laing had some ambitious ideas about town-planning the whole area south of Great Tower Street. He suggested extinguishing all property lines between Bear Lane, Water Lane, Harp Lane, St. Dunstan's Hill and Idol Lane, clearing the area, providing a whole precinct round St. Dunstan's Church, constructing a new custom house north of Lower Thames Street—rather than south of it—and leaving everything to the south to be an open quay to the river, with a new embankment line. But, said Laing in retrospect,

the execution of this extensive conception would have occasioned a vast additional expense, with a tedious and inconvenient delay; it was therefore laid aside, without proceeding to make regular designs, or more than general calculations17.

A cession of the rights and interests, therefore, of the proprietors and occupiers of the land and premises immediately to the west of Ripley's Custom House already referred to—as far along as Billingsgate Dock, from the south side of Lower Thames Street to the line of the river, in the length of 551 feet 3 inches—was acquired by the Crown by statutory purchase, at a figure taken on the verdicts of juries at £41,700. The remaining buildings were then demolished, the resultant materials sold on the site in a number of public auctions, and the site

LAING'S CUSTOM HOUSE, 1813-27 201

cleared—in due course—for the new works. The provisional estimate for the building of the new custom house was £221,000, against which might be set about £9,500 to be realised by the sales18. Besides this,

from the Great Increase of Rent which has been derived by the Crown on the recent refitting of the wharves and warehouses, it is presumed that the Old Custom House whether appointed as warehouses or otherwise may be let or sold with the Quays to a considerable advantage to the Crown. Because of the quite massive character of the proposed new build

ing and the alluvial (and suspected somewhat unsatisfactory) nature of the site adjacent to the river, the Customs and the Treasury thought it best to take an engineer's opinion. By their letter of the 24 January, 1812, therefore, the Treasury requested John Rennie, who had already been concerned in the engineering of the East India Dock, to examine (in association with Laing) "the nature of the Intended New Custom House" and to give an opinion "on the necessity and expediency of securing the foundation with Piles". Rennie examined the plans and the site, and he and Laing made borings on 7 February. It was clear from the samples of earth brought up that the soil to a depth of 18 to 20 feet was "compounded of Brick Rubbish, Black River Mud and thin Earth of a very unequal Quality, and some of it extremely soft". It would therefore "be very hazardous, and occasion a risk" to build a custom house there, unless it were constructed on piles that were "drove at least 2 feet into the hard Ground" which lay more than 18-20 feet below the present surface. (This was important in its sequel.) Rennie estimated that the additional cost of piling and driving would be about £7,Q00. On the 8 May, the Treasury, "considering the said Custom House as a Building in which durability is the Quality most to be regarded", approved the plans earlier proposed by the Board of Customs, and made the additional funds available for engineering the piles. More detailed specifications were now drawn up by Laing, the job put out to tender, and the contract ultimately let to Miles and Peto for the sum of £165,000. Henry Peto was a master-builder of Little Britain, and John Miles was a City merchant of College Hill. The two contractors and four other sureties were then placed under bond to complete the building (subject to certain conditions) in a good and workmanlike manner on or before 25 March 1815.

There were, however, to be some considerable delays. Firstly, it proved difficult to prepare abstracts of title and the drafts of the relative


deeds and conveyances which should correctly express the purchase by the Crown (by verdicts of the jury under the recent act) of those parcels of property which "were intermingled amidst those which formed the property of the Crown". Secondly, the physical clearance of the ground after title had been clearly secured proved difficult, as it did to demolish the existing buildings, sell the materials and get them carted away. At the end of November 1812, Laing reported that he expected the site would "be sufficiently cleared to enable the contractors to commence the excavating and Pile-driving of the West Wing" within the "course of a few weeks". In the following March, however, the site was still only "partially cleared", but "not sufficiently so to enable the contractors to commence the Working". In fact the ground could not be cleared and enclosed until 12 July 1813, when some materials were laid by the contractors, and the architects took the levels and marked and staked out the lines for the excavators. The ground was opened and work commenced on 1 August.

By the 25 October—"being the fifty-third anniversary of His Majesty's Accession"—the work was sufficiently advanced for the foundation stone to be formally laid with great ceremony by the Prime Minister, Lord Liverpool, himself a sinecure Collector of Customs by patent appointment. Serious delays and perplexing difficulties, however, set in from the very start. The site was found to be unexpectedly and confusedly intersected by numerous old foundation walls and embankments, "strongly bound and compacted together". These had necessarily to be removed or broken through during the pile-driving process if a sound and trustworthy foundation was to be found. The want of any uniform consistency in the soil, however, the discovery during excavation of "coins and other articles of workmanship", and various receding stone and wooden embankments of earlier river frontages, and other structures, all raised doubts whether the samples of gravel brought up in the engineer's borings had been brought up from a lower virgin stratum or from merely made levels. To meet this difficulty—important in its sequel—"additional piles were required of extraordinary size and length", and greater power to drive them. Additional to these delays was the exceptionally long and severe winter of 1813-14—the frost fair of this winter is familiar—which stopped the progress of pile-driving owing to the hardness of the ground.

Furthermore, the removal of the ancient embankment paving and campshot which, as Laing later said "had been waterbound and com-

LAING'S CUSTOM HOUSE, 1813-27 203 pressed for many centuries", left cavities in the site which were rapidly filled by the tides. This delayed the work for hours when the contents were water, and for weeks when it was ice. When at last work could be resumed a great quantity of selected beech piles and other timber had to be rejected owing to damage in the meantime by damp and frost, and "some weeks were lost during the falling and bringing other Beech Trees to supply the Deficiency". By the January of 1814, therefore, the contractors who were under .contract (and also under bond penalty) to complete the building within 2\ years of possession of the site, were already well behind schedule. The essential feature of the whole plan was, of course, to build this new custom house alongside the old so that when it was complete the staff could be transferred overnight in such a way as not to create that "chasm in the despatch of commercial business", which it was feared might be "destructive to the merchants of Great Britain".

In the February of 1814 all hopes of this were entirely defeated. On Saturday the 12th

about six in the morning a most dreadful fire burst out from the West Wing of the Custom House. A little after seven about ten barrels of gunpowder exploded which blew up and entirely shattered the East Wing. About eight a report was circulated that many barrels of gunpowder were deposited in the vaults. About half past nine the report was confirmed. The explosion was tremendous19. The explosion of the powder carried the burnt papers, ships registers, and a variety of matter as far as Dalston, Shacklewell,

Homerton, Hackney, Highbury and all the adjoining villages20. Already the next day National Register reported, "The whole Custom House is now down except the front wall".

Lest it be assumed that life was altogether leisurely in those days, it should be recorded that the Commissioners of Customs held a Board meeting on the very day of the fire21 and appointed a committee of heads of departments to meet next day—Sunday—at the Commercial Sale Rooms, Mincing Lane, to regulate the continuance of the service. It is noteworthy also that on the day of the fire "the Deeds and other Public Documents in the Strong Room" and other surviving books and papers were removed to the nearby Corn Market and to "sheds on the scite of the new Custom House"; that "two Inspectors of the River with


a sufficient number of Trusty Tidewaiters" were appointed to "assist in saving such Books Papers Documents and other property as may be dug out of the Ruins"; and that a committee was appointed to inspect the records saved. After thus dealing with the Customs records, they considered what should be done about a quantity of gold understood to be "scattered about the ruins" and clearly inviting loot.

On the Wednesday It being stated by Mr. Garland of Sun Street, Hoxton, that the Fields and Houses in the Neighbourhood have been covered with papers blown from the Custom House during the late Fire, which might be collected if means were taken for that purpose,

three men "with their Clerks" and four porters were ordered immediately "to repair to Hoxton and use best endeavours to collect as many of the papers in question as possible". The public were therefore informed by printed hand-bills which were "distributed and posted up in the Villages nearby", that officers would attend daily "at the Sign of the Robin Hood and Little John, Hoxton Fields, at the Shoulder of Mutton and Cat, London Fields, Hackney, at the Lamb, Kingsland, and at the Bird Cage, Stamford Hill". The officers were to bring the recovered documents back "to the Custom House, Mincing Lane". The main business transacted in the old Custom House had in fact now been transferred to the Commercial Sale Rooms—leased for this purpose at a rent of £12,000 per annum—until such time as Laing's new Custom House should be ready for occupation.

The unexpected loss of the old Custom House, and the consequent need to lease expensive alternative accommodation, made the completion of the new building, therefore, even more urgent. At precisely this time, however, Henry Peto, the master-builder, was further embarrassed in the pressing forward of the building by the death of John Mills, his partner, whose principal intended function appears to have been to finance the venture. It seems likely that Peto alone, without his financial backer, could not command the resources necessary to overcome the various delays which later ensued. Already in the spring of 1814 it was being officially questioned whether advance payments should continue to be made to the contractor save on conditions that should ensure greater progress in the work.

As time went on it became clear that not only would the new Custom House not be completed by the contracted date—1 February, 1816—but furthermore it would not be ready by 25 March, the expiry

LAING'S CUSTOM HOUSE, 1813-27 205 date of the Customs lease on the Commercial Sale Rooms. The irate Board of Customs directed their Solicitor to report whether there had been any actionable breach of contract on the part of the contractor; the Solicitor—being a solicitor—reported that he could not find any actionable breach of contract, because the contract date had not yet been reached. The utmost the Board of Customs could do, therefore, was to urge everyone to press on with the job. Michaelmas, 1816, became the new target date, but already by the August of 1815, notwithstanding that "the Contractor is now making every possible exertion towards the completion of the New Custom House", possession did not seem likely before January, 1817. The Board in reluctantly accepting this report directed their Surveyor for Buildings to press the contractor "to complete the Building with all practicable celerity so far as is consistent with the safety and stability of the same".

There were delays both in labour and in materials. In the matter of labour, it seems that in the spring of 1815 the master-carpenters of the City had "made a General Resolution to lower the Men's Wages", and Laing (as he afterwards said) had "refrained from urging Mr. Peto to a Breach of so reasonable determination", this notwithstanding the regret he might feel "at any present impediment to the works that may ensue from it". In consequence, therefore, of the men "resisting the intentions of the contractors to reduce their wages", Laing had to admit to the Board in one of his monthly progress reports, that "it has unfortunately happened that for nearly a fortnight past there have been no Carpenters at work on the Building". They were (not surprisingly) out on strike. Asked later whether the carpenters had "resumed their labour", Laing reported that "ten carpenters had resumed", and the "deficiency of hands will be made up in a few days". Later the men had "at length complied with the reduction of wages proposed by the Contractor".

In the matter of materials, as late as the January of 1817 work was seriously retarded "in consequence of the repeated delays in the supply of the Craigleith stone". The architect blamed the contractor, the contractor blamed the stone-merchant, and the stone-merchant blamed the quarry. The quarry in Craigleith pleaded that "the immense sizes of the Landings and great thickness of the Cubical Courses required rendered it impossible to procure them . . . as the Rock in the Quarry is mostly divided into beds of less thickness and breadth". There was, in any case, great difficulty and expense in "raising such unwieldy Stones


out of the Quarry and conveying them to Leith" for shipment, and even a month later the stone was "not yet delivered on Shipboard". Laing called the delay "beyond any precedent within my Knowledge", and had no doubt that prompt delivery "might have been expedited by an earlier and prompt negotiation with the Stone Merchants". Laing had earlier complained of the contractors' neglect "in providing and preparing sufficient Materials for regular and rapid progress", and Laing had no doubt that, notwithstanding these and other delays, "had the contractor duly exerted himself since that time the new Custom House might have been completed by Christmas, 1816". The difficulty was probably that Peto—after the death of Miles—was unable to finance ahead. The Board of Customs, "with a view to accelerate the progress of the works", had "in several Instances advanced the contractor payments in anticipation of the instalments falling due". In the January of 1817 the contractor undertook to take on more hands and speed up the work generally, in order to assure possession by Lady Day. By the middle of February, however, the Board expressed themselves "by no means satisfied", and on the 21st, fearing "the great additional expense that would be incurred by any impediment arising in the removal of the several Offices to the New Custom House by Lady Day", and learning that the new Custom House could not now possibly be ready by that time, took legal advice as to whether they should sue for the penalty of the bond, and in any case they stopped, at least for the time being, any payments to the contractor, "expressing their extreme dissatisfaction at the delay".

Lady Day came and went, and the contract was not fulfilled: the new Custom House was not yet completed. Although the Board of Commissioners themselves were able to take up their quarters in the only partially completed building on 12 May, 1817, it was not until nearly Michaelmas that Peto the contractor could petition the Board for £19,000 (out of the last £20,000 instalment), the building now being "complete according to the Terms of the Contract (with the Exception of the King's Arms and two Basso Relievos which are to be put on the South Front)".

The building was professionally inspected under the terms of the contract on 22 November by Robert Browne and Robert Smirke for the Office of Works who declared, so far as the Works were concerned —significant in the sequel, "We are of opinion that Mr. Peto may be


justly considered to have discharged the obligation of his contract," and the last instalment was duly paid.

The reference to the "basso relievos" was to an ambitious display of allegorical statuary which was to run along the whole length of the central range on the south (river) front.22 In the entablature a central inscription was flanked by two bas-reliefs: to the east, the figure of Prosperity, identified with Britannia, was attended on her right hand by the figures of Strength and Naval Power, flanked by Philosophy (fig. 1) introducing the Sciences (Jurisprudence, Mathematics, etc.), followed by Charity, Hope, Faith, and the other Virtues; and on her left hand, the figures of Victory and Justice, flanked by Wisdom and Genius (fig. 2) introducing the Arts (Painting, Sculpture, etc.), followed by History, Lyric Poetry, Comedy and the other Muses. To the west was Commerce, the source of Prosperity, depicted by figures representing the Four Quarters of the Earth laying their commodities at the feet of Britain. The whole was surmounted by a great clock—Time "encircled by a wreath of British oak-leaves"—flanked by a recumbent male figure—Industry—and a recumbent female figure—Plenty. The whole allegory was completed by a massive royal arms "marking the authority which gives efficacy to business", flanked by Neptune "armed with his Trident, recumbent on a sea-horse", and Britannia who, while grasping "in her right hand the spear of defence", in her left hand holds the olive branch across the globe. It is pleasing to see from the accounts that the British oak leaves to encircle Time cost only £176, and that the "basso Relievo of Prosperity, the result of Commerce, representing Britain accompanied by Strength and Justice . . ." cost only £1,725, plus the cost of erection ("2 Sculptors, 98£ days at 6s., £58 19s. 0d.").

AH this seemed—at least at this stage—very satisfactory, and Laing's "large perspective Drawing of the New Custom House" was exhibited in the Annual Exhibition of the Royal Academy and later presented to the Board of Customs, and Laing issued his great folio volume of Plans, Elevations and Sections of . . . the New Custom House in 1818 to claim his new Custom House as the very exemplification of "accommodation and elegance", that is to say, as the absolute attainment of the main "object of Architecture as an Art"—"to establish the dignity of a people, not among contemporaries only, but to posterity".

There was, however, a less glittering side to this brilliant medal. When the various accounts were finally made up—and Laing was at

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least partly responsible for their complication and confusion—the new Custom House was found to have cost £482,956 12s. 10£d., against an estimated net cost of £211,500 and a contract figure of £165,000. It is clear from the surviving records that the Board of Customs had, even before the completion of the building, become dissatisfied with Laing's general and professional conduct, particularly on account of

his management and inattention, Whereby the Terms and Conditions of the Contract have not been properly carried into effect and the claims of the Contractor for Works under the Contract and for works charged as Extras have been so blended and rendered so complicated and difficult of adjustment as to leave it a matter of doubt whether the Contractor has not already been considerably overpaid.

This, however, is not the place to relate in detail the ensuing dispute, of the declined arbitration and the consequent proceedings at law.

But even that was not the end of the matter. To revert to the period of building, it seems that even from an early stage, but particularly after the removal of certain campshot and other stone work had flooded the site, Laing had had doubts about the stability of the building. He therefore found it necessary

to have recourse to additional Strength and Security, and a tier of Oak Chain Bond, 9 in. by 12, was laid in the Center of all foundation Walls,

and later, with special reference to the central range, to introduce iron ties into

the ground arches over the King's Warehouse which receive the floor of the Long Room . . . to counteract the lateral pressure.

It was precisely here, in the ground arches over the King's Warehouse, under the great Long Room—199 feet in length, that Laing saw the main problem. When the time came (December, 1815) to remove the centring on which these vaults over the King's Warehouse were turned, he reported—somewhat more confidently—that it presented "a very interesting and satisfactory appearance, both as to the correcting of the work and the General Soundness of the cylindrical Vaulting". When "the framing to vaults of the King's Warehouse" were removed, "as well as to the cellar underneath", he reported—important in its sequel— that "this extensive and important part of the work proves itself to be executed in a most perfect and substantial manner".


Early in 1820, however, some cracks began to appear in the arches under this important central range. At first they were merely caulked with tow and oakum, but within a year they opened again. At about the same time the south front shed some of the lettering from the ambitious entablature, and on examination was found to be out of perpendicular. Then the domed ceiling of the Long Room shed some of its plaster—to the great concern at least of its occupants.

In the September of 1823 the roof of the Long Room was found to have sunk so much that the water-gutters had to be adjusted to carry away the rain water. In the December of 1824 a "pillar which supports one of the Arches of the Building" was found to have "Given way at the Base in such a way as [appeared] to endanger the safety of the Building". Raking and dead-shores were at once erected to discharge the lateral and positive pressures, the levels of the various piers were professionally taken, and Robert Smirke from the Board of Works was called in to make an independent inspection. After Christmas, because "the indications of failure were increasing", the Long Room was cleared to staff and public, and on the following morning the foundations of two of the piers supporting the arches gave way and part of the floor of the great Long Room collapsed.23 Major reconstruction had now to be undertaken.

In 1812 Rennie had specified piles to be driven at least 2 feet into a firm level at least 18 feet to 20 feet below the surface, and Laing in his Plans and Elevations had said that piles had been prepared up to 28 feet to 30 feet. The building had now to be shored in the central range, and part of it re-excavated to the foundations, a task undertaken by Smirke. The 2,378 piles he excavated, however, were found to average no more than 10 feet 1 in. in length and to be only a little over half the specified thickness. One pier, for example, supporting four groined arches under a large office, was found "resting upon only four piles, the longest of which was less than six feet in length". Also, Laing's plans referred to "piles shod and hooped with iron", but none such was later found. In addition to all this, faulty second-hand timber was found in the construction of the roof—where only a subsequent accident could have disclosed it—and worse still, the spandrels of the critical arches under the King's Warehouse were found to be filled with stone rubbish, where solid brick-work had not only been specified in the plans but also had been charged for in the accounts.


Laing was at once suspended and later dismissed from office, for failing to discover this during the course of building,24 and action in law was taken against the builder for fraud, negligence and breach of contract, and in addition the bond was escheated in the penal sum of "£33,000 of good and lawful money".25

So far as the Custom House itself was concerned, the central range had to be rebuilt by Smirke. He provided a new arched Long Room of 13 bays, with Tuscan pilasters. On the south front, Laing's rather pompous statuary was dismantled and replaced by a raised and projected Ionic hexastyle answering to Laing's east and west wings, a Greek portico integrated with the main building, yet free of any then current continental influence.

This is the Custom House which, but for the war damage to the (now demolished) east wing, is substantially the Custom House we see today.

NOTES

1 ed. C. L. Kingsford (1908) 1,135-6 & II, 169. 2 N.S.B. Gras: Early English Customs System (Harvard, 1918), 217-22. 3 Rotuli Litter arum Patentium, I, 423. 4 M. H. Mills, "The London Customs {sic) House during the Middle Ages",

in Archaeologia, lxxxiii (1933), 307-25. 5 Cal. Patent Rolls: Edw. Ill, XV {1370-74), 449. 6 Survey of London, XII (Parish of All Hallows Barking) ii (1934) 33. 7 The "Rules Orders and Directions" to the ports (1564) are reprinted in

"The Modern Practice of 4he Court of the Exchequer", "By [B.Y.] an Officer of the Customs", London, 1730. See also PRO: Queen's Rem. Mem. Roll, 7 Eliz, I, Hil, 319.

8 Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1547-80, 105. 9 Cal. Treasury Books, 111, ii {1669-72), 191. See also London Topographical

Record, XXI (1958), pp. 1-25. 10 Daily Courant, 15 January, 1715. 11 P.R.O.: Tl/241 (13), p. 193. 12 Ibid, 254 No. 3 (9). 13 Statutes: 8 Geo. I, cap. 31; 39-40 Geo. Ill, cap. xlvii; and 52 Geo. Ill,

cap. 49. 14 52 Geo. Ill, cap. 49, sec. 2. 15 The unreliability of "notional" values in this type of calculation from the

statistics of the Register-General of Imports & Exports (P.R.O.: Customs 2-3) is, presumably, well known.

16 R. C. Jarvis, "Archival History of the Customs Records", in Journal of the Society of Archivists, I (1959-60).

17 Plans, Elevations, and Sections of . . . The New Custom House (as to which, see below) 1818, pp. 2-3, 415, and plates 1-4.

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18 The greater part of what follows is taken from a collection of papers: "Burning of the Custom House—1814", "Proceedings after the Fire", "Rebuilding of Custom House" 1811-37 (4 vols.), and "Expense of Fitting up Custom House—1815-20", all now preserved in the Customs Library.

19 London Chronicle, 14 February, 1814. 20 Evening Star, 15 February, 1814. 21 Customs Library: Customs 29/7, ff. 75 and 152. 22 For details of the allegorical figures, see Laing, op. cit., 28-30. 23 Customs Library: Customs 26/60, ff. 318, 418, 444 & 456. 24 Ibid: Customs 28/60, ff. 448 & 456; and 62, f. 301. 25 Times, 18 May, 1826.

214

TWO ADDITIONS TO THE LONDON MUSEUM By B. W. SPENCER, B.A., F.S.A.

London Museum

The London Museum has recently acquired two items of special interest; one, a dagger with its scabbard-fittings, found in Copthall Court, E.C.2 (1911), is a notable addition to the few Roman weapons from London, and the other, a bronze mount of the 12th century, discovered in the adjacent Angel Court (1912), provides a rare glimpse of popular decorative art of the Norman period.

The dagger (fig. 1, p. 215), which is remarkably well-preserved, probably belongs to the 1st century A.D. Its form is well-known though few complete specimens have survived in this country. The broad, double-edged blade is thin and almost flat in section, apart from a slender midrib. The guard is formed by a narrow band of iron wrapped round and riveted to the top of the blade. The iron grip, with a characteristic swelling at the middle and a heart-shaped pommel, is in two halves, fixed by rivets to the tang. The scabbard-mount is also of iron, unlike most other known examples which are usually bronze. Half-round binding follows the outline of the leather scabbard (traces of which remain), is linked at the top and centre by broad plates, each decorated with two vertical rows of repousse dots, and meets at the base to form a chape. Iron loops riveted at the edges of the mount probably secured two pairs of rings, by means of which the scabbard was suspended from the belt or baldric. Evidence elsewhere suggests that this dagger and others like it were not designed primarily for use in the field; they were intended rather, perhaps, as items of town-dress, so that the legionary going about London, for example, could leave his more cumbersome equipment at his quarters in the Cripplegate Fort.

The openwork mount of bronze (fig. 2, p. 216), was designed to clasp the slightly tapering end of a slender object such as a single-edged comb or a comb-case; its decoration in considerable relief on both sides and its asymmetrical pier-like projections make its use as a belt-end or book-clasp unlikely. The mount was cast in a two-piece mould though a few features, such as the lozenges on the piers, were evidently cut after casting. On one side is depicted the squat figure of a man beside, or possibly astride, a caparisoned horse, the head of which is continued round the solid edge of the mount. On his left arm, the man carries a

TWO ADDITIONS TO THE LONDON MUSEUM 215

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Iron dagger and scabbard-mount, Roman, from Copthall Court

216 TWO ADDITIONS TO THE LONDON MUSEUM

Bronze mount, 12th century, from Angel Court.

TWO ADDITIONS TO THE LONDON MUSEUM 217

round-topped, kite-shaped shield with a narrow border and, over his right shoulder, a massive battle-axe; he apparently wears the "Phrygian-cap" form of helm. The figure on the other side wrestles with a grotesque animal. He is dressed in a short tunic and stands on tiptoe astride the beast, grasping its muzzle with his right hand. The animal has long, rabbit-like ears, a huge eye, a long, curling tail and a ruff of vertical lines around its neck, and, though not perceptibly leonine, is nevertheless akin to an animal, generally described as a lion, on the early-12th century font at Topsham, Devon. The whole composition is reminiscent of the scenes of Sampson and the Lion on the mid-12th century tympana at Highworth, Wiltshire, and Stretton Sugwas, Herefordshire. The ornamented columns, the wide, owl-like eyes and the decoration of the horse with oblique, incised lines (cf. font, St. Mary's Luppitt, Devon) are also features consistent with a date in the first half of the 12th century, and although the shield, the axe and the helm are pre-Conquest forms, they all continued in use during the 12th century.

218

THE EDWARDIAN INVENTORIES OF MIDDLESEX

Transcribed by F. W. M. DRAPER, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 93)

II.—KENSYNGTON

We the Jury doo present and sertyfy the goods plate ornaments Jewells and bells belongynge and aperteynynge to the churche of Kensyngton wt in the Countie of Midd as well wt in the Inventory takyn by the Kyngs maiests Commessioners as alsoo other goods belongynge to the same churche and paruysshe not beynge in the Inventory wt Rerages and other deptts belongynge to the same churche as aperythe hereafter more playnly certyfyed by us the same Jury the fyft daye of Awgoost in the yeare of owr Lorde God a thowsande fyve houndrythe fyfty and two and in the syxte yere of the reigne of owr sovereigne Lorde Edwarde the Syxt by the grace of God of Englande Fraunce and Ierlande Kynge Defender of the faith and of the church of England and Ierlande the Supreme Hede imedyatly under God.

The Inventory of the Goods whiche remayneth in the churche of Kensington made the Xthe days of marche in the thirde yeare of the reigne of Kynge Edwarde the Sext made by the Consent of Robertt Brynknell Clarke curatt of the same Edwarde Watts and Robertt Brydgs wardens of the saide churche and John Adderton John Thatcher Willim Ferves and Thomas Pechy of the said prysshe witnesse to the same. Jewells and Plate

Imprymis one challice of sylver parsell gylte weynge xiij ones. Itm one other challice of sylver and gylte weynge XV ouncs.

KENSYNGETON. THE INVENTORY Itm a paxe of copper and a crosse of copper and a pyx of copper. Itm one owlde coope of whight chamblett. Itm a whytt damaske vestment wt Saynte Jaymes shelle. Itm a grene coope. Itm a vestment of grene sylke wt blew crosses. Itm a vestment of raye sylke. Itm a vestment of redd clothe wt the ragged staffe.

THE EDWARDIAN INVENTORIES OF MIDDLESEX 219 Itm a vestment of redd satten wt grene crosses. Itm a vestment of whytt satten wt a redd crosse. Itm a vestment of redd branched vellett wt a grene crosse. Itm a vestment of tawne chamblett wt a blacke crosse. Itm a crosse clothe of sylke. Itm a cannapy clothe of rayed satten of Brydgyns. Itm a hearse clothe of blacke vellett and redd. Itm a coope of grene sylke. Itm one aultor clothe of dyeper. Itm a towell of dyeper. Itm one playne table clothe. Latten Itm iiij candelstycks of Latten.

Itm two sensors of Latten. Pewter Itm two Cruetts of Pewter.

Itm one pewter dysshe. Bells Itm three small bells and a saunce bell in the steple and a

sakarynge bell and a hand bell. Bowks Itm a Byble and a paraphrase of Erassymus.

Itm a Bowke of Servyce and saphlter bowke. Thes parsells stowln and the Church brokyn the parsells as followeth: Stowln Imprimis two corporas casses and two clothes in them.

Itm v sorpleses good and bad and three aulter clothes. Itm two dyeper towells and two owld aultor clothes.

Deptts dewe to the Churche as aperyth hereafter Imprimis Willim Cudd vs Itm Willm Sellar ijs

Sm O - vijs

220

ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS IN THE CITY OF LONDON, 1960

(not including the excavations of the Roman and Mediaeval London Excavation Committee)

Communicated by the staff of the Guildhall Museum

ROMAN

Site of Aldermary House, Queen Street Seven timber-lined Roman wells were found during the builder's

excavation on this site, which lies immediately opposite the site of the Bank of London and South America, where 14 Roman and 11 later wells were found in 1953-54. Eight other wells were also observed on the Aldermary House site, but only two of these could be dated, one being medieval and the other 18th century. The alley immediately to the north is significantly named Well Court.

Upper Thames Street, west of Lambeth Hill A multiple line of wooden piles, apparently of Roman date, run

ning E.-W., has been observed just north of Upper Thames Street and west of Lambeth Hill—immediately to the north of the line of the river wall recorded east of Lambeth Hill by Roach Smith in 1841. (Archaeo-logia XXIX, 150: Illustrations of Roman London, 19.)

26-27 King Street Traces of Roman ragstone walls were recorded during the builder's

excavation. The position of the fragments observed—mostly in section —indicated the lines of two parallel walls 10 feet apart, apparently forming the corner of a room or courtyard round which ran a corridor. The alignment was unusual, being approximately N.E.-S.W., suggesting that these walls formed part of the same house as a wall observed on this alignment in 1955 on the site of Nos. 13-14 King Street.

Bush Lane The development of a small site immediately east of Cannon Street

Station has revealed massive Roman ragstone walls, from 3 feet to 7 feet thick, evidently part of the great building, the remains of which were found when Cannon Street Station was built, and also at various times during excavations under Bush Lane itself. The largest wall, running

ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS IN THE CITY OF LONDON 221

approximately E.-W., stood to a height of 12 feet above its footings. The lower part, which was about 7 feet thick, was of ragstone rubble faced with squared blocks of ragstone set in white mortar. There was an offset, levelled by brickwork, at a height of 10 feet above the footings, and above this the superstructure was 6 feet thick, built of bricks and surviving to a height of 2 feet (10 courses of bricks).

Barclays Bank site, Lombard Street

This site is of considerable importance as it covers the S.W. part of the Forum, and it was hoped that the builder's excavation might throw new light on the history and ground-plan of that structure. Traces of the distinctive Forum floor of yellowish-white cement have been observed, but most of the features so far recorded are of earlier date. The earliest was a U-shaped trench, probably of Claudian date, running N.N.E. near the southern edge of the site. Subsequent walls of ragstone and broken brick seem to belong to the period Claudius-Nero.

A deposit of refuse of Claudian date has yielded a fragment of a green glass beaker with polychrome painting (Locarno type).

Bank Station Workmen's finds during recent tunnelling operations opposite the

Mansion House included Roman bronze ligulae; a spear-head, triple candle-holder, and plasterer's tool of iron; an iron pin with brass head in the form of a conventionalised bird; and an exceptionally fine brass steelyard with lead weight attached. From their condition there is little doubt that they came from the Roman stream-bed of the Walbrook, and can probably be attributed to the 1st century or first half of the 2nd century A.D.

Site of Shelley House, Noble Street

A fragment of ragstone wall was observed running for about 5 feet approximately parallel with the west wall of the Roman fort and about 140 feet to the east of it. A thickness of 9 in. only remained, but this included the east face. Fragments of Roman painted wall-plaster lay around it. About 23 feet further east was an area of gravelled metalling 1 in. to 6 in. thick.

Site immediately north of St. Alphege Church, London Wall A good section showing the footings of the Roman fort wall, the

V-shaped fort ditch, and both Roman and medieval town ditches, was revealed in the builder's excavation.

222 ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS IN THE CITY OF LONDON

Upper Thames Street, at junction with Little College Street From sewer excavations at this point came a complete jet bracelet

and an orichalc plate with a curvilinear Romano-Celtic design. The latter was oblong in shape, but with one curved side, and had rivet-holes for attachment as a decorative fitting. Both finds came from black mud at a depth of about 20 feet.

ANGLO-SAXON A portion of a sculptured stone cross has been found in the filling

of the Anglo-Saxon archway at the Church of All Hallows Barking. On one face is a cross with circular interlaced central boss, and on the other part of a highly stylized animal, very similar to that on the Viking memorial stone from St. Paul's Churchyard in Guildhall Museum. (Archaeological Journal, X, pp. 82-3; XLII, pp. 251-9.) The new find is undoubtedly of the same date (late lOth-early 11th century) and probably from the same workshop.

MEDIEVAL Church of St. Stephen, Coleman Street

Portions of the medieval church were revealed and recorded during the builder's clearance of the site. 18-26 LudgateHill

A medieval undercroft was found during the builder's excavation of the site. Site of the "Times" building, Printing House Square

The foundations of the Priory of Blackfriars, already recorded, were again revealed during the recent builder's excavations. Several post-medieval walls on the site contained re-used architectural fragments from the Priory, and the more important of these have been recovered and will be preserved.

A stream valley crossed the site from north to south, cutting through the natural gravels and about 40 feet to 50 feet wide. It was filled with gravel and black mud, but no dating evidence for the filling could be found. A wall of the Priory with exceptionally deep foundations ran along its line. Site immediately north of St. Alphege Church, London Wall

The medieval City Ditch, seen in section at this point, was 15 feet wide.

POST-MEDIEVAL Church of St. Stephen, Coleman Street

A large intact double-handled jar of brown glazed ware of the 16th

ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS IN THE CITY OF LONDON 223 or 17th century was found by the workmen at a depth of about 14 feet below street level towards the eastern end of the church. It is a storage jar of domestic type and contained only earth when found, but its position at foundation level beneath the Wren church suggests that it may have been placed there as a foundation deposit of some kind.

UNCERTAIN PERIOD London Stone

The clearance for redevelopment of the site of St. Swithin's Church has necessitated the removal from the church wall of London Stone. It has been temporarily placed in the custody of Guildhall Museum and taken to the Royal Exchange. The stone, which was built into the church wall, is clearly only the top of the great stone which stood until 1742 on the opposite side of the road, and had such deep foundations that, according to Stow, it remained unshaken if carts ran against it. The surviving fragment is 21 in. wide, 16^ in. high and 12 in. thick, with rounded corners at the top. It is not a natural monolith, but has obviously been shaped by a mason. Careful examination has revealed no features of interest apart from two curious grooves on the upper surface running parallel with its longer axis. A sample of the stone has been examined by the Geological Museum and identified as Clipsham Limestone from the Inferior Oolite zone which runs from Dorset to the Wash.

Site of the "Times" building, Printing House Square A massive wall, quite different in character from the medieval walls

of the Priory, and, probably of earlier date, was traced for a distance of 22 feet 6 in. running E.-W., with its thickness varying from 5 feet 4 in. to more than 7 feet. It was built of ragstone and hard yellow mortar, and contained many fragments of Roman bricks. At the western end the footings of the foundation rose at an angle of 45°, and the wall appeared to be tapering to an end. The southern side, which had a distinct batter, was faced with roughly squared ragstone blocks and plastered over. The north side, also faced with roughly squared blocks of ragstone, was vertical and not plastered. Against it lay two horizontal timbers, both about 6 in. thick, one lying on top of the other.

There was no evidence of date, but the character of the wall suggested that it might be Roman, although it lay outside the Roman city walls. It may possibly have been part of a defensive outwork of some kind between the city wall and the Fleet River.

224

ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS IN THE COUNTIES OF LONDON AND MIDDLESEX, 1960

(not including the City of London)

Communicated by the staff of the London Museum

This list is intended to include objects of archaeological importance from London and Middlesex, excluding the City of London, which were found in 1960 or were received into museums in that year. Subsequent lists will be aimed at supplementing the archaeological chapters of the Victoria County History of Middlesex. Find-places are given first under the heading of boroughs or similar local government units. The measurements give maximum dimensions.

PREHISTORY

Palaeolithic EALING, Hanwell, "Gravel pit near Boston Manor Station".

Slightly rolled Acheulian ovate handaxe of flat cross-section, 10 x 8 x 2.5 cms. In London Museum (60.176/3). Also from the same site is a slightly rolled, pointed Acheulian handaxe, 12 x 8 x 3.5 cms. In London Museum (60.176/4). Note: the find-place is near the Ealing /Brentford and Chiswick borough boundary.

EALING, "Hanwell Gravel Pit". Partly rolled pointed Acheulian handaxe with edge continuous round the butt, 13 x 6.5 x 3.5 cms. In London Museum (60.176/7).

EALING, "Seward's Gravel Pit, opposite Elthorne Avenue, Han-well". Partly rolled pointed Acheulian handaxe with thick cortex-covered butt. Edges are straight but blunted. Approx. dimensions: 11x6x4 cms. In London Museum (60.176/14).

HESTON and ISLEWORTH, "Gravel pits, right bank of Brent on high ground near Osterley Park". Pointed Acheulian handaxe with straight though battered edges. Butt retains original cortex. Dimensions are approximately 12 x 7 x 4 cms. In London Museum (60.176/11). Another handaxe (60.176/13) from the same site is a slightly rolled, pointed Acheulian tool with straight though battered edges and a blunt butt with cortex. Dimensions are approximately 13 x 8 x 4 cms. The find-place of these axes is probably the same as, or very close to, that of the Ealing axes above.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS IN LONDON & MIDDLESEX 225 WESTMINSTER, Glasshouse Street, near Piccadilly. Large

Acheulian handaxe with spa tula te point, 19 x 10 x 5 cms. Found about 1913. In London Museum (60.176/2) where fuller details of the find-place are recorded.

Neolithic CHELSEA, from Chelsea Reach ballast used to fill Ham gravel

pit. An oval Neolithic flint knife with partly polished edges. One end is broken. Dimensions: 10.5 x 8.5 x 1.5 cms. In London Museum (60.176/351).

BRENTFORD and CHISWICK, Strand Island, Thames (TQ 1945 7760). From this island downriver of Kew Bridge was recovered years ago a small, undecorated pot of grey-black and gritty ware (height 7 cms., diameter 10 cms.). It is Neolithic and probably was used by the first farmers in Middlesex and is roughly of the 4th millennium B.C. In the old nomenclature it would have been called "Western" or "Primary" Neolithic. A part of the Layton Collection, it is housed in the London Museum (P. 13). It has been listed in the V.C.H. Middlesex by Miss J. M. Macdonald who first noted it.

Beaker Period TWICKENHAM, "Thames off Pope's Villa" (TQ 1615 7275).

Flint dagger, probably of Beaker period. Length 17 cms., breadth 6.5 cms.; thickness under 1 cm. Shaped like a single horse chestnut leaf, it has a pair of opposed notches on each edge. In London Museum (60.176/150).

Bronze Age ENFIELD (TQ 3726 9968) about 950 feet N.N.W. of Rammey

Marsh Lock. In April, 1960, was found during gravel working a Late Bronze Age leaf-shaped sword of "Wilburton" type. It is 24.8 in. long and of "V-butt type" with ricasso. The tang is slotted and each shoulder has two holes. There are two rivets. The sword has been studied in the London Museum and by Mr. J. D. Cowen, F.S.A. It is retained by the site owners, the Twickenham Gravel Co., Blackwater, Camberley, Surrey. Details have been sent to Ordnance Survey and to Bronze Age Index.

226

REVIEW

Valerie Pearl: London and the Outbreak of the Puritan Revolution. Clarendon Press: Oxford University Press. 42/-.

This is an important contribution to the City's history. From Clarendon onwards the view has been generally held that the City of London as a whole was hostile to Charles I in the years preceding the outbreak of the Civil War. Von Ranke gave the hint that the matter "would be worth a searching investigation". Mrs. Pearl has taken the hint and supplied us with a fascinating story.

The growth of population in London in the 16th century produced problems which the City government found impossible to solve. There was difficulty in planning and controlling building owing to the survival of the old monastic liberties (now in lay hands) and other exempt jurisdictions. This, coupled with the growth of the suburbs, led to the creation of a rival authority to that of the City government in 1636. It was in the outparishes and new suburbs that Puritanism found freedom to flourish amongst the uneducated and the well-to-do alike, and there were many areas inside the City over which the City magistrates had no powers. From this there sprang a new political element which Miss Pearl calls the "parliamentary puritan" party.

Between 1625 and 1640 this party, by infiltrating Common Hall, and to a lesser degree Common Council, exerted increasing pressure on the City's policy in relation to the Crown and its financial requirements. The frequent demands of the King for loans steadily alienated all but the most loyal. By 1640 the remnant of .those who were sympathetic to the Crown could no longer ignore the weight of opposition among the citizens. At the same time a powerful element in Parliament made it increasingly difficult for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to maintain law and order. By the end of 1641 the parliamentary puritans had gained control of the Common Council. Parliament weighed in on their side and curbed the powers of the Aldermen. The Lord Mayor, Gurney, was impeached, lodged in the Tower, and died there. His successor was a parliamentary puritan, and as the Aldermen died or were removed they were replaced by parliamentary puritans. Their triumph was complete.

Mrs. Pearl gives a detailed picture of the rise to power of the new Party and its leader, Alderman Isaac Penington. It is a story of well-

REVIEW 227

organised propaganda, in which the pulpit was prominent, of monster petitions with thousands of signatures, and demonstrations outside Parliament. It succeeded, and the City government, which in the crisis of 1641 and 1642 was still sympathetic to the Crown, was by the end of the latter year in the grip of the parliamentary puritans.

A valuable feature of this book is the series of short biographies contained in Appendices I and II. There are excellent bibliographical notes on the manuscript sources and, in Appendix III, a detailed study of the financial affairs of the Chamber of London during the period.

W. M. ATKINS

228

DR. F. W. M. DRAPER

Dr. F. W. M. DRAPER is relinquishing his office as Hon. Editor of the Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society. The present number accordingly brings to an end a distinguished editorship, first undertaken during the immediate post-war period, when difficulties of production and finance might well have discouraged anyone without the resilience, patience, and tenacity that Dr. Draper possesses in high degree.

Frederick Draper has brought to this task a rare combination of gifts and experience. He was, and has continued to be, a student of modern European languages, seeing in, say, a Norwegian paper-back a challenge to learn yet another tongue; he has edited classical French drama; he has been a teacher and head master; he has a consuming love of cricket; he is greatly attached to his school, Merchant Taylors', and has completed a great history of the school on its four-hundredth anniversary; he has taken the chair and the lead at Group 10 (the northern Home Counties) of the Council for British Archaeology; and his own special interests, church bells and the history and archaeology of Hornsey and Muswell Hill, have been reflected in the pages of these Transactions.

A man, even with such a wide range of gifts and interests, could not have made a great success of his job as editor of Transactions if he had not had two outstanding characteristics in addition: a determination to maintain a high standard of scholarship in the contributions that were accepted, and a personal skill and charm in dealing with his contributors and the Council of the Society. Dr. Draper has throughout shown that he possesses these two qualities, and in the result the volumes of our Transactions issued under his Editorship have not merely maintained but have enhanced the standing of a series that now runs over more than a century and has done much to illuminate the fascinating and varied story of the capital city and its sister county.

R. M. R.

FOR YOUR LIBRARY . . .

229

The Society still holds stocks of the works listed below, and copies may be obtained from the Hon. Librarian at the Bishopsgate Institute (cash with order, please).

Members may deduct 33^ per cent from the prices quoted.

All Hallows London Wall: Churchwardens' Accounts 1455

Bastion of London Wall, Camomile Street (J. E. Price)

Roman Pavement, Bucklersbury (J. E. Price)

Queen Elizabeth's School, Barnet (F. C. Cass)

Parish of Monken Hadley (F. C. Cass) ...

Parish of South Mimms (F. C. Cass)

Freemen of the City: Register in the reigns of Henry

VIII and Edward VI

Growth of Stuart London (N. G. Brett-James)

Communion Plate of the County of London (E. Fresh-

field)

Communion Plate of the County of Middlesex (E. Fresh-

field) £1 13s. 6d.

Map of the City of London 1677 (Ogilby and Morgan) £3 3s. Od.

Sheldon Tapestry Map (late 16th century)—in colour ... 7s. 6d.

£1

£1

7s.

7s.

7s.

5s.

12s.

12s.

7s.

Is.

13s.

6d.

6d.

6d.

Od.

6d.

6d.

6d.

Od.

6d.

I

230

INDEX TO VOLUME 20 A

Admiralty, The: Archaeology of Site 125

Archaeological Finds in the City of London, 1960 220

Archaeological Finds in the Counties of London and Middlesex, 1960 224

Archdeaconry of London, Court and Probate Records of 22

Atkins, Rev. W. M.: Review of London and the Outbreak of the Puritan Revolution, by Valerie Pearl 226

B Bermondsey, Recent Excavations

in. By Peter R. V. Marsden ... 166 Blakiston, Noel: The London and

Middlesex Estates of Eton College 51

Brasses of Middlesex, The. By H.K.Cameron 2,56,174

Brett-James, Norman: Obituary by F. W. M. Draper 97

Brondsted, Johannes: The Vikings. Review by Ralph Merrifield ... 94

Bruses, Manorial Documents of 99

C Cameron, H. K.: The Brasses of

Middlesex 2,56,174 Charterhouse Chapel: Photograph

by H. E. Chiosso between 80 and 81 Chelsea, The Edwardian Inventory

of 88 Chiosso, H. E., photographs by

between 80 and 81 City of London, Archaeological

Finds in the, 1960 220 Clarke, R. R.: Grimes Graves ... 1 Coin Hoards from the London

Area. By R. H. M. Dolley ... 37 Collins, F. J.: Notes on the

Church of Holy Trinity Minories 160

Colne, Holocene Deposits in the Valley of the 110

Counties of London and Middlesex, Archaeological Finds in the, 1960 224

Cripplegate, St. Giles: Photograph by H. E. Chiosso

between 80 and 81 Custom House, Laing's 198

D Daubeneys, Manorial Documents

of 99 Dewe's Farm (archaeology) 119 Dewe's Pit, South Harefield

(archaeology) 118 Doiley, R. H. M.: Coin Hoards

from the London Area 37 Draper, Dr. F. W. M. By

R.M.R 228 Draper, Dr. F. W. M.: The

Edwardian Inventories of Middlesex 88,218

Obituary of Norman Brett-James 97

E Ecclesiastical Records transferred

to Guildhall Library from Somerset House. By A. E. J. Hollaender 22

Edmonton, Manorial Documents of 98-9

Edwardian Inventories of Middlesex, The. Transcribed by F. W. M. Draper 88,218

Eton College, The London and Middlesex Estates of. By Noel Blakiston 51

Excavations in Southwark, by Kathleen M. Kenyon. Review by Ralph Merrifield 32

F Finchley, Brasses of 2 Fulham, Brasses of 56

G Garside, Bernard: A Brief History

of Hampton School, 1557-1957; and The Free School of Robert Hammond in Hampton -on-Thames and other Hampton Charities during the 16th and 17 th Centuries. Review by Susan Reynolds 36

Gedney, John (illustration) facing p. 17 George Inn, Southwark: Photo

graph by H. E. Chiosso between 80 and 81

Goodall, John A.: The Vse of Armorial Bearings by London Aldermen in the Middle Ages ... 17

Great Fire, 1666, a Foreign Visitor's Account of the. By P. D. A. Harvey 76

231

Greenford (Great or Magna), Brasses of 61

Greenford (Parva), Brasses of ... 71 Grimes Graves. By R. R. Clarke 1

H Hackney (archaeology) 123 Hackney, Brasses of 174 Hadley, Brasses of 179 Hammond, The Free School of

Robert, etc., by Bernard Gar-side. Review by Susan Reynolds 36

Hammonds, Manorial Documents of 99

Hampton-on-Thames: The Free School of Robert Hammond in Hampton-on-Thames and other Hampton Charities during the 16th and Ylth Centuries, by Bernard Garside. Review by Susan Reynolds 36

Hampton School, 1557-1957, A Brief History of, by Bernard Garside. Review by Susan Reynolds 36

Hanworth, Manorial Documents of 98

Harefield, Moor Hall Chapel (illustration) facing p. 16

Harefield Moor (archaeology) ... 117 Harmondsworth Barn: Photo


Harrow, Manorial Documents of 98 Harvey, P. D. A.: A Foreign

Visitor's Account of the Great Fire, 1666 76

Hayes, Manorial Documents of ... 98 Hollaender, A. E. J.: Ecclesias

tical Records transferred to Guildhall Library from Somerset House 22

Holocene Deposits in Middlesex and London 108

Holy Trinity Minories, Notes on the Church of. By F. J. Collins 160

Ickenham, Manorial Documents of 98

Jarvis, Rupert C.: Laing's Custom House, 1813-27 198

K Kelsey, Major J.: General Roy's

Measurement of the Hounslow Heath Base, 1784 26

Kensington, The Edwardian Inventory of 218

Kenyon, Kathleen M.: Excavations in Southwark. Review by Ralph Merrifield 32

L Lacaille, A. D.: The Muswell Hill

Axe facing p. 81 Mesolithic Fades in Middlesex

and London 101 Laing's Custom House, 1813-27.

By Rupert C. Jarvis 198 Lea, Holocene Deposits in the

Valley of the 110 Local Government in St. Maryle-

bone, 1688-1835, by F. H. W. Sheppard. Review by Susan Reynolds 34

London and Middlesex Estates of Eton College, The. By Noel Blakiston 51

London and the Outbreak of the Puritan Revolution, by Valerie Pearl. Review by the Rev. W. M. Atkins 226

London Commissary Court (London Division): Court and Probate Records 22

London, Mesolithic Facies in ... 101 London Museum, Two Additions

to the. By B. W. Spencer 214 London Tavern in 1644, A. By

the Very Rev. Mgr. D. Shanahan 194

M Manorial Documents, Middlesex:

supplementary list 98 Marsden, Peter R. V.: Recent

Excavations in Southwark and Bermondsey 166

Merrifield, Ralph: Review of Excavations in Southwark, by Kathleen M. Kenyon 32

Review of The Vikings, by Johannes Brondsted 94

Mesolithic Facies in Middlesex and London. By A. D. Lacaille 101

Mesolithic Industries in Middlesex 102 Middlesex Manorial Documents:

supplementary list 98 Middlesex, Brasses of. By H. K.

Cameron 2, 56, 174

232

Middlesex, MesolithicFades in ... 101 Middlesex, Mesolithic Industries

in 102 Middlesex, The Edwardian Inven

tories of. Transcribed by F . W. M. Draper 88, 218

Mitre Tavern, Strand 194 Mockings, Manorial Documents

of 99 Monken Hadley, Brasses of 179 Moor Hall Chapel, Harefield

(illustration) facing p. 16 Muswell Hill Axe, The. By A. D.

Lacaille facing p. 81

O Obituary: Norman Brett-lames.

By F. W. M. Draper 97 P

Pearl, Valerie: London and the Outbreak of the Puritan Revolution. Review by Rev. W. M. Atkins 226

Pembrokes, Manorial Documents of 99

Perivale, Brasses of 71

R R., R.M.: Dr. F. W. M. Draper 228 Rapicani, Franciscus de: An

Account of the Great Fire, 1666 76

Reviews 32, 94, 226 Reynolds, Susan: Reviews of:

Local Government in St. Marylebone, 1688-1835, by F. H. W. Sheppard 34

A Brief History of Hampton School, 1557-1957, by Bernard Garside 36

The Free School of Robert Hammond in Hampton-on-Thames and other Hampton Charities during the 16th and 11th Centuries, by Bernard Garside 36

Roy's Measurement of the Hounslow Heath Base, 1784, General. By Major J. Kelsey 26

S St. Giles, Cripplegate: Photo


St. Katherine - by - the - Tower, Archives of the Commissary Court of the Royal Peculiar of 22

Savoy, The Hospital of the: The Accounts for the Year 17 to 18 Henry VIII. By Molly TatcheU 151

Shanahan, The Very Rev. Mgr. D.: A London Tavern in 1644 194

Sheppard, F. H. W.: Local Government in St. Marylebone, 1688-1835. Review by Susan Reynolds 34

Shepperton, Manorial Documents of 99

Shipcotte, Manorial Documents of 99

Southwark, Recent Excavations in. By Peter R. V. Marsden 166

Spencer, B. W.: Two Additions to the London Museum 214

Stanmore, Great, Manorial Documents of 99

Stanmore, Little, Manorial Documents of ..! 99

Stanwell, Manorial Documents of 99 Sudbury, Manorial Documents of 98

Tatchell, Molly: The Accounts of the Hospital of the Savoy for the year 17 to 18 Henry VIII 151

Thames, Holocene Deposits in the Valley of the 110

Tottenham, Manorial Documents of 98-9

U Use of Armorial Bearings by

London Aldermen in the Middle Ages, The. By John A. Goodall 17

Vikings, The, by Johannes Brond-sted. Review by Ralph Merri-field 94


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