1

GEORGIANA MCCRAE’S MANUSCRIPT

MUSIC COLLECTIONS:

A LIFE IN MUSIC

Rosemary Jean Richards

orcid.org/0000-0001-9671-2413

Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

17 May 2017

Melbourne Conservatorium of Music

The University of Melbourne

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ABSTRACT

This thesis considers the biographical, historical and musical significance of manuscript music

collections belonging to the diarist, artist and musician Georgiana McCrae, who brought her

collections from London and Scotland to Melbourne in 1841 and continued to extend them

after her arrival. McCrae used music to help maintain her sense of national, class and gender

identity through various challenging events in her life, including her migration. This thesis

contributes to an understanding of how domestic music collections were used in Britain and its

colonies in the nineteenth century for the purposes of education, socialisation and

memorialisation.

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DECLARATION OF AUTHORSHIP

This is to certify that

(i) the thesis comprises my original work,

(ii) due acknowledgment has been made in the text to all other material used,

(iii) the thesis is less than 100,000 words in length, exclusive of tables, maps,

bibliographies and appendices.

Name in Full: Rosemary Jean Richards

Date: 17 May 2017

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract 3

List of Tables 6

List of Figures 7

Acknowledgements 9

Abbreviations 11

Chapter 1: Introduction 15

Chapter 2: Domestic Music-making and the Use of Manuscript Music

Collections in Britain and Colonial Australia, c. 1800–60 33

Chapter 3: Georgiana McCrae’s Life in Britain, 1804–40 69

Chapter 4: Georgiana McCrae’s First Three Manuscript Music

Collections, c. 1817–48 109

Chapter 5: Georgiana McCrae as a Migrant, 1838–60 168

Chapter 6: Georgiana McCrae’s ‘Chaplin Music Book’, c. 1840–56 202

Chapter 7: Lessons from a Musical Life: Georgiana McCrae in Later Years 247

Chapter 8: Conclusion 253

Appendix: Alphabetical Handlist of Titles 257

Bibliography 273

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Georgiana McCrae’s four surviving manuscript music collections 17

Table 2: Sample of manuscript music book inscriptions in Aylward Collection,

Cardiff University Special Collections 51

Table 3: Contents of small manuscript music book possibly from

Thetford, Norfolk, UK 52

Table 4: Samples from Georgiana McCrae’s manuscript music collections. 110

Table 5: Date order of transcription of manuscript music in GCMB 139

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Georgiana McCrae, ‘Self-portrait Aged 20, 1824’, SLV 14

Figure 2: Front cover of Pio Cianchettini, ‘Rule Britannia with

Madame Catalani’s Variations’ 56

Figure 3: Gordon Castle 85

Figure 4: Statues of 5th Duke of Gordon 107

Figure 5: Opening page of MHMB, Part 1 113

Figure 6: Opening page of MHMB, Part 2 114

Figure 7: ‘See from Ocean Rising’, MHMB 119

Figure 8: Front Cover with ‘IHS’ symbol, GCMB 138

Figure 9: ‘Teodora’, GCMB 141

Figure 10: ‘Oh! Dinna Ask me’, GCMB 142

Figure 11: ‘Oh bonnie lassie’, GCMB 145

Figure 12: ‘A Bhanarach dhonn a cruidh’, GCMB 147

Figure 13: ‘Perche mi lasci’, GCMB 150

Figure 14: Front cover with castle, LTLMB 153

Figure 15: ‘Jenny Lind’ poem, LTLMB 153

Figure 16: ‘Keith More’ by ‘A. D. G.’, LTLMB 157

Figure 17: Annotation, ‘A Greek Air’, LTLMB 159

Figure 18: Annotation, ‘Hertz’, ‘No. 1 Op 35’, LTLMB 164

Figure 19: ‘The Dead’ poem, GCMB 166

Figure 20: Georgiana McCrae, scene from La Sonnambula 198

Figure 21: Inscriptions, CMB 204

Figure 22: Chaplin book plate, CMB 205

Figure 23: ‘Non Nobis Domine’, CMB 206

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Figure 24: Annotation, ‘The Light of Other Days’, CMB 207

Figure 25: ‘Ha’ til’ and ‘Spanish Chant’, CMB 209

Figure 26: ‘Bygone Days’, CMB 213

Figure 27: ‘Creole Air’, CMB 216

Figure 28: ‘Constance’, CMB 218

Figure 29: ‘Jenny Lind’, piano solo, CMB 227

Figure 30: ‘Vi ravviso’, CMB 232

Figure 31: List, last flyleaf, CMB 233

Figure 32: ‘Yon bright world’, ‘49th Hymn’, CMB 235

Figure 33: ‘Woo’d and Married &c’, CMB 241

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thanks go to my supervisors Professor Kerry Murphy and Dr Suzanne Robinson, to my former

supervisor Dr Thérèse Radic and to members of my panel and other staff at the University of

Melbourne.

I have received generous help from many scholars and staff at archives, museums, libraries and

academic institutions that I have consulted about Georgiana’s life and music as well as other

relevant sources from her era. Thanks especially go to Janet Hay, Amanda Milledge,

Manuscripts Collection at State Library Victoria, Rare Books and Special Collections at the

University of Sydney Library and National Trust of Australia (Victoria) for permission to

reproduce items related to Georgiana McCrae, and also to Sandra Pullman and Manuscripts

Collection at State Library of Victoria, aided by Special Collections at the University of

Melbourne, for permission to reproduce the front cover of Cianchettini’s arrangement of Arne’s

‘Rule Britannia with Madame Catalani’s Variations’. I have received assistance with images

in this thesis from Briar Adams and Stephen Walter. Additional proof reading suggestions for

the text of the thesis including the appendix were given by Briar Adams, Clara Adams and

Jackie Walling.

I am grateful for the support I have received from family, friends and colleagues, including the

following:

Neil Adam, Briar Adams, Clara Adams, Giles Adams, Dr Per Ahlander, Ronnie Bauer,

Georgina Binns, Hilary Bland, Almut Boehme, Neil Boness, Professor Stanley Boorman,

Sharon Bowen, Joshua Bridges, Judy Bridges, Professor Jeanice Brooks, Theo Buskes, Dr

Katherine Campbell, Dr Samantha Carrasco, Kristen Castellana, Dr Penelope Cave, Associate

Professor Michael Christoforidis, Heather Clarke, Caroline Clemente, Dr Merete Colding

Smith, Dr Suzanne Cole, Colin Coleman, Professor Kate Darian-Smith, Dr Gillian Dooley, Dr

Caroline Ellsmore, Professor Catherine Falk, Dr Katrina Faulds, Peter Ellis, Dr Jennifer Gall,

Clare Gleeson, Matthew Guida, Dr Julie Haskell, Janet Hay, Barbara Higgins, Huntly Higgins,

Irina Higgins, Robyn Holmes, Associate Professor Alison Inglis, Jim Inglis, Dr Elizabeth

Kertesz, Associate Professor Linda Kouvaras, Dr Emily Lyle, Dr Alan Maddox, Donatella

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Mannolini, Dr Karen McAulay, Leanne Mccreddon, Jennifer McDonell, Mary McKenzie,

Margaret-Anne Milburn, Amanda Milledge, Dr Kevin Molloy, Dr Colette Moloney, Luisa

Morales, Professor Kerry Murphy, Layne Naug, Elizabeth Nichol, William Orange, Leonie

Perry, Jim Pippey, Associate Professor Melanie Plesch, Evelyn Portek, Sandra Pullman, Jenny

Purcell, Dr Thérèse Radic, Dr Leena Rana, Dr Alison Richards, Ian Riches, Sheilah Roberts,

Nancie Robinson, Dr Suzanne Robinson, Mhairi Ross, Dr Robin Ryan, Christopher Scobie, Dr

Aline Scott-Maxwell, Austin Sherlaw-Johnson, Colin Simpson, Dr Graeme Skinner, Dr

Graeme Smith, Dennis Spiteri, Dr Matthew Stephens, Ludwig Sugiri, David Thomas, John

Thompson, Judy Turner, Jackie Walling, Judy Walsh, Stephen Walter, Franz Weindl, Dr John

Whiteoak, Dr Carol Williams, Dr Roger Williams, Matthew Withey, Brenton Whittenbury,

Miriam Whittenbury, Lena Vigilante, Ema Yandall.

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ABBREVIATIONS

ADB Australian Dictionary of Biography [online]

ANU Australian National University

AGB Art Gallery of Ballarat

BA Brodie Archives, NRAS770, Brodie Castle, National Trust for

Scotland [NTS]

BFC-SLV Bunbury Family Correspondence, 1824–1872, MS 13530, MC-SLV.

Includes Series 14: Transcripts

BL British Library

BSANZ Bibliographical Society of Australia and New Zealand

Bunbury,

Sconce

Sarah Susanna Bunbury, ed., Life and Letters of Robert Clement

Sconce, Formerly Secretary to Sir John Duckworth: Compiled for

His Grandchildren by His Daughter, Sarah Susanna Bunbury, 2

vols. (London: Cox & Wyman, 1861)

CJLTS The C. J. La Trobe Society

CMB Georgiana McCrae, ‘Chaplin Music Book’, RB 1164.9, McCrae

Papers, Harry F. Chaplin Collection, Rare Books and Special

Collections, the University of Sydney Library [MPC-USyd].

CSPP Charles Stuart Perry Papers, 1827–1982. MS Box 3611, MS 12836,

MC-SLV.

FPMM-SLV Family Papers 1795–1915, Marjorie Morgan, MS MSB 263, MS

10614, MC-SLV

GCM-NRS Gordon Castle Muniments, GD44, National Records of Scotland

GCMB Georgiana McCrae, ‘Gordon Castle Music Book’, McCrae Family

Papers, MS 12018/2516/3, MC-SLV

GM-journal Georgiana McCrae, journal entry [original MSS in MC-SLV and

MPC-USyd]

GM-

Recollections

Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections of an Octogenarian: Manuscript

ca. 1885’, MS MSM 548, MS Box 4264/2, MS 14833, MC-SLV.

GM-Stray Georgiana McCrae, ‘Stray Leaves from an Old Journal Long Since

Committed to the Flames’ (1828–29), McCrae Family Papers, MS

12018, 2516/2(a), MC-SLV

HL Hocken Library, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand

ITMA Irish Traditional Music Archive/Taisce Cheol Dúchais Éireann

JHU John Hopkins University

LoC Library of Congress

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LTLMB Georgiana McCrae, ‘La Trobe Library Music Book’, McCrae Family

Papers, MS 12018/2519/4, MC-SLV

MC-SLV Manuscripts Collection, State Library Victoria

MHMB Georgiana McCrae, ‘McCrae Homestead Music Book’, National

Trust of Australia (Victoria)

MNB ‘Music Notebook’: ‘Notebook Containing Transcripts of Musical

Scores, Titled in Georgiana’s Hand: Mainly Scottish’, McCrae

Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3740/9(a), MC-SLV

MPC-USyd McCrae Papers, Harry F. Chaplin Collection, RB 1164, Rare Books

and Special Collections, University of Sydney Library

MPRG Mornington Peninsula Regional Gallery

MUN Memorial University of Newfoundland

MUP Melbourne University Press

NGV National Gallery of Victoria

NLA National Library of Australia

NLS National Library of Scotland

NMA National Museum of Australia

NRAS National Register of Archives for Scotland

NRS National Records of Scotland

NTA (Vic) National Trust of Australia (Victoria)

NTS National Trust for Scotland

ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography [online]

OMO Oxford Music Online

OUP Oxford University Press

PNM-SLV Papers, ca.1980–96, Brenda Niall: Papers Relating to her Research

on Georgiana McCrae, MS Boxes 3961–67, MS 13478, MC-SLV

PROV Public Record Office Victoria

RB Rare Books

SLM Sydney Living Museums

SLNSW State Library New South Wales

SLV State Library Victoria

SMI Scottish Music Index, edited by Charles Gore,

http://www.scottishmusicindex.org/

SMM Scots Musical Museum (1787–1803), edited by James Johnson

TWSDA-EUL The Walter Scott Digital Archive, Edinburgh University Library.

UK United Kingdom

UM University of Melbourne

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USyd University of Sydney

Weber-PPP Thérèse Weber, ‘Port Phillip Papers: The Australian Journal of

Georgiana McCrae’, 2 vols. (PhD thesis, School of Language,

Literature and Communication, University College, University of

NSW, at Australian Defence Forces Academy, Duntroon, ACT,

2000)

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Figure 1: Georgiana McCrae, ‘Self-portrait Aged 20, 1824’, Picture Collection, SLV,

Bequest of Lady Cowper 1988, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/263590 (accessed 27

April 2017).

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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Georgiana McCrae: Brief Overview

Georgiana McCrae has become a minor celebrity in Australian history, mainly remembered

today because of her journals and works of art. Born in London towards the end of the Georgian

era, Georgiana Huntly Gordon (McCrae) (1804–90) was the illegitimate daughter of Jane

Graham (1772–1838) and the Scottish aristocrat George, Marquis of Huntly (1770–1836), the

son and heir of Alexander, fourth Duke of Gordon (1743–1827). The young Georgiana was

given a lady’s education in London and excelled in both art and music. In the 1820s she moved

to Gordon Castle near Fochabers in Scotland; in 1830 she married a distant relation, Andrew

Murison McCrae, with whom she had nine children, seven of whom survived childhood. She

migrated to Australia following her husband and lived there from 1841 until her death.

In 1934 her grandson Hugh McCrae published an imaginatively-edited version of his

grandmother’s journals, which have been republished four times, most recently in 2013.1 His

style of editing and rewriting, while not unusual in the 1930s, has been criticised by some later

scholars for the liberties he took with his grandmother’s text.2 A considerable part of

Georgiana’s fame has resulted from the continuing popularity of her grandson’s publication,

but later scholarship provides more scholarly rigour.3

The life and achievements of Georgiana McCrae have received further increased attention

since the 1960s. Her artworks were featured in two exhibitions in 2011, at the ‘Sea of Dreams’

by the Mornington Peninsula Regional Gallery (MPRG) and ‘This Wondrous Land: Colonial

Art on Paper’ by the National Gallery of Victoria (NGV).4 In 2014 an exhibition about the

1 Hugh McCrae, ed., Georgiana’s Journal: Melbourne a Hundred Years Ago (Sydney, NSW: Angus & Robertson,

1934); republished 1966, 1978, 1992, 2013; see Norman Cowper and Martha Rutledge, ‘McCrae, Hugh Raymond

(1876–1958), ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU, 1986, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/mccrae-hugh-

raymond-7327 (accessed 6 February 2017). To help distinguish between members of the McCrae family,

Georgiana McCrae will be referred to as ‘Georgiana’ in this thesis. 2 See for example Marguerite Hancock, ‘A Note on the Text’, in Georgiana’s Journal: Melbourne 1841–1865, 5th ed., ed. Hugh McCrae (Canberra: Halstead Press, 2013), 5–17. 3 Rosemary Richards, ‘Frae the friends and Land I love’: The ‘McCrae Homestead Music Book’ (Box Hill

North: R. Richards, 2005), 26. 4 See Sea of Dreams: The Lure of Port Phillip Bay 1830–1914, ed. Jane Alexander and Rodney James

(Mornington, Vic.: MPRG, 2011); Alisa Bunbury, ed., This Wondrous Land: Colonial Art on Paper (Melbourne:

NGV, 2011).

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Scots in Australia curated by Alison Inglis and Patricia Tryon Macdonald at the Art Gallery of

Ballarat (AGB) also displayed Georgiana’s artworks.5 The McCrae Homestead, originally

designed by Georgiana and still extant on the Mornington Peninsula near Melbourne, has been

turned into a museum which is currently under the auspices of the National Trust of Australia

(Victoria) (NTA (Vic)). In 2016 the National Trust continued its promotion of Georgiana

McCrae with an illustrated article about the recent donation of ‘Georgiana’s Sewing Box’ and

its contents.6 The activities of the Georgiana McCrae Society also contribute to continued

appreciation of Georgiana’s life and output.7

Georgiana’s musical interests have also contributed to her wider renown. Music that

Georgiana collected has been highlighted in sound recordings by Australian folk performer

Jenny Gall, the Melbourne Scottish Fiddle Club and soprano Vivien Hamilton.8 Gall’s

recording based on Georgiana’s version of the Gaelic song ‘A Bhanarach Dhonn a Chruidh’

was showcased in an exhibition about the spread of Scottish music organised by Almut Boehme

at the National Library of Scotland (NLS) in Edinburgh in 2009.9 These responses to

Georgiana, her music-making and collecting have provided valuable contributions to an

understanding of her life and times. However, the richness of the musical sources about

Georgiana offer more than has so far been gleaned. Music was central to Georgiana’s life and

activities and her music collections can reveal a great deal about her personal emotions,

thoughts and lifestyle, in addition to an increased understanding of her choice of musical

practices and repertoire. It is important to acknowledge the influence of family, friends and

other members of her scribal community on her collections as well as the impact of more

general trends in music-making and music-collecting.

Georgiana collected music in both manuscript and printed form from an early age. By the

time she arrived in Melbourne she had transcribed and compiled three volumes of manuscript

music, whose contents are dated c. 1822–24, c. 1827–28 and c. 1817–48 respectively, as well

as owning printed sheet music for her personal use. In Australia, she continued collecting and

5 See Caroline Clemente, ‘Georgiana McCrae: A Scottish Exile in the Antipodes’, in For Auld Lang Syne: Images

of Scottish Australia from First Fleet to Federation, ed. Alison Inglis and Patricia Tryon Macdonald (Ballarat:

AGB, [2014]), 239–47. 6 McCrae Homestead: 11 Beverley Road, McCrae, Victoria, 3938; Michelle Derek, ‘Secrets of Georgiana’s

Sewing Box’, National Trust Victoria, 5 (Feb/Mar/Apr 2016): 18–19. 7 Georgiana McCrae Society, http://georgianamccrae.tumblr.com/ (accessed 9 October 2016). 8 Jenny Gall, Cantara, Elidor Records, JGIB06, 2006; Melbourne Scottish Fiddle Club & Friends, A Long Way

from Home, 2006; The Bush Dance and Music Club of Bendigo and District Inc, Bendigo, Vic., The Merry

Country Dance, 3, CD, 2007; Vivien Hamilton and Len Forster, Burns and Beyond: Songs of Robert Burns, Move

Records, 2009. 9 NLS, ‘Scots Music Abroad’, http://www.nls.uk/exhibitions/scots-music-abroad/index.html (accessed 5 January

2015).

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transcribing music and her fourth volume of manuscript music was bound in Melbourne in

1856 (see Table 1).

Music Collection Acronym Dates Location

McCrae

Homestead

Music Book

MHMB

c. 1822–24 McCrae Collection, National

Trust of Australia (Victoria)

[NTA (Vic)]

Gordon Castle

Music Book

GCMB

c. 1827–28

MS 12018/2516/3, McCrae

Family Papers, Manucripts

Collection, State Library Victoria

[MC-SLV]

La Trobe Library

Music Book

LTLMB

c. 1817–48

MS 12018/2519/4, McCrae

Family Papers, MC-SLV

Chaplin

Music Book

CMB c. 1840–56

RB 1164.9, McCrae Papers,

Harry F. Chaplin Collection, Rare

Books and Special Collections,

University of Sydney [MPC-

USyd]

Table 1: Georgiana McCrae’s four surviving manuscript music collections

In the opinion of Australian musicologist and McCrae scholar, Thérèse Radic, Georgiana

is a prime exemplar of ‘the submerged women’s music tradition from Britain and its

colonies’.10 Georgiana’s four volumes of manuscript music trace her life from her upbringing

and education in London and Scotland to her middle age in Australia. Examination of them

enables a fuller understanding of early nineteenth-century British womanhood and of the

experiences of a colonial migrant. This thesis focuses on Georgiana McCrae’s surviving

manuscript music collections, which provide biographical information to add to her journals

and art and other voluminous sources by and about her that have survived or been produced

since her death. Further study of each of Georgiana’s four known manuscript music collections,

and of her domestic musical practices and repertoire, can throw new light on events, people

10 Thérèse Radic, personal communication, 6 August 2009.

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and places she knew, emotional, intellectual and physical challenges she faced and the period

in which she lived.

1.2 Literature Review

Georgiana McCrae and music

Hugh McCrae sold some of his grandmother’s collections including the ‘Chaplin Music Book’

(CMB) and some of her ‘Port Phillip Journals’ to a collector called Harry Chaplin, whose

collections are now held by the University of Sydney (MPC-USyd).11 Georgiana McCrae’s

‘McCrae Homestead Music Book’ (MHMB) became part of the McCrae Homestead collection

prior to its acquisition by NTA (Vic) in 1970.12 Many items from Georgiana’s personal

collections, including her ‘Gordon Castle’ and ‘La Trobe Library’ manuscript music books

(GCMB, LTLMB), another small collection in unidentified handwriting, the ‘Music Notebook’

(MNB), Georgiana’s ‘Stray Leaves’ from the late 1820s, parts of her ‘Port Phillip Journals’

and books in the McCrae Family Library, were subsequently lodged with State Library Victoria

(SLV) by Georgiana’s great granddaughter, Huntly Cowper (daughter of Hugh McCrae) and

family.13 SLV has continued to collect McCrae memorabilia by donation or purchase. For

example in 2004 SLV purchased Georgiana’s handwritten copy of her ‘Recollections of an

Octogenarian’ (c. 1885).14 Additional sources by and about Georgiana and her family can now

be found in collections including NGV, National Library of Australia (NLA), State Library

New South Wales (SLNSW), Brodie Archives (BA) at Brodie Castle under the auspices of the

National Trust for Scotland (NTS), Gordon Castle Muniments (GCM-NRS) held by the

National Records of Scotland (NRS) and Goodwood Archives located in the West Sussex

Records Office, as well as in private collections.15

11 McCrae Papers, Harry F. Chaplin Collection, RB 1164, University of Sydney [MPC-USyd]; see Harry F.

Chaplin, A McCrae Miscellany (Sydney: Wentworth Press, [1967]). 12 See George Gordon McCrae, ‘Catalogue of the McCrae Homestead’ (Mornington Peninsula, Vic.: The

Author, [c. 1963]); Mary Ryllis Clark and Grania Poliness, ‘Our Mountain Home’ (McCrae, Vic.: NTA (Vic),

1996), 15; Belinda Nemec, ‘McCrae Homestead Collection Catalogue’ (Melbourne: NTA (Vic), 1999. 13 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Stray Leaves from an Old Journal Long Since Committed to the Flames’ (1828–29),

McCrae Family Papers, MS 12018, 2516/2(a), MC-SLV [GM-Stray]; ‘Notebook Containing Transcripts of

Musical Scores, Titled in Georgiana’s Hand: Mainly Scottish’ [MNB], McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3740/9(a), MC-SLV; see Georgiana McCrae, ‘Stray Leaves from an Old Journal’, La Trobe Journal (SLV) 11

no. 44 (Spring 1989): 19. 14 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections of an Octogenarian: Manuscript ca. 1885’, MS Box 4264/2, MS 14833, MS

MSM 548, MC-SLV [GM-Recollections]. 15 For example see Georgiana McCrae, NGV Collection,

http://www.ngv.vic.gov.au/?s=Georgiana+McCrae&type=collection (accessed 7 August 2016); George Gordon

19

Although Hugh McCrae published his version of Georgiana’s Journal in 1934,

Georgiana’s music collections, original journals and other memorabilia were not readily

accessible by scholars for some decades afterwards, which contributed to the longstanding

influence of Hugh McCrae’s interpretation of his grandmother and her achievements. Many

scholars have quoted from Hugh McCrae’s text. In her 1968 MMus, Thérèse Radic investigated

amateur and professional music from the Australian colonial period and quoted from Hugh

McCrae’s version of Georgiana’s Journal in her analysis of music-making in Georgiana’s

emigration and life in Melbourne c. 1840–60s.16 In 1982 Radic’s student David Ross also drew

on Hugh McCrae’s work in his investigations of ‘Singing and Society: Melbourne, 1836–

1861’.17

More recently scholars have had access to Georgiana’s own surviving manuscripts to help

facilitate a reassessment of her life and musical accomplishments. The current understanding

of Georgiana has been influenced by a number of authors. Marguerite Hancock referred to

discrepancies between the manuscript and printed versions of Georgiana’s Journal in a 1985

article about Georgiana, based on Hancock’s Honours thesis at Monash University and

published as part of Victoria’s 150th anniversary celebrations.18 Since 1987, most recently as

2009, Susanna de Vries has published research on Georgiana’s life.19 Brenda Niall’s

authoritative biography published in 1994 with a catalogue by Caroline Clemente of

Georgiana’s artworks has, however, become the benchmark for modern scholarship on

Georgiana.20 Niall’s biography provides detailed coverage of Georgiana’s life and

achievements in the visual arts based on primary sources including Georgiana’s surviving

journals and artworks. Niall does not utilise musical sources such as Georgiana’s manuscript

music books but rather focusses on a depiction of Georgiana as having been thwarted in her

professional ambitions in the visual arts. More recently, Caroline Jordan also concentrates on

McCrae (1833–1927), ‘Album of Drawings’ [1839–1903], NLA, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-139345548 (accessed

26 February 2017); Copies of Adam Lindsay Gordon’s poems transcribed by Georgiana McCrae, RB 1164.7,

MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; NRAS770, Brodie Castle Archives, NTS; Papers of the Gordon Family,

Dukes of Gordon (Gordon Castle Muniments/GCM-NRS), GD44, NRS; Goodwood Archives, West Sussex

Record Office; F.W. Steer, J.E. Amanda Venables, T.J. McCann, eds., The Goodwood Estate Archives, 3 vols.

(Chichester, UK: West Sussex County Council, 1970–84); Rosemary Baird, Goodwood: Art, Architecture, Sport

& Family (London: Frances Lincoln, 2007), 173–78. 16 Thérèse Radic, ‘Aspects of Organized Amateur Music in Melbourne, 1836–1890’ (MMus thesis, University of

Melbourne, 1968), 34–38; Terry [Thérèse] Radic, ‘Australian Women in Music’, Lip (Carlton, Australia: Women

in the Visual Arts Collective, 1978/79): 97–110. 17 David Ian Ross, ‘Singing and Society: Melbourne, 1836–1861’ (MMus thesis, University of Melbourne, 1982),

26–32. 18 Marguerite Hancock, ‘Georgiana McCrae: Reluctant Colonist’, in Double Time, ed. Marilyn Lake, and Farley

Kelly (Ringwood, Vic.: Penguin, 1985), 40–48. 19 Susanna De Vries, ‘Georgiana McCrae (Huntly)’, in Females on the Fatal Shore (Brisbane: Pirgos Press, 2009). 20 Brenda Niall, Georgiana (Carlton, Vic.: MUP, Miegunyah Press, 1994).

20

Georgiana the artist and argues that Georgiana’s sketching and painting can be seen as amongst

acceptable activities to occupy genteel women of their era in their domestic sphere.21

Further availability of relevant primary evidence and publications has added information

about Georgiana’s life and achievements. In 1996 Huntly and Barbara Higgins, two of

Georgiana’s many descendants, published an edited version of one of Georgiana’s manuscript

commonplace books from their own personal collection.22 Thérèse Weber’s PhD thesis

(Weber-PPP), completed in 2000 and based on manuscript sources, provides access to an

accurate, annotated transcription plus facsimile copies of Georgiana’s own words from the

version of Georgiana’s journals before and after emigration that Georgiana herself rewrote in

the 1880s.23 In this thesis I have looked at Georgiana’s original manuscripts and based

transcriptions of Georgiana’s handwriting, including punctuation and underlinings, on the work

of other scholars such as Thérèse Weber, Brenda Niall, Jennifer Gall, Marie Hansen Fels and

colleagues at SLV.

Historians such as Lucy Frost, Penny Russell and Pat Jalland have published influential

research about Australian colonial society, drawing in part for evidence on documentary

sources related to Georgiana and her family, friends and contemporaries.24 This work is part of

a modern reassessment of Australian history which includes research on the origins and

expansion of Melbourne, for example by Jenny Lee and Gary Presland.25 SLV’s La Trobe

Journal and the C. J. La Trobe Society’s journal La Trobeana are named after the McCraes’

friend Charles Joseph La Trobe, the first superintendent of Port Phillip and Lieutenant-

Governor of Victoria, and provide a wealth of information about early Melbourne and its

inhabitants.26 Marie Hansen Fels has demonstrated an understanding of Georgiana’s own texts

as well as the complexities of modern post-colonial Australian history with her extensive use

21 Niall, Georgiana, 26–30; Caroline Jordan, ‘An Ornamental Education’, in Picturesque Pursuits (Carlton, Vic.:

MUP, 2005), 11–34. 22 Huntly Higgins and Barbara Higgins, eds., Georgiana McCrae: A Commonplace Book (Richmond, Vic.:

Spectrum, 1996). 23 Thérèse Weber, ‘Port Phillip Papers: The Australian Journal of Georgiana McCrae’ (PhD thesis, University

of NSW, Australian Defence Forces Academy, Duntroon, ACT, 2000) [Weber-PPP]. 24 Lucy Frost, ‘Immigrant Women in Narratives of Divorce’, in Visible Women: Female Immigrants in Colonial

Australia ed. Eric Richards (Canberra: ANU; Highland Press, 1995), 85–111; Penny Russell, Savage or Civilised? Manners in Colonial Australia (Sydney: New South, 2010), 165–89; Pat Jalland, Old Age in Australia: A History

(Carlton, Vic.: MUP, 2015), 104–22. 25 Jenny Lee, Making Modern Melbourne (Carlton, Vic.: Arcade, 2008); Gary Presland, The Place for a Village

(Melbourne, Vic.: Museum Victoria, 2009). 26 The La Trobe Journal (SLV), http://latrobejournal.slv.vic.gov.au/latrobejournal/index.html (accessed 26

August 2015); The C. J. La Trobe Society [CJLTS], http://www.latrobesociety.org.au/ (accessed 29 July 2016).

21

of Weber’s edition of Georgiana’s ‘Port Phillip Journals’ in a study of the impact of British

colonists on Aboriginal people in the Melbourne area.27

While authors including Niall, Higgins and Jordan discuss instances of Georgiana’s music-

making, it is worth looking at them again from a musicological perspective. As well as being

important to herself and her immediate family, Georgiana’s music practices can be seen as part

of the spread of British culture throughout the empire. Scholars including Ann Beedell, Alison

Gyger, Prue Neidorf, Graeme Smith and John Whiteoak have investigated the migrations and

careers of musicians, singers and publishers who influenced musical styles and culture in the

Australian colonies.28 Graeme Skinner’s ongoing additions to his website amplify his PhD

thesis and provide an important repository of current knowledge about musicians and music

publications in the Australian colonial period.29

Since I published my previous research on Georgiana’s music-making and music

collections in 2005, contributions to the topic have been made by scholars such as Peter Ellis,

Heather Clarke, Jenny Gall and Almut Boehme.30 Ellis and Clarke have been intrigued by

Georgiana’s contribution to social dance in Australia.31 Gall, a scholar, folk musician and oral

historian, has employed a feminist approach to Georgiana’s music collections in her PhD thesis

on the role of women in Australian folk music.32 Using case studies, Gall aims to overthrow

the widely-held view that ‘Australian folk music represents a predominantly masculine,

working class genre’.33 She uses primary sources including Georgiana’s GCMB and LTLMB

as evidence of ‘the role of women as integral to the evolution and transmission of Australian

27 Marie Hansen Fels, ‘I Succeeded Once’: The Aboriginal Protectorate on the Mornington Peninsula, 1839–

1840 (Canberra: ANU E Press, Aboriginal History Incorporated, 2011). 28 See eg Ann Beedell, ‘Terminal Silence: Sara Flower and the Diva Enigma: Explorations of Voice and the

Maternal in Operatic Experience in Colonial Australian History ca. 1850–1865’ (PhD thesis, Griffith University, 1999); Alison Gyger, Civilising the Colonies (Sydney: Opera-Opera (Pellinor), 1999); Prue Neidorf, ‘A Guide

to Dating Music Published in Sydney and Melbourne, 1800–1899’ (MA, University of Wollongong, 1999);

Graeme Smith, Singing Australian (North Melbourne, Vic.: Pluto Press Australia, 2005); John Whiteoak,

Playing Ad Lib (Sydney: Currency Press, 1999). 29 Graeme Skinner, Australharmony: An Online Resource toward the History of Music in Colonial and Early

Federation Australia, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/ (accessed 2 April 2017); Graeme Skinner,

‘Toward a General History of Australian Musical Composition’ (PhD thesis, University of Sydney, 2011),

http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7264 (accessed 4 November 2016). 30 Richards, ‘Frae the friends’; Peter Ellis, The Merry Country Dance, print (Bendigo: The Bush Dance and

Music Club of Bendigo and District Inc., March 2006); Heather Clarke, Australian Colonial Dance,

http://www.colonialdance.com.au/ (accessed 25 May 2015); Jennifer Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’ (PhD

thesis, Australian National University, 2008); Almut Boehme, ‘An Initial Investigation into the Early Dissemination of Scottish Music in Australia’, Fontes Artis Musicae 55, no. 2 (April–June 2008): 274–96. 31 Ellis, The Merry Country Dance; Bush Dance and Music Club Bendigo, Home,

http://www.bendigobushdance.org.au/layout.php?p=1 (accessed 4 November 2016); Clarke, Australian Colonial

Dance. 32 Jennifer Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 1–40, 89–148. 33 Gall, ‘Abstract’, in ‘Redefining the Tradition’.

22

folk music’.34 Gall analyses the oral and written contributions of women including Sally

Sloane, Mary Jane Officer, Georgiana McCrae and Jenny Gall herself to the development and

activities of the contemporary non-indigenous Australian folk music scene. Boehme has

considered Georgiana and her music in relation to the nineteenth-century Scottish diaspora.35

The focus in this thesis on Georgiana’s participation in genteel domestic parlour music

traditions rather than folk music differentiates it from either Gall’s or Boehme’s work.

My current research has been enhanced by the further increasing availability of relevant

primary sources. After publishing Georgiana’s biography in 1994, Niall generously donated

her working files, including original manuscripts of material written by Georgiana, giving

access to other scholars (PNM-SLV).36 Additional primary sources which have become

available since Niall published her biography include a donation organised by Melbourne

historian Marjorie Morgan of material linked to the McCrae, Cox, Howitt and Anderson

families.37 Another example is a letter to Georgiana from her husband Andrew in 1836 in which

he discussed difficulties in obtaining Georgiana’s inheritance after her father’s death.38 I have

further amplified Niall’s research by investigating relevant sources in Britain including at least

three, and possibly as many as eleven, sketches by Georgiana kept amongst material that

belonged to Georgiana’s stepmother, Elizabeth Brodie, Fifth Duchess of Gordon, in BA,

Brodie Castle in Scotland.39 More resources, including metal plates used to print a piece of

keyboard music called ‘Kinloch of Kinloch with Variations / By a Lady’ continue to be

identified at BA to add to the extensive research into the Brodie manuscript and printed music

collections investigated by Roger Bevan Williams.40 The musical achievements of Duchess

34 Gall, ‘Abstract’, in ‘Redefining the Tradition’. 35 Boehme, ‘An Initial Investigation’. 36 PNM-SLV, MS Boxes 3961–67, MS 13478, MC-SLV. 37 FPMM-SLV, MS MSB 263, MS 10614, MC-SLV. 38 Letter from Andrew McCrae, ‘Brodie House / Tuesday / 7 oclock [sic] AM’, [n.d.], postmarked ‘B [Brodie?] /

18JU18 / 1836’, ‘10. FD [Findhorn?] 10 / JU18. / 1836’, to ‘Mrs A M McCrae / 15 Augusta place [sic] / Clapham

Road/London’, MSPA Box 4258/3, MS 13876, MC-SLV. 39 Brodie Archives (BA, NTS), ‘The Special Archive Collections at NTS Properties’; ‘Brodie Family of Brodie,

Moray’, NRAS770; sketches attributed to Georgiana McCrae in the sketchbook belonging to the Fifth Duchess

of Gordon: f5 (‘G McC’), f7 (‘G G’), f8 (‘GHG’); other possibilities: f2, f9, f10, f11, f13, f14, f19, f21, f23

(Sketchbook reference number 73.8301, BA, Brodie Castle, Scotland, NTS); access to uncatalogued and catalogued BA material courtesy Ian Riches, Mhairi Ross, Jim Inglis, NTS, 2014, 2017. 40 Thanks to Mhairi Ross, Almut Boehme, Karen McAulay, Julie Haskell, Jenny Purcell, email and personal

communication, 2015 and to Roger B. Williams, emails, personal discussion, 2014; Roger B. Williams, ‘Brodie

Castle Catalogue of Music Holdings’ (June 2014); ‘The Music and Musicians of Brodie Castle by Roger B.

Williams (University of Aberdeen): An Introduction’ (RBW 4.10.04. revised June 2014); ‘Music at Brodie Castle:

Composers Index in Alphabetical Order’ (June 2014).

23

Elizabeth are of interest to scholars of Scottish music.41 Other British sources such as GCM-

NRS and the Goodwood Archives at the West Sussex Record Office are valuable sources of

information, particularly in relation to Georgiana’s aristocratic connections.42

Music and collections

My evaluation of the construction of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections and analysis

and interpretation of their contents has been aided by access to research into manuscript music

collections and other related topics by scholars working in disciplines including historical

musicology. Although many scholars restrict their view to specific periods or national borders,

their research contributes to an understanding of Georgiana’s musical and collecting practices

and artefacts as examples of a widespread transnational and long-lasting phenomena. The use

and dissemination of manuscript collections was consistent with notions that manuscripts,

whether of poetry, music or in other genres, could be transmitted amongst selected recipients,

whereas commercial publication of works by genteel people smacked of ‘trade’ and was not as

socially acceptable. Hence authorship was often hidden by using descriptions such as ‘By a

Lady’ or, in the case of Georgiana’s grandfather Alexander Duke of Gordon, by his initials

‘ADG’. The relationship of manuscript music collections to other material objects such as

scrapbooks that contain items of handwritten poetry and/or original artwork in addit ion to or

instead of manuscript music is briefly touched on in this thesis but could be a fruitful subject

for further research.

Georgiana’s music collections contain numerous examples of handwriting other than her

own. The identification of many of these hands is a work in progress. Corroborating evidence,

for example in music collections or letters belonging to her family, friends and music teachers,

often has been difficult to locate. The work of other authors has pointed me to directions for

further investigation, even if my resulting research has been at times frustrating. Harold Love’s

analysis of scribal communities and the collective ownership and transmission of manuscript

collections has been particularly illuminating, even though his comments applied to two

centuries earlier. In Love’s view, scribal publication ‘had a role in the culture and commerce

of texts just as assured as that of print publication’.43 Love explored ‘bringing together scattered

41 Karen McAulay, ‘Harps and Harpsichords as Well as Fiddles and Bass!’ with contributors Rosemary Richards,

Ronnie Gibson, Stuart Eydmann, in blog for Bass Culture in Scottish Musical Traditions, University of Glasgow,

27 January 2015, http://bassculture.info/?p=364#comments (accessed 19 May 2015). 42 GD44, GCM-NRS; Steer et al., eds., Goodwood Estate Archives. 43 Harold Love, The Culture and Commerce of Texts (Amherst USA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1998),

4.

24

pieces of work’ in research on fields as diverse as verse miscellanies, parliamentary

proceedings and viol consort music to see how they were interconnected.44 He distinguished

between three main forms of scribal publication, ‘author publication, entrepreneurial

publication and user publication’.45 Love argued,

By its nature scribal publication could hardly proceed at random. Instead, since it

usually rested on a personal agreement between the supplier of the text and the

copyist, or copyist and recipient, there was a strong tendency for patterns of

transmission to coincide with pre-existing communities—the court, the diocese, the

college, the county, the circle of friends … neighbours or colleagues, the extended

family, the sect or faction. For groups such as these, bonded by the exchange of

manuscripts, the term ‘scribal community’ is proposed.46

While Love discussed transmission of manuscript music between communities of people

who knew each other, the wider ramifications of commerce need to be taken into account.

Scholars such as Stanley Boorman and Rudolf Rasch have explained how publishers continued

to publish music in manuscript as well as in printed form from the seventeenth until the early

twentieth centuries.47 This suggests that some of the unidentified handwriting in Georgiana’s

manuscript music collections may have been written by professional scribes, in addition to

amateur copyists drawn from her family, friends and teachers. The insights gained from

scholars such as Love, Boorman and Rasch have helped me to contextualise Georgiana’s

manuscript collections but leave many questions still to explore.

Studies that deal with particular music collections demonstrate what such collections may

reveal. Ian Roche’s 1988 MMus thesis, ‘Drawing Room Music in England’, considers English

domestic parlour music. Roche questions biographical judgements by authors including Gervas

Huxley about the importance of music to Lady Elizabeth Belgrave (1797–1891, née Leveson-

Gower and later titled the Marchioness of Westminster) based on evidence from a manuscript

music book that dates from around the time of her marriage in 1819. The inclusion in Lady

Belgrave’s collection of compositions by her husband is also discussed.48 Similarly, Jeanice

Brooks has analysed the role played by music and music collections in the social life and

44 Love, The Culture and Commerce of Texts, 9. 45 Love, The Culture and Commerce of Texts, 47. 46 Love, The Culture and Commerce of Texts, 179–80. 47 Stanley Boorman, ‘Identifying and Studying Published Manuscripts’, Fontes Artis Musicae 58, no. 2 (Apr–Jun

2011): 109–26; Rudolf Rasch, ed., Music Publishing in Europe 1600–1900 (Berlin, Germany: Berliner

Wissenschafts-Verlag, 2005). 48 Ian Roche, ‘Drawing Room Music in England c. 1800–1850 as Represented in Lady Elizabeth Belgrave’s Music

Manuscript Book’ (MMus thesis, University of London, Goldsmiths College, 1988); Gervas Huxley, Lady

Elizabeth and the Grosvenors (London: Oxford University Press, 1965).

25

architecture of English country houses. She has examined the manuscript and printed music

collections that belonged to Elizabeth Sykes Egerton (1777–1853) that are now preserved at

the English National Trust property at Tatton Park, Cheshire.49 Recent doctoral theses by

Brooks’s students Leena Rana, Penelope Cave and Katrina Faulds have continued the

examination of aspects of the music-making of genteel English women such as Egerton in the

long nineteenth century.50 Michelle Meinhart also included examples of manuscript music copy

books as sources in her doctoral study of English aristocratic and genteel women’s life

writing.51 In Scotland, Roger Williams’s research into the music collections at Brodie Castle is

part of a longstanding and ongoing research project investigating historical sources of music in

Scotland, including music collections in other properties administered by the National Trust

for Scotland.52 Candace Bailey has published a recent study of a manuscript music collection

dated c. 1840 in the USA while Petra Meyer Frazier, Mark Slobin, Aline Scott-Maxwell and

Kate Stevens have studied examples of bound printed sheet music collections in USA,

Australia and New Zealand.53

Continued investigations of particular collections such as the printed and manuscript music

collections of Jane Austen and her female relations provide important points of comparison.

Eighteen Austen music collections containing both printed and manuscript music from the

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have survived and copies can now be freely accessed

online.54 The Austen family music collections have been studied by researchers including

Jeanice Brooks, Samantha Carrasco, Gillian Dooley and Kathryn Libin to assist in

49 Jeanice Brooks, ‘Musical Monuments for the Country House’, Music and Letters 91, no. 4 (2010): 513–35. 50 Leena Rana, ‘Music and Elite Identity in the English Country House, c. 1790–1840’ (PhD thesis, University

of Southampton, UK, 2012); Penelope Cave, ‘Piano Lessons in the English Country House, 1785–1845’ (PhD

thesis, University of Southampton, 2013); Katrina Faulds, ‘“Invitation pour la danse”: Social Dance, Dance

Music and Feminine Identity in the English Country House c. 1770–1860’ (PhD thesis, University of

Southampton, 2015). 51 Michelle Meinhart, ‘Remembering the “Event”: Music and Memory in the Life Writing of English

Aristocratic and Genteel Women of the Long Nineteenth Century’ (PhD theis, University of Cincinnati, 2013). 52 Roger Bevan Williams, Catalogue of the Castle Fraser Music Collection (Aberdeen: AUL, 1994). 53 Candace Bailey, ‘Sarah Cunningham’s Music Book’, Early Keyboard Journal 25, no. 6 (2010): 7–27; Petra

Meyer-Frazier, Bound Music, Unbound Women (Missoula, United States: The College Music Society, 2015);

Mark Slobin, James Kimball, Katherine K. Preston and Deane Root, eds., Emily’s Songbook: Music in 1850s

Albany (Middleton, USA: A-R Editions, 2011); Aline Scott-Maxwell, ‘Gendered and Endangered Musical Artefacts: Owner-bound Popular Sheet-music Albums in Jazz-age Australasia’, Musicology Australia, 37, no. 2

(December 2015): 185–98; Kate Stevens, ‘From “Home Sweet Home” to the “Kangaroo Hunt Polka”: The

Colonial Voyages of Marian Sargood’s Music Album’, in The Lives of Colonial Objects, ed. Annabel Cooper,

Lachy Paterson and Angela Wanhalla (Dunedin: Otago University Press, 2015), 86–91, 334. 54 Jeanice Brooks, ‘Description’, in The Austen Family Music Books, 2015,

https://archive.org/details/austenfamilymusicbooks&tab=about (accessed 20 July 2016).

26

understanding the importance of music to Austen and her family as well as music’s role and

significance in Austen’s novels.55

Other studies also deal with the nature and practicalities of collecting, transmitting and

publishing music from a particular national perspective. As Scottish music featured so strongly

in Georgiana’s manuscript music books, studies in this area are particularly relevant, although

they vary in their focus on ‘genteel’ versus ‘traditional’ music-making. For example, Roger

Williams’s ‘classical’ musical background and interests contrast with the approach of other

scholars of Scottish music such as Katherine Campbell, whose research focuses more on

traditional music than art music.56 Karen McAulay’s Our Ancient National Airs investigates

Scottish song collections dated from 1760 to 1888 that contained music as well as words.57

There is a considerable amount of crossover between McAulay’s study and my own, but as

Georgiana’s musical tastes were not limited by her Scottish experiences, a broader view of

influences on parlour music is needed in this thesis.

Musical repertoire, collecting and publishing practices in Scotland were often similar to

those in other parts of Britain and Ireland. Another example, Colette Moloney’s The Irish

Music Manuscripts of Edward Bunting (2000) stems from a thorough study of Irish traditional

music collected and published by the Irish musician Edward Bunting (1773–1843).58 Moloney

aims to promote an understanding of ‘Irish traditional instrumental music and song’ in order to

contribute to ‘our knowledge of the Irish cultural history of their time’.59 Moloney’s

observations about manuscript analysis as well as her personal encouragement have proved

valuable. In her publication, Moloney explains succinctly how to investigate the ‘textual’ and

‘non-textual’ evidence in manuscript music collections. ‘Textual data’ includes the music and

song texts as well as additional information such as ‘comments, dates, placenames and other

supplementary inscriptions’.60 She also considers useful types of ‘non-textual evidence’

including ‘types of paper used for the leaves and end-papers’ (including manufacture, materials

55 Jeanice Brooks, ‘In Search of Austen’s “Missing Songs”’, Review of English Studies 67, no. 282 (2016): 914-

45, doi: 10.1093/res/hgw035; Samantha Carrasco, ‘The Austen Family Music Books and Hampshire Music

Culture, 1770–1820’ (PhD thesis, University of Southampton, 2013); Gillian Dooley, Jane Austen’s Music,

https://sites.google.com/site/janeaustensmusic/ (accessed 19 January 2017); Kathryn L. Libin, ‘Daily Practice,

Musical Accomplishment, and the Example of Jane Austen’, in Jane Austen & the Arts, ed. Natasha Duquette

and Elisabeth Lenckos (Bethlehem, USA: Lehigh University Press, 2014), 3–20. 56 Katherine Campbell, The Fiddle in Scottish Culture (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2007); see also Katherine

Campbell and Kirsteen McCue, ‘Lowland Song Culture in the Eighteenth Century’, in Edinburgh Companion to Scottish Traditional Literatures, ed. Sarah Dunnigan and Suzanne Gilbert (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University

Press, 2013), 94–104. 57 Karen McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs (Farnham, UK; Burlington, USA: Ashgate, 2013). 58 Colette Moloney, The Irish Music Manuscripts of Edward Bunting (Dublin: ITMA, 2000). 59 Moloney, Irish Music Manuscripts of Edward Bunting, ix. 60 Moloney, Irish Music Manuscripts of Edward Bunting, 17.

27

and watermarks), ‘rastographies (patterns of stave-rulings)’, ‘bindings, collations of leaves’

and ‘handwritings’.61

Moloney’s book is part of a research, publishing and internet enterprise by the Irish

Traditional Music Archive.62 The increase of online resources, including digitised manuscript

music books and other primary sources, fosters increasing access to and awareness of a wealth

of possible archival evidence.63 To study these sources in their original format however, brings

many benefits and allows the scholar to understand more about their physical makeup and

patterns of use.

1.3 Methodology

This thesis began with the aim to interpret Georgiana McCrae’s four surviving manuscript

music collections as examples of a form of life writing which complement and enhance our

understanding of Georgiana’s biography derived from other available sources. An exploration

of the music-making and music-collecting of a particular woman and her contemporaries also

contributes to part of an answer to Suzanne Cusick’s ‘seemingly innocent’ question, ‘where

are the women in music, in music’s history?’64

The period under examination spans roughly fifty years, from the date of Georgiana’s birth

in 1804 in London until after the last of her known manuscript music collections was bound in

Melbourne in 1856. Georgiana lived during the reigns of four British monarchs. The dates of

her music books cover her education, development and identity formation as well as her life

both before and after her migration, which occurred three years after the coronation of Queen

61 Moloney, Irish Music Manuscripts of Edward Bunting, 19. 62 ITMA, ‘Home’, http://www.itma.ie/ (accessed 21 September 2016). 63 See for example SLV, Music Scores & Sheet Music, https://www.slv.vic.gov.au/search-discover/explore-

collections-format/music-scores-sheet-music (accessed 2 April 2017); Victorian Collections, Music

https://victoriancollections.net.au/?q=Music&page=1-2 (accessed 21 March 2017); NLA, ‘Forte: Sheet Music

for iPad’, http://www.nla.gov.au/forte (accessed 5 January 2015); SLM, Music,

http://sydneylivingmuseums.com.au/, https://archive.org/details/sydneylivingmuseums (accessed 29 March

2017); NLNZ, Music Score: Gallery, https://natlib.govt.nz/photos?i%5Bcategory%5D=Music+Score (accessed

19 February 2017); LoC, ‘Music Treasures Consortium’,

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/diglib/ihas/html/treasures/treasures-home.html (accessed 21 September 2016); NLS,

‘Digital Gallery’, http://digital.nls.uk/gallery.cfm (accessed 5 January 2015); NLS/Internet Archive, ‘Welcome

to Music at the NLS’, https://archive.org/details/nlsmusic (accessed 5 January 2015); University of Glasgow,

University of Cambridge & Royal Conservatoire of Scotland, ‘Historical Music of Scotland’, http://hms.scot/ (accessed 21 September 2016); John Adams et al., ‘Village Music Project’, http://www.village-music-

project.org.uk/ (accessed 4 September 2017); Center for Popular Music/American Antiquarian Society/Internet

Archive, ‘American Vernacular Music Manuscripts, ca. 1730–1910’,

https://archive.org/details/americanmusicmanuscripts&tab=about (accessed 21 September 2016). 64 Suzanne G. Cusick, ‘Gender, Musicology, and Feminism’, in Rethinking Music, ed. Nicholas Cook and Mark

Everist (Oxford; New York: OUP, 1999), 482.

28

Victoria and only a few years after Melbourne was established in 1835 in the lands of the

Aboriginal Kulin nation. I utilise the useful concept of the ‘long nineteenth century’ to discuss

items of repertoire represented in Georgiana’s collections, some of which date from before

Georgiana’s birth and were used well after her death. These collections can be used not only to

provide evidence of her musical practices and repertoire but also to expand our understanding

of wider aspects of her biography, such as national, class and gender identity and the impacts

of education, socialisation and memorialisation in the lifetimes of Georgiana and members of

her family.

As argued by scholars including Harald and Sharon Krebs, music collections are forms of

life writing, complementing literary sources such as autobiographies, reminiscences, letters,

commonplace books, biographies, novels, plays and poetry. In their 2006 biography of

Josephine Lang (1815–80), the Krebs demonstrate how Lang, a prolific composer of German

songs for voice and piano, saw her songs as a form of diary, where she was able to express her

thoughts and feelings in a socially acceptable manner.65 They also contend that Lang’s

collections of other people’s music point to the construction of aspects of her identity including

her national attachments and preference for domestic musical forms acceptable to women of

her class. One of Lang’s early manuscript music collections, dating from 1828 when she was

thirteen, includes works by Schubert, Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Carl Maria von Weber, André,

Danzi and Lenz as well as early compositions by Lang herself.66 The authors argue that Lang’s

study of these works during her musical education helped her construct a sense of self shaped

by German culture as well as helping the development of her musical skills. Both Georgiana

McCrae and Josephine Lang participated in nineteenth-century genteel domestic musical

practices of collection and performance which had much in common with the activities of other

people of similar status and education in their era in different parts of the world, even if their

main languages differed and Lang, for example, was demonstrably more involved in musical

composition than Georgiana.

In British Women’s Life Writing, 1760–1840 (2014), Amy Culley considers three strands

of literary forms of life writing by women from a variety of backgrounds who lived before and

during Georgiana’s lifetime: early Methodist women, late eighteenth-century and Regency

courtesans, and women reacting to the French Revolution.67 Culley’s general conclusions from

65 Harald Krebs and Sharon Krebs, Josephine Lang: Her Life and Songs (Cary, NC, USA: Oxford University

Press, 2006), 8. 66 Krebs, Josephine Lang, 15; see http://www.wlb-stuttgart.de/index.php?id=1992 (accessed 15 May 2015). 67 Amy Culley, British Women’s Life Writing, 1760–1840 (Houndmills, UK; New York, USA: Palgrave

Macmillan, 2014).

29

these diverse sources could be extended further to studies such as this thesis that deal with

musical as well as literary forms. In Culley’s opinion, women’s life writing from the period

showed evidence of identity formation through varied methods of memorialisation, including

recording and transmission. The interaction of individuals and groups was important: ‘Despite

their differences, these extracts from women’s life writing of the late eighteenth and early

nineteenth centuries share a common focus in their emphasis on personal relationships,

communal identities, collective memories, and collaborations’.68

References to music that help contextualise Georgiana’s music collections and biography

can be found in private diaries and journals such as those of Queen Victoria, which document

multiple instances of music-making and collecting by Victoria and her circle.69 Published

works, both fiction and non-fiction, provide other examples. According to Joe Keith Law, the

nineteenth-century English novelist William Thackeray was a keen singer and a writer of songs

who frequently attended concerts and operas and used musical references in his novels both as

a form of autobiography and as a means of generating nostalgic remembrance amongst his

readers.70 I have considered musical and social references in a multiplicity of fictional sources

in addition to Thackeray’s novels, including works by Jane Austen, Elizabeth Gaskell, Sir

Walter Scott and Georgiana’s music teacher, Fanny Holcroft. Other literary genres considered

include plays, poetry used in song lyrics, memoirs and published auto/biographies of

contemporaries, family and friends, such as L.E.L. (Letitia Elizabeth Landon), Lady Shelley

and Georgiana’s Lennox cousins.71

Wide ranging questions about music and identity which are raised in this thesis have been

explored in many other studies such as Music and Identity Politics (2012), edited by Ian Biddle,

which categorises essays by the headings ‘gender and sexuality’, ‘race’ and ‘social identities’.72

Aspects of nationality, class and gender, among categorisations of identity, can be seen as parts

of a fluid continuum rather than static stereotypes and do not privilege hierarchical rankings or

68 Culley, British Women’s Life Writing, 2. 69 ‘Queen Victoria’s Journals’, http://qvj.chadwyck.com/marketing.do (accessed 26 August 2015);

http://www.queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed September, November 2013). 70 Joe Keith Law, ‘“Awfully Fond of Music”: Music in Thackeray’s Life and Works’ (PhD thesis, University of

Missouri–Columbia, 1983), 5. 71 See for example Jane Austen, Emma (1815); William Thackeray, Vanity Fair (1847–48); Elizabeth Gaskell, Cranford and Other Stories (1851–53); Sir Walter Scott, Halidon Hill (1822); Fanny Holcroft, Fortitude and

Frailty (1817); Letitia Elizabeth Landon (‘L.E.L.’), Fisher’s Drawing Room Scrap-Book, 1838; Frances, Lady

Shelley, The Diary of Frances, Lady Shelley (1912); Lord William Pitt Lennox, Drafts on My Memory (1866); A

Sketch of the Life of Georgiana, Lady de Ros (1893); Lyn M. Fergusson, FitzRoy Beyond the Rumours (Killara,

NSW: Pilar, 2013). 72 Ian Biddle, ed., Music and Identity Politics (Farnham UK; Burlington USA: Ashgate, 2012), 5–6.

30

definitions and interrelationships of musical terms and categories that downplay or denigrate

women’s musical achievements.

This thesis raises questions about how Georgiana’s manuscript music collections

expressed the fluidity of her identity in different contexts and at different points and stages in

her life. It also investigates how her collections were actively used for music-making in

education, both for herself and her children, for socialisation with family and friends, and as a

form of memorialisation not just for Georgiana herself but for others in her scribal community.

A recognition of potential difficulties such as observer and selection bias, inherent in research

that focusses on one individual and a small number of artefacts, has led to investigation of other

sources besides Georgiana’s. Music collections comparable to Georgiana’s can be found in

many parts of the world including Europe, the Americas and the wider British Empire.73

However, this thesis mainly focusses on nineteenth-century music manuscript collections from

Britain and its Australian colonies, particularly Victoria. While this thesis is not a comparative

study, other sources have been useful in the formation of a broader understanding of the status

and interpretation of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections, not only in her life but also in

the society within which she lived.

An important part of my study is to investigate effects of migration on genteel domestic

musical practices.74 Georgiana herself had many changes of domicile as well as complex and

fluid national affiliations, all of which played their part in her musical choices. While born in

London to a Northern English mother, she was strongly connected emotionally with her

Scottish aristocratic Gordon relations. The Gordons in their turn tried to accommodate

themselves to British unification centred in London, the power of the House of Hanover, and

the dominance of Protestantism, over their former loyalties and obligations to members of their

Scottish clan, the Stuart Royalty and Catholicism. Georgiana’s husband Andrew McCrae was

Scottish; her first four children, Elizabeth, George, William (Willie) and Alexander (Sandy),

were born in Scotland; her fifth child, Farquhar Peregrine (Perry), was born in England before

her emigration; while her next four daughters, Lucia (Lucy), Margaret (Maggie), Frances

73 Thanks to colleagues including Sheilah Roberts (Memorial University of Newfoundland), Melanie Plesch and

Luisa Morales (University of Melbourne), personal communication, 2009–17. 74 See Kay Dreyfus and Joel Crotty, Introduction: Music, Migration and Multiculturalism, Special Issue: Music,

Migration and Multiculturalism, ed. Kay Dreyfus and Joel Crotty, Victorian Historical Journal 78, no. 2 (Nov. 2007): 147–51; Marcello Sorce Keller and Linda Barwick, ‘Thoughts on Music and Migration’, in Italy in

Australia’s Musical Landscape, ed. Linda Barwick and Marcello Sorce Keller (Melbourne: Lyrebird Press, 2012),

225–32; Catherine Falk, ‘Migrant Music in Australia’, in The Oxford Companion to Australian Music, ed. Warren

Bebbington (Melbourne: OUP, 1997), 375–81; Peter Parkhill and Aline Scott-Maxwell, ‘Transplanted

Traditions’, in Currency Companion to Music and Dance in Australia, ed. John Whiteoak and Aline Scott-

Maxwell (Sydney: Currency House, 2003), 670–74.

31

(Fanny) and Agnes, were born in a recently-established British colony on the other side of the

globe.

The changeable concept and definition of national identities is a matter of debate. In his

introduction to Musical Constructions of Nationalism, which explores aspects of music from

different European perspectives from 1800 to 1945, Michael Murphy argues that ‘no normative

definition of “nation” or “nationalism” is possible’.75 Georgiana and her family were not only

examples of British settlers to the Australian colonies, but also part of the displacement of the

original inhabitants who had lived in the south-eastern part of the Australian continent for over

forty thousand years. The period of early British settlement of Melbourne and its effects on

indigenous and migrant populations have been sources of conflicted interpretation, where

attention needs to be paid to what Stuart Macintyre refers to as ‘the ethical dimensions of

historical scholarship’.76 Constructions of British, English, Scottish and Australian national

identity have undergone frequent changes during Georgiana’s time and since, affecting not

only how people have seen themselves in any given historical period, but also how their

biographies have been interpreted by later generations.

This thesis focuses on contextualisation of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections. It

does not attempt to provide the final word on topics such as Georgiana’s musical performance

practice and repertoire or on every aspect of manuscript analysis. There are for example

hundreds of items of music contained in the collections (see the Appendix ‘Alphabetical

Handlist of Titles’) and multiple difficulties in ascribing handwriting to individuals,

exacerbated by changes in Georgiana’s own handwriting from girlhood to old age.

Nonetheless, the large amount of surviving musical and other material by and about Georgiana

is a valuable resource which allows us to explore her musical biography and to see her as a

representative of genteel British female domestic musicians of her era.

1.4 Chapter Summary

This thesis is structured in sections which explore Georgiana’s four surviving manuscript music

collections in relation to other influences on her life. Chapter 2 contextualises the biographical,

historical and musical significance of Georgiana McCrae and her music collections, focussing

75 Michael Murphy, Introduction, in Musical Constructions of Nationalism, ed. Harry White and Michael Murphy

(Cork, Ireland: Cork University Press, 2001), 2. 76 Stuart Macintyre, Introduction, in The Historian’s Conscience, ed. Stuart Macintyre (Carlton, Vic.: MUP,

2004), 4.

32

on musical influences in Britain and in its Australian colonies. Chapters 3 and 4, which discuss

Georgiana’s music-making in Britain during childhood, early adulthood and marriage, draw on

evidence from Georgiana’s first three manuscript music collections. These were largely

transcribed in Britain, although she continued to use them in her later years. Chapters 5 and 6

discuss Georgiana’s life and musical experiences during and after her migration to Melbourne

in Australia in 1840–41. The principal source here is Georgiana’s ‘Chaplin Music Book’, which

was bound in Melbourne in 1856. Chapter 7 considers Georgiana’s nostalgic music-making in

her later years. Chapter 8, the Conclusion, discusses the value of manuscript music collections

belonging to Georgiana McCrae and others as sources, not only to aid our understanding of her

life, personality, thoughts and emotions but also as examples of domestic music used by

someone of her class who lived in Britain and its empire in the nineteenth century.

33

CHAPTER 2

DOMESTIC MUSIC-MAKING AND THE USE OF MANUSCRIPT MUSIC

COLLECTIONS IN BRITAIN AND COLONIAL AUSTRALIA, c. 1800–60

2.1 Introduction

The expanding market for domestic music in Britain in the first sixty years of the nineteenth

century followed the growth of population and the increasing proportion of the middle class

with income to spend on leisure activities. Whereas at the turn of the nineteenth century

domestic music-making had been largely the preserve of a numerically smaller upper class, by

the latter part of the century it was more widespread.

Domestic music-making was one of the important forms of entertainment and consumption

in Britain and its colonies in the nineteenth century.1 The ability to read and write music, to

play instruments and sing, was a marker of class status, because only a minority, albeit

increasing, sector of the population had access to musical literacy, notated music, expensive

instruments and the time needed to develop the required skills. While it was socially tolerable

for boys and men to participate in domestic music-making in genteel households, women

dominated ‘drawing-room’ or ‘parlour’ musical performance. Girls were expected to receive a

musical education in order to help prepare for their adult roles in the home. Adult women as

well as girls were supposed to focus their attention on making the home a haven for their men-

folk. Provision of musical entertainment was a welcome accomplishment for genteel females

before and after marriage. If genteel women were unable to find a marriage partner, then

becoming a music teacher or governess with musical abilities was considered to be an

acceptable form of paid employment.2

Collections of manuscript music in personalised bound collections were used during

domestic music-making, by women and men, old and young, as aids for music practice,

performance, pleasure and pedagogy. In important ways they also provided reinforcements of

identity and memory. These collections could be cherished for the particular pieces of music

1 Judith Flanders, Consuming Passions (London: Harper Press, 2011), 343–78. 2 Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 50; Jeanice Brooks, ‘Les collections féminines d’albums de partitions dans

l’Angleterre au début du XIXe siècle,’ in ‘La la la Maistre Henri’: Mélanges de musicologie offerts à Henri

Vanhulst, ed. Christine Ballman and Valérie Dufour (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), 351–65.

34

they contained, for the associations bound with that music and for the annotations that had been

added. Gathering manuscript copies of music into collections was common until the early

twentieth century, even though the practice became increasingly superseded by the collection

of printed sheet music.

Manuscript music collections provide information about the choices, knowledge and

music practices of the copyists and, in handwritten annotations, often contain added evidence

about events, emotions and feelings of the collectors and their family, friends and

acquaintances. While the production of manuscript copies of music and their collection in

bound albums was labour-intensive, they were much more than just a substitute for printed

sheet music ‘for those with less money’.3 As with other forms of art and literature, there was a

continuum of change rather than a schismatic break that saw older forms of oral and manuscript

cultures being replaced by printed versions that privileged the single author over the group or

family.4 Like many forms of genteel music-making, manuscript music collections were a

marker of privilege. The collectors had to have the time, materials and education to be able to

practise the skills required and also the space and resources to be able to have the copies made,

bound, maintained and preserved. Music copyists presumably would have to perceive some

benefit either for themselves or others if they were doing the copying without financial reward,

for example the piece of music may have been attractive or hard to obtain.5 The exchange of

hand-copied music could reinforce friendship or designate boundaries of exclusivity in

particular groups. Katherine L. Libin describes the copying of music by hand as

a time-consuming but rewarding task. It is a useful way to improve one’s knowledge

of musical notation, a very valuable way to become acquainted with the formal

processes of composition, and a means to build one’s personal library without the

expense of actually purchasing the music. The very act of borrowing and trading

music for such a purpose is stimulating and companionable. Since music copying

is also a form of penmanship, it was the kind of attractive daily discipline, like

needlework, to which a lady could apply herself and have a useful product at the

end.6

3 Flanders, Consuming Passions, 345. 4 Betty A. Schellenberg, ‘Bluestocking Women and the Negotiation of Oral, Manuscript and Print Cultures’, in

The History of British Women’s Writing, 1750–1830, ed. Jacqueline M. Labbe (Basingstoke; New York:

Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 5: 63–83; Michelle Levy, Family Authorship and Romantic Print Culture

(Basingstoke; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 2. 5 Jackie Walling, personal communication, 2017. 6 Libin, ‘Daily Practice, Musical Accomplishment, and the Example of Jane Austen’, 10.

35

Manuscript as well as printed music collections were compiled, bound and used in Britain

and its empire, including in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and India as well as elsewhere

around the world including in Europe and in North and South America. Collections may have

been made before, during and after migration and offer a record of changing circumstances and

even of nationality. They would be cherished for as long as the music and memories that they

contained were valued and would often be bequeathed after the collector’s death to other family

members.7 Manuscript music collections are as important as historical sources as their printed

sheet music counterparts, artwork, diaries, letters, newspapers and literary works. Manuscript

music collections by virtue of their more personalised history may offer additional clues in

comparison to those found in printed sheet music collections about private music practice,

personal memory and the place of music in the lives of individuals, groups and nations.

2.2 British Domestic Music-Making between c. 1800–60

British domestic music-making was affected by demographic and economic changes in the first

sixty years of the nineteenth century. Overall population was estimated in the 1801 census of

England and Wales at less than ten million; the discrepancy between rich and poor was

marked.8 The total population of England and Wales rose to around twenty million by 1861,

whereas the population of Ireland during the time of the Irish famine (c. 1845–52) dropped

from under 8.2 million in 1841 to around 5.8 million in 1861. The population of Scotland was

comparatively small, around 1.8 million in 1811, rising to three million in 1861.9

Population increases in Britain occurred despite significant levels of emigration. Statistics

for migration to and from Britain are unreliable prior to 1950. About ten percent of the

approximately twenty-two million emigrants who left Britain during the nineteenth century are

estimated to have settled in Australia and New Zealand, as did about thirteen percent of the

around two million people who left Scotland before 1914.10 The choice of migration to the

Antipodes over North America and other potential destinations was, according to Marjory

Harper, ‘sporadic rather than steady’ and increased in 1838–39 after the Canadian Rebellion

7 See Brooks, ‘Les collections’, ‘Musical Monuments’, ‘In Search’. 8 Edward Royle, Modern Britain: A Social History, 1750–2011, 3rd ed. (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2012),

102. 9 Joseph Whitaker, An Almanack for the Year of Our Lord 1941, Complete Ed. (London: Whitaker, 1941), 604;

Royle, Modern Britain, 51–54. 10 Marjory Harper, ‘Opportunity and Exile: Snapshots of Emigration to Australia’, Australian Studies 2 (2010):

1–2.

36

and again during the Australian gold rushes in the 1850s.11 Most migrants to Australia and New

Zealand, as well as in other parts of the British Empire, continued to look to their homelands

for their cultural aspirations and norms. The privileged status of the British upper classes was

challenged by the increasing wealth acquired through trade and commerce in the wake of the

Industrial Revolution as well as by rising population numbers. Britain’s expanding empire gave

opportunities for advancement to people that previously may have been stuck in the social

strata in which they were born.

Nineteenth-century domestic music-making was an area of female dominance, usually

under the overall control of men who maintained the wealth, power and status of the family

unit. Although music-making involved both women and men, domestic music contributed to a

display of a genteel female’s gender and class roles as much as providing a means of her self-

expression and emotional fulfilment. Vocal music for solo or small groups, which constituted

some of the main forms of nineteenth-century domestic music repertoire, often differentiated

between female and male voices not only by musical elements such as range and timbre but

also by requirements for qualities including purity and restraint. Themes and vocabulary used

in the words of songs frequently added to gender divisions or their disruption. The choice of

different musical instruments, whether for vocal accompaniments or instrumental chamber

music, similarly had gender implications in the nineteenth century.12 A woman often played

the piano, harp or guitar, which could be used as either solo or accompanying instruments as

they could provide their own harmony, while a man frequently chose single-line instruments

such as the violin, cello, flute or clarinet. As Derek Scott explains, if a woman was called on

to provide the musical accompaniment, ‘the obligation of ministering to the male was thus as

much a part of domestic music-making as of a woman’s other domestic duties’.13 Behaviours

and practices such as these were emulated in the nineteenth-century throughout the British

Empire.14

As more families joined the middle classes, their desire for the social markers of

respectability increased. They soon aspired to afford to provide their daughters with musical

education and instruments such as a piano.15 Music was significant as one of the important

11 Harper, ‘Opportunity and Exile’, 1–2. 12 See Donald Walker, Exercises for Ladies, 2nd ed. (London: Thomas Hurst, 1837), xxiv–xxv, 38–43, https://archive.org/details/exercisesforladi00walk (accessed 3 September 2017). 13 Derek B. Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 2nd ed. (Aldershot, UK; Burlington, USA: Ashgate, 2001), 50. 14 Dianne Lawrence, Genteel Women (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012), 114–18; Kirstine Moffat,

Piano Forte: Stories and Soundscapes from Colonial New Zealand (Dunedin, New Zealand: Otago University

Press, 2011), 68. 15 Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 45–51.

37

skills or accomplishments, along with the ability to sketch, ride or speak French, acquired by

genteel girls in order to compete in the marriage stakes.16 These activities promoted the social

stature of their father and husband and created bonds between women and girls. Women could

be allowed to be in charge of buying general goods such as sheet music and some music was

sent as gifts or purchased by proxy by friends and relatives. Big purchases, of a harpsichord or

piano, were usually undertaken by husbands or fathers. The anonymous provision of such an

instrument could lead to speculation about a lover or suitor.

Some women considered themselves fortunate that their admirers, husbands or relatives

were musical themselves or encouraged women’s music. Other women found their musical

obligations repressive and would gratefully stop obligatory music practise upon marriage if not

before. If the girl was advanced in music her relatives or husband may have objected to her

spending time and money on music instead of on other domestic commitments. Staying single

may have provided choice: a woman who like Jane Austen did not marry may have been more

able to decide for herself whether she continued to make music a significant feature of her life

if she had the necessary resources.

Whether amateur domestic music-making and copying of music were seen as more of a

male or a female preserve varied between geographical regions and different times. What

previously had been mainly an activity of men had by the nineteenth century become to be seen

increasingly as lying more within the female domain. According to Jane Bernstein, analysis of

this situation requires a broader understanding of ‘a continuum of domains’, rather than a

simple matter of ‘binary oppositions – female/male, private/public, domestic/professional, and

“inside/outside” of society’.17 Precise statistics about the levels of participation in British

domestic music-making during the nineteenth century may be hard to ascertain. While the

professional sphere was dominated by men, some men were still involved in domestic music-

making. Queen Victoria’s consort, her German-born cousin Prince Albert, was very interested

in music and some of his compositions were published.18 A family portrait of three generations

of the very wealthy, aristocratic and well-connected Grosvenor family painted in 1831 by C.

R. Leslie, R. A., shows the Marchioness of Westminster seated behind an open piano and her

daughter-in-law, Mary, Lady Wilton, playing the harp, with a guitar on the floor beside her and

16 Ruth A. Solie, Music in Other Words (Berkeley, USA: University of California Press, 2004), 85–117; Matthew Head, Sovereign Feminine (Berkeley, USA: University of California Press, 2013), 48–83. 17 Jane A. Bernstein, ed., Women’s Voices across Musical Worlds (Boston: Northeastern University Press,

2004), 13. 18 Purcell Consort of Voices, Music of Albert: Prince of Saxe, Coburg und Gotha (CD, Australian Eloquence,

ELQ4802092); Prince Albert, The Collected Compositions of His Royal Highness, The Prince Consort, ed. W.

G. Cusins (London, UK: Metzler & Co, 1882).

38

two granddaughters dancing.19 However, the Marquis of Westminster’s heir, Lord Belgrave,

could play the piano and organ as well as compose. Evidence of his private musical activities

may be found in his wife’s personal manuscript music collection but were not revealed in

Leslie’s painting.20

From around 1800 in Britain and its colonies, increased professional and domestic music-

making was reflected in an increase in the supply and consumption of musical repertoire and

instruments. London was the centre of the musical trade not only for Britain but also for its

empire. Improved means of travel and a growing number of public and private concerts,

together with the production of cheaper and more readily available music and instruments,

provided opportunities for amateur and professional musicians as well as for businesses and

entrepreneurs to hear, perform, buy and sell the latest musical fashions from home and

abroad.21 The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries saw an increase in the distribution and

availability of manuscript and printed music through shops, lending libraries and personal

exchange. The prevalence of inexpensive music was complemented by references to music in

publications of poetry, novels and newspapers and by the publication of notated music in

specialised magazines such as the Harmonicon (1823–33).22 Volume 1, Part 1 of The

Harmonicon (1823), for example, included amongst its many articles a ‘Preparatory Address’,

a ‘Memoir of Haydn’, information about the rules for the new Royal Academy of Music and

‘Reviews of Music’. Part 2 contained 74 songs and piano pieces by composers including

Braham, Haydn and Weber, as well as other music including ‘Scotch songs’, demonstrating

the influence of ‘foreign’ and ‘national’ musical styles in Britain in this period.23

Entrepreneurial activities such as the manufacture and distribution of instruments for the

parlour were undertaken by men such as John Broadwood (1732–1812), founder of pre-

eminent English firm of piano manufacturers, and Muzio Clementi (1752–1832), who had

migrated from Italy to London and was renowned for his virtuosic performance skills as well

19 Gervas Huxley, Lady Elizabeth and the Grosvenors (London, UK: Oxford University Press, 1965),

frontispiece; Faulds, ‘“Invitation pour la danse”, 107; see also ‘The Grosvenor Family: After Charles Robert

Leslie’, http://www.nationaltrustcollections.org.uk/object/22296 (accessed 29 March 2017). 20 Ian Roche, ‘“Drawing Room” Music in England c. 1800–1850’. 21 Nicholas Temperley, ed., Music in Britain: The Romantic Age 1800–1914 (Oxford UK: Blackwell, 1988),

116–21. 22 Issues of The Harmonicon (1823–33) and other periodicals may be viewed via RIPM, Google Books, Internet Archive and CIRPeM (Centro Internazionale di Ricerca sui Periodici Musicali),

http://cirpem.lacasadellamusica.it/cirpem-2.htm (accessed 15 July 2016); Leanne Langley, ‘The Life and Death

of The Harmonicon: An Analysis’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 22 (1989): 137–63; Leanne

Langley, ‘The Musical Press in Nineteenth-Century England’, Music Library Association Notes 46, no. 3

(1990): 583–92. 23 The Harmonicon (London: William Pinnock, 1823).

39

as his salesmanship.24 Their customers were often women, or men acting on women’s behalf.

Genteel women, whether living in the country in moderate circumstances like Jane Austen or

at court like Queen Victoria and her ladies-in-waiting, favoured instruments such as the piano,

harp and guitar, as seen in the Leslie portrait of the Grosvenor family. These instruments could

be used for private practice, or by a soloist or accompanist within the family circle.25

Developments in the manufacture and design of the piano impacted on its availability and

therefore on domestic music-making. Different designs were produced, including the square,

grand and cottage pianos, offering a progressively increasing range of improvements in touch,

dynamics and range.26 The piano became an essential piece of furniture as well as a source of

education and entertainment in homes in the nineteenth century, with different types and sizes

of pianos to suit a variety of incomes.27 Until the 1850s, pianos were expensive items produced

by craftsman; a rapid increase in numbers of pianos from mass production in the second half

of the nineteenth century promoted their further market penetration and lowered their cost.28

Throughout the nineteenth century, teaching the knowledge and skills needed to learn to

sing and to play successfully became increasingly professionalised, with a growth in numbers

of professional music teachers as well as their geographic distribution.29 It was possible also to

teach oneself or to continue to use assistance from family, friends, live-in tutors and

governesses, as in the past. Around half of the over one hundred British piano method books

published between 1785 and 1899 were aimed at the limited music tuition expected for women

that allowed them to play pieces that were not too ambitious for the entertainment of their

domestic audience.30

Evidence of social and musical practices can be found in many fictional literary works, in

which music was one of the tools authors used as plot devices and in the exploration of

women’s inner lives and personal attributes. In Pierre Dubois’s opinion, ‘One of the social

24 Deborah Rohr, The Careers of British Musicians, 1750–1850 (Cambridge, UK; New York, USA: Cambridge

University Press, 2001), 149–50. 25 Miriam Hart, ‘Hardly an Innocent Diversion: Music in the Life and Writings of Jane Austen’ (PhD thesis,

Ohio University, 1999; ProQuest, UMI, 9956772); Jennifer Caines, ‘In Consort: Queen Victoria, Her Court and

Women Musicians, 1837–1861’ (PhD thesis, University of Alberta, Canada, 2007; ProQuest, UMI, NR29655). 26 Arthur Loesser, Men, Women, and Pianos (1954) (New York, USA: Dover, 1990); James Parakilas et al.,

Piano Roles (USA: Yale University Press, 2002); Madeline Goold, Mr. Langshaw’s Square Piano (New York:

BlueBridge, 2009). 27 Laura Vorachek, ‘Instruments of Desire: Women’s Domestic Music-Making in Victorian Literature and Culture’ (PhD thesis, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2004), 34. 28 Cyril Ehrlich, The Piano: A History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 9. 29 Denise Yim, ‘A British Child’s Music Education, 1801–1810’, Nineteenth Century Music Review 5 (2008): 25–

45. 30 Laura Vorachek, ‘Reading Music: Representing Female Performance in Nineteenth-Century British Piano

Method Books and Novels’, Clio 39, no. 3 (2010): 311.

40

functions of music was to shape the desirability of women by showcasing them as creatures of

sensibility, delicacy, modesty and morality. …Music was seen as the very voice of nature as it

reflected the spontaneous overflowing of the female character’s inner emotions’.31

However, not all female characters were equally musically talented. In Jane Austen’s

Emma (1815), Jane Fairfax is far more musically accomplished than Emma, much to Emma’s

annoyance: ‘Emma was obliged to play; and the thanks and praise which necessarily followed

appeared to her an affectation of candour, an air of greatness, meaning only to shew off in

higher style her [Jane’s] own very superior performance’.32 Jane’s secret fiancé, Frank

Churchill, purchases a new piano from London at great expense, along with new sheet music

including piano pieces by Cramer and the latest collection of Moore’s Irish Melodies.33 Emma

responds to Jane and Frank’s performance at a party with a spurt of practice, as though this

might remedy her previous lackadaisical approach: ‘She did most heartily grieve over the

idleness of her childhood—and sat down and practised vigorously an hour and a half’.34

Genteel musical skills spread into the British provinces, as illustrated in Gaskell’s mid-

century Cranford.35 Music is occasionally practised in Cranford, but not to a very high

standard. Despite Captain Brown’s family being in straightened circumstances, his younger

daughter Jessie Brown receives a modicum of musical education which she displays at polite

parties. Mary Smith, the narrator, describes a gathering at the home of Miss Jenkyns, daughter

of the late rector, where Jessie’s mediocre singing and inadequate accompanying instrument

does not overly upset her audience. Her choice of song represented the continuing fashion for

domestic performance of so-called Scottish ‘national songs’:

She sang, too, to an old cracked piano, which I think had been a spinet in its youth.

Miss Jessie sang ‘Jock of Hazeldean’ a little out of tune; but we were none of us

musical though Miss Jenkyns beat time out of time, by way of appearing to be so.36

Girls might receive a musical education at schools as well as at home, which contributed

to the broadening of musical accomplishments away and beyond a small elite group of

aristocrats and their relatives. The shared interest in music amongst girls from different

backgrounds who met at school is illustrated in Thackeray’s Vanity Fair (1847–48).37 The

31 Pierre Dubois, Music in the Georgian Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 199–200. 32 Jane Austen, Emma (1815), Ch. 2, Project Gutenberg, http://www.gutenberg.org/files/158/158-pdf.pdf

(accessed 14 October 2016). 33 Austen, Emma, Ch. 8, 10. 34 Austen, Emma, Ch. 9. 35 Elizabeth Gaskell, Cranford and Other Stories, ed. Jenny Uglow (1851–53; London: Bloomsbury, 2007). 36 Gaskell, Cranford, 11; Alisa Clapp-Itnyre, Angelic Airs, Subversive Songs (Athens: Ohio University Press,

2002), 73; see ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’, in GCMB, piece 7; see Chapter 4. 37 William Thackeray, Vanity Fair (1847–48),

41

resourceful but impoverished Becky Sharp is Amelia’s superior in music performance and uses

her musical and theatrical skills along with her high level of intelligence in her life-long search

for wealth and social status. Amelia values her ‘little square piano’ as a symbol of her gentility

and future security as well as for her enjoyment of music.38 She develops her interest in opera

and displays her sensibility in the company of her admirer Major Dobbin while on a trip to

Europe:

The Major’s musical taste has been before alluded to, and his performances on the

flute commended. But perhaps the chief pleasure he had in these operas was in

watching Emmy’s rapture while listening to them. A new world of love and beauty

broke upon her when she was introduced to those divine compositions; this lady

had the keenest and finest sensibility, and how could she be indifferent when she

heard Mozart?39

Amelia takes singing lessons in order to emulate the leading singers of the day.40 Becky on the

other hand when down on her luck is known to charge money for concerts and music lessons,

under assumed names so as not to imperil her social standing.41

Social implications of professional and domestic music-making are discussed in George

Eliot’s Daniel Deronda. The professional musician and foreigner Herr Klesmer considers high

art music as a particularly demanding calling, far beyond the mediocre attempts and ‘puerile’

tastes for Bellini of the local beauty Gwendolen Harleth, who exclaims: ‘He can hardly tolerate

anything we English do in music!’42 Daniel Deronda on the other hand is worried that a career

in music may debar him from being classed as an English gentleman.43 From a young age

Mirah Lapidoth was forced by her father to train to sing on the stage, while Mr Lush, the

obsequious assistant of Grandcourt, Gwendolen’s suitor, is described as ‘an amateur of music

and luxury’.44 The parents of the genteel heiress Catherine Arrowpoint, whose family fortune

was derived from trade and whose innate musicianship is being honed by lessons from

Klesmer, are horrified when she wants to marry her music teacher, who they see as little more

than a servant despite his increasing fame.45

http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/t/thackeray/william_makepeace/vanity/ (accessed 15 July 2016). 38 Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. 17. 39 Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. 62. 40 Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. 63. 41 Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. 64. 42 George Eliot, Daniel Deronda (1876; Harmondworth: Penguin, 1967), 79. 43 Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 208. 44 Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 253, 327. 45 Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 288.

42

The technological developments that enhanced the talents and skills of performers on the

piano like Klesmer and his pupil Catherine Arrowpoint also affected the construction and

capabilities of other instrument often associated with women’s domestic music-making such

as the harp and guitar. Harp-maker Sebastian Erard (1752–1831) produced inventions and

developments such as the single and double action and the fourchette mechanism that had a

major impact on the technical and musical possibilities available to composers and

performers.46 Similarly, the guitar went through changes in body shape, size and numbers of

strings.47 In the late eighteenth century, the ‘English guittar’ [sic] predominated in Britain. A

type of cittern, it usually had a pear-shaped body and six single strings tuned in C major.48 The

‘Spanish’ guitar with its figure-of-eight body also had six single strings but was tuned in G

major / E minor. There were many variants in size and construction. The Early Romantic guitar,

usually smaller than the modern classical guitar, was frequently used in homes until the mid-

nineteenth century. Its cheapness and portability made it a less prestigious instrument than the

piano and it took up much less room. Its ownership or existence often went unmentioned

because it was easily broken, disposable and seen as commonplace.49 However, like expensive

models of the harp and piano, decorated versions of the guitar were often valued for their

beauty, which contributed to their presence in family portraits.50

The harp, like the piano and guitar, allowed performers to sing to their own

accompaniment. In Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park, Miss Crawford uses her harp to attract the

attentions of a potential suitor: ‘A young woman, pretty, lively, with a harp as elegant as

herself; and both placed near a window, cut down to the ground, and opening on a little lawn,

surrounded by shrubs in the rich foliage of summer, was enough to catch any man’s heart’.51

In Austen’s Persuasion, Louisa and Henrietta Musgrove use furniture including a grand piano

and a harp to modernise the décor of their parents’ house by giving ‘the old-fashioned square

parlour…the proper air of confusion by a grand piano forte and a harp, flower stands and little

tables placed in every direction’.52 The harp is preferred for the purpose of consolation of their

46 History of the Harp, http://us.harp.com/history-of-the-harp.htm (accessed 13 January 2015). 47 Stewart Button, The Guitar in England 1800–1924 (New York, London: Garland Publishing, 1989); Harvey

Turnbull, The Guitar from the Renaissance to the Present Day (Connecticut, USA: The Bold Strummer, Ltd.,

1991); James Tyler and Paul Sparks, The Guitar and Its Music (Oxford UK: OUP, 2002, 2009), 207–53. 48 Philip Coggin, ‘“This Easy and Agreable Instrument”: A History of the English Guittar’, Early Music 15, no.

2, Plucked String Issue (May 1987): 204–18. 49 Len Verrett, ed., ‘Early Romantic Guitar Information Home Page’, http://www.earlyromanticguitar.com/

(accessed 11 April 2015); Michael Christoforidis, personal communication, University of Melbourne, 2 October

2012. 50 Suzanne Robinson, personal communication, University of Melbourne, 1 December 2015. 51 Jane Austen, Mansfield Park (1814; Claremont Classics, 1999), 73. 52 Jane Austen, Persuasion (1818; London: Penguin, 1998), 39.

43

mother and easier to transport by carriage to their brother’s house: ‘And we agreed it would be

best to have the harp, for it seems to amuse her more than the piano-forte’.53

The harp and guitar also were suited to the expression of emotion in private, especially

because of their soft sound and portability. In Fanny Holcroft’s Fortitude and Frailty the

heroine Eleanor Fairfax cries over the words and music of a ‘little ballad’ while playing her

harp when she was ‘more than usually depressed’:

As music gave some relief to the oppression of her heart, she took her harp, and

accompanied herself to a little ballad, the words of which were applicable to her

feelings: tears involuntarily started in her eyes, and her voice was almost choked

with emotion.54

The emotional pathos of women’s music-making was satirised by artists such as James

Gillray (1757–1815), whose hand-coloured etching ‘Harmony Before Marriage’ (1805) shows

a young man and woman happily singing a duet accompanied by the young lady playing her

harp. Gillray contrasted this scene in ‘Matrimonial-Harmonics’ which features a husband

trying to read the ‘Sporting Calendar’ and grimacing while the baby squalls in its nurse’s arms

and his wife sings on her own.55 Thomas Onwhyn in his ‘Pictures of London’ showed domestic

music-making with two young ladies singing a duet to a man’s accompaniment on an upright

piano, while their parents listen complacently. Onwhyn then illustrated the life of poor street

musicians where an audience of street urchins listen to a woman singing while playing the harp

and accompanied by a man on the violin and a girl with a tambourine. The business of trade

and commerce continues in the background as a man lugging a large container takes no notice

of the musicians.56 In Thackeray’s Lovel the Widower (1860) the narrator Mr Batchelor visits

his friend the recently-widowed Mr Lovel and sees the portrait of the late Mrs Lovel and her

harp. This evokes painful memories for Mr Batchelor, who had disliked not only the late Mrs

Lovel herself but also her performances of Thomas Moore’s popular strophic song, ‘The Harp

That Once through Tara’s Halls’. Mr Batchelor reminisces:

53 Austen, Persuasion, 47. 54 Fanny Holcroft, Fortitude and Frailty (London: Printed by W. Clowes for W. Simpkin and R. Marshall,

1817), 2:100. 55 James Gillray, ‘Harmony before Matrimony’ and ‘Matrimonial-Harmonics’ (1805), in The British Museum Collection Online,

http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/search.aspx?searchText=james+gillray (accessed 30

November 2016); see Richard Leppert, Music and Image (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 183–

84. 56 Thomas Onwhyn (1814–86), ‘Music of the Drawing Room’ and ‘Street Music’ in ‘Pictures of London’,

http://spitalfieldslife.com/2013/06/12/thomas-onwhyns-pictures-of-london/ (accessed 2 December 2016).

44

She stands fingering that harp with which she has often driven me half mad with

her ‘Tara’s Halls’ and her ‘Poor Marianne’. She used to bully Fred so, and be so

rude to his guests, that in order to pacify her, he would meanly say, ‘Do, my love,

let us have a little music!’ and thrumpty – thrumpty, off would go her gloves, and

‘Tara’s Halls’ would begin. ‘The harp that once,’ indeed! The accursed catgut

scarce knew any other music, and ‘once’ was a hundred times at least in my

hearing.57

In Moore’s words for ‘Tara’s Halls’, which was originally published in both solo and

choral versions in the first volume of Moore’s Irish Melodies (1808), the harp and its music

evoke a fashionable nostalgia for an ancient romanticised Celtic society:

The Harp that once, thro’ Tara’s Halls,

The Soul of Music shed

Now hangs as mute on Tara’s Walls

As if that Soul were fled.58

The words for ‘Tara’s Halls’ were set to a popular tune, ‘Gramachree’, which had been

used since the late eighteenth century for a number of other songs including ‘The Maid in

Bedlam’.59 Its simple but catchy melodic structure with a vocal compass of only a ninth allows

for expressive performance by amateurs and professionals alike, with ample possibilities for

different accompaniments and arrangements. These frequently employed the repetitive

structure of strophic song and earlier Baroque-style accompaniments that mirrored the voice

closely and allowed for improvisation, necessitating a performer like Mary Bennet in Austen’s

Pride and Prejudice (1813) to be ‘deep in the study of thorough bass and human nature’.60

Musical arrangements became influenced by developments in musical forms such as art song

including German lieder as well as opera, which encouraged the differentiation of the vocal

line from an increasingly complex and fully realised accompaniment. Like ‘Jock o’Hazeldean’,

‘Tara’s Halls’ was an example of common repertoire where pseudo ‘national’ songs along with

forms such as the ballad were incorporated into vocal, piano and instrumental tuition books

and concert selections by artists such as the Irish soprano Catherine Hayes, and in small-scale

57 William Thackeray, Lovel the Widower (1860), ed. George Saintsbury (London: Henry Frowde, OUP, 1908),

77. 58 Sir John Stevenson and Thomas Moore, ‘The Harp That Once thro’ Tara’s Halls’, in A Selection of Irish

Melodies (Dublin: W. Power, [n.d., c. 1808]), 22–26,

http://imslp.org/wiki/Moore%27s_Irish_Melodies_(Various) (accessed 18 November 2016). 59 Traditional Tune Archive, ‘Gramachree Molly’, http://tunearch.org/wiki/Gramachree_Molly (accessed 18

November 2016). 60 Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice (1813; London: Vintage, 2007), 56.

45

works or arrangements of selections of larger pieces by fashionable male composers such as

Dibden, Shields, Bishop, Rossini, Balfe, Wallace and Verdi.61 The musical output and acclaim

of women such as the author, social activist and musician Caroline Norton (1808–77) and

Claribel (Charlotte Allington Barnard, neé Pye, 1830–69) was often limited by social

constraints to writing songs and instrumental works for the parlour, affecting their musical

style, choice of content and lyrics as well as their audience and market.62

In summary, domestic music-making in the nineteenth century became an increasingly

feminised practice. Women had growing access to musical instruments and general and

musical education; however, many women were financially dependent on the men of their

family and were restricted by expectations of acceptable behaviour. Women’s musical

entertainment in the home may have encouraged families to spend resources on the pastime as

an investment in moral worth and service to the women’s menfolk and families. Nonetheless,

provision of education, musical instruments and accessible scores also allowed women to use

their music-making and collecting for personal expression, contemplation and acts of

friendship and solidarity with other women, as vehicles for private personal choice not just

public consumption.

2.3 Manuscript and Printed Music Collections

Personal collections of manuscript and printed music

The contents and appearance as well as the performance practices associated with personal

musical collections reflected an individual or group’s circumstances and choices as well as

wider trends in musical fashions and acceptability. Hand-made gifts, including watercolour

painting or music transcriptions, were valued for their personal touch. Printed sheet music

could appear in one album then appear in manuscript form in others. Some music could be

copied from music available from music libraries or journals, or friends and relatives could

swap pieces of music and the donor or recipient might record the occasion with a note of

relevant names, date or place.63

61 See for example Wm. Dressler and Thomas Moore, ‘Songs & Ballads of Miss Catharine Hayes, No. 6: The Harp That Once thro’ Taras Halls’ (New York: Wm. Hall & Son, 1851), JHU,

http://jhir.library.jhu.edu/handle/1774.2/19434; William Vincent Wallace, ‘Two Favorite Irish Melodies Known

as The Harp That Once through Tara’s Halls, and Fly Not Yet: Arranged for the Piano Forte’ (London: Robert

Cocks & Co, 1852), NLA, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-178353759 (both accessed 18 November 2016). 62 Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 65–77. 63 Brooks, ‘Les collections féminines’.

46

The bindings of manuscript and printed music collections were often indicative of wealth

or class and the binding styles changed over time. Collections from the 1790s and earlier often

had assorted bindings and layout whereas after 1801, elaborate covers and markings became

more common. Blank manuscript books were printed with space made for the owner’s

signature and date. An index showed that the owner probably intended further use of the

collection. While many collections were used in performance or tuition, some volumes were

too thick to use on piano music stands. Collections became part of a family’s library, or were

used as an aid to memory of past events, like scrapbooks of engravings, sketches or favourite

poetry. While some music collections were treasured by the women who had compiled them

as well as their families, others were used infrequently by their original owners after marriage.

Previous generations’ collections could be used by descendants or brought from one family to

another by marriage, as seen with families such as the Aclands and Egertons whose personal

libraries included a number of volumes of printed and manuscript music.64

Single manuscript copies of music for individual use were made by amateur or professional

copyists, who may have been friends and relatives, music teachers, performers, collectors,

composers or professional scribes working for a publisher, a music seller or an institution.

Music publishers also produced multiple copies of individual pieces of music in manuscript for

commercial sale.65 Price levels depended on factors such as paper and illustration quality. An

individual’s bound collection may have been made up of separate pieces in manuscript

transcription, printed sheet music or mixed compilations. Class, gender and ethnicity were

amongst aspects of personal identity that were often identified with the collection of manuscript

music, which could be affected also by challenges to an individual’s self-image and choices by

a complex mix of factors and changes over time depending on life’s circumstances.

References to the social uses of copying music for the use of an individual, family or friend

can be found in abundance in nineteenth-century novels. Austen’s Emma demonstrates the

common practice of sharing musical resources amongst friends and relatives. The illegitimate

Harriet Smith lends music for two songs to her school friend, Elizabeth Martin, sister of

Harriet’s suitor, so Elizabeth too could copy them:

Harriet…had heard… that Mr. Martin…had left a little parcel for her from one of

his sisters, and gone away; and on opening this parcel, she had actually found,

besides the two songs which she had lent Elizabeth to copy, a letter to herself; and

64 Brooks, ‘Musical Monuments’; Cave, ‘Piano Lessons’; Rana, ‘Music and Elite Identity’. 65 Rudolph Rasch, ed., Music Publishing in Europe, 1600–1900 (Berlin: BWV/Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag,

2005), 63–66.

47

this letter was from him, from Mr. Martin, and contained a direct proposal of

marriage.66

Copying music as well as its performance could be used as signs of affection. In Austen’s

Sense and Sensibility (1811) Marianne Dashwood turns to the piano and to manuscript music

copied out by her admirer Willoughby:

She played over every favourite song that she had been used to play to Willoughby,

every air which their voices had been oftenest joined, and sat at the instrument

gazing on every line of music that he had written out for her, till her heart was so

heavy that no further sadness could be gained.67

In Thackeray’s Vanity Fair, a man’s music-copying is also done as a sign of courtship. Dobbin,

while back with the British army in India, good-naturedly entertains a young lady who is trying

to catch him as a husband: ‘And so he went on riding with her, and copying music and verses

into her albums, and playing at chess with her very submissively’.68

Women’s music collections can reveal evidence of scribal communities of women who

valued, collected and annotated music from a variety of sources. The extant personal music

collections of Austen, Gaskell and other collectors demonstrate ways in which women shared

the collection and performance of music. Eighteen printed and manuscript bound volumes of

music collected by Jane Austen (1775–1817) and her family, for example, include around six

hundred pieces of music.69 A series of three manuscript and two printed music collections

which belonged to Elizabeth Gaskell (née Stevenson, 1810–65) and her family includes

Gaskell’s manuscript music collection from her school-days. This was reused after her

marriage by both herself and her husband and contains distinctively different examples of

Gaskell’s handwriting.70 Austen and Gaskell both made many references to music in their

novels and other writings and valued music and musical education for their younger relatives

as well as for themselves.

66 Austen, Emma, Ch. 7. 67 Jane Austen, Sense and Sensibility (1811; New York: Harper and Row, 1961), Ch. 16:65. 68 Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. 43. 69 Brooks, ‘Description’, in The Austen Family Music Books; Dooley, Jane Austen’s Music. 70 Gaskell Music Collections, MSF823.894C1, MSf823.894C1, Manchester Libraries, thanks also to Greater

Manchester County Record Office, 2013; Clapp-Itnyre, Angelic Airs, 50–51; Jenny Uglow, Elizabeth Gaskell: A

Habit of Stories (UK: Faber and Faber Ltd, 1993), 37; J.A.V. Chapple, ‘Elizabeth Gaskell’s First Music Book’,

Gaskell Society News 25 (March 1998); thanks to Manchester Library Special Collections, Greater Manchester

County Record Office and University of Manchester, 2013.

48

Romanticised Celtic culture inspired fashions in music and other arts throughout Britain

and Europe.71 Women contributed significantly to the oral and written transmission of various

musical styles including ‘national’ Scottish music by notation in manuscript music collections

from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries.72 Further evidence is given in studies of

particular collections owned by Scottish women such as Margaret Sinkler, Amelia and Jane

Harris and Elizabeth Ross.73 Eighteenth and nineteenth-century women’s manuscript music

collections available for study in Scotland include music books owned by Catharine Jean Moir,

Henrietta Dalrymple D. Hamilton, Margaret Cathcart and Leonora M. H. Grant.74 Annotations

on Grant’s collections indicate the spread of music collections in the British Empire as they

were transcribed in Calcutta in India in 1842 as well as in Bickley, England.

Other Scottish archives also show evidence of both ‘art’ and ‘national’ music that belonged

largely to upper class families. For example thirty volumes of music previously owned by both

men and women held by BA in Scotland include printed scores by composers including Gow,

Handel, Kotzwara and Warren. BA music collections also contain a manuscript music

collection inscribed ‘Brodie House J. A. C. B.’ and ‘Katherine Jane Anne Brodie’. This

includes two fiddle tunes called ‘Brodie House’, one ‘Composed by the Duke of Gordon’,

referring to Georgiana McCrae’s grandfather, Alexander, fourth Duke of Gordon, and the other

described as ‘Reel by Mrs A Brodie’. Identifying the owner of such collections is often not a

simple task. ‘J. A. C. B.’ were the initials of the likely owner, Jane Ann Catherine Brodie

(1770–1842); one of her nieces was called Jane Anne Catherine Brodie (1796–1867).75

71 McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs; Karol Mullaney-Dignam, Music and Dancing at Castletown, County

Kildare, 1759–1821 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2011); Roger Fiske, Scotland in Music (Cambridge, New York:

Cambridge University Press, 1983); Dave Harker, Fakesong (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1985);

Matthew Gelbart, The Invention of ‘Folk Music’ and ‘Art Music’ (Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press,

2007). 72 Warwick Edwards, ‘Seventeenth-Century Scotland: The Musical Sources’, in Defining Strains: The Musical

Life of Scots in the Seventeenth Century, ed. James Porter (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2007), 47–71; Kirsteen McCue,

‘Women and Song 1750–1850’ in A History of Scottish Women’s Writing ed. Douglas Gifford and Dorothy

McMillan (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997), 58–70. 73 James Porter, ‘The Margaret Sinkler Music Book, 1710’, Review of Scottish Culture 16 (2003–4): 1–18;

Emily Lyle et al., The Song Repertoire of Amelia and Jane Harris (Edinburgh: Scottish Text Society, 2002);

Peter Cooke et al., eds., The Elizabeth Ross Manuscript (Edinburgh: School of Scottish Studies Archives,

University of Edinburgh, 2011). 74 Catharine Jean Moir, ‘Collection of 82 Strathspeys, Reels, etc’, inscribed ‘Catharine Jean Moir / Fyvie

January 1st 1790’, in Music of James Scott Skinner, MS2427, University of Aberdeen,

https://www.abdn.ac.uk/scottskinner/collectiondisplay.php?Record_Type=OCC%20CJM (accessed 23 February

2017); ‘Henrietta Dalrymple D. Hamilton’, mainly piano music, dated 18 May 1816, MS 21756, NLS; ‘Margaret Cathcart’, songs and piano music, 1835–c. 1840, MS 21764, NLS; ‘Leonora M. H. Grant, Calcutta,

1842’, piano music and songs, MSS 21767, NLS; ‘Leonora M. H. Grant, Hamilton Lodge. Bickley’, piano

music and some songs, MS 21776, NLS; thanks to Almut Boehme, NLS Music Librarian. 75 Roger Williams, personal communication, June–July, 2014; see ‘Brodie Castle Catalogue of Music Holdings’

by Roger B. Williams (2014), 48; ‘The Music and Musicians of Brodie Castle’ by Roger B. Williams (2014);

http://www.thepeerage.com/p18819.htm#i188186, http://www.thepeerage.com/p56374.htm (accessed 1 January

49

Sophia Scott (1799–1837), daughter of the poet, novelist and nationalist Sir Walter Scott

and his wife, a Frenchwoman and ward of a Scottish lord, owned a manuscript music collection

which contributes towards an understanding of the ‘lady’s education’ received by Sophia and

her sister Anne.76 Musical literacy and performance on harp and voice enabled them as dutiful

daughters to entertain their father with the Scottish melodies that he preferred, even if they may

have favoured the ‘foreign’ repertoire of Italian and German composers.77 Sophia Scott’s

collection included contributions from a ‘scribal community’ made up of Sophia, her husband

(John Gibson Lockhart, 1794–1854) and their daughter Charlotte Hope, as well as friends from

the Clephane family. Margaret Douglas MacLean Clephane, who became Lady Compton, and

her sister Anna, Miss MacLean Clephane, composed some of the melodies; Anna and either

their mother, Mrs MacLean Clephane, or sister Wilimina were among the copyists.78

Sophia Scott copied music from a manuscript music collection owned by Sir Walter Scott,

while two songs were from The Beacon, a play published in 1812 by Joanna Baillie (1762–

1851), a Scottish playwright resident in London but involved with other Scottish women in

providing words and tunes for publications of ‘national songs’ by the Scottish musician and

publisher, George Thomson (1757–1851).79 Thus not only did Sophia Scott’s music collection

represent her own tastes, it also gave indications of wider perspectives on music-making

amongst her peers and contemporaries.

Amateur and professional uses of manuscript music collections

Scholars may be grateful that the manuscript music collections of owners such as Jane Austen,

Elizabeth Gaskell and Sophia Scott may be subjected to scrutiny. However, the survival, care

2017); thanks to Dr Williams and to Ian Riches and Mhairi Ross (NTS), 2014; thanks to Mhairi Ross (NTS),

Almut Boehme (NLS) and Briar Adams, 2017; see also ‘Brodie’, SMI; ‘Brodie’, Tunes at Ceolas,

http://www.ceolas.org/tunes/ (accessed 1 September 2017); J. T. Surenne (arr., ed), The Dance Music of

Scotland, 6th ed. (Edinburgh: Wood and Co., [1870]), 127, 162, Glen.211, NLS. 76 Sophia Scott, Manuscript Music Book, Abbotsford House Trust, Scotland; thanks to Matthew Withey and

Almut Boehme, 2013. 77 Ailie Munro, ‘“Abbotsford Collection of Border Ballads”: Sophia Scott’s Manuscript Book with Airs’, in

Emily Lyle: The Persistent Scholar, ed. Frances J. Fischer and Sigrid Riewerts (Trier, Germany:

Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 2007), 212–30. 78 Munro, ‘Abbotsford Collection’; see also Karen McAulay, ‘The Accomplished Ladies of Torloisk’,

International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 44 no.1 (2013): 57–78. 79 Munro, ‘Abbotsford Collection’; Joanna Baillie, The Beacon, in The Dramatic and Poetical Works of Joanna

Baillie (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1851), 305–6,

http://archive.org/details/cu31924091208656 (accessed 14 October 2016); Ken A. Bugajski, ‘Joanna Baillie: An

Annotated Bibliography’, in Joanna Baillie, Romantic Dramatist ed. Thomas C. Crochunis (London and New

York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2004), 241–96; Kirsteen McCue, ‘Thomson’s Collections in Their

Scottish Cultural Context’, Haydn-Studien 8, no. 4 (2004): 305–24.

50

and study of many other manuscript music collections has been haphazard and has depended

too often on the celebrity of particular collectors, masking the widespread extent of both

practice and artefacts. Manuscript music collections were used in both domestic and

professional music-making in the nineteenth century and can lead to questions about the

purpose of collectors and collections involved at various levels of society for pleasure,

entertainment, dancing or worship.80

For example, little is known about Jane and Alice Mera who copied a series of manuscript

music collections in slim pre-formed manuscript books dated from c. 1853–72.81 The

appearance and repertoire of these books suggests that these women were amateur musicians.

The use of music along the spectrum of ‘professional’ and ‘amateur’ statuses is also illustrated

by the collections and varied careers of Amy Lyons (1765–1815), daughter of a blacksmith

from Cheshire, who became Emma, Lady Hamilton, lover of Horatio Nelson (1758–1805).

Emma’s vocal skills extended to performing the ‘Nelson Aria’ that Haydn wrote for her in

Vienna in 1800 when she visited the Austrian Royal Court with Nelson and Sir William.82

The ‘Dolores’ manuscript music collections contain drawing-room piano and vocal

compositions by the professional composer ‘Dolores’ (Ellen Elizabeth Dickson, 1819–78). In

addition she transcribed and collected similar works by other composers including Blockley,

Dibden, Glover, Weber and Mrs Arkwright.83 Dolores may have used these other works for

compositional study and/or personal enjoyment. The bindings of the ‘Dolores’ manuscript

music collections, some of which may have been added later than when Dolores owned the

contents, were less ornate than volumes transcribed by the young Princess Victoria and other

members of the Royal Family, who used music not only for personal pleasure but also as marks

of their learning, wealth and high position in society.84 Princess Victoria received an extensive

musical education and often commented on her music lessons and music copying, as well as

80 See for example Adams et al., Village Music Project; Helm Collection [ca. 1780-ca. 1880] [music], NLA,

http://nla.gov.au/nla.cat-vn2969824 (accessed 4 September 2017). 81 Jane and Alice Mera, [Music], Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, ref 119M7. 82 Kate Williams, England’s Mistress: The Infamous Life of Emma Hamilton (London: Arrow, 2007), 240–41,

390; Guide to the Mrs. Edward S. Harkness Collection of Lady Hamilton GEN MSS 23, Beinecke Library, Yale

University, http://hdl.handle.net/10079/fa/beinecke.hamilton; http://brbl-

dl.library.yale.edu/vufind/Search/Results?lookfor=GEN_MSS_23&type=CallNumber (accessed 14 October

2016); Emma Hamilton and Horatia Nelson [Music], in Research Guide M7: ‘Music and the Sea’, National

Maritime Museum, UK, http://www.rmg.co.uk/researchers/library/research-guides/general-maritime/research-guide-m7-music-and-the-sea-sources-of-information-in-the-national-maritime-museum (accessed 14 October

2016). 83 BL Music Collections, ‘The Catalogue of MSS Mus. 1034–1039: “Dolores” Manuscripts’ (2012). 84 BL, Royal Music Library—Queen Victoria (1819–1901),

http://www.webarchive.org.uk/wayback/archive/20131031231411/http://www.bl.uk/reshelp/findhelprestype/mu

sic/royalmusiclibrary/royalmusicvictoria/royalmusicvictoria.html (accessed 27 July 2016).

51

performances she attended, in her diaries. Some of these diary entries can be matched with

specific manuscript music books. For example, her ‘Album of Duets’ has an inscription on the

flyleaf, ‘To my dearest Victoria, 16th December, 1832’. In her journal on that date, Princess

Victoria wrote that she received presents including a music book from her ‘Mamma’ (the

Duchess of Kent) and her governess (Baroness Lehzen) because it was her Uncle Leopold’s

birthday.85

The Mackworth Collection includes a large selection of over 300 manuscript and printed

sources dated from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries collected over four generations

by businessmen and landowners and their families.86 In contrast the Aylward Collection

includes uncatalogued manuscript music collections owned by many seemingly unrelated men

and women (see Table 2). One donor in the Aylward Collection, Bardd Alaw, was known to

be a professional musician. To find out more about other named donors and owners in the

Aylward Collection would require extensive research.87

Manuscript

music

collection

Owner and/or Donor

AYL 622 ‘John David’.

AYL 623 ‘Louisa Ker’.

AYL 624 ‘The Gift of the Revd. Fr. Jenkins of Kerry To John Parry Wrexham Sept.

15. 1820. Given by Mr Parry Bardd Alaw To Lady Hall of Llanu 1849’.

AYL 625 ‘This book was bound by Caroline Countess of Portarlington’; first piece

signed: ‘Honble William Dawson’.

AYL 626 ‘W. Thomas’.

AYL 654 ‘Mrs H. Vivian’.

AYL 655 ‘Mary Anne Lucas’ ‘Cheltenham’.

Table 2: Sample of manuscript music book inscriptions in Aylward Collection, Cardiff

University Special Collections.

85 Princess Victoria, ‘Album of Duets’, RM 24.l.5, BL; Princess Victoria, ‘Journal Entry: Sunday 16th December

1832’, Royal Archives, RA VIC/MAIN/QVJ (W) 16 December 1832 (Queen Victoria’s Handwriting), Queen

Victoria’s Journals, www.queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed 7 November 2013). 86 Sarah McCleave, ‘The Mackworth Collection’, in Music in Eighteenth-Century Britain, ed. David Wyn Jones

(Aldershot, UK/Burlington USA: Ashgate, 2000), 213–33. 87 Aylward Collection, Cardiff University Special Collections.

52

Questions of value and ownership were raised by my purchase of a manuscript music

collection of tunes and words bought from an English second-hand dealer in 2010.88 The

manuscript’s musical contents indicate that it dates from the nineteenth century (see Table 3).

Item no. Piece

1 Bohemian Girl [‘I dreamt that I dwelt in marble Halls’; ‘Come with the Gypsy

bride’; ‘The head bowd down with sorrow’; ‘When the Fair Land of Poland’;

‘O what full Delight’].

2 [No title] [‘Remember at Florence’]

3 The Old Yew Tree

4 The Shepherd’s Evening Bell

5 The Dream of Home. By Thomas Moore Esq

6 This Toast Shall be Mine

7 The Oak and the Ivy

8 Then You’ll Remember Me

9 I Dreamt That I Dwelt in Marble Halls [melody only]

10 Down Among the Dead Men

Table 3: Contents of small manuscript music book possibly from Thetford, Norfolk,

UK. Rosemary Richards: Personal collection.

The anonymous preformed ‘Thetford’ manuscript music book has handwritten copies of

songs on printed staves, showing the handwriting of at least two different people. This

manuscript may have belonged to a localised professional, either a singer or an instrumentalist;

it might as easily have been transcribed for amateurs’ enjoyment. While the dealer may have

bought the manuscript book in Thetford in Norfolk in 2009, there is no guarantee that the

manuscript came from this vicinity originally.89

The ‘Thetford’ manuscript music book is small, in landscape format, and measures

approximately nineteen by twelve centimetres. It has a damaged mottled brown cardboard

cover and includes 26 unnumbered pages but is missing at least one leaf. It contains ten pieces

88 ‘Thetford’ manuscript music book, Rosemary Richards, personal collection. 89 Austin Sherlaw-Johnson, personal communication, ‘Worlds to Conquer: the Travelling Virtuoso in the Long

19th-Century’ Conference, University of Bristol, 5 July 2010.

53

plus the start of five others, all without a bass line; nine songs with melodies have the words

written underneath. The first page is entitled ‘Bohemian Girl’ and includes the first lines of

five songs including ‘I Dreamt that I Dwell in Marble Halls’, which has a second fuller version

with the melody line but no words later in the manuscript. ‘I Dreamt that I Dwell in Marble

Halls’ and the other numbers on the first page were derived from The Bohemian Girl, an opera

by the Irish composer Michael William Balfe (1808–70) with libretto by Alfred Bunn, which

premièred in London in 1843.90 Like with other ‘English’ operas from the period, so-called

‘ballads’ from The Bohemian Girl were marketed as separate pieces of music and were played

frequently for dancing and drawing room performance.91

2.4 Migrants’ Music Collections as Markers of Identity

Music in many forms moved around the British Empire and was often cherished as an emblem

of various aspects of Britishness. British people migrated to far-off parts of the world, from

Cape Town to Calgary, from the Falklands to Fiji, and took their musical culture and its

artefacts with them as they forged new lives in a strange environment. British migrants to

Australia and elsewhere in the British Empire preserved songs and stories from their past and

tried to keep abreast of the latest fashions from ‘home’. They did so without a great deal of

recognition of the music of the peoples whose lands they were taking over, or that of migrants

from elsewhere. Migrants’ collections help us understand the cultures of the homelands that

they left behind as well as how they felt about their new homes.92

The music performed and collected by women and the significance that was placed on it

were influential in Australian cultural development. In early colonial periods genteel women

who had emigrated of their own volition, whether as part of a family group or on their own,

were in a minority. Men outnumbered women in the convict era and women who came as free

migrants came from a range of backgrounds and social classes.93 Middle-class British migrant

women used their music as a marker of their own class and also were keen that their children

should have a musical education to carry on their cultural values. The home was the main venue

for music education; music teachers were often genteel women who were prepared to go from

90 M. W. Balfe, ‘I Dreamt That I Dwelt in Marble Halls’ (Sydney: Grocott, [184–?]), http://nla.gov.au/nla.mus-an7572109 (accessed 15 July 2016). 91 Temperley, Music in Britain: The Romantic Age, 126. 92 Josephine Dougal, ‘Nation, Culture and Family: Identity in a Scottish/Australian Popular Song Tradition’

(PhD thesis, Curtin University of Technology, Western Australia, 2010). 93 Deborah Oxley and Eric Richards, ‘Convict Women and Assisted Female Immigrants Compared’, in Visible

Women: Female Immigrants in Colonial Australia ed. Eric Richards (Canberra: ANU, 1995), 1–58.

54

home to home, as in Fanny Holcroft’s day in London.94 In the later decades of the nineteenth

century, as the colonies became established and the proportion of the Australian population

that was free, middle-class and European increased, domestic and educational musical

activities in the Australian colonies became more supported by professional and community

organisations.95 These changes were mirrored by an increase in availability of commercial

printed sheet music and thus the frequency of compilation of printed sheet music collections,

although the practice of manuscript music transcription and collection continued as well.

The utilisation in colonial music-making of manuscript music collections brought from

Britain to Australia and/or transcribed in Australia is illustrated in Ada Cambridge’s novel The

Three Miss Kings, which was first serialised in 1883 in the Australasian and published in book

form in 1891. Cambridge’s characters Patty King and her sisters are taught music by their

cultured and educated mother in their home in the Australian countryside. The mother’s own

manuscript copies of music have travelled with her from her well-to-do life in Britain to

isolation in Australia and subsequently form the backbone of her daughters’ musical education,

to the extent that Patty and her sisters expect all pieces of manuscript music to look as though

they have been notated in their mother’s handwriting. Patty demonstrates her musical talents

at short notice soon after she and her sisters arrive in Melbourne:

Patty was able to display her chief accomplishment to the very best advantage, and

the sisters were thereby promoted to honour. The cold shade of neglect and

obscurity was to chill them no more from this happy moment…She knew that piles

of music, all in this self-same handwriting (she had never seen any other and

supposed that all manuscript music was alike), were stowed away in the old bureau

at home, and in the ottoman which she had constructed out of a packing-case, and

that long familiarity had made it as easy to her to read as print.96

Patty is able to rely on her knowledge of her mother’s manuscript music as well as her mother’s

excellent training to let her own innate musicality triumph in an awkward social situation.

Novelised representations such as this of the use of manuscript music collections can be

added to other evidence of colonial music-making found in music collections, diaries, memoirs,

letters and memorabilia as well as biographies, for example by or about colonists including

Sophia Davis (1799–1850) and Annie Baxter Dawbin (1816–1905). Locating and studying

94 Radic, ‘Australian Women in Music’, 97. 95 Radic, ‘Australian Women in Music’, 98–103. 96 Ada Cambridge, The Three Miss Kings (1891; London: Virago, 1987), 66.

55

more colonial music collections helps to obtain a fuller picture of the place of music in colonial

society in this period.97

Music business: Sophia Letitia Davis

The extensive printed and manuscript music collections that belonged to Sophia Letitia Davis

and family span their lives in Ireland, Van Dieman’s Land and Victoria.98 Sophia Davis née

Jones learnt music from Haydn Corri in Dublin and was involved in professional music-making

as a vocal soloist and organist in Sligo, north-west Ireland. She kept a letter of thanks in French

written in Sligo on 4 July 1829 from Angelica de Valabrègue, the married name for the prima

donna Angelica Catalani. When Mrs Davis migrated from Ireland to Van Diemen’s Land in

1832, she brought a bound music collection that starts with a printed song, ‘Haste Idle Time’

dedicated to her by the composer G. A. Hodson, and includes four different pieces in

manuscript attached to the back cover.99 Another bound compilation album begins with an

arrangement of Arne’s ‘Rule Britannia with Madame Catalani’s Variations’ by Pio

Cianchettini, Catalani’s arranger and conductor (see Figure 2).100 The Sophia Davis music

collection includes pieces that appear to be lithographic reproductions of the handwriting of

professional copyists or composers with music by Moscheles, Hummell and Spohr.

After their migration Mrs Davis taught music and with her husband James established a

business in Hobart where despite financial difficulties they sold pianos, guitars and organs and

sheet music imported from London along with agricultural supplies. In 1842 James and Sophia

Davis shipped their belongings including a piano across Bass Strait to begin farming near

Yarram in South Gippsland. Sophia Davis died in Hobart in 1850 and her husband died some

years afterwards. A century and a half later the Davis music collections were found in an old

derelict barn on the Yarram farm.101

97 See also Gall, ‘Songbooks and Scrapbooks’, in ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 82–88; Beedell, ‘Terminal

Silence’; Anne Doggett, ‘Beyond Gentility: Women and Music in Early Ballarat’, History Australia 6, no. 2

(2009): 37.1–37.17, DOI: 10.2104/ha090037; Graeme Skinner, Australharmony, including ‘Fatherley, Charlotte

Crofton’ (1829–1877), http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-F.php (accessed 7 April 2017). 98 Sophia Letitia Davis: Papers and Music Collection, MS 16004, MC-SLV, Melbourne. 99 G. A. Hodson, ‘Haste Idle Time’ (Dublin: I. Willis, [182-?]). 100 Pio Cianchettini, arr., ‘Rule Britannia with Madame Catalani’s Variations’ (London: I. Willis & Co,

[1820?]). 101 Ettie E. F. Pullman, They Came from The Mall ([Cheltenham, Vic.]: E. E. F. Pullman, 1982); Sandra

Pullman, ‘James Wentworth Davis’, La Trobeana 14, no. 3 (November 2015): 31–35; Graeme Skinner, ‘Sophia

Letitia Davis’, Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/davis-sophia.php (accessed 19

February 2017); thanks to Sandra Pullman, Evelyn Portek, Graeme Skinner and Kevin Molloy.

56

Figure 2: Front cover of Pio Cianchettini, Thomas Arne, Madame Catalani, ‘Rule

Britannia with Madame Catalani’s Variations’ (London: I. Willis & Co, [1820?]), Sophia

Letitia Davis: Papers and Music Collection, MS 16004, MC-SLV, Melbourne. Image:

Special Collections, University of Melbourne.

57

Music collection and memoirs: Annie Baxter Dawbin

A manuscript music book mainly transcribed by author, diarist and musician Annie Baxter née

Hadden (later married name Dawbin) and inscribed by her in July 1852 in Plymouth, UK is

bound with a memento of her previous domicile in Van Diemens Land in the form of printed

music, ‘The Campbell-Town Waltzes’ (Tasmania, 1849) attributed to Francis Hartwell

Henslowe (1811–78).102 Near Baxter’s dated signature is an embossed stamp from ‘Bookseller.

Printer / Jas. Sellick / Plymouth’.

Annie Baxter Dawbin was born in Britain and spent considerable periods of her life in

Australia, initially from 1835–51, when she went to Britain, returning to Australia for a few

years in 1857. She went again to Britain in 1865, to New Zealand in 1868 and then back to

Australia from 1870 until her death in 1905.103 It appears that she valued the music book

sufficiently to take it on her travels; the battered edges of the covers and contents and some

loose leaves suggest its practical useage. It is unclear if or when Annie owned more than one

manuscript music collection or other printed music.

Annie’s substantial 1852 album has four distinct sections, three of which are manuscript

plus the printed work, but does not include types of information that may assist its reader or

her biographers, such as an index, dates of transcription of particular pieces or names of donors

from her scribal community. However it contains over seventy manuscript pieces including

songs, vocal duets and piano works in more than two hundred mostly unnumbered pages, with

at least three different hands including possibly a professional scribe for two French piano

pieces, ‘Le Crépuscule: Rêverie pour Piano’ and ‘La Retraite militaire’.104 A small coloured

hand-drawn illustration of the British flag waving appears above the title of Linley’s song

‘Marion May’.105 Repertoire in Baxter Dawbin’s album may have had personal significance to

102 Annie Maria Baxter Manuscript Music Album, July 1852, MLMSS 9902, SLNSW; ‘The Campbell-Town

Waltzes’ (Tasmania: Thomas Browne, lithographic printer, 1849), [attributed to Francis Hartwell Henslowe],

MUSIC FILE/CAM, SLNSW,

http://archival-classic.sl.nsw.gov.au/album/albumView.aspx?itemID=847229&acmsid=0 (accessed 27 March

2017); Toni-Anne Sherwood, ‘Annie Baxter in Van Diemen’s Land’ (PhD thesis, University of Tasmania,

2010); Graeme Skinner, ‘Henslowe, Francis Hartwell’ (1811–78), Australharmony,

http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-H.php (accessed 19 February 2017). 103 Lucy Frost, A Face in the Glass: The Journal and Life of Annie Baxter Dawbin (Port Melbourne: William

Heinemann Australia, 1992); Lucy Frost, ed., The Journal of Annie Baxter Dawbin: July 1858–May 1868 (University of Queensland Press, 1998). 104 See Eugéne Moniot, ‘Le Crêpuscule: Rêverie pour Piano’ (London: Brewer & Co., [c. 1849]), MUS N m 780

AA v. 150, NLA, http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/19873572 (accessed 27 March 2017); Louis Lefébure-Wély,

‘La retraite militaire’, [c. 1850], MUS Helm 1/677, NLA, http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/166609334 (accessed

27 March 2017). 105 See George Linley and H. H. Paul, ‘Marion May’ (London: [1853]), Music Collections H.1295.(29.), BL.

58

her in different phases of her troubled personal life including her many migrations. Some items

correspond with those in Georgiana McCrae’s manuscript music collections including versions

of the songs ‘Constance’ by Linley and L. E. L. (see Figure 27), where a woman proffers her

unselfish love, and Keller’s ‘Land of my dearest, happiest feelings’, about absence and

distance, plus a different setting of the hymn ‘Thy Will Be Done’, where the singer is ‘far from

my home’.106

Annie Baxter Dawbin’s manuscript music collection can be matched with other extant

sources about her life. Annie, who crossed paths with the McCraes in Melbourne in the 1860s,

wrote over 800,000 words in her diaries, some of which were published.107 They provide many

glimpses of colonial music. For example in 1864, Annie’s comments on domestic music-

making in Melbourne demonstrated how new pieces of sheet music were produced locally or

imported for the growing Australian market and rapidly sold in the many conveniently located

shops, lessening the need for laborious transcriptions by hand:

I then went to Mrs Simmonds’, and fortunately found the two daughters at home:

the elder sang me a pretty new song called ‘Alice, where art thou’? When I came

to town I tried in several music shops to get it, but could not: Wilkie had had it, but

had sold all the copies.108

Annie’s discussion of a visit to the Ararat gold diggings in April 1865 revealed her interest

in musical enquiry, when she distinguished between her musical repertoire and skills and those

of a Chinese musician. Her comments that the ‘Chinese guitar…has no possible tune’ displayed

some of the common prejudice against Asian immigrants and their culture:

We went to ‘Foo Chun’ and there found the master of the establishment sitting near

the door with a Chinese guitar, a very long instrument with three strings, strumming

away in great style. If I could only sketch the figure! ... He asked me to sing to his

accompaniment, and I tried ‘Old John Brown’, to the delight of the by-sitters! I

played the instrument, which has no possible tune, and Foo Chun asked me where

I had learned it?109

106 See below for discussion of ‘Constance’, CMB, 122–24, 157; ‘Land of my dearest, happiest feelings’, CMB,

52–54; ‘Thy Will Be Done’, LTLMB, [135]. 107 Annie Maria Dawbin MSS diaries, 1834–69, DLMSQ 181–83, SLNSW; Annie Baxter Dawbin, Diary and

sketchbook, c. 1840-44, MS 3276, NLA, Canberra; Annie Baxter Dawbin, Memories of the Past: By A Lady in

Australia (Melbourne: W. H. Williams, 1873). 108 Annie Baxter Dawbin, Diary 1864; in Frost, The Journal of Annie Baxter Dawbin, 397. 109 Frost, ed., The Journal of Annie Baxter Dawbin, 530; see also National Museum of Australia [NMA],

‘Harvest of Endurance’,

59

Music in women’s lives: Annabella Boswell, Emily Childers, Louisa Anne Meredith, Henrietta

Dugdale and Ada Cambridge

Other colonists, for example Annabella Boswell (1826–1916), Emily Childers (1827–75),

Henrietta Dugdale (1827–1918), Louisa Anne Meredith (1812–95) and Ada Cambridge (1844–

1926), provide insights into colonial music-making in their memoirs and other literary works.

However, valuable additional information may be discovered if their personal music

collections could be located.

Annabella Boswell, who was born in Australia, shows in her published memoirs that her

extensive practical music-making and music-copying were integral parts of her social life. In

1844 while staying at Parramatta near Sydney Annabella transcribed polkas to play while

accompanying dancing.110 In 1847 Annabella’s social status was emphasised when Lady Mary

Fitzroy, who was the wife of the New South Wales Governor and Georgiana McCrae’s cousin,

offered to allow Annabella to copy some more polkas from Lady Mary’s own music

collections.111 Like many others, Annabella was shocked when Lady Mary died in an accident

at the end of that year.112

Diarist and music-lover Emily Childers, who moved in similar social circles to the

McCraes, arrived in Melbourne in 1850. Emily’s husband Hugh Childers gained important

positions in the Victorian public service and thus could keep his young wife and family in

respectable comfort. Emily like Georgiana used music as a mark of her gentility and self-

expression. In 1852 Emily’s piano was tuned by Joseph Wilkie, who had gained previous

experience in London with Broadwood and Sons and founded a music business in Melbourne

that later became known as Allan & Co.113 The Childers family’s status was shown when they

rented a cottage on La Trobe’s property Jolimont recently vacated by Anglican Bishop Perry

http://www.nma.gov.au/collections/collection_interactives/endurance_scroll/harvest_of_endurance_html_v

ersion/home (accessed 4 April 2017); Wang Zheng-Ting and Anne Doggett, ‘Chinese Music on the Victorian

Goldfields’, Victorian Historical Journal 78, no. 2 (November 2007): 170–86. 110 Annabella Boswell, Some Recollections of My Early Days [1908?], 96, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-43745972

(accessed 29 January 2017). 111 Boswell, Some Recollections, 114; see also C. W. F. Stier, ‘Fitz Roy Schottische: For the Pianoforte,

Composed and Most Respectfully Dedicated to The Hon. Mrs. Keith Stewart’ [daughter of Sir Charles and Lady

Mary Fitzroy] (Sydney: H. Marsh, [1851]), NLA MUS Snell N mb 786.44 S855, http://nla.gov.au/nla.mus-

an6161045 (accessed 21 March 2017); Graeme Skinner, ‘Stier, Charles William Ferdinand (Mr C. W. F. Stier)’, A Biographical Register of Australian Colonial Musical Personnel-S, Australharmony,

http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-S.php (accessed 22 March 2017). 112 Boswell, Some Recollections, 135–37; see Georgiana McCrae, ‘Miscellaneous Manuscripts’, 171, RB

1164.4, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; Boehme, ‘An Initial Investigation’, 293–94; Fergusson, FitzRoy

Beyond the Rumours, 153–61. 113 Jean Uhl, A Woman of Importance (Blackburn, Vic.: Jean Uhl, 1992), 42, n. 49, 55.

60

and his family when they moved to their grandiose official residence at Bishopscourt.114 Emily

Childers attended public concerts, which as in Britain were occasions for socialising as much

as opportunities to enjoy listening to music. For example on 7 March 1853 Emily went to a

concert in the Botanical Gardens where she ‘saw the usual set of people’.115

Louisa Anne Meredith, an artist, amateur musician and published writer who was a friend

of Georgiana McCrae’s in their old age, contributed by her earnings to her family’s upkeep,

without the disapproval shown to Georgiana by Andrew McCrae and his family.116 One of

Louisa Anne Meredith’s numerous books concerned a visit to Melbourne and the goldfields of

Victoria in 1861. Her observations included comments about ‘shilling balls’ for working people

that were conducted ‘in a very large, clean, well-proportioned room, brilliantly lighted, and

with an excellent band, playing good modern dance music’ where quadrilles, polkas and

waltzes were danced in a sober and decorous manner.117 These entertainments were objected

to by wealthier moralising critics who could ‘enjoy in their own splendid saloons and elegant

drawing-rooms, the tones of organ, piano, harp, sackbut, psaltery, dulcimer, and all kinds of

music, whether for the performance of an Oratorio, or “Don Juan”’.118 While Meredith’s

musical imagery may have been exaggerated by Biblical references, she invoked a picture of a

well-developed albeit class-based society in Melbourne with many musical activities, only

twenty-five years after Melbourne was founded.

Henrietta Dugdale, a writer and musician in Victoria, was one of the local leaders of the

movement for legal reforms affecting women and marriage. In Melbourne in the 1870s, after

her second marriage had broken down, Henrietta used her musical skills to earn money by

teaching.119 In her utopian novel A Few Hours in a Far-Off Age (1883), Dugdale employs

musical images in her descriptions of a less discriminatory future society, for example, ‘No

one speaks more loudly than is necessary for the distance in occupation by her or his party; and

as all have musical voices, the combination of these soft, sweet sounds comes to my ears as a

new entrancing harmony’.120

114 Uhl, A Woman of Importance, 48. 115 Uhl, A Woman of Importance, 62. 116 Vivienne Rae-Ellis, Louisa Anne Meredith: A Tigress in Exile (Hobart, Australia: St David’s Park

Publishing, 1990). 117 Louisa Anne Meredith, Over the Straits: A Visit to Victoria (London: Chapman and Hall, 1861), 108, https://archive.org/details/overstraitsavis00meregoog (accessed 12 January 2016). 118 Meredith, Over the Straits, 110. 119 Susan Priestley, Henrietta Augusta Dugdale: An Activist 1827–1918 (Melbourne: Melbourne Books, 2011),

111. 120 Mrs. H. A. [Henrietta Augusta] Dugdale, A Few Hours in A Far-Off Age (Melbourne: M’Carron, Bird,

1883), 8–9, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/182048 (accessed 8 April 2017).

61

Ada Cambridge, the author of The Three Miss Kings, was a musician herself and a similar

age to McCrae’s ‘Australian’ daughters. She recalled her attendance at concerts at the 1888

Melbourne Centennial Exhibition:

Living nearly 200 miles away I had all the good of the Exhibition that I could have

desired; more would have meant satiety. Scores and scores of those orchestral

concerts (under Frederick Cowen’s conductorship) I must have attended, first and

last…It was here that I learned to be a Wagnerite, after several unsuccessful

attempts.121

Ada Cambridge’s memoirs and novels, like those of other writers mentioned above,

reflect not only the ongoing importance of the music brought from Britain in the lives

of many women in colonial Australia, but also their efforts to keep abreast with cultural

trends and fashions from their former homeland.

Ties with Britain and New Zealand: Marian Sargood

Britain, New Zealand and Australia developed close personal and musical ties in trade,

publishing, repertoire, and performance practice in the nineteenth century.122 Music from all

three countries was published and sold in both Australia and New Zealand.123 This increased

the opportunities for cross-Tasman musical consumption. For example, Marian Australia

Sargood née Rolfe (1839–79), who in 1858 married businessman and politician Frederick

Thomas Sargood of Rippon Lea, Melbourne, owned pieces of printed sheet music which she

brought with her from Britain to Australia and had bound with more additions into a

personalised album in Melbourne. In 1889 one of Marian and Frederick Sargood’s daughters,

Clara Wordsworth Webster née Sargood, took her mother’s music album with her to New

Zealand where it remains in family use.124 Two others of Marian Sargood’s bound printed

121 Ada Cambridge, Thirty Years in Australia (London: Methuen & Co., 1903), 186; see Jalland, Old Age in

Australia, 36–59. 122 Clare Gleeson, Meet Me at Begg’s (Wellington, N.Z.: Ngaio Press, 2012); John MacGibbon, Piano in the

Parlour (Wellington, New Zealand: Ngaio Press, 2007); Kirstine Moffat, Piano Forte: Stories and

Soundscapes from Colonial New Zealand (Dunedin, New Zealand: Otago University Press, 2011); Aline Scott-

Maxwell, ‘Gendered and Endangered Musical Artefacts’, Musicology Australia 37, no. 2 (December 2015):

185–98; Jillian Twigger, ‘The Australian Album for 1857’, Context 40 (2015): 81–98. 123 Elizabeth Nichol, New Zealand Published Composers 1850–1913, University of Auckland, figshare, 2017, https://doi.org/10.17608/k6.auckland.c.3703504.v1 (accessed 2 April 2017); Skinner, ‘Chronicle of Music’;

‘Trans-Tasman Harmony’, in Australharmony; see also Elizabeth Nichol, ‘A Plague and a Violin: Government

Archives and Constraints on Musical Activities in Pre-1918 New Zealand’, Fontes Artis Musicae 62, no. 3

(July–Sept 2015): 254–61. 124 Kate Stevens, ‘From “Home Sweet Home” to the “Kangaroo Hunt Polka”’, 86–91, 334; ‘Rolfe, Marian

Australia (1839–1879)’, People Australia, National Centre of Biography, ANU,

62

music collections are dated from both before and after her marriage, one of songs from 1851–

55 and the other of piano music from 1860–74.125 Sargood connections included the

professional contralto singer Sara Flower (c. 1820–65), who had success in London before

migrating in 1849 with Sargood family members to Melbourne, where she recommenced her

career.126

The migration of British people with different religious and ethnic associations to New

Zealand contributed to local variations of culture such as between ‘English’ Canterbury and

‘Scottish’ Dunedin. Migrants were not restricted by ethnic associations and their music

collections could show similarities of repertoire and construction with those in other places. A

migrant called P. J. Maxwell brought his vocal manuscript music collection which he had

copied in Edinburgh in 1836 with him to New Zealand. Another migrant, T. J. Thompson

(Thomas John, 1814–1900), brought his tiny ‘home-made book of flute music’ containing

single-line melodies plus duets which he had copied in London in 1831.127 Manuscript music

collections which may have been created in New Zealand in the nineteenth and twentieth

centuries can be found in archives and museums throughout the country.128

Other colonial music collections

A number of music collections and other source material that relate to Scottish migration to

Australia have survived, for example manuscript music added to copy of The Caledonian

Musical Repository which was published c. 1806.129 Manuscript and printed music collections

form various individuals and groups within colonial society include a small pre-bound music

manuscript book was sold c. 1833–36 by Sydney music business owner Francis Ellard;

subsequently easy songs and piano music were transcribed into the book, which appears to

http://peopleaustralia.anu.edu.au/biography/rolfe-marian-australia-18914/text (accessed 19 July 2016); John

Rickard, ‘Sargood, Sir Frederick Thomas (1834–1903)’, ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU,

http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/sargood-sir-frederick-thomas-4538/text7435 (accessed 19 July 2016). 125 Marian Rolfe Sargood, [Music], 5077935, MUS N m 2011-401; 5077982, MUS N m 2011-404, NLA. 126 Beedell, ‘Terminal Silence’, 46–47. 127 P. J. Maxwell, [Music], Misc-MS-1599/1, HL; T. J. Thompson, [Music] Sheat: Thompson family papers, Misc-

MS-0135, HL; http://www.otago.ac.nz/library/hocken/. 128 Clare Gleeson, personal communication, 29 January 2016: qMS-0268 (Emily Jane Brigden, c. 1864–65),

qMS-1190 (Alice Forrester Mackay, c. 1890–93), NLNZ; M553 (Harold Williams, c. 1920–40), Nelson Provincial Museum; O 944/20.1 (Ada Ouimette, date?), O 1998/44.40 (A.E.B. Simpson, 1858), South

Canterbury Museum; see also MacGibbon, Piano in the Parlour, 23, 86, 123; Musical Heritage New Zealand,

https://www.facebook.com/Musical-Heritage-New-Zealand-901223529898321/ (accessed 22 July 2016). 129 RB 4706.24, Fisher Library, University of Sydney; see also references to music collections from Laidlaw

family, MS 11780, MC-SLV; Maggie McGibbon, 1880, MUS N m 780 AAv.3, NLA, Canberra; Armitage

family, CMO 1637.1, Como (NTA (Vic)); in Boehme, ‘An Initial Investigation’, 281–88.

63

have had at least two owners, one of whom was named ‘Miss Cox’.130 The ‘Dowling

Songbook’ collected by Lilias and Willoughby Dowling contains forty-three pieces of music

for voice and piano dated c. 1818–40 in both printed and manuscript form as well as a copy of

‘Grosse’s Instruction in Singing’.131

Frances Amelia Thomas (1815–55), who migrated to Adelaide with her family in 1836,

owned a manuscript copy of a song called ‘The Emigrants’ Farewell’ with music by C. A.

Calvert and words by Robert Gouger. This is contained in a scrapbook given to her by her

future husband John Michael Skinner in 1837 into which they also copied and pasted artworks,

stories and poems dated c. 1835–40.132 A manuscript music collection catalogued by cross-

reference to a similarly-titled piece called ‘An Emigrant’s Song’ is dated from around 1853.133

It is difficult to decipher the name of the collection’s original owner. The collection may have

been acquired from an antiquarian or second-hand book dealer and so exploration of

provenance and relationship to the identity of the original owner is problematic.134 A

manuscript music collection signed ‘E. J. C. Rockwood May 11th 1859’, which includes ‘The

Austrian Band Waltz’, ‘Auld Lang Syne’, ‘Celebrated Polish Dances’ and ‘I'll Speak of Thee,

I'll Love Thee Too’, is more likely to contain transcriptions rather than original compositions

by Rockwood.135

Manuscript music collections may also be found in country areas such as the New South

Wales Northern Rivers district.136 Another music manuscript collection of dance music from a

small town in northern New South Wales, signed by three women, ‘Miss M. Brothers /

130 [Manuscript music book], RB CON 890 3028, Sydney Conservatorium of Music Collection, Rare Books

Library, University of Sydney, Sydney; Graeme Skinner, personal communication, 30 March 2017. 131 ‘Dowling Songbook’, Record no. 41008, Rouse/MUS R84/869:1-2, SLM, Sydney,

https://archive.org/details/DowlingSongbook41008 (accessed 29 March 2017). 132 C. A. Calvert and Robert Gouger, ‘The Emigrants’ Farewell’, in ‘Frances Amelia Thomas’s Scrapbook of

Artworks, Poems and Music, 1835–1840’, PIC Volume 1121 #PIC/13023/1-90, NLA, Canberra, http://

nla.gov.au/nla.obj-151652429 (accessed 5 April 2017); see Graeme Skinner, ‘Calvert, Mr. C. A.’,

Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-C.php (accessed 5 April 2017). 133 ‘An Emigrant’s Song’, in ‘[Collection of Hand Copied Music Manuscripts]’ [1843–53], Mus Nm 780 AA

v.80, NLA, Canberra, http://trove.nla.gov.au/work/22740696 (accessed 14 October 2016); see also ‘The

Emigrant: A Song Written on the Eve of a Lady’s Embarking from Leith with her Relations for Van Dieman’s

Land; Music Original, Arranged for the Pianoforte and German Flute, Edinburgh, Jany. 15, 1823’ ([Edinburgh]:

Walker & Anderson, Engravers, 1823), NLA, Canberra, http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/23011923,

http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-165870485; Graeme Skinner, ‘The Emigrant, A Song on the Eve of a Lady’s

Embarking for Van Diemen’s Land, 1823’,

Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/emigrant-vdl-1823.php (accessed 8 April 2017); ‘The Emigrant’s Song (1853)’, Adelaide Observer, Saturday 26 November 1853, 7, in Australian Folk

Songs, ed. Mark Gregory, http://folkstream.com/312.html (accessed 8 April 2017). 134 Robyn Holmes, NLA, personal communication, 27 July 2009. 135 E. J. C. Rockwood, ‘[Song and music] [music]’, MUS N JAF mb 786.4052 S698, NLA, Canberra,

http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-165946588 (accessed 15 July 2016). 136 Gall, ‘Songbooks and Scrapbooks’, in ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 82–88.

64

Quirindi’, ‘Miss A. Brothers / Quirindi’ and ‘Miss E. Douglas / Qdi. 23/2/94’, starts with

‘Lucrezia Borgia Quadrille’, from Donizetti’s opera Lucrezia Borgia, which premiered in 1833

and provided tunes used for dance arrangements that remained popular throughout the

nineteenth century.137 The ‘Brothers’ dance music manuscript is part of a larger collection

which also includes a print compilation of sheet music bound in 1861, ‘The Throsby

Songbook’, formerly owned by Isabel Throsby (1844–1901).138 A manuscript music collection

is preserved amongst the papers of the Brooks family from a farming property near Berridale

in New South Wales.139 Manuscript music collections, one dated ‘1859’ in Gosford, New South

Wales, belonged to a vicar’s daughter, Marianne Glennie.140

Five manuscript music books transcribed by Sarah Cross Little née Bingle (1832–1909),

together with other personal and family material, map a considerable portion of her life in her

various homes including in Newcastle and Sydney.141 The extent of her music collections

merits her description as ‘musician’ to add to the list of her abilities of ‘botanical artist,

craftworker, and family historian’.142 Her earliest manuscript music book was given to her by

her father on 1 January 1849 and contains dates up to 1851; the others are inscribed by her and

include dates from 1852–63, 1868–71, 1871–77 and 1878–84. This last book appears to have

been formed from two separate collections and contains three indexes. The repertoire overall,

as with many other such collections, comprises songs for voice and piano plus some solo piano

music including dance items.

Music collections held in Victoria

Nineteenth-century music collections in Victoria include a printed bound collection with

nameplate ‘Isabella Alston 1795’ catalogued by the University of Melbourne under the author

137 ‘[Manuscript Music Book]’, Record no. 41830, Throsby/MUS, Sydney Living Museums [SLM], Sydney;

thanks to Dr Matthew Stephens, Caroline Simpson Library & Research Collection, SLM,

http://sydneylivingmuseums.com.au/ (accessed 29 March 2017); see also Christine Fulcher, ‘The “Treasured

Possessions” of Isabel Throsby-Osborne’ (BMus (Musicology) (Hons) thesis, Sydney Conservatorium of Music,

University of Sydney, 2011). 138 ‘Throsby Songbook’, Record no. 41793, Throsby/MUS, SLM,

https://archive.org/details/ThrosbySongbook41793 (accessed 29 March 2017). 139 Brooks Family, ‘Manuscript music book’, ‘Papers of Brooks Family’, 1837–60, MS7207, NLA, Canberra. 140 Graeme Skinner, ‘Glennie, Marianne’, Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-G.php (accessed 19 February 2017); thanks to Dr

Graeme Skinner. 141 Sarah Cross Little née Bingle (1843–1909), [Music], MLMSS 7115/1–3, SLNSW, Sydney; thanks to Dr

Graeme Skinner, personal communication, 23 October 2015. 142 Design & Art Australia Online, Sarah Cross Little b. 1832, https://www.daao.org.au/bio/sarah-cross-little/

(accessed 8 April 2017).

65

and title of the first item, Volume 2 of Peter Urbani’s A Selection of Scots Songs (Edinburgh:

McGouan [1792–1804]).143 Alston’s collection also contains music by composers including

Handel, Shield, Storace, O’Keefe, Dibdin, Fergus, Rose, Watlen and a four-hand version of

Kotzwara’s ‘The Battle of Prague’. Multiple other printed sheet music compilations, mainly

from the later nineteenth century, can contain quite complicated repertoire for piano as well as

vocal music.144 While some were signed by men, many were owned by women such as

Florence Stanbridge née Colles (1851–78) of Daylesford and her daughter Florence

Montgomerie Cox (1878–1929).145

Printed sheet music compilations include the collections formerly owned by Mrs Helm

and Mrs Irvine, née Mary Jane Robinson of Ballarat, wife of a Victorian winemaker and

politician, Hans Irvine.146 I have purchased and otherwise obtained second-hand items of

manuscript and printed music which originated in various parts of Australia and dated from the

nineteenth and twentieth centuries.147

There are fewer surviving manuscript music collections than printed music collections in

Victoria that have been identified so far. This may be because Melbourne was not founded until

1835, when the transition of popularity from manuscript to printed music collections was well

underway.148 Manuscript music collections brought to Australia by migrants including those

that had belonged to James Goulding and his son Thomas from Ireland (music collection dated

c. 1817–18), James Findlay from Scotland (c. 1841–42), Robert Wrede (c. 1840–42) and

Robert Poynter (c. 1854) from England contain repertoire similar to that in Georgiana

McCrae’s collections.

James Goulding’s collection of Irish fiddle tunes were transcribed in Cork into a

manuscript book, which is labelled on the front cover with the date, 1817, and also dated on 26

143 ‘Isabella Alston 1795’ [Peter Urbani], [Music], Special Collections Rare Books Collections English Rooms

Collections, call number Burn B, Baillieu Library, University of Melbourne, Melbourne [RB, UM]. 144 Rare Music Collection, Special Collections, Baillieu Library, UM, Melbourne; thanks to Evelyn Portek. 145 Florence Stanbridge, née Colles (1851–78) and Florence Montgomerie Cox, (1878–1929), [Music], includes

UniM Music RB f MA STA.2, MA COX1.1, Rare Music Collection, Special Collections, Baillieu Library, UM,

Melbourne; thanks to Evelyn Portek, Aline Scott-Maxwell; Jennifer, Hill, ‘Early Australian Musical Life

Documented in Donation of Sheet Music’, The University of Melbourne Cultural Collections e-news, June

2013, http://us5.campaign-archive1.com/?u=e49c366d29cce7a5fb69d6eb5&id=d6d4af0be5 (accessed 15 July

2016). 146 Mrs Helm, [Collection of Songs], AF 784 C68, SLV; Mrs Irvine, née Mary Jane Robinson of Ballarat, [Collection of Miscellaneous Popular Songs], 2 vols., AF 784.08 C68I, SLV; Catherine Rogerson and Liza

Dale-Hallett, ‘Hans William Henry Irvine, Vigneron and Politician (1856-1922)’ in Museum Victoria

Collections, http://collections.museumvictoria.com.au/articles/2690 (accessed 15 July 2016). 147 See also Scott-Maxwell, ‘Gendered and Endangered Musical Artefacts’. 148 See Victorian Collections, Music, https://victoriancollections.net.au/?q=Music&page=1-2 (accessed 21

March 2017).

66

September 1818 under the tune, ‘Carolan’s Farewell to Music’.149 Goulding was a school

teacher as well as a fiddle player so was literate, unlike many other people in Ireland in that

era. His son, Thomas Goulding, brought the manuscript with him to Melbourne in 1845.150

The ‘James Findlay Manuscript’ was first dated in Penpont, Scotland in November 1841

and was brought to Australia by James Findlay in 1842.151 Like Georgiana McCrae’s

collections it reveals contributions by a scribal community from both United Kingdom and

Australia. It begins with an inserted printed song for voice and piano, ‘Where the Thistle

Proudly Waving Sung by Mr. Wilson at the London Concerts Written, Composed and

Respectfully Dedicated to Miss Margaret Tytler by George Croal’.152 Edinburgh composer,

arranger, publisher and author George Croal (1811–1907) wrote songs, poems and dance music

as well as memoirs.153 The ‘James Findlay Manuscript’ also contains forty-one pages of

transcriptions in more than one handwriting of melodies including some said to be by Braham,

Bishop, McLeod, Incledon, Parry and Gow. These are followed by four printed pages of

melodies, with attributions to Shield, Herz, Auber, Dibdin, Reeve, Rodwell, Smith and

Mazzinghi, plus a final unfinished attempt at notation in an unpractised hand.

A manuscript music collection whose contents more closely resemble those in Georgiana

McCrae’s collections was compiled by Robert Wrede, the English migrant son-in-law of the

Melbourne politician and businessman, John Hodgson. Wrede wrote out music, mainly songs

with piano accompaniment, while at sea between 1840 and 1842, so his collection was

contemporaneous with the end of Georgiana’s LTLMB and the start of her CMB. Wrede

identified his source for some of his copied music as the ship’s captain. Wrede, a piano dealer

and tuner, represented his father’s English firm in music business dealings in the Australasian

region and was involved in negotiations with the London firm of Collard and Collard about the

importation of pianos into Melbourne.154

149 MS by James Goulding, 153, copy courtesy of Judi Forrester; thanks also to Peter Ellis and Graeme Smith. 150 Judi Forrester, Introduction to MS by James Goulding, 2007. 151 Graham Dodsworth, ‘James Findlay Manuscript’, http://www.folknow.com/findlay/ (accessed 15 July 2016);

Graham Dodsworth, Folklore, http://www.folknow.com/dz-folkdox.htm (accessed 15 July 2016);

Graham H. Dodsworth, ‘The Nature of Folk Song in Australia: Origins and Transmission’, MA thesis, Monash

University, 2000; thanks to Graeme Smith for drawing the Dodsworth and Findlay sources to my attention. 152 See discussion about John Wilson in Chapter 6. 153 George Croal, ‘Where the Thistle Proudly Waving’ (Edinburgh: Wood & Co; London: Cramer, Addison & Beale, nd); ‘George Croal’, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-no99053452 (accessed 15 July 2016);

‘The Late Mr George Croal: A Link with Sir Walter Scott’, Border Magazine 12, no. 139 (July 1907): 124,

https://archive.org/details/bordermagazinea01unkngoog (accessed 7 April 2017). 154 Robert Wrede, ‘Album of Manuscript Music’, MS 9207, ‘Letter Book, 19 April 1842–15 October 1848’, in

‘John Hodgson Papers’, Box 1814, MS 9037, MC-SLV; Peter Nicholls, ed., A Wonderful Change: the Story of

Robert Wrede Including His Journal 1837–1841 (Melbourne: Peter Nicholls, 2012).

67

Another manuscript music book, this time with dance tunes and hymns, was transcribed

by Robert Poynter (1796–1857) and is housed together with Poynter’s 1854 shipboard diary

detailing his voyage from England to Melbourne.155 A manuscript music book owned by Cissie

Gilmore consisting of treble clef melodies mainly for dance music, possibly for violin or flute,

shows she was living in Richmond, a Melbourne suburb. The collection is inscribed inside the

front cover, ‘Got April 13, 1866; bound by Detmans Collins Street Melbourne -- paper 4s.

binding 5s.’ alongside two pasted newspaper articles about a court case involving a violin

repairer, Albert Edward Brown, around 1910–11.156 Transcribing and collecting music in

manuscript music collections continued into the twentieth century, as evidenced by an

illustrated collection owned by James Payne in suburban Melbourne in the 1920s.157 It may

prove beneficial to discover more about these collectors and the provenance of their collections,

to help gain a broader understanding of Australia and its musical culture.

2.5 Conclusion

Manuscript music collections as well as items of printed music were integral to nineteenth-

century music-making in both Britain and its colonies. The manuscript and printed music

collections from colonial times in Australia can be compared to those in other parts of the world

and indicate that migrants were known to bring their music collections with them if they could

afford to do so and continued to practise their musical skills and collection practices in their

new environments. Collections could be substantial in terms of the number of volumes and the

number of pieces of music they contained, while others were briefer and made of more flimsy

materials. The survival of collections by both women and men brings into question the

identification of nineteenth century manuscript music books solely as the preserve of middle-

class women in the domestic environment. Whatever their size, music collections were used in

both cities and country areas, for domestic and public music-making, by women and men with

musical literacy and skills across various levels of society.

155 ‘Log Kept by R. Poynter, Late of Southminster, Ship Cornelis Gips and Music Book, 1854 [Manuscript]:

Robert Poynter 1796–1857’, MS Box 4666/4–5, MS 14952, MC-SLV. 156 Cissie Gilmore, ‘Manuscript Music Book’, UniM Music RB f/E FID, Rare Music Collection, Special Collections, Baillieu Library, UM, Melbourne. 157 See ‘Baby Face’ by Benny Davis and Harry Akst, in ‘P.P. Music’: [manuscript music book] transcribed and

illustrated by James Payne (Kew, Vic.: James Payne, 1926–27), in Stardust Melodies (Clayton, Vic.: Rare

Books, Monash University Library Exhibitions, 2011),

http://www.monash.edu/library/collections/exhibitions/stardust-melodies/virtual-exhibition/items/item24.html

(accessed 9 April 2017).

68

Women’s manuscript music collections illustrate aspects of women’s participation in and

dominance of domestic music-making. While men featured strongly in this period in public life

and more of their memorabilia has survived, yet music could give genteel women an occupation

for their time and an outlet for their emotions; it could console and enthuse them and reinforce

female friendships and relationships. Despite the emphasis on music-making as an asset for

young women in the marriage market, older women could participate in musical activities for

their own benefit as well as that of their families. The preservation of women’s manuscript

music collections depended on their significance as mementos to both the women themselves

and their families and subsequently on the recognition of their historical worth by collectors

and institutions. The collections that are readily available, either in personal or public archives,

suggest that the transcription and collection of music in manuscript form for individual and

family use was widespread.

Contents of collections owned by individuals such as Sophia Davis and Cissie Gilmore

reveal clues to their thoughts, feelings, locations and preferences as well as providing more

general musical and social information. Musical repertoire derived from sources ranging from

folk songs to theatre was transcribed and collected in manuscript music collections belonging

to amateur and professional musicians from different classes, genders and geographical areas.

Ideas of genteel exclusivity associated with manuscript collections were challenged with

increasing education and the rise of the middle classes. Although such collections were still an

important method of expression and remembrance for musically literate people from 1800–60,

as they had been in earlier periods, their use was becoming lessened also by technological and

economic changes, especially the increased availability and decreased cost of printed sheet

music. However, manuscript music collections were used both privately and publicly and can

provide clues to an individual or group’s sense of identity as well as to the musical fashions of

the day.

69

CHAPTER 3

GEORGIANA McCRAE’S LIFE IN BRITAIN, 1804–40

3.1 Georgiana McCrae in London, 1804–20s

‘The stain of illegitimacy’

Born in London on 15 March 1804 to Jane Graham (1772–1838), Georgiana was one of three

known natural or ‘accidental’ children by two different women with George, Marquis of Huntly

(1770–1836), the eldest and, after 1808, only surviving legitimate son of Alexander, fourth

Duke of Gordon.1 Another woman, Ann Thomson (1780–1862), provided Georgiana with two

illegitimate half-siblings, Charles (1798–1876), who rose to be an admiral, and Susan (1805–

80), who married a Genevan banker, Henri Sordet, in May 1828.2

Soon after his marriage in 1767, Duke Alexander remodelled Gordon Castle near

Fochabers in the manner of a grandiose palace.3 His premier position in Scottish society is still

celebrated in performance of Scottish tunes such as ‘Cock o’ the North’ and ‘The Duke of

Gordon’s Birthday’.4 He outshone his heir in fertility, having sired at least nine illegitimate

children by five different mothers as well as seven legitimate children with his first wife.5

Illegitimacy was prevalent in highland society in this period and the ‘natural’ Gordon children

were looked after reasonably well.6 The celebrated political hostess, matchmaker and patron

Jane Maxwell, fourth Duchess of Gordon (1749–1812) did not appreciate the extent of her

1 H. M. Chichester, rev. Roger T. Stearn, ‘Gordon, George, Fifth Duke of Gordon (1770–1836)’, ODNB, OUP,

2004, www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/11041 (accessed 24 January 2015); John Kay, ‘The Marquis of Huntly,

afterwards Duke of Gordon’, in A Series of Original Portraits and Caricature Etchings (Edinburgh: H. Paton,

Carver & Gilder, 1838), plate and biographical sketch, no. 78, 1, Part 1:185–90,

https://books.google.com/books?id=k68EAAAAYAAJ (accessed 19 January 2017). 2 Niall, Georgiana, 49. 3 James Fittler and John Claude Nattes, ‘Gordon Castle’, in Scotia Depicta (London, 1804), Plate VI,

http://digital.nls.uk/74582264; see http://www.gordoncastle.co.uk/ (both accessed 23 November 2016). 4 ‘The Duke of Rothesay Unveils Gordon Highlanders Statue’, with pipers playing ‘Cock o’ the North’, https://youtu.be/AB_cYg9Qm24; Ronnie Gibson, ‘Fiddle Tutorial #46: The Duke of Gordon’s Birthday’,

https://youtu.be/kNGavhHwo6k (both accessed 2 December 2016). 5 Niall, Georgiana, xvi. 6 Peter Butter, ‘Elizabeth Grant’, in A History of Scottish Women’s Writing, ed. Gifford and McMillan, 211;

Elizabeth Grant of Rothiemurchus, Memoirs of a Highland Lady, ed., Introduction, Andrew Tod (Edinburgh,

Cannongate, 2006), 1: 175.

70

husband’s infidelities and separated from her husband by the late 1790s and formally in 1805.7

In a comment written around nine months before Georgiana’s birth, the artist and diarist Joseph

Farington R.A. compared Duchess Jane unfavourably with her son and daughters:

The Marquiss of Huntley was spoken of as being a Man of very popular manners,

affable and social & very much regarded. — It was remarked that the singularity of

the Duchess of Gordon, His Mother, had not attached to her Children. — All the

daughters conduct themselves in a manner to be approved.8

After their separation Duchess Jane kept her Scottish residence at Kinrara near Aviemore

until her death while the duke maintained his main mistress, Jean Christie (1770–1824), in a

house in Fochabers not far from Gordon Castle. In her ‘Recollections of an Octogenarian’

penned around 1885, Georgiana does not mention her Gordon grandmother, so the duchess

may not have concerned herself with her son’s illegitimate children.9 According to Georgiana

in another of her family histories, the duchess had thwarted the marriage of her eldest son to

her niece and subsequently Lord Huntly refused to marry until after his mother’s death in

London in 1812.10 In 1813 Georgiana’s forty-three-year-old father married a nineteen-year-old

heiress, Elizabeth Brodie (1794–1864). Elizabeth was only around ten years older than

Georgiana and her half-sister Susan and four years older than their brother Charles. By 1820

when Lord Huntly and his wife Elizabeth had not produced any legitimate children, Duke

Alexander married his mistress Jean Christie, much to the alarm of his legitimate family.11

Duke Alexander’s chances of having more legitimate sons himself were unlikely given

Duchess Jean’s age and he only survived her by three years.12

Provision of housing, upkeep, entertainment, education and future prospects for all the

partners, offspring, relations, servants and dependants came at a considerable cost to the

Gordon estate. Georgiana’s father had additional expenses, with costs associated with his

military career, his extensive civic duties and occupation of Huntly Lodge near the ruined

Huntly Castle, whose roof and windows had been removed by orders of the fourth duke to

7 Rosemary Baird, ‘Seclusion in Scotland: Jane Maxwell, Duchess of Gordon, 1749–1812’, in Mistress of the

House (London, UK: Phoenix, 2005), 236–57. 8 Joseph Farington, diary entry, Friday 24 June 1803, in The Diary of Joseph Farington, ed. Kenneth Garlick and Angus Macintyre (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1979), 6: 2064. 9 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections of an Octogenarian’, c. 1885, MS 14833, MS MSM 548, MS Box 4264/2,

MC-SLV. 10 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Journal of transcriptions…re Gordon family’, MS 12018, 2516/4, MC-SLV. 11 NRAS770, BA, NTS. 12 Niall, Georgiana, 39.

71

avoid tax.13 Although he received some support from the Gordon Castle estate, Lord Huntly

was constantly in debt and raised a large amount of money by loans, which were partly repaid

by his and his wife’s fathers.14

Georgiana was formally recognised as Lord Huntly’s daughter when baptised as

‘Georgiana Gordon’ at St James Church, Piccadilly, London, on 6 October 1807.15 The young

Georgiana often used the surname Huntly (sometimes spelt Huntley or Huntlie) instead of

Gordon. The names ‘George’, ‘Georgiana’ and other Royal Hanoverian names such as

Charlotte were prevalent amongst her wider Gordon family, marking their at least outward

political allegiance to George III and the other Hanoverian kings rather than to the Jacobite

cause. One of her father’s legitimate sisters for example was Georgina, also known as

Georgiana, Duchess of Bedford.16

Jane Graham and Ann Thomson were not considered of high enough status for marriage

with a member of the aristocracy. Jane was born at Alnwick in Northumberland, in the Border

area of north-eastern England, the daughter of a labourer, Ralph Graham, and his wife,

Margaret. Set in a well-cultivated countryside, Alnwick was the model for Disraeli’s

Montacute in his 1847 novel, Tancred, which described the area as ‘rich and rural, but far from

picturesque’ with ‘the prettiest little town in the world’.17 Georgiana’s beloved aunt Margaret

Graham, who looked after two orphaned cousins, lived near London.18 As noted by Huntly

Higgins, Jane Graham’s family also included an uncle in South Carolina, an aunt who was

married to an attorney in nearby Berwick-upon-Tweed and a brother who had been a

shipbuilder in India, who appear to have been part of the burgeoning middle classes rather than

the ‘unskilled proletariat’ of the Northumberland lower rural labouring class.19

Georgiana’s extensive journals and other written records reveal little about her mother or

her mother’s family. How and where Jane Graham met Lord Huntly, or the extent or length of

their relationship, is uncertain. Jane Graham could possibly have first met the marquis after she

migrated from the countryside to urban areas to look for work. Georgiana was born in London,

13 Castle Hotel, http://www.castlehotel.uk.com/facilities/hotelhistory/; Huntly Castle, Historic Scotland,

https://www.historicenvironment.scot/visit-a-place/places/huntly-castle/ (both accessed 19 November 2016). 14 For example see GD44/51/289/2, 1813–14, GCM-NRS. 15 Niall, Georgiana, 7. 16 Rachel Trethewey, Mistress of the Arts (London: Review, 2002). 17 Benjamin Disraeli, Tancred, or, The New Crusade, (London, UK: Henry Colburn, 1847), 1:43–46,

http://openlibrary.org/books/OL24336423M/Tancred_or_The_new_crusade (accessed 24 January 2015);

Alnwick Castle, http://www.alnwickcastle.com (accessed 24 January 2015); Herbert L. Honeyman,

Northumberland (London: Robert Hale Ltd, 1951), 163. 18 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’. 19 Higgins, Introduction, 39–41.

72

rather than in Alnwick or in Gordon territory in Huntly, Aberdeen or Fochabers. The pattern

of movement of people like Jane Graham from the countryside to the towns and cities to look

for work was a common one, reflected in Elizabeth Gaskell’s Mary Barton (1848) and Ruth

(1853), both of which discuss the fate of ‘fallen’ mothers and their illegitimate offspring during

times of rapid social change.20 In Mary Barton, Mary is tempted by the flattering attentions of

the son of Mr Carson, a factory owner who has risen from a similar rural background to Mary’s

parents. In contrast to the cares and woes of Mary, her destitute aunt Esther and Mary’s blind

friend Margaret, the Carsons’ unmarried daughters fill their idle days with accomplishments.

Reading improving works by Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803–82), choosing from a pile of printed

songs or transcribing manuscript music are overt signs of gentility available to those who can

afford them: ‘One tried to read ‘Emerson’s Essays’, and fell asleep in the attempt; the other

was turning over a parcel of new songs, in order to select what she liked. Amy, the youngest,

was copying some manuscript music’.21 Mary Barton ends with Mary and her husband, like

many British people in the period including the McCraes, migrating to overseas colonies to

seek to improve their financial and social position.

Whether or not the Grahams were part of the proletariat or the middle class, the social

position of the Marquis of Huntly was clearly more elevated than that of his mistress or their

daughter, which gave him many advantages of position and privilege to add to the legal

superiority of men in general and aristocratic men in particular. Not all servants, actresses or

others of lower class had sex with their employers or superiors willingly, or would enjoy any

financial privileges as a result. Jane Graham was fortunate to be allowed or to be able to afford

to bring up her daughter. The Gordon family appear to have assisted Jane to bring up her

daughter which kept Jane in moderate comfort in London until Georgiana’s adulthood, unlike

many other women in her circumstances whose abandonment could force both mother and

child into poverty.

During this period men had control of women’s lives, property and relationships as well

as legal control over any children that were acknowledged. Divorce was difficult. An Act of

Parliament in 1828, The Offences against Persons Act, had the effect of legalising sex with

girls over the age of twelve. In Britain some improvements to laws affecting the rights of

women, children and members of the middle and lower classes began to be made from the

1830s; the age of consent was not raised to sixteen until many decades later. It was not unusual

20 Elizabeth Gaskell, Mary Barton (1848/1854; London: Vintage Books, 2008); Elizabeth Gaskell, Ruth, ed.,

Introduction, Alan Shelton (1853; Oxford: OUP, 1985). 21 Gaskell, Mary Barton, 250.

73

for women and children to die as health care was poorly understood. If they survived, females

were at a financial disadvantage because inheritance usually went to the eldest surviving

legitimate son or male relative. The law of coverture affected the property rights of women,

who came under the control of their husbands when they married. Men could challenge other

men if their rights over their wives or daughters were infringed, but women had little recourse.

These problems were exacerbated if a woman’s social or economic status left them vulnerable.

Women’s reputations and their access to their children were often compromised.22 Georgiana

was an adult before discriminatory laws affecting women and children slowly started to change.

Activists such as the novelist and composer Caroline Norton, herself deprived of her children

because of the break-up of her marriage, agitated for the improvement of the rights of women

and children, leading to changes in British law including the 1839 Infant Custody Act and the

establishment of the Divorce Court in 1857.23

Children, if born outside of marriage, often had little legal or social standing in the

nineteenth century. From Elizabethan times, fathers had been obliged to pay for the upkeep of

their illegitimate children so that the costs did not fall on the local parish. In 1834 the Poor Law

Amendment Act made a child’s mother solely responsible for its welfare and allowed its father

to avoid responsibility.24 These legal changes were supported by an increased moral rectitude

in British society. Immoral behaviour was often publicly reported, exacerbating families’ desire

to hide their shame and avoid social stigma.25 The impacts of legal discrimination and social

expectations affected many people’s lives but the results depended often on the status of the

men as well as the women who were involved, from royalty down the social scale. A prominent

royal example was set by King William IV (1765–1837), who when he had thought he was

unlikely to reach the throne had a large family of illegitimate offspring with Mrs Jordan, an

actress. His legitimate children born after he married the twenty-five-year-old Princess

Adelaide of Saxe-Meiningen in 1818 did not survive, paving the way for his niece Queen

Victoria’s reign beginning in 1837.26

22 Susie Steinbach, Women in England 1760–1914 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2004). 23 Andrzej Diniejko, ‘Caroline Norton: A Biographical Sketch’, The Victorian Web,

http://www.victorianweb.org/authors/norton/biography.html (accessed 24 January 2015). 24 Margot Finn et al., eds., Legitimacy and Illegitimacy in Nineteenth-Century Law, Literature and History

(Houndmills, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 4–5. 25 Adultery and Seduction: The Trial at Large of Robert Gordon, Esquire, for Adultery with Mrs. Biscoe, Wife of Joseph Seymour Biscoe, Esq. Grandson of the Late Duke of Somerset (London, 1794), Eighteenth Century

Collections Online, Gale Document Number: CB3329319800 (accessed 24 January 2015); Deborah Cohen,

Family Secrets (London: Viking, 2013), 1–10. 26 William IV (r. 1830–1837), History of the Monarchy,

http://www.royal.gov.uk/HistoryoftheMonarchy/KingsandQueensoftheUnitedKingdom/TheHanoverians/Willia

mIV.aspx (accessed 24 January 2015).

74

The secrecy that often surrounded illegitimacy meant that some people were ignorant of

their family history. For example the parentage of Sir Walter Scott’s wife, Charlotte Carpenter,

the ‘ward’ of Lord Downshire, was unclear, like that of Charlotte Brontë’s Adèle Varens, Mr

Rochester’s young French ward in Jane Eyre (1847).27 Legal and social disapproval of

illegitimate children and their mothers from various classes was often commented on in

contemporary novels. In Fanny Burney’s Evelina (1778), the heroine’s upper class father Sir

John Belmont disowns his marriage to Evelina’s mother before Evelina’s birth. After many

adventures Evelina marries her true love Lord Orville while Sir John’s imposter daughter

marries his illegitimate son and all three young people are relieved to be able to enjoy Sir John’s

benefits of wealth and privilege.28 In Jane Austen’s Emma (1816), Harriet, whose mother’s

identity is not discussed, is the natural daughter of a tradesman, ‘rich enough to afford her the

comfortable maintenance which had ever been hers, and decent enough to have always wished

for concealment’.29 Harriet’s illegitimacy and tradesman father, however rich, make her

unsuitable for friendship or marriage within Emma’s class in the landed gentry: ‘The stain of

illegitimacy, unbleached by nobility or wealth, would have been a stain indeed’.30 While

Harriet’s status and prospects have been affected by her illegitimacy, in some cases

irresponsible fathers were also affected by social stigma. For example, the neglect of a mistress

and children affects the reputation of Sir Barnes Newcombe Bart. M. P. in Thackeray’s The

Newcomes (1855).31 In Eliot’s Daniel Deronda (1876) the inheritance of Mallinger

Grandcourt’s children with his mistress Lydia Glasher is threatened by Grandcourt’s marriage

to Gwendolen Harleth, while Daniel Deronda’s own sense of security is undermined by

uncertainty about his parentage.32

Georgiana was caught between the economic hardships facing many British people and

the possibility of opportunities available via her father’s aristocratic family. While illegitimacy

limited Georgiana’s social standing and choice of suitors, her recognition and support by her

father meant that she was not as badly off as were many other illegitimate children of her time.

27 ‘Williamina, Charlotte and Marriage’, The Walter Scott Digital Archive, Edinburgh University Library

[TWSDA-EUL], http://www.walterscott.lib.ed.ac.uk/biography/marriage.html (accessed 11 May 2015);

Charlotte Brontë, Jane Eyre (1847) (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1996), 146. 28 Fanny Burney, Evelina (1778) (Chalford, UK: Nonsuch, 2007). 29 Jane Austen, Emma (1816) (Ware, UK: Wordsworths, 1992), 376. 30 Austen, Emma, 376. 31 William Makepeace Thackeray, The Newcomes (1855), http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/7467 (accessed 24

November 2016), Chapters 30, 60. 32 Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 189, 203.

75

Georgiana’s education in London

Georgiana was fortunate to be able to benefit from an education in London and showed

particular promise in art and music. Her lessons were provided at various times at schools or

at home by private tutors. Her mother did not have suitable housing or income to maintain a

live-in private governess, which was advocated as superior by authors such as Elizabeth

Appleton.33 Georgiana’s early schooling was firstly at a convent school in London’s Somers

Town run by French refugees. She then became a boarder amongst eighty students at a school

at Claybrook House, Fulham, where the music teacher Dr. Jay is identifiable as John George

Henry Jay, a composer of vocal and instrumental pieces.34 At dance lessons conducted by Oscar

Byrne and his son, the students learned to march and to walk on what Georgiana described as

the ‘very tips of our toes’, which indicated knowledge of balletic pointe work.35 Dances

included ‘The Ghost’s March’, ‘Minuet de la Cour’ and ‘Hornpipe’. Dance exercises proved

torturous:

Then for practising the low Curtsey of the Minuet, we used to stand in a sort of

contrivance called ‘The Stocks’ with a rail in front to enable us to do the ‘recover’

without losing our balance—there were rows of pegs, for moving two pieces of

Wood that were on a pivot, to bring us to bear our feet nearly on a straight line—

A few Minutes of this exercise used to make my knees ache—and there was

another experience that I very much disliked—We had to hang to a rope by a

leather band that passed round the back of the head!—Our feet were sometimes 3

or 4 inches above the floor—This stretching of the spine was supposed to improve

one’s carriage?36

In 1811, aged seven, Georgiana became ill and was schooled at home. She noted that her

tutor, ‘Stewart, son of a Copper plate Engraver’, was ‘Cousin of Miss Paton the celebrated

Singer’.37 In the 1820s Georgiana copied out the song, ‘O Ye shall walk in Silk Attire — as

sung by Miss Paton’, which was published in The Harmonicon of 1824.38 The Scottish soprano,

33 Elizabeth Appleton, Private Education; or a Practical Plan for the Studies of Young Ladies (London: Henry

Colburn, 1815), http://openlibrary.org/books/OL20446550M (accessed 24 January 2015). 34 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’; ‘Jay, John George Henry’, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/np-

jay,%20john%20george%20henry (accessed 24 January 2015). 35 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’. 36 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’. 37 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’. 38 Georgiana McCrae, MHMB, 55; ‘“O ye shall walk in Silk Attire;” a Scotish [sic] Song Sung by Miss Paton at

the Oratorios’, Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824):52–53; see also ‘The Siller Crown’, MHMB, Part 1:221; GCMB,

piece 3; see Chapter 4.

76

Mary Anne Wood née Paton (1802–64), just two years older than Georgiana, was renowned in

both Britain and the United States for her singing and acting in a range of operatic works and

also appeared on the concert platform. For some years Mary Anne Paton was married to

Georgiana’s cousin, Lord William Pitt Lennox.39

Georgiana disliked arithmetic but did not object when her tutor, Mr Stewart, asked her to

copy some of Walter Scott’s poetry, ‘Couplets & sometimes “Screeds” from the Lady of the

Lake”—“Marmion” &c.’40 This may have been advanced literature for such a young student,

but knowledge of these poems contributed to Georgiana’s lifelong affinity with Scott’s works.

She also developed a habit of copying excerpts of poetry from an early age, to add to copying

sections of novels, histories and newspaper items as well as works of art and pieces of music.

An essential tool of the education of the time, copying was believed to be a conduit for

formation of attitudes, preferences and tastes. Georgiana was concerned about her tutor’s future

because he took the blame for a forgery by his father for the sake of his mother and sisters and

was transported to Botany Bay as a convict. Georgiana next received lessons in drawing and

French from Louis Mauleon, a French prisoner of war, who was another resident in the London

suburb of Summerstown where she lived at the time.41 Mauleon could not play a musical

instrument but taught Georgiana ‘to sing a Hunting Song in German “Fuhret hin”’.42 Two

copies of this song can be found in Georgiana’s CMB (c. 1840–1856), one of which has her

annotation, ‘This song was taught me by Louis Mauleon 1813’.43 Mauleon ‘said Adieu’ on 13

August 1813 but drowned at sea.44

Georgiana’s separation from Mauleon was shortly followed by the death of her mother’s

sister Margaret Graham in 1813. After an illness, Georgiana went briefly to another boarding

school run by Madame Dunbar, a French-Canadian, in Somers Town. One of Georgiana’s

school friends, Eliza Huddart, made a deep impression on Georgiana when she dramatically

declaimed ‘Ode on the Passions’ (1746/47) by William Collins (1721–59) and ‘Alonzo the

39 Katherine K. Preston, Opera on the Road (Urbana and Chicago, USA: University of Illinois Press, 2001), 18–

29. 40 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’; Sir Walter Scott, The Lady of the Lake (1810), TWSDA-EUL,

http://www.walterscott.lib.ed.ac.uk/works/poetry/lady.html (accessed 22 October 2016); Sir Walter Scott,

Marmion (1808), TWSDA-EUL, http://www.walterscott.lib.ed.ac.uk/works/poetry/marmion.html (accessed 24 January 2015). 41 See notebook inscribed by Georgiana McCrae, ‘My First Writing Book / 1813’, with Mauleon’s address,

‘W31 Skinners St Summerstown / Near London’, MC403, McCrae Collection, NTA (Vic). 42 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’. 43 Georgiana McCrae, CMB, 180; see also CMB, 242. 44 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’.

77

Brave’ from the Gothic novel, The Monk (1796), by Matthew Lewis (1775–1818).45 Georgiana

heard later in life that ‘Eliza Huddart had become a celebrated tragedienne’.46 Eliza could

possibly be identified as Mrs Mary Amelia Warner née Huddart (1804–54), an actress born in

the same year as Georgiana, who made her debut aged fifteen and then appeared on the London

stage for over twenty years from 1830 with roles including Lady Macbeth.47 Georgiana herself

was said to have to have recited part of Collins’s ‘Ode’ on her deathbed.48

At the age of ten in 1814, Georgiana left school and started serious concentration on her

art and music. Three days a week she attended a drawing class ‘for the study of the antique’.49

She also began twice-weekly piano lessons at home from the redoubtable Miss Fanny Holcroft

(c. 1780–1844). Georgiana described Miss Holcroft as having been the student of the leading

London musician, Clementi, which indicated the level of Fanny Holcroft’s pianistic skills and

also gave prestige to her pupils. Miss Holcroft was ‘a very Dragon’ about timing and fingering

on the piano.50 Georgiana’s piano repertoire included common educational music for the period,

but because publishing piracy was rampant, her attributions of pieces she learnt to well-known

composers may not all have been accurate: ‘We began with “Purcell’s Ground”—& the

“Copenhagen Waltz”—then “Handel” & some duets by Kazeluck [Kozeluch]. Haydn’s

Overture in D. & Mozarts Waltzes’.51

Georgiana received a strong impression of Miss Holcroft’s character and achievements as

well as her musical tuition. Miss Holcroft was ‘very insufficiently paid’ and had to walk from

one pupil to the next, but Georgiana highly valued her friendship, intellect and example.52 In

her two years of lessons with Fanny Holcroft, Georgiana may have only reached a medium

standard of pianistic technique, but enough to form the basis of a life-long love of playing the

instrument in repertoire that she chose to suit her tastes and capacity.

With her portraitist’s eye, in her ‘Recollections’ written in her old age, Georgiana could

still give a detailed description of Fanny Holcroft’s appearance:

45 William Collins, ‘The Passions: An Ode for Music’, in Odes on Several Descriptive and Allegoric Subjects

(London: Printed for A. Millar, 1747 [1746]),

http://www.luminarium.org/eightlit/collins/passions.php (accessed 24 January 2015); Matthew Lewis, ‘Alonzo

the Brave, and Fair Imogine’, in The Monk (1796), Ch. 9, http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/l/lewis/matthew/monk/

(accessed 24 January 2015). 46 GM-Recollections. 47 Clement Scott and Cecil Howard, The Life and Reminiscences of E. L. Blanchard (London, Hutchinson &

Co., 1891), 1:122, https://archive.org/details/lifeandreminisc02meadgoog (accessed 24 January 2015). 48 Note in different handwriting, in GM-Recollections. 49 GM-Recollections. 50 GM-Recollections. 51 GM-Recollections; Kozeluch, Leopold 1747–1818, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n81-19572

(accessed 24 January 2015). 52 GM-Recollections.

78

In person Miss H. was rather over Middle Size—a brunette with bright brown eyes.

Her hair dark—& worn, like mine a l’enfant. though she was about old enough to

be my mother—The outline of her nose was very good, so far as the bone extended

but there it drooped & bulged a little too suddenly—her mouth as the french [sic]

say bien fendue [‘well cleft’]— & her teeth very white & set wide (far) apart—53

A daughter of Thomas Holcroft (1745–1809), the ‘Author of The Road to Ruin & Deaf &

Dumb’, Fanny Holcroft was ‘Herself an Authoress & Composer of Music’.54 In 1805 Fanny

Holcroft contributed music to a ‘melo-drame’ by her father entitled The Lady of the Rock,

performed at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane. Her published works included translations from

Spanish, German and Italian comedies and tragedies, original poetry and two novels, The Wife

and the Lover (1813) and Fortitude and Frailty (1817). She also submitted a manuscript play,

The Goldsmith, to the Lord Chamberlain in 1827.55 For Georgiana’s thirteenth birthday in 1817

Fanny Holcroft wrote a poem where Fanny hoped that Georgiana, unlike Fanny herself, would

enjoy a happy life:

Dear girl, may thy innocent heart,

Ne’er experience affliction or guile,

May each birthday improvement impart.

On thee may affection e’er smile_

Lov'd, & loving, long may’st thou be blest

And joys filial, long be thy own.

And when youth’s gayer scenes shall depart,

May thy age find protection & rest_56

Miss Holcroft lent Georgiana copies of Fortitude and Frailty and her children’s work Tales

for Youth. The ‘Tale’ that most impressed Georgiana was based on Fanny Holcroft’s girlhood

experience of destroying a counterfeit coin on the advice of her moralistic father in order to

avoid harm to herself or others.57 Fortitude and Frailty romps through England and Europe

and includes love affairs and revolutions with surprising twists of coincidence. The hero,

Archibald Campbel [sic], who according to Georgiana was based on Thomas Holcroft, shows

53 GM-Recollections. 54 GM-Recollections; Elbridge Colby, ed., The Life of Thomas Holcroft: Written by Himself, 2 vols. (New York:

B. Blom, 1968). 55 Holcroft, Fanny d. 1844, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n82-209504 (accessed 24 January 2015);

Fanny Holcroft, http://orlando.cambridge.org (accessed 5 November 2013); Fanny Holcroft, Fortitude and

Frailty. 56 GM-Recollections. 57 GM-Recollections; Fanny Holcroft’s Tales for Youth may have been in manuscript form or published

anonymously.

79

determined strength of character when dealing with life’s challenges.58 By the end of the novel

Archibald and the main female character, Eleonor Fairfax, both have the financial means to

support their noble-minded philanthropy, but have chosen other people to marry instead of each

other. The wicked ‘frail’ characters, Sir Leoline Hargrave and an Earl’s daughter, Lady Clarissa

Follington, do not live up to the duties and benefits of their higher social class and meet their

just deserts. A reviewer in the Critical Review in 1817 gave Fanny Holcroft guarded praise: ‘if

the talents of Miss Holcroft will not place her on a level with Miss Edgeworth, or the Miss

Porters, she is superior to many other writers of the day in the same kind who enjoy a greater

share of popularity’.59 In one of his reminiscences published nearly forty years later,

Georgiana’s cousin, Lord William Pitt Lennox, himself a novelist, was not so flattering about

earlier works including those by Fanny Holcroft:

The bulk of the reading was at best but milk and water. Pamphlets and squibs of

temporary interest, and novels and travels of no interest at all. Melodramatic

romance had extraordinary influence in the productions of Maturin, Mrs. Radcliffe,

Lewis, and Clara Reeve—the sentimental was represented by Miss Burney and

Fanny Holcroft.60

Through Fanny Holcroft, Georgiana met the wife of the prominent artist and teacher John

Varley (1778–1842) and commenced lessons with Varley, the teacher of professional artists

including John Linnell and William Hunt as well as a large number of amateurs.61 Georgiana

also obtained some art tuition from John Glover (1767–1849), Charles Hayter (1761–1835)

and ‘M. D. Serres’, who was probably Dominic Michael Serres (1763–after 1816), younger

son of Dominic Serres the Elder (1719–93).62 Together these masters gave Georgiana the

amateur accomplishments or ‘picturesque pursuits’ in sketching, drawing, landscapes and

miniature portraits using water colours and oils that were often expected of young ladies of the

period. While her artistic talents also opened up possibilities of a more serious professional

58 GM-Recollections. 59 Review of Fortitude and Frailty: A Novel by Fanny Holcroft, from Critical Review s5 5 (1817): 371–79 Art

V, in Corvey Women Writers 1796–1834 on the Web, Sheffield Hallam University, provided by Julie A.

Shaffer, University of Wisconsin, https://www2.shu.ac.uk/corvey/CW3/ContribPage.cfm?Contrib=415

(accessed 16 March 2017). 60 Lord William Pitt Lennox, Fifty Years’ Biographical Reminiscences (London, UK: Hurst and Blackett, 1863),

1:41–42, https://archive.org/details/cu31924088016229 (accessed 4 March 2017). 61 C. M. (Claus Michael) Kaufmann, John Varley, 1778–1842 (London UK: B.T. Bashford / Victoria and Albert

Museum, 1984). 62 David Hansen, John Glover and the Colonial Picturesque (Hobart: Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery,

2003); F. M. O’Donoghue, rev. V. Remington, ‘Hayter, Charles (1761–1835)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,

http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/12784 (accessed 25 January 2015); Alan Russett, Dominic Serres R.A.

(Woodbridge, UK Antique Collectors Club, 2001), 20, 217.

80

occupation, making money from a trade, however genteel, would carry implications that could

affect her ‘ladylike’ status.63

Georgiana was allowed to mix socially with her teachers’ families and her neighbours. She

went to ‘tea and early dinner’ with Mrs Varley and her two daughters and was friendly with

Charles Hayter’s daughter, Anne, who was also an artist.64 When she was studying drawing

with Serres, she was intrigued by Serres family news, which included poverty, infidelity,

marriage separation, mental illness and claims of royal descent.65 One of the Serres sisters had

been amongst the family members imprisoned for debt and help was sought and received from

the Royal Academy between 1796 and 1813.66 Georgiana met two elderly sisters of the Serres

brothers, ‘Miss Serres nearly blind, from too close application to etching in copper—Miss

Joanna taught drawing and music’.67 Georgiana in her ‘Recollections’ remembered music-

making of doubtful quality with Britannia Serres (born 1802), youngest daughter of John

Thomas and Olive Serres, followed afterwards by an opportunity to savour the scandal

affecting Britannia’s parents:

Presently two young ladies came into the room, Miss Joanna introduced them as

her nieces ‘Olivia’ & ‘Britannia’—the former fair like her mother & the latter,

swarthy & in feature exactly like her father’s family—I was requested to take part

in a Duet on the Piano with Britannia, a very rapid executant but her notion of time

would not have satisfied our old friend Miss Holcroft_68

Questions of birth and class affected others of Georgiana’s childhood acquaintances. One

of Georgiana’s genteel but impoverished neighbours, Mrs Randall, lived on fifty pounds a year

plus selected odd jobs, loved ‘private theatricals’ and therefore Mrs Randall surmised that her

unknown mother had been an actress. A married couple, M. and Madame Mosse née Rouveyre,

who later disappeared possibly because of financial problems, provided entertainment that

added to Georgiana’s musical education:

She had no voice for singing tho’ she talked volubly. Mr Mosse had a fine

sonorous tenor_ & sang Dibdin’s and Shield’s & other songs admirably_ At their

63 Jordan, Picturesque Pursuits, 12–50; Pamela Gerrish Nunn, Victorian Women Artists (London, UK: The

Women’s Press, 1987), 8. 64 GM-Recollections. 65 GM-Recollections; Russett, Dominic Serres R.A., 184, 203; ‘Lavinia Janetta Horton Ryves on Appeal from

Her Court for Divorce ... 1868’, http://heinonline.org (accessed 25 January 2015). 66 Evelyn Newby, The Diary of Joseph Farington: Index (New Haven and London: Yale University Press,

1998), 825–26. 67 GM-Recollections. 68 GM-Recollections.

81

petit soupers while still at table, after finishing the repast, they kept up the old

fashion of singing glees, catches or solos without accompaniment_[.]69

Georgiana and her mother lived at this period in the house of a Frenchwoman who

introduced them to Monsieur L’Abbé Huteau, a refugee French tutor and confessor. Huteau

gave Georgiana academic lessons in ‘Composition, History, Geography & the use of the

Globes’ for three afternoons a week at her home. M. Huteau’s pupils included a famous

soprano, ‘Miss Stephens the vocalist’.70 Catherine Stephens (1794–1882) was mentioned in the

title of Georgiana’s transcription of the song ‘And They’re a’ Noddin as sung by Miss Stephens

Arranged by J. Bianchi Taylor Esq.’.71 Mystery surrounded another of Huteau’s students, a

Miss Anne Glover who was ‘fair in features & remarkably like the Royal family’.72

Georgiana’s and Huteau’s suspicions about Miss Glover’s parentage and status were confirmed

when, as the daughter of Sir Arthur Piggott or Pigot, and no named mother, Miss Glover

married the Earl of Buckinghamshire in 1819.73

M. Huteau’s expressive singing of English songs by William Shield impressed Georgiana,

along with his tales of youthful violin playing and travels to L’Isle de France, the French name

for Mauritius:

M. Huteau was a thorough Musician—but owing to his age, had very little voice

left—yet he sang with great taste & expression, even in English. “Her Mouth,

which a Smile”, “The Thorn”—Italian, French. Latin, all the same—. In his early

youth he had been a Violinist & had made a voyage to L’Isle de France, before he

was an ordained Priest_74

Huteau had been the confessor to ‘the celebrated Madame Mara’ until she threw a knife at

her husband. Huteau was much more commendatory about another professional soprano singer,

69 GM-Recollections; Roger Fiske and Irena Cholij, ‘Dibdin, Charles [(1745–1814)]’, Grove Music Online,

OMO, OUP; Linda Troost, ‘Shield, William [(1748–1829)]’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (both accessed 25 January 2015). 70 GM-Recollections; Ronald Crichton, ‘Stephens, Catherine [(1794–1882)]’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed 25 January 2015). 71 Georgiana McCrae, MHMB, Part 1:40; see J. B. [John Bianchi] Taylor, ‘They’re A’ Noddin! A Favourite

Scotch Ballad Sung by Miss Stephens Arranged with an Accompaniment for Piano Forte or Harp’ (Baltimore:

John Cole, [nd]). 72 GM-Recollections. 73 GM-Recollections; ‘Anne Glover Pigot’, http://thepeerage.com/p2889.htm#i28885; ‘Piggott, Sir Arthur Leary

(1749–1817)’, http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1790-1820/member/piggott-sir-arthur-leary-

1749-1819 (both accessed 25 January 2015). 74 GM-Recollections; William Shield, ‘Her Mouth, Which a Smile: A Favorite Song as Sung by Mr. Philipps in

Rosina’ (c. 1818–21); William Shield, ‘The Thorn: Sung by Mr. Incledon, at the Theatre Royal Covent Garden

and in His New Entertainment Call’d Variety’ (c. 1800–4); see Chapters 4 and 7.

82

Madame Catalani.75 Georgiana helped Huteau by transcribing a letter to the Pope for inclusion

in a new edition of Huteau’s book advertised for sale in the New Monthly Magazine in 1815 as

Dialogues, Historical, Geographical, Chronological, &c.76 Georgiana also befriended

Huteau’s young blind protégé, Louis, who could play the piano, sing and had a marvellous

memory and musical ear. Louis’ maiden aunt helped him by putting the musical notation on a

‘grooved musical contrivance’ but unfortunately Louis caught a chill and died suddenly.77

Around the age of fourteen, Georgiana studied singing with Sophia Horn, daughter of Karl

Friedrich Horn (1762–1830) and sister of Charles Horn (1786–1849), a singer and composer,

whose song Cherry Ripe was sung by Madame Vestris in the comedy Paul Pry in 1825. Sophia

Horn, born in 1797, was only a few years older than Georgiana and married Daniel Sewell in

1821.78 Miss Horn’s father’s prestigious employment as a music teacher to Queen Charlotte

and the princesses impressed Georgiana, who had lessons twice a week and spread her regular

singing practice sessions through the day: ‘I practised from two to three hours every day—

Early in the morning Scales—before dinner & in the evening’.79 The Horn family’s Germanic

background may have influenced Georgiana’s vocal style which on the evidence of her

manuscript music collections did not include much coloratura singing. This was despite her

interest in Italian composers and the increasing influence on English singing in this period from

Italian teachers such as Venanzio Rauzzini (1746–1810), whose pupils included Nancy

Storace, Mrs Billington, Madame Mara, John Braham and Charles Incledon as well as amateur

singers.80

M. Huteau showed interest in Georgiana’s vocal progress and suggested that, with her

‘Correct ear, Mobile features & retentive Memory’ she ‘could not fail of achieving a fortune’

in an operatic career.81 This was not considered an option for the daughter of a marquis, despite

her relatively impoverished gentility. While Jane Graham appears to have had financial support

to enable Georgiana to have her music and art lessons, they both would have had to be careful

75 GM-Recollections; Julian Marshall, ‘Mara, Gertrud Elisabeth [(1749–1833)]’, Grove Music Online, OMO,

OUP, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed 25 January 2015); Elizabeth Forbes, ‘Catalani, Angelica

[(1780–1849)]’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed 6 February 2017). 76 GM-Recollections; advertisement for Monsieur L’Abbé Huteau’s Dialogues, in New Monthly Magazine, ed.

Thomas Campbell et al. (London, UK: Henry Colburn, July 1815), 3: 547. 77 GM-Recollections. 78 Michael Kassler, ed., Charles Edward Horn’s Memoirs of His Father and Himself (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2003), 93, 118. 79 GM-Recollections. 80 Brianna Robertson-Kirkland, ‘Are We All Castrati? Venanzio Rauzzini: “The Father of a New Style in

English Singing”’ (PhD thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016), http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7399/ (accessed 12 March

2017). 81 GM-Recollections.

83

about how Georgiana’s talents would be employed. Georgiana’s marked proficiency in art

could carry less stigma if she were to need to earn a living in a more acceptable manner by

painting miniature portraits. Aspiring professional operatic singers, dancers and actresses could

be admired for their talents but were often from lower down the social scale and were not treated

always with respect on either a personal or financial level, as could be seen by the experiences

of Mrs Jordan or Mrs Wood. Many obstacles to professional advancement were placed in their

way, such as perceptions of immoral behaviour, intermittent and insecure employment, lack of

money and housing, the impact of touring on family life, the smaller proportion of roles

available to women than men and the scarcity of women in managerial positions.82 It is likely

that Georgiana would have been influenced by expectations in the Georgian and Victorian eras

that genteel women should instead pursue skills in domestic music that helped them to

contribute to the harmony of home-life. In her later years, Georgiana remembered with pride as

well as with regret the praise given to her by Mr Taylor from the Covent Garden Theatre,

possibly Mr Charles Taylor, as identified by a card printed in 1811.83 Georgiana recalled:

Right gladly would I have followed M. Huteau’s advice, but the subject was one I

durst not mention—One evening Mr. H brought with him Mr. Taylor of Covent

Garden Theatre to hear me sing—and his opinion was, that “I only needed study to

develop a fine mezzo-soprano voice of two octaves in Compass”.84

M. L’Abbé Huteau filled a much-needed role as a father figure, who encouraged and

educated Georgiana while demonstrating religious tolerance by resisting pressure to try to

convert her to Catholicism.85 She marked his death in an inscription on her copy of the Oeuvres

de M. Boileau Despreaux (1750): ‘En Souvenir de M. L’Abbé Guis Huteau Recteur de

[Montantoin?] Diocese de Rennes Mort 18me Juillet 1821’.86 At the time of Huteau’s death,

Georgiana was translating Madame Sophie Cottin’s novel, Elisabeth, au des Exilés de la

Siberie (1806) and Georgiana had reached the section where Elizabeth on her weary journey

was ‘deprived by the death of her guide, the good priest’.87

82 Clapp-Itnyre, Angelic Airs, Subversive Songs, 34–36. 83 William Ridley and Samuel Drummond, ‘Mr Charles Taylor of the Theatre Royal Covent Garden’ (London,

England: J. Asperne, 1811), Folger Art File T238.15 no. 1,

http://luna.folger.edu/luna/servlet/detail/FOLGERCM1~6~6~293773~122326:Mr--Charles-Taylor-of-the-

Theatre-R (accessed 25 January 2015). 84 GM-Recollections. 85 GM-Recollections. 86 Inscription in Oeuvres de M. Boileau Despreaux, Tome Troisième (Paris: David, Durand, [1750]), McCrae

Family Library, MS 12312/239, MS Box 3116, MC-SLV. 87 Cottin, Madame (Sophie) 1770–1807, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n50-58684 (accessed 25

January 2015); GM-Recollections.

84

It is not clear who paid all the bills for Georgiana’s education and upkeep in London or

Scotland before her marriage in 1830 aged twenty-six, or when precisely she moved to Gordon

Castle near Fochabers in Moray, Scotland.88 Georgiana’s mother Jane Graham suffered serious

injuries from a carriage accident during the 1820s.89 Georgiana’s father probably paid Jane

Graham a cash allowance until her death in 1838. No records of direct payments from the

Gordon Castle estate that refer explicitly to Jane Graham or to Georgiana before her marriage

have as yet been discovered, though a reference from the fourth duke’s expenditure in 1825 on

clothing for a ‘Miss Gordon’ could have been intended for Georgiana.90 Two early marriage

proposals for Georgiana were rejected as inappropriate. One was from a friend of Huteau and

the other a suggestion by her art teacher, Charles Hayter, that she marry his younger son, Jack.91

Georgiana had some success exhibiting her artwork at the Royal Academy from 1816 to 1819.

She won a prize from the Society of Arts in 1820 with a portrait of her grandfather Duke

Alexander, received another prize in 1821 and exhibited at the Royal Academy again in 1825.92

While Georgiana was young, good-looking and socially presentable, her childhood and

teenage education were coming to a close. She would soon leave the artists, musicians, writers,

theatrical performers and French refugees of London and move to live instead with her

aristocratic father’s family in rural north-eastern Scotland.

3.2 Gordon Castle and Romance, 1820s–30

Connections at Gordon Castle

Georgiana’s descendants believed that she lived at Gordon Castle for seven years from 1821,

although this is disputed by other biographers including Niall.93 Georgiana’s ducal

grandparents and other aristocratic Gordon family members had regularly moved between

Scotland and London.94 Georgiana may have followed this pattern and enjoyed long holidays

at Gordon Castle, especially once the responsibility of her care had been taken over by her

88 Gordon Castle, http://www.gordoncastle.co.uk (accessed 28 December 2016). 89 Niall, Georgiana, 31. 90 GD44/51/495/14/2–6, GCM-NRS. 91 GM-Recollections. 92 Niall, Georgiana, 30. 93 Higgins, Introduction, 3. 94 Paul Rodgers and Matthias D’Amour, Memoirs of Mr. Matthias D’Amour (London: Longman, Rees, Orme,

Brown, Green & Longman; and Sheffield: Whitaker, 1836), 179; inscription: ‘Georgiana McCrae from Mr.

McLure 1852’, MS 12312, MS BOX 3103/49, McCrae Family Library, MC-SLV.

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grandfather.95 A silhouette signed ‘G. H. Gordon G. C. 1822’ owned by one of her descendants

shows that Georgiana was at Gordon Castle at some stage in 1822, when one of her music

collections, MHMB, was first dated.96 She visited the chapel where Handel had played the

organ at Cannons near London ‘while staying at “the Hale” near Edgeware in 1825’.97

Georgiana’s LTLMB contains an indication that she may have also been at Gordon Castle in

1825.98 In 1826, Georgiana was in London in September and at Gordon Castle in October (see

Figure 3 for more recent views of Gordon Castle).99

Figure 3: Gordon Castle, Fochabers, Scotland. Images: Amanda Milledge,

Georgiana McCrae Society Newsletter, August 2009.

95 Janet Hay, personal communication, 1996; Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 7. 96 Judith Wright, ‘Reminiscences’, Georgiana McCrae Society Newsletter, ed. Janet Hay (October 1996): 8–9;

Georgiana McCrae, MHMB, 93; Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 7. 97 Georgiana McCrae, handwritten note, in Some Account of Handel and His Times (East Melbourne:

[Melbourne Philharmonic Society], Wm. Goodhugh & Co., [1859]), MS 12831, Box F3591/5, MC-SLV. 98 Georgiana McCrae, LTLMB, [115]. 99 MS 12018, Box 2516/1, 2516/6, MC-SLV; Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 7.

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Georgiana admired her grandfather’s scholarly outlook and musicianship. Her father ‘had

a fine sonorous voice & sang with good taste and also with humour—yet not so artistically as

did Duke Alexander’ who ‘had the finest taste in music and played well on Violin’.100 In 1824,

the catalogue of sale for Duke Alexander’s London house included ‘lot 98, a fine toned square

piano forte with the additional keys by Broadwood and son [withdrawn]’.101 Despite large,

continuing costs and debt repayments, Georgiana’s grandfather spent money to keep up with

fashionable cultural developments and to look after his dependants. On 13 March 1825, Duke

Alexander used the services of Aberdeen merchant James Davie and bought a cabinet piano of

6½ octaves made by Wornum in London (£63–), a piano case (£2.10–), a stool and ‘canterbury’

for holding sheet music (£4.14.6) and case (£–.3.6), which together were brought to Gordon

Castle from Aberdeen (‘Expences to Gordon Castle & returning 2.5.–’) at a total cost of

£72.13.102 This would have represented a considerable expenditure at the time.

Georgiana is likely to have welcomed the availability of a piano by a reputable maker,

which would have added to the castle’s valued attractions for her, even if it was not quite as

fashionable as Broadwood, the maker of the square piano from the duke’s London house. Given

the size of Gordon Castle, it was perhaps significant that the duke chose a Wornum cabinet

piano rather than a grander and larger instrument from a maker such as Broadwood, Stodart or

Clementi. Robert Wornum (1780–1852), a leading piano manufacturer with around fifty

competitors in London at the time, had taken over his father’s profitable music publishing and

piano business and made an important contribution to the development of smaller upright

pianos for the drawing-room.103

Duke Alexander was a patron of the visual as well as the musical arts. In November 1823

he bought paintings featuring Glenfiddich and Gordon Castle, and ‘watercolours for the

duchess’ from the artist James Giles.104 Georgiana enjoyed sketching and painting many

features of the spacious grounds and areas in the vicinity of the castle and would have used its

art collection to provide models for copying.105 A catalogue of its extensive library included

100 Georgiana McCrae, MS Notebook, ‘Scottish-Noble Dames of Ancient Story’, 83, Andrew L. McCrae Papers,

in PNM-SLV. 101 GD44/51/351/1, GCM-NRS. 102 GD44/51/495/14/17, GCM-NRS. 103 Peter Ward Jones, ‘Wornum’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com

(accessed 25 January 2015); Arthur Loesser, Men, Women and Pianos (New York, USA: Dover, 1990), 259; see Geoffrey Lancaster, The First Fleet Piano: A Musician’s View (Canberra: ANU Press, 2015), 1:653–55,

http://press.anu.edu.au?p=319281 (accessed 21 March 2017). 104 GD44/43/359/36, GCM-NRS. 105 McCrae Collection, NTA (Vic); MSS 12018, 12831, MC-SLV; Picture Collection, SLV; RB 1164, MPC-

USyd, University of Sydney; BA, NTS; Caroline Clemente, ‘Catalogue of the Plates’, in Georgiana, ed. Niall,

259–74.

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books and music from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and the duke’s Scots librarian

James Hoy offered friendship.106 Georgiana also had opportunities to mix with a more elevated

social circle than earlier in her childhood.

While living at Gordon Castle, Georgiana was an unmarried woman without many

responsibilities and therefore had no need for paid employment. Her journals and voluminous

collections that were passed down to her descendants show that she developed her

accomplishments and interests by playing the piano and singing, sketching and painting,

writing her journals, compiling lists of artworks at the Castle and transcribing quantities of

jottings from novels, magazines and newspapers, and poetry including verses by Duke

Alexander.107 Another of the extant manuscript collections of Duke Alexander’s poetical

‘Compositions’ in unknown handwriting is found in the archives at Brodie Castle, the family

home of Georgiana’s stepmother’s relatives, as well as a manuscript copy of one of his tunes,

‘Brodie House’.108 Memorabilia such as a playbill for a private theatrical event in 1792 at

Gordon Castle featuring Georgiana father and other members of his family can be found among

Georgiana’s cherished possessions.109

Georgiana continued to copy music and also collected printed music in an expanding

personal library. The title page of The German Songster: Or A Collection of Favourite Airs,

With Their Original Music…or The German Erato (Berlin: G. C. Nauk, 1798) has handwritten

initials in the corner indicating ‘AG’ (probably Alexander, 4th Duke of Gordon or one of his

relatives).110 At the back of The German Erato a manuscript copy of a short song ‘A prey to

tender Anguish’ by ‘Dr. Haydn’ is pasted in. An annotation probably in Georgiana’s

handwriting explains the song’s joint transcription by both a friend (James Beattie) and a

daughter (Lady Georgiana Gordon) of Duke Alexander and his first Duchess Jane Maxwell:

‘The notes & first verse of this Song were Copied by Dr Beattie the poet at Gordon Castle for

Lady Georgiana – (afterwards Duchess of Bedford) who wrote the rest of the verses _’.111 The

song is in G major, common time and marked Larghetto with an easy compass of a ninth from

106 GD44/49/14, GCM-NRS; GM-Recollections. 107 For Georgiana McCrae’s copies of the Duke of Gordon’s poetry see ‘Exercise Book Containing Transcripts

of Poetry’, MS 12831, Box F3602/2; ‘Transcript of Verses’, MS 12831, Box F3606/12, MC-SLV. 108 ‘Brodie of Brodie No. 1’, includes ‘Compositions of Alexander, Duke of Gordon’, NRAS770/10; manuscript

music collection inscribed ‘Brodie House J. A. C. B.’, BA, NTS; ‘Brodie Castle Catalogue of Music Holdings’ by Roger B. Williams (2014), 48; ‘The Music and Musicians of Brodie Castle’ by Roger B. Williams (2014);

thanks again to Ian Riches, Mhairi Ross, Jim Inglis, NTS, and to Dr. Williams; see also ‘Poems’, by Alexander,

4th Duke of Gordon, MS 662, GB 0231, University of Aberdeen, Special Collections, Aberdeen. 109 MS 12831, Box F3591/6/23, MC-SLV; Niall, Georgiana, 42–43. 110 MS 12831, Box F3595/6, MC-SLV. 111 MS 12831, Box F3595/6, MC-SLV.

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D above middle C to E.112 Georgiana later annotated a printed volume which included

correspondence between Beattie and Duchess Jane.113 Georgiana’s music library included the

first, fifth and sixth volumes of Urbani’s A Selection of Scots Songs (Edinburgh, c. 1792–1804),

Alexander Gordon McDonald’s The Elements of Singing (Edinburgh, [1819]), signed ‘G.

Gordon’ and later ‘Hugh McCrae’, and a heavily annotated compilation volume of different

sections of Johnson’s Scots Musical Museum [SMM] inscribed ‘G. H. Gordon 1826’ to which

she added material in c. 1860.114 She also owned William Magee’s Original Lyrics: Arranged

to Scotish [sic] Melodies (1828), dedicated to Thomas Moore and signed ‘G. H. Gordon 1828’.

This volume includes handwritten notes including one inscribed ‘Newhaven 1833’, which is

likely to refer to a suburb of Edinburgh rather than the town in East Sussex, plus annotations

of the airs used for some of the songs.115 Separate pieces of sheet music including ‘The

Celebrated French Song, of Vive Henri Quatre’ probably also belonged to Georgiana.116

Literary works that she owned from this period include Hervey’s 1826 album, Friendship’s

Offering.117

After the death of Duke Alexander in London on 17 June 1827 Georgiana’s life changed

radically.118 A letter from ‘E. Ramsay’ to Georgiana dated 13 August 1827 indicated that

Georgiana was known to ‘the good people of Huntly’, the location of Huntly Lodge, the home

of Georgiana’s father and stepmother, who Georgiana would be meeting after their return from

the Continent.119 From that point on Georgiana would have much more contact with her

stepmother, whose position as the new duchess gave her power to exercise her authority.

Duchess Elizabeth’s father, Alexander Brodie (1748–1818), was a brother of James

Brodie, the twenty-first Brodie of Brodie (1744–1824), who had inherited his indebted Scottish

estate in 1759. As a younger member of the family, Alexander had to make his own way in

life. He made an enormous amount of money while working for around ten years from 1773

112 See Dr. Haydn, ‘A Prey to Tender Anguish, Selected from The German Erato’ (New York: P. Weldon,

[n.d.]), JHU, http://jhir.library.jhu.edu/handle/1774.2/3252 (accessed 21 October 2016). 113 Sir William Forbes, An Account of the Life and Writings of James Beattie (London: W. Baynes & Son,

1824), MS 12312/240, Box 3116, inscribed ‘Georgiana H McCrae’; ‘Helen [McCrae], 1945’, MC-SLV. 114 a) See MC540, McCrae Collection, NTA (Vic); b) MS 12831, Box F3593/4, MC-SLV; c) MS 12312/148,

Box 3110–B, MC-SLV. 115 RB 1164.10, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney. 116 MS 12831, Box 3743/3, MC-SLV. 117 Thomas K. Hervey, ed., Friendship’s Offering: A Literary Album (London: Lupton Relfe, 1826), inscribed

‘Georgiana Gordon’, McCrae Family Library, MS 12312/238, Box 3116, MC-SLV; see

https://archive.org/details/friends hipsoffe00hervgoog (accessed 20 February 2017). 118 Niall, Georgiana, 43. 119 Charles Stuart Perry Papers [CSPP], MS 12836, Box 3611/6, MC-SLV.

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for the East India Company in Chennai (Madras) and Vellore.120 On his return from India,

Alexander’s newly-acquired Indian wealth enabled him to mix with the highest levels of British

society and he had a parliamentary career in Britain from 1785 to 1802. At the age of forty-

five, in 1793 he married Elizabeth Margaret Wemyss, whose maternal grandparents were the

fifth Earl of Wemyss and Lady Elizabeth Gordon. Alexander Brodie then purchased expensive

Scottish estates, buying Arnhall in 1796 for £22,500; a few years later he bought the

neighbouring estate of The Burn for £22,500 and continued spending money on improvements

to his properties.121 His nephew James, the son of Brodie of Brodie, built an imposing residence

in Madras (Chennai), India, which he named after the ancestral Scottish Brodie Castle, but he

drowned in 1802. James’s son became heir to the Brodie estate and was also heir to his relative

Elizabeth Brodie.122

Elizabeth, born in 1794, was Alexander Brodie’s only known child and biggest investment.

Her mother died in 1800 and Elizabeth was educated in Bath. After Elizabeth was married to

the Marquis of Huntly, her status and power far outstripped that of her father. Alexander sold

his Scottish estates in 1814 and moved to a house with the fashionable address of ‘South

Audley-street, Grosvenor-square’, where he died in 1818. His death notices in London

newspapers took no notice of his Indian or parliamentary careers; he was defined in the

Morning Chronicle as ‘father to the Marchioness of Huntley’ and in the Morning Post as

‘second brother of James Brodie of Brodie, aged 69 years’.123

According to the Gordon kinswoman and neighbour Elizabeth Grant, who wrote her

memoirs from 1845, the Huntlys’ marriage was a surprising success, despite their differences

in age and character. Grant described Lord Huntly as ‘now in the decline of his rackety life,

overwhelmed with debts, sated with pleasure, tired of fashion, the last male heir of the Gordon

line’.124 His newly-wedded wife was a surprise: ‘His bride was young, and rich, and good, and

fair, but neither clever nor handsome. She made him, however, very happy, and paid his most

pressing debts, that is, her father did.’125 Alexander Brodie’s wealth dazzled Elizabeth Grant,

120 ‘Brodie, Alexander (1748–1818), of Arnhall and The Burn, Kincardine’, in History of Parliament Online,

http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1790-1820/member/brodie-alexander-1748-1818 (accessed

15 January 2016). 121 Archd. Cowie Cameron, The History of Fettercairn: A Parish in the County of Kincardine (1899), Chapter

17, Electric Scotland, http://www.electricscotland.com/history/fettercairn/chapter17.htm (accessed 25 January 2015). 122 Stephanie Blackden and Christopher Hartley, Brodie Castle (Edinburgh: NTS, 2011). 123 ‘Alexander Brodie, Esq.’, Morning Chronicle (London), Friday, 16 January 1818; ‘Alexander Brodie, Esq.’,

Morning Post (London), Monday, 19 January 1818. 124 Grant, Memoirs, 1: 309–10. 125 Grant, Memoirs, 1: 309–10.

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whose own father’s financial woes led to the loss of their Scottish property. She recalled that

Mr Brodie

gave with his daughter, his only child, £100,000 down, and left her more than

another on his death—and really to her husband her large fortune was the least part

of her value. She possessed upright principles, good clear common sense, and when

by and by she began to feel her powers and took the management of his affairs, she

turned out a first rate woman of business.126

Not only was Elizabeth superior to Georgiana in wealth and status, she was also

Georgiana’s rival in musical ability. Soon after Georgiana’s father and Elizabeth Brodie had

married, Elizabeth Grant was overwhelmed with Elizabeth’s musical prowess when she played

Swiss airs on the Grants’ grand piano: ‘The first chord was sufficient, the touch was masterly.

In every style she played well, but her Scotch musick, tender or lively, was perfection’.127

Georgiana’s father was also gratified by his wife’s performance, particularly of her Scottish

dance music repertoire:

Her Lord, who was very little sensible of the power of harmony, was always pleased

with her musick, listening to it with evident pleasure and extreme pride, particularly

when she gave him the reels and strasthspeys he danced so well, when he would jump

up gaily and crack his fingers like a pair of catagnets [sic] and ask did any one hear

better playing than that. Then if she went on to the marches and quick steps of the

highland regiments, which she certainly did give in the most inspiring manner, he

would get quite excited and declare no bard could equal her.128

Sir Walter Scott based the character of Lady Elizabeth Gordon on Lady Huntly in his

Halidon Hill (1822), which he advertised as a ‘Dramatic Sketch from Scottish History’ in

which ‘Knights, squires, and steeds, shall enter on the stage’.129 Scott dedicated the work to his

Scottish friend and colleague, the poet and playwright Joanna Baillie. In Halidon Hill Scott

conflated two historical Gordon leaders, both called Adam, and the battles of Halidon Hill

(1333) and Homildon Hill (1402). In Act 2, Scene 2 of Halidon Hill, Scott’s Sir Adam Gordon

described the musicianship of Lady Elizabeth with poetic rapture, full of the romantic imagery

126 Grant, Memoirs, 1: 309–10. 127 Grant, Memoirs, 1: 333–34. 128 Grant, Memoirs, 1: 333–34. 129 Sir Walter Scott, Halidon Hill; A Dramatic Sketch, From Scottish History (Archibald Constable and Co.,

Edinburgh; Hurst, Robinson, and Co. London, 1822), title page,

http://openlibrary.org/books/OL23302665M/Halidon_Hill (accessed 24 January 2015).

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and magic of Scottish bards and harps, and remarked on her expressive playing and high level

of audience approval:

Who, but she,

Knows the wild harpings of our native land?...

Princes and statesmen, chiefs renown’d in arms,

And grey-hair’d bards, contend which shall the first

And choicest homage render to the enchantress…

To listen to her, is to seem to wander

In some enchanted labyrinth of romance,

Whence nothing but the lovely fairy’s will,

Who wove the spell, can extricate the wanderer.130

Scott may well have been overly effusive about Elizabeth Brodie’s gifts in an attempt to

flatter people in high places, but Elizabeth Grant’s independent account backs Scott’s

judgement. While childless herself, Elizabeth Brodie as the Marchioness of Huntly for a few

years helped care for her husband’s two ‘natural children’ by Ann Thomson. In 1816 Elizabeth

travelled with her eleven-year-old stepdaughter Susan to Geneva to enrol her in a school there.

Elizabeth also became responsible for her husband’s nieces, Caroline and Emily Montagu,

daughters of the separated Duke and Duchess of Manchester.131 However, this largesse and

personal interaction does not seem to have extended to Georgiana, which may have affected

her attitude to her stepmother.

In her ‘Commonplace Book’ of 1828, written around the time of her love affair with her

kinsman Peter Charles (Perico) Gordon, Georgiana briefly noted Scott’s reference to Elizabeth

in Halidon Hill, but was much more interested in the fame and glory of the ancient house of

Gordon from which she gained so much pride and wrote out some of Scott’s quotation from

Pinkerton’s History of Scotland concerning the bravery of Sir Adam Gordon and Sir John

Swinton when they faced their common English enemies at Homildon Hill.132 Here Georgiana

both praised the famous Gordon family and minimised Elizabeth’s status. Georgiana’s self-

worth as well as her musical prowess appeared to have been challenged by her stepmother’s

reinforcement of Georgiana’s lack of wealth, power or importance in Gordon history.

130 Scott, Halidon Hill, 93–95. 131 NRAS770, BA, NTS. 132 John Pinkerton, The History of Scotland (London, UK: C. Dilly, 1797), 1:72–74, Eighteenth Century

Collections Online, Cengage: Gale (accessed through University of Melbourne, 25 January 2015); Georgiana

McCrae, Commonplace Book, ed. Higgins, 88.

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Whereas Georgiana had been looked after well by her grandfather, her father and

stepmother were not so generous. Elizabeth appears to have distanced herself from Duke

Alexander, especially from the time of his second marriage to his former mistress in 1820.

Elizabeth’s moralistic turn of mind added to her gracious but distant attitude to her stepchildren.

It is unlikely that Elizabeth ever met Jane Graham. The inability of Elizabeth and her husband

to have legitimate children may have complicated her reaction to her husband’s illegitimate

offspring. Georgiana’s move to Gordon Castle offered her access to a higher-level society than

she had previously experienced, but she also had to negotiate intricate relationships and

attitudes to codes of conduct and morality.

On 1 January 1828 Georgiana met three Gordon relatives, John David Gordon, his sister

Fanny and his eldest son Perico, when they visited Gordon Castle. John David Gordon had

moved from Scotland to Spain and married a Spanish woman. Perico was destined to succeed

to his grandfather’s Scottish estate, adding to his attractions for Georgiana. The next day

Georgiana was upset when Duchess Elizabeth stopped Georgiana from going on a day trip with

the visitors to see the Gordon tombs at Elgin Cathedral.133

A Spanish officer also came to visit her father and stepmother at Gordon Castle. According

to Georgiana, the Spaniard was a protégé of Alexander Fraser, Lord Saltoun, a friend of

Georgiana’s father.134 Saltoun, a decorated Scottish military officer who fought at Waterloo

and in other campaigns, had married Catherine Thurlow, an illegitimate daughter of Edward,

Lord Chancellor Thurlow. A musician himself, Saltoun in later life became president of the

Madrigal Society of London and chair of the Musical Union.135 Georgiana’s love of music was

mixed with an awareness of its social role as a marker of status as well as of accepted taste.

During family entertainments that evening the Spanish officer gained his audience’s approval

and enthralled Georgiana with the expressive and exotic possibilities of the guitar: ‘Till now I

had never any idea of the capabilities of the guitar having supposed it to be merely adapted for

accompanying the voice, while it can give Martial music most effectively—’.136 Georgiana

recognised that the performer’s skill and its acceptance by his audience were supported by Lord

Saltoun’s approval and that otherwise the guitar may have been seen as an inferior instrument:

133 GM-Stray, 1–2 January 1828, MC-SLV. 134 GM-Stray, 2 January 1828, 2. 135 H. M. Stephens, rev. James Lunt, ‘Fraser, Alexander George, Sixteenth Lord Saltoun of Abernethy (1785–

1853)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004; online ed., Jan 2008, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/10102 (accessed 25

January 2015). 136 GM-Stray, 2 January 1828, 2–3.

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‘Lord Saltoun is a capital performer on the guitar—having learnt to play while in Spain with

his Regiment—’.137

Georgiana was pleased when her father explained their relationship to the Spanish guest

saying ‘She is my daughter”.138 While the move to Gordon Castle had provided Georgiana with

many social and material advantages, her situation was complex. She was still not too old to

consider marriage but in other ways she was akin to her stepmother’s ‘spy’, one of Perico

Gordon’s unmarried aunts, Margaret Gordon. Women like Georgiana and Margaret were

dependent on the decisions of others for their welfare, the clothes they wore, the company they

kept and the way they spent their time. Both Georgiana and Margaret like many other

unmarried women in this period performed a variety of unpaid roles in their own and others’

homes.139 Margaret was herself born as the result of her mother’s affair outside of marriage,

but Margaret was christened and brought up as the daughter of her mother’s husband, the laird

of Wardhouse, which would have maintained the respectability of the laird, his wife and her

daughter. Margaret, the same age as Elizabeth Brodie, had been considered a suitable

companion for the nineteen-year-old Elizabeth Brodie after Elizabeth married Georgiana’s

father in 1813.140

While Georgiana and Margaret Gordon may have had interests and relatives in common,

Georgiana preferred the kindliness of Margaret’s older unmarried half-sister Fanny Gordon.

Georgiana described Fanny as welcoming and talkative, ‘the very impersonation of Miss

Mitfords [sic] “Aunt Martha” in “Our Village”—’.141 While Georgiana was fond of Fanny, the

life of an ‘Aunt Martha’ was not necessarily a role model that Georgiana wanted to follow.

Mitford’s story ‘Aunt Martha’ in the first series of Our Village (1824–32) lovingly depicts a

favourite middle-aged maiden aunt, who devotes herself to everyone’s welfare and especially

loves nursing and providing care at every available birth, wedding and funeral. Aunt Martha,

although good looking, is anxious to avoid matrimony and lives with a gentleman, presumably

her brother, and her nieces in the gentleman’s picturesque rose-covered Elizabethan house.

Here Aunt Martha indulges in embroidery and hoards everything that may possibly come in

use, but is not keen to display other accomplishments commonly seen as lures for the marriage

market:

137 GM-Stray, 2 January 1828, 3. 138 GM-Stray, 2 January 1828, 3. 139 Amanda Vickery, Behind Closed Doors (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 209), 188. 140 GM-Stray, 28 February 1828. 141 GM-Stray, 1 January 1828, 1; Mary Russell Mitford, ‘Aunt Martha’, in Our Village, First Series, The Works

of Mary Russell Mitford, Prose and Verse (Philadelphia: Crissy & Markley, 1846), 66–7,

https://openlibrary.org/books/OL6723236M/The_works_of_Mary_Russell_Mitford (accessed 25 January 2015).

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She leaves to the sirens, her nieces, the higher enchantments of the piano, the harp,

and the guitar, and that noblest of instruments, the human voice; ambitious of no

other musical fame than such as belongs to the playing of quadrilles and waltzes for

their little dances, in which she is indefatigable.142

A maiden aunt could be musical, but should be happy to stay in the background, playing the

piano to accompany the young people dancing.

‘In some enchanted labyrinth of romance’

Her father approved of Georgiana accepting an invitation to visit Fanny Gordon. After the duke

and duchess left Gordon Castle in early February 1828, Georgiana travelled to Fanny’s home

at Gordon Hall near Huntly in Aberdeenshire, owned by Perico’s grandfather, the laird of

Wardhouse.143 Perico and his aunt Margaret demonstrated their musical skills at a family party

on the night of Georgiana’s arrival. Georgiana noted that Margaret could play the piano at the

same time as singing ‘in the bravura style’.144 Margaret had been a pupil of the famous opera

singer and teacher Angelica Catalani (1780–1849), who had been admired by Georgiana’s tutor

M. L’Abbé Huteau. Perico also performed well when he ‘played some airs of Rossini’s with

exquisite taste and feeling, on the Violin’.145 The next evening, Georgiana’s singing received

praise and led to a request for her to transcribe music:

In the Evg= the Old Laird would have me to sing — “Blue Eyed Mary”—He took

a great fancy to the simple little ditty when I sang it to him at Gordon Castle, &

had asked me to copy it for Miss Margaret, so as the song was at hand I had no

excuse— After this had been sung & applauded Perico asked me to sing some of

the old Scotch ditties and I did so —without at all feeling afraid146

Georgiana’s repertoire and performances would have demonstrated the results of her

London tuition from Fanny Holcroft and Sophia Horn as well as her musical experiences in

Scotland. Perhaps Georgiana accompanied herself when she sang ‘Blue Eyed Mary’, a simple

strophic song in standard poetic English, as well as the unnamed ‘Scotch ditties’. Georgiana’s

copy of ‘Blue Eyed Mary’ in GCMB has a simple bass accompaniment suggesting the

142 Mitford, ‘Aunt Martha’. 143 Ann Dean and Mike Morrison, The Spanish Gordons and Huntly (5th reprint, no date); ‘The Spanish

Gordons and Huntly’, http://www.scalan.co.uk/Spanishgordontext.htm (accessed 25 January 2015). 144 GM-Stray, 4 February 1828, 5. 145 GM-Stray, 4 February 1828, 5. 146 GM-Stray, 5 February 1828, 5.

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possibility of extemporisation. The vocal part starts with hackneyed opening lines, ‘Come tell

me blue ey’d stranger, Say whither dost thou roam’.147 Underneath Georgiana’s GCMB version

is a pencilled annotation with a partly illegible and as yet unidentified quotation: ‘The flower

[girl?] of the Haymarket, is now the wife of my son-in-law’.148 An undated American version

of the same song with a realised piano accompaniment was probably published in a later period

than the unknown source that Georgiana used.149

Georgiana’s pianistic skills were put to the test when she played chamber music by Joseph

Mazzinghi (1765–1864) and Thomas Moore (1779–1852). Margaret this time played the harp

with Perico on violin:

Evening after evening followed much the same, and I now took the Pianoforte part

of the Airs arranged for the Piano Harp and Violin by Mazzinghi — I only knew

two of them “Huntsman rest” (Lady of the Lake) & the “Tyrolese Air” —“of

Liberty” —150

Georgiana continued,

In the other Airs I found myself behind hand in the Exact time of the prestissimo

passages — However, prompted and encouraged by our “Leader”, and Miss

Margaret who took the Harp part, I very soon was able to keep up with them, to

their satisfaction.151

Perico told Georgiana how music-making was part of the lifestyle at his hometown of

Yeres in north-eastern Spain:

The young laird tell me that in Yeres he goes out every Eg [evening] to play at

different Houses, where the same performers meet regularly — some with guitars,

Violins, & Violincelli [sic] &c for part-singing — There are thirty houses in Yeres

where they have Pianos, and where Amateur Concerts are held — Merchants go to

their offices at 7 in the morning — at noon take a Siesta — dine at three o’clock,

and go out in the afternoon to make calls until late in the Evening —and sometimes

remain for Music, fruit, and Chocolate —152

147 Georgiana McCrae, GCMB, piece 30: [62–63]. 148 GCMB, [63]. 149 ‘Blue Eyed Mary: A Favorite Song Arranged for the Piano Forte’ (New York: J. A. & W. Geib, [n.d.]), JHU, http://levysheetmusic.mse.jhu.edu/catalog/levy:108.076 (accessed 3 April 2017). 150 GM-Stray, after 5 February 1828, 5; Joseph Mazzinghi, ‘Huntsman Rest’ (London: Goulding & D’Almaine,

[18–?], AF 780.4 M973 (V.115), SLV, http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/42176204; Thomas Moore, ‘The Tyrolese

Song of Liberty: a National Air’ (‘Merrily Every Bosom Boundeth’) (London: J. Power, 1810). 151 GM-Stray, after 5 February 1828, 5–6. 152 GM-Stray, after 5 February 1828, 6.

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Georgiana sketched Joe Cooper, the Blind Piper who lived nearby, as he performed

‘several favourite old airs, winding up at Perico’s request with “Saw ye bonny Leslie?”’153 It

is a matter of speculation which tunes Joe Cooper played besides ‘Bonny Leslie’. Joe would

have had his own repertoire that he had memorised and was free to extemporise within his and

the instrument’s technical capacities. Joe appeared to be locally renowned for his musicianship

as well as his disability and was probably also in a semi-feudal relationship with Perico’s

family, dependant on them for housing, sustenance and income.

Perico’s request for ‘Bonny Leslie’ had underlying implications of courtship for

Georgiana. The words for the song ‘O saw ye bonie Lesley’ were written by Robert Burns in

1792 about ‘a charming Ayr-shire girl, Miss Lesley Baillie of Mayfield’ and were published in

1798 for the parlour market with realised piano accompaniment and standard English

translation in George Thomson’s A Select Collection of Original Scotish Airs:

O, saw ye bonie Lesley,

As she gaed o’er the Border?

She’s gane like Alexander,

To spread her conquests farther!

...Return again, fair Lesley,

Return to Caledonie!

That we may brag, we hae a lass

There’s nane again sae bonie.154

‘Bonie Lesley’ was republished many times, for example with a simpler piano

accompaniment in Smith’s The Scotish Minstrel (c. 1820–24), which Georgiana used in this

period as a source for other songs in GCMB.155 Both Thomson and Smith attached Burns’s

poem to the angular modal tune that Burns suggested, known by variants of the name of ‘The

Collier’s Bonie Lassie’. However, Burns may have based ‘Bonie Lesley’ on the song ‘Lizae

Baillie’, which has a less complex tune. ‘Lizae Baillie’ is one of many songs with sexual

innuendoes where a Highland laddie demonstrated his masculine charms to a pretty southern

153 GM-Stray, 8 February 1828, 6. 154 Donald A. Low, ed., ‘O, saw ye bonie Lesley?’ in The Songs of Robert Burns (London: Routledge, 1993), no. 168: 456–57; George Thomson, A Select Collection of Original Scotish Airs…Second Set (London: Preston &

Son; Edinburgh: G. Thomson, [1798]). 155 R. A. Smith, ed., ‘O Saw ye bonnie Lesley?’ in The Scotish Minstrel: A Selection from the Vocal Melodies of

Scotland, Ancient & Modern, Arranged for the Piano Forte (Edinburgh: Robt. Purdie, [1820–22]), 2: 17,

http://digital.nls.uk/91352967, http://digital.nls.uk/91519874 (accessed 25 January 2015); GCMB, pieces 4–7;

see Chapter 4.

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girl and persuaded her to stay with him in satisfied happiness far from the amusements of

refined city life:

My bonie Lizae Baillie,

I’ll row ye in my plaidie

And ye maun gang alang wi’ me

And be a Highland Lady.156

Another of Perico’s aunts, Mrs Macdonell, came that evening to Georgiana’s room to find

out whether Georgiana would welcome Perico as a suitor.157 Georgiana knew that her

stepmother objected to Perico because of what Georgiana described as her ‘bigotted aversion’

to Perico’s Catholic religion.158 His family’s dedication to their religion was a difficult

stumbling block. Georgiana also suspected that Duchess Elizabeth did not want her to gain the

status of a neighbouring laird’s wife.159

The continuing hospitality at Gordon Hall demonstrated social distinctions. While

Georgiana, Perico and Margaret Gordon played music for their immediate upper-class family

in the confines of Gordon Hall’s drawing room, Joseph Cooper was called on to play his pipes

for dancing when people of all classes from the neighbourhood were invited to attend the

seventy-fifth birthday celebrations for Perico’s grandfather, the laird of Wardhouse. Georgiana

noted that Perico’s marked disability inhibited his family’s participation: ‘none of the family

joined in the reels, this out of compliment to poor Perico whose lameness debars him from

enjoying a dance’.160

In March 1828 Georgiana was invited to visit a family friend Dr Ramsay at Huntly where

she travelled on the mail coach ‘leaving my Heart in the Highlands’.161 Perico rode to Huntly

to help celebrate her twenty-fourth birthday on 15 March 1828.162 A fortnight later he came to

say goodbye to Georgiana as he and his father planned to travel to London and then to Yeres.

Perico raised Georgiana’s expectations when he told her that his father would ‘wait upon the

Duke as soon as they arrived in London’.163 This promise does not seem to have achieved the

results that Georgiana hoped for. By June 1828 Georgiana’s father and stepmother as well as

156 James Johnson, ‘456: Lizae Baillie’ in SMM 5 (1793; 1839): 469, http://digital.nls.uk/87803486 (accessed 25

January 2015); Thomas Crawford, Burns: A Study of the Poems and Songs (1960; Edinburgh: Canongate, 1994),

270–71; William Donaldson, The Jacobite Song (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1988), 57. 157 GM-Stray, 8 February 1828. 158 GM-Stray, 9 February 1828, 8. 159 Niall, Georgiana, 78, 305. 160 GM-Stray, 25 February 1828, 14. 161 GM-Stray, after 28 February 1828, 19. 162 GM-Stray, 15 March 1828, 19. 163 GM-Stray, late March 1828, 20.

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Perico and his father were all still in London. Georgiana returned to Gordon Hall and Perico

came to visit briefly in July with his uncle and his aunt Margaret, whose presence meant that

Georgiana ‘had to put on my mask again!’164 Georgiana may have acted as though she was

unconcerned through pride or because she needed privacy and did not want Margaret to pry

into her emotions. She resented Margaret’s attempt to persuade her that Perico had indulged in

many flirtations.165 It is unclear whether these rumours about Perico’s behaviour were accurate,

or whether Margaret was embellishing the truth to reinforce her message that Georgiana had

no hope of marriage to Perico. When Perico left Gordon Hall again to return to London,

Georgiana used her piano practice to hide her unhappiness at the dashing of her romantic hopes.

Georgiana’s memory of this experience appears to have mirrored her reading of emotional

scenes in contemporary novels such as Fortitude and Frailty by her music teacher, Fanny

Holcroft, whose heroine Eleanor Fairfax cried over her harp:166

Everybody had left the Drawing-room & I stayed to conceal my countenance from

the “Spy” & sat down to the Piano to play over some songs for the sake of bringing

a few tears to my relief— after a time I heard the Carriage wheels coming round to

the door, and soon afterwards the clunk of Perico’s foot on the stair, and next

moment he was standing beside me, and said in a rather reproachful tone “You did

not come to bid me goodbye, so I’ve come to you” —He then, as I rose from the

piano took both my hands in his, and said, “I must go”—but I durst not look up, lest

traces of tears might cause him pain—then he said, still holding my hands — “Good

bye”, most tenderly —and “Remember, that while this House is mine you are ever

to consider it your Home”— I could not utter a word of thanks, but having gulped

down the rising tears, I said “Good bye”_ as well as I could clasping his hands and

we parted— “Our undying hopes deep hidden in our silent hearts”.167

When the clunk of the foot ceased on the stair and the Carriage wheels rolled away

— my Heart seemed to cease to beat! I turned to the Piano to finish my practising,

keeping time with my tears —168

Georgiana was intelligent, educated, artistic, passionate and the daughter of a duke.

However much she may have been conscious that young ladies her age were expected to be

married, she was constrained in her choices because she was illegitimate, lacked financial

164 GM-Stray, July 1828, 21. 165 GM-Stray, July 1828, 22. 166 Fanny Holcroft, Fortitude and Frailty, 2:100. 167 Source of this quotation used by Georgiana McCrae is unknown. 168 GM-Stray, July 1828, 24–25.

99

resources and her religion was different to Perico’s. Views attributed to Charlotte Lucas in

Austen’s Pride and Prejudice, that marriage ‘was the only honourable provision for well-

educated young women of small fortune, and however uncertain of giving happiness, must be

their pleasantest preservative from want’, may well have resonated with Georgiana.169 Her

journal entry was silent about the pieces of music that she was practising that day, but her

transcriptions in GCMB while staying at Gordon Hall in 1828 include a duet that she copied

out on 19 February 1828 entitled ‘Perche mi lasci’ (‘Why have you left me’).170 Next come

songs with evocative titles in English, Italian, Lowland Scots and Scots Gaelic: ‘Maid of

Athens’, ‘Tu consoli O Mio Speranza’ (You Console O My Hope) and ‘Roys Wife of

Aldivalloch’ are followed by a ‘Portuguese air’ titled ‘Should those fond hopes’ from Moore’s

National Airs (c. 1826), ‘“An t_ Ailleagan”’ with the lines ‘I still may boast my will is free,

My heart is still my own’ and a duet ‘Le Alastair Cambeul’ (Gaelic for ‘Alastair/Alexander

Campbell’, referring to the editor of Albyn’s Anthology (1816–18)) with words ‘Come, my

bride, haste, haste away!’.171

Throughout her life Georgiana displayed ongoing effects of the traumatic events in this

period including the loss of her grandfather and of her home and position at Gordon Castle and

her failed romance with Perico. Examples include echoes of ‘Perche mi lasci’ with an

attribution to Rossini in CMB, while the compilation copy of SMM contains newspaper cuttings

and annotations dated 1860 regarding contributions by Duke Alexander to the words of ‘Roy’s

Wife of Aldivalloch’.172

After Perico’s departure and despite her distress, Georgiana continued to stay at Gordon

Hall where she participated in more music-making activities, thereby consolidating her social

status and relationships with the laird’s family at Gordon Hall. She listened to another of the

laird’s grandsons, Charles Birch, sing fashionable parlour songs by Mrs Robert [Frances]

Arkwright (died 1849), Thomas Moore and Harriett Abrams (c. 1758–c. 1822). In Georgiana’s

opinion, Charles sang ‘delightfully—“Roland the Brave” “The song of the olden time” etc and

the second of the Duet “And must we part?”’173 Georgiana displayed more of her

accomplishments when a visitor, Jessie Cruikshanks, who was a daughter of a friend of the

169 Austen, Pride and Prejudice, 117. 170 GCMB, piece 17: [p. 32]. 171 GCMB, pieces 18–23; see Chapter 4. 172 ‘Duett’/ ‘Oer the far woodland’ in CMB, 226; see Georgiana’s references to ‘Roys Wife’ in MS 12312/148,

Box 3110-B, MC-SLV, and also in RB 1164.4, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney. 173 GM-Stray, July 1828, 25; Mrs Robert Arkwright and Thomas Campbell, ‘Roland the Brave: a Legend’

(London: J. Power, [1827]), http://nla.gov.au/nla.mus-an10695244; Thomas Moore, ‘The Song of the Olden

Time’ (London, UK: J. Power, [18–?]); Harriet Abrams, ‘And Must We Part: a Favorite Duett For Two Voices’

(London: L. Lavenu, [18–?]).

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Gordon Hall family, sang first soprano and Georgiana took the lower part in duets. They

practised and then performed a number of pieces together including a duet originally by the

Italian composer Niccolò Jommelli (1714–74), with words added by Milton, used in music for

Solomon by the English composer William Boyce (1711–79). They also sang a setting, possibly

from a three-part glee by William Shield, of words from Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s

Dream; an arrangement of Pamina and Pagageno’s duet, ‘Bei Männern, welche Liebe fühlen’

from The Magic Flute by Wolfgang Mozart (1756–91); and also a duet from Thomas Arne’s

Artaxerxes:

Jessie has a very sweet soprano voice —she sings first to my second —and we

practice out on the Hill behind the House “Sweet is the breath of Morn” _ The

Loadstars “The Manly heart”— “Fair Aurora prythee stay”_&c so that in the Evening

we feel confident—174

There were benefits in practising music with a like-minded young lady before facing a

critical audience which included other accomplished parlour performers. Georgiana’s time at

Gordon Castle and Gordon Hall had provided opportunities to extend her musical technique

and repertoire. Although her love for Perico led to disappointment rather than marriage, her

musical performances helped to maintain her social standing and contributed to the possibilities

of her finding another suitor.

3.3 Marriage and Reality, 1830–40

A search for a husband

After Duke Alexander died in 1827, Georgiana was no longer a young girl obtaining an

education, or her elderly grandfather’s unpaid companion, but an extra mouth to feed. Her

father was noble and socially elevated but with huge debts; her unmarried mother, Jane

Graham, was ignored in lodgings in England. Her stepmother, with her considerable private

fortune inherited from her father, was determined to advance her own and her husband’s

174 GM-Stray, July 1828, 26; Niccolò Jommelli and John Milton, ‘Sweet is the Breath of Morn: a Favorite Duet

for Two Voices’, c. 1775–[18–?]; words for ‘O Happy Fair/The Loadstars’ from Helena’s speech to Hermia, Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream, [c. 1595–96], Act 1, Scene 1; see William Shield, ‘Shakespear’s

Duel’ [song, begins: “It was a Lordling’s daughter”] and ‘Loadstars’ [glee, begins: “O happy Fair”], etc.

(London: Preston & Son, for the Author, [1797]), Music Collections G.352.(34.), BL; Wolfgang Amadeus

Mozart, ‘The Manly Heart: a Favorite Duet’, adapted from duet for Papagena and Papageno in Die Zauberflöte

[The Magic Flute], [after 1791]; Thomas Arne, ‘Fair Aurora pr’ythee stay’, ‘Duettino’ from Artexerxes (1762),

‘altered’ from Metastasio, Act 1, Scene 1 for Mandane and Arbaces.

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positions, which meant that unnecessary expenditure on his illegitimate children was not

welcome.

Jane Graham may have improved her economic position by becoming the mistress of an

aristocrat, as he appeared to have supported her and their child long after their relationship was

over, but the advantages to Georgiana were limited. Despite her good looks and

accomplishments, Georgiana’s father’s debts and his wife’s attitude meant that Georgiana

could not expect to marry an aristocrat like M. Huteau’s pupil, Miss Glover, or Lord Saltoun’s

wife had done. The duchess was in charge of finding Georgiana a husband who could provide

for Georgiana and her children and also meet delicate requirements of class. The prospective

husband had to overlook Georgiana’s illegitimacy and lack of dowry, be able to make money

himself and have a social status and affiliations acceptable to a ducal household. The duchess

at this stage was still a member of the establishment Protestant Episcopalian church, although

she had influenced her husband to renounce his former hedonistic ways and adopt a more pious

attitude.175 Her stepdaughter’s husband also ought to be an Episcopalian, reflecting

longstanding divisions in Scottish society. The duchess reviewed a small number of possible

prospects amongst their wider family and acquaintances.

The ducal and Wardhouse Gordons as well as the Brodies had links to many other

important Scottish families both in Scotland and overseas. For the Gordon chronicler, John

Bulloch, in 1903, there were many ‘picturesque’ Gordons to match Lord Byron, the Countess

of Sutherland and the Gordon Highlanders:

There was, for example, the alliance of Lady Catherine Gordon with the Polish

statesman and poet, Count Andreas Morsztyn, by whom she became the ancestor

of Stanislas Poniatowski, the last King of Poland… the escapade of young Gordon

of Wardhouse, who lost his head as a spy at Brest in 1769; the crazy abduction of

Mrs. Lee, De Quincey's "female infidel," by the two young Aboyne Gordons; the

elopement of Lord William Gordon, brother of the Rioter, with the charming Lady

Sarah Lennox; and so on.176

One of Georgiana McCrae’s favourite relatives, commonly referred to as ‘Fyvie’, William

Gordon, Laird of Fyvie (1776–1847), a friend of her grandfather and father, was in 1828 seen

as one of Georgiana’s projected suitors, despite being in his fifties.177 Fyvie, who was suspected

175 NRAS770, BA, NTS. 176 John Malcolm Bulloch, ed., The House of Gordon (Aberdeen: University of Aberdeen, 1903), 1: xv–vi,

http://openlibrary.org/books/OL7111515M/The_house_of_Gordon (accessed 25 January 2015). 177 GM-Stray, 27 December 1828.

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of Catholic leanings, may have contributed to the costs of Georgiana’s early education with

Catholic French nuns. In his youth, Fyvie had been a student of John Varley and was strongly

interested in academic pursuits. Fyvie was the illegitimate son of the previous laird of Fyvie,

also named William Gordon (1745–1816), and a servant at Fyvie Castle, Isabel Black. Under

Scottish law, Fyvie became legitimate and able to inherit the estate when his parents married

long after their son reached adulthood.178 Fyvie remained unmarried, reputedly because of an

arrangement with his legitimate cousins, who stood to succeed to the family estates.179

Another of Georgiana’s suitors, Major Macdonald, was Catholic but was prepared to

consider conversion.180 Georgiana herself in her early years had been in contact with Catholics

and, while generally conceiving herself as an Episcopalian, held no prejudices in this regard.

However, the religious divisions between different Protestant groups and Catholics had been a

cause of immense hurt, distrust and warfare for hundreds of years, affecting many friends and

family members. Strong agitation for Catholic emancipation, which led to the Roman Catholic

Relief Act of 1829, was not welcomed by many Scottish Protestants, worried about national

stability as well as the saving of souls. Elizabeth, already straight-laced and committed to her

Protestant beliefs, was becoming increasingly fervent in her religious views and some years

after her husband’s death transferred her devotions and her money from the Episcopalians to

the cause of the Presbyterian Free Church.181

At this stage in her life Georgiana may not have had such a poor view of marriage as the

fictional Gwendolen Harleth: ‘to think it rather a dreary state, in which a woman could not do

as she liked, had more children than were desirable, was consequently dull, and became

irrevocably immersed in humdrum’.182 However, like Gwendolen and many others, Georgiana

faced limited choices, to earn a living or else to get married, which would then mean her life

would be subordinated to that of her husband and children. If she tried to juggle both

domesticity and a public career, her perceived social status would be compromised; if she were

to persevere, influential professional positions were usually reserved for men. Whether or not

178 Sue Coburn, ed., Fyvie Castle: Its Lairds and Their Times (Turiff, Scotland: printed W. Peters & Sons Ltd,

2005), 72–81; ‘Scottish Way of Birth and Death’, University of Glasgow,

http://www.gla.ac.uk/schools/socialpolitical/research/economicsocialhistory/historymedicine/scottishwayofbirth

anddeath/introduction/ (accessed 25 January 2015); ‘Family Law: Illegitimacy’, Scottish Law Commission,

Consultative Memorandum No. 53, February 1982, www.scotlawcom.gov.uk/download_file/view/848/126/ (accessed 25 January 2015). 179 GM-Stray. 180 Niall, Georgiana, 50. 181 The Revd. A. Moody Stuart, Life and Letters of Elisabeth Last Duchess of Gordon, 3rd ed., (London: J.

Nisbet and Co., 1865), http://archive.org/details/lifelettersofeli00gordrich (accessed 25 January 2015). 182 Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 68.

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she got married, Georgiana’s life would be tempered by restrictions of class and income, as

articulated by the author Mrs Rundell:

There ought to be a material difference in the degree of care which a person of a

large and independent estate bestows on money concerns, and that of a person in

confined circumstances…though the leisure of the higher may be well devoted to

different accomplishments, the pursuits of those in a middle line, if less ornamental,

would better secure their own happiness and that of others connected with them.183

Now in her twenties, Georgiana was fast approaching the age when she would be seen as

an older spinster dependent on her family’s charity rather than as a marriage prospect. Finding

a husband offered the chance of running her own home, family and servants and participating

in adult life in a different way to the many ‘old maids’ that she knew like ‘Aunt Martha’,

Margaret Gordon or Fanny Holcroft. Georgiana did not go mad from thwarted desire like Sir

Walter Scott’s heroine, Lucy Ashton from The Bride of Lammermoor (1819).184 Instead she

weighed up her artistic and marital ambitions with the realities of her finances and status.

In 1829, Georgiana briefly tried to establish a career as a miniature portrait painter in

Edinburgh, boarding in lodgings approved by her stepmother. She had some success at gaining

sitters, again from the small circle approved of by the duchess. Lady Wedderburn, one of the

sitters, took Georgiana to see some young Wedderburn relatives at Pinky House, where

Georgiana performed a song of that name that can be found in two of her manuscript music

collections.185 Although she was befriended by some Edinburgh residents such as the artist,

scholar and collector of music manuscripts Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe (1781–1851),

Georgiana found that the life of a professional miniature portrait painter was lonely and

impoverished.186 Georgiana did not have the required capital, client base or business skills to

be assured of success in an independent venture in Edinburgh, nor was she permitted to return

to the bustle of London or to the aristocratic world of Gordon Castle.

183 Maria Eliza Rundell, ‘Miscellaneous Observations for the Use of the Mistress of a Family’ in A New System

of Domestic Cookery by Mrs Rundell (1806, 1816), preface by Janet Morgan (London: Persephone Books,

2009), i–ii. 184 Sir Walter Scott, The Bride of Lammermoor, TWSDA-EUL,

http://www.walterscott.lib.ed.ac.uk/works/novels/lammermoor.html (accessed 31 July 2016); Sir Walter Scott, The Bride of Lammermoor (1819) (New York: The Scott Society, [n.d.]),

http://openlibrary.org/works/OL863796W/The_bride_of_Lammermoor (accessed 25 January 2015). 185 GM-Stray, after 9 March 1829, 38‒39; Georgiana McCrae, MHMB, Part 1: 129; LTLMB, [81]. 186 Annotation by George Gordon McCrae, re Georgiana’s friendship with Sharpe, in Etchings by Charles

Kirkpatrick Sharpe (Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1869), MS 12312/242, MS Box 3117, MC-SLV; see

Edwards, ‘Seventeenth-Century Scotland: The Musical Sources’, 68.

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A distant relation, Andrew McCrae (1800–74) (sometimes spelt M’Crae or Macrae), had

been a prospective suitor since at least 1828, when he was suspected of sending her an

anonymous Valentine poem.187 Georgiana was permitted by her stepmother to visit the

Morrisons, Andrew’s uncle and aunt, at their Edinburgh house in Abercrombie Place and at

their country property, Glenpark.188 Andrew proposed to Georgiana in Edinburgh in January

1830 and then returned to London where his legal practice was based.189 On 25 September

1830, at the advanced age of twenty-six, Georgiana married Andrew in a ceremony at Gordon

Castle. Advertisements of the marriage in the English press named Andrew’s late father but

did not acknowledge that Georgiana was the daughter of the Duke of Gordon; they also did not

name either Georgiana’s or Andrew’s mothers.190

‘A person in confined circumstances’

Andrew McCrae, the third child of William Gordon McCrae (1768–1829) and his wife,

Margaret Morison (1770–1840), was a Protestant, only four years older than Georgiana, and a

Scottish lawyer in the early stages of his career.191 His grandfather had been a rich Jamaican

slave-owner, who had disinherited Andrew’s father over William’s opposition to slavery.

While Andrew and his siblings had been well-educated, they were financially insecure.192 After

their marriage, Georgiana and Andrew lived in a number of addresses in London and

Edinburgh. They also spent time with other Morrison relatives, Sir Alexander Morrison and

his wife, Mary.193

Georgiana had five children in the first eight years of her marriage. Her eldest child, her

daughter Elizabeth Margaret, was born in 1831 and was followed by the births of George

Gordon in 1833, William Gordon in 1835, Alexander Gordon in 1836 and Farquhar Peregrine

in 1838. Elizabeth died in 1834 aged less than three years old and Georgiana expressed her

sorrow in a series of poems copied in a Commonplace Book. The first poem, ‘I Hae Naebody

187 GM-Stray, 19 February 1828, 11–12. 188 Niall, Georgiana, 77. 189 Niall, Georgiana, 79; advertisement for Andrew McCrae’s London legal practice in Standard (London), 1

March 1830, [1]. 190 See ‘Births, Deaths, Marriages and Obituaries: Marriages. Sept. 25, at Gordon Castle, Georgiana Huntly Gordon, to A.M. M’Crae, second son of the late W. Gordon M’Crae, Esq. Dunfries’, in Standard (London), 12

October 1830; see also ‘Political Mirror’, in Bristol Mercury (Bristol), 19 October 1830; ‘Married’, in Bury and

Norwich Post (Bury Saint Edmunds), 20 October 1830. 191 Higgins, Introduction, 46. 192 Niall, Georgiana, 85–86. 193 Niall, Georgiana, 89–90.

105

Now’ by James Hogg, ‘the Ettrick Shepherd’ (1770–1835), was originally published in

Fraser’s Magazine for Town and Country in May 1830 and used Scots vernacular to mourn

the death of a little girl:

I hae naebody now—I hae naebody now

To meet me upon the green,

Wi’ light locks waving o’er her brow,

An’ joy in her deep blue e’en...

Yes, I maun mourn, an’ I will mourn,

Even till my latest day;

For though my darling can never return

I shall follow her soon away.

1834194

Twenty years later Georgiana referred to Hogg’s poem again after the death in Melbourne of

her ninth and youngest child, Agnes.195

While the conditions of British life and society they moved in during the 1830s were

modest, Georgiana and Andrew continued to hope that they would gain benefits from the

elevated positions of her father and stepmother. Duchess Elizabeth was given the queen’s

coronation gown after she acted as the Mistress of the Robes to Queen Adelaide at her

coronation in 1831.196 Elizabeth also assiduously cultivated the young Princess Victoria, as the

heir to the British throne, giving her numerous expensive presents.197 Possible concern from

Duchess Elizabeth for Georgiana is contained in a letter that predates the duke’s death to ‘My

dearest Duchess’ from ‘Your very sincere friend, Victoria’: ‘I quite forgot to ask your Mrs

McCrae’s terms? Wishing you and the Duke a pleasant journey...’198 Whether this infers that

Victoria knew of Georgiana’s artwork is unclear and no further corroboration of Georgiana’s

contact with royalty has as yet been found.

194 Georgiana McCrae, Commonplace Book, ed. Higgins, 113; James Hogg, ‘I Hae Naebody Now: By the

Ettrick Shepherd’, in Fraser’s Magazine for Town and Country 1, no. 4 (May 1830): 398; see James Hogg,

Contributions to Musical Collections and Miscellaneous Song, ed. Kirsteen McCue, with Janette Currie and

Megan Coyer (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2014), 597–604, 762–63. 195 Niall, Georgiana, 216, 319–20; Georgiana McCrae, ‘Manuscript Commonplace Book’ (c. 1854): 6, RB 1164.6, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; see Chapter 5. 196 Blackden and Hartley, Brodie Castle, 22. 197 See eg RA VIC/MAIN/QVJ (W) 24 May 1833 (Princess Victoria’s handwriting) (retrieved 11 September

2013), ‘Queen Victoria’s Journals’, Royal Archives. 198 Letter from ‘Victoria’ to ‘My dearest Duchess’, ‘Wednesday Morning 27th June’ [no year; 1832?], MS

12831, F3591/6/293, MC-SLV.

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Her hopes for inheritance were dashed after the death of her father in London on 28 May

1836. Duke George did not provide much for his three illegitimate children, due in part to his

unsigned will and massive debts. Georgiana blamed her stepmother.199 Andrew made a fruitless

trip to Scotland and wrote to Georgiana in London that her expectations of inheriting landed

property from her father appeared to be based on a deed that amounted to ‘waste paper’.

Nevertheless Andrew persisted in encouraging Georgiana with what proved to be unfounded

reliance on the duchess: ‘I am confident the Duchess will do for us as his Grace intended.’200

The bulk of the Gordon estate went to Duke George’s legitimate heir, Georgiana’s cousin,

Charles, Duke of Richmond and Lennox, who was authorised by King William IV to add the

name of Gordon to his title.201 The Brodie of Brodie, Duchess Elizabeth’s heir, helped to

organise a giant monument to Duke George in the nearby Scottish town of Elgin, where the

duke was also buried. Other memorials to Duke George were erected at Aberdeen and Kinrara

(see Figure 4).202

Georgiana’s life was now a constant struggle filled with children and responsibilities, with

a variety of homes in London and Scotland. However she continued her musical, religious,

historical and collecting interests in this period as best she could, demonstrated by her

inscription in 1838 on a copy printed in 1625 of Sternhold’s The Whole Booke of Psalmes

(1562).203 By 1838, Andrew started investigating possibilities in the wider British Empire and

decided to take his family to Australia in the company of his brother Farquhar, Farquhar’s wife

Agnes and child, the McCraes’ mother and two younger sisters, Thomas Ann and Margaret.204

As Georgiana was ill after the birth of her fifth child and fourth son Farquhar Peregrine on 7

199 Niall, Georgiana, 95–96. 200 Letter from Andrew McCrae, 1836, MSPA Box 4258/3, MS 13876, MC-SLV. 201 ‘Whitehall, August 9, 1836’, London Gazette, 12 August 1836, 1, http://www.london-

gazette.co.uk/issues/19409/pages/1 (accessed 16 March 2017). 202 NRAS770, BA, NTS; ‘Elgin, Lady Hill, Duke of Gordon Monument’,

https://canmore.org.uk/site/193860/elgin-lady-hill-duke-of-gordon-monument; ‘Elgin Cathedral’,

https://www.historicenvironment.scot/visit-a-place/places/elgin-cathedral/; ‘George, 5th Duke of Gordon

Statue’, http://www.visitabdn.com/attractions-and-activities/view/george-5th-duke-of-gordon-statue; ‘Torr

Alvie and the Duke of Gordon Monument’, http://www.walkhighlands.co.uk/cairngorms/torr-alvie.shtml (all

accessed 3 December 2016). 203 Thomas Sternhold, Iohn [sic] Hopkins, and others, The Whole Book of Psalmes (1562) (London: Printed for

the Company of Stationers, 1625); [bound with] ii) The Book of Common Prayer; iii) The Genealogies Recorded in the Sacred Scripture, inscribed ‘Georgiana McCrae 1838’; ‘Willim Smith Book’; MS 12312/144,

Box 3110-B, MC-SLV; see Thomas Sternhold, et al., The Whole Book of Psalms, Collected in English Metre,

By Thomas Sternhold, John Hopkins, and Others (London: Printed by Susanna Collins, for the Company of

Stationers, 1720; facsimile, SG Publishing, 1999), http://www.psalmody.co.uk/library/OV1720.html (accessed

12 April 2017). 204 Niall, Georgiana, 97.

107

September 1838, Andrew sailed in November as planned, without Georgiana and the

children.205

Figure 4: Statues of Georgiana McCrae’s father, 5th Duke of Gordon, in Elgin and

Aberdeen, Scotland. Images: Rosemary Richards.

‘Shores where foreign waves are breaking’

Only a year before Andrew’s departure, Queen Victoria (1819–1901) ascended the throne of

the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The British people marked the beginning of

her reign with pomp and pride. Some of her subjects may have been hesitant about her abilities

to rule because she was young and female, but to others Victoria signified the chance for a new

start and an increasingly glorious future. The spread of the British Empire was considered by

many Britons to be the natural order, given their industriousness and their success in conquest

of new territory over the previous centuries. They saw foreign lands as available for

exploitation and regarded the violence that accompanied British expansion as unavoidable and

the reduction of indigenous populations as inevitable.

205 Georgiana McCrae, journal entry [GM-journal], 17 November 1838; in Weber-PPP, 2: 8–9.

108

The optimistic mood was summed up by popular English poet, ‘L. E. L.’ (Letitia Elizabeth

Landon, 1802–38) who in the first verse of her dedicatory poem to Fisher’s Drawing Room

Scrap-book in 1838 extolled the rule of the new queen:

To the Queen

Within the page, oh, Royal Ladye!—seeking

To win but one approving look of thine—

Are pictured shores where foreign waves are breaking;

And distant hills, where far-off planets shine:

And yet above them is thy rule extending—

The Himalaya mountains own thy sway:

The British flag is with the palm-trees blending,

By the Red Sea, where now we seek our way.206

In ‘To the Queen’, L. E. L. celebrated Queen Victoria’s domination over the Empire. In

1838 Georgiana and her four boys were left behind in Britain for nearly two years, largely to

fend for themselves, until she had recovered her health and begged her stepmother for the

money needed to pay their passage to Melbourne. The following chapters will consider

evidence found in sources including Georgiana’s manuscript music collections that contribute

to our understanding of her life in Britain and migration in Australia.

206 L. E. L., ‘To the Queen’, Fisher’s Drawing Room Scrap-book, 1838 (London, Paris, & New York Fisher,

Son, & Co., 1838), 3; Germaine Greer, ‘Success and the Single Poet: The Sad Tale of L. E. L.’ in Slipshod

Sibyls (London: Penguin Books, 1996), 259–358; Julie Watt, Poisoned Lives (Brighton; Portland, Oregon:

Sussex Academic Press, 2010).

109

CHAPTER 4

GEORGIANA McCRAE’S FIRST THREE MANUSCRIPT

MUSIC COLLECTIONS, c. 1817–48

4.1 Introduction

Georgiana’s music collecting and private performance were outlets for her creativity and

emotions and also signs of her membership of the genteel classes. She treasured the musical

reminders of her life in Britain and brought her manuscript music collections, totalling

hundreds of pages of her transcriptions of music and additional items, along with her children,

artworks and an assortment of books, printed sheet music and furniture, with her to Australia.

The ‘McCrae Homestead’ (MHMB, c. 1822–24, with annotations until 1875), ‘Gordon Castle’

(GCMB, c. 1827–28), and ‘La Trobe Library’ (LTLMB, c. 1817?–48) manuscript music books

provide important evidence about McCrae’s sense of identity and the formative development

and maintenance of her musical taste.1 MHMB, GCMB and LTLMB record Georgiana’s

activities and musical interests from her later teenage years in Britain through to her Australian

‘exile’. While there is little evidence of her early childhood or compositional skills in her music

collections, she had received sufficient music education to be able to appreciate and transcribe

a large number of items in a range of musical styles considered suitable for her class, nationality

and gender.

Table 4 shows a small sample indicating the range of dates, repertoire, languages,

locations, donors, owners and annotations in Georgiana’s four manuscript music collections

MHMB, GCMB, LTLMB and CMB. Georgiana’s fourth manuscript music collection, the

‘Chaplin Music Book’ (CMB, c. 1840–56), will be discussed more thoroughly in Chapter 6.2

Like MHMB and LTLMB, CMB was a compilation of different pieces of music transcribed on

an assortment of manuscript music paper and bound at later dates, whereas GCMB appears to

have been a preformed commercially available booklet in which Georgiana transcribed music

in chronological order.

1 MHMB, NTA (Vic); GCMB, MS 12018/2516/3, MC-SLV; LTLMB, MS 12018/2519/4, MC-SLV. 2 CMB, RB 1164.9, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney.

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Manuscript Music

Collection / page

Date Title/ Annotation

LTLMB / [106a] 1817 ‘Hot Cross Buns Good Friday 1817’

[in title; no separation annotation]

MHMB / 93 1822 ‘Pope’s Universal

Prayer/1822/Composed by Mrs. Hodges,

harmonized by Hüllmandel’ [not in

Georgiana’s handwriting]

MHMB / 198 1824 ‘Le petit Tambour /Mai 23me 1824’

LTLMB / [112–13] [1825?] ‘Tune “Keith More — ”/ Written &

Composed by A. D. G.’ [ie Alexander

Duke of Gordon]

LTLMB / [114–15b] 1825 ‘A Greek Air’ [title]; [p. 115b:] ‘Mrs

Symonds _ / & Mrs Alexr Gordon / G.

C. [?] 1825’

GCMB / [8] 1827 ‘Oh Bonnie Lassie Come Over the

Burn’ / ‘Gordon Castle Decr. 31. 1827’

GCMB / [32] 1828 ‘Perche [sic] mi lasci’ /

‘Gordon Hall—Feby. 19th 1828_’

CMB / 12–16 1842 ‘La Preghiera–Romanza / Parole de

Conte Carlo Pepoli / Musica del Sigr

Fabio Campana’ / [p. 16:] ‘from Mrs

Bunbury Mayfield [Melbourne] July

1842’

LTLMB / [124–30] 1842 ‘I’ve wandered in Dreams _ / J. A.

Wade’ / [p. 130:] ‘Mayfield

[Melbourne]/ 1842/ Augst 23d ’

LTLMB / [front

flyleaves]

c. 1848 Printed poems about Jenny Lind

GCMB / [inside

back cover]

1857; twentieth century ‘The Dead’ [printed poem by Ludovec

Colquhoun, Esq.]; ‘24. May_57.’ [Date

appears to be in Georgiana’s

handwriting]; ‘Hugh McCrae Greycliffe

VAUCLUSE.’ [Georgiana’s grandson

Hugh McCrae’s signature and address].

MHMB / 248 1875 ‘Hymne des Marseillois. Air

française/Les paroles et musique de

Capitaine Rouget de Lille’ [with two

annotations; one on the side of the page

dated 1875 has been guillotined,

indicating time of binding of MHMB].3

Table 4: Samples from Georgiana McCrae’s manuscript music collections.

3 Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 76–78.

111

Other handwriting as well as Georgiana’s appear in MHMB, GCMB and CMB,

demonstrating the ongoing importance of interchange and continuation of tradition amongst

the scribal community of Georgiana’s family and friends.

Dated pages include evidence of the time and place where Georgiana copied particular

repertoire. LTLMB for example includes music copied in her new home in Melbourne in 1842.4

Georgiana’s manuscript annotations of title, poet and composer are usually found at the top of

the page while dates of transcription are usually given at the end of the piece. Some annotations

that contain commentary may be found at the side of the page. Georgiana’s manuscript music

collections show evidence of a scribal community in their transcription, compilation and

ownership. For example in the twentieth century Georgiana’s grandson Hugh McCrae

indicated ownership by inscriptions on GCMB, LTLMB and CMB.

Although GCMB was constructed in a different manner to Georgiana’s other manuscript

music collections, its contents show similarities as well as differences which in part may have

been due to location and opportunity. Georgiana transcribed pieces of music into GCMB in the

period 1827–28 when she was living at Gordon Castle and Gordon Hall in Scotland. Like the

three compilation manuscript collections, GCMB was used later in Georgiana’s life, evidenced

by the annotation in her handwriting dated in 1857 next to the printed poem, ‘The Dead’, by

Colquhoun.5

A fifth collection, the ‘Music Notebook’ (MNB, n.d.), like GCMB, LTLMB and CMB,

contains extra printed material pasted in.6 In MNB’s case this takes the form of two poems

titled ‘Filial Recollections: My Father; My Mother’ stuck inside the back cover, in a similar

manner to the way Colquhoun’s poem is pasted into GCMB.7 MNB, which will not be analysed

in detail in this thesis, may have been obtained by a McCrae family member at some stage

rather than having been compiled by them. The handwriting of the musical transcription has

not been identified and the repertoire, consisting of tunes in the treble clef, indicates former

ownership by a flute or violin player.8

The contents of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections represent Georgiana’s personal

choice taken from the acceptable repertoire for private performance of a female member of the

genteel classes in Britain and mainly date from the first half of the nineteenth century. Some

4 LTLMB, [115], [131]. 5 GCMB, inside back cover. 6 MNB, MS 12831, Box 3740 9(a), MC-SLV. 7 See for example ‘Filial Recollections’ (New York: Samuel Wood [c. 1804–15]),

http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/3731442 (accessed 27 March 2017). 8 Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 115–17.

112

of the songs with piano accompaniment were composed by named composers to lyrics by

named poets, while others purported to be in ‘national style’, mainly but not only Scottish. A

sprinkling of vocal duets and ensemble pieces such as catches and rounds joined solo theatrical

songs or operatic arias, dance music for piano and solo piano pieces. Some pieces are denoted

for other instruments such as guitar and harp, which along with the piano were seen to be the

province of females in the gendered domestic society of the time. A small proportion of the

total repertoire contained single line melodies which could have been played on the piano with

improvised accompaniments or on treble instruments such as the violin or flute.

The differences in repertoire between the three collections of MHMB, GCMB and LTLMB

can be ascribed largely to available sources and to changes in taste, both of the public and of

Georgiana herself, as she went through various periods of her life, living in different places and

mixing with different people. We can deduce more from Georgiana’s manuscript music

collections about the influences of the ducal Gordons on Georgiana’s musical tastes than about

any sway from Georgiana’s mother’s family. However, Jane Graham through her upbringing

in north-east England and life in London may well have influenced Georgiana and her musical

choices in ways that are not immediately obvious.

MHMB is dated from the period when Georgiana was on the cusp of adulthood, moving

from her childhood in London with her mother to her life on the fringes of the Scottish Gordon

aristocracy. Georgiana transcribed the music in GCMB a few years later when she was living

in Scotland with Gordon relatives, uncertain of her future. LTLMB mainly dates from her early

married life, when she gave birth to her first five children and shuttled with her husband back

and forth between Scotland and London. LTLMB also shows the beginning of Georgiana’s

migration to a distant colony in Australia. This will be continued in Chapters 5 and 6 which

focus on Georgiana’s Australian musical experiences and repertoire in CMB, showing

Georgiana’s determined adaptation and continuation of her British genteel culture in a colonial

context.

4.2 ‘McCrae Homestead Music Book’ c. 1822–24: ‘Ancient and Modern’

MHMB is divided clearly into two parts. The first page of Part 1, dated 1823 and signed

‘Georgiana Gordon’, is called ‘A Collection of Favorite Songs, Strathspeys’ &c / Part 1st’ (see

Figure 5).9 This section consists mainly of contemporary theatrical and parlour vocal music

9 MHMB, Part 1: 1.

113

but also has other pieces such as for solo piano. While much of the music was transcribed by

Georgiana, some such as the Songs Composed by Mrs Hodges discussed below are in other

handwriting besides Georgiana’s.

Figure 5: Opening page of MHMB, Part 1, inscribed ‘Georgiana Gordon’, entitled ‘A

Collection of Favorite Songs, Strathspeys’ &c / Part 1st’, dated 1823; song ‘The Rose

Bud’; see ‘The Rose Bud Child o’ Summer’, MHMB, 1: 8; MC405, McCrae Collection,

NTA (Vic). Image: SLV. See ‘To the Rose bud’, SMM 4 (1792): 340,

http://digital.nls.uk/87798496 (accessed 24 April 2017).

114

Part 2 of MHMB is entitled ‘A Collection of favorite Strathspey’s and Reels’ and has less items

than Part 1. Part 2 includes mainly of Scottish dance music to be played on the piano, with

many titles relating to Georgiana’s aristocratic Gordon relatives (see Figure 6).10

Figure 6: MHMB, 2: 273, opening page of MHMB, Part 2, ‘A Collection of favorite

Strathspeys’ and Reels’, showing three items of dance music by Niel Gow with titles

referring to Georgiana’s Gordon grandparents and father, MC405, McCrae Collection,

NTA (Vic). Image: SLV.

10 MHMB, Part 2: 273.

115

Georgiana and her family used these MHMB collections in later years. The two sections

of MHMB were probably bound or rebound together after 1875 since an annotation with that

date on ‘Hymne des Marseillois’ shows evidence of guillotining.11

The useful analytical division between the predominance of vocal music in Part 1 of

MHMB, represented by pieces by composers such as Bishop and Rossini, in contrast to the

dance music in Part 2, which was often attributed to Scottish composers patronised by the

Gordons such as Gow and Marshall, is, however, simplistic especially because theatrical and

parlour music was often influenced by Scottish idioms. Much of the contents in Part 1 appear

to be associated with Georgiana’s ‘London’ identity—English, educated and cosmopolitan—

whereas the frequent mentions of the Gordons in the strathspeys and reels of Part 2 represents

her yearnings to be accepted as a part of the influential aristocratic Scottish Gordon clan. The

Scottish Gordon repertoire in Part 2 could have been copied from sources belonging to the

Gordon families. As the libraries of Gordon family homes in London or in Scotland, such as

Gordon Castle at Fochabers or Gordon Hall near Huntly, are no longer extant, and the Scottish

repertoire was widely available at the time, this is difficult to prove. The Scottish repertoire

with the plethora of Gordon names in MHMB Part 2 provides circumstantial evidence to back

up Georgiana’s descendants’ claims that Georgiana was influenced strongly by her

identification, if not her domicile, with her paternal relatives at least from her impressionable

later teenage years.

The idea of including both music and poetry in categories called ‘ancient and modern’ in

a miscellaneous mixture had been well-established by the time Georgiana was learning and

transcribing music, as can be seen in the title of one of George Thomson’s extensive series of

publications, Collection of the Songs of Burns, Sir Walter Scott and Other Eminent Lyric Poets

Ancient & Modern (1822).12 Georgiana’s MHMB, which she transcribed during a similar

period to the publication of Thomson’s printed collection, clearly fits into this common pattern.

In MHMB, watermarked pages dated 1820 and 1822 give additional clues to the period

of transcription, along with some dated annotations from 1822 to May 1824.13 Georgiana

transcribed the music on loose-leaf folios that were later assembled in two separately identified

parts, although the pages are numbered consecutively throughout the book. The complexity of

rastography, handwriting and dates in MHMB indicate that a number of scribes used multiple

11 MHMB, Part 1: 248. 12 George Thomson, ed., Thomson’s Collection of the Songs of Burns, Sir Walter Scott and Other Eminent Lyric

Poets Ancient & Modern (London: Preston; Edinburgh: G. Thomson, 1822), vol. 1,

https://digital.nls.uk/94646984 (accessed 12 January 2017). 13 Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 22, 127–29.

116

different pieces of paper, more than would be indicated by a simple division of the book into

twelve or fourteen staves per page. Four pages of an ‘Index’ relate fairly closely to 388 items

on 322 pages of transcriptions. Pages nine to twelve are missing; the Index refers to those four

pages as containing two pieces.14

Fashion and remembrance

Georgiana was partial to the ancient as well as the fashionable and modern and the repertoire

shown in the dated pages of MHMB tends to be conservative. These were not bound in

chronological order according to the date of either composition or copying and do not show

much wider organisational method other than the division of the book into vocal music in Part

1 and instrumental music in Part 2. ‘Pope’s Universal Prayer’, which is part of a set of songs

in handwriting that has not yet been identified, is annotated with the words ‘composed by Mrs

Hodges and harmonized by Hüllmandel’ and dated 1822.15 Four pieces were dated during

1823: ‘The Rose Bud’ (1823), ‘The Babes in the Wood’ (15 March 1823), ‘Duport’s Minuet’

(23 November 1823) and ‘Colonel Gardner’ (31 December 1823).16 Four pieces dated 1824

will be discussed below.

A number of items in MHMB relate to the influential periodical The Harmonicon, first

published in 1823, which was a relatively long-lasting periodical publishing reviews and

articles about music as well as a significant amount of printed musical scores.17 Georgiana’s

version of a piece found in the inaugural Volume 1, Part 2 of The Harmonicon shows

performance instructions for vocal solo, chorus and accompaniment for ‘Martin Luther’s

Hymn’, with the first line ‘Great God! what do I see and hear!’, but omits The Harmonicon’s

subtitle ‘Sung by Madame Catalani, at the York Musical Festival, and by Mr. Braham at the

Birmingham festival’.18 In 1823 The Harmonicon included ‘Non Nobis Pacem’, ‘a canon,

composed about the year 1590, by William Bird, organist to Queen Elisabeth’, a version of

which exists in Georgiana’s later CMB.19 A common piece sung at men’s clubs, ‘Non Nobis

Pacem’ had appeared in earlier printed collections as well as other women’s manuscript

14 Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 137–84. 15 MHMB, Part 1: 93; Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 52. 16 MHMB, Part 1: 1, 265, 307, 123. 17 Diana Snigurowicz, The Harmonicon 1823–1833, RIPM, 4 vols. (Ann Arbor, USA: UMI, 1989); see Chapters

2 and 3. 18 ‘Martin Luther’s Hymn’, MHMB, Part 1: 269; Harmonicon 1, Part 2 (London: Pinnock et al., 1823): item no.

66. 19 ‘Non Nobis Domine’, CMB, 7; Harmonicon 1, Part 2 (1823): item no. 2.

117

collections.20 Part 2 of The Harmonicon of 1823 also provided a glee, arias and assorted piano

pieces with music by more recent composers such as Mozart, Haydn, Beethoven, Rossini and

Weber.21

The Harmonicon’s editor, William Ayrton, aimed to educate a musically literate public

and to disseminate a fashionable miscellaneous mix of printed sheet music, produced cheaply

because of technological advances in printing. In order to compete, or at least break even, The

Harmonicon needed to sell around 1500 copies per number via subscription, general sales at

music and book shops and also through overseas exports. Its wider dissemination through

coffee shops and family and friendship groups make estimations of its total readership hard to

judge. Despite changes to publishers, format and price, falls in subscriber numbers led to the

point where it became financially unviable.22

The Harmonicon was one of a large number of periodicals in this period which contributed

to the widening of public taste and education about music. Many specialist music periodicals,

literary journals and newspapers in English and the major European languages included music

journalism.23 Specialist music journals in English devoted to music criticism included Richard

Mackenzie Bacon’s Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review (1818–30).24 Other publications

such as the Musical Bijou (1829–51) and Musical Gem (1829–35) only contained printed sheet

music.25 Journals that included sheet music as well as music journalism included La Belle

Assemblée (1806–9), New Musical Magazine (1809), Walker’s Hibernian Magazine (Dublin

1801–11) and Ayrton’s Musical Library (1833–37), successor to The Harmonicon.26 The

Musical Times, which was founded in 1844 and is still active today, published extensive

amounts of sheet music in the nineteenth century, but The Musical World (1836–91) included

supplements of sheet music only in 1846.27

20 Rana, ‘Music and Elite Identity’, 210–11. 21 ‘List of the Musical Pieces’, Harmonicon 1, Part 2 (1823): iii–iv. 22 Langley, ‘The Life and Death of The Harmonicon’; Erin Johnson-Hill, ‘Miscellany and Collegiality in the

British Periodical Press: The Harmonicon (1823–1833)’, Nineteenth-Century Music Review 9, no. 2 (December

2012): 255–93. 23 Leanne Langley, ‘The English Musical Journal in the Early Nineteenth Century’ (PhD thesis, University of

North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1983). 24 Langley, ‘The English Musical Journal’, 194–281. 25 Leanne Langley, ‘Music’, in Victorian Periodicals and Victorian Society, ed. J. Don Vann and Rosemary T. VanArsdel (Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1994), 105. 26 Langley, ‘Music’, 106; Langley, ‘The English Musical Journal’, 554–59. 27 Edward Clinkscale, Introduction to Musical Times (RIPM, 1994),

http://www.ripm.org/pdf/Introductions/MTIintroEnglish.pdf (accessed 29 December 2014);

Richard Kitson, Introduction to The Musical World (RIPM, 1996, 2007),

http://www.ripm.org/pdf/Introductions/MWO1836–1865introEnglish.pdf (accessed 29 December 2014).

118

From the 1820s onwards, ongoing technological changes as well as consumer demand

facilitated a large increase in production of printed music, of which the periodicals were by no

means the only source.28 At the same time, manuscript music copying continued to flourish,

both to satisfy specific needs of institutions or private individuals, but also to allow merchants

or composers to sell multiple copies of a particular work on a commercial basis.29 This thesis

does not attempt to trace the origin of every piece of music in Georgiana’s manuscript music

collections because of the complexity of all the possible sources.

In January 1824 Georgiana copied ‘O! Kenmure’s on & awa, Willie’.30 Four pieces were

dated over four days in May 1824. ‘Star Vicino’ was copied by Georgiana on 21 and 23 May

1824.31 She attributed ‘Star Vicino’ and ‘Vado ben spesso’ to the seventeenth-century Italian

artist, poet and actor Salvator Rosa (1615–73). The ‘Rosa’ songs were used as musical

examples in an article entitled ‘Salvator Rosa as a Musician’ in The Harmonicon in April and

May 1824.32 The article was based on the biography of Rosa published in 1824 by the Irish

writer, Sydney, Lady Morgan née Owenson (1781[?]–1859).33 Later scholars have disputed the

spurious romantic connection of Rosa with musical composition.34

A version of the popular French song ‘Le Petit Tambour’ (‘The Little Drummer Boy’) by

Meissonier, was also published in The Harmonicon in 1824.35 In MHMB it was dated 23 May

1824 like ‘Star Vicino’, but the date was written in French to match the song title (‘Mai 23me

1824’).36 The tune of ‘Le Petit Tambour’ is similar to ‘The Grand Old Duke of York’. From

1819 ‘Le Petit Tambour’ was arranged for solo voice and piano, solo or duo piano, guitar or

harp, for the parlour or for a contra-danse by over thirty composers including Bochsa, Herz and

Latour in addition to Meissonnier.37 The parlour version for voice and piano in MHMB starts

with the piano imitating a drummer before the voice enters.

28 Charles Humphries and William C. Smith, Music Publishing in the British Isles, 2nd ed. with Supplement

(Oxford: Blackwell, 1970). 29 Rudolf Rasch, ed., Music Publishing in Europe 1600–1900, 64–66. 30 MHMB, Part 1: 5. 31 MHMB, Part 1: 81. 32 ‘Salvator Rosa as a Musician’, Harmonicon 2, Part 1 (April and May1824): 62–64, 83–87. 33 Lady (Sydney) Morgan, The Life and Times of Salvator Rosa (London: Coburn, 1824), 1,

https://archive.org/details/lifetimesofsalva01morguoft (accessed 7 August 2016). 34 Thomas Walker and Jennifer Williams Brown, ‘Rosa, Salvator’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/23820 (accessed 21 September 2014). 35 ‘Le Petit Tambour’, Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 90–91. 36 MHMB, Part 1: 198–99. 37 Search for ‘Le petit Tambour’ in BL online catalogue brings up 51 entries from 1819: http://explore.bl.uk/;

see also ‘No. 40. Contre=danse [sic] Le Petit Tambour’, https://archive.org/details/LePetitTambour (accessed 15

July 2016).

119

MHMB contains excerpts ‘See from Ocean Rising’, ‘When Tell Tale Echo’s Whisper’,

‘The Wealth of the Cottage is Love’ and ‘Ah Could My Faultring Tongue Impart!’ from the

English opera Paul and Virginia (1800), which was composed by Joseph Mazzinghi (1765–

1844) in collaboration with William Reeve (see Figure 7).38

Figure 7: First page of ‘See from Ocean Rising’, by Joseph Mazzinghi, with William

Reeve, from Paul and Virginia (1800), MHMB 1: 104, MC405, McCrae Collection, NTA

(Vic). Image: SLV. See J. [Joseph] Mazzinghi, ‘See From Ocean Rising: A Duet in Paul

and Virginia’ [n.d.], JHU, jscholarship.library.jhu.edu/handle/1774.2/8759 (accessed 28

October 2016).

38 Mazzinghi and Reeve, items from Paul and Virginia (1800), MHMB, Part 1: 104–9; see e.g. J. [Joseph]

Mazzinghi, ‘See From Ocean Rising: A Duet in Paul and Virginia’ [n.d.], JHU,

jscholarship.library.jhu.edu/handle/1774.2/8759 (accessed 28 October 2016).

120

The Mazzinghi pieces in MHMB would not tax singers and accompanists unduly, with

few challenges in key signatures, rhythmic and harmonic patterns, vocal and keyboard range

or emotional expression. Like a number of other artistic works including a ballet by Mazzinghi

produced in London c. 1795, Mazzinghi and Reeves’s opera was based on Bernadin de Saint-

Pierre’s novel Paul et Virginie (1788), written just before the French Revolution and idealised

the freedom of Mauritian life. Georgiana’s tutor M. Huteau appeared to have inspired her by

stories of his visit to Mauritius. Saint-Pierre’s novel also had later resonances for the McCraes

in performances of operatic versions in Melbourne, as well as in purchases of the novel by

Georgiana’s son George and grandson Hugh.39

Within MHMB beside the Mazzinghi excerpts there are English and Italian pieces from

theatre and opera which feature alongside contemporary developments in piano repertoire,

parlour ballads and a variety of versions of national song. Operatic repertoire in MHMB

includes pieces written by composers ranging from Paesiello to M.P. King. Georgiana’s music

teachers, her piano teacher Fanny Holcroft, and singing teacher Sophia Horn, had theatrical

connections and personal relationships with artists who provided professional services to

royalty and members of the upper classes. Georgiana’s interest in collecting music from theatre

and opera lasted longer than her teenage flirtation with the idea of being a professional

performer.

The contemporary operatic repertoire in MHMB Part 1 includes two arias by Rossini

which were originally written for Rossini’s wife, the soprano Isabella Colbran, and which were

featured in The Harmonicon and in operas performed in London in 1824.40 ‘Ciel Pietoso!’ from

Zelmira was published in The Harmonicon in 1823 and contains ornamentation that would

have taxed Georgiana’s vocal technique.41 ‘Al mio pregar’, which The Harmonicon published

in 1824, was a relatively simpler aria from Rossini’s Semiramide, which had premièred in

Venice in February 1823 with Colbran in the title role and starred Giuditta Pasta in the London

season.42

Rossini, born in 1792, only twelve years older than Georgiana, rose to musical prominence

at an early age. Thirty-four of his forty operas were premièred mainly in Italy and quickly

39 Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, Paul et Virginie (1788) (Paris: Libraire Hachette, 1884), MS 12312/57, Box 3104,

MC-SLV; Joseph Mazzinghi, Paul et Virginie [ballet] (London: G. Goulding, [n.d., c. 1795], http://imslp.org/wiki/Paul_et_Virginie,_Op.17_(Mazzinghi,_Joseph) (accessed 28 October 2016). 40 Richard Osborne, Rossini: His Life and Works, 2nd ed. (Oxford, New York: OUP, 2007), 82–91,

http://site.ebrary.com/lib/unimelb/docDetail.action?docID=10212136 (accessed 22 September 2014). 41 Rossini, ‘Ciel Pietoso!’ from Zelmira (1822), MHMB, Part 1: 74–75; Harmonicon 1, Part 2 (1823): no. 56. 42 Rossini, ‘Al mio pregar’, from Semiramide (1823), MHMB, Part 1: 56–57; Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 72–

74.

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produced elsewhere. When Rossini came to London to direct an extended season of his operas

at the King’s Theatre in the Haymarket, Rossini and Colbran were lionised by members of the

British upper classes, who flocked to Rossini’s operas and invited him to their private parties

‘to hear him play, instruct their daughters, and place his signature in the family song album’.43

Rossini’s London season included eight of his operas, a mixture of the more recent ‘serious’

operas and his popular comic operas, each receiving a number of performances. Rossini

ensured some payment by rehearsing and directing the performances of his operas from the

piano. The season opened with Zelmira (which premiered in Naples in 1822), followed by Il

Barbiere di Siviglia (1816), Ricciardo e Zoraide (1818), Otello (1816), Il Turco in Italia

(1814), Tancredi (1813), La Donna del Lago (1819, based on Scott’s poem The Lady of the

Lake published in 1810), and Semiramide (1823). Works by Mozart, Zingarelli and Mayer were

performed as benefits for individual singers. The Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review, The

Harmonicon and other publications produced extensive news, musical criticism and music

examples about and by Rossini before, during and after his London season.

Some solo piano pieces in MHMB Part 1 also appear to have been derived from The

Harmonicon of 1824. The composer of ‘Menuetto’, G.F. Pinto, was described as ‘a genius of

great promise who died in youth’.44 George Pinto (1785–1806) was a student of Karl Friedrich

Horn, the father of Georgiana’s singing teacher Sophia Horn.45 A romantic touch was

introduced with Cipriani Potter’s rhapsody ‘Le Depart de Vienne’.46 Potter (1792–1871) visited

Europe from 1817 to 1819 and showed his compositions to Beethoven in Vienna. ‘Le Depart

de Vienne’ displays a considerable amount of markings for expression and dynamics, but is

not too long or technically challenging for an amateur performer like Georgiana.47

MHMB Part 1 also contains other pieces that were published in 1824 in The Harmonicon

including Louis Spohr’s ‘Oh! Quanto Vaga’ from Zemira e Azor (1819) and a much earlier

piece, Henry Purcell’s ‘I attempt from love’s sickness to fly’ with ‘The Poetry by Sir Robert

Howard’ from The Indian Queen (1695).48 The same volume of The Harmonicon also features

43 Osborne, Rossini, 87. 44 G.F. Pinto, ‘Menuetto’, MHMB, Part 1: 95; Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 21–23. 45 Kassler, ed., Charles Edward Horn’s Memoirs, 18. 46 Cipriani Potter, ‘Le Depart de Vienne’, MHMB, Part 1: 86–87; Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 81–84. 47 Philip H. Peter and Julian Rushton, ‘Potter’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/22191pg4

(accessed 10 December 2014). 48 Louis Spohr, ‘Oh! Quanto Vaga’, from Zemira e Azor (1819), MHMB, Part 1: 62–64; Harmonicon 2, Part 2

(1824): 34–37; Henry Purcell, ‘I Attempt from Love’s Sickness to Fly’ with ‘The Poetry by Sir Robert Howard’

from The Indian Queen (1695), MHMB, Part 1: 197; Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 54–55.

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the names of prominent singers attached to two of twelve so-called ‘National Airs’.49

Georgiana was familiar with the careers of Scottish soprano Mary Anne Paton (1802–64) and

Catherine Stephens. Paton’s roles from 1822 to 1824 at the Haymarket, Covent Garden and

Lyceum theatres in London included Susanna and the Countess in Mozart’s The Marriage of

Figaro, Rosina in Rossini’s The Barber of Seville, Lydia in George Frederick Perry’s Morning,

Noon, and Night, Polly in The Beggar’s Opera, Mandane in Arne’s Artaxerxes, Clara in

Linley’s The Duenna and Agathe in Weber’s Der Freischütz.50 Stephens also sang the roles of

Rosina, Polly, Clara and Mandane and appeared frequently in concerts.51 Georgiana’s interest

in Paton and Stephens first arose when they were connected to Georgiana’s former tutors Mr

Stewart and Monsieur L’Abbé Huteau. Both Paton and Stephens married into the nobility, in

Mary Paton’s case to Georgiana’s cousin Lord William Pitt Lennox, with whom Paton was

married in 1824, before her divorce and remarriage with the singer Joseph Wood in 1831, while

Stephens married the Earl of Essex in 1838.52

Paton and Stephens were some of the professional singers whose names were used to

publicise music found among Georgiana’s transcriptions. In MHMB Georgiana copied out a

number of ‘Scotish’ [sic] songs including ‘And They’re a’ Noddin as sung by Miss Stephens

Arranged by J. Bianchi Taylor Esq.’.53 A copy of the Harmonicon’s version of the song ‘O ye

shall walk in silk attire’ ‘as sung by Miss Paton’ is found in MHMB together with another

version of the same song, ‘The Siller Crown’ / ‘And ye shall walk in silk attire’ which was

attributed incorrectly by Georgiana to ‘Rt. Burns’.54 Attributions to Burns and other

annotations in MHMB may have been added in later years, as indicated by similar annotations

in Georgiana’s printed compilation volume of SMM.55 The song, ‘O ye shall walk in silk attire’

with words by Susanna Blamire (1747–94) was published in multiple versions, some with

music by Henry Bishop; often the names of the composer and/or poet were not stated.56 A third

49 ‘“O ye shall walk in Silk Attire;” a Scotish [sic] Song Sung by Miss Paton at the Oratorios’, Harmonicon 2,

Part 2 (1824): 52–53; ‘“Gin living worth,” A Scotish Song, Sung by Miss Stephens, at Many Public and Private

Concerts During this Season’, Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 106–7. 50 L. M. Middleton, rev. John Warrack, ‘Paton, Mary Ann (1802–1864)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,

http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/21559, (accessed 30 December 2014). 51 Rachel E. Cowgill, ‘Stephens, Catherine [Kitty] married name Catherine Capel-Coningsby, Countess of

Essex] (1794–1882)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004, January 2008, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/26378

(accessed 30 December 2014). 52 G. C. Boase, rev. J. Gilliland, ‘Lennox, Lord William Pitt (1799–1881)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,

http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/16459 (accessed 30 December 2014). 53 MHMB, Part 1: 40. 54 MHMB, Part 1: 55, 221. 55 MS 12312/148, Box 3110–B, MC-SLV. 56 Christopher Hugh Maycock, ‘Blamire, Susanna (1747–1794)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004, May 2005,

http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/2600, (accessed 30 December 2014); Nicholas Temperley and Bruce

Carr, ‘Bishop, Sir Henry R.’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP (accessed 30 December 2016).

123

transcription by Georgiana of ‘The Siller Crown’ is found in GCMB, which uses a different

tune and has dynamic and expression markings and a cross in pencil added that emphasise the

sadness of the words ‘poor broken heart’ and ‘if frae my love I part’.57 A reference to ‘What

care I for siller’ in a song by Andrew McCrae published in 1873 may have been meant to evoke

similar emotions.58

On 24 May 1824, in the same period that she copied ‘Star Vicino’ and ‘Le Petit Tambour’,

Georgiana transcribed ‘While Yet the Tide’ ‘In Saul’ by Handel.59 This was one of three pieces

attributed to George Frideric Handel (1685–1759) in MHMB, in which overall the religious

content is small. Handel, the German composer of operas in Italian and then dramatic oratorios

in English, dominated the English musical scene in the first half of the eighteenth century.

Knowledge and performance of Handel’s music continued as a hallmark of musical

respectability in the nineteenth century and performances of Handel’s oratorios became a staple

of choral societies. The oratorio Saul was based on the biblical Old Testament ‘First Book of

Samuel’ and composed by Handel in 1738. The story tells of the jealousy of King Saul for the

young warrior David who is friendly with Saul’s son Jonathan. The aria, with the words of the

first line written as ‘While Yet Thy Tide’ in Chrysander’s 1862 edition, was composed to be

sung by the High Priest, a counter-tenor, and accompanied by strings, flute and continuo.60 It

is unclear where Georgiana found the version in MHMB, which preserves the baroque vocal

score format of the vocal line sharing the treble line with the right hand of the keyboard part

and accompanied by a figured bass. The High Priest dispenses advice to the young Jonathan.

While the dotted rhythmic patterns and ‘vigorous’ leaps of up to a minor sixth in the vocal line

may prove difficult, they reinforce the meaning of the words, which explains the inclusion of

the piece as part of a young lady’s repertoire:

While yet the tide of blood runs high

To God thy future life devote

Thy early vigour all apply

His glorious service to promote.

57 GCMB, piece 3, [pp. 4–5]; Jeanice Brooks, personal communication, 3 April 2017; see also Richards, ‘Frae

the friends’, 102–3, 149, 162; Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 131–33. 58 Andrew M. McCrae, MS lyrics for ‘Johnnie Miller’, MS 12831 MS Box 3740/20, MC-SLV; Stark, Professor, of Stuttgart and Andrew M. McCrae, ‘Johnnie Miller: Scotch Song’ (London: Cramer, [1873]), Music

Collections H.1779.I.(49.), BL. 59 Handel, ‘While Yet the Tide’, ‘In Saul’ (1738), MHMB, Part 1: 89. 60 George Frideric Handel, ‘While Yet Thy Tide’ in Saul (1738), ed. Friedrich Chrysander, Georg Friedrich

Händels Werke, Band 13 (Leipzig: Deutsche Händelgesellschaft, 1862), 269–70, IMSLP17690-Saul.pdf

(accessed 29 December 2014).

124

Other pieces attributed to Handel in MHMB are ‘The Spacious Firmament on high’, where the

tune is similar to ‘Caro mio ben’ by Giordani,61 and ‘Morning Hymn’, with a tune reminiscent

of ‘I know that my redeemer liveth’ from Handel’s Messiah (1742).62

Dance music with titles suggesting French or Scottish origin are amongst the thirty solo

piano pieces in MHMB Part 1. They contrast with the more elaborate compositions by Pinto

and Potter copied from The Harmonicon. The titles and steps written in French and English for

‘La Poule’, ‘Le Pantalon’, ‘L’Eté’ and ‘La Finale’ could have indicated dances on the

continuum from country dance, cotillion to quadrille.63 ‘Flora McDonald’ has the ‘figure’

written in English.64 It appears in twelve pages that include music similar to the Scottish

strathspeys, reels and other dance styles in MHMB Part 2.65

Female roles

As mentioned in relation to ‘Pope’s Universal Prayer’, MHMB Part 1 includes a series of songs

in the handwriting of a scribe other than Georgiana. The series comprises twenty-one of the

thirty-two songs printed in 1798 under the impressive title Songs Composed by Mrs Hodges,

Harmonized and Published by Mr Hüllmandel For the Benefit of Her Orphan Children And by

Them Most Humbly Inscribed, By Permission To Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain.66

William Hodges R.A. (1744–97), who had accompanied Captain Cook on his second

expedition, died in 1797 in traumatic circumstances and his widow, née Ann Mary Carr, left

with seven children, died soon afterwards. Joseph Farington and other members of the Royal

Academy organised the publication by subscription of Mrs Hodges’s songs to contribute

towards the welfare of the Hodges children.67 Composer and pianist Nicolas-Joseph

Hüllmandel (1756–1823), who ‘harmonized’ Mrs Hodges’ songs, had worked in London since

the French Revolution.68

61 MHMB, Part 1: 80. 62 MHMB, Part 1: 88. 63 MHMB, Part 1: 96–97. 64 MHMB, Part 1: 203. 65 MHMB, Part 1: 197–208. 66 MHMB, Part 1: 93, 167–84; Nicholas-Joseph Hüllmandel, arranger, Songs Composed by Mrs Hodges…

(London: G. Nicol, 1798), Music Collections R.M.13.2.23; G.295.(2.); G.580, BL. 67 Harriet Guest, Empire, Barbarism, and Civilisation (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University

Press, 2007); Isabel Combs Stuebe, The Life and Works of William Hodges (New York: Garland Pub., 1979),

51–52, 74–79; Diary of Joseph Farington, 3: 792–93; 4: 1307; 5: 1566; 11: 3864; 17: 442–44. 68 Rita Benton and Thomas Milligan, ‘Hüllmandel, Nicolas-Joseph’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/13537 (accessed 20

September 2014).

125

The printed version of the Hodges/Hüllmandel songs contains an engraved copy by James

Parker of a portrait of Ann Mary Hodges, painted in crayons by Ozias Humphry, R. A. (1742–

1810), whose success as a miniature portrait painter led to his appointment as ‘portrait painter

in crayons to the king in 1792’.69 The portrait is followed by a mournful dedicatory poem: ‘Ah,

what avails the beauteous Face’. The volume had many subscribers led by the Prince of Wales

and the Princesses Augusta, Elizabeth, Mary, Sophia and Amelia, children of King George III.

The printed ‘Advertisement’ stresses the common anxiety about women composing for

monetary reward:

With respect to the Work itself, the Airs were all the original productions of the

late Mrs. Hodges, composed, without the most distant intention of publication, for

the amusement of herself and her friends; and sung by her, as many of her

subscribers will feel a pleasure mixed with regret in recollecting, with a taste and

expression peculiar to herself.

The contribution by Hüllmandel was minimised: ‘These have been revised and corrected; the

accompaniments added, and the last air [i.e. ‘Pope’s Universal Prayer’] set for voices by the

scientific hand of Mr. Hüllmandell [sic]’.70

The manuscript copy of the Hodges/Hüllmandel songs in MHMB Part 1 is divided and

arranged in a different sequence to the printed version. ‘Pope’s Universal Prayer’, with its

chordal style, copied in 1822 as noted previously, is separated from the rest of the songs.71 The

latter start under a fancy title with the third song from the printed version, ‘Go Go you little

painted Butterfly’, which is a simple song marked ‘Un Poco Andante’ set with separate vocal

and keyboard parts, limited vocal tessitura of a ninth from D to E, minimal modulation and easy

piano accompaniment.72 At the bottom of the page of the manuscript copy is written, ‘The chief

part of the words from Lord Lyttleton’s Poems’. While the printed publication does not mention

any poet, at least one of the songs, ‘When Delia on the plain appears’, was written by Lord

George Lyttelton (1709–73) in 1732 and repeatedly republished, along with many others of his

works, in the following century.73 His attitudes to the role of women expressed in his Advice to

69 Ozias Humphry (1742–1810), Painter, National Portrait Gallery,

http://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/person.php?search=ss&sText=Ozias+Humphry+&LinkID=mp07147&role=art&wPage=1 (accessed 20 September 2014). 70 Hüllmandel, Songs Composed by Mrs Hodges. 71 MHMB, Part 1: 93. 72 MHMB, Part 1: 167. 73 MHMB, Part 1: 184; George Lyttelton, Baron, ‘Song’, in Poems by Geo. Lord Lyttelton (Manchester, 1797),

32, Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale (accessed 7 April 2014).

126

a Lady, first published in 1733, were indicative of the restrictions on genteel women in the

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries:

Do you, my Fair, endeavour to possess

An Elegance of Mind as well as Dress;

Be that your Ornament, and know how to please

By graceful Nature’s unaffected Ease.

Nor make to dangerous Wit a vain Pretence,

But wisely rest content with modest Sense;

For Wit, like Wine, intoxicates the Brain,

Too strong for feeble Woman to sustain;

Of those who claim it, more than half have none,

And Half of those who have it, are undone.74

The inclusion within Mrs Hodges’s songs of Lyttelton’s poems with their connotations of

masculine superiority contributed to the diminution of Mrs. Hodges’s achievements as a

composer. Altogether there is a lack of representation of women composers or poets in

Georgiana’s repertoire. Of the thirty-eight composers named in MHMB Part 1, the only other

female composer besides Mrs Hodges is ‘Me. Duchambge’, to whom Georgiana attributed the

music for a brief strophic song entitled ‘L’Aveu d’une Femme’ (The Confession of a Woman).75

Pauline Duchambge née du Montet (1778–1858) supported herself and her two children by her

music after her divorce. A student of Dussek, Cherubini and Auber, over four hundred of her

parlour songs were published between 1816 and 1840.76 The words attributed to ‘M. de Courcy’

were probably by Frédéric de Courcy.77

Joanna Baillie and Lady Nairne are the two female poets featured out of a total of twenty

named poets in MHMB Part 1. Joanna Baillie’s ‘The Chough & Crow, to roost are gone’ with

music by H. R. Bishop is found on the reverse of the Hodges/Hüllmandel version of ‘Pope’s

Universal Prayer’.78 Both of these pieces are in different handwriting for music and text in

74 George Lyttelton, Baron, Advice to a Lady (London [Edinburgh?], 1733), 5, Eighteenth Century Collections

Online, Gale (accessed 7 April 2014). 75 MHMB, Part 1: 210; Madame Duchambge and Mr de Courcy, ‘L’Aveu d’une Femme’ (Paris, France: Pleyel,

[n.d.]). 76 Judy Tsou and William Cheng, ‘Duchambge, Pauline’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/08251 (accessed 20

September 2014). 77 Courcy, F. de (Frédéric) 1795–1862, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n89643461 (accessed 29

December 2014). 78 MHMB, Part 1: 94.

127

comparison with Georgiana’s usual style, so it is likely that Georgiana was given them by a

friend or acquaintance or obtained them commercially. Joanna Baillie (1762–1851) was a

Scottish poet and playwright who mainly lived in London. Her poem ‘The Chough and Crow’

was used in 1816 in Bishop’s adaptation of Walter Scott’s novel Guy Mannering, which Scott

had published anonymously in 1815. Baillie made substantial contributions to Scottish song

collections especially for George Thompson.79 Baillie’s version of the words for ‘Woo’d and

Married &c’’ were added towards the end of CMB (see Figure 32).80An instrumental version

of ‘Woo’d and Married and a’—Reel’ is found in MHMB Part 2.81

The other female poet named in MHMB Part 1, Carolina Nairne née Oliphant (1766–1845),

was brought up in a staunchly Jacobite household in Scotland. Her husband, William Nairne,

was able to regain his title in 1824.82 In MHMB, Georgiana McCrae first attributed ‘The Land

of the Leal’ to Robert Burns, then erased Burns’s name and added ‘(Written by Lady Nairne)’.83

Part of the confusion of Lady Nairne’s authorship lay in Lady Nairne’s hesitancy to undermine

her upper class ladylike status by having her authorship widely known. Her songs were in wide

oral as well as written transmission in the period. She also had a strong influence on the socially

acceptable preference for genteel lyrics, represented for example by the influence on

Georgiana’s GCMB of Smith’s The Scotish Minstrel.84 In the first verse of MHMB version of

Nairne’s yearning lyrics for ‘The Land of the Leal’, Georgiana refers to ‘Jean’ rather than

Nairne’s original ‘John’, a feminising change that is found in other contemporary

publications:85

I’m wearing awa Jean

Like snaw when it’s thaw Jean

I’m wearing awa

to the land o’ the leal!

79 Joanna Baillie, The Dramatic and Poetical Works of Joanna Baillie (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and

Longmans, 1851), https://archive.org/details/dramaticandpoet00bailgoog (accessed 21 September 2014);

McCue, ‘Women and Song 1750–1850’, 61. 80 CMB, reverse of 245; see Chapter 6. 81 MHMB, Part 2: 300. 82 Charles Rogers, Life and Songs of the Baroness Nairne, 2nd ed. (1869; Edinburgh: J. Grant, 1905),

https://openlibrary.org/books/OL23312995M/Life_and_songs_of_the_Baroness_Nairne (accessed 21 September

2014). 83 MHMB, Part 1: 225. 84 See GCMB, pieces 4–7; Smith, The Scotish Minstrel, 1–3 ([1820–22]),

http://deriv.nls.uk/dcn23/9135/91351189.23.pdf; 4–6 ([1823–24]),

http://deriv.nls.uk/dcn23/9134/91343355.23.pdf (accessed 7 April 2014); McCue, ‘Women and Song 1750–

1850’, 58–70; McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs, 115–27. 85 See for example ‘The Land o’ the Leal’ in Caledonian Songster (Dunbar: T. Oliver for G. Miller, 1805), 68,

http://digital.nls.uk/90260923 (accessed 22 March 2017).

128

There’s nae sorrow there Jean,

There’s nae cauld nor care Jean,

The day is ay aye fair

in the land o’ the leal.

Scottish and Gordon identity

The ‘Land of the Leal’ is one of a considerable number of ‘national’ and Scots songs in MHMB

and Georgiana’s other manuscript music collections. Some are recognisably related to versions

found in SMM (1787–1803). For example the title song of MHMB Part 1, dated 1823, is related

to the song, ‘To the Rose Bud’ from Volume 4 of SMM, but has slightly different words, so

therefore there may have been an alternative or intermediary source which has not yet been

identified (see Figure 5 above).86 Georgiana only used three verses to SMM ’s seven. The song

is repeated in MHMB with a slightly altered title, ‘The Rose Bud Child o’ Summer’.87 Written

in 3/4 and marked ‘Slow’, the modal melody has a relatively wide compass of a thirteenth from

B♭ below middle C to G; the key signature of two flats allows the simple bass line to begin as

though it were in B♭ major and end in G natural minor, although no further harmonisation is

added. This arrangement complies with common characteristics of ‘Scottish’ music since c.

1700, including ‘modal tonalities,… “gapped”…melodic structures, the ending of an air on a

note other than the tonic’.88 The words tell of the passing of youth:

Sae bonny lassie hence ye learn

Wi’ every youthfu’ maiden gay

That beauty like the summers rose

In time shall wither and decay.

In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, many audience members, critics and

performers in Britain and other English-speaking countries did not distinguish between ‘art’,

‘folk’ and ‘popular/commercial’ styles of music as much as we do today.89 Changes in

copyright law in England from the judgement of the full King’s Bench in the case of John

86 ‘The Rose Bud’, MHMB, Part 1: 1; ‘To the Rose Bud’/ ‘All hail to thee thou balmy bud’, in SMM 4 (1792):

340, http://digital.nls.uk/87798496 (accessed 24 April 2017). 87 MHMB, Part 1: 8. 88 James Porter, Introduction, in Defining Strains, ed. Porter, 44. 89 Gelbart, The Invention of ‘Folk Music’ and ‘Art Music’, 1–10, 266–70; Preston, Opera on the Road, 316–17;

Whiteoak, Playing Ad Lib, 29.

129

Christian Bach versus the publisher Longman in 1777 began to give music composers more

legal rights of ownership to creative work. However, these rights in many jurisdictions and

musical styles were difficult to ascertain in the case of music that over time was seen to be in

the public domain.90 A large amount of ‘national’ repertoire was available in published sources

since at least the late seventeenth century. Supposedly authentic Scottish songs were crossed

with melodies and lyrics from England and Ireland, or were newly written or rewritten.91 Celtic

music was performed on both sides of the Irish Sea and beyond. Domestic performers used

what they termed Scottish, Irish and Welsh repertoire.92 The same tunes and songs were often

found in more than one region or may have been first composed in a stylistic parody for a

theatrical production in London.93

The ‘Scottish’ identity of the Gordons that Georgiana was trying to emulate was itself a

matter of dispute at a time of fluidity and change between Highland and Lowland cultures,

English, Scots and Gaelic languages, and national political realities. When the Royal House of

Stuart was defeated at Culloden in 1745, many Scots transferred their loyalties to the

Hanoverian kings of Britain. Exacerbated by loss of land, poverty, famine and emigration

triggered by the the Highland Clearances which began in the 1760s, deep divisions within the

Gordon clan and other parts of Scottish society resonated well into the nineteenth century.94

Clinging to Jacobite sympathies and the Catholic religion had been signs of subversion

punishable by confiscation, exile or even death; the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829 did not

change all social attitudes. Georgiana’s father served in the British Army and her stepmother’s

Protestantism became extreme. In the early nineteenth century, Highland culture and

Jacobitism came in a paradoxical twist to represent a fashionable Scottishness that bolstered

unification and the English hegemony, instead of being the image of lawless uncivilised

heathens that it had represented in the troubled times of the eighteenth century.95 Georgiana’s

use of the lowland Scots and Gaelic languages in her music collections could thus be seen as

part of her self-identification with the Gordons and their status as leaders of both Scottish and

90 Susan Bunting, ‘Can Copyright Cope with Music?’ (PhD thesis, University of Melbourne, 2001), 38–53, 118–

20; see also Peter Manuel, ‘Composition, Authorship, and Ownership in Flamenco, Past and Present’,

Ethnomusicology 54, no. 1 (Winter 2010): 106–35. 91 Thomas Crawford, Society and the Lyric (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1979), 6. 92 The Austen Family Music Books; Dooley, Jane Austen’s Music; Ian Gammie and Derek McCulloch, Jane

Austen’s Music (St Albans, UK: Corda Music Publications, 1996), 30. 93 Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 5; McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs, 8. 94 See Ewan J. Innes, The Patterns of the Highland Clearances, 1991,

http://www.scottishhistory.com/articles/highlands/clearances/clearance_page1.html (accessed 7 April 2017). 95 Donaldson, The Jacobite Song, 90.

130

British society, tinged with romantic Jacobite hankerings after a bygone age, instead of as a

covert message of treasonable inclinations to the Stuart cause.

The song ‘Oh where & oh where is your Highland laddie gone?’ to the tune ‘The Blue

Bells of Scotland’ is one of many examples of so-called ‘Scottish’ music with complicated

backgrounds. The source for Georgiana’s version, which has four verses with a simply realised

piano accompaniment in E major and in common time, in MHMB Part 1 is as yet unidentified.96

A version of the words of ‘O where and ah where’ similar to Georgiana’s, which refers to the

‘Highland Laddie’ who has ‘gone to fight the Frenchmen for George upon the throne’, was

printed around 1785 in Newcastle upon Tyne. The major difference in the words of the

Newcastle version in comparison to Georgiana’s is the description of the Highland Laddie’s

bonnet as ‘Saxon green’, whereas Georgiana described the bonnet as ‘Scottish blue’.97

Georgiana’s father, as the Marquis of Huntly, was celebrated by the Scottish poet Anne

Grant of Laggan (1755–1838) in a poem called ‘On the Marquis of Huntly’s Departure For the

Continent with his Regiment in 1799’ set to the tune of ‘The Blue Bell of Scotland’. This was

published by George Thomson with musical variations by Haydn in 1802 and the words were

published in 1803 by Mrs Grant in her Poems on Various Subjects, dedicated to the marquis’s

mother, Jane Fourth Duchess of Gordon, whose home at Kinrara near the Scottish River Spey

was not far from Laggan.98 Georgiana’s version has a simpler accompaniment than that

provided by Haydn in one of his many Scottish folksong arrangements.99 Haydn’s version of

the song was dedicated to the English singer and actress Mrs Jordan, also known as Dorothy

Bland, the mistress of William, Duke of Clarence, one of George III’s sons and the future

William IV, who later abandoned Mrs Jordan after she had ten of his children. Versions of ‘The

Blue Bell of Scotland’ ‘as composed and sung by Mrs. Jordan at the Theatre Royal Drury Lane’

were published in a number of editions from 1800 onwards.100 In the opinion of William

Chappell in the mid-nineteenth century, Mrs Jordan’s tune and words had superseded older

96 MHMB, Part 1: 34. 97 A Garland of New Songs, Containing, 1. The Blue Bell of Scotland 2. She Lives in the Valley Below. 3. Hal

the Woodman. ... (Newcastle upon Tyne, [1785?]), Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale (accessed 5

April 2014). 98 Anne MacVicar Grant of Laggan, ‘On the Marquis of Huntly’s Departure for the Continent with his Regiment

in 1799: Air.–The Blue Bell of Scotland’, in Poems on Various Subjects (1803), 407–9,

http://digital.lib.ucdavis.edu/projects/bwrp/Works/GranAPoems.htm (accessed 24 January 2017). 99 Joseph Haydn, ‘The Blue Bell of Scotland’, in Joseph Haydn Werke ed. Marjorie Rycroft, Warwick Edwards

and Kirsteen McCue (Munich: G. Henle Verlag for Joseph Haydn Institute, 2001), 32, no. 3: 263–69, 308, 372–

73. 100 Dorothy Jordan, The Blue Bell of Scotland (London: Longman Clementi and Co, [1800]),

http://www.worldcat.org/title/blue-bell-of-scotland-a-favorite-ballad/oclc/19007772/ (accessed 24 January

2017).

131

versions such as that published in SMM in 1803.101 However, Johnson’s version was only one

of three different tunes which include ‘Blue Bells’ in the title which were published in five

Scottish sources analysed in Charles Gore’s Scottish Music Index [SMI].102

Georgiana’s grandfather, Duke Alexander Gordon, was a poet and musician who

participated in the fashionable rewriting of Scottish songs in the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries. Georgiana copied various pieces of Duke Alexander’s lyrics and music including his

verses for ‘Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ which appear in the MHMB.103 Georgiana’s version of

‘Cauld Kail’ uses a different variant of the tune, time signature and bass line to the version that

was published in 1788 in Volume 2 of SMM, which attributed the words coyly in the Index to

the ‘D__ of G___’.104 Georgiana on the other hand proudly stated that the words were by

‘Alexander 4th Duke of Gordon’:

Theres cauld kail in Aberdeen,

And castocks in Strabogie.

Gin I hae but a bonny Lass,

You’re welcome to your cogie.

And ye may sit up a’ the night,

And drink ’till it be braid day light.

Gie me a lass baith clean & light,

To dance the reel o’ Bogie.

‘Strathbogie’ was the old name for Huntly, the site of the Gordon’s ruined castle and the

home of Georgiana’s father when he was the Marquis of Huntly. Duke Alexander’s second of

five verses compared the dance styles of the French, English, Spanish and Germans

unfavourably with the Scots reel:

In cotillions the French excel

John Bull in contra dances.

The Spaniards dance fandango well

Mynheer all’ Allemande prances

101 William Chappell, ‘The Blue Bells of Scotland’ in Popular Music of the Olden Time (London: Cramer, Beale

& Chappell, [n.d., c. 1855–56]), 2: 739–40,

http://imslp.org/wiki/Popular_Music_of_the_Olden_Time_(Chappell,_William) (accessed 9 August 2016). 102 SMM 6, no. 548 (1803; 1839): 566–67, http://digital.nls.uk/87800229 (accessed 9 August 2016); ‘Blue Bells’ in Scottish Music Index [SMI] ed. Charles Gore, http://www.scottishmusicindex.org/ (accessed 9 August 2016);

see also versions available on digital.nls.uk (accessed 9 August 2016). 103 MHMB, Part 1: 161; see discussions below about another version of ‘Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ set to Burns’s

‘How lang and dreary’ in MHMB Part 1: 215, plus Bishop’s ‘The Secret of my Heart’, GCMB, piece 36. 104 ‘There’s Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ with words by the ‘D of G’ in SMM 2, no. 162 (1788): 170,

http://digital.nls.uk/87796643, http://digital.nls.uk/87797471 (accessed 19 April 2014).

132

In foursome reels the Scots delight

The threesome maist dance wondrous light

But twosome ding out a the sight

Danced to the reel of Bogie.

Duchess Jane was a major patron of Burns in Edinburgh and she and Duke Alexander

welcomed Robert Burns to dinner at Gordon Castle on 7 September 1787. Burns celebrated his

visit with the poem ‘Streams that glide in orient plains’ and collected Duke Alexander’s verses

for ‘Cauld Kail’ for publication in Volume 2 of Johnson’s SMM, with the help of James Hoy,

the Gordon Castle librarian.105 Burns disavowed that he was motivated only by keenness for

ducal patronage when he praised Duke Alexander’s poetry:

The Duke’s song, independant [sic] totally of his Dukeship charms me. _There is I

know not what of wild happiness of thought and expression peculiarly beautiful in

the old Scottish song style, of which his Grace; old, venerable Skinner, the Author

of Tullochgorum, &c; and the late Ross at Lochlee of true Scottish-poetic memory,

are the only modern instances that I recollect…Those who think that composing a

Scotch Song is a trifling business— let them try. __

I wish my Lord Duke would pay a proper attention to the Christian admonition —

“Hide not your candle under “a bushel” but “Let your light shine before men”. __

I could name half a dozen Dukes that I guess are a devilish deal worse employed;

nay I question if there are half a dozen better : perhaps there are not half that scanty

number whom Heaven has favoured with the tuneful, happy, and I will say, glorious

gift. — 106

Georgiana’s continued interest in the accuracy of her collections is demonstrated by her

addition of other versions of the words for ‘Cauld Kail’ besides those by Duke Alexander on

an unlined two-sided insert in MHMB Part 1.107 The first set of words was entitled ‘1776.

105 Low, ed., The Songs of Robert Burns, no. 56: 202–3; Robert Burns, The Complete Works of Robert Burns ed.

Allan Cunningham (Melbourne, Sydney and Dunedin: McGready, Thomson and Niven, [n.d.]), 2: 293–96;

Robert Burns, Commonplace Books, Tour Journals, and Miscellaneous Prose, ed. Nigel Leask, The Oxford

Edition of the Works of Robert Burns (Oxford, UK: OUP, 2014), 1: 139, 148–50, 364–68; Robert Burns’s Tour

of the Highlands, 25th August – 16th September 1787, http://burnsc21.glasgow.ac.uk/highland-tour-interactive/

(accessed 25 February 2017); Robert Burns, MS: Letter from Robert Burns to James Hoy, dated Edinburgh, 20 October 1787 (Alloway, UK: Robert Burns Birthplace Museum / NLS, 2016),

http://www.burnsmuseum.org.uk/collections/object_detail/3.6046 (accessed 2 March 2017). 106 Robert Burns, MS: Letter from Robert Burns to James Hoy, dated Edinburgh, 6 November 1787 (Alloway,

UK: Robert Burns Birthplace Museum / NLS, 2016),

http://www.burnsmuseum.org.uk/collections/object_detail/3.6049 (accessed 2 March 2017). 107 MHMB, Part 1: 161, insert.

133

Version of Cauld Kail by Hurd’, which probably referred to David Herd’s 1776 publication.108

The second set of words was entitled ‘A newer version – called by Burns “An old song”’. After

the last verse Georgiana commented that ‘This version was still sung in 1827–1828’, which

indicates a period in Georgiana’s life when she was resident at Gordon Castle and Gordon Hall

in Scotland and transcribed the contents of GCMB. The use of the past tense in the MHMB

insert indicates that the annotation and insert were made later than the transcription of the song.

Many references in MHMB to Scottish songs including those by Burns and by Georgiana’s

grandfather Duke Alexander appear to relate to Georgiana’s notes in her compilation copy of

SMM, which includes copies of the correspondence between Burns and Hoy as well as an

annotation dated 1860, as discussed elsewhere in this thesis.109

Scholars have tried to untangle which songs can properly be attributed to Robert Burns

and to what extent poets like Burns and Hogg were influenced by commercial

considerations.110 Given that Burns was known to build on pre-existing models for both words

and music and that in Burns’s day the legal status of copyright was not strictly enforced, this

quest is not always straightforward. One of Burns’s songs, ‘How long and dreary is the night’

set to ‘A Galick Air’, was first published in Volume 2 of SMM, along with the Duke of

Gordon’s version of ‘Cauld Kail’.111 Burns’s ‘How lang and dreary’ was set to the tune of

‘Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ in MHMB.112 Burns’s words were used in the arrangement of ‘Cauld

Kail’ for two voices and piano by Haydn and published by George Thomson, for example in

his Volume 1 of Collection of the Songs of Burns, Sir Walter Scott and Other Eminent Lyric

Poets Ancient & Modern (1822).113

Other disputed attributions to Burns in Georgiana’s MHMB include the song ‘Farewell to

Lochaber’, with its plaintive air and words about loss and absence. A later annotation was

added to MHMB showing awareness of disputes on the question of authorship, ‘This is said to

108 David Herd, Ancient and Modern Scottish Songs, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Edinburgh: printed by John Wotherspoon,

for James Dickson and Charles Elliot, 1776), http://digital.nls.uk/91519735 (accessed 12 March 2017). 109 MS 12312/148, Box 3110–B, MC-SLV; see Chapter 3. 110 See for example Kirsteen McCue, ‘Singing “More Old Songs than Ever Ploughman Could”’, in James Hogg

and the Literary Marketplace, ed. Sharon Alker and Holly Faith Nelson (Farnham, UK; Burlington, VT:

Ashgate, c. 2009), 123–37. 111 Robert Burns, ‘How long and dreary’ in SMM 2, no. 175 (1788): 183, http://digital.nls.uk/87797627 (accessed 11 January 2017). 112 MHMB, Part 1: 215. 113 Haydn (arr.), ‘Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ (title), ‘How lang and dreary’ (words by Burns), in Thomson’s

Collection of the Songs of Burns 1, no. 31,

http://digital.nls.uk/94647956, http://digital.nls.uk/94647968 (accessed 12 January 2017); Low, ed., The Songs

of Robert Burns, no. 263: 672–73.

134

be an Irish air by name “Limerick’s Lamentations’.114 The setting of ‘Farewell to Lochaber’ in

MHMB (c. 1824) is related to the version with melody and figured bass and words attributed

to the Scottish poet Allan Ramsay (1686–1758) in Volume 1 of SMM (1787), which was

published before Burns became much involved in Johnson’s enterprise.115 The MHMB version

of ‘Farewell to Lochaber’ has a realised keyboard introduction, song accompaniment and coda,

which makes it into a type of art song, with changes in emotional expression shown by using

dynamics and the marking ‘Affettuoso e dolce’. It is more elaborate than some other settings,

for example Haydn’s late classical realisation of ‘Lochaber’ published by Thomson.116

The first sixteen bars of ‘Farewell to Lochaber’ also are used in MHMB in the same key

of F major and 3/4 time signature for another sorrowful song, ‘Lord Ronald My Son’, an

indication of the multiple variations and attributions available for these as well as many other

songs.117 The setting for ‘Lord Ronald my Son’ in MHMB is marked ‘Very Slow’ and has the

same unattributed words and a similar unrealised version in treble and bass clefs, apart from

some rhythmic differences in the unfigured bass line, to that found in Volume 4 of Johnson’s

SMM (1792).118

While dance instructions in French and English are found in MHMB Part 1 for some short

keyboard pieces, such ‘figures’ are not evident among the many pieces of instrumental music

in MHMB Part 2.119 Here Georgiana included Scottish strathspeys and reels by famous Scottish

fiddlers and composers including Niel [Neil] [John] Gow, his sons John and Nathaniel, as well

as John Anderson, Robert Mackintosh, Miller Macphail and William Marshall. These pieces

were valuable for parlour performance and listening pleasure, but whether Georgiana had

opportunities to keep practising her piano playing to a sufficient standard to accompany

dancing is unclear. The large number of items of dance music in MHMB indicates that the form

at least was very important to her, particularly as many pieces were titled with names of Gordon

family members, for example pieces composed by Niel (sometimes spelt Neil) Gow called

‘The Duke of Gordon’s Strathspey’, ‘The Duchess of Gordon’s Strathspey’ and ‘The Marquis

114 ‘Farewell to Lochaber’, MHMB, Part 1: 237; see Colm Ó Baoill, ‘Two Irish Harpers in Scotland’, in

Defining Strains, ed. Porter, 238–43. 115 ‘Lochaber’, words by Ramsay, in SMM 1, Index, no. 95 (1787): v, 96, http://digital.nls.uk/87793789,

http://digital.nls.uk/87794953 (accessed 25 February 2017). 116 Haydn, ‘Lochaber’, in Thomson’s Collection of the Songs of Burns 1 [1828]): 9,

http://digital.nls.uk/94647476 (accessed 24 February 2017). 117 ‘Lord Ronald My Son’, MHMB, Part 1: 135; see Bronson, ‘Lord Randal: Child No. 12’, Traditional Tunes 1

(1959): 191–236; Traditional Tune Archive, ‘Lochaber No More’, http://tunearch.org/wiki/Lochaber_No_More

(accessed 23 February 2017). 118 ‘Lord Ronald My Son’, SMM 4, no. 327 (1792): 337, http://digital.nls.uk/87798460 (accessed 23 February

2017). 119 MHMB, Part 1: 96–97, 203.

135

of Huntly’s Strathspey’, or other pieces that referred to places in the area surrounding Gordon

Castle such ‘The Bog of Gight’ (see Figure 6 above).120 The frequent changes of spelling in

Georgiana’s era were reflected when William Marshall also composed a strathspey for

Georgiana’s father, ‘Marquis of Huntley’s Strathspey’ by ‘Mr Marshall’.121 ‘Marquis of

Huntley new Strathspey’ by R. [Robert] Mackintosh, ‘Marquis of Huntly’s Farewell’ by J.

Anderson, ‘The Marquis of Huntly’s Snuff Mill or the Royal Gift’ by Niel Gow and the

‘Marquis of Huntlys Highland Fling’ by Neil Gow complete Georgiana’s selections devoted

specifically to her father in MHMB Part 2.122 These are among the multiple compositions

referring to the Gordons and other members of the Scottish upper classes which can be found

in contemporary music publications.123

Whether other members of the Gordon family apart from Duke Alexander composed any

of the lyrics or music in Georgiana’s collections is uncertain. ‘Where peals the pibroch’s’

livening sound’, a poem printed, possibly privately, in 1817 was purported to have been written

for ‘a very pretty air’ composed by Georgiana’s stepmother when she was known as the

Marchioness of Huntly for Georgiana’s father’s birthday on 2 February 1816 ‘while his

Lordship was attending his duty in Parliament’.124 No tunes bearing the Marchioness’s name

are found in MHMB, but SMI contains twelve.125 Discovering whether the Marchioness, or the

fifth duchess of Gordon as she was later known, composed any of these tunes is difficult to tell.

The case of Lady Nairne demonstrated that it was not usually socially acceptable for the upper

classes to be involved in publication or trade. Moreover, it was common at the time for

musicians like Gow to publish other people’s music as their own.126

The dance pieces that refer to Georgiana’s father’s sisters and mother could have been

composed in the late eighteenth century when Georgiana’s grandmother Duchess Jane lived

with Duke Alexander, before their separation and before her daughters were married or

received other titles. Perhaps Georgiana was using older sources, which may explain why

120 MHMB, Part 2: 273, 280; see for example Niel Gow, A Collection of Strathspey Reels &c. with a Bass for

the Violoncello or Harpsichord (London: W. Boag, [1784/1795]),

https://archive.org/details/collectionofstra00gown (accessed 11 May 2017). 121 MHMB, Part 2: 275. 122 MHMB, Part 2: 276–79. 123 See for example Gore, SMI; Special Collections of Printed Music, NLS, http://digital.nls.uk/97135480 (accessed 11 May 2017). 124 ‘A. R. M.’, Letter ‘To the Editor of the Aberdeen Journal, Huntly, 17 March 1817’, NRAS770/6, BA, NTS. 125 Gore, SMI. 126 David Johnson, ‘Gow’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/11554pg1 (accessed

30 December 2014).

136

Georgiana did not include pieces named after her stepmother, as the Marquis married the young

Elizabeth Brodie some years after Duchess Jane’s death.

A dance piece in MHMB Part 2 called ‘La Georgina’ is on the same page as ‘Malbrouk’,

a dance piece arranged in a similar keyboard style.127 ‘La Georgina’ is located in MHMB Part

2 in two folios or eight pages, in twelve staves per page, which contain European and Scottish

dance music.128 Some of these pieces were written in treble and bass, probably from eighteenth-

century sources, while others had more developed harmony and accompaniments, such as a

waltz by Schubert which Georgiana attributed to Czerny and a ‘Menuet’ by Duport in 2/4 time

signature, which Georgiana dated 23 November 1823.129 ‘La Georgina’ has the only dance

instructions in Part 2. ‘La Georgina’ could possibly be variously identified as a country dance,

a cotillion or an early quadrille. ‘La Georgina’ was most likely either a cotillion for two facing

couples from the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century, or an early nineteenth-century

quadrille in square for four couples. In this period, distinctions between styles of dance and

their appropriate music were not necessarily enforced in a rigid manner.130

The composer or the source for ‘La Georgina’ are not stated on Georgiana’s manuscript

copy. Whereas contemporary operatic tunes were often used for dances, the melody of ‘La

Georgina’ in MHMB could possibly have been composed in the mid-Baroque period and the

accompaniment may have been added later. The identity of ‘Georgina’ in the title of the dance

piece could refer to ‘La Georgina’ or ‘La Giorgina’, a name given to the famous soprano

Angela Voglia, who performed in Alessandro Scarlatti’s time in the late seventeenth century

in Naples and Rome.131 The similarity to Georgiana McCrae’s own name is probably

coincidental, as it was a common name in Britain in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries

indicating support for the Hanoverian monarchs. ‘Georgina’ and ‘Georgiana’ were often used

interchangeably. There are twenty pieces in SMI that include the names Georgiana, Georgina

or Georgine in their titles, but none are called ‘La Georgina’ or match the tune in MHMB.132

Pieces in MHMB Part 2 which were named ‘Lady Georgina Gordon’s Reel’ by ‘R.

Mackintosh’, ‘Georgina’s favorite the Strathspey’ and ‘Georgina’s Hornpipe’ could refer to

127 MHMB, Part 2: 311. Thanks to colleagues including Heather Clarke, Ellis Rogers, Jenny Gall, Rosalind

Halton, the late Peter Ellis and the late Lucy Stockdale for assistance with this section. 128 MHMB, Part 2: 305–12. 129 MHMB, Part 2: 307. 130 See Ellis, The Merry Country Dance. 131 Renato Di Benedetto et al., ‘Naples’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/42068 (accessed 21

April 2014). 132 Gore, SMI.

137

Georgiana’s aunt, who became the Duchess of Bedford (1781–1853).133 Many others of

Georgiana’s Gordon relatives were named ‘Georgina’ or ‘Georgiana’, including her cousin,

Georgiana, Lady de Ros née Lennox (1795–1891), a sister of Mary Paton’s first husband, Lord

William Pitt Lennox. Georgiana Lennox’s descriptions of the famous ball held by her mother,

Charlotte, Duchess of Richmond, in Brussels just before the Battle of Waterloo on 15 June

1815 were utilised as sources in other works including Georgette Heyer’s An Infamous Army.134

The presence of unrealised keyboard parts in MHMB and Georgiana’s other manuscript

music collections indicates that she was familiar with improvisation in performance from a

skeleton version of a piece of music with notation of only the melody and bass line, rather than

always needing to rely on an arranger to provide a fully realised keyboard accompaniment.135

Numerous unrealised as well as realised items in Georgiana’s manuscript music collections

support recent reseach about the importance of the bass line to contemporary conception of a

variety of musical styles, including so-called ‘folk music’.136 Consideration of Georgiana’s

musical repertoire also suggests that the transition from unrealised to realised notated music

for keyboard was spasmodic and that improvisatory keyboard practices continued in the

domestic musical sphere into the nineteenth century, when realised keyboard accompaniments

became more common.

Overall MHMB provides internal contrasts as well as consistencies, with Part 1 largely but

not solely devoted to vocal music and Part 2 consisting of instrumental music to accompany

dance. The eclectic mix of repertoire demonstrates the popular taste for miscellanies that

encompassed both the ‘ancient’, represented by ‘national music’ as well as Purcell and Handel,

and the ‘modern’, represented by Bishop and Rossini. Georgiana’s personal choice of

repertoire was bolstered by contemporary printed sources such as The Harmonicon. Genteel

versions of ‘national’ music, particularly Scottish, indicate Georgiana’s class consciousness

and aspects of her British nationality. Born and spending her childhood in London, with an

unwed English mother and an absent Scottish father, her sense of identity including her

nationality had inbuilt conflicts even before she migrated to the colonies. Female role models

encouraged her domestic performance as a singer and pianist but did not stimulate musical

composition beyond improvisation from unrealised bass lines. Genteel fashion for music

133 MHMB, Part 2: 274, 285, 286; Rachel Trethewey, Mistress of the Arts: The Passionate Life of Georgina, Duchess of Bedford (London: Review, 2002). 134 Blanche Swinton, ed., A Sketch of the Life of Georgiana, Lady de Ros (London: John Murray, 1893),

https://archive.org/details/sketchoflifeofge00swin (accessed 22 December 2014); Georgette Heyer, An Infamous

Army (1937; London: Arrow, 2004); Nick Foulkes, Dancing Into Battle (London: Phoenix, 2007), 133–47. 135 See Brooks, ‘In Search’, 921–22. 136 See Bass Culture in Scottish Musical Traditions, http://bassculture.info/ (accessed 26 February 2017).

138

copying led her to add some dated pages as a form of record keeping and remembrance. Most

music in both Parts 1 and 2 of MHMB appears to have been transcribed between 1822–24 when

Georgiana was between the ages of eighteen and twenty. While it is not clear where Georgiana

was living at the time, MHMB reveals she was conscious of London fashion and also of the

splendours of the Scottish Gordon aristocracy.

4.3 ‘Gordon Castle Music Book’, c. 1827–28: A Young Woman’s Search for Identity

Georgiana’s manuscript music collection the ‘Gordon Castle Music Book’ (GCMB) has front

and back covers made of reddish-brown leather with an embossed gold stamp that reads ‘IHS’

with a cross above, plus possibly a crown or anchor below, surrounded by the flames of the

sun, which are Roman Catholic symbols for Jesus, Son of God (see Figure 8).137

Figure 8: Front cover with ‘IHS’ symbol, GCMB, MS 12018 2516/3, SLV. Image:

Rosemary Richards.

The ‘IHS’ symbol raises many as yet unanswered questions, including how Georgiana’s

possession of such a symbol could be interpreted. Georgiana was in touch in her childhood

with French Catholic émigrés in London; during her time in Scotland she had considerable

137 Jeanice Brooks, personal communication, 3 April 2017; see ‘IHS’, New Advent, Catholic Encyclopedia,

http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07649a.htm (accessed 3 April 2017).

139

contact with Scottish Catholics such as Perico and his family. Georgiana’s friend Fyvie may

also have been a closet Catholic. Whether Georgiana carried out any preference for Catholicism

into direct action is undocumented, but fear of this happening was a major factor in her enforced

separation from Perico by her stepmother.

GCMB contains seven dated pages (see Table 5).138

Date Place Item

number

[Pages

unnumbered]

Title of item Other

information

January

1827

[not stated] 2. [Piece 1]

[recto]

[1] “Teodora,” Cotillion by Nardini

Georgiana

Gordon Janry_1827.

31

December

1827

Gordon Castle 7.

Piece 6 [8] Oh bonnie

lassie come

over the burn

Gordon Castle

Decr. 31. 1827

4 February

[1828]

Gordon Hall 11. Piece 10

[14–16] The Lament of Flora

McDonald

Slow with Expression

Feby [4?]

Gordon Hall

‘Frae over yon hills of the

leather so

green,...’

19 February

1828

Gordon Hall 19.

Piece 17 [32] Perche [sic]

mi lasci

Gordon Hall—

Feby. 19th 1828_

27 May

[1828]

Gordon Hall 34. Piece 32

[66–69] Dolce dell’ Anima

Composto dal Sigr_ Paer_

Larghetto

[p. 69]: Gordon Hall_May 27

4 June

[1828]

Gordon Hall 39.

Piece 36 [84–87] The Secret of

my heart

Adapted by H R

Bishop

Duet—from the Antiquary

Andante

Espressivo Isabella/Maria

[p. 89]: Gordon

Hall, June 4.

5 June

[1828]

[Gordon Hall?] 40. [Extra

piece]

[88] Chunda’s Song

Fine, June 5th

This Air was

brought from

India by Robert Gordon_

Table 5: Date order of transcription of manuscript music in GCMB.

138 This dating for GCMB is different than that given in the SLV catalogue.

140

These dated pages in GCMB appear to be in date order from 1 January 1827 to 5 June

1828, when Georgiana’s manuscript memoir ‘Stray Leaves’ corroborates that she was at

Gordon Castle and Gordon Hall.

In GCMB Georgiana transcribed forty pieces of music, of which thirty-six are numbered,

in printed staves on 88 pages. It is unclear whether GCMB, which has no flyleaves, previously

had soft covers that were later removed before the hard binding was added.139 The small

manuscript book is mainly paginated by piece, not by page or folio. An extra piece ‘Ah tu sei’

by Andreozzi, a vocal duet for ‘Cora’ and ‘Alonzo’ with accompaniment, has been added

which is paginated by page in the wrong order.140

Although Georgiana usually did not acknowledge her sources with any care, she was a

trained artist and her music copying was fairly precise. A short strophic song with the first line

‘The meadows look cheerful’ is pasted inside the front cover, underneath Georgiana’s name

written as ‘G. Gordon’ in fancy script.

Scottish gentility

GCMB reflects the upper-class environments that Georgiana experienced in Scotland in 1827–

28 in the period immediately before and after Georgiana’s grandfather’s death. Much of GCMB

was transcribed during the time of Georgiana’s thwarted romance with her relative Perico

Gordon, whose family lived at Gordon Hall and whose aunt Fanny was part of Georgiana’s

scribal community. After the transcription of GCMB was completed her stepmother Duchess

Elizabeth continued moves to separate Georgiana from Gordon Castle and her father, who had

recently become the fifth Duke of Gordon. Georgiana’s subsequent marriage, children and

emigration are reflected in her manuscript music collections LTLMB and CMB.

GCMB includes pieces from common repertoire categories of dance music for piano,

Scottish folksong and operatic excerpts, which were found in many music collections

throughout the British Empire and beyond. The Scottish upper and middle classes considered

themselves to be as educated and cultured as their English neighbours. Dance music in GCMB

includes Nardini’s cotillion ‘Teodora’.141 The Italian violinist and composer Pietro Nardini

(1722–93) wrote a considerable amount of instrumental music. ‘Teodora’ has 24 bars with a

139 Jeanice Brooks, personal communication, 3 April 2017. 140 GCMB, [pp. 75–80], in between pieces 34 and 35, with pagination 1 [p. 75], 2 [p. 76], 4 [p. 77], 3 [p. 78]

(includes sign to go back to end of p. 2), 5 [p. 79] & [6] [p. 80]. 141 GCMB, piece 1: [p. 1].

141

sprightly tune and an Alberti bass, in duple time and marked ‘Allegretto’. Georgiana presented

‘Teodora’ without dance steps so the piece may have been used for solo parlour performance

instead of as accompaniment for social dance. Georgiana may have copied ‘Teodora’ from a

source in the Duke’s library (see Figure 9).

Figure 9: ‘“Teodora,” Cotillion by Nardini’, ‘Georgiana Gordon Jany 1827’, GCMB,

MS 12018 2516/3, [piece 1], SLV. Image: SLV.

‘Waltz’, an additional brief piece of dance music for keyboard in GCMB, has an annotation

with a direct reference to a member of Georgiana’s scribal community, ‘Mrs. Captn. Gordon’,

who possibly could be identified as Elizabeth née McPherson, the wife of Georgiana’s

illegitimate half-brother Charles.142 Whether the piece was composed by or received from

‘Mrs. Captn. Gordon’ is unclear.

142 GCMB, piece 16a: [p. 31].

142

The song ‘Oh! dinna ask me gin I lo’e ye’ was amongst a significant amount of repertoire

with Scots words and tunes transcribed by Georgiana McCrae in her youth when she was keen

to establish her Scottish identity, her gentility and her relationship with the Gordon family (see

Figure 10).143

Figure 10: ‘Oh! dinna ask me gin I lo’e ye’, GCMB, piece 4, MS 12018 2516/3, MC-

SLV. Image: SLV. See The Scotish Minstrel 2: 5, http://digital.nls.uk/91352823 (accessed

13 April 2017).

‘Oh! dinna ask me’ has the familiar tune commonly called ‘Gin a body, meet a body,

comin’ through the rye’, similar to the tune of ‘Auld Lang Syne’. A version of ‘Comin thro’

the rye’ by Burns with the tune called ‘Miller’s Wedding’ was published in Volume 5 of SMM,

followed by a ‘2d. Sett’, with a tune more like the one Georgiana used for ‘Oh! dinna ask me’

in GCMB.144 A song with a realised accompaniment entitled ‘Oh! dinna ask me gin I lo’e ye’

143 GCMB, piece 4, [p. 6]. 144 ‘Comin Thro’ the Rye: Gin a Body Meet a Body: A Favourite Scot Song: Original Sett / Modern Sett’

(London, Perth: J. Anderson, [1795]), Music Collections G.426.xx.(27), BL; in SMM 5, nos. 417–18 (c. 1797

143

was published around 1819 by Alexander Robertson in Edinburgh.145 The words have been

attributed to the Scottish poet John Dunlop.146 The version of the song found in Georgiana

McCrae’s GCMB is among the pieces that have the same layout and simplified accompaniment

as pieces in six volumes of Scottish songs called The Scotish Minstrel.147

The Scotish Minstrel was one of the many different collections of ‘national’ Scottish songs

published in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as mentioned previously in relation to

Perico Gordon’s singing ‘Bonie Lesley’ to Georgiana during their courtship in 1828. The

Scottish composer R. A. [Robert Archibald] Smith was credited as editor and the series was

published in Edinburgh by Robert Purdie. Georgiana may have copied these songs directly

from The Scotish Minstrel or from another intermediate manuscript copy. In both the printed

editions of The Scotish Minstrel and Georgiana’s copies, these pieces use only two staves per

system with the singer using the same melody as found in the treble stave of the keyboard part.

The songs have a simple bass line plus smaller harmony notes under the tune in the treble clef,

which could suggest either hints of harmonisation for the keyboard player and/or a vocal duet.

‘Oh! dinna ask me’ is found in the second volume of The Scotish Minstrel ([1821–22])

and is written in G major and common time, with an easily singable vocal compass of a ninth

from D to E.148 The ‘Scottishness’ of the tune is emphasised by dotted rhythms including the

‘scotch snap’. Georgiana’s version has slight discrepancies in the words from the printed

version in The Scotish Minstrel, but otherwise the layout is identical. The genteel words of ‘Oh

dinna ask me’ were attributed to one of Smith’s Paisley acquaintances, John Dunlop. There are

tinges of popular Jacobitism with the use of the Royal Stuart name, ‘Jamie’:

An’ when ye’re gaun to the town[The Scotish Minstrel: town,]

An’ many a braw lass see,

O Jamie, dinna look at them [The Scotish Minstrel: O, Jamie]

For fear ye mind nae me [The Scotish Minstrel: na me;]

Robert Smith, the acknowledged arranger and editor of The Scotish Minstrel, was a

Presbyterian church musician and composer who worked in Paisley with poets such as

Tannahill before moving to Edinburgh. However, publication of The Scotish Minstrel appears

[1839]): 430–31, http://digital.nls.uk/87803006, http://digital.nls.uk/87803018 (accessed 12 January 2017); see

Low, ed., The Songs of Robert Burns, no. 312: 798–99. 145 Alexander Robertson, ‘Oh! Dinna Ask Me Gin I Lo’e Ye: A Favourite Scots Song Arranged With Symphonies and Accompaniments for the Pianoforte’ (Edinburgh: Penson & Robertson, [1820]), Music

Collections G.807.b.(51.), H.1652.i.(38.), BL. 146 H. R. Tedder, rev. S. R. J. Baudry, ‘Dunlop, John (1755–1820)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,

http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/8276 (accessed 2 March 2017). 147 GCMB, pieces 4–7; Smith, The Scotish Minstrel, 1–6 ([1820–24]). 148 Smith, The Scotish Minstrel, 2: 5, http://digital.nls.uk/91352823 (accessed 8 January 2014).

144

to have been driven by a committee of Edinburgh ladies led by the Hume sisters and song-

writer Lady Carolina Nairne, who masked her authorship under the pseudonym ‘Mrs Bogan of

Bogan’ and went to visit the publisher Purdie disguised as a country woman.149 Australians

today use the word ‘bogan’ to mean an uneducated person from outlying areas so perhaps we

can blame Lady Nairne for that!150 Nairne and her committee members wanted the cover of

male authority to protect their ladylike status and agreed with Smith’s desire to pass off their

songs as ‘ancient’ and folk-like while also meeting the requirements of good taste. The

innuendoes in some of the songs of Robert Burns were a concern, as the preface to the first

volume of The Scotish Minstrel explains:

It may appear extraordinary to some of the unqualified admirers of Burns, that we

should exclude any of his standard songs from this collection…we have made it an

invariable rule to prefer dullness to wit, if it bordered on profanity, and doggerel

rhyme to all the witchery of poesy, when the bard could not ‘claim the palm for

purity of song’.

The annotation to Georgiana’s version in GCMB of ‘Oh bonnie lassie come over the burn’,

dated 31 December 1827, states that Georgiana was still living at Gordon Castle (see Figure

11).151 This fits in with Georgiana’s journal entries in ‘Stray Leaves’ at Gordon Castle in

January 1828, when Georgiana first met Perico Gordon. In this period Georgiana’s stepmother

was asserting her control and Georgiana felt under pressure to find a husband or suitable

employment.152 The song ‘O bonnie lassie’ shows Georgiana’s continued interest in Scottish

songs with lyrics about courtship.

‘O bonnie lassie’, found in the fifth volume of The Scotish Minstrel published around

1823–24, has a brief tune of eight bars in 6/8 time signature, employs dotted rhythms and has

a range of a ninth from D to E.153 While the modal melody uses six notes and is marked as in

A natural minor, leaving out F, the bass line indicates passing modulations using an F♯ rising

to G in bars 1–2 and G♯ to A in bars 6–7.

149 McCue, ‘Women and Song 1750–1850’, 66. 150 ‘Bogan’, Australian National Dictionary Centre, ANU,

http://andc.anu.edu.au/australian-words/meanings-origins?field_alphabet_value=71 (accessed 30 December

2014). 151 ‘Oh bonnie lassie come over the burn’, ‘Gordon Castle Dec. 31. 1827’, GCMB, piece 6: [p. 8]. 152 GM-Stray. 153 Smith, The Scotish Minstrel (1823–24) 5: 34, http://digital.nls.uk/91345265 (accessed 27 April 2017).

145

Figure 11: ‘Oh bonnie lassie come over the burn’, annotated ‘Gordon Castle Dec. 31.

1827’, GCMB, piece 6, MS 12018 2516/3, MC-SLV. Image: SLV. See The Scotish

Minstrel 5 (1823–24): 34, http://digital.nls.uk/91345265 (accessed 27 April 2017).

The Scotish Minstrel Index claims that the tune of ‘O bonnie lassie’ was called ‘Gin ye’ll

come, Dawtie’ with words by an unknown author. Many ‘Highland laddie’ songs from this

period were suggestive of sexual activity.154 We could imagine what might happen if a laddie

were to invite a lassie to ‘sit on my plaid’:

O bonnie lassie come over the burn,

And gin your sheep wander I’ll gi’e them a turn;

And we’ll be sae happy in yonder green shade,

Gin ye will come, dawtie, and sit on my plaid.

154 Donaldson, The Jacobite Song, 55.

146

Georgiana may have been tempted by her attraction to Perico to risk her reputation and

wellbeing in amorous activities, but she had her mother’s example of possible consequences if

she were not protected by the legalities of marriage.

Jessie Smith in Gaskell’s Cranford sang ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’, another popular Scots song

with implications of sexual relationships.155 ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’, like many so-called ‘national’

or ‘folk’ songs, has multiple variants.156 Verses by Sir Walter Scott set to a tune described as

‘A Border Melody’ were published in Campbell’s Albyn’s Anthology (1816).157 Scott gave a

romanticised view of how true love could overcome family obligations, matching escape

stories and novels about elopement to Gretna Green:

They sought her baith by bower and ha’

The lady was na’ seen.

She’s o’er the border and awa’

Wi’ Jock o’ Hazeldean.158

While the version of ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’ in GCMB uses the same tune as in Campbell’s

Albyn’s Anthology, the words and setting are derived from Smith’s The Scotish Minstrel, where

the words ‘O check my love the falling star’ were attributed to John Sim.159 These words were

also used by Smith attached to another tune, ‘Northern Lass’.160

GCMB songs about relationships include three pieces with Gaelic titles but verses mainly

in English: ‘An t_ Ailleagan’ (‘I still may boast my will is free’), ‘Le Alastair Cambeul’

(‘Come, my bride, haste, haste away!) and ‘A Bhanarach dhonn a cruidh’ (‘The Autumn hair’d

bonny Dey’) (see Figure 12).161

155 Gaskell, Cranford, 11; see Chapter 2. 156 ‘John of Hazelgreen: Child No. 293’, in The Traditional Tunes of the Child Ballads by Bertrand Harris

Bronson (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972), 4: 390–401. 157 Sir Walter Scott, ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’, in Albyn’s Anthology arr. Alexander Campbell (1816; reprint,

Norwood, Pa: Norwood Editions, 1973), 1: 18–19; see Gelbart, Invention of ‘Folk Music’ and ‘Art Music’, 130–

35; McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs, 71–103. 158 Scott, ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’. 159 ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’, in GCMB, piece 7; ‘O Check, My Love, the Falling Tear’, ‘Air, Jock o’

Hazeldean/Hazledean’ [sic] in The Scotish Minstrel, ed. Smith, 5: vi, 90, http://digital.nls.uk/91344833,

http://digital.nls.uk/91345937 (both accessed 29 January 2017). 160 ‘O Check, My Love, the Falling Tear’, ‘Air_Northern Lass’, in The Scotish Minstrel, ed. Smith, [1821–22],

2:2, 66, http://digital.nls.uk/91352739, http://digital.nls.uk/91353555 (both accessed 29 January 2017). 161 GCMB, pieces 22–24.

147

Figure 12: First page of ‘A Bhanarach dhonn a cruidh’ (‘The Autumn hair’d bonny

Dey’), GCMB, piece 24, MS 12018 2516/3, MC-SLV. Image: SLV.

See ‘The Auburn-hair’d bonny Dey’, words by Mr Jamieson, tune ‘A bhanarach dhonn

a chruidh’, Gaelic words by Le Alastiair Mac Dhomnuill, arranged by Alexander

Campbell (Le Alastair Caimbeul), in Albyn’s Anthology 1 (1816): 8–9,

http://imslp.org/wiki/Albyn's_Anthology_(Campbell,_Alexander) (accessed 28 January

2017).

‘A Bhanarach’ and the other two songs with Gaelic titles in GCMB are closely related to

versions found in the first volume of Campbell’s Albyn’s Anthology (1816).162 Georgiana may

have copied songs including ‘A Bhanarach’ from manuscript or printed music which she

borrowed from Fanny and Margaret Gordon at Gordon Hall in 1828, rather than having

162 ‘The Auburn-hair’d bonny Dey’, words by Mr Jamieson, tune ‘A bhanarach dhonn a chruidh’, Gaelic words

by Le Alastiair Mac Dhomnuill; ‘I still may boast my will is free’, words by ‘The Editor’ (Campbell), ‘Air—An

t-Ailleagan’; ‘Come my bride’, ‘Written by the Editor’ (Campbell), ‘Air—Original, composed by the Editor’,

‘Oran, Le Alastair Caimbeul’ (ie Campbell claimed he wrote the Gaelic words as well), in Albyn’s Anthology,

arr. Alexander Campbell (Le Alastair Caimbeul), 1 (1816): 8–9, 12–13, 66–68.

148

arranged them herself.163 As with some pieces in others of Georgiana’s collections such as

‘Lord Ronald’ in MHMB, Georgiana’s versions of these songs in GCMB use two staves per

system with the voice doubling the treble stave on the keyboard. Whether the keyboard player

accompanies the singer or plays a solo version of such songs, they would have to improvise to

some extent as the notated music lacks the additional harmonies added to the separate treble

keyboard part in Campbell’s printed collection.

While Campbell was active as a song collector and conversely claimed to have written the

words and music of ‘Come my bride’ entirely himself, versions of some songs in Albyn’s

Anthology were drawn from singers and fellow collectors, while others were published in

printed collections. For example ‘A Bhanarach dhonn a cruidh’ found in the first volume of

Albyn’s Anthology and also in GCMB is related to a melody published in Patrick McDonald’s

Collection of Highland Vocal Airs (1784), which is referenced in Georgiana’s CMB. The song

is also found in Simon Fraser’s The Airs and Melodies Peculiar to the Highlands of Scotland

and the Isles, which like Campbell’s work was published in 1816 and which Georgiana used

as a source of a quotation in LTLMB.164

Gaelic words for the lengthy ballad of ‘A Bhanarach dhonn a cruidh’ praising a brown-

haired milkmaid are found in nineteenth-century printed collections such as The Harp of

Caledonia.165 Georgiana’s version includes the words of the Gaelic chorus on the bottom right-

hand side of the second page of the song but the rest of the song lyrics are in English, starting

with the first line of ‘The Autumn-hair’d bonny Dey’, which Campbell attributed to ‘Mr

Jamieson’, probably referring to the ballad collector Robert Jamieson.166 In GCMB and

Campbell’s Albyn’s Anthology the piece has forty bars and is given the key signature of G

minor, time signature of 3/4 and marked ‘Not very slow’, whereas Fraser’s version of twenty

bars for keyboard in treble and bass without voice is still in G minor but is in 3/8 and marked

‘Slow and Tender’. Campbell’s treble keyboard line mainly uses a pentatonic scale spread from

middle C over an octave and a sixth to A, suggesting its older instrumental source, whereas

163 See Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 263–70. 164 ‘A Bhanarach Dhonn A Cruidh’, GCMB, piece 24: [pp. 46–47]; Patrick McDonald [MacDonald], A

Collection of Highland Vocal Airs by (Edinburgh: Wood, Small & Co [1784]); CMB, 184; see Chapter 6;

Simon Fraser, ‘Bhannarach Dhonn A Chruidh: “The Dairy Maid”, in The Airs and Melodies Peculiar to the

Highlands of Scotland and the Isles (Edinburgh: Walker & Anderson, 1816), no. 55: 29,

http://imslp.org/wiki/The_Airs_and_Melodies_Peculiar_to_the_Highlands_of_Scotland_and_the_Isles_(Fraser,_Simon) (accessed 29 December 2016); see LTLMB, [8] discussed below. 165 ‘A Bhanarach Dhonn A’ Chruidh’, in The Harp of Caledonia (Glasgow: R. M’Gregor, [18?–]), 19–21,

http://digital.nls.uk/79486747 (accessed 29 December 2016). 166 See T. W. Bayne, ‘Jamieson, Robert (1772–1844)’, rev. Harriet Harvey Wood, ODNB, OUP, 2004; online

ed, May 2007, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/14641 (accessed 11 May 2017); Robert Jamieson (1772–

1844): doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/14641.

149

Fraser’s more ornamented treble part goes to B♭. In GCMB the keyboard introduction and coda

in both treble and bass parts copied from Campbell show a more modernised harmonisation

than the sections devoted to accompaniment for the singer. The settings in both Fraser’s Airs

and the instrumental sections in Campbell’s work and GCMB bow to moves away from

modality to the norms of major and minor scales by using both F natural and the raised 7th on

F♯. Campbell’s version has a tritone in the harmony between E♭ and A in both left and right

hands in the third last bar of the coda, while Fraser’s setting twice includes a treble F♯ against

a drone-like G in the bass.

The second volume of Albyn’s Anthology (1818) shows that Campbell had contact with

people connected with the influential Gordon and Scott families. Campbell stated that in 1808

Campbell heard ‘A Love Song’ ‘very correctly sung by Captain Shaw of Invernahaven, at the

late Duchess of Gordon’s Kinrara’.167 ‘Geordy Agam’ was ‘communicated by the learned and

ingenious Dr Robert Couper, late of Fochabers, who wrote the above Stanzas to this beautiful

old Highland Melody, while his friend, the Marquis of Huntly, was wounded in Holland, anno

1799’.168 ‘An eminent literary antiquary, namely, Charles Kirkpatrick Sharp, [sic] Esq. junior,

of Hoddom’ was said by Campbell to have been the source of a version of the words for ‘The

Twa Corbies’ published in Sir Walter Scott’s Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border.169

Campbell in turn obtained the air for ‘Lord Ronald’ that he used in Albyn’s Anthology from

Scott’s ‘elegantly accomplished eldest daughter, Miss Sophia Charlotte Scott, of

Abbotsford’.170 This is a different melody than Georgiana used in MHMB for both the songs

‘Lord Ronald My Son’ and ‘Farewell to Lochaber’, as mentioned above.171 Although the first

lines of versions of ‘Lord Ronald’ often ask where Lord Ronald (or Lord Randal, Lord Rendall,

Willie Ransome and countless others) has gone, Georgiana’s two verses in MHMB based on

Johnson’s version suggest Lord Ronald’s ‘sweetheart’ has poisoned him, whereas the second

of Campbell’s five verses in Albyn’s Anthology calls his poisoner his ‘true-love’.

On 17 February 1828 Georgiana transcribed in GCMB a brief, simple duet in Italian titled

‘Perche [sic] mi lasci’ (‘Why have you left me’), which may have represented Georgiana’s

sociably acceptable skills in the Italian language and ensemble repertoire as well as her

167 Campbell, Albyn’s Anthology (1818; 1973), 2: 11. 168 Campbell, Albyn’s Anthology (1818; 1973), 2: 23. 169 Campbell, Albyn’s Anthology (1818; 1973), 2: 27. 170 Campbell, Albyn’s Anthology (1818; 1973), 2: 44. 171 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Lord Ronald My Son’, MHMB, Part 1: 135; ‘Farewell to Lochaber’, MHMB, Part 1:

237.

150

yearnings for romance and acceptance (see Figure 13).172 Perico could have been in her

thoughts when she transcribed the second verse words ‘Tutto mio core a ti donai’ (‘All my

heart I gave to you’). Georgiana’s version in GCMB, which does not name the composer, is in

E major with two soprano parts generally a third apart written on the top stave and a keyboard

part in treble and bass closely following the voices. The tune has a compass of a seventh from

D♯ to C♯. A similar duet is found in CMB which acknowledges the link to ‘Perche mi lasci’

and attributes the piece to Rossini, but is a third higher and begins with English words ‘Oer the

far woodland’.173

Figure 13: ‘Perche mi lasci’, ‘Gordon Hall – Feby 17th 1828 –’, GCMB, piece 17, MS

12018 2516/3, MC-SLV. Image: SLV. Related duet, ‘Oer the far woodland’, in CMB,

226, RB 1164.9, University of Sydney.

172 ‘Perche mi lasci’ (‘Why have you left me’), ‘Gordon Hall – Feby 17th 1828 –’, GCMB, piece 17: [p. 32]. 173 CMB, 226; see Chapter 6.

151

Other vocal duets in GCMB include two pieces that were performed in ‘national’ operas

in London in the 1820s and featured the singer Catherine Stephens, whose career has been

discussed in relation to music from MHMB.174 Bishop’s arrangement of ‘The Secret of My

Heart’, with parts for Isabella and Maria, was annotated in GCMB as ‘Adapted by H R Bishop’,

‘Duet—from the Antiquary’, ‘Gordon Hall, June 4’, and was used in 1820 for a play based on

Scott’s novel The Antiquary (1816).175 The tune for ‘The Secret of My Heart’ is an arrangement

of the Scots song ‘Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ and was also used in MHMB for Burns’s song,

‘How lang and dreary’, as discussed above.176 Bishop’s version is in D major, 2/4 and marked

‘Andante Espressivo’. The notation is more elaborate than in most of the other pieces in

GCMB, with the two vocal parts on separate staves both showing ornamentation. The

accompaniment includes a flowery introduction.177

A similar notation is used for another duet in GCMB, ‘As Gilded Barks’ for the characters

Malvina and Oscar, which was derived from an even more recent ‘national opera’, Thomas

Cooke’s Malvina, performed at Drury Lane in London in January 1826.178 This duet was later

annotated in GCMB as using the tune ‘The Mill O’_’, which in less genteel surroundings was

sung with bawdy words. Songs to this tune include Ramsay’s ‘Beneath a green shade I found

a fair maid’, published in Orpheus Caledonius (1733), no. 20, and Burns’s ‘When wild war’s

deadly blast was blawn’ found in in Thomson’s Selection Collection, no. 22 (1793).179

Georgiana’s interest in Scottish music alongside other mixed repertoire is evident in both

MHMB and GCMB. Her Gordon relatives helped to promote Highland dress and culture,

which became even more fashionable after Sir Walter Scott stage-managed the 1822 Royal

visit to Edinburgh. Symbols including Gaelic tunes and the kilt are often used today to represent

Scotland, despite the small numbers of modern native Gaelic speakers. The modern folk scene

and some ‘classical’ performance styles allow performers improvisational and compositional

latitude when recreating music from historical periods. How much Georgiana and other

174 MHMB, Part 1: 40. 175 GCMB, piece 36: [pp. 84–87]. 176 MHMB, Part 1: 161, 215. 177 Henry R. Bishop, ‘The Secret of My Heart: Duetto, Sung by Miss Stephens & Miss Matthews, in The

Antiquary’ (London: Goulding, D’Almaine, Potter, [c. 1820]); Temperley and Carr, ‘Bishop, Sir Henry R.’. 178 GCMB, piece 25: [pp 48–51]; Thomas Cooke, ‘As Gilded Barks: Duet, Sung by Miss Stephens & Mr.

Sinclair, in the National Opera of Malvina, at the Theatre Royal Drury Lane’ (London: Goulding & D’Almaine,

[c. 1826]); Bruce Carr, ‘Cooke, Thomas Simpson’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP (accessed 30 December

2016). 179 Low, ed., The Songs of Robert Burns, no. 232: 598–600; ‘Mill Mill O’,

http://sangstories.webs.com/millmillo.htm (accessed 30 December 2016).

152

nineteenth century parlour performers used improvisation, complex harmonisation or aural

transcription of folk material is a matter of debate.

4.4 ‘La Trobe Library Music Book’, c. 1817–48: ‘Thy Will be done’

LTLMB, a third music collection belonging to Georgiana McCrae, is further evidence of

Georgiana’s love of collecting, possessing and storing material representations of the culture

that she was brought up in. LTLMB is similar in its range of repertoire and physical

construction to MHMB Part 1 and also the later CMB. Most the contents of LTLMB appear to

have been transcribed after Georgiana’s MHMB and GCMB, during the first twenty years of

Georgiana’s married life. LTLMB has over 150 pieces on 140 pages with twelve staves per

page plus extra insertions and was bound by ‘DD. Batten / Bookbinder / Library / Clapham

Common’ in London before Georgiana’s emigration.180 Like Georgiana’s other manuscript

music collections, LTLMB also reveals evidence of the book’s later use by her family

members. Selected examples of items from LTLMB will serve to highlight relationships

between Georgiana’s musical and emotional choices and important events in her life.

It was common, in a process now known as ‘grangerisation’, to decorate personal books

with illustrations and other material. The front cover of LTLMB has an as yet unidentified but

romantic picture of a castle clinging to a rock, quite unlike the real Gordon Castle, pasted on it

with the handwritten signature of Georgiana’s grandson Hugh McCrae as a mark of his

ownership (see Figure 14). This links the inheritance of LTLMB with GCMB and CMB, which

were also owned at one time by Hugh McCrae. Other additions show Georgiana’s later use of

LTLMB in Australia, including three printed items about the opera and concert singer Jenny

Lind (1820–87), who made her stage debut aged ten in Stockholm and throughout her career

presented a pristine public image that reinforced ideas of appropriately modest female gender

roles (see Figure 15). Lind performed to acclaim on the London stage in 1847–48 and toured

America in the early 1850s, with an enthusiastic reception shown by large audiences and an

outpouring of music publications in her name. The Lind clippings in LTLMB can be matched

with two songs and a piano piece that refer to Lind in CMB.181

180 LTLMB, MS 12018, 2519/4, MC-SLV, Melbourne. 181 CMB, 162–63, 168–69, 217; see Mrs Raymond Maude, The Life of Jenny Lind: Briefly Told by her Daughter

(London: Cassell, 1926); Carole Rosen, ‘Lind, Jenny (1820–1887)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,

http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/16671, (accessed 13 March 2017); Jenny Lind (1820–1887):

doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/16671; JHU: https://jscholarship.library.jhu.edu/discover; NLA:

http://trove.nla.gov.au/music?q=.

153

Figure 14: Portion of LTLMB front cover with signature of Georgiana McCrae’s

grandson, Hugh McCrae, plus cut-out picture of a castle, MS 12018 2519/4, MC-SLV.

Image: SLV.

Figure 15: Julia Day, ‘Jenny Lind’, poem from the ‘Literary Gazette’: ‘Rare warbler

from a rugged clime’, LTLMB, MS 12018, 2519/4, MC-SLV. Image: SLV.

154

The references to Lind in LTLMB appear to date from the period that the McCrae family

was living on a bush farming estate on the Mornington Peninsula on the lands of the indigenous

Bunurong people. Even there Georgiana McCrae did her best to keep up with the latest fashions

in music from Britain, despite the challenges of isolation and a large family. The first item in

LTLMB about Lind, pasted inside LTLMB’s front cover, is by the poet Julia Day, with the first

line ‘Rare warbler from a rugged clime’. It was published in the Literary Gazette in London on

19 July 1847 and reprinted with slight modifications in at least one colonial Australian

newspaper in February 1848.182 Julia Day was an English poet and novelist whose works were

published from 1847 to 1858.183 In Day’s poem about Lind, the soprano and her Swedish

homeland are equated with a rare bird that learnt its song from a wild and rugged natural

environment. Subsequent verses evoke the ambiguous status of female singers whose personal

lives were often subject to prying criticism which could lead to abuse, especially those whose

reputations for sexual purity were questioned and who performed works whose lyrics,

characterisation and plot depicted social transgressions:184

JENNY LIND.

[Verse 1] Rare warbler from a rugged clime,

Whence has thou caught thy song?

On thy rude shore loud roared the surge,

Loud swept the gale along.

[Verse 2] There was no nightingale for thee

To learn its plaintive strain;

The wild sea-bird, above thy rocks,

Alone thou heard’st complain. …

182 LTLMB: Julia Day, ‘Jenny Lind’; Julia Day, ‘To Jenny Lind’, Literary Gazette and Journal of the Belles

Lettres, Arts, Sciences, &C., 1590 (19 July 1847): 509; Julia Day, ‘Jenny Lind’, South Australian Register,

Adelaide, South Australia, 5 February 1848, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/48727714 (accessed 16

March 2014). 183 Julia Day, Poems (London: William Pickering, 1847); Poems…Second Series (London: William Pickering,

[1849]); The Old Engagement: A Spinster’s Story (London: Richard Bentley, 1851); The Gilberts and their

Guests: A Story of Homely English Life (London: T. Cautley Newby, 1858). 184 See for example George Biddlecombe, ‘Secret Letters and a Missing Memorandum: New Light on the

Personal Relationship between Felix Mendelssohn and Jenny Lind’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association

138, no. 1 (2013): 47–83, DOI: 10.1080/02690403.2013.771961; for Felix Mendelssohn’s manuscript music

books given as Christmas gifts in 1845 to Jenny Lind and to Mendelssohn’s wife Cecilie, see Maude, The Life of

Jenny Lind, 52–59, and Felix Mendelssohn, ‘Liederbuch für Cecilie M.B’, The Juilliard Manuscript Collection,

http://juilliardmanuscriptcollection.org/manuscript/liederbuch-fur-cecile-m-b/ (accessed 13 April 2017).

155

[Verse 7] Is it thy heart hath tutored thee,

That subtle stringed lute?

Alas for thee! alas for thee!

‘Twere better thou wert mute.

[Verse 8] The chafing stream, from sunlight hid,

Brings the fair fount whence quaffs the dove;

And haply music’s softest flood

Swells from the troubled depths of love.

JULIA DAY

Literary Gazette.

Two pieces of printed sheet music are also inserted in the front of LTLMB. The jaunty

pseudo folksong ‘The Plough Boy’ is called ‘A Celebrated Song, Sung in the Opera of the

FARMER’ with the first line, ‘A Flaxen headed Cow Boy’.185 The LTLMB version by its

appearance is possibly dated from the late eighteenth or early nineteenth centuries and is

printed with an additional part for the German flute. The song was derived from The Farmer,

a theatrical work with music by William Shield and libretto by John O’Keeffe that was

performed in 1787 at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden.186 The last page of ‘The Plough Boy’

in LTLMB is stuck down onto a piece of manuscript paper with the handwritten inscription

‘No. 13’. Also stuck to this page is another hidden printed song, ‘A Little Girl to the Sea-birds’

with the first line ‘Happy sea-birds how they hover’, which appears to be a vocal duet for

children with four systems in treble and bass. At the bottom of the song is found some printed

information which hints at a source from a nineteenth-century periodical, naming the lyricist,

prolific Victorian poet Reverend Richard Wilton M.A. (1827–1903), and composer T.

Crampton as well as referring to ‘last month’s Number’.187

185 ‘The Plough Boy’, print, in LTLMB. 186 ‘The Plough Boy’, print, in album owned by Isabella Alston [1795], UniM Bail SpC/ER Burn B, University

of Melbourne; also in album in BA, NTS, as per ‘Brodie Castle Catalogue of Music Holdings’ by Roger B.

Williams (2014), 27; John O’Keefe and William Shield, The Farmer: In Two Acts (London: Printed by A. Strahan for T.N. Longman and O. Rees, 1800), http://www.worldcat.org/title/farmer-in-two-

acts/oclc/009730284 (accessed 29 December 2016). 187 See ‘Richard Wilton (1827–1903)’, Literature Online, Proquest, http://literature.proquest.com (accessed 24

March 2017); Wilton, Richard 1827–, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-nr93049396 (accessed 12

March 2017); Mary Blamire Young, Richard Wilton: A Forgotten Victorian (London: Allen & Unwin, 1967);

Crampton, Thomas, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-nr87000810 (accessed 12 March 2017).

156

On the reverse of the two stuck-down pieces of printed music at the start of LTLMB is a

piece of unlined thickish paper with two more clippings about Jenny Lind from

unacknowledged sources stuck on. The one on the top of the page, also entitled ‘Jenny Lind’,

starts with a quote, ‘So veiled beneath the simplest guise, / Thy radiant genius shone’. These

two lines were taken from Sir Thomas Moore’s poem in his Irish Melodies, ‘I Saw Thy Form

in Youthful Prime’. They were quoted under a portrait of Jenny Lind in the Illustrated London

News on 11 October 1845, with a discussion minimising Lind’s plainness of features and

instead lauding her ‘radiant genius’, ‘feeling and intelligence’.188 The clipping continues,

Thanks to our Frankfurt correspondent we are enabled to publish an accurate

likeness of the “Schwedische Nachtigall,” as the fair Jenny Lind is called in

Germany, and as she is likely to be designated wherever this Swedish nightingale

shall be heard…189

The third clipping about Jenny Lind in LTLMB refers to the place and date of publication,

‘LONDON, May, 1848’. Entitled ‘TO MADEMOISELLE JENNY LIND BY AN ARTIST’,

the poem starts, ‘Not for thy genius—glorious though it be’ and ends in breathless admiration,

‘These, when thou hast borne/ Thy cross, will shed a deathless halo round thy urn!’190

The next 136 unnumbered manuscript pages of LTLMB can be divided into five sections

of different types of paper with repertoire mainly in Georgiana’s handwriting but with

additional annotations in other hands. These sections have been bound together with the printed

material described above plus a final additional sixth section of four pages with a harp piece

arranged by J. F. Pole’, which will be discussed below.191 Some dance pieces for piano such as

‘Mrs Paul’s Strathspey’ by D. Macdonald and ‘Mazourka’ are interspersed in LTLMB with

vocal music.192 In LTLMB, dated pages are not collated in chronological order. Some items

come from similar periods to Georgiana’s other collections, from her youthful years in London

to her years in Scotland, while others were transcribed during her marriage and well after her

migration. When attempting to distinguish between dates that may have been derived from the

copied source versus dates that indicate when the copy was made, the evidence is not always

conclusive. ‘The Burning of Auchindorn’ / ‘The Bacon of Brackley’, is dated ‘16th Septr 1666’,

188 See Roberta Montemorra Marvin, ‘Idealizing the Prima Donna in Mid-Victorian London’, in The Arts of the Prima Donna in the Long Nineteenth Century, ed. Rachel Cowgill and Hilary Poriss (Oxford: OUP, 2012), 31,

40. 189 LTLMB. 190 LTLMB. 191 LTLMB, [137–40]. 192 LTLMB, [97, 99].

157

obviously long before Georgiana was born.193 ‘Hot Cross Buns’ has the date ‘Good Friday

1817’ in the title, not at the end of the piece where one usually find Georgiana’s dates for her

transcriptions.194 In an annotation for ‘Ho neil mulad oirn_’ / ‘The Emigrants’ Adieu’,

Georgiana quoted from Simon Fraser, who published the piece with his comments in 1816.

Georgiana could have transcribed the song and the annotation at any time after that date.

Fraser’s comments may have resonated with Georgiana because of her interest in the historical

nature of some of her material as well as her experiences during and after migration:

As to this air having more claim to antiquity than “Kind Robin loe’s me” I would

be apt to doubt. The sentiment conveyed by the words of John McRae of Kintail,

who Emigrated to America, most feelingly point out the proper resources of the

mind, in bearing the adversities of life.195

Identification with scribal community

In LTLMB, as in Georgiana’s other collections, Georgiana’s identification with her scribal

community was strong. Georgiana continued her transcription of pieces associated with her

grandfather Duke Alexander and Gordon Castle, as she had done in MHMB. She included two

versions of Duke Alexander’s ‘Keith More’ in LTLMB (see Figure 16).

Figure 16: Title, attribution of authorship and start of verses 1 & 9 under treble and

bass lines respectively, of ‘Tune “Keith More —” / Written & Composed by A. D. G.’

[Alexander Duke of Gordon], LTLMB, [112], MS 12018, 2519/4, MC-SLV. Image: SLV.

193 LTLMB, [39]. 194 LTLMB, [106]. 195 LTLMB, [8]; Fraser, The Airs and Melodies, no. 226: 102, Appendix; see Boehme, ‘An Initial Investigation’,

281–86.

158

The tune ‘Keith More’ in LTLMB is related to ‘Keith More A Strathspey by His Grace the

Duke of Gordon’ in Petrie’s Third Collection of Strathspeys Reels [1790–95] and also to

‘Keithmore’, from William Marshall’s 1822 publication, Scottish Airs, Melodies, Strathspeys,

Reels etc.196 Marshall was Duke Alexander’s former steward and ‘Keithmore’ was the name of

a farm owned by the duke where Marshall lived after his retirement in 1792.197 Georgiana’s

first version of the tune in LTLMB is simpler and shows problems with rhythmic notation; the

words tell about parting from a girl called Mary.198 In the second version, which Georgiana

wrote was ‘Written & Composed by A.D.G.’, the girl in the poem is named ‘Jean’.199 ‘Mary’

and ‘Jean’ were the names of two of the mothers of Duke Alexander’s illegitimate children. To

complicate matters his first wife Duchess Jane Maxwell was sometimes called Jean and Duke

Alexander married his mistress Jean Christie late in life. Another indication of Duke

Alexander’s music composition in LTLMB is ‘The Variations composed by the Duke of

Gordon’ to the song ‘Kenmure’s on an awa Willie’.200

Of particular note from the point of view of Georgiana’s biography is evidence that she

obtained a copy of a duet for two voices and simple bass accompaniment, ‘A Greek Air as sung

by Zebie & Zoé’, from people in the Gordon family circle in 1825, possibly at Gordon Castle.

(see Figure 17).201 The song is marked as having been obtained from ‘Mrs Symonds _ / & Mrs

Alexr Gordon / G. C. [?] 1825’ The annotation on ‘A Greek Air’ could be a rare sign that places

Georgiana at Gordon Castle earlier than the period of 1827–28 when she transcribed GCMB

and wrote her surviving early journal entries. Corroboration of this interpretation of the

annotation would depend on finding external sources currently lacking from documentation of

Georgiana’s life at that time. Generalised annotations of dates such as this example in LTLMB

may indicate re-copying, or at least annotating, at a later time as Georgiana re-copied and re-

edited her own journals and later annotated many of her memorabilia, before her children or

grandchildren added their own versions.

196 Alexander, 4th Duke of Gordon, ‘Keith More A Strathspey by His Grace the Duke of Gordon’ and ‘Quick

Step by His Grace the Duke of Gordon’, in Third Collection of Strathspeys Reels with a Bass for the Violoncello

or Piano Forte; Humbly Dedicated to Francis Garden Esq., Junior, of Troup by Robert Petrie at Kirkmichael

(London: Printed for the Author, [1790–95]), 17; subscribers include the Duke and Duchess of Gordon and

Lady Georgina Gordon; http://digital.nls.uk/118872396 (accessed 11 May 2017); William Marshall, Marshall’s,

Scottish airs, Melodies, Strathspeys, Reels, &c: For the Pianoforte, Harp, Violin & Violoncello, with Appropriate Basses (Edinburgh: William Marshall, A. Robertson, [1822]). 197 ‘Keithmore’, http://www.tunearch.org/wiki/Annotation:Keithmore (accessed 7 January 2014). 198 LTLMB, [9]. 199 LTLMB, [112–13]. 200 LTLMB, [46–47]. 201 LTLMB, [114–15b].

159

Figure 17: Annotation, ‘Mrs. Symonds, /& Mrs. Alexr Gordon / GC. [?] 1825’, on

last system of duet for two treble voices and bass line, ‘A Greek Air: as sung by Zebie &

Zoé’, LTLMB, [p. 115b], MS 12018, 2519/4, MC-SLV. Image: SLV.

‘A Greek Air’ is similar to other ‘national airs’ found in Georgiana’s collections that were

published by Thomas Moore with accompaniments by Stevenson and Bishop. The relationship

of the donors of ‘A Greek Air’ to Georgiana and the occasion and circumstances of their

providing her with the music could be explored further. ‘Alexander’ was a common Gordon

family name, given to Georgiana’s grandfather Duke Alexander and also to one of Georgiana’s

own sons amongst others. ‘Mrs. Alexr Gordon’ could possibly refer to the wife of one of

Georgiana’s illegitimate uncles, born ten years earlier than Georgiana in 1794 at Gordon Castle

and who rose to the rank of Major-General in the British Army. The words of ‘A Greek Air’,

‘Oh dearest wilt thou leave me? No, no, no’, seem arch rather than tragic when sung by two

high voices to a jaunty rhythm in simple duple time signature. The annotated final section of

the duet follows a religious song, ‘Delamain’, with the first line ‘Saviour to thee my soul shall

cling’. ‘Delamain’ may refer to the hymn composer Henry Delamain.202 Possibly Georgiana

may also have copied ‘Delamain’ in the same period as ‘A Greek Air’, as the handwriting is

similar.

The Harmonicon of 1826 appears to have been a source in LTLMB for a piece that

Georgiana obtained ‘from F. M. G. 1828’. ‘F. M. G.’ may be identified as Frances Margaret

Gordon, Perico Gordon’s ‘Aunt Fanny’ from Gordon Hall near Huntly. Fanny Gordon or her

202 ‘Henry Delamain’, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-nr91030019 (accessed 12 March 2017).

160

sister Margaret could have provided Georgiana with music annotated ‘Gordon Hall’ in 1828 in

GCMB, as discussed above. The ‘Brazilian Air—Duet’ in LTLMB was described as having

‘The Words translated from the Portuguese’. The duet, with the first line ‘Lovely charmer, all

adore thee’, was arranged by Johann Heinrich Clasing.203 In D major and common time, the

setting for two voices and piano on four staves per system marked ‘Poco Moderato con grazia’

was simpler than the duets by Bishop and Cooke in GCMB. The leaps up a seventh from A to

top G in the first vocal part may however present a challenge to some sopranos.

On Georgiana’s copy in LTLMB of ‘A Highland Air’, with the English words ‘Haste,

haste, thou lingering sun’, she added the comment that it was ‘Noted down from an Old woman

singing it / A Fragment 1829’.204 This comment may indicate a rare example of Georgiana’s

attempt at aural transcription.205 However, Georgiana could have transcribed this comment

from another source in a similar way to her quoted annotation from Simon Fraser in ‘Ho neil

mulad oirn_’ / ‘The Emigrants’ Adieu’.

Two pieces in LTLMB are called ‘Mr Gordon of Fyvie’s Strathspey’, the first ‘by D.

Macdonald’ and the second ‘by Edward McDonald’. The music for the second piece is dated

during a visit by Georgiana to Fyvie Castle, the seat of her favourite Gordon relative, the Laird

of Fyvie. The date of 12 September is clear but the year, possibly 1830 or 1836, is hidden by

additional music notation for the end of a piano piece titled ‘Beethoven’s 5th Waltz’ which is

mainly transcribed on the previous page.206 The Fyvie instrumental strathspeys are followed

by two versions of a ballad that also refers to Fyvie, with a story about the thwarted love of a

young couple. The ballad appears to have been related at least in part to historical evidence and

was widely communicated both orally and in printed form.207 The first version of the ballad in

LTLMB called ‘The true set of—“Mill of Tifties Annie” —’ has eighteen verses. The tune with

the first verse written underneath is in 3/4 time signature, with a key signature of two sharps

and the melody centring on D and A. The copy in LTLMB has empty bass staves as though

Georgiana meant to get around to writing out a bass line. A note in Georgiana’s handwriting

gives some background information that indicates the involvement of women in song

transmission, ‘This set Mr Stott the Dominie of Fyvie remembers to have heard sung by his

203 LTLMB, [10–11]; Harmonicon 4, Part 2 (1826): 108–9. 204 LTLMB, [101]. 205 Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 121–22. 206 LTLMB, [13]; Fyvie Castle, NTS, http://www.nts.org.uk/Property/Fyvie-Castle/ (accessed 12 October 2014). 207 See Robert Jamieson, ‘The Trumpeter of Fyvie’, in Popular Ballads and Songs, dedicated to Her Grace the

Duchess of Gordon (Edinburgh: Constable & Co., 1806), 1: 126–34,

https://archive.org/details/popularballadsa04jamigoog (accessed 7 April 2017); Amanda MacLean, ‘The Sad

Fate and Splendid Career of the Trumpeter of Fyvie’, Folk Music Journal (English Folk Song and Dance

Society) 10, no. 1 (2011): 89–101, 175.

161

Mother – & has heard his Father say that it had been also sung over his (the Father’s) cradle—

’.208 The second version, ‘Tifty’s bonnie Annie’, has a simple bass line under the tune and first

verse and is in common time with a key signature of two flats indicating G minor. It has

multiple unnumbered verses and another note: ‘1673/1674 is The date on the Tombstone of

Agnes Smith in the Church yard of Fyvie _ _’.209

In his old age, Georgiana’s son George Gordon McCrae reminisced about a visit he made

to Fyvie with his mother and brothers in 1840, shortly before their emigration.210 George had

heard that statues of two young people were still to be seen at Fyvie Castle: ‘the two stout

figures of a youth and a girl perched on high as finials on the spires over a couple of the “pepper-

box” turrets of the castle’ and explained that he referred to ‘the unhappy loves of Andrew

Lammie the Trumpeter of Fyvie and Tiftie’s Annie, the Maid of the Mill’.211 He revealed his

use of his mother’s copy of the song:

Their story survives to this day in a woeful ballad setting forth the particulars of the

affair. It is far too long to find place here though a stanza or two might be quoted

from an old copy of the ballad preserved by my mother and which is here with me

as I write—212

Two other dates from 1833 in LTLMB pose difficulties in interpretation. An ‘Irish Air’

with the first line ‘My locks are wearing thin and gray’ ends with an annotation, ‘M.S. .....

1833’. It is unclear whether ‘M.S.’ refers to ‘manuscript’ or to a person’s initials.213 An

annotation in a different handwriting after the song ‘True Thomas’ also refers to the year 1833,

but in this case it appears that the note was written later:

Huntly bank, and the adjoining ravine, called from immemorial tradition the

Rymer’s Glen, were ultimately included in the domain of Abbotsford [Sir Walter

Scott’s estate in South-East Scotland]. The scenery of this glen forms the

background of Edwin Landseer’s portrait of Sir Walter Scott, painted in 1833.214

A number of examples of handwriting appear in LTLMB. Some annotations were dated in

the late 1830s before Georgiana left Britain, such as ‘The Bonniest Lass in a’ the World’ which

was annotated ‘Edr. Jan.y. 17. 1837’.215 McCrae scholar Jenny Gall observed that the LTLMB

208 LTLMB, [14–15]; Jeanice Brooks, personal communication, 3 April 2017; see Gall, ‘Redefining the

Tradition’, 2, 92–93. 209 LTLMB, [16–17]. 210 George Gordon McCrae, ‘Experiences not Exploits’, typescript, Box 3966/8: 1–4, PNM-SLV, MC-SLV. 211 George Gordon McCrae, ‘Experiences not Exploits’, 3. 212 George Gordon McCrae, ‘Experiences not Exploits’, 4. 213 LTLMB, [4–5]. 214 LTLMB, [29]. 215 LTLMB, [25].

162

copy of the ‘The Maid of Llangollen’ also includes a parody of the song written by John

McLure (or Maclure/McClure/M’Clure as his surname could be spelt), the McCrae boys’ tutor

in Melbourne and Arthur’s Seat.216 This can be matched with Georgiana’s journal entry that

has a version of McLure’s parody dated 27 September 1843.217 The song in LTLMB also has

an extra annotation probably in Georgiana’s hand that identified it as ‘Air “Maltreath” / Welsh’.

Underneath the third verse was written ‘Melbourne’ and then something else that has been

erased. The first LTLMB set of words used Joanna Baillie’s verses which start ‘Tho’ lonely

my lot and tho’ poor my estate’. McLure’s parody about a McCrae relative, Sarah Thomas,

starts with ‘New words. Tho lonely my hut and tho’ dismal the view’ and is dated ‘Sept 25’.

Unidentified handwriting in LTLMB does not appear to match handwriting ascribed to John

McLure such as in McLure’s note dated 3 July 1841, his transcription of Swift’s ‘A Cantata’

in 1847 or the signature, spelt Maclure, on his will written shortly before his death in Pleasant

Creek (Stawell, Victoria) in 1859.218 Identification of ownership of handwriting in the parody

and elsewhere in LTLMB is an open question; candidates could include family members and

other members of Georgiana’s scribal community, including her descendants in the twentieth

century who had access to the book.

‘Thy Will Be Done’, a religious song about conquering fear with faith and obedience, can

be found near the end of LTLMB. The song is dated 25 June 1840, a few months before

Georgiana had to leave Britain.219 Its first verse begins with a prayer:

My God My Father, whilst I stray

Far from my Home on life’s roughway

Oh! teach me from my Soul to say—

Thy will be done, Thy will be done.

The strophic hymn is written in dark pen over the top of another piece in pencil and has

seven verses, with harmony under the melody in the treble line and a very simple bass part. Its

216 LTLMB, [122–23]; Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 139–42. 217 Georgiana McCrae’s journal entry, ‘27th Septr 1843’; in Weber-PPP, 2: 300, 302; see also ‘The Maid of

Llangollen with Variations’, inscribed ‘Mayfield / Septr 1843’, in what appears to be the hand of Georgiana

McCrae, in ‘Home-made M.S. by John McLure & & &c For our own amusement’, MC554, McCrae Collection,

NTA (Vic). 218 John McLure’s note dated 3 July 1841, in ‘Scrapbook’, McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831 F3591/6, MC-

SLV, Melbourne; ‘A Cantata’, (‘In Harmony would you excel’), inscribed in what appears to be Georgiana’s handwriting from her old age, ‘Copied from the 7th Vol: of Dean Swift’s works —/ by Mr McLure for me in

1847’, bound with the first volume of Urbani’s A Selection of Scots Songs [c. 1792–1804], which in turn is

inscribed ‘Georgiana H. Gordon’, MC540, McCrae Collection, NTA (Vic); PROV, Will for ‘John Maclure,

Gentleman, Pleasant Creek, 28 June 1859’, in ‘Index to Wills, Probate and Administration Records 1841–2013’,

File no. 2/955, VPRS 7591/P1, unit 9, http://prov.vic.gov.au (accessed 17 July 2016). 219 LTLMB, [135].

163

inclusion in LTLMB gives a clue to Georgiana’s trepidation at the enormity of change and the

great dangers at sea facing her boys and herself. Although she was not ostentatious in her

religious observance, especially in comparison with the religious fervour of her stepmother,

the spiritual teachings learnt in her youth provided Georgiana with comfort and courage. ‘Thy

Will Be Done’ is followed in LTLMB with a ‘Canon for 3 Voices’ with a religious text that

promotes a mood of being rewarded in the hereafter for earthly trials.220 The words of the canon

give a conventional view of religious faith, which may indicate her need for fortitude in facing

the challenge of moving across the world to an unknown future:

The Eternal blesseth the upright of heart

Their deeds shall endure for ever.

The canon is attributed to ‘Zumsteeg’ at the top of the page, which indicates the composer

Johann Rudolf Zumsteeg (1760–1802).221 A note at the bottom of the piece refers to

Mendelssohn:

N= 107. P.40.

Der Ewige segnet der Frommen Tage,

ihr Erbe bleibet ewiglich_.

Mendelssohn_

Felix Mendelssohn’s grandfather, the Jewish scholar Moses Mendelssohn (1729–86), wrote a

German translation of Psalm 37 verse 18 which can be found in his Sämmtliche Werke

(1838).222 Although Georgiana’s LTLMB gives a partial source for the transcription of the

canon, it raises unanswered questions, such as the source for the copy and the reasons why

Georgiana included a religious affirmation at the close of this particular manuscript music

collection.

‘Canon for 3 Voices’ is the last work in the main part of LTLMB before an additional

inserted manuscript that uses different paper and ink and in quite different handwriting that

appears to have been written in the hand of a professional copyist. It contains a harp piece, ‘A

Swiss Walts the Variations by Thoran and Arranged for the Harp by J. F. Pole’. J. F. Pole was

the Edinburgh publisher of a printed collection of Scottish music and poetry owned by

220 LTLMB, [136]. 221 Gunter Maier, ‘Zumsteeg, Johann Rudolf’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/31067 (accessed 21

February 2016). 222 Moses Mendelssohn, Sämmtliche Werke (Vienna: Shmidl, 1838), 750,

https://books.google.com.au/books?id=Z55JAAAAcAAJ&source=gbs_navlinks_s (accessed 21 February 2016).

164

Georgiana called Magee’s Original Lyrics (1828).223 After this extra harp manuscript, a clue

about the date of binding of LTLMB is found in a small round printed sticker in the top right

corner of the inside back cover, with the printed inscription: ‘DD. BATTEN / BOOKBINDER

/ Library / Clapham Common’.224 This indicates that the collection was bound in London at

some stage before Georgiana’s emigration to Port Phillip, which she commenced in October

1840.

However, it appears that more pieces were copied into LTLMB after it was bound as some

pieces which were transcribed after Georgiana’s arrival in Melbourne are placed in LTLMB

before the two final religious works and the additional harp piece. A piano solo by ‘Hertz’

entitled ‘No. 1 Op 35’ with an annotation that includes different continents as well as different

years shows that its transcription was started in Edinburgh in 1839 and continued when

Georgiana was living at Mayfield in Abbotsford, Melbourne on 30 September 1842: ‘Ed. 1839

/ –– / Mayfield/Spr 30 1842 (Figure 18).’225

Figure 18: Annotation ‘Ed. 1839 / –– / Mayfield / Spr 30 1842’, at the end of ‘Hertz’,

‘No. 1 Op 35’, LTLMB, [131], MS 12018, 2519/4, MC-SLV. Image: SLV.

223 LTLMB, [137–40]; William Magee, Original Lyrics (Edinburgh: J. F. Pole, 1828), RB 1164.10, MPC-Usyd,

University of Sydney. 224 LTLMB, inside back cover. 225 LTLMB, [131].

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Items such as this in LTLMB can be linked to others of Georgiana’s transcriptions from before

and after her emigration, such as LTLMB’s ‘Waltz by Henri Herz’ and CMB’s ‘Valse de

Hertz’.226 Another example in LTLMB is a duet for ‘Lui’ and ‘Ella’ called ‘I’ve wandered in

Dreams’ by J. A. Wade that was copied out in the McCraes’ new home of Mayfield in

Melbourne on 23 August 1842, a month prior to the completion of transcription of ‘Hertz / No.

1 Op. 35’.227

4.5 Conclusion

Georgiana’s first three manuscript music books MHMB, GCMB and LTLMB reveal a great

deal about her musical tastes and cultural attitudes. Her abilities and skills in music

transcription and performance were shaped by the available repertoire, which had a strong

focus on parlour songs and piano pieces, operatic arias, and Scottish material, particularly

reflecting her Gordon heritage. These collections cover approximately half her life, with music

transcriptions dated up to 1842 while other annotations and inserts were added later.

A printed poem is found at the end of GCMB titled ‘The Dead’ annotated with the date

‘24. May _ 57’ in Georgiana’s handwriting (see Figure 19). ‘The Dead’ adds to evidence such

as the newspaper cuttings about Jenny Lind dated 1848 in LTLMB and the annotation dated

1875 on ‘Hymne des Marseillois’ in MHMB, which indicate that Georgiana used her

manuscript music collections for a considerable period after she arrived in Melbourne. The

Lind cuttings reveal that her avid thirst for news from ‘Home’ persisted after the McCraes

moved from Melbourne to the bush property of Arthur’s Seat, now known as McCrae

Homestead. The 1875 annotation in MHMB shows another side of Georgiana, her quest for

information and accuracy. Inclusion of ‘The Dead’ exemplifies how Georgiana utilised her

manuscript as a form of diary where she could record her thoughts and feelings.

The poem by Ludovec Colquhoun, with twenty verses of four lines each, had been printed

in 1829, with different layout.228 The first line of ‘The Dead’, ‘Arise, arise, ye dead!’, refers to

hope of resurrection. Georgiana’s father, mother and eldest daughter had died in the 1830s. The

McCraes’ return to Melbourne with the advent of gold rushes in New South Wales and Victoria

in 1851 coincided with the birth of the McCraes’ last child, Agnes and the end of their bush

226 LTLMB, [22]; CMB, 237. 227 LTLMB, [124–30]. 228 Colqhoun, ‘The Dead’, in The Anniversary; or, Poetry and Prose for MDCCCXXIX ed. Allan Cunningham

(London: John Sharpe, 1829), 235–38, https://archive.org/details/anniversaryorpoe00cunnrich (accessed 4

January 2014).

166

idyll.229 Agnes’s death in 1854 appears to have been one of the triggers for a deep grief that

when added to a lack of domestic and marital security interrupted Georgiana’s creative

output.230

Figure 19: Handwritten date, ‘24. May _ 57.’; signature and Sydney address of Hugh

McCrae, Georgiana McCrae’s grandson; printed poem, ‘The Dead’ by Ludovec

Colquhoun Esq.; GCMB, inside back cover, MS 12018 2516/3, MC-SLV. Image:

Rosemary Richards.

Music and poetry for Georgiana provided important outlets for her emotional, interior life

in a socially acceptable manner. Her music collections offered a transportable selection of

music for practical performance, whether for herself or for others, but could also be read

silently to evoke memories of people, places, events, operas, poems, melodies,

229 Ludovec Colquhoun, Esq., ‘The Dead’, in GCMB, inside back cover. 230 Niall, Georgiana, 215–16.

167

accompaniments and musical instruments. Georgiana’s determination to continue the

handwritten form of music collecting and her membership of a scribal community of teachers,

family and friends could be seen as an expression of her desire to belong to the upper classes

where her father and grandfather held sway. This harked back to the time that education,

handwriting, collecting and consumption were the preserve of the few rather than of the many.

Georgiana’s manuscript music collections were important as a record of her previous life, as

an aid to memory, and had associations with many of her family, friends, events, thoughts and

pleasures. They were also useful as they encapsulated much of her repertoire for practical

music-making. Georgiana brought them with her on her travels between London and Scotland

and then even further afield as she faced the uncertainties of migration across the globe to

Australia, as will be discussed in Chapter 5.

168

CHAPTER 5

GEORGIANA McCRAE AS A MIGRANT, 1838–60

5.1 Introduction

When Georgiana McCrae arrived in Melbourne in 1841 it was a very young town a long way

from her home in Britain. The lands of the Aboriginal Kulin people in south-eastern Australia

were considered by Britain to be part of its colony of New South Wales. In 1835 the British

settlement at Port Phillip was established unofficially by businessmen from Van Diemen’s

Land searching for land for agriculture and trade. After 1835, convicts could be assigned to

work in the area by New South Wales authorities, or move there once they had acquired their

ticket of leave.1 They were joined by free immigrants who came directly from Britain and

elsewhere around the world. In March 1837 the settlement at Port Phillip was named

‘Melbourne’ after British Prime Minister William Lamb, the second Viscount Melbourne.2

Thomas Mitchell, with whom the McCraes were acquainted, contributed to the interest

amongst his compatriots in south-eastern Australia. Mitchell had undertaken three explorations

by land and was particularly impressed on his third expedition in 1836 with the possibilities

presented for agriculture by the open plains west of Port Phillip, which he called ‘Australia

Felix’. Mitchell predicted that an English presence there could match the success already

established elsewhere in New South Wales:

It seems impossible to doubt that, at no distant period, the whole territory will be

inhabited by a powerful people, speaking the English language, diffusing around

them English civilization and arts, and exercising a predominant influence over

eastern Asia, and the numerous and extensive islands in that quarter of the globe.3

Mitchell’s call to glory masked the fact that migrants bound for Australia faced enormous

upheaval including the dangers of misadventure or death. Migrants as well as people returning

to their home countries sailed in unreliable ships for many weeks. The magnitude of the break

1 PROV, Prisoners and Convicts, http://prov.vic.gov.au/research/prisoners-and-convicts (accessed 7 January

2017). 2 See Sir Richard Bourke, ‘Journal, 1837 [manuscript]’, AMC-SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/249287

(accessed 7 January 2017). 3 T.L. [Thomas] Mitchell, Three Expeditions into the Interior of Eastern Australia (London: T. & W. Boone,

1838), 1: Preface, iii, http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.31175035532947 (accessed 11 November 2016).

169

with their old lives prompted many people who sailed to Australia in the nineteenth century,

whether old, young, male, female, sailor, passenger, convict or free, to record their observations

in journals, diaries, letters, paintings, poems and songs, which when added to the ships’ logs

and other official records provides a wealth of information in this period. Some writers kept a

record for his or her own private remembrance while many intended their work to be distributed

to others. Handwritten letters and diaries were often copied and passed around members of an

extended family; at times material was purposefully kept or altered with an eye to future

publication in print. Shipboard diaries and journals often followed a standard pattern of

embarkation, departure, noticeable events, comments on the weather and other passengers, and

arrival in the new land.4

Music collections could also serve as a form of diary, a record of events and people and

an aid to memory. Georgiana McCrae was amongst the many migrants who marked the time

before embarkation and aboard ship by creating accounts of circumstances and emotions and

continued to record their experiences after their arrival. Georgiana’s accounts of her waiting

time in London, her travels and time in early Melbourne provide many glimpses of her love of

music amongst other interlinked details of personal, family and community life. In Australia

Georgiana’s music collections continued to give her an outlet for renewed creative energy to

help her face her new surroundings, fit in with new acquaintances and changing social positions

and educate her growing family while also providing an emotional solace in difficult

circumstances and a way of remembering the past.

5.2 Georgiana McCrae’s Migration 1838–41: ‘Il Faut Subir Son Sort’

Georgiana had stayed behind in Britain with four young sons all under six years of age after

her husband sailed to Australia without her in November 1838. Andrew tried his luck in Sydney

and New Zealand before going to Port Phillip in 1840, where his brother, Dr Farquhar McCrae,

his mother and other family members had settled in 1839.5

As a married woman with children, Georgiana was dependent on her husband not only for

her home and income, but also for where her home would be and who she would associate

with. After Andrew’s departure while Georgiana and her children waited in London, there was

danger that they would descend into poverty because she had limited resources and received

4 Lucy Frost, No Place for a Nervous Lady (Fitzroy, Vic.: McPhee Gribble, 1984); Andrew Hassam, ed., No

Privacy for Writing: Shipboard Diaries 1852–1879 (Carlton, Vic.: MUP, 1995). 5 GM-journal, referring to March 1839; in Weber-PPP, 2: 10, 12.

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little assistance from her husband or from many others in their families. An exception was

Georgiana’s friend and relative, William Gordon, the laird of Fyvie Castle, who in November

1838 ‘stood sponsor’ at her baby’s baptism and took a keen interest in her welfare.6 On 20

April 1839 she visited Fyvie in London, when he advised her that she would be ‘destroying the

boys’ prospects’ if she left England.7 She received moral support from a clergyman, Reverend

Henry Clissold M.A. ‘of Stockwell Chapel, Clapham Road near London’, one of whose

sermons was amongst the texts she copied out in this period, along with extracts from writers

such as the feminist Frederika Bremer.8 In August 1839 Clissold’s wife introduced her to Lucia

and James Cummins and their eldest daughter Martha, who later also moved to Melbourne to

join her husband Octavius Browne.9 The Cummins invited Georgiana to join in activities in

their social circle. They also helped her obtain pupils for art classes as well as commissions for

miniature portraits, which were used in this period by genteel classes as calling cards and

mementos before their eclipse with the rise of photography.10

Fyvie visited Georgiana and her boys on Christmas Eve 1839 and gave them presents of

cakes and a goose.11 On Christmas Day Georgiana was invited to go with Mrs Clissold to a

party given by Alderman Farebrother, the former Lord Mayor of London. He and his family

met with Georgiana’s approval, despite his background in trade. Georgiana made particular

note of the musical skills of the female members of Mr Farebrother’s household. We are not

told how Mr Farebrother’s ‘ladylike and very musical’ daughters displayed their musicality.

However, the duties of his unmarried sister-in-law Miss Broadhurst were similar to those of

Fanny Gordon at Gordon Hall and Mitford’s ‘Aunt Martha’ and included accompanying,

presumably on the piano, the family members and guests dancing ‘carpet quadrilles’ in the

evening, when Georgiana had to ‘make up a set— with…Mr Clissold for my Cavalier’.12

Georgiana was invited to stay with Mr Cummins on New Year’s Eve. James Cummins

also helped Georgiana raise the necessary funds for the fares for herself and her sons by

supplication to her stepmother, Duchess Elizabeth. Georgiana resented the duchess’s arrogant

attitude towards her, but relied on the duchess’s bounty. Mr Cummins negotiated with the

duchess to provide a sum of £500 to pay for the passage and insurance for Georgiana and her

children, which in those days was considered a large amount of money and allowed Georgiana

6 GM-journal, Sunday 11 November 1838; in Weber-PPP, 2: 8–9. 7 GM-journal, 20 April 1839; in Weber-PPP, 2: 11, 13. 8 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Notebook’ (c. 1837–44), CSPP, MS 12836, Box 3611/1, AMC-SLV. 9 GM-journal, August and September 1839; in Weber-PPP, 2: 14–23; Niall, Georgiana, 104–5. 10 Caroline Clemente, personal communication, 31 August 2011. 11 GM-journal, ‘Xmas Eve’ 1839; in Weber-PPP, 2: 21, 23. 12 GM-journal, ‘Xmas day 1839’; in Weber-PPP, 2: 24–25.

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and her family to sail in relative comfort as first class ‘cabin’ passengers. However Mr

Cummins was told that Georgiana would not receive other money that she thought she should

have inherited after her father’s death until after the duchess had died. Georgiana felt that she

was not treated the way a duke’s daughter ought to expect but these postponed expectations

sustained her hopes for independent material comfort for many years. While the duchess was

generous to the Free Church of Scotland and to other worthy causes, Georgiana was

disappointed when she was left an annuity of £100 in the duchess’s will, as Georgiana revealed

in her copy of her journal entry from July 1840 that she annotated after the duchess’s death in

1864.13 These issues appear to have contributed to reoccurring marriage difficulties for

Georgiana and her husband Andrew.

In 1840 Georgiana received news from an unnamed correspondent (possibly her husband

Andrew) who described Melbourne as a small frontier town:

This town which 18 months ago – had but 3 brick houses in it — has now a

population of 300 souls — with suitable dwellings. There are 5 places of Worship

for the verious [sic] denominations of Christians – and a Court of Justice. Two

schools, _two Banks, A Club consisting of 60 members _ A fire and Marine

Insurance Company. Six Clergymen, Twelve Medical men, _ and, five Lawyers —

The country for 180 miles round Melbourne is under cultivation, or used as

pasturage by the Settlers, and Stations already extend along the line of the road to

Sydney.14

The census put the population figure of Melbourne at the beginning of 1841 at around 4,500

migrants, mainly British, and this number doubled within a year.15

Georgiana tried to prepare as best she could for her voyage on the sailing ship Argyle,

which was due to leave Gravesend on Sunday 26 October 1840.16 She packed a large amount

of belongings. While her inventory did not specify music, entries under ‘books’ may have

covered Georgiana’s copies of printed music and her manuscript music transcriptions,

including her three collections which had been bound previously; she may also have brought

loose folios later included in CMB.17 Amongst her other surviving possessions is an ornate

13 GM-journal, July 1840, rewritten and/or annotated after 30 January 1864; in Weber-PPP, 2: 28–29. 14 GM-journal, ‘Extract of a letter from Melbourne 1840 ’; in Weber-PPP, 2: 30–31. 15 Weber-PPP, 2: 30, n. 34; Henry G. Turner, ‘In Memoriam: Mrs. A. M. M’Crae’, in Argus (Melbourne),

Saturday 7 June 1890, 13. 16 GM-journal, Sunday 26 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 49, 51. 17 GM-journal, ‘Inventory of Packages pr. “Argyle” from London Landed at Melbourne – March 1841’; in

Weber-PPP, 2: 38–41.

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rastrum, used to rule music staves on blank paper, which she presumably brought with her from

Britain.18

Georgiana and her children boarded the Argyle in Gravesend on 25 October 1840.19

Hearing the popular tune of ‘Les Graces’ played on a barrel-organ added to her despondent

mood:

After awhile, I went down to my dark den, to make preparations for our first night

on shipboard…In the evening, the rain cleared off,—and I heard from the Shore,

snatches from an old Barrel-organ—ground slowly—and rapidly by turns, —the

notes of the old familiar air “Les Graces!”.20

‘Les Graces’ was the name for numerous pieces in the period, so it is unclear which melody

Georgiana recognised.21 Georgiana felt that the music from the barrel-organ was particularly

appropriate to her circumstances:

The graceful flow of the tune coming in interrupted “gusts” —across the water—

seemed to sympathise with my sense of its contrast to my surroundings! and always

it seemed to give a wailing tone to the concluding bars, as if it repeated again and

again —“Il faut subir son sort”22—At last, it ceased—and I found every thing in

our cabin cold, damp, comfortless and strange with a haunting odour of new paint!23

Georgiana had reason to be fearful. Her husband had left her two years before to go to the

other side of the world. Her father and mother were dead and she felt that her stepmother was

not as supportive as she would have liked. Her surviving four children were all young and her

ability to earn money was limited. The sea voyages to Australia often took four or five months

in vessels that were not guaranteed of safety from wreck or sickness. She was too genteel to

interact much with her mother’s family and not genteel enough to be welcomed or assisted by

many of her aristocratic relatives other than Fyvie. After her migration she would be living a

separate life at a great distance from former friends, her illegitimate half-siblings, childless

stepmother or her other relations, aristocratic or more humble, and would have to fashion her

life anew.

18 McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831, 3594/3, AMC-SLV; implement described incorrectly in SLV ‘Guide’ as a

‘stippling pen’, which is used for etching. 19 GM-journal, 25 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 44–47. 20 GM-journal, 25 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 46–47. 21 ‘Les Graces (The Lancer’s Quadrilles)’, Free-scores.com,

http://www.free-scores.com/download-sheet-music.php?pdf=2477; Chris Walshaw, ‘Les Graces.2voices.

RHu.105’, http://abcnotation.com/tunePage?a=www.village-music-project.org.uk/abc/HughesR/0105;

http://trove.nla.gov.au/music/result?q=Les+Graces (all accessed 9 November 2016). 22 ‘It is necessary to submit to one’s fate’. 23 GM-journal, 25 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 46–47.

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Georgiana’s two servants Jane Shanks and Jenny Sutherland came as intermediate class

passengers and also as bounty immigrants, whose fares were paid by colonial authorities.24

Among the ten adult cabin passengers, the only adult females besides Georgiana were Mrs

Sarah Susanna (Sally or Susan) Bunbury and her sister-in-law Mrs Elizabeth (Lizzie or Lizzy)

Sconce, who with their husbands Captain Richard Hanmer (known as Hanmer) Bunbury and

Sally Bunbury’s brother Robert (called Bob or Robin) Sconce boarded the Argyle in Plymouth.

Sally Bunbury was heavily pregnant with her second child and Georgiana attended the birth

during the voyage. Sally and Hanmer Bunbury were nearly a decade younger than Georgiana

and were both interested in drawing, sketching and painting as well as music; their surviving

landscapes and botanical drawings are, like Georgiana’s artworks, of interest to Australian

historians.25 Lizzie Sconce was only nineteen. Despite the age differences, the friendships

between the McCraes, Bunburys and Sconces, based on shared interests as well as family

connections, continued for many years.

Hanmer Bunbury, born 18 December 1813 in rural England, was the sixth child and fourth

surviving son born to Louisa née Fox and her husband, a baronet and military historian,

Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Edward Bunbury.26 The Bunbury family had influential

aristocratic connections. Hanmer’s mother Louisa was descended from the second Duke of

Richmond, who was also an ancestor of some of Georgiana’s Gordon relatives including her

cousin and father’s heir. Hanmer Bunbury benefitted from an education and patronage in the

establishment of his early military career and had received art training in the navy. According

to an annotation to Georgiana’s journal entry of 6 December 1840, Bunbury had lost his right

hand aged sixteen in the Battle of Navarino but had ‘attained wonderful “dexterity” – with his

left hand’.27 Once his military career was finished, he had the responsibility of looking after

his wife and child without much help from his wider family.

Sally Bunbury and her brother Bob were two of the children of Robert Clement Sconce

(1787–1846) and his first wife, the former Miss Sarah Knox. Sally published two volumes

about her father’s Life and Letters and was proud of his having been ‘formerly secretary to

24 GM-journal, Stockwell, 18 September 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 34–35. 25 Bunbury Family Correspondence, 1824–1872, MS 13530, AMC-SLV [BFC-SLV], http://www.slv.vic.gov.au/portphillip/gid/slv-man-aaa08457 (accessed 11 November 2016); thanks also to

Caroline Clemente and Alisa Bunbury (personal communication, 2011). 26 Sir Charles J. F. Bunbury, Memoirs and Literary Remains of Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Edward Bunbury,

Bart [Privately Printed] (London: Spottiswoode & Co., Printers, 1868),

http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000768054 (accessed 11 November 2016), 62. 27 GM-journal, annotation to entry for 6 December 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 72, 74.

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Admiral Sir John Duckworth’ and his abilities in writing and drawing.28 Mr Sconce, born in

the West Indies, later lived with his second wife and family in Malta, where Sally married her

husband in 1838. Sally was proud that her mother, the daughter of the headmaster at Tunbridge

School, had received a ‘liberal’ female education where she was taught subjects suitable to

females. She was thus:

thoroughly well educated. She was well grounded in Latin, French, and Italian;

understood music, was well read in her own language, and wrote verses prettily on

light and trifling subjects. Nor was the domestic usefulness and economy, so much

more taught in those days than at present, neglected.29

Sally and Bob’s father was pleased that his son had an excellent education at Oxford

including learning Latin and Greek which set him up for a career, but was worried when Bob

was set on marrying his young cousin before his vocation or his income were assured. In 1840,

as the time approached for the four young people to depart for Australia, Mr Sconce wrote

many letters with advice. While it appears that Georgiana had few people to farewell or

correspond with, the Bunburys and Sconces were in frequent contact with family at home.

Sally’s father wrote of concern for Sally and for her role in the education of her young son:

You are wise in reading Italian while you have it fresh. If you were to neglect it

long, it would grow rusty that you might be discouraged from refurbishing it.

Mental stores are valuable enough to all their possessors; but you, who will depend

so much upon your own resources, will have more especial need of them, not only

for your own use, but little Henry’s.30

Mr Sconce thought that music was amongst suitable recreations while at sea:

You will have time for reading on the voyage, so don’t forget to keep out a few

books. I say, Bob, all the young ladies spend their time in working carpets. I see

nothing but worsted-work going on…

Don't let Lizzy work. You have an understanding, dear Lizzy; but most ladies live

as if they had only fingers…Music, drawing, reading, are all a pretty deal better.31

On board the Argyle, there were eight intermediate passengers and over 200 bounty

immigrants, who included many Irish Catholics.32 The passengers’ class stratification indicated

28 Sarah Susanna Bunbury, Life and Letters of Robert Clement Sconce, 2 vols. (London: Cox & Wyman, Printers, 1861) [Bunbury, Sconce]. 29 Bunbury, Sconce, 1: 7. 30 Bunbury, Sconce, 2: 103. 31 Bunbury, Sconce, 2: 110. 32 See GM-journal, 30 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 54–55; State Records Authority of NSW, ‘Assisted

Immigrants: Argyle’,

175

social distinctions as well as the ability to pay the costs involved with different types of

accommodation. These levels corresponded with Georgiana’s experience in both Britain and

Melbourne, where one’s place in society often depended on religious affiliation as well as

gender, family connections and money. British Protestants often viewed themselves as superior

to Irish Catholics, who were seen as impoverished, uneducated peasants tainted by their

affiliation with the Pope in Rome.33

After escaping damage during wild storms in the Bay of Biscay, the Argyle’s sailors and

passengers rescued survivors from the wreck of an Italian ship, the Piccolo Jachimo, and

brought them aboard their own ship. Georgiana was sympathetic to the romantic hopes of a

rescued sailor named Francesco Ragusa and transcribed the words of an Italian ‘Canzonetta’

written by him about his sweetheart:

Nina mia bella

Gentile e graziosa

Io cerco una Sposa

Sincera e fedel.34

This was one of the episodes that Georgiana considered important enough to copy out again in

her later life.35

Georgiana revealed her perception of prevailing social distinctions in her journals and

recollections. On board, the men including Hanmer Bunbury and his brother-in-law Bob

Sconce led Protestant services and Sunday School classes which, due to the small numbers of

each denomination, included Presbyterians, Wesleyan Methodists and Anglicans. As a woman

Lizzy Sconce was allowed a secondary role, to lead the singing in the services. In an entry

dated 22 November 1840 Georgiana described the scene, where she maintained the expected

protocols of formal address when describing her fellow-passengers, even in her personal

journal:

Our first Sabbath at Sea –

Laidlaw père and Mr C. H. Macknight represented the Kirk of Scotland _ and Welsh

& his little girl the Wesleyans _

http://indexes.records.nsw.gov.au/searchhits_nocopy.aspx?table=Assisted%20Immigrants&id=9&frm=1&query

=Ship:Argyle (accessed 11 November 2016). 33 Richard Broome, The Victorians: Arriving (McMahons Point, NSW: Fairfax, Syme & Weldon Associates,

1984), 43, 102–4. 34 ‘My beautiful Nina / Kind and gracious / I look for a wife / Sincere and faithful’; GM-journal, ‘Canzonetta di

Francesco Ragusa’, 19 November 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 96–99. 35 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Manuscript Commonplace Book’ (c. 1854): 34–37, RB 1164.6, MPC-USyd, University

of Sydney.

176

As we got more settled _ The Sunday Services became quite regular _ and were

conducted in the most correct manner possible by Capt Bunbury & Mr Sconce _

The singing by Mrs Sconce –& others – and Mr S. also had a Sunday School class

of the few children on board, not belonging to the Church of Rome—.36

The Argyle left the survivors from the Piccolo Jachimo and took on supplies in Praia on

the island of Santiago in the Cape Verde Islands from 6 to 11 December 1840, which allowed

the passengers some welcome time on shore. Georgiana and Lizzy Sconce spent time with the

Portuguese wife of the American Consul where Georgiana tried to help their lack of a common

language by singing a Portuguese song, but she caused her hostess distress from homesickness:

I then bethought me to give Madame a little surprise, –and began to sing a

portuguese [sic] Song of which I remembered the words “Se de teus novos

Amores”37_but seeing tears start into Madame’s eyes _ I felt very much pained at

having struck– the wrong chord!38

The Argyle rounded the Cape of Good Hope on 15 January 1841 and by 26 February they

were off Cape Otway near Port Phillip. After a journey of nearly five months, they arrived in

Melbourne on Monday 1 March 1841. Three days after the Argyle arrived in Melbourne

Georgiana ventured onto land, but her first impressions were not favourable:

Jane Shanks the Boys & I _ got on board the “Govr Arthur” a miserable little

steamer without any cabin —when halfway up the Yarra the rain began to pelt –and

we took refuge below – The little boat landed us nearly opposite the Yarra Hotel —

Flinders Street—the bank very soft – and we had to wade through mud and clay up

the Hill to Dr McCrae’s in Bourke Street West _my good London Boots abymés!

—39

Georgiana’s use of the French language proclaimed her sense of superiority on her arrival in

such an ill-favoured outpost and her distress at the ruin by the Melbourne mud of her

fashionable boots. These, with her music collections, were amongst the many possessions she

had brought with her in her determination to preserve and continue her former life as much as

she could in her new surroundings, despite such an inauspicious start.

36 GM-journal, 22 November 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 64, 66. 37 ‘If from your new love’. 38 GM-journal, 7 December 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 80–81. 39 GM-journal, 4 March 1841; in Weber-PPP, 2: 108–9.

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5.3 Melbourne and Arthur’s Seat 1841–60

Colonial life: ‘The sound of music’

Georgiana’s ‘lady’s’ education and musical skills provided her with interests and enjoyment

and also eased her initial entry into the upper echelons of Melbourne’s early colonial society.

However, her material position, and thus her status, was often under threat. Her upbringing in

England, her Scottish family background on her father’s side and her education by French

refugees made her relatively tolerant of different religious and ethnic groups, but as a migrant

in a British imperial colony she was keen to perform the practices that marked her as superior.

Her sympathetic human interaction with servants and Indigenous people did not mask her

underlying resentment that life had not provided her with the wealth and standing that she

thought were her due.

Musical skills prized by Georgiana and many other British middle-class migrants and their

families required access to instruments and written music. Pianos were particularly favoured

and became a feature of many homes in the Australian colonies, as in Britain and elsewhere in

the British Empire. Pianos were seen to be part of the household requirements that implied a

genteel status for the owner. A description of a visit to a squatter’s house in 1846 shows how

class distinctions were maintained even in remote locations:

a well-furnished room, carpeted, furnished with easy cushioned chairs, a beautifully

finished piano…hung with good engravings and enlivened by a small but valuable

library…the young gentleman himself was waited on by his servant with as much

form and ceremony as though the next heir to a dukedom.40

Mrs Campbell, an early British resident on a country property in western Victoria, was able to

use her piano and her performance of Scottish and Italian repertoire both for her own enjoyment

and that of the local Aboriginal people.41 Bush life could be more hazardous to pianos and

genteel music-making than these images suggest. For example, a widow and her daughters

living inland of Port Phillip called on their determination as well as their musical skills to

sustain them during financial difficulties:

40 Robert Russell, 25 July 1846, quoted in Paul de Serville, Port Phillip Gentlemen (Melbourne: OUP, 1980),

91–92; n. 26, 229; see Russell Papers, MS Box 11/1, MS Box 658, AMC-SLV. 41 Ian D. Clark, ‘Colin and Frances Campbell and their Relationships with the Djabwurrung Aboriginal People’,

in Scots under the Southern Cross ed. Fred Cahir et al. ([Ballarat]: Ballarat Heritage Services, [2014]), 27, 31;

Lorna L. Banfield, Like the Ark (Melbourne: F. W. Cheshire, 1955/1986), 16, 46, 49.

178

the bailiffs were in possession of the premises, the lady having been unable to meet

her engagements…What was my surprise when I approached the hut to hear the

sound of music! I entered, and found Miss Isabella placidly playing on the piano,

while her mother was warbling an old song to her accompaniment. …The cattle

which had been seized for the debt on the station had not realized the amount that

was due...The poor old piano was carried off, besides several other pieces of

furniture, which, though of small intrinsic value, were cherished by the emigrants

as mementoes of home.42

People in Port Phillip and Melbourne kept up with trends and fashions from Britain. By

the time Georgiana arrived in Melbourne in 1841, organised domestic and community music-

making amongst the British and European population in Melbourne was growing with the sale

of sheet music, instruments and manuscript paper at a number of varied types of businesses,

while performers and teachers like Madame Caradori Allan and Monsieur and Madame Gautrot

had commenced professional activities.43

Women’s music facilitated men’s family and business relationships

The McCraes’ last four children were all daughters born after Georgiana followed Andrew to

the colonies. Georgiana Lucia, ‘Lucie’, was born in Melbourne in December 1841, only nine

months after Georgiana and Andrew were reunited.44 The McCrae family lived first in town in

a cramped rented house which Georgiana named ‘Argyle Cottage’ in Lonsdale Street West.

Andrew tried to make a living as a lawyer and the family moved to a gentleman’s residence

known as ‘Mayfield’. The McCraes’ new house, which was demolished in 1962, was built one

hundred yards from the west side of the Yarra River in modern-day Abbotsford, an inner

Melbourne suburb, in what is now known as Church Street.45

42 Marguerite Hancock, ed., Glimpses of Life in Victoria by a Resident (1872; Carlton, Vic.: Miegunyah Press,

1996), 32–33. 43 See Radic, ‘Aspects of Organized Amateur Music’, 7–118; Neidorf, ‘Guide to Dating Music’, 1: 41–60;

2:252–322; Ross, ‘Singing and Society: Melbourne, 1836–1861’, 17–76; Garryowen, The Chronicles of Early

Melbourne, 1835 to 1852 (1888; Melbourne: Heritage, 1976), 486–87; Katharine Brisbane, ed., Entertaining

Australia (Sydney, NSW: Currency Press, 1991), 36. 44 Niall, Georgiana, 186. 45 For photos of ‘Mayfield’, c. 1910–20, see

http://www.picturevictoria.vic.gov.au/site/yarra_melbourne/Collingwood/9376.html

http://www.picturevictoria.vic.gov.au/site/yarra_melbourne/Collingwood/9375.html

http://www.picturevictoria.vic.gov.au/site/yarra_melbourne/Collingwood/9374.html

(all accessed 11 November 2016).

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The McCraes’ social lives included mixing with other McCrae family members. One of

Andrew’s sisters, Thomas Anne, married the Melbourne businessman George Ward Cole,

whose wealth and property led her to attempt to dictate her interpretation of genteel behaviour

to others in the family.46 Music-making was one of the common forms of entertainment in the

homes of the settlers such as those in the McCraes’ social circle. It helped them adjust to their

new surroundings by continuation of the cultural practices from their former lives. Men also

found it useful to promote their businesses, as demonstrations of cultured achievement,

particularly by a wife, helped establish and maintain relationships as well as the flow of money.

On 12 June 1841 Georgiana reported that Dr Farquhar McCrae (1806–50), one of Andrew’s

brothers living at that time in Melbourne, used music at a family occasion, when she ‘Dined at

Dr McCrae’s, a Musical evening’.47 Andrew obtained a piano for Georgiana a year later on 5

July 1842:

Rode to Town – to Captn Roach’s Bourke Street West to try the two Pianos

commissioned from London by Dr Sandford – one of these Capt Roach offers to Mr

McCrae for a debt due to the firm – at £50 – I chose the one I preferred – & was

glad to learn that the other was the one the Dr likes best – 48

The piano proved valuable when the McCraes were entertaining guests. On 17 September

1842, Georgiana wrote that ‘Mr Redmond Barry came to dine with us had a musical evening –

Mr R sings well’.49 Barry (1813–80) had a prominent Victorian legal and public career and

reached the heights of public office, despite his irregular domestic arrangements and

illegitimate children. His friendship with the McCrae family was damaged in 1844 when Barry

represented John Leslie Foster in court over the public horsewhipping of Dr Farquhar

McCrae.50 A week after Barry’s visit, on 26 September 1842 another of Andrew’s associates,

businessman Lauchlan McKinnon (1817–88), was also entertained by Georgiana’s

performance of Gaelic music: ‘Lachlan Mackinnon [sic] came out to dinner, In the Evg

delighted him, and myself, not a little, By playing several old gaelic lilts_’.51

In his memoir of early Melbourne, ‘Garryowen’ or Edmund Finn, a former journalist from

the Port Phillip Herald, recalled that in 1841 a group called the ‘Melbourne Harmonic Society’

46 Penny Russell, A Wish of Distinction, 26–38; Thomas Anne Ward Cole’s ‘Diaries 1867–1882’, MS Box

1472–87, AMC-SLV. 47 GM-journal, 12 June 1841; in Weber-PPP, 2: 121, 123. 48 GM-journal, 5 July 1842; in Weber-PPP, 2: 208–9. 49 GM-journal, 17 September 1842; in Weber-PPP, 2: 214–15. 50 Garryowen, Chronicles of Early Melbourne, 363–64; Ann Galbally, Redmond Barry (Carlton, Vic.: MUP,

1995), 45. 51 GM-journal, 26 September 1842; in Weber-PPP, 2: 216–17; see also Weber-PPP, 2: 127, n. 49.

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began to meet every Thursday evening in the Wesleyan Chapel in Collins Street, followed in

1843 by a short-lived ‘Philharmonic Society’.52 In a journal entry from 9 January 1843,

Georgiana discussed her attendance at an ‘Oratorio’ performance in the Wesleyan Chapel,

where ‘The singers acquitted themselves well – especially Mr Blundell’.53 ‘Mr Blundell’ may

have been related to James J. Blundell, whose bookseller and publishing company in Collins

Street leased premises to the artist Samuel Gill in the 1850s. ‘Mr. Blundell’ also lent packing

cases to the Melbourne Philharmonic Society for the choir to stand on in 1854.54

In May 1843, one of Georgiana’s brothers-in-law, Dr Thomas, took her to town to attend

a ball at the Mechanics Institute. Her waspish observations took note of who was there and

what they wore and showed that at this point Georgiana was mixing with the highest echelons

of colonial Melbourne society:

All the Elite of the Colony assembled & in full swing – beside Mr & Mrs La Trobe

– The Mayor Mr Condell, & his niece dressed in Mantis green, – & not unlike the

insect itself in the waltz attitude!...Dancing was kept up briskly till after one a.m_.55

Music contributed to the continuation of Georgiana’s friendships with the Bunburys and

Sconces after their arrival in Melbourne and also helped their acceptance into the elite sections

of society. Captain Hanmer Bunbury became the harbourmaster for Williamstown for a number

of years and also tried farming life and indulged in property speculation in the hope of

increasing his fortune, like many others of his class.56 In June 1844, Hanmer Bunbury reported

on the attendance of important men and ‘musical ladies’ at a party:

We have always a comfortable room at the Judge’s [Jeffcott] when we like to go

there so that it is very pleasant & his parties are always very agreeable, generally

La Trobe, one or two of the barristers, and some of the pleasantest people in

Melbourne with some of the most musical ladies.57

Superintendent and later Lieutenant-Governor Charles Joseph La Trobe (1801–75) and his

French-speaking Swiss-born wife Sophie were amongst the McCraes’ friends. The La Trobes

52 Garryowen, Chronicles of Early Melbourne, 488; Radic, ‘Aspects of Organized Amateur Music’, 27. 53 GM-journal, 9 January 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 234–35. 54 E.J.R. Morgan, ‘Gill, Samuel Thomas (1818–1880)’, ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU,

http://adb.edu.au/biography/gill-samuel-thomas-2096/text2639 (accessed 2 March 2017); Radic, ‘Aspects of

Organized Amateur Music’, 134. 55 GM-journal, 23 May 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 274–75. 56 See Shirley Videion, Law on Water (Brighton, Vic.: S. Videion, 2006), 22–27; Trudie E. Fraser, ‘The

Bunbury Letters from New Town’, in Brunswick Street—Lost and Found, ed. Miles Lewis (Fitzroy and

Melbourne, Vic.: Fitzroy History Society; Faculty of Architecture, University of Melbourne; NTA (Vic), 2012),

45–58, http://www.fitzroyhistorysociety.org.au/images/file/6-BSL&F_TheBunburyLettersFromNewTown.pdf

(accessed 29 October 2016). 57 Richard Hanmer Bunbury to his father Sir Henry E. Bunbury, Williams Town, 9 June 1844, BFC-SLV.

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arrived in Melbourne in 1839 with the first of their four children, their two-year-old daughter,

Agnes.58 Charles La Trobe, a writer, artist and musician, was a son of the composer Christian

Ignatius La Trobe, a leading minister in the Moravian Church, an evangelical Protestant

denomination.59 Charles La Trobe’s outlook and musical tastes were both influenced by his

Moravian education and upbringing.60

In 1834 La Trobe had travelled with a young Swiss count and the American author

Washington Irving, who wrote a succinct word portrait of La Trobe in reminiscences of their

experiences when they accompanied a United States Government Commissioner that

investigated resettlement of Indigenous American tribes west of the Mississippi River:

He was a man of a thousand occupations; a botanist, a geologist, a hunter of beetles

and butterflies, a musical amateur, a sketcher of no mean pretensions, in short, a

complete virtuoso; added to which, he was a very indefatigable, if not always a very

successful, sportsman. Never had a man more irons in the fire, and consequently,

never was man more busy nor more cheerful.61

La Trobe had published a number of books about his travels in Europe and North America

and had written reports for the British Government about the education of former slaves in the

West Indies. Prior to his appointment as Superintendent or chief administrative officer of the

Port Phillip District of New South Wales, he received little training or experience in

administration or leadership. Amongst the small population in Melbourne, his role as the

representative of the British Government gave him a relatively high social status, but he often

felt isolated and welcomed friendship with educated artistic people like the McCraes. The

McCrae’s daughter Fanny Moore wrote a memoir about the McCrae family piano. As she

wasn’t born at the time of its purchase, she may have drawn on her mother’s stories. According

to Fanny, in the McCraes’ early days in the colony, they had many visitors including Mr La

Trobe, who ‘was a frequent visitor, and, often, stretching his long legs under the keyboard,

played away in a right masterful fashion, while his wife sang French and Swiss chansonettes

very sweetly’.62

58 Dianne Reilly Drury, La Trobe: The Making of a Governor (Carlton, Vic.: MUP, 2006). 59 ‘The Rev. Christian Ignatius Latrobe’, Musical Times and Singing Class Circular 4, no. 88 (1 September 1851): 249–50, 255, http://www.jstor.org/pss/3370834 (accessed 11 November 2016). 60 Colin Holden, ‘A Musical Soul’, La Trobeana 10, no. 1 (February 2011): 13–18. 61 Washington Irving, A Tour on the Prairies (1849), in The Works of Washington Irving, new ed., rev., Crayon

Miscellany (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1863), 9: 19. 62 Frances Octavia McCrae [Mrs Fanny Moore], The Old Piano’s Story, ed. Bruce Steele (Mornington Peninsula

Branch, NTA (Vic), 2006).

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La Trobe’s salary was low and he had to provide his own home, a prefabricated house that

the La Trobes brought with them from England to Melbourne. The house used to be situated in

Jolimont, the Melbourne suburb named after it, but is now found opposite the Observatory

entrance to the Botanic Gardens. In ‘La Trobe’s Cottage’ is the La Trobe family’s cottage piano

which was manufactured by John Broadwood & Sons, ‘Manufacturers to her Majesty Great

Pulteney Street Golden Square London’. The piano probably dates from 1837–39 and has a

compass of just over six octaves from F,,, to G’’’.63 The McCraes’ cottage piano, now on

display at the McCrae Homestead, was manufactured by a much less well-known firm,

‘William Edwards Bridge Street Lambeth London’ and appears to be one of the few surviving

examples of Edwards’s work.64 It has a slightly smaller compass of six octaves, F,,, to F’’’.

Both instruments now are in an unplayable condition. Repair of these instruments would be

beneficial for a better understanding of how music would have sounded when played on them

in the nineteenth century, but this may necessitate the loss of some of the isntruments’ original

components.65

Music facilitated female friendships

Georgiana and Sally Bunbury visited each other’s houses for extended holidays, where they

marked their friendship by the exchange of copies of musical items.66 Sally Bunbury’s baby

who had been born on board the Argyle died of dysentery after their arrival in Melbourne, but

Sally was soon pregnant again. In June 1842, when Hanmer went out of town, Sally wrote to

her father:

As soon as Mrs. Stevens heard that Hanmer was going up the country she insisted

on my coming to her with Harry, and staying all the time that Hanmer was away.

Mrs. McCrae has also asked me to go to her next week, so I think of dividing the

time between the Stevens’ and McCrae’s. …67

Sally was very glad she had brought her music with her:

I have brought all my music with me, and it is a real pleasure to sing over my dear

old songs to Miss Steven’s friend tho’ of course after having been laid aside for

63 Miles Lewis, ‘La Trobe’s Cottage’, NTA (Vic), January 1994. 64 See Martha Novak Clinkscale, Makers of the Piano, 1820–1860 (Oxford: OUP, 1999), 2: 114. 65 See ACT Historic Places, Listening to the Past, https://www.historicplaces.com.au/blog/listening-to-the-past

(accessed 2 April 2017). 66 CMB, 12–16, 53–54, 109; see Chapter 6. 67 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Robert Clement Sconce, 6 June 1842, BFC-SLV.

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nearly 3 years, I have in some measure forgotten them. Miss Stevens as I think I

told you before, is a first rate singer, and it is delightful to sing with her.68

On Sunday 5 November 1843, Georgiana went with her son Perry to St James, the

Anglican church and afterwards she and Sally Bunbury had lunch with the Anglican Bishop,

William Grant Broughton (1788–1853). Broughton arrived in Sydney as archdeacon of New

South Wales in 1829 and became bishop of Australia in 1836.69 Bishop Broughton was making

his second visit to Port Phillip from his base in Sydney, where one of his favoured clergymen

at this time was Mrs Bunbury’s brother and fellow passenger on the Argyle, the Reverend

Robert Sconce. Georgiana reported that ‘After tea I played & Mrs Bunbury sang some of our

good old sacred songs and psalms’.70 The next day Georgiana and five-year-old Perry went to

stay with the Bunburys in Williamstown and on 7 November Georgiana wrote that she was

‘busy copying out some of the old tunes for the Bishop’.71 Georgiana did not specify which

particular pieces she meant or whether the ‘old tunes’ were sacred or secular. However, her

copying music provided a memento of the social interaction between Sally, the Bishop and

herself, as well as a means of furthering their friendship.

Melbourne was hit by a severe financial depressioanan in the period 1842 to 1844 and

many people, including Dr Farquhar McCrae, lost money and position. Andrew McCrae’s legal

business also ran into difficulties. He had long been seeking a colonial government

appointment but none was forthcoming, despite his acquaintance with La Trobe. The McCraes’

new house was built on land that they did not own and Andrew’s inability to meet the

repayments necessitated them leaving ‘Mayfield’, much to Georgiana’s distress. Her personal

access to finance was limited and pleas to her stepmother in far-off Britain to help her out again

were unsuccessful.

Andrew McCrae decided to try his chances as a farmer in the bush. Georgiana did not

approve, as shown by a mocking parody in her private journal of a quotation from

Shakespeare’s Hamlet:

The bush, or not the bush—that is the question,

Whether it is better for the swell to suffer

The dins and shocking streets of Melbourne

Or take the bush and leave of town the troubles

68 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Robert Clement Sconce, 6 June 1842, BFC-SLV. 69 K. J. Cable, ‘Broughton, William Grant (1788–1853)’, (1966), ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU,

http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/broughton-william-grant-1832/text2107 (accessed 11 January 2017). 70 GM-journal, Sunday 5 November 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 324–25. 71 GM-journal, 6 and 7 November 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 326–29.

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And by not being there, to end them.72

Music helped establish new social circles

In February 1844 while six months pregnant with her seventh child, Georgiana went on a round

trip of over two hundred kilometres by horseback, cart and on foot for two and a half weeks to

look at the property that Andrew was interested in and visit others in the area.73 The trip

included an evening at the Barkers’ property, Barrabang, at Cape Schanck, where Georgiana

sang ‘some fine old songs from “Granma”s [sic] books’ with Miss Eldridge and Georgiana

Scot, who were relatives of the Barkers.74 We are not told what these songs were or why

Georgiana admired them, but they were important for her socialisation, as on the occasions

with Sally Bunbury and Bishop Broughton. Margaret Martha McCrae, ‘Maggie’, was born

safely after Georgiana’s return to ‘Mayfield’. Andrew started work on their new property,

‘Underwood’, on the Mornington Peninsula, while Georgiana stayed in Melbourne. The

property was later renamed ‘Arthur’s Seat’ after the nearby mountain, which in its turn was

named after the prominent landmark in Edinburgh in Scotland.

On their fourteenth wedding anniversary in September 1844, Andrew McCrae wrote a long

poem in praise of his wife in which he commented on her looks, her temper, her art, her musical

abilities and two specific items of her Scottish repertoire that appear in MHMB and LTLMB.

His effusive tribute provides evidence of the quality of her singing voice, which he likens to a

nightingale’s:

And her voice’s rich music when nought discomposes

Like the nightingale’s – full, soft, and clear in its closes

Sinks deep in the soul – restraining or taming,

Or should the theme prompt her, inspiring, inflaming –

Then a songbird is she – but I’m not so bold

As attempt to describe how she charms young and old

With a ballad or song of times now grown hoary

The “Auchindoun” bleeze – or “thee bonnie Yerle o’ Moray” –

Or when ended the ditty, the buzz and the throng

The honours and praises that quite overwhelm

72 GM-journal, 16 December 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 342–43. 73 GM-journal, 6–24 February 1844; in Weber-PPP, 2: 370–87. 74 GM-journal, 17 February 1844; in Weber-PPP, 2: 380–81.

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The sweet bird of the magical song.75

Music in the home and its contribution to a woman’s identity as wife, mother and employer

Georgiana played the piano for herself and for visitors, to accompany her singing and to teach

music to her children. Her musical home life was aided from 1842 by the presence of John

McLure (1813?– 59; his surname was spelt variously Maclure, McClure, M’Clure), who joined

the McCrae household and not only taught the boys but also shared Georgiana’s love of the

arts.76 Full identification of Mr McLure and his family would require more research. The arrival

of a ‘schoolmaster, of the University of Glasgow’ called Mr McClure in Sydney in 1838 was

remarked on by the press.77 Two teachers called John McLure were active in Melbourne in the

early 1840s.78 The McCrae’s tutor was an educated man, whose background and position gave

him a superior social standing over servants in the McCrae household.

The McCrae MNB, which contains transcriptions of single-line treble melodies, may have

belonged to McLure.79 Men, including McLure, often preferred to play the flute, in part because

of its portability. Matthew Flinders consoled himself by playing the flute while imprisoned by

the French in Mauritius from 1803 to 1810.80 Joseph Hawdon described an incident in travels

near the Murray River in his journal entry of 6 March 1838, where the usefulness of the flute’s

portability in forging relationships with the local Aboriginal people was demonstrated: ‘Mr

Bonney was playing a few sweet airs on his flute by the riverside for the amusement of a

listening group of about forty Blacks’.81 According to another colonist, Charles Griffith, the

flute seemed particularly attractive to Irishmen, as ‘every Irishman brought out to the colonies

a flute and a rifle’.82 In a letter written on a visit to a country property in 1843, Sally Bunbury

reported to her father that ‘Mr Moore & Mr Griffith…both play the flute nicely, and we had

75 GM-journal, 21 September 1844; in Weber-PPP, 2: 442–45; see ‘The Burning of Auchindoun’, LTLMB, [38,

42–43]; ‘The Bonnie Erle o’ Murray’, LTLMB, [43]; ‘The Bonnie Erle of Moray’, MHMB, Part 1: 27. 76 GM-journal, 20 July 1841; in Weber-PPP, 2: 132–33. 77 ‘The Highlanders’, Colonist (Sydney), 27 January 1838, 3; see ‘The Patriots’, Sydney Gazette and New South

Wales Advertiser, 27 January 1838, 2. 78 GM-journal, 22 August 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 296–97. 79 McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3740/9(a), AMC-SLV; Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 115–17. 80 Matthew Flinders, Matthew Flinders Private Journal from 17 December 1803 at Isle de France to 10 July

1814 at London, ed. Anthony J. Brown and Gillian Dooley (Adelaide: Friends of the State Library of South Australia, 2005), 33, 250. 81 De Serville, Port Phillip Gentlemen, 36, n. 5, 221; quoted from Joseph Hawdon, 6 March 1838, in The

Journal of a Journey from New South Wales to Adelaide Performed in 1838 (Melbourne: Georgian House,

1952), 46; see http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-41402696 (accessed 11 November 2016). 82 De Serville, Port Phillip Gentlemen, 54, n. 68, 224; see Charles Griffith Diary, 16 November 1840, AMC-

SLV.

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little concerts every evening – Mrs Moore & I playing the Piano’.83 My great-grandfather,

Johnie Richards (1850–1913), brought an eight-keyed Rudall and Rose flute with him when he

migrated from Cornwall to Bendigo in 1869.84

The musical pieces contained in collections such as MNB and Georgiana’s own volumes

were commonly available. Migrants had access to a considerable amount of sheet music and

literary works in Melbourne, some of which was imported from overseas and/or reproduced

locally.85 In addition to maintaining her habits of manuscript music transcription in Melbourne,

Georgiana annotated a copy printed in Melbourne of a song, ‘The Shadow of the Heart’ by

Adela Hammond, with the information ‘This is the first song & music published in Melbourne

prior to 1845’.86

Georgiana was one of few professionally-trained visual artists in Melbourne before the

gold rush period. While Andrew praised her talents and accomplishments, he did not want his

wife to earn money from her art, which she found galling especially given their financial

difficulties. She does not appear to have considered earning money from her musical skills:

Was I free to stay here_ I should follow Dr Kilgour’s advice [viz?]: to remain here

while the House remains unsold or unlet, _ and I could now make a few pounds by

painting a few miniatures, as I have been invited to do — rather than go down to

the Huts – before the House is fit for the reception of our furniture and ourselves —

But, I dare not do violence to the notions of the family — by “painting for money!”

though they never objected to my having done so before I was married. —87

Georgiana grudgingly moved to Arthur’s Seat in June 1845. It took the McCraes nine hours

by boat from Williamstown to reach their new home, where their four sons were already settled

in a collection of huts with Mr McLure the tutor and Ellen Hume the cook.88 The house

Georgiana had designed was ‘roofed, but not floored’.89 When her new house was ready to

83 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Robert Clement Sconce, ‘William’s Town Port Phillip’, 19 September

1843, BFC-SLV. 84 See Robert Bigio, Rudall, Rose & Carte: The Art of the Flute in Britain,

http://www.bigio.com/rudallrosecarte.htm; Terry McGee, Rudall, Rose, Carte & Co – the Eight Key Flute

Years, http://www.mcgee-flutes.com/Rudall.html (both accessed 11 November 2016). 85 See A Mother’s Offering to Her Children: By a Lady Long Resident in New South Wales (Sydney: Printed at

the Gazette Office, 1841), attributed to Charlotte Barton (1797–1867); inscribed possibly in Georgiana

McCrae’s handwriting, ‘William Gordon McCrae, 1842’, RARELT 910.453 B 75 M, RB, SLV, Melbourne. 86 Adela A. Hammond and W. H. Harrison, ‘The Shadow of the Heart, The Poetry by W. H. Harrison Esqre. to

whom the Music is Respectfully Inscribed By his Obliged Young Friend Adela A. Hammond’ (Melbourne: [c. 1840s]), MS 12831, Box 3743/3, AMC-SLV; see Neidorf, ‘Guide to Dating Music’, 41–42, 44; Graeme

Skinner, ‘Hammond, Adela Ann’, Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-

H.php (accessed 19 February 2017). 87 GM-journal, 8 February 1845; in Weber-PPP, 2: 490–91. 88 GM-journal, 9 June 1845; in Weber-PPP, 2: 544–45. 89 GM-journal, 12 June 1845; in Weber-PPP, 2: 546–47.

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accommodate her piano as well as her family, it was brought to the property and placed against

a wall in the sitting/dining room, as marked on the plan of the house that she drew in 1850.90

Georgiana’s daughter Fanny remembered performances by her older brothers, her mother, John

McLure and occasional visitors:

The boys were old enough to learn music. How they punished the old piano,

pounding away at ‘Rousseau’s Dream’, ‘The Battle of Prague’, etc., and using the

pedals in the freest manner imaginable...The trials of the morning were, however,

in some sort compensated for in the evenings, when they had family concerts.91

In addition to well-known piano pieces such as ‘Rousseau’s Dream’ and ‘The Battle of Prague’,

the musical repertoire that Fanny remembered included music for voice and piano, some of

which was found in different volumes of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections. LTLMB

and CMB contain two different versions of songs called ‘There Was a King in Thule’ with

English translations from the original German words by Goethe.92 ‘The Land o’ the Leal’ with

words written by Lady Carolina Nairne is found in MHMB.93 However, Charles Horn’s ‘The

Deep Deep Sea’ or ‘Auld Robin Gray’ with words by Lady Anne Lindsay and music by the

Rev. William Leeves do not appear in any of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections.94

According to Fanny Moore, all these pieces were occasionally performed in the McCrae home

with additional improvised instrumental accompaniment by McLure or a visitor:

Such songs as ‘There was a King in Thule’, ‘The Deep, Deep Sea’, ‘Auld Robin

Gray’, ‘The Land of the Leal’, were sung with admirable taste and feeling by the

lady of the house, the tutor [McLure] assisting with his flute, and, at times, a

wandering visitor with a violin.95

Georgiana’s expressive renditions of Scottish ‘Jacobite’ songs were particularly memorable:

90 Niall, Georgiana, Plate 37. 91 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story; J. B. [Johann Baptist] Cramer, ‘Rousseau’s Dream’

(London: Chappell & Co., [1811–15?]), NLA: http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/39964994, JHU:

https://jscholarship.library.jhu.edu/handle/1774.2/18405 (tune known as ‘Go Tell Aunt Rhody’); František

Kocžwara, ‘The Battle of Prague’, 1st ed. c. 1778,

http://imslp.org/wiki/The_Battle_of_Prague,_Op.23_(Koc%C5%BEwara,_Franti%C5%A1ek) (both accessed

21 August 2016). 92 LTLMB, [6], ‘Translations / Song by Alex. Smith’; CMB, [glued to second last flyleaf]; see ‘Es war ein

König in Thule’ in The LiederNet Archive ed. Emily Ezust,

http://www.lieder.net/lieder/get_text.html?TextId=6463 (accessed 21 August 2016). 93 MHMB, Part 1: 225. 94 Charles E. Horn, ‘The Deep Deep Sea’ (London: T. Welsh of the Royal Harmonic Institution, [1830]),

http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/13403635 (accessed 21 August 2016); see also Jane Millgate, ‘Unclaimed

Territory: The Ballad of “Auld Robin Gray” and the Assertion of Authorial Ownership’, in Library:

Transactions of the Bibliographical Society 8, no. 4 (2007): 423–41, Project Muse. 95 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story.

188

French, Italian, Spanish and German ballads were all included in the repertoire, but

the old, stirring Jacobite songs pleased the boys most.

Their mother sang with such verve that a vision seemed to arise before them of the

outlawed prince, his pale and haggard features pinched with hunger, a hunted look

in the bonny blue eyes, as he crouched low in the heather and bracken, hiding in

rocky caves known only to his faithful followers. ‘Charlie is My Darling’, ‘Awa,

Whigs, Awa’, ‘Over the Water to Charlie!’96

Georgiana’s affinity with John McLure extended to her keeping copies of some of his

poetry, including his 1843 parody of the ‘The Maid of Llangollen’ found in LTLMB. McLure

wrote ‘The Song of Spring’ on the occasion of Perry McCrae’s seventh birthday on 7

September 1848. The poem reflected McLure’s enthusiasm for the creative, flexible education

that was possible in the bush:

Come forth, O ye boys — from lessons come

Away with books —and slates and Sum

Away with your “Caesar and Virgil and stuff”—

Ye have had of Classics quantum suff=

But it is not for me to waste time in talk—

I’m off to the woods with my sharp tomahawk.97

Georgiana also had cordial relations with other less educated employees. In 1848,

Georgiana wrote some verses to celebrate the marriage of her servant Ellen Hume to ‘Samuel

Payne formerly servant to Mr Barker’, to be sung to the air of ‘Duncan Gray’, one of the

Scottish tunes Georgiana had transcribed in her youth:

When Sam Payne came here to woo

Ha, ha, the wooin’ o’t—

There was ne’er so much ado – Ha, ha –the wooin’ o’t

Ellen drew her up so prim

Said with look severe and grim

“Would I take the likes o’ him?” Ha ha —.98

96 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story; ‘Charlie is My Darling’: not found in MHMB, GCMB,

LTLMB or CMB; ‘Awa, Whigs, Awa’: LTLMB, [3]; ‘Over the Water to Charlie!’: MHMB, Part 1: 207. 97 J. McLure, ‘The Song of Spring’, in GM-journal, 7 September 1848; in Weber-PPP, 2: 606–7. 98 GM-journal, ‘Arthur’s Seat 1848’; in Weber-PPP, 2: 618–19; see MHMB, Part 2: 322.

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Music sustained friendships despite isolation and distance

In the first few years after her arrival in Melbourne, Georgiana’s social status as an educated

free immigrant with aristocratic connections, married to a gentleman lawyer, was quite high.

At the isolated Arthur’s Seat property she did her best to keep up her acquaintance with those

she considered her social equals. The McCraes’ friends, Captain and Mrs Reid, lived at

‘Tichingorook’, a property at a distance of around sixteen kilometres from the McCraes.99

Captain Reid sold the property to his daughter Emma and son-in-law Alexander Balcombe in

1846, who renamed it ‘The Briars’ after the Balcombe family home on the Atlantic island of

St Helena, where Napoleon had stayed in 1815 at the start of his second exile.100 Georgiana

also visited other neighbours, including the Barkers at Cape Schanck and their successors from

the Were, Howitt and Anderson families.101 Redmond Barry sent her autographed printed

copies of his lectures about art (1847) and music (1849) which he gave at the Mechanics

Institute.102 Georgiana gave birth to her eighth and ninth children at Arthur’s Seat, probably

without a doctor in attendance: Frances Octavia, ‘Fanny’, born in 1847, and Agnes Thomasina,

born in 1851.

Georgiana’s domicile at Arthur’s Seat made it unlikely that she could attend the increasing

number of professional and amateur music concerts in Melbourne. However it is interesting to

speculate to what extent she was able to keep in touch with musical activities in town. For

example a performance of Paul and Virginia on 2 March 1846 at the Melbourne Queen’s

Theatre was organised by orchestral leader John Megson and the members of the Philharmonic

Society.103 Megson’s arrangement of Paul and Virginia could have been based on the

Mazzinghi operatic version of Saint-Pierre’s novel, as seen in Georgiana’s MHMB.104 Part of

a popular style of miscellaneous program, Paul and Virginia was ‘followed by an Instrumental

and Vocal Concert upon which occasion the Orchestra will be considerably augmented with a

99 Georgiana McCrae used a number of spellings for the name of this property. 100 Victorian Heritage Database, ‘The Briars’, http://vhd.heritage.vic.gov.au/places/result_detail/852?print=true

(accessed 11 November 2016); see Chapter 6. 101 Niall, Georgiana, 190–92. 102 Redmond Barry, ‘An Introductory Lecture on Architecture, Sculpture, and Painting’ (Melbourne: Printed at

the Gazette Office, 1847), SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/247773 (accessed 9 November 2016);

Redmond Barry, ‘Lecture on Music and Poetry’ (Melbourne: William Clarke, Printer, Morning Herald Office, 1849), SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/247661 (accessed 9 November 2016); see also MS 12831,

AMC-SLV. 103 ‘Advertising’, Port Phillip Patriot and Morning Advertiser (Melbourne), 27 February 1846, 3,

http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article226316486 (accessed 16 January 2016); Ross, ‘Singing and Society’, 98–99,

199. 104 MHMB, Part 1: 104–9; see Chapters 3, 4 and 7.

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variety of Dancing, &c.’ and the evening concluded ‘with the Burlesque Burletta Extravaganza,

called, the Revolt of the Workhouse’.105 In a miscellaneous program two years later, Charles

La Trobe as the Superintendent of Port Phillip along with William a Beckett, the resident Judge,

were patrons of the Mechanics’ School of Arts Music Class which gave its first concert at the

Mechanics Institute on 21 November 1848, featuring overtures by Bishop, Balfe, Rossini and

Auber, a Mozart symphony, waltzes by Labitsky and Strauss, interspersed with a solo flute

piece, songs and glees.106

Georgiana’s friends the Bunburys made efforts to maintain their social position. In June

1846, Sally visited her brother and sister-in-law in Sydney and mixed with Governor Gipps

and Archbishop Broughton.107 On her return, Sally visited their friends the Greenes on a

property ‘about 14 miles from Melbourne’, but she was recalled home to nurse Hanmer after

he had a stroke. When Sally took Hanmer back to the Greenes’ home to recuperate, music

featured in the entertainment:

Mrs Greene is a middle aged widow with a large family of all ages from 20 to 4

years old. Her only daughter is a very sweet girl of 17, and will be greatly sought

after here where young ladies are so scarce. Mrs Greene is a very clever, intellectual

woman, full of Irish humour, and we spent our time very agreeably with books,

music, and conversation. I give long daily singing lessons to Mary and one of her

brothers so that I don’t feel quite useless here, and Harry [Bunbury], who is with

us, joins the little boys in the schoolroom under the Tutor.108

In Sydney, Sally Bunbury’s brother, the Reverend Sconce, was driven to personal and

public turmoil because he felt compelled to leave the Church of England to become a

Catholic.109 Despite this, when the new Anglican Bishop of Melbourne, Charles Perry, and his

wife arrived in 1848, the Bunburys made it their business to be introduced. Again music was

one of the conduits of proposed interaction. Hanmer Bunbury told his father that ‘Susan’ (Sally)

Bunbury, who by this stage had given birth to five of her seven children, would have

accomplishments in common with the wife of one of Bishop Perry’s clerics:

105 ‘Advertising’, Port Phillip Patriot, 27 February 1846, 3. 106 ‘Domestic Intelligence: Music’, in Argus (Melbourne), 21 November 1848, 2; ‘Advertising: Mechanics’ School of Arts Music Class’, in Argus (Melbourne), 21 November 1848, 3. 107 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Robert Clement Sconce, Sydney, 6 and 10 June 1846, BFC-SLV. 108 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Lady Bunbury, Woodlands, 28 October 1846, BFC-SLV. 109 R. A. Daly, ‘Sconce, Robert Knox (1818–1852)’, (1967), ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU,

http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/sconce-robert-knox-2637/text3659 (accessed 11 November 2016); G. P. Shaw,

Patriarch and Patriot: William Grant Broughton 1788–1853 (Carlton, Vic.: MUP, 1978), 141, 210–13.

191

A Mr. Bean who came out with the Bishop, and is shortly to be ordained, has been

appointed to reside at Williams…Mrs Bean we have not yet seen but Mrs Perry

speaks very highly of her and her children, and as she is very fond of music and

drawing, both Susan and the children will have pleasant companions.110

Georgiana was six months pregnant with her ninth child Agnes when she stayed with the

La Trobes at their home in Jolimont in November 1850. She was with the La Trobes when they

were told on 11 November 1850 that the bill for the separation of Victoria from New South

Wales had passed both houses of the British Parliament.111 Superintendent La Trobe opened

the Princes Bridge across the Yarra River with a grand procession on Friday 15 November

1850. The musical performances during the day began with songs outside the La Trobes’ home:

We were startled out of our sleep at 6 a.m by a Reveilleé Performed by the Saxa

Horn Band & some singers who gave us _ “Hark! The lark at Heav’ns gate sings,’

“Ciascun lo dice ciascun lo sa” The National Anthem – and some stirring Polka

Tunes to one of which the Band marched away — 112

Georgiana substituted for an ill Sophie La Trobe in the official festivities:

Wishing to give all the servants a whole Holiday Madame asked me to take her

place in the carriage & to do the Bowing for her...the processions & their gay

banners all drawn up in a line, closed by Carriages and Horsemen was a very pretty

sight _ The cheers were given heartily –and had but the two bands of instruments,

that followed the Saxa Horn Band—been more d’accord – there would have been

nothing to mar the Harmony that prevailed —113

Georgiana’s participation in this event led to gossipy speculation that the friendship

between Charles La Trobe and herself went beyond that of likeminded creative, intelligent

people far from their homeland.114 She was also interrogated about her nationality by Mrs

Perry, the Anglican Bishop’s wife:

Mrs Perry brought in her work this forenoon, – While I was at mine she startled me

by saying – “Are you a Britisher?”

110 Richard Hanmer Bunbury to his father Sir Henry E. Bunbury, Williams Town, 15 February 1848, BFC-SLV. 111 GM-journal, Jolimont, 12 November 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 644–45. 112 GM-journal, Jolimont, 16 November 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 646–47; see ‘Programme of the Procession for

the Opening of the Princes Bridge and the Advent of Separation: Friday, November 15, 1850’, Argus

(Melbourne), Thursday 14 November 1850, 2. 113 GM-journal, Jolimont, 16 November 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 646–47. 114 See Marguerite Hancock, Colonial Consorts (Carlton South, Vic.: Miegunyah Press, MUP, 2001), 239, n. 63;

Brenda Niall, ‘Georgiana McCrae and the La Trobe Friendship’, La Trobeana 10, no. 1 (February 2011): 35–40.

192

Why do you ask, said I – “Because you pronounce some English words “exactly as

Mrs La Trobe does” I then told Mrs Perry that I am an Englishwoman bred & born

in London – but brought up amongst French Emigrés, and that from nine years of

age I had been in the habit of speaking French continually_ _115

Georgiana and Mrs La Trobe discussed social connections between Georgiana’s

aristocratic Gordon relatives and Mrs La Trobe’s family in Switzerland and Scotland.

Georgiana used language distinction to mark her closeness to Mrs La Trobe: ‘To Mrs Perry,

Mrs La Trobe always speaks in English, but with me she always converses in French —’.116

The creation of the colony of Victoria was celebrated in songs printed in Melbourne

including ‘Hark the Strains That Triumphant Are Swelling’.117 Sally Bunbury also reported to

her mother-in-law about the festivities:

Melbourne has been in a considerable state of excitement for the last fortnight or

so…There have been many & various reports as to who our first Governor is to be,

but it seems pretty certain that it will be Mr. La Trobe…There have been all sorts

of gay doings in Melbourne, illuminations, fireworks, the opening of the handsome

stone bridge over the Yarra, with many processions & ceremonies, and last night

there was a grand fancy dress ball to celebrate the great event.118

Sally told her mother-in-law about her problems with servants and discussed the educational

progress of her children, including her daughter Louy’s ladylike achievements in French,

music, reading and needlework:

I have begun teaching Louy French & music, and she generally reads & works with

me during a great part of the forenoon. She is a nice, cheerful, sensible little

companion to me. They are all in excellent health, and sweet little Fanny is a most

engaging little creature.119

Sally also enjoyed a productive visit from Georgiana, who furthered their friendship by

painting portraits of two of the Bunbury sons. Sally hoped to copy the originals and send the

copies as gifts to family at ‘home’ in Britain: ‘Our old friend & fellow passenger Mrs McCrae

115 GM-journal, [Jolimont], 17 November 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 648–51. 116 GM-journal, [Jolimont], 18 November 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 650–51. 117 Frank Hooper and W. J. D. Arnold, ‘Hark the Strains That Triumphant Are Swelling’ (Melbourne: Edward

Arnold [1850]), AP 784.689945 H76H, SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/151663 (accessed 11

November 2016). 118 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Lady Bunbury, Williamstown, 29 November 1850, BFC-SLV. 119 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Lady Bunbury, Williamstown, 29 November 1850, BFC-SLV.

193

was with us nearly a month lately, and she kindly made nice portraits of Cecil & Clement for

[me]. I want to keep the originals, and try & make copies to send home’.120

Intercultural contact and possession

Georgiana enjoyed her visits to friends in Melbourne but had grown to love her home at

Arthur’s Seat where she and her children had freedom and the landscape provided artistic

inspiration. However, at the same time, the McCraes, like many other colonists, were keen to

reinforce if not improve their social status by the acquisition of land and the treatment of

Aboriginal people at best as servants, thereby contributing to the process of the loss of

indigenous land, livelihood and independence. The traditional Indigenous economy based on

natural resources was disrupted as white settlers in the process of possession wanted to stamp

the land as their own.121 Pastoralists sought a cheap labour force, as though they were feudal

lairds, and wanted to use the land for commercial purposes. The McCraes views were

paternalistic, illustrated in 1911 when George McCrae recalled that while at Arthur’s Seat in

the 1840s, ‘We found the aborigines about us docile, tractable, and highly intelligent. Both the

young men and women became efficient and willing station servants’.122

Before the arrival of the Europeans, there were probably about 60,000 Indigenous people

in around thirty cultural-language groups in the area now known as Victoria.123 The

Wurundjeri-willam clan, whose land was used for the initial settlement at Port Phillip, belonged

to the Woiwurrung cultural-language group. The Wurundjeri, along with the Bunurong (also

known as Boonwurrung and Bonurong amongst other spellings) from the Westernport area and

other clans, were part of the Kulin nation. The terms of the so-called ‘treaty’ in Port Phillip

between Batman and indigenous Kulin elders were seen by the Kulin as a rental agreement

which did not restrict their rights to move across and use their land. In response to Batman and

Fawkner’s fait accompli, in 1836 the British Government opened up the area to extended

settlement. This caused a land rush which led to a much more rapid European takeover of

south-eastern Australia, with a marked impact on Indigenous society. Whereas some

Indigenous people resisted the spread of Europeans and their sheep and cattle by guerrilla

warfare, others welcomed the availability of European resources including food and

120 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Lady Bunbury, Williamstown, 29 November 1850, BFC-SLV. 121 Richard Broome, ‘Charles La Trobe’s View of Nature’, La Trobeana 11, no. 2 (June 2012): 9–18. 122 George McCrae, ‘Early Settlement of the Eastern Shores of Port Phillip’, Victorian Historical Magazine 1,

no. 1 (1911): 24–25. 123 Richard Broome, Aboriginal Victorians (Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2005), 11.

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weapons.124 Hanmer Bunbury’s interaction with Aboriginal people in the Grampians area of

Western Victoria was much more violent than the pastoral experiences depicted by the

McCraes.125

The settlement of Melbourne coincided with the end of slavery throughout most of the

British Empire, but the Australian Indigenous people were treated as inferiors by many free

settlers. An example of this type of thinking can be found in a book that Georgiana owned

which contained twenty-five plates and description of sketches by Harden Melville, draftsman

aboard the Fly and Bramble during a survey of Australia and nearby islands in 1842 to 1846.

The Indigenous people from mainland Australia and Papua were compared unfavourably with

people from the islands to the north-east:

We now leave the arid and sombre shores of Australia, with its adjacent islands,

inhabited by dark and degraded races of Australians and Papuans, as the remainder

of the sketches were taken in more cheerful scenes and among a higher race of

people.126

Despite such widespread prejudices, the McCraes became friendly with the Bunurong

people at Arthur’s Seat, helped them in times of trouble, observed their cultural practices and

collected their vocabulary. Her son George reminisced about his youthful interaction with the

Bunurong:

During the seven years and more that I was in communication with these people I

was taught many things, and learnt their dialect fairly well, coming to know the

names of stars, trees, and animals, as well as to gather some small knowledge of

their folklore, their customs, superstitions, and prejudices, not to mention their

sorceries.127

Like Mrs Campbell from western Victoria, Georgiana performed music to what appeared

to be an appreciative Aboriginal audience and a young Bunurong woman who Georgiana called

Eliza was amongst the subjects of portraits that Georgiana painted during this period.128 In

October 1848, Georgiana sheltered another young Aboriginal woman, Myrnong, and reflected

on the experience in a heartfelt poem:

124 Fred Cahir, Black Gold (Acton, ACT: ANU E Press, 2012), 1. 125 Ian D. Clark, ‘Aboriginal People and Frontier Violence: The Letters of Richard Hanmer Bunbury to His

Father, 1841–1847’, La Trobeana 16, no. 1 (March 2017): 25-40. 126 Harden S. Melville, Sketches in Australia and the Adjacent Islands (London: Dickinson & Co., 1849), Plate

22; see MS 12831, Box F3602, copy inscribed ‘G H McCrae’, AMC-SLV. 127 George Gordon McCrae, Recollections of Melbourne & Port Phillip Bay in the Early Forties (Adelaide:

Sullivan’s Cove, 1987), 66. 128 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story; Niall, Georgiana, Plate 24; Caroline Clemente’s

comments, in Niall, Georgiana, 285–86.

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Ah me! Poor girl! Life’s struggle hath begun

In thy young heart, whence calm and quiet banish’d be

And now – suspense, & care, and fatal jealousy

And fear, – and hate, and hope – alternatively

Possess, and shake thy soul…129

In her journal in 1850, Georgiana recorded an Indigenous story told to her by Charles La

Trobe about the formation of Port Phillip Bay.130 While still at Arthur’s Seat in October 1851

a young Bunurong man that the McCraes called ‘Johnnie’, who had returned from a trip to

California, became very ill and died:

A Cold frosty morning – Poor Old “Bogie” in great distress as his son is dying

_...The old man trying to revive him by breathing into his mouth, and instead of

allowing the lad to breathe his last in peace and quiet- _ the old man kept him in his

arms, singing into his ear, & from time to time pulling up his eyelids to let him see

the light of the Sun – About noon we heard a loud Wail from the Lubras, and (the

party were Qambying at the foot of our paddock outside the fence & the Cape

Schanck road) and we knew by this that poor “Johnnie” had been released from his

sufferings_131

A few days later, Georgiana reflected on Johnie’s friendship with her sons. Her sadness at

Johnie’s death was augmented by knowledge that she had to leave her home and garden in the

bush:

Before he went to California he had been an ally and Hunting companion of our

boys – and his death has cast quite a shade of sorrow over them all — But a deeper

sorrow is in my Heart, for a few days hence I must bid farewell to my Mountain

Home —and forsake the garden I have formed & the trees I had planted —132

Music reinforced class status

Unfortunately Andrew McCrae again had trouble making enough money. The Australian gold

rushes from 1851 exacerbated matters and Andrew started looking for alternative employment.

The McCraes left Arthur’s Seat for good and their marriage became further strained. Georgiana

129 GM-journal, October 1848; in Weber-PPP, 2: 610–11. 130 GM-journal, ‘Arthur’s Seat’, 30 October 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 640–41. 131 GM-journal, ‘Arthur [sic] Seat’, 1 October 1851; in Weber-PPP, 2: 654–55; Fels, ‘I Succeeded Once’, 306. 132 GM-journal, ‘Arthur Seat’, 5 October 1851; in Weber-PPP, 2: 658–59.

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returned to Melbourne to oversee the education of her daughters, without a permanent home of

her own. She did not want to accompany Andrew when he became a police magistrate on the

goldfields. Their three eldest sons also started paid work.

Georgiana and her family were devastated when their youngest daughter Agnes died of

measles in 1854, at two years of age, the same age that the McCrae’s first daughter, Elizabeth,

had died in 1834. Georgiana recopied stanzas into a Commonplace Book from Hogg’s ‘I Hae

Naebody Now’ that she had used at the time of Elizabeth’s death twenty years earlier.133

Amongst other excerpts Georgiana copied in 1854, a stanza by the Scottish-born poet and

hymn-writer James Montgomery (1771–1854) echoes her hope based on her religion that death

would reunite her with her children:

Then, thou in Heav’n, & I on Earth

May this one hope delight us

That thou wilt hail my second birth—,

When death shall reunite us,

Where worlds no more can sever

Parents and child for Ever.134

Georgiana’s daughter Fanny remembered that Georgiana’s grief affected her music-making:

For many months after baby’s death the old piano remained closed. Why should her

voice sound amidst such sorrow? Indeed, it was only after another removal—to

North Melbourne—that she once more made melody for various people, and

assisted the little girls in learning music.135

Georgiana and the children moved again in 1854 to Richmond, to a ‘green-shuttered

cottage in Hoddle Street’, across the road from East Melbourne.136 Sophie La Trobe had

returned to England and then moved to Switzerland where she died in January 1854. In May

1854 Charles La Trobe left Melbourne to return to Britain and the McCraes’ close association

with viceroyalty was lost.137 In April 1854 the widowed Duchess Elizabeth had sent a letter to

Lord Hotham asking him to ‘give letters of introduction’ to Hotham’s cousin, Sir Charles

Hotham, the new Governor of Victoria, ‘for Mr Andrew M McCrae and his four sons’. The

133 Niall, Georgiana, 216, 319–20; Georgiana McCrae, ‘Commonplace Book’ (c. 1854): 6, RB 1164.6, MPC-

USyd, University of Sydney. 134 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Commonplace Book’ (c. 1854): 5, RB 1164.6, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; James Montgomery, ‘A Mother’s Lament on the Death of her Infant Daughter’, in Wesleyan-Methodist

Magazine for the Year 1822…1, Third Series (London: Printed by T. Cordeux; Methodist Church, 1822): 824. 135 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story; see Chapter 4. 136 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story. 137 CJLTS, Charles Joseph La Trobe: Lieutenant-Governor,

http://www.latrobesociety.org.au/LaTrobe4.html (accessed 21 August 2016).

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duchess claimed that she took ‘a deep interest in Mrs A M McCrae who lived with me for a

time at Gordon Castle before she was married’.138 Despite the duchess’s intervention,

Andrew’s public service career only reached moderate levels, especially in comparison to

someone like his brother Alexander McCrae who, as the duchess pointed out, had become

Victoria’s Postmaster General.139

From the 1850s onwards, people poured into the colony of Victoria from all around the

world to join Aboriginal, ex-convict and free-born residents. Basic survival was an immediate

priority. Finances and possessions brought from home could not be relied to last indefinitely.

Paid employment was often intermittent and insecure; while servants could be fined or sent to

jail if they refused to work, this situation was upset by the labour shortages in the gold rush

era.140 Shifts in social structures in Melbourne and the goldfields led to the Eureka Stockade,

extended suffrage, self-government and the eight-hour working day.

The influx of people into Melbourne also led to an enlarged artistic circle, including the

professional artists Louisa Meredith, Eugène von Guerard, La Trobe’s cousin Edward La Trobe

Bateman and Nicholas Chevalier, who were promoted by patrons such as the McCraes’ friends

the Howitt family.141 Georgiana received public praise when she exhibited eight drawings and

miniature paintings at the first exhibition of the Victorian Society of Fine Arts in December

1857.142 The rapid growth of population and wealth brought about further expansion of colonial

arts and culture, with the establishment of the Public Library and University of Melbourne in

1854 and extended seasons of operas and concerts by visiting stars such as Catherine Hayes,

Anna Bishop and Miska Hauser.143 Local artists also flourished. An echo of Georgiana’s

repertoire in MHMB was seen when Marie Carandini (1826–94) took the male part as Paul and

Mrs Frederick Younge played Virginia in a production of Paul and Virginia, described as ‘one

138 Angus Trumble, ‘A Letter of Introduction “for Mr Andrew M McCrae and his Four Sons”’, La Trobe

Journal 83 (May 2009): 108–12, http://www3.slv.vic.gov.au/latrobejournal/issue/latrobe-83/t1-g-t11.html

(accessed 21 August 2016). 139 Trumble, ‘A Letter of Introduction’, 109. 140 Kerry Cardell and Cliff Cumming, ‘Squatters, Diggers and National Culture’, in A World Turned Upside

Down, ed. Kerry Cardell and Cliff Cumming (Canberra: ANU, [2001]), 77–107. 141 Bunbury and Clemente, This Wondrous Land; Caroline Clemente, ‘The Private Face of Patronage: the

Howitts’ (Masters thesis, University of Melbourne, 2005). 142 ‘The First Exhibition of the Victorian Society of Fine Arts’, Argus (Melbourne), 4 December 1857, 5. 143 See Richard Davis, Anna Bishop (Sydney: Currency Press, 1997); Miska Hauser, Miska Hauser’s Letters

from Australia 1854–1858, ed. Colin Roderick and Hugh Anderson (Red Rooster Press, 1988); Basil Walsh,

Catherine Hayes (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2000).

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of the best of the old school of what may be called lyrical melodramas’, at Theatre Royal,

Bourke Street, Melbourne, on Saturday 27 March 1858.144

Georgiana’s creative interests in art and music led to her painting the denouement of

Bellini’s opera La Sonnambula (1831), found on the reverse of a landscape scene of ‘North

Melbourne from the back of the Signal Station’ dated 12 November 1853 (see Figure 20).145

Figure 20: Georgiana McCrae, scene from La Sonnambula, reverse of ‘North Melbourne

from the Back of the Signal Station Nov 12/53’, RB 1164.8, MPC-Usyd, University of

Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.

144 ‘Theatre Royal’, Argus (Melbourne), 27 March 1858; Ross, ‘Singing and Society’, 283; ‘Carandini, Marie

(1826–1894)’, Advertiser (Adelaide), 29 April 1894, 3, Obituaries Australia, National Centre of Biography,

ANU, http://oa.anu.edu.au/obituary/carandini-marie-3162/text24097 (accessed 17 January 2017). 145 Georgiana McCrae, scene from La Sonnambula, reverse of ‘North Melbourne from the Back of the Signal

Station Nov 12/53’, RB 1164.8, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney.

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The first performance in Australia of La Sonnambula occurred in Hobart in 1842, but

Melbourne had to wait till 1855, when Catherine Hayes staged the opera, followed soon

afterwards by Anna Bishop in 1856, with subsequent performances by other casts in 1858 and

1859.146 Georgiana’s painting shows the heroine Amina, in despair about her rejection by her

beloved Elvino, endangering herself while sleepwalking over a dangerous drop. Georgiana may

have painted this picture around the time she transcribed Rudolfo’s aria ‘Vi ravviso’ from the

opera.147 Georgiana’s music copying, evidenced in ‘Vi ravviso’ and elsewhere in CMB, as well

as her home concerts saw another burst of enthusiasm. While her daughter Fanny Moore’s

recollections are vague in regards to dates, they provide supportive evidence of a lift in

Georgiana’s spirits: ‘The concerts of the old bush days were now revived. Her mistress once

more played and sang every evening, the manly voices of the elder sons blending with that of

their mother’.148

The McCrae’s former tutor John McLure died at Pleasant Creek (Stawell) in June 1859.

In his will McLure (spelled Maclure) left the proceeds of the sale of his properties in Melbourne

to his mother and sisters; however, his smaller legacies included leaving his gold watch to

Georgiana and Andrew’s eldest son George.149 In February 1860, Georgiana was still in distress

about McLure’s death the previous June when she wrote a lengthy letter to Sally Bunbury, who

had returned to Britain with her children and was widowed after her husband’s death in 1857:

I can scarcely yet realise the fact of his [McLure’s] death—we parted on that

Sunday night—supposing we should have Mr. McLure back with us for good—

about Xmas—& were looking forward to Tasmania for March or April…My tears

still flow freely for the loss of our earliest & best friend in this world—& now I am

about to ask you to tell me all you can recollect about his “Brother”. One day when

I was at Williamstown you said to me or asked me if I knew that he has or had a

Brother in Australia?150

McLure’s move to the goldfields shortly before his death had not been happy, partly

because he had little opportunity for music-making, which prompted Georgiana to question her

religious beliefs:

146 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 36–37, 76–77, 85; Ross, ‘Singing and Society’, 277–86. 147 CMB, 118(A)–20(A). 148 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story. 149 Will for John Maclure, ‘Gentleman, Pleasant Creek, 28 June 1859’, File no. 2/955, VPRS 7591/P1, unit 9,

PROV, http://prov.vic.gov.au (accessed 17 July 2016). 150 Georgiana McCrae to Mrs R. H. Bunbury, February 1860, BFC-SLV.

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A complete change of habits – no music, no quiet – an uncongenial

Employment…One can hardly reconcile one self to the Idea that God so willed

it?151

Georgiana discussed news of her sons Willie, Sandy and George and then told Sally

Bunbury about her daughters’ educational progress. Here she revealed her dislike of her

daughters’ modern musical repertoire. Georgiana also expressed her desire to visit and sing

with Sally again, but perceived many difficulties preventing her from travelling to Britain:

Margt is now at School—and quite well in health. Fanny as tall as Maggy—& both

successful. Maggy had Eight & Fanny six prizes—for Writing Dictation—

Drawing— …Maggy the prize for neatly kept books—& 2nd prize for music &

singing, but I don’t like the sort of songs they teach her, none of the good old

Classical songs of our day. How I should like to hear you sing again & to spend a

quiet week or two with you. If the Drs. would order Lucy to Britain for her health

we might manage to pay you a visit—but these are Castles in Spain!” No bad winter

quarters for Invalids?152

Georgiana had been hurt in a fall, a discussion of which prompted her to return to her ‘intimate

grief’ over the loss of McLure.153 She told Sally Bunbury about their mutual friends Edith

Howitt, ‘poor Mrs. H’ and young ‘Charlie’, asked about the Bunbury children and commented

on building renovations at the McCraes’ former home at ‘Mayfield’. She concluded her letter

with a yearning plea for a response:

I sent you a long letter, & an envelope of verses by the “Avon” many, many months

ago, but fear you never received either as you have not written since. Let me know

by next Mail if you can spare time. I have quite got rid of my Headaches & hope

you have been equally fortunate.154

In 1862 Georgiana received a personally inscribed copy of Sally Bunbury’s first volume

of her printed book, Life and Letters of Robert Clement Sconce, in which Sally had compiled

biographical information and correspondence relating to her own father and family.155

Georgiana had been away from Britain for over twenty years by this point. She still hoped to

151 Georgiana McCrae to Mrs R. H. Bunbury, February 1860, BFC-SLV. 152 Georgiana McCrae to Mrs R. H. Bunbury, February 1860, BFC-SLV. 153 Georgiana McCrae to Mrs R. H. Bunbury, February 1860, BFC-SLV. 154 Georgiana McCrae to Mrs R. H. Bunbury, February 1860, BFC-SLV. 155 Bunbury, Sconce, vol. 1, inscribed ‘To dear Mrs. McCrae with much love from the Editor. June 12th 1862’,

MS 12312/212, Box 3114, AMC-SLV.

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return to Britain but had no realistic plan and little money. Her husband, surviving children and

series of temporary homes were in Australia and that was where she was to remain.

5.4 Conclusion

Middle-class British women in the nineteenth century have been described as agents of

imperialism as well as subordinate members of their class.156 They often felt they had little

choice in following their husbands, brothers or sons to the colonies. The old British social rules

that gave a small number of people a superior status were, however, under threat. Genteel

migrant women may have been free and educated, but they were not necessarily affluent and

were anxious that their manners marked them as civilised and separate from others who already

lived in the area for thousands of years or who were rushing to take up land and new

opportunities. These influences on Georgiana’s musical life during her migration to Australia

and subsequent colonial expereriences will be further explored in Chapter 6 through the lens

of her fourth manuscript music collection, CMB.

156 Kate Darian-Smith, Patricia Grimshaw and Stuart Macintyre, eds., Britishness Abroad: Transnational

Movements and Imperial Cultures (Carlton, Vic.: MUP, 2007), 4.

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CHAPTER 6

GEORGIANA McCRAE’S ‘CHAPLIN MUSIC BOOK’, c. 1840–56

6.1 Introduction

CMB, the last of Georgiana McCrae’s manuscript music collections, reveals her hopes and

fears both before and after she migrated from Britain to one of its more distant colonies. Like

Jane Austen, Georgiana was interested in the pleasure of ‘musicianship as an expression of self

and its autonomy’.1 Her musical practice was valuable to her and her family as a record of an

integral part of her individual identity as a member of the educated British middle and upper

classes; in Melbourne and in CMB in particular it also showed her relationships as a mother,

wife and friend. Proud to own a piano, she took it along with her manuscript and printed music

collections to her different homes in Melbourne and the bush. While she played the piano and

sang mainly for her own enjoyment, she also used her skills and her possessions to teach her

musical culture to her children and provide entertainment for family or friends. Occasional

annotations of date and place in CMB give clues to significant events, people, or roles in her

life and can be matched to evidence found in her journals, commonplace books, letters,

artworks and other sources.

There is very little in CMB that reveals a distinctly Australian flavour. The book

demonstrates Georgiana’s continued love of collecting and performing the music that she had

learnt in her youth in her former home. She also added music that was fashionable in Britain

and its empire in the 1840s and 1850s as she kept up with music produced for the expanding

consumer market. She continued her former practice of transcriptions from written sources

rather than attempting to transcribe music by ear or to compose. There is evidence from the

writing and artworks of Georgiana, her son George and other family members that they

interacted with the local Aboriginal inhabitants and acclimatised themselves to the new

landscape and climate, but this is not reflected in Georgiana’s musical tastes. Her activities and

preferences were consistent with those of most middle to upper-class immigrant musicians in

the domestic sphere both in Australia and elsewhere in the nineteenth century, where

1 Gillen D’Arcy Wood, ‘Austen’s Accomplishment: Music and the Modern Heroine’, in A Companion to Jane

Austen, ed. Claudia L. Johnson and Clara Tuite (Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), 369.

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composition was mainly the preserve of male white professional musicians and ‘cross-

fertilization with the musical cultures of [the English nation’s] Empire was negligible’.2

The inclusion of pieces in European languages including English, Scots, French, Italian,

Spanish, German and Latin and colonial dialects such as Creole reflected mainstream taste that

delighted in the picturesque, with an ongoing interest in ‘national airs’ and colourful locales

introduced into opera and popular song. These used European musical notation with tempered

scales, key signatures, time signatures and harmony, all of which stood in the way of a deeper

understanding of the music of other cultures, apart from any language difficulties. This was

exacerbated by the middle and upper-class colonists’ need to show superiority and dominance

over not only the indigenous inhabitants but also over people of their own race including

convicts and servants who were lower on the social scale. A range of social markers included

access to instruments such as the piano, the use of written music whether printed or manuscript

that demonstrated a level of education and culture, leisure time that allowed the development

and maintenance of skills, the choice of people with whom to associate and share one’s

accomplishments and the restriction of language and topics in the lyrics to remove any

references to unseemly behaviour.

Accurate manuscript transcription in most of Georgiana’s copies reveals her reasonably

high standard of musical education. As with Georgiana’s previous collections, it is often

difficult to identify the single source or chain of sources of the music and/or words that were

transcribed. This is in part due to changing legal requirements and attitudes to ownership and

copyright. Publishers could choose to produce single copies or sets in manuscript form or

employ various methods of printing. Professional musicians and amateurs such as Georgiana

or her friend Sally Bunbury could have copied from someone else’s manuscript transcriptions

or used printed sources other than the original publications. As the colony of Melbourne grew

in size of its population and its economy, the demand, supply, and legal protection for notated

music in Melbourne grew commensurably, in line with similar trends in Britain and elsewhere.3

2 Ian Woodfield, English Musicians in the Age of Exploration (Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1995),

281. 3 See Suzanne Robinson, ‘Music-Sellers and Retailers’ and ‘Publishers of Music’, in The Oxford Companion to

Australian Music, 400–2, 475–76; Georgina Binns, ‘Music Publishing and Selling in Australia’, in Music

Printing and Publishing in Australia, ed. Georgina Binns (Melbourne: BSANZ, 2002), 1–5; John Whiteoak,

‘Publishing Music’, in Currency Companion to Music and Dance in Australia, 550–53.

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6.2 ‘Chaplin Music Book’: ‘Woo’d and Married &c’’

Provenance and contents

The importance of music and collecting in the lives of Georgiana and her family is reinforced

by the discovery of inscriptions inside CMB by members of three generations of the McCrae

family. The signature of Georgiana [‘G H McCrae’] is found on the recto of the second flyleaf

and that of her son George [‘Geo. Gordon McCrae’] opposite on the verso of the first flyleaf.

Underneath Georgiana’s signature is an inscription: ‘To Dear Harry from Hugh / My

grandmother’s (Georgiana) music book all written in her own hand. / Nov 2. 1954.’ (see Figure

21).4 This indicates that in 1954, George’s son Hugh McCrae sold the book, along with other

memorabilia from his grandmother, father and himself, to the collector Harry Chaplin whose

bookplate was added inside the front cover of CMB (see Figure 22).5

Figure 21: Inscriptions by George Gordon McCrae, Georgiana McCrae and note from

Hugh McCrae to Harry Chaplin dated ‘Nov 2. 1954’. CMB, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd,

University of Sydney. Images: Rosemary Richards.

4 CMB, front flyleaves. 5 Harry Chaplin, A McCrae Miscellany (Surry Hills, NSW: Wentworth Press, 1967); ‘Chaplin, Harry Floyd

(1895–1988)’, in Australian Book Collectors, ed. Charles Stitz (Bendigo: Bread Street Press, 2010), 1: 52–53;

see also Weber-PPP, vol. 1.

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Figure 22: Book plate, ‘Ex Libris’ ‘Australiana Collection’ ‘Harry F. Chaplin’, CMB,

RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.

Some pieces such as a three-part canon, ‘Non Nobis Domine’ attributed by Georgiana to

‘Bird’, may have been copied earlier than other pieces in CMB (see Figure 23). ‘Non Nobis

Domine’ was printed in The Harmonicon in 1823, as were some items from MHMB.6 The

common attribution of ‘Non Nobis Domine’ to William Byrd (c. 1540–1623), who was a

Catholic at a time when this was dangerous, has been disputed.7 Georgiana’s early education

by French Catholic and Huguenot refugees, as well as her thwarted love affair with her Catholic

relative, Perico Gordon, contributed to her broadminded tolerance towards different ethnic and

religious groups in displayed in CMB.

The earliest annotated place and date in CMB from ‘Priory Pl’ on 28 March 1840 on a

transcription of ‘The Light of Other Days’ by M. W. Balfe indicated that the piece was

transcribed before Georgiana’s emigration from Britain and shows her rented London address

off Wandsworth Road at the time (see Figure 24).8

6 CMB, 7; ‘Non Nobis Domine, a Canon, Composed about the Year 1590, by William Bird, Organist to Queen

Elisabeth’, Harmonicon 1, Part 2 (1823): item 2, https://archive.org/stream/harmonicon00unkngoog#page/n14/mode/1up (accessed 28 December 2014). 7 ‘Non Nobis Domine’, in Oxford Companion to Music, ed. Alison Latham, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/opr/t114/e4751 (accessed October

25, 2011); Bird, ‘Non Nobis Domine’, http://www.free-scores.com/download-sheet-music.php?pdf=11167

(accessed 11 July 2011); Suzanne Cole, ‘Who Is the Father?: Changing Perceptions of Tallis and Byrd in Late

Nineteenth-Century England’, Music and Letters 89, no. 2 (May 2008): 219. 8 CMB, 8–9.

206

Figure 23: ‘Non Nobis Domine’, CMB, 7, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney.

Image: Rosemary Richards.

207

Figure 24: Annotation in Georgiana McCrae’s handwriting: ‘Priory Pl: March 28th

1840’, written in England before her emigration; different handwriting on musical

score; at bottom of second page of ‘The Light of Other days; Sung by Mr Phillips in the

Maid of Artois The words by Mr. Alfred Bunn The Music by M. W. Balfe’, CMB, 9, RB

1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.

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In the same period that Georgiana copied and exchanged separate pieces which later were

bound in CMB, she also copied pieces into LTLMB, which had been bound before her

emigration.9 CMB, like MHMB and LTLMB, does not have all the pages with dates written

on them bound in chronological order of transcription. However, the pieces that are dated in

the 1840s tend to be towards the beginning of CMB while the pieces dated in the 1850s are

generally found towards the end. An example of compilation that ignores chronological order

of the dates pages is the song ‘Annie Laurie’ annotated ‘Tickingorourk Dec: 30. 1846’,

discussed below, which is interpolated amongst other pieces dated 1843.10 An indication that

the bulk of the CMB transcriptions may have been finished by 1856 is found hidden under a

page of advertisements about printed music, where the original front page of CMB states that

it was ‘Bound by Robertson & Co Melbourne 14 July 1856’.11

CMB has around 170 separate items in over 240 pages, made from over 120 separate leaves

from sixty folios on approximately twenty different types of manuscript paper that have been

stitched together, bound in firm covers, numbered and guillotined. Georgiana’s family

members and CMB’s subsequent collector, Harry Chaplin, also continued to interpolate

supplementary material into the book after it was bound. The handwriting in CMB is mainly

Georgiana’s but identifying all examples of other hands has so far proved elusive. CMB does

not contain an index. The exact numbers of items and pages depends on what are counted.

There are pages cut out or misnumbered and additional pages glued in. Some titles are crossed

out. It is not always clear whether the dates on the pieces indicate when she first transcribed

them; she doesn’t appear to have copied them out again later, as she did when she rewrote her

diaries and recollections.

An example of textual complications in CMB is found in a version of the Highlands

pibroch bagpipe lament ‘(Cha til mi tuille) “Ha’ til”–ha t’il!’– (a Bagpipe Lament)’ (see Figure

25).12 This is written without a bass part filled in and with the first line of the words given as

‘Farewell to the mothers that bore us’. It is transcribed on top of ‘Spanish Chant’ / ‘When the

cold grasp of death’, with the page turned upside down. To further complicate matters, words

and music for ‘Spanish Chant’ also appear in LTLMB.13

9 LTLMB, [124–31]. 10 See CMB, 22, 26, 27, 31. 11 CMB, original title page; ‘Robertson & Co’ referred to the Melbourne firm, rather than Angus & Robertson

from Sydney; see John Holroyd, George Robertson of Melbourne, 1825–1898: Pioneer Bookseller & Publisher

(Melbourne: Robertson & Mullens, 1968); Neidorf, ‘Guide to Dating Music’, 302. 12 CMB: 238; Georgiana used various punctuation for this title. 13 LTLMB, 2nd insert stuck to [p. 33] plus [p. 117].

209

Figure 25: ‘Ha’ til’ on top of ‘Spanish Chant’, CMB, 238, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd,

University of Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.

Georgiana also added the words of the verse starting ‘Farewell to the mothers that bore us’

to an extra small piece of paper attached to the music notation. Here she attributed the words

210

correctly to ‘Song of the Exiles’ from Arthur Helps’ play Oulita the Serf, which was published

in 1858, two years after CMB’s binding date, with a second edition in 1873.14 These disparate

dates of binding and publication make it difficult to accurately say when Georgiana made the

transcription and annotations. On the inserted page, Georgiana guessed which tune that Helps

would have had in mind, as it is not stated in the play text: ‘(q: “‘Ha t’il?”) [sic]’. Georgiana’s

version of the tune is related to the piece published in Patrick MacDonald’s A Collection of

Highland Vocal Airs (1784).15 Today we may question the cultural appropriateness of matching

a Scottish bagpipe tune with lyrics about the exile of prisoners to Siberia set amidst a love

triangle between a Russian Count, a Princess and her family’s serf, but to Georgiana these

words seem to have had strong resonances with her own sense of exile. This is mirrored by

other items including Gaelic tunes in Georgiana’s collections such as her quotation in LTLMB

from Simon Fraser’s comments about ‘Ho neil mulad oirn_’ / ‘The Emigrants’ Adieu’.16

The structure and contents of CMB are similar to MHMB Part 1 and also to LTLMB, in

that these three collections were all formed from aggregated separate pre-existing manuscripts

and contain a miscellaneous mixture of repertoire. In CMB, Georgiana did not privilege any

particular musical style or functionality in separate titled sections, as she did in Parts 1 and 2

of MHMB. She interspersed single pieces or connected sequences in what appears to be a

random order. Most items are of vocal music, with solo songs, duets, rounds, a canon and a

hymn, from opera, music theatre and drawing room styles in different languages as mentioned

above. A majority of the vocal music has realised accompaniments, though the use of the piano

is not usually noted specifically. There are some instrumental solos written in either one or two

staves as well as some vocal music without accompaniment or with different instruments. Some

pieces have a separate vocal line with fully realised accompaniment, especially the operatic

numbers where the published piano orchestral reduction appears to have been copied faithfully.

Others were notated in two staves with the voice doubling the accompaniment in the treble

part, suggesting there may have been room for improvisation, at least by the keyboard player.

A few poems are given without music. Piano solos are mainly examples of currently

fashionable dance music such as the polka, mazurka and waltz.17

14 CMB, 238 and insert attached to 239; Arthur Helps, Oulita the Serf: A Tragedy (London: Parker, 1858), Act

5, Scene 4: 176–77, 189–90; [Sir Arthur Helps], Oulita the Serf: A Tragedy; by the Author of ‘Friends in Council’, 2nd ed. (London: Strahan, 1873), 193, 207, https://archive.org/details/oulitaserftraged00help (accessed

8 May 2017). 15 See V. S. [Virginia] Blankenhorn, ‘Traditional and Bogus Elements in ‘MacCrimmon’s Lament’, Scottish

Studies 22 (1978): 45–67. 16 LTLMB, [8]; Fraser, The Airs and Melodies, no. 226: 102, Appendix. 17 See Ellis, The Merry Country Dance.

211

Composers and arrangers were named on less than half the pieces and include numerous

males such as Arne, Arnold, Balfe, Beethoven, Bellini, Benedict, Bird, Bishop, Blewitt,

Blockley, Campana, Donizetti, Harrington, Haydn, Hérold, Hertz, C. E. Horn, Keller, Michael

Kelly, Kiallmark, J. P. Knight, [C. I.] La Trobe, Lawes, Linley, Lover, Masini, McIntosh,

McNally, Mendelssohn, Moore, Mozart, Pauseson, Purcell, Reichardt, Rossini, Schubert,

Scotland, Steibelt, Strauss, Varney and Wallace. Named Scottish musicians, collectors and

publishers included Patrick McDonald [MacDonald], Finlay Dun, John Smith and the singer

John Wilson. Female composers named in CMB include Mrs R. [Frances] Arkwright, Caroline

E. Hay, the Hon. Mrs Norton [Caroline Norton, nèe Sheridan] and Queen Hortense [Hortense

de Beuharnais]. Female poets include Joanna Baillie, Eliza Cook, ‘L. E. L.’ [Laetitia Elizabeth

Landon], the Hon. Mrs Norton, Mrs [Amelia] Opie, Miss Power and Charlotte Young; named

male poets include Thomas Haynes Bayly, W. H. Bellamy, P. J. Béranger, Alfred Bunn, Robert

Burns, Maurice Dowling, John Forbes, Thomas Kelly, M. de Laborde, George Linley, Moses

Mendelssohn, Thomas Moore and Count Carlo Pepoli.

Annotations and sources

Georgiana’s annotations in CMB included indications of authorship of texts, composition of

music, performers, fashion, acts of friendship, places and dates. Most of the musical contents

could have been copied anywhere in the British sphere of influence. The main indication that

the music was copied out in Victoria rather than in Britain comes from Georgiana’s occasional

annotations of date and place. Many of the dates require detective work, because they may

include the day and month, and even in one case the time, but not the year. CMB includes dated

annotations from both before and after her migration from Britain. Judging by dates and rastra

markings, some of CMB appears to have been copied out when the McCraes were living in

more grand housing at ‘Mayfield’ between 1842 and 1843. Another portion contains dated

pages around 1855 when Georgiana had returned from the bush to Melbourne and was living

with her younger children in Richmond.

She often did not acknowledge her sources very precisely. Sometimes pieces which may

be connected follow on from each other while at other times they are separated. For example a

series of five Spanish songs for voice and piano beginning with ‘“Amor mi dulce Dueňo” – El

Sueňo’ (‘ “Love me, sweetest lord” – The Dream’) with words in both Spanish and English

may have come from the same unacknowledged source as another song, ‘Tus ojos Incitar’,

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which appears later in CMB.18 The CMB annotation that says that a song titled “Cease My

Heart This Sad Desponding” was Spanish is unlikely to be correct, as there is a ‘Swiss’ song

of this name by J. L. Friedrich Glück which has been attributed to Carl Maria von Weber.19

Friendship

The original title page of CMB, hidden under a later addition from a printed musical

publication, refers to the first song, ‘Bygone Days’ by Miss Power and F. W. Meymott Esq.

(see Figure 26). ‘Bygone Days’ was transcribed by someone other than Georgiana but the

copyist or donor is not identified in the CMB copy. Like with much of the repertoire in CMB,

the vocal part would not be too taxing given its range from D to F♯, its medium tessitura and

limited technical difficulty. The piano part may be more demanding as it includes an

introduction and coda requiring double octaves and cross rhythms. ‘Bygone Days’ allows for

expressive singing of restrained wistful emotion in a reasonably simple strophic song that

appears to have appealed to Georgiana over a lengthy period, as Georgiana chose this piece

and its title page to begin this collection when she compiled the loose folios prior to their

binding in 1856. The words of the first verse would have reflected Georgiana’s unhappy mood

in 1840 which she frequently harked back to in later years:

The cherish’d hopes of early days

Have faded slowly one by one.20

Incidents recorded in Georgiana’s surviving journals can be helpful in contextualising

CMB’s contents including Meymott’s ‘Bygone Days’. Before she left London for Australia

Georgiana enjoyed the hospitality given to her by her generous friends in London, James and

Lucia Cummins. In her journal on 23 October 1840, just before her emigration, her comments

about the repertoire performed at a musical evening echoed her depressed state as she waited

in London with her sons before following Andrew McCrae to Australia: ‘The W. W. Fennings

& Mrs F’s brother Mr Meymott – and other neighbours of the Cummins’ came in for a Musical

Evening – and Colonial talk – Mr Meymott – sang Campbell’s ‘Last Man’ – a most lugubrious,

chilling composition!’21

18 CMB, 72–82, 110–13. 19 CMB, 176; see ‘Cease My Heart This Sad Desponding’,

http://www.worldcat.org/search?q=ti%3A%E2%80%9CCease+my+heart+this+sad+desponding%E2%80%99+

&qt=advanced&dblist=638 (accessed 5 September 2016). 20 CMB, 1. 21 GM-journal, 23 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 42–43 [Meymott transcribed as ‘Meymoth’]; Hugh McCrae,

Georgiana’s Journal 1978/1983, 32 [Meymott transcribed as ‘Weymouth’].

213

Figure 26: ‘Bygone Days’, ‘The words by Miss Power / The Music by F. W. Meymott’,

unidentified handwriting, CMB, 1, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney. Image:

Rosemary Richards.

214

Thomas Campbell’s poem, ‘The Last Man’, was based on Mary Shelley’s 1826 novel of the

same name.22 The poem and novel describe disastrous world events that led to the survival of

only one man. It is unclear from Georgiana’s journal entry whether Meymott composed the

musical setting of Campbell’s poem that affected her so much. Frederic William Meymott was

well-known in London artistic circles and some of his songs were published in Britain and in

Sydney after he migrated around 1850; he also had an extensive legal career and became a

judge.23 The Cummins family also had Australian connections, as Georgiana painted the

portrait of their son-in-law Octavius Browne in Melbourne in 1841.24

On board the Argyle in 1840 Georgiana was fortunate to make friends with the Bunbury

and Sconce families. She had much in common with them – not only their interest in art and

music, but their genteel values and positions in the social order. Their family backgrounds

enabled them to occupy first-class cabins and eat their dinners at the Captain’s table. Georgiana

kept up her friendship with Mrs Bunbury and Mrs Sconce in Melbourne. On 17 June 1842,

Georgiana recorded in her journal that Sally Bunbury arrived for a lengthy visit to the McCraes’

new grand house called ‘Mayfield’. The first Melbourne annotation in CMB, ‘from Mrs.

Bunbury / Mayfield / July 1842’, is written on the transcription of ‘La preghiera—Romanza—

Parole de Conte Carlo Pepoli / Musica del Sigr Fabio Campana’ (‘The prayer—Romance—

Words by Count Carlo Pepoli / Music by the Signor Fabio Campana’).25 Carlo Pepoli (1796–

1881), librettist for Bellini’s I Puritani (1835), moved to London in 1837. Fabio Campana

22 Geoffrey Carnall, ‘Campbell, Thomas (1777–1844)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,

http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/4534 (accessed 6 February 2017); Thomas Campbell, ‘The Last Man’,

in The Last Man by Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley: A Hypertext Edition, ed. Steven E. Jones,

http://www.rc.umd.edu/editions/mws/lastman/campb.htm (accessed 6 February 2017);

http://www.poemhunter.com/poem/the-last-man/ (accessed 6 February 2017); Mary Shelley, The Project

Gutenberg EBook of The Last Man [1826], http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/2/4/18247/ (accessed 6 February 2017). 23 See Graeme Skinner, ‘Meymott, Frederick William’, Australharmony,

http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-M.php (accessed 19 February 2017); Colin Humphreys,

‘Colonial Judge F. W. Meymott’, Granville Guardian 18, no. 8 (September 2011): 4–6,

http://www.granvillehistorical.org.au/resources/GranvilleGuardian2011September.pdf (accessed 11 October

2015); Frederic [sic] William Meymott and William Cornelius Uhr, ‘In Memory of Jane Elizabeth Balcombe:

Who Died in the Eighteenth Year of her Age on the Morning of the 26th Day of December A.D. 1858/ Lines

Written by William Cornelius Uhr and Set to Music by Frederic William Meymott Esqre’, http://archival-

classic.sl.nsw.gov.au/album/albumView.aspx?itemID=930704&acmsid=0 (accessed 12 January 2017); Jane

Elizabeth Balcombe (1841–58) was a daughter of the artist Thomas Tyrwhitt Balcombe, granddaughter of

William Balcombe, Napoleon’s host on St Helena and niece of Georgiana’s acquaintance Alexander Balcombe. 24 Niall, Georgiana, 133; Georgiana McCrae, ‘Portrait of Octavius Browne’ (1841), SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/242098 (accessed 7 May 2017). 25 CMB, 12–16, dated annotation 16; see also ‘La Pastorella della Alpi’, CMB, 61–62, and ‘Tarantella

Napoletana’, CMB, 64–68, both have words by Pepoli and music by Rossini; see Elizabeth Forbes, ‘Campana,

Fabio’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP, www.oxfordmusiconline (accessed 6 February 2017); William

Weaver, ‘Pepoli, Carlo’, New Grove Dictionary of Opera, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,

www.oxfordmusiconline (accessed 6 February 2017).

215

(1819–1882) was an Italian composer and singing teacher who moved to London in 1850. By

1842 three of his operas had been produced in Italy. The passionate words in ‘La Preghiera’,

like those in many other pieces in CMB, were in Italian, with an English translation added by

Georgiana:

Odi, odi le voti estreme

Del tuo fedel che muore

[Hear thou the last words of thy lover

Who dieth of thy cruelty].

A second song associated with Sally Bunbury, ‘Land of my dearest happiest feelings’ by

Keller, has a text about exile:

Land of my dearest happiest feelings

Where morning sheds her Sweetest dews,

Whose winds from heav’n their freshness stealing

Deck thee in fancy’s fairest hues.26

‘Land of my dearest, happiest feelings’ was advertised in the ‘Weekly List of New

Publications’ in The Musical World in 1838. It appears to have been originally published with

a German text.27 CMB includes added other words in place of the opening stanza, marked ‘My

Song’:

Land of my birth! In vain I try

On distant shores to find a Home_

Exiled from thee, I hourly sigh_

And mourn the fate that made me roam_28

In her ‘Notebook’ (c. 1837–44), Georgiana attributed these alternative words as having

been written in October 1843 ‘for my favorite Adagio of Kozeluch’ by W. W. Fenning, who

Georgiana had met along with his wife and brother-in-law Frederic Meymott in London in

1840 at the Cummins’ musical evening.29 In her transcription found in CMB, Georgiana

26 CMB, 52–54. 27 Charles (Carl) Keller, ‘Land of My Dearest, Happiest Feelings’ published by Wessel, advertised in ‘Weekly

List of New Publications’, in Musical World: A Weekly Record of Musical Science, Literature, and Intelligence

112 – New Series, no. 18 (3 May 1838): 89; see ‘Land of My Dearest, Happiest Feelings: Song of the Wanderer

for Voice and Piano’, composed by Charles Keller; translated and adapted by Jno. Rhing (London: Wessel &

Co., [c. 1846–56]), in Wessel & Co.’s Auswahl Deutscher Gesange, no. 59, for voice and piano, caption ‘W. & Co. No. 1939; Sung by Miss Masson at Mr. Wessel’s 7th soiree’, German and English text, NLA,

http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/2958807 (accessed 15 September 2011); see version [c. 1842] composed by

Carl Keller, alternative German title ‘Land meiner seligsten Gefühle’, Music Collections H. 2076, BL,

www.bl.uk/ (accessed 15 September 2011). 28 CMB, 52 29 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Notebook’ (c. 1837–44), CSPP, MS 12836, Box 3611/1, MC-SLV.

216

marked the song with the date ‘Williamstown Nov. 9 1843’.30 Georgiana’s journals from the

period corroborated that Georgiana was visiting the Bunburys in Williamstown, where Captain

Bunbury was the harbourmaster, at the time when Georgiana’s tenure at her grand house at

‘Mayfield’ was under threat and she longed to return to Britain.

Another song mentioning Mrs Bunbury was ‘Said to be “Creole air” remembered by Mrs.

Bunbury when a child – in Italy —’ (see Figure 27):

I’m g’win wid’ heart elate

to see my dear Dinah

Da flow’r of the state

ob ole Car’lina.31

Figure 27: First three systems of ‘Said to be “Creole air” remembered by Mrs. Bunbury

when a child – in Italy —’, CMB, 109, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney.

Image: Rosemary Richards.

30 CMB, 54. 31 CMB, 109.

217

In her younger years Sally Bunbury had lived in different locations including Italy because of

her father’s employment.32 How she came to learn a ‘Creole’ song or whether she taught it to

Georgiana by ear or from a manuscript or printed copy is unclear.

A woman’s role

In CMB Georgiana’s identification with her past innocent girlhood is suggested from her

transcription of two versions of Linley and L. E. L.’s ‘Constance’ (c. 1850), a song about the

purity of youthful love (see Figure 28).33 The poem ‘Constance’ originally appeared in the first

of three volumes of L. E. L.’s 1837 novel, Ethel Churchill, to describe the feelings of a sickly

innocent girl. This romantic image helped sell the novel and the song, which was reprinted a

number of times.34

The two versions of ‘Constance’ in CMB are similar as they are both in the same key

of E♭ major, in common time and have two verses, the first starting ‘I do not ask to offer thee

/ A timid love like mine’. Georgiana showed her love of reading and scholarship when she

introduced the first CMB version by an excerpt from the novel which begins: ‘It was a beautiful

feeling that warmed the pale cheek of the youthful Constance…’. The piano introduction is

marked ‘Andante con Molto Espressione’; the sentimental opportunities are reflected in the

music with dynamic and tempo markings, a pause on the word ‘love’, occasional harmonic

interest and a brief but expressive piano coda. In contrast the second CMB version of

‘Constance’ dispenses with the instrumental introduction and coda as well as with indications

of dynamics and tempo and appears to have an accompaniment for either harp or guitar as the

instrumental part only uses the treble clef.

32 See Bunbury, Sconce. 33 CMB, 122–24, 157. 34 George Linley, ‘Constance’ ([c. 1857]), words by L. E. L. (Letitia Elizabeth Landon) (London: Chappell,

1878), http://trove.nla.gov.au/work/6013301; http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-175721248 (accessed 6 March 2017); L.

E. Landon, Ethel Churchill, Ch. 12, in Complete Works, 2: 27 (Boston: Phillips, Sampson & Co., 1856),

http://archive.org/details/completeworksofl00lell (accessed 20 February 2017).

218

Figure 28: ‘Constance’ by George Linley and L. E. L., CMB, 122, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd,

University of Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.

219

Writing the lyrics and/or the music for parlour songs was one of the few socially acceptable

forms of employment for middle to upper class women in the nineteenth-century.35 These songs

often reinforced expected social roles. Another song in CMB, ‘Hearts & Homes’, with the

lyrics written by Charlotte Young and music by the prolific composer and publisher John

Blockley (1800–82), demonstrated the cloying sentimentality of the message that kept many

women in the home.36 ‘Hearts & Homes’ and many other songs of its type were printed by

different publishers in United Kingdom, United States and Australia over some decades.37 A

copy of ‘Hearts and Homes’ contains an advertisement for ‘New Musical Publications’

including ‘Home, Sweet Home, as sung by Miss Catherine Hayes’, and ‘La Hayes Quadrilles,

(illustrated), arranged from the most popular Airs sung by Miss Catherine Hayes by F. Ellard’

which advertised the Irish soprano Catherine Hayes who toured Australia in the mid-1850s.38

The music for ‘Hearts & Homes’ in G major and 3/4 time signature has a fairly straightforward

melody and accompaniment that would be manageable by a home performer accompanying

her own singing. A few dynamic markings and pauses on words such as the rhymes ‘small’

and ‘all’ give emphasis to the meaning of the words for ‘Hearts & Homes’ which are redolent

with worthy sweetness, suggesting that love is holy, the home is a temple, and love will be

sufficient, no matter the size of the home:

Hearts and Homes sweet words of pleasure

Music breathing as ye fall

Making each the others treasures

Once divided losing all

Homes ye may be high or lowly

Hearts alone can make you holy

Be the dwelling e’er so small

Having love it boasteth all.

35 Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 60–80. 36 CMB, 107–8; see Blockley, John, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/viaf-92776414 (accessed 24

September 2012); Young, Charlotte, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n84-4839 (accessed 6 March

2017); Charlotte Young, World’s Complaint, and Other Poems (London: Published for the Author, by Grant and

Griffith, [1847]), vii–xii, https://books.google.com.au/books?id=3GY7AAAAYAAJ&redir_esc=y (accessed 6

March 2017). 37 See for example John Blockley (music), Grace Campbell (words), ‘Jessie’s Dream: A Story of the Relief of

Lucknow’ (various editions, c. 1851–88), http://trove.nla.gov.au/work/5984016 (accessed 6 March 2017);

George Linley (music), Charlotte Young (words), ‘Little Nell’ (London: Joseph Williams, [n.d.]),

http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/151720 (accessed 6 March 2017); Rosemary Richards, personal collection. 38 John Blockley (music), Charlotte Young (words), ‘Hearts and Homes’ (Sydney: Woolcott & Clarke, [1890?]),

SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/151621 (accessed 6 September 2016).

220

Hearts and homes sweet words revealing

All most good and fair to see

Fitting shrines for purest feeling

Temples meet to bend the knee

Infant hands bright garlands wreathing

Happy voices incense breathing

Emblems fair of realms above

“For love is Heav’n and Heav’n is love”.

An annotation, presumably by Georgiana, but possibly by another family member, showed this

message being questioned. In the version of ‘Hearts & Homes’ in CMB, someone underlined

‘Once divided losing all’.39 Four generations of women in Georgiana’s family had found it

difficult to rely on a man who was committed to loving his wife and family and providing them

with a safe and secure home: her grandmother, Jane Maxwell, the fourth Duchess of Gordon;

Georgiana’s mother, Jane Graham, the single mother and former mistress of the fifth Duke of

Gordon; Georgiana herself; and Georgiana’s daughter Frances (Fanny) who was separated

from her husband for some years.

Music education

CMB contains evidence of Georgiana’s role in the musical education of her children. She was

a very attentive mother to a large number of children and was keen to ensure that her boys born

in Britain and then the girls born in Australia would all have as much advantage from education

as she could afford. This included the provision of musical education by both Georgiana herself

and also by hired tutors such as Mr McLure, who lived with the family both in Melbourne and

Arthurs Seat. Once his charges, the four sons, were of an age to start in the workforce, Mr

McLure had to look for work elsewhere. Georgiana’s daughters were educated at home at

Arthurs Seat, presumably mainly by Georgiana herself, but once they returned to Melbourne

in 1851 they had more choice of small schools and a range of other teachers. Their access to

education, however, was limited by lack of money as Andrew McCrae’s business and

employment prospects waxed and waned and Georgiana did not have many avenues for

independent income. The four boys all went into the workforce while teenagers. None appears

to have had tertiary education and they did not follow careers in law, medicine and the army

39 CMB, 107.

221

like their father and his brothers. As the eldest son, George appears to have taken on some of

the responsibility for the family and combined his literary output with an administrative career

in the Victorian Public Service. The three surviving girls were all trained for marriage. One of

them, Fanny Moore, later drew on her musical education to provide income when she went

through marriage difficulties and had to provide for her own children.

The aims of colonial musical education in this era mirrored the values in Britain and

depended on class as well as gender. The McCrae children, with their parents’ social

aspirations, would not be expected to have professional musical careers, nor would they have

been affected by the growth of massed singing which initially aimed to provide musical

education for the lower classes. For genteel children, a knowledge of music encompassed

understanding of the Western European conception of the musical elements added to the

benefits of practical instrumental and vocal instruction to be enjoyed and displayed at home.

The development of a scientific understanding of the physiology of the body and its

relationship to improvements in performance technique, whether vocal or instrumental, did not

take very much prominence in domestic music tuition until later generations. The fact that the

McCrae boys could play the piano, like their parents’ friend Charles La Trobe, was an example

worth noting in the face of simplistic divisions of musical instruments by gender; in other

words, not all domestic pianists were female. On the other hand, it was usually men like John

McLure who played the flute.

It is unclear whether any of the McCrae children learnt the flute from McLure or whether

any of the McCrae family played another instrument mentioned in CMB, the guitar. The

inclusion of pieces for solo guitar or voice and guitar in CMB suggests, however, that this may

have been the case. The guitar pieces have German titles, ‘Das Sterbende Hold’, ‘An die

Guittare’, ‘Der Wandrer’, ‘Die Glocke’, ‘Die Sehnsucht’ and ‘Das Faterhaus’, so they may

have come from one source.40

Playing the guitar was known as a female accomplishment since the late eighteenth

century. For example, the Spanish guitar was one of the instruments taught to the fourteen-

year-old Anna Riviere, later Anna Bishop, when she began studying in the second intake at the

Royal Academy of Music in London in 1824.41 However, in Britain men such as Georgiana’s

father’s friend Lord Saltoun had played the guitar, probably because of his experiences in

Spain. Georgiana’s sons as well as daughters may have had the opportunity to play the guitar

40 CMB, 173, 174, 177, 181, 239, 242. 41 Davis, Anna Bishop, 4.

222

in Melbourne as it was easily available and was promoted in advertisements and poetry. In the

Geelong Advertiser in 1845 ‘Turkey Quill’ warned a lovelorn youth, ‘Don’t boast of your Jane,

your Julia, or Anna, / She may thrum the guitar, the harp, or piano’.42 A more lofty tone was

adopted by the poem ‘The Australian Guitar’ by ‘G. A. M. L.’ published in Melbourne’s Argus

in 1848 which compared ‘Austral’s muse’, ‘The Australian Guitar’, with representatives of the

old order represented by Albion’s poets, Scotia’s ‘ministrels’ on their lyres and Erin’s harps,

as a metaphor for the potential freedoms that the Australian colonies offered:

And freedom’s name shall fire the song,

We bear the trammelled chains no more!

And bards to the new choral strain

Shall wake the light guitar.43

When Georgiana’s youngest son Farquhar Peregrine was five, while they were living at

Mayfield on 16 October 1843, she wrote out the music for ‘Lesson 1’ composed by Steibelt.44

She would have known of the famous pianist and composer Daniel Steibelt (1765–1823) from

her own youthful days in London when learning to play the piano and sing. Steibelt’s

voluminous production of piano music, operas and songs were widely published and

performed.45 While many of his piano pieces showed off his own virtuosity, Steibelt also wrote

instructional repertoire for the growing domestic market.46 Steibelt’s ‘Lesson 1’ in CMB with

its easy key of C major and 2/4 time signature has reasonably simple parts in the treble and

bass for the right and left hands, but may be considered too complex for a modern piano

teacher’s choice of a first piece for a young beginner. The addition of words in CMB for

Steibelt’s ‘Lesson 1’, while not correlated well with the rhythm in some bars, shows a

personalisation of music lessons for the McCraes’ youngest son. One of Georgiana’s journal

entries at Mayfield in 1843 states the poem was written by the tutor John McLure, which

suggests that McLure, in addition to his provision of academic education, participated in

various strands of music education such as technical skills in piano and singing as well as

42 ‘Turkey Quill’, ‘Original Poetry: A Few Lines of Advice Addressed to a Lovesick Youth’, in Geelong

Advertiser and Squatters' Advocate, 24 July 1845, 5. 43 ‘G. A. M. L.’, ‘The Australian Guitar’, Melbourne Argus, 27 June 1848, 4. 44 CMB, 31. 45 Frank Dawes, Karen A. Hagberg, Stephan D. Lindeman, ‘Steibelt, Daniel (Gottlieb)’, Grove Music

Online, OMO, OUP,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/26624?q=Steibelt&search=quick&pos=1&_s

tart=1#firsthit (accessed 18 September 2012). 46 See for example Daniel Steibelt, Three Progressive Lessons for the Piano Forte (London and Edinburgh:

Corri, Dussek & Co, [1800]), g.132.(13), BL.

223

rhythmic accuracy and musical ensemble work. The two manuscript versions in CMB and the

journal entry have more or less the same words:

Song – for the air of “Lesson first” –

of Steibelts Instructor –

Some like plum cakes

Some like tarts

And some [do]/have set on

Lolly pops their hearts

While some to get jam

[try]/Use many arts –

Most boys for ripe fruit are keen

But here’s the strangest thing ever seen

There’s one little boy eats fruit that is green!

Farquhar then 5 yrs old – 47

By 1850 at the time of the separation of Victoria from New South Wales, Georgiana had

produced three of her Australian daughters and was pregnant with her fourth. She took a break

from her home at Arthur’s Seat in the bush to stay with the La Trobes at ‘Jolimont’, their

modest house in Melbourne, which Georgiana recorded in CMB with an annotation of

‘Jolimont. Novr 1850’ to the German lullaby, ‘Das Gewitter’ (‘The Thunderstorm’), with the

first line ‘Schlaf süss mein liebes Hertzens Kind’ (‘Sleep sweetly, my beloved heart’s child’).48

Georgiana may have sung it to the young McCrae and La Trobe children. The simple strophic

song would also be accessible to children to learn as it is marked ‘Andantino’, in F major in

three quavers per bar, although notated without a time signature. ‘Das Gewitter’ is the first of

a sequence of six German songs which may be examples of children’s music owned by the La

Trobes.49 The foreign language would not have been a barrier for the La Trobes or for their

friend Georgiana. Sophie La Trobe’s native language was French and Charles La Trobe’s was

47 CMB, 31; GM-journal, ‘Charades – adapted to the capacity of young persons – Mayfield 1843 – JMcL –’; in

Weber-PPP, 2: 352–53; see also ‘Song — air Lesson 1st of Steibelt’s “Instructor”’, in what appears to be the

hand of Georgiana McCrae, in ‘Home-made M.S. by John McLure & & &c For our own amusement’, MC554,

McCrae Collection, NTA (Vic). 48 CMB, 102. 49 CMB, 102–5.

224

English, but owning songs in German would have been reasonably common for people from

Switzerland or Britain in that era.

Rounds for two, three or four voices with secular lyrics in CMB may also have been used

in music education.50 ‘Glee singing’ or singing of part songs had been a popular activity for

some decades. Georgiana mixed education with nostalgia when she harked back to her own

childhood in other pieces in CMB. For example, she made two attempts at copying out each of

the songs ‘Muss i denn’ and ‘Fuhret hin’ [sic] and added an annotation about her French refugee

tutor to the first example of ‘Fuhret hin’: ‘This song was taught me by Louis Mauleon 1813’.51

Another important form of education in Georgiana’s youth had been to learn to dance and

to play dance music on the piano, which was represented by a substantial section of MHMB.

Some dance music is transcribed on similar paper to the CMB’s ‘49th Hymn’ which is dated

1855.52 Dance music on the whole is however much less prominent in CMB than in

Georgiana’s other music collections, although CMB contains examples of polkas and waltzes

with named composers including Charles John and Strauss (Johann Strauss II, 1825–99) plus

a page with four brief pieces notated in treble clef including three Scots tunes and a mazurka.53

It is a matter of conjecture how much the McCrae children were taught to dance or whether

dancing was a regular feature in their domestic entertainment. The house at Arthur’s Seat was

not particularly spacious and neighbours were few; back in Melbourne, Agnes’s death and

Andrew’s absences on the goldfields may have reduced the family’s impetus for conviviality.

Scottish dance music styles of strathspeys and reels that Georgiana had so much identified with

her Gordon relatives were also becoming superseded in some circles with newer more

fashionable forms of dance music.

Keeping up with operatic fashions

Georgiana had an abiding interest in opera and music theatre and operatic items are included

among her shared manuscript transcriptions of favourite pieces of music. For example more

than one person participated in the transcription found in CMB of ‘The Light of other days—

Sung by Mr. Phillips in the Maid of Artois The words by Mr. Alfred Bunn The Music by M.

W. Balfe’ (see Figure 24 above).54 An annotation in Georgiana’s handwriting gives the place

50 CMB, 63, 154, 205, 206, 211. 51 ‘Muss i denn’, CMB, 100, 132; ‘Fuhret hin’, CMB, 180 (annotated), 242. 52 CMB 121(B) (Figure 32); 213–15. 53 CMB 48–50, 120(A), 171, 175, 213–15, 217, 231, 234, 237. 54 CMB, 8–9.

225

and date of transcription, ‘Priory Pl’ on 28 March 1840, while the handwriting in the music

and lyrics of the Balfe transcription was by another unidentified scribe. The music manuscript

paper for this piece has fourteen printed staves, whereas most of CMB was written on paper

with twelve staves per page in various sizes of rastra markings (see Figure 23 above).

‘The Light of Other Days’ was originally written for the male character of the ‘Marquis’.

The vocal part in the CMB transcription is written in treble clef and has a comfortable compass

of a ninth and a legato melody repeated over two verses marked ‘Andante Cantabile con grand

espressione’. The words share a sentiment harking back to the past with the opening song in

CMB, ‘Bygone Days’ by Miss Power and F. W. Meymott.55 A printed version of ‘The Light

of Other Days’ with extra vocal ornamentation added in pencil is included in Sydney’s

‘Dowling Songbook’.56 The Maid of Artois was one of Balfe and Bunn’s earlier operas,

premiered in 1836 at London’s Drury Lane Theatre. The libretto was based on A.-F. Prévost:

L’histoire du Chevalier des Grieux et de Manon Lescaut. The principal baritone in The Maid

of Artois Mr Phillips had in 1835 also created the part of Michel in Balfe’s The Siege of

Rochelle, appearing alongside stars such as soprano Jane Shirreff and tenor John Wilson.57

Balfe’s music also was popularised in non-theatrical settings, illustrated by the performance of

a ‘Cavatina’ from The Maid of Artois by the Band of the 40th Regiment at the St. George’s Day

Dinner at Melbourne’s Protestant Hall on Saturday 23 April 1853.58

Michael Balfe (1808–70) and poet, librettist and stage manager Alfred Bunn (1797–1860)

were the creators of another operatic piece in CMB, ‘They Say There is Some Distant Land’

from The Bondman (1846) which also premiered at Drury Lane, London.59 Balfe and Bunn

were most well-known for the opera The Bohemian Girl (1843), which was popular for many

years in the Australian colonies after its first performance in Sydney in 1846.60 On 18 May

1864, Melbourne’s Argus reviewed a performance of The Bohemian Girl by the Lyster

company and mentioned the popularity of ‘The Light of Other Days’:

55 CMB 1–2. 56 M. W. Balfe, ‘The Light of Other Days, Ballad: Sung by / Mr H Phillips / In the Grand Opera / The Maid of

Artois, / Performed at the / Theatre Royal Drury Lane. / The Words by / Alfred Bunn Esqre. / The Music by / M.

W. Balfe’ (London: Cramer, Addison & Beale, [1836]), in ‘Dowling Songbook’, SLM,

https://archive.org/details/LightofOther40718 (accessed 29 March 2017). 57 Basil Walsh, Michael W. Balfe (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2008); Basil Walsh, Michael William Balfe, http://www.britishandirishworld.com/ (accessed 5 February 2012); Nigel Burton and Ian D. Halligan, ‘Balfe,

Michael William’ [(1808–70)], Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP, www.oxfordmusiconline (accessed 6

February 2017). 58 ‘St. George’s Day Dinner’, Argus (Melbourne), 25 April 1853, 9. 59 CMB, 36–39. 60 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 55–56.

226

Of the English composers, no one has attained greater popularity than Mr. M. W.

Balfe…. The secret lies undoubtedly in the easy and pleasing style of ballad music

which is the distinguishing feature of nearly all of his operas.... Amongst his works

are the celebrated Maid of Artois (with its charming ballad, ‘The light of other days,’

from the sale of which air alone the publishers netted three times more than they

gave for the whole opera).... Undoubtedly of these operas the most generally known

is the ever fresh and sparkling Bohemian Girl, with the music of which everyone of

our readers must be acquainted.61

The words of another song, ‘O Smile as Thou Wert Wont’, from Balfe and Bunn’s The

Daughter of St Mark (1844) appear in CMB separately after a piano piece titled ‘Jenny Lind’

discussed below. These words are also included in a song with music which was glued in

towards the end of CMB. Here Georgiana attributed the piece both to Maurice C. Dowling and

to Balfe; the melody and musical setting are different to those attributed to Balfe in an

American publication.62 A further CMB reference to Dowling is as the author of a poem which

begins ‘I’ll speak of thee, I’ll love thee too’, annotated as ‘Addressed to the Countess of Essex

(Catherine Stephens)’, in other words to one of Georgiana’s favourite sopranos who married

an aristocrat. This poem is written on top of a drafted piece which when the page is turned

upside down is found to be ‘Contentment’, with words starting ‘Why should I blush’, attributed

to Carlyle and Geminiani.63

Georgiana complemented clippings dated c. 1848 about the Swedish soprano Jenny Lind

found in LTLMB with three pieces in CMB that use Lind’s name in the titles. Two songs,

‘Jenny Lind’s Song of Fatherland’ with the first line ‘Farewell, I go to the far off land’ and

‘Jenny Lind’s Last Night in England’ with words starting ‘Take this gift tho’ poor the token’

were published during the height of Lind’s career.64 The origins of CMB’s brief lively piano

piece of twenty bars in G minor and 2/4 time signature with added dynamics titled ‘Jenny Lind’

has proved harder to trace (see Figure 29).65 The notated music suggests a dance like a polka

but lacks common polka rhythmic patterns.

61 ‘The Opera: The Bohemian Girl’, Argus (Melbourne), 18 May 1864, 5. 62 CMB, 217 and glued to 242; see M. W. Balfe, ‘We May Be Happy Yet’ (Philadelphia: F. Perring, [n.d.]),

JHU, http://levysheetmusic.mse.jhu.edu/catalog/levy:176.120 (accessed 13 March 2017). 63 CMB, 212. 64 CMB, 162–63, 168–69; see Felix Cantier, ‘Jenny Lind’s Songs: Farewell My Fatherland’ (Philadelphia: A.

Fiot, [n.d.]), JHU, http://levysheetmusic.mse.jhu.edu/catalog/levy:187.040 (accessed 13 March 2017); Chas.

Jefferys (words), [music arranged from German ‘Abschiedlied’], Jenny Linds Last Night in England (1847)

(Sydney: Woolcott & Clarke, [1851?]), http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-181691636 (accessed 13 March 2017). 65 CMB, 217.

227

Figure 29: ‘Jenny Lind’, piano solo, CMB, 217, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of

Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.

Unlike the relatively simple pieces attributed to Lind in CMB, Lind’s repertoire also

included Italian operatic material which reflected the increasingly athletic virtuosity and

stamina required of the operatic stars of the day.66 Whether Georgiana could sustain such

lengthy florid vocal displays herself is unclear. Her journals and reminiscences, as well as those

of her children and acquaintances, mention her performances mainly of Scottish songs where

she could accompany herself and sing with intense expression. It is likely that operatic material

represented a pinnacle of achievement to which she strived; the act of copying may have

brought her closer to an understanding of the latest styles in the professional musical realm.

The extent to which her collections represented fashionable styles cannot be underestimated;

her music collections represented what was performed in opera houses, concert halls and

drawing rooms in many parts of the world. Even though Georgiana was ten thousand miles

away from the musical centre of London, she could still participate in its valued activities.

66 See Ellen Creathorne Clayton, Queens of Song (1863; New York: Harper & Brothers, 1865), 461–82.

228

The influx of people and subsequent boom in the colonial economy due to the gold rushes

in New South Wales and Victoria from 1851 brought benefits to lovers of Italian and English

opera like Georgiana. Increased frequency and quality of operatic performances, with visits to

Melbourne by stars such as Catherine Hayes and Anna Bishop, would have reinforced

Georgiana’s interest and given her access to operatic arias and duets as well other musical items

which would have been circulating among her friends and acquaintances. The dating of

Georgiana’s transcription of particular pieces can be aided by research into the output of their

composers. For example, two pieces in CMB are written on separate folios which derive from

Matilda of Hungary with words by Alfred Bunn and music by W. V. Wallace.67 William

Vincent Wallace (1812–65), Irish composer and musician, lived in Hobart and Sydney from

1835 to 1838. His adventurous life-story was embellished by many myths of derring-do.68

While Wallace’s entrepreneurial activities in Sydney brought him attention they were

financially unsuccessful and he left both Sydney and his wife behind. After touring the

Americas, Wallace found success in London as an opera composer. His most successful operas

included Maritana (London, 1845) and Matilda of Hungary (London, 1847).

Georgiana wrote out ‘In the Devotion which we Breathe’ from Matilda and acknowledged

Alfred Bunn for the words and Wallace as the composer.69 The song features the heroine

Matilda who sings ‘con molto espres’. The words are an example of the type of doggerel lines

for which Bunn was infamous:

In that devotion which we breathe

And struggle to disguise

Tho’ bright the surface, underneath

A deeper passion lies.

Georgiana marked the next piece in CMB, ‘A Lowly Youth from the Opera of Matilda In

Imitation of a Swiss Air’ by Wallace with the incomplete date of ‘Nov: XXV’.70 This must

have been copied after the opera’s London première in 1847 and probably after the Sydney

première of Matilda of Hungary on 7 March 1850 which featured Mrs Guerin, a star in her own

right as well as mother of Australian singer Nellie Stewart.71 The yodelling effect in the vocal

67 CMB, 40–47. 68 Andrew Lamb, William Vincent Wallace (West Byfleet, UK: Fullers Wood Press, 2012); ‘Wallace, William Vincent’, http://imslp.org/wiki/Category:Wallace,_William_Vincent (accessed 21 September 2012). 69 CMB, 40–43. 70 CMB, 46. 71 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 61–62, 248; W. (William) Vincent Wallace (music) and Alfred Bunn (words),

‘In That Devotion, Ballad, Sung by Mrs. Guerin, In the Opera Matilda, Performed at the Victoria Theatre,

Sydney’ (Sydney: Grocott, [185-?]), http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-168408815/view (accessed 24 August 2016);

229

part evokes a Swiss colour, but the relationship of the song to the Hungary of the opera’s title

is not so apparent.72 Georgiana may have attended Catherine Hayes’ concert performance of a

scena from Matilda of Hungary in September 1855 at Melbourne’s Theatre Royal, which was

acclaimed by the reviewer from The Argus:

[Hayes] was in splendid voice, and the fine quality and sostinato adaptability of her

organ were admirably displayed in the scena from Wallace’s meritorious, but

neglected, opera Matilda of Hungary.73

Georgiana also copied operatic music composed earlier such as ‘Teach me to Forget!’ / ‘O

Light Binds my Heart—as sung by Miss McTree in Clari the Maid of Milan’ (1823), composed

by Anna Bishop’s former husband Sir Henry Rowley Bishop.74 Versions of Clari the Maid of

Milan were performed in Hobart and Sydney in 1834, followed by other performances around

the Australian colonies including in Melbourne at the Queen’s Theatre Royal in August 1847

and at Coppin’s Olympic Theatre in August 1855.75

The most favoured Italian operatic composer in CMB is Rossini, whose music from his

operas Semiramide and Zelmira in MHMB were probably copied from The Harmonicon, when

they were popular current productions on the London stage. Rossini’s works were frequently

performed in the 1840s and 1850s and seven songs, arias and duets are attributed to Rossini in

CMB.76 These include arias and a duet that feature Ninetta and Gianetto from La Gazza Ladra

(The Thieving Magpie, 1817).77 The MHMB transcription of ‘Al mio pregar’ from Rossini’s

Semiramide is complemented in CMB by a lengthy coloratura duet ‘Giorno d’orrore’ (‘Day of

Horror’) for Semiramide (soprano) and her son Arsace (sung by a female contralto), which

includes extended sections of coordinated melismatic treatment of emotive words such as ‘in

cor sensibile trova pieta’ (‘in a sensitive heart find pity’).78 If Georgiana and a duet partner had

the capacity to perform ‘Giorno d’orrore’, then their vocal prowess would need to have been

Graeme Skinner, ‘Guerin, Theodosia’, Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-

G.php (accessed 19 February 2017). 72 William Wallace, ‘A Lowly Youth, The Mountain Child’ from Matilda or the Maid of Hungary (New York:

Firth & Hall; London: Cramer, Beale & Co [1847]),

http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/h?ammem/mussm:@field(NUMBER+@band(sm1847+420990)) (accessed

27 September 2012). 73 ‘Theatre Royal — Miss Catherine Hayes’, Argus (Melbourne), Friday 28 September 1855, 5. 74 CMB, 19–20, 139–40. 75 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 18–21; ‘Queen’s Theatre Royal’, Argus (Melbourne), Friday 6 August 1847, 2; ‘Coppin’s Olympic Theatre’, Argus (Melbourne), Thursday 16 August 1855, 4. 76 CMB, 61–62, 64–68, 114(B)–19(B), 182–83, 185–89, 190–95, 226. 77 CMB, 182–83, 185–89, 190–95; see Gioacchino Rossini, La gazza ladra (Turin: O. Derossi, 1819),

https://openlibrary.org/books/OL25598384M/La_gazza_ladra (accessed 5 April 2017). 78 CMB, 114(B)–19(B); see Gioacchino Rossini, Semiramide,

http://imslp.org/wiki/Semiramide_(Rossini,_Gioacchino) (accessed 5 April 2017).

230

reasonably advanced. It would be valuable to find corroborating contemporary evidence that

attests to Georgiana’s domestic performance of this type of repertoire. Another piece, ‘Duett:

(Perche mi lasci)’ with the first line ‘Oer the far woodland gently resounding’, is attributed to

Rossini in CMB whereas one of two extant printed versions is said to have been by William

Ball (1784–1869).79 The CMB version gives a clue about the origins of a duet also named

‘Perche mi lasci’ in GCMB which while it does not name a composer has similar music but

different key signatures, time signatures and languages. The CMB version is in G major and

3/4 time signature and the GCMB version is in E major, 3/8 and words in Italian.80

Donizetti’s ‘Deh! non voler costringere’ (‘Ah! Do not desire to constrain’) is derived from

Act 1, Scene 3 of Donizetti’s opera Anna Bolena, which premièred in 1830 in Milan and in

1831 in London. Georgiana’s version of the strophic song in two verses in CMB gives the vocal

line in the treble clef, unlike the soprano clef used in an 1831 Ricordi vocal score.81 The opera

centres on the last months of Anne Boleyn’s life at the court of English King Enrico/Henry

VIII. ‘Deh! non voler costringere’ was written for the contralto pants role of the queen’s page

and musician Smeton/Mark Smeaton, who sings at the queen’s command to cheer her but

distresses her in front of the court by his suggestions of a first love. Accompanied by harp and

orchestra, Smeton’s jaunty melody in ‘Deh! non voler costringere’ is in E♭ major, common

time, with a vocal range one and a half octaves from A♭ below middle C to E♭. It shows

glimpses of coloratura and ornamentation which are utilised much more extensively elsewhere

in the opera. Except for the lower notes from A♭ to middle C, Smeton’s song would be

reasonably simple for most female singers, especially in comparison to music written for the

other major female roles in the opera.

Donizetti’s Anna Bolena was well-known in Australia in the nineteenth century. For

example excerpts were advertised to be performed at Mr Marsh’s first subscription concerts on

Thursday 2 June 1842 at his house in Bligh Street, Sydney.82 During her first tour of the

Australian colonies in 1855–57 soprano Anna Bishop performed excerpts from Anna Bolena,

including the title role’s celebrated ‘Mad Scene’ from the end of the opera which Bishop

presented in Melbourne on 15 May 1856 at Coppin’s Olympic Theatre in an extensive concert

79 CMB, 226; ‘O’er the Far Woodland: Duettino’ (London, [1845?]), Music Collections H.2834.(40.), BL; William Ball, ‘O’er the Far Woodland: Italian Air’ (Philadelphia: J.E. Gould, [between 1853 and 1856]), VO

1850 .B3542 1, University of Michigan. 80 GCMB, piece 17, [p. 32]; see Chapter 4. 81 CMB 158–59; Gaetano Donizetti, ‘Deh! non voler costringere’, in Anna Bolena (1830) (Milan: Ricordi, [n.d.,

c. 1831]), 18–20, http://imslp.org/wiki/Anna_Bolena_(Donizetti,_Gaetano) (accessed 6 November 2016). 82 ‘Subscription Chamber Concerts’, New South Wales Examiner (Sydney), 18 May 1842, 1.

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featuring historical costume.83 Performances of a full-length version of Donizetti’s Anna

Bolena were given by Italian singers in Sydney in 1875, with the role of Smeton/Smeaton

played by Signora Almacinzia Magi.84

The Italian repertoire in CMB also includes a bass aria, Rudolfo’s ‘Vi ravviso, o luoghi

ameni’ from La Sonnambula (1831) by Vincenzo Bellini (1801–35) (see Figure 30).85 ‘Vi

ravviso’ is amongst the repertoire on two extra folios on smaller paper glued into CMB,

presumably after it was bound in 1856.86 Georgiana may have transcribed ‘Vi ravviso’ around

the time when she painted a scene from the opera (see Figure 20 above). As suggested

previously, this may have been inspired by staged performances of the opera in Melbourne by

Catherine Hayes and Anna Bishop in 1855–56. The words of ‘Vi ravviso’ concern

reminiscences for the past, a topic found in other CMB songs such as Meymott and Power’s

‘Bygone Days’ (Figure 26) and Balfe and Bunn’s ‘The Light of Other Days’ (Figure 24).87

Further similarities between ‘Vi ravviso’ (1831) and ‘The Light of Other Days’ (1836)

include the key signature of A♭ major and the expression marking of ‘Andante cantabile’.

These suggest not only that Balfe may have modelled ‘The Light of Other Days’ on Bellini’s

prior composition, but also that, despite their both having originally been written for the male

voice, Georgiana’s recognition of the musical and emotional links between the two pieces may

have led to her wanting to transcribe and to sing them.

‘Vi ravviso’ was written for the bass part of Count Rodolfo, who is returning to claim his

inheritance. The CMB copy of ‘Vi ravviso’, where the vocal part is written in bass clef, states

that the aria is for the character ‘Rudolph’ with titles of the opera in German and Italian, ‘Die

Nachtwandlerin / La Somnambula [sic]’. It perhaps could have been transcribed from a

German/Italian vocal score to benefit one of the men in the McCrae household. However,

Georgiana may have sung it herself as, in addition to boyish roles like Smeaton which were

intended to be sung by women, it was common for female opera and concert stars in Australia

including Marie Carandini and Sara Flower to perform roles originally written for men.88 A

printed arrangement of the aria with the vocal part an octave higher in treble clef is to be found

83 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 81; ‘Amusements: Coppin’s Olympic Theatre’, in ‘Advertising’, Age (Melbourne), 15 May 1856, 1. 84 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 201–2, 253; ‘The Opera’, Evening News (Sydney), 5 June 1875, 5. 85 CMB, 118(A)–20(A). 86 CMB, 1114(A)–21(A). 87 CMB 1–2, 8–9. 88 See Beedell, ‘Terminal Silence’, 510.

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in Isabel Throsby’s nineteenth-century Australian printed music collection, providing further

evidence that women sang ‘Vi ravviso’, at least in domestic settings.89

Figure 30: ‘Vi ravviso’ for ‘Rudolph’, from ‘Die Nachtwandlerin / La Somnambula

[sic]’ by Bellini, CMB, 118(A), RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney. Image:

Rosemary Richards.

89 Vincenzio Bellini, ‘Vi ravviso o luoghi ameni: Scena e Cavatina nell’opera La Sonnambula / del Maestro

Bellini’ (London: Boosey & Sons, [c. 1853–57], in ‘Throsby Songbook’, Record no. 41793, Throsby/MUS,

SLM, https://archive.org/details/LaSonna41822 (accessed 29 March 2017).

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Georgiana also transcribed the duet ‘Deh prendi’ from Mozart’s La Clemenza di Tito for

Servilia and Annio, which were two soprano roles sung by women despite the character of

Annio representing a man.90 The French repertoire included a song, ‘A la fleur du bel âge’ by

Ferdinand Hérold from his opera, Le pré aux Clercs which premièred in 1832. Georgiana’s

annotation, ‘Cet opera etait fait à la mode in 1820’ [sic] and problems in musical notation reveal

that sometimes her memory and transcriptions were not completely accurate.

On the last flyleaf of CMB, Georgiana listed operas and their composers, led by Rossini,

followed by Auber, Meyerbeer, Bellini, Donizetti, Dr Arne, Verdi and Sir Julius Benedict (see

Figure 31).91

Figure 31: List on last flyleaf, CMB, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney. Image:

Rosemary Richards.

90 CMB, 207–10. 91 CMB, last flyleaf.

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In this list Georgiana incorrectly attributed Balfe’s Rose of Castile (1857) to Verdi; this

opera along with Verdi’s Il Trovatore and Traviata, both written in 1853, do not appear in

CMB and are indications that Georgiana wrote this list at a later date from memory. The note

about Benedict reads ‘The Eve of St. Mark – by Sir Julius Benedict. In this occurs “By the sad-

sea waves.”’92 Here Georgiana referred to a song frequently sung publicly by Jenny Lind, who

was accompanied in United States of America by Benedict; the song was also popularised in

Australia by Sara Flower.93 Earlier in CMB Georgiana had correctly annotated the song as

being derived from The Bride of Venice: ‘Sung by Mr Alfred Shaw In the Opera of The Bride

of Venice Arranged by W. H. Collest Composed by J. Benedict’.94 In the last item Georgiana

mentioned parlour or concert music by the only females in the list at the end of CMB: ‘The

song of “the Captive Knight_” was composed by Mrs Hughes—Mrs Hemans sister_ who also

set several other of the poetess’s works to music’.95

Overall the operatic content in CMB shows a range of musical styles and languages,

including pieces in English by Balfe, Bishop and Wallace, in French by Hérold and in Italian

by Donizetti and Rossini. The vocal demands and requirements for expressive singing in the

CMB operatic repertoire extend from and complement pieces found in Georgiana’s other

manuscript music collections, for example items from Rossini’s Zelmira and Semiramide found

in MHMB and copied from The Harmonicon. However, whether Georgiana sang all this

repertoire in CMB or not is unclear. Her transcriptions may also have been aimed to bolster her

sense of exile and yearning for her previous life. These pieces enabled Georgiana to

memorialise events and people such as the tours of the operatic stars Catherine Hayes and Anna

Bishop, which in themselves represented an increased availability in Melbourne of fashionable

culture imported from Britain that reflected Georgiana’s musical and personal identity.

Religious beliefs

Georgiana’s conformity with contemporary religious teachings about marriage are not directly

represented in her manuscript music collections, but further glimpses of her religious views

92 CMB, last flyleaf. 93 See for example Julius Benedict, ‘A Collection of the Most Admired Songs of Jenny Lind: By the Sad Sea

Waves, Ballad in The Bride of Venice’ (Boston: Oliver Ditson, 1850), JHU, http://levysheetmusic.mse.jhu.edu/catalog/levy:187.014 (accessed 13 March 2017); Beedell, ‘Terminal Silence’,

314, 336–37, 511–13. 94 CMB, 152–53. 95 See Mary Mark Ockerbloom, ed., ‘Felicia Dorothea Browne Hemans (1793–1835)’, in A Celebration of

Women Writers, http://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/hemans/biography.html (accessed 12 January 2017); see

also Georgiana’s other references to Mrs Hemans: LTLMB, [85a]; CMB, 104.

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may be found in two hymns in CMB, ‘Yon Bright World’ and ‘Through the Day Thy Love has

Spared us’ ‘Composed by the Bishop / Latrobe’ (see Figure 32).96

Figure 32: ‘Yon bright world’ and ‘49th Hymn, composed by the Bishop / Latrobe’, with

annotation ‘Richmond 24th Decr 1855’; CMB, 121(B), RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University

of Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.

96 CMB, 121(B).

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The words for ‘Yon Bright World’ are full of evangelical fervour, which may give an insight

into Georgiana’s experiences at services of the Church of England or the Presbyterian kirk:

Success will ye go with me

To yon bright world.

Glory Hallelujah

Praise Him Hallelujah

Praise ye the Lord.

The sources for both hymns in CMB are not given, nor is it clear why she numbered the

second hymn in CMB, ‘Through the Day’, as the ‘49th Hymn’. The words for ‘Through the

Day’ were written by the Irish dissenting evangelist and prolific hymn-writer Thomas Kelly,

who published them in 1806 and again in 1853.97 The music in CMB may have been included

as an act of memorialisation to Georgiana’s friend Charles La Trobe, as it was originally

published in 1790 in a hymnal for the use of organists in the Moravian Church by Charles La

Trobe’s father Christian Ignatius La Trobe.98

Georgiana’s annotation on the ‘49th Hymn’ on 24 December 1855 placed her in Richmond,

a less upmarket inner Melbourne suburb than some of her other rental residences. The first

verse of the ‘49th Hymn’ starts:

Through the day thy love has spared us,

Now we lay us down to rest.

The second verse, in which the notion of exile was highlighted by the layout of the staves in

the transcription, ends with a plea for safety:

Pilgrims here on Earth and Strangers

Dwelling in the midst of foes

Us and ours preserve from dangers,

In Thine Arms may we repose.

Georgiana may have included the hymn in CMB as a mark of her exile; or perhaps its

performance at a church service reminded her of her absent friends. She had entered her fifth

97 ‘Kelly, T’, http://www.hymnary.org/person/Kelly_T; ‘Thomas Kelly 1769–1855’,

http://www.cyberhymnal.org/bio/k/e/l/kelly_t.htm; ‘Through the Day Thy Love Has Spared Us’,

http://www.hymnary.org/text/through_the_day_thy_love_has_spared_us (all accessed 11 January 2017);

‘Evening’, Hymn 16, ‘Through the day thy love has spared us’ [by Thomas Kelly], in Hymns, Ancient and Modern, for Use in the Services of the Church (1861; New York, Pott and Amery, 1869), 15. 98 ‘T. 585.b. Lo! He cometh —’, in Hymn-Tunes: Sung in the Church of the United Brethren, Collected by Chrn.

Igns. La Trobe, London, [1790?], 73. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale CW3306516484 (accessed 4

September 2012); see Nicholas Temperley et al., The Hymn Tune Index (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 4: 47;

Charles Edgar Stevens, ‘The Musical Works of Christian Ignatius Latrobe’ (PhD thesis, University of North

Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1971).

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decade; her husband was often absent on the goldfields and her surviving children were

growing up. She had no permanent home of her own and could not afford to return to Britain.

Georgiana may have felt the need for religious comfort to help her to meet the dangers she

perceived in the life before her.

Nostalgia for ‘home’

Much of the other music in CMB also reflected Georgiana’s longing and nostalgia for ‘home’

in Britain. This was despite her previous insecurity when her home had changed so many times.

While Georgiana was born and brought up in various suburbs of London, her ‘home’ then

shifted to Gordon Castle; she was a guest of Gordon relatives at Gordon Hall and at Huntly.

After her marriage she moved mainly between London and Edinburgh depending on her

husband’s business, before following him to Melbourne, where the pattern of dislocation

continued. When forced only a few years later to leave her beloved new house of ‘Mayfield’

and move to the bush property at ‘Arthur’s Seat’, Georgiana did not have as much opportunity

as previously to swap music with friends. One exception occurred in late December 1846 when

Georgiana enjoyed her visit to Alexander Balcombe who with his wife Emma had taken over

from her parents the Reids as the new owners of Tichingorook near Arthur’s Seat on the

Mornington Peninsula.99 Here Georgiana copied out the Scots love song, ‘Annie Laurie’, which

appears to have been rewritten in the mid-1830s by the Scottish poet, Lady Alicia (John

Douglas) Scott (Alicia Anne Spottiswoode, 1810–90):

Maxwellton braes are bonnie,

Where early fa’s the dew,

‘Twas there that Annie Laurie

Gi’ed me her promise true.100

Georgiana’s manuscript music collections overall show much more identification with her

upper-class Scottish Gordon relatives than with her mother’s or husband’s families. However,

mentions of the Gordons are fewer in CMB than in her earlier collections. One exception is

‘The Battle of Corrichie’, which starts ‘Mourn ye highlands, and mourn ye lowlands’.101 This

99 CMB, 27, ‘Annie Laurie’, annotation, ‘Tickingorourk, Dec: 30. 1846’; see Anne Whitehead, Betsy and the

Emperor (Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2015), 403–4; see Chapter 5 above. 100 Angus Calder, ‘Scott, Alicia Anne (1810–1900)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004; online edn, May 2006,

http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/61567 (accessed 10 January 2017). 101 CMB, 137; see Battle of Corrichie, http://www.durris.net/html/battle_of_corrichie.html (accessed 6 February

2017).

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song is on manuscript paper with rastra markings of 3 sets of four staves, which are linked with

dates of transcription from 1855, fourteen years after her arrival in Melbourne. The song is

notated with the words under the melody in the treble clef, but the bass staves are blank. The

words refer to a famous Scottish clan battle in 1562 between the Gordon clan and supporters

of Mary Queen of Scots under the leadership of the Queen’s half-brother the Earl of Moray,

which resulted in the deaths of many Gordons. Georgiana wrote an additional annotation

suggesting the tune: ‘Dowie dens o’ Yarrow? – tune “The Erle of Moray”’ and acknowledged

the author of the words as John Forbes.

The continued popularity of Scottish and other ‘national’ music was promoted in the mid-

nineteenth century in performances in Australia by professional performers such as Catherine

Hayes who toured in the mid-1850s and who like other singers of the period mixed songs and

ballads with operatic material in her concerts, as did instrumental soloists such as the violinist

Miska Hauser.102 Many Gaelic-speaking Scottish Highlanders including John McLure came to

the Melbourne area and elsewhere in the Australian colonies where they formed close-knit

communities which provided each other with significant levels of support. Religious services

for the Free Church of Scotland and celebratory activities were often held in Gaelic and music

played a large part.103 During her time at Gordon Castle Georgiana had been in contact with

Gaelic speakers. The use of Gaelic words once in the colonies would have had a number of

resonances for Georgiana beyond her love and talent for languages. In Melbourne she

sometimes attended the ‘Scots Kirk’ with McLure and other family members and friends, even

though she nominally belonged to the Church of England. For example in her journal of 20

March 1842 she wrote that ‘Lizzie, George, Willie, Capt Reid Mr McLure & I walked to the

Scots Kirk for morning service Flora and James Maclachlan returned with us’.104

Gaelic titles in CMB were notated as instrumental airs, presumably to be played by a

single-line treble instrument such as violin or flute, but some of these also have had sung

versions which could be found in contemporary publications. Some of the Scottish material in

CMB indicated specific published sources. For ‘Sud air m’aigne fo ghruaim, This casts a gloom

upon my soul’, Georgiana gave the source as ‘Vide Tunes of the Highlands & Western Isles &-

by Patrick Mc.Donald, Minister of Kilmore – Argyleshire’, which refers to Gaelic tunes first

102 Walsh, Catherine Hayes; Hauser, Miska Hauser’s Letters from Australia. 103 Ruth Lee Martin, ‘Leaving Makes Me Sorrowful: Songs of Early Scots-Gaelic Migrants in Australia’, in

Antipodean Traditions: Australian Folklore in the 21st Century, ed. Graham Seal and Jennifer Gall (Perth W.

A.: Black Swan Press, Curtin University, 2011), 128–39. 104 GM-journal, 20 March 1842; in Weber-PPP, 2:194–95.

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published in 1784.105 This single line melody is different to the tune of a similar name on a

website for tunes for fiddlers in the Irish and Scottish repertoire.106

Another Gaelic title in CMB was ‘Oran an aoig,— Skye Air. The song of Death! Very

slow’: ‘For the words, see Smiths Gaelic Antiquities’.107 The Reverend Dr. John Smith (1747–

1807) published his Gaelic Antiquities in Edinburgh in 1780, followed by his Gaelic

compilation, Sean Dana, or Ancient Poems of Ossian, Orran, Ulann, &c. (Edinburgh, 1787).108

In 1791 Robert Burns wrote verses for ‘Song of Death’, beginning ‘Farewell, thou fair day’, to

the tune of ‘Oran an Aoig’ which McDonald had published in 1784 in his Collection of

Highland Airs. In a letter to Mrs Dunlop dated 17 December 1791, Burns described the setting

for his song as ‘Scene—a field of battle—time of the day, evening; the wounded and dying of

the victorious army are supposed to join in the following’.109 Burns’ verses for ‘Song of Death’

were published in 1792 in SMM, Volume 4.110 Georgiana had access to parts of SMM in

Australia but she may have remembered references to McDonald and Smith or copied them

from other intermediate sources.

Two pieces in CMB annotated as ‘arranged by Finlay Dun’ indicated that they were copied

from more contemporary Scots publications. Dun (1795–1853) was a Scottish musician,

teacher, writer, collector and publisher, mainly resident in Edinburgh.111 His students included

John Wilson (1800–49), the ‘celebrated Scottish vocalist’. Dun published Scottish songs in

Lowland Scots with John Thomson in Vocal Melodies of Scotland (c. 1836) and also published

a volume of songs in Gaelic, Orain na h-Albam (c. 1848).112 The first piece that Georgiana

105 CMB, 184; McDonald, Collection of Highland Vocal Airs. 106 ‘This Gloom on My Soul’, see a)

http://www.ibiblio.org/fiddlers/THI_THO.htm#THIS_GLOOM_ON_MY_SOUL;

b) http://www.thesession.org/tunes/display/10893; c) http://www.traditionalmusic.co.uk/scottish-guitar-

tab/this_gloom_on_my_soul.htm (all accessed 11 January 2017). 107 CMB, 171. 108 Roderick MacLeod, ‘Smith, John (1747–1807)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,

http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25849 (accessed 10 Jan 2017). 109 Robert Burns, The Works of Robert Burns, ed. the Ettrick Shepherd [James Hogg] and William Motherwell,

Esq. (Glasgow: Archibald Fullarton & Co, 1835), 4:251,

https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000588224 (accessed 11 January 2017); Low, ed., The Songs of Robert

Burns, no. 163, pp. 444–45. 110 Robert Burns, ‘Farewell, Thou Fair Day’, words for ‘Orananaoig or The Song of Death: A Gaelic Air’, in

SMM 4, no. 385 (c. 1792): 399, http://digital.nls.uk/87799204 (accessed 12 January 2017); see MS12312/148,

Box 3110–B, MC-SLV. 111 See McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs, 172–99. 112 Finlay Dun and John Thomson, The Vocal Melodies of Scotland, New ed. (Edinburgh: Paterson, [1836–?]), 4 vols; Finlay Dun, Orain na h-Albam (Edinburgh: Wood & Co., [c. 1848]), http://digital.nls.uk/105830084

(accessed 11 January 2017); David Baptie, Musical Scotland, Past and Present (Paisley, Edinburgh and

Glasgow: J. and R. Parlane, 1894), 48–49; see also Finlay Dun: Appendix, ‘Analysis of the Scotish Music’ in

Ancient Scotish Melodies by William Dauney (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Printing and Publishing Company, 1838),

315–19,

http://books.google.com/books/about/Ancient_Scotish_melodies_from_a_manuscri.html?id=2qUNAAAAIAAJ

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attributed to Dun, ‘Gloomy Winter’s Now Awa’, has the dated annotation ‘Mayfield Jany 19.

1843’.113 Two items later there is another piece ‘arranged by Finlay Dun’: ‘Of a’ the Airts the

wind can blaw’, which Georgiana presumably copied the next day as the annotation reads

‘Mayfield Jany 20’.114

Dun’s former student John Wilson and the poet Joanna Baillie were acknowledged on the

back of the last numbered page of CMB in a copy of the words for ‘Woo’d and Married &c by

Joanna Baillie’ beginning ‘The bride she was winsome and bonnie’, with an annotation that

states the source was ‘from Book IIId of Wilson’s Edtn. of the Songs of Scotland’ (see Figure

33).115 The location in CMB of the lyrics for ‘Woo’d and Married &c’ suggests that the words

may have been transcribed after CMB was bound in 1856, in the period when Georgiana was

questioning her married state. The song lyrics show the reactions of family and suitor to a bride

who is anxious because she feels that she lacks enough possessions to begin married life. The

song also has been interpreted as revealing a woman’s apprehensions about the financial status

of her husband.116

The song title coincidentally was used by Elizabeth Gaskell as an epigraph at the start of her

novel North and South, placed after the title for the first chapter which was named after another

popular song, ‘Haste to the Wedding’. North and South was originally serialised in shorter

form in Dickens’ weekly magazine Household Words in 1854–55 and published in expanded

book form, including epigraphs, in 1855.117 Gaskell’s novel is concerned with clashes of

upbringing, education, morals and ethics between the ‘unmercantile’ middle classes of southern

England and capitalistic manufacturers and the plight of their workers in the north, as

represented by the relationship between a refined girl from southern England with a self-made

Northern mill-owner.118 The allusion to ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ in an ‘English’ novel

points to the widespread appeal of the song, not limited by its use of Scots language and

rollicking rhythmic patterns in the tune. Investigation of ‘Woo’d and Married & A’’, as with

(accessed 11 January 2017). 113 CMB, 21–22. 114 CMB, 25–26. 115 CMB, reverse of p. 245; John Wilson, arr., Wilson’s Edition of the Songs of Scotland, originally self-

published serially in 8 books from 1842; various editions in collections in Britain and New Zealand, for example

Edinburgh: Paterson & Roy; London: Cramer, Addison & Beale, Duff & Hodgson, Metzler; see Rosemary

Richards, ‘John Wilson and Scottish Song’, in re-Visions ed. Marian Poole (Dunedin, N.Z.: New Zealand Music Industry Centre, 2013), 171–85, http://msa.org.au/edit/conference_pdfs/Proceedings%20re-

Visions%202010%20Conference.pdf (accessed 26 August 2016). 116 Patrician Ingham, Notes, in North and South by Elizabeth Gaskell, ed. Patricia Ingham (1995; London:

Penguin, 2003), 426. 117 Gaskell, North and South, 7. 118 Ingham, Introduction, in North and South by Gaskell, ed. Ingham, xiii–iv.

241

songs from Smith’s The Scotish Minstrel, helps to illuminate nineteenth century preferences

for bowdlerised ‘folk’ songs sung in a genteel domestic setting.

Figure 33: ‘Woo’d and Married &c by Joanna Baillie’ ‘from Book IIId of Wilson’s Edtn.

of the Songs of Scotland’, CMB, reverse of p. 245, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of

Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.

242

Various versions of the tune and words for ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ were published

from the mid-eighteenth century onwards. Four versions of the tune of ‘Woo’d and Married

and A’’ are found in SMI in ten separate sources which all suggest that the piece is Scottish.119

Varieties of the tune appeared in James Oswald’s The Caledonian Pocket Companion (London,

1759) and in multiple other versions including an English ballad opera, The Jovial Crew

(1760).120 A version with melody and figured bass with words starting ‘The bride came out of

the byre’, often mistakenly attributed to Robert Burns, appeared in the first volume of SMM

(1787).121 The Caledonian Musical Repository (c. 1806) uses similar words to those in SMM

and includes a pictorial illustration where the weeping bride is being comforted by her suitor,

but her mother is less than happy.122 Broadside and chapbook versions of the song appeared

and the tune was also used with unrelated verses such as Hogg’s ‘Donald McDonald’.123 The

song became a stalwart of wedding ceremonies in Moray and the Shetlands.124

The words of ‘Woo’d and Married &c’’ that Georgiana copied down at the end of CMB

more closely match Baillie’s versions than the lyrics that Wilson attributed to Baillie in his

publication. The Scottish poet and dramatist Joanna Baillie (1762–1851), who lived for most

of her life in lady-like quietude in London, first wrote her version of the words in 1822 for

George Thomson’s Select Melodies of Scotland in which Haydn’s arrangement of the music

has a keyboard introduction and postlude in between each verse; it adds a sprinkling of

chromaticism and bursts into additional vocal parts in the chorus section. The illustrated plate

accompanying the song as printed in 1839 shows a scene from the poem and is modelled on

the picture for ‘Woo’d and Married & A’’ in an earlier publication, the Caledonian Musical

119 Gore, SMI. 120 ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’, in Caledonian Pocket Companion, ed. James Oswald (London: R. Bremner,

[n.d.]), 10:91, http://ks.imslp.info/files/imglnks/usimg/8/8a/IMSLP173854-PMLP201592-

caledonianpocket00stua_10.pdf (accessed 29 August 2016); ‘I Made Love to Kate’ in Popular Music of the

Olden Time ed. Chappell, 2: 723–24; ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ in Early Scottish Melodies ed. John Glen

(Edinburgh: J. & R. Glen, 1900), 53–54, 62,

https://openlibrary.org/works/OL6701037W/Early_Scottish_melodies (accessed 10 January 2017). 121 ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ in SMM 1 (1787): 10–11, http://digital.nls.uk/87793921,

http://digital.nls.uk/87793933 (accessed 26 August 2016). 122 ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ in Caledonian Musical Repository (Edinburgh: Oliver & Co., [1806]), 68–71,

http://digital.nls.uk/87662391, http://digital.nls.uk/87662403 (accessed 11 December 2016). 123 Broadside ballads, ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’, 15918, S.302.b.2(155), 15918, S.302.b.2(155), NLS, http://digital.nls.uk; ‘Donald McDonald, A Favorite New Scots Song’, in Anecdotes of Sir W. Scott by James

Hogg, ed. Douglas S. Mack (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1983), 66–67; Hogg, Contributions to

Musical Collections and Miscellaneous Songs, ed. McCue, 495–507, 752–54. 124 Campbell, The Fiddle in Scottish Culture, 72–73; Katherine Campbell, Wooed and Married and AA: Songs,

Tunes and Customs, Scottish Tradition 23 (Edinburgh: School of Scottish Studies Archives, University of

Edinburgh; Greentrax Recordings), 2008.

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Repository.125 Baillie’s words were printed as poetry without any music in later publications

of her work.126

Influenced by changes in class consciousness and behaviour and with an eye on sales of

sheet music and performance tickets, Wilson preferred Baillie’s genteel verses as the basis of

his interpretation to previous more earthy versions. In a letter to George Thomson on 30 March

1842, Baillie wrote that she was ‘very much flattered to hear that Mr Wilson approves of my

modified versions of the old songs. They are at least more fitted for his polite & more refined

hearers than they were’.127 Wilson agreed with her assessment:

This capital song was written by Miss JOANNA BAILLIE, in imitation of the old

lyric of the same title, which, though it contains a humorous and graphic depiction

of ancient manners, is somewhat too rough in its expressions to allow of its being

introduced at a modern fireside.128

Wilson was conscious of debates about authenticity of ‘national song’ and did not

acknowledge if he or his accompanists were responsible for creative work in any part of The

Songs of Scotland. In Wilson’s version of the song for voice and piano, the modal melody in a

key signature of one flat is harmonised as in Haydn’s arrangement mainly in F major and D

minor and has the same time signature of 9/8.129 Like Haydn, Wilson also uses an Italian

musical tempo marking, but this time ‘Allegretto’ which indicates a slightly slower speed than

Haydn’s ‘Un poco vivace’. However, in contrast to Haydn’s setting, Wilson carefully ends the

melody in the relative minor without raising the preceding leading note ‘in conformity with the

ancient construction of the tune’.130 Wilson occasionally also incorporates the syncopated

rhythmic ‘Scotch snap’.

125 ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’, music arr. Haydn, words Joanna Baillie, in Select Melodies of Scotland, ed.

George Thomson (1822; London: Preston, Hurst, Robinson & Co. & G. Thomson, Edinburgh [1839?]), 3:

illustrated plate, pp. 1a, 1b, http://digital.nls.uk/94649856, http://digital.nls.uk/94649880,

http://digital.nls.uk/94649892 (accessed 11 January 2017). 126 Judith Bailey Slagle, ed., The Collected Letters of Joanna Baillie (Madison Teanack: Fairleigh Dickinson

University Press, 1999), 1:132–34; Amanda Gilroy and Keith Hanley, eds., Joanna Baillie: A Selection of Plays

and Poems (London; Brookfield, Vt: Pickering & Chatto, 2002), 307–8, 338–39; Sydney Smith, ‘IV. The Select

Melodies of Scotland, Interspersed with Those of Ireland and Wales, &c. By George Thomson, F.A.S. Edin.’,

Edinburgh Review 39, no. 77 (Oct. 1823–Jan. 1824): 67–84,

http://books.google.com.au/books?id=6jAbAAAAYAAJ&dq (accessed 11 January 2017); Joanna Baillie,

Fugitive Verses (London: Edward Moxon, 1840), 267–70; Joanna Baillie, Fugitive Verses, in British Women

Romantic Poets, 1789–1832, University of California, Davis, http://digital.lib.ucdavis.edu/projects/bwrp/Works/BailJFugit.htm (accessed 11 January 2017); Joanna Baillie,

The Dramatic and Poetical Works (1851; Hildesheim, New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 1976), 817. 127 Slagle, The Collected Letters of Joanna Baillie, 1: 149. 128 Wilson, Wilson’s Edition of the Songs of Scotland, 3: 118. 129 Wilson, Wilson’s Edition of the Songs of Scotland, 3, no. 28: 115–18. 130 Wilson, Wilson’s Edition of the Songs of Scotland, 3: 118.

244

While living in Britain, it is likely that Georgiana would have been familiar with the careers

and works of both Baillie and the Scottish tenor Wilson, whose extensive operatic and concert

career took him from poverty in Edinburgh to fame and fortune in Britain and North

America.131 In a career highlight he performed ‘Farewell to Lochaber’ for Queen Victoria.132

Wilson developed and toured his extensive series of ‘Scottish Entertainments’ from the early

1840s before his death in 1849 from cholera while on tour in Quebec.133

Georgiana may possibly have had access to an imported copy of Wilson’s Songs of

Scotland in Australia, as it was published after Georgiana arrived in Melbourne in 1841. While

no copies of Wilson’s Songs of Scotland appear to have been catalogued in modern Australian

public collections, many other collections of Scottish songs are available in Australia including

a small number of copies of a book published by Mitchison (c. 1851) which contains a

‘Biographical Sketch of the late John Wilson’ but does not include a version of ‘Woo’d and

Married & A’’.134

It is not known why Georgiana acknowledged Wilson’s Songs of Scotland without

transcribing his version of the music for ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ in CMB. Perhaps the

tune was so well-known it was unnecessary to add it; after all she already had an instrumental

version in MHMB.135 Perhaps she intended to complete another musical transcription faithful

to Wilson’s version at a later date but ran out of enthusiasm or spare time. Perhaps, instead,

Baillie’s words were more important to Georgiana than the tune. In contrast with the saccharine

sanctity of Blockley and Young’s ‘Hearts and Homes’, the inclusion in CMB of the words for

Baillie’s ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ may have allowed Georgiana to express her doubts about

the traps of marriage, regardless of whether she performed the song in genteel company or

instead privately contemplated the meanings behind Baillie’s poem.

131 Preston, Opera on the Road, 83-96, 391; Richards, ‘John Wilson and Scottish Song’; Russell Burdekin,

http://www.victorianenglishopera.org/singers.htm (accessed 12 March 2017); J. M. Barclay, ‘Mr. Wilson’

[lithograph print, n.d.], ART File W750 no.1 (size XS), Folger Shakespeare Library,

http://hamnet.folger.edu/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=253202 (accessed 12 March 2017). 132 See ‘Farewell to Lochaber’, in Wilson’s Editions of the Songs of Scotland, arr. John Wilson, Book 1: no. 6,

pp. 27–30 (London: Printed for Mr Wilson, [1842?]; Edinburgh: Printed by John Greig),

http://digital.nls.uk/120439702 (accessed 25 February 2017); ‘Farewell to Lochaber: Sung by Mr. Wilson by

Desire of Her Majesty during Her Visit to Scotland’, in Bingley’s Select Vocalist, 1 (London: J. Bingley,

[c.1842]), 1:68, http://digital.nls.uk/87717951 (accessed 23 February 2017). 133 ‘Caledonian Mercury’, Caledonian Mercury (Edinburgh), 26 July 1849, 2; see William Jamie, ‘Scotia’s

Dirge’ (1849), http://digital.nls.uk/broadsides/broadside.cfm/id/16480 (accessed 7 May 2017). 134 William Mitchison, Handbook of the Songs of Scotland (London, UK; Richard Griffin and Company [1851]),

NLS, http://digital.nls.uk/90408235; see also NLA, http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/16108931,

http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/13381704 (accessed 11 January 2017). 135 MHMB, Part 2: 300.

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6.3 Conclusion

Music performance and transcription continued to be amongst Georgiana’s main creative and

emotional outlets well into her fifties. She may have regretted having been ‘Woo’d and Married

and A’’ by a man who could not keep her in the style that she thought was her due, but she

remained married to Andrew McCrae until traumatic changes caused her to rethink her role.

There are common choices of types of repertoire in all four of her manuscript music

collections. Crossovers of dates can be found between LTLMB and Georgiana’s other

collections including CMB. CMB contains dated annotations from 1840 when she lived in

Britain until 1856 when CMB was bound in Melbourne. Some additional material was added

afterwards, in line with Georgiana’s practice of adding new items and annotations in her

journals, commonplace books and other collections. However, unlike with her journals,

Georgiana does not appear to have attempted the large task of a retranscription of her

manuscript music collections.

Georgiana’s CMB reflects her musical interests and changes in her life due to family

circumstances, migration and social dislocation. In CMB as well as her earlier collections,

Georgiana revealed the desire of many people in the nineteenth-century British genteel classes

for the faithful reproduction of someone else’s music, both in transcription and practical

performance. There is little sign of her own creative musical composition, other than the

possibility of vocal ornamentation or extemporisation of accompaniments; however, as in her

journals and commonplace books she occasionally displayed her bent for writing lyrics and for

collecting original works created by people that she knew such as her acquaintance Frederick

Meymott and her children’s tutor John McLure.

CMB represented another distillation of Georgiana’s thoughts, hopes and disappointments.

It highlighted aspects of Georgiana’s personal identity including fulfilling her responsibilities

and roles as mother, wife and friend and strengthening her identification with her British and

Gordon heritages, despite her migration. She tried her best to fit in with what Pierre Dubois has

described as ‘the ideal model of femininity that society had created for itself and to which it

expected women to conform’.136 In CMB, Georgiana’s choice of repertoire and annotations

can often be matched against her journals and other primary sources which together reinforce

the view that in her middle age in Australia Georgiana felt nostalgic for ‘home’, regretted her

exile and was concerned about maintaining her class, family and religious status. She was keen

136 Dubois, Music in the Georgian Novel, 200.

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to establish friendships that allowed her a socially acceptable form of creative expression,

which was important for her self-esteem as well as her place in the upper echelons of society

in early Melbourne and its isolated outskirts. Music helped her to create social and political

allegiances for her husband and children as well as for herself. She encouraged and provided a

role model to her children in their music education and enjoyed performance opportunities in

her home environments. Her manuscript music collections and music-making provided her

with a personal vehicle for her emotions and scholarly interests which outlasted the formative

experiences of her youth in Britain and stretched for a considerable amount of time into her life

in Australia until disrupted by depression and marriage separation.

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CHAPTER 7

LESSONS FROM A MUSICAL LIFE: GEORGIANA McCRAE IN LATER YEARS

In her older years, Georgiana occasionally sang and played the piano and annotated various

pieces in her collections of manuscript and printed music including her compilation copy of

SMM.1 Her revisiting of older Scottish material may have been stimulated by increasing

adulation, in Australia as much as in Britain or elsewhere, of Scottish ‘bards’ such as Robert

Burns and Sir Walter Scott. This was exemplified by events including the Burns centenary in

1859 and the importation to Adelaide of a large painting by C. M. Hardie, ‘Robert Burns

Reciting to the Duchess of Gordon’ (1887).2

Possible evidence of Georgiana’s later transcriptions of music is found in a manuscript

copy of Alfred Plumpton’s ‘Ebb and Flow’, which was published in London c. 1870.3

Plumpton, who was a professional composer and conductor, lived in Melbourne from 1878–

1891.4 The MS version of ‘Ebb and Flow’ is contained in a single folio along with an untitled

piano piece also possibly transcribed by Georgiana, plus the start of another piece in what looks

like a different hand. The folio has holes that indicate that it could have been bound with other

items at some stage.5

Overall, however, from the 1860s onwards it appears that Georgiana mainly used her

music collections for nostalgic remembrance. In her four surviving manuscript music

collections up to and including CMB Georgiana was actively involved in a scribal community

which tried to keep up with modern musical fashions as well as showing interest in the music

of previous generations. In CMB her sense of exile was reflected by her collection of a

considerable amount of music that touched on her longing for her past life in Britain. These

1 Georgiana McCrae’s compilation copy of SMM, MS 12312/148, Box 3110-B, MC-SLV. 2 See Alex Tyrell, ‘ “No Common Corrobery”: The Robert Burns Festivals and Identity Politics in Melbourne,

1845-59’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society 97, no. 2 (December 2011): 161–80; Alison Inglis,

‘Images of “The Immortal Scott”: Portraits of Sir Walter Scott in Colonial Australia’, in Scots under the

Southern Cross, ed. Fred Cahir et al. (Ballarat: Ballarat Heritage Services, [2014]), 145–58; Burns in Edinburgh

1787 [with engraving of painting by C. M. Hardie], Burns Museum,

http://burnsmuseum.wordpress.com/2014/01/06/burns-in-edinburgh-1787/ (accessed 23 March 2017); thanks to

Associate Professor Alison Inglis, 2014. 3 Alfred Plumpton (1840–1902), ‘Ebb and Flow’, MS copy possibly in Georgiana McCrae’s hand, McCrae

Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3743/2b, MC-SLV, Melbourne; Alfred Plumpton, ‘The Ebb & Flow: Ballad;

Words by Rea’ (London, [1870]), Music Collections H.2687.(30.), BL, explore.bl.uk (accessed 11 April 2017). 4 See Graeme Skinner, Plumpton, Alfred, Australharmony,

http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-P.php (accessed 11 April 2017). 5 McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3743/2b, MC-SLV, Melbourne.

248

trends were confirmed by subsequent events in her life. Her health issues and difficulties with

her marriage, finances and housing may have contributed to less interest and passion for music-

making and music transcription, which from her youth had been such a significant part of her

life. She may also have preferred music similar to pieces that had been part of her musical

education and her years at Gordon Castle, making her uncomfortable with changes of musical

style.

A desire for memorialisation is evident in this period in Georgiana’s copies of song lyrics,

transcriptions of her old journals, notes about family news items and extracts relating to views

on marriage and old age by writers including Milton and Dinah Muloch (Craik).6

Correspondence with friends and family was also important and from time to time she sketched

and drew, while her attendance and comments at art exhibitions were welcomed.7

Georgiana’s economic position and state of mind received a severe blow when she did not

receive the inheritance she expected after her stepmother died in 1864 and contributed to an

attempted marriage separation, which, like her illegitimacy, was seen as socially unacceptable.

Writers including Muloch influenced her changed attitude to marriage and encouraged her to

give more consideration of her own needs, not just to persevere against all odds. Here she could

be seen to have been responding not only to her own inclinations but also to a larger movement

in this period which questioned the moral and legal restrictions against women. As a

consequence of her attitudes and actions Georgiana had to live with recriminations from people

such as her sister-in-law, Thomas Anne Cole, who took Andrew’s side and thought that marital

propriety was more important than personal happiness: ‘She is certainly a very wicked bad

hearted woman for a better husband and father there could not be than Andrew McCrae but his

wife is and has been for years a great trial to him’.8

Andrew retired and travelled to Britain in 1867 without Georgiana. On his travels he wrote

lyrics for a few songs, one of which, ‘Johnnie Miller’, beginning with the words ‘Feather beds

are saft’, was related to the traditional Scots and Irish song ‘I know where I’m going’.9

Andrew’s ‘Johnnie Miller’ was published in England in 1873 in an art song setting with music

6 Georgiana McCrae, MSS journals, MS 12018, Box 2516/8, MC-SLV; Georgiana McCrae, MSS journals, RB

1164.2, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; Georgiana McCrae, ‘Miscellaneous Manuscripts’, in parts of 1864

diary, with dated extracts c. 1828–72, RB 1164.4, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; Georgiana McCrae,

‘Manuscript Commonplace Book’ (c. 1854): 81–87, RB 1164.6, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; Georgiana McCrae, ‘Diary 1864’, with notes, cuttings c. 1825–84, MS 12831, Box F3591/5, MC-SLV; see Weber-PPP. 7 Turner, ‘In Memoriam: Mrs. A. M. M’Crae’. 8 Thomas Anne Cole, diary, 22 January 1867, MS 10570, Box 1472–87, MC-SLV; see also Lucy Frost,

‘Immigrant Women in Narratives of Divorce’, 95–101. 9 Roud No. 5701, see English Folk Song and Dance Society, Vaughan Williams Music Library, ‘Roud Folk

song Index’, http://www.vwml.org/record/RoudFS/S336841 (accessed 13 November 2016).

249

by ‘Professor Stark, of Stuttgart’, possibly identifiable as Ludwig Stark (1831–84). Stark’s

pleasant but unmemorable romantic melody and cumbersome, chromatic chordal

accompaniment remove the words from their folk-like origins.10 Perhaps Andrew’s words

contained a coded message when he wrote in the voice of a wife longing for her husband’s safe

return:

Send him to me safe

What care I for siller

He’s life and a’ to me

Kind Johnnie Miller.11

As with many of his business ventures, Andrew’s hopes that sales of the song would produce

income for his daughter Fanny appear to have been ill-placed.12 When his health failed Andrew

sailed for Australia, arriving in April 1874.13 After his return Georgiana nursed him until his

death three months later. Little remained of Andrew’s estate and he does not appear to have

left a valid will.14

Despite these trials Georgiana had an active social and artistic life. She was friendly with

three generations of the Howitt family and artists like Chevalier and Von Guerard.15 She also

interacted with members of the Melbourne literary scene, influenced by her eldest son, George,

who held down steady jobs in the Victorian Public Service from 1854 to 1893 while developing

a reputation as a writer. George’s poetry was used for songs, including Antonio Giammona’s

‘Unforgotten’ (1876) and Joseph Summers’s ‘Victorian National Anthem’ published in 1879

for the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880–81.16 George’s literary friends and

acquaintances included the family’s Gordon relation, Adam Lindsay Gordon, as well as Henry

10 Andrew M. McCrae, MS lyrics for ‘Johnnie Miller’, MS 12831 MS Box 3740/20, MC-SLV; Stark and

McCrae, ‘Johnnie Miller: Scotch Song’; songs composed by Virginia Gabriel set to Andrew McCrae’s lyrics, as

suggested by Niall, Georgiana, 246, have not been found so far. 11 Andrew McCrae, ‘Johnnie Miller’, printed song version, verse 4, p. 3. 12 Letter from Andrew McCrae in London to his daughter Maggie Maine in Melbourne, 10 November 1872,

McCrae Family Papers, 1853–1918, MS 9162, Box 224/1, MC-SLV. 13 ‘Shipping Intelligence’, Argus (Melbourne), 7 April 1874, 4. 14 Niall, Georgiana, 248. 15 Clemente, ‘The Private Face of Patronage’. 16 Antonio Giammona (music) and Geo. Gordon McCrae (words), ‘Unforgotten: To the Amateurs of

Melbourne’ (Melbourne: Allan & Co., [1876?], handwritten inscription by George Gordon McCrae: ‘Miss

Glover with Compliments & Best wishes from GGMcC 26/10/76’, MUS NL mb 783.2421896 G432, NLA, Canberra, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-166716587 (accessed 11 April 2017); J. Summers (music) and G. Gordon

McCrae (words), ‘Victorian National Anthem: International Exhibition Festival Songs—No. 1; Inscribed to the

Hon. Major Smith, M.L.A., Minister of Public Instruction’ (Melbourne: A. H. Massina & Co., 1879), a) signed

by George McCrae, McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3743/3, MC-SLV; b) MUS N mb 784.719943

S955, NLA, Canberra, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-165229772 (accessed 11 April 2017); see also Joseph Summers,

Music and Musicians: Personal Reminiscences, 1865–1910 (Perth [W.A.]: Galwey Printing, 1910).

250

Kendall, Marcus Clarke, ‘Orion’ Horne, Richard Birnie and the banker, journalist, historian

and Unitarian lay preacher Henry Gyles Turner.17

Georgiana’s older years took place in ‘Marvellous Melbourne’, which saw a rapid

population growth to about half a million people. Georgiana’s social position and influence

that she had enjoyed in the early days of Melbourne was dissipated, in part because of her

marital problems and lack of independent financial support. In contrast her friend the writer

Louisa Anne Meredith was able to celebrate continued marital happiness and respectability:

‘Tis four-and-thirty years, Love,

Since thou and I were wed,…

But heart to heart, and hand-in-hand,

Life’s rugged track we’ve travelled.18

Georgiana travelled many a ‘rugged track’ but ended her years a widow dependent on her

children, who took turn to house her and her treasured possessions.19 Her correspondents in her

old age included French scholar M. l’Abbé Justin Gary who sent her pamphlets about the

French connections of her distant relative General Gordon, who died in 1885.20 Her son George

visited Mauritius in 1887 and brought her back a copy of Bernadin de Saint-Pierre’s 1788 novel

Paul et Virginie, which had been of interest to her since her youth.21

At the back of ‘Stray Leaves’, her journals about her life and loves in Scotland in the late

1820s which she probably recopied in her old age, Georgiana transcribed a poem (c. 1823)

which she titled ‘To an old Piano Forte’. Here the English poet Bernard Barton (1784–1849)

contrasts the sociability of domestic music-making around the piano with the memories and

regrets it conjures up when it has been timeworn and damaged:

I knew thee in thy prouder days;

And still my memory clings

To social hours, whose brighter rays

See quivering o’er thy strings. …

17 See Norman Cowper, ‘McCrae, George Gordon (1833–1927)’, ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU,

http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/mccrae-george-gordon-4071 (accessed 6 February 2017); Hugh McCrae, My

Father, and My Father’s Friends (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1935); Michael Wilding, Wild Bleak Bohemia

(North Melbourne, Vic.: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2014). 18 Louisa Anne Meredith, ‘To My Husband: With the Present of a Swiss Clock’, in Australian Ladies’ Annual,

ed. F. R. C. Hopkins (Melbourne: M’Carron, Bird & Co., 1878), 13–14. 19 Jalland, Old Age in Australia, 104–22. 20 M. l’Abbé Justin Gary, Le Général Gordon (Cahors, 1885), MS12831 Box 3740/5, MC-SLV; ‘General

Gordon’, Age (Melbourne), 12 February 1885, 5. 21 Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, Paul et Virginie (1788) (Paris: Libraire Hachette, 1884), MS 12312/57, Box 3104,

inscriptions include ‘G. H. McCrae from her very affectionate son George Gordon McCrae Port Louis Mauritius

1887’, MC-SLV; see GM-Recollections; MHMB, Part 1: 104–9; Chapters 3 and 4.

251

That dream is past! thy beauties now

Are dimmed, thy chords are broken;

And I who should redeem that vow

Mourn o’er the faithful token.22

One of Georgiana’s daughters, Fanny Moore, earnt money as a music and French teacher

during her own period of marriage separation. Fanny remembered, in probably a mythologised

manner, the conclusion of her mother’s involvement in practical music-making, still playing

her ‘favorite’ Scottish tunes from her youth:

On one well-remembered day her mistress played the whole afternoon, and at dusk

gently closed the piano, the refrain of the sweet old Scottish melodies still sounding

in her ears. Never did the old piano see her faithful friend again.23

Georgiana died in 1890, at the Hawthorn home of another daughter and son-in-law Maggie

and Nicholas Maine. Georgiana’s son George took on the responsibility of dealing with her

estate.24 In his reply to a letter of condolence from ‘Mrs Bunbury’, who was possibly a

daughter-in-law of Georgiana’s friend Sally Bunbury, George referred to the voyage on the

Argyle in 1840–41, to ‘Granny’ Sconce, to George’s visit to Mauritius and to his fascination

with Bernardin Saint-Pierre’s novel. He also suggested that Mrs Bunbury may like to meet

Georgiana’s friend Mrs Meredith, who had travelled via Mauritius to England.25 George’s son

Hugh, who remembered his grandmother as his ‘father’s best friend’, commemorated her in

his own copy of Paul and Virginia.26

Henry Turner’s lengthy obituary reflected Georgiana’s part in the early days of Melbourne

and her nineteenth-century social status as a genteel cultivated woman. Her musical and

performance skills rated a mention:

To languages she added great skill as a musician, singing and playing with rare taste

and expression; indeed, after she had passed her seventieth birthday she could still

22 Bernard Barton, a) ‘Stanzas: I knew thee in thy prouder days’ attributed to Lady’s Magazine, in Mirror of

Literature, Amusement, and Instruction 19 (8 March 1823): 294,

https://books.google.com.au/books?id=yj8FAAAAQAAJ (accessed 16 February 2017); b) ‘To an Old Piano

Forte’ by Bernard Barton, in GM-Stray. 23 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story. 24 Georgiana H McCrae, Widow, Hawthorn, date of death 24 May 1890, will and probate records, see File No.

43/091, VPRS 28/PO, unit 535; VPRS 28/P2, unit 291; VPRS 7591/P2, unit 165; PROV;

http://beta.prov.vic.gov.au/explore-collection/explore-topic/wills-and-probates-1841-2014,

http://prov.vic.gov.au/research/wills-and-probate (accessed 24 December 2016). 25 George Gordon McCrae, Letter to Mrs Bunbury, 14 October 1890, MS 12665, MS Box 3483/2, MC-SLV. 26 Hugh McCrae, My Father, and My Father’s Friends, 84–86.

252

sing some touching old Jacobite ballads to her own accompaniment, with a feeling

and expression that would quite captivate an audience.27

Georgiana’s love of music provided pleasure and comfort for a considerable part of her

long life. She used music to remind herself of the far-off country of her birth and her rich

aristocratic relations, and kept up her performance and transcription of music as she made a

new life in Australia, educated her children and faced the loneliness of old age. Despite many

trying circumstances during her ‘exile’, Georgiana upheld the value of the musical culture she

was brought up in as a symbol of her status and identity. Her manuscript music collections

were a valuable vehicle for expression of her innermost feelings as well as her interactions with

family, friends and the world around her.

27 Turner, ‘In Memoriam: Mrs. A. M. M’Crae’.

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CHAPTER 8

THE USE OF MANUSCRIPT MUSIC COLLECTIONS AS HISTORICAL

EVIDENCE

The set of four manuscript music collections that belonged to Georgiana McCrae offers scope

for analysis beyond merely a record of her consumption, of what she played or sang in various

times and places during her life. The workings of her mind and feelings can be tracked in

changes of preference and skill as well as in the moods, melodies, accompaniments and lyrics

of specific pieces. Georgiana’s manuscript music collections were vehicles for musical

expression of her passion, enthusiasm and creativity and her sense of national, class and

gender identity. They provided a means of sharing her interests with her scribal community

where she participated in a genteel culture that connected her with her heritage as well as with

changes in fashion and the locations of her many homes.

Contributions to Georgiana’s collections by herself, her family and friends reveal clues

about her education, her socialisation in her homes in both Britain and Australia and her

continual efforts in memorialisation of her own and other’s participation in the music-making

of the period, both for enjoyment and as a mark of their membership of the genteel classes.

Georgiana’s family, teachers and friends gave her access to music; she collected and practised

music for many decades; moreover, her music books were used by her family members and

others into the twentieth century and beyond. Manuscript music collections such as

Georgiana’s are important sources of biographical, historical and musical information that

could be more frequently investigated to contribute to a wider understanding of the culture of

her times.

Choices of musical repertoire reveal aspects of Georgiana’s national, class and gender

identity. ‘British’ music that Georgiana enjoyed was by no means a wasteland, but instead

bore evidence of fruitful activity by British composers and lyricists from a variety of

backgrounds, which was mixed and fertilised by interaction with cultures in Europe and

beyond. Georgiana’s collections show that she was proficient at languages including French,

Italian and German. Although Scottish music was fashionable as part of an eclectic mix found

in other collections from the period, Georgiana’s choices of pieces using lowland Scots and

Gaelic show her bias to her Gordon relatives. She also obtained parlour ballads, operatic

254

excerpts and piano pieces from family members, friends and acquaintances in her scribal

community. These may have been from both manuscript and/or printed sources. While

Georgiana’s musical training appears to have included the ability to improvise from a minimal

keyboard score notated without complex realisation of treble and bass parts, her use of aural

transcription is not demonstrated conclusively.

Georgiana’s manuscript music collections provide evidence to support views that the

domestic performance and collection of music were predominantly, but not exclusively,

female practices in Britain and its colonies in the nineteenth century, and that these practices

reinforced gender roles. Georgiana’s repertoire included pieces that promoted the courage of

men, such as ‘The Battle of Corrichie’, in contrast with songs such as Linley and L. E. L.’s

‘Constance’ and Blockley and Young’s ‘Hearts and Homes’ that praised women’s demure

behaviour and their supportive role in the family unit. Genteel girls undertook music lessons

in singing and playing instruments such as the piano, harp and guitar as part of their education

in accomplishments that included reading, writing, history, geography, dancing, sketching and

drawing. This aimed to make them fit for marriage and helped them to attract a partner who

could materially support them. Older women, whether married or single, were able to provide

home services including entertainment and education. Women and girls were also able to

obtain private personal contemplation and pleasure from their music-making and music-

collecting, in addition to any social expectations and demands on their time and resources.

My sample of other similar manuscript music collections for this thesis has been drawn

largely from items from libraries, archives and personal collections in Australia, New Zealand

and Britain. However, these collections have similarities to those that belonged to people

elsewhere in places as far apart as Europe, colonial India and North and South America.

Together they help put Georgiana’s manuscript music books and music-making into a wider

context. Manuscript music collections such as Georgiana’s tend to be undervalued today. To

dismiss domestic musical practices and resulting collections as second-rate because they were

dominated by women, to view these artefacts as only the possessions of young genteel women

being armed for the marriage market, is to disregard the valuable evidence they contain about

women’s lives and activities. These collections can be looked at from the level of the scribal

community, the owner, the collection, the album, to demonstrate personal choice as well as

commonalities and local differences within a broader culture.

Transcription and collection in manuscript of musical items was a collective as well as

individual practice; the compilation of manuscript and printed music in bound albums was

more common in genteel homes in nineteenth-century Britain and its colonies than is often

255

realised. Women were important to the commercial world as consumers of domestic music, to

the extent where the participation of men in these practices of music-making, transcription and

collection could be overlooked.

In the nineteenth century, manuscript transmission was still an accepted practice in private

and commercial environments, even if its previous connotation of elite exclusivity no longer

applied as much as it may have done previously when education and cultural consumables were

more the preserve of the upper classes. The compilation and preservation of manuscript music

collections prompts investigation into provenance and leads into debates about interpretation

and value. A piece of music may not belong to an identifiable sole individual, but instead may

be subject to frequent change and collective contributions. Manuscript copies could be seen

today as breaking copyright if a version of the music had been published by a reputable

commercial or scholarly organisation. However, manuscript music may have been transcribed

and disseminated independently of a commercial publication, which in any case may be only

one of multiple possible versions of a particular piece; or the publishers themselves may have

engaged professional scribes to produce multiple handwritten copies. Ideas of ownership of

music and other artworks and estimations of their worth can and do change over time. Whereas

scholars today may be interested in finding extant manuscript music collections from previous

generations, such collections have not always been considered valuable or worthy of retention,

as can be seen in a poignant note attached to the record for the Scottish Bowden music books

which reads ‘Noted as removed from Chest June 1941 and sent to waste paper collection for

munitions’.1

Nineteenth-century domestic music-making, particularly in the earlier decades, often

involved the transcription of music by hand and the assembly and formation of manuscript

music collections, which, unless they belonged to famous people like Jane Austen, Elizabeth

Gaskell or Queen Victoria, may be uncatalogued, if they have survived at all. Today in the

worldwide explosion of population, production and consumption, more recent material forms

of music including printed sheet music, shellac records and internet files compete for archival

funding and storage space. Comparatively few manuscript music collections remain in public

archives; my search for other examples to compare to Georgiana’s has often been frustrated by

constraints of availability and accessibility. Georgiana’s manuscript music collections have

survived because of the achievements of herself and her descendants and also because of her

1 Bowden Books, Music Books, Papers of Campbell of Inverneill, nos. 69, 79, 89, NRAS28,

http://catalogue.nrscotland.gov.uk/nrasregister/overview.aspx?st=1&ob=1&tc=y&tl=n&tn=y&tp=n&k=Bowden

&ko=o&r=&ro=m&df=&dt=&di=y (accessed 31 October 2016).

256

more recent fame. Other women’s collections, particularly those that belonged to less famous

collectors, tend to be dismissed as the products of hoarding or as disposable rubbish.

The possible former extent of music manuscript transcription and dissemination in

Australia, both for domestic and commercial use, may have been wider than has been realised,

as other examples may have been separated from their original context, thrown out or lost.

After the deaths of owners and subsequent inheritors, the chances of survival of and access to

collections may have been affected by technological and social changes including attitudes to

acquisition, format and preservation of memorabilia. Over time the effort involved in the

creation of these collections has become underestimated and their value as historical

documentation discounted. Manuscript music collections are as significant a record of the

consumption of music and of the development of identity as other creative sources such as

artwork, diaries, letters, newspapers and literary works, which are more frequently utilised in

documenting cultural life. Further investigation into sources, handwriting and transmission of

available manuscript music collections including Georgiana’s can lead to an increased

understanding of nineteenth-century music-making and music-collecting and its importance to

personal and community identity of people throughout the British Empire and beyond.

257

APPENDIX

Alphabetical Handlist of Titles of Items in Georgiana McCrae’s Manuscript Music

Collections MHMB, GCMB, LTLMB and CMB.

Title of item Manuscript Music

Collection

49th Hymn [‘Through the day Thy love has spared us’] CMB

Aagots Fjeldsang LTLMB

A Bhanarach dhonn a chruidh GCMB

Abschied CMB

Ad ccoigreac ma bin tu MHMB

Adieu My Native Land MHMB

Advance to Waterloo, The MHMB

Ah che il destino mio bel tesoro CMB

Ah could my faultring tongue impart MHMB

Ah pauvre Lise GCMB

Ah perdona CMB

Ah spiegar protessi a lei GCMB

Ah tu sei GCMB

Ah what is the bosom’s commotion? MHMB

Ah, non lasciarmino CMB

Air by G. Kiallmark CMB

Air by Hummell MHMB

Al mio pregar MHMB

Ala Guerra, ala Guerra! CMB

All that’s bright must fade MHMB

All that’s bright must fade MHMB

Alloa House MHMB

American Cradle Song—two voices CMB

Amor mi dulce Dueňo—El Sueňo CMB

Amyntor or Allan Water MHMB

An die Guittare CMB

And They’re a’ Noddin! MHMB

Andante Con Moto / L. Beethoven (‘Joyful & tearful’) CMB

Anecdote of ‘Porpora’ (Consuelo’s ‘Maestro!’) CMB

Angel’s Whisper, The CMB

Angler’s Song, The CMB

Annen Polka CMB

Annie Laurie CMB

An t_ Ailleagan GCMB

Arethusa, The MHMB

Are you angry, Mother? GCMB

Argyle CMB

258

As Bessy sat down GCMB

As Gilded Barks—Duet GCMB

As I cam by yon Castle Wa’ MHMB

As the Snow Drop fair MHMB

As when at natures mighty word MHMB

As when the Moon MHMB

At Auchindoun the 10th of June LTLMB

Auf Wiederseh’n CMB

Auld Niel Gow’s Strathspey MHMB

Auld Rob Morris MHMB

Auld wife ay out the fire MHMB

Aus der Wanderer — LTLMB

Aus der Wanderer CMB

Awa, Whigs, Awa. LTLMB

Ay waking oh MHMB

Babe nourice LTLMB

Babes in the Wood, The MHMB

Babes in the Wood, a Nursery Song, The MHMB

Bacon of Brackley, The LTLMB

Banks o’ Banna MHMB

Banks of Spey, The MHMB

Barbara Allen MHMB

Battle o’ Bothwell Brig, The LTLMB

Battle of Corrichie, The CMB

Battle of Otterburn, The LTLMB

Bay of Biscay, The MHMB

Beardless Boy, The MHMB

Beauty Bows to Love MHMB

Beethoven’s 5th Waltz LTLMB

Biondina, La MHMB

Birks of Abergeldie MHMB

Birks of Abergeldie, The MHMB

Birks of Gordon of Abergeldie, The MHMB

Black Eyed Susan MHMB

Black Watch or 42- Highlanders, The MHMB

Blue Eyed Mary GCMB

Blue flowers & Yellow LTLMB

Boatie Rows fu’ weel, The MHMB

Bog of Gight, The MHMB

Bohemian Air, A MHMB

Bonnie banks o’ Fordie, The LTLMB

Bonnie Erle o’ Murray, The LTLMB

Bonnie Erle of Moray, The MHMB

Bonnie Mermaid, The LTLMB

Bonniest Lass in a’ the World, The LTLMB

Bonny Dundee MHMB

Bonny House o’ Airlie, The GCMB

Border Widow’s Lament, The LTLMB

259

Boy and the Butterfly, The MHMB

Brazilian Air LTLMB

Bread Making CMB

Brechin Castle MHMB

Bridge of Bonnie Spey, The MHMB

Broom of Cowdenknowes, The MHMB

Brown’s Reel MHMB

Bruderlein, Das CMB

Brune Therèse, La CMB

Burning of Auchindoun, The LTLMB

Burning of Auchindoun, The LTLMB

Buttercups and daisies CMB

Bygone Days CMB

By Pinky house oft let me walk LTLMB

By the sad Sea Waves — CMB

By the side of a Country Kirk wall LTLMB

Cabin Boy, The CMB

(Cader Idris) / Jenny Jones LTLMB

Cairngoram Mountain MHMB

Callam Brougach MHMB

Caniad Clych MHMB

Ca’ the ewes to the knowes LTLMB

Cameronian Cat, The LTLMB

Canon / Non nobis Domine CMB

Canon for 3 Voices — LTLMB

Caper Fey MHMB

Capt. Mc.Intosh MHMB

Captain Glen LTLMB

Carolan’s Concerto MHMB

Cauld Kail in Aberdeen MHMB

Cauld Kail in Aberdeen MHMB

Cavatina by Mercadante MHMB

Cease my heart this sad desponding CMB

Cease sweet girl to doubt me. LTLMB

C’est L’Amour MHMB

C’est l’amour CMB

Ce que je desire GCMB

Change thy mind since she does change MHMB

Chantreuse MHMB

Charles Saunders LTLMB

(Cha til mi tuille) “Ha’ til”–ha t’il!’– (a Bagpipe Lament) / ‘Farewell

to the mothers that bore us’

CMB

Cherokee Death Song MHMB

Chough and Crow, to roost are gone, The MHMB

Chunda’s Song GCMB

Ciel Pietoso! MHMB

Clevelands Farewell to Mcivor GCMB

Cock o’ the North, The LTLMB

260

Cock up your beaver MHMB

Codiad yr Hedydd MHMB

Codiad yr Heldydd / The rising of the Lark LTLMB

Col. Mc.Bean’s Reel MHMB

College Hornpipe MHMB

Colliers bonny Lassie, The MHMB

Colonel Gardner MHMB

Come gentle God of soft repose MHMB

Come, chase that starting Tear away MHMB

Constance CMB

Contentment CMB

Contradiction MHMB

Crooked horned ewe, The MHMB

Crystal Ground, The LTLMB

Cuishlih ma chree LTLMB

Culloden Day LTLMB

Cumberland Reel CMB

Damsel once so truly loved, &c, A MHMB

Dans un delire estrême CMB

Dark Maid, The MHMB

Das Faterhaus [sic] CMB

Das Gewitter CMB

Dead, The [poem] GCMB

De’il tak the wars LTLMB

Deh! Non voler constringere__ CMB

Deh prendi CMB

Del Caro’s Hornpipe MHMB

Delamain LTLMB

Demon Lover, The LTLMB

Denis don’t be threat’ning MHMB

Der Postillion CMB

Der Wandrer CMB

Deutsche Waltzer CMB

Die Nachtwandlerin / La Somnambula [sic] [‘Vi ravviso’] CMB

Di piacer, mi balza il cor CMB

Ditty, The MHMB

Dolce dell’ Anima GCMB

Donald & Prince Charlie GCMB

Donald Macgillivray LTLMB

Donald Quaich MHMB

Donocht Head LTLMB

Drunken Wives of Fochabers, The MHMB

Duc de Reichstadt LTLMB

Duchess of Gordon’s Strathspey, The MHMB

Duet from “Native Land” (Claire de la Lune) MHMB

Duett: (Perche mi lasci) CMB

Duke of Gordon, The MHMB

Duke of Gordon’s Birthday MHMB

261

Duke of Gordon’s favorite, The MHMB

Duke of Gordon’s Strathspey MHMB

Duke of Gordon’s Strathspey, The MHMB

Duncan Gray MHMB

Duport’s Menuet MHMB

Earl Marischall LTLMB

Earl Richard LTLMB

Earl Richard 2d Set. LTLMB

Eh! Vogue ma Nacelle CMB

Ein Gedanke CMB

Ein Schönes altes Lied zu frohes leichnam CMB

Elegy on the death of Anne Boleyn MHMB

Endymion CMB

Endymion CMB

Eppie Adair MHMB

Ewe bughts, The MHMB

Fairy Bells, The CMB

False Knight, The LTLMB

Farewell, The MHMB

Fare thee well, thou lovely one. MHMB

Farewell to Lochaber MHMB

Farneth House MHMB

Favorite Norwegian Mountain Air, A LTLMB

Favorite Song—in A Golden Pippin MHMB

Fill the Stoup MHMB

Filles de Hameau CMB

Fingal’s Lament MHMB

Finlayston House MHMB

First time at the looking glass, The MHMB

Fleeting hours of Fond Delight, The MHMB

Flora McDonald MHMB

Flower of Northumberland, The LTLMB

Flowers of Edinburgh, The MHMB

Flowers of the Forest, The MHMB

Fly from Love CMB

For tenderness form’d MHMB

Forse un di conoscerete CMB

Fox jumpt over the Parsons Gate!, The MHMB

Foxes Sleep, The MHMB

Frae the friends and Land I love MHMB

Friedvoll und Liedvoll CMB

Fuhret [sic] hin CMB

Fuhret [sic] hin CMB

Fy let us a to the Bridal MHMB

Gaelic Rows, The LTLMB

Gaelic Song LTLMB

Gae to Berwick Johnny MHMB

Gaily sounds the Castanet MHMB

262

Galla Water MHMB

Gard’ner wi’ his Paidle, The MHMB

General Kuttusoff’s [?] Waltz MHMB

Gentle Air MHMB

Georgina’s favorite the Strathspey MHMB

Georgina’s Hornpipe MHMB

German Hymn LTLMB

Gil Morice MHMB

Gin living worth MHMB

Giorno d’orrore CMB

Girl I left behind me, The LTLMB

Glocken, Die CMB

Gloomy Winter’s Now Awa CMB

Go Gentle Sleep MHMB

Go Little Painted Butterfly MHMB

Go, happy Flow’r MHMB

Good Morrow to your nightcap MHMB

Good Morrow to your Nightcap MHMB

Gordon Castle MHMB

Gradh gan fios MHMB

Graidhean donn CMB

Greek Air, A LTLMB

Greensleeves LTLMB

GreenSleeves CMB

Greigs Pipes – Strathspey MHMB

Gude Night & Joy be wi’ ye a’ MHMB

Gypsey – by Hoberecht MHMB

Habiendo En bosque CMB

Had I a heart for falsehood MHMB

Haggis o’ Dunbar, The MHMB

Hai Lwli MHMB

Happy Meeting, The CMB

Hark the Lark MHMB

Hark! from yonder Holy Pile LTLMB

Haste thee to blow MHMB

Heav’ns are telling, The CMB

Heavy hours are almost past, The MHMB

He’s aye Kissing me MHMB

He’s dear dear to me tho’ far from me MHMB

Hearts and Homes_ CMB

Helmsley LTLMB

Here’s a health to those far awa MHMB

Hertz — No 1. Op 35 LTLMB

Highland Air, A LTLMB

Highland Chieftain, The MHMB

Highland Laddie MHMB

Highland Laddie, The MHMB

Highlanders came o’er the hill, The LTLMB

263

Highlanders Farewell, The LTLMB

Highlanders farewell to Ireland, The MHMB

Hirten Lied CMB

Hither Mary Hither Come MHMB

Ho neil mulad oirn_ LTLMB

Horrin ho air nighean an airich_ LTLMB

Hot Cross Buns LTLMB

Hours there were to memory dearer MHMB

How can I be sad on my Wedding Day MHMB

How lifeless and dull MHMB

Hubertus Lied CMB

Hughie Graeme MHMB

Huntly Chapel LTLMB

Hymne des Marseillois MHMB

Hymn of Eve, The LTLMB

I attempt from Loves sickness to fly MHMB

I’d choose to be a daisy [poem] CMB

I do not love thee LTLMB

I have loved thee, only loved thee — CMB

Il était là CMB

I’ll gang na mair to yon town MHMB

I’ll speak of thee... [poem] CMB

I Love my Love in Secret My Sandy O! MHMB

I’m ou’re young to marry yet MHMB

Inconstant, The by J. Paddon MHMB

In Days now long gone by CMB

In Infancy one hopes and fears CMB

In Sweetest accents let our Eastern fair &c MHMB

In the devotion CMB

Invocation – M. Catel MHMB

Irish Air LTLMB

Irish Lullaby, The MHMB

I still will think of thee Jeanie MHMB

Italian Canzonetta, An MHMB

It was a’ for our Rightfu’ King LTLMB

I’ve wandered in Dreams — LTLMB

J’ai Quinze Ans MHMB

Jahres Zeiten, Die CMB

Jamie, come try me MHMB

Jamie Douglas LTLMB

J Blewitt / Matrimonial Ladder CMB

Je l’ai Revu – CMB

Jenny Lind [clipping] LTLMB

Jenny Lind [poem] LTLMB

Jenny Lind [‘O Smile as thou were wont to smile’] CMB

Jenny Lind’s last night in England CMB

Jenny Lind’s Song of Fatherland CMB

Jenny’s Baubee MHMB

264

Jingling Johnie LTLMB

Jock o’ Hazeldean GCMB

John Anderson Auldest Daughter MHMB

Johnie Armstrong LTLMB

Johnie Cope LTLMB

Johnie o’ Braidislee LTLMB

Johnie Scot LTLMB

John Ogilvie Moffatt CMB

Johny Fa MHMB

Johnys’ Gray Breeks MHMB

Juliana MHMB

Just when ruddy morn MHMB

Kane to the King LTLMB

Kate O’Shane CMB

Kathleen O’More GCMB

Keith More— LTLMB

Kellyburn braes MHMB

Kelvin Grove MHMB

Kempy Kane LTLMB

Kenmure’s on an’ awa Willie LTLMB

Killiecrankie LTLMB

Kind Robin lo’es me MHMB

Kind Robin lo’es me! MHMB

King William’s March LTLMB

Kynde Horn LTLMB

La Declaracion CMB

Lads of Dunse, The MHMB

Lady Anne Bothwells’ Lament MHMB

Lady Charlotte Gordon’s Reel MHMB

Lady Georgina Gordon’s Reel MHMB

Lady Jean LTLMB

Lady Kenmure LTLMB

Lady Louisa Gordon’s Strathspey MHMB

Lady Madelina Gordon’s Birthday MHMB

Lady Madelina Gordon’s Reel MHMB

Lady Madelina Gordon’s Strathspey MHMB

Lady Mary Ramsay MHMB

Lady of the Lake, The MHMB

Lady Susan Gordon’s favorite MHMB

Lady Susan Gordon’s new Strathspey MHMB

La Finale MHMB

La Georgina MHMB

Laird of Lamington, The GCMB

Lament of Flora McDonald, The GCMB

Land of my dearest happiest feelings CMB

Land o’ the Leal, The MHMB

La Nussesse au bord du Lac CMB

La Pastorella della Alpi CMB

265

La Poule MHMB

La Preghiera – Romanza – CMB

Lass Glück, in ihrem Kreisse GCMB

Lassie lost her Silken Snood, The MHMB

Lassie would ye love me? CMB

Lass of Richmond Hill, The CMB

Laurette MHMB

Lauriston CMB

L’Aveu d’une Femme MHMB

Lazy mist hangs, The MHMB

Le Alastair Cambeul / Come, my Bride, haste, haste away! GCMB

Leander MHMB

Lebewohl CMB

Le Depart de Vienne MHMB

Leezie Lyndsay GCMB

Lenox’s love to Blantyre MHMB

Le Pantalon MHMB

Le Petit Tambour MHMB

Le Pré aux Clercs – CMB

Lesbia, live to love & pleasure MHMB

Le Seul objet de mes amours MHMB

Le Soleil de ma Bretagne CMB

L’Eté MHMB

Lightly tread, ’tis hallowed ground CMB

Light of other days, The CMB

Lisbon Minuet, The LTLMB

Little Betty Winkle MHMB

Little Farthing Rushlight, The MHMB

Little Girl to the Sea-Birds, A LTLMB

Little Mushiegrove. LTLMB

Little Robin Red Breast MHMB

Loch Erroch MHMB

Loch Erroch Side MHMB

Loch Erroch Side MHMB

Logan Water LTLMB

Logie O Buchan CMB

Lord Aboyne, Strathspey MHMB

Lord Alexander Gordon’s Strathspey MHMB

Lord Bangwill LTLMB

Lord Derwentwater. LTLMB

Lord Maxwell’s Good night, The LTLMB

Lord McDonald’s farewell MHMB

Lord Nithsdale’s, welcome hame. MHMB

Lord Ronald my Son MHMB

Love and Hope MHMB

Lover’s Seat, The MHMB

Lowly Youth, A CMB

Madame Cole MHMB

266

Ma Fauchette est charmante MHMB

Maid of Athens GCMB

Maid of Isla, The MHMB

Maid of Isla, The LTLMB

Maid of Llangollen, The LTLMB

Maids of Arrochar, The MHMB

Malbrouk s’en va t’en guerre MHMB

Malcolm & Jane MHMB

Malli Ban MHMB

Man’s A Man for A’ That, A MHMB

Marquis of Huntley new Strathspey MHMB

Marquis of Huntley’s Strathspey MHMB

Marquis of Huntly’s Farewell MHMB

Marquis of Huntly’s Highland Fling MHMB

Marquis of Huntly’s Snuff Mill, The MHMB

Marquis of Huntly’s Strathspey, The MHMB

Martin Luther’s Hymn MHMB

Mary Dhu MHMB

Mary Jamieson LTLMB

Mary, dear Mary, list! Awake, MHMB

Mary’s dream – Old Set. CMB

Mason’s Apron, The MHMB

Master Sitwell MHMB

May Margaret LTLMB

May Collean LTLMB

Mazourka LTLMB

Mazurka CMB

McKure CMB

McPherson’s Farewell MHMB

Meeting of the Water, The GCMB

Melody of former years, The CMB

Menuetto MHMB

Miller of Drone, The MHMB

Minuet de la Cour MHMB

Minuet from the Ballet of the “Nozze disturbate” / Beethoven CMB

Miser thus a shilling sees, The MHMB

Miss Admiral Gordon’s Strathspey MHMB

Miss Forbe’s farewell to Bamff MHMB

Money Musk MHMB

Monfrina, The MHMB

Morag MHMB

Morning Hymn MHMB

Mourir pour la patrie CMB

Mr Gordon of Fyvie’s Strathspey by D. Macdonald LTLMB

Mr. Gordon of Fyvie’s Strathspey by Edward McDonald LTLMB

Mrs Duff’s Fancy MHMB

Mrs Macleod of Rasay MHMB

Mrs Paul’s Strathspey LTLMB

267

Muirland Willie MHMB

Muss i denn CMB

My Boy Tammy MHMB

My dear & only love, I pray LTLMB

My Harp has one unchanging Theme MHMB

My Hearts’ in the Highlands MHMB

My highland Lassie O! MHMB

My Love she’s but a lassie yet MHMB

My Mither’s aye glowr’in o’er me MHMB

My Mither’s aye glowrin’ o’er me MHMB

My Nannie Oh MHMB

My Nannie Oh— GCMB

My Native Highland Home MHMB

My only Joe & dearie, O. LTLMB

Nathl Gow’s lament for Mrs Oswald of Auchincruwe MHMB

National Song of Norway, The / ‘Arise! Old Norway sends the word’ LTLMB

Nature no proud distinction knows MHMB

New Dash, The MHMB

Nice LTLMB

Niel Gow’s Lamentation for his Brother MHMB

Nina non dir di no_ GCMB

None remember thee CMB

Norland Jockie & Southland Jenny MHMB

North’s Farewell to the Caledonian Hunt MHMB

O! Absence will not alter me MHMB

O as I was kiss’t yestreen MHMB

O balmy Sleep MHMB

O! Can Ye sew Cushions? MHMB

Ochiltree Walls LTLMB

O’er Boggie wi’ my Love MHMB

O’er Bogie LTLMB

Oer the Hills & Far away MHMB

Of a noble race was Shenkin LTLMB

Of a’ the Airts the wind can blaw CMB

O, for ane and twenty Tam! MHMB

Oft in the Stilly Night MHMB

Of what is the old man thinking CMB

Oh bonnie lassie come over the burn GCMB

Oh Come to me when daylight sets MHMB

Oh! dinna ask me gin I lo’e ye GCMB

Oh Molly Dear Molly MHMB

Oh Onochrie O! MHMB

Oh! open the door MHMB

Oh! Quanto Vaga MHMB

O Jean I love thee MHMB

O! Kenmure’s on & awa, Willie MHMB

O Laddie I maun lo’e thee MHMB

Oldenburgh, The MHMB

268

Old English Song CMB

Old Man’s Dance, The MHMB

Old Truagh MHMB

O! Let me in this ae Night MHMB

O light bounds my heart — CMB

O! Merry may the Maid be, MHMB

O Mirk, mirk is the Midnight hour! MHMB

Oonagh LTLMB

O Poortith cauld MHMB

Oran an roig CMB

Original Hebrew Chant, An LTLMB

Original Air of “This is no my ain House.”, The LTLMB

Original Set of the Highland Laddie, The LTLMB

Orkney Melody LTLMB

O! Saw ye my Father? MHMB

O Smile as thou wert wont [poem] CMB

O Smile as thou wert wont [song] CMB

Ossian’s Hall MHMB

Our ain bonny Laddie LTLMB

Our ain Countrie LTLMB

Over the Hills and far away! MHMB

Over the Water to Charlie MHMB

O Were I on Parnassus Hill LTLMB

O Were my Love you Lilac fair LTLMB

“O, Wert thou in the Cauld Blast” CMB

O What Pain it is to part MHMB

O Ye shall walk in Silk Attire MHMB

Parks of Fochabers, The MHMB

Parting of Friends, The MHMB

Passing away CMB

Partant pour la Syrie CMB

Pauvre Jaques MHMB

Peace be around thee MHMB

Perche mi lasci GCMB

Perth MHMB

Pestal CMB

Pinkie House MHMB

Placa quell’ ira MHMB

Planxty McGuire MHMB

Plough Boy LTLMB

Poem: Jenny Lind LTLMB

Polka CMB

Polka Sentimentale CMB

Polka von Strauss CMB

Poor little Savoyard!, The MHMB

Poor Mr Bailey MHMB

Pope’s Universal Prayer MHMB

Portuguese air LTLMB

269

Posie, The MHMB

Reel, The MHMB

Ricardoo LTLMB

Richt dames o’ Binnorie, The LTLMB

Rinn m’eudial mo mhealladh MHMB

Road to Linton, The MHMB

Robie donna gorach MHMB

Robin Hood LTLMB

Robin Hood & the Bishop of Hereford LTLMB

Robin Hood & the Tanner LTLMB

Rode’s Air – as sung by Catelaine MHMB

Romance MHMB

Romance MHMB

Rory Dall’s Port MHMB

Rose Bud, The MHMB

Rose Bud child o’ Summer, The MHMB

Rose is weeping for her love__, The CMB

Round [‘Come, come follow’] CMB

Round — [Dr Harrington / ‘How great is the pleasure’ CMB

Round _ Four Voices [‘Home to dinner’] CMB

Round from Robin Hood, A LTLMB

Round “Oh beauteous eyes.” CMB

Round. Three Voices [‘The cheerful day’] CMB

Round. Three Voices [‘Come, come follow’] CMB

Round – Three Voices [‘If your voices are tuned’] CMB

Round. Three Voices [‘In Spring the leaves begin to sprout’ CMB

Round Three Voices [Purcell / ‘Hark the bonny’] CMB

Roys Wife of Aldivalloch GCMB

Sad is my Day MHMB

Sad, sad, is my Soul. CMB

Said to be “Creole air” CMB

Sandy’s my Darling MHMB

Save a poor Beggar Boy MHMB

Savourneen Delish MHMB

Say, what shall my song be? CMB

Schottische Polka, The CMB

Scotland’s Call LTLMB

Second love of a heart forsaken, The LTLMB

Secret of my heart, The GCMB

See from Ocean Rising MHMB

Sehnsucht, Die CMB

Senza di te CMB

Seventh o’ November, The MHMB

Shall he run away with the lasses MHMB

Sheriffs’ conceit, The MHMB

She’s fair and Fause MHMB

Should thou fond hopes_ GCMB

Siller Crown, The MHMB

270

Siller Crown, The GCMB

Silly Boy MHMB

Sing hey down ho down derry down dee MHMB

Sir Hew LTLMB

Sir Norman McLeod’s Lament CMB

Sir Roger de Coverley MHMB

Snowy Breasted Pearl, The MHMB

Sole a thuir mi thuis a gheainhraidh CMB

Song. [‘The meadows look cheerful’] GCMB

Song for Good Boys, A LTLMB

Song from ‘Egmont’ CMB

Song from the poor Soldier LTLMB

Song of the Exiles CMB

Song of the Olden Time, The CMB

Soon as the Morn MHMB

Souvenirs d’un Bal Masqué CMB

Spacious firmament of high, The MHMB

Spanish Chant LTLMB

Spanish Chant CMB

Spanish Fandango, The MHMB

Spanish Waltz LTLMB

Spey Side MHMB

Stabat Mater CMB

Star vicino al bell’ Idol che s’ama MHMB

Steibelt CMB

Sterbende Hold, Die CMB

Stockwell Chapel LTLMB

Strathspey, A MHMB

Strathspey, A MHMB

Strauss CMB

Struck by the shafts MHMB

St Stephens LTLMB

‘Sud air m’aigne so ghruaim’ / This casts a gloom upon my soul CMB

Summer bloom hath passed away!, The CMB

Summer is coming, The MHMB

Sure Woman’s to be Pitied MHMB

Susie Cleland LTLMB

Sweet Annie MHMB

Sweet fa’s the eve on Craigieburn MHMB

Sweet maid, Think on me MHMB

Sweet William LTLMB

Swiss Walts [sic] LTLMB

Tak ya auld Cloak about ye. LTLMB

Tam Glen LTLMB

Tarantella Napoletana CMB

Teach me to forget! CMB

Tears that I shed &c, The MHMB

Tell Corrinna MHMB

271

Tell me my heart MHMB

Tell me not of Morning breaking – CMB

Temple to Friendship, A MHMB

Teodora GCMB

Then be it so CMB

There comes a time MHMB

There’ll never be peace till Jamie comes hame MHMB

There’ll never be peace till Jamie comes hame LTLMB

There was a King in Thule LTLMB

There was a King in Thule CMB

There was an Old Man MHMB

They bid me Slight my Dearest LTLMB

They Say there is Some distant Land CMB

This is no my ain house MHMB

Those Evening Bells MHMB

Thou Fair Elisa MHMB

Thou Ling’ring Star LTLMB

Thou’rt gone away MHMB

Three horsemen rode out from the Gate GCMB

Three Little Dogs MHMB

Three Men’s Song, A CMB

Three Ravens LTLMB

Thy Will be done LTLMB

Tibbie Fowler LTLMB

Tifty’s bonnie Annie LTLMB

Tis Memory’s Aid MHMB

Tis not Love MHMB

To a child — LTLMB

To blast a Rivals’ Happiness MHMB

To Mademoiselle Jenny Lind By An Artist [Poem] LTLMB

To Welcome Jamie hame again GCMB

Tristes recuerdos CMB

Troika CMB

Trois Graces, Les LTLMB

Troubadour Captif, Le MHMB

True set of — “Mill o’ Tiftie’s Annie— ”, The LTLMB

True Thomas LTLMB

Tu consoli O Mia Speranza GCMB

Tune ‘Keith More — ‘ LTLMB

Turn Out MHMB

Tus ojos Incitan CMB

Tutto sorridere CMB

Twa Auld Wives o’ Beith, The MHMB

Ulican Dubh oh MHMB

[Untitled] MHMB

Up in the morning early MHMB

Vado ben spesso MHMB

Vale of Llangollen, The MHMB

272

Valse CMB

Veber’s [sic] last Valse CMB

Venetian Arietta, A MHMB

Vienna Waltz, A MHMB

Waltz GCMB

Waltz by Henri Herz LTLMB

Wapping Old Stairs composed by J. Percy MHMB

Water parted from the Sea CMB

Waters of Elle MHMB

Water Sprite, The LTLMB

Wealth of the Cottage is Love, The MHMB

Wee wee Crudlen Dov, The GCMB

Wee wee German Lairdie, The LTLMB

What can’t be cur’d must be endur’d MHMB

What causes my Donald this pain? MHMB

What the De’il ails ye? MHMB

When a Little Farm we keep MHMB

When cold in the Earth LTLMB

When Delia MHMB

When from thy sight MHMB

When he I Love MHMB

When I have a saxpence under my thumb MHMB

When morning rich in lustre breaks MHMB

When my Delia MHMB

When rising from the bed of death MHMB

When she cam ben she bobed MHMB

When tell tale Echo’s whisper MHMB

When the Cold grasp of death LTLMB

Where dost thou feed thy favor’d sheep... LTLMB

While hopeless &c MHMB

While yet the Tide MHMB

Whimsical bore, The LTLMB

Widow are ye waking MHMB

Wiegenlied LTLMB

Will ye gae t’Inverness? MHMB

William Forbes Stuart’s Strathspey LTLMB

Willie Winkie’s Testament MHMB

Wilzham Walla’s March LTLMB

Wolf, The CMB

Woo’d & Married & a’ MHMB

Woo’d & Married &c by Joanna Baillie [poem] CMB

Yarrimore MHMB

Yon bright world. CMB

Young Colin was a Rustic Boy. LTLMB

Young Colnel, The LTLMB

Young Lavalette’s Favorite MHMB

273

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Claribel 1830–1869. Accessed 12 March 2017. http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-

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Cottin Madame (Sophie) 1770–1807. Accessed 12 March 2017.

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Courcy, F. de (Frédéric) 1795–1862. Accessed 12 March 2017.

http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n89643461.

Crampton, Thomas. Accessed 12 March 2017. http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-

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Croal, George. Accessed 12 March 2017. http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-

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Delamain, Henry active 1782–1796. Accessed 12 March 2017.

http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-nr91030019.

305

Hemans Mrs 1793–1835. Accessed 12 March 2017.

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Holcroft, Fanny –1844. Accessed 12 March 2017. http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-

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Jay, John George Henry. Accessed 12 March 2017. http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/np-

jay,%20john%20george%20henry.

Kozeluch, Leopold 1747–1818. Accessed12 March 2017.

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L. E. L. (Letitia Elizabeth Landon) 1802–1838. Accessed 12 March 2017.

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Mazzinghi, Joseph 1765–1844. Accessed 12 March 2017.

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Wilton, Richard 1827–. Accessed 12 March 2017. http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-

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Minerva Access is the Institutional Repository of The University of Melbourne

Author/s:Richards, Rosemary Jean

Title:Georgiana McCrae’s manuscript music collections: a life in music

Date:2017

Persistent Link:http://hdl.handle.net/11343/192295

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