1
GEORGIANA MCCRAE’S MANUSCRIPT
MUSIC COLLECTIONS:
A LIFE IN MUSIC
Rosemary Jean Richards
orcid.org/0000-0001-9671-2413
Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
17 May 2017
Melbourne Conservatorium of Music
The University of Melbourne
3
ABSTRACT
This thesis considers the biographical, historical and musical significance of manuscript music
collections belonging to the diarist, artist and musician Georgiana McCrae, who brought her
collections from London and Scotland to Melbourne in 1841 and continued to extend them
after her arrival. McCrae used music to help maintain her sense of national, class and gender
identity through various challenging events in her life, including her migration. This thesis
contributes to an understanding of how domestic music collections were used in Britain and its
colonies in the nineteenth century for the purposes of education, socialisation and
memorialisation.
4
DECLARATION OF AUTHORSHIP
This is to certify that
(i) the thesis comprises my original work,
(ii) due acknowledgment has been made in the text to all other material used,
(iii) the thesis is less than 100,000 words in length, exclusive of tables, maps,
bibliographies and appendices.
Name in Full: Rosemary Jean Richards
Date: 17 May 2017
5
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract 3
List of Tables 6
List of Figures 7
Acknowledgements 9
Abbreviations 11
Chapter 1: Introduction 15
Chapter 2: Domestic Music-making and the Use of Manuscript Music
Collections in Britain and Colonial Australia, c. 1800–60 33
Chapter 3: Georgiana McCrae’s Life in Britain, 1804–40 69
Chapter 4: Georgiana McCrae’s First Three Manuscript Music
Collections, c. 1817–48 109
Chapter 5: Georgiana McCrae as a Migrant, 1838–60 168
Chapter 6: Georgiana McCrae’s ‘Chaplin Music Book’, c. 1840–56 202
Chapter 7: Lessons from a Musical Life: Georgiana McCrae in Later Years 247
Chapter 8: Conclusion 253
Appendix: Alphabetical Handlist of Titles 257
Bibliography 273
6
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Georgiana McCrae’s four surviving manuscript music collections 17
Table 2: Sample of manuscript music book inscriptions in Aylward Collection,
Cardiff University Special Collections 51
Table 3: Contents of small manuscript music book possibly from
Thetford, Norfolk, UK 52
Table 4: Samples from Georgiana McCrae’s manuscript music collections. 110
Table 5: Date order of transcription of manuscript music in GCMB 139
7
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Georgiana McCrae, ‘Self-portrait Aged 20, 1824’, SLV 14
Figure 2: Front cover of Pio Cianchettini, ‘Rule Britannia with
Madame Catalani’s Variations’ 56
Figure 3: Gordon Castle 85
Figure 4: Statues of 5th Duke of Gordon 107
Figure 5: Opening page of MHMB, Part 1 113
Figure 6: Opening page of MHMB, Part 2 114
Figure 7: ‘See from Ocean Rising’, MHMB 119
Figure 8: Front Cover with ‘IHS’ symbol, GCMB 138
Figure 9: ‘Teodora’, GCMB 141
Figure 10: ‘Oh! Dinna Ask me’, GCMB 142
Figure 11: ‘Oh bonnie lassie’, GCMB 145
Figure 12: ‘A Bhanarach dhonn a cruidh’, GCMB 147
Figure 13: ‘Perche mi lasci’, GCMB 150
Figure 14: Front cover with castle, LTLMB 153
Figure 15: ‘Jenny Lind’ poem, LTLMB 153
Figure 16: ‘Keith More’ by ‘A. D. G.’, LTLMB 157
Figure 17: Annotation, ‘A Greek Air’, LTLMB 159
Figure 18: Annotation, ‘Hertz’, ‘No. 1 Op 35’, LTLMB 164
Figure 19: ‘The Dead’ poem, GCMB 166
Figure 20: Georgiana McCrae, scene from La Sonnambula 198
Figure 21: Inscriptions, CMB 204
Figure 22: Chaplin book plate, CMB 205
Figure 23: ‘Non Nobis Domine’, CMB 206
8
Figure 24: Annotation, ‘The Light of Other Days’, CMB 207
Figure 25: ‘Ha’ til’ and ‘Spanish Chant’, CMB 209
Figure 26: ‘Bygone Days’, CMB 213
Figure 27: ‘Creole Air’, CMB 216
Figure 28: ‘Constance’, CMB 218
Figure 29: ‘Jenny Lind’, piano solo, CMB 227
Figure 30: ‘Vi ravviso’, CMB 232
Figure 31: List, last flyleaf, CMB 233
Figure 32: ‘Yon bright world’, ‘49th Hymn’, CMB 235
Figure 33: ‘Woo’d and Married &c’, CMB 241
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thanks go to my supervisors Professor Kerry Murphy and Dr Suzanne Robinson, to my former
supervisor Dr Thérèse Radic and to members of my panel and other staff at the University of
Melbourne.
I have received generous help from many scholars and staff at archives, museums, libraries and
academic institutions that I have consulted about Georgiana’s life and music as well as other
relevant sources from her era. Thanks especially go to Janet Hay, Amanda Milledge,
Manuscripts Collection at State Library Victoria, Rare Books and Special Collections at the
University of Sydney Library and National Trust of Australia (Victoria) for permission to
reproduce items related to Georgiana McCrae, and also to Sandra Pullman and Manuscripts
Collection at State Library of Victoria, aided by Special Collections at the University of
Melbourne, for permission to reproduce the front cover of Cianchettini’s arrangement of Arne’s
‘Rule Britannia with Madame Catalani’s Variations’. I have received assistance with images
in this thesis from Briar Adams and Stephen Walter. Additional proof reading suggestions for
the text of the thesis including the appendix were given by Briar Adams, Clara Adams and
Jackie Walling.
I am grateful for the support I have received from family, friends and colleagues, including the
following:
Neil Adam, Briar Adams, Clara Adams, Giles Adams, Dr Per Ahlander, Ronnie Bauer,
Georgina Binns, Hilary Bland, Almut Boehme, Neil Boness, Professor Stanley Boorman,
Sharon Bowen, Joshua Bridges, Judy Bridges, Professor Jeanice Brooks, Theo Buskes, Dr
Katherine Campbell, Dr Samantha Carrasco, Kristen Castellana, Dr Penelope Cave, Associate
Professor Michael Christoforidis, Heather Clarke, Caroline Clemente, Dr Merete Colding
Smith, Dr Suzanne Cole, Colin Coleman, Professor Kate Darian-Smith, Dr Gillian Dooley, Dr
Caroline Ellsmore, Professor Catherine Falk, Dr Katrina Faulds, Peter Ellis, Dr Jennifer Gall,
Clare Gleeson, Matthew Guida, Dr Julie Haskell, Janet Hay, Barbara Higgins, Huntly Higgins,
Irina Higgins, Robyn Holmes, Associate Professor Alison Inglis, Jim Inglis, Dr Elizabeth
Kertesz, Associate Professor Linda Kouvaras, Dr Emily Lyle, Dr Alan Maddox, Donatella
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Mannolini, Dr Karen McAulay, Leanne Mccreddon, Jennifer McDonell, Mary McKenzie,
Margaret-Anne Milburn, Amanda Milledge, Dr Kevin Molloy, Dr Colette Moloney, Luisa
Morales, Professor Kerry Murphy, Layne Naug, Elizabeth Nichol, William Orange, Leonie
Perry, Jim Pippey, Associate Professor Melanie Plesch, Evelyn Portek, Sandra Pullman, Jenny
Purcell, Dr Thérèse Radic, Dr Leena Rana, Dr Alison Richards, Ian Riches, Sheilah Roberts,
Nancie Robinson, Dr Suzanne Robinson, Mhairi Ross, Dr Robin Ryan, Christopher Scobie, Dr
Aline Scott-Maxwell, Austin Sherlaw-Johnson, Colin Simpson, Dr Graeme Skinner, Dr
Graeme Smith, Dennis Spiteri, Dr Matthew Stephens, Ludwig Sugiri, David Thomas, John
Thompson, Judy Turner, Jackie Walling, Judy Walsh, Stephen Walter, Franz Weindl, Dr John
Whiteoak, Dr Carol Williams, Dr Roger Williams, Matthew Withey, Brenton Whittenbury,
Miriam Whittenbury, Lena Vigilante, Ema Yandall.
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ABBREVIATIONS
ADB Australian Dictionary of Biography [online]
ANU Australian National University
AGB Art Gallery of Ballarat
BA Brodie Archives, NRAS770, Brodie Castle, National Trust for
Scotland [NTS]
BFC-SLV Bunbury Family Correspondence, 1824–1872, MS 13530, MC-SLV.
Includes Series 14: Transcripts
BL British Library
BSANZ Bibliographical Society of Australia and New Zealand
Bunbury,
Sconce
Sarah Susanna Bunbury, ed., Life and Letters of Robert Clement
Sconce, Formerly Secretary to Sir John Duckworth: Compiled for
His Grandchildren by His Daughter, Sarah Susanna Bunbury, 2
vols. (London: Cox & Wyman, 1861)
CJLTS The C. J. La Trobe Society
CMB Georgiana McCrae, ‘Chaplin Music Book’, RB 1164.9, McCrae
Papers, Harry F. Chaplin Collection, Rare Books and Special
Collections, the University of Sydney Library [MPC-USyd].
CSPP Charles Stuart Perry Papers, 1827–1982. MS Box 3611, MS 12836,
MC-SLV.
FPMM-SLV Family Papers 1795–1915, Marjorie Morgan, MS MSB 263, MS
10614, MC-SLV
GCM-NRS Gordon Castle Muniments, GD44, National Records of Scotland
GCMB Georgiana McCrae, ‘Gordon Castle Music Book’, McCrae Family
Papers, MS 12018/2516/3, MC-SLV
GM-journal Georgiana McCrae, journal entry [original MSS in MC-SLV and
MPC-USyd]
GM-
Recollections
Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections of an Octogenarian: Manuscript
ca. 1885’, MS MSM 548, MS Box 4264/2, MS 14833, MC-SLV.
GM-Stray Georgiana McCrae, ‘Stray Leaves from an Old Journal Long Since
Committed to the Flames’ (1828–29), McCrae Family Papers, MS
12018, 2516/2(a), MC-SLV
HL Hocken Library, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand
ITMA Irish Traditional Music Archive/Taisce Cheol Dúchais Éireann
JHU John Hopkins University
LoC Library of Congress
12
LTLMB Georgiana McCrae, ‘La Trobe Library Music Book’, McCrae Family
Papers, MS 12018/2519/4, MC-SLV
MC-SLV Manuscripts Collection, State Library Victoria
MHMB Georgiana McCrae, ‘McCrae Homestead Music Book’, National
Trust of Australia (Victoria)
MNB ‘Music Notebook’: ‘Notebook Containing Transcripts of Musical
Scores, Titled in Georgiana’s Hand: Mainly Scottish’, McCrae
Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3740/9(a), MC-SLV
MPC-USyd McCrae Papers, Harry F. Chaplin Collection, RB 1164, Rare Books
and Special Collections, University of Sydney Library
MPRG Mornington Peninsula Regional Gallery
MUN Memorial University of Newfoundland
MUP Melbourne University Press
NGV National Gallery of Victoria
NLA National Library of Australia
NLS National Library of Scotland
NMA National Museum of Australia
NRAS National Register of Archives for Scotland
NRS National Records of Scotland
NTA (Vic) National Trust of Australia (Victoria)
NTS National Trust for Scotland
ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography [online]
OMO Oxford Music Online
OUP Oxford University Press
PNM-SLV Papers, ca.1980–96, Brenda Niall: Papers Relating to her Research
on Georgiana McCrae, MS Boxes 3961–67, MS 13478, MC-SLV
PROV Public Record Office Victoria
RB Rare Books
SLM Sydney Living Museums
SLNSW State Library New South Wales
SLV State Library Victoria
SMI Scottish Music Index, edited by Charles Gore,
http://www.scottishmusicindex.org/
SMM Scots Musical Museum (1787–1803), edited by James Johnson
TWSDA-EUL The Walter Scott Digital Archive, Edinburgh University Library.
UK United Kingdom
UM University of Melbourne
13
USyd University of Sydney
Weber-PPP Thérèse Weber, ‘Port Phillip Papers: The Australian Journal of
Georgiana McCrae’, 2 vols. (PhD thesis, School of Language,
Literature and Communication, University College, University of
NSW, at Australian Defence Forces Academy, Duntroon, ACT,
2000)
14
Figure 1: Georgiana McCrae, ‘Self-portrait Aged 20, 1824’, Picture Collection, SLV,
Bequest of Lady Cowper 1988, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/263590 (accessed 27
April 2017).
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Georgiana McCrae: Brief Overview
Georgiana McCrae has become a minor celebrity in Australian history, mainly remembered
today because of her journals and works of art. Born in London towards the end of the Georgian
era, Georgiana Huntly Gordon (McCrae) (1804–90) was the illegitimate daughter of Jane
Graham (1772–1838) and the Scottish aristocrat George, Marquis of Huntly (1770–1836), the
son and heir of Alexander, fourth Duke of Gordon (1743–1827). The young Georgiana was
given a lady’s education in London and excelled in both art and music. In the 1820s she moved
to Gordon Castle near Fochabers in Scotland; in 1830 she married a distant relation, Andrew
Murison McCrae, with whom she had nine children, seven of whom survived childhood. She
migrated to Australia following her husband and lived there from 1841 until her death.
In 1934 her grandson Hugh McCrae published an imaginatively-edited version of his
grandmother’s journals, which have been republished four times, most recently in 2013.1 His
style of editing and rewriting, while not unusual in the 1930s, has been criticised by some later
scholars for the liberties he took with his grandmother’s text.2 A considerable part of
Georgiana’s fame has resulted from the continuing popularity of her grandson’s publication,
but later scholarship provides more scholarly rigour.3
The life and achievements of Georgiana McCrae have received further increased attention
since the 1960s. Her artworks were featured in two exhibitions in 2011, at the ‘Sea of Dreams’
by the Mornington Peninsula Regional Gallery (MPRG) and ‘This Wondrous Land: Colonial
Art on Paper’ by the National Gallery of Victoria (NGV).4 In 2014 an exhibition about the
1 Hugh McCrae, ed., Georgiana’s Journal: Melbourne a Hundred Years Ago (Sydney, NSW: Angus & Robertson,
1934); republished 1966, 1978, 1992, 2013; see Norman Cowper and Martha Rutledge, ‘McCrae, Hugh Raymond
(1876–1958), ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU, 1986, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/mccrae-hugh-
raymond-7327 (accessed 6 February 2017). To help distinguish between members of the McCrae family,
Georgiana McCrae will be referred to as ‘Georgiana’ in this thesis. 2 See for example Marguerite Hancock, ‘A Note on the Text’, in Georgiana’s Journal: Melbourne 1841–1865, 5th ed., ed. Hugh McCrae (Canberra: Halstead Press, 2013), 5–17. 3 Rosemary Richards, ‘Frae the friends and Land I love’: The ‘McCrae Homestead Music Book’ (Box Hill
North: R. Richards, 2005), 26. 4 See Sea of Dreams: The Lure of Port Phillip Bay 1830–1914, ed. Jane Alexander and Rodney James
(Mornington, Vic.: MPRG, 2011); Alisa Bunbury, ed., This Wondrous Land: Colonial Art on Paper (Melbourne:
NGV, 2011).
16
Scots in Australia curated by Alison Inglis and Patricia Tryon Macdonald at the Art Gallery of
Ballarat (AGB) also displayed Georgiana’s artworks.5 The McCrae Homestead, originally
designed by Georgiana and still extant on the Mornington Peninsula near Melbourne, has been
turned into a museum which is currently under the auspices of the National Trust of Australia
(Victoria) (NTA (Vic)). In 2016 the National Trust continued its promotion of Georgiana
McCrae with an illustrated article about the recent donation of ‘Georgiana’s Sewing Box’ and
its contents.6 The activities of the Georgiana McCrae Society also contribute to continued
appreciation of Georgiana’s life and output.7
Georgiana’s musical interests have also contributed to her wider renown. Music that
Georgiana collected has been highlighted in sound recordings by Australian folk performer
Jenny Gall, the Melbourne Scottish Fiddle Club and soprano Vivien Hamilton.8 Gall’s
recording based on Georgiana’s version of the Gaelic song ‘A Bhanarach Dhonn a Chruidh’
was showcased in an exhibition about the spread of Scottish music organised by Almut Boehme
at the National Library of Scotland (NLS) in Edinburgh in 2009.9 These responses to
Georgiana, her music-making and collecting have provided valuable contributions to an
understanding of her life and times. However, the richness of the musical sources about
Georgiana offer more than has so far been gleaned. Music was central to Georgiana’s life and
activities and her music collections can reveal a great deal about her personal emotions,
thoughts and lifestyle, in addition to an increased understanding of her choice of musical
practices and repertoire. It is important to acknowledge the influence of family, friends and
other members of her scribal community on her collections as well as the impact of more
general trends in music-making and music-collecting.
Georgiana collected music in both manuscript and printed form from an early age. By the
time she arrived in Melbourne she had transcribed and compiled three volumes of manuscript
music, whose contents are dated c. 1822–24, c. 1827–28 and c. 1817–48 respectively, as well
as owning printed sheet music for her personal use. In Australia, she continued collecting and
5 See Caroline Clemente, ‘Georgiana McCrae: A Scottish Exile in the Antipodes’, in For Auld Lang Syne: Images
of Scottish Australia from First Fleet to Federation, ed. Alison Inglis and Patricia Tryon Macdonald (Ballarat:
AGB, [2014]), 239–47. 6 McCrae Homestead: 11 Beverley Road, McCrae, Victoria, 3938; Michelle Derek, ‘Secrets of Georgiana’s
Sewing Box’, National Trust Victoria, 5 (Feb/Mar/Apr 2016): 18–19. 7 Georgiana McCrae Society, http://georgianamccrae.tumblr.com/ (accessed 9 October 2016). 8 Jenny Gall, Cantara, Elidor Records, JGIB06, 2006; Melbourne Scottish Fiddle Club & Friends, A Long Way
from Home, 2006; The Bush Dance and Music Club of Bendigo and District Inc, Bendigo, Vic., The Merry
Country Dance, 3, CD, 2007; Vivien Hamilton and Len Forster, Burns and Beyond: Songs of Robert Burns, Move
Records, 2009. 9 NLS, ‘Scots Music Abroad’, http://www.nls.uk/exhibitions/scots-music-abroad/index.html (accessed 5 January
2015).
17
transcribing music and her fourth volume of manuscript music was bound in Melbourne in
1856 (see Table 1).
Music Collection Acronym Dates Location
McCrae
Homestead
Music Book
MHMB
c. 1822–24 McCrae Collection, National
Trust of Australia (Victoria)
[NTA (Vic)]
Gordon Castle
Music Book
GCMB
c. 1827–28
MS 12018/2516/3, McCrae
Family Papers, Manucripts
Collection, State Library Victoria
[MC-SLV]
La Trobe Library
Music Book
LTLMB
c. 1817–48
MS 12018/2519/4, McCrae
Family Papers, MC-SLV
Chaplin
Music Book
CMB c. 1840–56
RB 1164.9, McCrae Papers,
Harry F. Chaplin Collection, Rare
Books and Special Collections,
University of Sydney [MPC-
USyd]
Table 1: Georgiana McCrae’s four surviving manuscript music collections
In the opinion of Australian musicologist and McCrae scholar, Thérèse Radic, Georgiana
is a prime exemplar of ‘the submerged women’s music tradition from Britain and its
colonies’.10 Georgiana’s four volumes of manuscript music trace her life from her upbringing
and education in London and Scotland to her middle age in Australia. Examination of them
enables a fuller understanding of early nineteenth-century British womanhood and of the
experiences of a colonial migrant. This thesis focuses on Georgiana McCrae’s surviving
manuscript music collections, which provide biographical information to add to her journals
and art and other voluminous sources by and about her that have survived or been produced
since her death. Further study of each of Georgiana’s four known manuscript music collections,
and of her domestic musical practices and repertoire, can throw new light on events, people
10 Thérèse Radic, personal communication, 6 August 2009.
18
and places she knew, emotional, intellectual and physical challenges she faced and the period
in which she lived.
1.2 Literature Review
Georgiana McCrae and music
Hugh McCrae sold some of his grandmother’s collections including the ‘Chaplin Music Book’
(CMB) and some of her ‘Port Phillip Journals’ to a collector called Harry Chaplin, whose
collections are now held by the University of Sydney (MPC-USyd).11 Georgiana McCrae’s
‘McCrae Homestead Music Book’ (MHMB) became part of the McCrae Homestead collection
prior to its acquisition by NTA (Vic) in 1970.12 Many items from Georgiana’s personal
collections, including her ‘Gordon Castle’ and ‘La Trobe Library’ manuscript music books
(GCMB, LTLMB), another small collection in unidentified handwriting, the ‘Music Notebook’
(MNB), Georgiana’s ‘Stray Leaves’ from the late 1820s, parts of her ‘Port Phillip Journals’
and books in the McCrae Family Library, were subsequently lodged with State Library Victoria
(SLV) by Georgiana’s great granddaughter, Huntly Cowper (daughter of Hugh McCrae) and
family.13 SLV has continued to collect McCrae memorabilia by donation or purchase. For
example in 2004 SLV purchased Georgiana’s handwritten copy of her ‘Recollections of an
Octogenarian’ (c. 1885).14 Additional sources by and about Georgiana and her family can now
be found in collections including NGV, National Library of Australia (NLA), State Library
New South Wales (SLNSW), Brodie Archives (BA) at Brodie Castle under the auspices of the
National Trust for Scotland (NTS), Gordon Castle Muniments (GCM-NRS) held by the
National Records of Scotland (NRS) and Goodwood Archives located in the West Sussex
Records Office, as well as in private collections.15
11 McCrae Papers, Harry F. Chaplin Collection, RB 1164, University of Sydney [MPC-USyd]; see Harry F.
Chaplin, A McCrae Miscellany (Sydney: Wentworth Press, [1967]). 12 See George Gordon McCrae, ‘Catalogue of the McCrae Homestead’ (Mornington Peninsula, Vic.: The
Author, [c. 1963]); Mary Ryllis Clark and Grania Poliness, ‘Our Mountain Home’ (McCrae, Vic.: NTA (Vic),
1996), 15; Belinda Nemec, ‘McCrae Homestead Collection Catalogue’ (Melbourne: NTA (Vic), 1999. 13 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Stray Leaves from an Old Journal Long Since Committed to the Flames’ (1828–29),
McCrae Family Papers, MS 12018, 2516/2(a), MC-SLV [GM-Stray]; ‘Notebook Containing Transcripts of
Musical Scores, Titled in Georgiana’s Hand: Mainly Scottish’ [MNB], McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3740/9(a), MC-SLV; see Georgiana McCrae, ‘Stray Leaves from an Old Journal’, La Trobe Journal (SLV) 11
no. 44 (Spring 1989): 19. 14 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections of an Octogenarian: Manuscript ca. 1885’, MS Box 4264/2, MS 14833, MS
MSM 548, MC-SLV [GM-Recollections]. 15 For example see Georgiana McCrae, NGV Collection,
http://www.ngv.vic.gov.au/?s=Georgiana+McCrae&type=collection (accessed 7 August 2016); George Gordon
19
Although Hugh McCrae published his version of Georgiana’s Journal in 1934,
Georgiana’s music collections, original journals and other memorabilia were not readily
accessible by scholars for some decades afterwards, which contributed to the longstanding
influence of Hugh McCrae’s interpretation of his grandmother and her achievements. Many
scholars have quoted from Hugh McCrae’s text. In her 1968 MMus, Thérèse Radic investigated
amateur and professional music from the Australian colonial period and quoted from Hugh
McCrae’s version of Georgiana’s Journal in her analysis of music-making in Georgiana’s
emigration and life in Melbourne c. 1840–60s.16 In 1982 Radic’s student David Ross also drew
on Hugh McCrae’s work in his investigations of ‘Singing and Society: Melbourne, 1836–
1861’.17
More recently scholars have had access to Georgiana’s own surviving manuscripts to help
facilitate a reassessment of her life and musical accomplishments. The current understanding
of Georgiana has been influenced by a number of authors. Marguerite Hancock referred to
discrepancies between the manuscript and printed versions of Georgiana’s Journal in a 1985
article about Georgiana, based on Hancock’s Honours thesis at Monash University and
published as part of Victoria’s 150th anniversary celebrations.18 Since 1987, most recently as
2009, Susanna de Vries has published research on Georgiana’s life.19 Brenda Niall’s
authoritative biography published in 1994 with a catalogue by Caroline Clemente of
Georgiana’s artworks has, however, become the benchmark for modern scholarship on
Georgiana.20 Niall’s biography provides detailed coverage of Georgiana’s life and
achievements in the visual arts based on primary sources including Georgiana’s surviving
journals and artworks. Niall does not utilise musical sources such as Georgiana’s manuscript
music books but rather focusses on a depiction of Georgiana as having been thwarted in her
professional ambitions in the visual arts. More recently, Caroline Jordan also concentrates on
McCrae (1833–1927), ‘Album of Drawings’ [1839–1903], NLA, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-139345548 (accessed
26 February 2017); Copies of Adam Lindsay Gordon’s poems transcribed by Georgiana McCrae, RB 1164.7,
MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; NRAS770, Brodie Castle Archives, NTS; Papers of the Gordon Family,
Dukes of Gordon (Gordon Castle Muniments/GCM-NRS), GD44, NRS; Goodwood Archives, West Sussex
Record Office; F.W. Steer, J.E. Amanda Venables, T.J. McCann, eds., The Goodwood Estate Archives, 3 vols.
(Chichester, UK: West Sussex County Council, 1970–84); Rosemary Baird, Goodwood: Art, Architecture, Sport
& Family (London: Frances Lincoln, 2007), 173–78. 16 Thérèse Radic, ‘Aspects of Organized Amateur Music in Melbourne, 1836–1890’ (MMus thesis, University of
Melbourne, 1968), 34–38; Terry [Thérèse] Radic, ‘Australian Women in Music’, Lip (Carlton, Australia: Women
in the Visual Arts Collective, 1978/79): 97–110. 17 David Ian Ross, ‘Singing and Society: Melbourne, 1836–1861’ (MMus thesis, University of Melbourne, 1982),
26–32. 18 Marguerite Hancock, ‘Georgiana McCrae: Reluctant Colonist’, in Double Time, ed. Marilyn Lake, and Farley
Kelly (Ringwood, Vic.: Penguin, 1985), 40–48. 19 Susanna De Vries, ‘Georgiana McCrae (Huntly)’, in Females on the Fatal Shore (Brisbane: Pirgos Press, 2009). 20 Brenda Niall, Georgiana (Carlton, Vic.: MUP, Miegunyah Press, 1994).
20
Georgiana the artist and argues that Georgiana’s sketching and painting can be seen as amongst
acceptable activities to occupy genteel women of their era in their domestic sphere.21
Further availability of relevant primary evidence and publications has added information
about Georgiana’s life and achievements. In 1996 Huntly and Barbara Higgins, two of
Georgiana’s many descendants, published an edited version of one of Georgiana’s manuscript
commonplace books from their own personal collection.22 Thérèse Weber’s PhD thesis
(Weber-PPP), completed in 2000 and based on manuscript sources, provides access to an
accurate, annotated transcription plus facsimile copies of Georgiana’s own words from the
version of Georgiana’s journals before and after emigration that Georgiana herself rewrote in
the 1880s.23 In this thesis I have looked at Georgiana’s original manuscripts and based
transcriptions of Georgiana’s handwriting, including punctuation and underlinings, on the work
of other scholars such as Thérèse Weber, Brenda Niall, Jennifer Gall, Marie Hansen Fels and
colleagues at SLV.
Historians such as Lucy Frost, Penny Russell and Pat Jalland have published influential
research about Australian colonial society, drawing in part for evidence on documentary
sources related to Georgiana and her family, friends and contemporaries.24 This work is part of
a modern reassessment of Australian history which includes research on the origins and
expansion of Melbourne, for example by Jenny Lee and Gary Presland.25 SLV’s La Trobe
Journal and the C. J. La Trobe Society’s journal La Trobeana are named after the McCraes’
friend Charles Joseph La Trobe, the first superintendent of Port Phillip and Lieutenant-
Governor of Victoria, and provide a wealth of information about early Melbourne and its
inhabitants.26 Marie Hansen Fels has demonstrated an understanding of Georgiana’s own texts
as well as the complexities of modern post-colonial Australian history with her extensive use
21 Niall, Georgiana, 26–30; Caroline Jordan, ‘An Ornamental Education’, in Picturesque Pursuits (Carlton, Vic.:
MUP, 2005), 11–34. 22 Huntly Higgins and Barbara Higgins, eds., Georgiana McCrae: A Commonplace Book (Richmond, Vic.:
Spectrum, 1996). 23 Thérèse Weber, ‘Port Phillip Papers: The Australian Journal of Georgiana McCrae’ (PhD thesis, University
of NSW, Australian Defence Forces Academy, Duntroon, ACT, 2000) [Weber-PPP]. 24 Lucy Frost, ‘Immigrant Women in Narratives of Divorce’, in Visible Women: Female Immigrants in Colonial
Australia ed. Eric Richards (Canberra: ANU; Highland Press, 1995), 85–111; Penny Russell, Savage or Civilised? Manners in Colonial Australia (Sydney: New South, 2010), 165–89; Pat Jalland, Old Age in Australia: A History
(Carlton, Vic.: MUP, 2015), 104–22. 25 Jenny Lee, Making Modern Melbourne (Carlton, Vic.: Arcade, 2008); Gary Presland, The Place for a Village
(Melbourne, Vic.: Museum Victoria, 2009). 26 The La Trobe Journal (SLV), http://latrobejournal.slv.vic.gov.au/latrobejournal/index.html (accessed 26
August 2015); The C. J. La Trobe Society [CJLTS], http://www.latrobesociety.org.au/ (accessed 29 July 2016).
21
of Weber’s edition of Georgiana’s ‘Port Phillip Journals’ in a study of the impact of British
colonists on Aboriginal people in the Melbourne area.27
While authors including Niall, Higgins and Jordan discuss instances of Georgiana’s music-
making, it is worth looking at them again from a musicological perspective. As well as being
important to herself and her immediate family, Georgiana’s music practices can be seen as part
of the spread of British culture throughout the empire. Scholars including Ann Beedell, Alison
Gyger, Prue Neidorf, Graeme Smith and John Whiteoak have investigated the migrations and
careers of musicians, singers and publishers who influenced musical styles and culture in the
Australian colonies.28 Graeme Skinner’s ongoing additions to his website amplify his PhD
thesis and provide an important repository of current knowledge about musicians and music
publications in the Australian colonial period.29
Since I published my previous research on Georgiana’s music-making and music
collections in 2005, contributions to the topic have been made by scholars such as Peter Ellis,
Heather Clarke, Jenny Gall and Almut Boehme.30 Ellis and Clarke have been intrigued by
Georgiana’s contribution to social dance in Australia.31 Gall, a scholar, folk musician and oral
historian, has employed a feminist approach to Georgiana’s music collections in her PhD thesis
on the role of women in Australian folk music.32 Using case studies, Gall aims to overthrow
the widely-held view that ‘Australian folk music represents a predominantly masculine,
working class genre’.33 She uses primary sources including Georgiana’s GCMB and LTLMB
as evidence of ‘the role of women as integral to the evolution and transmission of Australian
27 Marie Hansen Fels, ‘I Succeeded Once’: The Aboriginal Protectorate on the Mornington Peninsula, 1839–
1840 (Canberra: ANU E Press, Aboriginal History Incorporated, 2011). 28 See eg Ann Beedell, ‘Terminal Silence: Sara Flower and the Diva Enigma: Explorations of Voice and the
Maternal in Operatic Experience in Colonial Australian History ca. 1850–1865’ (PhD thesis, Griffith University, 1999); Alison Gyger, Civilising the Colonies (Sydney: Opera-Opera (Pellinor), 1999); Prue Neidorf, ‘A Guide
to Dating Music Published in Sydney and Melbourne, 1800–1899’ (MA, University of Wollongong, 1999);
Graeme Smith, Singing Australian (North Melbourne, Vic.: Pluto Press Australia, 2005); John Whiteoak,
Playing Ad Lib (Sydney: Currency Press, 1999). 29 Graeme Skinner, Australharmony: An Online Resource toward the History of Music in Colonial and Early
Federation Australia, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/ (accessed 2 April 2017); Graeme Skinner,
‘Toward a General History of Australian Musical Composition’ (PhD thesis, University of Sydney, 2011),
http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7264 (accessed 4 November 2016). 30 Richards, ‘Frae the friends’; Peter Ellis, The Merry Country Dance, print (Bendigo: The Bush Dance and
Music Club of Bendigo and District Inc., March 2006); Heather Clarke, Australian Colonial Dance,
http://www.colonialdance.com.au/ (accessed 25 May 2015); Jennifer Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’ (PhD
thesis, Australian National University, 2008); Almut Boehme, ‘An Initial Investigation into the Early Dissemination of Scottish Music in Australia’, Fontes Artis Musicae 55, no. 2 (April–June 2008): 274–96. 31 Ellis, The Merry Country Dance; Bush Dance and Music Club Bendigo, Home,
http://www.bendigobushdance.org.au/layout.php?p=1 (accessed 4 November 2016); Clarke, Australian Colonial
Dance. 32 Jennifer Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 1–40, 89–148. 33 Gall, ‘Abstract’, in ‘Redefining the Tradition’.
22
folk music’.34 Gall analyses the oral and written contributions of women including Sally
Sloane, Mary Jane Officer, Georgiana McCrae and Jenny Gall herself to the development and
activities of the contemporary non-indigenous Australian folk music scene. Boehme has
considered Georgiana and her music in relation to the nineteenth-century Scottish diaspora.35
The focus in this thesis on Georgiana’s participation in genteel domestic parlour music
traditions rather than folk music differentiates it from either Gall’s or Boehme’s work.
My current research has been enhanced by the further increasing availability of relevant
primary sources. After publishing Georgiana’s biography in 1994, Niall generously donated
her working files, including original manuscripts of material written by Georgiana, giving
access to other scholars (PNM-SLV).36 Additional primary sources which have become
available since Niall published her biography include a donation organised by Melbourne
historian Marjorie Morgan of material linked to the McCrae, Cox, Howitt and Anderson
families.37 Another example is a letter to Georgiana from her husband Andrew in 1836 in which
he discussed difficulties in obtaining Georgiana’s inheritance after her father’s death.38 I have
further amplified Niall’s research by investigating relevant sources in Britain including at least
three, and possibly as many as eleven, sketches by Georgiana kept amongst material that
belonged to Georgiana’s stepmother, Elizabeth Brodie, Fifth Duchess of Gordon, in BA,
Brodie Castle in Scotland.39 More resources, including metal plates used to print a piece of
keyboard music called ‘Kinloch of Kinloch with Variations / By a Lady’ continue to be
identified at BA to add to the extensive research into the Brodie manuscript and printed music
collections investigated by Roger Bevan Williams.40 The musical achievements of Duchess
34 Gall, ‘Abstract’, in ‘Redefining the Tradition’. 35 Boehme, ‘An Initial Investigation’. 36 PNM-SLV, MS Boxes 3961–67, MS 13478, MC-SLV. 37 FPMM-SLV, MS MSB 263, MS 10614, MC-SLV. 38 Letter from Andrew McCrae, ‘Brodie House / Tuesday / 7 oclock [sic] AM’, [n.d.], postmarked ‘B [Brodie?] /
18JU18 / 1836’, ‘10. FD [Findhorn?] 10 / JU18. / 1836’, to ‘Mrs A M McCrae / 15 Augusta place [sic] / Clapham
Road/London’, MSPA Box 4258/3, MS 13876, MC-SLV. 39 Brodie Archives (BA, NTS), ‘The Special Archive Collections at NTS Properties’; ‘Brodie Family of Brodie,
Moray’, NRAS770; sketches attributed to Georgiana McCrae in the sketchbook belonging to the Fifth Duchess
of Gordon: f5 (‘G McC’), f7 (‘G G’), f8 (‘GHG’); other possibilities: f2, f9, f10, f11, f13, f14, f19, f21, f23
(Sketchbook reference number 73.8301, BA, Brodie Castle, Scotland, NTS); access to uncatalogued and catalogued BA material courtesy Ian Riches, Mhairi Ross, Jim Inglis, NTS, 2014, 2017. 40 Thanks to Mhairi Ross, Almut Boehme, Karen McAulay, Julie Haskell, Jenny Purcell, email and personal
communication, 2015 and to Roger B. Williams, emails, personal discussion, 2014; Roger B. Williams, ‘Brodie
Castle Catalogue of Music Holdings’ (June 2014); ‘The Music and Musicians of Brodie Castle by Roger B.
Williams (University of Aberdeen): An Introduction’ (RBW 4.10.04. revised June 2014); ‘Music at Brodie Castle:
Composers Index in Alphabetical Order’ (June 2014).
23
Elizabeth are of interest to scholars of Scottish music.41 Other British sources such as GCM-
NRS and the Goodwood Archives at the West Sussex Record Office are valuable sources of
information, particularly in relation to Georgiana’s aristocratic connections.42
Music and collections
My evaluation of the construction of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections and analysis
and interpretation of their contents has been aided by access to research into manuscript music
collections and other related topics by scholars working in disciplines including historical
musicology. Although many scholars restrict their view to specific periods or national borders,
their research contributes to an understanding of Georgiana’s musical and collecting practices
and artefacts as examples of a widespread transnational and long-lasting phenomena. The use
and dissemination of manuscript collections was consistent with notions that manuscripts,
whether of poetry, music or in other genres, could be transmitted amongst selected recipients,
whereas commercial publication of works by genteel people smacked of ‘trade’ and was not as
socially acceptable. Hence authorship was often hidden by using descriptions such as ‘By a
Lady’ or, in the case of Georgiana’s grandfather Alexander Duke of Gordon, by his initials
‘ADG’. The relationship of manuscript music collections to other material objects such as
scrapbooks that contain items of handwritten poetry and/or original artwork in addit ion to or
instead of manuscript music is briefly touched on in this thesis but could be a fruitful subject
for further research.
Georgiana’s music collections contain numerous examples of handwriting other than her
own. The identification of many of these hands is a work in progress. Corroborating evidence,
for example in music collections or letters belonging to her family, friends and music teachers,
often has been difficult to locate. The work of other authors has pointed me to directions for
further investigation, even if my resulting research has been at times frustrating. Harold Love’s
analysis of scribal communities and the collective ownership and transmission of manuscript
collections has been particularly illuminating, even though his comments applied to two
centuries earlier. In Love’s view, scribal publication ‘had a role in the culture and commerce
of texts just as assured as that of print publication’.43 Love explored ‘bringing together scattered
41 Karen McAulay, ‘Harps and Harpsichords as Well as Fiddles and Bass!’ with contributors Rosemary Richards,
Ronnie Gibson, Stuart Eydmann, in blog for Bass Culture in Scottish Musical Traditions, University of Glasgow,
27 January 2015, http://bassculture.info/?p=364#comments (accessed 19 May 2015). 42 GD44, GCM-NRS; Steer et al., eds., Goodwood Estate Archives. 43 Harold Love, The Culture and Commerce of Texts (Amherst USA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1998),
4.
24
pieces of work’ in research on fields as diverse as verse miscellanies, parliamentary
proceedings and viol consort music to see how they were interconnected.44 He distinguished
between three main forms of scribal publication, ‘author publication, entrepreneurial
publication and user publication’.45 Love argued,
By its nature scribal publication could hardly proceed at random. Instead, since it
usually rested on a personal agreement between the supplier of the text and the
copyist, or copyist and recipient, there was a strong tendency for patterns of
transmission to coincide with pre-existing communities—the court, the diocese, the
college, the county, the circle of friends … neighbours or colleagues, the extended
family, the sect or faction. For groups such as these, bonded by the exchange of
manuscripts, the term ‘scribal community’ is proposed.46
While Love discussed transmission of manuscript music between communities of people
who knew each other, the wider ramifications of commerce need to be taken into account.
Scholars such as Stanley Boorman and Rudolf Rasch have explained how publishers continued
to publish music in manuscript as well as in printed form from the seventeenth until the early
twentieth centuries.47 This suggests that some of the unidentified handwriting in Georgiana’s
manuscript music collections may have been written by professional scribes, in addition to
amateur copyists drawn from her family, friends and teachers. The insights gained from
scholars such as Love, Boorman and Rasch have helped me to contextualise Georgiana’s
manuscript collections but leave many questions still to explore.
Studies that deal with particular music collections demonstrate what such collections may
reveal. Ian Roche’s 1988 MMus thesis, ‘Drawing Room Music in England’, considers English
domestic parlour music. Roche questions biographical judgements by authors including Gervas
Huxley about the importance of music to Lady Elizabeth Belgrave (1797–1891, née Leveson-
Gower and later titled the Marchioness of Westminster) based on evidence from a manuscript
music book that dates from around the time of her marriage in 1819. The inclusion in Lady
Belgrave’s collection of compositions by her husband is also discussed.48 Similarly, Jeanice
Brooks has analysed the role played by music and music collections in the social life and
44 Love, The Culture and Commerce of Texts, 9. 45 Love, The Culture and Commerce of Texts, 47. 46 Love, The Culture and Commerce of Texts, 179–80. 47 Stanley Boorman, ‘Identifying and Studying Published Manuscripts’, Fontes Artis Musicae 58, no. 2 (Apr–Jun
2011): 109–26; Rudolf Rasch, ed., Music Publishing in Europe 1600–1900 (Berlin, Germany: Berliner
Wissenschafts-Verlag, 2005). 48 Ian Roche, ‘Drawing Room Music in England c. 1800–1850 as Represented in Lady Elizabeth Belgrave’s Music
Manuscript Book’ (MMus thesis, University of London, Goldsmiths College, 1988); Gervas Huxley, Lady
Elizabeth and the Grosvenors (London: Oxford University Press, 1965).
25
architecture of English country houses. She has examined the manuscript and printed music
collections that belonged to Elizabeth Sykes Egerton (1777–1853) that are now preserved at
the English National Trust property at Tatton Park, Cheshire.49 Recent doctoral theses by
Brooks’s students Leena Rana, Penelope Cave and Katrina Faulds have continued the
examination of aspects of the music-making of genteel English women such as Egerton in the
long nineteenth century.50 Michelle Meinhart also included examples of manuscript music copy
books as sources in her doctoral study of English aristocratic and genteel women’s life
writing.51 In Scotland, Roger Williams’s research into the music collections at Brodie Castle is
part of a longstanding and ongoing research project investigating historical sources of music in
Scotland, including music collections in other properties administered by the National Trust
for Scotland.52 Candace Bailey has published a recent study of a manuscript music collection
dated c. 1840 in the USA while Petra Meyer Frazier, Mark Slobin, Aline Scott-Maxwell and
Kate Stevens have studied examples of bound printed sheet music collections in USA,
Australia and New Zealand.53
Continued investigations of particular collections such as the printed and manuscript music
collections of Jane Austen and her female relations provide important points of comparison.
Eighteen Austen music collections containing both printed and manuscript music from the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have survived and copies can now be freely accessed
online.54 The Austen family music collections have been studied by researchers including
Jeanice Brooks, Samantha Carrasco, Gillian Dooley and Kathryn Libin to assist in
49 Jeanice Brooks, ‘Musical Monuments for the Country House’, Music and Letters 91, no. 4 (2010): 513–35. 50 Leena Rana, ‘Music and Elite Identity in the English Country House, c. 1790–1840’ (PhD thesis, University
of Southampton, UK, 2012); Penelope Cave, ‘Piano Lessons in the English Country House, 1785–1845’ (PhD
thesis, University of Southampton, 2013); Katrina Faulds, ‘“Invitation pour la danse”: Social Dance, Dance
Music and Feminine Identity in the English Country House c. 1770–1860’ (PhD thesis, University of
Southampton, 2015). 51 Michelle Meinhart, ‘Remembering the “Event”: Music and Memory in the Life Writing of English
Aristocratic and Genteel Women of the Long Nineteenth Century’ (PhD theis, University of Cincinnati, 2013). 52 Roger Bevan Williams, Catalogue of the Castle Fraser Music Collection (Aberdeen: AUL, 1994). 53 Candace Bailey, ‘Sarah Cunningham’s Music Book’, Early Keyboard Journal 25, no. 6 (2010): 7–27; Petra
Meyer-Frazier, Bound Music, Unbound Women (Missoula, United States: The College Music Society, 2015);
Mark Slobin, James Kimball, Katherine K. Preston and Deane Root, eds., Emily’s Songbook: Music in 1850s
Albany (Middleton, USA: A-R Editions, 2011); Aline Scott-Maxwell, ‘Gendered and Endangered Musical Artefacts: Owner-bound Popular Sheet-music Albums in Jazz-age Australasia’, Musicology Australia, 37, no. 2
(December 2015): 185–98; Kate Stevens, ‘From “Home Sweet Home” to the “Kangaroo Hunt Polka”: The
Colonial Voyages of Marian Sargood’s Music Album’, in The Lives of Colonial Objects, ed. Annabel Cooper,
Lachy Paterson and Angela Wanhalla (Dunedin: Otago University Press, 2015), 86–91, 334. 54 Jeanice Brooks, ‘Description’, in The Austen Family Music Books, 2015,
https://archive.org/details/austenfamilymusicbooks&tab=about (accessed 20 July 2016).
26
understanding the importance of music to Austen and her family as well as music’s role and
significance in Austen’s novels.55
Other studies also deal with the nature and practicalities of collecting, transmitting and
publishing music from a particular national perspective. As Scottish music featured so strongly
in Georgiana’s manuscript music books, studies in this area are particularly relevant, although
they vary in their focus on ‘genteel’ versus ‘traditional’ music-making. For example, Roger
Williams’s ‘classical’ musical background and interests contrast with the approach of other
scholars of Scottish music such as Katherine Campbell, whose research focuses more on
traditional music than art music.56 Karen McAulay’s Our Ancient National Airs investigates
Scottish song collections dated from 1760 to 1888 that contained music as well as words.57
There is a considerable amount of crossover between McAulay’s study and my own, but as
Georgiana’s musical tastes were not limited by her Scottish experiences, a broader view of
influences on parlour music is needed in this thesis.
Musical repertoire, collecting and publishing practices in Scotland were often similar to
those in other parts of Britain and Ireland. Another example, Colette Moloney’s The Irish
Music Manuscripts of Edward Bunting (2000) stems from a thorough study of Irish traditional
music collected and published by the Irish musician Edward Bunting (1773–1843).58 Moloney
aims to promote an understanding of ‘Irish traditional instrumental music and song’ in order to
contribute to ‘our knowledge of the Irish cultural history of their time’.59 Moloney’s
observations about manuscript analysis as well as her personal encouragement have proved
valuable. In her publication, Moloney explains succinctly how to investigate the ‘textual’ and
‘non-textual’ evidence in manuscript music collections. ‘Textual data’ includes the music and
song texts as well as additional information such as ‘comments, dates, placenames and other
supplementary inscriptions’.60 She also considers useful types of ‘non-textual evidence’
including ‘types of paper used for the leaves and end-papers’ (including manufacture, materials
55 Jeanice Brooks, ‘In Search of Austen’s “Missing Songs”’, Review of English Studies 67, no. 282 (2016): 914-
45, doi: 10.1093/res/hgw035; Samantha Carrasco, ‘The Austen Family Music Books and Hampshire Music
Culture, 1770–1820’ (PhD thesis, University of Southampton, 2013); Gillian Dooley, Jane Austen’s Music,
https://sites.google.com/site/janeaustensmusic/ (accessed 19 January 2017); Kathryn L. Libin, ‘Daily Practice,
Musical Accomplishment, and the Example of Jane Austen’, in Jane Austen & the Arts, ed. Natasha Duquette
and Elisabeth Lenckos (Bethlehem, USA: Lehigh University Press, 2014), 3–20. 56 Katherine Campbell, The Fiddle in Scottish Culture (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2007); see also Katherine
Campbell and Kirsteen McCue, ‘Lowland Song Culture in the Eighteenth Century’, in Edinburgh Companion to Scottish Traditional Literatures, ed. Sarah Dunnigan and Suzanne Gilbert (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press, 2013), 94–104. 57 Karen McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs (Farnham, UK; Burlington, USA: Ashgate, 2013). 58 Colette Moloney, The Irish Music Manuscripts of Edward Bunting (Dublin: ITMA, 2000). 59 Moloney, Irish Music Manuscripts of Edward Bunting, ix. 60 Moloney, Irish Music Manuscripts of Edward Bunting, 17.
27
and watermarks), ‘rastographies (patterns of stave-rulings)’, ‘bindings, collations of leaves’
and ‘handwritings’.61
Moloney’s book is part of a research, publishing and internet enterprise by the Irish
Traditional Music Archive.62 The increase of online resources, including digitised manuscript
music books and other primary sources, fosters increasing access to and awareness of a wealth
of possible archival evidence.63 To study these sources in their original format however, brings
many benefits and allows the scholar to understand more about their physical makeup and
patterns of use.
1.3 Methodology
This thesis began with the aim to interpret Georgiana McCrae’s four surviving manuscript
music collections as examples of a form of life writing which complement and enhance our
understanding of Georgiana’s biography derived from other available sources. An exploration
of the music-making and music-collecting of a particular woman and her contemporaries also
contributes to part of an answer to Suzanne Cusick’s ‘seemingly innocent’ question, ‘where
are the women in music, in music’s history?’64
The period under examination spans roughly fifty years, from the date of Georgiana’s birth
in 1804 in London until after the last of her known manuscript music collections was bound in
Melbourne in 1856. Georgiana lived during the reigns of four British monarchs. The dates of
her music books cover her education, development and identity formation as well as her life
both before and after her migration, which occurred three years after the coronation of Queen
61 Moloney, Irish Music Manuscripts of Edward Bunting, 19. 62 ITMA, ‘Home’, http://www.itma.ie/ (accessed 21 September 2016). 63 See for example SLV, Music Scores & Sheet Music, https://www.slv.vic.gov.au/search-discover/explore-
collections-format/music-scores-sheet-music (accessed 2 April 2017); Victorian Collections, Music
https://victoriancollections.net.au/?q=Music&page=1-2 (accessed 21 March 2017); NLA, ‘Forte: Sheet Music
for iPad’, http://www.nla.gov.au/forte (accessed 5 January 2015); SLM, Music,
http://sydneylivingmuseums.com.au/, https://archive.org/details/sydneylivingmuseums (accessed 29 March
2017); NLNZ, Music Score: Gallery, https://natlib.govt.nz/photos?i%5Bcategory%5D=Music+Score (accessed
19 February 2017); LoC, ‘Music Treasures Consortium’,
http://lcweb2.loc.gov/diglib/ihas/html/treasures/treasures-home.html (accessed 21 September 2016); NLS,
‘Digital Gallery’, http://digital.nls.uk/gallery.cfm (accessed 5 January 2015); NLS/Internet Archive, ‘Welcome
to Music at the NLS’, https://archive.org/details/nlsmusic (accessed 5 January 2015); University of Glasgow,
University of Cambridge & Royal Conservatoire of Scotland, ‘Historical Music of Scotland’, http://hms.scot/ (accessed 21 September 2016); John Adams et al., ‘Village Music Project’, http://www.village-music-
project.org.uk/ (accessed 4 September 2017); Center for Popular Music/American Antiquarian Society/Internet
Archive, ‘American Vernacular Music Manuscripts, ca. 1730–1910’,
https://archive.org/details/americanmusicmanuscripts&tab=about (accessed 21 September 2016). 64 Suzanne G. Cusick, ‘Gender, Musicology, and Feminism’, in Rethinking Music, ed. Nicholas Cook and Mark
Everist (Oxford; New York: OUP, 1999), 482.
28
Victoria and only a few years after Melbourne was established in 1835 in the lands of the
Aboriginal Kulin nation. I utilise the useful concept of the ‘long nineteenth century’ to discuss
items of repertoire represented in Georgiana’s collections, some of which date from before
Georgiana’s birth and were used well after her death. These collections can be used not only to
provide evidence of her musical practices and repertoire but also to expand our understanding
of wider aspects of her biography, such as national, class and gender identity and the impacts
of education, socialisation and memorialisation in the lifetimes of Georgiana and members of
her family.
As argued by scholars including Harald and Sharon Krebs, music collections are forms of
life writing, complementing literary sources such as autobiographies, reminiscences, letters,
commonplace books, biographies, novels, plays and poetry. In their 2006 biography of
Josephine Lang (1815–80), the Krebs demonstrate how Lang, a prolific composer of German
songs for voice and piano, saw her songs as a form of diary, where she was able to express her
thoughts and feelings in a socially acceptable manner.65 They also contend that Lang’s
collections of other people’s music point to the construction of aspects of her identity including
her national attachments and preference for domestic musical forms acceptable to women of
her class. One of Lang’s early manuscript music collections, dating from 1828 when she was
thirteen, includes works by Schubert, Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Carl Maria von Weber, André,
Danzi and Lenz as well as early compositions by Lang herself.66 The authors argue that Lang’s
study of these works during her musical education helped her construct a sense of self shaped
by German culture as well as helping the development of her musical skills. Both Georgiana
McCrae and Josephine Lang participated in nineteenth-century genteel domestic musical
practices of collection and performance which had much in common with the activities of other
people of similar status and education in their era in different parts of the world, even if their
main languages differed and Lang, for example, was demonstrably more involved in musical
composition than Georgiana.
In British Women’s Life Writing, 1760–1840 (2014), Amy Culley considers three strands
of literary forms of life writing by women from a variety of backgrounds who lived before and
during Georgiana’s lifetime: early Methodist women, late eighteenth-century and Regency
courtesans, and women reacting to the French Revolution.67 Culley’s general conclusions from
65 Harald Krebs and Sharon Krebs, Josephine Lang: Her Life and Songs (Cary, NC, USA: Oxford University
Press, 2006), 8. 66 Krebs, Josephine Lang, 15; see http://www.wlb-stuttgart.de/index.php?id=1992 (accessed 15 May 2015). 67 Amy Culley, British Women’s Life Writing, 1760–1840 (Houndmills, UK; New York, USA: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2014).
29
these diverse sources could be extended further to studies such as this thesis that deal with
musical as well as literary forms. In Culley’s opinion, women’s life writing from the period
showed evidence of identity formation through varied methods of memorialisation, including
recording and transmission. The interaction of individuals and groups was important: ‘Despite
their differences, these extracts from women’s life writing of the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries share a common focus in their emphasis on personal relationships,
communal identities, collective memories, and collaborations’.68
References to music that help contextualise Georgiana’s music collections and biography
can be found in private diaries and journals such as those of Queen Victoria, which document
multiple instances of music-making and collecting by Victoria and her circle.69 Published
works, both fiction and non-fiction, provide other examples. According to Joe Keith Law, the
nineteenth-century English novelist William Thackeray was a keen singer and a writer of songs
who frequently attended concerts and operas and used musical references in his novels both as
a form of autobiography and as a means of generating nostalgic remembrance amongst his
readers.70 I have considered musical and social references in a multiplicity of fictional sources
in addition to Thackeray’s novels, including works by Jane Austen, Elizabeth Gaskell, Sir
Walter Scott and Georgiana’s music teacher, Fanny Holcroft. Other literary genres considered
include plays, poetry used in song lyrics, memoirs and published auto/biographies of
contemporaries, family and friends, such as L.E.L. (Letitia Elizabeth Landon), Lady Shelley
and Georgiana’s Lennox cousins.71
Wide ranging questions about music and identity which are raised in this thesis have been
explored in many other studies such as Music and Identity Politics (2012), edited by Ian Biddle,
which categorises essays by the headings ‘gender and sexuality’, ‘race’ and ‘social identities’.72
Aspects of nationality, class and gender, among categorisations of identity, can be seen as parts
of a fluid continuum rather than static stereotypes and do not privilege hierarchical rankings or
68 Culley, British Women’s Life Writing, 2. 69 ‘Queen Victoria’s Journals’, http://qvj.chadwyck.com/marketing.do (accessed 26 August 2015);
http://www.queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed September, November 2013). 70 Joe Keith Law, ‘“Awfully Fond of Music”: Music in Thackeray’s Life and Works’ (PhD thesis, University of
Missouri–Columbia, 1983), 5. 71 See for example Jane Austen, Emma (1815); William Thackeray, Vanity Fair (1847–48); Elizabeth Gaskell, Cranford and Other Stories (1851–53); Sir Walter Scott, Halidon Hill (1822); Fanny Holcroft, Fortitude and
Frailty (1817); Letitia Elizabeth Landon (‘L.E.L.’), Fisher’s Drawing Room Scrap-Book, 1838; Frances, Lady
Shelley, The Diary of Frances, Lady Shelley (1912); Lord William Pitt Lennox, Drafts on My Memory (1866); A
Sketch of the Life of Georgiana, Lady de Ros (1893); Lyn M. Fergusson, FitzRoy Beyond the Rumours (Killara,
NSW: Pilar, 2013). 72 Ian Biddle, ed., Music and Identity Politics (Farnham UK; Burlington USA: Ashgate, 2012), 5–6.
30
definitions and interrelationships of musical terms and categories that downplay or denigrate
women’s musical achievements.
This thesis raises questions about how Georgiana’s manuscript music collections
expressed the fluidity of her identity in different contexts and at different points and stages in
her life. It also investigates how her collections were actively used for music-making in
education, both for herself and her children, for socialisation with family and friends, and as a
form of memorialisation not just for Georgiana herself but for others in her scribal community.
A recognition of potential difficulties such as observer and selection bias, inherent in research
that focusses on one individual and a small number of artefacts, has led to investigation of other
sources besides Georgiana’s. Music collections comparable to Georgiana’s can be found in
many parts of the world including Europe, the Americas and the wider British Empire.73
However, this thesis mainly focusses on nineteenth-century music manuscript collections from
Britain and its Australian colonies, particularly Victoria. While this thesis is not a comparative
study, other sources have been useful in the formation of a broader understanding of the status
and interpretation of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections, not only in her life but also in
the society within which she lived.
An important part of my study is to investigate effects of migration on genteel domestic
musical practices.74 Georgiana herself had many changes of domicile as well as complex and
fluid national affiliations, all of which played their part in her musical choices. While born in
London to a Northern English mother, she was strongly connected emotionally with her
Scottish aristocratic Gordon relations. The Gordons in their turn tried to accommodate
themselves to British unification centred in London, the power of the House of Hanover, and
the dominance of Protestantism, over their former loyalties and obligations to members of their
Scottish clan, the Stuart Royalty and Catholicism. Georgiana’s husband Andrew McCrae was
Scottish; her first four children, Elizabeth, George, William (Willie) and Alexander (Sandy),
were born in Scotland; her fifth child, Farquhar Peregrine (Perry), was born in England before
her emigration; while her next four daughters, Lucia (Lucy), Margaret (Maggie), Frances
73 Thanks to colleagues including Sheilah Roberts (Memorial University of Newfoundland), Melanie Plesch and
Luisa Morales (University of Melbourne), personal communication, 2009–17. 74 See Kay Dreyfus and Joel Crotty, Introduction: Music, Migration and Multiculturalism, Special Issue: Music,
Migration and Multiculturalism, ed. Kay Dreyfus and Joel Crotty, Victorian Historical Journal 78, no. 2 (Nov. 2007): 147–51; Marcello Sorce Keller and Linda Barwick, ‘Thoughts on Music and Migration’, in Italy in
Australia’s Musical Landscape, ed. Linda Barwick and Marcello Sorce Keller (Melbourne: Lyrebird Press, 2012),
225–32; Catherine Falk, ‘Migrant Music in Australia’, in The Oxford Companion to Australian Music, ed. Warren
Bebbington (Melbourne: OUP, 1997), 375–81; Peter Parkhill and Aline Scott-Maxwell, ‘Transplanted
Traditions’, in Currency Companion to Music and Dance in Australia, ed. John Whiteoak and Aline Scott-
Maxwell (Sydney: Currency House, 2003), 670–74.
31
(Fanny) and Agnes, were born in a recently-established British colony on the other side of the
globe.
The changeable concept and definition of national identities is a matter of debate. In his
introduction to Musical Constructions of Nationalism, which explores aspects of music from
different European perspectives from 1800 to 1945, Michael Murphy argues that ‘no normative
definition of “nation” or “nationalism” is possible’.75 Georgiana and her family were not only
examples of British settlers to the Australian colonies, but also part of the displacement of the
original inhabitants who had lived in the south-eastern part of the Australian continent for over
forty thousand years. The period of early British settlement of Melbourne and its effects on
indigenous and migrant populations have been sources of conflicted interpretation, where
attention needs to be paid to what Stuart Macintyre refers to as ‘the ethical dimensions of
historical scholarship’.76 Constructions of British, English, Scottish and Australian national
identity have undergone frequent changes during Georgiana’s time and since, affecting not
only how people have seen themselves in any given historical period, but also how their
biographies have been interpreted by later generations.
This thesis focuses on contextualisation of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections. It
does not attempt to provide the final word on topics such as Georgiana’s musical performance
practice and repertoire or on every aspect of manuscript analysis. There are for example
hundreds of items of music contained in the collections (see the Appendix ‘Alphabetical
Handlist of Titles’) and multiple difficulties in ascribing handwriting to individuals,
exacerbated by changes in Georgiana’s own handwriting from girlhood to old age.
Nonetheless, the large amount of surviving musical and other material by and about Georgiana
is a valuable resource which allows us to explore her musical biography and to see her as a
representative of genteel British female domestic musicians of her era.
1.4 Chapter Summary
This thesis is structured in sections which explore Georgiana’s four surviving manuscript music
collections in relation to other influences on her life. Chapter 2 contextualises the biographical,
historical and musical significance of Georgiana McCrae and her music collections, focussing
75 Michael Murphy, Introduction, in Musical Constructions of Nationalism, ed. Harry White and Michael Murphy
(Cork, Ireland: Cork University Press, 2001), 2. 76 Stuart Macintyre, Introduction, in The Historian’s Conscience, ed. Stuart Macintyre (Carlton, Vic.: MUP,
2004), 4.
32
on musical influences in Britain and in its Australian colonies. Chapters 3 and 4, which discuss
Georgiana’s music-making in Britain during childhood, early adulthood and marriage, draw on
evidence from Georgiana’s first three manuscript music collections. These were largely
transcribed in Britain, although she continued to use them in her later years. Chapters 5 and 6
discuss Georgiana’s life and musical experiences during and after her migration to Melbourne
in Australia in 1840–41. The principal source here is Georgiana’s ‘Chaplin Music Book’, which
was bound in Melbourne in 1856. Chapter 7 considers Georgiana’s nostalgic music-making in
her later years. Chapter 8, the Conclusion, discusses the value of manuscript music collections
belonging to Georgiana McCrae and others as sources, not only to aid our understanding of her
life, personality, thoughts and emotions but also as examples of domestic music used by
someone of her class who lived in Britain and its empire in the nineteenth century.
33
CHAPTER 2
DOMESTIC MUSIC-MAKING AND THE USE OF MANUSCRIPT MUSIC
COLLECTIONS IN BRITAIN AND COLONIAL AUSTRALIA, c. 1800–60
2.1 Introduction
The expanding market for domestic music in Britain in the first sixty years of the nineteenth
century followed the growth of population and the increasing proportion of the middle class
with income to spend on leisure activities. Whereas at the turn of the nineteenth century
domestic music-making had been largely the preserve of a numerically smaller upper class, by
the latter part of the century it was more widespread.
Domestic music-making was one of the important forms of entertainment and consumption
in Britain and its colonies in the nineteenth century.1 The ability to read and write music, to
play instruments and sing, was a marker of class status, because only a minority, albeit
increasing, sector of the population had access to musical literacy, notated music, expensive
instruments and the time needed to develop the required skills. While it was socially tolerable
for boys and men to participate in domestic music-making in genteel households, women
dominated ‘drawing-room’ or ‘parlour’ musical performance. Girls were expected to receive a
musical education in order to help prepare for their adult roles in the home. Adult women as
well as girls were supposed to focus their attention on making the home a haven for their men-
folk. Provision of musical entertainment was a welcome accomplishment for genteel females
before and after marriage. If genteel women were unable to find a marriage partner, then
becoming a music teacher or governess with musical abilities was considered to be an
acceptable form of paid employment.2
Collections of manuscript music in personalised bound collections were used during
domestic music-making, by women and men, old and young, as aids for music practice,
performance, pleasure and pedagogy. In important ways they also provided reinforcements of
identity and memory. These collections could be cherished for the particular pieces of music
1 Judith Flanders, Consuming Passions (London: Harper Press, 2011), 343–78. 2 Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 50; Jeanice Brooks, ‘Les collections féminines d’albums de partitions dans
l’Angleterre au début du XIXe siècle,’ in ‘La la la Maistre Henri’: Mélanges de musicologie offerts à Henri
Vanhulst, ed. Christine Ballman and Valérie Dufour (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), 351–65.
34
they contained, for the associations bound with that music and for the annotations that had been
added. Gathering manuscript copies of music into collections was common until the early
twentieth century, even though the practice became increasingly superseded by the collection
of printed sheet music.
Manuscript music collections provide information about the choices, knowledge and
music practices of the copyists and, in handwritten annotations, often contain added evidence
about events, emotions and feelings of the collectors and their family, friends and
acquaintances. While the production of manuscript copies of music and their collection in
bound albums was labour-intensive, they were much more than just a substitute for printed
sheet music ‘for those with less money’.3 As with other forms of art and literature, there was a
continuum of change rather than a schismatic break that saw older forms of oral and manuscript
cultures being replaced by printed versions that privileged the single author over the group or
family.4 Like many forms of genteel music-making, manuscript music collections were a
marker of privilege. The collectors had to have the time, materials and education to be able to
practise the skills required and also the space and resources to be able to have the copies made,
bound, maintained and preserved. Music copyists presumably would have to perceive some
benefit either for themselves or others if they were doing the copying without financial reward,
for example the piece of music may have been attractive or hard to obtain.5 The exchange of
hand-copied music could reinforce friendship or designate boundaries of exclusivity in
particular groups. Katherine L. Libin describes the copying of music by hand as
a time-consuming but rewarding task. It is a useful way to improve one’s knowledge
of musical notation, a very valuable way to become acquainted with the formal
processes of composition, and a means to build one’s personal library without the
expense of actually purchasing the music. The very act of borrowing and trading
music for such a purpose is stimulating and companionable. Since music copying
is also a form of penmanship, it was the kind of attractive daily discipline, like
needlework, to which a lady could apply herself and have a useful product at the
end.6
3 Flanders, Consuming Passions, 345. 4 Betty A. Schellenberg, ‘Bluestocking Women and the Negotiation of Oral, Manuscript and Print Cultures’, in
The History of British Women’s Writing, 1750–1830, ed. Jacqueline M. Labbe (Basingstoke; New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 5: 63–83; Michelle Levy, Family Authorship and Romantic Print Culture
(Basingstoke; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 2. 5 Jackie Walling, personal communication, 2017. 6 Libin, ‘Daily Practice, Musical Accomplishment, and the Example of Jane Austen’, 10.
35
Manuscript as well as printed music collections were compiled, bound and used in Britain
and its empire, including in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and India as well as elsewhere
around the world including in Europe and in North and South America. Collections may have
been made before, during and after migration and offer a record of changing circumstances and
even of nationality. They would be cherished for as long as the music and memories that they
contained were valued and would often be bequeathed after the collector’s death to other family
members.7 Manuscript music collections are as important as historical sources as their printed
sheet music counterparts, artwork, diaries, letters, newspapers and literary works. Manuscript
music collections by virtue of their more personalised history may offer additional clues in
comparison to those found in printed sheet music collections about private music practice,
personal memory and the place of music in the lives of individuals, groups and nations.
2.2 British Domestic Music-Making between c. 1800–60
British domestic music-making was affected by demographic and economic changes in the first
sixty years of the nineteenth century. Overall population was estimated in the 1801 census of
England and Wales at less than ten million; the discrepancy between rich and poor was
marked.8 The total population of England and Wales rose to around twenty million by 1861,
whereas the population of Ireland during the time of the Irish famine (c. 1845–52) dropped
from under 8.2 million in 1841 to around 5.8 million in 1861. The population of Scotland was
comparatively small, around 1.8 million in 1811, rising to three million in 1861.9
Population increases in Britain occurred despite significant levels of emigration. Statistics
for migration to and from Britain are unreliable prior to 1950. About ten percent of the
approximately twenty-two million emigrants who left Britain during the nineteenth century are
estimated to have settled in Australia and New Zealand, as did about thirteen percent of the
around two million people who left Scotland before 1914.10 The choice of migration to the
Antipodes over North America and other potential destinations was, according to Marjory
Harper, ‘sporadic rather than steady’ and increased in 1838–39 after the Canadian Rebellion
7 See Brooks, ‘Les collections’, ‘Musical Monuments’, ‘In Search’. 8 Edward Royle, Modern Britain: A Social History, 1750–2011, 3rd ed. (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2012),
102. 9 Joseph Whitaker, An Almanack for the Year of Our Lord 1941, Complete Ed. (London: Whitaker, 1941), 604;
Royle, Modern Britain, 51–54. 10 Marjory Harper, ‘Opportunity and Exile: Snapshots of Emigration to Australia’, Australian Studies 2 (2010):
1–2.
36
and again during the Australian gold rushes in the 1850s.11 Most migrants to Australia and New
Zealand, as well as in other parts of the British Empire, continued to look to their homelands
for their cultural aspirations and norms. The privileged status of the British upper classes was
challenged by the increasing wealth acquired through trade and commerce in the wake of the
Industrial Revolution as well as by rising population numbers. Britain’s expanding empire gave
opportunities for advancement to people that previously may have been stuck in the social
strata in which they were born.
Nineteenth-century domestic music-making was an area of female dominance, usually
under the overall control of men who maintained the wealth, power and status of the family
unit. Although music-making involved both women and men, domestic music contributed to a
display of a genteel female’s gender and class roles as much as providing a means of her self-
expression and emotional fulfilment. Vocal music for solo or small groups, which constituted
some of the main forms of nineteenth-century domestic music repertoire, often differentiated
between female and male voices not only by musical elements such as range and timbre but
also by requirements for qualities including purity and restraint. Themes and vocabulary used
in the words of songs frequently added to gender divisions or their disruption. The choice of
different musical instruments, whether for vocal accompaniments or instrumental chamber
music, similarly had gender implications in the nineteenth century.12 A woman often played
the piano, harp or guitar, which could be used as either solo or accompanying instruments as
they could provide their own harmony, while a man frequently chose single-line instruments
such as the violin, cello, flute or clarinet. As Derek Scott explains, if a woman was called on
to provide the musical accompaniment, ‘the obligation of ministering to the male was thus as
much a part of domestic music-making as of a woman’s other domestic duties’.13 Behaviours
and practices such as these were emulated in the nineteenth-century throughout the British
Empire.14
As more families joined the middle classes, their desire for the social markers of
respectability increased. They soon aspired to afford to provide their daughters with musical
education and instruments such as a piano.15 Music was significant as one of the important
11 Harper, ‘Opportunity and Exile’, 1–2. 12 See Donald Walker, Exercises for Ladies, 2nd ed. (London: Thomas Hurst, 1837), xxiv–xxv, 38–43, https://archive.org/details/exercisesforladi00walk (accessed 3 September 2017). 13 Derek B. Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 2nd ed. (Aldershot, UK; Burlington, USA: Ashgate, 2001), 50. 14 Dianne Lawrence, Genteel Women (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012), 114–18; Kirstine Moffat,
Piano Forte: Stories and Soundscapes from Colonial New Zealand (Dunedin, New Zealand: Otago University
Press, 2011), 68. 15 Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 45–51.
37
skills or accomplishments, along with the ability to sketch, ride or speak French, acquired by
genteel girls in order to compete in the marriage stakes.16 These activities promoted the social
stature of their father and husband and created bonds between women and girls. Women could
be allowed to be in charge of buying general goods such as sheet music and some music was
sent as gifts or purchased by proxy by friends and relatives. Big purchases, of a harpsichord or
piano, were usually undertaken by husbands or fathers. The anonymous provision of such an
instrument could lead to speculation about a lover or suitor.
Some women considered themselves fortunate that their admirers, husbands or relatives
were musical themselves or encouraged women’s music. Other women found their musical
obligations repressive and would gratefully stop obligatory music practise upon marriage if not
before. If the girl was advanced in music her relatives or husband may have objected to her
spending time and money on music instead of on other domestic commitments. Staying single
may have provided choice: a woman who like Jane Austen did not marry may have been more
able to decide for herself whether she continued to make music a significant feature of her life
if she had the necessary resources.
Whether amateur domestic music-making and copying of music were seen as more of a
male or a female preserve varied between geographical regions and different times. What
previously had been mainly an activity of men had by the nineteenth century become to be seen
increasingly as lying more within the female domain. According to Jane Bernstein, analysis of
this situation requires a broader understanding of ‘a continuum of domains’, rather than a
simple matter of ‘binary oppositions – female/male, private/public, domestic/professional, and
“inside/outside” of society’.17 Precise statistics about the levels of participation in British
domestic music-making during the nineteenth century may be hard to ascertain. While the
professional sphere was dominated by men, some men were still involved in domestic music-
making. Queen Victoria’s consort, her German-born cousin Prince Albert, was very interested
in music and some of his compositions were published.18 A family portrait of three generations
of the very wealthy, aristocratic and well-connected Grosvenor family painted in 1831 by C.
R. Leslie, R. A., shows the Marchioness of Westminster seated behind an open piano and her
daughter-in-law, Mary, Lady Wilton, playing the harp, with a guitar on the floor beside her and
16 Ruth A. Solie, Music in Other Words (Berkeley, USA: University of California Press, 2004), 85–117; Matthew Head, Sovereign Feminine (Berkeley, USA: University of California Press, 2013), 48–83. 17 Jane A. Bernstein, ed., Women’s Voices across Musical Worlds (Boston: Northeastern University Press,
2004), 13. 18 Purcell Consort of Voices, Music of Albert: Prince of Saxe, Coburg und Gotha (CD, Australian Eloquence,
ELQ4802092); Prince Albert, The Collected Compositions of His Royal Highness, The Prince Consort, ed. W.
G. Cusins (London, UK: Metzler & Co, 1882).
38
two granddaughters dancing.19 However, the Marquis of Westminster’s heir, Lord Belgrave,
could play the piano and organ as well as compose. Evidence of his private musical activities
may be found in his wife’s personal manuscript music collection but were not revealed in
Leslie’s painting.20
From around 1800 in Britain and its colonies, increased professional and domestic music-
making was reflected in an increase in the supply and consumption of musical repertoire and
instruments. London was the centre of the musical trade not only for Britain but also for its
empire. Improved means of travel and a growing number of public and private concerts,
together with the production of cheaper and more readily available music and instruments,
provided opportunities for amateur and professional musicians as well as for businesses and
entrepreneurs to hear, perform, buy and sell the latest musical fashions from home and
abroad.21 The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries saw an increase in the distribution and
availability of manuscript and printed music through shops, lending libraries and personal
exchange. The prevalence of inexpensive music was complemented by references to music in
publications of poetry, novels and newspapers and by the publication of notated music in
specialised magazines such as the Harmonicon (1823–33).22 Volume 1, Part 1 of The
Harmonicon (1823), for example, included amongst its many articles a ‘Preparatory Address’,
a ‘Memoir of Haydn’, information about the rules for the new Royal Academy of Music and
‘Reviews of Music’. Part 2 contained 74 songs and piano pieces by composers including
Braham, Haydn and Weber, as well as other music including ‘Scotch songs’, demonstrating
the influence of ‘foreign’ and ‘national’ musical styles in Britain in this period.23
Entrepreneurial activities such as the manufacture and distribution of instruments for the
parlour were undertaken by men such as John Broadwood (1732–1812), founder of pre-
eminent English firm of piano manufacturers, and Muzio Clementi (1752–1832), who had
migrated from Italy to London and was renowned for his virtuosic performance skills as well
19 Gervas Huxley, Lady Elizabeth and the Grosvenors (London, UK: Oxford University Press, 1965),
frontispiece; Faulds, ‘“Invitation pour la danse”, 107; see also ‘The Grosvenor Family: After Charles Robert
Leslie’, http://www.nationaltrustcollections.org.uk/object/22296 (accessed 29 March 2017). 20 Ian Roche, ‘“Drawing Room” Music in England c. 1800–1850’. 21 Nicholas Temperley, ed., Music in Britain: The Romantic Age 1800–1914 (Oxford UK: Blackwell, 1988),
116–21. 22 Issues of The Harmonicon (1823–33) and other periodicals may be viewed via RIPM, Google Books, Internet Archive and CIRPeM (Centro Internazionale di Ricerca sui Periodici Musicali),
http://cirpem.lacasadellamusica.it/cirpem-2.htm (accessed 15 July 2016); Leanne Langley, ‘The Life and Death
of The Harmonicon: An Analysis’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 22 (1989): 137–63; Leanne
Langley, ‘The Musical Press in Nineteenth-Century England’, Music Library Association Notes 46, no. 3
(1990): 583–92. 23 The Harmonicon (London: William Pinnock, 1823).
39
as his salesmanship.24 Their customers were often women, or men acting on women’s behalf.
Genteel women, whether living in the country in moderate circumstances like Jane Austen or
at court like Queen Victoria and her ladies-in-waiting, favoured instruments such as the piano,
harp and guitar, as seen in the Leslie portrait of the Grosvenor family. These instruments could
be used for private practice, or by a soloist or accompanist within the family circle.25
Developments in the manufacture and design of the piano impacted on its availability and
therefore on domestic music-making. Different designs were produced, including the square,
grand and cottage pianos, offering a progressively increasing range of improvements in touch,
dynamics and range.26 The piano became an essential piece of furniture as well as a source of
education and entertainment in homes in the nineteenth century, with different types and sizes
of pianos to suit a variety of incomes.27 Until the 1850s, pianos were expensive items produced
by craftsman; a rapid increase in numbers of pianos from mass production in the second half
of the nineteenth century promoted their further market penetration and lowered their cost.28
Throughout the nineteenth century, teaching the knowledge and skills needed to learn to
sing and to play successfully became increasingly professionalised, with a growth in numbers
of professional music teachers as well as their geographic distribution.29 It was possible also to
teach oneself or to continue to use assistance from family, friends, live-in tutors and
governesses, as in the past. Around half of the over one hundred British piano method books
published between 1785 and 1899 were aimed at the limited music tuition expected for women
that allowed them to play pieces that were not too ambitious for the entertainment of their
domestic audience.30
Evidence of social and musical practices can be found in many fictional literary works, in
which music was one of the tools authors used as plot devices and in the exploration of
women’s inner lives and personal attributes. In Pierre Dubois’s opinion, ‘One of the social
24 Deborah Rohr, The Careers of British Musicians, 1750–1850 (Cambridge, UK; New York, USA: Cambridge
University Press, 2001), 149–50. 25 Miriam Hart, ‘Hardly an Innocent Diversion: Music in the Life and Writings of Jane Austen’ (PhD thesis,
Ohio University, 1999; ProQuest, UMI, 9956772); Jennifer Caines, ‘In Consort: Queen Victoria, Her Court and
Women Musicians, 1837–1861’ (PhD thesis, University of Alberta, Canada, 2007; ProQuest, UMI, NR29655). 26 Arthur Loesser, Men, Women, and Pianos (1954) (New York, USA: Dover, 1990); James Parakilas et al.,
Piano Roles (USA: Yale University Press, 2002); Madeline Goold, Mr. Langshaw’s Square Piano (New York:
BlueBridge, 2009). 27 Laura Vorachek, ‘Instruments of Desire: Women’s Domestic Music-Making in Victorian Literature and Culture’ (PhD thesis, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2004), 34. 28 Cyril Ehrlich, The Piano: A History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 9. 29 Denise Yim, ‘A British Child’s Music Education, 1801–1810’, Nineteenth Century Music Review 5 (2008): 25–
45. 30 Laura Vorachek, ‘Reading Music: Representing Female Performance in Nineteenth-Century British Piano
Method Books and Novels’, Clio 39, no. 3 (2010): 311.
40
functions of music was to shape the desirability of women by showcasing them as creatures of
sensibility, delicacy, modesty and morality. …Music was seen as the very voice of nature as it
reflected the spontaneous overflowing of the female character’s inner emotions’.31
However, not all female characters were equally musically talented. In Jane Austen’s
Emma (1815), Jane Fairfax is far more musically accomplished than Emma, much to Emma’s
annoyance: ‘Emma was obliged to play; and the thanks and praise which necessarily followed
appeared to her an affectation of candour, an air of greatness, meaning only to shew off in
higher style her [Jane’s] own very superior performance’.32 Jane’s secret fiancé, Frank
Churchill, purchases a new piano from London at great expense, along with new sheet music
including piano pieces by Cramer and the latest collection of Moore’s Irish Melodies.33 Emma
responds to Jane and Frank’s performance at a party with a spurt of practice, as though this
might remedy her previous lackadaisical approach: ‘She did most heartily grieve over the
idleness of her childhood—and sat down and practised vigorously an hour and a half’.34
Genteel musical skills spread into the British provinces, as illustrated in Gaskell’s mid-
century Cranford.35 Music is occasionally practised in Cranford, but not to a very high
standard. Despite Captain Brown’s family being in straightened circumstances, his younger
daughter Jessie Brown receives a modicum of musical education which she displays at polite
parties. Mary Smith, the narrator, describes a gathering at the home of Miss Jenkyns, daughter
of the late rector, where Jessie’s mediocre singing and inadequate accompanying instrument
does not overly upset her audience. Her choice of song represented the continuing fashion for
domestic performance of so-called Scottish ‘national songs’:
She sang, too, to an old cracked piano, which I think had been a spinet in its youth.
Miss Jessie sang ‘Jock of Hazeldean’ a little out of tune; but we were none of us
musical though Miss Jenkyns beat time out of time, by way of appearing to be so.36
Girls might receive a musical education at schools as well as at home, which contributed
to the broadening of musical accomplishments away and beyond a small elite group of
aristocrats and their relatives. The shared interest in music amongst girls from different
backgrounds who met at school is illustrated in Thackeray’s Vanity Fair (1847–48).37 The
31 Pierre Dubois, Music in the Georgian Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 199–200. 32 Jane Austen, Emma (1815), Ch. 2, Project Gutenberg, http://www.gutenberg.org/files/158/158-pdf.pdf
(accessed 14 October 2016). 33 Austen, Emma, Ch. 8, 10. 34 Austen, Emma, Ch. 9. 35 Elizabeth Gaskell, Cranford and Other Stories, ed. Jenny Uglow (1851–53; London: Bloomsbury, 2007). 36 Gaskell, Cranford, 11; Alisa Clapp-Itnyre, Angelic Airs, Subversive Songs (Athens: Ohio University Press,
2002), 73; see ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’, in GCMB, piece 7; see Chapter 4. 37 William Thackeray, Vanity Fair (1847–48),
41
resourceful but impoverished Becky Sharp is Amelia’s superior in music performance and uses
her musical and theatrical skills along with her high level of intelligence in her life-long search
for wealth and social status. Amelia values her ‘little square piano’ as a symbol of her gentility
and future security as well as for her enjoyment of music.38 She develops her interest in opera
and displays her sensibility in the company of her admirer Major Dobbin while on a trip to
Europe:
The Major’s musical taste has been before alluded to, and his performances on the
flute commended. But perhaps the chief pleasure he had in these operas was in
watching Emmy’s rapture while listening to them. A new world of love and beauty
broke upon her when she was introduced to those divine compositions; this lady
had the keenest and finest sensibility, and how could she be indifferent when she
heard Mozart?39
Amelia takes singing lessons in order to emulate the leading singers of the day.40 Becky on the
other hand when down on her luck is known to charge money for concerts and music lessons,
under assumed names so as not to imperil her social standing.41
Social implications of professional and domestic music-making are discussed in George
Eliot’s Daniel Deronda. The professional musician and foreigner Herr Klesmer considers high
art music as a particularly demanding calling, far beyond the mediocre attempts and ‘puerile’
tastes for Bellini of the local beauty Gwendolen Harleth, who exclaims: ‘He can hardly tolerate
anything we English do in music!’42 Daniel Deronda on the other hand is worried that a career
in music may debar him from being classed as an English gentleman.43 From a young age
Mirah Lapidoth was forced by her father to train to sing on the stage, while Mr Lush, the
obsequious assistant of Grandcourt, Gwendolen’s suitor, is described as ‘an amateur of music
and luxury’.44 The parents of the genteel heiress Catherine Arrowpoint, whose family fortune
was derived from trade and whose innate musicianship is being honed by lessons from
Klesmer, are horrified when she wants to marry her music teacher, who they see as little more
than a servant despite his increasing fame.45
http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/t/thackeray/william_makepeace/vanity/ (accessed 15 July 2016). 38 Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. 17. 39 Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. 62. 40 Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. 63. 41 Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. 64. 42 George Eliot, Daniel Deronda (1876; Harmondworth: Penguin, 1967), 79. 43 Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 208. 44 Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 253, 327. 45 Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 288.
42
The technological developments that enhanced the talents and skills of performers on the
piano like Klesmer and his pupil Catherine Arrowpoint also affected the construction and
capabilities of other instrument often associated with women’s domestic music-making such
as the harp and guitar. Harp-maker Sebastian Erard (1752–1831) produced inventions and
developments such as the single and double action and the fourchette mechanism that had a
major impact on the technical and musical possibilities available to composers and
performers.46 Similarly, the guitar went through changes in body shape, size and numbers of
strings.47 In the late eighteenth century, the ‘English guittar’ [sic] predominated in Britain. A
type of cittern, it usually had a pear-shaped body and six single strings tuned in C major.48 The
‘Spanish’ guitar with its figure-of-eight body also had six single strings but was tuned in G
major / E minor. There were many variants in size and construction. The Early Romantic guitar,
usually smaller than the modern classical guitar, was frequently used in homes until the mid-
nineteenth century. Its cheapness and portability made it a less prestigious instrument than the
piano and it took up much less room. Its ownership or existence often went unmentioned
because it was easily broken, disposable and seen as commonplace.49 However, like expensive
models of the harp and piano, decorated versions of the guitar were often valued for their
beauty, which contributed to their presence in family portraits.50
The harp, like the piano and guitar, allowed performers to sing to their own
accompaniment. In Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park, Miss Crawford uses her harp to attract the
attentions of a potential suitor: ‘A young woman, pretty, lively, with a harp as elegant as
herself; and both placed near a window, cut down to the ground, and opening on a little lawn,
surrounded by shrubs in the rich foliage of summer, was enough to catch any man’s heart’.51
In Austen’s Persuasion, Louisa and Henrietta Musgrove use furniture including a grand piano
and a harp to modernise the décor of their parents’ house by giving ‘the old-fashioned square
parlour…the proper air of confusion by a grand piano forte and a harp, flower stands and little
tables placed in every direction’.52 The harp is preferred for the purpose of consolation of their
46 History of the Harp, http://us.harp.com/history-of-the-harp.htm (accessed 13 January 2015). 47 Stewart Button, The Guitar in England 1800–1924 (New York, London: Garland Publishing, 1989); Harvey
Turnbull, The Guitar from the Renaissance to the Present Day (Connecticut, USA: The Bold Strummer, Ltd.,
1991); James Tyler and Paul Sparks, The Guitar and Its Music (Oxford UK: OUP, 2002, 2009), 207–53. 48 Philip Coggin, ‘“This Easy and Agreable Instrument”: A History of the English Guittar’, Early Music 15, no.
2, Plucked String Issue (May 1987): 204–18. 49 Len Verrett, ed., ‘Early Romantic Guitar Information Home Page’, http://www.earlyromanticguitar.com/
(accessed 11 April 2015); Michael Christoforidis, personal communication, University of Melbourne, 2 October
2012. 50 Suzanne Robinson, personal communication, University of Melbourne, 1 December 2015. 51 Jane Austen, Mansfield Park (1814; Claremont Classics, 1999), 73. 52 Jane Austen, Persuasion (1818; London: Penguin, 1998), 39.
43
mother and easier to transport by carriage to their brother’s house: ‘And we agreed it would be
best to have the harp, for it seems to amuse her more than the piano-forte’.53
The harp and guitar also were suited to the expression of emotion in private, especially
because of their soft sound and portability. In Fanny Holcroft’s Fortitude and Frailty the
heroine Eleanor Fairfax cries over the words and music of a ‘little ballad’ while playing her
harp when she was ‘more than usually depressed’:
As music gave some relief to the oppression of her heart, she took her harp, and
accompanied herself to a little ballad, the words of which were applicable to her
feelings: tears involuntarily started in her eyes, and her voice was almost choked
with emotion.54
The emotional pathos of women’s music-making was satirised by artists such as James
Gillray (1757–1815), whose hand-coloured etching ‘Harmony Before Marriage’ (1805) shows
a young man and woman happily singing a duet accompanied by the young lady playing her
harp. Gillray contrasted this scene in ‘Matrimonial-Harmonics’ which features a husband
trying to read the ‘Sporting Calendar’ and grimacing while the baby squalls in its nurse’s arms
and his wife sings on her own.55 Thomas Onwhyn in his ‘Pictures of London’ showed domestic
music-making with two young ladies singing a duet to a man’s accompaniment on an upright
piano, while their parents listen complacently. Onwhyn then illustrated the life of poor street
musicians where an audience of street urchins listen to a woman singing while playing the harp
and accompanied by a man on the violin and a girl with a tambourine. The business of trade
and commerce continues in the background as a man lugging a large container takes no notice
of the musicians.56 In Thackeray’s Lovel the Widower (1860) the narrator Mr Batchelor visits
his friend the recently-widowed Mr Lovel and sees the portrait of the late Mrs Lovel and her
harp. This evokes painful memories for Mr Batchelor, who had disliked not only the late Mrs
Lovel herself but also her performances of Thomas Moore’s popular strophic song, ‘The Harp
That Once through Tara’s Halls’. Mr Batchelor reminisces:
53 Austen, Persuasion, 47. 54 Fanny Holcroft, Fortitude and Frailty (London: Printed by W. Clowes for W. Simpkin and R. Marshall,
1817), 2:100. 55 James Gillray, ‘Harmony before Matrimony’ and ‘Matrimonial-Harmonics’ (1805), in The British Museum Collection Online,
http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/search.aspx?searchText=james+gillray (accessed 30
November 2016); see Richard Leppert, Music and Image (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 183–
84. 56 Thomas Onwhyn (1814–86), ‘Music of the Drawing Room’ and ‘Street Music’ in ‘Pictures of London’,
http://spitalfieldslife.com/2013/06/12/thomas-onwhyns-pictures-of-london/ (accessed 2 December 2016).
44
She stands fingering that harp with which she has often driven me half mad with
her ‘Tara’s Halls’ and her ‘Poor Marianne’. She used to bully Fred so, and be so
rude to his guests, that in order to pacify her, he would meanly say, ‘Do, my love,
let us have a little music!’ and thrumpty – thrumpty, off would go her gloves, and
‘Tara’s Halls’ would begin. ‘The harp that once,’ indeed! The accursed catgut
scarce knew any other music, and ‘once’ was a hundred times at least in my
hearing.57
In Moore’s words for ‘Tara’s Halls’, which was originally published in both solo and
choral versions in the first volume of Moore’s Irish Melodies (1808), the harp and its music
evoke a fashionable nostalgia for an ancient romanticised Celtic society:
The Harp that once, thro’ Tara’s Halls,
The Soul of Music shed
Now hangs as mute on Tara’s Walls
As if that Soul were fled.58
The words for ‘Tara’s Halls’ were set to a popular tune, ‘Gramachree’, which had been
used since the late eighteenth century for a number of other songs including ‘The Maid in
Bedlam’.59 Its simple but catchy melodic structure with a vocal compass of only a ninth allows
for expressive performance by amateurs and professionals alike, with ample possibilities for
different accompaniments and arrangements. These frequently employed the repetitive
structure of strophic song and earlier Baroque-style accompaniments that mirrored the voice
closely and allowed for improvisation, necessitating a performer like Mary Bennet in Austen’s
Pride and Prejudice (1813) to be ‘deep in the study of thorough bass and human nature’.60
Musical arrangements became influenced by developments in musical forms such as art song
including German lieder as well as opera, which encouraged the differentiation of the vocal
line from an increasingly complex and fully realised accompaniment. Like ‘Jock o’Hazeldean’,
‘Tara’s Halls’ was an example of common repertoire where pseudo ‘national’ songs along with
forms such as the ballad were incorporated into vocal, piano and instrumental tuition books
and concert selections by artists such as the Irish soprano Catherine Hayes, and in small-scale
57 William Thackeray, Lovel the Widower (1860), ed. George Saintsbury (London: Henry Frowde, OUP, 1908),
77. 58 Sir John Stevenson and Thomas Moore, ‘The Harp That Once thro’ Tara’s Halls’, in A Selection of Irish
Melodies (Dublin: W. Power, [n.d., c. 1808]), 22–26,
http://imslp.org/wiki/Moore%27s_Irish_Melodies_(Various) (accessed 18 November 2016). 59 Traditional Tune Archive, ‘Gramachree Molly’, http://tunearch.org/wiki/Gramachree_Molly (accessed 18
November 2016). 60 Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice (1813; London: Vintage, 2007), 56.
45
works or arrangements of selections of larger pieces by fashionable male composers such as
Dibden, Shields, Bishop, Rossini, Balfe, Wallace and Verdi.61 The musical output and acclaim
of women such as the author, social activist and musician Caroline Norton (1808–77) and
Claribel (Charlotte Allington Barnard, neé Pye, 1830–69) was often limited by social
constraints to writing songs and instrumental works for the parlour, affecting their musical
style, choice of content and lyrics as well as their audience and market.62
In summary, domestic music-making in the nineteenth century became an increasingly
feminised practice. Women had growing access to musical instruments and general and
musical education; however, many women were financially dependent on the men of their
family and were restricted by expectations of acceptable behaviour. Women’s musical
entertainment in the home may have encouraged families to spend resources on the pastime as
an investment in moral worth and service to the women’s menfolk and families. Nonetheless,
provision of education, musical instruments and accessible scores also allowed women to use
their music-making and collecting for personal expression, contemplation and acts of
friendship and solidarity with other women, as vehicles for private personal choice not just
public consumption.
2.3 Manuscript and Printed Music Collections
Personal collections of manuscript and printed music
The contents and appearance as well as the performance practices associated with personal
musical collections reflected an individual or group’s circumstances and choices as well as
wider trends in musical fashions and acceptability. Hand-made gifts, including watercolour
painting or music transcriptions, were valued for their personal touch. Printed sheet music
could appear in one album then appear in manuscript form in others. Some music could be
copied from music available from music libraries or journals, or friends and relatives could
swap pieces of music and the donor or recipient might record the occasion with a note of
relevant names, date or place.63
61 See for example Wm. Dressler and Thomas Moore, ‘Songs & Ballads of Miss Catharine Hayes, No. 6: The Harp That Once thro’ Taras Halls’ (New York: Wm. Hall & Son, 1851), JHU,
http://jhir.library.jhu.edu/handle/1774.2/19434; William Vincent Wallace, ‘Two Favorite Irish Melodies Known
as The Harp That Once through Tara’s Halls, and Fly Not Yet: Arranged for the Piano Forte’ (London: Robert
Cocks & Co, 1852), NLA, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-178353759 (both accessed 18 November 2016). 62 Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 65–77. 63 Brooks, ‘Les collections féminines’.
46
The bindings of manuscript and printed music collections were often indicative of wealth
or class and the binding styles changed over time. Collections from the 1790s and earlier often
had assorted bindings and layout whereas after 1801, elaborate covers and markings became
more common. Blank manuscript books were printed with space made for the owner’s
signature and date. An index showed that the owner probably intended further use of the
collection. While many collections were used in performance or tuition, some volumes were
too thick to use on piano music stands. Collections became part of a family’s library, or were
used as an aid to memory of past events, like scrapbooks of engravings, sketches or favourite
poetry. While some music collections were treasured by the women who had compiled them
as well as their families, others were used infrequently by their original owners after marriage.
Previous generations’ collections could be used by descendants or brought from one family to
another by marriage, as seen with families such as the Aclands and Egertons whose personal
libraries included a number of volumes of printed and manuscript music.64
Single manuscript copies of music for individual use were made by amateur or professional
copyists, who may have been friends and relatives, music teachers, performers, collectors,
composers or professional scribes working for a publisher, a music seller or an institution.
Music publishers also produced multiple copies of individual pieces of music in manuscript for
commercial sale.65 Price levels depended on factors such as paper and illustration quality. An
individual’s bound collection may have been made up of separate pieces in manuscript
transcription, printed sheet music or mixed compilations. Class, gender and ethnicity were
amongst aspects of personal identity that were often identified with the collection of manuscript
music, which could be affected also by challenges to an individual’s self-image and choices by
a complex mix of factors and changes over time depending on life’s circumstances.
References to the social uses of copying music for the use of an individual, family or friend
can be found in abundance in nineteenth-century novels. Austen’s Emma demonstrates the
common practice of sharing musical resources amongst friends and relatives. The illegitimate
Harriet Smith lends music for two songs to her school friend, Elizabeth Martin, sister of
Harriet’s suitor, so Elizabeth too could copy them:
Harriet…had heard… that Mr. Martin…had left a little parcel for her from one of
his sisters, and gone away; and on opening this parcel, she had actually found,
besides the two songs which she had lent Elizabeth to copy, a letter to herself; and
64 Brooks, ‘Musical Monuments’; Cave, ‘Piano Lessons’; Rana, ‘Music and Elite Identity’. 65 Rudolph Rasch, ed., Music Publishing in Europe, 1600–1900 (Berlin: BWV/Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag,
2005), 63–66.
47
this letter was from him, from Mr. Martin, and contained a direct proposal of
marriage.66
Copying music as well as its performance could be used as signs of affection. In Austen’s
Sense and Sensibility (1811) Marianne Dashwood turns to the piano and to manuscript music
copied out by her admirer Willoughby:
She played over every favourite song that she had been used to play to Willoughby,
every air which their voices had been oftenest joined, and sat at the instrument
gazing on every line of music that he had written out for her, till her heart was so
heavy that no further sadness could be gained.67
In Thackeray’s Vanity Fair, a man’s music-copying is also done as a sign of courtship. Dobbin,
while back with the British army in India, good-naturedly entertains a young lady who is trying
to catch him as a husband: ‘And so he went on riding with her, and copying music and verses
into her albums, and playing at chess with her very submissively’.68
Women’s music collections can reveal evidence of scribal communities of women who
valued, collected and annotated music from a variety of sources. The extant personal music
collections of Austen, Gaskell and other collectors demonstrate ways in which women shared
the collection and performance of music. Eighteen printed and manuscript bound volumes of
music collected by Jane Austen (1775–1817) and her family, for example, include around six
hundred pieces of music.69 A series of three manuscript and two printed music collections
which belonged to Elizabeth Gaskell (née Stevenson, 1810–65) and her family includes
Gaskell’s manuscript music collection from her school-days. This was reused after her
marriage by both herself and her husband and contains distinctively different examples of
Gaskell’s handwriting.70 Austen and Gaskell both made many references to music in their
novels and other writings and valued music and musical education for their younger relatives
as well as for themselves.
66 Austen, Emma, Ch. 7. 67 Jane Austen, Sense and Sensibility (1811; New York: Harper and Row, 1961), Ch. 16:65. 68 Thackeray, Vanity Fair, Ch. 43. 69 Brooks, ‘Description’, in The Austen Family Music Books; Dooley, Jane Austen’s Music. 70 Gaskell Music Collections, MSF823.894C1, MSf823.894C1, Manchester Libraries, thanks also to Greater
Manchester County Record Office, 2013; Clapp-Itnyre, Angelic Airs, 50–51; Jenny Uglow, Elizabeth Gaskell: A
Habit of Stories (UK: Faber and Faber Ltd, 1993), 37; J.A.V. Chapple, ‘Elizabeth Gaskell’s First Music Book’,
Gaskell Society News 25 (March 1998); thanks to Manchester Library Special Collections, Greater Manchester
County Record Office and University of Manchester, 2013.
48
Romanticised Celtic culture inspired fashions in music and other arts throughout Britain
and Europe.71 Women contributed significantly to the oral and written transmission of various
musical styles including ‘national’ Scottish music by notation in manuscript music collections
from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries.72 Further evidence is given in studies of
particular collections owned by Scottish women such as Margaret Sinkler, Amelia and Jane
Harris and Elizabeth Ross.73 Eighteenth and nineteenth-century women’s manuscript music
collections available for study in Scotland include music books owned by Catharine Jean Moir,
Henrietta Dalrymple D. Hamilton, Margaret Cathcart and Leonora M. H. Grant.74 Annotations
on Grant’s collections indicate the spread of music collections in the British Empire as they
were transcribed in Calcutta in India in 1842 as well as in Bickley, England.
Other Scottish archives also show evidence of both ‘art’ and ‘national’ music that belonged
largely to upper class families. For example thirty volumes of music previously owned by both
men and women held by BA in Scotland include printed scores by composers including Gow,
Handel, Kotzwara and Warren. BA music collections also contain a manuscript music
collection inscribed ‘Brodie House J. A. C. B.’ and ‘Katherine Jane Anne Brodie’. This
includes two fiddle tunes called ‘Brodie House’, one ‘Composed by the Duke of Gordon’,
referring to Georgiana McCrae’s grandfather, Alexander, fourth Duke of Gordon, and the other
described as ‘Reel by Mrs A Brodie’. Identifying the owner of such collections is often not a
simple task. ‘J. A. C. B.’ were the initials of the likely owner, Jane Ann Catherine Brodie
(1770–1842); one of her nieces was called Jane Anne Catherine Brodie (1796–1867).75
71 McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs; Karol Mullaney-Dignam, Music and Dancing at Castletown, County
Kildare, 1759–1821 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2011); Roger Fiske, Scotland in Music (Cambridge, New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1983); Dave Harker, Fakesong (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1985);
Matthew Gelbart, The Invention of ‘Folk Music’ and ‘Art Music’ (Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press,
2007). 72 Warwick Edwards, ‘Seventeenth-Century Scotland: The Musical Sources’, in Defining Strains: The Musical
Life of Scots in the Seventeenth Century, ed. James Porter (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2007), 47–71; Kirsteen McCue,
‘Women and Song 1750–1850’ in A History of Scottish Women’s Writing ed. Douglas Gifford and Dorothy
McMillan (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997), 58–70. 73 James Porter, ‘The Margaret Sinkler Music Book, 1710’, Review of Scottish Culture 16 (2003–4): 1–18;
Emily Lyle et al., The Song Repertoire of Amelia and Jane Harris (Edinburgh: Scottish Text Society, 2002);
Peter Cooke et al., eds., The Elizabeth Ross Manuscript (Edinburgh: School of Scottish Studies Archives,
University of Edinburgh, 2011). 74 Catharine Jean Moir, ‘Collection of 82 Strathspeys, Reels, etc’, inscribed ‘Catharine Jean Moir / Fyvie
January 1st 1790’, in Music of James Scott Skinner, MS2427, University of Aberdeen,
https://www.abdn.ac.uk/scottskinner/collectiondisplay.php?Record_Type=OCC%20CJM (accessed 23 February
2017); ‘Henrietta Dalrymple D. Hamilton’, mainly piano music, dated 18 May 1816, MS 21756, NLS; ‘Margaret Cathcart’, songs and piano music, 1835–c. 1840, MS 21764, NLS; ‘Leonora M. H. Grant, Calcutta,
1842’, piano music and songs, MSS 21767, NLS; ‘Leonora M. H. Grant, Hamilton Lodge. Bickley’, piano
music and some songs, MS 21776, NLS; thanks to Almut Boehme, NLS Music Librarian. 75 Roger Williams, personal communication, June–July, 2014; see ‘Brodie Castle Catalogue of Music Holdings’
by Roger B. Williams (2014), 48; ‘The Music and Musicians of Brodie Castle’ by Roger B. Williams (2014);
http://www.thepeerage.com/p18819.htm#i188186, http://www.thepeerage.com/p56374.htm (accessed 1 January
49
Sophia Scott (1799–1837), daughter of the poet, novelist and nationalist Sir Walter Scott
and his wife, a Frenchwoman and ward of a Scottish lord, owned a manuscript music collection
which contributes towards an understanding of the ‘lady’s education’ received by Sophia and
her sister Anne.76 Musical literacy and performance on harp and voice enabled them as dutiful
daughters to entertain their father with the Scottish melodies that he preferred, even if they may
have favoured the ‘foreign’ repertoire of Italian and German composers.77 Sophia Scott’s
collection included contributions from a ‘scribal community’ made up of Sophia, her husband
(John Gibson Lockhart, 1794–1854) and their daughter Charlotte Hope, as well as friends from
the Clephane family. Margaret Douglas MacLean Clephane, who became Lady Compton, and
her sister Anna, Miss MacLean Clephane, composed some of the melodies; Anna and either
their mother, Mrs MacLean Clephane, or sister Wilimina were among the copyists.78
Sophia Scott copied music from a manuscript music collection owned by Sir Walter Scott,
while two songs were from The Beacon, a play published in 1812 by Joanna Baillie (1762–
1851), a Scottish playwright resident in London but involved with other Scottish women in
providing words and tunes for publications of ‘national songs’ by the Scottish musician and
publisher, George Thomson (1757–1851).79 Thus not only did Sophia Scott’s music collection
represent her own tastes, it also gave indications of wider perspectives on music-making
amongst her peers and contemporaries.
Amateur and professional uses of manuscript music collections
Scholars may be grateful that the manuscript music collections of owners such as Jane Austen,
Elizabeth Gaskell and Sophia Scott may be subjected to scrutiny. However, the survival, care
2017); thanks to Dr Williams and to Ian Riches and Mhairi Ross (NTS), 2014; thanks to Mhairi Ross (NTS),
Almut Boehme (NLS) and Briar Adams, 2017; see also ‘Brodie’, SMI; ‘Brodie’, Tunes at Ceolas,
http://www.ceolas.org/tunes/ (accessed 1 September 2017); J. T. Surenne (arr., ed), The Dance Music of
Scotland, 6th ed. (Edinburgh: Wood and Co., [1870]), 127, 162, Glen.211, NLS. 76 Sophia Scott, Manuscript Music Book, Abbotsford House Trust, Scotland; thanks to Matthew Withey and
Almut Boehme, 2013. 77 Ailie Munro, ‘“Abbotsford Collection of Border Ballads”: Sophia Scott’s Manuscript Book with Airs’, in
Emily Lyle: The Persistent Scholar, ed. Frances J. Fischer and Sigrid Riewerts (Trier, Germany:
Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 2007), 212–30. 78 Munro, ‘Abbotsford Collection’; see also Karen McAulay, ‘The Accomplished Ladies of Torloisk’,
International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 44 no.1 (2013): 57–78. 79 Munro, ‘Abbotsford Collection’; Joanna Baillie, The Beacon, in The Dramatic and Poetical Works of Joanna
Baillie (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1851), 305–6,
http://archive.org/details/cu31924091208656 (accessed 14 October 2016); Ken A. Bugajski, ‘Joanna Baillie: An
Annotated Bibliography’, in Joanna Baillie, Romantic Dramatist ed. Thomas C. Crochunis (London and New
York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2004), 241–96; Kirsteen McCue, ‘Thomson’s Collections in Their
Scottish Cultural Context’, Haydn-Studien 8, no. 4 (2004): 305–24.
50
and study of many other manuscript music collections has been haphazard and has depended
too often on the celebrity of particular collectors, masking the widespread extent of both
practice and artefacts. Manuscript music collections were used in both domestic and
professional music-making in the nineteenth century and can lead to questions about the
purpose of collectors and collections involved at various levels of society for pleasure,
entertainment, dancing or worship.80
For example, little is known about Jane and Alice Mera who copied a series of manuscript
music collections in slim pre-formed manuscript books dated from c. 1853–72.81 The
appearance and repertoire of these books suggests that these women were amateur musicians.
The use of music along the spectrum of ‘professional’ and ‘amateur’ statuses is also illustrated
by the collections and varied careers of Amy Lyons (1765–1815), daughter of a blacksmith
from Cheshire, who became Emma, Lady Hamilton, lover of Horatio Nelson (1758–1805).
Emma’s vocal skills extended to performing the ‘Nelson Aria’ that Haydn wrote for her in
Vienna in 1800 when she visited the Austrian Royal Court with Nelson and Sir William.82
The ‘Dolores’ manuscript music collections contain drawing-room piano and vocal
compositions by the professional composer ‘Dolores’ (Ellen Elizabeth Dickson, 1819–78). In
addition she transcribed and collected similar works by other composers including Blockley,
Dibden, Glover, Weber and Mrs Arkwright.83 Dolores may have used these other works for
compositional study and/or personal enjoyment. The bindings of the ‘Dolores’ manuscript
music collections, some of which may have been added later than when Dolores owned the
contents, were less ornate than volumes transcribed by the young Princess Victoria and other
members of the Royal Family, who used music not only for personal pleasure but also as marks
of their learning, wealth and high position in society.84 Princess Victoria received an extensive
musical education and often commented on her music lessons and music copying, as well as
80 See for example Adams et al., Village Music Project; Helm Collection [ca. 1780-ca. 1880] [music], NLA,
http://nla.gov.au/nla.cat-vn2969824 (accessed 4 September 2017). 81 Jane and Alice Mera, [Music], Hampshire Archives and Local Studies, ref 119M7. 82 Kate Williams, England’s Mistress: The Infamous Life of Emma Hamilton (London: Arrow, 2007), 240–41,
390; Guide to the Mrs. Edward S. Harkness Collection of Lady Hamilton GEN MSS 23, Beinecke Library, Yale
University, http://hdl.handle.net/10079/fa/beinecke.hamilton; http://brbl-
dl.library.yale.edu/vufind/Search/Results?lookfor=GEN_MSS_23&type=CallNumber (accessed 14 October
2016); Emma Hamilton and Horatia Nelson [Music], in Research Guide M7: ‘Music and the Sea’, National
Maritime Museum, UK, http://www.rmg.co.uk/researchers/library/research-guides/general-maritime/research-guide-m7-music-and-the-sea-sources-of-information-in-the-national-maritime-museum (accessed 14 October
2016). 83 BL Music Collections, ‘The Catalogue of MSS Mus. 1034–1039: “Dolores” Manuscripts’ (2012). 84 BL, Royal Music Library—Queen Victoria (1819–1901),
http://www.webarchive.org.uk/wayback/archive/20131031231411/http://www.bl.uk/reshelp/findhelprestype/mu
sic/royalmusiclibrary/royalmusicvictoria/royalmusicvictoria.html (accessed 27 July 2016).
51
performances she attended, in her diaries. Some of these diary entries can be matched with
specific manuscript music books. For example, her ‘Album of Duets’ has an inscription on the
flyleaf, ‘To my dearest Victoria, 16th December, 1832’. In her journal on that date, Princess
Victoria wrote that she received presents including a music book from her ‘Mamma’ (the
Duchess of Kent) and her governess (Baroness Lehzen) because it was her Uncle Leopold’s
birthday.85
The Mackworth Collection includes a large selection of over 300 manuscript and printed
sources dated from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries collected over four generations
by businessmen and landowners and their families.86 In contrast the Aylward Collection
includes uncatalogued manuscript music collections owned by many seemingly unrelated men
and women (see Table 2). One donor in the Aylward Collection, Bardd Alaw, was known to
be a professional musician. To find out more about other named donors and owners in the
Aylward Collection would require extensive research.87
Manuscript
music
collection
Owner and/or Donor
AYL 622 ‘John David’.
AYL 623 ‘Louisa Ker’.
AYL 624 ‘The Gift of the Revd. Fr. Jenkins of Kerry To John Parry Wrexham Sept.
15. 1820. Given by Mr Parry Bardd Alaw To Lady Hall of Llanu 1849’.
AYL 625 ‘This book was bound by Caroline Countess of Portarlington’; first piece
signed: ‘Honble William Dawson’.
AYL 626 ‘W. Thomas’.
AYL 654 ‘Mrs H. Vivian’.
AYL 655 ‘Mary Anne Lucas’ ‘Cheltenham’.
Table 2: Sample of manuscript music book inscriptions in Aylward Collection, Cardiff
University Special Collections.
85 Princess Victoria, ‘Album of Duets’, RM 24.l.5, BL; Princess Victoria, ‘Journal Entry: Sunday 16th December
1832’, Royal Archives, RA VIC/MAIN/QVJ (W) 16 December 1832 (Queen Victoria’s Handwriting), Queen
Victoria’s Journals, www.queenvictoriasjournals.org (accessed 7 November 2013). 86 Sarah McCleave, ‘The Mackworth Collection’, in Music in Eighteenth-Century Britain, ed. David Wyn Jones
(Aldershot, UK/Burlington USA: Ashgate, 2000), 213–33. 87 Aylward Collection, Cardiff University Special Collections.
52
Questions of value and ownership were raised by my purchase of a manuscript music
collection of tunes and words bought from an English second-hand dealer in 2010.88 The
manuscript’s musical contents indicate that it dates from the nineteenth century (see Table 3).
Item no. Piece
1 Bohemian Girl [‘I dreamt that I dwelt in marble Halls’; ‘Come with the Gypsy
bride’; ‘The head bowd down with sorrow’; ‘When the Fair Land of Poland’;
‘O what full Delight’].
2 [No title] [‘Remember at Florence’]
3 The Old Yew Tree
4 The Shepherd’s Evening Bell
5 The Dream of Home. By Thomas Moore Esq
6 This Toast Shall be Mine
7 The Oak and the Ivy
8 Then You’ll Remember Me
9 I Dreamt That I Dwelt in Marble Halls [melody only]
10 Down Among the Dead Men
Table 3: Contents of small manuscript music book possibly from Thetford, Norfolk,
UK. Rosemary Richards: Personal collection.
The anonymous preformed ‘Thetford’ manuscript music book has handwritten copies of
songs on printed staves, showing the handwriting of at least two different people. This
manuscript may have belonged to a localised professional, either a singer or an instrumentalist;
it might as easily have been transcribed for amateurs’ enjoyment. While the dealer may have
bought the manuscript book in Thetford in Norfolk in 2009, there is no guarantee that the
manuscript came from this vicinity originally.89
The ‘Thetford’ manuscript music book is small, in landscape format, and measures
approximately nineteen by twelve centimetres. It has a damaged mottled brown cardboard
cover and includes 26 unnumbered pages but is missing at least one leaf. It contains ten pieces
88 ‘Thetford’ manuscript music book, Rosemary Richards, personal collection. 89 Austin Sherlaw-Johnson, personal communication, ‘Worlds to Conquer: the Travelling Virtuoso in the Long
19th-Century’ Conference, University of Bristol, 5 July 2010.
53
plus the start of five others, all without a bass line; nine songs with melodies have the words
written underneath. The first page is entitled ‘Bohemian Girl’ and includes the first lines of
five songs including ‘I Dreamt that I Dwell in Marble Halls’, which has a second fuller version
with the melody line but no words later in the manuscript. ‘I Dreamt that I Dwell in Marble
Halls’ and the other numbers on the first page were derived from The Bohemian Girl, an opera
by the Irish composer Michael William Balfe (1808–70) with libretto by Alfred Bunn, which
premièred in London in 1843.90 Like with other ‘English’ operas from the period, so-called
‘ballads’ from The Bohemian Girl were marketed as separate pieces of music and were played
frequently for dancing and drawing room performance.91
2.4 Migrants’ Music Collections as Markers of Identity
Music in many forms moved around the British Empire and was often cherished as an emblem
of various aspects of Britishness. British people migrated to far-off parts of the world, from
Cape Town to Calgary, from the Falklands to Fiji, and took their musical culture and its
artefacts with them as they forged new lives in a strange environment. British migrants to
Australia and elsewhere in the British Empire preserved songs and stories from their past and
tried to keep abreast of the latest fashions from ‘home’. They did so without a great deal of
recognition of the music of the peoples whose lands they were taking over, or that of migrants
from elsewhere. Migrants’ collections help us understand the cultures of the homelands that
they left behind as well as how they felt about their new homes.92
The music performed and collected by women and the significance that was placed on it
were influential in Australian cultural development. In early colonial periods genteel women
who had emigrated of their own volition, whether as part of a family group or on their own,
were in a minority. Men outnumbered women in the convict era and women who came as free
migrants came from a range of backgrounds and social classes.93 Middle-class British migrant
women used their music as a marker of their own class and also were keen that their children
should have a musical education to carry on their cultural values. The home was the main venue
for music education; music teachers were often genteel women who were prepared to go from
90 M. W. Balfe, ‘I Dreamt That I Dwelt in Marble Halls’ (Sydney: Grocott, [184–?]), http://nla.gov.au/nla.mus-an7572109 (accessed 15 July 2016). 91 Temperley, Music in Britain: The Romantic Age, 126. 92 Josephine Dougal, ‘Nation, Culture and Family: Identity in a Scottish/Australian Popular Song Tradition’
(PhD thesis, Curtin University of Technology, Western Australia, 2010). 93 Deborah Oxley and Eric Richards, ‘Convict Women and Assisted Female Immigrants Compared’, in Visible
Women: Female Immigrants in Colonial Australia ed. Eric Richards (Canberra: ANU, 1995), 1–58.
54
home to home, as in Fanny Holcroft’s day in London.94 In the later decades of the nineteenth
century, as the colonies became established and the proportion of the Australian population
that was free, middle-class and European increased, domestic and educational musical
activities in the Australian colonies became more supported by professional and community
organisations.95 These changes were mirrored by an increase in availability of commercial
printed sheet music and thus the frequency of compilation of printed sheet music collections,
although the practice of manuscript music transcription and collection continued as well.
The utilisation in colonial music-making of manuscript music collections brought from
Britain to Australia and/or transcribed in Australia is illustrated in Ada Cambridge’s novel The
Three Miss Kings, which was first serialised in 1883 in the Australasian and published in book
form in 1891. Cambridge’s characters Patty King and her sisters are taught music by their
cultured and educated mother in their home in the Australian countryside. The mother’s own
manuscript copies of music have travelled with her from her well-to-do life in Britain to
isolation in Australia and subsequently form the backbone of her daughters’ musical education,
to the extent that Patty and her sisters expect all pieces of manuscript music to look as though
they have been notated in their mother’s handwriting. Patty demonstrates her musical talents
at short notice soon after she and her sisters arrive in Melbourne:
Patty was able to display her chief accomplishment to the very best advantage, and
the sisters were thereby promoted to honour. The cold shade of neglect and
obscurity was to chill them no more from this happy moment…She knew that piles
of music, all in this self-same handwriting (she had never seen any other and
supposed that all manuscript music was alike), were stowed away in the old bureau
at home, and in the ottoman which she had constructed out of a packing-case, and
that long familiarity had made it as easy to her to read as print.96
Patty is able to rely on her knowledge of her mother’s manuscript music as well as her mother’s
excellent training to let her own innate musicality triumph in an awkward social situation.
Novelised representations such as this of the use of manuscript music collections can be
added to other evidence of colonial music-making found in music collections, diaries, memoirs,
letters and memorabilia as well as biographies, for example by or about colonists including
Sophia Davis (1799–1850) and Annie Baxter Dawbin (1816–1905). Locating and studying
94 Radic, ‘Australian Women in Music’, 97. 95 Radic, ‘Australian Women in Music’, 98–103. 96 Ada Cambridge, The Three Miss Kings (1891; London: Virago, 1987), 66.
55
more colonial music collections helps to obtain a fuller picture of the place of music in colonial
society in this period.97
Music business: Sophia Letitia Davis
The extensive printed and manuscript music collections that belonged to Sophia Letitia Davis
and family span their lives in Ireland, Van Dieman’s Land and Victoria.98 Sophia Davis née
Jones learnt music from Haydn Corri in Dublin and was involved in professional music-making
as a vocal soloist and organist in Sligo, north-west Ireland. She kept a letter of thanks in French
written in Sligo on 4 July 1829 from Angelica de Valabrègue, the married name for the prima
donna Angelica Catalani. When Mrs Davis migrated from Ireland to Van Diemen’s Land in
1832, she brought a bound music collection that starts with a printed song, ‘Haste Idle Time’
dedicated to her by the composer G. A. Hodson, and includes four different pieces in
manuscript attached to the back cover.99 Another bound compilation album begins with an
arrangement of Arne’s ‘Rule Britannia with Madame Catalani’s Variations’ by Pio
Cianchettini, Catalani’s arranger and conductor (see Figure 2).100 The Sophia Davis music
collection includes pieces that appear to be lithographic reproductions of the handwriting of
professional copyists or composers with music by Moscheles, Hummell and Spohr.
After their migration Mrs Davis taught music and with her husband James established a
business in Hobart where despite financial difficulties they sold pianos, guitars and organs and
sheet music imported from London along with agricultural supplies. In 1842 James and Sophia
Davis shipped their belongings including a piano across Bass Strait to begin farming near
Yarram in South Gippsland. Sophia Davis died in Hobart in 1850 and her husband died some
years afterwards. A century and a half later the Davis music collections were found in an old
derelict barn on the Yarram farm.101
97 See also Gall, ‘Songbooks and Scrapbooks’, in ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 82–88; Beedell, ‘Terminal
Silence’; Anne Doggett, ‘Beyond Gentility: Women and Music in Early Ballarat’, History Australia 6, no. 2
(2009): 37.1–37.17, DOI: 10.2104/ha090037; Graeme Skinner, Australharmony, including ‘Fatherley, Charlotte
Crofton’ (1829–1877), http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-F.php (accessed 7 April 2017). 98 Sophia Letitia Davis: Papers and Music Collection, MS 16004, MC-SLV, Melbourne. 99 G. A. Hodson, ‘Haste Idle Time’ (Dublin: I. Willis, [182-?]). 100 Pio Cianchettini, arr., ‘Rule Britannia with Madame Catalani’s Variations’ (London: I. Willis & Co,
[1820?]). 101 Ettie E. F. Pullman, They Came from The Mall ([Cheltenham, Vic.]: E. E. F. Pullman, 1982); Sandra
Pullman, ‘James Wentworth Davis’, La Trobeana 14, no. 3 (November 2015): 31–35; Graeme Skinner, ‘Sophia
Letitia Davis’, Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/davis-sophia.php (accessed 19
February 2017); thanks to Sandra Pullman, Evelyn Portek, Graeme Skinner and Kevin Molloy.
56
Figure 2: Front cover of Pio Cianchettini, Thomas Arne, Madame Catalani, ‘Rule
Britannia with Madame Catalani’s Variations’ (London: I. Willis & Co, [1820?]), Sophia
Letitia Davis: Papers and Music Collection, MS 16004, MC-SLV, Melbourne. Image:
Special Collections, University of Melbourne.
57
Music collection and memoirs: Annie Baxter Dawbin
A manuscript music book mainly transcribed by author, diarist and musician Annie Baxter née
Hadden (later married name Dawbin) and inscribed by her in July 1852 in Plymouth, UK is
bound with a memento of her previous domicile in Van Diemens Land in the form of printed
music, ‘The Campbell-Town Waltzes’ (Tasmania, 1849) attributed to Francis Hartwell
Henslowe (1811–78).102 Near Baxter’s dated signature is an embossed stamp from ‘Bookseller.
Printer / Jas. Sellick / Plymouth’.
Annie Baxter Dawbin was born in Britain and spent considerable periods of her life in
Australia, initially from 1835–51, when she went to Britain, returning to Australia for a few
years in 1857. She went again to Britain in 1865, to New Zealand in 1868 and then back to
Australia from 1870 until her death in 1905.103 It appears that she valued the music book
sufficiently to take it on her travels; the battered edges of the covers and contents and some
loose leaves suggest its practical useage. It is unclear if or when Annie owned more than one
manuscript music collection or other printed music.
Annie’s substantial 1852 album has four distinct sections, three of which are manuscript
plus the printed work, but does not include types of information that may assist its reader or
her biographers, such as an index, dates of transcription of particular pieces or names of donors
from her scribal community. However it contains over seventy manuscript pieces including
songs, vocal duets and piano works in more than two hundred mostly unnumbered pages, with
at least three different hands including possibly a professional scribe for two French piano
pieces, ‘Le Crépuscule: Rêverie pour Piano’ and ‘La Retraite militaire’.104 A small coloured
hand-drawn illustration of the British flag waving appears above the title of Linley’s song
‘Marion May’.105 Repertoire in Baxter Dawbin’s album may have had personal significance to
102 Annie Maria Baxter Manuscript Music Album, July 1852, MLMSS 9902, SLNSW; ‘The Campbell-Town
Waltzes’ (Tasmania: Thomas Browne, lithographic printer, 1849), [attributed to Francis Hartwell Henslowe],
MUSIC FILE/CAM, SLNSW,
http://archival-classic.sl.nsw.gov.au/album/albumView.aspx?itemID=847229&acmsid=0 (accessed 27 March
2017); Toni-Anne Sherwood, ‘Annie Baxter in Van Diemen’s Land’ (PhD thesis, University of Tasmania,
2010); Graeme Skinner, ‘Henslowe, Francis Hartwell’ (1811–78), Australharmony,
http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-H.php (accessed 19 February 2017). 103 Lucy Frost, A Face in the Glass: The Journal and Life of Annie Baxter Dawbin (Port Melbourne: William
Heinemann Australia, 1992); Lucy Frost, ed., The Journal of Annie Baxter Dawbin: July 1858–May 1868 (University of Queensland Press, 1998). 104 See Eugéne Moniot, ‘Le Crêpuscule: Rêverie pour Piano’ (London: Brewer & Co., [c. 1849]), MUS N m 780
AA v. 150, NLA, http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/19873572 (accessed 27 March 2017); Louis Lefébure-Wély,
‘La retraite militaire’, [c. 1850], MUS Helm 1/677, NLA, http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/166609334 (accessed
27 March 2017). 105 See George Linley and H. H. Paul, ‘Marion May’ (London: [1853]), Music Collections H.1295.(29.), BL.
58
her in different phases of her troubled personal life including her many migrations. Some items
correspond with those in Georgiana McCrae’s manuscript music collections including versions
of the songs ‘Constance’ by Linley and L. E. L. (see Figure 27), where a woman proffers her
unselfish love, and Keller’s ‘Land of my dearest, happiest feelings’, about absence and
distance, plus a different setting of the hymn ‘Thy Will Be Done’, where the singer is ‘far from
my home’.106
Annie Baxter Dawbin’s manuscript music collection can be matched with other extant
sources about her life. Annie, who crossed paths with the McCraes in Melbourne in the 1860s,
wrote over 800,000 words in her diaries, some of which were published.107 They provide many
glimpses of colonial music. For example in 1864, Annie’s comments on domestic music-
making in Melbourne demonstrated how new pieces of sheet music were produced locally or
imported for the growing Australian market and rapidly sold in the many conveniently located
shops, lessening the need for laborious transcriptions by hand:
I then went to Mrs Simmonds’, and fortunately found the two daughters at home:
the elder sang me a pretty new song called ‘Alice, where art thou’? When I came
to town I tried in several music shops to get it, but could not: Wilkie had had it, but
had sold all the copies.108
Annie’s discussion of a visit to the Ararat gold diggings in April 1865 revealed her interest
in musical enquiry, when she distinguished between her musical repertoire and skills and those
of a Chinese musician. Her comments that the ‘Chinese guitar…has no possible tune’ displayed
some of the common prejudice against Asian immigrants and their culture:
We went to ‘Foo Chun’ and there found the master of the establishment sitting near
the door with a Chinese guitar, a very long instrument with three strings, strumming
away in great style. If I could only sketch the figure! ... He asked me to sing to his
accompaniment, and I tried ‘Old John Brown’, to the delight of the by-sitters! I
played the instrument, which has no possible tune, and Foo Chun asked me where
I had learned it?109
106 See below for discussion of ‘Constance’, CMB, 122–24, 157; ‘Land of my dearest, happiest feelings’, CMB,
52–54; ‘Thy Will Be Done’, LTLMB, [135]. 107 Annie Maria Dawbin MSS diaries, 1834–69, DLMSQ 181–83, SLNSW; Annie Baxter Dawbin, Diary and
sketchbook, c. 1840-44, MS 3276, NLA, Canberra; Annie Baxter Dawbin, Memories of the Past: By A Lady in
Australia (Melbourne: W. H. Williams, 1873). 108 Annie Baxter Dawbin, Diary 1864; in Frost, The Journal of Annie Baxter Dawbin, 397. 109 Frost, ed., The Journal of Annie Baxter Dawbin, 530; see also National Museum of Australia [NMA],
‘Harvest of Endurance’,
59
Music in women’s lives: Annabella Boswell, Emily Childers, Louisa Anne Meredith, Henrietta
Dugdale and Ada Cambridge
Other colonists, for example Annabella Boswell (1826–1916), Emily Childers (1827–75),
Henrietta Dugdale (1827–1918), Louisa Anne Meredith (1812–95) and Ada Cambridge (1844–
1926), provide insights into colonial music-making in their memoirs and other literary works.
However, valuable additional information may be discovered if their personal music
collections could be located.
Annabella Boswell, who was born in Australia, shows in her published memoirs that her
extensive practical music-making and music-copying were integral parts of her social life. In
1844 while staying at Parramatta near Sydney Annabella transcribed polkas to play while
accompanying dancing.110 In 1847 Annabella’s social status was emphasised when Lady Mary
Fitzroy, who was the wife of the New South Wales Governor and Georgiana McCrae’s cousin,
offered to allow Annabella to copy some more polkas from Lady Mary’s own music
collections.111 Like many others, Annabella was shocked when Lady Mary died in an accident
at the end of that year.112
Diarist and music-lover Emily Childers, who moved in similar social circles to the
McCraes, arrived in Melbourne in 1850. Emily’s husband Hugh Childers gained important
positions in the Victorian public service and thus could keep his young wife and family in
respectable comfort. Emily like Georgiana used music as a mark of her gentility and self-
expression. In 1852 Emily’s piano was tuned by Joseph Wilkie, who had gained previous
experience in London with Broadwood and Sons and founded a music business in Melbourne
that later became known as Allan & Co.113 The Childers family’s status was shown when they
rented a cottage on La Trobe’s property Jolimont recently vacated by Anglican Bishop Perry
http://www.nma.gov.au/collections/collection_interactives/endurance_scroll/harvest_of_endurance_html_v
ersion/home (accessed 4 April 2017); Wang Zheng-Ting and Anne Doggett, ‘Chinese Music on the Victorian
Goldfields’, Victorian Historical Journal 78, no. 2 (November 2007): 170–86. 110 Annabella Boswell, Some Recollections of My Early Days [1908?], 96, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-43745972
(accessed 29 January 2017). 111 Boswell, Some Recollections, 114; see also C. W. F. Stier, ‘Fitz Roy Schottische: For the Pianoforte,
Composed and Most Respectfully Dedicated to The Hon. Mrs. Keith Stewart’ [daughter of Sir Charles and Lady
Mary Fitzroy] (Sydney: H. Marsh, [1851]), NLA MUS Snell N mb 786.44 S855, http://nla.gov.au/nla.mus-
an6161045 (accessed 21 March 2017); Graeme Skinner, ‘Stier, Charles William Ferdinand (Mr C. W. F. Stier)’, A Biographical Register of Australian Colonial Musical Personnel-S, Australharmony,
http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-S.php (accessed 22 March 2017). 112 Boswell, Some Recollections, 135–37; see Georgiana McCrae, ‘Miscellaneous Manuscripts’, 171, RB
1164.4, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; Boehme, ‘An Initial Investigation’, 293–94; Fergusson, FitzRoy
Beyond the Rumours, 153–61. 113 Jean Uhl, A Woman of Importance (Blackburn, Vic.: Jean Uhl, 1992), 42, n. 49, 55.
60
and his family when they moved to their grandiose official residence at Bishopscourt.114 Emily
Childers attended public concerts, which as in Britain were occasions for socialising as much
as opportunities to enjoy listening to music. For example on 7 March 1853 Emily went to a
concert in the Botanical Gardens where she ‘saw the usual set of people’.115
Louisa Anne Meredith, an artist, amateur musician and published writer who was a friend
of Georgiana McCrae’s in their old age, contributed by her earnings to her family’s upkeep,
without the disapproval shown to Georgiana by Andrew McCrae and his family.116 One of
Louisa Anne Meredith’s numerous books concerned a visit to Melbourne and the goldfields of
Victoria in 1861. Her observations included comments about ‘shilling balls’ for working people
that were conducted ‘in a very large, clean, well-proportioned room, brilliantly lighted, and
with an excellent band, playing good modern dance music’ where quadrilles, polkas and
waltzes were danced in a sober and decorous manner.117 These entertainments were objected
to by wealthier moralising critics who could ‘enjoy in their own splendid saloons and elegant
drawing-rooms, the tones of organ, piano, harp, sackbut, psaltery, dulcimer, and all kinds of
music, whether for the performance of an Oratorio, or “Don Juan”’.118 While Meredith’s
musical imagery may have been exaggerated by Biblical references, she invoked a picture of a
well-developed albeit class-based society in Melbourne with many musical activities, only
twenty-five years after Melbourne was founded.
Henrietta Dugdale, a writer and musician in Victoria, was one of the local leaders of the
movement for legal reforms affecting women and marriage. In Melbourne in the 1870s, after
her second marriage had broken down, Henrietta used her musical skills to earn money by
teaching.119 In her utopian novel A Few Hours in a Far-Off Age (1883), Dugdale employs
musical images in her descriptions of a less discriminatory future society, for example, ‘No
one speaks more loudly than is necessary for the distance in occupation by her or his party; and
as all have musical voices, the combination of these soft, sweet sounds comes to my ears as a
new entrancing harmony’.120
114 Uhl, A Woman of Importance, 48. 115 Uhl, A Woman of Importance, 62. 116 Vivienne Rae-Ellis, Louisa Anne Meredith: A Tigress in Exile (Hobart, Australia: St David’s Park
Publishing, 1990). 117 Louisa Anne Meredith, Over the Straits: A Visit to Victoria (London: Chapman and Hall, 1861), 108, https://archive.org/details/overstraitsavis00meregoog (accessed 12 January 2016). 118 Meredith, Over the Straits, 110. 119 Susan Priestley, Henrietta Augusta Dugdale: An Activist 1827–1918 (Melbourne: Melbourne Books, 2011),
111. 120 Mrs. H. A. [Henrietta Augusta] Dugdale, A Few Hours in A Far-Off Age (Melbourne: M’Carron, Bird,
1883), 8–9, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/182048 (accessed 8 April 2017).
61
Ada Cambridge, the author of The Three Miss Kings, was a musician herself and a similar
age to McCrae’s ‘Australian’ daughters. She recalled her attendance at concerts at the 1888
Melbourne Centennial Exhibition:
Living nearly 200 miles away I had all the good of the Exhibition that I could have
desired; more would have meant satiety. Scores and scores of those orchestral
concerts (under Frederick Cowen’s conductorship) I must have attended, first and
last…It was here that I learned to be a Wagnerite, after several unsuccessful
attempts.121
Ada Cambridge’s memoirs and novels, like those of other writers mentioned above,
reflect not only the ongoing importance of the music brought from Britain in the lives
of many women in colonial Australia, but also their efforts to keep abreast with cultural
trends and fashions from their former homeland.
Ties with Britain and New Zealand: Marian Sargood
Britain, New Zealand and Australia developed close personal and musical ties in trade,
publishing, repertoire, and performance practice in the nineteenth century.122 Music from all
three countries was published and sold in both Australia and New Zealand.123 This increased
the opportunities for cross-Tasman musical consumption. For example, Marian Australia
Sargood née Rolfe (1839–79), who in 1858 married businessman and politician Frederick
Thomas Sargood of Rippon Lea, Melbourne, owned pieces of printed sheet music which she
brought with her from Britain to Australia and had bound with more additions into a
personalised album in Melbourne. In 1889 one of Marian and Frederick Sargood’s daughters,
Clara Wordsworth Webster née Sargood, took her mother’s music album with her to New
Zealand where it remains in family use.124 Two others of Marian Sargood’s bound printed
121 Ada Cambridge, Thirty Years in Australia (London: Methuen & Co., 1903), 186; see Jalland, Old Age in
Australia, 36–59. 122 Clare Gleeson, Meet Me at Begg’s (Wellington, N.Z.: Ngaio Press, 2012); John MacGibbon, Piano in the
Parlour (Wellington, New Zealand: Ngaio Press, 2007); Kirstine Moffat, Piano Forte: Stories and
Soundscapes from Colonial New Zealand (Dunedin, New Zealand: Otago University Press, 2011); Aline Scott-
Maxwell, ‘Gendered and Endangered Musical Artefacts’, Musicology Australia 37, no. 2 (December 2015):
185–98; Jillian Twigger, ‘The Australian Album for 1857’, Context 40 (2015): 81–98. 123 Elizabeth Nichol, New Zealand Published Composers 1850–1913, University of Auckland, figshare, 2017, https://doi.org/10.17608/k6.auckland.c.3703504.v1 (accessed 2 April 2017); Skinner, ‘Chronicle of Music’;
‘Trans-Tasman Harmony’, in Australharmony; see also Elizabeth Nichol, ‘A Plague and a Violin: Government
Archives and Constraints on Musical Activities in Pre-1918 New Zealand’, Fontes Artis Musicae 62, no. 3
(July–Sept 2015): 254–61. 124 Kate Stevens, ‘From “Home Sweet Home” to the “Kangaroo Hunt Polka”’, 86–91, 334; ‘Rolfe, Marian
Australia (1839–1879)’, People Australia, National Centre of Biography, ANU,
62
music collections are dated from both before and after her marriage, one of songs from 1851–
55 and the other of piano music from 1860–74.125 Sargood connections included the
professional contralto singer Sara Flower (c. 1820–65), who had success in London before
migrating in 1849 with Sargood family members to Melbourne, where she recommenced her
career.126
The migration of British people with different religious and ethnic associations to New
Zealand contributed to local variations of culture such as between ‘English’ Canterbury and
‘Scottish’ Dunedin. Migrants were not restricted by ethnic associations and their music
collections could show similarities of repertoire and construction with those in other places. A
migrant called P. J. Maxwell brought his vocal manuscript music collection which he had
copied in Edinburgh in 1836 with him to New Zealand. Another migrant, T. J. Thompson
(Thomas John, 1814–1900), brought his tiny ‘home-made book of flute music’ containing
single-line melodies plus duets which he had copied in London in 1831.127 Manuscript music
collections which may have been created in New Zealand in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries can be found in archives and museums throughout the country.128
Other colonial music collections
A number of music collections and other source material that relate to Scottish migration to
Australia have survived, for example manuscript music added to copy of The Caledonian
Musical Repository which was published c. 1806.129 Manuscript and printed music collections
form various individuals and groups within colonial society include a small pre-bound music
manuscript book was sold c. 1833–36 by Sydney music business owner Francis Ellard;
subsequently easy songs and piano music were transcribed into the book, which appears to
http://peopleaustralia.anu.edu.au/biography/rolfe-marian-australia-18914/text (accessed 19 July 2016); John
Rickard, ‘Sargood, Sir Frederick Thomas (1834–1903)’, ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU,
http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/sargood-sir-frederick-thomas-4538/text7435 (accessed 19 July 2016). 125 Marian Rolfe Sargood, [Music], 5077935, MUS N m 2011-401; 5077982, MUS N m 2011-404, NLA. 126 Beedell, ‘Terminal Silence’, 46–47. 127 P. J. Maxwell, [Music], Misc-MS-1599/1, HL; T. J. Thompson, [Music] Sheat: Thompson family papers, Misc-
MS-0135, HL; http://www.otago.ac.nz/library/hocken/. 128 Clare Gleeson, personal communication, 29 January 2016: qMS-0268 (Emily Jane Brigden, c. 1864–65),
qMS-1190 (Alice Forrester Mackay, c. 1890–93), NLNZ; M553 (Harold Williams, c. 1920–40), Nelson Provincial Museum; O 944/20.1 (Ada Ouimette, date?), O 1998/44.40 (A.E.B. Simpson, 1858), South
Canterbury Museum; see also MacGibbon, Piano in the Parlour, 23, 86, 123; Musical Heritage New Zealand,
https://www.facebook.com/Musical-Heritage-New-Zealand-901223529898321/ (accessed 22 July 2016). 129 RB 4706.24, Fisher Library, University of Sydney; see also references to music collections from Laidlaw
family, MS 11780, MC-SLV; Maggie McGibbon, 1880, MUS N m 780 AAv.3, NLA, Canberra; Armitage
family, CMO 1637.1, Como (NTA (Vic)); in Boehme, ‘An Initial Investigation’, 281–88.
63
have had at least two owners, one of whom was named ‘Miss Cox’.130 The ‘Dowling
Songbook’ collected by Lilias and Willoughby Dowling contains forty-three pieces of music
for voice and piano dated c. 1818–40 in both printed and manuscript form as well as a copy of
‘Grosse’s Instruction in Singing’.131
Frances Amelia Thomas (1815–55), who migrated to Adelaide with her family in 1836,
owned a manuscript copy of a song called ‘The Emigrants’ Farewell’ with music by C. A.
Calvert and words by Robert Gouger. This is contained in a scrapbook given to her by her
future husband John Michael Skinner in 1837 into which they also copied and pasted artworks,
stories and poems dated c. 1835–40.132 A manuscript music collection catalogued by cross-
reference to a similarly-titled piece called ‘An Emigrant’s Song’ is dated from around 1853.133
It is difficult to decipher the name of the collection’s original owner. The collection may have
been acquired from an antiquarian or second-hand book dealer and so exploration of
provenance and relationship to the identity of the original owner is problematic.134 A
manuscript music collection signed ‘E. J. C. Rockwood May 11th 1859’, which includes ‘The
Austrian Band Waltz’, ‘Auld Lang Syne’, ‘Celebrated Polish Dances’ and ‘I'll Speak of Thee,
I'll Love Thee Too’, is more likely to contain transcriptions rather than original compositions
by Rockwood.135
Manuscript music collections may also be found in country areas such as the New South
Wales Northern Rivers district.136 Another music manuscript collection of dance music from a
small town in northern New South Wales, signed by three women, ‘Miss M. Brothers /
130 [Manuscript music book], RB CON 890 3028, Sydney Conservatorium of Music Collection, Rare Books
Library, University of Sydney, Sydney; Graeme Skinner, personal communication, 30 March 2017. 131 ‘Dowling Songbook’, Record no. 41008, Rouse/MUS R84/869:1-2, SLM, Sydney,
https://archive.org/details/DowlingSongbook41008 (accessed 29 March 2017). 132 C. A. Calvert and Robert Gouger, ‘The Emigrants’ Farewell’, in ‘Frances Amelia Thomas’s Scrapbook of
Artworks, Poems and Music, 1835–1840’, PIC Volume 1121 #PIC/13023/1-90, NLA, Canberra, http://
nla.gov.au/nla.obj-151652429 (accessed 5 April 2017); see Graeme Skinner, ‘Calvert, Mr. C. A.’,
Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-C.php (accessed 5 April 2017). 133 ‘An Emigrant’s Song’, in ‘[Collection of Hand Copied Music Manuscripts]’ [1843–53], Mus Nm 780 AA
v.80, NLA, Canberra, http://trove.nla.gov.au/work/22740696 (accessed 14 October 2016); see also ‘The
Emigrant: A Song Written on the Eve of a Lady’s Embarking from Leith with her Relations for Van Dieman’s
Land; Music Original, Arranged for the Pianoforte and German Flute, Edinburgh, Jany. 15, 1823’ ([Edinburgh]:
Walker & Anderson, Engravers, 1823), NLA, Canberra, http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/23011923,
http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-165870485; Graeme Skinner, ‘The Emigrant, A Song on the Eve of a Lady’s
Embarking for Van Diemen’s Land, 1823’,
Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/emigrant-vdl-1823.php (accessed 8 April 2017); ‘The Emigrant’s Song (1853)’, Adelaide Observer, Saturday 26 November 1853, 7, in Australian Folk
Songs, ed. Mark Gregory, http://folkstream.com/312.html (accessed 8 April 2017). 134 Robyn Holmes, NLA, personal communication, 27 July 2009. 135 E. J. C. Rockwood, ‘[Song and music] [music]’, MUS N JAF mb 786.4052 S698, NLA, Canberra,
http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-165946588 (accessed 15 July 2016). 136 Gall, ‘Songbooks and Scrapbooks’, in ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 82–88.
64
Quirindi’, ‘Miss A. Brothers / Quirindi’ and ‘Miss E. Douglas / Qdi. 23/2/94’, starts with
‘Lucrezia Borgia Quadrille’, from Donizetti’s opera Lucrezia Borgia, which premiered in 1833
and provided tunes used for dance arrangements that remained popular throughout the
nineteenth century.137 The ‘Brothers’ dance music manuscript is part of a larger collection
which also includes a print compilation of sheet music bound in 1861, ‘The Throsby
Songbook’, formerly owned by Isabel Throsby (1844–1901).138 A manuscript music collection
is preserved amongst the papers of the Brooks family from a farming property near Berridale
in New South Wales.139 Manuscript music collections, one dated ‘1859’ in Gosford, New South
Wales, belonged to a vicar’s daughter, Marianne Glennie.140
Five manuscript music books transcribed by Sarah Cross Little née Bingle (1832–1909),
together with other personal and family material, map a considerable portion of her life in her
various homes including in Newcastle and Sydney.141 The extent of her music collections
merits her description as ‘musician’ to add to the list of her abilities of ‘botanical artist,
craftworker, and family historian’.142 Her earliest manuscript music book was given to her by
her father on 1 January 1849 and contains dates up to 1851; the others are inscribed by her and
include dates from 1852–63, 1868–71, 1871–77 and 1878–84. This last book appears to have
been formed from two separate collections and contains three indexes. The repertoire overall,
as with many other such collections, comprises songs for voice and piano plus some solo piano
music including dance items.
Music collections held in Victoria
Nineteenth-century music collections in Victoria include a printed bound collection with
nameplate ‘Isabella Alston 1795’ catalogued by the University of Melbourne under the author
137 ‘[Manuscript Music Book]’, Record no. 41830, Throsby/MUS, Sydney Living Museums [SLM], Sydney;
thanks to Dr Matthew Stephens, Caroline Simpson Library & Research Collection, SLM,
http://sydneylivingmuseums.com.au/ (accessed 29 March 2017); see also Christine Fulcher, ‘The “Treasured
Possessions” of Isabel Throsby-Osborne’ (BMus (Musicology) (Hons) thesis, Sydney Conservatorium of Music,
University of Sydney, 2011). 138 ‘Throsby Songbook’, Record no. 41793, Throsby/MUS, SLM,
https://archive.org/details/ThrosbySongbook41793 (accessed 29 March 2017). 139 Brooks Family, ‘Manuscript music book’, ‘Papers of Brooks Family’, 1837–60, MS7207, NLA, Canberra. 140 Graeme Skinner, ‘Glennie, Marianne’, Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-G.php (accessed 19 February 2017); thanks to Dr
Graeme Skinner. 141 Sarah Cross Little née Bingle (1843–1909), [Music], MLMSS 7115/1–3, SLNSW, Sydney; thanks to Dr
Graeme Skinner, personal communication, 23 October 2015. 142 Design & Art Australia Online, Sarah Cross Little b. 1832, https://www.daao.org.au/bio/sarah-cross-little/
(accessed 8 April 2017).
65
and title of the first item, Volume 2 of Peter Urbani’s A Selection of Scots Songs (Edinburgh:
McGouan [1792–1804]).143 Alston’s collection also contains music by composers including
Handel, Shield, Storace, O’Keefe, Dibdin, Fergus, Rose, Watlen and a four-hand version of
Kotzwara’s ‘The Battle of Prague’. Multiple other printed sheet music compilations, mainly
from the later nineteenth century, can contain quite complicated repertoire for piano as well as
vocal music.144 While some were signed by men, many were owned by women such as
Florence Stanbridge née Colles (1851–78) of Daylesford and her daughter Florence
Montgomerie Cox (1878–1929).145
Printed sheet music compilations include the collections formerly owned by Mrs Helm
and Mrs Irvine, née Mary Jane Robinson of Ballarat, wife of a Victorian winemaker and
politician, Hans Irvine.146 I have purchased and otherwise obtained second-hand items of
manuscript and printed music which originated in various parts of Australia and dated from the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries.147
There are fewer surviving manuscript music collections than printed music collections in
Victoria that have been identified so far. This may be because Melbourne was not founded until
1835, when the transition of popularity from manuscript to printed music collections was well
underway.148 Manuscript music collections brought to Australia by migrants including those
that had belonged to James Goulding and his son Thomas from Ireland (music collection dated
c. 1817–18), James Findlay from Scotland (c. 1841–42), Robert Wrede (c. 1840–42) and
Robert Poynter (c. 1854) from England contain repertoire similar to that in Georgiana
McCrae’s collections.
James Goulding’s collection of Irish fiddle tunes were transcribed in Cork into a
manuscript book, which is labelled on the front cover with the date, 1817, and also dated on 26
143 ‘Isabella Alston 1795’ [Peter Urbani], [Music], Special Collections Rare Books Collections English Rooms
Collections, call number Burn B, Baillieu Library, University of Melbourne, Melbourne [RB, UM]. 144 Rare Music Collection, Special Collections, Baillieu Library, UM, Melbourne; thanks to Evelyn Portek. 145 Florence Stanbridge, née Colles (1851–78) and Florence Montgomerie Cox, (1878–1929), [Music], includes
UniM Music RB f MA STA.2, MA COX1.1, Rare Music Collection, Special Collections, Baillieu Library, UM,
Melbourne; thanks to Evelyn Portek, Aline Scott-Maxwell; Jennifer, Hill, ‘Early Australian Musical Life
Documented in Donation of Sheet Music’, The University of Melbourne Cultural Collections e-news, June
2013, http://us5.campaign-archive1.com/?u=e49c366d29cce7a5fb69d6eb5&id=d6d4af0be5 (accessed 15 July
2016). 146 Mrs Helm, [Collection of Songs], AF 784 C68, SLV; Mrs Irvine, née Mary Jane Robinson of Ballarat, [Collection of Miscellaneous Popular Songs], 2 vols., AF 784.08 C68I, SLV; Catherine Rogerson and Liza
Dale-Hallett, ‘Hans William Henry Irvine, Vigneron and Politician (1856-1922)’ in Museum Victoria
Collections, http://collections.museumvictoria.com.au/articles/2690 (accessed 15 July 2016). 147 See also Scott-Maxwell, ‘Gendered and Endangered Musical Artefacts’. 148 See Victorian Collections, Music, https://victoriancollections.net.au/?q=Music&page=1-2 (accessed 21
March 2017).
66
September 1818 under the tune, ‘Carolan’s Farewell to Music’.149 Goulding was a school
teacher as well as a fiddle player so was literate, unlike many other people in Ireland in that
era. His son, Thomas Goulding, brought the manuscript with him to Melbourne in 1845.150
The ‘James Findlay Manuscript’ was first dated in Penpont, Scotland in November 1841
and was brought to Australia by James Findlay in 1842.151 Like Georgiana McCrae’s
collections it reveals contributions by a scribal community from both United Kingdom and
Australia. It begins with an inserted printed song for voice and piano, ‘Where the Thistle
Proudly Waving Sung by Mr. Wilson at the London Concerts Written, Composed and
Respectfully Dedicated to Miss Margaret Tytler by George Croal’.152 Edinburgh composer,
arranger, publisher and author George Croal (1811–1907) wrote songs, poems and dance music
as well as memoirs.153 The ‘James Findlay Manuscript’ also contains forty-one pages of
transcriptions in more than one handwriting of melodies including some said to be by Braham,
Bishop, McLeod, Incledon, Parry and Gow. These are followed by four printed pages of
melodies, with attributions to Shield, Herz, Auber, Dibdin, Reeve, Rodwell, Smith and
Mazzinghi, plus a final unfinished attempt at notation in an unpractised hand.
A manuscript music collection whose contents more closely resemble those in Georgiana
McCrae’s collections was compiled by Robert Wrede, the English migrant son-in-law of the
Melbourne politician and businessman, John Hodgson. Wrede wrote out music, mainly songs
with piano accompaniment, while at sea between 1840 and 1842, so his collection was
contemporaneous with the end of Georgiana’s LTLMB and the start of her CMB. Wrede
identified his source for some of his copied music as the ship’s captain. Wrede, a piano dealer
and tuner, represented his father’s English firm in music business dealings in the Australasian
region and was involved in negotiations with the London firm of Collard and Collard about the
importation of pianos into Melbourne.154
149 MS by James Goulding, 153, copy courtesy of Judi Forrester; thanks also to Peter Ellis and Graeme Smith. 150 Judi Forrester, Introduction to MS by James Goulding, 2007. 151 Graham Dodsworth, ‘James Findlay Manuscript’, http://www.folknow.com/findlay/ (accessed 15 July 2016);
Graham Dodsworth, Folklore, http://www.folknow.com/dz-folkdox.htm (accessed 15 July 2016);
Graham H. Dodsworth, ‘The Nature of Folk Song in Australia: Origins and Transmission’, MA thesis, Monash
University, 2000; thanks to Graeme Smith for drawing the Dodsworth and Findlay sources to my attention. 152 See discussion about John Wilson in Chapter 6. 153 George Croal, ‘Where the Thistle Proudly Waving’ (Edinburgh: Wood & Co; London: Cramer, Addison & Beale, nd); ‘George Croal’, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-no99053452 (accessed 15 July 2016);
‘The Late Mr George Croal: A Link with Sir Walter Scott’, Border Magazine 12, no. 139 (July 1907): 124,
https://archive.org/details/bordermagazinea01unkngoog (accessed 7 April 2017). 154 Robert Wrede, ‘Album of Manuscript Music’, MS 9207, ‘Letter Book, 19 April 1842–15 October 1848’, in
‘John Hodgson Papers’, Box 1814, MS 9037, MC-SLV; Peter Nicholls, ed., A Wonderful Change: the Story of
Robert Wrede Including His Journal 1837–1841 (Melbourne: Peter Nicholls, 2012).
67
Another manuscript music book, this time with dance tunes and hymns, was transcribed
by Robert Poynter (1796–1857) and is housed together with Poynter’s 1854 shipboard diary
detailing his voyage from England to Melbourne.155 A manuscript music book owned by Cissie
Gilmore consisting of treble clef melodies mainly for dance music, possibly for violin or flute,
shows she was living in Richmond, a Melbourne suburb. The collection is inscribed inside the
front cover, ‘Got April 13, 1866; bound by Detmans Collins Street Melbourne -- paper 4s.
binding 5s.’ alongside two pasted newspaper articles about a court case involving a violin
repairer, Albert Edward Brown, around 1910–11.156 Transcribing and collecting music in
manuscript music collections continued into the twentieth century, as evidenced by an
illustrated collection owned by James Payne in suburban Melbourne in the 1920s.157 It may
prove beneficial to discover more about these collectors and the provenance of their collections,
to help gain a broader understanding of Australia and its musical culture.
2.5 Conclusion
Manuscript music collections as well as items of printed music were integral to nineteenth-
century music-making in both Britain and its colonies. The manuscript and printed music
collections from colonial times in Australia can be compared to those in other parts of the world
and indicate that migrants were known to bring their music collections with them if they could
afford to do so and continued to practise their musical skills and collection practices in their
new environments. Collections could be substantial in terms of the number of volumes and the
number of pieces of music they contained, while others were briefer and made of more flimsy
materials. The survival of collections by both women and men brings into question the
identification of nineteenth century manuscript music books solely as the preserve of middle-
class women in the domestic environment. Whatever their size, music collections were used in
both cities and country areas, for domestic and public music-making, by women and men with
musical literacy and skills across various levels of society.
155 ‘Log Kept by R. Poynter, Late of Southminster, Ship Cornelis Gips and Music Book, 1854 [Manuscript]:
Robert Poynter 1796–1857’, MS Box 4666/4–5, MS 14952, MC-SLV. 156 Cissie Gilmore, ‘Manuscript Music Book’, UniM Music RB f/E FID, Rare Music Collection, Special Collections, Baillieu Library, UM, Melbourne. 157 See ‘Baby Face’ by Benny Davis and Harry Akst, in ‘P.P. Music’: [manuscript music book] transcribed and
illustrated by James Payne (Kew, Vic.: James Payne, 1926–27), in Stardust Melodies (Clayton, Vic.: Rare
Books, Monash University Library Exhibitions, 2011),
http://www.monash.edu/library/collections/exhibitions/stardust-melodies/virtual-exhibition/items/item24.html
(accessed 9 April 2017).
68
Women’s manuscript music collections illustrate aspects of women’s participation in and
dominance of domestic music-making. While men featured strongly in this period in public life
and more of their memorabilia has survived, yet music could give genteel women an occupation
for their time and an outlet for their emotions; it could console and enthuse them and reinforce
female friendships and relationships. Despite the emphasis on music-making as an asset for
young women in the marriage market, older women could participate in musical activities for
their own benefit as well as that of their families. The preservation of women’s manuscript
music collections depended on their significance as mementos to both the women themselves
and their families and subsequently on the recognition of their historical worth by collectors
and institutions. The collections that are readily available, either in personal or public archives,
suggest that the transcription and collection of music in manuscript form for individual and
family use was widespread.
Contents of collections owned by individuals such as Sophia Davis and Cissie Gilmore
reveal clues to their thoughts, feelings, locations and preferences as well as providing more
general musical and social information. Musical repertoire derived from sources ranging from
folk songs to theatre was transcribed and collected in manuscript music collections belonging
to amateur and professional musicians from different classes, genders and geographical areas.
Ideas of genteel exclusivity associated with manuscript collections were challenged with
increasing education and the rise of the middle classes. Although such collections were still an
important method of expression and remembrance for musically literate people from 1800–60,
as they had been in earlier periods, their use was becoming lessened also by technological and
economic changes, especially the increased availability and decreased cost of printed sheet
music. However, manuscript music collections were used both privately and publicly and can
provide clues to an individual or group’s sense of identity as well as to the musical fashions of
the day.
69
CHAPTER 3
GEORGIANA McCRAE’S LIFE IN BRITAIN, 1804–40
3.1 Georgiana McCrae in London, 1804–20s
‘The stain of illegitimacy’
Born in London on 15 March 1804 to Jane Graham (1772–1838), Georgiana was one of three
known natural or ‘accidental’ children by two different women with George, Marquis of Huntly
(1770–1836), the eldest and, after 1808, only surviving legitimate son of Alexander, fourth
Duke of Gordon.1 Another woman, Ann Thomson (1780–1862), provided Georgiana with two
illegitimate half-siblings, Charles (1798–1876), who rose to be an admiral, and Susan (1805–
80), who married a Genevan banker, Henri Sordet, in May 1828.2
Soon after his marriage in 1767, Duke Alexander remodelled Gordon Castle near
Fochabers in the manner of a grandiose palace.3 His premier position in Scottish society is still
celebrated in performance of Scottish tunes such as ‘Cock o’ the North’ and ‘The Duke of
Gordon’s Birthday’.4 He outshone his heir in fertility, having sired at least nine illegitimate
children by five different mothers as well as seven legitimate children with his first wife.5
Illegitimacy was prevalent in highland society in this period and the ‘natural’ Gordon children
were looked after reasonably well.6 The celebrated political hostess, matchmaker and patron
Jane Maxwell, fourth Duchess of Gordon (1749–1812) did not appreciate the extent of her
1 H. M. Chichester, rev. Roger T. Stearn, ‘Gordon, George, Fifth Duke of Gordon (1770–1836)’, ODNB, OUP,
2004, www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/11041 (accessed 24 January 2015); John Kay, ‘The Marquis of Huntly,
afterwards Duke of Gordon’, in A Series of Original Portraits and Caricature Etchings (Edinburgh: H. Paton,
Carver & Gilder, 1838), plate and biographical sketch, no. 78, 1, Part 1:185–90,
https://books.google.com/books?id=k68EAAAAYAAJ (accessed 19 January 2017). 2 Niall, Georgiana, 49. 3 James Fittler and John Claude Nattes, ‘Gordon Castle’, in Scotia Depicta (London, 1804), Plate VI,
http://digital.nls.uk/74582264; see http://www.gordoncastle.co.uk/ (both accessed 23 November 2016). 4 ‘The Duke of Rothesay Unveils Gordon Highlanders Statue’, with pipers playing ‘Cock o’ the North’, https://youtu.be/AB_cYg9Qm24; Ronnie Gibson, ‘Fiddle Tutorial #46: The Duke of Gordon’s Birthday’,
https://youtu.be/kNGavhHwo6k (both accessed 2 December 2016). 5 Niall, Georgiana, xvi. 6 Peter Butter, ‘Elizabeth Grant’, in A History of Scottish Women’s Writing, ed. Gifford and McMillan, 211;
Elizabeth Grant of Rothiemurchus, Memoirs of a Highland Lady, ed., Introduction, Andrew Tod (Edinburgh,
Cannongate, 2006), 1: 175.
70
husband’s infidelities and separated from her husband by the late 1790s and formally in 1805.7
In a comment written around nine months before Georgiana’s birth, the artist and diarist Joseph
Farington R.A. compared Duchess Jane unfavourably with her son and daughters:
The Marquiss of Huntley was spoken of as being a Man of very popular manners,
affable and social & very much regarded. — It was remarked that the singularity of
the Duchess of Gordon, His Mother, had not attached to her Children. — All the
daughters conduct themselves in a manner to be approved.8
After their separation Duchess Jane kept her Scottish residence at Kinrara near Aviemore
until her death while the duke maintained his main mistress, Jean Christie (1770–1824), in a
house in Fochabers not far from Gordon Castle. In her ‘Recollections of an Octogenarian’
penned around 1885, Georgiana does not mention her Gordon grandmother, so the duchess
may not have concerned herself with her son’s illegitimate children.9 According to Georgiana
in another of her family histories, the duchess had thwarted the marriage of her eldest son to
her niece and subsequently Lord Huntly refused to marry until after his mother’s death in
London in 1812.10 In 1813 Georgiana’s forty-three-year-old father married a nineteen-year-old
heiress, Elizabeth Brodie (1794–1864). Elizabeth was only around ten years older than
Georgiana and her half-sister Susan and four years older than their brother Charles. By 1820
when Lord Huntly and his wife Elizabeth had not produced any legitimate children, Duke
Alexander married his mistress Jean Christie, much to the alarm of his legitimate family.11
Duke Alexander’s chances of having more legitimate sons himself were unlikely given
Duchess Jean’s age and he only survived her by three years.12
Provision of housing, upkeep, entertainment, education and future prospects for all the
partners, offspring, relations, servants and dependants came at a considerable cost to the
Gordon estate. Georgiana’s father had additional expenses, with costs associated with his
military career, his extensive civic duties and occupation of Huntly Lodge near the ruined
Huntly Castle, whose roof and windows had been removed by orders of the fourth duke to
7 Rosemary Baird, ‘Seclusion in Scotland: Jane Maxwell, Duchess of Gordon, 1749–1812’, in Mistress of the
House (London, UK: Phoenix, 2005), 236–57. 8 Joseph Farington, diary entry, Friday 24 June 1803, in The Diary of Joseph Farington, ed. Kenneth Garlick and Angus Macintyre (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1979), 6: 2064. 9 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections of an Octogenarian’, c. 1885, MS 14833, MS MSM 548, MS Box 4264/2,
MC-SLV. 10 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Journal of transcriptions…re Gordon family’, MS 12018, 2516/4, MC-SLV. 11 NRAS770, BA, NTS. 12 Niall, Georgiana, 39.
71
avoid tax.13 Although he received some support from the Gordon Castle estate, Lord Huntly
was constantly in debt and raised a large amount of money by loans, which were partly repaid
by his and his wife’s fathers.14
Georgiana was formally recognised as Lord Huntly’s daughter when baptised as
‘Georgiana Gordon’ at St James Church, Piccadilly, London, on 6 October 1807.15 The young
Georgiana often used the surname Huntly (sometimes spelt Huntley or Huntlie) instead of
Gordon. The names ‘George’, ‘Georgiana’ and other Royal Hanoverian names such as
Charlotte were prevalent amongst her wider Gordon family, marking their at least outward
political allegiance to George III and the other Hanoverian kings rather than to the Jacobite
cause. One of her father’s legitimate sisters for example was Georgina, also known as
Georgiana, Duchess of Bedford.16
Jane Graham and Ann Thomson were not considered of high enough status for marriage
with a member of the aristocracy. Jane was born at Alnwick in Northumberland, in the Border
area of north-eastern England, the daughter of a labourer, Ralph Graham, and his wife,
Margaret. Set in a well-cultivated countryside, Alnwick was the model for Disraeli’s
Montacute in his 1847 novel, Tancred, which described the area as ‘rich and rural, but far from
picturesque’ with ‘the prettiest little town in the world’.17 Georgiana’s beloved aunt Margaret
Graham, who looked after two orphaned cousins, lived near London.18 As noted by Huntly
Higgins, Jane Graham’s family also included an uncle in South Carolina, an aunt who was
married to an attorney in nearby Berwick-upon-Tweed and a brother who had been a
shipbuilder in India, who appear to have been part of the burgeoning middle classes rather than
the ‘unskilled proletariat’ of the Northumberland lower rural labouring class.19
Georgiana’s extensive journals and other written records reveal little about her mother or
her mother’s family. How and where Jane Graham met Lord Huntly, or the extent or length of
their relationship, is uncertain. Jane Graham could possibly have first met the marquis after she
migrated from the countryside to urban areas to look for work. Georgiana was born in London,
13 Castle Hotel, http://www.castlehotel.uk.com/facilities/hotelhistory/; Huntly Castle, Historic Scotland,
https://www.historicenvironment.scot/visit-a-place/places/huntly-castle/ (both accessed 19 November 2016). 14 For example see GD44/51/289/2, 1813–14, GCM-NRS. 15 Niall, Georgiana, 7. 16 Rachel Trethewey, Mistress of the Arts (London: Review, 2002). 17 Benjamin Disraeli, Tancred, or, The New Crusade, (London, UK: Henry Colburn, 1847), 1:43–46,
http://openlibrary.org/books/OL24336423M/Tancred_or_The_new_crusade (accessed 24 January 2015);
Alnwick Castle, http://www.alnwickcastle.com (accessed 24 January 2015); Herbert L. Honeyman,
Northumberland (London: Robert Hale Ltd, 1951), 163. 18 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’. 19 Higgins, Introduction, 39–41.
72
rather than in Alnwick or in Gordon territory in Huntly, Aberdeen or Fochabers. The pattern
of movement of people like Jane Graham from the countryside to the towns and cities to look
for work was a common one, reflected in Elizabeth Gaskell’s Mary Barton (1848) and Ruth
(1853), both of which discuss the fate of ‘fallen’ mothers and their illegitimate offspring during
times of rapid social change.20 In Mary Barton, Mary is tempted by the flattering attentions of
the son of Mr Carson, a factory owner who has risen from a similar rural background to Mary’s
parents. In contrast to the cares and woes of Mary, her destitute aunt Esther and Mary’s blind
friend Margaret, the Carsons’ unmarried daughters fill their idle days with accomplishments.
Reading improving works by Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803–82), choosing from a pile of printed
songs or transcribing manuscript music are overt signs of gentility available to those who can
afford them: ‘One tried to read ‘Emerson’s Essays’, and fell asleep in the attempt; the other
was turning over a parcel of new songs, in order to select what she liked. Amy, the youngest,
was copying some manuscript music’.21 Mary Barton ends with Mary and her husband, like
many British people in the period including the McCraes, migrating to overseas colonies to
seek to improve their financial and social position.
Whether or not the Grahams were part of the proletariat or the middle class, the social
position of the Marquis of Huntly was clearly more elevated than that of his mistress or their
daughter, which gave him many advantages of position and privilege to add to the legal
superiority of men in general and aristocratic men in particular. Not all servants, actresses or
others of lower class had sex with their employers or superiors willingly, or would enjoy any
financial privileges as a result. Jane Graham was fortunate to be allowed or to be able to afford
to bring up her daughter. The Gordon family appear to have assisted Jane to bring up her
daughter which kept Jane in moderate comfort in London until Georgiana’s adulthood, unlike
many other women in her circumstances whose abandonment could force both mother and
child into poverty.
During this period men had control of women’s lives, property and relationships as well
as legal control over any children that were acknowledged. Divorce was difficult. An Act of
Parliament in 1828, The Offences against Persons Act, had the effect of legalising sex with
girls over the age of twelve. In Britain some improvements to laws affecting the rights of
women, children and members of the middle and lower classes began to be made from the
1830s; the age of consent was not raised to sixteen until many decades later. It was not unusual
20 Elizabeth Gaskell, Mary Barton (1848/1854; London: Vintage Books, 2008); Elizabeth Gaskell, Ruth, ed.,
Introduction, Alan Shelton (1853; Oxford: OUP, 1985). 21 Gaskell, Mary Barton, 250.
73
for women and children to die as health care was poorly understood. If they survived, females
were at a financial disadvantage because inheritance usually went to the eldest surviving
legitimate son or male relative. The law of coverture affected the property rights of women,
who came under the control of their husbands when they married. Men could challenge other
men if their rights over their wives or daughters were infringed, but women had little recourse.
These problems were exacerbated if a woman’s social or economic status left them vulnerable.
Women’s reputations and their access to their children were often compromised.22 Georgiana
was an adult before discriminatory laws affecting women and children slowly started to change.
Activists such as the novelist and composer Caroline Norton, herself deprived of her children
because of the break-up of her marriage, agitated for the improvement of the rights of women
and children, leading to changes in British law including the 1839 Infant Custody Act and the
establishment of the Divorce Court in 1857.23
Children, if born outside of marriage, often had little legal or social standing in the
nineteenth century. From Elizabethan times, fathers had been obliged to pay for the upkeep of
their illegitimate children so that the costs did not fall on the local parish. In 1834 the Poor Law
Amendment Act made a child’s mother solely responsible for its welfare and allowed its father
to avoid responsibility.24 These legal changes were supported by an increased moral rectitude
in British society. Immoral behaviour was often publicly reported, exacerbating families’ desire
to hide their shame and avoid social stigma.25 The impacts of legal discrimination and social
expectations affected many people’s lives but the results depended often on the status of the
men as well as the women who were involved, from royalty down the social scale. A prominent
royal example was set by King William IV (1765–1837), who when he had thought he was
unlikely to reach the throne had a large family of illegitimate offspring with Mrs Jordan, an
actress. His legitimate children born after he married the twenty-five-year-old Princess
Adelaide of Saxe-Meiningen in 1818 did not survive, paving the way for his niece Queen
Victoria’s reign beginning in 1837.26
22 Susie Steinbach, Women in England 1760–1914 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2004). 23 Andrzej Diniejko, ‘Caroline Norton: A Biographical Sketch’, The Victorian Web,
http://www.victorianweb.org/authors/norton/biography.html (accessed 24 January 2015). 24 Margot Finn et al., eds., Legitimacy and Illegitimacy in Nineteenth-Century Law, Literature and History
(Houndmills, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 4–5. 25 Adultery and Seduction: The Trial at Large of Robert Gordon, Esquire, for Adultery with Mrs. Biscoe, Wife of Joseph Seymour Biscoe, Esq. Grandson of the Late Duke of Somerset (London, 1794), Eighteenth Century
Collections Online, Gale Document Number: CB3329319800 (accessed 24 January 2015); Deborah Cohen,
Family Secrets (London: Viking, 2013), 1–10. 26 William IV (r. 1830–1837), History of the Monarchy,
http://www.royal.gov.uk/HistoryoftheMonarchy/KingsandQueensoftheUnitedKingdom/TheHanoverians/Willia
mIV.aspx (accessed 24 January 2015).
74
The secrecy that often surrounded illegitimacy meant that some people were ignorant of
their family history. For example the parentage of Sir Walter Scott’s wife, Charlotte Carpenter,
the ‘ward’ of Lord Downshire, was unclear, like that of Charlotte Brontë’s Adèle Varens, Mr
Rochester’s young French ward in Jane Eyre (1847).27 Legal and social disapproval of
illegitimate children and their mothers from various classes was often commented on in
contemporary novels. In Fanny Burney’s Evelina (1778), the heroine’s upper class father Sir
John Belmont disowns his marriage to Evelina’s mother before Evelina’s birth. After many
adventures Evelina marries her true love Lord Orville while Sir John’s imposter daughter
marries his illegitimate son and all three young people are relieved to be able to enjoy Sir John’s
benefits of wealth and privilege.28 In Jane Austen’s Emma (1816), Harriet, whose mother’s
identity is not discussed, is the natural daughter of a tradesman, ‘rich enough to afford her the
comfortable maintenance which had ever been hers, and decent enough to have always wished
for concealment’.29 Harriet’s illegitimacy and tradesman father, however rich, make her
unsuitable for friendship or marriage within Emma’s class in the landed gentry: ‘The stain of
illegitimacy, unbleached by nobility or wealth, would have been a stain indeed’.30 While
Harriet’s status and prospects have been affected by her illegitimacy, in some cases
irresponsible fathers were also affected by social stigma. For example, the neglect of a mistress
and children affects the reputation of Sir Barnes Newcombe Bart. M. P. in Thackeray’s The
Newcomes (1855).31 In Eliot’s Daniel Deronda (1876) the inheritance of Mallinger
Grandcourt’s children with his mistress Lydia Glasher is threatened by Grandcourt’s marriage
to Gwendolen Harleth, while Daniel Deronda’s own sense of security is undermined by
uncertainty about his parentage.32
Georgiana was caught between the economic hardships facing many British people and
the possibility of opportunities available via her father’s aristocratic family. While illegitimacy
limited Georgiana’s social standing and choice of suitors, her recognition and support by her
father meant that she was not as badly off as were many other illegitimate children of her time.
27 ‘Williamina, Charlotte and Marriage’, The Walter Scott Digital Archive, Edinburgh University Library
[TWSDA-EUL], http://www.walterscott.lib.ed.ac.uk/biography/marriage.html (accessed 11 May 2015);
Charlotte Brontë, Jane Eyre (1847) (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1996), 146. 28 Fanny Burney, Evelina (1778) (Chalford, UK: Nonsuch, 2007). 29 Jane Austen, Emma (1816) (Ware, UK: Wordsworths, 1992), 376. 30 Austen, Emma, 376. 31 William Makepeace Thackeray, The Newcomes (1855), http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/7467 (accessed 24
November 2016), Chapters 30, 60. 32 Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 189, 203.
75
Georgiana’s education in London
Georgiana was fortunate to be able to benefit from an education in London and showed
particular promise in art and music. Her lessons were provided at various times at schools or
at home by private tutors. Her mother did not have suitable housing or income to maintain a
live-in private governess, which was advocated as superior by authors such as Elizabeth
Appleton.33 Georgiana’s early schooling was firstly at a convent school in London’s Somers
Town run by French refugees. She then became a boarder amongst eighty students at a school
at Claybrook House, Fulham, where the music teacher Dr. Jay is identifiable as John George
Henry Jay, a composer of vocal and instrumental pieces.34 At dance lessons conducted by Oscar
Byrne and his son, the students learned to march and to walk on what Georgiana described as
the ‘very tips of our toes’, which indicated knowledge of balletic pointe work.35 Dances
included ‘The Ghost’s March’, ‘Minuet de la Cour’ and ‘Hornpipe’. Dance exercises proved
torturous:
Then for practising the low Curtsey of the Minuet, we used to stand in a sort of
contrivance called ‘The Stocks’ with a rail in front to enable us to do the ‘recover’
without losing our balance—there were rows of pegs, for moving two pieces of
Wood that were on a pivot, to bring us to bear our feet nearly on a straight line—
A few Minutes of this exercise used to make my knees ache—and there was
another experience that I very much disliked—We had to hang to a rope by a
leather band that passed round the back of the head!—Our feet were sometimes 3
or 4 inches above the floor—This stretching of the spine was supposed to improve
one’s carriage?36
In 1811, aged seven, Georgiana became ill and was schooled at home. She noted that her
tutor, ‘Stewart, son of a Copper plate Engraver’, was ‘Cousin of Miss Paton the celebrated
Singer’.37 In the 1820s Georgiana copied out the song, ‘O Ye shall walk in Silk Attire — as
sung by Miss Paton’, which was published in The Harmonicon of 1824.38 The Scottish soprano,
33 Elizabeth Appleton, Private Education; or a Practical Plan for the Studies of Young Ladies (London: Henry
Colburn, 1815), http://openlibrary.org/books/OL20446550M (accessed 24 January 2015). 34 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’; ‘Jay, John George Henry’, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/np-
jay,%20john%20george%20henry (accessed 24 January 2015). 35 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’. 36 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’. 37 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’. 38 Georgiana McCrae, MHMB, 55; ‘“O ye shall walk in Silk Attire;” a Scotish [sic] Song Sung by Miss Paton at
the Oratorios’, Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824):52–53; see also ‘The Siller Crown’, MHMB, Part 1:221; GCMB,
piece 3; see Chapter 4.
76
Mary Anne Wood née Paton (1802–64), just two years older than Georgiana, was renowned in
both Britain and the United States for her singing and acting in a range of operatic works and
also appeared on the concert platform. For some years Mary Anne Paton was married to
Georgiana’s cousin, Lord William Pitt Lennox.39
Georgiana disliked arithmetic but did not object when her tutor, Mr Stewart, asked her to
copy some of Walter Scott’s poetry, ‘Couplets & sometimes “Screeds” from the Lady of the
Lake”—“Marmion” &c.’40 This may have been advanced literature for such a young student,
but knowledge of these poems contributed to Georgiana’s lifelong affinity with Scott’s works.
She also developed a habit of copying excerpts of poetry from an early age, to add to copying
sections of novels, histories and newspaper items as well as works of art and pieces of music.
An essential tool of the education of the time, copying was believed to be a conduit for
formation of attitudes, preferences and tastes. Georgiana was concerned about her tutor’s future
because he took the blame for a forgery by his father for the sake of his mother and sisters and
was transported to Botany Bay as a convict. Georgiana next received lessons in drawing and
French from Louis Mauleon, a French prisoner of war, who was another resident in the London
suburb of Summerstown where she lived at the time.41 Mauleon could not play a musical
instrument but taught Georgiana ‘to sing a Hunting Song in German “Fuhret hin”’.42 Two
copies of this song can be found in Georgiana’s CMB (c. 1840–1856), one of which has her
annotation, ‘This song was taught me by Louis Mauleon 1813’.43 Mauleon ‘said Adieu’ on 13
August 1813 but drowned at sea.44
Georgiana’s separation from Mauleon was shortly followed by the death of her mother’s
sister Margaret Graham in 1813. After an illness, Georgiana went briefly to another boarding
school run by Madame Dunbar, a French-Canadian, in Somers Town. One of Georgiana’s
school friends, Eliza Huddart, made a deep impression on Georgiana when she dramatically
declaimed ‘Ode on the Passions’ (1746/47) by William Collins (1721–59) and ‘Alonzo the
39 Katherine K. Preston, Opera on the Road (Urbana and Chicago, USA: University of Illinois Press, 2001), 18–
29. 40 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’; Sir Walter Scott, The Lady of the Lake (1810), TWSDA-EUL,
http://www.walterscott.lib.ed.ac.uk/works/poetry/lady.html (accessed 22 October 2016); Sir Walter Scott,
Marmion (1808), TWSDA-EUL, http://www.walterscott.lib.ed.ac.uk/works/poetry/marmion.html (accessed 24 January 2015). 41 See notebook inscribed by Georgiana McCrae, ‘My First Writing Book / 1813’, with Mauleon’s address,
‘W31 Skinners St Summerstown / Near London’, MC403, McCrae Collection, NTA (Vic). 42 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’. 43 Georgiana McCrae, CMB, 180; see also CMB, 242. 44 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Recollections’.
77
Brave’ from the Gothic novel, The Monk (1796), by Matthew Lewis (1775–1818).45 Georgiana
heard later in life that ‘Eliza Huddart had become a celebrated tragedienne’.46 Eliza could
possibly be identified as Mrs Mary Amelia Warner née Huddart (1804–54), an actress born in
the same year as Georgiana, who made her debut aged fifteen and then appeared on the London
stage for over twenty years from 1830 with roles including Lady Macbeth.47 Georgiana herself
was said to have to have recited part of Collins’s ‘Ode’ on her deathbed.48
At the age of ten in 1814, Georgiana left school and started serious concentration on her
art and music. Three days a week she attended a drawing class ‘for the study of the antique’.49
She also began twice-weekly piano lessons at home from the redoubtable Miss Fanny Holcroft
(c. 1780–1844). Georgiana described Miss Holcroft as having been the student of the leading
London musician, Clementi, which indicated the level of Fanny Holcroft’s pianistic skills and
also gave prestige to her pupils. Miss Holcroft was ‘a very Dragon’ about timing and fingering
on the piano.50 Georgiana’s piano repertoire included common educational music for the period,
but because publishing piracy was rampant, her attributions of pieces she learnt to well-known
composers may not all have been accurate: ‘We began with “Purcell’s Ground”—& the
“Copenhagen Waltz”—then “Handel” & some duets by Kazeluck [Kozeluch]. Haydn’s
Overture in D. & Mozarts Waltzes’.51
Georgiana received a strong impression of Miss Holcroft’s character and achievements as
well as her musical tuition. Miss Holcroft was ‘very insufficiently paid’ and had to walk from
one pupil to the next, but Georgiana highly valued her friendship, intellect and example.52 In
her two years of lessons with Fanny Holcroft, Georgiana may have only reached a medium
standard of pianistic technique, but enough to form the basis of a life-long love of playing the
instrument in repertoire that she chose to suit her tastes and capacity.
With her portraitist’s eye, in her ‘Recollections’ written in her old age, Georgiana could
still give a detailed description of Fanny Holcroft’s appearance:
45 William Collins, ‘The Passions: An Ode for Music’, in Odes on Several Descriptive and Allegoric Subjects
(London: Printed for A. Millar, 1747 [1746]),
http://www.luminarium.org/eightlit/collins/passions.php (accessed 24 January 2015); Matthew Lewis, ‘Alonzo
the Brave, and Fair Imogine’, in The Monk (1796), Ch. 9, http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/l/lewis/matthew/monk/
(accessed 24 January 2015). 46 GM-Recollections. 47 Clement Scott and Cecil Howard, The Life and Reminiscences of E. L. Blanchard (London, Hutchinson &
Co., 1891), 1:122, https://archive.org/details/lifeandreminisc02meadgoog (accessed 24 January 2015). 48 Note in different handwriting, in GM-Recollections. 49 GM-Recollections. 50 GM-Recollections. 51 GM-Recollections; Kozeluch, Leopold 1747–1818, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n81-19572
(accessed 24 January 2015). 52 GM-Recollections.
78
In person Miss H. was rather over Middle Size—a brunette with bright brown eyes.
Her hair dark—& worn, like mine a l’enfant. though she was about old enough to
be my mother—The outline of her nose was very good, so far as the bone extended
but there it drooped & bulged a little too suddenly—her mouth as the french [sic]
say bien fendue [‘well cleft’]— & her teeth very white & set wide (far) apart—53
A daughter of Thomas Holcroft (1745–1809), the ‘Author of The Road to Ruin & Deaf &
Dumb’, Fanny Holcroft was ‘Herself an Authoress & Composer of Music’.54 In 1805 Fanny
Holcroft contributed music to a ‘melo-drame’ by her father entitled The Lady of the Rock,
performed at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane. Her published works included translations from
Spanish, German and Italian comedies and tragedies, original poetry and two novels, The Wife
and the Lover (1813) and Fortitude and Frailty (1817). She also submitted a manuscript play,
The Goldsmith, to the Lord Chamberlain in 1827.55 For Georgiana’s thirteenth birthday in 1817
Fanny Holcroft wrote a poem where Fanny hoped that Georgiana, unlike Fanny herself, would
enjoy a happy life:
Dear girl, may thy innocent heart,
Ne’er experience affliction or guile,
May each birthday improvement impart.
On thee may affection e’er smile_
Lov'd, & loving, long may’st thou be blest
And joys filial, long be thy own.
And when youth’s gayer scenes shall depart,
May thy age find protection & rest_56
Miss Holcroft lent Georgiana copies of Fortitude and Frailty and her children’s work Tales
for Youth. The ‘Tale’ that most impressed Georgiana was based on Fanny Holcroft’s girlhood
experience of destroying a counterfeit coin on the advice of her moralistic father in order to
avoid harm to herself or others.57 Fortitude and Frailty romps through England and Europe
and includes love affairs and revolutions with surprising twists of coincidence. The hero,
Archibald Campbel [sic], who according to Georgiana was based on Thomas Holcroft, shows
53 GM-Recollections. 54 GM-Recollections; Elbridge Colby, ed., The Life of Thomas Holcroft: Written by Himself, 2 vols. (New York:
B. Blom, 1968). 55 Holcroft, Fanny d. 1844, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n82-209504 (accessed 24 January 2015);
Fanny Holcroft, http://orlando.cambridge.org (accessed 5 November 2013); Fanny Holcroft, Fortitude and
Frailty. 56 GM-Recollections. 57 GM-Recollections; Fanny Holcroft’s Tales for Youth may have been in manuscript form or published
anonymously.
79
determined strength of character when dealing with life’s challenges.58 By the end of the novel
Archibald and the main female character, Eleonor Fairfax, both have the financial means to
support their noble-minded philanthropy, but have chosen other people to marry instead of each
other. The wicked ‘frail’ characters, Sir Leoline Hargrave and an Earl’s daughter, Lady Clarissa
Follington, do not live up to the duties and benefits of their higher social class and meet their
just deserts. A reviewer in the Critical Review in 1817 gave Fanny Holcroft guarded praise: ‘if
the talents of Miss Holcroft will not place her on a level with Miss Edgeworth, or the Miss
Porters, she is superior to many other writers of the day in the same kind who enjoy a greater
share of popularity’.59 In one of his reminiscences published nearly forty years later,
Georgiana’s cousin, Lord William Pitt Lennox, himself a novelist, was not so flattering about
earlier works including those by Fanny Holcroft:
The bulk of the reading was at best but milk and water. Pamphlets and squibs of
temporary interest, and novels and travels of no interest at all. Melodramatic
romance had extraordinary influence in the productions of Maturin, Mrs. Radcliffe,
Lewis, and Clara Reeve—the sentimental was represented by Miss Burney and
Fanny Holcroft.60
Through Fanny Holcroft, Georgiana met the wife of the prominent artist and teacher John
Varley (1778–1842) and commenced lessons with Varley, the teacher of professional artists
including John Linnell and William Hunt as well as a large number of amateurs.61 Georgiana
also obtained some art tuition from John Glover (1767–1849), Charles Hayter (1761–1835)
and ‘M. D. Serres’, who was probably Dominic Michael Serres (1763–after 1816), younger
son of Dominic Serres the Elder (1719–93).62 Together these masters gave Georgiana the
amateur accomplishments or ‘picturesque pursuits’ in sketching, drawing, landscapes and
miniature portraits using water colours and oils that were often expected of young ladies of the
period. While her artistic talents also opened up possibilities of a more serious professional
58 GM-Recollections. 59 Review of Fortitude and Frailty: A Novel by Fanny Holcroft, from Critical Review s5 5 (1817): 371–79 Art
V, in Corvey Women Writers 1796–1834 on the Web, Sheffield Hallam University, provided by Julie A.
Shaffer, University of Wisconsin, https://www2.shu.ac.uk/corvey/CW3/ContribPage.cfm?Contrib=415
(accessed 16 March 2017). 60 Lord William Pitt Lennox, Fifty Years’ Biographical Reminiscences (London, UK: Hurst and Blackett, 1863),
1:41–42, https://archive.org/details/cu31924088016229 (accessed 4 March 2017). 61 C. M. (Claus Michael) Kaufmann, John Varley, 1778–1842 (London UK: B.T. Bashford / Victoria and Albert
Museum, 1984). 62 David Hansen, John Glover and the Colonial Picturesque (Hobart: Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery,
2003); F. M. O’Donoghue, rev. V. Remington, ‘Hayter, Charles (1761–1835)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/12784 (accessed 25 January 2015); Alan Russett, Dominic Serres R.A.
(Woodbridge, UK Antique Collectors Club, 2001), 20, 217.
80
occupation, making money from a trade, however genteel, would carry implications that could
affect her ‘ladylike’ status.63
Georgiana was allowed to mix socially with her teachers’ families and her neighbours. She
went to ‘tea and early dinner’ with Mrs Varley and her two daughters and was friendly with
Charles Hayter’s daughter, Anne, who was also an artist.64 When she was studying drawing
with Serres, she was intrigued by Serres family news, which included poverty, infidelity,
marriage separation, mental illness and claims of royal descent.65 One of the Serres sisters had
been amongst the family members imprisoned for debt and help was sought and received from
the Royal Academy between 1796 and 1813.66 Georgiana met two elderly sisters of the Serres
brothers, ‘Miss Serres nearly blind, from too close application to etching in copper—Miss
Joanna taught drawing and music’.67 Georgiana in her ‘Recollections’ remembered music-
making of doubtful quality with Britannia Serres (born 1802), youngest daughter of John
Thomas and Olive Serres, followed afterwards by an opportunity to savour the scandal
affecting Britannia’s parents:
Presently two young ladies came into the room, Miss Joanna introduced them as
her nieces ‘Olivia’ & ‘Britannia’—the former fair like her mother & the latter,
swarthy & in feature exactly like her father’s family—I was requested to take part
in a Duet on the Piano with Britannia, a very rapid executant but her notion of time
would not have satisfied our old friend Miss Holcroft_68
Questions of birth and class affected others of Georgiana’s childhood acquaintances. One
of Georgiana’s genteel but impoverished neighbours, Mrs Randall, lived on fifty pounds a year
plus selected odd jobs, loved ‘private theatricals’ and therefore Mrs Randall surmised that her
unknown mother had been an actress. A married couple, M. and Madame Mosse née Rouveyre,
who later disappeared possibly because of financial problems, provided entertainment that
added to Georgiana’s musical education:
She had no voice for singing tho’ she talked volubly. Mr Mosse had a fine
sonorous tenor_ & sang Dibdin’s and Shield’s & other songs admirably_ At their
63 Jordan, Picturesque Pursuits, 12–50; Pamela Gerrish Nunn, Victorian Women Artists (London, UK: The
Women’s Press, 1987), 8. 64 GM-Recollections. 65 GM-Recollections; Russett, Dominic Serres R.A., 184, 203; ‘Lavinia Janetta Horton Ryves on Appeal from
Her Court for Divorce ... 1868’, http://heinonline.org (accessed 25 January 2015). 66 Evelyn Newby, The Diary of Joseph Farington: Index (New Haven and London: Yale University Press,
1998), 825–26. 67 GM-Recollections. 68 GM-Recollections.
81
petit soupers while still at table, after finishing the repast, they kept up the old
fashion of singing glees, catches or solos without accompaniment_[.]69
Georgiana and her mother lived at this period in the house of a Frenchwoman who
introduced them to Monsieur L’Abbé Huteau, a refugee French tutor and confessor. Huteau
gave Georgiana academic lessons in ‘Composition, History, Geography & the use of the
Globes’ for three afternoons a week at her home. M. Huteau’s pupils included a famous
soprano, ‘Miss Stephens the vocalist’.70 Catherine Stephens (1794–1882) was mentioned in the
title of Georgiana’s transcription of the song ‘And They’re a’ Noddin as sung by Miss Stephens
Arranged by J. Bianchi Taylor Esq.’.71 Mystery surrounded another of Huteau’s students, a
Miss Anne Glover who was ‘fair in features & remarkably like the Royal family’.72
Georgiana’s and Huteau’s suspicions about Miss Glover’s parentage and status were confirmed
when, as the daughter of Sir Arthur Piggott or Pigot, and no named mother, Miss Glover
married the Earl of Buckinghamshire in 1819.73
M. Huteau’s expressive singing of English songs by William Shield impressed Georgiana,
along with his tales of youthful violin playing and travels to L’Isle de France, the French name
for Mauritius:
M. Huteau was a thorough Musician—but owing to his age, had very little voice
left—yet he sang with great taste & expression, even in English. “Her Mouth,
which a Smile”, “The Thorn”—Italian, French. Latin, all the same—. In his early
youth he had been a Violinist & had made a voyage to L’Isle de France, before he
was an ordained Priest_74
Huteau had been the confessor to ‘the celebrated Madame Mara’ until she threw a knife at
her husband. Huteau was much more commendatory about another professional soprano singer,
69 GM-Recollections; Roger Fiske and Irena Cholij, ‘Dibdin, Charles [(1745–1814)]’, Grove Music Online,
OMO, OUP; Linda Troost, ‘Shield, William [(1748–1829)]’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (both accessed 25 January 2015). 70 GM-Recollections; Ronald Crichton, ‘Stephens, Catherine [(1794–1882)]’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed 25 January 2015). 71 Georgiana McCrae, MHMB, Part 1:40; see J. B. [John Bianchi] Taylor, ‘They’re A’ Noddin! A Favourite
Scotch Ballad Sung by Miss Stephens Arranged with an Accompaniment for Piano Forte or Harp’ (Baltimore:
John Cole, [nd]). 72 GM-Recollections. 73 GM-Recollections; ‘Anne Glover Pigot’, http://thepeerage.com/p2889.htm#i28885; ‘Piggott, Sir Arthur Leary
(1749–1817)’, http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1790-1820/member/piggott-sir-arthur-leary-
1749-1819 (both accessed 25 January 2015). 74 GM-Recollections; William Shield, ‘Her Mouth, Which a Smile: A Favorite Song as Sung by Mr. Philipps in
Rosina’ (c. 1818–21); William Shield, ‘The Thorn: Sung by Mr. Incledon, at the Theatre Royal Covent Garden
and in His New Entertainment Call’d Variety’ (c. 1800–4); see Chapters 4 and 7.
82
Madame Catalani.75 Georgiana helped Huteau by transcribing a letter to the Pope for inclusion
in a new edition of Huteau’s book advertised for sale in the New Monthly Magazine in 1815 as
Dialogues, Historical, Geographical, Chronological, &c.76 Georgiana also befriended
Huteau’s young blind protégé, Louis, who could play the piano, sing and had a marvellous
memory and musical ear. Louis’ maiden aunt helped him by putting the musical notation on a
‘grooved musical contrivance’ but unfortunately Louis caught a chill and died suddenly.77
Around the age of fourteen, Georgiana studied singing with Sophia Horn, daughter of Karl
Friedrich Horn (1762–1830) and sister of Charles Horn (1786–1849), a singer and composer,
whose song Cherry Ripe was sung by Madame Vestris in the comedy Paul Pry in 1825. Sophia
Horn, born in 1797, was only a few years older than Georgiana and married Daniel Sewell in
1821.78 Miss Horn’s father’s prestigious employment as a music teacher to Queen Charlotte
and the princesses impressed Georgiana, who had lessons twice a week and spread her regular
singing practice sessions through the day: ‘I practised from two to three hours every day—
Early in the morning Scales—before dinner & in the evening’.79 The Horn family’s Germanic
background may have influenced Georgiana’s vocal style which on the evidence of her
manuscript music collections did not include much coloratura singing. This was despite her
interest in Italian composers and the increasing influence on English singing in this period from
Italian teachers such as Venanzio Rauzzini (1746–1810), whose pupils included Nancy
Storace, Mrs Billington, Madame Mara, John Braham and Charles Incledon as well as amateur
singers.80
M. Huteau showed interest in Georgiana’s vocal progress and suggested that, with her
‘Correct ear, Mobile features & retentive Memory’ she ‘could not fail of achieving a fortune’
in an operatic career.81 This was not considered an option for the daughter of a marquis, despite
her relatively impoverished gentility. While Jane Graham appears to have had financial support
to enable Georgiana to have her music and art lessons, they both would have had to be careful
75 GM-Recollections; Julian Marshall, ‘Mara, Gertrud Elisabeth [(1749–1833)]’, Grove Music Online, OMO,
OUP, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed 25 January 2015); Elizabeth Forbes, ‘Catalani, Angelica
[(1780–1849)]’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed 6 February 2017). 76 GM-Recollections; advertisement for Monsieur L’Abbé Huteau’s Dialogues, in New Monthly Magazine, ed.
Thomas Campbell et al. (London, UK: Henry Colburn, July 1815), 3: 547. 77 GM-Recollections. 78 Michael Kassler, ed., Charles Edward Horn’s Memoirs of His Father and Himself (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2003), 93, 118. 79 GM-Recollections. 80 Brianna Robertson-Kirkland, ‘Are We All Castrati? Venanzio Rauzzini: “The Father of a New Style in
English Singing”’ (PhD thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016), http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7399/ (accessed 12 March
2017). 81 GM-Recollections.
83
about how Georgiana’s talents would be employed. Georgiana’s marked proficiency in art
could carry less stigma if she were to need to earn a living in a more acceptable manner by
painting miniature portraits. Aspiring professional operatic singers, dancers and actresses could
be admired for their talents but were often from lower down the social scale and were not treated
always with respect on either a personal or financial level, as could be seen by the experiences
of Mrs Jordan or Mrs Wood. Many obstacles to professional advancement were placed in their
way, such as perceptions of immoral behaviour, intermittent and insecure employment, lack of
money and housing, the impact of touring on family life, the smaller proportion of roles
available to women than men and the scarcity of women in managerial positions.82 It is likely
that Georgiana would have been influenced by expectations in the Georgian and Victorian eras
that genteel women should instead pursue skills in domestic music that helped them to
contribute to the harmony of home-life. In her later years, Georgiana remembered with pride as
well as with regret the praise given to her by Mr Taylor from the Covent Garden Theatre,
possibly Mr Charles Taylor, as identified by a card printed in 1811.83 Georgiana recalled:
Right gladly would I have followed M. Huteau’s advice, but the subject was one I
durst not mention—One evening Mr. H brought with him Mr. Taylor of Covent
Garden Theatre to hear me sing—and his opinion was, that “I only needed study to
develop a fine mezzo-soprano voice of two octaves in Compass”.84
M. L’Abbé Huteau filled a much-needed role as a father figure, who encouraged and
educated Georgiana while demonstrating religious tolerance by resisting pressure to try to
convert her to Catholicism.85 She marked his death in an inscription on her copy of the Oeuvres
de M. Boileau Despreaux (1750): ‘En Souvenir de M. L’Abbé Guis Huteau Recteur de
[Montantoin?] Diocese de Rennes Mort 18me Juillet 1821’.86 At the time of Huteau’s death,
Georgiana was translating Madame Sophie Cottin’s novel, Elisabeth, au des Exilés de la
Siberie (1806) and Georgiana had reached the section where Elizabeth on her weary journey
was ‘deprived by the death of her guide, the good priest’.87
82 Clapp-Itnyre, Angelic Airs, Subversive Songs, 34–36. 83 William Ridley and Samuel Drummond, ‘Mr Charles Taylor of the Theatre Royal Covent Garden’ (London,
England: J. Asperne, 1811), Folger Art File T238.15 no. 1,
http://luna.folger.edu/luna/servlet/detail/FOLGERCM1~6~6~293773~122326:Mr--Charles-Taylor-of-the-
Theatre-R (accessed 25 January 2015). 84 GM-Recollections. 85 GM-Recollections. 86 Inscription in Oeuvres de M. Boileau Despreaux, Tome Troisième (Paris: David, Durand, [1750]), McCrae
Family Library, MS 12312/239, MS Box 3116, MC-SLV. 87 Cottin, Madame (Sophie) 1770–1807, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n50-58684 (accessed 25
January 2015); GM-Recollections.
84
It is not clear who paid all the bills for Georgiana’s education and upkeep in London or
Scotland before her marriage in 1830 aged twenty-six, or when precisely she moved to Gordon
Castle near Fochabers in Moray, Scotland.88 Georgiana’s mother Jane Graham suffered serious
injuries from a carriage accident during the 1820s.89 Georgiana’s father probably paid Jane
Graham a cash allowance until her death in 1838. No records of direct payments from the
Gordon Castle estate that refer explicitly to Jane Graham or to Georgiana before her marriage
have as yet been discovered, though a reference from the fourth duke’s expenditure in 1825 on
clothing for a ‘Miss Gordon’ could have been intended for Georgiana.90 Two early marriage
proposals for Georgiana were rejected as inappropriate. One was from a friend of Huteau and
the other a suggestion by her art teacher, Charles Hayter, that she marry his younger son, Jack.91
Georgiana had some success exhibiting her artwork at the Royal Academy from 1816 to 1819.
She won a prize from the Society of Arts in 1820 with a portrait of her grandfather Duke
Alexander, received another prize in 1821 and exhibited at the Royal Academy again in 1825.92
While Georgiana was young, good-looking and socially presentable, her childhood and
teenage education were coming to a close. She would soon leave the artists, musicians, writers,
theatrical performers and French refugees of London and move to live instead with her
aristocratic father’s family in rural north-eastern Scotland.
3.2 Gordon Castle and Romance, 1820s–30
Connections at Gordon Castle
Georgiana’s descendants believed that she lived at Gordon Castle for seven years from 1821,
although this is disputed by other biographers including Niall.93 Georgiana’s ducal
grandparents and other aristocratic Gordon family members had regularly moved between
Scotland and London.94 Georgiana may have followed this pattern and enjoyed long holidays
at Gordon Castle, especially once the responsibility of her care had been taken over by her
88 Gordon Castle, http://www.gordoncastle.co.uk (accessed 28 December 2016). 89 Niall, Georgiana, 31. 90 GD44/51/495/14/2–6, GCM-NRS. 91 GM-Recollections. 92 Niall, Georgiana, 30. 93 Higgins, Introduction, 3. 94 Paul Rodgers and Matthias D’Amour, Memoirs of Mr. Matthias D’Amour (London: Longman, Rees, Orme,
Brown, Green & Longman; and Sheffield: Whitaker, 1836), 179; inscription: ‘Georgiana McCrae from Mr.
McLure 1852’, MS 12312, MS BOX 3103/49, McCrae Family Library, MC-SLV.
85
grandfather.95 A silhouette signed ‘G. H. Gordon G. C. 1822’ owned by one of her descendants
shows that Georgiana was at Gordon Castle at some stage in 1822, when one of her music
collections, MHMB, was first dated.96 She visited the chapel where Handel had played the
organ at Cannons near London ‘while staying at “the Hale” near Edgeware in 1825’.97
Georgiana’s LTLMB contains an indication that she may have also been at Gordon Castle in
1825.98 In 1826, Georgiana was in London in September and at Gordon Castle in October (see
Figure 3 for more recent views of Gordon Castle).99
Figure 3: Gordon Castle, Fochabers, Scotland. Images: Amanda Milledge,
Georgiana McCrae Society Newsletter, August 2009.
95 Janet Hay, personal communication, 1996; Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 7. 96 Judith Wright, ‘Reminiscences’, Georgiana McCrae Society Newsletter, ed. Janet Hay (October 1996): 8–9;
Georgiana McCrae, MHMB, 93; Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 7. 97 Georgiana McCrae, handwritten note, in Some Account of Handel and His Times (East Melbourne:
[Melbourne Philharmonic Society], Wm. Goodhugh & Co., [1859]), MS 12831, Box F3591/5, MC-SLV. 98 Georgiana McCrae, LTLMB, [115]. 99 MS 12018, Box 2516/1, 2516/6, MC-SLV; Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 7.
86
Georgiana admired her grandfather’s scholarly outlook and musicianship. Her father ‘had
a fine sonorous voice & sang with good taste and also with humour—yet not so artistically as
did Duke Alexander’ who ‘had the finest taste in music and played well on Violin’.100 In 1824,
the catalogue of sale for Duke Alexander’s London house included ‘lot 98, a fine toned square
piano forte with the additional keys by Broadwood and son [withdrawn]’.101 Despite large,
continuing costs and debt repayments, Georgiana’s grandfather spent money to keep up with
fashionable cultural developments and to look after his dependants. On 13 March 1825, Duke
Alexander used the services of Aberdeen merchant James Davie and bought a cabinet piano of
6½ octaves made by Wornum in London (£63–), a piano case (£2.10–), a stool and ‘canterbury’
for holding sheet music (£4.14.6) and case (£–.3.6), which together were brought to Gordon
Castle from Aberdeen (‘Expences to Gordon Castle & returning 2.5.–’) at a total cost of
£72.13.102 This would have represented a considerable expenditure at the time.
Georgiana is likely to have welcomed the availability of a piano by a reputable maker,
which would have added to the castle’s valued attractions for her, even if it was not quite as
fashionable as Broadwood, the maker of the square piano from the duke’s London house. Given
the size of Gordon Castle, it was perhaps significant that the duke chose a Wornum cabinet
piano rather than a grander and larger instrument from a maker such as Broadwood, Stodart or
Clementi. Robert Wornum (1780–1852), a leading piano manufacturer with around fifty
competitors in London at the time, had taken over his father’s profitable music publishing and
piano business and made an important contribution to the development of smaller upright
pianos for the drawing-room.103
Duke Alexander was a patron of the visual as well as the musical arts. In November 1823
he bought paintings featuring Glenfiddich and Gordon Castle, and ‘watercolours for the
duchess’ from the artist James Giles.104 Georgiana enjoyed sketching and painting many
features of the spacious grounds and areas in the vicinity of the castle and would have used its
art collection to provide models for copying.105 A catalogue of its extensive library included
100 Georgiana McCrae, MS Notebook, ‘Scottish-Noble Dames of Ancient Story’, 83, Andrew L. McCrae Papers,
in PNM-SLV. 101 GD44/51/351/1, GCM-NRS. 102 GD44/51/495/14/17, GCM-NRS. 103 Peter Ward Jones, ‘Wornum’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com
(accessed 25 January 2015); Arthur Loesser, Men, Women and Pianos (New York, USA: Dover, 1990), 259; see Geoffrey Lancaster, The First Fleet Piano: A Musician’s View (Canberra: ANU Press, 2015), 1:653–55,
http://press.anu.edu.au?p=319281 (accessed 21 March 2017). 104 GD44/43/359/36, GCM-NRS. 105 McCrae Collection, NTA (Vic); MSS 12018, 12831, MC-SLV; Picture Collection, SLV; RB 1164, MPC-
USyd, University of Sydney; BA, NTS; Caroline Clemente, ‘Catalogue of the Plates’, in Georgiana, ed. Niall,
259–74.
87
books and music from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and the duke’s Scots librarian
James Hoy offered friendship.106 Georgiana also had opportunities to mix with a more elevated
social circle than earlier in her childhood.
While living at Gordon Castle, Georgiana was an unmarried woman without many
responsibilities and therefore had no need for paid employment. Her journals and voluminous
collections that were passed down to her descendants show that she developed her
accomplishments and interests by playing the piano and singing, sketching and painting,
writing her journals, compiling lists of artworks at the Castle and transcribing quantities of
jottings from novels, magazines and newspapers, and poetry including verses by Duke
Alexander.107 Another of the extant manuscript collections of Duke Alexander’s poetical
‘Compositions’ in unknown handwriting is found in the archives at Brodie Castle, the family
home of Georgiana’s stepmother’s relatives, as well as a manuscript copy of one of his tunes,
‘Brodie House’.108 Memorabilia such as a playbill for a private theatrical event in 1792 at
Gordon Castle featuring Georgiana father and other members of his family can be found among
Georgiana’s cherished possessions.109
Georgiana continued to copy music and also collected printed music in an expanding
personal library. The title page of The German Songster: Or A Collection of Favourite Airs,
With Their Original Music…or The German Erato (Berlin: G. C. Nauk, 1798) has handwritten
initials in the corner indicating ‘AG’ (probably Alexander, 4th Duke of Gordon or one of his
relatives).110 At the back of The German Erato a manuscript copy of a short song ‘A prey to
tender Anguish’ by ‘Dr. Haydn’ is pasted in. An annotation probably in Georgiana’s
handwriting explains the song’s joint transcription by both a friend (James Beattie) and a
daughter (Lady Georgiana Gordon) of Duke Alexander and his first Duchess Jane Maxwell:
‘The notes & first verse of this Song were Copied by Dr Beattie the poet at Gordon Castle for
Lady Georgiana – (afterwards Duchess of Bedford) who wrote the rest of the verses _’.111 The
song is in G major, common time and marked Larghetto with an easy compass of a ninth from
106 GD44/49/14, GCM-NRS; GM-Recollections. 107 For Georgiana McCrae’s copies of the Duke of Gordon’s poetry see ‘Exercise Book Containing Transcripts
of Poetry’, MS 12831, Box F3602/2; ‘Transcript of Verses’, MS 12831, Box F3606/12, MC-SLV. 108 ‘Brodie of Brodie No. 1’, includes ‘Compositions of Alexander, Duke of Gordon’, NRAS770/10; manuscript
music collection inscribed ‘Brodie House J. A. C. B.’, BA, NTS; ‘Brodie Castle Catalogue of Music Holdings’ by Roger B. Williams (2014), 48; ‘The Music and Musicians of Brodie Castle’ by Roger B. Williams (2014);
thanks again to Ian Riches, Mhairi Ross, Jim Inglis, NTS, and to Dr. Williams; see also ‘Poems’, by Alexander,
4th Duke of Gordon, MS 662, GB 0231, University of Aberdeen, Special Collections, Aberdeen. 109 MS 12831, Box F3591/6/23, MC-SLV; Niall, Georgiana, 42–43. 110 MS 12831, Box F3595/6, MC-SLV. 111 MS 12831, Box F3595/6, MC-SLV.
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D above middle C to E.112 Georgiana later annotated a printed volume which included
correspondence between Beattie and Duchess Jane.113 Georgiana’s music library included the
first, fifth and sixth volumes of Urbani’s A Selection of Scots Songs (Edinburgh, c. 1792–1804),
Alexander Gordon McDonald’s The Elements of Singing (Edinburgh, [1819]), signed ‘G.
Gordon’ and later ‘Hugh McCrae’, and a heavily annotated compilation volume of different
sections of Johnson’s Scots Musical Museum [SMM] inscribed ‘G. H. Gordon 1826’ to which
she added material in c. 1860.114 She also owned William Magee’s Original Lyrics: Arranged
to Scotish [sic] Melodies (1828), dedicated to Thomas Moore and signed ‘G. H. Gordon 1828’.
This volume includes handwritten notes including one inscribed ‘Newhaven 1833’, which is
likely to refer to a suburb of Edinburgh rather than the town in East Sussex, plus annotations
of the airs used for some of the songs.115 Separate pieces of sheet music including ‘The
Celebrated French Song, of Vive Henri Quatre’ probably also belonged to Georgiana.116
Literary works that she owned from this period include Hervey’s 1826 album, Friendship’s
Offering.117
After the death of Duke Alexander in London on 17 June 1827 Georgiana’s life changed
radically.118 A letter from ‘E. Ramsay’ to Georgiana dated 13 August 1827 indicated that
Georgiana was known to ‘the good people of Huntly’, the location of Huntly Lodge, the home
of Georgiana’s father and stepmother, who Georgiana would be meeting after their return from
the Continent.119 From that point on Georgiana would have much more contact with her
stepmother, whose position as the new duchess gave her power to exercise her authority.
Duchess Elizabeth’s father, Alexander Brodie (1748–1818), was a brother of James
Brodie, the twenty-first Brodie of Brodie (1744–1824), who had inherited his indebted Scottish
estate in 1759. As a younger member of the family, Alexander had to make his own way in
life. He made an enormous amount of money while working for around ten years from 1773
112 See Dr. Haydn, ‘A Prey to Tender Anguish, Selected from The German Erato’ (New York: P. Weldon,
[n.d.]), JHU, http://jhir.library.jhu.edu/handle/1774.2/3252 (accessed 21 October 2016). 113 Sir William Forbes, An Account of the Life and Writings of James Beattie (London: W. Baynes & Son,
1824), MS 12312/240, Box 3116, inscribed ‘Georgiana H McCrae’; ‘Helen [McCrae], 1945’, MC-SLV. 114 a) See MC540, McCrae Collection, NTA (Vic); b) MS 12831, Box F3593/4, MC-SLV; c) MS 12312/148,
Box 3110–B, MC-SLV. 115 RB 1164.10, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney. 116 MS 12831, Box 3743/3, MC-SLV. 117 Thomas K. Hervey, ed., Friendship’s Offering: A Literary Album (London: Lupton Relfe, 1826), inscribed
‘Georgiana Gordon’, McCrae Family Library, MS 12312/238, Box 3116, MC-SLV; see
https://archive.org/details/friends hipsoffe00hervgoog (accessed 20 February 2017). 118 Niall, Georgiana, 43. 119 Charles Stuart Perry Papers [CSPP], MS 12836, Box 3611/6, MC-SLV.
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for the East India Company in Chennai (Madras) and Vellore.120 On his return from India,
Alexander’s newly-acquired Indian wealth enabled him to mix with the highest levels of British
society and he had a parliamentary career in Britain from 1785 to 1802. At the age of forty-
five, in 1793 he married Elizabeth Margaret Wemyss, whose maternal grandparents were the
fifth Earl of Wemyss and Lady Elizabeth Gordon. Alexander Brodie then purchased expensive
Scottish estates, buying Arnhall in 1796 for £22,500; a few years later he bought the
neighbouring estate of The Burn for £22,500 and continued spending money on improvements
to his properties.121 His nephew James, the son of Brodie of Brodie, built an imposing residence
in Madras (Chennai), India, which he named after the ancestral Scottish Brodie Castle, but he
drowned in 1802. James’s son became heir to the Brodie estate and was also heir to his relative
Elizabeth Brodie.122
Elizabeth, born in 1794, was Alexander Brodie’s only known child and biggest investment.
Her mother died in 1800 and Elizabeth was educated in Bath. After Elizabeth was married to
the Marquis of Huntly, her status and power far outstripped that of her father. Alexander sold
his Scottish estates in 1814 and moved to a house with the fashionable address of ‘South
Audley-street, Grosvenor-square’, where he died in 1818. His death notices in London
newspapers took no notice of his Indian or parliamentary careers; he was defined in the
Morning Chronicle as ‘father to the Marchioness of Huntley’ and in the Morning Post as
‘second brother of James Brodie of Brodie, aged 69 years’.123
According to the Gordon kinswoman and neighbour Elizabeth Grant, who wrote her
memoirs from 1845, the Huntlys’ marriage was a surprising success, despite their differences
in age and character. Grant described Lord Huntly as ‘now in the decline of his rackety life,
overwhelmed with debts, sated with pleasure, tired of fashion, the last male heir of the Gordon
line’.124 His newly-wedded wife was a surprise: ‘His bride was young, and rich, and good, and
fair, but neither clever nor handsome. She made him, however, very happy, and paid his most
pressing debts, that is, her father did.’125 Alexander Brodie’s wealth dazzled Elizabeth Grant,
120 ‘Brodie, Alexander (1748–1818), of Arnhall and The Burn, Kincardine’, in History of Parliament Online,
http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1790-1820/member/brodie-alexander-1748-1818 (accessed
15 January 2016). 121 Archd. Cowie Cameron, The History of Fettercairn: A Parish in the County of Kincardine (1899), Chapter
17, Electric Scotland, http://www.electricscotland.com/history/fettercairn/chapter17.htm (accessed 25 January 2015). 122 Stephanie Blackden and Christopher Hartley, Brodie Castle (Edinburgh: NTS, 2011). 123 ‘Alexander Brodie, Esq.’, Morning Chronicle (London), Friday, 16 January 1818; ‘Alexander Brodie, Esq.’,
Morning Post (London), Monday, 19 January 1818. 124 Grant, Memoirs, 1: 309–10. 125 Grant, Memoirs, 1: 309–10.
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whose own father’s financial woes led to the loss of their Scottish property. She recalled that
Mr Brodie
gave with his daughter, his only child, £100,000 down, and left her more than
another on his death—and really to her husband her large fortune was the least part
of her value. She possessed upright principles, good clear common sense, and when
by and by she began to feel her powers and took the management of his affairs, she
turned out a first rate woman of business.126
Not only was Elizabeth superior to Georgiana in wealth and status, she was also
Georgiana’s rival in musical ability. Soon after Georgiana’s father and Elizabeth Brodie had
married, Elizabeth Grant was overwhelmed with Elizabeth’s musical prowess when she played
Swiss airs on the Grants’ grand piano: ‘The first chord was sufficient, the touch was masterly.
In every style she played well, but her Scotch musick, tender or lively, was perfection’.127
Georgiana’s father was also gratified by his wife’s performance, particularly of her Scottish
dance music repertoire:
Her Lord, who was very little sensible of the power of harmony, was always pleased
with her musick, listening to it with evident pleasure and extreme pride, particularly
when she gave him the reels and strasthspeys he danced so well, when he would jump
up gaily and crack his fingers like a pair of catagnets [sic] and ask did any one hear
better playing than that. Then if she went on to the marches and quick steps of the
highland regiments, which she certainly did give in the most inspiring manner, he
would get quite excited and declare no bard could equal her.128
Sir Walter Scott based the character of Lady Elizabeth Gordon on Lady Huntly in his
Halidon Hill (1822), which he advertised as a ‘Dramatic Sketch from Scottish History’ in
which ‘Knights, squires, and steeds, shall enter on the stage’.129 Scott dedicated the work to his
Scottish friend and colleague, the poet and playwright Joanna Baillie. In Halidon Hill Scott
conflated two historical Gordon leaders, both called Adam, and the battles of Halidon Hill
(1333) and Homildon Hill (1402). In Act 2, Scene 2 of Halidon Hill, Scott’s Sir Adam Gordon
described the musicianship of Lady Elizabeth with poetic rapture, full of the romantic imagery
126 Grant, Memoirs, 1: 309–10. 127 Grant, Memoirs, 1: 333–34. 128 Grant, Memoirs, 1: 333–34. 129 Sir Walter Scott, Halidon Hill; A Dramatic Sketch, From Scottish History (Archibald Constable and Co.,
Edinburgh; Hurst, Robinson, and Co. London, 1822), title page,
http://openlibrary.org/books/OL23302665M/Halidon_Hill (accessed 24 January 2015).
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and magic of Scottish bards and harps, and remarked on her expressive playing and high level
of audience approval:
Who, but she,
Knows the wild harpings of our native land?...
Princes and statesmen, chiefs renown’d in arms,
And grey-hair’d bards, contend which shall the first
And choicest homage render to the enchantress…
To listen to her, is to seem to wander
In some enchanted labyrinth of romance,
Whence nothing but the lovely fairy’s will,
Who wove the spell, can extricate the wanderer.130
Scott may well have been overly effusive about Elizabeth Brodie’s gifts in an attempt to
flatter people in high places, but Elizabeth Grant’s independent account backs Scott’s
judgement. While childless herself, Elizabeth Brodie as the Marchioness of Huntly for a few
years helped care for her husband’s two ‘natural children’ by Ann Thomson. In 1816 Elizabeth
travelled with her eleven-year-old stepdaughter Susan to Geneva to enrol her in a school there.
Elizabeth also became responsible for her husband’s nieces, Caroline and Emily Montagu,
daughters of the separated Duke and Duchess of Manchester.131 However, this largesse and
personal interaction does not seem to have extended to Georgiana, which may have affected
her attitude to her stepmother.
In her ‘Commonplace Book’ of 1828, written around the time of her love affair with her
kinsman Peter Charles (Perico) Gordon, Georgiana briefly noted Scott’s reference to Elizabeth
in Halidon Hill, but was much more interested in the fame and glory of the ancient house of
Gordon from which she gained so much pride and wrote out some of Scott’s quotation from
Pinkerton’s History of Scotland concerning the bravery of Sir Adam Gordon and Sir John
Swinton when they faced their common English enemies at Homildon Hill.132 Here Georgiana
both praised the famous Gordon family and minimised Elizabeth’s status. Georgiana’s self-
worth as well as her musical prowess appeared to have been challenged by her stepmother’s
reinforcement of Georgiana’s lack of wealth, power or importance in Gordon history.
130 Scott, Halidon Hill, 93–95. 131 NRAS770, BA, NTS. 132 John Pinkerton, The History of Scotland (London, UK: C. Dilly, 1797), 1:72–74, Eighteenth Century
Collections Online, Cengage: Gale (accessed through University of Melbourne, 25 January 2015); Georgiana
McCrae, Commonplace Book, ed. Higgins, 88.
92
Whereas Georgiana had been looked after well by her grandfather, her father and
stepmother were not so generous. Elizabeth appears to have distanced herself from Duke
Alexander, especially from the time of his second marriage to his former mistress in 1820.
Elizabeth’s moralistic turn of mind added to her gracious but distant attitude to her stepchildren.
It is unlikely that Elizabeth ever met Jane Graham. The inability of Elizabeth and her husband
to have legitimate children may have complicated her reaction to her husband’s illegitimate
offspring. Georgiana’s move to Gordon Castle offered her access to a higher-level society than
she had previously experienced, but she also had to negotiate intricate relationships and
attitudes to codes of conduct and morality.
On 1 January 1828 Georgiana met three Gordon relatives, John David Gordon, his sister
Fanny and his eldest son Perico, when they visited Gordon Castle. John David Gordon had
moved from Scotland to Spain and married a Spanish woman. Perico was destined to succeed
to his grandfather’s Scottish estate, adding to his attractions for Georgiana. The next day
Georgiana was upset when Duchess Elizabeth stopped Georgiana from going on a day trip with
the visitors to see the Gordon tombs at Elgin Cathedral.133
A Spanish officer also came to visit her father and stepmother at Gordon Castle. According
to Georgiana, the Spaniard was a protégé of Alexander Fraser, Lord Saltoun, a friend of
Georgiana’s father.134 Saltoun, a decorated Scottish military officer who fought at Waterloo
and in other campaigns, had married Catherine Thurlow, an illegitimate daughter of Edward,
Lord Chancellor Thurlow. A musician himself, Saltoun in later life became president of the
Madrigal Society of London and chair of the Musical Union.135 Georgiana’s love of music was
mixed with an awareness of its social role as a marker of status as well as of accepted taste.
During family entertainments that evening the Spanish officer gained his audience’s approval
and enthralled Georgiana with the expressive and exotic possibilities of the guitar: ‘Till now I
had never any idea of the capabilities of the guitar having supposed it to be merely adapted for
accompanying the voice, while it can give Martial music most effectively—’.136 Georgiana
recognised that the performer’s skill and its acceptance by his audience were supported by Lord
Saltoun’s approval and that otherwise the guitar may have been seen as an inferior instrument:
133 GM-Stray, 1–2 January 1828, MC-SLV. 134 GM-Stray, 2 January 1828, 2. 135 H. M. Stephens, rev. James Lunt, ‘Fraser, Alexander George, Sixteenth Lord Saltoun of Abernethy (1785–
1853)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004; online ed., Jan 2008, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/10102 (accessed 25
January 2015). 136 GM-Stray, 2 January 1828, 2–3.
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‘Lord Saltoun is a capital performer on the guitar—having learnt to play while in Spain with
his Regiment—’.137
Georgiana was pleased when her father explained their relationship to the Spanish guest
saying ‘She is my daughter”.138 While the move to Gordon Castle had provided Georgiana with
many social and material advantages, her situation was complex. She was still not too old to
consider marriage but in other ways she was akin to her stepmother’s ‘spy’, one of Perico
Gordon’s unmarried aunts, Margaret Gordon. Women like Georgiana and Margaret were
dependent on the decisions of others for their welfare, the clothes they wore, the company they
kept and the way they spent their time. Both Georgiana and Margaret like many other
unmarried women in this period performed a variety of unpaid roles in their own and others’
homes.139 Margaret was herself born as the result of her mother’s affair outside of marriage,
but Margaret was christened and brought up as the daughter of her mother’s husband, the laird
of Wardhouse, which would have maintained the respectability of the laird, his wife and her
daughter. Margaret, the same age as Elizabeth Brodie, had been considered a suitable
companion for the nineteen-year-old Elizabeth Brodie after Elizabeth married Georgiana’s
father in 1813.140
While Georgiana and Margaret Gordon may have had interests and relatives in common,
Georgiana preferred the kindliness of Margaret’s older unmarried half-sister Fanny Gordon.
Georgiana described Fanny as welcoming and talkative, ‘the very impersonation of Miss
Mitfords [sic] “Aunt Martha” in “Our Village”—’.141 While Georgiana was fond of Fanny, the
life of an ‘Aunt Martha’ was not necessarily a role model that Georgiana wanted to follow.
Mitford’s story ‘Aunt Martha’ in the first series of Our Village (1824–32) lovingly depicts a
favourite middle-aged maiden aunt, who devotes herself to everyone’s welfare and especially
loves nursing and providing care at every available birth, wedding and funeral. Aunt Martha,
although good looking, is anxious to avoid matrimony and lives with a gentleman, presumably
her brother, and her nieces in the gentleman’s picturesque rose-covered Elizabethan house.
Here Aunt Martha indulges in embroidery and hoards everything that may possibly come in
use, but is not keen to display other accomplishments commonly seen as lures for the marriage
market:
137 GM-Stray, 2 January 1828, 3. 138 GM-Stray, 2 January 1828, 3. 139 Amanda Vickery, Behind Closed Doors (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 209), 188. 140 GM-Stray, 28 February 1828. 141 GM-Stray, 1 January 1828, 1; Mary Russell Mitford, ‘Aunt Martha’, in Our Village, First Series, The Works
of Mary Russell Mitford, Prose and Verse (Philadelphia: Crissy & Markley, 1846), 66–7,
https://openlibrary.org/books/OL6723236M/The_works_of_Mary_Russell_Mitford (accessed 25 January 2015).
94
She leaves to the sirens, her nieces, the higher enchantments of the piano, the harp,
and the guitar, and that noblest of instruments, the human voice; ambitious of no
other musical fame than such as belongs to the playing of quadrilles and waltzes for
their little dances, in which she is indefatigable.142
A maiden aunt could be musical, but should be happy to stay in the background, playing the
piano to accompany the young people dancing.
‘In some enchanted labyrinth of romance’
Her father approved of Georgiana accepting an invitation to visit Fanny Gordon. After the duke
and duchess left Gordon Castle in early February 1828, Georgiana travelled to Fanny’s home
at Gordon Hall near Huntly in Aberdeenshire, owned by Perico’s grandfather, the laird of
Wardhouse.143 Perico and his aunt Margaret demonstrated their musical skills at a family party
on the night of Georgiana’s arrival. Georgiana noted that Margaret could play the piano at the
same time as singing ‘in the bravura style’.144 Margaret had been a pupil of the famous opera
singer and teacher Angelica Catalani (1780–1849), who had been admired by Georgiana’s tutor
M. L’Abbé Huteau. Perico also performed well when he ‘played some airs of Rossini’s with
exquisite taste and feeling, on the Violin’.145 The next evening, Georgiana’s singing received
praise and led to a request for her to transcribe music:
In the Evg= the Old Laird would have me to sing — “Blue Eyed Mary”—He took
a great fancy to the simple little ditty when I sang it to him at Gordon Castle, &
had asked me to copy it for Miss Margaret, so as the song was at hand I had no
excuse— After this had been sung & applauded Perico asked me to sing some of
the old Scotch ditties and I did so —without at all feeling afraid146
Georgiana’s repertoire and performances would have demonstrated the results of her
London tuition from Fanny Holcroft and Sophia Horn as well as her musical experiences in
Scotland. Perhaps Georgiana accompanied herself when she sang ‘Blue Eyed Mary’, a simple
strophic song in standard poetic English, as well as the unnamed ‘Scotch ditties’. Georgiana’s
copy of ‘Blue Eyed Mary’ in GCMB has a simple bass accompaniment suggesting the
142 Mitford, ‘Aunt Martha’. 143 Ann Dean and Mike Morrison, The Spanish Gordons and Huntly (5th reprint, no date); ‘The Spanish
Gordons and Huntly’, http://www.scalan.co.uk/Spanishgordontext.htm (accessed 25 January 2015). 144 GM-Stray, 4 February 1828, 5. 145 GM-Stray, 4 February 1828, 5. 146 GM-Stray, 5 February 1828, 5.
95
possibility of extemporisation. The vocal part starts with hackneyed opening lines, ‘Come tell
me blue ey’d stranger, Say whither dost thou roam’.147 Underneath Georgiana’s GCMB version
is a pencilled annotation with a partly illegible and as yet unidentified quotation: ‘The flower
[girl?] of the Haymarket, is now the wife of my son-in-law’.148 An undated American version
of the same song with a realised piano accompaniment was probably published in a later period
than the unknown source that Georgiana used.149
Georgiana’s pianistic skills were put to the test when she played chamber music by Joseph
Mazzinghi (1765–1864) and Thomas Moore (1779–1852). Margaret this time played the harp
with Perico on violin:
Evening after evening followed much the same, and I now took the Pianoforte part
of the Airs arranged for the Piano Harp and Violin by Mazzinghi — I only knew
two of them “Huntsman rest” (Lady of the Lake) & the “Tyrolese Air” —“of
Liberty” —150
Georgiana continued,
In the other Airs I found myself behind hand in the Exact time of the prestissimo
passages — However, prompted and encouraged by our “Leader”, and Miss
Margaret who took the Harp part, I very soon was able to keep up with them, to
their satisfaction.151
Perico told Georgiana how music-making was part of the lifestyle at his hometown of
Yeres in north-eastern Spain:
The young laird tell me that in Yeres he goes out every Eg [evening] to play at
different Houses, where the same performers meet regularly — some with guitars,
Violins, & Violincelli [sic] &c for part-singing — There are thirty houses in Yeres
where they have Pianos, and where Amateur Concerts are held — Merchants go to
their offices at 7 in the morning — at noon take a Siesta — dine at three o’clock,
and go out in the afternoon to make calls until late in the Evening —and sometimes
remain for Music, fruit, and Chocolate —152
147 Georgiana McCrae, GCMB, piece 30: [62–63]. 148 GCMB, [63]. 149 ‘Blue Eyed Mary: A Favorite Song Arranged for the Piano Forte’ (New York: J. A. & W. Geib, [n.d.]), JHU, http://levysheetmusic.mse.jhu.edu/catalog/levy:108.076 (accessed 3 April 2017). 150 GM-Stray, after 5 February 1828, 5; Joseph Mazzinghi, ‘Huntsman Rest’ (London: Goulding & D’Almaine,
[18–?], AF 780.4 M973 (V.115), SLV, http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/42176204; Thomas Moore, ‘The Tyrolese
Song of Liberty: a National Air’ (‘Merrily Every Bosom Boundeth’) (London: J. Power, 1810). 151 GM-Stray, after 5 February 1828, 5–6. 152 GM-Stray, after 5 February 1828, 6.
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Georgiana sketched Joe Cooper, the Blind Piper who lived nearby, as he performed
‘several favourite old airs, winding up at Perico’s request with “Saw ye bonny Leslie?”’153 It
is a matter of speculation which tunes Joe Cooper played besides ‘Bonny Leslie’. Joe would
have had his own repertoire that he had memorised and was free to extemporise within his and
the instrument’s technical capacities. Joe appeared to be locally renowned for his musicianship
as well as his disability and was probably also in a semi-feudal relationship with Perico’s
family, dependant on them for housing, sustenance and income.
Perico’s request for ‘Bonny Leslie’ had underlying implications of courtship for
Georgiana. The words for the song ‘O saw ye bonie Lesley’ were written by Robert Burns in
1792 about ‘a charming Ayr-shire girl, Miss Lesley Baillie of Mayfield’ and were published in
1798 for the parlour market with realised piano accompaniment and standard English
translation in George Thomson’s A Select Collection of Original Scotish Airs:
O, saw ye bonie Lesley,
As she gaed o’er the Border?
She’s gane like Alexander,
To spread her conquests farther!
...Return again, fair Lesley,
Return to Caledonie!
That we may brag, we hae a lass
There’s nane again sae bonie.154
‘Bonie Lesley’ was republished many times, for example with a simpler piano
accompaniment in Smith’s The Scotish Minstrel (c. 1820–24), which Georgiana used in this
period as a source for other songs in GCMB.155 Both Thomson and Smith attached Burns’s
poem to the angular modal tune that Burns suggested, known by variants of the name of ‘The
Collier’s Bonie Lassie’. However, Burns may have based ‘Bonie Lesley’ on the song ‘Lizae
Baillie’, which has a less complex tune. ‘Lizae Baillie’ is one of many songs with sexual
innuendoes where a Highland laddie demonstrated his masculine charms to a pretty southern
153 GM-Stray, 8 February 1828, 6. 154 Donald A. Low, ed., ‘O, saw ye bonie Lesley?’ in The Songs of Robert Burns (London: Routledge, 1993), no. 168: 456–57; George Thomson, A Select Collection of Original Scotish Airs…Second Set (London: Preston &
Son; Edinburgh: G. Thomson, [1798]). 155 R. A. Smith, ed., ‘O Saw ye bonnie Lesley?’ in The Scotish Minstrel: A Selection from the Vocal Melodies of
Scotland, Ancient & Modern, Arranged for the Piano Forte (Edinburgh: Robt. Purdie, [1820–22]), 2: 17,
http://digital.nls.uk/91352967, http://digital.nls.uk/91519874 (accessed 25 January 2015); GCMB, pieces 4–7;
see Chapter 4.
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girl and persuaded her to stay with him in satisfied happiness far from the amusements of
refined city life:
My bonie Lizae Baillie,
I’ll row ye in my plaidie
And ye maun gang alang wi’ me
And be a Highland Lady.156
Another of Perico’s aunts, Mrs Macdonell, came that evening to Georgiana’s room to find
out whether Georgiana would welcome Perico as a suitor.157 Georgiana knew that her
stepmother objected to Perico because of what Georgiana described as her ‘bigotted aversion’
to Perico’s Catholic religion.158 His family’s dedication to their religion was a difficult
stumbling block. Georgiana also suspected that Duchess Elizabeth did not want her to gain the
status of a neighbouring laird’s wife.159
The continuing hospitality at Gordon Hall demonstrated social distinctions. While
Georgiana, Perico and Margaret Gordon played music for their immediate upper-class family
in the confines of Gordon Hall’s drawing room, Joseph Cooper was called on to play his pipes
for dancing when people of all classes from the neighbourhood were invited to attend the
seventy-fifth birthday celebrations for Perico’s grandfather, the laird of Wardhouse. Georgiana
noted that Perico’s marked disability inhibited his family’s participation: ‘none of the family
joined in the reels, this out of compliment to poor Perico whose lameness debars him from
enjoying a dance’.160
In March 1828 Georgiana was invited to visit a family friend Dr Ramsay at Huntly where
she travelled on the mail coach ‘leaving my Heart in the Highlands’.161 Perico rode to Huntly
to help celebrate her twenty-fourth birthday on 15 March 1828.162 A fortnight later he came to
say goodbye to Georgiana as he and his father planned to travel to London and then to Yeres.
Perico raised Georgiana’s expectations when he told her that his father would ‘wait upon the
Duke as soon as they arrived in London’.163 This promise does not seem to have achieved the
results that Georgiana hoped for. By June 1828 Georgiana’s father and stepmother as well as
156 James Johnson, ‘456: Lizae Baillie’ in SMM 5 (1793; 1839): 469, http://digital.nls.uk/87803486 (accessed 25
January 2015); Thomas Crawford, Burns: A Study of the Poems and Songs (1960; Edinburgh: Canongate, 1994),
270–71; William Donaldson, The Jacobite Song (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1988), 57. 157 GM-Stray, 8 February 1828. 158 GM-Stray, 9 February 1828, 8. 159 Niall, Georgiana, 78, 305. 160 GM-Stray, 25 February 1828, 14. 161 GM-Stray, after 28 February 1828, 19. 162 GM-Stray, 15 March 1828, 19. 163 GM-Stray, late March 1828, 20.
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Perico and his father were all still in London. Georgiana returned to Gordon Hall and Perico
came to visit briefly in July with his uncle and his aunt Margaret, whose presence meant that
Georgiana ‘had to put on my mask again!’164 Georgiana may have acted as though she was
unconcerned through pride or because she needed privacy and did not want Margaret to pry
into her emotions. She resented Margaret’s attempt to persuade her that Perico had indulged in
many flirtations.165 It is unclear whether these rumours about Perico’s behaviour were accurate,
or whether Margaret was embellishing the truth to reinforce her message that Georgiana had
no hope of marriage to Perico. When Perico left Gordon Hall again to return to London,
Georgiana used her piano practice to hide her unhappiness at the dashing of her romantic hopes.
Georgiana’s memory of this experience appears to have mirrored her reading of emotional
scenes in contemporary novels such as Fortitude and Frailty by her music teacher, Fanny
Holcroft, whose heroine Eleanor Fairfax cried over her harp:166
Everybody had left the Drawing-room & I stayed to conceal my countenance from
the “Spy” & sat down to the Piano to play over some songs for the sake of bringing
a few tears to my relief— after a time I heard the Carriage wheels coming round to
the door, and soon afterwards the clunk of Perico’s foot on the stair, and next
moment he was standing beside me, and said in a rather reproachful tone “You did
not come to bid me goodbye, so I’ve come to you” —He then, as I rose from the
piano took both my hands in his, and said, “I must go”—but I durst not look up, lest
traces of tears might cause him pain—then he said, still holding my hands — “Good
bye”, most tenderly —and “Remember, that while this House is mine you are ever
to consider it your Home”— I could not utter a word of thanks, but having gulped
down the rising tears, I said “Good bye”_ as well as I could clasping his hands and
we parted— “Our undying hopes deep hidden in our silent hearts”.167
When the clunk of the foot ceased on the stair and the Carriage wheels rolled away
— my Heart seemed to cease to beat! I turned to the Piano to finish my practising,
keeping time with my tears —168
Georgiana was intelligent, educated, artistic, passionate and the daughter of a duke.
However much she may have been conscious that young ladies her age were expected to be
married, she was constrained in her choices because she was illegitimate, lacked financial
164 GM-Stray, July 1828, 21. 165 GM-Stray, July 1828, 22. 166 Fanny Holcroft, Fortitude and Frailty, 2:100. 167 Source of this quotation used by Georgiana McCrae is unknown. 168 GM-Stray, July 1828, 24–25.
99
resources and her religion was different to Perico’s. Views attributed to Charlotte Lucas in
Austen’s Pride and Prejudice, that marriage ‘was the only honourable provision for well-
educated young women of small fortune, and however uncertain of giving happiness, must be
their pleasantest preservative from want’, may well have resonated with Georgiana.169 Her
journal entry was silent about the pieces of music that she was practising that day, but her
transcriptions in GCMB while staying at Gordon Hall in 1828 include a duet that she copied
out on 19 February 1828 entitled ‘Perche mi lasci’ (‘Why have you left me’).170 Next come
songs with evocative titles in English, Italian, Lowland Scots and Scots Gaelic: ‘Maid of
Athens’, ‘Tu consoli O Mio Speranza’ (You Console O My Hope) and ‘Roys Wife of
Aldivalloch’ are followed by a ‘Portuguese air’ titled ‘Should those fond hopes’ from Moore’s
National Airs (c. 1826), ‘“An t_ Ailleagan”’ with the lines ‘I still may boast my will is free,
My heart is still my own’ and a duet ‘Le Alastair Cambeul’ (Gaelic for ‘Alastair/Alexander
Campbell’, referring to the editor of Albyn’s Anthology (1816–18)) with words ‘Come, my
bride, haste, haste away!’.171
Throughout her life Georgiana displayed ongoing effects of the traumatic events in this
period including the loss of her grandfather and of her home and position at Gordon Castle and
her failed romance with Perico. Examples include echoes of ‘Perche mi lasci’ with an
attribution to Rossini in CMB, while the compilation copy of SMM contains newspaper cuttings
and annotations dated 1860 regarding contributions by Duke Alexander to the words of ‘Roy’s
Wife of Aldivalloch’.172
After Perico’s departure and despite her distress, Georgiana continued to stay at Gordon
Hall where she participated in more music-making activities, thereby consolidating her social
status and relationships with the laird’s family at Gordon Hall. She listened to another of the
laird’s grandsons, Charles Birch, sing fashionable parlour songs by Mrs Robert [Frances]
Arkwright (died 1849), Thomas Moore and Harriett Abrams (c. 1758–c. 1822). In Georgiana’s
opinion, Charles sang ‘delightfully—“Roland the Brave” “The song of the olden time” etc and
the second of the Duet “And must we part?”’173 Georgiana displayed more of her
accomplishments when a visitor, Jessie Cruikshanks, who was a daughter of a friend of the
169 Austen, Pride and Prejudice, 117. 170 GCMB, piece 17: [p. 32]. 171 GCMB, pieces 18–23; see Chapter 4. 172 ‘Duett’/ ‘Oer the far woodland’ in CMB, 226; see Georgiana’s references to ‘Roys Wife’ in MS 12312/148,
Box 3110-B, MC-SLV, and also in RB 1164.4, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney. 173 GM-Stray, July 1828, 25; Mrs Robert Arkwright and Thomas Campbell, ‘Roland the Brave: a Legend’
(London: J. Power, [1827]), http://nla.gov.au/nla.mus-an10695244; Thomas Moore, ‘The Song of the Olden
Time’ (London, UK: J. Power, [18–?]); Harriet Abrams, ‘And Must We Part: a Favorite Duett For Two Voices’
(London: L. Lavenu, [18–?]).
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Gordon Hall family, sang first soprano and Georgiana took the lower part in duets. They
practised and then performed a number of pieces together including a duet originally by the
Italian composer Niccolò Jommelli (1714–74), with words added by Milton, used in music for
Solomon by the English composer William Boyce (1711–79). They also sang a setting, possibly
from a three-part glee by William Shield, of words from Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s
Dream; an arrangement of Pamina and Pagageno’s duet, ‘Bei Männern, welche Liebe fühlen’
from The Magic Flute by Wolfgang Mozart (1756–91); and also a duet from Thomas Arne’s
Artaxerxes:
Jessie has a very sweet soprano voice —she sings first to my second —and we
practice out on the Hill behind the House “Sweet is the breath of Morn” _ The
Loadstars “The Manly heart”— “Fair Aurora prythee stay”_&c so that in the Evening
we feel confident—174
There were benefits in practising music with a like-minded young lady before facing a
critical audience which included other accomplished parlour performers. Georgiana’s time at
Gordon Castle and Gordon Hall had provided opportunities to extend her musical technique
and repertoire. Although her love for Perico led to disappointment rather than marriage, her
musical performances helped to maintain her social standing and contributed to the possibilities
of her finding another suitor.
3.3 Marriage and Reality, 1830–40
A search for a husband
After Duke Alexander died in 1827, Georgiana was no longer a young girl obtaining an
education, or her elderly grandfather’s unpaid companion, but an extra mouth to feed. Her
father was noble and socially elevated but with huge debts; her unmarried mother, Jane
Graham, was ignored in lodgings in England. Her stepmother, with her considerable private
fortune inherited from her father, was determined to advance her own and her husband’s
174 GM-Stray, July 1828, 26; Niccolò Jommelli and John Milton, ‘Sweet is the Breath of Morn: a Favorite Duet
for Two Voices’, c. 1775–[18–?]; words for ‘O Happy Fair/The Loadstars’ from Helena’s speech to Hermia, Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream, [c. 1595–96], Act 1, Scene 1; see William Shield, ‘Shakespear’s
Duel’ [song, begins: “It was a Lordling’s daughter”] and ‘Loadstars’ [glee, begins: “O happy Fair”], etc.
(London: Preston & Son, for the Author, [1797]), Music Collections G.352.(34.), BL; Wolfgang Amadeus
Mozart, ‘The Manly Heart: a Favorite Duet’, adapted from duet for Papagena and Papageno in Die Zauberflöte
[The Magic Flute], [after 1791]; Thomas Arne, ‘Fair Aurora pr’ythee stay’, ‘Duettino’ from Artexerxes (1762),
‘altered’ from Metastasio, Act 1, Scene 1 for Mandane and Arbaces.
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positions, which meant that unnecessary expenditure on his illegitimate children was not
welcome.
Jane Graham may have improved her economic position by becoming the mistress of an
aristocrat, as he appeared to have supported her and their child long after their relationship was
over, but the advantages to Georgiana were limited. Despite her good looks and
accomplishments, Georgiana’s father’s debts and his wife’s attitude meant that Georgiana
could not expect to marry an aristocrat like M. Huteau’s pupil, Miss Glover, or Lord Saltoun’s
wife had done. The duchess was in charge of finding Georgiana a husband who could provide
for Georgiana and her children and also meet delicate requirements of class. The prospective
husband had to overlook Georgiana’s illegitimacy and lack of dowry, be able to make money
himself and have a social status and affiliations acceptable to a ducal household. The duchess
at this stage was still a member of the establishment Protestant Episcopalian church, although
she had influenced her husband to renounce his former hedonistic ways and adopt a more pious
attitude.175 Her stepdaughter’s husband also ought to be an Episcopalian, reflecting
longstanding divisions in Scottish society. The duchess reviewed a small number of possible
prospects amongst their wider family and acquaintances.
The ducal and Wardhouse Gordons as well as the Brodies had links to many other
important Scottish families both in Scotland and overseas. For the Gordon chronicler, John
Bulloch, in 1903, there were many ‘picturesque’ Gordons to match Lord Byron, the Countess
of Sutherland and the Gordon Highlanders:
There was, for example, the alliance of Lady Catherine Gordon with the Polish
statesman and poet, Count Andreas Morsztyn, by whom she became the ancestor
of Stanislas Poniatowski, the last King of Poland… the escapade of young Gordon
of Wardhouse, who lost his head as a spy at Brest in 1769; the crazy abduction of
Mrs. Lee, De Quincey's "female infidel," by the two young Aboyne Gordons; the
elopement of Lord William Gordon, brother of the Rioter, with the charming Lady
Sarah Lennox; and so on.176
One of Georgiana McCrae’s favourite relatives, commonly referred to as ‘Fyvie’, William
Gordon, Laird of Fyvie (1776–1847), a friend of her grandfather and father, was in 1828 seen
as one of Georgiana’s projected suitors, despite being in his fifties.177 Fyvie, who was suspected
175 NRAS770, BA, NTS. 176 John Malcolm Bulloch, ed., The House of Gordon (Aberdeen: University of Aberdeen, 1903), 1: xv–vi,
http://openlibrary.org/books/OL7111515M/The_house_of_Gordon (accessed 25 January 2015). 177 GM-Stray, 27 December 1828.
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of Catholic leanings, may have contributed to the costs of Georgiana’s early education with
Catholic French nuns. In his youth, Fyvie had been a student of John Varley and was strongly
interested in academic pursuits. Fyvie was the illegitimate son of the previous laird of Fyvie,
also named William Gordon (1745–1816), and a servant at Fyvie Castle, Isabel Black. Under
Scottish law, Fyvie became legitimate and able to inherit the estate when his parents married
long after their son reached adulthood.178 Fyvie remained unmarried, reputedly because of an
arrangement with his legitimate cousins, who stood to succeed to the family estates.179
Another of Georgiana’s suitors, Major Macdonald, was Catholic but was prepared to
consider conversion.180 Georgiana herself in her early years had been in contact with Catholics
and, while generally conceiving herself as an Episcopalian, held no prejudices in this regard.
However, the religious divisions between different Protestant groups and Catholics had been a
cause of immense hurt, distrust and warfare for hundreds of years, affecting many friends and
family members. Strong agitation for Catholic emancipation, which led to the Roman Catholic
Relief Act of 1829, was not welcomed by many Scottish Protestants, worried about national
stability as well as the saving of souls. Elizabeth, already straight-laced and committed to her
Protestant beliefs, was becoming increasingly fervent in her religious views and some years
after her husband’s death transferred her devotions and her money from the Episcopalians to
the cause of the Presbyterian Free Church.181
At this stage in her life Georgiana may not have had such a poor view of marriage as the
fictional Gwendolen Harleth: ‘to think it rather a dreary state, in which a woman could not do
as she liked, had more children than were desirable, was consequently dull, and became
irrevocably immersed in humdrum’.182 However, like Gwendolen and many others, Georgiana
faced limited choices, to earn a living or else to get married, which would then mean her life
would be subordinated to that of her husband and children. If she tried to juggle both
domesticity and a public career, her perceived social status would be compromised; if she were
to persevere, influential professional positions were usually reserved for men. Whether or not
178 Sue Coburn, ed., Fyvie Castle: Its Lairds and Their Times (Turiff, Scotland: printed W. Peters & Sons Ltd,
2005), 72–81; ‘Scottish Way of Birth and Death’, University of Glasgow,
http://www.gla.ac.uk/schools/socialpolitical/research/economicsocialhistory/historymedicine/scottishwayofbirth
anddeath/introduction/ (accessed 25 January 2015); ‘Family Law: Illegitimacy’, Scottish Law Commission,
Consultative Memorandum No. 53, February 1982, www.scotlawcom.gov.uk/download_file/view/848/126/ (accessed 25 January 2015). 179 GM-Stray. 180 Niall, Georgiana, 50. 181 The Revd. A. Moody Stuart, Life and Letters of Elisabeth Last Duchess of Gordon, 3rd ed., (London: J.
Nisbet and Co., 1865), http://archive.org/details/lifelettersofeli00gordrich (accessed 25 January 2015). 182 Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 68.
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she got married, Georgiana’s life would be tempered by restrictions of class and income, as
articulated by the author Mrs Rundell:
There ought to be a material difference in the degree of care which a person of a
large and independent estate bestows on money concerns, and that of a person in
confined circumstances…though the leisure of the higher may be well devoted to
different accomplishments, the pursuits of those in a middle line, if less ornamental,
would better secure their own happiness and that of others connected with them.183
Now in her twenties, Georgiana was fast approaching the age when she would be seen as
an older spinster dependent on her family’s charity rather than as a marriage prospect. Finding
a husband offered the chance of running her own home, family and servants and participating
in adult life in a different way to the many ‘old maids’ that she knew like ‘Aunt Martha’,
Margaret Gordon or Fanny Holcroft. Georgiana did not go mad from thwarted desire like Sir
Walter Scott’s heroine, Lucy Ashton from The Bride of Lammermoor (1819).184 Instead she
weighed up her artistic and marital ambitions with the realities of her finances and status.
In 1829, Georgiana briefly tried to establish a career as a miniature portrait painter in
Edinburgh, boarding in lodgings approved by her stepmother. She had some success at gaining
sitters, again from the small circle approved of by the duchess. Lady Wedderburn, one of the
sitters, took Georgiana to see some young Wedderburn relatives at Pinky House, where
Georgiana performed a song of that name that can be found in two of her manuscript music
collections.185 Although she was befriended by some Edinburgh residents such as the artist,
scholar and collector of music manuscripts Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe (1781–1851),
Georgiana found that the life of a professional miniature portrait painter was lonely and
impoverished.186 Georgiana did not have the required capital, client base or business skills to
be assured of success in an independent venture in Edinburgh, nor was she permitted to return
to the bustle of London or to the aristocratic world of Gordon Castle.
183 Maria Eliza Rundell, ‘Miscellaneous Observations for the Use of the Mistress of a Family’ in A New System
of Domestic Cookery by Mrs Rundell (1806, 1816), preface by Janet Morgan (London: Persephone Books,
2009), i–ii. 184 Sir Walter Scott, The Bride of Lammermoor, TWSDA-EUL,
http://www.walterscott.lib.ed.ac.uk/works/novels/lammermoor.html (accessed 31 July 2016); Sir Walter Scott, The Bride of Lammermoor (1819) (New York: The Scott Society, [n.d.]),
http://openlibrary.org/works/OL863796W/The_bride_of_Lammermoor (accessed 25 January 2015). 185 GM-Stray, after 9 March 1829, 38‒39; Georgiana McCrae, MHMB, Part 1: 129; LTLMB, [81]. 186 Annotation by George Gordon McCrae, re Georgiana’s friendship with Sharpe, in Etchings by Charles
Kirkpatrick Sharpe (Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1869), MS 12312/242, MS Box 3117, MC-SLV; see
Edwards, ‘Seventeenth-Century Scotland: The Musical Sources’, 68.
104
A distant relation, Andrew McCrae (1800–74) (sometimes spelt M’Crae or Macrae), had
been a prospective suitor since at least 1828, when he was suspected of sending her an
anonymous Valentine poem.187 Georgiana was permitted by her stepmother to visit the
Morrisons, Andrew’s uncle and aunt, at their Edinburgh house in Abercrombie Place and at
their country property, Glenpark.188 Andrew proposed to Georgiana in Edinburgh in January
1830 and then returned to London where his legal practice was based.189 On 25 September
1830, at the advanced age of twenty-six, Georgiana married Andrew in a ceremony at Gordon
Castle. Advertisements of the marriage in the English press named Andrew’s late father but
did not acknowledge that Georgiana was the daughter of the Duke of Gordon; they also did not
name either Georgiana’s or Andrew’s mothers.190
‘A person in confined circumstances’
Andrew McCrae, the third child of William Gordon McCrae (1768–1829) and his wife,
Margaret Morison (1770–1840), was a Protestant, only four years older than Georgiana, and a
Scottish lawyer in the early stages of his career.191 His grandfather had been a rich Jamaican
slave-owner, who had disinherited Andrew’s father over William’s opposition to slavery.
While Andrew and his siblings had been well-educated, they were financially insecure.192 After
their marriage, Georgiana and Andrew lived in a number of addresses in London and
Edinburgh. They also spent time with other Morrison relatives, Sir Alexander Morrison and
his wife, Mary.193
Georgiana had five children in the first eight years of her marriage. Her eldest child, her
daughter Elizabeth Margaret, was born in 1831 and was followed by the births of George
Gordon in 1833, William Gordon in 1835, Alexander Gordon in 1836 and Farquhar Peregrine
in 1838. Elizabeth died in 1834 aged less than three years old and Georgiana expressed her
sorrow in a series of poems copied in a Commonplace Book. The first poem, ‘I Hae Naebody
187 GM-Stray, 19 February 1828, 11–12. 188 Niall, Georgiana, 77. 189 Niall, Georgiana, 79; advertisement for Andrew McCrae’s London legal practice in Standard (London), 1
March 1830, [1]. 190 See ‘Births, Deaths, Marriages and Obituaries: Marriages. Sept. 25, at Gordon Castle, Georgiana Huntly Gordon, to A.M. M’Crae, second son of the late W. Gordon M’Crae, Esq. Dunfries’, in Standard (London), 12
October 1830; see also ‘Political Mirror’, in Bristol Mercury (Bristol), 19 October 1830; ‘Married’, in Bury and
Norwich Post (Bury Saint Edmunds), 20 October 1830. 191 Higgins, Introduction, 46. 192 Niall, Georgiana, 85–86. 193 Niall, Georgiana, 89–90.
105
Now’ by James Hogg, ‘the Ettrick Shepherd’ (1770–1835), was originally published in
Fraser’s Magazine for Town and Country in May 1830 and used Scots vernacular to mourn
the death of a little girl:
I hae naebody now—I hae naebody now
To meet me upon the green,
Wi’ light locks waving o’er her brow,
An’ joy in her deep blue e’en...
Yes, I maun mourn, an’ I will mourn,
Even till my latest day;
For though my darling can never return
I shall follow her soon away.
1834194
Twenty years later Georgiana referred to Hogg’s poem again after the death in Melbourne of
her ninth and youngest child, Agnes.195
While the conditions of British life and society they moved in during the 1830s were
modest, Georgiana and Andrew continued to hope that they would gain benefits from the
elevated positions of her father and stepmother. Duchess Elizabeth was given the queen’s
coronation gown after she acted as the Mistress of the Robes to Queen Adelaide at her
coronation in 1831.196 Elizabeth also assiduously cultivated the young Princess Victoria, as the
heir to the British throne, giving her numerous expensive presents.197 Possible concern from
Duchess Elizabeth for Georgiana is contained in a letter that predates the duke’s death to ‘My
dearest Duchess’ from ‘Your very sincere friend, Victoria’: ‘I quite forgot to ask your Mrs
McCrae’s terms? Wishing you and the Duke a pleasant journey...’198 Whether this infers that
Victoria knew of Georgiana’s artwork is unclear and no further corroboration of Georgiana’s
contact with royalty has as yet been found.
194 Georgiana McCrae, Commonplace Book, ed. Higgins, 113; James Hogg, ‘I Hae Naebody Now: By the
Ettrick Shepherd’, in Fraser’s Magazine for Town and Country 1, no. 4 (May 1830): 398; see James Hogg,
Contributions to Musical Collections and Miscellaneous Song, ed. Kirsteen McCue, with Janette Currie and
Megan Coyer (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2014), 597–604, 762–63. 195 Niall, Georgiana, 216, 319–20; Georgiana McCrae, ‘Manuscript Commonplace Book’ (c. 1854): 6, RB 1164.6, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; see Chapter 5. 196 Blackden and Hartley, Brodie Castle, 22. 197 See eg RA VIC/MAIN/QVJ (W) 24 May 1833 (Princess Victoria’s handwriting) (retrieved 11 September
2013), ‘Queen Victoria’s Journals’, Royal Archives. 198 Letter from ‘Victoria’ to ‘My dearest Duchess’, ‘Wednesday Morning 27th June’ [no year; 1832?], MS
12831, F3591/6/293, MC-SLV.
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Her hopes for inheritance were dashed after the death of her father in London on 28 May
1836. Duke George did not provide much for his three illegitimate children, due in part to his
unsigned will and massive debts. Georgiana blamed her stepmother.199 Andrew made a fruitless
trip to Scotland and wrote to Georgiana in London that her expectations of inheriting landed
property from her father appeared to be based on a deed that amounted to ‘waste paper’.
Nevertheless Andrew persisted in encouraging Georgiana with what proved to be unfounded
reliance on the duchess: ‘I am confident the Duchess will do for us as his Grace intended.’200
The bulk of the Gordon estate went to Duke George’s legitimate heir, Georgiana’s cousin,
Charles, Duke of Richmond and Lennox, who was authorised by King William IV to add the
name of Gordon to his title.201 The Brodie of Brodie, Duchess Elizabeth’s heir, helped to
organise a giant monument to Duke George in the nearby Scottish town of Elgin, where the
duke was also buried. Other memorials to Duke George were erected at Aberdeen and Kinrara
(see Figure 4).202
Georgiana’s life was now a constant struggle filled with children and responsibilities, with
a variety of homes in London and Scotland. However she continued her musical, religious,
historical and collecting interests in this period as best she could, demonstrated by her
inscription in 1838 on a copy printed in 1625 of Sternhold’s The Whole Booke of Psalmes
(1562).203 By 1838, Andrew started investigating possibilities in the wider British Empire and
decided to take his family to Australia in the company of his brother Farquhar, Farquhar’s wife
Agnes and child, the McCraes’ mother and two younger sisters, Thomas Ann and Margaret.204
As Georgiana was ill after the birth of her fifth child and fourth son Farquhar Peregrine on 7
199 Niall, Georgiana, 95–96. 200 Letter from Andrew McCrae, 1836, MSPA Box 4258/3, MS 13876, MC-SLV. 201 ‘Whitehall, August 9, 1836’, London Gazette, 12 August 1836, 1, http://www.london-
gazette.co.uk/issues/19409/pages/1 (accessed 16 March 2017). 202 NRAS770, BA, NTS; ‘Elgin, Lady Hill, Duke of Gordon Monument’,
https://canmore.org.uk/site/193860/elgin-lady-hill-duke-of-gordon-monument; ‘Elgin Cathedral’,
https://www.historicenvironment.scot/visit-a-place/places/elgin-cathedral/; ‘George, 5th Duke of Gordon
Statue’, http://www.visitabdn.com/attractions-and-activities/view/george-5th-duke-of-gordon-statue; ‘Torr
Alvie and the Duke of Gordon Monument’, http://www.walkhighlands.co.uk/cairngorms/torr-alvie.shtml (all
accessed 3 December 2016). 203 Thomas Sternhold, Iohn [sic] Hopkins, and others, The Whole Book of Psalmes (1562) (London: Printed for
the Company of Stationers, 1625); [bound with] ii) The Book of Common Prayer; iii) The Genealogies Recorded in the Sacred Scripture, inscribed ‘Georgiana McCrae 1838’; ‘Willim Smith Book’; MS 12312/144,
Box 3110-B, MC-SLV; see Thomas Sternhold, et al., The Whole Book of Psalms, Collected in English Metre,
By Thomas Sternhold, John Hopkins, and Others (London: Printed by Susanna Collins, for the Company of
Stationers, 1720; facsimile, SG Publishing, 1999), http://www.psalmody.co.uk/library/OV1720.html (accessed
12 April 2017). 204 Niall, Georgiana, 97.
107
September 1838, Andrew sailed in November as planned, without Georgiana and the
children.205
Figure 4: Statues of Georgiana McCrae’s father, 5th Duke of Gordon, in Elgin and
Aberdeen, Scotland. Images: Rosemary Richards.
‘Shores where foreign waves are breaking’
Only a year before Andrew’s departure, Queen Victoria (1819–1901) ascended the throne of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The British people marked the beginning of
her reign with pomp and pride. Some of her subjects may have been hesitant about her abilities
to rule because she was young and female, but to others Victoria signified the chance for a new
start and an increasingly glorious future. The spread of the British Empire was considered by
many Britons to be the natural order, given their industriousness and their success in conquest
of new territory over the previous centuries. They saw foreign lands as available for
exploitation and regarded the violence that accompanied British expansion as unavoidable and
the reduction of indigenous populations as inevitable.
205 Georgiana McCrae, journal entry [GM-journal], 17 November 1838; in Weber-PPP, 2: 8–9.
108
The optimistic mood was summed up by popular English poet, ‘L. E. L.’ (Letitia Elizabeth
Landon, 1802–38) who in the first verse of her dedicatory poem to Fisher’s Drawing Room
Scrap-book in 1838 extolled the rule of the new queen:
To the Queen
Within the page, oh, Royal Ladye!—seeking
To win but one approving look of thine—
Are pictured shores where foreign waves are breaking;
And distant hills, where far-off planets shine:
And yet above them is thy rule extending—
The Himalaya mountains own thy sway:
The British flag is with the palm-trees blending,
By the Red Sea, where now we seek our way.206
In ‘To the Queen’, L. E. L. celebrated Queen Victoria’s domination over the Empire. In
1838 Georgiana and her four boys were left behind in Britain for nearly two years, largely to
fend for themselves, until she had recovered her health and begged her stepmother for the
money needed to pay their passage to Melbourne. The following chapters will consider
evidence found in sources including Georgiana’s manuscript music collections that contribute
to our understanding of her life in Britain and migration in Australia.
206 L. E. L., ‘To the Queen’, Fisher’s Drawing Room Scrap-book, 1838 (London, Paris, & New York Fisher,
Son, & Co., 1838), 3; Germaine Greer, ‘Success and the Single Poet: The Sad Tale of L. E. L.’ in Slipshod
Sibyls (London: Penguin Books, 1996), 259–358; Julie Watt, Poisoned Lives (Brighton; Portland, Oregon:
Sussex Academic Press, 2010).
109
CHAPTER 4
GEORGIANA McCRAE’S FIRST THREE MANUSCRIPT
MUSIC COLLECTIONS, c. 1817–48
4.1 Introduction
Georgiana’s music collecting and private performance were outlets for her creativity and
emotions and also signs of her membership of the genteel classes. She treasured the musical
reminders of her life in Britain and brought her manuscript music collections, totalling
hundreds of pages of her transcriptions of music and additional items, along with her children,
artworks and an assortment of books, printed sheet music and furniture, with her to Australia.
The ‘McCrae Homestead’ (MHMB, c. 1822–24, with annotations until 1875), ‘Gordon Castle’
(GCMB, c. 1827–28), and ‘La Trobe Library’ (LTLMB, c. 1817?–48) manuscript music books
provide important evidence about McCrae’s sense of identity and the formative development
and maintenance of her musical taste.1 MHMB, GCMB and LTLMB record Georgiana’s
activities and musical interests from her later teenage years in Britain through to her Australian
‘exile’. While there is little evidence of her early childhood or compositional skills in her music
collections, she had received sufficient music education to be able to appreciate and transcribe
a large number of items in a range of musical styles considered suitable for her class, nationality
and gender.
Table 4 shows a small sample indicating the range of dates, repertoire, languages,
locations, donors, owners and annotations in Georgiana’s four manuscript music collections
MHMB, GCMB, LTLMB and CMB. Georgiana’s fourth manuscript music collection, the
‘Chaplin Music Book’ (CMB, c. 1840–56), will be discussed more thoroughly in Chapter 6.2
Like MHMB and LTLMB, CMB was a compilation of different pieces of music transcribed on
an assortment of manuscript music paper and bound at later dates, whereas GCMB appears to
have been a preformed commercially available booklet in which Georgiana transcribed music
in chronological order.
1 MHMB, NTA (Vic); GCMB, MS 12018/2516/3, MC-SLV; LTLMB, MS 12018/2519/4, MC-SLV. 2 CMB, RB 1164.9, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney.
110
Manuscript Music
Collection / page
Date Title/ Annotation
LTLMB / [106a] 1817 ‘Hot Cross Buns Good Friday 1817’
[in title; no separation annotation]
MHMB / 93 1822 ‘Pope’s Universal
Prayer/1822/Composed by Mrs. Hodges,
harmonized by Hüllmandel’ [not in
Georgiana’s handwriting]
MHMB / 198 1824 ‘Le petit Tambour /Mai 23me 1824’
LTLMB / [112–13] [1825?] ‘Tune “Keith More — ”/ Written &
Composed by A. D. G.’ [ie Alexander
Duke of Gordon]
LTLMB / [114–15b] 1825 ‘A Greek Air’ [title]; [p. 115b:] ‘Mrs
Symonds _ / & Mrs Alexr Gordon / G.
C. [?] 1825’
GCMB / [8] 1827 ‘Oh Bonnie Lassie Come Over the
Burn’ / ‘Gordon Castle Decr. 31. 1827’
GCMB / [32] 1828 ‘Perche [sic] mi lasci’ /
‘Gordon Hall—Feby. 19th 1828_’
CMB / 12–16 1842 ‘La Preghiera–Romanza / Parole de
Conte Carlo Pepoli / Musica del Sigr
Fabio Campana’ / [p. 16:] ‘from Mrs
Bunbury Mayfield [Melbourne] July
1842’
LTLMB / [124–30] 1842 ‘I’ve wandered in Dreams _ / J. A.
Wade’ / [p. 130:] ‘Mayfield
[Melbourne]/ 1842/ Augst 23d ’
LTLMB / [front
flyleaves]
c. 1848 Printed poems about Jenny Lind
GCMB / [inside
back cover]
1857; twentieth century ‘The Dead’ [printed poem by Ludovec
Colquhoun, Esq.]; ‘24. May_57.’ [Date
appears to be in Georgiana’s
handwriting]; ‘Hugh McCrae Greycliffe
VAUCLUSE.’ [Georgiana’s grandson
Hugh McCrae’s signature and address].
MHMB / 248 1875 ‘Hymne des Marseillois. Air
française/Les paroles et musique de
Capitaine Rouget de Lille’ [with two
annotations; one on the side of the page
dated 1875 has been guillotined,
indicating time of binding of MHMB].3
Table 4: Samples from Georgiana McCrae’s manuscript music collections.
3 Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 76–78.
111
Other handwriting as well as Georgiana’s appear in MHMB, GCMB and CMB,
demonstrating the ongoing importance of interchange and continuation of tradition amongst
the scribal community of Georgiana’s family and friends.
Dated pages include evidence of the time and place where Georgiana copied particular
repertoire. LTLMB for example includes music copied in her new home in Melbourne in 1842.4
Georgiana’s manuscript annotations of title, poet and composer are usually found at the top of
the page while dates of transcription are usually given at the end of the piece. Some annotations
that contain commentary may be found at the side of the page. Georgiana’s manuscript music
collections show evidence of a scribal community in their transcription, compilation and
ownership. For example in the twentieth century Georgiana’s grandson Hugh McCrae
indicated ownership by inscriptions on GCMB, LTLMB and CMB.
Although GCMB was constructed in a different manner to Georgiana’s other manuscript
music collections, its contents show similarities as well as differences which in part may have
been due to location and opportunity. Georgiana transcribed pieces of music into GCMB in the
period 1827–28 when she was living at Gordon Castle and Gordon Hall in Scotland. Like the
three compilation manuscript collections, GCMB was used later in Georgiana’s life, evidenced
by the annotation in her handwriting dated in 1857 next to the printed poem, ‘The Dead’, by
Colquhoun.5
A fifth collection, the ‘Music Notebook’ (MNB, n.d.), like GCMB, LTLMB and CMB,
contains extra printed material pasted in.6 In MNB’s case this takes the form of two poems
titled ‘Filial Recollections: My Father; My Mother’ stuck inside the back cover, in a similar
manner to the way Colquhoun’s poem is pasted into GCMB.7 MNB, which will not be analysed
in detail in this thesis, may have been obtained by a McCrae family member at some stage
rather than having been compiled by them. The handwriting of the musical transcription has
not been identified and the repertoire, consisting of tunes in the treble clef, indicates former
ownership by a flute or violin player.8
The contents of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections represent Georgiana’s personal
choice taken from the acceptable repertoire for private performance of a female member of the
genteel classes in Britain and mainly date from the first half of the nineteenth century. Some
4 LTLMB, [115], [131]. 5 GCMB, inside back cover. 6 MNB, MS 12831, Box 3740 9(a), MC-SLV. 7 See for example ‘Filial Recollections’ (New York: Samuel Wood [c. 1804–15]),
http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/3731442 (accessed 27 March 2017). 8 Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 115–17.
112
of the songs with piano accompaniment were composed by named composers to lyrics by
named poets, while others purported to be in ‘national style’, mainly but not only Scottish. A
sprinkling of vocal duets and ensemble pieces such as catches and rounds joined solo theatrical
songs or operatic arias, dance music for piano and solo piano pieces. Some pieces are denoted
for other instruments such as guitar and harp, which along with the piano were seen to be the
province of females in the gendered domestic society of the time. A small proportion of the
total repertoire contained single line melodies which could have been played on the piano with
improvised accompaniments or on treble instruments such as the violin or flute.
The differences in repertoire between the three collections of MHMB, GCMB and LTLMB
can be ascribed largely to available sources and to changes in taste, both of the public and of
Georgiana herself, as she went through various periods of her life, living in different places and
mixing with different people. We can deduce more from Georgiana’s manuscript music
collections about the influences of the ducal Gordons on Georgiana’s musical tastes than about
any sway from Georgiana’s mother’s family. However, Jane Graham through her upbringing
in north-east England and life in London may well have influenced Georgiana and her musical
choices in ways that are not immediately obvious.
MHMB is dated from the period when Georgiana was on the cusp of adulthood, moving
from her childhood in London with her mother to her life on the fringes of the Scottish Gordon
aristocracy. Georgiana transcribed the music in GCMB a few years later when she was living
in Scotland with Gordon relatives, uncertain of her future. LTLMB mainly dates from her early
married life, when she gave birth to her first five children and shuttled with her husband back
and forth between Scotland and London. LTLMB also shows the beginning of Georgiana’s
migration to a distant colony in Australia. This will be continued in Chapters 5 and 6 which
focus on Georgiana’s Australian musical experiences and repertoire in CMB, showing
Georgiana’s determined adaptation and continuation of her British genteel culture in a colonial
context.
4.2 ‘McCrae Homestead Music Book’ c. 1822–24: ‘Ancient and Modern’
MHMB is divided clearly into two parts. The first page of Part 1, dated 1823 and signed
‘Georgiana Gordon’, is called ‘A Collection of Favorite Songs, Strathspeys’ &c / Part 1st’ (see
Figure 5).9 This section consists mainly of contemporary theatrical and parlour vocal music
9 MHMB, Part 1: 1.
113
but also has other pieces such as for solo piano. While much of the music was transcribed by
Georgiana, some such as the Songs Composed by Mrs Hodges discussed below are in other
handwriting besides Georgiana’s.
Figure 5: Opening page of MHMB, Part 1, inscribed ‘Georgiana Gordon’, entitled ‘A
Collection of Favorite Songs, Strathspeys’ &c / Part 1st’, dated 1823; song ‘The Rose
Bud’; see ‘The Rose Bud Child o’ Summer’, MHMB, 1: 8; MC405, McCrae Collection,
NTA (Vic). Image: SLV. See ‘To the Rose bud’, SMM 4 (1792): 340,
http://digital.nls.uk/87798496 (accessed 24 April 2017).
114
Part 2 of MHMB is entitled ‘A Collection of favorite Strathspey’s and Reels’ and has less items
than Part 1. Part 2 includes mainly of Scottish dance music to be played on the piano, with
many titles relating to Georgiana’s aristocratic Gordon relatives (see Figure 6).10
Figure 6: MHMB, 2: 273, opening page of MHMB, Part 2, ‘A Collection of favorite
Strathspeys’ and Reels’, showing three items of dance music by Niel Gow with titles
referring to Georgiana’s Gordon grandparents and father, MC405, McCrae Collection,
NTA (Vic). Image: SLV.
10 MHMB, Part 2: 273.
115
Georgiana and her family used these MHMB collections in later years. The two sections
of MHMB were probably bound or rebound together after 1875 since an annotation with that
date on ‘Hymne des Marseillois’ shows evidence of guillotining.11
The useful analytical division between the predominance of vocal music in Part 1 of
MHMB, represented by pieces by composers such as Bishop and Rossini, in contrast to the
dance music in Part 2, which was often attributed to Scottish composers patronised by the
Gordons such as Gow and Marshall, is, however, simplistic especially because theatrical and
parlour music was often influenced by Scottish idioms. Much of the contents in Part 1 appear
to be associated with Georgiana’s ‘London’ identity—English, educated and cosmopolitan—
whereas the frequent mentions of the Gordons in the strathspeys and reels of Part 2 represents
her yearnings to be accepted as a part of the influential aristocratic Scottish Gordon clan. The
Scottish Gordon repertoire in Part 2 could have been copied from sources belonging to the
Gordon families. As the libraries of Gordon family homes in London or in Scotland, such as
Gordon Castle at Fochabers or Gordon Hall near Huntly, are no longer extant, and the Scottish
repertoire was widely available at the time, this is difficult to prove. The Scottish repertoire
with the plethora of Gordon names in MHMB Part 2 provides circumstantial evidence to back
up Georgiana’s descendants’ claims that Georgiana was influenced strongly by her
identification, if not her domicile, with her paternal relatives at least from her impressionable
later teenage years.
The idea of including both music and poetry in categories called ‘ancient and modern’ in
a miscellaneous mixture had been well-established by the time Georgiana was learning and
transcribing music, as can be seen in the title of one of George Thomson’s extensive series of
publications, Collection of the Songs of Burns, Sir Walter Scott and Other Eminent Lyric Poets
Ancient & Modern (1822).12 Georgiana’s MHMB, which she transcribed during a similar
period to the publication of Thomson’s printed collection, clearly fits into this common pattern.
In MHMB, watermarked pages dated 1820 and 1822 give additional clues to the period
of transcription, along with some dated annotations from 1822 to May 1824.13 Georgiana
transcribed the music on loose-leaf folios that were later assembled in two separately identified
parts, although the pages are numbered consecutively throughout the book. The complexity of
rastography, handwriting and dates in MHMB indicate that a number of scribes used multiple
11 MHMB, Part 1: 248. 12 George Thomson, ed., Thomson’s Collection of the Songs of Burns, Sir Walter Scott and Other Eminent Lyric
Poets Ancient & Modern (London: Preston; Edinburgh: G. Thomson, 1822), vol. 1,
https://digital.nls.uk/94646984 (accessed 12 January 2017). 13 Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 22, 127–29.
116
different pieces of paper, more than would be indicated by a simple division of the book into
twelve or fourteen staves per page. Four pages of an ‘Index’ relate fairly closely to 388 items
on 322 pages of transcriptions. Pages nine to twelve are missing; the Index refers to those four
pages as containing two pieces.14
Fashion and remembrance
Georgiana was partial to the ancient as well as the fashionable and modern and the repertoire
shown in the dated pages of MHMB tends to be conservative. These were not bound in
chronological order according to the date of either composition or copying and do not show
much wider organisational method other than the division of the book into vocal music in Part
1 and instrumental music in Part 2. ‘Pope’s Universal Prayer’, which is part of a set of songs
in handwriting that has not yet been identified, is annotated with the words ‘composed by Mrs
Hodges and harmonized by Hüllmandel’ and dated 1822.15 Four pieces were dated during
1823: ‘The Rose Bud’ (1823), ‘The Babes in the Wood’ (15 March 1823), ‘Duport’s Minuet’
(23 November 1823) and ‘Colonel Gardner’ (31 December 1823).16 Four pieces dated 1824
will be discussed below.
A number of items in MHMB relate to the influential periodical The Harmonicon, first
published in 1823, which was a relatively long-lasting periodical publishing reviews and
articles about music as well as a significant amount of printed musical scores.17 Georgiana’s
version of a piece found in the inaugural Volume 1, Part 2 of The Harmonicon shows
performance instructions for vocal solo, chorus and accompaniment for ‘Martin Luther’s
Hymn’, with the first line ‘Great God! what do I see and hear!’, but omits The Harmonicon’s
subtitle ‘Sung by Madame Catalani, at the York Musical Festival, and by Mr. Braham at the
Birmingham festival’.18 In 1823 The Harmonicon included ‘Non Nobis Pacem’, ‘a canon,
composed about the year 1590, by William Bird, organist to Queen Elisabeth’, a version of
which exists in Georgiana’s later CMB.19 A common piece sung at men’s clubs, ‘Non Nobis
Pacem’ had appeared in earlier printed collections as well as other women’s manuscript
14 Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 137–84. 15 MHMB, Part 1: 93; Richards, ‘Frae the friends’, 52. 16 MHMB, Part 1: 1, 265, 307, 123. 17 Diana Snigurowicz, The Harmonicon 1823–1833, RIPM, 4 vols. (Ann Arbor, USA: UMI, 1989); see Chapters
2 and 3. 18 ‘Martin Luther’s Hymn’, MHMB, Part 1: 269; Harmonicon 1, Part 2 (London: Pinnock et al., 1823): item no.
66. 19 ‘Non Nobis Domine’, CMB, 7; Harmonicon 1, Part 2 (1823): item no. 2.
117
collections.20 Part 2 of The Harmonicon of 1823 also provided a glee, arias and assorted piano
pieces with music by more recent composers such as Mozart, Haydn, Beethoven, Rossini and
Weber.21
The Harmonicon’s editor, William Ayrton, aimed to educate a musically literate public
and to disseminate a fashionable miscellaneous mix of printed sheet music, produced cheaply
because of technological advances in printing. In order to compete, or at least break even, The
Harmonicon needed to sell around 1500 copies per number via subscription, general sales at
music and book shops and also through overseas exports. Its wider dissemination through
coffee shops and family and friendship groups make estimations of its total readership hard to
judge. Despite changes to publishers, format and price, falls in subscriber numbers led to the
point where it became financially unviable.22
The Harmonicon was one of a large number of periodicals in this period which contributed
to the widening of public taste and education about music. Many specialist music periodicals,
literary journals and newspapers in English and the major European languages included music
journalism.23 Specialist music journals in English devoted to music criticism included Richard
Mackenzie Bacon’s Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review (1818–30).24 Other publications
such as the Musical Bijou (1829–51) and Musical Gem (1829–35) only contained printed sheet
music.25 Journals that included sheet music as well as music journalism included La Belle
Assemblée (1806–9), New Musical Magazine (1809), Walker’s Hibernian Magazine (Dublin
1801–11) and Ayrton’s Musical Library (1833–37), successor to The Harmonicon.26 The
Musical Times, which was founded in 1844 and is still active today, published extensive
amounts of sheet music in the nineteenth century, but The Musical World (1836–91) included
supplements of sheet music only in 1846.27
20 Rana, ‘Music and Elite Identity’, 210–11. 21 ‘List of the Musical Pieces’, Harmonicon 1, Part 2 (1823): iii–iv. 22 Langley, ‘The Life and Death of The Harmonicon’; Erin Johnson-Hill, ‘Miscellany and Collegiality in the
British Periodical Press: The Harmonicon (1823–1833)’, Nineteenth-Century Music Review 9, no. 2 (December
2012): 255–93. 23 Leanne Langley, ‘The English Musical Journal in the Early Nineteenth Century’ (PhD thesis, University of
North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1983). 24 Langley, ‘The English Musical Journal’, 194–281. 25 Leanne Langley, ‘Music’, in Victorian Periodicals and Victorian Society, ed. J. Don Vann and Rosemary T. VanArsdel (Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1994), 105. 26 Langley, ‘Music’, 106; Langley, ‘The English Musical Journal’, 554–59. 27 Edward Clinkscale, Introduction to Musical Times (RIPM, 1994),
http://www.ripm.org/pdf/Introductions/MTIintroEnglish.pdf (accessed 29 December 2014);
Richard Kitson, Introduction to The Musical World (RIPM, 1996, 2007),
http://www.ripm.org/pdf/Introductions/MWO1836–1865introEnglish.pdf (accessed 29 December 2014).
118
From the 1820s onwards, ongoing technological changes as well as consumer demand
facilitated a large increase in production of printed music, of which the periodicals were by no
means the only source.28 At the same time, manuscript music copying continued to flourish,
both to satisfy specific needs of institutions or private individuals, but also to allow merchants
or composers to sell multiple copies of a particular work on a commercial basis.29 This thesis
does not attempt to trace the origin of every piece of music in Georgiana’s manuscript music
collections because of the complexity of all the possible sources.
In January 1824 Georgiana copied ‘O! Kenmure’s on & awa, Willie’.30 Four pieces were
dated over four days in May 1824. ‘Star Vicino’ was copied by Georgiana on 21 and 23 May
1824.31 She attributed ‘Star Vicino’ and ‘Vado ben spesso’ to the seventeenth-century Italian
artist, poet and actor Salvator Rosa (1615–73). The ‘Rosa’ songs were used as musical
examples in an article entitled ‘Salvator Rosa as a Musician’ in The Harmonicon in April and
May 1824.32 The article was based on the biography of Rosa published in 1824 by the Irish
writer, Sydney, Lady Morgan née Owenson (1781[?]–1859).33 Later scholars have disputed the
spurious romantic connection of Rosa with musical composition.34
A version of the popular French song ‘Le Petit Tambour’ (‘The Little Drummer Boy’) by
Meissonier, was also published in The Harmonicon in 1824.35 In MHMB it was dated 23 May
1824 like ‘Star Vicino’, but the date was written in French to match the song title (‘Mai 23me
1824’).36 The tune of ‘Le Petit Tambour’ is similar to ‘The Grand Old Duke of York’. From
1819 ‘Le Petit Tambour’ was arranged for solo voice and piano, solo or duo piano, guitar or
harp, for the parlour or for a contra-danse by over thirty composers including Bochsa, Herz and
Latour in addition to Meissonnier.37 The parlour version for voice and piano in MHMB starts
with the piano imitating a drummer before the voice enters.
28 Charles Humphries and William C. Smith, Music Publishing in the British Isles, 2nd ed. with Supplement
(Oxford: Blackwell, 1970). 29 Rudolf Rasch, ed., Music Publishing in Europe 1600–1900, 64–66. 30 MHMB, Part 1: 5. 31 MHMB, Part 1: 81. 32 ‘Salvator Rosa as a Musician’, Harmonicon 2, Part 1 (April and May1824): 62–64, 83–87. 33 Lady (Sydney) Morgan, The Life and Times of Salvator Rosa (London: Coburn, 1824), 1,
https://archive.org/details/lifetimesofsalva01morguoft (accessed 7 August 2016). 34 Thomas Walker and Jennifer Williams Brown, ‘Rosa, Salvator’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/23820 (accessed 21 September 2014). 35 ‘Le Petit Tambour’, Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 90–91. 36 MHMB, Part 1: 198–99. 37 Search for ‘Le petit Tambour’ in BL online catalogue brings up 51 entries from 1819: http://explore.bl.uk/;
see also ‘No. 40. Contre=danse [sic] Le Petit Tambour’, https://archive.org/details/LePetitTambour (accessed 15
July 2016).
119
MHMB contains excerpts ‘See from Ocean Rising’, ‘When Tell Tale Echo’s Whisper’,
‘The Wealth of the Cottage is Love’ and ‘Ah Could My Faultring Tongue Impart!’ from the
English opera Paul and Virginia (1800), which was composed by Joseph Mazzinghi (1765–
1844) in collaboration with William Reeve (see Figure 7).38
Figure 7: First page of ‘See from Ocean Rising’, by Joseph Mazzinghi, with William
Reeve, from Paul and Virginia (1800), MHMB 1: 104, MC405, McCrae Collection, NTA
(Vic). Image: SLV. See J. [Joseph] Mazzinghi, ‘See From Ocean Rising: A Duet in Paul
and Virginia’ [n.d.], JHU, jscholarship.library.jhu.edu/handle/1774.2/8759 (accessed 28
October 2016).
38 Mazzinghi and Reeve, items from Paul and Virginia (1800), MHMB, Part 1: 104–9; see e.g. J. [Joseph]
Mazzinghi, ‘See From Ocean Rising: A Duet in Paul and Virginia’ [n.d.], JHU,
jscholarship.library.jhu.edu/handle/1774.2/8759 (accessed 28 October 2016).
120
The Mazzinghi pieces in MHMB would not tax singers and accompanists unduly, with
few challenges in key signatures, rhythmic and harmonic patterns, vocal and keyboard range
or emotional expression. Like a number of other artistic works including a ballet by Mazzinghi
produced in London c. 1795, Mazzinghi and Reeves’s opera was based on Bernadin de Saint-
Pierre’s novel Paul et Virginie (1788), written just before the French Revolution and idealised
the freedom of Mauritian life. Georgiana’s tutor M. Huteau appeared to have inspired her by
stories of his visit to Mauritius. Saint-Pierre’s novel also had later resonances for the McCraes
in performances of operatic versions in Melbourne, as well as in purchases of the novel by
Georgiana’s son George and grandson Hugh.39
Within MHMB beside the Mazzinghi excerpts there are English and Italian pieces from
theatre and opera which feature alongside contemporary developments in piano repertoire,
parlour ballads and a variety of versions of national song. Operatic repertoire in MHMB
includes pieces written by composers ranging from Paesiello to M.P. King. Georgiana’s music
teachers, her piano teacher Fanny Holcroft, and singing teacher Sophia Horn, had theatrical
connections and personal relationships with artists who provided professional services to
royalty and members of the upper classes. Georgiana’s interest in collecting music from theatre
and opera lasted longer than her teenage flirtation with the idea of being a professional
performer.
The contemporary operatic repertoire in MHMB Part 1 includes two arias by Rossini
which were originally written for Rossini’s wife, the soprano Isabella Colbran, and which were
featured in The Harmonicon and in operas performed in London in 1824.40 ‘Ciel Pietoso!’ from
Zelmira was published in The Harmonicon in 1823 and contains ornamentation that would
have taxed Georgiana’s vocal technique.41 ‘Al mio pregar’, which The Harmonicon published
in 1824, was a relatively simpler aria from Rossini’s Semiramide, which had premièred in
Venice in February 1823 with Colbran in the title role and starred Giuditta Pasta in the London
season.42
Rossini, born in 1792, only twelve years older than Georgiana, rose to musical prominence
at an early age. Thirty-four of his forty operas were premièred mainly in Italy and quickly
39 Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, Paul et Virginie (1788) (Paris: Libraire Hachette, 1884), MS 12312/57, Box 3104,
MC-SLV; Joseph Mazzinghi, Paul et Virginie [ballet] (London: G. Goulding, [n.d., c. 1795], http://imslp.org/wiki/Paul_et_Virginie,_Op.17_(Mazzinghi,_Joseph) (accessed 28 October 2016). 40 Richard Osborne, Rossini: His Life and Works, 2nd ed. (Oxford, New York: OUP, 2007), 82–91,
http://site.ebrary.com/lib/unimelb/docDetail.action?docID=10212136 (accessed 22 September 2014). 41 Rossini, ‘Ciel Pietoso!’ from Zelmira (1822), MHMB, Part 1: 74–75; Harmonicon 1, Part 2 (1823): no. 56. 42 Rossini, ‘Al mio pregar’, from Semiramide (1823), MHMB, Part 1: 56–57; Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 72–
74.
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produced elsewhere. When Rossini came to London to direct an extended season of his operas
at the King’s Theatre in the Haymarket, Rossini and Colbran were lionised by members of the
British upper classes, who flocked to Rossini’s operas and invited him to their private parties
‘to hear him play, instruct their daughters, and place his signature in the family song album’.43
Rossini’s London season included eight of his operas, a mixture of the more recent ‘serious’
operas and his popular comic operas, each receiving a number of performances. Rossini
ensured some payment by rehearsing and directing the performances of his operas from the
piano. The season opened with Zelmira (which premiered in Naples in 1822), followed by Il
Barbiere di Siviglia (1816), Ricciardo e Zoraide (1818), Otello (1816), Il Turco in Italia
(1814), Tancredi (1813), La Donna del Lago (1819, based on Scott’s poem The Lady of the
Lake published in 1810), and Semiramide (1823). Works by Mozart, Zingarelli and Mayer were
performed as benefits for individual singers. The Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review, The
Harmonicon and other publications produced extensive news, musical criticism and music
examples about and by Rossini before, during and after his London season.
Some solo piano pieces in MHMB Part 1 also appear to have been derived from The
Harmonicon of 1824. The composer of ‘Menuetto’, G.F. Pinto, was described as ‘a genius of
great promise who died in youth’.44 George Pinto (1785–1806) was a student of Karl Friedrich
Horn, the father of Georgiana’s singing teacher Sophia Horn.45 A romantic touch was
introduced with Cipriani Potter’s rhapsody ‘Le Depart de Vienne’.46 Potter (1792–1871) visited
Europe from 1817 to 1819 and showed his compositions to Beethoven in Vienna. ‘Le Depart
de Vienne’ displays a considerable amount of markings for expression and dynamics, but is
not too long or technically challenging for an amateur performer like Georgiana.47
MHMB Part 1 also contains other pieces that were published in 1824 in The Harmonicon
including Louis Spohr’s ‘Oh! Quanto Vaga’ from Zemira e Azor (1819) and a much earlier
piece, Henry Purcell’s ‘I attempt from love’s sickness to fly’ with ‘The Poetry by Sir Robert
Howard’ from The Indian Queen (1695).48 The same volume of The Harmonicon also features
43 Osborne, Rossini, 87. 44 G.F. Pinto, ‘Menuetto’, MHMB, Part 1: 95; Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 21–23. 45 Kassler, ed., Charles Edward Horn’s Memoirs, 18. 46 Cipriani Potter, ‘Le Depart de Vienne’, MHMB, Part 1: 86–87; Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 81–84. 47 Philip H. Peter and Julian Rushton, ‘Potter’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/22191pg4
(accessed 10 December 2014). 48 Louis Spohr, ‘Oh! Quanto Vaga’, from Zemira e Azor (1819), MHMB, Part 1: 62–64; Harmonicon 2, Part 2
(1824): 34–37; Henry Purcell, ‘I Attempt from Love’s Sickness to Fly’ with ‘The Poetry by Sir Robert Howard’
from The Indian Queen (1695), MHMB, Part 1: 197; Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 54–55.
122
the names of prominent singers attached to two of twelve so-called ‘National Airs’.49
Georgiana was familiar with the careers of Scottish soprano Mary Anne Paton (1802–64) and
Catherine Stephens. Paton’s roles from 1822 to 1824 at the Haymarket, Covent Garden and
Lyceum theatres in London included Susanna and the Countess in Mozart’s The Marriage of
Figaro, Rosina in Rossini’s The Barber of Seville, Lydia in George Frederick Perry’s Morning,
Noon, and Night, Polly in The Beggar’s Opera, Mandane in Arne’s Artaxerxes, Clara in
Linley’s The Duenna and Agathe in Weber’s Der Freischütz.50 Stephens also sang the roles of
Rosina, Polly, Clara and Mandane and appeared frequently in concerts.51 Georgiana’s interest
in Paton and Stephens first arose when they were connected to Georgiana’s former tutors Mr
Stewart and Monsieur L’Abbé Huteau. Both Paton and Stephens married into the nobility, in
Mary Paton’s case to Georgiana’s cousin Lord William Pitt Lennox, with whom Paton was
married in 1824, before her divorce and remarriage with the singer Joseph Wood in 1831, while
Stephens married the Earl of Essex in 1838.52
Paton and Stephens were some of the professional singers whose names were used to
publicise music found among Georgiana’s transcriptions. In MHMB Georgiana copied out a
number of ‘Scotish’ [sic] songs including ‘And They’re a’ Noddin as sung by Miss Stephens
Arranged by J. Bianchi Taylor Esq.’.53 A copy of the Harmonicon’s version of the song ‘O ye
shall walk in silk attire’ ‘as sung by Miss Paton’ is found in MHMB together with another
version of the same song, ‘The Siller Crown’ / ‘And ye shall walk in silk attire’ which was
attributed incorrectly by Georgiana to ‘Rt. Burns’.54 Attributions to Burns and other
annotations in MHMB may have been added in later years, as indicated by similar annotations
in Georgiana’s printed compilation volume of SMM.55 The song, ‘O ye shall walk in silk attire’
with words by Susanna Blamire (1747–94) was published in multiple versions, some with
music by Henry Bishop; often the names of the composer and/or poet were not stated.56 A third
49 ‘“O ye shall walk in Silk Attire;” a Scotish [sic] Song Sung by Miss Paton at the Oratorios’, Harmonicon 2,
Part 2 (1824): 52–53; ‘“Gin living worth,” A Scotish Song, Sung by Miss Stephens, at Many Public and Private
Concerts During this Season’, Harmonicon 2, Part 2 (1824): 106–7. 50 L. M. Middleton, rev. John Warrack, ‘Paton, Mary Ann (1802–1864)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/21559, (accessed 30 December 2014). 51 Rachel E. Cowgill, ‘Stephens, Catherine [Kitty] married name Catherine Capel-Coningsby, Countess of
Essex] (1794–1882)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004, January 2008, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/26378
(accessed 30 December 2014). 52 G. C. Boase, rev. J. Gilliland, ‘Lennox, Lord William Pitt (1799–1881)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/16459 (accessed 30 December 2014). 53 MHMB, Part 1: 40. 54 MHMB, Part 1: 55, 221. 55 MS 12312/148, Box 3110–B, MC-SLV. 56 Christopher Hugh Maycock, ‘Blamire, Susanna (1747–1794)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004, May 2005,
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/2600, (accessed 30 December 2014); Nicholas Temperley and Bruce
Carr, ‘Bishop, Sir Henry R.’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP (accessed 30 December 2016).
123
transcription by Georgiana of ‘The Siller Crown’ is found in GCMB, which uses a different
tune and has dynamic and expression markings and a cross in pencil added that emphasise the
sadness of the words ‘poor broken heart’ and ‘if frae my love I part’.57 A reference to ‘What
care I for siller’ in a song by Andrew McCrae published in 1873 may have been meant to evoke
similar emotions.58
On 24 May 1824, in the same period that she copied ‘Star Vicino’ and ‘Le Petit Tambour’,
Georgiana transcribed ‘While Yet the Tide’ ‘In Saul’ by Handel.59 This was one of three pieces
attributed to George Frideric Handel (1685–1759) in MHMB, in which overall the religious
content is small. Handel, the German composer of operas in Italian and then dramatic oratorios
in English, dominated the English musical scene in the first half of the eighteenth century.
Knowledge and performance of Handel’s music continued as a hallmark of musical
respectability in the nineteenth century and performances of Handel’s oratorios became a staple
of choral societies. The oratorio Saul was based on the biblical Old Testament ‘First Book of
Samuel’ and composed by Handel in 1738. The story tells of the jealousy of King Saul for the
young warrior David who is friendly with Saul’s son Jonathan. The aria, with the words of the
first line written as ‘While Yet Thy Tide’ in Chrysander’s 1862 edition, was composed to be
sung by the High Priest, a counter-tenor, and accompanied by strings, flute and continuo.60 It
is unclear where Georgiana found the version in MHMB, which preserves the baroque vocal
score format of the vocal line sharing the treble line with the right hand of the keyboard part
and accompanied by a figured bass. The High Priest dispenses advice to the young Jonathan.
While the dotted rhythmic patterns and ‘vigorous’ leaps of up to a minor sixth in the vocal line
may prove difficult, they reinforce the meaning of the words, which explains the inclusion of
the piece as part of a young lady’s repertoire:
While yet the tide of blood runs high
To God thy future life devote
Thy early vigour all apply
His glorious service to promote.
57 GCMB, piece 3, [pp. 4–5]; Jeanice Brooks, personal communication, 3 April 2017; see also Richards, ‘Frae
the friends’, 102–3, 149, 162; Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 131–33. 58 Andrew M. McCrae, MS lyrics for ‘Johnnie Miller’, MS 12831 MS Box 3740/20, MC-SLV; Stark, Professor, of Stuttgart and Andrew M. McCrae, ‘Johnnie Miller: Scotch Song’ (London: Cramer, [1873]), Music
Collections H.1779.I.(49.), BL. 59 Handel, ‘While Yet the Tide’, ‘In Saul’ (1738), MHMB, Part 1: 89. 60 George Frideric Handel, ‘While Yet Thy Tide’ in Saul (1738), ed. Friedrich Chrysander, Georg Friedrich
Händels Werke, Band 13 (Leipzig: Deutsche Händelgesellschaft, 1862), 269–70, IMSLP17690-Saul.pdf
(accessed 29 December 2014).
124
Other pieces attributed to Handel in MHMB are ‘The Spacious Firmament on high’, where the
tune is similar to ‘Caro mio ben’ by Giordani,61 and ‘Morning Hymn’, with a tune reminiscent
of ‘I know that my redeemer liveth’ from Handel’s Messiah (1742).62
Dance music with titles suggesting French or Scottish origin are amongst the thirty solo
piano pieces in MHMB Part 1. They contrast with the more elaborate compositions by Pinto
and Potter copied from The Harmonicon. The titles and steps written in French and English for
‘La Poule’, ‘Le Pantalon’, ‘L’Eté’ and ‘La Finale’ could have indicated dances on the
continuum from country dance, cotillion to quadrille.63 ‘Flora McDonald’ has the ‘figure’
written in English.64 It appears in twelve pages that include music similar to the Scottish
strathspeys, reels and other dance styles in MHMB Part 2.65
Female roles
As mentioned in relation to ‘Pope’s Universal Prayer’, MHMB Part 1 includes a series of songs
in the handwriting of a scribe other than Georgiana. The series comprises twenty-one of the
thirty-two songs printed in 1798 under the impressive title Songs Composed by Mrs Hodges,
Harmonized and Published by Mr Hüllmandel For the Benefit of Her Orphan Children And by
Them Most Humbly Inscribed, By Permission To Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain.66
William Hodges R.A. (1744–97), who had accompanied Captain Cook on his second
expedition, died in 1797 in traumatic circumstances and his widow, née Ann Mary Carr, left
with seven children, died soon afterwards. Joseph Farington and other members of the Royal
Academy organised the publication by subscription of Mrs Hodges’s songs to contribute
towards the welfare of the Hodges children.67 Composer and pianist Nicolas-Joseph
Hüllmandel (1756–1823), who ‘harmonized’ Mrs Hodges’ songs, had worked in London since
the French Revolution.68
61 MHMB, Part 1: 80. 62 MHMB, Part 1: 88. 63 MHMB, Part 1: 96–97. 64 MHMB, Part 1: 203. 65 MHMB, Part 1: 197–208. 66 MHMB, Part 1: 93, 167–84; Nicholas-Joseph Hüllmandel, arranger, Songs Composed by Mrs Hodges…
(London: G. Nicol, 1798), Music Collections R.M.13.2.23; G.295.(2.); G.580, BL. 67 Harriet Guest, Empire, Barbarism, and Civilisation (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University
Press, 2007); Isabel Combs Stuebe, The Life and Works of William Hodges (New York: Garland Pub., 1979),
51–52, 74–79; Diary of Joseph Farington, 3: 792–93; 4: 1307; 5: 1566; 11: 3864; 17: 442–44. 68 Rita Benton and Thomas Milligan, ‘Hüllmandel, Nicolas-Joseph’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/13537 (accessed 20
September 2014).
125
The printed version of the Hodges/Hüllmandel songs contains an engraved copy by James
Parker of a portrait of Ann Mary Hodges, painted in crayons by Ozias Humphry, R. A. (1742–
1810), whose success as a miniature portrait painter led to his appointment as ‘portrait painter
in crayons to the king in 1792’.69 The portrait is followed by a mournful dedicatory poem: ‘Ah,
what avails the beauteous Face’. The volume had many subscribers led by the Prince of Wales
and the Princesses Augusta, Elizabeth, Mary, Sophia and Amelia, children of King George III.
The printed ‘Advertisement’ stresses the common anxiety about women composing for
monetary reward:
With respect to the Work itself, the Airs were all the original productions of the
late Mrs. Hodges, composed, without the most distant intention of publication, for
the amusement of herself and her friends; and sung by her, as many of her
subscribers will feel a pleasure mixed with regret in recollecting, with a taste and
expression peculiar to herself.
The contribution by Hüllmandel was minimised: ‘These have been revised and corrected; the
accompaniments added, and the last air [i.e. ‘Pope’s Universal Prayer’] set for voices by the
scientific hand of Mr. Hüllmandell [sic]’.70
The manuscript copy of the Hodges/Hüllmandel songs in MHMB Part 1 is divided and
arranged in a different sequence to the printed version. ‘Pope’s Universal Prayer’, with its
chordal style, copied in 1822 as noted previously, is separated from the rest of the songs.71 The
latter start under a fancy title with the third song from the printed version, ‘Go Go you little
painted Butterfly’, which is a simple song marked ‘Un Poco Andante’ set with separate vocal
and keyboard parts, limited vocal tessitura of a ninth from D to E, minimal modulation and easy
piano accompaniment.72 At the bottom of the page of the manuscript copy is written, ‘The chief
part of the words from Lord Lyttleton’s Poems’. While the printed publication does not mention
any poet, at least one of the songs, ‘When Delia on the plain appears’, was written by Lord
George Lyttelton (1709–73) in 1732 and repeatedly republished, along with many others of his
works, in the following century.73 His attitudes to the role of women expressed in his Advice to
69 Ozias Humphry (1742–1810), Painter, National Portrait Gallery,
http://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/person.php?search=ss&sText=Ozias+Humphry+&LinkID=mp07147&role=art&wPage=1 (accessed 20 September 2014). 70 Hüllmandel, Songs Composed by Mrs Hodges. 71 MHMB, Part 1: 93. 72 MHMB, Part 1: 167. 73 MHMB, Part 1: 184; George Lyttelton, Baron, ‘Song’, in Poems by Geo. Lord Lyttelton (Manchester, 1797),
32, Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale (accessed 7 April 2014).
126
a Lady, first published in 1733, were indicative of the restrictions on genteel women in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries:
Do you, my Fair, endeavour to possess
An Elegance of Mind as well as Dress;
Be that your Ornament, and know how to please
By graceful Nature’s unaffected Ease.
Nor make to dangerous Wit a vain Pretence,
But wisely rest content with modest Sense;
For Wit, like Wine, intoxicates the Brain,
Too strong for feeble Woman to sustain;
Of those who claim it, more than half have none,
And Half of those who have it, are undone.74
The inclusion within Mrs Hodges’s songs of Lyttelton’s poems with their connotations of
masculine superiority contributed to the diminution of Mrs. Hodges’s achievements as a
composer. Altogether there is a lack of representation of women composers or poets in
Georgiana’s repertoire. Of the thirty-eight composers named in MHMB Part 1, the only other
female composer besides Mrs Hodges is ‘Me. Duchambge’, to whom Georgiana attributed the
music for a brief strophic song entitled ‘L’Aveu d’une Femme’ (The Confession of a Woman).75
Pauline Duchambge née du Montet (1778–1858) supported herself and her two children by her
music after her divorce. A student of Dussek, Cherubini and Auber, over four hundred of her
parlour songs were published between 1816 and 1840.76 The words attributed to ‘M. de Courcy’
were probably by Frédéric de Courcy.77
Joanna Baillie and Lady Nairne are the two female poets featured out of a total of twenty
named poets in MHMB Part 1. Joanna Baillie’s ‘The Chough & Crow, to roost are gone’ with
music by H. R. Bishop is found on the reverse of the Hodges/Hüllmandel version of ‘Pope’s
Universal Prayer’.78 Both of these pieces are in different handwriting for music and text in
74 George Lyttelton, Baron, Advice to a Lady (London [Edinburgh?], 1733), 5, Eighteenth Century Collections
Online, Gale (accessed 7 April 2014). 75 MHMB, Part 1: 210; Madame Duchambge and Mr de Courcy, ‘L’Aveu d’une Femme’ (Paris, France: Pleyel,
[n.d.]). 76 Judy Tsou and William Cheng, ‘Duchambge, Pauline’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/08251 (accessed 20
September 2014). 77 Courcy, F. de (Frédéric) 1795–1862, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n89643461 (accessed 29
December 2014). 78 MHMB, Part 1: 94.
127
comparison with Georgiana’s usual style, so it is likely that Georgiana was given them by a
friend or acquaintance or obtained them commercially. Joanna Baillie (1762–1851) was a
Scottish poet and playwright who mainly lived in London. Her poem ‘The Chough and Crow’
was used in 1816 in Bishop’s adaptation of Walter Scott’s novel Guy Mannering, which Scott
had published anonymously in 1815. Baillie made substantial contributions to Scottish song
collections especially for George Thompson.79 Baillie’s version of the words for ‘Woo’d and
Married &c’’ were added towards the end of CMB (see Figure 32).80An instrumental version
of ‘Woo’d and Married and a’—Reel’ is found in MHMB Part 2.81
The other female poet named in MHMB Part 1, Carolina Nairne née Oliphant (1766–1845),
was brought up in a staunchly Jacobite household in Scotland. Her husband, William Nairne,
was able to regain his title in 1824.82 In MHMB, Georgiana McCrae first attributed ‘The Land
of the Leal’ to Robert Burns, then erased Burns’s name and added ‘(Written by Lady Nairne)’.83
Part of the confusion of Lady Nairne’s authorship lay in Lady Nairne’s hesitancy to undermine
her upper class ladylike status by having her authorship widely known. Her songs were in wide
oral as well as written transmission in the period. She also had a strong influence on the socially
acceptable preference for genteel lyrics, represented for example by the influence on
Georgiana’s GCMB of Smith’s The Scotish Minstrel.84 In the first verse of MHMB version of
Nairne’s yearning lyrics for ‘The Land of the Leal’, Georgiana refers to ‘Jean’ rather than
Nairne’s original ‘John’, a feminising change that is found in other contemporary
publications:85
I’m wearing awa Jean
Like snaw when it’s thaw Jean
I’m wearing awa
to the land o’ the leal!
79 Joanna Baillie, The Dramatic and Poetical Works of Joanna Baillie (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and
Longmans, 1851), https://archive.org/details/dramaticandpoet00bailgoog (accessed 21 September 2014);
McCue, ‘Women and Song 1750–1850’, 61. 80 CMB, reverse of 245; see Chapter 6. 81 MHMB, Part 2: 300. 82 Charles Rogers, Life and Songs of the Baroness Nairne, 2nd ed. (1869; Edinburgh: J. Grant, 1905),
https://openlibrary.org/books/OL23312995M/Life_and_songs_of_the_Baroness_Nairne (accessed 21 September
2014). 83 MHMB, Part 1: 225. 84 See GCMB, pieces 4–7; Smith, The Scotish Minstrel, 1–3 ([1820–22]),
http://deriv.nls.uk/dcn23/9135/91351189.23.pdf; 4–6 ([1823–24]),
http://deriv.nls.uk/dcn23/9134/91343355.23.pdf (accessed 7 April 2014); McCue, ‘Women and Song 1750–
1850’, 58–70; McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs, 115–27. 85 See for example ‘The Land o’ the Leal’ in Caledonian Songster (Dunbar: T. Oliver for G. Miller, 1805), 68,
http://digital.nls.uk/90260923 (accessed 22 March 2017).
128
There’s nae sorrow there Jean,
There’s nae cauld nor care Jean,
The day is ay aye fair
in the land o’ the leal.
Scottish and Gordon identity
The ‘Land of the Leal’ is one of a considerable number of ‘national’ and Scots songs in MHMB
and Georgiana’s other manuscript music collections. Some are recognisably related to versions
found in SMM (1787–1803). For example the title song of MHMB Part 1, dated 1823, is related
to the song, ‘To the Rose Bud’ from Volume 4 of SMM, but has slightly different words, so
therefore there may have been an alternative or intermediary source which has not yet been
identified (see Figure 5 above).86 Georgiana only used three verses to SMM ’s seven. The song
is repeated in MHMB with a slightly altered title, ‘The Rose Bud Child o’ Summer’.87 Written
in 3/4 and marked ‘Slow’, the modal melody has a relatively wide compass of a thirteenth from
B♭ below middle C to G; the key signature of two flats allows the simple bass line to begin as
though it were in B♭ major and end in G natural minor, although no further harmonisation is
added. This arrangement complies with common characteristics of ‘Scottish’ music since c.
1700, including ‘modal tonalities,… “gapped”…melodic structures, the ending of an air on a
note other than the tonic’.88 The words tell of the passing of youth:
Sae bonny lassie hence ye learn
Wi’ every youthfu’ maiden gay
That beauty like the summers rose
In time shall wither and decay.
In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, many audience members, critics and
performers in Britain and other English-speaking countries did not distinguish between ‘art’,
‘folk’ and ‘popular/commercial’ styles of music as much as we do today.89 Changes in
copyright law in England from the judgement of the full King’s Bench in the case of John
86 ‘The Rose Bud’, MHMB, Part 1: 1; ‘To the Rose Bud’/ ‘All hail to thee thou balmy bud’, in SMM 4 (1792):
340, http://digital.nls.uk/87798496 (accessed 24 April 2017). 87 MHMB, Part 1: 8. 88 James Porter, Introduction, in Defining Strains, ed. Porter, 44. 89 Gelbart, The Invention of ‘Folk Music’ and ‘Art Music’, 1–10, 266–70; Preston, Opera on the Road, 316–17;
Whiteoak, Playing Ad Lib, 29.
129
Christian Bach versus the publisher Longman in 1777 began to give music composers more
legal rights of ownership to creative work. However, these rights in many jurisdictions and
musical styles were difficult to ascertain in the case of music that over time was seen to be in
the public domain.90 A large amount of ‘national’ repertoire was available in published sources
since at least the late seventeenth century. Supposedly authentic Scottish songs were crossed
with melodies and lyrics from England and Ireland, or were newly written or rewritten.91 Celtic
music was performed on both sides of the Irish Sea and beyond. Domestic performers used
what they termed Scottish, Irish and Welsh repertoire.92 The same tunes and songs were often
found in more than one region or may have been first composed in a stylistic parody for a
theatrical production in London.93
The ‘Scottish’ identity of the Gordons that Georgiana was trying to emulate was itself a
matter of dispute at a time of fluidity and change between Highland and Lowland cultures,
English, Scots and Gaelic languages, and national political realities. When the Royal House of
Stuart was defeated at Culloden in 1745, many Scots transferred their loyalties to the
Hanoverian kings of Britain. Exacerbated by loss of land, poverty, famine and emigration
triggered by the the Highland Clearances which began in the 1760s, deep divisions within the
Gordon clan and other parts of Scottish society resonated well into the nineteenth century.94
Clinging to Jacobite sympathies and the Catholic religion had been signs of subversion
punishable by confiscation, exile or even death; the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829 did not
change all social attitudes. Georgiana’s father served in the British Army and her stepmother’s
Protestantism became extreme. In the early nineteenth century, Highland culture and
Jacobitism came in a paradoxical twist to represent a fashionable Scottishness that bolstered
unification and the English hegemony, instead of being the image of lawless uncivilised
heathens that it had represented in the troubled times of the eighteenth century.95 Georgiana’s
use of the lowland Scots and Gaelic languages in her music collections could thus be seen as
part of her self-identification with the Gordons and their status as leaders of both Scottish and
90 Susan Bunting, ‘Can Copyright Cope with Music?’ (PhD thesis, University of Melbourne, 2001), 38–53, 118–
20; see also Peter Manuel, ‘Composition, Authorship, and Ownership in Flamenco, Past and Present’,
Ethnomusicology 54, no. 1 (Winter 2010): 106–35. 91 Thomas Crawford, Society and the Lyric (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1979), 6. 92 The Austen Family Music Books; Dooley, Jane Austen’s Music; Ian Gammie and Derek McCulloch, Jane
Austen’s Music (St Albans, UK: Corda Music Publications, 1996), 30. 93 Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 5; McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs, 8. 94 See Ewan J. Innes, The Patterns of the Highland Clearances, 1991,
http://www.scottishhistory.com/articles/highlands/clearances/clearance_page1.html (accessed 7 April 2017). 95 Donaldson, The Jacobite Song, 90.
130
British society, tinged with romantic Jacobite hankerings after a bygone age, instead of as a
covert message of treasonable inclinations to the Stuart cause.
The song ‘Oh where & oh where is your Highland laddie gone?’ to the tune ‘The Blue
Bells of Scotland’ is one of many examples of so-called ‘Scottish’ music with complicated
backgrounds. The source for Georgiana’s version, which has four verses with a simply realised
piano accompaniment in E major and in common time, in MHMB Part 1 is as yet unidentified.96
A version of the words of ‘O where and ah where’ similar to Georgiana’s, which refers to the
‘Highland Laddie’ who has ‘gone to fight the Frenchmen for George upon the throne’, was
printed around 1785 in Newcastle upon Tyne. The major difference in the words of the
Newcastle version in comparison to Georgiana’s is the description of the Highland Laddie’s
bonnet as ‘Saxon green’, whereas Georgiana described the bonnet as ‘Scottish blue’.97
Georgiana’s father, as the Marquis of Huntly, was celebrated by the Scottish poet Anne
Grant of Laggan (1755–1838) in a poem called ‘On the Marquis of Huntly’s Departure For the
Continent with his Regiment in 1799’ set to the tune of ‘The Blue Bell of Scotland’. This was
published by George Thomson with musical variations by Haydn in 1802 and the words were
published in 1803 by Mrs Grant in her Poems on Various Subjects, dedicated to the marquis’s
mother, Jane Fourth Duchess of Gordon, whose home at Kinrara near the Scottish River Spey
was not far from Laggan.98 Georgiana’s version has a simpler accompaniment than that
provided by Haydn in one of his many Scottish folksong arrangements.99 Haydn’s version of
the song was dedicated to the English singer and actress Mrs Jordan, also known as Dorothy
Bland, the mistress of William, Duke of Clarence, one of George III’s sons and the future
William IV, who later abandoned Mrs Jordan after she had ten of his children. Versions of ‘The
Blue Bell of Scotland’ ‘as composed and sung by Mrs. Jordan at the Theatre Royal Drury Lane’
were published in a number of editions from 1800 onwards.100 In the opinion of William
Chappell in the mid-nineteenth century, Mrs Jordan’s tune and words had superseded older
96 MHMB, Part 1: 34. 97 A Garland of New Songs, Containing, 1. The Blue Bell of Scotland 2. She Lives in the Valley Below. 3. Hal
the Woodman. ... (Newcastle upon Tyne, [1785?]), Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale (accessed 5
April 2014). 98 Anne MacVicar Grant of Laggan, ‘On the Marquis of Huntly’s Departure for the Continent with his Regiment
in 1799: Air.–The Blue Bell of Scotland’, in Poems on Various Subjects (1803), 407–9,
http://digital.lib.ucdavis.edu/projects/bwrp/Works/GranAPoems.htm (accessed 24 January 2017). 99 Joseph Haydn, ‘The Blue Bell of Scotland’, in Joseph Haydn Werke ed. Marjorie Rycroft, Warwick Edwards
and Kirsteen McCue (Munich: G. Henle Verlag for Joseph Haydn Institute, 2001), 32, no. 3: 263–69, 308, 372–
73. 100 Dorothy Jordan, The Blue Bell of Scotland (London: Longman Clementi and Co, [1800]),
http://www.worldcat.org/title/blue-bell-of-scotland-a-favorite-ballad/oclc/19007772/ (accessed 24 January
2017).
131
versions such as that published in SMM in 1803.101 However, Johnson’s version was only one
of three different tunes which include ‘Blue Bells’ in the title which were published in five
Scottish sources analysed in Charles Gore’s Scottish Music Index [SMI].102
Georgiana’s grandfather, Duke Alexander Gordon, was a poet and musician who
participated in the fashionable rewriting of Scottish songs in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries. Georgiana copied various pieces of Duke Alexander’s lyrics and music including his
verses for ‘Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ which appear in the MHMB.103 Georgiana’s version of
‘Cauld Kail’ uses a different variant of the tune, time signature and bass line to the version that
was published in 1788 in Volume 2 of SMM, which attributed the words coyly in the Index to
the ‘D__ of G___’.104 Georgiana on the other hand proudly stated that the words were by
‘Alexander 4th Duke of Gordon’:
Theres cauld kail in Aberdeen,
And castocks in Strabogie.
Gin I hae but a bonny Lass,
You’re welcome to your cogie.
And ye may sit up a’ the night,
And drink ’till it be braid day light.
Gie me a lass baith clean & light,
To dance the reel o’ Bogie.
‘Strathbogie’ was the old name for Huntly, the site of the Gordon’s ruined castle and the
home of Georgiana’s father when he was the Marquis of Huntly. Duke Alexander’s second of
five verses compared the dance styles of the French, English, Spanish and Germans
unfavourably with the Scots reel:
In cotillions the French excel
John Bull in contra dances.
The Spaniards dance fandango well
Mynheer all’ Allemande prances
101 William Chappell, ‘The Blue Bells of Scotland’ in Popular Music of the Olden Time (London: Cramer, Beale
& Chappell, [n.d., c. 1855–56]), 2: 739–40,
http://imslp.org/wiki/Popular_Music_of_the_Olden_Time_(Chappell,_William) (accessed 9 August 2016). 102 SMM 6, no. 548 (1803; 1839): 566–67, http://digital.nls.uk/87800229 (accessed 9 August 2016); ‘Blue Bells’ in Scottish Music Index [SMI] ed. Charles Gore, http://www.scottishmusicindex.org/ (accessed 9 August 2016);
see also versions available on digital.nls.uk (accessed 9 August 2016). 103 MHMB, Part 1: 161; see discussions below about another version of ‘Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ set to Burns’s
‘How lang and dreary’ in MHMB Part 1: 215, plus Bishop’s ‘The Secret of my Heart’, GCMB, piece 36. 104 ‘There’s Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ with words by the ‘D of G’ in SMM 2, no. 162 (1788): 170,
http://digital.nls.uk/87796643, http://digital.nls.uk/87797471 (accessed 19 April 2014).
132
In foursome reels the Scots delight
The threesome maist dance wondrous light
But twosome ding out a the sight
Danced to the reel of Bogie.
Duchess Jane was a major patron of Burns in Edinburgh and she and Duke Alexander
welcomed Robert Burns to dinner at Gordon Castle on 7 September 1787. Burns celebrated his
visit with the poem ‘Streams that glide in orient plains’ and collected Duke Alexander’s verses
for ‘Cauld Kail’ for publication in Volume 2 of Johnson’s SMM, with the help of James Hoy,
the Gordon Castle librarian.105 Burns disavowed that he was motivated only by keenness for
ducal patronage when he praised Duke Alexander’s poetry:
The Duke’s song, independant [sic] totally of his Dukeship charms me. _There is I
know not what of wild happiness of thought and expression peculiarly beautiful in
the old Scottish song style, of which his Grace; old, venerable Skinner, the Author
of Tullochgorum, &c; and the late Ross at Lochlee of true Scottish-poetic memory,
are the only modern instances that I recollect…Those who think that composing a
Scotch Song is a trifling business— let them try. __
I wish my Lord Duke would pay a proper attention to the Christian admonition —
“Hide not your candle under “a bushel” but “Let your light shine before men”. __
I could name half a dozen Dukes that I guess are a devilish deal worse employed;
nay I question if there are half a dozen better : perhaps there are not half that scanty
number whom Heaven has favoured with the tuneful, happy, and I will say, glorious
gift. — 106
Georgiana’s continued interest in the accuracy of her collections is demonstrated by her
addition of other versions of the words for ‘Cauld Kail’ besides those by Duke Alexander on
an unlined two-sided insert in MHMB Part 1.107 The first set of words was entitled ‘1776.
105 Low, ed., The Songs of Robert Burns, no. 56: 202–3; Robert Burns, The Complete Works of Robert Burns ed.
Allan Cunningham (Melbourne, Sydney and Dunedin: McGready, Thomson and Niven, [n.d.]), 2: 293–96;
Robert Burns, Commonplace Books, Tour Journals, and Miscellaneous Prose, ed. Nigel Leask, The Oxford
Edition of the Works of Robert Burns (Oxford, UK: OUP, 2014), 1: 139, 148–50, 364–68; Robert Burns’s Tour
of the Highlands, 25th August – 16th September 1787, http://burnsc21.glasgow.ac.uk/highland-tour-interactive/
(accessed 25 February 2017); Robert Burns, MS: Letter from Robert Burns to James Hoy, dated Edinburgh, 20 October 1787 (Alloway, UK: Robert Burns Birthplace Museum / NLS, 2016),
http://www.burnsmuseum.org.uk/collections/object_detail/3.6046 (accessed 2 March 2017). 106 Robert Burns, MS: Letter from Robert Burns to James Hoy, dated Edinburgh, 6 November 1787 (Alloway,
UK: Robert Burns Birthplace Museum / NLS, 2016),
http://www.burnsmuseum.org.uk/collections/object_detail/3.6049 (accessed 2 March 2017). 107 MHMB, Part 1: 161, insert.
133
Version of Cauld Kail by Hurd’, which probably referred to David Herd’s 1776 publication.108
The second set of words was entitled ‘A newer version – called by Burns “An old song”’. After
the last verse Georgiana commented that ‘This version was still sung in 1827–1828’, which
indicates a period in Georgiana’s life when she was resident at Gordon Castle and Gordon Hall
in Scotland and transcribed the contents of GCMB. The use of the past tense in the MHMB
insert indicates that the annotation and insert were made later than the transcription of the song.
Many references in MHMB to Scottish songs including those by Burns and by Georgiana’s
grandfather Duke Alexander appear to relate to Georgiana’s notes in her compilation copy of
SMM, which includes copies of the correspondence between Burns and Hoy as well as an
annotation dated 1860, as discussed elsewhere in this thesis.109
Scholars have tried to untangle which songs can properly be attributed to Robert Burns
and to what extent poets like Burns and Hogg were influenced by commercial
considerations.110 Given that Burns was known to build on pre-existing models for both words
and music and that in Burns’s day the legal status of copyright was not strictly enforced, this
quest is not always straightforward. One of Burns’s songs, ‘How long and dreary is the night’
set to ‘A Galick Air’, was first published in Volume 2 of SMM, along with the Duke of
Gordon’s version of ‘Cauld Kail’.111 Burns’s ‘How lang and dreary’ was set to the tune of
‘Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ in MHMB.112 Burns’s words were used in the arrangement of ‘Cauld
Kail’ for two voices and piano by Haydn and published by George Thomson, for example in
his Volume 1 of Collection of the Songs of Burns, Sir Walter Scott and Other Eminent Lyric
Poets Ancient & Modern (1822).113
Other disputed attributions to Burns in Georgiana’s MHMB include the song ‘Farewell to
Lochaber’, with its plaintive air and words about loss and absence. A later annotation was
added to MHMB showing awareness of disputes on the question of authorship, ‘This is said to
108 David Herd, Ancient and Modern Scottish Songs, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Edinburgh: printed by John Wotherspoon,
for James Dickson and Charles Elliot, 1776), http://digital.nls.uk/91519735 (accessed 12 March 2017). 109 MS 12312/148, Box 3110–B, MC-SLV; see Chapter 3. 110 See for example Kirsteen McCue, ‘Singing “More Old Songs than Ever Ploughman Could”’, in James Hogg
and the Literary Marketplace, ed. Sharon Alker and Holly Faith Nelson (Farnham, UK; Burlington, VT:
Ashgate, c. 2009), 123–37. 111 Robert Burns, ‘How long and dreary’ in SMM 2, no. 175 (1788): 183, http://digital.nls.uk/87797627 (accessed 11 January 2017). 112 MHMB, Part 1: 215. 113 Haydn (arr.), ‘Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ (title), ‘How lang and dreary’ (words by Burns), in Thomson’s
Collection of the Songs of Burns 1, no. 31,
http://digital.nls.uk/94647956, http://digital.nls.uk/94647968 (accessed 12 January 2017); Low, ed., The Songs
of Robert Burns, no. 263: 672–73.
134
be an Irish air by name “Limerick’s Lamentations’.114 The setting of ‘Farewell to Lochaber’ in
MHMB (c. 1824) is related to the version with melody and figured bass and words attributed
to the Scottish poet Allan Ramsay (1686–1758) in Volume 1 of SMM (1787), which was
published before Burns became much involved in Johnson’s enterprise.115 The MHMB version
of ‘Farewell to Lochaber’ has a realised keyboard introduction, song accompaniment and coda,
which makes it into a type of art song, with changes in emotional expression shown by using
dynamics and the marking ‘Affettuoso e dolce’. It is more elaborate than some other settings,
for example Haydn’s late classical realisation of ‘Lochaber’ published by Thomson.116
The first sixteen bars of ‘Farewell to Lochaber’ also are used in MHMB in the same key
of F major and 3/4 time signature for another sorrowful song, ‘Lord Ronald My Son’, an
indication of the multiple variations and attributions available for these as well as many other
songs.117 The setting for ‘Lord Ronald my Son’ in MHMB is marked ‘Very Slow’ and has the
same unattributed words and a similar unrealised version in treble and bass clefs, apart from
some rhythmic differences in the unfigured bass line, to that found in Volume 4 of Johnson’s
SMM (1792).118
While dance instructions in French and English are found in MHMB Part 1 for some short
keyboard pieces, such ‘figures’ are not evident among the many pieces of instrumental music
in MHMB Part 2.119 Here Georgiana included Scottish strathspeys and reels by famous Scottish
fiddlers and composers including Niel [Neil] [John] Gow, his sons John and Nathaniel, as well
as John Anderson, Robert Mackintosh, Miller Macphail and William Marshall. These pieces
were valuable for parlour performance and listening pleasure, but whether Georgiana had
opportunities to keep practising her piano playing to a sufficient standard to accompany
dancing is unclear. The large number of items of dance music in MHMB indicates that the form
at least was very important to her, particularly as many pieces were titled with names of Gordon
family members, for example pieces composed by Niel (sometimes spelt Neil) Gow called
‘The Duke of Gordon’s Strathspey’, ‘The Duchess of Gordon’s Strathspey’ and ‘The Marquis
114 ‘Farewell to Lochaber’, MHMB, Part 1: 237; see Colm Ó Baoill, ‘Two Irish Harpers in Scotland’, in
Defining Strains, ed. Porter, 238–43. 115 ‘Lochaber’, words by Ramsay, in SMM 1, Index, no. 95 (1787): v, 96, http://digital.nls.uk/87793789,
http://digital.nls.uk/87794953 (accessed 25 February 2017). 116 Haydn, ‘Lochaber’, in Thomson’s Collection of the Songs of Burns 1 [1828]): 9,
http://digital.nls.uk/94647476 (accessed 24 February 2017). 117 ‘Lord Ronald My Son’, MHMB, Part 1: 135; see Bronson, ‘Lord Randal: Child No. 12’, Traditional Tunes 1
(1959): 191–236; Traditional Tune Archive, ‘Lochaber No More’, http://tunearch.org/wiki/Lochaber_No_More
(accessed 23 February 2017). 118 ‘Lord Ronald My Son’, SMM 4, no. 327 (1792): 337, http://digital.nls.uk/87798460 (accessed 23 February
2017). 119 MHMB, Part 1: 96–97, 203.
135
of Huntly’s Strathspey’, or other pieces that referred to places in the area surrounding Gordon
Castle such ‘The Bog of Gight’ (see Figure 6 above).120 The frequent changes of spelling in
Georgiana’s era were reflected when William Marshall also composed a strathspey for
Georgiana’s father, ‘Marquis of Huntley’s Strathspey’ by ‘Mr Marshall’.121 ‘Marquis of
Huntley new Strathspey’ by R. [Robert] Mackintosh, ‘Marquis of Huntly’s Farewell’ by J.
Anderson, ‘The Marquis of Huntly’s Snuff Mill or the Royal Gift’ by Niel Gow and the
‘Marquis of Huntlys Highland Fling’ by Neil Gow complete Georgiana’s selections devoted
specifically to her father in MHMB Part 2.122 These are among the multiple compositions
referring to the Gordons and other members of the Scottish upper classes which can be found
in contemporary music publications.123
Whether other members of the Gordon family apart from Duke Alexander composed any
of the lyrics or music in Georgiana’s collections is uncertain. ‘Where peals the pibroch’s’
livening sound’, a poem printed, possibly privately, in 1817 was purported to have been written
for ‘a very pretty air’ composed by Georgiana’s stepmother when she was known as the
Marchioness of Huntly for Georgiana’s father’s birthday on 2 February 1816 ‘while his
Lordship was attending his duty in Parliament’.124 No tunes bearing the Marchioness’s name
are found in MHMB, but SMI contains twelve.125 Discovering whether the Marchioness, or the
fifth duchess of Gordon as she was later known, composed any of these tunes is difficult to tell.
The case of Lady Nairne demonstrated that it was not usually socially acceptable for the upper
classes to be involved in publication or trade. Moreover, it was common at the time for
musicians like Gow to publish other people’s music as their own.126
The dance pieces that refer to Georgiana’s father’s sisters and mother could have been
composed in the late eighteenth century when Georgiana’s grandmother Duchess Jane lived
with Duke Alexander, before their separation and before her daughters were married or
received other titles. Perhaps Georgiana was using older sources, which may explain why
120 MHMB, Part 2: 273, 280; see for example Niel Gow, A Collection of Strathspey Reels &c. with a Bass for
the Violoncello or Harpsichord (London: W. Boag, [1784/1795]),
https://archive.org/details/collectionofstra00gown (accessed 11 May 2017). 121 MHMB, Part 2: 275. 122 MHMB, Part 2: 276–79. 123 See for example Gore, SMI; Special Collections of Printed Music, NLS, http://digital.nls.uk/97135480 (accessed 11 May 2017). 124 ‘A. R. M.’, Letter ‘To the Editor of the Aberdeen Journal, Huntly, 17 March 1817’, NRAS770/6, BA, NTS. 125 Gore, SMI. 126 David Johnson, ‘Gow’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/11554pg1 (accessed
30 December 2014).
136
Georgiana did not include pieces named after her stepmother, as the Marquis married the young
Elizabeth Brodie some years after Duchess Jane’s death.
A dance piece in MHMB Part 2 called ‘La Georgina’ is on the same page as ‘Malbrouk’,
a dance piece arranged in a similar keyboard style.127 ‘La Georgina’ is located in MHMB Part
2 in two folios or eight pages, in twelve staves per page, which contain European and Scottish
dance music.128 Some of these pieces were written in treble and bass, probably from eighteenth-
century sources, while others had more developed harmony and accompaniments, such as a
waltz by Schubert which Georgiana attributed to Czerny and a ‘Menuet’ by Duport in 2/4 time
signature, which Georgiana dated 23 November 1823.129 ‘La Georgina’ has the only dance
instructions in Part 2. ‘La Georgina’ could possibly be variously identified as a country dance,
a cotillion or an early quadrille. ‘La Georgina’ was most likely either a cotillion for two facing
couples from the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century, or an early nineteenth-century
quadrille in square for four couples. In this period, distinctions between styles of dance and
their appropriate music were not necessarily enforced in a rigid manner.130
The composer or the source for ‘La Georgina’ are not stated on Georgiana’s manuscript
copy. Whereas contemporary operatic tunes were often used for dances, the melody of ‘La
Georgina’ in MHMB could possibly have been composed in the mid-Baroque period and the
accompaniment may have been added later. The identity of ‘Georgina’ in the title of the dance
piece could refer to ‘La Georgina’ or ‘La Giorgina’, a name given to the famous soprano
Angela Voglia, who performed in Alessandro Scarlatti’s time in the late seventeenth century
in Naples and Rome.131 The similarity to Georgiana McCrae’s own name is probably
coincidental, as it was a common name in Britain in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
indicating support for the Hanoverian monarchs. ‘Georgina’ and ‘Georgiana’ were often used
interchangeably. There are twenty pieces in SMI that include the names Georgiana, Georgina
or Georgine in their titles, but none are called ‘La Georgina’ or match the tune in MHMB.132
Pieces in MHMB Part 2 which were named ‘Lady Georgina Gordon’s Reel’ by ‘R.
Mackintosh’, ‘Georgina’s favorite the Strathspey’ and ‘Georgina’s Hornpipe’ could refer to
127 MHMB, Part 2: 311. Thanks to colleagues including Heather Clarke, Ellis Rogers, Jenny Gall, Rosalind
Halton, the late Peter Ellis and the late Lucy Stockdale for assistance with this section. 128 MHMB, Part 2: 305–12. 129 MHMB, Part 2: 307. 130 See Ellis, The Merry Country Dance. 131 Renato Di Benedetto et al., ‘Naples’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/42068 (accessed 21
April 2014). 132 Gore, SMI.
137
Georgiana’s aunt, who became the Duchess of Bedford (1781–1853).133 Many others of
Georgiana’s Gordon relatives were named ‘Georgina’ or ‘Georgiana’, including her cousin,
Georgiana, Lady de Ros née Lennox (1795–1891), a sister of Mary Paton’s first husband, Lord
William Pitt Lennox. Georgiana Lennox’s descriptions of the famous ball held by her mother,
Charlotte, Duchess of Richmond, in Brussels just before the Battle of Waterloo on 15 June
1815 were utilised as sources in other works including Georgette Heyer’s An Infamous Army.134
The presence of unrealised keyboard parts in MHMB and Georgiana’s other manuscript
music collections indicates that she was familiar with improvisation in performance from a
skeleton version of a piece of music with notation of only the melody and bass line, rather than
always needing to rely on an arranger to provide a fully realised keyboard accompaniment.135
Numerous unrealised as well as realised items in Georgiana’s manuscript music collections
support recent reseach about the importance of the bass line to contemporary conception of a
variety of musical styles, including so-called ‘folk music’.136 Consideration of Georgiana’s
musical repertoire also suggests that the transition from unrealised to realised notated music
for keyboard was spasmodic and that improvisatory keyboard practices continued in the
domestic musical sphere into the nineteenth century, when realised keyboard accompaniments
became more common.
Overall MHMB provides internal contrasts as well as consistencies, with Part 1 largely but
not solely devoted to vocal music and Part 2 consisting of instrumental music to accompany
dance. The eclectic mix of repertoire demonstrates the popular taste for miscellanies that
encompassed both the ‘ancient’, represented by ‘national music’ as well as Purcell and Handel,
and the ‘modern’, represented by Bishop and Rossini. Georgiana’s personal choice of
repertoire was bolstered by contemporary printed sources such as The Harmonicon. Genteel
versions of ‘national’ music, particularly Scottish, indicate Georgiana’s class consciousness
and aspects of her British nationality. Born and spending her childhood in London, with an
unwed English mother and an absent Scottish father, her sense of identity including her
nationality had inbuilt conflicts even before she migrated to the colonies. Female role models
encouraged her domestic performance as a singer and pianist but did not stimulate musical
composition beyond improvisation from unrealised bass lines. Genteel fashion for music
133 MHMB, Part 2: 274, 285, 286; Rachel Trethewey, Mistress of the Arts: The Passionate Life of Georgina, Duchess of Bedford (London: Review, 2002). 134 Blanche Swinton, ed., A Sketch of the Life of Georgiana, Lady de Ros (London: John Murray, 1893),
https://archive.org/details/sketchoflifeofge00swin (accessed 22 December 2014); Georgette Heyer, An Infamous
Army (1937; London: Arrow, 2004); Nick Foulkes, Dancing Into Battle (London: Phoenix, 2007), 133–47. 135 See Brooks, ‘In Search’, 921–22. 136 See Bass Culture in Scottish Musical Traditions, http://bassculture.info/ (accessed 26 February 2017).
138
copying led her to add some dated pages as a form of record keeping and remembrance. Most
music in both Parts 1 and 2 of MHMB appears to have been transcribed between 1822–24 when
Georgiana was between the ages of eighteen and twenty. While it is not clear where Georgiana
was living at the time, MHMB reveals she was conscious of London fashion and also of the
splendours of the Scottish Gordon aristocracy.
4.3 ‘Gordon Castle Music Book’, c. 1827–28: A Young Woman’s Search for Identity
Georgiana’s manuscript music collection the ‘Gordon Castle Music Book’ (GCMB) has front
and back covers made of reddish-brown leather with an embossed gold stamp that reads ‘IHS’
with a cross above, plus possibly a crown or anchor below, surrounded by the flames of the
sun, which are Roman Catholic symbols for Jesus, Son of God (see Figure 8).137
Figure 8: Front cover with ‘IHS’ symbol, GCMB, MS 12018 2516/3, SLV. Image:
Rosemary Richards.
The ‘IHS’ symbol raises many as yet unanswered questions, including how Georgiana’s
possession of such a symbol could be interpreted. Georgiana was in touch in her childhood
with French Catholic émigrés in London; during her time in Scotland she had considerable
137 Jeanice Brooks, personal communication, 3 April 2017; see ‘IHS’, New Advent, Catholic Encyclopedia,
http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07649a.htm (accessed 3 April 2017).
139
contact with Scottish Catholics such as Perico and his family. Georgiana’s friend Fyvie may
also have been a closet Catholic. Whether Georgiana carried out any preference for Catholicism
into direct action is undocumented, but fear of this happening was a major factor in her enforced
separation from Perico by her stepmother.
GCMB contains seven dated pages (see Table 5).138
Date Place Item
number
[Pages
unnumbered]
Title of item Other
information
January
1827
[not stated] 2. [Piece 1]
[recto]
[1] “Teodora,” Cotillion by Nardini
Georgiana
Gordon Janry_1827.
31
December
1827
Gordon Castle 7.
Piece 6 [8] Oh bonnie
lassie come
over the burn
Gordon Castle
Decr. 31. 1827
4 February
[1828]
Gordon Hall 11. Piece 10
[14–16] The Lament of Flora
McDonald
Slow with Expression
Feby [4?]
Gordon Hall
‘Frae over yon hills of the
leather so
green,...’
19 February
1828
Gordon Hall 19.
Piece 17 [32] Perche [sic]
mi lasci
Gordon Hall—
Feby. 19th 1828_
27 May
[1828]
Gordon Hall 34. Piece 32
[66–69] Dolce dell’ Anima
Composto dal Sigr_ Paer_
Larghetto
[p. 69]: Gordon Hall_May 27
4 June
[1828]
Gordon Hall 39.
Piece 36 [84–87] The Secret of
my heart
Adapted by H R
Bishop
Duet—from the Antiquary
Andante
Espressivo Isabella/Maria
[p. 89]: Gordon
Hall, June 4.
5 June
[1828]
[Gordon Hall?] 40. [Extra
piece]
[88] Chunda’s Song
Fine, June 5th
This Air was
brought from
India by Robert Gordon_
Table 5: Date order of transcription of manuscript music in GCMB.
138 This dating for GCMB is different than that given in the SLV catalogue.
140
These dated pages in GCMB appear to be in date order from 1 January 1827 to 5 June
1828, when Georgiana’s manuscript memoir ‘Stray Leaves’ corroborates that she was at
Gordon Castle and Gordon Hall.
In GCMB Georgiana transcribed forty pieces of music, of which thirty-six are numbered,
in printed staves on 88 pages. It is unclear whether GCMB, which has no flyleaves, previously
had soft covers that were later removed before the hard binding was added.139 The small
manuscript book is mainly paginated by piece, not by page or folio. An extra piece ‘Ah tu sei’
by Andreozzi, a vocal duet for ‘Cora’ and ‘Alonzo’ with accompaniment, has been added
which is paginated by page in the wrong order.140
Although Georgiana usually did not acknowledge her sources with any care, she was a
trained artist and her music copying was fairly precise. A short strophic song with the first line
‘The meadows look cheerful’ is pasted inside the front cover, underneath Georgiana’s name
written as ‘G. Gordon’ in fancy script.
Scottish gentility
GCMB reflects the upper-class environments that Georgiana experienced in Scotland in 1827–
28 in the period immediately before and after Georgiana’s grandfather’s death. Much of GCMB
was transcribed during the time of Georgiana’s thwarted romance with her relative Perico
Gordon, whose family lived at Gordon Hall and whose aunt Fanny was part of Georgiana’s
scribal community. After the transcription of GCMB was completed her stepmother Duchess
Elizabeth continued moves to separate Georgiana from Gordon Castle and her father, who had
recently become the fifth Duke of Gordon. Georgiana’s subsequent marriage, children and
emigration are reflected in her manuscript music collections LTLMB and CMB.
GCMB includes pieces from common repertoire categories of dance music for piano,
Scottish folksong and operatic excerpts, which were found in many music collections
throughout the British Empire and beyond. The Scottish upper and middle classes considered
themselves to be as educated and cultured as their English neighbours. Dance music in GCMB
includes Nardini’s cotillion ‘Teodora’.141 The Italian violinist and composer Pietro Nardini
(1722–93) wrote a considerable amount of instrumental music. ‘Teodora’ has 24 bars with a
139 Jeanice Brooks, personal communication, 3 April 2017. 140 GCMB, [pp. 75–80], in between pieces 34 and 35, with pagination 1 [p. 75], 2 [p. 76], 4 [p. 77], 3 [p. 78]
(includes sign to go back to end of p. 2), 5 [p. 79] & [6] [p. 80]. 141 GCMB, piece 1: [p. 1].
141
sprightly tune and an Alberti bass, in duple time and marked ‘Allegretto’. Georgiana presented
‘Teodora’ without dance steps so the piece may have been used for solo parlour performance
instead of as accompaniment for social dance. Georgiana may have copied ‘Teodora’ from a
source in the Duke’s library (see Figure 9).
Figure 9: ‘“Teodora,” Cotillion by Nardini’, ‘Georgiana Gordon Jany 1827’, GCMB,
MS 12018 2516/3, [piece 1], SLV. Image: SLV.
‘Waltz’, an additional brief piece of dance music for keyboard in GCMB, has an annotation
with a direct reference to a member of Georgiana’s scribal community, ‘Mrs. Captn. Gordon’,
who possibly could be identified as Elizabeth née McPherson, the wife of Georgiana’s
illegitimate half-brother Charles.142 Whether the piece was composed by or received from
‘Mrs. Captn. Gordon’ is unclear.
142 GCMB, piece 16a: [p. 31].
142
The song ‘Oh! dinna ask me gin I lo’e ye’ was amongst a significant amount of repertoire
with Scots words and tunes transcribed by Georgiana McCrae in her youth when she was keen
to establish her Scottish identity, her gentility and her relationship with the Gordon family (see
Figure 10).143
Figure 10: ‘Oh! dinna ask me gin I lo’e ye’, GCMB, piece 4, MS 12018 2516/3, MC-
SLV. Image: SLV. See The Scotish Minstrel 2: 5, http://digital.nls.uk/91352823 (accessed
13 April 2017).
‘Oh! dinna ask me’ has the familiar tune commonly called ‘Gin a body, meet a body,
comin’ through the rye’, similar to the tune of ‘Auld Lang Syne’. A version of ‘Comin thro’
the rye’ by Burns with the tune called ‘Miller’s Wedding’ was published in Volume 5 of SMM,
followed by a ‘2d. Sett’, with a tune more like the one Georgiana used for ‘Oh! dinna ask me’
in GCMB.144 A song with a realised accompaniment entitled ‘Oh! dinna ask me gin I lo’e ye’
143 GCMB, piece 4, [p. 6]. 144 ‘Comin Thro’ the Rye: Gin a Body Meet a Body: A Favourite Scot Song: Original Sett / Modern Sett’
(London, Perth: J. Anderson, [1795]), Music Collections G.426.xx.(27), BL; in SMM 5, nos. 417–18 (c. 1797
143
was published around 1819 by Alexander Robertson in Edinburgh.145 The words have been
attributed to the Scottish poet John Dunlop.146 The version of the song found in Georgiana
McCrae’s GCMB is among the pieces that have the same layout and simplified accompaniment
as pieces in six volumes of Scottish songs called The Scotish Minstrel.147
The Scotish Minstrel was one of the many different collections of ‘national’ Scottish songs
published in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as mentioned previously in relation to
Perico Gordon’s singing ‘Bonie Lesley’ to Georgiana during their courtship in 1828. The
Scottish composer R. A. [Robert Archibald] Smith was credited as editor and the series was
published in Edinburgh by Robert Purdie. Georgiana may have copied these songs directly
from The Scotish Minstrel or from another intermediate manuscript copy. In both the printed
editions of The Scotish Minstrel and Georgiana’s copies, these pieces use only two staves per
system with the singer using the same melody as found in the treble stave of the keyboard part.
The songs have a simple bass line plus smaller harmony notes under the tune in the treble clef,
which could suggest either hints of harmonisation for the keyboard player and/or a vocal duet.
‘Oh! dinna ask me’ is found in the second volume of The Scotish Minstrel ([1821–22])
and is written in G major and common time, with an easily singable vocal compass of a ninth
from D to E.148 The ‘Scottishness’ of the tune is emphasised by dotted rhythms including the
‘scotch snap’. Georgiana’s version has slight discrepancies in the words from the printed
version in The Scotish Minstrel, but otherwise the layout is identical. The genteel words of ‘Oh
dinna ask me’ were attributed to one of Smith’s Paisley acquaintances, John Dunlop. There are
tinges of popular Jacobitism with the use of the Royal Stuart name, ‘Jamie’:
An’ when ye’re gaun to the town[The Scotish Minstrel: town,]
An’ many a braw lass see,
O Jamie, dinna look at them [The Scotish Minstrel: O, Jamie]
For fear ye mind nae me [The Scotish Minstrel: na me;]
Robert Smith, the acknowledged arranger and editor of The Scotish Minstrel, was a
Presbyterian church musician and composer who worked in Paisley with poets such as
Tannahill before moving to Edinburgh. However, publication of The Scotish Minstrel appears
[1839]): 430–31, http://digital.nls.uk/87803006, http://digital.nls.uk/87803018 (accessed 12 January 2017); see
Low, ed., The Songs of Robert Burns, no. 312: 798–99. 145 Alexander Robertson, ‘Oh! Dinna Ask Me Gin I Lo’e Ye: A Favourite Scots Song Arranged With Symphonies and Accompaniments for the Pianoforte’ (Edinburgh: Penson & Robertson, [1820]), Music
Collections G.807.b.(51.), H.1652.i.(38.), BL. 146 H. R. Tedder, rev. S. R. J. Baudry, ‘Dunlop, John (1755–1820)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/8276 (accessed 2 March 2017). 147 GCMB, pieces 4–7; Smith, The Scotish Minstrel, 1–6 ([1820–24]). 148 Smith, The Scotish Minstrel, 2: 5, http://digital.nls.uk/91352823 (accessed 8 January 2014).
144
to have been driven by a committee of Edinburgh ladies led by the Hume sisters and song-
writer Lady Carolina Nairne, who masked her authorship under the pseudonym ‘Mrs Bogan of
Bogan’ and went to visit the publisher Purdie disguised as a country woman.149 Australians
today use the word ‘bogan’ to mean an uneducated person from outlying areas so perhaps we
can blame Lady Nairne for that!150 Nairne and her committee members wanted the cover of
male authority to protect their ladylike status and agreed with Smith’s desire to pass off their
songs as ‘ancient’ and folk-like while also meeting the requirements of good taste. The
innuendoes in some of the songs of Robert Burns were a concern, as the preface to the first
volume of The Scotish Minstrel explains:
It may appear extraordinary to some of the unqualified admirers of Burns, that we
should exclude any of his standard songs from this collection…we have made it an
invariable rule to prefer dullness to wit, if it bordered on profanity, and doggerel
rhyme to all the witchery of poesy, when the bard could not ‘claim the palm for
purity of song’.
The annotation to Georgiana’s version in GCMB of ‘Oh bonnie lassie come over the burn’,
dated 31 December 1827, states that Georgiana was still living at Gordon Castle (see Figure
11).151 This fits in with Georgiana’s journal entries in ‘Stray Leaves’ at Gordon Castle in
January 1828, when Georgiana first met Perico Gordon. In this period Georgiana’s stepmother
was asserting her control and Georgiana felt under pressure to find a husband or suitable
employment.152 The song ‘O bonnie lassie’ shows Georgiana’s continued interest in Scottish
songs with lyrics about courtship.
‘O bonnie lassie’, found in the fifth volume of The Scotish Minstrel published around
1823–24, has a brief tune of eight bars in 6/8 time signature, employs dotted rhythms and has
a range of a ninth from D to E.153 While the modal melody uses six notes and is marked as in
A natural minor, leaving out F, the bass line indicates passing modulations using an F♯ rising
to G in bars 1–2 and G♯ to A in bars 6–7.
149 McCue, ‘Women and Song 1750–1850’, 66. 150 ‘Bogan’, Australian National Dictionary Centre, ANU,
http://andc.anu.edu.au/australian-words/meanings-origins?field_alphabet_value=71 (accessed 30 December
2014). 151 ‘Oh bonnie lassie come over the burn’, ‘Gordon Castle Dec. 31. 1827’, GCMB, piece 6: [p. 8]. 152 GM-Stray. 153 Smith, The Scotish Minstrel (1823–24) 5: 34, http://digital.nls.uk/91345265 (accessed 27 April 2017).
145
Figure 11: ‘Oh bonnie lassie come over the burn’, annotated ‘Gordon Castle Dec. 31.
1827’, GCMB, piece 6, MS 12018 2516/3, MC-SLV. Image: SLV. See The Scotish
Minstrel 5 (1823–24): 34, http://digital.nls.uk/91345265 (accessed 27 April 2017).
The Scotish Minstrel Index claims that the tune of ‘O bonnie lassie’ was called ‘Gin ye’ll
come, Dawtie’ with words by an unknown author. Many ‘Highland laddie’ songs from this
period were suggestive of sexual activity.154 We could imagine what might happen if a laddie
were to invite a lassie to ‘sit on my plaid’:
O bonnie lassie come over the burn,
And gin your sheep wander I’ll gi’e them a turn;
And we’ll be sae happy in yonder green shade,
Gin ye will come, dawtie, and sit on my plaid.
154 Donaldson, The Jacobite Song, 55.
146
Georgiana may have been tempted by her attraction to Perico to risk her reputation and
wellbeing in amorous activities, but she had her mother’s example of possible consequences if
she were not protected by the legalities of marriage.
Jessie Smith in Gaskell’s Cranford sang ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’, another popular Scots song
with implications of sexual relationships.155 ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’, like many so-called ‘national’
or ‘folk’ songs, has multiple variants.156 Verses by Sir Walter Scott set to a tune described as
‘A Border Melody’ were published in Campbell’s Albyn’s Anthology (1816).157 Scott gave a
romanticised view of how true love could overcome family obligations, matching escape
stories and novels about elopement to Gretna Green:
They sought her baith by bower and ha’
The lady was na’ seen.
She’s o’er the border and awa’
Wi’ Jock o’ Hazeldean.158
While the version of ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’ in GCMB uses the same tune as in Campbell’s
Albyn’s Anthology, the words and setting are derived from Smith’s The Scotish Minstrel, where
the words ‘O check my love the falling star’ were attributed to John Sim.159 These words were
also used by Smith attached to another tune, ‘Northern Lass’.160
GCMB songs about relationships include three pieces with Gaelic titles but verses mainly
in English: ‘An t_ Ailleagan’ (‘I still may boast my will is free’), ‘Le Alastair Cambeul’
(‘Come, my bride, haste, haste away!) and ‘A Bhanarach dhonn a cruidh’ (‘The Autumn hair’d
bonny Dey’) (see Figure 12).161
155 Gaskell, Cranford, 11; see Chapter 2. 156 ‘John of Hazelgreen: Child No. 293’, in The Traditional Tunes of the Child Ballads by Bertrand Harris
Bronson (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972), 4: 390–401. 157 Sir Walter Scott, ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’, in Albyn’s Anthology arr. Alexander Campbell (1816; reprint,
Norwood, Pa: Norwood Editions, 1973), 1: 18–19; see Gelbart, Invention of ‘Folk Music’ and ‘Art Music’, 130–
35; McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs, 71–103. 158 Scott, ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’. 159 ‘Jock o’ Hazeldean’, in GCMB, piece 7; ‘O Check, My Love, the Falling Tear’, ‘Air, Jock o’
Hazeldean/Hazledean’ [sic] in The Scotish Minstrel, ed. Smith, 5: vi, 90, http://digital.nls.uk/91344833,
http://digital.nls.uk/91345937 (both accessed 29 January 2017). 160 ‘O Check, My Love, the Falling Tear’, ‘Air_Northern Lass’, in The Scotish Minstrel, ed. Smith, [1821–22],
2:2, 66, http://digital.nls.uk/91352739, http://digital.nls.uk/91353555 (both accessed 29 January 2017). 161 GCMB, pieces 22–24.
147
Figure 12: First page of ‘A Bhanarach dhonn a cruidh’ (‘The Autumn hair’d bonny
Dey’), GCMB, piece 24, MS 12018 2516/3, MC-SLV. Image: SLV.
See ‘The Auburn-hair’d bonny Dey’, words by Mr Jamieson, tune ‘A bhanarach dhonn
a chruidh’, Gaelic words by Le Alastiair Mac Dhomnuill, arranged by Alexander
Campbell (Le Alastair Caimbeul), in Albyn’s Anthology 1 (1816): 8–9,
http://imslp.org/wiki/Albyn's_Anthology_(Campbell,_Alexander) (accessed 28 January
2017).
‘A Bhanarach’ and the other two songs with Gaelic titles in GCMB are closely related to
versions found in the first volume of Campbell’s Albyn’s Anthology (1816).162 Georgiana may
have copied songs including ‘A Bhanarach’ from manuscript or printed music which she
borrowed from Fanny and Margaret Gordon at Gordon Hall in 1828, rather than having
162 ‘The Auburn-hair’d bonny Dey’, words by Mr Jamieson, tune ‘A bhanarach dhonn a chruidh’, Gaelic words
by Le Alastiair Mac Dhomnuill; ‘I still may boast my will is free’, words by ‘The Editor’ (Campbell), ‘Air—An
t-Ailleagan’; ‘Come my bride’, ‘Written by the Editor’ (Campbell), ‘Air—Original, composed by the Editor’,
‘Oran, Le Alastair Caimbeul’ (ie Campbell claimed he wrote the Gaelic words as well), in Albyn’s Anthology,
arr. Alexander Campbell (Le Alastair Caimbeul), 1 (1816): 8–9, 12–13, 66–68.
148
arranged them herself.163 As with some pieces in others of Georgiana’s collections such as
‘Lord Ronald’ in MHMB, Georgiana’s versions of these songs in GCMB use two staves per
system with the voice doubling the treble stave on the keyboard. Whether the keyboard player
accompanies the singer or plays a solo version of such songs, they would have to improvise to
some extent as the notated music lacks the additional harmonies added to the separate treble
keyboard part in Campbell’s printed collection.
While Campbell was active as a song collector and conversely claimed to have written the
words and music of ‘Come my bride’ entirely himself, versions of some songs in Albyn’s
Anthology were drawn from singers and fellow collectors, while others were published in
printed collections. For example ‘A Bhanarach dhonn a cruidh’ found in the first volume of
Albyn’s Anthology and also in GCMB is related to a melody published in Patrick McDonald’s
Collection of Highland Vocal Airs (1784), which is referenced in Georgiana’s CMB. The song
is also found in Simon Fraser’s The Airs and Melodies Peculiar to the Highlands of Scotland
and the Isles, which like Campbell’s work was published in 1816 and which Georgiana used
as a source of a quotation in LTLMB.164
Gaelic words for the lengthy ballad of ‘A Bhanarach dhonn a cruidh’ praising a brown-
haired milkmaid are found in nineteenth-century printed collections such as The Harp of
Caledonia.165 Georgiana’s version includes the words of the Gaelic chorus on the bottom right-
hand side of the second page of the song but the rest of the song lyrics are in English, starting
with the first line of ‘The Autumn-hair’d bonny Dey’, which Campbell attributed to ‘Mr
Jamieson’, probably referring to the ballad collector Robert Jamieson.166 In GCMB and
Campbell’s Albyn’s Anthology the piece has forty bars and is given the key signature of G
minor, time signature of 3/4 and marked ‘Not very slow’, whereas Fraser’s version of twenty
bars for keyboard in treble and bass without voice is still in G minor but is in 3/8 and marked
‘Slow and Tender’. Campbell’s treble keyboard line mainly uses a pentatonic scale spread from
middle C over an octave and a sixth to A, suggesting its older instrumental source, whereas
163 See Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 263–70. 164 ‘A Bhanarach Dhonn A Cruidh’, GCMB, piece 24: [pp. 46–47]; Patrick McDonald [MacDonald], A
Collection of Highland Vocal Airs by (Edinburgh: Wood, Small & Co [1784]); CMB, 184; see Chapter 6;
Simon Fraser, ‘Bhannarach Dhonn A Chruidh: “The Dairy Maid”, in The Airs and Melodies Peculiar to the
Highlands of Scotland and the Isles (Edinburgh: Walker & Anderson, 1816), no. 55: 29,
http://imslp.org/wiki/The_Airs_and_Melodies_Peculiar_to_the_Highlands_of_Scotland_and_the_Isles_(Fraser,_Simon) (accessed 29 December 2016); see LTLMB, [8] discussed below. 165 ‘A Bhanarach Dhonn A’ Chruidh’, in The Harp of Caledonia (Glasgow: R. M’Gregor, [18?–]), 19–21,
http://digital.nls.uk/79486747 (accessed 29 December 2016). 166 See T. W. Bayne, ‘Jamieson, Robert (1772–1844)’, rev. Harriet Harvey Wood, ODNB, OUP, 2004; online
ed, May 2007, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/14641 (accessed 11 May 2017); Robert Jamieson (1772–
1844): doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/14641.
149
Fraser’s more ornamented treble part goes to B♭. In GCMB the keyboard introduction and coda
in both treble and bass parts copied from Campbell show a more modernised harmonisation
than the sections devoted to accompaniment for the singer. The settings in both Fraser’s Airs
and the instrumental sections in Campbell’s work and GCMB bow to moves away from
modality to the norms of major and minor scales by using both F natural and the raised 7th on
F♯. Campbell’s version has a tritone in the harmony between E♭ and A in both left and right
hands in the third last bar of the coda, while Fraser’s setting twice includes a treble F♯ against
a drone-like G in the bass.
The second volume of Albyn’s Anthology (1818) shows that Campbell had contact with
people connected with the influential Gordon and Scott families. Campbell stated that in 1808
Campbell heard ‘A Love Song’ ‘very correctly sung by Captain Shaw of Invernahaven, at the
late Duchess of Gordon’s Kinrara’.167 ‘Geordy Agam’ was ‘communicated by the learned and
ingenious Dr Robert Couper, late of Fochabers, who wrote the above Stanzas to this beautiful
old Highland Melody, while his friend, the Marquis of Huntly, was wounded in Holland, anno
1799’.168 ‘An eminent literary antiquary, namely, Charles Kirkpatrick Sharp, [sic] Esq. junior,
of Hoddom’ was said by Campbell to have been the source of a version of the words for ‘The
Twa Corbies’ published in Sir Walter Scott’s Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border.169
Campbell in turn obtained the air for ‘Lord Ronald’ that he used in Albyn’s Anthology from
Scott’s ‘elegantly accomplished eldest daughter, Miss Sophia Charlotte Scott, of
Abbotsford’.170 This is a different melody than Georgiana used in MHMB for both the songs
‘Lord Ronald My Son’ and ‘Farewell to Lochaber’, as mentioned above.171 Although the first
lines of versions of ‘Lord Ronald’ often ask where Lord Ronald (or Lord Randal, Lord Rendall,
Willie Ransome and countless others) has gone, Georgiana’s two verses in MHMB based on
Johnson’s version suggest Lord Ronald’s ‘sweetheart’ has poisoned him, whereas the second
of Campbell’s five verses in Albyn’s Anthology calls his poisoner his ‘true-love’.
On 17 February 1828 Georgiana transcribed in GCMB a brief, simple duet in Italian titled
‘Perche [sic] mi lasci’ (‘Why have you left me’), which may have represented Georgiana’s
sociably acceptable skills in the Italian language and ensemble repertoire as well as her
167 Campbell, Albyn’s Anthology (1818; 1973), 2: 11. 168 Campbell, Albyn’s Anthology (1818; 1973), 2: 23. 169 Campbell, Albyn’s Anthology (1818; 1973), 2: 27. 170 Campbell, Albyn’s Anthology (1818; 1973), 2: 44. 171 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Lord Ronald My Son’, MHMB, Part 1: 135; ‘Farewell to Lochaber’, MHMB, Part 1:
237.
150
yearnings for romance and acceptance (see Figure 13).172 Perico could have been in her
thoughts when she transcribed the second verse words ‘Tutto mio core a ti donai’ (‘All my
heart I gave to you’). Georgiana’s version in GCMB, which does not name the composer, is in
E major with two soprano parts generally a third apart written on the top stave and a keyboard
part in treble and bass closely following the voices. The tune has a compass of a seventh from
D♯ to C♯. A similar duet is found in CMB which acknowledges the link to ‘Perche mi lasci’
and attributes the piece to Rossini, but is a third higher and begins with English words ‘Oer the
far woodland’.173
Figure 13: ‘Perche mi lasci’, ‘Gordon Hall – Feby 17th 1828 –’, GCMB, piece 17, MS
12018 2516/3, MC-SLV. Image: SLV. Related duet, ‘Oer the far woodland’, in CMB,
226, RB 1164.9, University of Sydney.
172 ‘Perche mi lasci’ (‘Why have you left me’), ‘Gordon Hall – Feby 17th 1828 –’, GCMB, piece 17: [p. 32]. 173 CMB, 226; see Chapter 6.
151
Other vocal duets in GCMB include two pieces that were performed in ‘national’ operas
in London in the 1820s and featured the singer Catherine Stephens, whose career has been
discussed in relation to music from MHMB.174 Bishop’s arrangement of ‘The Secret of My
Heart’, with parts for Isabella and Maria, was annotated in GCMB as ‘Adapted by H R Bishop’,
‘Duet—from the Antiquary’, ‘Gordon Hall, June 4’, and was used in 1820 for a play based on
Scott’s novel The Antiquary (1816).175 The tune for ‘The Secret of My Heart’ is an arrangement
of the Scots song ‘Cauld Kail in Aberdeen’ and was also used in MHMB for Burns’s song,
‘How lang and dreary’, as discussed above.176 Bishop’s version is in D major, 2/4 and marked
‘Andante Espressivo’. The notation is more elaborate than in most of the other pieces in
GCMB, with the two vocal parts on separate staves both showing ornamentation. The
accompaniment includes a flowery introduction.177
A similar notation is used for another duet in GCMB, ‘As Gilded Barks’ for the characters
Malvina and Oscar, which was derived from an even more recent ‘national opera’, Thomas
Cooke’s Malvina, performed at Drury Lane in London in January 1826.178 This duet was later
annotated in GCMB as using the tune ‘The Mill O’_’, which in less genteel surroundings was
sung with bawdy words. Songs to this tune include Ramsay’s ‘Beneath a green shade I found
a fair maid’, published in Orpheus Caledonius (1733), no. 20, and Burns’s ‘When wild war’s
deadly blast was blawn’ found in in Thomson’s Selection Collection, no. 22 (1793).179
Georgiana’s interest in Scottish music alongside other mixed repertoire is evident in both
MHMB and GCMB. Her Gordon relatives helped to promote Highland dress and culture,
which became even more fashionable after Sir Walter Scott stage-managed the 1822 Royal
visit to Edinburgh. Symbols including Gaelic tunes and the kilt are often used today to represent
Scotland, despite the small numbers of modern native Gaelic speakers. The modern folk scene
and some ‘classical’ performance styles allow performers improvisational and compositional
latitude when recreating music from historical periods. How much Georgiana and other
174 MHMB, Part 1: 40. 175 GCMB, piece 36: [pp. 84–87]. 176 MHMB, Part 1: 161, 215. 177 Henry R. Bishop, ‘The Secret of My Heart: Duetto, Sung by Miss Stephens & Miss Matthews, in The
Antiquary’ (London: Goulding, D’Almaine, Potter, [c. 1820]); Temperley and Carr, ‘Bishop, Sir Henry R.’. 178 GCMB, piece 25: [pp 48–51]; Thomas Cooke, ‘As Gilded Barks: Duet, Sung by Miss Stephens & Mr.
Sinclair, in the National Opera of Malvina, at the Theatre Royal Drury Lane’ (London: Goulding & D’Almaine,
[c. 1826]); Bruce Carr, ‘Cooke, Thomas Simpson’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP (accessed 30 December
2016). 179 Low, ed., The Songs of Robert Burns, no. 232: 598–600; ‘Mill Mill O’,
http://sangstories.webs.com/millmillo.htm (accessed 30 December 2016).
152
nineteenth century parlour performers used improvisation, complex harmonisation or aural
transcription of folk material is a matter of debate.
4.4 ‘La Trobe Library Music Book’, c. 1817–48: ‘Thy Will be done’
LTLMB, a third music collection belonging to Georgiana McCrae, is further evidence of
Georgiana’s love of collecting, possessing and storing material representations of the culture
that she was brought up in. LTLMB is similar in its range of repertoire and physical
construction to MHMB Part 1 and also the later CMB. Most the contents of LTLMB appear to
have been transcribed after Georgiana’s MHMB and GCMB, during the first twenty years of
Georgiana’s married life. LTLMB has over 150 pieces on 140 pages with twelve staves per
page plus extra insertions and was bound by ‘DD. Batten / Bookbinder / Library / Clapham
Common’ in London before Georgiana’s emigration.180 Like Georgiana’s other manuscript
music collections, LTLMB also reveals evidence of the book’s later use by her family
members. Selected examples of items from LTLMB will serve to highlight relationships
between Georgiana’s musical and emotional choices and important events in her life.
It was common, in a process now known as ‘grangerisation’, to decorate personal books
with illustrations and other material. The front cover of LTLMB has an as yet unidentified but
romantic picture of a castle clinging to a rock, quite unlike the real Gordon Castle, pasted on it
with the handwritten signature of Georgiana’s grandson Hugh McCrae as a mark of his
ownership (see Figure 14). This links the inheritance of LTLMB with GCMB and CMB, which
were also owned at one time by Hugh McCrae. Other additions show Georgiana’s later use of
LTLMB in Australia, including three printed items about the opera and concert singer Jenny
Lind (1820–87), who made her stage debut aged ten in Stockholm and throughout her career
presented a pristine public image that reinforced ideas of appropriately modest female gender
roles (see Figure 15). Lind performed to acclaim on the London stage in 1847–48 and toured
America in the early 1850s, with an enthusiastic reception shown by large audiences and an
outpouring of music publications in her name. The Lind clippings in LTLMB can be matched
with two songs and a piano piece that refer to Lind in CMB.181
180 LTLMB, MS 12018, 2519/4, MC-SLV, Melbourne. 181 CMB, 162–63, 168–69, 217; see Mrs Raymond Maude, The Life of Jenny Lind: Briefly Told by her Daughter
(London: Cassell, 1926); Carole Rosen, ‘Lind, Jenny (1820–1887)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/16671, (accessed 13 March 2017); Jenny Lind (1820–1887):
doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/16671; JHU: https://jscholarship.library.jhu.edu/discover; NLA:
http://trove.nla.gov.au/music?q=.
153
Figure 14: Portion of LTLMB front cover with signature of Georgiana McCrae’s
grandson, Hugh McCrae, plus cut-out picture of a castle, MS 12018 2519/4, MC-SLV.
Image: SLV.
Figure 15: Julia Day, ‘Jenny Lind’, poem from the ‘Literary Gazette’: ‘Rare warbler
from a rugged clime’, LTLMB, MS 12018, 2519/4, MC-SLV. Image: SLV.
154
The references to Lind in LTLMB appear to date from the period that the McCrae family
was living on a bush farming estate on the Mornington Peninsula on the lands of the indigenous
Bunurong people. Even there Georgiana McCrae did her best to keep up with the latest fashions
in music from Britain, despite the challenges of isolation and a large family. The first item in
LTLMB about Lind, pasted inside LTLMB’s front cover, is by the poet Julia Day, with the first
line ‘Rare warbler from a rugged clime’. It was published in the Literary Gazette in London on
19 July 1847 and reprinted with slight modifications in at least one colonial Australian
newspaper in February 1848.182 Julia Day was an English poet and novelist whose works were
published from 1847 to 1858.183 In Day’s poem about Lind, the soprano and her Swedish
homeland are equated with a rare bird that learnt its song from a wild and rugged natural
environment. Subsequent verses evoke the ambiguous status of female singers whose personal
lives were often subject to prying criticism which could lead to abuse, especially those whose
reputations for sexual purity were questioned and who performed works whose lyrics,
characterisation and plot depicted social transgressions:184
JENNY LIND.
[Verse 1] Rare warbler from a rugged clime,
Whence has thou caught thy song?
On thy rude shore loud roared the surge,
Loud swept the gale along.
[Verse 2] There was no nightingale for thee
To learn its plaintive strain;
The wild sea-bird, above thy rocks,
Alone thou heard’st complain. …
182 LTLMB: Julia Day, ‘Jenny Lind’; Julia Day, ‘To Jenny Lind’, Literary Gazette and Journal of the Belles
Lettres, Arts, Sciences, &C., 1590 (19 July 1847): 509; Julia Day, ‘Jenny Lind’, South Australian Register,
Adelaide, South Australia, 5 February 1848, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/48727714 (accessed 16
March 2014). 183 Julia Day, Poems (London: William Pickering, 1847); Poems…Second Series (London: William Pickering,
[1849]); The Old Engagement: A Spinster’s Story (London: Richard Bentley, 1851); The Gilberts and their
Guests: A Story of Homely English Life (London: T. Cautley Newby, 1858). 184 See for example George Biddlecombe, ‘Secret Letters and a Missing Memorandum: New Light on the
Personal Relationship between Felix Mendelssohn and Jenny Lind’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association
138, no. 1 (2013): 47–83, DOI: 10.1080/02690403.2013.771961; for Felix Mendelssohn’s manuscript music
books given as Christmas gifts in 1845 to Jenny Lind and to Mendelssohn’s wife Cecilie, see Maude, The Life of
Jenny Lind, 52–59, and Felix Mendelssohn, ‘Liederbuch für Cecilie M.B’, The Juilliard Manuscript Collection,
http://juilliardmanuscriptcollection.org/manuscript/liederbuch-fur-cecile-m-b/ (accessed 13 April 2017).
155
[Verse 7] Is it thy heart hath tutored thee,
That subtle stringed lute?
Alas for thee! alas for thee!
‘Twere better thou wert mute.
[Verse 8] The chafing stream, from sunlight hid,
Brings the fair fount whence quaffs the dove;
And haply music’s softest flood
Swells from the troubled depths of love.
JULIA DAY
Literary Gazette.
Two pieces of printed sheet music are also inserted in the front of LTLMB. The jaunty
pseudo folksong ‘The Plough Boy’ is called ‘A Celebrated Song, Sung in the Opera of the
FARMER’ with the first line, ‘A Flaxen headed Cow Boy’.185 The LTLMB version by its
appearance is possibly dated from the late eighteenth or early nineteenth centuries and is
printed with an additional part for the German flute. The song was derived from The Farmer,
a theatrical work with music by William Shield and libretto by John O’Keeffe that was
performed in 1787 at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden.186 The last page of ‘The Plough Boy’
in LTLMB is stuck down onto a piece of manuscript paper with the handwritten inscription
‘No. 13’. Also stuck to this page is another hidden printed song, ‘A Little Girl to the Sea-birds’
with the first line ‘Happy sea-birds how they hover’, which appears to be a vocal duet for
children with four systems in treble and bass. At the bottom of the song is found some printed
information which hints at a source from a nineteenth-century periodical, naming the lyricist,
prolific Victorian poet Reverend Richard Wilton M.A. (1827–1903), and composer T.
Crampton as well as referring to ‘last month’s Number’.187
185 ‘The Plough Boy’, print, in LTLMB. 186 ‘The Plough Boy’, print, in album owned by Isabella Alston [1795], UniM Bail SpC/ER Burn B, University
of Melbourne; also in album in BA, NTS, as per ‘Brodie Castle Catalogue of Music Holdings’ by Roger B.
Williams (2014), 27; John O’Keefe and William Shield, The Farmer: In Two Acts (London: Printed by A. Strahan for T.N. Longman and O. Rees, 1800), http://www.worldcat.org/title/farmer-in-two-
acts/oclc/009730284 (accessed 29 December 2016). 187 See ‘Richard Wilton (1827–1903)’, Literature Online, Proquest, http://literature.proquest.com (accessed 24
March 2017); Wilton, Richard 1827–, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-nr93049396 (accessed 12
March 2017); Mary Blamire Young, Richard Wilton: A Forgotten Victorian (London: Allen & Unwin, 1967);
Crampton, Thomas, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-nr87000810 (accessed 12 March 2017).
156
On the reverse of the two stuck-down pieces of printed music at the start of LTLMB is a
piece of unlined thickish paper with two more clippings about Jenny Lind from
unacknowledged sources stuck on. The one on the top of the page, also entitled ‘Jenny Lind’,
starts with a quote, ‘So veiled beneath the simplest guise, / Thy radiant genius shone’. These
two lines were taken from Sir Thomas Moore’s poem in his Irish Melodies, ‘I Saw Thy Form
in Youthful Prime’. They were quoted under a portrait of Jenny Lind in the Illustrated London
News on 11 October 1845, with a discussion minimising Lind’s plainness of features and
instead lauding her ‘radiant genius’, ‘feeling and intelligence’.188 The clipping continues,
Thanks to our Frankfurt correspondent we are enabled to publish an accurate
likeness of the “Schwedische Nachtigall,” as the fair Jenny Lind is called in
Germany, and as she is likely to be designated wherever this Swedish nightingale
shall be heard…189
The third clipping about Jenny Lind in LTLMB refers to the place and date of publication,
‘LONDON, May, 1848’. Entitled ‘TO MADEMOISELLE JENNY LIND BY AN ARTIST’,
the poem starts, ‘Not for thy genius—glorious though it be’ and ends in breathless admiration,
‘These, when thou hast borne/ Thy cross, will shed a deathless halo round thy urn!’190
The next 136 unnumbered manuscript pages of LTLMB can be divided into five sections
of different types of paper with repertoire mainly in Georgiana’s handwriting but with
additional annotations in other hands. These sections have been bound together with the printed
material described above plus a final additional sixth section of four pages with a harp piece
arranged by J. F. Pole’, which will be discussed below.191 Some dance pieces for piano such as
‘Mrs Paul’s Strathspey’ by D. Macdonald and ‘Mazourka’ are interspersed in LTLMB with
vocal music.192 In LTLMB, dated pages are not collated in chronological order. Some items
come from similar periods to Georgiana’s other collections, from her youthful years in London
to her years in Scotland, while others were transcribed during her marriage and well after her
migration. When attempting to distinguish between dates that may have been derived from the
copied source versus dates that indicate when the copy was made, the evidence is not always
conclusive. ‘The Burning of Auchindorn’ / ‘The Bacon of Brackley’, is dated ‘16th Septr 1666’,
188 See Roberta Montemorra Marvin, ‘Idealizing the Prima Donna in Mid-Victorian London’, in The Arts of the Prima Donna in the Long Nineteenth Century, ed. Rachel Cowgill and Hilary Poriss (Oxford: OUP, 2012), 31,
40. 189 LTLMB. 190 LTLMB. 191 LTLMB, [137–40]. 192 LTLMB, [97, 99].
157
obviously long before Georgiana was born.193 ‘Hot Cross Buns’ has the date ‘Good Friday
1817’ in the title, not at the end of the piece where one usually find Georgiana’s dates for her
transcriptions.194 In an annotation for ‘Ho neil mulad oirn_’ / ‘The Emigrants’ Adieu’,
Georgiana quoted from Simon Fraser, who published the piece with his comments in 1816.
Georgiana could have transcribed the song and the annotation at any time after that date.
Fraser’s comments may have resonated with Georgiana because of her interest in the historical
nature of some of her material as well as her experiences during and after migration:
As to this air having more claim to antiquity than “Kind Robin loe’s me” I would
be apt to doubt. The sentiment conveyed by the words of John McRae of Kintail,
who Emigrated to America, most feelingly point out the proper resources of the
mind, in bearing the adversities of life.195
Identification with scribal community
In LTLMB, as in Georgiana’s other collections, Georgiana’s identification with her scribal
community was strong. Georgiana continued her transcription of pieces associated with her
grandfather Duke Alexander and Gordon Castle, as she had done in MHMB. She included two
versions of Duke Alexander’s ‘Keith More’ in LTLMB (see Figure 16).
Figure 16: Title, attribution of authorship and start of verses 1 & 9 under treble and
bass lines respectively, of ‘Tune “Keith More —” / Written & Composed by A. D. G.’
[Alexander Duke of Gordon], LTLMB, [112], MS 12018, 2519/4, MC-SLV. Image: SLV.
193 LTLMB, [39]. 194 LTLMB, [106]. 195 LTLMB, [8]; Fraser, The Airs and Melodies, no. 226: 102, Appendix; see Boehme, ‘An Initial Investigation’,
281–86.
158
The tune ‘Keith More’ in LTLMB is related to ‘Keith More A Strathspey by His Grace the
Duke of Gordon’ in Petrie’s Third Collection of Strathspeys Reels [1790–95] and also to
‘Keithmore’, from William Marshall’s 1822 publication, Scottish Airs, Melodies, Strathspeys,
Reels etc.196 Marshall was Duke Alexander’s former steward and ‘Keithmore’ was the name of
a farm owned by the duke where Marshall lived after his retirement in 1792.197 Georgiana’s
first version of the tune in LTLMB is simpler and shows problems with rhythmic notation; the
words tell about parting from a girl called Mary.198 In the second version, which Georgiana
wrote was ‘Written & Composed by A.D.G.’, the girl in the poem is named ‘Jean’.199 ‘Mary’
and ‘Jean’ were the names of two of the mothers of Duke Alexander’s illegitimate children. To
complicate matters his first wife Duchess Jane Maxwell was sometimes called Jean and Duke
Alexander married his mistress Jean Christie late in life. Another indication of Duke
Alexander’s music composition in LTLMB is ‘The Variations composed by the Duke of
Gordon’ to the song ‘Kenmure’s on an awa Willie’.200
Of particular note from the point of view of Georgiana’s biography is evidence that she
obtained a copy of a duet for two voices and simple bass accompaniment, ‘A Greek Air as sung
by Zebie & Zoé’, from people in the Gordon family circle in 1825, possibly at Gordon Castle.
(see Figure 17).201 The song is marked as having been obtained from ‘Mrs Symonds _ / & Mrs
Alexr Gordon / G. C. [?] 1825’ The annotation on ‘A Greek Air’ could be a rare sign that places
Georgiana at Gordon Castle earlier than the period of 1827–28 when she transcribed GCMB
and wrote her surviving early journal entries. Corroboration of this interpretation of the
annotation would depend on finding external sources currently lacking from documentation of
Georgiana’s life at that time. Generalised annotations of dates such as this example in LTLMB
may indicate re-copying, or at least annotating, at a later time as Georgiana re-copied and re-
edited her own journals and later annotated many of her memorabilia, before her children or
grandchildren added their own versions.
196 Alexander, 4th Duke of Gordon, ‘Keith More A Strathspey by His Grace the Duke of Gordon’ and ‘Quick
Step by His Grace the Duke of Gordon’, in Third Collection of Strathspeys Reels with a Bass for the Violoncello
or Piano Forte; Humbly Dedicated to Francis Garden Esq., Junior, of Troup by Robert Petrie at Kirkmichael
(London: Printed for the Author, [1790–95]), 17; subscribers include the Duke and Duchess of Gordon and
Lady Georgina Gordon; http://digital.nls.uk/118872396 (accessed 11 May 2017); William Marshall, Marshall’s,
Scottish airs, Melodies, Strathspeys, Reels, &c: For the Pianoforte, Harp, Violin & Violoncello, with Appropriate Basses (Edinburgh: William Marshall, A. Robertson, [1822]). 197 ‘Keithmore’, http://www.tunearch.org/wiki/Annotation:Keithmore (accessed 7 January 2014). 198 LTLMB, [9]. 199 LTLMB, [112–13]. 200 LTLMB, [46–47]. 201 LTLMB, [114–15b].
159
Figure 17: Annotation, ‘Mrs. Symonds, /& Mrs. Alexr Gordon / GC. [?] 1825’, on
last system of duet for two treble voices and bass line, ‘A Greek Air: as sung by Zebie &
Zoé’, LTLMB, [p. 115b], MS 12018, 2519/4, MC-SLV. Image: SLV.
‘A Greek Air’ is similar to other ‘national airs’ found in Georgiana’s collections that were
published by Thomas Moore with accompaniments by Stevenson and Bishop. The relationship
of the donors of ‘A Greek Air’ to Georgiana and the occasion and circumstances of their
providing her with the music could be explored further. ‘Alexander’ was a common Gordon
family name, given to Georgiana’s grandfather Duke Alexander and also to one of Georgiana’s
own sons amongst others. ‘Mrs. Alexr Gordon’ could possibly refer to the wife of one of
Georgiana’s illegitimate uncles, born ten years earlier than Georgiana in 1794 at Gordon Castle
and who rose to the rank of Major-General in the British Army. The words of ‘A Greek Air’,
‘Oh dearest wilt thou leave me? No, no, no’, seem arch rather than tragic when sung by two
high voices to a jaunty rhythm in simple duple time signature. The annotated final section of
the duet follows a religious song, ‘Delamain’, with the first line ‘Saviour to thee my soul shall
cling’. ‘Delamain’ may refer to the hymn composer Henry Delamain.202 Possibly Georgiana
may also have copied ‘Delamain’ in the same period as ‘A Greek Air’, as the handwriting is
similar.
The Harmonicon of 1826 appears to have been a source in LTLMB for a piece that
Georgiana obtained ‘from F. M. G. 1828’. ‘F. M. G.’ may be identified as Frances Margaret
Gordon, Perico Gordon’s ‘Aunt Fanny’ from Gordon Hall near Huntly. Fanny Gordon or her
202 ‘Henry Delamain’, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-nr91030019 (accessed 12 March 2017).
160
sister Margaret could have provided Georgiana with music annotated ‘Gordon Hall’ in 1828 in
GCMB, as discussed above. The ‘Brazilian Air—Duet’ in LTLMB was described as having
‘The Words translated from the Portuguese’. The duet, with the first line ‘Lovely charmer, all
adore thee’, was arranged by Johann Heinrich Clasing.203 In D major and common time, the
setting for two voices and piano on four staves per system marked ‘Poco Moderato con grazia’
was simpler than the duets by Bishop and Cooke in GCMB. The leaps up a seventh from A to
top G in the first vocal part may however present a challenge to some sopranos.
On Georgiana’s copy in LTLMB of ‘A Highland Air’, with the English words ‘Haste,
haste, thou lingering sun’, she added the comment that it was ‘Noted down from an Old woman
singing it / A Fragment 1829’.204 This comment may indicate a rare example of Georgiana’s
attempt at aural transcription.205 However, Georgiana could have transcribed this comment
from another source in a similar way to her quoted annotation from Simon Fraser in ‘Ho neil
mulad oirn_’ / ‘The Emigrants’ Adieu’.
Two pieces in LTLMB are called ‘Mr Gordon of Fyvie’s Strathspey’, the first ‘by D.
Macdonald’ and the second ‘by Edward McDonald’. The music for the second piece is dated
during a visit by Georgiana to Fyvie Castle, the seat of her favourite Gordon relative, the Laird
of Fyvie. The date of 12 September is clear but the year, possibly 1830 or 1836, is hidden by
additional music notation for the end of a piano piece titled ‘Beethoven’s 5th Waltz’ which is
mainly transcribed on the previous page.206 The Fyvie instrumental strathspeys are followed
by two versions of a ballad that also refers to Fyvie, with a story about the thwarted love of a
young couple. The ballad appears to have been related at least in part to historical evidence and
was widely communicated both orally and in printed form.207 The first version of the ballad in
LTLMB called ‘The true set of—“Mill of Tifties Annie” —’ has eighteen verses. The tune with
the first verse written underneath is in 3/4 time signature, with a key signature of two sharps
and the melody centring on D and A. The copy in LTLMB has empty bass staves as though
Georgiana meant to get around to writing out a bass line. A note in Georgiana’s handwriting
gives some background information that indicates the involvement of women in song
transmission, ‘This set Mr Stott the Dominie of Fyvie remembers to have heard sung by his
203 LTLMB, [10–11]; Harmonicon 4, Part 2 (1826): 108–9. 204 LTLMB, [101]. 205 Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 121–22. 206 LTLMB, [13]; Fyvie Castle, NTS, http://www.nts.org.uk/Property/Fyvie-Castle/ (accessed 12 October 2014). 207 See Robert Jamieson, ‘The Trumpeter of Fyvie’, in Popular Ballads and Songs, dedicated to Her Grace the
Duchess of Gordon (Edinburgh: Constable & Co., 1806), 1: 126–34,
https://archive.org/details/popularballadsa04jamigoog (accessed 7 April 2017); Amanda MacLean, ‘The Sad
Fate and Splendid Career of the Trumpeter of Fyvie’, Folk Music Journal (English Folk Song and Dance
Society) 10, no. 1 (2011): 89–101, 175.
161
Mother – & has heard his Father say that it had been also sung over his (the Father’s) cradle—
’.208 The second version, ‘Tifty’s bonnie Annie’, has a simple bass line under the tune and first
verse and is in common time with a key signature of two flats indicating G minor. It has
multiple unnumbered verses and another note: ‘1673/1674 is The date on the Tombstone of
Agnes Smith in the Church yard of Fyvie _ _’.209
In his old age, Georgiana’s son George Gordon McCrae reminisced about a visit he made
to Fyvie with his mother and brothers in 1840, shortly before their emigration.210 George had
heard that statues of two young people were still to be seen at Fyvie Castle: ‘the two stout
figures of a youth and a girl perched on high as finials on the spires over a couple of the “pepper-
box” turrets of the castle’ and explained that he referred to ‘the unhappy loves of Andrew
Lammie the Trumpeter of Fyvie and Tiftie’s Annie, the Maid of the Mill’.211 He revealed his
use of his mother’s copy of the song:
Their story survives to this day in a woeful ballad setting forth the particulars of the
affair. It is far too long to find place here though a stanza or two might be quoted
from an old copy of the ballad preserved by my mother and which is here with me
as I write—212
Two other dates from 1833 in LTLMB pose difficulties in interpretation. An ‘Irish Air’
with the first line ‘My locks are wearing thin and gray’ ends with an annotation, ‘M.S. .....
1833’. It is unclear whether ‘M.S.’ refers to ‘manuscript’ or to a person’s initials.213 An
annotation in a different handwriting after the song ‘True Thomas’ also refers to the year 1833,
but in this case it appears that the note was written later:
Huntly bank, and the adjoining ravine, called from immemorial tradition the
Rymer’s Glen, were ultimately included in the domain of Abbotsford [Sir Walter
Scott’s estate in South-East Scotland]. The scenery of this glen forms the
background of Edwin Landseer’s portrait of Sir Walter Scott, painted in 1833.214
A number of examples of handwriting appear in LTLMB. Some annotations were dated in
the late 1830s before Georgiana left Britain, such as ‘The Bonniest Lass in a’ the World’ which
was annotated ‘Edr. Jan.y. 17. 1837’.215 McCrae scholar Jenny Gall observed that the LTLMB
208 LTLMB, [14–15]; Jeanice Brooks, personal communication, 3 April 2017; see Gall, ‘Redefining the
Tradition’, 2, 92–93. 209 LTLMB, [16–17]. 210 George Gordon McCrae, ‘Experiences not Exploits’, typescript, Box 3966/8: 1–4, PNM-SLV, MC-SLV. 211 George Gordon McCrae, ‘Experiences not Exploits’, 3. 212 George Gordon McCrae, ‘Experiences not Exploits’, 4. 213 LTLMB, [4–5]. 214 LTLMB, [29]. 215 LTLMB, [25].
162
copy of the ‘The Maid of Llangollen’ also includes a parody of the song written by John
McLure (or Maclure/McClure/M’Clure as his surname could be spelt), the McCrae boys’ tutor
in Melbourne and Arthur’s Seat.216 This can be matched with Georgiana’s journal entry that
has a version of McLure’s parody dated 27 September 1843.217 The song in LTLMB also has
an extra annotation probably in Georgiana’s hand that identified it as ‘Air “Maltreath” / Welsh’.
Underneath the third verse was written ‘Melbourne’ and then something else that has been
erased. The first LTLMB set of words used Joanna Baillie’s verses which start ‘Tho’ lonely
my lot and tho’ poor my estate’. McLure’s parody about a McCrae relative, Sarah Thomas,
starts with ‘New words. Tho lonely my hut and tho’ dismal the view’ and is dated ‘Sept 25’.
Unidentified handwriting in LTLMB does not appear to match handwriting ascribed to John
McLure such as in McLure’s note dated 3 July 1841, his transcription of Swift’s ‘A Cantata’
in 1847 or the signature, spelt Maclure, on his will written shortly before his death in Pleasant
Creek (Stawell, Victoria) in 1859.218 Identification of ownership of handwriting in the parody
and elsewhere in LTLMB is an open question; candidates could include family members and
other members of Georgiana’s scribal community, including her descendants in the twentieth
century who had access to the book.
‘Thy Will Be Done’, a religious song about conquering fear with faith and obedience, can
be found near the end of LTLMB. The song is dated 25 June 1840, a few months before
Georgiana had to leave Britain.219 Its first verse begins with a prayer:
My God My Father, whilst I stray
Far from my Home on life’s roughway
Oh! teach me from my Soul to say—
Thy will be done, Thy will be done.
The strophic hymn is written in dark pen over the top of another piece in pencil and has
seven verses, with harmony under the melody in the treble line and a very simple bass part. Its
216 LTLMB, [122–23]; Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 139–42. 217 Georgiana McCrae’s journal entry, ‘27th Septr 1843’; in Weber-PPP, 2: 300, 302; see also ‘The Maid of
Llangollen with Variations’, inscribed ‘Mayfield / Septr 1843’, in what appears to be the hand of Georgiana
McCrae, in ‘Home-made M.S. by John McLure & & &c For our own amusement’, MC554, McCrae Collection,
NTA (Vic). 218 John McLure’s note dated 3 July 1841, in ‘Scrapbook’, McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831 F3591/6, MC-
SLV, Melbourne; ‘A Cantata’, (‘In Harmony would you excel’), inscribed in what appears to be Georgiana’s handwriting from her old age, ‘Copied from the 7th Vol: of Dean Swift’s works —/ by Mr McLure for me in
1847’, bound with the first volume of Urbani’s A Selection of Scots Songs [c. 1792–1804], which in turn is
inscribed ‘Georgiana H. Gordon’, MC540, McCrae Collection, NTA (Vic); PROV, Will for ‘John Maclure,
Gentleman, Pleasant Creek, 28 June 1859’, in ‘Index to Wills, Probate and Administration Records 1841–2013’,
File no. 2/955, VPRS 7591/P1, unit 9, http://prov.vic.gov.au (accessed 17 July 2016). 219 LTLMB, [135].
163
inclusion in LTLMB gives a clue to Georgiana’s trepidation at the enormity of change and the
great dangers at sea facing her boys and herself. Although she was not ostentatious in her
religious observance, especially in comparison with the religious fervour of her stepmother,
the spiritual teachings learnt in her youth provided Georgiana with comfort and courage. ‘Thy
Will Be Done’ is followed in LTLMB with a ‘Canon for 3 Voices’ with a religious text that
promotes a mood of being rewarded in the hereafter for earthly trials.220 The words of the canon
give a conventional view of religious faith, which may indicate her need for fortitude in facing
the challenge of moving across the world to an unknown future:
The Eternal blesseth the upright of heart
Their deeds shall endure for ever.
The canon is attributed to ‘Zumsteeg’ at the top of the page, which indicates the composer
Johann Rudolf Zumsteeg (1760–1802).221 A note at the bottom of the piece refers to
Mendelssohn:
N= 107. P.40.
Der Ewige segnet der Frommen Tage,
ihr Erbe bleibet ewiglich_.
Mendelssohn_
Felix Mendelssohn’s grandfather, the Jewish scholar Moses Mendelssohn (1729–86), wrote a
German translation of Psalm 37 verse 18 which can be found in his Sämmtliche Werke
(1838).222 Although Georgiana’s LTLMB gives a partial source for the transcription of the
canon, it raises unanswered questions, such as the source for the copy and the reasons why
Georgiana included a religious affirmation at the close of this particular manuscript music
collection.
‘Canon for 3 Voices’ is the last work in the main part of LTLMB before an additional
inserted manuscript that uses different paper and ink and in quite different handwriting that
appears to have been written in the hand of a professional copyist. It contains a harp piece, ‘A
Swiss Walts the Variations by Thoran and Arranged for the Harp by J. F. Pole’. J. F. Pole was
the Edinburgh publisher of a printed collection of Scottish music and poetry owned by
220 LTLMB, [136]. 221 Gunter Maier, ‘Zumsteeg, Johann Rudolf’, in Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/31067 (accessed 21
February 2016). 222 Moses Mendelssohn, Sämmtliche Werke (Vienna: Shmidl, 1838), 750,
https://books.google.com.au/books?id=Z55JAAAAcAAJ&source=gbs_navlinks_s (accessed 21 February 2016).
164
Georgiana called Magee’s Original Lyrics (1828).223 After this extra harp manuscript, a clue
about the date of binding of LTLMB is found in a small round printed sticker in the top right
corner of the inside back cover, with the printed inscription: ‘DD. BATTEN / BOOKBINDER
/ Library / Clapham Common’.224 This indicates that the collection was bound in London at
some stage before Georgiana’s emigration to Port Phillip, which she commenced in October
1840.
However, it appears that more pieces were copied into LTLMB after it was bound as some
pieces which were transcribed after Georgiana’s arrival in Melbourne are placed in LTLMB
before the two final religious works and the additional harp piece. A piano solo by ‘Hertz’
entitled ‘No. 1 Op 35’ with an annotation that includes different continents as well as different
years shows that its transcription was started in Edinburgh in 1839 and continued when
Georgiana was living at Mayfield in Abbotsford, Melbourne on 30 September 1842: ‘Ed. 1839
/ –– / Mayfield/Spr 30 1842 (Figure 18).’225
Figure 18: Annotation ‘Ed. 1839 / –– / Mayfield / Spr 30 1842’, at the end of ‘Hertz’,
‘No. 1 Op 35’, LTLMB, [131], MS 12018, 2519/4, MC-SLV. Image: SLV.
223 LTLMB, [137–40]; William Magee, Original Lyrics (Edinburgh: J. F. Pole, 1828), RB 1164.10, MPC-Usyd,
University of Sydney. 224 LTLMB, inside back cover. 225 LTLMB, [131].
165
Items such as this in LTLMB can be linked to others of Georgiana’s transcriptions from before
and after her emigration, such as LTLMB’s ‘Waltz by Henri Herz’ and CMB’s ‘Valse de
Hertz’.226 Another example in LTLMB is a duet for ‘Lui’ and ‘Ella’ called ‘I’ve wandered in
Dreams’ by J. A. Wade that was copied out in the McCraes’ new home of Mayfield in
Melbourne on 23 August 1842, a month prior to the completion of transcription of ‘Hertz / No.
1 Op. 35’.227
4.5 Conclusion
Georgiana’s first three manuscript music books MHMB, GCMB and LTLMB reveal a great
deal about her musical tastes and cultural attitudes. Her abilities and skills in music
transcription and performance were shaped by the available repertoire, which had a strong
focus on parlour songs and piano pieces, operatic arias, and Scottish material, particularly
reflecting her Gordon heritage. These collections cover approximately half her life, with music
transcriptions dated up to 1842 while other annotations and inserts were added later.
A printed poem is found at the end of GCMB titled ‘The Dead’ annotated with the date
‘24. May _ 57’ in Georgiana’s handwriting (see Figure 19). ‘The Dead’ adds to evidence such
as the newspaper cuttings about Jenny Lind dated 1848 in LTLMB and the annotation dated
1875 on ‘Hymne des Marseillois’ in MHMB, which indicate that Georgiana used her
manuscript music collections for a considerable period after she arrived in Melbourne. The
Lind cuttings reveal that her avid thirst for news from ‘Home’ persisted after the McCraes
moved from Melbourne to the bush property of Arthur’s Seat, now known as McCrae
Homestead. The 1875 annotation in MHMB shows another side of Georgiana, her quest for
information and accuracy. Inclusion of ‘The Dead’ exemplifies how Georgiana utilised her
manuscript as a form of diary where she could record her thoughts and feelings.
The poem by Ludovec Colquhoun, with twenty verses of four lines each, had been printed
in 1829, with different layout.228 The first line of ‘The Dead’, ‘Arise, arise, ye dead!’, refers to
hope of resurrection. Georgiana’s father, mother and eldest daughter had died in the 1830s. The
McCraes’ return to Melbourne with the advent of gold rushes in New South Wales and Victoria
in 1851 coincided with the birth of the McCraes’ last child, Agnes and the end of their bush
226 LTLMB, [22]; CMB, 237. 227 LTLMB, [124–30]. 228 Colqhoun, ‘The Dead’, in The Anniversary; or, Poetry and Prose for MDCCCXXIX ed. Allan Cunningham
(London: John Sharpe, 1829), 235–38, https://archive.org/details/anniversaryorpoe00cunnrich (accessed 4
January 2014).
166
idyll.229 Agnes’s death in 1854 appears to have been one of the triggers for a deep grief that
when added to a lack of domestic and marital security interrupted Georgiana’s creative
output.230
Figure 19: Handwritten date, ‘24. May _ 57.’; signature and Sydney address of Hugh
McCrae, Georgiana McCrae’s grandson; printed poem, ‘The Dead’ by Ludovec
Colquhoun Esq.; GCMB, inside back cover, MS 12018 2516/3, MC-SLV. Image:
Rosemary Richards.
Music and poetry for Georgiana provided important outlets for her emotional, interior life
in a socially acceptable manner. Her music collections offered a transportable selection of
music for practical performance, whether for herself or for others, but could also be read
silently to evoke memories of people, places, events, operas, poems, melodies,
229 Ludovec Colquhoun, Esq., ‘The Dead’, in GCMB, inside back cover. 230 Niall, Georgiana, 215–16.
167
accompaniments and musical instruments. Georgiana’s determination to continue the
handwritten form of music collecting and her membership of a scribal community of teachers,
family and friends could be seen as an expression of her desire to belong to the upper classes
where her father and grandfather held sway. This harked back to the time that education,
handwriting, collecting and consumption were the preserve of the few rather than of the many.
Georgiana’s manuscript music collections were important as a record of her previous life, as
an aid to memory, and had associations with many of her family, friends, events, thoughts and
pleasures. They were also useful as they encapsulated much of her repertoire for practical
music-making. Georgiana brought them with her on her travels between London and Scotland
and then even further afield as she faced the uncertainties of migration across the globe to
Australia, as will be discussed in Chapter 5.
168
CHAPTER 5
GEORGIANA McCRAE AS A MIGRANT, 1838–60
5.1 Introduction
When Georgiana McCrae arrived in Melbourne in 1841 it was a very young town a long way
from her home in Britain. The lands of the Aboriginal Kulin people in south-eastern Australia
were considered by Britain to be part of its colony of New South Wales. In 1835 the British
settlement at Port Phillip was established unofficially by businessmen from Van Diemen’s
Land searching for land for agriculture and trade. After 1835, convicts could be assigned to
work in the area by New South Wales authorities, or move there once they had acquired their
ticket of leave.1 They were joined by free immigrants who came directly from Britain and
elsewhere around the world. In March 1837 the settlement at Port Phillip was named
‘Melbourne’ after British Prime Minister William Lamb, the second Viscount Melbourne.2
Thomas Mitchell, with whom the McCraes were acquainted, contributed to the interest
amongst his compatriots in south-eastern Australia. Mitchell had undertaken three explorations
by land and was particularly impressed on his third expedition in 1836 with the possibilities
presented for agriculture by the open plains west of Port Phillip, which he called ‘Australia
Felix’. Mitchell predicted that an English presence there could match the success already
established elsewhere in New South Wales:
It seems impossible to doubt that, at no distant period, the whole territory will be
inhabited by a powerful people, speaking the English language, diffusing around
them English civilization and arts, and exercising a predominant influence over
eastern Asia, and the numerous and extensive islands in that quarter of the globe.3
Mitchell’s call to glory masked the fact that migrants bound for Australia faced enormous
upheaval including the dangers of misadventure or death. Migrants as well as people returning
to their home countries sailed in unreliable ships for many weeks. The magnitude of the break
1 PROV, Prisoners and Convicts, http://prov.vic.gov.au/research/prisoners-and-convicts (accessed 7 January
2017). 2 See Sir Richard Bourke, ‘Journal, 1837 [manuscript]’, AMC-SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/249287
(accessed 7 January 2017). 3 T.L. [Thomas] Mitchell, Three Expeditions into the Interior of Eastern Australia (London: T. & W. Boone,
1838), 1: Preface, iii, http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.31175035532947 (accessed 11 November 2016).
169
with their old lives prompted many people who sailed to Australia in the nineteenth century,
whether old, young, male, female, sailor, passenger, convict or free, to record their observations
in journals, diaries, letters, paintings, poems and songs, which when added to the ships’ logs
and other official records provides a wealth of information in this period. Some writers kept a
record for his or her own private remembrance while many intended their work to be distributed
to others. Handwritten letters and diaries were often copied and passed around members of an
extended family; at times material was purposefully kept or altered with an eye to future
publication in print. Shipboard diaries and journals often followed a standard pattern of
embarkation, departure, noticeable events, comments on the weather and other passengers, and
arrival in the new land.4
Music collections could also serve as a form of diary, a record of events and people and
an aid to memory. Georgiana McCrae was amongst the many migrants who marked the time
before embarkation and aboard ship by creating accounts of circumstances and emotions and
continued to record their experiences after their arrival. Georgiana’s accounts of her waiting
time in London, her travels and time in early Melbourne provide many glimpses of her love of
music amongst other interlinked details of personal, family and community life. In Australia
Georgiana’s music collections continued to give her an outlet for renewed creative energy to
help her face her new surroundings, fit in with new acquaintances and changing social positions
and educate her growing family while also providing an emotional solace in difficult
circumstances and a way of remembering the past.
5.2 Georgiana McCrae’s Migration 1838–41: ‘Il Faut Subir Son Sort’
Georgiana had stayed behind in Britain with four young sons all under six years of age after
her husband sailed to Australia without her in November 1838. Andrew tried his luck in Sydney
and New Zealand before going to Port Phillip in 1840, where his brother, Dr Farquhar McCrae,
his mother and other family members had settled in 1839.5
As a married woman with children, Georgiana was dependent on her husband not only for
her home and income, but also for where her home would be and who she would associate
with. After Andrew’s departure while Georgiana and her children waited in London, there was
danger that they would descend into poverty because she had limited resources and received
4 Lucy Frost, No Place for a Nervous Lady (Fitzroy, Vic.: McPhee Gribble, 1984); Andrew Hassam, ed., No
Privacy for Writing: Shipboard Diaries 1852–1879 (Carlton, Vic.: MUP, 1995). 5 GM-journal, referring to March 1839; in Weber-PPP, 2: 10, 12.
170
little assistance from her husband or from many others in their families. An exception was
Georgiana’s friend and relative, William Gordon, the laird of Fyvie Castle, who in November
1838 ‘stood sponsor’ at her baby’s baptism and took a keen interest in her welfare.6 On 20
April 1839 she visited Fyvie in London, when he advised her that she would be ‘destroying the
boys’ prospects’ if she left England.7 She received moral support from a clergyman, Reverend
Henry Clissold M.A. ‘of Stockwell Chapel, Clapham Road near London’, one of whose
sermons was amongst the texts she copied out in this period, along with extracts from writers
such as the feminist Frederika Bremer.8 In August 1839 Clissold’s wife introduced her to Lucia
and James Cummins and their eldest daughter Martha, who later also moved to Melbourne to
join her husband Octavius Browne.9 The Cummins invited Georgiana to join in activities in
their social circle. They also helped her obtain pupils for art classes as well as commissions for
miniature portraits, which were used in this period by genteel classes as calling cards and
mementos before their eclipse with the rise of photography.10
Fyvie visited Georgiana and her boys on Christmas Eve 1839 and gave them presents of
cakes and a goose.11 On Christmas Day Georgiana was invited to go with Mrs Clissold to a
party given by Alderman Farebrother, the former Lord Mayor of London. He and his family
met with Georgiana’s approval, despite his background in trade. Georgiana made particular
note of the musical skills of the female members of Mr Farebrother’s household. We are not
told how Mr Farebrother’s ‘ladylike and very musical’ daughters displayed their musicality.
However, the duties of his unmarried sister-in-law Miss Broadhurst were similar to those of
Fanny Gordon at Gordon Hall and Mitford’s ‘Aunt Martha’ and included accompanying,
presumably on the piano, the family members and guests dancing ‘carpet quadrilles’ in the
evening, when Georgiana had to ‘make up a set— with…Mr Clissold for my Cavalier’.12
Georgiana was invited to stay with Mr Cummins on New Year’s Eve. James Cummins
also helped Georgiana raise the necessary funds for the fares for herself and her sons by
supplication to her stepmother, Duchess Elizabeth. Georgiana resented the duchess’s arrogant
attitude towards her, but relied on the duchess’s bounty. Mr Cummins negotiated with the
duchess to provide a sum of £500 to pay for the passage and insurance for Georgiana and her
children, which in those days was considered a large amount of money and allowed Georgiana
6 GM-journal, Sunday 11 November 1838; in Weber-PPP, 2: 8–9. 7 GM-journal, 20 April 1839; in Weber-PPP, 2: 11, 13. 8 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Notebook’ (c. 1837–44), CSPP, MS 12836, Box 3611/1, AMC-SLV. 9 GM-journal, August and September 1839; in Weber-PPP, 2: 14–23; Niall, Georgiana, 104–5. 10 Caroline Clemente, personal communication, 31 August 2011. 11 GM-journal, ‘Xmas Eve’ 1839; in Weber-PPP, 2: 21, 23. 12 GM-journal, ‘Xmas day 1839’; in Weber-PPP, 2: 24–25.
171
and her family to sail in relative comfort as first class ‘cabin’ passengers. However Mr
Cummins was told that Georgiana would not receive other money that she thought she should
have inherited after her father’s death until after the duchess had died. Georgiana felt that she
was not treated the way a duke’s daughter ought to expect but these postponed expectations
sustained her hopes for independent material comfort for many years. While the duchess was
generous to the Free Church of Scotland and to other worthy causes, Georgiana was
disappointed when she was left an annuity of £100 in the duchess’s will, as Georgiana revealed
in her copy of her journal entry from July 1840 that she annotated after the duchess’s death in
1864.13 These issues appear to have contributed to reoccurring marriage difficulties for
Georgiana and her husband Andrew.
In 1840 Georgiana received news from an unnamed correspondent (possibly her husband
Andrew) who described Melbourne as a small frontier town:
This town which 18 months ago – had but 3 brick houses in it — has now a
population of 300 souls — with suitable dwellings. There are 5 places of Worship
for the verious [sic] denominations of Christians – and a Court of Justice. Two
schools, _two Banks, A Club consisting of 60 members _ A fire and Marine
Insurance Company. Six Clergymen, Twelve Medical men, _ and, five Lawyers —
The country for 180 miles round Melbourne is under cultivation, or used as
pasturage by the Settlers, and Stations already extend along the line of the road to
Sydney.14
The census put the population figure of Melbourne at the beginning of 1841 at around 4,500
migrants, mainly British, and this number doubled within a year.15
Georgiana tried to prepare as best she could for her voyage on the sailing ship Argyle,
which was due to leave Gravesend on Sunday 26 October 1840.16 She packed a large amount
of belongings. While her inventory did not specify music, entries under ‘books’ may have
covered Georgiana’s copies of printed music and her manuscript music transcriptions,
including her three collections which had been bound previously; she may also have brought
loose folios later included in CMB.17 Amongst her other surviving possessions is an ornate
13 GM-journal, July 1840, rewritten and/or annotated after 30 January 1864; in Weber-PPP, 2: 28–29. 14 GM-journal, ‘Extract of a letter from Melbourne 1840 ’; in Weber-PPP, 2: 30–31. 15 Weber-PPP, 2: 30, n. 34; Henry G. Turner, ‘In Memoriam: Mrs. A. M. M’Crae’, in Argus (Melbourne),
Saturday 7 June 1890, 13. 16 GM-journal, Sunday 26 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 49, 51. 17 GM-journal, ‘Inventory of Packages pr. “Argyle” from London Landed at Melbourne – March 1841’; in
Weber-PPP, 2: 38–41.
172
rastrum, used to rule music staves on blank paper, which she presumably brought with her from
Britain.18
Georgiana and her children boarded the Argyle in Gravesend on 25 October 1840.19
Hearing the popular tune of ‘Les Graces’ played on a barrel-organ added to her despondent
mood:
After awhile, I went down to my dark den, to make preparations for our first night
on shipboard…In the evening, the rain cleared off,—and I heard from the Shore,
snatches from an old Barrel-organ—ground slowly—and rapidly by turns, —the
notes of the old familiar air “Les Graces!”.20
‘Les Graces’ was the name for numerous pieces in the period, so it is unclear which melody
Georgiana recognised.21 Georgiana felt that the music from the barrel-organ was particularly
appropriate to her circumstances:
The graceful flow of the tune coming in interrupted “gusts” —across the water—
seemed to sympathise with my sense of its contrast to my surroundings! and always
it seemed to give a wailing tone to the concluding bars, as if it repeated again and
again —“Il faut subir son sort”22—At last, it ceased—and I found every thing in
our cabin cold, damp, comfortless and strange with a haunting odour of new paint!23
Georgiana had reason to be fearful. Her husband had left her two years before to go to the
other side of the world. Her father and mother were dead and she felt that her stepmother was
not as supportive as she would have liked. Her surviving four children were all young and her
ability to earn money was limited. The sea voyages to Australia often took four or five months
in vessels that were not guaranteed of safety from wreck or sickness. She was too genteel to
interact much with her mother’s family and not genteel enough to be welcomed or assisted by
many of her aristocratic relatives other than Fyvie. After her migration she would be living a
separate life at a great distance from former friends, her illegitimate half-siblings, childless
stepmother or her other relations, aristocratic or more humble, and would have to fashion her
life anew.
18 McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831, 3594/3, AMC-SLV; implement described incorrectly in SLV ‘Guide’ as a
‘stippling pen’, which is used for etching. 19 GM-journal, 25 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 44–47. 20 GM-journal, 25 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 46–47. 21 ‘Les Graces (The Lancer’s Quadrilles)’, Free-scores.com,
http://www.free-scores.com/download-sheet-music.php?pdf=2477; Chris Walshaw, ‘Les Graces.2voices.
RHu.105’, http://abcnotation.com/tunePage?a=www.village-music-project.org.uk/abc/HughesR/0105;
http://trove.nla.gov.au/music/result?q=Les+Graces (all accessed 9 November 2016). 22 ‘It is necessary to submit to one’s fate’. 23 GM-journal, 25 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 46–47.
173
Georgiana’s two servants Jane Shanks and Jenny Sutherland came as intermediate class
passengers and also as bounty immigrants, whose fares were paid by colonial authorities.24
Among the ten adult cabin passengers, the only adult females besides Georgiana were Mrs
Sarah Susanna (Sally or Susan) Bunbury and her sister-in-law Mrs Elizabeth (Lizzie or Lizzy)
Sconce, who with their husbands Captain Richard Hanmer (known as Hanmer) Bunbury and
Sally Bunbury’s brother Robert (called Bob or Robin) Sconce boarded the Argyle in Plymouth.
Sally Bunbury was heavily pregnant with her second child and Georgiana attended the birth
during the voyage. Sally and Hanmer Bunbury were nearly a decade younger than Georgiana
and were both interested in drawing, sketching and painting as well as music; their surviving
landscapes and botanical drawings are, like Georgiana’s artworks, of interest to Australian
historians.25 Lizzie Sconce was only nineteen. Despite the age differences, the friendships
between the McCraes, Bunburys and Sconces, based on shared interests as well as family
connections, continued for many years.
Hanmer Bunbury, born 18 December 1813 in rural England, was the sixth child and fourth
surviving son born to Louisa née Fox and her husband, a baronet and military historian,
Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Edward Bunbury.26 The Bunbury family had influential
aristocratic connections. Hanmer’s mother Louisa was descended from the second Duke of
Richmond, who was also an ancestor of some of Georgiana’s Gordon relatives including her
cousin and father’s heir. Hanmer Bunbury benefitted from an education and patronage in the
establishment of his early military career and had received art training in the navy. According
to an annotation to Georgiana’s journal entry of 6 December 1840, Bunbury had lost his right
hand aged sixteen in the Battle of Navarino but had ‘attained wonderful “dexterity” – with his
left hand’.27 Once his military career was finished, he had the responsibility of looking after
his wife and child without much help from his wider family.
Sally Bunbury and her brother Bob were two of the children of Robert Clement Sconce
(1787–1846) and his first wife, the former Miss Sarah Knox. Sally published two volumes
about her father’s Life and Letters and was proud of his having been ‘formerly secretary to
24 GM-journal, Stockwell, 18 September 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 34–35. 25 Bunbury Family Correspondence, 1824–1872, MS 13530, AMC-SLV [BFC-SLV], http://www.slv.vic.gov.au/portphillip/gid/slv-man-aaa08457 (accessed 11 November 2016); thanks also to
Caroline Clemente and Alisa Bunbury (personal communication, 2011). 26 Sir Charles J. F. Bunbury, Memoirs and Literary Remains of Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Edward Bunbury,
Bart [Privately Printed] (London: Spottiswoode & Co., Printers, 1868),
http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000768054 (accessed 11 November 2016), 62. 27 GM-journal, annotation to entry for 6 December 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 72, 74.
174
Admiral Sir John Duckworth’ and his abilities in writing and drawing.28 Mr Sconce, born in
the West Indies, later lived with his second wife and family in Malta, where Sally married her
husband in 1838. Sally was proud that her mother, the daughter of the headmaster at Tunbridge
School, had received a ‘liberal’ female education where she was taught subjects suitable to
females. She was thus:
thoroughly well educated. She was well grounded in Latin, French, and Italian;
understood music, was well read in her own language, and wrote verses prettily on
light and trifling subjects. Nor was the domestic usefulness and economy, so much
more taught in those days than at present, neglected.29
Sally and Bob’s father was pleased that his son had an excellent education at Oxford
including learning Latin and Greek which set him up for a career, but was worried when Bob
was set on marrying his young cousin before his vocation or his income were assured. In 1840,
as the time approached for the four young people to depart for Australia, Mr Sconce wrote
many letters with advice. While it appears that Georgiana had few people to farewell or
correspond with, the Bunburys and Sconces were in frequent contact with family at home.
Sally’s father wrote of concern for Sally and for her role in the education of her young son:
You are wise in reading Italian while you have it fresh. If you were to neglect it
long, it would grow rusty that you might be discouraged from refurbishing it.
Mental stores are valuable enough to all their possessors; but you, who will depend
so much upon your own resources, will have more especial need of them, not only
for your own use, but little Henry’s.30
Mr Sconce thought that music was amongst suitable recreations while at sea:
You will have time for reading on the voyage, so don’t forget to keep out a few
books. I say, Bob, all the young ladies spend their time in working carpets. I see
nothing but worsted-work going on…
Don't let Lizzy work. You have an understanding, dear Lizzy; but most ladies live
as if they had only fingers…Music, drawing, reading, are all a pretty deal better.31
On board the Argyle, there were eight intermediate passengers and over 200 bounty
immigrants, who included many Irish Catholics.32 The passengers’ class stratification indicated
28 Sarah Susanna Bunbury, Life and Letters of Robert Clement Sconce, 2 vols. (London: Cox & Wyman, Printers, 1861) [Bunbury, Sconce]. 29 Bunbury, Sconce, 1: 7. 30 Bunbury, Sconce, 2: 103. 31 Bunbury, Sconce, 2: 110. 32 See GM-journal, 30 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 54–55; State Records Authority of NSW, ‘Assisted
Immigrants: Argyle’,
175
social distinctions as well as the ability to pay the costs involved with different types of
accommodation. These levels corresponded with Georgiana’s experience in both Britain and
Melbourne, where one’s place in society often depended on religious affiliation as well as
gender, family connections and money. British Protestants often viewed themselves as superior
to Irish Catholics, who were seen as impoverished, uneducated peasants tainted by their
affiliation with the Pope in Rome.33
After escaping damage during wild storms in the Bay of Biscay, the Argyle’s sailors and
passengers rescued survivors from the wreck of an Italian ship, the Piccolo Jachimo, and
brought them aboard their own ship. Georgiana was sympathetic to the romantic hopes of a
rescued sailor named Francesco Ragusa and transcribed the words of an Italian ‘Canzonetta’
written by him about his sweetheart:
Nina mia bella
Gentile e graziosa
Io cerco una Sposa
Sincera e fedel.34
This was one of the episodes that Georgiana considered important enough to copy out again in
her later life.35
Georgiana revealed her perception of prevailing social distinctions in her journals and
recollections. On board, the men including Hanmer Bunbury and his brother-in-law Bob
Sconce led Protestant services and Sunday School classes which, due to the small numbers of
each denomination, included Presbyterians, Wesleyan Methodists and Anglicans. As a woman
Lizzy Sconce was allowed a secondary role, to lead the singing in the services. In an entry
dated 22 November 1840 Georgiana described the scene, where she maintained the expected
protocols of formal address when describing her fellow-passengers, even in her personal
journal:
Our first Sabbath at Sea –
Laidlaw père and Mr C. H. Macknight represented the Kirk of Scotland _ and Welsh
& his little girl the Wesleyans _
http://indexes.records.nsw.gov.au/searchhits_nocopy.aspx?table=Assisted%20Immigrants&id=9&frm=1&query
=Ship:Argyle (accessed 11 November 2016). 33 Richard Broome, The Victorians: Arriving (McMahons Point, NSW: Fairfax, Syme & Weldon Associates,
1984), 43, 102–4. 34 ‘My beautiful Nina / Kind and gracious / I look for a wife / Sincere and faithful’; GM-journal, ‘Canzonetta di
Francesco Ragusa’, 19 November 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 96–99. 35 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Manuscript Commonplace Book’ (c. 1854): 34–37, RB 1164.6, MPC-USyd, University
of Sydney.
176
As we got more settled _ The Sunday Services became quite regular _ and were
conducted in the most correct manner possible by Capt Bunbury & Mr Sconce _
The singing by Mrs Sconce –& others – and Mr S. also had a Sunday School class
of the few children on board, not belonging to the Church of Rome—.36
The Argyle left the survivors from the Piccolo Jachimo and took on supplies in Praia on
the island of Santiago in the Cape Verde Islands from 6 to 11 December 1840, which allowed
the passengers some welcome time on shore. Georgiana and Lizzy Sconce spent time with the
Portuguese wife of the American Consul where Georgiana tried to help their lack of a common
language by singing a Portuguese song, but she caused her hostess distress from homesickness:
I then bethought me to give Madame a little surprise, –and began to sing a
portuguese [sic] Song of which I remembered the words “Se de teus novos
Amores”37_but seeing tears start into Madame’s eyes _ I felt very much pained at
having struck– the wrong chord!38
The Argyle rounded the Cape of Good Hope on 15 January 1841 and by 26 February they
were off Cape Otway near Port Phillip. After a journey of nearly five months, they arrived in
Melbourne on Monday 1 March 1841. Three days after the Argyle arrived in Melbourne
Georgiana ventured onto land, but her first impressions were not favourable:
Jane Shanks the Boys & I _ got on board the “Govr Arthur” a miserable little
steamer without any cabin —when halfway up the Yarra the rain began to pelt –and
we took refuge below – The little boat landed us nearly opposite the Yarra Hotel —
Flinders Street—the bank very soft – and we had to wade through mud and clay up
the Hill to Dr McCrae’s in Bourke Street West _my good London Boots abymés!
—39
Georgiana’s use of the French language proclaimed her sense of superiority on her arrival in
such an ill-favoured outpost and her distress at the ruin by the Melbourne mud of her
fashionable boots. These, with her music collections, were amongst the many possessions she
had brought with her in her determination to preserve and continue her former life as much as
she could in her new surroundings, despite such an inauspicious start.
36 GM-journal, 22 November 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 64, 66. 37 ‘If from your new love’. 38 GM-journal, 7 December 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 80–81. 39 GM-journal, 4 March 1841; in Weber-PPP, 2: 108–9.
177
5.3 Melbourne and Arthur’s Seat 1841–60
Colonial life: ‘The sound of music’
Georgiana’s ‘lady’s’ education and musical skills provided her with interests and enjoyment
and also eased her initial entry into the upper echelons of Melbourne’s early colonial society.
However, her material position, and thus her status, was often under threat. Her upbringing in
England, her Scottish family background on her father’s side and her education by French
refugees made her relatively tolerant of different religious and ethnic groups, but as a migrant
in a British imperial colony she was keen to perform the practices that marked her as superior.
Her sympathetic human interaction with servants and Indigenous people did not mask her
underlying resentment that life had not provided her with the wealth and standing that she
thought were her due.
Musical skills prized by Georgiana and many other British middle-class migrants and their
families required access to instruments and written music. Pianos were particularly favoured
and became a feature of many homes in the Australian colonies, as in Britain and elsewhere in
the British Empire. Pianos were seen to be part of the household requirements that implied a
genteel status for the owner. A description of a visit to a squatter’s house in 1846 shows how
class distinctions were maintained even in remote locations:
a well-furnished room, carpeted, furnished with easy cushioned chairs, a beautifully
finished piano…hung with good engravings and enlivened by a small but valuable
library…the young gentleman himself was waited on by his servant with as much
form and ceremony as though the next heir to a dukedom.40
Mrs Campbell, an early British resident on a country property in western Victoria, was able to
use her piano and her performance of Scottish and Italian repertoire both for her own enjoyment
and that of the local Aboriginal people.41 Bush life could be more hazardous to pianos and
genteel music-making than these images suggest. For example, a widow and her daughters
living inland of Port Phillip called on their determination as well as their musical skills to
sustain them during financial difficulties:
40 Robert Russell, 25 July 1846, quoted in Paul de Serville, Port Phillip Gentlemen (Melbourne: OUP, 1980),
91–92; n. 26, 229; see Russell Papers, MS Box 11/1, MS Box 658, AMC-SLV. 41 Ian D. Clark, ‘Colin and Frances Campbell and their Relationships with the Djabwurrung Aboriginal People’,
in Scots under the Southern Cross ed. Fred Cahir et al. ([Ballarat]: Ballarat Heritage Services, [2014]), 27, 31;
Lorna L. Banfield, Like the Ark (Melbourne: F. W. Cheshire, 1955/1986), 16, 46, 49.
178
the bailiffs were in possession of the premises, the lady having been unable to meet
her engagements…What was my surprise when I approached the hut to hear the
sound of music! I entered, and found Miss Isabella placidly playing on the piano,
while her mother was warbling an old song to her accompaniment. …The cattle
which had been seized for the debt on the station had not realized the amount that
was due...The poor old piano was carried off, besides several other pieces of
furniture, which, though of small intrinsic value, were cherished by the emigrants
as mementoes of home.42
People in Port Phillip and Melbourne kept up with trends and fashions from Britain. By
the time Georgiana arrived in Melbourne in 1841, organised domestic and community music-
making amongst the British and European population in Melbourne was growing with the sale
of sheet music, instruments and manuscript paper at a number of varied types of businesses,
while performers and teachers like Madame Caradori Allan and Monsieur and Madame Gautrot
had commenced professional activities.43
Women’s music facilitated men’s family and business relationships
The McCraes’ last four children were all daughters born after Georgiana followed Andrew to
the colonies. Georgiana Lucia, ‘Lucie’, was born in Melbourne in December 1841, only nine
months after Georgiana and Andrew were reunited.44 The McCrae family lived first in town in
a cramped rented house which Georgiana named ‘Argyle Cottage’ in Lonsdale Street West.
Andrew tried to make a living as a lawyer and the family moved to a gentleman’s residence
known as ‘Mayfield’. The McCraes’ new house, which was demolished in 1962, was built one
hundred yards from the west side of the Yarra River in modern-day Abbotsford, an inner
Melbourne suburb, in what is now known as Church Street.45
42 Marguerite Hancock, ed., Glimpses of Life in Victoria by a Resident (1872; Carlton, Vic.: Miegunyah Press,
1996), 32–33. 43 See Radic, ‘Aspects of Organized Amateur Music’, 7–118; Neidorf, ‘Guide to Dating Music’, 1: 41–60;
2:252–322; Ross, ‘Singing and Society: Melbourne, 1836–1861’, 17–76; Garryowen, The Chronicles of Early
Melbourne, 1835 to 1852 (1888; Melbourne: Heritage, 1976), 486–87; Katharine Brisbane, ed., Entertaining
Australia (Sydney, NSW: Currency Press, 1991), 36. 44 Niall, Georgiana, 186. 45 For photos of ‘Mayfield’, c. 1910–20, see
http://www.picturevictoria.vic.gov.au/site/yarra_melbourne/Collingwood/9376.html
http://www.picturevictoria.vic.gov.au/site/yarra_melbourne/Collingwood/9375.html
http://www.picturevictoria.vic.gov.au/site/yarra_melbourne/Collingwood/9374.html
(all accessed 11 November 2016).
179
The McCraes’ social lives included mixing with other McCrae family members. One of
Andrew’s sisters, Thomas Anne, married the Melbourne businessman George Ward Cole,
whose wealth and property led her to attempt to dictate her interpretation of genteel behaviour
to others in the family.46 Music-making was one of the common forms of entertainment in the
homes of the settlers such as those in the McCraes’ social circle. It helped them adjust to their
new surroundings by continuation of the cultural practices from their former lives. Men also
found it useful to promote their businesses, as demonstrations of cultured achievement,
particularly by a wife, helped establish and maintain relationships as well as the flow of money.
On 12 June 1841 Georgiana reported that Dr Farquhar McCrae (1806–50), one of Andrew’s
brothers living at that time in Melbourne, used music at a family occasion, when she ‘Dined at
Dr McCrae’s, a Musical evening’.47 Andrew obtained a piano for Georgiana a year later on 5
July 1842:
Rode to Town – to Captn Roach’s Bourke Street West to try the two Pianos
commissioned from London by Dr Sandford – one of these Capt Roach offers to Mr
McCrae for a debt due to the firm – at £50 – I chose the one I preferred – & was
glad to learn that the other was the one the Dr likes best – 48
The piano proved valuable when the McCraes were entertaining guests. On 17 September
1842, Georgiana wrote that ‘Mr Redmond Barry came to dine with us had a musical evening –
Mr R sings well’.49 Barry (1813–80) had a prominent Victorian legal and public career and
reached the heights of public office, despite his irregular domestic arrangements and
illegitimate children. His friendship with the McCrae family was damaged in 1844 when Barry
represented John Leslie Foster in court over the public horsewhipping of Dr Farquhar
McCrae.50 A week after Barry’s visit, on 26 September 1842 another of Andrew’s associates,
businessman Lauchlan McKinnon (1817–88), was also entertained by Georgiana’s
performance of Gaelic music: ‘Lachlan Mackinnon [sic] came out to dinner, In the Evg
delighted him, and myself, not a little, By playing several old gaelic lilts_’.51
In his memoir of early Melbourne, ‘Garryowen’ or Edmund Finn, a former journalist from
the Port Phillip Herald, recalled that in 1841 a group called the ‘Melbourne Harmonic Society’
46 Penny Russell, A Wish of Distinction, 26–38; Thomas Anne Ward Cole’s ‘Diaries 1867–1882’, MS Box
1472–87, AMC-SLV. 47 GM-journal, 12 June 1841; in Weber-PPP, 2: 121, 123. 48 GM-journal, 5 July 1842; in Weber-PPP, 2: 208–9. 49 GM-journal, 17 September 1842; in Weber-PPP, 2: 214–15. 50 Garryowen, Chronicles of Early Melbourne, 363–64; Ann Galbally, Redmond Barry (Carlton, Vic.: MUP,
1995), 45. 51 GM-journal, 26 September 1842; in Weber-PPP, 2: 216–17; see also Weber-PPP, 2: 127, n. 49.
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began to meet every Thursday evening in the Wesleyan Chapel in Collins Street, followed in
1843 by a short-lived ‘Philharmonic Society’.52 In a journal entry from 9 January 1843,
Georgiana discussed her attendance at an ‘Oratorio’ performance in the Wesleyan Chapel,
where ‘The singers acquitted themselves well – especially Mr Blundell’.53 ‘Mr Blundell’ may
have been related to James J. Blundell, whose bookseller and publishing company in Collins
Street leased premises to the artist Samuel Gill in the 1850s. ‘Mr. Blundell’ also lent packing
cases to the Melbourne Philharmonic Society for the choir to stand on in 1854.54
In May 1843, one of Georgiana’s brothers-in-law, Dr Thomas, took her to town to attend
a ball at the Mechanics Institute. Her waspish observations took note of who was there and
what they wore and showed that at this point Georgiana was mixing with the highest echelons
of colonial Melbourne society:
All the Elite of the Colony assembled & in full swing – beside Mr & Mrs La Trobe
– The Mayor Mr Condell, & his niece dressed in Mantis green, – & not unlike the
insect itself in the waltz attitude!...Dancing was kept up briskly till after one a.m_.55
Music contributed to the continuation of Georgiana’s friendships with the Bunburys and
Sconces after their arrival in Melbourne and also helped their acceptance into the elite sections
of society. Captain Hanmer Bunbury became the harbourmaster for Williamstown for a number
of years and also tried farming life and indulged in property speculation in the hope of
increasing his fortune, like many others of his class.56 In June 1844, Hanmer Bunbury reported
on the attendance of important men and ‘musical ladies’ at a party:
We have always a comfortable room at the Judge’s [Jeffcott] when we like to go
there so that it is very pleasant & his parties are always very agreeable, generally
La Trobe, one or two of the barristers, and some of the pleasantest people in
Melbourne with some of the most musical ladies.57
Superintendent and later Lieutenant-Governor Charles Joseph La Trobe (1801–75) and his
French-speaking Swiss-born wife Sophie were amongst the McCraes’ friends. The La Trobes
52 Garryowen, Chronicles of Early Melbourne, 488; Radic, ‘Aspects of Organized Amateur Music’, 27. 53 GM-journal, 9 January 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 234–35. 54 E.J.R. Morgan, ‘Gill, Samuel Thomas (1818–1880)’, ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU,
http://adb.edu.au/biography/gill-samuel-thomas-2096/text2639 (accessed 2 March 2017); Radic, ‘Aspects of
Organized Amateur Music’, 134. 55 GM-journal, 23 May 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 274–75. 56 See Shirley Videion, Law on Water (Brighton, Vic.: S. Videion, 2006), 22–27; Trudie E. Fraser, ‘The
Bunbury Letters from New Town’, in Brunswick Street—Lost and Found, ed. Miles Lewis (Fitzroy and
Melbourne, Vic.: Fitzroy History Society; Faculty of Architecture, University of Melbourne; NTA (Vic), 2012),
45–58, http://www.fitzroyhistorysociety.org.au/images/file/6-BSL&F_TheBunburyLettersFromNewTown.pdf
(accessed 29 October 2016). 57 Richard Hanmer Bunbury to his father Sir Henry E. Bunbury, Williams Town, 9 June 1844, BFC-SLV.
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arrived in Melbourne in 1839 with the first of their four children, their two-year-old daughter,
Agnes.58 Charles La Trobe, a writer, artist and musician, was a son of the composer Christian
Ignatius La Trobe, a leading minister in the Moravian Church, an evangelical Protestant
denomination.59 Charles La Trobe’s outlook and musical tastes were both influenced by his
Moravian education and upbringing.60
In 1834 La Trobe had travelled with a young Swiss count and the American author
Washington Irving, who wrote a succinct word portrait of La Trobe in reminiscences of their
experiences when they accompanied a United States Government Commissioner that
investigated resettlement of Indigenous American tribes west of the Mississippi River:
He was a man of a thousand occupations; a botanist, a geologist, a hunter of beetles
and butterflies, a musical amateur, a sketcher of no mean pretensions, in short, a
complete virtuoso; added to which, he was a very indefatigable, if not always a very
successful, sportsman. Never had a man more irons in the fire, and consequently,
never was man more busy nor more cheerful.61
La Trobe had published a number of books about his travels in Europe and North America
and had written reports for the British Government about the education of former slaves in the
West Indies. Prior to his appointment as Superintendent or chief administrative officer of the
Port Phillip District of New South Wales, he received little training or experience in
administration or leadership. Amongst the small population in Melbourne, his role as the
representative of the British Government gave him a relatively high social status, but he often
felt isolated and welcomed friendship with educated artistic people like the McCraes. The
McCrae’s daughter Fanny Moore wrote a memoir about the McCrae family piano. As she
wasn’t born at the time of its purchase, she may have drawn on her mother’s stories. According
to Fanny, in the McCraes’ early days in the colony, they had many visitors including Mr La
Trobe, who ‘was a frequent visitor, and, often, stretching his long legs under the keyboard,
played away in a right masterful fashion, while his wife sang French and Swiss chansonettes
very sweetly’.62
58 Dianne Reilly Drury, La Trobe: The Making of a Governor (Carlton, Vic.: MUP, 2006). 59 ‘The Rev. Christian Ignatius Latrobe’, Musical Times and Singing Class Circular 4, no. 88 (1 September 1851): 249–50, 255, http://www.jstor.org/pss/3370834 (accessed 11 November 2016). 60 Colin Holden, ‘A Musical Soul’, La Trobeana 10, no. 1 (February 2011): 13–18. 61 Washington Irving, A Tour on the Prairies (1849), in The Works of Washington Irving, new ed., rev., Crayon
Miscellany (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1863), 9: 19. 62 Frances Octavia McCrae [Mrs Fanny Moore], The Old Piano’s Story, ed. Bruce Steele (Mornington Peninsula
Branch, NTA (Vic), 2006).
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La Trobe’s salary was low and he had to provide his own home, a prefabricated house that
the La Trobes brought with them from England to Melbourne. The house used to be situated in
Jolimont, the Melbourne suburb named after it, but is now found opposite the Observatory
entrance to the Botanic Gardens. In ‘La Trobe’s Cottage’ is the La Trobe family’s cottage piano
which was manufactured by John Broadwood & Sons, ‘Manufacturers to her Majesty Great
Pulteney Street Golden Square London’. The piano probably dates from 1837–39 and has a
compass of just over six octaves from F,,, to G’’’.63 The McCraes’ cottage piano, now on
display at the McCrae Homestead, was manufactured by a much less well-known firm,
‘William Edwards Bridge Street Lambeth London’ and appears to be one of the few surviving
examples of Edwards’s work.64 It has a slightly smaller compass of six octaves, F,,, to F’’’.
Both instruments now are in an unplayable condition. Repair of these instruments would be
beneficial for a better understanding of how music would have sounded when played on them
in the nineteenth century, but this may necessitate the loss of some of the isntruments’ original
components.65
Music facilitated female friendships
Georgiana and Sally Bunbury visited each other’s houses for extended holidays, where they
marked their friendship by the exchange of copies of musical items.66 Sally Bunbury’s baby
who had been born on board the Argyle died of dysentery after their arrival in Melbourne, but
Sally was soon pregnant again. In June 1842, when Hanmer went out of town, Sally wrote to
her father:
As soon as Mrs. Stevens heard that Hanmer was going up the country she insisted
on my coming to her with Harry, and staying all the time that Hanmer was away.
Mrs. McCrae has also asked me to go to her next week, so I think of dividing the
time between the Stevens’ and McCrae’s. …67
Sally was very glad she had brought her music with her:
I have brought all my music with me, and it is a real pleasure to sing over my dear
old songs to Miss Steven’s friend tho’ of course after having been laid aside for
63 Miles Lewis, ‘La Trobe’s Cottage’, NTA (Vic), January 1994. 64 See Martha Novak Clinkscale, Makers of the Piano, 1820–1860 (Oxford: OUP, 1999), 2: 114. 65 See ACT Historic Places, Listening to the Past, https://www.historicplaces.com.au/blog/listening-to-the-past
(accessed 2 April 2017). 66 CMB, 12–16, 53–54, 109; see Chapter 6. 67 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Robert Clement Sconce, 6 June 1842, BFC-SLV.
183
nearly 3 years, I have in some measure forgotten them. Miss Stevens as I think I
told you before, is a first rate singer, and it is delightful to sing with her.68
On Sunday 5 November 1843, Georgiana went with her son Perry to St James, the
Anglican church and afterwards she and Sally Bunbury had lunch with the Anglican Bishop,
William Grant Broughton (1788–1853). Broughton arrived in Sydney as archdeacon of New
South Wales in 1829 and became bishop of Australia in 1836.69 Bishop Broughton was making
his second visit to Port Phillip from his base in Sydney, where one of his favoured clergymen
at this time was Mrs Bunbury’s brother and fellow passenger on the Argyle, the Reverend
Robert Sconce. Georgiana reported that ‘After tea I played & Mrs Bunbury sang some of our
good old sacred songs and psalms’.70 The next day Georgiana and five-year-old Perry went to
stay with the Bunburys in Williamstown and on 7 November Georgiana wrote that she was
‘busy copying out some of the old tunes for the Bishop’.71 Georgiana did not specify which
particular pieces she meant or whether the ‘old tunes’ were sacred or secular. However, her
copying music provided a memento of the social interaction between Sally, the Bishop and
herself, as well as a means of furthering their friendship.
Melbourne was hit by a severe financial depressioanan in the period 1842 to 1844 and
many people, including Dr Farquhar McCrae, lost money and position. Andrew McCrae’s legal
business also ran into difficulties. He had long been seeking a colonial government
appointment but none was forthcoming, despite his acquaintance with La Trobe. The McCraes’
new house was built on land that they did not own and Andrew’s inability to meet the
repayments necessitated them leaving ‘Mayfield’, much to Georgiana’s distress. Her personal
access to finance was limited and pleas to her stepmother in far-off Britain to help her out again
were unsuccessful.
Andrew McCrae decided to try his chances as a farmer in the bush. Georgiana did not
approve, as shown by a mocking parody in her private journal of a quotation from
Shakespeare’s Hamlet:
The bush, or not the bush—that is the question,
Whether it is better for the swell to suffer
The dins and shocking streets of Melbourne
Or take the bush and leave of town the troubles
68 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Robert Clement Sconce, 6 June 1842, BFC-SLV. 69 K. J. Cable, ‘Broughton, William Grant (1788–1853)’, (1966), ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU,
http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/broughton-william-grant-1832/text2107 (accessed 11 January 2017). 70 GM-journal, Sunday 5 November 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 324–25. 71 GM-journal, 6 and 7 November 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 326–29.
184
And by not being there, to end them.72
Music helped establish new social circles
In February 1844 while six months pregnant with her seventh child, Georgiana went on a round
trip of over two hundred kilometres by horseback, cart and on foot for two and a half weeks to
look at the property that Andrew was interested in and visit others in the area.73 The trip
included an evening at the Barkers’ property, Barrabang, at Cape Schanck, where Georgiana
sang ‘some fine old songs from “Granma”s [sic] books’ with Miss Eldridge and Georgiana
Scot, who were relatives of the Barkers.74 We are not told what these songs were or why
Georgiana admired them, but they were important for her socialisation, as on the occasions
with Sally Bunbury and Bishop Broughton. Margaret Martha McCrae, ‘Maggie’, was born
safely after Georgiana’s return to ‘Mayfield’. Andrew started work on their new property,
‘Underwood’, on the Mornington Peninsula, while Georgiana stayed in Melbourne. The
property was later renamed ‘Arthur’s Seat’ after the nearby mountain, which in its turn was
named after the prominent landmark in Edinburgh in Scotland.
On their fourteenth wedding anniversary in September 1844, Andrew McCrae wrote a long
poem in praise of his wife in which he commented on her looks, her temper, her art, her musical
abilities and two specific items of her Scottish repertoire that appear in MHMB and LTLMB.
His effusive tribute provides evidence of the quality of her singing voice, which he likens to a
nightingale’s:
And her voice’s rich music when nought discomposes
Like the nightingale’s – full, soft, and clear in its closes
Sinks deep in the soul – restraining or taming,
Or should the theme prompt her, inspiring, inflaming –
Then a songbird is she – but I’m not so bold
As attempt to describe how she charms young and old
With a ballad or song of times now grown hoary
The “Auchindoun” bleeze – or “thee bonnie Yerle o’ Moray” –
Or when ended the ditty, the buzz and the throng
The honours and praises that quite overwhelm
72 GM-journal, 16 December 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 342–43. 73 GM-journal, 6–24 February 1844; in Weber-PPP, 2: 370–87. 74 GM-journal, 17 February 1844; in Weber-PPP, 2: 380–81.
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The sweet bird of the magical song.75
Music in the home and its contribution to a woman’s identity as wife, mother and employer
Georgiana played the piano for herself and for visitors, to accompany her singing and to teach
music to her children. Her musical home life was aided from 1842 by the presence of John
McLure (1813?– 59; his surname was spelt variously Maclure, McClure, M’Clure), who joined
the McCrae household and not only taught the boys but also shared Georgiana’s love of the
arts.76 Full identification of Mr McLure and his family would require more research. The arrival
of a ‘schoolmaster, of the University of Glasgow’ called Mr McClure in Sydney in 1838 was
remarked on by the press.77 Two teachers called John McLure were active in Melbourne in the
early 1840s.78 The McCrae’s tutor was an educated man, whose background and position gave
him a superior social standing over servants in the McCrae household.
The McCrae MNB, which contains transcriptions of single-line treble melodies, may have
belonged to McLure.79 Men, including McLure, often preferred to play the flute, in part because
of its portability. Matthew Flinders consoled himself by playing the flute while imprisoned by
the French in Mauritius from 1803 to 1810.80 Joseph Hawdon described an incident in travels
near the Murray River in his journal entry of 6 March 1838, where the usefulness of the flute’s
portability in forging relationships with the local Aboriginal people was demonstrated: ‘Mr
Bonney was playing a few sweet airs on his flute by the riverside for the amusement of a
listening group of about forty Blacks’.81 According to another colonist, Charles Griffith, the
flute seemed particularly attractive to Irishmen, as ‘every Irishman brought out to the colonies
a flute and a rifle’.82 In a letter written on a visit to a country property in 1843, Sally Bunbury
reported to her father that ‘Mr Moore & Mr Griffith…both play the flute nicely, and we had
75 GM-journal, 21 September 1844; in Weber-PPP, 2: 442–45; see ‘The Burning of Auchindoun’, LTLMB, [38,
42–43]; ‘The Bonnie Erle o’ Murray’, LTLMB, [43]; ‘The Bonnie Erle of Moray’, MHMB, Part 1: 27. 76 GM-journal, 20 July 1841; in Weber-PPP, 2: 132–33. 77 ‘The Highlanders’, Colonist (Sydney), 27 January 1838, 3; see ‘The Patriots’, Sydney Gazette and New South
Wales Advertiser, 27 January 1838, 2. 78 GM-journal, 22 August 1843; in Weber-PPP, 2: 296–97. 79 McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3740/9(a), AMC-SLV; Gall, ‘Redefining the Tradition’, 115–17. 80 Matthew Flinders, Matthew Flinders Private Journal from 17 December 1803 at Isle de France to 10 July
1814 at London, ed. Anthony J. Brown and Gillian Dooley (Adelaide: Friends of the State Library of South Australia, 2005), 33, 250. 81 De Serville, Port Phillip Gentlemen, 36, n. 5, 221; quoted from Joseph Hawdon, 6 March 1838, in The
Journal of a Journey from New South Wales to Adelaide Performed in 1838 (Melbourne: Georgian House,
1952), 46; see http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-41402696 (accessed 11 November 2016). 82 De Serville, Port Phillip Gentlemen, 54, n. 68, 224; see Charles Griffith Diary, 16 November 1840, AMC-
SLV.
186
little concerts every evening – Mrs Moore & I playing the Piano’.83 My great-grandfather,
Johnie Richards (1850–1913), brought an eight-keyed Rudall and Rose flute with him when he
migrated from Cornwall to Bendigo in 1869.84
The musical pieces contained in collections such as MNB and Georgiana’s own volumes
were commonly available. Migrants had access to a considerable amount of sheet music and
literary works in Melbourne, some of which was imported from overseas and/or reproduced
locally.85 In addition to maintaining her habits of manuscript music transcription in Melbourne,
Georgiana annotated a copy printed in Melbourne of a song, ‘The Shadow of the Heart’ by
Adela Hammond, with the information ‘This is the first song & music published in Melbourne
prior to 1845’.86
Georgiana was one of few professionally-trained visual artists in Melbourne before the
gold rush period. While Andrew praised her talents and accomplishments, he did not want his
wife to earn money from her art, which she found galling especially given their financial
difficulties. She does not appear to have considered earning money from her musical skills:
Was I free to stay here_ I should follow Dr Kilgour’s advice [viz?]: to remain here
while the House remains unsold or unlet, _ and I could now make a few pounds by
painting a few miniatures, as I have been invited to do — rather than go down to
the Huts – before the House is fit for the reception of our furniture and ourselves —
But, I dare not do violence to the notions of the family — by “painting for money!”
though they never objected to my having done so before I was married. —87
Georgiana grudgingly moved to Arthur’s Seat in June 1845. It took the McCraes nine hours
by boat from Williamstown to reach their new home, where their four sons were already settled
in a collection of huts with Mr McLure the tutor and Ellen Hume the cook.88 The house
Georgiana had designed was ‘roofed, but not floored’.89 When her new house was ready to
83 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Robert Clement Sconce, ‘William’s Town Port Phillip’, 19 September
1843, BFC-SLV. 84 See Robert Bigio, Rudall, Rose & Carte: The Art of the Flute in Britain,
http://www.bigio.com/rudallrosecarte.htm; Terry McGee, Rudall, Rose, Carte & Co – the Eight Key Flute
Years, http://www.mcgee-flutes.com/Rudall.html (both accessed 11 November 2016). 85 See A Mother’s Offering to Her Children: By a Lady Long Resident in New South Wales (Sydney: Printed at
the Gazette Office, 1841), attributed to Charlotte Barton (1797–1867); inscribed possibly in Georgiana
McCrae’s handwriting, ‘William Gordon McCrae, 1842’, RARELT 910.453 B 75 M, RB, SLV, Melbourne. 86 Adela A. Hammond and W. H. Harrison, ‘The Shadow of the Heart, The Poetry by W. H. Harrison Esqre. to
whom the Music is Respectfully Inscribed By his Obliged Young Friend Adela A. Hammond’ (Melbourne: [c. 1840s]), MS 12831, Box 3743/3, AMC-SLV; see Neidorf, ‘Guide to Dating Music’, 41–42, 44; Graeme
Skinner, ‘Hammond, Adela Ann’, Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-
H.php (accessed 19 February 2017). 87 GM-journal, 8 February 1845; in Weber-PPP, 2: 490–91. 88 GM-journal, 9 June 1845; in Weber-PPP, 2: 544–45. 89 GM-journal, 12 June 1845; in Weber-PPP, 2: 546–47.
187
accommodate her piano as well as her family, it was brought to the property and placed against
a wall in the sitting/dining room, as marked on the plan of the house that she drew in 1850.90
Georgiana’s daughter Fanny remembered performances by her older brothers, her mother, John
McLure and occasional visitors:
The boys were old enough to learn music. How they punished the old piano,
pounding away at ‘Rousseau’s Dream’, ‘The Battle of Prague’, etc., and using the
pedals in the freest manner imaginable...The trials of the morning were, however,
in some sort compensated for in the evenings, when they had family concerts.91
In addition to well-known piano pieces such as ‘Rousseau’s Dream’ and ‘The Battle of Prague’,
the musical repertoire that Fanny remembered included music for voice and piano, some of
which was found in different volumes of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections. LTLMB
and CMB contain two different versions of songs called ‘There Was a King in Thule’ with
English translations from the original German words by Goethe.92 ‘The Land o’ the Leal’ with
words written by Lady Carolina Nairne is found in MHMB.93 However, Charles Horn’s ‘The
Deep Deep Sea’ or ‘Auld Robin Gray’ with words by Lady Anne Lindsay and music by the
Rev. William Leeves do not appear in any of Georgiana’s manuscript music collections.94
According to Fanny Moore, all these pieces were occasionally performed in the McCrae home
with additional improvised instrumental accompaniment by McLure or a visitor:
Such songs as ‘There was a King in Thule’, ‘The Deep, Deep Sea’, ‘Auld Robin
Gray’, ‘The Land of the Leal’, were sung with admirable taste and feeling by the
lady of the house, the tutor [McLure] assisting with his flute, and, at times, a
wandering visitor with a violin.95
Georgiana’s expressive renditions of Scottish ‘Jacobite’ songs were particularly memorable:
90 Niall, Georgiana, Plate 37. 91 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story; J. B. [Johann Baptist] Cramer, ‘Rousseau’s Dream’
(London: Chappell & Co., [1811–15?]), NLA: http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/39964994, JHU:
https://jscholarship.library.jhu.edu/handle/1774.2/18405 (tune known as ‘Go Tell Aunt Rhody’); František
Kocžwara, ‘The Battle of Prague’, 1st ed. c. 1778,
http://imslp.org/wiki/The_Battle_of_Prague,_Op.23_(Koc%C5%BEwara,_Franti%C5%A1ek) (both accessed
21 August 2016). 92 LTLMB, [6], ‘Translations / Song by Alex. Smith’; CMB, [glued to second last flyleaf]; see ‘Es war ein
König in Thule’ in The LiederNet Archive ed. Emily Ezust,
http://www.lieder.net/lieder/get_text.html?TextId=6463 (accessed 21 August 2016). 93 MHMB, Part 1: 225. 94 Charles E. Horn, ‘The Deep Deep Sea’ (London: T. Welsh of the Royal Harmonic Institution, [1830]),
http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/13403635 (accessed 21 August 2016); see also Jane Millgate, ‘Unclaimed
Territory: The Ballad of “Auld Robin Gray” and the Assertion of Authorial Ownership’, in Library:
Transactions of the Bibliographical Society 8, no. 4 (2007): 423–41, Project Muse. 95 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story.
188
French, Italian, Spanish and German ballads were all included in the repertoire, but
the old, stirring Jacobite songs pleased the boys most.
Their mother sang with such verve that a vision seemed to arise before them of the
outlawed prince, his pale and haggard features pinched with hunger, a hunted look
in the bonny blue eyes, as he crouched low in the heather and bracken, hiding in
rocky caves known only to his faithful followers. ‘Charlie is My Darling’, ‘Awa,
Whigs, Awa’, ‘Over the Water to Charlie!’96
Georgiana’s affinity with John McLure extended to her keeping copies of some of his
poetry, including his 1843 parody of the ‘The Maid of Llangollen’ found in LTLMB. McLure
wrote ‘The Song of Spring’ on the occasion of Perry McCrae’s seventh birthday on 7
September 1848. The poem reflected McLure’s enthusiasm for the creative, flexible education
that was possible in the bush:
Come forth, O ye boys — from lessons come
Away with books —and slates and Sum
Away with your “Caesar and Virgil and stuff”—
Ye have had of Classics quantum suff=
But it is not for me to waste time in talk—
I’m off to the woods with my sharp tomahawk.97
Georgiana also had cordial relations with other less educated employees. In 1848,
Georgiana wrote some verses to celebrate the marriage of her servant Ellen Hume to ‘Samuel
Payne formerly servant to Mr Barker’, to be sung to the air of ‘Duncan Gray’, one of the
Scottish tunes Georgiana had transcribed in her youth:
When Sam Payne came here to woo
Ha, ha, the wooin’ o’t—
There was ne’er so much ado – Ha, ha –the wooin’ o’t
Ellen drew her up so prim
Said with look severe and grim
“Would I take the likes o’ him?” Ha ha —.98
96 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story; ‘Charlie is My Darling’: not found in MHMB, GCMB,
LTLMB or CMB; ‘Awa, Whigs, Awa’: LTLMB, [3]; ‘Over the Water to Charlie!’: MHMB, Part 1: 207. 97 J. McLure, ‘The Song of Spring’, in GM-journal, 7 September 1848; in Weber-PPP, 2: 606–7. 98 GM-journal, ‘Arthur’s Seat 1848’; in Weber-PPP, 2: 618–19; see MHMB, Part 2: 322.
189
Music sustained friendships despite isolation and distance
In the first few years after her arrival in Melbourne, Georgiana’s social status as an educated
free immigrant with aristocratic connections, married to a gentleman lawyer, was quite high.
At the isolated Arthur’s Seat property she did her best to keep up her acquaintance with those
she considered her social equals. The McCraes’ friends, Captain and Mrs Reid, lived at
‘Tichingorook’, a property at a distance of around sixteen kilometres from the McCraes.99
Captain Reid sold the property to his daughter Emma and son-in-law Alexander Balcombe in
1846, who renamed it ‘The Briars’ after the Balcombe family home on the Atlantic island of
St Helena, where Napoleon had stayed in 1815 at the start of his second exile.100 Georgiana
also visited other neighbours, including the Barkers at Cape Schanck and their successors from
the Were, Howitt and Anderson families.101 Redmond Barry sent her autographed printed
copies of his lectures about art (1847) and music (1849) which he gave at the Mechanics
Institute.102 Georgiana gave birth to her eighth and ninth children at Arthur’s Seat, probably
without a doctor in attendance: Frances Octavia, ‘Fanny’, born in 1847, and Agnes Thomasina,
born in 1851.
Georgiana’s domicile at Arthur’s Seat made it unlikely that she could attend the increasing
number of professional and amateur music concerts in Melbourne. However it is interesting to
speculate to what extent she was able to keep in touch with musical activities in town. For
example a performance of Paul and Virginia on 2 March 1846 at the Melbourne Queen’s
Theatre was organised by orchestral leader John Megson and the members of the Philharmonic
Society.103 Megson’s arrangement of Paul and Virginia could have been based on the
Mazzinghi operatic version of Saint-Pierre’s novel, as seen in Georgiana’s MHMB.104 Part of
a popular style of miscellaneous program, Paul and Virginia was ‘followed by an Instrumental
and Vocal Concert upon which occasion the Orchestra will be considerably augmented with a
99 Georgiana McCrae used a number of spellings for the name of this property. 100 Victorian Heritage Database, ‘The Briars’, http://vhd.heritage.vic.gov.au/places/result_detail/852?print=true
(accessed 11 November 2016); see Chapter 6. 101 Niall, Georgiana, 190–92. 102 Redmond Barry, ‘An Introductory Lecture on Architecture, Sculpture, and Painting’ (Melbourne: Printed at
the Gazette Office, 1847), SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/247773 (accessed 9 November 2016);
Redmond Barry, ‘Lecture on Music and Poetry’ (Melbourne: William Clarke, Printer, Morning Herald Office, 1849), SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/247661 (accessed 9 November 2016); see also MS 12831,
AMC-SLV. 103 ‘Advertising’, Port Phillip Patriot and Morning Advertiser (Melbourne), 27 February 1846, 3,
http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article226316486 (accessed 16 January 2016); Ross, ‘Singing and Society’, 98–99,
199. 104 MHMB, Part 1: 104–9; see Chapters 3, 4 and 7.
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variety of Dancing, &c.’ and the evening concluded ‘with the Burlesque Burletta Extravaganza,
called, the Revolt of the Workhouse’.105 In a miscellaneous program two years later, Charles
La Trobe as the Superintendent of Port Phillip along with William a Beckett, the resident Judge,
were patrons of the Mechanics’ School of Arts Music Class which gave its first concert at the
Mechanics Institute on 21 November 1848, featuring overtures by Bishop, Balfe, Rossini and
Auber, a Mozart symphony, waltzes by Labitsky and Strauss, interspersed with a solo flute
piece, songs and glees.106
Georgiana’s friends the Bunburys made efforts to maintain their social position. In June
1846, Sally visited her brother and sister-in-law in Sydney and mixed with Governor Gipps
and Archbishop Broughton.107 On her return, Sally visited their friends the Greenes on a
property ‘about 14 miles from Melbourne’, but she was recalled home to nurse Hanmer after
he had a stroke. When Sally took Hanmer back to the Greenes’ home to recuperate, music
featured in the entertainment:
Mrs Greene is a middle aged widow with a large family of all ages from 20 to 4
years old. Her only daughter is a very sweet girl of 17, and will be greatly sought
after here where young ladies are so scarce. Mrs Greene is a very clever, intellectual
woman, full of Irish humour, and we spent our time very agreeably with books,
music, and conversation. I give long daily singing lessons to Mary and one of her
brothers so that I don’t feel quite useless here, and Harry [Bunbury], who is with
us, joins the little boys in the schoolroom under the Tutor.108
In Sydney, Sally Bunbury’s brother, the Reverend Sconce, was driven to personal and
public turmoil because he felt compelled to leave the Church of England to become a
Catholic.109 Despite this, when the new Anglican Bishop of Melbourne, Charles Perry, and his
wife arrived in 1848, the Bunburys made it their business to be introduced. Again music was
one of the conduits of proposed interaction. Hanmer Bunbury told his father that ‘Susan’ (Sally)
Bunbury, who by this stage had given birth to five of her seven children, would have
accomplishments in common with the wife of one of Bishop Perry’s clerics:
105 ‘Advertising’, Port Phillip Patriot, 27 February 1846, 3. 106 ‘Domestic Intelligence: Music’, in Argus (Melbourne), 21 November 1848, 2; ‘Advertising: Mechanics’ School of Arts Music Class’, in Argus (Melbourne), 21 November 1848, 3. 107 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Robert Clement Sconce, Sydney, 6 and 10 June 1846, BFC-SLV. 108 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Lady Bunbury, Woodlands, 28 October 1846, BFC-SLV. 109 R. A. Daly, ‘Sconce, Robert Knox (1818–1852)’, (1967), ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU,
http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/sconce-robert-knox-2637/text3659 (accessed 11 November 2016); G. P. Shaw,
Patriarch and Patriot: William Grant Broughton 1788–1853 (Carlton, Vic.: MUP, 1978), 141, 210–13.
191
A Mr. Bean who came out with the Bishop, and is shortly to be ordained, has been
appointed to reside at Williams…Mrs Bean we have not yet seen but Mrs Perry
speaks very highly of her and her children, and as she is very fond of music and
drawing, both Susan and the children will have pleasant companions.110
Georgiana was six months pregnant with her ninth child Agnes when she stayed with the
La Trobes at their home in Jolimont in November 1850. She was with the La Trobes when they
were told on 11 November 1850 that the bill for the separation of Victoria from New South
Wales had passed both houses of the British Parliament.111 Superintendent La Trobe opened
the Princes Bridge across the Yarra River with a grand procession on Friday 15 November
1850. The musical performances during the day began with songs outside the La Trobes’ home:
We were startled out of our sleep at 6 a.m by a Reveilleé Performed by the Saxa
Horn Band & some singers who gave us _ “Hark! The lark at Heav’ns gate sings,’
“Ciascun lo dice ciascun lo sa” The National Anthem – and some stirring Polka
Tunes to one of which the Band marched away — 112
Georgiana substituted for an ill Sophie La Trobe in the official festivities:
Wishing to give all the servants a whole Holiday Madame asked me to take her
place in the carriage & to do the Bowing for her...the processions & their gay
banners all drawn up in a line, closed by Carriages and Horsemen was a very pretty
sight _ The cheers were given heartily –and had but the two bands of instruments,
that followed the Saxa Horn Band—been more d’accord – there would have been
nothing to mar the Harmony that prevailed —113
Georgiana’s participation in this event led to gossipy speculation that the friendship
between Charles La Trobe and herself went beyond that of likeminded creative, intelligent
people far from their homeland.114 She was also interrogated about her nationality by Mrs
Perry, the Anglican Bishop’s wife:
Mrs Perry brought in her work this forenoon, – While I was at mine she startled me
by saying – “Are you a Britisher?”
110 Richard Hanmer Bunbury to his father Sir Henry E. Bunbury, Williams Town, 15 February 1848, BFC-SLV. 111 GM-journal, Jolimont, 12 November 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 644–45. 112 GM-journal, Jolimont, 16 November 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 646–47; see ‘Programme of the Procession for
the Opening of the Princes Bridge and the Advent of Separation: Friday, November 15, 1850’, Argus
(Melbourne), Thursday 14 November 1850, 2. 113 GM-journal, Jolimont, 16 November 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 646–47. 114 See Marguerite Hancock, Colonial Consorts (Carlton South, Vic.: Miegunyah Press, MUP, 2001), 239, n. 63;
Brenda Niall, ‘Georgiana McCrae and the La Trobe Friendship’, La Trobeana 10, no. 1 (February 2011): 35–40.
192
Why do you ask, said I – “Because you pronounce some English words “exactly as
Mrs La Trobe does” I then told Mrs Perry that I am an Englishwoman bred & born
in London – but brought up amongst French Emigrés, and that from nine years of
age I had been in the habit of speaking French continually_ _115
Georgiana and Mrs La Trobe discussed social connections between Georgiana’s
aristocratic Gordon relatives and Mrs La Trobe’s family in Switzerland and Scotland.
Georgiana used language distinction to mark her closeness to Mrs La Trobe: ‘To Mrs Perry,
Mrs La Trobe always speaks in English, but with me she always converses in French —’.116
The creation of the colony of Victoria was celebrated in songs printed in Melbourne
including ‘Hark the Strains That Triumphant Are Swelling’.117 Sally Bunbury also reported to
her mother-in-law about the festivities:
Melbourne has been in a considerable state of excitement for the last fortnight or
so…There have been many & various reports as to who our first Governor is to be,
but it seems pretty certain that it will be Mr. La Trobe…There have been all sorts
of gay doings in Melbourne, illuminations, fireworks, the opening of the handsome
stone bridge over the Yarra, with many processions & ceremonies, and last night
there was a grand fancy dress ball to celebrate the great event.118
Sally told her mother-in-law about her problems with servants and discussed the educational
progress of her children, including her daughter Louy’s ladylike achievements in French,
music, reading and needlework:
I have begun teaching Louy French & music, and she generally reads & works with
me during a great part of the forenoon. She is a nice, cheerful, sensible little
companion to me. They are all in excellent health, and sweet little Fanny is a most
engaging little creature.119
Sally also enjoyed a productive visit from Georgiana, who furthered their friendship by
painting portraits of two of the Bunbury sons. Sally hoped to copy the originals and send the
copies as gifts to family at ‘home’ in Britain: ‘Our old friend & fellow passenger Mrs McCrae
115 GM-journal, [Jolimont], 17 November 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 648–51. 116 GM-journal, [Jolimont], 18 November 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 650–51. 117 Frank Hooper and W. J. D. Arnold, ‘Hark the Strains That Triumphant Are Swelling’ (Melbourne: Edward
Arnold [1850]), AP 784.689945 H76H, SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/151663 (accessed 11
November 2016). 118 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Lady Bunbury, Williamstown, 29 November 1850, BFC-SLV. 119 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Lady Bunbury, Williamstown, 29 November 1850, BFC-SLV.
193
was with us nearly a month lately, and she kindly made nice portraits of Cecil & Clement for
[me]. I want to keep the originals, and try & make copies to send home’.120
Intercultural contact and possession
Georgiana enjoyed her visits to friends in Melbourne but had grown to love her home at
Arthur’s Seat where she and her children had freedom and the landscape provided artistic
inspiration. However, at the same time, the McCraes, like many other colonists, were keen to
reinforce if not improve their social status by the acquisition of land and the treatment of
Aboriginal people at best as servants, thereby contributing to the process of the loss of
indigenous land, livelihood and independence. The traditional Indigenous economy based on
natural resources was disrupted as white settlers in the process of possession wanted to stamp
the land as their own.121 Pastoralists sought a cheap labour force, as though they were feudal
lairds, and wanted to use the land for commercial purposes. The McCraes views were
paternalistic, illustrated in 1911 when George McCrae recalled that while at Arthur’s Seat in
the 1840s, ‘We found the aborigines about us docile, tractable, and highly intelligent. Both the
young men and women became efficient and willing station servants’.122
Before the arrival of the Europeans, there were probably about 60,000 Indigenous people
in around thirty cultural-language groups in the area now known as Victoria.123 The
Wurundjeri-willam clan, whose land was used for the initial settlement at Port Phillip, belonged
to the Woiwurrung cultural-language group. The Wurundjeri, along with the Bunurong (also
known as Boonwurrung and Bonurong amongst other spellings) from the Westernport area and
other clans, were part of the Kulin nation. The terms of the so-called ‘treaty’ in Port Phillip
between Batman and indigenous Kulin elders were seen by the Kulin as a rental agreement
which did not restrict their rights to move across and use their land. In response to Batman and
Fawkner’s fait accompli, in 1836 the British Government opened up the area to extended
settlement. This caused a land rush which led to a much more rapid European takeover of
south-eastern Australia, with a marked impact on Indigenous society. Whereas some
Indigenous people resisted the spread of Europeans and their sheep and cattle by guerrilla
warfare, others welcomed the availability of European resources including food and
120 Sarah Susanna (Sally) Bunbury to Lady Bunbury, Williamstown, 29 November 1850, BFC-SLV. 121 Richard Broome, ‘Charles La Trobe’s View of Nature’, La Trobeana 11, no. 2 (June 2012): 9–18. 122 George McCrae, ‘Early Settlement of the Eastern Shores of Port Phillip’, Victorian Historical Magazine 1,
no. 1 (1911): 24–25. 123 Richard Broome, Aboriginal Victorians (Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2005), 11.
194
weapons.124 Hanmer Bunbury’s interaction with Aboriginal people in the Grampians area of
Western Victoria was much more violent than the pastoral experiences depicted by the
McCraes.125
The settlement of Melbourne coincided with the end of slavery throughout most of the
British Empire, but the Australian Indigenous people were treated as inferiors by many free
settlers. An example of this type of thinking can be found in a book that Georgiana owned
which contained twenty-five plates and description of sketches by Harden Melville, draftsman
aboard the Fly and Bramble during a survey of Australia and nearby islands in 1842 to 1846.
The Indigenous people from mainland Australia and Papua were compared unfavourably with
people from the islands to the north-east:
We now leave the arid and sombre shores of Australia, with its adjacent islands,
inhabited by dark and degraded races of Australians and Papuans, as the remainder
of the sketches were taken in more cheerful scenes and among a higher race of
people.126
Despite such widespread prejudices, the McCraes became friendly with the Bunurong
people at Arthur’s Seat, helped them in times of trouble, observed their cultural practices and
collected their vocabulary. Her son George reminisced about his youthful interaction with the
Bunurong:
During the seven years and more that I was in communication with these people I
was taught many things, and learnt their dialect fairly well, coming to know the
names of stars, trees, and animals, as well as to gather some small knowledge of
their folklore, their customs, superstitions, and prejudices, not to mention their
sorceries.127
Like Mrs Campbell from western Victoria, Georgiana performed music to what appeared
to be an appreciative Aboriginal audience and a young Bunurong woman who Georgiana called
Eliza was amongst the subjects of portraits that Georgiana painted during this period.128 In
October 1848, Georgiana sheltered another young Aboriginal woman, Myrnong, and reflected
on the experience in a heartfelt poem:
124 Fred Cahir, Black Gold (Acton, ACT: ANU E Press, 2012), 1. 125 Ian D. Clark, ‘Aboriginal People and Frontier Violence: The Letters of Richard Hanmer Bunbury to His
Father, 1841–1847’, La Trobeana 16, no. 1 (March 2017): 25-40. 126 Harden S. Melville, Sketches in Australia and the Adjacent Islands (London: Dickinson & Co., 1849), Plate
22; see MS 12831, Box F3602, copy inscribed ‘G H McCrae’, AMC-SLV. 127 George Gordon McCrae, Recollections of Melbourne & Port Phillip Bay in the Early Forties (Adelaide:
Sullivan’s Cove, 1987), 66. 128 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story; Niall, Georgiana, Plate 24; Caroline Clemente’s
comments, in Niall, Georgiana, 285–86.
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Ah me! Poor girl! Life’s struggle hath begun
In thy young heart, whence calm and quiet banish’d be
And now – suspense, & care, and fatal jealousy
And fear, – and hate, and hope – alternatively
Possess, and shake thy soul…129
In her journal in 1850, Georgiana recorded an Indigenous story told to her by Charles La
Trobe about the formation of Port Phillip Bay.130 While still at Arthur’s Seat in October 1851
a young Bunurong man that the McCraes called ‘Johnnie’, who had returned from a trip to
California, became very ill and died:
A Cold frosty morning – Poor Old “Bogie” in great distress as his son is dying
_...The old man trying to revive him by breathing into his mouth, and instead of
allowing the lad to breathe his last in peace and quiet- _ the old man kept him in his
arms, singing into his ear, & from time to time pulling up his eyelids to let him see
the light of the Sun – About noon we heard a loud Wail from the Lubras, and (the
party were Qambying at the foot of our paddock outside the fence & the Cape
Schanck road) and we knew by this that poor “Johnnie” had been released from his
sufferings_131
A few days later, Georgiana reflected on Johnie’s friendship with her sons. Her sadness at
Johnie’s death was augmented by knowledge that she had to leave her home and garden in the
bush:
Before he went to California he had been an ally and Hunting companion of our
boys – and his death has cast quite a shade of sorrow over them all — But a deeper
sorrow is in my Heart, for a few days hence I must bid farewell to my Mountain
Home —and forsake the garden I have formed & the trees I had planted —132
Music reinforced class status
Unfortunately Andrew McCrae again had trouble making enough money. The Australian gold
rushes from 1851 exacerbated matters and Andrew started looking for alternative employment.
The McCraes left Arthur’s Seat for good and their marriage became further strained. Georgiana
129 GM-journal, October 1848; in Weber-PPP, 2: 610–11. 130 GM-journal, ‘Arthur’s Seat’, 30 October 1850; in Weber-PPP, 2: 640–41. 131 GM-journal, ‘Arthur [sic] Seat’, 1 October 1851; in Weber-PPP, 2: 654–55; Fels, ‘I Succeeded Once’, 306. 132 GM-journal, ‘Arthur Seat’, 5 October 1851; in Weber-PPP, 2: 658–59.
196
returned to Melbourne to oversee the education of her daughters, without a permanent home of
her own. She did not want to accompany Andrew when he became a police magistrate on the
goldfields. Their three eldest sons also started paid work.
Georgiana and her family were devastated when their youngest daughter Agnes died of
measles in 1854, at two years of age, the same age that the McCrae’s first daughter, Elizabeth,
had died in 1834. Georgiana recopied stanzas into a Commonplace Book from Hogg’s ‘I Hae
Naebody Now’ that she had used at the time of Elizabeth’s death twenty years earlier.133
Amongst other excerpts Georgiana copied in 1854, a stanza by the Scottish-born poet and
hymn-writer James Montgomery (1771–1854) echoes her hope based on her religion that death
would reunite her with her children:
Then, thou in Heav’n, & I on Earth
May this one hope delight us
That thou wilt hail my second birth—,
When death shall reunite us,
Where worlds no more can sever
Parents and child for Ever.134
Georgiana’s daughter Fanny remembered that Georgiana’s grief affected her music-making:
For many months after baby’s death the old piano remained closed. Why should her
voice sound amidst such sorrow? Indeed, it was only after another removal—to
North Melbourne—that she once more made melody for various people, and
assisted the little girls in learning music.135
Georgiana and the children moved again in 1854 to Richmond, to a ‘green-shuttered
cottage in Hoddle Street’, across the road from East Melbourne.136 Sophie La Trobe had
returned to England and then moved to Switzerland where she died in January 1854. In May
1854 Charles La Trobe left Melbourne to return to Britain and the McCraes’ close association
with viceroyalty was lost.137 In April 1854 the widowed Duchess Elizabeth had sent a letter to
Lord Hotham asking him to ‘give letters of introduction’ to Hotham’s cousin, Sir Charles
Hotham, the new Governor of Victoria, ‘for Mr Andrew M McCrae and his four sons’. The
133 Niall, Georgiana, 216, 319–20; Georgiana McCrae, ‘Commonplace Book’ (c. 1854): 6, RB 1164.6, MPC-
USyd, University of Sydney. 134 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Commonplace Book’ (c. 1854): 5, RB 1164.6, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; James Montgomery, ‘A Mother’s Lament on the Death of her Infant Daughter’, in Wesleyan-Methodist
Magazine for the Year 1822…1, Third Series (London: Printed by T. Cordeux; Methodist Church, 1822): 824. 135 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story; see Chapter 4. 136 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story. 137 CJLTS, Charles Joseph La Trobe: Lieutenant-Governor,
http://www.latrobesociety.org.au/LaTrobe4.html (accessed 21 August 2016).
197
duchess claimed that she took ‘a deep interest in Mrs A M McCrae who lived with me for a
time at Gordon Castle before she was married’.138 Despite the duchess’s intervention,
Andrew’s public service career only reached moderate levels, especially in comparison to
someone like his brother Alexander McCrae who, as the duchess pointed out, had become
Victoria’s Postmaster General.139
From the 1850s onwards, people poured into the colony of Victoria from all around the
world to join Aboriginal, ex-convict and free-born residents. Basic survival was an immediate
priority. Finances and possessions brought from home could not be relied to last indefinitely.
Paid employment was often intermittent and insecure; while servants could be fined or sent to
jail if they refused to work, this situation was upset by the labour shortages in the gold rush
era.140 Shifts in social structures in Melbourne and the goldfields led to the Eureka Stockade,
extended suffrage, self-government and the eight-hour working day.
The influx of people into Melbourne also led to an enlarged artistic circle, including the
professional artists Louisa Meredith, Eugène von Guerard, La Trobe’s cousin Edward La Trobe
Bateman and Nicholas Chevalier, who were promoted by patrons such as the McCraes’ friends
the Howitt family.141 Georgiana received public praise when she exhibited eight drawings and
miniature paintings at the first exhibition of the Victorian Society of Fine Arts in December
1857.142 The rapid growth of population and wealth brought about further expansion of colonial
arts and culture, with the establishment of the Public Library and University of Melbourne in
1854 and extended seasons of operas and concerts by visiting stars such as Catherine Hayes,
Anna Bishop and Miska Hauser.143 Local artists also flourished. An echo of Georgiana’s
repertoire in MHMB was seen when Marie Carandini (1826–94) took the male part as Paul and
Mrs Frederick Younge played Virginia in a production of Paul and Virginia, described as ‘one
138 Angus Trumble, ‘A Letter of Introduction “for Mr Andrew M McCrae and his Four Sons”’, La Trobe
Journal 83 (May 2009): 108–12, http://www3.slv.vic.gov.au/latrobejournal/issue/latrobe-83/t1-g-t11.html
(accessed 21 August 2016). 139 Trumble, ‘A Letter of Introduction’, 109. 140 Kerry Cardell and Cliff Cumming, ‘Squatters, Diggers and National Culture’, in A World Turned Upside
Down, ed. Kerry Cardell and Cliff Cumming (Canberra: ANU, [2001]), 77–107. 141 Bunbury and Clemente, This Wondrous Land; Caroline Clemente, ‘The Private Face of Patronage: the
Howitts’ (Masters thesis, University of Melbourne, 2005). 142 ‘The First Exhibition of the Victorian Society of Fine Arts’, Argus (Melbourne), 4 December 1857, 5. 143 See Richard Davis, Anna Bishop (Sydney: Currency Press, 1997); Miska Hauser, Miska Hauser’s Letters
from Australia 1854–1858, ed. Colin Roderick and Hugh Anderson (Red Rooster Press, 1988); Basil Walsh,
Catherine Hayes (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2000).
198
of the best of the old school of what may be called lyrical melodramas’, at Theatre Royal,
Bourke Street, Melbourne, on Saturday 27 March 1858.144
Georgiana’s creative interests in art and music led to her painting the denouement of
Bellini’s opera La Sonnambula (1831), found on the reverse of a landscape scene of ‘North
Melbourne from the back of the Signal Station’ dated 12 November 1853 (see Figure 20).145
Figure 20: Georgiana McCrae, scene from La Sonnambula, reverse of ‘North Melbourne
from the Back of the Signal Station Nov 12/53’, RB 1164.8, MPC-Usyd, University of
Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.
144 ‘Theatre Royal’, Argus (Melbourne), 27 March 1858; Ross, ‘Singing and Society’, 283; ‘Carandini, Marie
(1826–1894)’, Advertiser (Adelaide), 29 April 1894, 3, Obituaries Australia, National Centre of Biography,
ANU, http://oa.anu.edu.au/obituary/carandini-marie-3162/text24097 (accessed 17 January 2017). 145 Georgiana McCrae, scene from La Sonnambula, reverse of ‘North Melbourne from the Back of the Signal
Station Nov 12/53’, RB 1164.8, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney.
199
The first performance in Australia of La Sonnambula occurred in Hobart in 1842, but
Melbourne had to wait till 1855, when Catherine Hayes staged the opera, followed soon
afterwards by Anna Bishop in 1856, with subsequent performances by other casts in 1858 and
1859.146 Georgiana’s painting shows the heroine Amina, in despair about her rejection by her
beloved Elvino, endangering herself while sleepwalking over a dangerous drop. Georgiana may
have painted this picture around the time she transcribed Rudolfo’s aria ‘Vi ravviso’ from the
opera.147 Georgiana’s music copying, evidenced in ‘Vi ravviso’ and elsewhere in CMB, as well
as her home concerts saw another burst of enthusiasm. While her daughter Fanny Moore’s
recollections are vague in regards to dates, they provide supportive evidence of a lift in
Georgiana’s spirits: ‘The concerts of the old bush days were now revived. Her mistress once
more played and sang every evening, the manly voices of the elder sons blending with that of
their mother’.148
The McCrae’s former tutor John McLure died at Pleasant Creek (Stawell) in June 1859.
In his will McLure (spelled Maclure) left the proceeds of the sale of his properties in Melbourne
to his mother and sisters; however, his smaller legacies included leaving his gold watch to
Georgiana and Andrew’s eldest son George.149 In February 1860, Georgiana was still in distress
about McLure’s death the previous June when she wrote a lengthy letter to Sally Bunbury, who
had returned to Britain with her children and was widowed after her husband’s death in 1857:
I can scarcely yet realise the fact of his [McLure’s] death—we parted on that
Sunday night—supposing we should have Mr. McLure back with us for good—
about Xmas—& were looking forward to Tasmania for March or April…My tears
still flow freely for the loss of our earliest & best friend in this world—& now I am
about to ask you to tell me all you can recollect about his “Brother”. One day when
I was at Williamstown you said to me or asked me if I knew that he has or had a
Brother in Australia?150
McLure’s move to the goldfields shortly before his death had not been happy, partly
because he had little opportunity for music-making, which prompted Georgiana to question her
religious beliefs:
146 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 36–37, 76–77, 85; Ross, ‘Singing and Society’, 277–86. 147 CMB, 118(A)–20(A). 148 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story. 149 Will for John Maclure, ‘Gentleman, Pleasant Creek, 28 June 1859’, File no. 2/955, VPRS 7591/P1, unit 9,
PROV, http://prov.vic.gov.au (accessed 17 July 2016). 150 Georgiana McCrae to Mrs R. H. Bunbury, February 1860, BFC-SLV.
200
A complete change of habits – no music, no quiet – an uncongenial
Employment…One can hardly reconcile one self to the Idea that God so willed
it?151
Georgiana discussed news of her sons Willie, Sandy and George and then told Sally
Bunbury about her daughters’ educational progress. Here she revealed her dislike of her
daughters’ modern musical repertoire. Georgiana also expressed her desire to visit and sing
with Sally again, but perceived many difficulties preventing her from travelling to Britain:
Margt is now at School—and quite well in health. Fanny as tall as Maggy—& both
successful. Maggy had Eight & Fanny six prizes—for Writing Dictation—
Drawing— …Maggy the prize for neatly kept books—& 2nd prize for music &
singing, but I don’t like the sort of songs they teach her, none of the good old
Classical songs of our day. How I should like to hear you sing again & to spend a
quiet week or two with you. If the Drs. would order Lucy to Britain for her health
we might manage to pay you a visit—but these are Castles in Spain!” No bad winter
quarters for Invalids?152
Georgiana had been hurt in a fall, a discussion of which prompted her to return to her ‘intimate
grief’ over the loss of McLure.153 She told Sally Bunbury about their mutual friends Edith
Howitt, ‘poor Mrs. H’ and young ‘Charlie’, asked about the Bunbury children and commented
on building renovations at the McCraes’ former home at ‘Mayfield’. She concluded her letter
with a yearning plea for a response:
I sent you a long letter, & an envelope of verses by the “Avon” many, many months
ago, but fear you never received either as you have not written since. Let me know
by next Mail if you can spare time. I have quite got rid of my Headaches & hope
you have been equally fortunate.154
In 1862 Georgiana received a personally inscribed copy of Sally Bunbury’s first volume
of her printed book, Life and Letters of Robert Clement Sconce, in which Sally had compiled
biographical information and correspondence relating to her own father and family.155
Georgiana had been away from Britain for over twenty years by this point. She still hoped to
151 Georgiana McCrae to Mrs R. H. Bunbury, February 1860, BFC-SLV. 152 Georgiana McCrae to Mrs R. H. Bunbury, February 1860, BFC-SLV. 153 Georgiana McCrae to Mrs R. H. Bunbury, February 1860, BFC-SLV. 154 Georgiana McCrae to Mrs R. H. Bunbury, February 1860, BFC-SLV. 155 Bunbury, Sconce, vol. 1, inscribed ‘To dear Mrs. McCrae with much love from the Editor. June 12th 1862’,
MS 12312/212, Box 3114, AMC-SLV.
201
return to Britain but had no realistic plan and little money. Her husband, surviving children and
series of temporary homes were in Australia and that was where she was to remain.
5.4 Conclusion
Middle-class British women in the nineteenth century have been described as agents of
imperialism as well as subordinate members of their class.156 They often felt they had little
choice in following their husbands, brothers or sons to the colonies. The old British social rules
that gave a small number of people a superior status were, however, under threat. Genteel
migrant women may have been free and educated, but they were not necessarily affluent and
were anxious that their manners marked them as civilised and separate from others who already
lived in the area for thousands of years or who were rushing to take up land and new
opportunities. These influences on Georgiana’s musical life during her migration to Australia
and subsequent colonial expereriences will be further explored in Chapter 6 through the lens
of her fourth manuscript music collection, CMB.
156 Kate Darian-Smith, Patricia Grimshaw and Stuart Macintyre, eds., Britishness Abroad: Transnational
Movements and Imperial Cultures (Carlton, Vic.: MUP, 2007), 4.
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CHAPTER 6
GEORGIANA McCRAE’S ‘CHAPLIN MUSIC BOOK’, c. 1840–56
6.1 Introduction
CMB, the last of Georgiana McCrae’s manuscript music collections, reveals her hopes and
fears both before and after she migrated from Britain to one of its more distant colonies. Like
Jane Austen, Georgiana was interested in the pleasure of ‘musicianship as an expression of self
and its autonomy’.1 Her musical practice was valuable to her and her family as a record of an
integral part of her individual identity as a member of the educated British middle and upper
classes; in Melbourne and in CMB in particular it also showed her relationships as a mother,
wife and friend. Proud to own a piano, she took it along with her manuscript and printed music
collections to her different homes in Melbourne and the bush. While she played the piano and
sang mainly for her own enjoyment, she also used her skills and her possessions to teach her
musical culture to her children and provide entertainment for family or friends. Occasional
annotations of date and place in CMB give clues to significant events, people, or roles in her
life and can be matched to evidence found in her journals, commonplace books, letters,
artworks and other sources.
There is very little in CMB that reveals a distinctly Australian flavour. The book
demonstrates Georgiana’s continued love of collecting and performing the music that she had
learnt in her youth in her former home. She also added music that was fashionable in Britain
and its empire in the 1840s and 1850s as she kept up with music produced for the expanding
consumer market. She continued her former practice of transcriptions from written sources
rather than attempting to transcribe music by ear or to compose. There is evidence from the
writing and artworks of Georgiana, her son George and other family members that they
interacted with the local Aboriginal inhabitants and acclimatised themselves to the new
landscape and climate, but this is not reflected in Georgiana’s musical tastes. Her activities and
preferences were consistent with those of most middle to upper-class immigrant musicians in
the domestic sphere both in Australia and elsewhere in the nineteenth century, where
1 Gillen D’Arcy Wood, ‘Austen’s Accomplishment: Music and the Modern Heroine’, in A Companion to Jane
Austen, ed. Claudia L. Johnson and Clara Tuite (Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), 369.
203
composition was mainly the preserve of male white professional musicians and ‘cross-
fertilization with the musical cultures of [the English nation’s] Empire was negligible’.2
The inclusion of pieces in European languages including English, Scots, French, Italian,
Spanish, German and Latin and colonial dialects such as Creole reflected mainstream taste that
delighted in the picturesque, with an ongoing interest in ‘national airs’ and colourful locales
introduced into opera and popular song. These used European musical notation with tempered
scales, key signatures, time signatures and harmony, all of which stood in the way of a deeper
understanding of the music of other cultures, apart from any language difficulties. This was
exacerbated by the middle and upper-class colonists’ need to show superiority and dominance
over not only the indigenous inhabitants but also over people of their own race including
convicts and servants who were lower on the social scale. A range of social markers included
access to instruments such as the piano, the use of written music whether printed or manuscript
that demonstrated a level of education and culture, leisure time that allowed the development
and maintenance of skills, the choice of people with whom to associate and share one’s
accomplishments and the restriction of language and topics in the lyrics to remove any
references to unseemly behaviour.
Accurate manuscript transcription in most of Georgiana’s copies reveals her reasonably
high standard of musical education. As with Georgiana’s previous collections, it is often
difficult to identify the single source or chain of sources of the music and/or words that were
transcribed. This is in part due to changing legal requirements and attitudes to ownership and
copyright. Publishers could choose to produce single copies or sets in manuscript form or
employ various methods of printing. Professional musicians and amateurs such as Georgiana
or her friend Sally Bunbury could have copied from someone else’s manuscript transcriptions
or used printed sources other than the original publications. As the colony of Melbourne grew
in size of its population and its economy, the demand, supply, and legal protection for notated
music in Melbourne grew commensurably, in line with similar trends in Britain and elsewhere.3
2 Ian Woodfield, English Musicians in the Age of Exploration (Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1995),
281. 3 See Suzanne Robinson, ‘Music-Sellers and Retailers’ and ‘Publishers of Music’, in The Oxford Companion to
Australian Music, 400–2, 475–76; Georgina Binns, ‘Music Publishing and Selling in Australia’, in Music
Printing and Publishing in Australia, ed. Georgina Binns (Melbourne: BSANZ, 2002), 1–5; John Whiteoak,
‘Publishing Music’, in Currency Companion to Music and Dance in Australia, 550–53.
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6.2 ‘Chaplin Music Book’: ‘Woo’d and Married &c’’
Provenance and contents
The importance of music and collecting in the lives of Georgiana and her family is reinforced
by the discovery of inscriptions inside CMB by members of three generations of the McCrae
family. The signature of Georgiana [‘G H McCrae’] is found on the recto of the second flyleaf
and that of her son George [‘Geo. Gordon McCrae’] opposite on the verso of the first flyleaf.
Underneath Georgiana’s signature is an inscription: ‘To Dear Harry from Hugh / My
grandmother’s (Georgiana) music book all written in her own hand. / Nov 2. 1954.’ (see Figure
21).4 This indicates that in 1954, George’s son Hugh McCrae sold the book, along with other
memorabilia from his grandmother, father and himself, to the collector Harry Chaplin whose
bookplate was added inside the front cover of CMB (see Figure 22).5
Figure 21: Inscriptions by George Gordon McCrae, Georgiana McCrae and note from
Hugh McCrae to Harry Chaplin dated ‘Nov 2. 1954’. CMB, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd,
University of Sydney. Images: Rosemary Richards.
4 CMB, front flyleaves. 5 Harry Chaplin, A McCrae Miscellany (Surry Hills, NSW: Wentworth Press, 1967); ‘Chaplin, Harry Floyd
(1895–1988)’, in Australian Book Collectors, ed. Charles Stitz (Bendigo: Bread Street Press, 2010), 1: 52–53;
see also Weber-PPP, vol. 1.
205
Figure 22: Book plate, ‘Ex Libris’ ‘Australiana Collection’ ‘Harry F. Chaplin’, CMB,
RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.
Some pieces such as a three-part canon, ‘Non Nobis Domine’ attributed by Georgiana to
‘Bird’, may have been copied earlier than other pieces in CMB (see Figure 23). ‘Non Nobis
Domine’ was printed in The Harmonicon in 1823, as were some items from MHMB.6 The
common attribution of ‘Non Nobis Domine’ to William Byrd (c. 1540–1623), who was a
Catholic at a time when this was dangerous, has been disputed.7 Georgiana’s early education
by French Catholic and Huguenot refugees, as well as her thwarted love affair with her Catholic
relative, Perico Gordon, contributed to her broadminded tolerance towards different ethnic and
religious groups in displayed in CMB.
The earliest annotated place and date in CMB from ‘Priory Pl’ on 28 March 1840 on a
transcription of ‘The Light of Other Days’ by M. W. Balfe indicated that the piece was
transcribed before Georgiana’s emigration from Britain and shows her rented London address
off Wandsworth Road at the time (see Figure 24).8
6 CMB, 7; ‘Non Nobis Domine, a Canon, Composed about the Year 1590, by William Bird, Organist to Queen
Elisabeth’, Harmonicon 1, Part 2 (1823): item 2, https://archive.org/stream/harmonicon00unkngoog#page/n14/mode/1up (accessed 28 December 2014). 7 ‘Non Nobis Domine’, in Oxford Companion to Music, ed. Alison Latham, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/opr/t114/e4751 (accessed October
25, 2011); Bird, ‘Non Nobis Domine’, http://www.free-scores.com/download-sheet-music.php?pdf=11167
(accessed 11 July 2011); Suzanne Cole, ‘Who Is the Father?: Changing Perceptions of Tallis and Byrd in Late
Nineteenth-Century England’, Music and Letters 89, no. 2 (May 2008): 219. 8 CMB, 8–9.
206
Figure 23: ‘Non Nobis Domine’, CMB, 7, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney.
Image: Rosemary Richards.
207
Figure 24: Annotation in Georgiana McCrae’s handwriting: ‘Priory Pl: March 28th
1840’, written in England before her emigration; different handwriting on musical
score; at bottom of second page of ‘The Light of Other days; Sung by Mr Phillips in the
Maid of Artois The words by Mr. Alfred Bunn The Music by M. W. Balfe’, CMB, 9, RB
1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.
208
In the same period that Georgiana copied and exchanged separate pieces which later were
bound in CMB, she also copied pieces into LTLMB, which had been bound before her
emigration.9 CMB, like MHMB and LTLMB, does not have all the pages with dates written
on them bound in chronological order of transcription. However, the pieces that are dated in
the 1840s tend to be towards the beginning of CMB while the pieces dated in the 1850s are
generally found towards the end. An example of compilation that ignores chronological order
of the dates pages is the song ‘Annie Laurie’ annotated ‘Tickingorourk Dec: 30. 1846’,
discussed below, which is interpolated amongst other pieces dated 1843.10 An indication that
the bulk of the CMB transcriptions may have been finished by 1856 is found hidden under a
page of advertisements about printed music, where the original front page of CMB states that
it was ‘Bound by Robertson & Co Melbourne 14 July 1856’.11
CMB has around 170 separate items in over 240 pages, made from over 120 separate leaves
from sixty folios on approximately twenty different types of manuscript paper that have been
stitched together, bound in firm covers, numbered and guillotined. Georgiana’s family
members and CMB’s subsequent collector, Harry Chaplin, also continued to interpolate
supplementary material into the book after it was bound. The handwriting in CMB is mainly
Georgiana’s but identifying all examples of other hands has so far proved elusive. CMB does
not contain an index. The exact numbers of items and pages depends on what are counted.
There are pages cut out or misnumbered and additional pages glued in. Some titles are crossed
out. It is not always clear whether the dates on the pieces indicate when she first transcribed
them; she doesn’t appear to have copied them out again later, as she did when she rewrote her
diaries and recollections.
An example of textual complications in CMB is found in a version of the Highlands
pibroch bagpipe lament ‘(Cha til mi tuille) “Ha’ til”–ha t’il!’– (a Bagpipe Lament)’ (see Figure
25).12 This is written without a bass part filled in and with the first line of the words given as
‘Farewell to the mothers that bore us’. It is transcribed on top of ‘Spanish Chant’ / ‘When the
cold grasp of death’, with the page turned upside down. To further complicate matters, words
and music for ‘Spanish Chant’ also appear in LTLMB.13
9 LTLMB, [124–31]. 10 See CMB, 22, 26, 27, 31. 11 CMB, original title page; ‘Robertson & Co’ referred to the Melbourne firm, rather than Angus & Robertson
from Sydney; see John Holroyd, George Robertson of Melbourne, 1825–1898: Pioneer Bookseller & Publisher
(Melbourne: Robertson & Mullens, 1968); Neidorf, ‘Guide to Dating Music’, 302. 12 CMB: 238; Georgiana used various punctuation for this title. 13 LTLMB, 2nd insert stuck to [p. 33] plus [p. 117].
209
Figure 25: ‘Ha’ til’ on top of ‘Spanish Chant’, CMB, 238, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd,
University of Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.
Georgiana also added the words of the verse starting ‘Farewell to the mothers that bore us’
to an extra small piece of paper attached to the music notation. Here she attributed the words
210
correctly to ‘Song of the Exiles’ from Arthur Helps’ play Oulita the Serf, which was published
in 1858, two years after CMB’s binding date, with a second edition in 1873.14 These disparate
dates of binding and publication make it difficult to accurately say when Georgiana made the
transcription and annotations. On the inserted page, Georgiana guessed which tune that Helps
would have had in mind, as it is not stated in the play text: ‘(q: “‘Ha t’il?”) [sic]’. Georgiana’s
version of the tune is related to the piece published in Patrick MacDonald’s A Collection of
Highland Vocal Airs (1784).15 Today we may question the cultural appropriateness of matching
a Scottish bagpipe tune with lyrics about the exile of prisoners to Siberia set amidst a love
triangle between a Russian Count, a Princess and her family’s serf, but to Georgiana these
words seem to have had strong resonances with her own sense of exile. This is mirrored by
other items including Gaelic tunes in Georgiana’s collections such as her quotation in LTLMB
from Simon Fraser’s comments about ‘Ho neil mulad oirn_’ / ‘The Emigrants’ Adieu’.16
The structure and contents of CMB are similar to MHMB Part 1 and also to LTLMB, in
that these three collections were all formed from aggregated separate pre-existing manuscripts
and contain a miscellaneous mixture of repertoire. In CMB, Georgiana did not privilege any
particular musical style or functionality in separate titled sections, as she did in Parts 1 and 2
of MHMB. She interspersed single pieces or connected sequences in what appears to be a
random order. Most items are of vocal music, with solo songs, duets, rounds, a canon and a
hymn, from opera, music theatre and drawing room styles in different languages as mentioned
above. A majority of the vocal music has realised accompaniments, though the use of the piano
is not usually noted specifically. There are some instrumental solos written in either one or two
staves as well as some vocal music without accompaniment or with different instruments. Some
pieces have a separate vocal line with fully realised accompaniment, especially the operatic
numbers where the published piano orchestral reduction appears to have been copied faithfully.
Others were notated in two staves with the voice doubling the accompaniment in the treble
part, suggesting there may have been room for improvisation, at least by the keyboard player.
A few poems are given without music. Piano solos are mainly examples of currently
fashionable dance music such as the polka, mazurka and waltz.17
14 CMB, 238 and insert attached to 239; Arthur Helps, Oulita the Serf: A Tragedy (London: Parker, 1858), Act
5, Scene 4: 176–77, 189–90; [Sir Arthur Helps], Oulita the Serf: A Tragedy; by the Author of ‘Friends in Council’, 2nd ed. (London: Strahan, 1873), 193, 207, https://archive.org/details/oulitaserftraged00help (accessed
8 May 2017). 15 See V. S. [Virginia] Blankenhorn, ‘Traditional and Bogus Elements in ‘MacCrimmon’s Lament’, Scottish
Studies 22 (1978): 45–67. 16 LTLMB, [8]; Fraser, The Airs and Melodies, no. 226: 102, Appendix. 17 See Ellis, The Merry Country Dance.
211
Composers and arrangers were named on less than half the pieces and include numerous
males such as Arne, Arnold, Balfe, Beethoven, Bellini, Benedict, Bird, Bishop, Blewitt,
Blockley, Campana, Donizetti, Harrington, Haydn, Hérold, Hertz, C. E. Horn, Keller, Michael
Kelly, Kiallmark, J. P. Knight, [C. I.] La Trobe, Lawes, Linley, Lover, Masini, McIntosh,
McNally, Mendelssohn, Moore, Mozart, Pauseson, Purcell, Reichardt, Rossini, Schubert,
Scotland, Steibelt, Strauss, Varney and Wallace. Named Scottish musicians, collectors and
publishers included Patrick McDonald [MacDonald], Finlay Dun, John Smith and the singer
John Wilson. Female composers named in CMB include Mrs R. [Frances] Arkwright, Caroline
E. Hay, the Hon. Mrs Norton [Caroline Norton, nèe Sheridan] and Queen Hortense [Hortense
de Beuharnais]. Female poets include Joanna Baillie, Eliza Cook, ‘L. E. L.’ [Laetitia Elizabeth
Landon], the Hon. Mrs Norton, Mrs [Amelia] Opie, Miss Power and Charlotte Young; named
male poets include Thomas Haynes Bayly, W. H. Bellamy, P. J. Béranger, Alfred Bunn, Robert
Burns, Maurice Dowling, John Forbes, Thomas Kelly, M. de Laborde, George Linley, Moses
Mendelssohn, Thomas Moore and Count Carlo Pepoli.
Annotations and sources
Georgiana’s annotations in CMB included indications of authorship of texts, composition of
music, performers, fashion, acts of friendship, places and dates. Most of the musical contents
could have been copied anywhere in the British sphere of influence. The main indication that
the music was copied out in Victoria rather than in Britain comes from Georgiana’s occasional
annotations of date and place. Many of the dates require detective work, because they may
include the day and month, and even in one case the time, but not the year. CMB includes dated
annotations from both before and after her migration from Britain. Judging by dates and rastra
markings, some of CMB appears to have been copied out when the McCraes were living in
more grand housing at ‘Mayfield’ between 1842 and 1843. Another portion contains dated
pages around 1855 when Georgiana had returned from the bush to Melbourne and was living
with her younger children in Richmond.
She often did not acknowledge her sources very precisely. Sometimes pieces which may
be connected follow on from each other while at other times they are separated. For example a
series of five Spanish songs for voice and piano beginning with ‘“Amor mi dulce Dueňo” – El
Sueňo’ (‘ “Love me, sweetest lord” – The Dream’) with words in both Spanish and English
may have come from the same unacknowledged source as another song, ‘Tus ojos Incitar’,
212
which appears later in CMB.18 The CMB annotation that says that a song titled “Cease My
Heart This Sad Desponding” was Spanish is unlikely to be correct, as there is a ‘Swiss’ song
of this name by J. L. Friedrich Glück which has been attributed to Carl Maria von Weber.19
Friendship
The original title page of CMB, hidden under a later addition from a printed musical
publication, refers to the first song, ‘Bygone Days’ by Miss Power and F. W. Meymott Esq.
(see Figure 26). ‘Bygone Days’ was transcribed by someone other than Georgiana but the
copyist or donor is not identified in the CMB copy. Like with much of the repertoire in CMB,
the vocal part would not be too taxing given its range from D to F♯, its medium tessitura and
limited technical difficulty. The piano part may be more demanding as it includes an
introduction and coda requiring double octaves and cross rhythms. ‘Bygone Days’ allows for
expressive singing of restrained wistful emotion in a reasonably simple strophic song that
appears to have appealed to Georgiana over a lengthy period, as Georgiana chose this piece
and its title page to begin this collection when she compiled the loose folios prior to their
binding in 1856. The words of the first verse would have reflected Georgiana’s unhappy mood
in 1840 which she frequently harked back to in later years:
The cherish’d hopes of early days
Have faded slowly one by one.20
Incidents recorded in Georgiana’s surviving journals can be helpful in contextualising
CMB’s contents including Meymott’s ‘Bygone Days’. Before she left London for Australia
Georgiana enjoyed the hospitality given to her by her generous friends in London, James and
Lucia Cummins. In her journal on 23 October 1840, just before her emigration, her comments
about the repertoire performed at a musical evening echoed her depressed state as she waited
in London with her sons before following Andrew McCrae to Australia: ‘The W. W. Fennings
& Mrs F’s brother Mr Meymott – and other neighbours of the Cummins’ came in for a Musical
Evening – and Colonial talk – Mr Meymott – sang Campbell’s ‘Last Man’ – a most lugubrious,
chilling composition!’21
18 CMB, 72–82, 110–13. 19 CMB, 176; see ‘Cease My Heart This Sad Desponding’,
http://www.worldcat.org/search?q=ti%3A%E2%80%9CCease+my+heart+this+sad+desponding%E2%80%99+
&qt=advanced&dblist=638 (accessed 5 September 2016). 20 CMB, 1. 21 GM-journal, 23 October 1840; in Weber-PPP, 2: 42–43 [Meymott transcribed as ‘Meymoth’]; Hugh McCrae,
Georgiana’s Journal 1978/1983, 32 [Meymott transcribed as ‘Weymouth’].
213
Figure 26: ‘Bygone Days’, ‘The words by Miss Power / The Music by F. W. Meymott’,
unidentified handwriting, CMB, 1, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney. Image:
Rosemary Richards.
214
Thomas Campbell’s poem, ‘The Last Man’, was based on Mary Shelley’s 1826 novel of the
same name.22 The poem and novel describe disastrous world events that led to the survival of
only one man. It is unclear from Georgiana’s journal entry whether Meymott composed the
musical setting of Campbell’s poem that affected her so much. Frederic William Meymott was
well-known in London artistic circles and some of his songs were published in Britain and in
Sydney after he migrated around 1850; he also had an extensive legal career and became a
judge.23 The Cummins family also had Australian connections, as Georgiana painted the
portrait of their son-in-law Octavius Browne in Melbourne in 1841.24
On board the Argyle in 1840 Georgiana was fortunate to make friends with the Bunbury
and Sconce families. She had much in common with them – not only their interest in art and
music, but their genteel values and positions in the social order. Their family backgrounds
enabled them to occupy first-class cabins and eat their dinners at the Captain’s table. Georgiana
kept up her friendship with Mrs Bunbury and Mrs Sconce in Melbourne. On 17 June 1842,
Georgiana recorded in her journal that Sally Bunbury arrived for a lengthy visit to the McCraes’
new grand house called ‘Mayfield’. The first Melbourne annotation in CMB, ‘from Mrs.
Bunbury / Mayfield / July 1842’, is written on the transcription of ‘La preghiera—Romanza—
Parole de Conte Carlo Pepoli / Musica del Sigr Fabio Campana’ (‘The prayer—Romance—
Words by Count Carlo Pepoli / Music by the Signor Fabio Campana’).25 Carlo Pepoli (1796–
1881), librettist for Bellini’s I Puritani (1835), moved to London in 1837. Fabio Campana
22 Geoffrey Carnall, ‘Campbell, Thomas (1777–1844)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/4534 (accessed 6 February 2017); Thomas Campbell, ‘The Last Man’,
in The Last Man by Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley: A Hypertext Edition, ed. Steven E. Jones,
http://www.rc.umd.edu/editions/mws/lastman/campb.htm (accessed 6 February 2017);
http://www.poemhunter.com/poem/the-last-man/ (accessed 6 February 2017); Mary Shelley, The Project
Gutenberg EBook of The Last Man [1826], http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/2/4/18247/ (accessed 6 February 2017). 23 See Graeme Skinner, ‘Meymott, Frederick William’, Australharmony,
http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-M.php (accessed 19 February 2017); Colin Humphreys,
‘Colonial Judge F. W. Meymott’, Granville Guardian 18, no. 8 (September 2011): 4–6,
http://www.granvillehistorical.org.au/resources/GranvilleGuardian2011September.pdf (accessed 11 October
2015); Frederic [sic] William Meymott and William Cornelius Uhr, ‘In Memory of Jane Elizabeth Balcombe:
Who Died in the Eighteenth Year of her Age on the Morning of the 26th Day of December A.D. 1858/ Lines
Written by William Cornelius Uhr and Set to Music by Frederic William Meymott Esqre’, http://archival-
classic.sl.nsw.gov.au/album/albumView.aspx?itemID=930704&acmsid=0 (accessed 12 January 2017); Jane
Elizabeth Balcombe (1841–58) was a daughter of the artist Thomas Tyrwhitt Balcombe, granddaughter of
William Balcombe, Napoleon’s host on St Helena and niece of Georgiana’s acquaintance Alexander Balcombe. 24 Niall, Georgiana, 133; Georgiana McCrae, ‘Portrait of Octavius Browne’ (1841), SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/242098 (accessed 7 May 2017). 25 CMB, 12–16, dated annotation 16; see also ‘La Pastorella della Alpi’, CMB, 61–62, and ‘Tarantella
Napoletana’, CMB, 64–68, both have words by Pepoli and music by Rossini; see Elizabeth Forbes, ‘Campana,
Fabio’, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP, www.oxfordmusiconline (accessed 6 February 2017); William
Weaver, ‘Pepoli, Carlo’, New Grove Dictionary of Opera, Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP,
www.oxfordmusiconline (accessed 6 February 2017).
215
(1819–1882) was an Italian composer and singing teacher who moved to London in 1850. By
1842 three of his operas had been produced in Italy. The passionate words in ‘La Preghiera’,
like those in many other pieces in CMB, were in Italian, with an English translation added by
Georgiana:
Odi, odi le voti estreme
Del tuo fedel che muore
[Hear thou the last words of thy lover
Who dieth of thy cruelty].
A second song associated with Sally Bunbury, ‘Land of my dearest happiest feelings’ by
Keller, has a text about exile:
Land of my dearest happiest feelings
Where morning sheds her Sweetest dews,
Whose winds from heav’n their freshness stealing
Deck thee in fancy’s fairest hues.26
‘Land of my dearest, happiest feelings’ was advertised in the ‘Weekly List of New
Publications’ in The Musical World in 1838. It appears to have been originally published with
a German text.27 CMB includes added other words in place of the opening stanza, marked ‘My
Song’:
Land of my birth! In vain I try
On distant shores to find a Home_
Exiled from thee, I hourly sigh_
And mourn the fate that made me roam_28
In her ‘Notebook’ (c. 1837–44), Georgiana attributed these alternative words as having
been written in October 1843 ‘for my favorite Adagio of Kozeluch’ by W. W. Fenning, who
Georgiana had met along with his wife and brother-in-law Frederic Meymott in London in
1840 at the Cummins’ musical evening.29 In her transcription found in CMB, Georgiana
26 CMB, 52–54. 27 Charles (Carl) Keller, ‘Land of My Dearest, Happiest Feelings’ published by Wessel, advertised in ‘Weekly
List of New Publications’, in Musical World: A Weekly Record of Musical Science, Literature, and Intelligence
112 – New Series, no. 18 (3 May 1838): 89; see ‘Land of My Dearest, Happiest Feelings: Song of the Wanderer
for Voice and Piano’, composed by Charles Keller; translated and adapted by Jno. Rhing (London: Wessel &
Co., [c. 1846–56]), in Wessel & Co.’s Auswahl Deutscher Gesange, no. 59, for voice and piano, caption ‘W. & Co. No. 1939; Sung by Miss Masson at Mr. Wessel’s 7th soiree’, German and English text, NLA,
http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/2958807 (accessed 15 September 2011); see version [c. 1842] composed by
Carl Keller, alternative German title ‘Land meiner seligsten Gefühle’, Music Collections H. 2076, BL,
www.bl.uk/ (accessed 15 September 2011). 28 CMB, 52 29 Georgiana McCrae, ‘Notebook’ (c. 1837–44), CSPP, MS 12836, Box 3611/1, MC-SLV.
216
marked the song with the date ‘Williamstown Nov. 9 1843’.30 Georgiana’s journals from the
period corroborated that Georgiana was visiting the Bunburys in Williamstown, where Captain
Bunbury was the harbourmaster, at the time when Georgiana’s tenure at her grand house at
‘Mayfield’ was under threat and she longed to return to Britain.
Another song mentioning Mrs Bunbury was ‘Said to be “Creole air” remembered by Mrs.
Bunbury when a child – in Italy —’ (see Figure 27):
I’m g’win wid’ heart elate
to see my dear Dinah
Da flow’r of the state
ob ole Car’lina.31
Figure 27: First three systems of ‘Said to be “Creole air” remembered by Mrs. Bunbury
when a child – in Italy —’, CMB, 109, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney.
Image: Rosemary Richards.
30 CMB, 54. 31 CMB, 109.
217
In her younger years Sally Bunbury had lived in different locations including Italy because of
her father’s employment.32 How she came to learn a ‘Creole’ song or whether she taught it to
Georgiana by ear or from a manuscript or printed copy is unclear.
A woman’s role
In CMB Georgiana’s identification with her past innocent girlhood is suggested from her
transcription of two versions of Linley and L. E. L.’s ‘Constance’ (c. 1850), a song about the
purity of youthful love (see Figure 28).33 The poem ‘Constance’ originally appeared in the first
of three volumes of L. E. L.’s 1837 novel, Ethel Churchill, to describe the feelings of a sickly
innocent girl. This romantic image helped sell the novel and the song, which was reprinted a
number of times.34
The two versions of ‘Constance’ in CMB are similar as they are both in the same key
of E♭ major, in common time and have two verses, the first starting ‘I do not ask to offer thee
/ A timid love like mine’. Georgiana showed her love of reading and scholarship when she
introduced the first CMB version by an excerpt from the novel which begins: ‘It was a beautiful
feeling that warmed the pale cheek of the youthful Constance…’. The piano introduction is
marked ‘Andante con Molto Espressione’; the sentimental opportunities are reflected in the
music with dynamic and tempo markings, a pause on the word ‘love’, occasional harmonic
interest and a brief but expressive piano coda. In contrast the second CMB version of
‘Constance’ dispenses with the instrumental introduction and coda as well as with indications
of dynamics and tempo and appears to have an accompaniment for either harp or guitar as the
instrumental part only uses the treble clef.
32 See Bunbury, Sconce. 33 CMB, 122–24, 157. 34 George Linley, ‘Constance’ ([c. 1857]), words by L. E. L. (Letitia Elizabeth Landon) (London: Chappell,
1878), http://trove.nla.gov.au/work/6013301; http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-175721248 (accessed 6 March 2017); L.
E. Landon, Ethel Churchill, Ch. 12, in Complete Works, 2: 27 (Boston: Phillips, Sampson & Co., 1856),
http://archive.org/details/completeworksofl00lell (accessed 20 February 2017).
218
Figure 28: ‘Constance’ by George Linley and L. E. L., CMB, 122, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd,
University of Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.
219
Writing the lyrics and/or the music for parlour songs was one of the few socially acceptable
forms of employment for middle to upper class women in the nineteenth-century.35 These songs
often reinforced expected social roles. Another song in CMB, ‘Hearts & Homes’, with the
lyrics written by Charlotte Young and music by the prolific composer and publisher John
Blockley (1800–82), demonstrated the cloying sentimentality of the message that kept many
women in the home.36 ‘Hearts & Homes’ and many other songs of its type were printed by
different publishers in United Kingdom, United States and Australia over some decades.37 A
copy of ‘Hearts and Homes’ contains an advertisement for ‘New Musical Publications’
including ‘Home, Sweet Home, as sung by Miss Catherine Hayes’, and ‘La Hayes Quadrilles,
(illustrated), arranged from the most popular Airs sung by Miss Catherine Hayes by F. Ellard’
which advertised the Irish soprano Catherine Hayes who toured Australia in the mid-1850s.38
The music for ‘Hearts & Homes’ in G major and 3/4 time signature has a fairly straightforward
melody and accompaniment that would be manageable by a home performer accompanying
her own singing. A few dynamic markings and pauses on words such as the rhymes ‘small’
and ‘all’ give emphasis to the meaning of the words for ‘Hearts & Homes’ which are redolent
with worthy sweetness, suggesting that love is holy, the home is a temple, and love will be
sufficient, no matter the size of the home:
Hearts and Homes sweet words of pleasure
Music breathing as ye fall
Making each the others treasures
Once divided losing all
Homes ye may be high or lowly
Hearts alone can make you holy
Be the dwelling e’er so small
Having love it boasteth all.
35 Scott, The Singing Bourgeois, 60–80. 36 CMB, 107–8; see Blockley, John, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/viaf-92776414 (accessed 24
September 2012); Young, Charlotte, http://www.worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-n84-4839 (accessed 6 March
2017); Charlotte Young, World’s Complaint, and Other Poems (London: Published for the Author, by Grant and
Griffith, [1847]), vii–xii, https://books.google.com.au/books?id=3GY7AAAAYAAJ&redir_esc=y (accessed 6
March 2017). 37 See for example John Blockley (music), Grace Campbell (words), ‘Jessie’s Dream: A Story of the Relief of
Lucknow’ (various editions, c. 1851–88), http://trove.nla.gov.au/work/5984016 (accessed 6 March 2017);
George Linley (music), Charlotte Young (words), ‘Little Nell’ (London: Joseph Williams, [n.d.]),
http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/151720 (accessed 6 March 2017); Rosemary Richards, personal collection. 38 John Blockley (music), Charlotte Young (words), ‘Hearts and Homes’ (Sydney: Woolcott & Clarke, [1890?]),
SLV, http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/151621 (accessed 6 September 2016).
220
Hearts and homes sweet words revealing
All most good and fair to see
Fitting shrines for purest feeling
Temples meet to bend the knee
Infant hands bright garlands wreathing
Happy voices incense breathing
Emblems fair of realms above
“For love is Heav’n and Heav’n is love”.
An annotation, presumably by Georgiana, but possibly by another family member, showed this
message being questioned. In the version of ‘Hearts & Homes’ in CMB, someone underlined
‘Once divided losing all’.39 Four generations of women in Georgiana’s family had found it
difficult to rely on a man who was committed to loving his wife and family and providing them
with a safe and secure home: her grandmother, Jane Maxwell, the fourth Duchess of Gordon;
Georgiana’s mother, Jane Graham, the single mother and former mistress of the fifth Duke of
Gordon; Georgiana herself; and Georgiana’s daughter Frances (Fanny) who was separated
from her husband for some years.
Music education
CMB contains evidence of Georgiana’s role in the musical education of her children. She was
a very attentive mother to a large number of children and was keen to ensure that her boys born
in Britain and then the girls born in Australia would all have as much advantage from education
as she could afford. This included the provision of musical education by both Georgiana herself
and also by hired tutors such as Mr McLure, who lived with the family both in Melbourne and
Arthurs Seat. Once his charges, the four sons, were of an age to start in the workforce, Mr
McLure had to look for work elsewhere. Georgiana’s daughters were educated at home at
Arthurs Seat, presumably mainly by Georgiana herself, but once they returned to Melbourne
in 1851 they had more choice of small schools and a range of other teachers. Their access to
education, however, was limited by lack of money as Andrew McCrae’s business and
employment prospects waxed and waned and Georgiana did not have many avenues for
independent income. The four boys all went into the workforce while teenagers. None appears
to have had tertiary education and they did not follow careers in law, medicine and the army
39 CMB, 107.
221
like their father and his brothers. As the eldest son, George appears to have taken on some of
the responsibility for the family and combined his literary output with an administrative career
in the Victorian Public Service. The three surviving girls were all trained for marriage. One of
them, Fanny Moore, later drew on her musical education to provide income when she went
through marriage difficulties and had to provide for her own children.
The aims of colonial musical education in this era mirrored the values in Britain and
depended on class as well as gender. The McCrae children, with their parents’ social
aspirations, would not be expected to have professional musical careers, nor would they have
been affected by the growth of massed singing which initially aimed to provide musical
education for the lower classes. For genteel children, a knowledge of music encompassed
understanding of the Western European conception of the musical elements added to the
benefits of practical instrumental and vocal instruction to be enjoyed and displayed at home.
The development of a scientific understanding of the physiology of the body and its
relationship to improvements in performance technique, whether vocal or instrumental, did not
take very much prominence in domestic music tuition until later generations. The fact that the
McCrae boys could play the piano, like their parents’ friend Charles La Trobe, was an example
worth noting in the face of simplistic divisions of musical instruments by gender; in other
words, not all domestic pianists were female. On the other hand, it was usually men like John
McLure who played the flute.
It is unclear whether any of the McCrae children learnt the flute from McLure or whether
any of the McCrae family played another instrument mentioned in CMB, the guitar. The
inclusion of pieces for solo guitar or voice and guitar in CMB suggests, however, that this may
have been the case. The guitar pieces have German titles, ‘Das Sterbende Hold’, ‘An die
Guittare’, ‘Der Wandrer’, ‘Die Glocke’, ‘Die Sehnsucht’ and ‘Das Faterhaus’, so they may
have come from one source.40
Playing the guitar was known as a female accomplishment since the late eighteenth
century. For example, the Spanish guitar was one of the instruments taught to the fourteen-
year-old Anna Riviere, later Anna Bishop, when she began studying in the second intake at the
Royal Academy of Music in London in 1824.41 However, in Britain men such as Georgiana’s
father’s friend Lord Saltoun had played the guitar, probably because of his experiences in
Spain. Georgiana’s sons as well as daughters may have had the opportunity to play the guitar
40 CMB, 173, 174, 177, 181, 239, 242. 41 Davis, Anna Bishop, 4.
222
in Melbourne as it was easily available and was promoted in advertisements and poetry. In the
Geelong Advertiser in 1845 ‘Turkey Quill’ warned a lovelorn youth, ‘Don’t boast of your Jane,
your Julia, or Anna, / She may thrum the guitar, the harp, or piano’.42 A more lofty tone was
adopted by the poem ‘The Australian Guitar’ by ‘G. A. M. L.’ published in Melbourne’s Argus
in 1848 which compared ‘Austral’s muse’, ‘The Australian Guitar’, with representatives of the
old order represented by Albion’s poets, Scotia’s ‘ministrels’ on their lyres and Erin’s harps,
as a metaphor for the potential freedoms that the Australian colonies offered:
And freedom’s name shall fire the song,
We bear the trammelled chains no more!
And bards to the new choral strain
Shall wake the light guitar.43
When Georgiana’s youngest son Farquhar Peregrine was five, while they were living at
Mayfield on 16 October 1843, she wrote out the music for ‘Lesson 1’ composed by Steibelt.44
She would have known of the famous pianist and composer Daniel Steibelt (1765–1823) from
her own youthful days in London when learning to play the piano and sing. Steibelt’s
voluminous production of piano music, operas and songs were widely published and
performed.45 While many of his piano pieces showed off his own virtuosity, Steibelt also wrote
instructional repertoire for the growing domestic market.46 Steibelt’s ‘Lesson 1’ in CMB with
its easy key of C major and 2/4 time signature has reasonably simple parts in the treble and
bass for the right and left hands, but may be considered too complex for a modern piano
teacher’s choice of a first piece for a young beginner. The addition of words in CMB for
Steibelt’s ‘Lesson 1’, while not correlated well with the rhythm in some bars, shows a
personalisation of music lessons for the McCraes’ youngest son. One of Georgiana’s journal
entries at Mayfield in 1843 states the poem was written by the tutor John McLure, which
suggests that McLure, in addition to his provision of academic education, participated in
various strands of music education such as technical skills in piano and singing as well as
42 ‘Turkey Quill’, ‘Original Poetry: A Few Lines of Advice Addressed to a Lovesick Youth’, in Geelong
Advertiser and Squatters' Advocate, 24 July 1845, 5. 43 ‘G. A. M. L.’, ‘The Australian Guitar’, Melbourne Argus, 27 June 1848, 4. 44 CMB, 31. 45 Frank Dawes, Karen A. Hagberg, Stephan D. Lindeman, ‘Steibelt, Daniel (Gottlieb)’, Grove Music
Online, OMO, OUP,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/26624?q=Steibelt&search=quick&pos=1&_s
tart=1#firsthit (accessed 18 September 2012). 46 See for example Daniel Steibelt, Three Progressive Lessons for the Piano Forte (London and Edinburgh:
Corri, Dussek & Co, [1800]), g.132.(13), BL.
223
rhythmic accuracy and musical ensemble work. The two manuscript versions in CMB and the
journal entry have more or less the same words:
Song – for the air of “Lesson first” –
of Steibelts Instructor –
Some like plum cakes
Some like tarts
And some [do]/have set on
Lolly pops their hearts
While some to get jam
[try]/Use many arts –
Most boys for ripe fruit are keen
But here’s the strangest thing ever seen
There’s one little boy eats fruit that is green!
Farquhar then 5 yrs old – 47
By 1850 at the time of the separation of Victoria from New South Wales, Georgiana had
produced three of her Australian daughters and was pregnant with her fourth. She took a break
from her home at Arthur’s Seat in the bush to stay with the La Trobes at ‘Jolimont’, their
modest house in Melbourne, which Georgiana recorded in CMB with an annotation of
‘Jolimont. Novr 1850’ to the German lullaby, ‘Das Gewitter’ (‘The Thunderstorm’), with the
first line ‘Schlaf süss mein liebes Hertzens Kind’ (‘Sleep sweetly, my beloved heart’s child’).48
Georgiana may have sung it to the young McCrae and La Trobe children. The simple strophic
song would also be accessible to children to learn as it is marked ‘Andantino’, in F major in
three quavers per bar, although notated without a time signature. ‘Das Gewitter’ is the first of
a sequence of six German songs which may be examples of children’s music owned by the La
Trobes.49 The foreign language would not have been a barrier for the La Trobes or for their
friend Georgiana. Sophie La Trobe’s native language was French and Charles La Trobe’s was
47 CMB, 31; GM-journal, ‘Charades – adapted to the capacity of young persons – Mayfield 1843 – JMcL –’; in
Weber-PPP, 2: 352–53; see also ‘Song — air Lesson 1st of Steibelt’s “Instructor”’, in what appears to be the
hand of Georgiana McCrae, in ‘Home-made M.S. by John McLure & & &c For our own amusement’, MC554,
McCrae Collection, NTA (Vic). 48 CMB, 102. 49 CMB, 102–5.
224
English, but owning songs in German would have been reasonably common for people from
Switzerland or Britain in that era.
Rounds for two, three or four voices with secular lyrics in CMB may also have been used
in music education.50 ‘Glee singing’ or singing of part songs had been a popular activity for
some decades. Georgiana mixed education with nostalgia when she harked back to her own
childhood in other pieces in CMB. For example, she made two attempts at copying out each of
the songs ‘Muss i denn’ and ‘Fuhret hin’ [sic] and added an annotation about her French refugee
tutor to the first example of ‘Fuhret hin’: ‘This song was taught me by Louis Mauleon 1813’.51
Another important form of education in Georgiana’s youth had been to learn to dance and
to play dance music on the piano, which was represented by a substantial section of MHMB.
Some dance music is transcribed on similar paper to the CMB’s ‘49th Hymn’ which is dated
1855.52 Dance music on the whole is however much less prominent in CMB than in
Georgiana’s other music collections, although CMB contains examples of polkas and waltzes
with named composers including Charles John and Strauss (Johann Strauss II, 1825–99) plus
a page with four brief pieces notated in treble clef including three Scots tunes and a mazurka.53
It is a matter of conjecture how much the McCrae children were taught to dance or whether
dancing was a regular feature in their domestic entertainment. The house at Arthur’s Seat was
not particularly spacious and neighbours were few; back in Melbourne, Agnes’s death and
Andrew’s absences on the goldfields may have reduced the family’s impetus for conviviality.
Scottish dance music styles of strathspeys and reels that Georgiana had so much identified with
her Gordon relatives were also becoming superseded in some circles with newer more
fashionable forms of dance music.
Keeping up with operatic fashions
Georgiana had an abiding interest in opera and music theatre and operatic items are included
among her shared manuscript transcriptions of favourite pieces of music. For example more
than one person participated in the transcription found in CMB of ‘The Light of other days—
Sung by Mr. Phillips in the Maid of Artois The words by Mr. Alfred Bunn The Music by M.
W. Balfe’ (see Figure 24 above).54 An annotation in Georgiana’s handwriting gives the place
50 CMB, 63, 154, 205, 206, 211. 51 ‘Muss i denn’, CMB, 100, 132; ‘Fuhret hin’, CMB, 180 (annotated), 242. 52 CMB 121(B) (Figure 32); 213–15. 53 CMB 48–50, 120(A), 171, 175, 213–15, 217, 231, 234, 237. 54 CMB, 8–9.
225
and date of transcription, ‘Priory Pl’ on 28 March 1840, while the handwriting in the music
and lyrics of the Balfe transcription was by another unidentified scribe. The music manuscript
paper for this piece has fourteen printed staves, whereas most of CMB was written on paper
with twelve staves per page in various sizes of rastra markings (see Figure 23 above).
‘The Light of Other Days’ was originally written for the male character of the ‘Marquis’.
The vocal part in the CMB transcription is written in treble clef and has a comfortable compass
of a ninth and a legato melody repeated over two verses marked ‘Andante Cantabile con grand
espressione’. The words share a sentiment harking back to the past with the opening song in
CMB, ‘Bygone Days’ by Miss Power and F. W. Meymott.55 A printed version of ‘The Light
of Other Days’ with extra vocal ornamentation added in pencil is included in Sydney’s
‘Dowling Songbook’.56 The Maid of Artois was one of Balfe and Bunn’s earlier operas,
premiered in 1836 at London’s Drury Lane Theatre. The libretto was based on A.-F. Prévost:
L’histoire du Chevalier des Grieux et de Manon Lescaut. The principal baritone in The Maid
of Artois Mr Phillips had in 1835 also created the part of Michel in Balfe’s The Siege of
Rochelle, appearing alongside stars such as soprano Jane Shirreff and tenor John Wilson.57
Balfe’s music also was popularised in non-theatrical settings, illustrated by the performance of
a ‘Cavatina’ from The Maid of Artois by the Band of the 40th Regiment at the St. George’s Day
Dinner at Melbourne’s Protestant Hall on Saturday 23 April 1853.58
Michael Balfe (1808–70) and poet, librettist and stage manager Alfred Bunn (1797–1860)
were the creators of another operatic piece in CMB, ‘They Say There is Some Distant Land’
from The Bondman (1846) which also premiered at Drury Lane, London.59 Balfe and Bunn
were most well-known for the opera The Bohemian Girl (1843), which was popular for many
years in the Australian colonies after its first performance in Sydney in 1846.60 On 18 May
1864, Melbourne’s Argus reviewed a performance of The Bohemian Girl by the Lyster
company and mentioned the popularity of ‘The Light of Other Days’:
55 CMB 1–2. 56 M. W. Balfe, ‘The Light of Other Days, Ballad: Sung by / Mr H Phillips / In the Grand Opera / The Maid of
Artois, / Performed at the / Theatre Royal Drury Lane. / The Words by / Alfred Bunn Esqre. / The Music by / M.
W. Balfe’ (London: Cramer, Addison & Beale, [1836]), in ‘Dowling Songbook’, SLM,
https://archive.org/details/LightofOther40718 (accessed 29 March 2017). 57 Basil Walsh, Michael W. Balfe (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2008); Basil Walsh, Michael William Balfe, http://www.britishandirishworld.com/ (accessed 5 February 2012); Nigel Burton and Ian D. Halligan, ‘Balfe,
Michael William’ [(1808–70)], Grove Music Online, OMO, OUP, www.oxfordmusiconline (accessed 6
February 2017). 58 ‘St. George’s Day Dinner’, Argus (Melbourne), 25 April 1853, 9. 59 CMB, 36–39. 60 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 55–56.
226
Of the English composers, no one has attained greater popularity than Mr. M. W.
Balfe…. The secret lies undoubtedly in the easy and pleasing style of ballad music
which is the distinguishing feature of nearly all of his operas.... Amongst his works
are the celebrated Maid of Artois (with its charming ballad, ‘The light of other days,’
from the sale of which air alone the publishers netted three times more than they
gave for the whole opera).... Undoubtedly of these operas the most generally known
is the ever fresh and sparkling Bohemian Girl, with the music of which everyone of
our readers must be acquainted.61
The words of another song, ‘O Smile as Thou Wert Wont’, from Balfe and Bunn’s The
Daughter of St Mark (1844) appear in CMB separately after a piano piece titled ‘Jenny Lind’
discussed below. These words are also included in a song with music which was glued in
towards the end of CMB. Here Georgiana attributed the piece both to Maurice C. Dowling and
to Balfe; the melody and musical setting are different to those attributed to Balfe in an
American publication.62 A further CMB reference to Dowling is as the author of a poem which
begins ‘I’ll speak of thee, I’ll love thee too’, annotated as ‘Addressed to the Countess of Essex
(Catherine Stephens)’, in other words to one of Georgiana’s favourite sopranos who married
an aristocrat. This poem is written on top of a drafted piece which when the page is turned
upside down is found to be ‘Contentment’, with words starting ‘Why should I blush’, attributed
to Carlyle and Geminiani.63
Georgiana complemented clippings dated c. 1848 about the Swedish soprano Jenny Lind
found in LTLMB with three pieces in CMB that use Lind’s name in the titles. Two songs,
‘Jenny Lind’s Song of Fatherland’ with the first line ‘Farewell, I go to the far off land’ and
‘Jenny Lind’s Last Night in England’ with words starting ‘Take this gift tho’ poor the token’
were published during the height of Lind’s career.64 The origins of CMB’s brief lively piano
piece of twenty bars in G minor and 2/4 time signature with added dynamics titled ‘Jenny Lind’
has proved harder to trace (see Figure 29).65 The notated music suggests a dance like a polka
but lacks common polka rhythmic patterns.
61 ‘The Opera: The Bohemian Girl’, Argus (Melbourne), 18 May 1864, 5. 62 CMB, 217 and glued to 242; see M. W. Balfe, ‘We May Be Happy Yet’ (Philadelphia: F. Perring, [n.d.]),
JHU, http://levysheetmusic.mse.jhu.edu/catalog/levy:176.120 (accessed 13 March 2017). 63 CMB, 212. 64 CMB, 162–63, 168–69; see Felix Cantier, ‘Jenny Lind’s Songs: Farewell My Fatherland’ (Philadelphia: A.
Fiot, [n.d.]), JHU, http://levysheetmusic.mse.jhu.edu/catalog/levy:187.040 (accessed 13 March 2017); Chas.
Jefferys (words), [music arranged from German ‘Abschiedlied’], Jenny Linds Last Night in England (1847)
(Sydney: Woolcott & Clarke, [1851?]), http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-181691636 (accessed 13 March 2017). 65 CMB, 217.
227
Figure 29: ‘Jenny Lind’, piano solo, CMB, 217, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of
Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.
Unlike the relatively simple pieces attributed to Lind in CMB, Lind’s repertoire also
included Italian operatic material which reflected the increasingly athletic virtuosity and
stamina required of the operatic stars of the day.66 Whether Georgiana could sustain such
lengthy florid vocal displays herself is unclear. Her journals and reminiscences, as well as those
of her children and acquaintances, mention her performances mainly of Scottish songs where
she could accompany herself and sing with intense expression. It is likely that operatic material
represented a pinnacle of achievement to which she strived; the act of copying may have
brought her closer to an understanding of the latest styles in the professional musical realm.
The extent to which her collections represented fashionable styles cannot be underestimated;
her music collections represented what was performed in opera houses, concert halls and
drawing rooms in many parts of the world. Even though Georgiana was ten thousand miles
away from the musical centre of London, she could still participate in its valued activities.
66 See Ellen Creathorne Clayton, Queens of Song (1863; New York: Harper & Brothers, 1865), 461–82.
228
The influx of people and subsequent boom in the colonial economy due to the gold rushes
in New South Wales and Victoria from 1851 brought benefits to lovers of Italian and English
opera like Georgiana. Increased frequency and quality of operatic performances, with visits to
Melbourne by stars such as Catherine Hayes and Anna Bishop, would have reinforced
Georgiana’s interest and given her access to operatic arias and duets as well other musical items
which would have been circulating among her friends and acquaintances. The dating of
Georgiana’s transcription of particular pieces can be aided by research into the output of their
composers. For example, two pieces in CMB are written on separate folios which derive from
Matilda of Hungary with words by Alfred Bunn and music by W. V. Wallace.67 William
Vincent Wallace (1812–65), Irish composer and musician, lived in Hobart and Sydney from
1835 to 1838. His adventurous life-story was embellished by many myths of derring-do.68
While Wallace’s entrepreneurial activities in Sydney brought him attention they were
financially unsuccessful and he left both Sydney and his wife behind. After touring the
Americas, Wallace found success in London as an opera composer. His most successful operas
included Maritana (London, 1845) and Matilda of Hungary (London, 1847).
Georgiana wrote out ‘In the Devotion which we Breathe’ from Matilda and acknowledged
Alfred Bunn for the words and Wallace as the composer.69 The song features the heroine
Matilda who sings ‘con molto espres’. The words are an example of the type of doggerel lines
for which Bunn was infamous:
In that devotion which we breathe
And struggle to disguise
Tho’ bright the surface, underneath
A deeper passion lies.
Georgiana marked the next piece in CMB, ‘A Lowly Youth from the Opera of Matilda In
Imitation of a Swiss Air’ by Wallace with the incomplete date of ‘Nov: XXV’.70 This must
have been copied after the opera’s London première in 1847 and probably after the Sydney
première of Matilda of Hungary on 7 March 1850 which featured Mrs Guerin, a star in her own
right as well as mother of Australian singer Nellie Stewart.71 The yodelling effect in the vocal
67 CMB, 40–47. 68 Andrew Lamb, William Vincent Wallace (West Byfleet, UK: Fullers Wood Press, 2012); ‘Wallace, William Vincent’, http://imslp.org/wiki/Category:Wallace,_William_Vincent (accessed 21 September 2012). 69 CMB, 40–43. 70 CMB, 46. 71 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 61–62, 248; W. (William) Vincent Wallace (music) and Alfred Bunn (words),
‘In That Devotion, Ballad, Sung by Mrs. Guerin, In the Opera Matilda, Performed at the Victoria Theatre,
Sydney’ (Sydney: Grocott, [185-?]), http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-168408815/view (accessed 24 August 2016);
229
part evokes a Swiss colour, but the relationship of the song to the Hungary of the opera’s title
is not so apparent.72 Georgiana may have attended Catherine Hayes’ concert performance of a
scena from Matilda of Hungary in September 1855 at Melbourne’s Theatre Royal, which was
acclaimed by the reviewer from The Argus:
[Hayes] was in splendid voice, and the fine quality and sostinato adaptability of her
organ were admirably displayed in the scena from Wallace’s meritorious, but
neglected, opera Matilda of Hungary.73
Georgiana also copied operatic music composed earlier such as ‘Teach me to Forget!’ / ‘O
Light Binds my Heart—as sung by Miss McTree in Clari the Maid of Milan’ (1823), composed
by Anna Bishop’s former husband Sir Henry Rowley Bishop.74 Versions of Clari the Maid of
Milan were performed in Hobart and Sydney in 1834, followed by other performances around
the Australian colonies including in Melbourne at the Queen’s Theatre Royal in August 1847
and at Coppin’s Olympic Theatre in August 1855.75
The most favoured Italian operatic composer in CMB is Rossini, whose music from his
operas Semiramide and Zelmira in MHMB were probably copied from The Harmonicon, when
they were popular current productions on the London stage. Rossini’s works were frequently
performed in the 1840s and 1850s and seven songs, arias and duets are attributed to Rossini in
CMB.76 These include arias and a duet that feature Ninetta and Gianetto from La Gazza Ladra
(The Thieving Magpie, 1817).77 The MHMB transcription of ‘Al mio pregar’ from Rossini’s
Semiramide is complemented in CMB by a lengthy coloratura duet ‘Giorno d’orrore’ (‘Day of
Horror’) for Semiramide (soprano) and her son Arsace (sung by a female contralto), which
includes extended sections of coordinated melismatic treatment of emotive words such as ‘in
cor sensibile trova pieta’ (‘in a sensitive heart find pity’).78 If Georgiana and a duet partner had
the capacity to perform ‘Giorno d’orrore’, then their vocal prowess would need to have been
Graeme Skinner, ‘Guerin, Theodosia’, Australharmony, http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-
G.php (accessed 19 February 2017). 72 William Wallace, ‘A Lowly Youth, The Mountain Child’ from Matilda or the Maid of Hungary (New York:
Firth & Hall; London: Cramer, Beale & Co [1847]),
http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/h?ammem/mussm:@field(NUMBER+@band(sm1847+420990)) (accessed
27 September 2012). 73 ‘Theatre Royal — Miss Catherine Hayes’, Argus (Melbourne), Friday 28 September 1855, 5. 74 CMB, 19–20, 139–40. 75 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 18–21; ‘Queen’s Theatre Royal’, Argus (Melbourne), Friday 6 August 1847, 2; ‘Coppin’s Olympic Theatre’, Argus (Melbourne), Thursday 16 August 1855, 4. 76 CMB, 61–62, 64–68, 114(B)–19(B), 182–83, 185–89, 190–95, 226. 77 CMB, 182–83, 185–89, 190–95; see Gioacchino Rossini, La gazza ladra (Turin: O. Derossi, 1819),
https://openlibrary.org/books/OL25598384M/La_gazza_ladra (accessed 5 April 2017). 78 CMB, 114(B)–19(B); see Gioacchino Rossini, Semiramide,
http://imslp.org/wiki/Semiramide_(Rossini,_Gioacchino) (accessed 5 April 2017).
230
reasonably advanced. It would be valuable to find corroborating contemporary evidence that
attests to Georgiana’s domestic performance of this type of repertoire. Another piece, ‘Duett:
(Perche mi lasci)’ with the first line ‘Oer the far woodland gently resounding’, is attributed to
Rossini in CMB whereas one of two extant printed versions is said to have been by William
Ball (1784–1869).79 The CMB version gives a clue about the origins of a duet also named
‘Perche mi lasci’ in GCMB which while it does not name a composer has similar music but
different key signatures, time signatures and languages. The CMB version is in G major and
3/4 time signature and the GCMB version is in E major, 3/8 and words in Italian.80
Donizetti’s ‘Deh! non voler costringere’ (‘Ah! Do not desire to constrain’) is derived from
Act 1, Scene 3 of Donizetti’s opera Anna Bolena, which premièred in 1830 in Milan and in
1831 in London. Georgiana’s version of the strophic song in two verses in CMB gives the vocal
line in the treble clef, unlike the soprano clef used in an 1831 Ricordi vocal score.81 The opera
centres on the last months of Anne Boleyn’s life at the court of English King Enrico/Henry
VIII. ‘Deh! non voler costringere’ was written for the contralto pants role of the queen’s page
and musician Smeton/Mark Smeaton, who sings at the queen’s command to cheer her but
distresses her in front of the court by his suggestions of a first love. Accompanied by harp and
orchestra, Smeton’s jaunty melody in ‘Deh! non voler costringere’ is in E♭ major, common
time, with a vocal range one and a half octaves from A♭ below middle C to E♭. It shows
glimpses of coloratura and ornamentation which are utilised much more extensively elsewhere
in the opera. Except for the lower notes from A♭ to middle C, Smeton’s song would be
reasonably simple for most female singers, especially in comparison to music written for the
other major female roles in the opera.
Donizetti’s Anna Bolena was well-known in Australia in the nineteenth century. For
example excerpts were advertised to be performed at Mr Marsh’s first subscription concerts on
Thursday 2 June 1842 at his house in Bligh Street, Sydney.82 During her first tour of the
Australian colonies in 1855–57 soprano Anna Bishop performed excerpts from Anna Bolena,
including the title role’s celebrated ‘Mad Scene’ from the end of the opera which Bishop
presented in Melbourne on 15 May 1856 at Coppin’s Olympic Theatre in an extensive concert
79 CMB, 226; ‘O’er the Far Woodland: Duettino’ (London, [1845?]), Music Collections H.2834.(40.), BL; William Ball, ‘O’er the Far Woodland: Italian Air’ (Philadelphia: J.E. Gould, [between 1853 and 1856]), VO
1850 .B3542 1, University of Michigan. 80 GCMB, piece 17, [p. 32]; see Chapter 4. 81 CMB 158–59; Gaetano Donizetti, ‘Deh! non voler costringere’, in Anna Bolena (1830) (Milan: Ricordi, [n.d.,
c. 1831]), 18–20, http://imslp.org/wiki/Anna_Bolena_(Donizetti,_Gaetano) (accessed 6 November 2016). 82 ‘Subscription Chamber Concerts’, New South Wales Examiner (Sydney), 18 May 1842, 1.
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featuring historical costume.83 Performances of a full-length version of Donizetti’s Anna
Bolena were given by Italian singers in Sydney in 1875, with the role of Smeton/Smeaton
played by Signora Almacinzia Magi.84
The Italian repertoire in CMB also includes a bass aria, Rudolfo’s ‘Vi ravviso, o luoghi
ameni’ from La Sonnambula (1831) by Vincenzo Bellini (1801–35) (see Figure 30).85 ‘Vi
ravviso’ is amongst the repertoire on two extra folios on smaller paper glued into CMB,
presumably after it was bound in 1856.86 Georgiana may have transcribed ‘Vi ravviso’ around
the time when she painted a scene from the opera (see Figure 20 above). As suggested
previously, this may have been inspired by staged performances of the opera in Melbourne by
Catherine Hayes and Anna Bishop in 1855–56. The words of ‘Vi ravviso’ concern
reminiscences for the past, a topic found in other CMB songs such as Meymott and Power’s
‘Bygone Days’ (Figure 26) and Balfe and Bunn’s ‘The Light of Other Days’ (Figure 24).87
Further similarities between ‘Vi ravviso’ (1831) and ‘The Light of Other Days’ (1836)
include the key signature of A♭ major and the expression marking of ‘Andante cantabile’.
These suggest not only that Balfe may have modelled ‘The Light of Other Days’ on Bellini’s
prior composition, but also that, despite their both having originally been written for the male
voice, Georgiana’s recognition of the musical and emotional links between the two pieces may
have led to her wanting to transcribe and to sing them.
‘Vi ravviso’ was written for the bass part of Count Rodolfo, who is returning to claim his
inheritance. The CMB copy of ‘Vi ravviso’, where the vocal part is written in bass clef, states
that the aria is for the character ‘Rudolph’ with titles of the opera in German and Italian, ‘Die
Nachtwandlerin / La Somnambula [sic]’. It perhaps could have been transcribed from a
German/Italian vocal score to benefit one of the men in the McCrae household. However,
Georgiana may have sung it herself as, in addition to boyish roles like Smeaton which were
intended to be sung by women, it was common for female opera and concert stars in Australia
including Marie Carandini and Sara Flower to perform roles originally written for men.88 A
printed arrangement of the aria with the vocal part an octave higher in treble clef is to be found
83 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 81; ‘Amusements: Coppin’s Olympic Theatre’, in ‘Advertising’, Age (Melbourne), 15 May 1856, 1. 84 Gyger, Civilising the Colonies, 201–2, 253; ‘The Opera’, Evening News (Sydney), 5 June 1875, 5. 85 CMB, 118(A)–20(A). 86 CMB, 1114(A)–21(A). 87 CMB 1–2, 8–9. 88 See Beedell, ‘Terminal Silence’, 510.
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in Isabel Throsby’s nineteenth-century Australian printed music collection, providing further
evidence that women sang ‘Vi ravviso’, at least in domestic settings.89
Figure 30: ‘Vi ravviso’ for ‘Rudolph’, from ‘Die Nachtwandlerin / La Somnambula
[sic]’ by Bellini, CMB, 118(A), RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney. Image:
Rosemary Richards.
89 Vincenzio Bellini, ‘Vi ravviso o luoghi ameni: Scena e Cavatina nell’opera La Sonnambula / del Maestro
Bellini’ (London: Boosey & Sons, [c. 1853–57], in ‘Throsby Songbook’, Record no. 41793, Throsby/MUS,
SLM, https://archive.org/details/LaSonna41822 (accessed 29 March 2017).
233
Georgiana also transcribed the duet ‘Deh prendi’ from Mozart’s La Clemenza di Tito for
Servilia and Annio, which were two soprano roles sung by women despite the character of
Annio representing a man.90 The French repertoire included a song, ‘A la fleur du bel âge’ by
Ferdinand Hérold from his opera, Le pré aux Clercs which premièred in 1832. Georgiana’s
annotation, ‘Cet opera etait fait à la mode in 1820’ [sic] and problems in musical notation reveal
that sometimes her memory and transcriptions were not completely accurate.
On the last flyleaf of CMB, Georgiana listed operas and their composers, led by Rossini,
followed by Auber, Meyerbeer, Bellini, Donizetti, Dr Arne, Verdi and Sir Julius Benedict (see
Figure 31).91
Figure 31: List on last flyleaf, CMB, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of Sydney. Image:
Rosemary Richards.
90 CMB, 207–10. 91 CMB, last flyleaf.
234
In this list Georgiana incorrectly attributed Balfe’s Rose of Castile (1857) to Verdi; this
opera along with Verdi’s Il Trovatore and Traviata, both written in 1853, do not appear in
CMB and are indications that Georgiana wrote this list at a later date from memory. The note
about Benedict reads ‘The Eve of St. Mark – by Sir Julius Benedict. In this occurs “By the sad-
sea waves.”’92 Here Georgiana referred to a song frequently sung publicly by Jenny Lind, who
was accompanied in United States of America by Benedict; the song was also popularised in
Australia by Sara Flower.93 Earlier in CMB Georgiana had correctly annotated the song as
being derived from The Bride of Venice: ‘Sung by Mr Alfred Shaw In the Opera of The Bride
of Venice Arranged by W. H. Collest Composed by J. Benedict’.94 In the last item Georgiana
mentioned parlour or concert music by the only females in the list at the end of CMB: ‘The
song of “the Captive Knight_” was composed by Mrs Hughes—Mrs Hemans sister_ who also
set several other of the poetess’s works to music’.95
Overall the operatic content in CMB shows a range of musical styles and languages,
including pieces in English by Balfe, Bishop and Wallace, in French by Hérold and in Italian
by Donizetti and Rossini. The vocal demands and requirements for expressive singing in the
CMB operatic repertoire extend from and complement pieces found in Georgiana’s other
manuscript music collections, for example items from Rossini’s Zelmira and Semiramide found
in MHMB and copied from The Harmonicon. However, whether Georgiana sang all this
repertoire in CMB or not is unclear. Her transcriptions may also have been aimed to bolster her
sense of exile and yearning for her previous life. These pieces enabled Georgiana to
memorialise events and people such as the tours of the operatic stars Catherine Hayes and Anna
Bishop, which in themselves represented an increased availability in Melbourne of fashionable
culture imported from Britain that reflected Georgiana’s musical and personal identity.
Religious beliefs
Georgiana’s conformity with contemporary religious teachings about marriage are not directly
represented in her manuscript music collections, but further glimpses of her religious views
92 CMB, last flyleaf. 93 See for example Julius Benedict, ‘A Collection of the Most Admired Songs of Jenny Lind: By the Sad Sea
Waves, Ballad in The Bride of Venice’ (Boston: Oliver Ditson, 1850), JHU, http://levysheetmusic.mse.jhu.edu/catalog/levy:187.014 (accessed 13 March 2017); Beedell, ‘Terminal Silence’,
314, 336–37, 511–13. 94 CMB, 152–53. 95 See Mary Mark Ockerbloom, ed., ‘Felicia Dorothea Browne Hemans (1793–1835)’, in A Celebration of
Women Writers, http://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/hemans/biography.html (accessed 12 January 2017); see
also Georgiana’s other references to Mrs Hemans: LTLMB, [85a]; CMB, 104.
235
may be found in two hymns in CMB, ‘Yon Bright World’ and ‘Through the Day Thy Love has
Spared us’ ‘Composed by the Bishop / Latrobe’ (see Figure 32).96
Figure 32: ‘Yon bright world’ and ‘49th Hymn, composed by the Bishop / Latrobe’, with
annotation ‘Richmond 24th Decr 1855’; CMB, 121(B), RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University
of Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.
96 CMB, 121(B).
236
The words for ‘Yon Bright World’ are full of evangelical fervour, which may give an insight
into Georgiana’s experiences at services of the Church of England or the Presbyterian kirk:
Success will ye go with me
To yon bright world.
Glory Hallelujah
Praise Him Hallelujah
Praise ye the Lord.
The sources for both hymns in CMB are not given, nor is it clear why she numbered the
second hymn in CMB, ‘Through the Day’, as the ‘49th Hymn’. The words for ‘Through the
Day’ were written by the Irish dissenting evangelist and prolific hymn-writer Thomas Kelly,
who published them in 1806 and again in 1853.97 The music in CMB may have been included
as an act of memorialisation to Georgiana’s friend Charles La Trobe, as it was originally
published in 1790 in a hymnal for the use of organists in the Moravian Church by Charles La
Trobe’s father Christian Ignatius La Trobe.98
Georgiana’s annotation on the ‘49th Hymn’ on 24 December 1855 placed her in Richmond,
a less upmarket inner Melbourne suburb than some of her other rental residences. The first
verse of the ‘49th Hymn’ starts:
Through the day thy love has spared us,
Now we lay us down to rest.
The second verse, in which the notion of exile was highlighted by the layout of the staves in
the transcription, ends with a plea for safety:
Pilgrims here on Earth and Strangers
Dwelling in the midst of foes
Us and ours preserve from dangers,
In Thine Arms may we repose.
Georgiana may have included the hymn in CMB as a mark of her exile; or perhaps its
performance at a church service reminded her of her absent friends. She had entered her fifth
97 ‘Kelly, T’, http://www.hymnary.org/person/Kelly_T; ‘Thomas Kelly 1769–1855’,
http://www.cyberhymnal.org/bio/k/e/l/kelly_t.htm; ‘Through the Day Thy Love Has Spared Us’,
http://www.hymnary.org/text/through_the_day_thy_love_has_spared_us (all accessed 11 January 2017);
‘Evening’, Hymn 16, ‘Through the day thy love has spared us’ [by Thomas Kelly], in Hymns, Ancient and Modern, for Use in the Services of the Church (1861; New York, Pott and Amery, 1869), 15. 98 ‘T. 585.b. Lo! He cometh —’, in Hymn-Tunes: Sung in the Church of the United Brethren, Collected by Chrn.
Igns. La Trobe, London, [1790?], 73. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale CW3306516484 (accessed 4
September 2012); see Nicholas Temperley et al., The Hymn Tune Index (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 4: 47;
Charles Edgar Stevens, ‘The Musical Works of Christian Ignatius Latrobe’ (PhD thesis, University of North
Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1971).
237
decade; her husband was often absent on the goldfields and her surviving children were
growing up. She had no permanent home of her own and could not afford to return to Britain.
Georgiana may have felt the need for religious comfort to help her to meet the dangers she
perceived in the life before her.
Nostalgia for ‘home’
Much of the other music in CMB also reflected Georgiana’s longing and nostalgia for ‘home’
in Britain. This was despite her previous insecurity when her home had changed so many times.
While Georgiana was born and brought up in various suburbs of London, her ‘home’ then
shifted to Gordon Castle; she was a guest of Gordon relatives at Gordon Hall and at Huntly.
After her marriage she moved mainly between London and Edinburgh depending on her
husband’s business, before following him to Melbourne, where the pattern of dislocation
continued. When forced only a few years later to leave her beloved new house of ‘Mayfield’
and move to the bush property at ‘Arthur’s Seat’, Georgiana did not have as much opportunity
as previously to swap music with friends. One exception occurred in late December 1846 when
Georgiana enjoyed her visit to Alexander Balcombe who with his wife Emma had taken over
from her parents the Reids as the new owners of Tichingorook near Arthur’s Seat on the
Mornington Peninsula.99 Here Georgiana copied out the Scots love song, ‘Annie Laurie’, which
appears to have been rewritten in the mid-1830s by the Scottish poet, Lady Alicia (John
Douglas) Scott (Alicia Anne Spottiswoode, 1810–90):
Maxwellton braes are bonnie,
Where early fa’s the dew,
‘Twas there that Annie Laurie
Gi’ed me her promise true.100
Georgiana’s manuscript music collections overall show much more identification with her
upper-class Scottish Gordon relatives than with her mother’s or husband’s families. However,
mentions of the Gordons are fewer in CMB than in her earlier collections. One exception is
‘The Battle of Corrichie’, which starts ‘Mourn ye highlands, and mourn ye lowlands’.101 This
99 CMB, 27, ‘Annie Laurie’, annotation, ‘Tickingorourk, Dec: 30. 1846’; see Anne Whitehead, Betsy and the
Emperor (Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2015), 403–4; see Chapter 5 above. 100 Angus Calder, ‘Scott, Alicia Anne (1810–1900)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004; online edn, May 2006,
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/61567 (accessed 10 January 2017). 101 CMB, 137; see Battle of Corrichie, http://www.durris.net/html/battle_of_corrichie.html (accessed 6 February
2017).
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song is on manuscript paper with rastra markings of 3 sets of four staves, which are linked with
dates of transcription from 1855, fourteen years after her arrival in Melbourne. The song is
notated with the words under the melody in the treble clef, but the bass staves are blank. The
words refer to a famous Scottish clan battle in 1562 between the Gordon clan and supporters
of Mary Queen of Scots under the leadership of the Queen’s half-brother the Earl of Moray,
which resulted in the deaths of many Gordons. Georgiana wrote an additional annotation
suggesting the tune: ‘Dowie dens o’ Yarrow? – tune “The Erle of Moray”’ and acknowledged
the author of the words as John Forbes.
The continued popularity of Scottish and other ‘national’ music was promoted in the mid-
nineteenth century in performances in Australia by professional performers such as Catherine
Hayes who toured in the mid-1850s and who like other singers of the period mixed songs and
ballads with operatic material in her concerts, as did instrumental soloists such as the violinist
Miska Hauser.102 Many Gaelic-speaking Scottish Highlanders including John McLure came to
the Melbourne area and elsewhere in the Australian colonies where they formed close-knit
communities which provided each other with significant levels of support. Religious services
for the Free Church of Scotland and celebratory activities were often held in Gaelic and music
played a large part.103 During her time at Gordon Castle Georgiana had been in contact with
Gaelic speakers. The use of Gaelic words once in the colonies would have had a number of
resonances for Georgiana beyond her love and talent for languages. In Melbourne she
sometimes attended the ‘Scots Kirk’ with McLure and other family members and friends, even
though she nominally belonged to the Church of England. For example in her journal of 20
March 1842 she wrote that ‘Lizzie, George, Willie, Capt Reid Mr McLure & I walked to the
Scots Kirk for morning service Flora and James Maclachlan returned with us’.104
Gaelic titles in CMB were notated as instrumental airs, presumably to be played by a
single-line treble instrument such as violin or flute, but some of these also have had sung
versions which could be found in contemporary publications. Some of the Scottish material in
CMB indicated specific published sources. For ‘Sud air m’aigne fo ghruaim, This casts a gloom
upon my soul’, Georgiana gave the source as ‘Vide Tunes of the Highlands & Western Isles &-
by Patrick Mc.Donald, Minister of Kilmore – Argyleshire’, which refers to Gaelic tunes first
102 Walsh, Catherine Hayes; Hauser, Miska Hauser’s Letters from Australia. 103 Ruth Lee Martin, ‘Leaving Makes Me Sorrowful: Songs of Early Scots-Gaelic Migrants in Australia’, in
Antipodean Traditions: Australian Folklore in the 21st Century, ed. Graham Seal and Jennifer Gall (Perth W.
A.: Black Swan Press, Curtin University, 2011), 128–39. 104 GM-journal, 20 March 1842; in Weber-PPP, 2:194–95.
239
published in 1784.105 This single line melody is different to the tune of a similar name on a
website for tunes for fiddlers in the Irish and Scottish repertoire.106
Another Gaelic title in CMB was ‘Oran an aoig,— Skye Air. The song of Death! Very
slow’: ‘For the words, see Smiths Gaelic Antiquities’.107 The Reverend Dr. John Smith (1747–
1807) published his Gaelic Antiquities in Edinburgh in 1780, followed by his Gaelic
compilation, Sean Dana, or Ancient Poems of Ossian, Orran, Ulann, &c. (Edinburgh, 1787).108
In 1791 Robert Burns wrote verses for ‘Song of Death’, beginning ‘Farewell, thou fair day’, to
the tune of ‘Oran an Aoig’ which McDonald had published in 1784 in his Collection of
Highland Airs. In a letter to Mrs Dunlop dated 17 December 1791, Burns described the setting
for his song as ‘Scene—a field of battle—time of the day, evening; the wounded and dying of
the victorious army are supposed to join in the following’.109 Burns’ verses for ‘Song of Death’
were published in 1792 in SMM, Volume 4.110 Georgiana had access to parts of SMM in
Australia but she may have remembered references to McDonald and Smith or copied them
from other intermediate sources.
Two pieces in CMB annotated as ‘arranged by Finlay Dun’ indicated that they were copied
from more contemporary Scots publications. Dun (1795–1853) was a Scottish musician,
teacher, writer, collector and publisher, mainly resident in Edinburgh.111 His students included
John Wilson (1800–49), the ‘celebrated Scottish vocalist’. Dun published Scottish songs in
Lowland Scots with John Thomson in Vocal Melodies of Scotland (c. 1836) and also published
a volume of songs in Gaelic, Orain na h-Albam (c. 1848).112 The first piece that Georgiana
105 CMB, 184; McDonald, Collection of Highland Vocal Airs. 106 ‘This Gloom on My Soul’, see a)
http://www.ibiblio.org/fiddlers/THI_THO.htm#THIS_GLOOM_ON_MY_SOUL;
b) http://www.thesession.org/tunes/display/10893; c) http://www.traditionalmusic.co.uk/scottish-guitar-
tab/this_gloom_on_my_soul.htm (all accessed 11 January 2017). 107 CMB, 171. 108 Roderick MacLeod, ‘Smith, John (1747–1807)’, ODNB, OUP, 2004,
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25849 (accessed 10 Jan 2017). 109 Robert Burns, The Works of Robert Burns, ed. the Ettrick Shepherd [James Hogg] and William Motherwell,
Esq. (Glasgow: Archibald Fullarton & Co, 1835), 4:251,
https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000588224 (accessed 11 January 2017); Low, ed., The Songs of Robert
Burns, no. 163, pp. 444–45. 110 Robert Burns, ‘Farewell, Thou Fair Day’, words for ‘Orananaoig or The Song of Death: A Gaelic Air’, in
SMM 4, no. 385 (c. 1792): 399, http://digital.nls.uk/87799204 (accessed 12 January 2017); see MS12312/148,
Box 3110–B, MC-SLV. 111 See McAulay, Our Ancient National Airs, 172–99. 112 Finlay Dun and John Thomson, The Vocal Melodies of Scotland, New ed. (Edinburgh: Paterson, [1836–?]), 4 vols; Finlay Dun, Orain na h-Albam (Edinburgh: Wood & Co., [c. 1848]), http://digital.nls.uk/105830084
(accessed 11 January 2017); David Baptie, Musical Scotland, Past and Present (Paisley, Edinburgh and
Glasgow: J. and R. Parlane, 1894), 48–49; see also Finlay Dun: Appendix, ‘Analysis of the Scotish Music’ in
Ancient Scotish Melodies by William Dauney (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Printing and Publishing Company, 1838),
315–19,
http://books.google.com/books/about/Ancient_Scotish_melodies_from_a_manuscri.html?id=2qUNAAAAIAAJ
240
attributed to Dun, ‘Gloomy Winter’s Now Awa’, has the dated annotation ‘Mayfield Jany 19.
1843’.113 Two items later there is another piece ‘arranged by Finlay Dun’: ‘Of a’ the Airts the
wind can blaw’, which Georgiana presumably copied the next day as the annotation reads
‘Mayfield Jany 20’.114
Dun’s former student John Wilson and the poet Joanna Baillie were acknowledged on the
back of the last numbered page of CMB in a copy of the words for ‘Woo’d and Married &c by
Joanna Baillie’ beginning ‘The bride she was winsome and bonnie’, with an annotation that
states the source was ‘from Book IIId of Wilson’s Edtn. of the Songs of Scotland’ (see Figure
33).115 The location in CMB of the lyrics for ‘Woo’d and Married &c’ suggests that the words
may have been transcribed after CMB was bound in 1856, in the period when Georgiana was
questioning her married state. The song lyrics show the reactions of family and suitor to a bride
who is anxious because she feels that she lacks enough possessions to begin married life. The
song also has been interpreted as revealing a woman’s apprehensions about the financial status
of her husband.116
The song title coincidentally was used by Elizabeth Gaskell as an epigraph at the start of her
novel North and South, placed after the title for the first chapter which was named after another
popular song, ‘Haste to the Wedding’. North and South was originally serialised in shorter
form in Dickens’ weekly magazine Household Words in 1854–55 and published in expanded
book form, including epigraphs, in 1855.117 Gaskell’s novel is concerned with clashes of
upbringing, education, morals and ethics between the ‘unmercantile’ middle classes of southern
England and capitalistic manufacturers and the plight of their workers in the north, as
represented by the relationship between a refined girl from southern England with a self-made
Northern mill-owner.118 The allusion to ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ in an ‘English’ novel
points to the widespread appeal of the song, not limited by its use of Scots language and
rollicking rhythmic patterns in the tune. Investigation of ‘Woo’d and Married & A’’, as with
(accessed 11 January 2017). 113 CMB, 21–22. 114 CMB, 25–26. 115 CMB, reverse of p. 245; John Wilson, arr., Wilson’s Edition of the Songs of Scotland, originally self-
published serially in 8 books from 1842; various editions in collections in Britain and New Zealand, for example
Edinburgh: Paterson & Roy; London: Cramer, Addison & Beale, Duff & Hodgson, Metzler; see Rosemary
Richards, ‘John Wilson and Scottish Song’, in re-Visions ed. Marian Poole (Dunedin, N.Z.: New Zealand Music Industry Centre, 2013), 171–85, http://msa.org.au/edit/conference_pdfs/Proceedings%20re-
Visions%202010%20Conference.pdf (accessed 26 August 2016). 116 Patrician Ingham, Notes, in North and South by Elizabeth Gaskell, ed. Patricia Ingham (1995; London:
Penguin, 2003), 426. 117 Gaskell, North and South, 7. 118 Ingham, Introduction, in North and South by Gaskell, ed. Ingham, xiii–iv.
241
songs from Smith’s The Scotish Minstrel, helps to illuminate nineteenth century preferences
for bowdlerised ‘folk’ songs sung in a genteel domestic setting.
Figure 33: ‘Woo’d and Married &c by Joanna Baillie’ ‘from Book IIId of Wilson’s Edtn.
of the Songs of Scotland’, CMB, reverse of p. 245, RB 1164.9, MPC-Usyd, University of
Sydney. Image: Rosemary Richards.
242
Various versions of the tune and words for ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ were published
from the mid-eighteenth century onwards. Four versions of the tune of ‘Woo’d and Married
and A’’ are found in SMI in ten separate sources which all suggest that the piece is Scottish.119
Varieties of the tune appeared in James Oswald’s The Caledonian Pocket Companion (London,
1759) and in multiple other versions including an English ballad opera, The Jovial Crew
(1760).120 A version with melody and figured bass with words starting ‘The bride came out of
the byre’, often mistakenly attributed to Robert Burns, appeared in the first volume of SMM
(1787).121 The Caledonian Musical Repository (c. 1806) uses similar words to those in SMM
and includes a pictorial illustration where the weeping bride is being comforted by her suitor,
but her mother is less than happy.122 Broadside and chapbook versions of the song appeared
and the tune was also used with unrelated verses such as Hogg’s ‘Donald McDonald’.123 The
song became a stalwart of wedding ceremonies in Moray and the Shetlands.124
The words of ‘Woo’d and Married &c’’ that Georgiana copied down at the end of CMB
more closely match Baillie’s versions than the lyrics that Wilson attributed to Baillie in his
publication. The Scottish poet and dramatist Joanna Baillie (1762–1851), who lived for most
of her life in lady-like quietude in London, first wrote her version of the words in 1822 for
George Thomson’s Select Melodies of Scotland in which Haydn’s arrangement of the music
has a keyboard introduction and postlude in between each verse; it adds a sprinkling of
chromaticism and bursts into additional vocal parts in the chorus section. The illustrated plate
accompanying the song as printed in 1839 shows a scene from the poem and is modelled on
the picture for ‘Woo’d and Married & A’’ in an earlier publication, the Caledonian Musical
119 Gore, SMI. 120 ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’, in Caledonian Pocket Companion, ed. James Oswald (London: R. Bremner,
[n.d.]), 10:91, http://ks.imslp.info/files/imglnks/usimg/8/8a/IMSLP173854-PMLP201592-
caledonianpocket00stua_10.pdf (accessed 29 August 2016); ‘I Made Love to Kate’ in Popular Music of the
Olden Time ed. Chappell, 2: 723–24; ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ in Early Scottish Melodies ed. John Glen
(Edinburgh: J. & R. Glen, 1900), 53–54, 62,
https://openlibrary.org/works/OL6701037W/Early_Scottish_melodies (accessed 10 January 2017). 121 ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ in SMM 1 (1787): 10–11, http://digital.nls.uk/87793921,
http://digital.nls.uk/87793933 (accessed 26 August 2016). 122 ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ in Caledonian Musical Repository (Edinburgh: Oliver & Co., [1806]), 68–71,
http://digital.nls.uk/87662391, http://digital.nls.uk/87662403 (accessed 11 December 2016). 123 Broadside ballads, ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’, 15918, S.302.b.2(155), 15918, S.302.b.2(155), NLS, http://digital.nls.uk; ‘Donald McDonald, A Favorite New Scots Song’, in Anecdotes of Sir W. Scott by James
Hogg, ed. Douglas S. Mack (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1983), 66–67; Hogg, Contributions to
Musical Collections and Miscellaneous Songs, ed. McCue, 495–507, 752–54. 124 Campbell, The Fiddle in Scottish Culture, 72–73; Katherine Campbell, Wooed and Married and AA: Songs,
Tunes and Customs, Scottish Tradition 23 (Edinburgh: School of Scottish Studies Archives, University of
Edinburgh; Greentrax Recordings), 2008.
243
Repository.125 Baillie’s words were printed as poetry without any music in later publications
of her work.126
Influenced by changes in class consciousness and behaviour and with an eye on sales of
sheet music and performance tickets, Wilson preferred Baillie’s genteel verses as the basis of
his interpretation to previous more earthy versions. In a letter to George Thomson on 30 March
1842, Baillie wrote that she was ‘very much flattered to hear that Mr Wilson approves of my
modified versions of the old songs. They are at least more fitted for his polite & more refined
hearers than they were’.127 Wilson agreed with her assessment:
This capital song was written by Miss JOANNA BAILLIE, in imitation of the old
lyric of the same title, which, though it contains a humorous and graphic depiction
of ancient manners, is somewhat too rough in its expressions to allow of its being
introduced at a modern fireside.128
Wilson was conscious of debates about authenticity of ‘national song’ and did not
acknowledge if he or his accompanists were responsible for creative work in any part of The
Songs of Scotland. In Wilson’s version of the song for voice and piano, the modal melody in a
key signature of one flat is harmonised as in Haydn’s arrangement mainly in F major and D
minor and has the same time signature of 9/8.129 Like Haydn, Wilson also uses an Italian
musical tempo marking, but this time ‘Allegretto’ which indicates a slightly slower speed than
Haydn’s ‘Un poco vivace’. However, in contrast to Haydn’s setting, Wilson carefully ends the
melody in the relative minor without raising the preceding leading note ‘in conformity with the
ancient construction of the tune’.130 Wilson occasionally also incorporates the syncopated
rhythmic ‘Scotch snap’.
125 ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’, music arr. Haydn, words Joanna Baillie, in Select Melodies of Scotland, ed.
George Thomson (1822; London: Preston, Hurst, Robinson & Co. & G. Thomson, Edinburgh [1839?]), 3:
illustrated plate, pp. 1a, 1b, http://digital.nls.uk/94649856, http://digital.nls.uk/94649880,
http://digital.nls.uk/94649892 (accessed 11 January 2017). 126 Judith Bailey Slagle, ed., The Collected Letters of Joanna Baillie (Madison Teanack: Fairleigh Dickinson
University Press, 1999), 1:132–34; Amanda Gilroy and Keith Hanley, eds., Joanna Baillie: A Selection of Plays
and Poems (London; Brookfield, Vt: Pickering & Chatto, 2002), 307–8, 338–39; Sydney Smith, ‘IV. The Select
Melodies of Scotland, Interspersed with Those of Ireland and Wales, &c. By George Thomson, F.A.S. Edin.’,
Edinburgh Review 39, no. 77 (Oct. 1823–Jan. 1824): 67–84,
http://books.google.com.au/books?id=6jAbAAAAYAAJ&dq (accessed 11 January 2017); Joanna Baillie,
Fugitive Verses (London: Edward Moxon, 1840), 267–70; Joanna Baillie, Fugitive Verses, in British Women
Romantic Poets, 1789–1832, University of California, Davis, http://digital.lib.ucdavis.edu/projects/bwrp/Works/BailJFugit.htm (accessed 11 January 2017); Joanna Baillie,
The Dramatic and Poetical Works (1851; Hildesheim, New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 1976), 817. 127 Slagle, The Collected Letters of Joanna Baillie, 1: 149. 128 Wilson, Wilson’s Edition of the Songs of Scotland, 3: 118. 129 Wilson, Wilson’s Edition of the Songs of Scotland, 3, no. 28: 115–18. 130 Wilson, Wilson’s Edition of the Songs of Scotland, 3: 118.
244
While living in Britain, it is likely that Georgiana would have been familiar with the careers
and works of both Baillie and the Scottish tenor Wilson, whose extensive operatic and concert
career took him from poverty in Edinburgh to fame and fortune in Britain and North
America.131 In a career highlight he performed ‘Farewell to Lochaber’ for Queen Victoria.132
Wilson developed and toured his extensive series of ‘Scottish Entertainments’ from the early
1840s before his death in 1849 from cholera while on tour in Quebec.133
Georgiana may possibly have had access to an imported copy of Wilson’s Songs of
Scotland in Australia, as it was published after Georgiana arrived in Melbourne in 1841. While
no copies of Wilson’s Songs of Scotland appear to have been catalogued in modern Australian
public collections, many other collections of Scottish songs are available in Australia including
a small number of copies of a book published by Mitchison (c. 1851) which contains a
‘Biographical Sketch of the late John Wilson’ but does not include a version of ‘Woo’d and
Married & A’’.134
It is not known why Georgiana acknowledged Wilson’s Songs of Scotland without
transcribing his version of the music for ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ in CMB. Perhaps the
tune was so well-known it was unnecessary to add it; after all she already had an instrumental
version in MHMB.135 Perhaps she intended to complete another musical transcription faithful
to Wilson’s version at a later date but ran out of enthusiasm or spare time. Perhaps, instead,
Baillie’s words were more important to Georgiana than the tune. In contrast with the saccharine
sanctity of Blockley and Young’s ‘Hearts and Homes’, the inclusion in CMB of the words for
Baillie’s ‘Woo’d and Married and A’’ may have allowed Georgiana to express her doubts about
the traps of marriage, regardless of whether she performed the song in genteel company or
instead privately contemplated the meanings behind Baillie’s poem.
131 Preston, Opera on the Road, 83-96, 391; Richards, ‘John Wilson and Scottish Song’; Russell Burdekin,
http://www.victorianenglishopera.org/singers.htm (accessed 12 March 2017); J. M. Barclay, ‘Mr. Wilson’
[lithograph print, n.d.], ART File W750 no.1 (size XS), Folger Shakespeare Library,
http://hamnet.folger.edu/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=253202 (accessed 12 March 2017). 132 See ‘Farewell to Lochaber’, in Wilson’s Editions of the Songs of Scotland, arr. John Wilson, Book 1: no. 6,
pp. 27–30 (London: Printed for Mr Wilson, [1842?]; Edinburgh: Printed by John Greig),
http://digital.nls.uk/120439702 (accessed 25 February 2017); ‘Farewell to Lochaber: Sung by Mr. Wilson by
Desire of Her Majesty during Her Visit to Scotland’, in Bingley’s Select Vocalist, 1 (London: J. Bingley,
[c.1842]), 1:68, http://digital.nls.uk/87717951 (accessed 23 February 2017). 133 ‘Caledonian Mercury’, Caledonian Mercury (Edinburgh), 26 July 1849, 2; see William Jamie, ‘Scotia’s
Dirge’ (1849), http://digital.nls.uk/broadsides/broadside.cfm/id/16480 (accessed 7 May 2017). 134 William Mitchison, Handbook of the Songs of Scotland (London, UK; Richard Griffin and Company [1851]),
NLS, http://digital.nls.uk/90408235; see also NLA, http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/16108931,
http://trove.nla.gov.au/version/13381704 (accessed 11 January 2017). 135 MHMB, Part 2: 300.
245
6.3 Conclusion
Music performance and transcription continued to be amongst Georgiana’s main creative and
emotional outlets well into her fifties. She may have regretted having been ‘Woo’d and Married
and A’’ by a man who could not keep her in the style that she thought was her due, but she
remained married to Andrew McCrae until traumatic changes caused her to rethink her role.
There are common choices of types of repertoire in all four of her manuscript music
collections. Crossovers of dates can be found between LTLMB and Georgiana’s other
collections including CMB. CMB contains dated annotations from 1840 when she lived in
Britain until 1856 when CMB was bound in Melbourne. Some additional material was added
afterwards, in line with Georgiana’s practice of adding new items and annotations in her
journals, commonplace books and other collections. However, unlike with her journals,
Georgiana does not appear to have attempted the large task of a retranscription of her
manuscript music collections.
Georgiana’s CMB reflects her musical interests and changes in her life due to family
circumstances, migration and social dislocation. In CMB as well as her earlier collections,
Georgiana revealed the desire of many people in the nineteenth-century British genteel classes
for the faithful reproduction of someone else’s music, both in transcription and practical
performance. There is little sign of her own creative musical composition, other than the
possibility of vocal ornamentation or extemporisation of accompaniments; however, as in her
journals and commonplace books she occasionally displayed her bent for writing lyrics and for
collecting original works created by people that she knew such as her acquaintance Frederick
Meymott and her children’s tutor John McLure.
CMB represented another distillation of Georgiana’s thoughts, hopes and disappointments.
It highlighted aspects of Georgiana’s personal identity including fulfilling her responsibilities
and roles as mother, wife and friend and strengthening her identification with her British and
Gordon heritages, despite her migration. She tried her best to fit in with what Pierre Dubois has
described as ‘the ideal model of femininity that society had created for itself and to which it
expected women to conform’.136 In CMB, Georgiana’s choice of repertoire and annotations
can often be matched against her journals and other primary sources which together reinforce
the view that in her middle age in Australia Georgiana felt nostalgic for ‘home’, regretted her
exile and was concerned about maintaining her class, family and religious status. She was keen
136 Dubois, Music in the Georgian Novel, 200.
246
to establish friendships that allowed her a socially acceptable form of creative expression,
which was important for her self-esteem as well as her place in the upper echelons of society
in early Melbourne and its isolated outskirts. Music helped her to create social and political
allegiances for her husband and children as well as for herself. She encouraged and provided a
role model to her children in their music education and enjoyed performance opportunities in
her home environments. Her manuscript music collections and music-making provided her
with a personal vehicle for her emotions and scholarly interests which outlasted the formative
experiences of her youth in Britain and stretched for a considerable amount of time into her life
in Australia until disrupted by depression and marriage separation.
247
CHAPTER 7
LESSONS FROM A MUSICAL LIFE: GEORGIANA McCRAE IN LATER YEARS
In her older years, Georgiana occasionally sang and played the piano and annotated various
pieces in her collections of manuscript and printed music including her compilation copy of
SMM.1 Her revisiting of older Scottish material may have been stimulated by increasing
adulation, in Australia as much as in Britain or elsewhere, of Scottish ‘bards’ such as Robert
Burns and Sir Walter Scott. This was exemplified by events including the Burns centenary in
1859 and the importation to Adelaide of a large painting by C. M. Hardie, ‘Robert Burns
Reciting to the Duchess of Gordon’ (1887).2
Possible evidence of Georgiana’s later transcriptions of music is found in a manuscript
copy of Alfred Plumpton’s ‘Ebb and Flow’, which was published in London c. 1870.3
Plumpton, who was a professional composer and conductor, lived in Melbourne from 1878–
1891.4 The MS version of ‘Ebb and Flow’ is contained in a single folio along with an untitled
piano piece also possibly transcribed by Georgiana, plus the start of another piece in what looks
like a different hand. The folio has holes that indicate that it could have been bound with other
items at some stage.5
Overall, however, from the 1860s onwards it appears that Georgiana mainly used her
music collections for nostalgic remembrance. In her four surviving manuscript music
collections up to and including CMB Georgiana was actively involved in a scribal community
which tried to keep up with modern musical fashions as well as showing interest in the music
of previous generations. In CMB her sense of exile was reflected by her collection of a
considerable amount of music that touched on her longing for her past life in Britain. These
1 Georgiana McCrae’s compilation copy of SMM, MS 12312/148, Box 3110-B, MC-SLV. 2 See Alex Tyrell, ‘ “No Common Corrobery”: The Robert Burns Festivals and Identity Politics in Melbourne,
1845-59’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society 97, no. 2 (December 2011): 161–80; Alison Inglis,
‘Images of “The Immortal Scott”: Portraits of Sir Walter Scott in Colonial Australia’, in Scots under the
Southern Cross, ed. Fred Cahir et al. (Ballarat: Ballarat Heritage Services, [2014]), 145–58; Burns in Edinburgh
1787 [with engraving of painting by C. M. Hardie], Burns Museum,
http://burnsmuseum.wordpress.com/2014/01/06/burns-in-edinburgh-1787/ (accessed 23 March 2017); thanks to
Associate Professor Alison Inglis, 2014. 3 Alfred Plumpton (1840–1902), ‘Ebb and Flow’, MS copy possibly in Georgiana McCrae’s hand, McCrae
Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3743/2b, MC-SLV, Melbourne; Alfred Plumpton, ‘The Ebb & Flow: Ballad;
Words by Rea’ (London, [1870]), Music Collections H.2687.(30.), BL, explore.bl.uk (accessed 11 April 2017). 4 See Graeme Skinner, Plumpton, Alfred, Australharmony,
http://sydney.edu.au/paradisec/australharmony/register-P.php (accessed 11 April 2017). 5 McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3743/2b, MC-SLV, Melbourne.
248
trends were confirmed by subsequent events in her life. Her health issues and difficulties with
her marriage, finances and housing may have contributed to less interest and passion for music-
making and music transcription, which from her youth had been such a significant part of her
life. She may also have preferred music similar to pieces that had been part of her musical
education and her years at Gordon Castle, making her uncomfortable with changes of musical
style.
A desire for memorialisation is evident in this period in Georgiana’s copies of song lyrics,
transcriptions of her old journals, notes about family news items and extracts relating to views
on marriage and old age by writers including Milton and Dinah Muloch (Craik).6
Correspondence with friends and family was also important and from time to time she sketched
and drew, while her attendance and comments at art exhibitions were welcomed.7
Georgiana’s economic position and state of mind received a severe blow when she did not
receive the inheritance she expected after her stepmother died in 1864 and contributed to an
attempted marriage separation, which, like her illegitimacy, was seen as socially unacceptable.
Writers including Muloch influenced her changed attitude to marriage and encouraged her to
give more consideration of her own needs, not just to persevere against all odds. Here she could
be seen to have been responding not only to her own inclinations but also to a larger movement
in this period which questioned the moral and legal restrictions against women. As a
consequence of her attitudes and actions Georgiana had to live with recriminations from people
such as her sister-in-law, Thomas Anne Cole, who took Andrew’s side and thought that marital
propriety was more important than personal happiness: ‘She is certainly a very wicked bad
hearted woman for a better husband and father there could not be than Andrew McCrae but his
wife is and has been for years a great trial to him’.8
Andrew retired and travelled to Britain in 1867 without Georgiana. On his travels he wrote
lyrics for a few songs, one of which, ‘Johnnie Miller’, beginning with the words ‘Feather beds
are saft’, was related to the traditional Scots and Irish song ‘I know where I’m going’.9
Andrew’s ‘Johnnie Miller’ was published in England in 1873 in an art song setting with music
6 Georgiana McCrae, MSS journals, MS 12018, Box 2516/8, MC-SLV; Georgiana McCrae, MSS journals, RB
1164.2, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; Georgiana McCrae, ‘Miscellaneous Manuscripts’, in parts of 1864
diary, with dated extracts c. 1828–72, RB 1164.4, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; Georgiana McCrae,
‘Manuscript Commonplace Book’ (c. 1854): 81–87, RB 1164.6, MPC-USyd, University of Sydney; Georgiana McCrae, ‘Diary 1864’, with notes, cuttings c. 1825–84, MS 12831, Box F3591/5, MC-SLV; see Weber-PPP. 7 Turner, ‘In Memoriam: Mrs. A. M. M’Crae’. 8 Thomas Anne Cole, diary, 22 January 1867, MS 10570, Box 1472–87, MC-SLV; see also Lucy Frost,
‘Immigrant Women in Narratives of Divorce’, 95–101. 9 Roud No. 5701, see English Folk Song and Dance Society, Vaughan Williams Music Library, ‘Roud Folk
song Index’, http://www.vwml.org/record/RoudFS/S336841 (accessed 13 November 2016).
249
by ‘Professor Stark, of Stuttgart’, possibly identifiable as Ludwig Stark (1831–84). Stark’s
pleasant but unmemorable romantic melody and cumbersome, chromatic chordal
accompaniment remove the words from their folk-like origins.10 Perhaps Andrew’s words
contained a coded message when he wrote in the voice of a wife longing for her husband’s safe
return:
Send him to me safe
What care I for siller
He’s life and a’ to me
Kind Johnnie Miller.11
As with many of his business ventures, Andrew’s hopes that sales of the song would produce
income for his daughter Fanny appear to have been ill-placed.12 When his health failed Andrew
sailed for Australia, arriving in April 1874.13 After his return Georgiana nursed him until his
death three months later. Little remained of Andrew’s estate and he does not appear to have
left a valid will.14
Despite these trials Georgiana had an active social and artistic life. She was friendly with
three generations of the Howitt family and artists like Chevalier and Von Guerard.15 She also
interacted with members of the Melbourne literary scene, influenced by her eldest son, George,
who held down steady jobs in the Victorian Public Service from 1854 to 1893 while developing
a reputation as a writer. George’s poetry was used for songs, including Antonio Giammona’s
‘Unforgotten’ (1876) and Joseph Summers’s ‘Victorian National Anthem’ published in 1879
for the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880–81.16 George’s literary friends and
acquaintances included the family’s Gordon relation, Adam Lindsay Gordon, as well as Henry
10 Andrew M. McCrae, MS lyrics for ‘Johnnie Miller’, MS 12831 MS Box 3740/20, MC-SLV; Stark and
McCrae, ‘Johnnie Miller: Scotch Song’; songs composed by Virginia Gabriel set to Andrew McCrae’s lyrics, as
suggested by Niall, Georgiana, 246, have not been found so far. 11 Andrew McCrae, ‘Johnnie Miller’, printed song version, verse 4, p. 3. 12 Letter from Andrew McCrae in London to his daughter Maggie Maine in Melbourne, 10 November 1872,
McCrae Family Papers, 1853–1918, MS 9162, Box 224/1, MC-SLV. 13 ‘Shipping Intelligence’, Argus (Melbourne), 7 April 1874, 4. 14 Niall, Georgiana, 248. 15 Clemente, ‘The Private Face of Patronage’. 16 Antonio Giammona (music) and Geo. Gordon McCrae (words), ‘Unforgotten: To the Amateurs of
Melbourne’ (Melbourne: Allan & Co., [1876?], handwritten inscription by George Gordon McCrae: ‘Miss
Glover with Compliments & Best wishes from GGMcC 26/10/76’, MUS NL mb 783.2421896 G432, NLA, Canberra, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-166716587 (accessed 11 April 2017); J. Summers (music) and G. Gordon
McCrae (words), ‘Victorian National Anthem: International Exhibition Festival Songs—No. 1; Inscribed to the
Hon. Major Smith, M.L.A., Minister of Public Instruction’ (Melbourne: A. H. Massina & Co., 1879), a) signed
by George McCrae, McCrae Family Papers, MS 12831, Box 3743/3, MC-SLV; b) MUS N mb 784.719943
S955, NLA, Canberra, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-165229772 (accessed 11 April 2017); see also Joseph Summers,
Music and Musicians: Personal Reminiscences, 1865–1910 (Perth [W.A.]: Galwey Printing, 1910).
250
Kendall, Marcus Clarke, ‘Orion’ Horne, Richard Birnie and the banker, journalist, historian
and Unitarian lay preacher Henry Gyles Turner.17
Georgiana’s older years took place in ‘Marvellous Melbourne’, which saw a rapid
population growth to about half a million people. Georgiana’s social position and influence
that she had enjoyed in the early days of Melbourne was dissipated, in part because of her
marital problems and lack of independent financial support. In contrast her friend the writer
Louisa Anne Meredith was able to celebrate continued marital happiness and respectability:
‘Tis four-and-thirty years, Love,
Since thou and I were wed,…
But heart to heart, and hand-in-hand,
Life’s rugged track we’ve travelled.18
Georgiana travelled many a ‘rugged track’ but ended her years a widow dependent on her
children, who took turn to house her and her treasured possessions.19 Her correspondents in her
old age included French scholar M. l’Abbé Justin Gary who sent her pamphlets about the
French connections of her distant relative General Gordon, who died in 1885.20 Her son George
visited Mauritius in 1887 and brought her back a copy of Bernadin de Saint-Pierre’s 1788 novel
Paul et Virginie, which had been of interest to her since her youth.21
At the back of ‘Stray Leaves’, her journals about her life and loves in Scotland in the late
1820s which she probably recopied in her old age, Georgiana transcribed a poem (c. 1823)
which she titled ‘To an old Piano Forte’. Here the English poet Bernard Barton (1784–1849)
contrasts the sociability of domestic music-making around the piano with the memories and
regrets it conjures up when it has been timeworn and damaged:
I knew thee in thy prouder days;
And still my memory clings
To social hours, whose brighter rays
See quivering o’er thy strings. …
17 See Norman Cowper, ‘McCrae, George Gordon (1833–1927)’, ADB, National Centre of Biography, ANU,
http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/mccrae-george-gordon-4071 (accessed 6 February 2017); Hugh McCrae, My
Father, and My Father’s Friends (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1935); Michael Wilding, Wild Bleak Bohemia
(North Melbourne, Vic.: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2014). 18 Louisa Anne Meredith, ‘To My Husband: With the Present of a Swiss Clock’, in Australian Ladies’ Annual,
ed. F. R. C. Hopkins (Melbourne: M’Carron, Bird & Co., 1878), 13–14. 19 Jalland, Old Age in Australia, 104–22. 20 M. l’Abbé Justin Gary, Le Général Gordon (Cahors, 1885), MS12831 Box 3740/5, MC-SLV; ‘General
Gordon’, Age (Melbourne), 12 February 1885, 5. 21 Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, Paul et Virginie (1788) (Paris: Libraire Hachette, 1884), MS 12312/57, Box 3104,
inscriptions include ‘G. H. McCrae from her very affectionate son George Gordon McCrae Port Louis Mauritius
1887’, MC-SLV; see GM-Recollections; MHMB, Part 1: 104–9; Chapters 3 and 4.
251
That dream is past! thy beauties now
Are dimmed, thy chords are broken;
And I who should redeem that vow
Mourn o’er the faithful token.22
One of Georgiana’s daughters, Fanny Moore, earnt money as a music and French teacher
during her own period of marriage separation. Fanny remembered, in probably a mythologised
manner, the conclusion of her mother’s involvement in practical music-making, still playing
her ‘favorite’ Scottish tunes from her youth:
On one well-remembered day her mistress played the whole afternoon, and at dusk
gently closed the piano, the refrain of the sweet old Scottish melodies still sounding
in her ears. Never did the old piano see her faithful friend again.23
Georgiana died in 1890, at the Hawthorn home of another daughter and son-in-law Maggie
and Nicholas Maine. Georgiana’s son George took on the responsibility of dealing with her
estate.24 In his reply to a letter of condolence from ‘Mrs Bunbury’, who was possibly a
daughter-in-law of Georgiana’s friend Sally Bunbury, George referred to the voyage on the
Argyle in 1840–41, to ‘Granny’ Sconce, to George’s visit to Mauritius and to his fascination
with Bernardin Saint-Pierre’s novel. He also suggested that Mrs Bunbury may like to meet
Georgiana’s friend Mrs Meredith, who had travelled via Mauritius to England.25 George’s son
Hugh, who remembered his grandmother as his ‘father’s best friend’, commemorated her in
his own copy of Paul and Virginia.26
Henry Turner’s lengthy obituary reflected Georgiana’s part in the early days of Melbourne
and her nineteenth-century social status as a genteel cultivated woman. Her musical and
performance skills rated a mention:
To languages she added great skill as a musician, singing and playing with rare taste
and expression; indeed, after she had passed her seventieth birthday she could still
22 Bernard Barton, a) ‘Stanzas: I knew thee in thy prouder days’ attributed to Lady’s Magazine, in Mirror of
Literature, Amusement, and Instruction 19 (8 March 1823): 294,
https://books.google.com.au/books?id=yj8FAAAAQAAJ (accessed 16 February 2017); b) ‘To an Old Piano
Forte’ by Bernard Barton, in GM-Stray. 23 Frances McCrae [Fanny Moore], Old Piano Story. 24 Georgiana H McCrae, Widow, Hawthorn, date of death 24 May 1890, will and probate records, see File No.
43/091, VPRS 28/PO, unit 535; VPRS 28/P2, unit 291; VPRS 7591/P2, unit 165; PROV;
http://beta.prov.vic.gov.au/explore-collection/explore-topic/wills-and-probates-1841-2014,
http://prov.vic.gov.au/research/wills-and-probate (accessed 24 December 2016). 25 George Gordon McCrae, Letter to Mrs Bunbury, 14 October 1890, MS 12665, MS Box 3483/2, MC-SLV. 26 Hugh McCrae, My Father, and My Father’s Friends, 84–86.
252
sing some touching old Jacobite ballads to her own accompaniment, with a feeling
and expression that would quite captivate an audience.27
Georgiana’s love of music provided pleasure and comfort for a considerable part of her
long life. She used music to remind herself of the far-off country of her birth and her rich
aristocratic relations, and kept up her performance and transcription of music as she made a
new life in Australia, educated her children and faced the loneliness of old age. Despite many
trying circumstances during her ‘exile’, Georgiana upheld the value of the musical culture she
was brought up in as a symbol of her status and identity. Her manuscript music collections
were a valuable vehicle for expression of her innermost feelings as well as her interactions with
family, friends and the world around her.
27 Turner, ‘In Memoriam: Mrs. A. M. M’Crae’.
253
CHAPTER 8
THE USE OF MANUSCRIPT MUSIC COLLECTIONS AS HISTORICAL
EVIDENCE
The set of four manuscript music collections that belonged to Georgiana McCrae offers scope
for analysis beyond merely a record of her consumption, of what she played or sang in various
times and places during her life. The workings of her mind and feelings can be tracked in
changes of preference and skill as well as in the moods, melodies, accompaniments and lyrics
of specific pieces. Georgiana’s manuscript music collections were vehicles for musical
expression of her passion, enthusiasm and creativity and her sense of national, class and
gender identity. They provided a means of sharing her interests with her scribal community
where she participated in a genteel culture that connected her with her heritage as well as with
changes in fashion and the locations of her many homes.
Contributions to Georgiana’s collections by herself, her family and friends reveal clues
about her education, her socialisation in her homes in both Britain and Australia and her
continual efforts in memorialisation of her own and other’s participation in the music-making
of the period, both for enjoyment and as a mark of their membership of the genteel classes.
Georgiana’s family, teachers and friends gave her access to music; she collected and practised
music for many decades; moreover, her music books were used by her family members and
others into the twentieth century and beyond. Manuscript music collections such as
Georgiana’s are important sources of biographical, historical and musical information that
could be more frequently investigated to contribute to a wider understanding of the culture of
her times.
Choices of musical repertoire reveal aspects of Georgiana’s national, class and gender
identity. ‘British’ music that Georgiana enjoyed was by no means a wasteland, but instead
bore evidence of fruitful activity by British composers and lyricists from a variety of
backgrounds, which was mixed and fertilised by interaction with cultures in Europe and
beyond. Georgiana’s collections show that she was proficient at languages including French,
Italian and German. Although Scottish music was fashionable as part of an eclectic mix found
in other collections from the period, Georgiana’s choices of pieces using lowland Scots and
Gaelic show her bias to her Gordon relatives. She also obtained parlour ballads, operatic
254
excerpts and piano pieces from family members, friends and acquaintances in her scribal
community. These may have been from both manuscript and/or printed sources. While
Georgiana’s musical training appears to have included the ability to improvise from a minimal
keyboard score notated without complex realisation of treble and bass parts, her use of aural
transcription is not demonstrated conclusively.
Georgiana’s manuscript music collections provide evidence to support views that the
domestic performance and collection of music were predominantly, but not exclusively,
female practices in Britain and its colonies in the nineteenth century, and that these practices
reinforced gender roles. Georgiana’s repertoire included pieces that promoted the courage of
men, such as ‘The Battle of Corrichie’, in contrast with songs such as Linley and L. E. L.’s
‘Constance’ and Blockley and Young’s ‘Hearts and Homes’ that praised women’s demure
behaviour and their supportive role in the family unit. Genteel girls undertook music lessons
in singing and playing instruments such as the piano, harp and guitar as part of their education
in accomplishments that included reading, writing, history, geography, dancing, sketching and
drawing. This aimed to make them fit for marriage and helped them to attract a partner who
could materially support them. Older women, whether married or single, were able to provide
home services including entertainment and education. Women and girls were also able to
obtain private personal contemplation and pleasure from their music-making and music-
collecting, in addition to any social expectations and demands on their time and resources.
My sample of other similar manuscript music collections for this thesis has been drawn
largely from items from libraries, archives and personal collections in Australia, New Zealand
and Britain. However, these collections have similarities to those that belonged to people
elsewhere in places as far apart as Europe, colonial India and North and South America.
Together they help put Georgiana’s manuscript music books and music-making into a wider
context. Manuscript music collections such as Georgiana’s tend to be undervalued today. To
dismiss domestic musical practices and resulting collections as second-rate because they were
dominated by women, to view these artefacts as only the possessions of young genteel women
being armed for the marriage market, is to disregard the valuable evidence they contain about
women’s lives and activities. These collections can be looked at from the level of the scribal
community, the owner, the collection, the album, to demonstrate personal choice as well as
commonalities and local differences within a broader culture.
Transcription and collection in manuscript of musical items was a collective as well as
individual practice; the compilation of manuscript and printed music in bound albums was
more common in genteel homes in nineteenth-century Britain and its colonies than is often
255
realised. Women were important to the commercial world as consumers of domestic music, to
the extent where the participation of men in these practices of music-making, transcription and
collection could be overlooked.
In the nineteenth century, manuscript transmission was still an accepted practice in private
and commercial environments, even if its previous connotation of elite exclusivity no longer
applied as much as it may have done previously when education and cultural consumables were
more the preserve of the upper classes. The compilation and preservation of manuscript music
collections prompts investigation into provenance and leads into debates about interpretation
and value. A piece of music may not belong to an identifiable sole individual, but instead may
be subject to frequent change and collective contributions. Manuscript copies could be seen
today as breaking copyright if a version of the music had been published by a reputable
commercial or scholarly organisation. However, manuscript music may have been transcribed
and disseminated independently of a commercial publication, which in any case may be only
one of multiple possible versions of a particular piece; or the publishers themselves may have
engaged professional scribes to produce multiple handwritten copies. Ideas of ownership of
music and other artworks and estimations of their worth can and do change over time. Whereas
scholars today may be interested in finding extant manuscript music collections from previous
generations, such collections have not always been considered valuable or worthy of retention,
as can be seen in a poignant note attached to the record for the Scottish Bowden music books
which reads ‘Noted as removed from Chest June 1941 and sent to waste paper collection for
munitions’.1
Nineteenth-century domestic music-making, particularly in the earlier decades, often
involved the transcription of music by hand and the assembly and formation of manuscript
music collections, which, unless they belonged to famous people like Jane Austen, Elizabeth
Gaskell or Queen Victoria, may be uncatalogued, if they have survived at all. Today in the
worldwide explosion of population, production and consumption, more recent material forms
of music including printed sheet music, shellac records and internet files compete for archival
funding and storage space. Comparatively few manuscript music collections remain in public
archives; my search for other examples to compare to Georgiana’s has often been frustrated by
constraints of availability and accessibility. Georgiana’s manuscript music collections have
survived because of the achievements of herself and her descendants and also because of her
1 Bowden Books, Music Books, Papers of Campbell of Inverneill, nos. 69, 79, 89, NRAS28,
http://catalogue.nrscotland.gov.uk/nrasregister/overview.aspx?st=1&ob=1&tc=y&tl=n&tn=y&tp=n&k=Bowden
&ko=o&r=&ro=m&df=&dt=&di=y (accessed 31 October 2016).
256
more recent fame. Other women’s collections, particularly those that belonged to less famous
collectors, tend to be dismissed as the products of hoarding or as disposable rubbish.
The possible former extent of music manuscript transcription and dissemination in
Australia, both for domestic and commercial use, may have been wider than has been realised,
as other examples may have been separated from their original context, thrown out or lost.
After the deaths of owners and subsequent inheritors, the chances of survival of and access to
collections may have been affected by technological and social changes including attitudes to
acquisition, format and preservation of memorabilia. Over time the effort involved in the
creation of these collections has become underestimated and their value as historical
documentation discounted. Manuscript music collections are as significant a record of the
consumption of music and of the development of identity as other creative sources such as
artwork, diaries, letters, newspapers and literary works, which are more frequently utilised in
documenting cultural life. Further investigation into sources, handwriting and transmission of
available manuscript music collections including Georgiana’s can lead to an increased
understanding of nineteenth-century music-making and music-collecting and its importance to
personal and community identity of people throughout the British Empire and beyond.
257
APPENDIX
Alphabetical Handlist of Titles of Items in Georgiana McCrae’s Manuscript Music
Collections MHMB, GCMB, LTLMB and CMB.
Title of item Manuscript Music
Collection
49th Hymn [‘Through the day Thy love has spared us’] CMB
Aagots Fjeldsang LTLMB
A Bhanarach dhonn a chruidh GCMB
Abschied CMB
Ad ccoigreac ma bin tu MHMB
Adieu My Native Land MHMB
Advance to Waterloo, The MHMB
Ah che il destino mio bel tesoro CMB
Ah could my faultring tongue impart MHMB
Ah pauvre Lise GCMB
Ah perdona CMB
Ah spiegar protessi a lei GCMB
Ah tu sei GCMB
Ah what is the bosom’s commotion? MHMB
Ah, non lasciarmino CMB
Air by G. Kiallmark CMB
Air by Hummell MHMB
Al mio pregar MHMB
Ala Guerra, ala Guerra! CMB
All that’s bright must fade MHMB
All that’s bright must fade MHMB
Alloa House MHMB
American Cradle Song—two voices CMB
Amor mi dulce Dueňo—El Sueňo CMB
Amyntor or Allan Water MHMB
An die Guittare CMB
And They’re a’ Noddin! MHMB
Andante Con Moto / L. Beethoven (‘Joyful & tearful’) CMB
Anecdote of ‘Porpora’ (Consuelo’s ‘Maestro!’) CMB
Angel’s Whisper, The CMB
Angler’s Song, The CMB
Annen Polka CMB
Annie Laurie CMB
An t_ Ailleagan GCMB
Arethusa, The MHMB
Are you angry, Mother? GCMB
Argyle CMB
258
As Bessy sat down GCMB
As Gilded Barks—Duet GCMB
As I cam by yon Castle Wa’ MHMB
As the Snow Drop fair MHMB
As when at natures mighty word MHMB
As when the Moon MHMB
At Auchindoun the 10th of June LTLMB
Auf Wiederseh’n CMB
Auld Niel Gow’s Strathspey MHMB
Auld Rob Morris MHMB
Auld wife ay out the fire MHMB
Aus der Wanderer — LTLMB
Aus der Wanderer CMB
Awa, Whigs, Awa. LTLMB
Ay waking oh MHMB
Babe nourice LTLMB
Babes in the Wood, The MHMB
Babes in the Wood, a Nursery Song, The MHMB
Bacon of Brackley, The LTLMB
Banks o’ Banna MHMB
Banks of Spey, The MHMB
Barbara Allen MHMB
Battle o’ Bothwell Brig, The LTLMB
Battle of Corrichie, The CMB
Battle of Otterburn, The LTLMB
Bay of Biscay, The MHMB
Beardless Boy, The MHMB
Beauty Bows to Love MHMB
Beethoven’s 5th Waltz LTLMB
Biondina, La MHMB
Birks of Abergeldie MHMB
Birks of Abergeldie, The MHMB
Birks of Gordon of Abergeldie, The MHMB
Black Eyed Susan MHMB
Black Watch or 42- Highlanders, The MHMB
Blue Eyed Mary GCMB
Blue flowers & Yellow LTLMB
Boatie Rows fu’ weel, The MHMB
Bog of Gight, The MHMB
Bohemian Air, A MHMB
Bonnie banks o’ Fordie, The LTLMB
Bonnie Erle o’ Murray, The LTLMB
Bonnie Erle of Moray, The MHMB
Bonnie Mermaid, The LTLMB
Bonniest Lass in a’ the World, The LTLMB
Bonny Dundee MHMB
Bonny House o’ Airlie, The GCMB
Border Widow’s Lament, The LTLMB
259
Boy and the Butterfly, The MHMB
Brazilian Air LTLMB
Bread Making CMB
Brechin Castle MHMB
Bridge of Bonnie Spey, The MHMB
Broom of Cowdenknowes, The MHMB
Brown’s Reel MHMB
Bruderlein, Das CMB
Brune Therèse, La CMB
Burning of Auchindoun, The LTLMB
Burning of Auchindoun, The LTLMB
Buttercups and daisies CMB
Bygone Days CMB
By Pinky house oft let me walk LTLMB
By the sad Sea Waves — CMB
By the side of a Country Kirk wall LTLMB
Cabin Boy, The CMB
(Cader Idris) / Jenny Jones LTLMB
Cairngoram Mountain MHMB
Callam Brougach MHMB
Caniad Clych MHMB
Ca’ the ewes to the knowes LTLMB
Cameronian Cat, The LTLMB
Canon / Non nobis Domine CMB
Canon for 3 Voices — LTLMB
Caper Fey MHMB
Capt. Mc.Intosh MHMB
Captain Glen LTLMB
Carolan’s Concerto MHMB
Cauld Kail in Aberdeen MHMB
Cauld Kail in Aberdeen MHMB
Cavatina by Mercadante MHMB
Cease my heart this sad desponding CMB
Cease sweet girl to doubt me. LTLMB
C’est L’Amour MHMB
C’est l’amour CMB
Ce que je desire GCMB
Change thy mind since she does change MHMB
Chantreuse MHMB
Charles Saunders LTLMB
(Cha til mi tuille) “Ha’ til”–ha t’il!’– (a Bagpipe Lament) / ‘Farewell
to the mothers that bore us’
CMB
Cherokee Death Song MHMB
Chough and Crow, to roost are gone, The MHMB
Chunda’s Song GCMB
Ciel Pietoso! MHMB
Clevelands Farewell to Mcivor GCMB
Cock o’ the North, The LTLMB
260
Cock up your beaver MHMB
Codiad yr Hedydd MHMB
Codiad yr Heldydd / The rising of the Lark LTLMB
Col. Mc.Bean’s Reel MHMB
College Hornpipe MHMB
Colliers bonny Lassie, The MHMB
Colonel Gardner MHMB
Come gentle God of soft repose MHMB
Come, chase that starting Tear away MHMB
Constance CMB
Contentment CMB
Contradiction MHMB
Crooked horned ewe, The MHMB
Crystal Ground, The LTLMB
Cuishlih ma chree LTLMB
Culloden Day LTLMB
Cumberland Reel CMB
Damsel once so truly loved, &c, A MHMB
Dans un delire estrême CMB
Dark Maid, The MHMB
Das Faterhaus [sic] CMB
Das Gewitter CMB
Dead, The [poem] GCMB
De’il tak the wars LTLMB
Deh! Non voler constringere__ CMB
Deh prendi CMB
Del Caro’s Hornpipe MHMB
Delamain LTLMB
Demon Lover, The LTLMB
Denis don’t be threat’ning MHMB
Der Postillion CMB
Der Wandrer CMB
Deutsche Waltzer CMB
Die Nachtwandlerin / La Somnambula [sic] [‘Vi ravviso’] CMB
Di piacer, mi balza il cor CMB
Ditty, The MHMB
Dolce dell’ Anima GCMB
Donald & Prince Charlie GCMB
Donald Macgillivray LTLMB
Donald Quaich MHMB
Donocht Head LTLMB
Drunken Wives of Fochabers, The MHMB
Duc de Reichstadt LTLMB
Duchess of Gordon’s Strathspey, The MHMB
Duet from “Native Land” (Claire de la Lune) MHMB
Duett: (Perche mi lasci) CMB
Duke of Gordon, The MHMB
Duke of Gordon’s Birthday MHMB
261
Duke of Gordon’s favorite, The MHMB
Duke of Gordon’s Strathspey MHMB
Duke of Gordon’s Strathspey, The MHMB
Duncan Gray MHMB
Duport’s Menuet MHMB
Earl Marischall LTLMB
Earl Richard LTLMB
Earl Richard 2d Set. LTLMB
Eh! Vogue ma Nacelle CMB
Ein Gedanke CMB
Ein Schönes altes Lied zu frohes leichnam CMB
Elegy on the death of Anne Boleyn MHMB
Endymion CMB
Endymion CMB
Eppie Adair MHMB
Ewe bughts, The MHMB
Fairy Bells, The CMB
False Knight, The LTLMB
Farewell, The MHMB
Fare thee well, thou lovely one. MHMB
Farewell to Lochaber MHMB
Farneth House MHMB
Favorite Norwegian Mountain Air, A LTLMB
Favorite Song—in A Golden Pippin MHMB
Fill the Stoup MHMB
Filles de Hameau CMB
Fingal’s Lament MHMB
Finlayston House MHMB
First time at the looking glass, The MHMB
Fleeting hours of Fond Delight, The MHMB
Flora McDonald MHMB
Flower of Northumberland, The LTLMB
Flowers of Edinburgh, The MHMB
Flowers of the Forest, The MHMB
Fly from Love CMB
For tenderness form’d MHMB
Forse un di conoscerete CMB
Fox jumpt over the Parsons Gate!, The MHMB
Foxes Sleep, The MHMB
Frae the friends and Land I love MHMB
Friedvoll und Liedvoll CMB
Fuhret [sic] hin CMB
Fuhret [sic] hin CMB
Fy let us a to the Bridal MHMB
Gaelic Rows, The LTLMB
Gaelic Song LTLMB
Gae to Berwick Johnny MHMB
Gaily sounds the Castanet MHMB
262
Galla Water MHMB
Gard’ner wi’ his Paidle, The MHMB
General Kuttusoff’s [?] Waltz MHMB
Gentle Air MHMB
Georgina’s favorite the Strathspey MHMB
Georgina’s Hornpipe MHMB
German Hymn LTLMB
Gil Morice MHMB
Gin living worth MHMB
Giorno d’orrore CMB
Girl I left behind me, The LTLMB
Glocken, Die CMB
Gloomy Winter’s Now Awa CMB
Go Gentle Sleep MHMB
Go Little Painted Butterfly MHMB
Go, happy Flow’r MHMB
Good Morrow to your nightcap MHMB
Good Morrow to your Nightcap MHMB
Gordon Castle MHMB
Gradh gan fios MHMB
Graidhean donn CMB
Greek Air, A LTLMB
Greensleeves LTLMB
GreenSleeves CMB
Greigs Pipes – Strathspey MHMB
Gude Night & Joy be wi’ ye a’ MHMB
Gypsey – by Hoberecht MHMB
Habiendo En bosque CMB
Had I a heart for falsehood MHMB
Haggis o’ Dunbar, The MHMB
Hai Lwli MHMB
Happy Meeting, The CMB
Hark the Lark MHMB
Hark! from yonder Holy Pile LTLMB
Haste thee to blow MHMB
Heav’ns are telling, The CMB
Heavy hours are almost past, The MHMB
He’s aye Kissing me MHMB
He’s dear dear to me tho’ far from me MHMB
Hearts and Homes_ CMB
Helmsley LTLMB
Here’s a health to those far awa MHMB
Hertz — No 1. Op 35 LTLMB
Highland Air, A LTLMB
Highland Chieftain, The MHMB
Highland Laddie MHMB
Highland Laddie, The MHMB
Highlanders came o’er the hill, The LTLMB
263
Highlanders Farewell, The LTLMB
Highlanders farewell to Ireland, The MHMB
Hirten Lied CMB
Hither Mary Hither Come MHMB
Ho neil mulad oirn_ LTLMB
Horrin ho air nighean an airich_ LTLMB
Hot Cross Buns LTLMB
Hours there were to memory dearer MHMB
How can I be sad on my Wedding Day MHMB
How lifeless and dull MHMB
Hubertus Lied CMB
Hughie Graeme MHMB
Huntly Chapel LTLMB
Hymne des Marseillois MHMB
Hymn of Eve, The LTLMB
I attempt from Loves sickness to fly MHMB
I’d choose to be a daisy [poem] CMB
I do not love thee LTLMB
I have loved thee, only loved thee — CMB
Il était là CMB
I’ll gang na mair to yon town MHMB
I’ll speak of thee... [poem] CMB
I Love my Love in Secret My Sandy O! MHMB
I’m ou’re young to marry yet MHMB
Inconstant, The by J. Paddon MHMB
In Days now long gone by CMB
In Infancy one hopes and fears CMB
In Sweetest accents let our Eastern fair &c MHMB
In the devotion CMB
Invocation – M. Catel MHMB
Irish Air LTLMB
Irish Lullaby, The MHMB
I still will think of thee Jeanie MHMB
Italian Canzonetta, An MHMB
It was a’ for our Rightfu’ King LTLMB
I’ve wandered in Dreams — LTLMB
J’ai Quinze Ans MHMB
Jahres Zeiten, Die CMB
Jamie, come try me MHMB
Jamie Douglas LTLMB
J Blewitt / Matrimonial Ladder CMB
Je l’ai Revu – CMB
Jenny Lind [clipping] LTLMB
Jenny Lind [poem] LTLMB
Jenny Lind [‘O Smile as thou were wont to smile’] CMB
Jenny Lind’s last night in England CMB
Jenny Lind’s Song of Fatherland CMB
Jenny’s Baubee MHMB
264
Jingling Johnie LTLMB
Jock o’ Hazeldean GCMB
John Anderson Auldest Daughter MHMB
Johnie Armstrong LTLMB
Johnie Cope LTLMB
Johnie o’ Braidislee LTLMB
Johnie Scot LTLMB
John Ogilvie Moffatt CMB
Johny Fa MHMB
Johnys’ Gray Breeks MHMB
Juliana MHMB
Just when ruddy morn MHMB
Kane to the King LTLMB
Kate O’Shane CMB
Kathleen O’More GCMB
Keith More— LTLMB
Kellyburn braes MHMB
Kelvin Grove MHMB
Kempy Kane LTLMB
Kenmure’s on an’ awa Willie LTLMB
Killiecrankie LTLMB
Kind Robin lo’es me MHMB
Kind Robin lo’es me! MHMB
King William’s March LTLMB
Kynde Horn LTLMB
La Declaracion CMB
Lads of Dunse, The MHMB
Lady Anne Bothwells’ Lament MHMB
Lady Charlotte Gordon’s Reel MHMB
Lady Georgina Gordon’s Reel MHMB
Lady Jean LTLMB
Lady Kenmure LTLMB
Lady Louisa Gordon’s Strathspey MHMB
Lady Madelina Gordon’s Birthday MHMB
Lady Madelina Gordon’s Reel MHMB
Lady Madelina Gordon’s Strathspey MHMB
Lady Mary Ramsay MHMB
Lady of the Lake, The MHMB
Lady Susan Gordon’s favorite MHMB
Lady Susan Gordon’s new Strathspey MHMB
La Finale MHMB
La Georgina MHMB
Laird of Lamington, The GCMB
Lament of Flora McDonald, The GCMB
Land of my dearest happiest feelings CMB
Land o’ the Leal, The MHMB
La Nussesse au bord du Lac CMB
La Pastorella della Alpi CMB
265
La Poule MHMB
La Preghiera – Romanza – CMB
Lass Glück, in ihrem Kreisse GCMB
Lassie lost her Silken Snood, The MHMB
Lassie would ye love me? CMB
Lass of Richmond Hill, The CMB
Laurette MHMB
Lauriston CMB
L’Aveu d’une Femme MHMB
Lazy mist hangs, The MHMB
Le Alastair Cambeul / Come, my Bride, haste, haste away! GCMB
Leander MHMB
Lebewohl CMB
Le Depart de Vienne MHMB
Leezie Lyndsay GCMB
Lenox’s love to Blantyre MHMB
Le Pantalon MHMB
Le Petit Tambour MHMB
Le Pré aux Clercs – CMB
Lesbia, live to love & pleasure MHMB
Le Seul objet de mes amours MHMB
Le Soleil de ma Bretagne CMB
L’Eté MHMB
Lightly tread, ’tis hallowed ground CMB
Light of other days, The CMB
Lisbon Minuet, The LTLMB
Little Betty Winkle MHMB
Little Farthing Rushlight, The MHMB
Little Girl to the Sea-Birds, A LTLMB
Little Mushiegrove. LTLMB
Little Robin Red Breast MHMB
Loch Erroch MHMB
Loch Erroch Side MHMB
Loch Erroch Side MHMB
Logan Water LTLMB
Logie O Buchan CMB
Lord Aboyne, Strathspey MHMB
Lord Alexander Gordon’s Strathspey MHMB
Lord Bangwill LTLMB
Lord Derwentwater. LTLMB
Lord Maxwell’s Good night, The LTLMB
Lord McDonald’s farewell MHMB
Lord Nithsdale’s, welcome hame. MHMB
Lord Ronald my Son MHMB
Love and Hope MHMB
Lover’s Seat, The MHMB
Lowly Youth, A CMB
Madame Cole MHMB
266
Ma Fauchette est charmante MHMB
Maid of Athens GCMB
Maid of Isla, The MHMB
Maid of Isla, The LTLMB
Maid of Llangollen, The LTLMB
Maids of Arrochar, The MHMB
Malbrouk s’en va t’en guerre MHMB
Malcolm & Jane MHMB
Malli Ban MHMB
Man’s A Man for A’ That, A MHMB
Marquis of Huntley new Strathspey MHMB
Marquis of Huntley’s Strathspey MHMB
Marquis of Huntly’s Farewell MHMB
Marquis of Huntly’s Highland Fling MHMB
Marquis of Huntly’s Snuff Mill, The MHMB
Marquis of Huntly’s Strathspey, The MHMB
Martin Luther’s Hymn MHMB
Mary Dhu MHMB
Mary Jamieson LTLMB
Mary, dear Mary, list! Awake, MHMB
Mary’s dream – Old Set. CMB
Mason’s Apron, The MHMB
Master Sitwell MHMB
May Margaret LTLMB
May Collean LTLMB
Mazourka LTLMB
Mazurka CMB
McKure CMB
McPherson’s Farewell MHMB
Meeting of the Water, The GCMB
Melody of former years, The CMB
Menuetto MHMB
Miller of Drone, The MHMB
Minuet de la Cour MHMB
Minuet from the Ballet of the “Nozze disturbate” / Beethoven CMB
Miser thus a shilling sees, The MHMB
Miss Admiral Gordon’s Strathspey MHMB
Miss Forbe’s farewell to Bamff MHMB
Money Musk MHMB
Monfrina, The MHMB
Morag MHMB
Morning Hymn MHMB
Mourir pour la patrie CMB
Mr Gordon of Fyvie’s Strathspey by D. Macdonald LTLMB
Mr. Gordon of Fyvie’s Strathspey by Edward McDonald LTLMB
Mrs Duff’s Fancy MHMB
Mrs Macleod of Rasay MHMB
Mrs Paul’s Strathspey LTLMB
267
Muirland Willie MHMB
Muss i denn CMB
My Boy Tammy MHMB
My dear & only love, I pray LTLMB
My Harp has one unchanging Theme MHMB
My Hearts’ in the Highlands MHMB
My highland Lassie O! MHMB
My Love she’s but a lassie yet MHMB
My Mither’s aye glowr’in o’er me MHMB
My Mither’s aye glowrin’ o’er me MHMB
My Nannie Oh MHMB
My Nannie Oh— GCMB
My Native Highland Home MHMB
My only Joe & dearie, O. LTLMB
Nathl Gow’s lament for Mrs Oswald of Auchincruwe MHMB
National Song of Norway, The / ‘Arise! Old Norway sends the word’ LTLMB
Nature no proud distinction knows MHMB
New Dash, The MHMB
Nice LTLMB
Niel Gow’s Lamentation for his Brother MHMB
Nina non dir di no_ GCMB
None remember thee CMB
Norland Jockie & Southland Jenny MHMB
North’s Farewell to the Caledonian Hunt MHMB
O! Absence will not alter me MHMB
O as I was kiss’t yestreen MHMB
O balmy Sleep MHMB
O! Can Ye sew Cushions? MHMB
Ochiltree Walls LTLMB
O’er Boggie wi’ my Love MHMB
O’er Bogie LTLMB
Oer the Hills & Far away MHMB
Of a noble race was Shenkin LTLMB
Of a’ the Airts the wind can blaw CMB
O, for ane and twenty Tam! MHMB
Oft in the Stilly Night MHMB
Of what is the old man thinking CMB
Oh bonnie lassie come over the burn GCMB
Oh Come to me when daylight sets MHMB
Oh! dinna ask me gin I lo’e ye GCMB
Oh Molly Dear Molly MHMB
Oh Onochrie O! MHMB
Oh! open the door MHMB
Oh! Quanto Vaga MHMB
O Jean I love thee MHMB
O! Kenmure’s on & awa, Willie MHMB
O Laddie I maun lo’e thee MHMB
Oldenburgh, The MHMB
268
Old English Song CMB
Old Man’s Dance, The MHMB
Old Truagh MHMB
O! Let me in this ae Night MHMB
O light bounds my heart — CMB
O! Merry may the Maid be, MHMB
O Mirk, mirk is the Midnight hour! MHMB
Oonagh LTLMB
O Poortith cauld MHMB
Oran an roig CMB
Original Hebrew Chant, An LTLMB
Original Air of “This is no my ain House.”, The LTLMB
Original Set of the Highland Laddie, The LTLMB
Orkney Melody LTLMB
O! Saw ye my Father? MHMB
O Smile as thou wert wont [poem] CMB
O Smile as thou wert wont [song] CMB
Ossian’s Hall MHMB
Our ain bonny Laddie LTLMB
Our ain Countrie LTLMB
Over the Hills and far away! MHMB
Over the Water to Charlie MHMB
O Were I on Parnassus Hill LTLMB
O Were my Love you Lilac fair LTLMB
“O, Wert thou in the Cauld Blast” CMB
O What Pain it is to part MHMB
O Ye shall walk in Silk Attire MHMB
Parks of Fochabers, The MHMB
Parting of Friends, The MHMB
Passing away CMB
Partant pour la Syrie CMB
Pauvre Jaques MHMB
Peace be around thee MHMB
Perche mi lasci GCMB
Perth MHMB
Pestal CMB
Pinkie House MHMB
Placa quell’ ira MHMB
Planxty McGuire MHMB
Plough Boy LTLMB
Poem: Jenny Lind LTLMB
Polka CMB
Polka Sentimentale CMB
Polka von Strauss CMB
Poor little Savoyard!, The MHMB
Poor Mr Bailey MHMB
Pope’s Universal Prayer MHMB
Portuguese air LTLMB
269
Posie, The MHMB
Reel, The MHMB
Ricardoo LTLMB
Richt dames o’ Binnorie, The LTLMB
Rinn m’eudial mo mhealladh MHMB
Road to Linton, The MHMB
Robie donna gorach MHMB
Robin Hood LTLMB
Robin Hood & the Bishop of Hereford LTLMB
Robin Hood & the Tanner LTLMB
Rode’s Air – as sung by Catelaine MHMB
Romance MHMB
Romance MHMB
Rory Dall’s Port MHMB
Rose Bud, The MHMB
Rose Bud child o’ Summer, The MHMB
Rose is weeping for her love__, The CMB
Round [‘Come, come follow’] CMB
Round — [Dr Harrington / ‘How great is the pleasure’ CMB
Round _ Four Voices [‘Home to dinner’] CMB
Round from Robin Hood, A LTLMB
Round “Oh beauteous eyes.” CMB
Round. Three Voices [‘The cheerful day’] CMB
Round. Three Voices [‘Come, come follow’] CMB
Round – Three Voices [‘If your voices are tuned’] CMB
Round. Three Voices [‘In Spring the leaves begin to sprout’ CMB
Round Three Voices [Purcell / ‘Hark the bonny’] CMB
Roys Wife of Aldivalloch GCMB
Sad is my Day MHMB
Sad, sad, is my Soul. CMB
Said to be “Creole air” CMB
Sandy’s my Darling MHMB
Save a poor Beggar Boy MHMB
Savourneen Delish MHMB
Say, what shall my song be? CMB
Schottische Polka, The CMB
Scotland’s Call LTLMB
Second love of a heart forsaken, The LTLMB
Secret of my heart, The GCMB
See from Ocean Rising MHMB
Sehnsucht, Die CMB
Senza di te CMB
Seventh o’ November, The MHMB
Shall he run away with the lasses MHMB
Sheriffs’ conceit, The MHMB
She’s fair and Fause MHMB
Should thou fond hopes_ GCMB
Siller Crown, The MHMB
270
Siller Crown, The GCMB
Silly Boy MHMB
Sing hey down ho down derry down dee MHMB
Sir Hew LTLMB
Sir Norman McLeod’s Lament CMB
Sir Roger de Coverley MHMB
Snowy Breasted Pearl, The MHMB
Sole a thuir mi thuis a gheainhraidh CMB
Song. [‘The meadows look cheerful’] GCMB
Song for Good Boys, A LTLMB
Song from ‘Egmont’ CMB
Song from the poor Soldier LTLMB
Song of the Exiles CMB
Song of the Olden Time, The CMB
Soon as the Morn MHMB
Souvenirs d’un Bal Masqué CMB
Spacious firmament of high, The MHMB
Spanish Chant LTLMB
Spanish Chant CMB
Spanish Fandango, The MHMB
Spanish Waltz LTLMB
Spey Side MHMB
Stabat Mater CMB
Star vicino al bell’ Idol che s’ama MHMB
Steibelt CMB
Sterbende Hold, Die CMB
Stockwell Chapel LTLMB
Strathspey, A MHMB
Strathspey, A MHMB
Strauss CMB
Struck by the shafts MHMB
St Stephens LTLMB
‘Sud air m’aigne so ghruaim’ / This casts a gloom upon my soul CMB
Summer bloom hath passed away!, The CMB
Summer is coming, The MHMB
Sure Woman’s to be Pitied MHMB
Susie Cleland LTLMB
Sweet Annie MHMB
Sweet fa’s the eve on Craigieburn MHMB
Sweet maid, Think on me MHMB
Sweet William LTLMB
Swiss Walts [sic] LTLMB
Tak ya auld Cloak about ye. LTLMB
Tam Glen LTLMB
Tarantella Napoletana CMB
Teach me to forget! CMB
Tears that I shed &c, The MHMB
Tell Corrinna MHMB
271
Tell me my heart MHMB
Tell me not of Morning breaking – CMB
Temple to Friendship, A MHMB
Teodora GCMB
Then be it so CMB
There comes a time MHMB
There’ll never be peace till Jamie comes hame MHMB
There’ll never be peace till Jamie comes hame LTLMB
There was a King in Thule LTLMB
There was a King in Thule CMB
There was an Old Man MHMB
They bid me Slight my Dearest LTLMB
They Say there is Some distant Land CMB
This is no my ain house MHMB
Those Evening Bells MHMB
Thou Fair Elisa MHMB
Thou Ling’ring Star LTLMB
Thou’rt gone away MHMB
Three horsemen rode out from the Gate GCMB
Three Little Dogs MHMB
Three Men’s Song, A CMB
Three Ravens LTLMB
Thy Will be done LTLMB
Tibbie Fowler LTLMB
Tifty’s bonnie Annie LTLMB
Tis Memory’s Aid MHMB
Tis not Love MHMB
To a child — LTLMB
To blast a Rivals’ Happiness MHMB
To Mademoiselle Jenny Lind By An Artist [Poem] LTLMB
To Welcome Jamie hame again GCMB
Tristes recuerdos CMB
Troika CMB
Trois Graces, Les LTLMB
Troubadour Captif, Le MHMB
True set of — “Mill o’ Tiftie’s Annie— ”, The LTLMB
True Thomas LTLMB
Tu consoli O Mia Speranza GCMB
Tune ‘Keith More — ‘ LTLMB
Turn Out MHMB
Tus ojos Incitan CMB
Tutto sorridere CMB
Twa Auld Wives o’ Beith, The MHMB
Ulican Dubh oh MHMB
[Untitled] MHMB
Up in the morning early MHMB
Vado ben spesso MHMB
Vale of Llangollen, The MHMB
272
Valse CMB
Veber’s [sic] last Valse CMB
Venetian Arietta, A MHMB
Vienna Waltz, A MHMB
Waltz GCMB
Waltz by Henri Herz LTLMB
Wapping Old Stairs composed by J. Percy MHMB
Water parted from the Sea CMB
Waters of Elle MHMB
Water Sprite, The LTLMB
Wealth of the Cottage is Love, The MHMB
Wee wee Crudlen Dov, The GCMB
Wee wee German Lairdie, The LTLMB
What can’t be cur’d must be endur’d MHMB
What causes my Donald this pain? MHMB
What the De’il ails ye? MHMB
When a Little Farm we keep MHMB
When cold in the Earth LTLMB
When Delia MHMB
When from thy sight MHMB
When he I Love MHMB
When I have a saxpence under my thumb MHMB
When morning rich in lustre breaks MHMB
When my Delia MHMB
When rising from the bed of death MHMB
When she cam ben she bobed MHMB
When tell tale Echo’s whisper MHMB
When the Cold grasp of death LTLMB
Where dost thou feed thy favor’d sheep... LTLMB
While hopeless &c MHMB
While yet the Tide MHMB
Whimsical bore, The LTLMB
Widow are ye waking MHMB
Wiegenlied LTLMB
Will ye gae t’Inverness? MHMB
William Forbes Stuart’s Strathspey LTLMB
Willie Winkie’s Testament MHMB
Wilzham Walla’s March LTLMB
Wolf, The CMB
Woo’d & Married & a’ MHMB
Woo’d & Married &c by Joanna Baillie [poem] CMB
Yarrimore MHMB
Yon bright world. CMB
Young Colin was a Rustic Boy. LTLMB
Young Colnel, The LTLMB
Young Lavalette’s Favorite MHMB
273
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Delamain, Henry active 1782–1796. Accessed 12 March 2017.
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Minerva Access is the Institutional Repository of The University of Melbourne
Author/s:Richards, Rosemary Jean
Title:Georgiana McCrae’s manuscript music collections: a life in music
Date:2017
Persistent Link:http://hdl.handle.net/11343/192295
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