EDITORIAL BOARD

Editor Tim Youngs, Nottingham Trent University, UK

Associate Editors Peter University of Essex, UK

Brandeis University, USA

Editorial Susan Bassnett, University of Warwick, UK Peter University of South Australia, Australia Jan Borm, University of Versailles at Saint-Quentin, France Antoinette Burton, University of Illinois, USA Helen Carr, Goldsmiths College, of London, UK Daniel Carey, University College, Steve Japan Charles Forsdkk, University of

Massachusetts Institute of UK Yale University, USA

~~·~~·.,..~, University of USA University College London, UK

Gesa Mackenthun, Restock Germany Tilar Mazzeo, Colby College, USA Alasdair Pettinger, Independent Scholar Chris Brunei University, UK Neil University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA

Editorial Intern

Esme Nottingham Trent UK

AIMS&SCOPE

Founded in 1997 by Tim Youngs, Studies in Travel Writing is an international, refereed journal dedicated to research on travel texts and to scholarly approaches to them. Unrestricted by period or region of study, the journal allows for specific contexts of travel writing to be established and for common or enduring features to be identified. It welcomes contributions from within, between or across academic disciplines; from senior scholars and from those at the start of their careers.lt also publishes original interviews with travel writers, special themed issues, and book reviews.

STUDIES IN TRAVEL WRITING Volume 15 Number 3 September 2011

CONTENTS

!n consideration of the evolution of explorers and travellers into authors: a model !.S. i'vfacLarr'il

Foreign bodies: British travel to Paris and the troubled national self, 1789-1830 Vicloriu E. Thompson

The meaning and making of of a Victorian bestseller .Jusrin Liringstone

Trare/s: the sedentary and itinerant discourses

Destinations and descriptions: acts of seeing in S.H. Kem's Ciarh ro the Cedars and vVi!hin t!w ArCiic Circ!r' iv/aria Lindgren LeavenH'orr!z

Book reviews

Notes on contributors

22!

243

267

293

311

343

Studies in Travel """"'"'"t"'"' informatio11

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Studies in Travel Writing VoL 15, No.3, September 2011, 221~241

consideration a model

LS. MacLaren*

the evolution of explorers and travellers into

Contemporary reading practices exert considerable pressure on the narratives of explorers and travellers; consequently, an inextricable identity is usually assumed between the eyewitness observer and the first-person narrator. Since the time of Hakluyt, not discriminating among accounts written during and after journeys and voyages, or not interrogating the implications for critical interpretation of the stage of narrative under examination have marked reading practices of the genre. YeL exploration and travel writing often exhibits considerable discrepancies between primary accounts penned in remote parts of the globe and their subsequently published counterparts, often much more secondary than is acknowledged. Emphasising difference rather than seamless continuity between traveller/explorer and published author prompts the proposal of one model by which analyses of narratives might be conducted, case by case. in light of it, the Hakluyt Society's series of publications receive discussion.

Keywords: Richard Hakluyt; authority of printed texts; authorship; stages of writing by explorers and travellers; Atechnos; Hakluyt Society; Daniel Defoe; Alexander Mackenzie; Meriwether Lewis and William Clark; Thomas Jefferson; T.C. Boyle: Mungo Park; James Cook: George Vancouver; Jacques Cartier; Paul Kane

Launching into Peter Mancall's biography of Richard Hakluyt (c. 1552-1616), readers find a portrait of a book-bound man. Hakluyt looks at a walrus tusk sent him Alexander Woodson and understands what it is from his knowledge of 'the French explorer Jacques Cartier's account of his journey to modern-day Canada in 1534'. Hakluyt 'spent virtually his entire life in England, reading books, talking to survivors of journeys abroad, and writing about the exploits of travelers', Mancall writes. 1 Hakluyt's legacy concerns books almost exclusively; the genre of exploration and travel writing in English, 2

although it was much practised before Hakluyt put his stamp on it, was firmly taken in hand by him (and followed though not emulated by Samuel Purchas and Awnsham and John Churchill). An armchair traveller, he voyaged verbally, not actually, and with practical applications in mind - trade, colonisation and evangelisation, for example. A century after Hakluyt published his compilations, Daniel Defoe was likely referring to that legacy of voyaging-in-words when he wrote about fashioning a person's education. As the correspondent in his Compleat English Gentleman (1729) puts it,

[i]f he had not travel!'d in his youth, has not made the grand tour of Italy and France, [a gentleman] may make the tour of the world in books, he may make himself master of the geography of the Universe in the maps, attlasses, and measurements of our mathematicians. He may travel! by land with the historian, by sea with the navigators. He may go round the globe with Dampier and Rogers, and kno· a thousand times more in doing it than all those

*Email: ian.maclarcn(aualberta.ca

!SSN 1364 5145 print/lSSN 1755 7550 online

2011 Tay!or & Francis DOl: IO.IOH0/13645145.2011.595926 http:; fwv..'w .in forma \Vorld .com

222 l.S'. MacLaren

illiterate sailors. He may make all distant places near to him in his reviewing the of those that saw them, and all the past and remote accounts present to him by the historians that have written of them. He may measure the latitudes and distances of places by the labours and charts of those that have survey'd them, and know the strength of towns and by the descripcions of those that have storm'd and taken them, with this difference, too. in his knowlege, and infinitely to his advantage, viz., that those travellers, voiagers. surveyors, soldiers, etc., kno' but every man his share, and that shar [sic] but little, according to the narrow compass of their owne aclings. But he recievs [sic] the idea of the whole alone view.'

Is this not quintessential Hakluyt? The navigation principally becomes the book and the book metonymically the navigation. as the metaphor deployed by Defoe puts iL The explorers are themselves 'illiterate', but their reader rescues them from this deficiency and renders them articulate by reviewing the voyages in words. It is as if the explorers cannot come home except in the form of a book. The ships become supernumeraries; the words are the thing. They produce the idea of the whole at one comprehensive thereby. the idea of the world rounds into focus. Before Hakluyt, it would have been too much to claim that, until the book about an English expedition appeared, the expedition had not been consummated. but by 1600 thanks to his indefatigable efforts the book became the expedition. Little more than a century later, perhaps foremost in The Life, AdPentures. and Pyracies, of the Fenno us Captain Singleton (I Defoe had become one of the foremost exploiters of that development.

According to Hakluyt's own account of bow he came to compile his an account that appeared in his dedication to Sir Francis Waisingbarn that begins Principal! Navigations, words of Psalm 107 figured prominently: 'they which go downe to the sea in ships, and occupy by the great waters. they see the works of the Lord, and his woonders in the deepe'.4 Starting with vindication and holy scriptural sanction, that is. with text, Hakluyt spent a career rendering exploration and the literature of exploration one and the same. It need hardly be pointed out that Divers Voyages ( 1582) and Principal! Navigations (1589), like their much stouter successor of 1598--1600, are titles not of a series of expeditions but rather of a compilation of words.

D.B. Quinn remarks that the Elizabethan compiler 'was commissioned to put together all he could gather from printed or manuscript sources'. 5 Although J.W. Jones agrees with Quinn that Hakluyt's work was both tenacious and carefuL the Elizabethan lacked a keen bibliographical interest even though he shows a bias for as early a version of an expedition's narrative as he could obtain. His legacy of not discriminating among the authority of(!) accounts written en route, (2) retrospective manuscript accounts vvritten by the explorer/traveller, (3) copies of manuscripts, and (4) published narratives bemuses readers possessed of a bibliographical interest in exploration and travel writing, which seems, whether in prose or poetry, as capable as its later relative, the novel, of taking the shape and features of other genres ~ histories, ethnographies (manners and customs), missions, tales/legends/myths (m<irvels and wonders). satires, vocabularies, taxonomies. maps. charts and tables of measurements of all manner of observed phenomena. propaganda, political surveillance and intelligence, memoirs, geographies/gazetteers, prospectuses for investors, miscellanies, newsletters, captivity narratives, and accounts of shipwreck, for example ~ while still offering its own shape and truth-claim in its veridicality, that is. its custom of predicating itself on the spatial and chronological linearity that itinerary imposes on narrative. Cautionary studies such as Percy G. Adams's Travelers and Travel Liars (1962) notwithstanding, the habit of rendering the discursive voice inseparable from ~ indeed, one and the same as - the voyager's is commonplace6

The Hakluyt Society's practice has been, all volumes taken as a whole, similar: its website

Studies in Travel 223

proclaims its aim to publish 'primary sources', but these may be previously published books. 'Often', volumes comprise writings 'previously available only in manuscript or in unedited versions in languages other than English', but by no means do all of its 220 titles in 327 volumes have manuscripts as their base-text. 7

Several matters round into focus if one dwells on this rather obvious habit of blurring the distinction between, on the one hand, exploring and, on the other, inscribing, transcribing, editing, publishing, and identifying manuscripts as a whole rather than emphasising the difTerent stages of their composition. One is that, in the wake of Hak!uyt, reading habits in contemporary times bring considerable pressure to bear on the texts themselves. That pressure has not always been what it now is. Whether in manuscripts or printed books, readers expected 'the compilation of a travel narrative ... as the production of an informed personal commentary, filtered through an extensive and expected (but often unacknowledged) usc of earlier sources'g The first-person authority of the sojourner was thus compromised as it was augmcnted. 9 Moreover, however, even as readers suspended their disbelief that the first-person explorer or travelier had observed and recorded everything that a narrative provided - and had done so with fresh eyes, unconditioned by earlier sources - they also came to place a premium on accounts that took the form of printed books. The apparent uniformity of copies and the sheer physical imposition of printed books, once bound. weighed in their favour as being more authoritative than multiple copies of circulated manuscripts. Also, however, readers of them could and did assume that many others were sharing public knowledge because they were reading the same text at the same time. Gradually, it became commonplace to understand that a narrative came to public attention when it came into print. 10

Compounding this effect from at least the late eighteenth century onward (and no less in effect has been what Jack Stillinger calls 'the romantic notion of single authorship[, which] is so widespread as to be ;early universal' . 11 ~

Expeditions and travels that did not issue in a published account engendered the least interest and possibly the greatest dubiety. Consider a later pair of examples, a pair that arguably forms part of Hakluyt's it is understood that David Thompson ( !770-1857), the premier cartographer of North America, the bicentenary of whose expeditions of exploration is ongoing at present, never garnered fame in his lifetime because his fastidious temperament disinclined him from publishing a book. Upon retirement, he kept revising his journals and his manuscript of a comprehensive narrative. In this he differed from Sir Alexander Mackenzie (I 764--1820), the first European to cross the continent and a counterpart who netted a knighthood a year after the publication of his ghost-written narrative Voyages fi"om Montreal (1801). Thompson lived out his retirement in obscurity. 12 USAmerican President Thomas Jefferson, he of the great library of exploration and travel literature, esteemed books. He appreciated that the expedition that he commissioned Meriwether Lewis (1774~1809) and William Clark (!770--1838) to undertake across the continent that Hakluyt's compilations brought into being in words would amount to nothing until its printed narrative (published well after the death of Lewis, as it turned out, and with authorial involvement by Nicholas Biddle [1786--1844], its 'editor') saw the light of day. 13 Jefferson had heard of Thompson and his map-making, but apparently it was the publication of Mackenzie's Voyagesfi"om Montreal that prompted him to send Lewis and Clark west in 1804. 14

Were it not for Hakluyt, England probably would not have come to understand and profit from exploiting the fact that publication and Pax Britannica could be one and the same. Unlike the Spanish, for example, who jealously guarded unpublished their explorers' narratives of eighteenth-century voyages to the New World's Pacific Coast, the

224 I.S. MacLaren

British initiated claims to the portions of the globe that they explored by publishing printed volumes by command of their monarch. The value of the published book for the aspirations of Jefferson's fledgling country was patent. Not surprisingly, then, after Hakluyt had demonstrated the power that lay in the book-form of exploration (consider the equation between exploration and narrative implicit in Mackenzie's title), seldom was the print publication of the narrative of an important expedition left to chance.

The composition of narratives of important expeditions is not so quickly delineated, however, for it has at its authorial core the explorer who explored because he could, and not because he either would or could fashion a Voyage out of an expedition, a book out of the physical effort to tour the world by foot, by horse, or in ships, outriggers, rafts, canoes, or what have you. In an age before the advent of the professional travel writer, explorers and many travellers, whatever their physical achievements, needed help to reach landfall between covers. Either they were not themselves writers or they lacked discursive experience sufficient to conform their own words to the ideological perspectives and tastes expected by their readership. Mackenzie and the rhetorical device of atcclmos remind one of this sometimes arduous trip. A contrivance long in use before writers in English began deploying it, atechnos permitted explorers or those writing under their names, by deprecating their literary abilities, to assume the identity of authors at the hands usually, unacknowledged writers who might themselves not have ventured out of Grub Street. In Mackenzie's Voyages, the prefatory use of atcc!mos sounds thus:

when, at length, the opportunity arrived, the apprehension of presenting myself to the Public in the character of an Author. for which the course and occupations of my life have by no means qualified me. made me hesitate in committing my papers to the Press; being much better calculated to perform the voyages, arduous as they might be, than to write an account of them. However, are now offered to the Public with the submission that becomes me_~ 5

Self-deprecation (one critic calls it an 'apology" 6) sounds sincere; admitting that the matters of exploration receive inferior narration creates rich ground for implying that the rehearsal of events is plain, unvarnished, and thus accurate and trustworthy. Precisely because it became routine to edit logs and field notes for publication ready them for the press. as the eighteenth century was fond of putting it~ non-authors grew intimidated by the chore of preparing a sustained, publishable narrative. The nineteenth-century Scottish botanist David Douglas ( 1799·1834) was terrified by the prospect of the sentence of sedentary torture inflicted on him by his renowned mentor, William Jackson Hooker, who pressed him for a written account of his botanising travels in western North America. 17

In Water Afusic (1981), the historical novelist T. Coraghessan Boyle has a romp with his scene depicting African explorer Mungo Park (1771 1806) shackled to a writing desk by Sir Joseph Banks upon the Scot's return to London in 1798 from his peregrinations in search of the Niger River. Banks denies him a trip home to Scotland until he completes a narrative suitable for publication, as decided by Bryan Edwards ( 1743-1800), secretary of the Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of Africa (African Association) and known to be Park's 'editor' if not his ghost-writer. 1s Despite Boyle's inclusion of the historically accurate mention of the rich emolument of one thousand guineas promised for the production of the narrative, his portrait of the explorer depicts him as a paralysed author:

Words. haunt him night and through his rewrite sessions with Edwards, throllgh breakfast, tea and dinner. words masticated over plaice and fowl, lucubratcd at the hour of the wolf, pried from the recesses of his memory like bits of hardened molding ... [ellipsis in original] words that fight one another like instruments out of tune, arhythmic. cacophonic, words that snarl sentences and tangle thoughts until he flings the pen clown in rage and

Studies in Travel 225

despair. He never imagined the book would be such drudgery. After the stark challenge of Africa and the heady swirl of celebrity, the last thing he wants is to sit at a desk and push words around like a professional scrabble player. ... It's an old but familiar feeling, the terrible devastating Weltschmerz of the boy who wakes with the knowledge that he hasn't finished his Latin assignment.

Edwards peers over the spectacles and fixes him with a wet bloodshot eye. as well resign yourself, old man, you're a celebrity now and you've got public responsibilities. You know as well as l do that great discoveries are as much a product of a warm study as are of deserts and jungles'. 10

But the very fact that a novelist can render risible an terror of writing speaks loudly to this widespread experience. If not from the point of view of the publisher, from that of the 'author', the public demand for the book must have seemed alarming to many sojourners. one seldom learns what narrative record accompanied an explorer back home that could form the basis of the book hotly anticipated by its readers and coldly feared by its ·author'. Park's makes a good example: at one in his remarkably popular Travels in the Interior Districts of Aji-ica ( 1799), published two years before Mackenzie's

his persona entrusts his papers to his servant; then he stands before his Moorish captors bereft of every stitch of clothing save his top hat; thereafter he somehow again consigns his papers to his servant. Like a prestidigitator, he makes them and then reappear; meanwhile, readers of the book never learn the source ofhis of paper and ink20 drawing no attention to the logistics of record keeping, the narrative encourages readers to ignore the question and remain focused on the tale cast up by the eyewitness (not until the emergence of professional travel writers and Baedekers in the mid-nineteenth century does this game of hide-and-seek change its rules, and the alterations continue in the electronic age on the websites of Lonely Planet and tour 21

It is this straightforward acceptance of the geographical as the author and first-person persona of the narrative that encourages one critic to describe Louise Pratt's representation in Imperial Eves of Park as 'a skilled of the written

a novelist in the guise of geographical missionary' n This assessment of Pratt's is not quite accurate, for she takes pains to distinguish her view from that of other

readers of Travels, such as the 'eminent contemporary Africanist Philip Curtin', who, as he himself wrote, regarded Park as having told with he had seen, without arrogance, without special pleading and (since he was not a scholar) without interpretation', but Pratt does not distinguish the explorer from the published persona of the explorer; indeed, her thesis depends on the eyewitness being possessed of the imperial eyes that saw distant lands as, in some but certainly not all cases, the printed narratives' perspectives represent them. 23

That is to say, Pratt's analysis lacks what one finds in William R Sherman's anatomy of exploration and travel writing. Indebted to William Lithgow's Most Delectable and True Discourse ( 1614 ), Sherman argues that in order for a narrative to take its final form, two distinct journeys must (except with armchair travel writing) have occurred: the first geographical, the second authorial. 24 The present analysis considers hovv the relationship of those two journeys obliges one to interrogate them, to substitute for them a more than two-part model, and to pursue cases where the principal actor in the first journey differs from the principal in the second.

* * * As James Heifers noted more than a decade ago, what preceded Hakluyt's efforts in England principally took the form of 'ephemeral literature -especially pamphlet accounts

226 f.S. MacLaren

of various voyages' 25 It took Hakluyt to give them a systematic book form." 6 Although at points he also took a more active role as a consultant and director if not an explorer, most often Hakluyt developed and elaborated for himself the role of agent of' a clearing-house for the information that that ephemera contained, first in Dil'ers Voyages as it pertained to routes that might get round the obstacle of North America, subsequently in the two editions of Principal Navigations as they pertained to the colonisation of' that continent. Thereby, he created the prototype of the career that many scholars of exploration and travel practise today.

At the centre of that legacy lies a bibliographical matter, one often overlooked in theoretical and critical assessments, whether literary or historical in orientation: Hakluyt's tendency to scruple not very much over the bibliographical status of' the sources he fashioned into parts of printed compilations. His larger concern was less an editor­bibliographer"s- to describe the details out of which individual narratives emerged than a translator-editor-author's to shape each narrative into a whole that, like an explorer's efforts, issued in a discovery, a discovery of' the myth of English exploration's heroic 'lost and glorious past' .27 Consider just those that arose, or claimed to arise, from exploration as distinct from commerce or diplomacy: one might already have been published: another existed only in a single manuscript; many had appeared in print in another language but not before in English; yet another was the work of his own pen after he had amassed what information he could from sources he knew, to which he was directed, or which had made their way to him 2 x his compilations had the effect of setting them all on the same bibliographical footing. Centuries later, either claim the same degree of authorita­tiveness, or most readers are inclined to ascribe it to them 2

s> It is not just the deficiency of' literary diffuseness, then, that gives one pause about Hakluyt's collections, although that trait has often been adduced: it is also the matter of their tacit shared authoritativeness. The account of the eyewitness, who saw this or that with his own eyes, however feeble his own ability to narrate the experience, exerts a claim on its reader that the work of' a poet or dramatist seldom claims. And Hakluyt, knowing as much, ensured that the claim was duly, volubly, and manifestly registered.

We have this summary of some of the methods he deployed, a summary that also takes stock of criticism about those methods:

An examination of scholarship on specific narratives reveals that Hakluyt did, in fact. exercise a good deal of editorial judgment over his collected Renaissance narratives. Specif1cally, his editorial intervention consists primarily of excision. He eliminmes narratives for specific political reasons. He eliminated The Travels ol Sir John lvfandnilie and David Ingram's narrative of his alleged American journey from the 1598 edition of the Principal Navigations. possibly because of his doubts about their veracity (although in the case of Mandeville there is no explicit evidence to confirm this motivation; he may instead have eliminated it because of its wide availability in print). He kept out some versions of journeys because they conflicted with his purpose of idealizing English character. Finally, he eliminated almost all scholastic, deductive, geographical arguments- anything that interfered with the direct thrust of personal description in a narrative30

What remains is pure explorer, or so the invitation to readers to suspend their disbelief implies. He exalted the eyewitness's voice over the scholar's/editor's, and he regularly made that voice sound coherent.

Although not identical, writings by explorers and travellers in the centuries preceding the advent of the professional travel writer sufficiently resemble one another in bibliographical respects to warrant the consideration of a common anatomy for them, an anatomy that requires discrimination when it comes to assessing authorial motivation,

Studies in Travel Writing 227

bias, and perspective, and the tendency of readers to treat any one narrative as a document or as literature. 31 Precisely because issues of authorial motivation, bias, and perspective concern practitioners of postcolonial and other theoretical approaches to textual representations of the Other, the authorial persona's stability is cruciaL but printed narratives of exploration and travel writing often do not supply it. A six- or seven-stage model rather than the two-journey idea that Sherman describes, while it makes no claim to introduce an innovation hitherto unknown in the study of exploration or travel writing, can serve to clarify a reading practice to which such writing ought to be but is only irregularly subjected. In particular, I am concerned to advocate using a model to guide a reading practice that emphasises how the experience of travel evolves from the eyewitness's first written account to that of the subsequent book. I do so even though evidence often suggests that the circumstances by which narratives of exploration and travel evolve into published form require case-by-case analysis. Occasionally, it is the persona of the explorer or travelier alone that evolves through different stages; in other cases, ditTerent people play a role in writing the evolving narrative. Furthermore, publication in periodical form can precede that in book form, and differences between the two versions can be substantive for one or more of literary, cultural, anthropological or historical scholars, even as they remain inconsequentially incidental for others.

Stage

A!

A2

A3

A4 AS

A6

A7

A: Manuscript- and pre-print­dominated publication era

(c. < 1550 CEI

field notes, diary, log book, con­taining entries made regularly if not daily while en route

retrospective journaL report, or letter, completed explorer/ traveller upon return home or at the end of a stage of a journey/voyage

draft manuscript, with or without interlineations and other incli­cations of revision

published manuscript printed book (including immedi­

ately subsequent editions, translations, and pirated edi­tions), or inclusion in a printed compilation or periodical

scholarly edition (including facsi­mile reprint of first edition with prefatorial/introductory mate­rial, or fully annotated edition of any one or more stages I through 5)

subsequent scholarly or trade edition

Stage

Bl

B2

B3

B4

BS

B6

B: Print-dominated publication era (c.> 1600 CE)

field notes, diary, log book, con­taining entries made regularly if not daily while en route

retrospective journal, report, or letter, completed by exploreri traveller upon return home or at the end of a stage of a journey /voyage

draft manusc1ipt, with or without interlineations and other indi­cations of revision

printed book (including immedi­ately subsequent editions, translations, and pirated edi­tions), or inclusion in a printed compilation or periodical

scholarly edition (including facsi­mile reprint of first edition with prefatoria!(introduetory mate­rial, or fully annotated edition of any one or more stages 1 through 4)

subsequent scholarly or trade edition

The proposed model presupposes the evolution from traveller to author; that is, it is less concerned with the professional travel writer than with the traveller whose journey provided an occasion ·- perhaps the first and only -- for authorship. The first stage is the

228 /.S. MacLaren

field note/diary/log book. It represents events and encounters recorded during the course of exploration or travel. It often features all three tenses: past, present, and future. Entries might occur as regularly as every day or even, as in the case of a ship's log, every watch or change of weather or tide. This stage is, as has been emphasised above, incapable of being either unmediated by cultural assumptions or constrained by the limitations of language (recall Captain Cook's summation of the Haush of Tierra del Fuego on 16 January 1769: 'in a Word they are perhaps as miserable a set of People as are this day upon Earth'; and his descriptions on 23 and 24 June and 14 July 1770 of a kangaroo: 'I should have taken it for a wild dog, but for its walking or runing [sic] in which it jumped like a Hare or a dear [sic] .... it bears no sort of resemblance to any European Animal I ever sawd1

).

By contrast, what could be termed a journal (A2 and B2) is retrospective. Written at the end of the journey and based on notes/diary/log book, or written at the end of a stage of the journey, perhaps in epistolary form, and sent home as a report, the second-stage narrative/Journal tends to put more distance between travellers or explorers and the events of their travels or explorations. Normally, the past tense dominates the narrative. (Because diary and journal are often regarded as synonymous, the proposed model splits the hair by emphasising when the writing was done and which tense[s) it features.)

The third stage is the draft manuscript for the eventual printed book, which is the fourth stage. The third-stage manuscript exhibits a full narrative shape and perhaps, although not typically, chapter divisions and other signs that one expects to find in book publication. It is possible that the draft manuscript has no interlineations; that is, its text was not being composed while being written but, rather, written using the journal, perhaps with silent corrections and changes. Although far from invariably, it could amount to a fair copy of the journal or diverge from it by condensation or amplification. The fourth stage in a seven-stage model - a model that better represents centuries preceding not the introduction but the domination of printing press publication· is the narrowly or widely circulating/published manuscript the product of the culture of 'scribal publication', 33

which could and often did exist in multiple copies thanks to the labours of (usually) anonymous scriveners. 34 The fourth stage in the six-stage model (a model more accurate for narratives prepared in a predominantly post-manuscript culture) and the fifth in the seven-stage model is the first printed edition and B4), and the next stage (A6 and B5) is what the Hakluyt, Champlain, Hudson's Bay Record, and other societies usually publish: the annotated scholarly edition of one or another of the previous stages. 35 Occasionally, a subsequent stage occurs (A 7 and B6); this is a second annotated edition,36 other editions (for example, of Hakluyt's books), 37 or ·· rather different- a variation of a later edition, such as abridgements of Hakluyt's Principal Navigations, of J.C. Beaglehole's edition of Cook, or of Ruben Thwaites's edition of Lewis and Clark. 3x

Because narratives whether circulated in manuscript or printed were seldom published without the goal of monetary or other profit, seldom is it the case that the authorial voice remains the same between an early stage and the published/circulating stage of the narrative. It is usually shaved or trimmed - 'bibbed and tuckered' - for public presentation.3

l) If such work lay beyond the willingness or talent of the explorer/traveller, it was undertaken with or without his consent by others -- scribes in the manuscript age; editors and or compositors and or proofreaders in the age of print.40 They fashioned the narrative into a saleable commodity, catering to readers', publishers' and armchair travellers' cravings, tastes, financial expectations and prevailing ideologies, including profiles of homo monstrosus, variations on utopia (El Dorado, Atlantis, Arcadia, the Holy Land, the Orient, the Antipodes), empirical observations of non-human nature, and

Studies in Travel Writing 229

expressions of home-nation propaganda (pro or con). And why not, if the motivation for publication of accounts of far-off places aimed both to instruct and to entertain?

But whether or not they regard stylistic changes as substantive depends as much on particular readers' interests as on bibiiographical variants, for meaning both resides in a text and emerges from its interpretation.41 An ethnographer might not care whether Captain Cook thought that his fish are, as he himself put it, 'kept till wanting and eat very well', or that they are, as Dr John Douglas ( 1721--1807), the editor of the official narratives of Cook's second and third voyages to the Pacific Ocean, phrased it, 'kept till wanted; and they are not a disagreeable article of food'. Deploying litotes (the affirmation of something by the negation of its opposite), Douglas thereby rendered Cook more fastidious-sounding and thereby elevated him above the level of the people from whom he bought the fish, placing him nearer the level of the reader that Douglas had in mind for his expensive edition. The invocation of imperial supremacy had much to do with the establishment of such hierarchical implications, as vital in the wielding of discursive power as in the wielding of bureaucratic and military power. Douglas claimed only to improve Cook's style, but the improvements will signify more from some readers' perspectives than from others'.42

Of course, a model lacks the subtlety needed to address fair copies, multiple copies of the journal or even of the draft manuscript, cheaper abridged editions, facsimile reprints and multiple scholarly editions on paper or in hypertext, not to mention interstitial stages of publishing, such as uncorrected proofs, printer's proofs (Vandykes, blues [or blueprints], ozalids, diazos, and so forth), galley proofs (part of book publishing from the later nineteenth century onward43

) and page proofs. Yet the model is useful both for identifying the state of the text that scholars of exploration and travel writing choose to evaluate and interpret, and, one hopes, for encouraging consideration of the genesis no less than the choice of stage of texts as a primary aspect of interpretation. With each stage both the first .. person narrator's perspective on eye-witnessed events and the narrative's audience alter. Retrospection tends to creep in: the passage of time often gives the explorer(traveiler or a deputed writer a perspective unavailable amidst the immediacy of events. 'It is worth asking,' Roy Bridges posited nearly a quarter-century ago, 'whether the published explorers· records ... constitute the best versions of the evidence which the explorer actually gathered' 44

That travel and exploration writing seldom receives discussion about the status of the text itself is worrying given the weight of ideological consideration to which books in this genre have been subjected, perhaps especially by students of imperialism and colonialism. It would be wrong to imply that the base-text ought always to be the earliest or the latest one - not every alteration is ipso facto a corruption or a correction/improvement - but equally unsatisfactory is the lack of discussion about why and how the explorer/traveller himself or subsequent writers or editors- "non-authorial" authors45

- effected changes in the course of publishing a first edition under the name of the explorer/traveller, or about why and how editors reached their decisions about which stage to publish in a later scholarly edition, the audience for which only distantly resembles a first edition's. Other genres of writing have received centuries' worth of such critical attention, but it has been largely denied to exploration and travel writing. As Jack Stillinger has hypothesised in a consideration of texts by creative writers, 'every separate version of a work has its own legitimacy' .46 But what of explorers and travellers - often, authors only once - and their works? Do they so seldom assume poses, adopt irony, reconsider events, people and places encountered or reorganise experiences (or have any of these done by other hands to their field writings) as to justify being read straightforwardly as though the person who

230 /.S. MacLaren

travelled, the one who wrote, and the 'author' who published a book about those travels are identical? In short, is it appropriate to maintain a bold line between imaginative and discursive writing (as a dismissive Northrop Frye would have insisted47

) any more than it is appropriate to insist that explorers and travellers, whose motive for their expeditions and trips was not principally authorship, routinely produced book-length narratives so little assisted by others as to justify reading their books as their work alone?48 Biography­based interpretations of exploration and travel writing are common; textual far less so.

Following in Hakluyt's wake, how has the Hakluyt Society conducted its work? Consider the monumental edition of the writings of the Pacific-bound Captain Cook and his fellow officers by J.C. Beaglehole, perhaps the single greatest contributor to Hakluyt Society editions after David Beers Quinn. In 1967, the society published Beaglehole's two­part edition of Cook's notes and journals and those of some of his fellow officers on his third voyage (July 1776-0ctober 1780). Nearly 200 years after Cook wrote. Beaglehole brought the first and part of the second stages of the narrative into published form. In the interval, Native Americans on the west coast of Vancouver Island had lived with the opprobrium cast on them by Douglas, who alleged that they were cannibals. As Beaglehole's edition shows, that allegation does not appear anywhere in Cook's fist. Is one stage correct and the other incorrect? Certainly. the Mowachaht/Muchalaht people of Yuquot, Nootka Sound, Vancouver Island think so. Nevertheless, it is also fair to propose that what the Hakluyt Society gave the world with Beaglehole's edition was, as his biography of Cook demonstrates.49 a Cook of whom Beaglehole approved, not Cook himself, even if the editor regarded the two as one and the same. It is but a truism to note that all editing, whether declared or undeclared, colours a text. Hakluyt, for example, was unexceptional in this respect; he rounded his voyagers into one comprehensive view, gathering them together between the covers of a single or multi-volume book and therein systematically arranging them.

However, the Hakluyt Society's interests do not subscribe to the model proposed above. In each of its series -no matter whether it is the first, second, or third- scholarly editions of fourth-stage narratives (in the six-stage model), that is, of books usually printed in or not long after the lifetime of the explorer/traveller, stand beside volumes containing second-stage narratives, that is, scholarly editions of retrospective journals. Editors of society volumes occasionally identify the base-text clearly, but often readers must open a copy for themselves and examine it to determine the stage of the narrative. For all one's enormous debt of gratitude owed to the society for the works it has made available over the past century-and-a-half, one is not less confused by the lack of discrimination its series have shown about the textual status of the source chosen for publication. This assessment is unjust when directed at particular tities and their editors, but, overall, one is stuck in a bibliographical stew, a matter perhaps of little concern to nineteenth-century readers hungry for narratives of maritime adventure, but one surely of concern to scholars now. W. Kaye Lamb edited The Journals and Letters of' Alexander Mackenzie, which the society published in its extra series in 1970.50 More than a decade later, in its second series, it published Lamb's four-volume edition of the Voyage of' Discovery of George Vancouver (1757-1798), first published with the editorial assistance of the explorer's brother in 1798. George having died earlier that year, on 10 May. (A corrected edition in six volumes appeared in 1801.)51 As for Mackenzie, the journal of his second expedition, when he was canoed and led on foot across western North America to the Pacific Ocean, is the work of William Combe ( 1741-1823), an English miscellanist and the author a decade later of the satiric poem, The Tour of Dr. Syntax in Search ol the Picturesque (1812). However, the journal of Mackenzie's first expedition, when he was canoed down the Mackenzie River in

Studies in Travel 231

1798, is the explorer's work. 52 Vancouver's book was published posthumously, and no earlier stages of the narrative are extant. When one considers these two society titles, both prepared by Lamb, the stage of a narrative appears not to be the decisive factor in the decision to publish what prospective editors offer 53

Hakluyt's legacy of not scrupling over a narrative's identity endures, for better or worse. The society's edition of Mackenzie's journals made its mark on the scholarly world; its edition of Vancouver's book appears not to have done so, probably because it does not add anything to the record except in the editor's annotations. Does this matter? Yes and no. Scholars in every discipline need to exercise care, but general readers likely could not care less; for them, having Vancouver's book in print again would outweigh any other consideration. A bibliographical stew can taste mighty good to hungry readers not too fussy about ingredients. About ten years ago, 30 years after Lamb's Mackenzie appeared, the Narrative Press issued paper and electronic versions of a work it titled The Journals of Alexander A1 ackenzie (200 I). Was the title meant to indicate that a first- or second-stage narrative had surfaced for Mackenzie's sojourn across North America, the first crossing of the continent by a European? No. It turns out that this is but a reprint of the book published in 180! as Voyages fi'om Montreal. Mackenzie's explorations became his Voyages in 1801 and his Journals 200 years later. The latter forms part of what the Narrative Press calls its series of 'True First Person Accounts of High Adventure. ' 54 'The Narrative Press,' trumpets the end matter, ·prints only true, first-person accounts of adventures-- explorations, circumnavigations, shipwrecks, jungle treks, safaris, mountain­climbing, spelunking, treasure hunts, espionage, polar expeditions, and a lot more.' 55

The Hakluyt Society series have never, of course, staked any such claim. Because they contain both manuscript sources and books, and because the society did not have a six- or seven-stage model in mind, editors of series one, series two, and series three have understandably issued narratives of a variety of stages. 56 title appears in one or another series only because of the century in which it was published [one, the nineteenth; the twentieth; three, the tvv·enty-first], not because of bibliographical considerations. It remains then for readers to whom the stage of a narrative matters to determine whether they are reading the spelunker's eyewitness words, or either her retrospective words or her editor's/ghost-writer's (Mackenzie's words or Combe's, as it were). But would it interest the Hakluyt Society to publish editions of the official, monarchically commanded books prepared for the press by John Hawkesworth (1715?-1773)58 or John Douglas about Cook's voyages to the Pacific Ocean? Although not Cook's work, for over two centuries they held sway as Cook's first-person voice, exerting unchallenged influence on the European and eastern North American worlds' perceptions of the peoples of the Pacific Rim. Historical work virtually demands that these versions still be consulted.

Let us return to Peter Mancall's portrait of Hakluyt, the walrus tusk, and the account of Jacques Cartier's expedition of 1534. Hakluyt understands the tusk by taking recourse to the narrative record. However, Cartier's voyage of l 534 yielded a narrative that, as Marcel Trudel has noted, throws up an 'awkward problem': 'The account of the first voyage [20 April--S September 1534] was published initially in Italian by Ramusio in 1565, then in English [at Hakluyt's instigation] by [John] Florio in 1580, finally in French by Raphael du Petit-Val in 1598; it is this last text which was used by Marc Lescarbot [for his Histoir(:' d(:' la Nouvelle Franc(:' (Paris: Jean Milot, 1609)]. ' 59 An Italian account published more than 30 years after the voyage forms the basis for Hakluyt's understanding of the object in his hands. What needs to be overlooked to render this portrait convincing is what twentieth-century Quebecois nationalists overlooked in refashioning Cartier as the 'discoverer' of Canada: the 'awkward problem' that no manuscripts in the discoverer's

232 J.S. MacLaren

hand were known by Hakluyt- or are known today - to exist for the voyage of 1534.60 Is this an instance of the Marco Polo syndrome the traveller apparently travelled but did not necessarily write- or of its next-door neighbour, the John Mandeville syndrome- the 'traveller'. not just his readers, did not leave his armchair but wrote for them a guidebook, if not a sustained narrative, of exotic places and people using the mappa mundi as his template?61 Perhaps neither, but the tides that vex the voyage into print of any account of Cartier's first expedition to the New World ought to concern us more than they did Hakluyt. This is the foundational concern for those investigating or making use of exploration and travel narratives in any discipline. They do not amount to the most positive aspect of the legacy that Hakluyt's way of collecting and compiling has left us, but they characterise the genre to a sufficiently significant extent that they require 'compleat' scholars to consider the stmight line insinuated for them between, on the one hand, the eyewitness who returns from afar with ocular proof in written form of his extraordinary deeds and of the world's wonders, and, on the other, the narrative subsequently published under the same person's name and marketed as a commodity purporting to be no more or less than the eyewitness's account. Benjamin Franklin thought that the tide was turning in 1765 - '[ f]ormerly every Thing printed was believed, because it was in Print: Now Things seem to be disbelieved for just the very same Reason' but that trend, if it existed, did not endurc. 62 What endures as a reading habit is what might be called Gullible's travels. Or Hakluyt's. Reading exploration and travel writing with circumspection would seem vital in light of many concerns, not least, as Kenneth Jain MacDonald has reminded us, that 'it brings people and place into being through its own discursive mechanisms that cannot be dissociated from the prior ideological representations grounded in the value hierarchies of colonialism, value hierarchies that continue to maintain inequitable social and environmental relations'.63

It would be a great boon to anthropologists, historians, literary critics, and common readers were the discipline of book history and the study of exploration and travel writing successful in drawing notice to the importance of distinguishing among the words that explorers and travellers wrote following a day's events, following the completion of a stage of a journey and following their return home, and distinguishing any of those from the texts written by others and published under the name of explorers and travellers following their return home, following first-time publication (when cheaper subsequent editions abridged or otherwise altered the first edition's version) or following the passage of centuries. Effectively productive of different entities, the stages of exploration and travel writing require us to develop discrete reading strategies for interpreting them, not conflating them so as, effectively, to accord them an identical degree of authority.

Jn November 2006. a $CDN3l.5 million lawsuit by the Songhees and Esquimalt peoples of Vancouver Island was settled out of court because it was agreed that a first­stage narrative (B 1) was more authoritative than a book (B4). An artist named Paul Kane (I 810-1871) visited the island in 1847 and wrote in his field notes that a Songhees village stood on the shores of James Bay, the inner harbour of the city of Victoria where the provincial legislature of British Columbia reposes today. 64 For some reason, Wanderings of' an Artist among the Indians olNorth America (1859), the book published in London by Longman under Kane's name 12 years later called it a village of Claliam, a group that is now considered USAmerican, not Canadian, not permanent residents of Vancouver Island, so not entitled to sue the British Columbia or Canadian governments. 65 Lawyers for these governments agreed that the eyewitness account, written in the traveller's own hand, had a worthier status than the book published long after Kane visited the Hudson's Bay Company's post of Fort Victoria, even though it was published in London, then the

Studies in Travel 233

irreproachable centre of all things known. In the end, the governments agreed to pay the Songhees and Esquimalt First Nations what amounts to rent on the land where the legislature was built.

Case by case, exploration and travel writing repays scrutiny along the lines that the six­(or seven-) stage model proposes.66 It may not repay in the millions, but there is nonetheless a scholarly and, from time to time, somewhat like the case of the Treaty of Waitangi, 67 even a legal return to be garnered from a 'compleat' investment one that does not assume a straightforward and unproblematical link between eyewitness explorers and their books' first-person persona.

Acknowledgement

I am grateful for the comments and questions ofTered in response to a version of this paper presented at the stimulating 'Richard Hakluyt (c.1552-16!6): Life, Times. Legacy' conference at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, 15·-17 May 2008. jointly organised by Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt; the National Maritime Museum; the Centre for Travel Writing Studies, Nottingham Trent University; and the National University of Ireland, Galway. As well, l acknowledge with smcere thanks the extensive remarks made by Roy Bridges on another version of this paper.

Notes

l. Peter C. Mancall, Hakluyt's Promise: An Eli:::abet!wn's Obsession for an America Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2007), I, 4.

2. For the purposes of this analysis, writings by explorers and travellers will be regarded generically as one. Other analytical approaches, discriminations, and emphases certainly warrant a gene1ical distinction being drawn between them and even among writings by explorers. See, for example, E. Thomson Shields, Jr., 'The Genres of Exploration and Conquest Literatures', A Companion to the Literatures of Colonial America, ed. Susan Castillo and Ivy Schweitzer (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2005), 353··68.

3. Daniel Defoe. The English Gentleman, 1729; ed. Karl D. Biillbring, !890; facs. rpt. (Folcroft. PA: Folcroft 1972), :225-26; also in St'lected of Daniel Defoe. ed. James T Boulton (London: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 247-57 (255 56). It could be argued that Defoe was only lifting a remark made by the Churchill brothers a quarter-century earlier when. in the introduction to their Collection of' Voyages and Travels, they wrote that "the Relation of one Traveller is an Incentive to stir up another to imitate him, whilst the rest of Mankind. in their accounts without stirring a foot, compass the Earth and Seas, visit all the Countries, and converse with all Nations' (Awnsham and John Churchill, 'Introduction', A. and J. Churchill, compilers, A Co!leclion of Voyages and TraFe!s ... , 4 vols. [London: John Walthoe, 1704], !: lxiii).

4. John Winter Jones, introd. DiFers Voyages through the of America and rhe Islands-adjacent, collected and published by Richard Hakluyt ... in the Year /582, ed. Jones (London: Hakluyt Society, 1850), v; from Richard Hakluyt, The Principal! Navigations, Voiages and DiscoFeries of' rhe English Na!ion, made by Sea or ouer Land, to the most renwle and farthest distant Quarters of' the Earth at any time within the Compasse of these I 500 Yeeres: Deuided into rhree seueralf Parts, according to the positions of the Regions whereunto they ll'ere directed (London: pr. by George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, 1589), 2.

5. David B. Quinn, ·Gilbert, (Gylberte, Jilbert), Sir Humphrey'. Dictionary o{Canadian Biography, ed. George Brown and Marcel Trudel (Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1966), I: 331-36 (333).

6. Percy G. Adams, Travelers and Travel Liars, !660-1800 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962). Given the amount of shaping that Hakluyt can be seen to have made on accounts in order to make a book of them (of which more, below, in this paper), it is noteworthy that, in his survey of sixteenth-century English literature, C.S. Lewis declined to discuss most of the narratives assembled by Hakluyt. Lewis described him as 'usually behind the scenes' because they 'owe nothing to art'; enjoyment in reading them must, by Lewis's standard, owe 'something

234 I.S. MacLaren

to the teller as well as to the thing told', but they seldom do, and one narrator, although he 'has matter which no one could make dull, ... brings it nearer to dullness than one would have thought possible' (CS. Lewis, English Literature in the Sixreenth Century excluding Drama, The Oxford History ol English Li1erature, vol. !I! [Oxford: Clarendon Press. !954], 438, 437; Colm MacCrossan, 'New Journeys through Old Voyages: Literary Approaches to Richard Hakluyt and Early Modern Travel Writing', Literature Compass 6.1 [2009]: 97-112).

7. http://www.hakluyt.com/hak-soc-objectives.h tm?PHPSESSl D'%20 = 8d96466e05cd28l 04709a2 f6d2856d0e (retrieved Jan. 2010). Numbers given on the website are rounded to 'over 200 editions' and some '350 volumes'.

8. Michael G. Brennan, 'The Literature of Travel', The Camhridge History of the Book in Britain, Volume !V 1557-·1695, ed. John Barnard and D.F. McKenzie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 246-73 (258-59).

9. Even though this discussion concerns itself with the evolution of accounts, it is important also to remember that even the first account is mediated. As B. Campbell has remarked, 'the traveller in foreign parts is faced with a world for which his language is not prepared: no matter how naive the writer's understanding of language. the option of simple transparence ... is not open' (The 1-Vitness and the 01her World· E>:otic European Trarel Writing 400-1600 [Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988], 3). Benefiting from Edward Said's work, Tim Youngs noted in 1994 that at no stage of a narrative's composition is the traveller separate from and thus uninfluenced by the culture to which he or she belongs. Equally applicable to explorers is his remark that '[t]ravellers do not simply record what they see .... They observe and write according to established models .... No one who travels and writes of their experiences can be said to be writing purely as an individual' (Travellers in British Travelogues, 1850-1900 [Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994], 5, 209). Notably without reference to either of these points, Jerry M. Wiiliams develops a Foucaultian line of argument in 'Challenging Conventional Historiography: The Roaming 'T'/Eye in Colonial American Eyewitness Accounts', A Companion to the Lireratures ol Colonial America, 532-50.

10. Elizabeth Eisenstein notes succinctly that 'print spread texts in a different way from manuscript: it multiplied them not consecutively but simultaneously' (Introduction, The Use ol Script and Print, 1300-1700. ed. Julia Crick and Alexandra Walsham [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004], 20:. qtd. in 'A Conversation with Elizabeth L Eisenstein'. Agent of" Change: Print Culture Studies ajier Elizabeth L Eisenstein, eel. Sabrina Alcorn Baron. Eric N. Lindquist and Eleanor F. Shevlin [Amherst, MA and Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007], 409- 19 [414]).

11. Jack Stillinger, Multiple Authorship and the i\1yth of Solitary Genius (Nev; York: Oxford University Press, !991), 183.

11. Alexander Mackenzie [with William Combe], Voyagesji'om A1ontreal, on !he River St. Laurence, through the Continent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans; in the Years 1789 and 1793. With a Preliminary Accouni of the Rise, Progress, and Present State of the Fur Trade of that Coulllrv (London: Pr. forT. Cadell; Jun. and W. Davies; and W. Creech by R. Noble, 1801). Many editions of Thompson's unpublished and uncompleted narrative now exist. The most recent is The Writings of David Thompson. Volume I, The TraJ•e!s, 1850 Version. ed. and introd. William E. Moreau (Montreal and Kingston: MeGill-Queen's University Press; Seattle: University of Washington Press; Toronto: Champlain Society, 2009). See also l.S. MacLaren. 'Foreword to the 2007 Edition', Sources of the River: Tracking David Thompson across Western North America, by Jack Nisbet ( 1993) (Seattle: Sasquatch, 2007), v-viii.

I 3. 'Biddle, Nicholas', Appietons' Cyc/op(edia of' American Biographr, 6 vols. ( !887-1889); facs. rpt. (Detroit: Gale. 1968), 1: 257. Robert T. Conrad, later a mayor of Philadelphia, is the source of the oft-quoted assignment to Biddle of the role of author of the long-delayed official narrative of the expedition, History of' the Expedition under the Command of Captains Lell'is and Clark, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Bradford and Inskeep, !814). Based on her study of the correspondence between William Clark and Biddle held in the Biddle Edition Archive, University of Virginia, Alicia Yaffe has written that 'Clark asked Biddle to edit the journals, write a manuscript, and publish it' ('Historical Overview for the Publication of the Travels of Lewis and Clark' < http:f/ www2. vcdh.virginia.edujlewisandclark/biddle/splash.html > [retrieved Feb. 20 l 0]).

14. Peter S. Onuf and Jeffrey L Hanlmann have written that ·Lewis and Clark ... faithfully chronicled their diplomatic encounters with the natives as they mapped their progress across the continent, demonstrating both their own and the new nation's presence in the vast, uncharted

Studies in Travel vVriting 235

space. But the expedition's promise remained unfulfilled as long as the journals languished in their unrevised, unpublished form' ('Geopolitics, Science, and Culture Conflicts', Across the Continent: Jefferson, LeH-"is and Clark, and the Making of America, ed. Douglas Seefeldt, Jeffrey L. Hantmann and Peter S. Onuf [Charlottesville and London: University of Virginia Press, 2005], 6).

With respect to Jefferson's knowledge of Thompson's explorations, see Jack Nisbet, The 1vfapmaker's Eye: David Thmnpson on the Columbia Plateau (Pullman, WA: Washington State University Press, 2005), 34. !n rehearsing the observation of Donald Jackson, Deborah Allen emphasises that the claim that Jefferson was prompted by Mackenzie's book was made by Edward Thornton. British minister to the United States, in a letter to Lord Hawkesbury (9 Mar. 1803, in Letters of the Lell'is and Clark Expedition, lt>ith Related Documents, 1783-1854, ed. Donald Jackson [Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1962], 26; discussed by Allen, ·Acquiring ·'Knowledge of Our Own Continent": Geopolitics, Science, and Jeffersonian Geography, 1783-1803', Journal of' American Sit! dies 40 [2006]: 205-32; cited 206). See also Robert Thacker, 'Introduction: No Catlin without Kane, or really understanding the "American" West', American RevieH' of' Canadian Swdies 33. no. 4 (2003): 459-71. The standard source for writings from the expedition is The Joumals of' the LeH'is & Clark Expedilion, gen. ed. Gary Mouton, 13 vols. (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1979-·200 1 ), and http:// lewisandclarkjournals. un l.edu.

15. Mackenzie [and Combe], 'Preface', fi"om Montreal, iii-iv. 16. V.B. Rhodenizer, Handbook ol Canadian Literature (Ottawa: Graphic, 1930), 58. 17, See William Morwood, TraFeler in a Vanished Landscape: The Life and Times of' David Douglas

(New York: Clarkson N. Potter, 1973). Hooker observed that Douglas was 'never so unhappy as when he has a pen in his hand' tqtd. in Jack Nisbet, The Collector: David Douglas and the Narural HisiOry of' the Nortfm·est [Seattle: Sasquatch, 2009], !79).

18. See Olwyn M. Blouet, 'Bryan Edwards, F.R.S ... !743-1800', Notes and Records of the Royal of' London 54 (2000): 2!5-22. Blouet notes that Edwards kept Sir Joseph Banks informed

of 'his progress in editing Park's journals' (222, n39). !9. T. Coraghessan Boyle, Water l'vfusic [198 I] (New York: Penguin, 1983), 233-34. Of interest is a

similar. non-fictional sketch subsequently drawn by Roy Bridges regarding the book-making of explorers of Africa: 'In most cases, once the explorer had returned to Europe, he was likely to find himself chained to a desk trying to produce an account of his travels for publication in all the spare time he had between lectures and dinners in his honour' ('Nineteenth-Century East African Travel Records, with an Appendix on ''Armchair Geographers" and Cartography', Paideuma 33 [1987]: 179-96 [188]).

20. Surely those suspicious of his motives for exploring would not have permitted Park to retain his notes during his captivity, yet the narrative is either silent or contradictory about the matter. See Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior Districts of' Afi·ica: Performed under the Direction and Patronage of the Afi·ica Associarion, in the Years 1795, 1796, and 1797 (London: pr. by W. Bulmer, for G. and W. Nicol, 1799), 114, 127, 172. According to Kate Ferguson Marsters, Park's most recent editor, no field notes, journal or book manuscript are known to have survived. That all such papers did not reach Britain with Park or that they were destroyed must be considered alongside the knowledge that Park and his relatives were known for their reticence, possibly because of the era's debate about the slave trade (email correspondence with the editor, October 7, 2003). Alternatively, a possible resting place for such papers might have been the vast collections of Joseph Banks, which apparently have yet to be searched for them.

21. Indeed, some professional travel writers call attention to the retrospective aspects of their published narratives. In From the Holy Mowzwin: A Journey in the Shadoll' ()j'Byzantium [1997] (London: HarperCollins/Flamingo, 1998), William Dalrymple refers to his 'diary' or to information learned subsequent to his journey in the Middle East ( 196, 245, 249, 265, and 422). In an interview, Dalrymple mentions that, 'for From The Holy Mountain, which was the longest journey I've made I've got thirty notebooks piled up in a column in my study, which have virtually everything written down but virtually not a single coherent sentence in the entire thing' ('The Era of Destruction: An Interview with William Dalrymple', http:fjwww.harpercollins.ca/ authorfauthorExtra.aspx'JauthoriD = 50000779&displayType =interview; retrieved May 2005). Dervla Murphy has the habit not only of providing indexes and bibliographies for her books but also of quoting her 'diary' /'journal' from particular trips. See, for example, Silver/and: A Wimer Journey beyond the Urals (London: John Murray, 2006), 80, 170, 183, !84, 206 and 220. At one

236 l.S. MacLaren

point, she grouses about the illegibility of her handwriting: 'I had expected the Trans-Siberian track to be smoother than BAM's but it's rougher and the notes I made en route have proved hard to read' (145).

22. Danielle Law, 'Caught in the Current: Plotting History in Water Music', In-Between: Essays & Studies in Literary Criticism 5, no. 1 (1996): 41-50 (42).

23. Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), 84; 2d ed. (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 82; quoting Curtin, The !mage of Afi'ica: British Ideas and Action, 1780-1850 (Madison, Wl: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964), 207.

24. William H. Sherman, 'Stirrings and Searchings ( 1500-·1720)', The Camhridge Companion to Travel Writing, ed. Peter Hulme and Tim Youngs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press .. 2002), !7- 36 (31 ).

25. James P. Heifers, 'The Explorer or the Pilgrim? Modern Critical Opinion and the Editorial Methods of Richard Hakluyt and Samuel Purchas', Studies in Philology 94 (1997): 160-86.

26. After The Decades of the newe Worlde or West India, Richard Eden's translation of Pietro Martire d' Anghiera's history of the voyages of Columbus and his successors in 1555, came George Gascoigne's edition of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Discourse of a Discovery .fiJr a new Passage ro Cataia. in 1576, Richard Willes's publication in 1577 of an amplified compilation that Eden left incomplete at his death, and the books by Dionyse Settle, Thomas Ellis, and George Best that issued in 1577 and 1578 from Martin Frobisher's three voyages to Baffin Island. Thereafter, Hakluyt initiated what would become a takeover by books, and he did so in a way original to collections of exploration and travel 'in taking as [his] subject a single nation of origin, rather than a single destination, or simply ''discovery" in general' (MacCrossan, 'New Journeys', I 02). But just as exploration and travel adopted various genres --letter, report, map, tale, affidavit, and so forth - it also hesitated in adopting a particular form. Michael G. Brennan emphasises just how gradual the evolution was through the 1557-1695 period: 'On some occasions conflicting accounts might be circulating simultaneously in manuscript and print. In print the choices available to an author or bookseller ranged from sensationalist single sheet ballads, hastily printed newsletters, crudely printed pamphlets, populist publications and handy pocket guides in slim octavo and duodecimo, to expensive and lavishly illustrated quartos and folios .... Later. following the Restoration, accounts of individual journeys were usually published in folio' ('The Literature of Travel', 246). (Brennan provides a brief description of how Willes rendered the pro-Spanish tone of Eden's first edition into English propaganda in order to coincide with Martin Frobisher's second and third voyages in search of Cathay and/or an Arctic El Dorado [260]). For a suggestion of some reasons for the persistence of manuscript publication, see Roger Chartier, 'The Printing Revolution: A Reappraisal', Agent o( Change, 397-408, esp. 398.

27. Mary C. Fuller. Voyages in Print: English Travel to America, 1576 .. ]624 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1995), 173.

28. The standard for Hakluyt's sources is the indispensable Hak!uyl Handbook, 2 vols .. ed. D.B. Quinn (London: Hakluyt Society, 1974), 338-460. For a few examples of the variety, see 343, no. 16 ('adapted and translated'); 345, no. 26 ('This had reached Hakluyt from his elder cousin'); 405, no. 22, ('may represent some rather ill-digested information passed to J-Iakluyt by one of his correspondents'); 407, no. 38 ('transcribed and translated by Hakluyt from Lord Lumley's manuscript'). Notable in light of these few examples is MacCrossan's description of Hakluyt as 'an ambitious shaper of language'. and his description of Fuller's recognition that Hakluyt's compilations 'are complex literary productions. [and} that Hakluyt's construction of them was a form of "'writing", in the deliberate sense of that word' ('New Journeys', I 02, 1 03). Sec also Anthony Payne, Richard Hakluyt: A Guide to his Books and to those associated 11·iih him 1580-1625 (London: Quaritch, 2008) and a valuable review of it by Fuller (Studies in Travel ·writing 13 [June 2009}: 187-88), in which she notes that 'Hakluyt's editorial practices exhibited a spectrum of relationships to the process of publication, from volumes bearing his name and containing at least some of his modest output as author, to others whose appearance he merely encouraged and inspired' (188).

In her presentation at the 'Richard Hakluyt: Life. Times, Legacy' conference in 2008, Margaret Small demonstrated just how much of the Coronado account published in Italian by Ramusio was removed by Hakluyt in order to transform the explorer into a booster for colonisation rather than an apprehensive analyst of prospects for it. (See 'A World Seen through

Studies in Travel Writing 237

Another's Eyes: Hakluyt, Ramusio and the Narratives of the Navigazioni et Viaggi", in Richard Hakluyt: Lif'e, Times, Legacy. ed. Claire Jowitt and Daniel Carey [London: Ashgate, forthcoming].) Although this specimen may possibly stand as an exception to Hakluyt's normal practice, it does indicate the extent to which his agenda as a proponent of New World colonisation permeated his bibliographical practice.

This view contrasts sharply with MacCrossan's observations that 'Hakluyt has long enjoyed a reputation as a largely non-interventionist editor, and comparative readings with source texts suggest that such material was generally reprinted with remarkable faithfulness'; however, MacCrossan does acknowledge some work that finds Hak!uyt to be an interventionist editor ('New Journeys', l 05, 208n26). By contrast, Jerry M. Williams classifies Hakluyt among 'copyists or interpreters ... who saw the New World more through reconstructive acts of imagination than via direct contact with the land' ('Challenging Conventional Historiography', 534). In fact, the variety of authorial/editorial relationships that Hakluyt had to texts that he collected into Principal Navigations has, it seems, discouraged rather than prompted thorough study of him as an exception to the idea of 'pure' authorship implicitly valued by much literary and editorial theory (Stillinger, Multiple Authorship, 185--86).

29. G.B. Parks suggests that it was Hakluyt's achievement, not the practice of his readers, to foreground the whole over its parts. Hakluyt 'gathered the materials of a history and dealt so cunningly with them that they became a history while retaining the guise of raw materials' (George Bruner Parks, Richard Hak/uyt and the English Voyages [New York: American Geographical Society, 1928]. xiv.)

30. Heifers, 'The Explorer or the Pilgrim?', 179. 3 J. Readers concerned to distinguish exploration from travel writing will find useful the discussion

offered of the Hakluyt Society's understanding and practice. See R.C. Bridges and P.E.H. Hair, 'Epilogue: The Hakluyt Society and World History', Compassing the Vasle Globe of' the Earth: Studies in the History of the Hakluyt Society 1846-1996, ed. R.C. Bridges and P.E.H. Hair (London: Hakluyt Society, !996), 223-39, esp. 237-38.

32. The Journals of Captain James Cook on his Voyages of Discovery, ed. J.C. Beaglehole, 4 vols. in 5 (London: The Hakluyt Society. 1955-1967): vol. I, The Voyage of the Endeavour 1768-1771, Hakluyt Society Extra Series no. XXXIV (I 955), 45, 352, 359.

33. Harold Love, The Cu{ture and Conunerce of' Texts: Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1993), 6. Love details a much more complex process than occasion warrants or space permits here; see especially his discussion of 'publication· (35-89).

34. Peter Beal has argued that

the manuscript private and personalised both in its means of production and in the nature of its social function ~ eschews announcing itself; whereas the printed book needs, in a sense, publicly to create its own context, its own social justification, its own clientele, by displaying itself in every particular. Which is what, essentially, a printed title-page is: a trade advertisement .... Scribes maximized the sense of the specialness, even exclusivity, as well as ·authority', of their product in the eyes of its users. And the fiction of exclusivity was sustained even when, in practice, scriptoria might be working to full capacity to produce multiple copies of particular discourses currently in demand.

(In Praise of Scribes [Oxford: Clarendon, 1998], 18-19.) On the production of copies of manuscripts as distinct from copies of books, Ann Blair has commented that

[t]he production of manuscripts was closely related to demand, with manuscripts made on commission or, if produced in a commercial scriptorium, at least with careful anticipation of demand, because of the considerable cost of producing each copy. Printing, on the contrary. produced books in numbers that often far exceeded demand, since a printer could hope to recover the cost of production only by printing and selling hundreds of copies.

(Ann Blair, 'Errata Lists and the Reader as Corrector', Agent of' Change, 21-42 [41].) 35. In 'Samuel Hearne's Accounts of the Massacre at Bloody FalL 17 July 1771', ARIEL: A Review

of'lnternariona/ English Literature 22, no. I (1991): 25-51, l advanced a four-stage model, minus the stages identified herein as A5-A6 and B5-B7.

238 l.S. MacLaren

36. For example, David Thompson's Narrative, 1784---1812: A Ne11· Edition ll'ilh Added Material, ed. Richard Glover (Toronto: The Champlain Society. 1962). This followed David Thompson's Narrative of His Explorations in Western America, 1784-1812, ed. J.B. Tyrrell (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1916).

37. The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Trafflques and Discoveries of the English Nation. ed. Edmund Goldsmid, 16 vols. (Edinburgh: Edmund Goldsmid, 1884-1890); The Principal Navigations Voyages Trqffiques & Discoveries of' the English Nation, 12 vols. (Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons; Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1903-1905); The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Tra[jiques and DiscoFeries of' the English illation, introd. john Masefield, 8 vols., Everyman Edition nos. 264-265,313-314, 338--339, 388-389 (London: D.M. Dent, 1907); The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Trafjiques & Discoveries o{the English Nation ... By Richard Hakluyt, in trod. John Masefield, I 0 vols. (London, Toronto: J .M. Dent, 1927--1928).

38. For Hakluyt, among others, there are The Principal Navigations, Voyages, 7/·affiques and Discoveries of' the English Nation, ed. R.H. Evans, 5 vols. (London: G. Woodfall for R.H. Evans and R. Priestley, 1809-1812); Voyages of'the Elizabethan Seamen: Se!ecred Narratives .fi·om the 'Principal Ncn·igations' of' Hakluyt, ed. Edward John Payne; notes C Raymond Beazley (London: Thomas De La Rue, !880); Voyages & Documents, Richard Hakiuyl, selected. and introd. Janet Hampden, Oxford World Classics no. 562 (London: Oxford University Press, 1958); Hakluyt's Voyages, ed. and introd. Irwin R. Blacker (New York: Viking, 1965); Richard Hak/uyt: Voyages and Discoveries, ed., abridged, and introd. Jack Becching (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972). For Beaglehole's Cook, there is The Joumai of' Captain Coole Preparedfi'om the Original Manuscripts by J.C. BeagleholefiJr the Hak/uyt Sociery, 1955-67, selected and eel. Philip Edwards (London: Penguin, 1999); and for Thwaites's Lewis and Clark, The Essmtial LClris and Clark, eel. Landon Y. Jones (New York: HarperCollins, 2000).

39. Of course, in the case of compilations there is also the question of the company that a narrative keeps. Mary Fuller has offered a thoughtful analysis of Hakluyt's arrangements of texts in 'Making something of it: Questions of value in the early English Travel Collection', Joumal of Early Modem History 10 (2006): 11-38.

40. Harold Love has warned that ·we deceive ourselves ... when we assume that ... a lack of cultural respect for the authorial text was unique to the scribal medium. Print publishers were capable of taking liberties with their exemplars that were equal to or sometimes greater than those taken by the majority of copyists --- something that, through the mediation of agents and editors, they continue to do today ('Fixity versus Flexibility in "A Song on Tom of Danby" and Dryden's Absalom and Achitophel'. in Agent of Change, 140-55 [i42]).

4!. See Jerome J. McGann, The Textual Condition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 1991), !6 and passim.

42. The Journals of Captain James Coole vol. 3, pt. l, The Voyage oft he Resolution and Discovery i776-l780, Hakluyt Society Extra Series no. XXXVI (1967), 304; A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. Undertaken, by the Command of his kfajesty, for making Discoveries in the Northem Hemisphere .... Written by Capwin James Cook, [eel. John Douglas], 3 vols. and Atlas (London: W. and A. Strahan, for G. Nicol; and T. Cadell, 1784.), ll: 280. The nature of this and other alterations made by Douglas receive discussion m MacLaren, 'Exploration/Travel Literature and the Evolution of the Author', Internmional Journal a{ Canadian S'twlies 5 (Spring 1 992): 39-68.

43. '[A]Ithough proofing in galley offered the advantage that substantial corrections could be made to the type without the running-over that was necessary once the matter was made up into pages, the practice does not appear to have been common in book printing until the later nineteenth century' (Phillip GaskelL A Ne11' Introduction to Bibliography [ 1972] [Winchester. UK: St. Paul's Bibliographies; New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press, 1995], 194). I am grateful to Eli MacLaren for directing me to this statement.

44. Bridges, 'Nineteenth-Century East African Travel Records', 179. Bridges identified a three-stage model (I 80). Both he and, rather more dramatically and without reference to Bridges' work. David Finkelstein have discussed the involvement of John Hill Burton in the production of John Hanning Speke's Journal of' the Discovery of'the Source of' the Nile (Edinburgh and London: W. Blackwood and Sons, l 863): see Bridges, 189--90; and Finkelstein, 'Breaking the Thread: The Authorial Reinvention of John Hanning Speke in his Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile', Text 9 (1997): 280-96, and 'Unraveling Speke: The Unknown Revision of an African Exploration Classic', History in Afi-ica 30 (2003): l I 7--32.

Studies in Travel 239

45. The term was coined by Stillinger (i\l!ultiple Authorship, 20). 46. Stillinger makes this observation of developments in the theory of editing beginning in the

1970s, and he adds the trenchant estimation that this emphasis prompted editions that 'came increasingly to look like the realization of editors' rather than authors" intentions' (Multiple Authorship, !98).

47. Northrop Frye, 'Literary Criticism', in The Aims and Methods of' Sclzo!arship in lvlodem Languages and Literatures, ed. Jarnes Thorpe (New York: Modern Language Association, 1963), 57-69 [59]); qtd. in Stillinger (MultijJie AuthorslujJ, 8). Frye's dismissal of narratives of exploration is by turns opaque and revealing: ·writings ... of many of the early explorers are as innocent of literary intention as a mating loon' ('Conclusion', Hisrory o( Canada: Canadian Literature in English, gen. eel. Carl F. Klinck [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965], 821--49 [822]).

48. Noteworthy is Stillinger's argument that 'the frequency with which ... multiple authorship turns up, once one starts looking for it' even in works of imaginative literature, 'is rather strikingly at odds with the interpretive and editorial theonsts' almost universal concern with author and authorship as single entities' (Multiple Authors/zip, 22).

49. J.C. Beaglehole, The Li(e of Captain James Cook (London: The Hakluyt Society, and A. and C. Black; Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, !974).

50. The Journals and Letters of' Sir Alexander ,\fackenzie, ed. W. Lamb (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, for the Hakluyt Society, 1970).

5!. A Voyage o/ Disco I' err to the North Pacific Ocean, and round the World, ed. J. Vancouver, 3 vols. and Atlas (London: pr. for G.G. and J. Robinson, 1798). A Voyage ol Discovery to the Nonh Pacific Ocean and Round the World, 1791-1795: 1rith an Introduction and Appendices. ed. W. Kaye Lamb, 4 vols. (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1984).

52. William Combe, The Tour o( Doctor Synra.~:, in Search of' the Picturesque. A Poem R. Ackermann's Repository of Arts, 1812).

53. It is important to note the tendency of many, myself included, to ascribe motive to the when its practice is not w initiate publications but rather to consider the proposals it receives. Currently, the society expects editors in their introductions to the nature of the text. The annual report for 2009 emphasised the commitment to the publication of ·accurate and reliable records of travel, exploration and discovery'. Further to this, see Roy Bridges, 'The Legacy of Richard Hakluyt: Reflections on the of the Hakluyt since 1846', Richard Haklup: Life, Times, Legacy, ed. Claire Jowitt and Daniel Carey forthcoming).

54. The Journals olA!exander !'v!acken:::ie: Exploring across Canada in 1789 & !793 (Santa Barbara, CA: The Narrative Press, 200 I).

55. The Joumals of' Alexander Mackenzie, [419]. 56. The extra series plays a role if the undertaking appears too expensive to permit distribution of

copies to members of the society. With the costs of publication rising, the society has no for new volumes in the extra series (email correspondence, \V.F. Ryan, then honorary secretary and extra series editor, to author, October l 0, 2007).

57. Series One, Part One !847--1873; Series One, Part Two 1874-1899; Series Two, Part One 1899-1944; Series Two, Part Two i 945·2000; Series Three 1999- . See P.E. H. Hair, 'Publications of the Hak!uyt Society 1847-1999': http://www.hakluyt.com/bibliography/bibliography-first-series-l.htm , ... -first-series-ll.htm, ... -second-series-l.htm, ... -second-series-l!.htm, ... -third-series.htm. and ... -extra-series.htm (retrieved Apr. 2008).

58. An Accounr of' the undertaken his present A1ajest)' fin· making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere, and performed by Commodore Byron, Captain Wallis, Captain Carteret, and Captain Cool<. in the Dolphin, The S1ral/oll', and the Endeavour: Drm!'ll up.fi·om rhe Journals ll'hich H'cre kept the several Commanders, andfi·om the Papers (!{Joseph Banks, Esq., ed John Hawkesworth, 3 vols. (London: pr. for W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1773).

59. Marcel TrudeL 'Cartier, Jacques', Dictionary ol Canadian Biography, vol. l (l 000-1700), gen. ed., George W. Brown (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966), 165-72 ( 170). On Hakluyt's role in Florio's translation, see Parks, Richard Hakluyt and the English Voyages, 64.

60. Trudel concluded that 'the problem persists in its entirety' (171 ). He docs not overlook mentioning another manuscript, but he clarifies its identity and significance: ·A manuscript preserved in BN [Bibliotheque nationale] (no. 841 of the Moreau collection) was edited by the Quebec Literary and Historical Society in 1843, by Michelant and Rame in 1867, by H.P. Biggar

240 I.S. J14acLaren

in 1924, by J. Pouliot in \934, and finally by Th. Beauchesne in I 946'. Trudel also is careful to identify this manuscript as 'only a copy of an original which has today disappeared' (171 ). Meanwhile .. in the view of one of his modern editors, the nineteenth century essentially invented Cartier, supplying the dominion of Canada and, later. French-Canadian nationalism with an heroic figure because of ·Ja necessite politique'; thereby, did the narratives of his three voyages necessarily and largely unproblematically assume the status of foundational texts for a history and a culture (Michel Bideaux. introd .. Jacques Cartier: Relations, ed. Bideaux [Montreal: Les Presses de l'Universite de Montreal, 1986], 9). This discussion forms part of the argument in MacLaren, 'Herbert Spencer, Paul Kane, and the Making of"The Chinook"', Myth & Memory: Stories of Indigenous-European Contact. ed. John Lutz (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2007), 90-102.

61. The Trrn'Cls o( Sir John klandevil!e (c.1357). transL ed .. and introd. C.W.R.D. Moseley (Harmondsworth: Penguin. 1983), 189.

62. 'A Traveller'. letter to the editor, The Public Advertiser, 22 May 1765; rpt. in The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, gen. ed. Leonard W. Labaree and Whitfield j. Bell, Jr., 39 vols. Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1959-2008), vol. 12 (1968), 132-35 (135). A mere six years later, it is worth remembering, James Cook, en route home to England from his first Pacific voyage, wrote the following entry for 20 March:

ln the pm saild the Holton Indiaman who saluted us with a 11 Guns, which Compliment we returnd. This Ship during her stay in India lost by sickness between 30 and 40 Men and had at this time a good ma[n]y down with the scurvy, other Ships suffer'd in the same proportion, thus we find that Ships which have been little more than Twelve Months from England have suffer'd as much or more by Sickness than we have done who have been out near three times as long. Yet their sufferings will hardly if a tall be mentioned or known in England when on the other hand those of [Cook's ship] the Endeavour. because the is uncommon, will very probable be mentioned in every News paper, and what is not unlikely \Vith many additional hardships we never experienced; for such are the disposission of men in general in these Voyages that they are seldom content with the hardships and dangers which will naturaly occur, but they must add others which hardly ever had existence but in their imaginations, by magnifying the most trifling accidents and Circumstances to the greatest hardships, and unsurmou[n]table dangers without the imidate interposion of Providence, as if the whole Merit of the Voyage consisted in the dangers and hardships they underwent. or that real ones did not happen often enough to give the mind sufficient anxiety; thus posteriety are taught to look upon these Voyages as hazardous to the highest degree.

(The Journals ol Caprain Cook, ed. Edwards, 201--2.) However representative of his age Cook's remarks may have been. it would be misleading to

regard them as universal, for the late eighteenth century also witnessed repeated efforts to specify knowledge. the encyclopedia projects, the establishment of the Linnaean Society (1788) and the various geographical societies exemplifying this trend. See, for example, Barbara Maria Stafford, Voyage into Suhswnce: Art, science, nature, and the illustrated travel account, 1760--1840 (Cambridge, Mass., and London: MIT Press, 1984).

63. Kenneth lain MacDonald, 'Ethics, Issues of, Lizerature of' Travel and Exploration: An Encyclopedia. ed. Jennifer Speake (New York and London: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2003), 403-6 ( 405). While l take MacDonald's point, it needs discrimination, for he speaks of colonialism as if it were invariably the same phenomenon establishing the same value hierarchies and wielding the same po\ver in each place and time. Even in the writings of the same explorer, one finds a range of responses to peoples with whom even just trade, leave alone settlement. occurred. Nicholas Thomas is careful to tease out these differences in Cook's \Nritings and treatments of aboriginal peoples. See Coole The E.x.:lraordinary Voyages o( Captain James Cook (New York: Walker, 2003).

64. Paul Kane, Portrait and Landscape Log ! 846--1848, Stark Museum of Art, Orange, TX, !1.85/4.

Studies in Travel 241

65. [Paul Kane]. Wanderings of an Artis! among the Indians of North America .. . Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans. and Roberts, 1859), 209.

66. Because "the essential question, which continues to be debated, is whether authorial intention is better represented in a manuscript or in a printed book' (Stillinger, !Huliipfe 197), it appears advisable to proceed with investigations on a case-by-case basis.

67. D.F. McKenzie, 'The Sociology of a Text: Oral Culture, Literacy and Print in Early New Zealand', The Library. vol. s6~V!, no. 4 (Dec. 1984): 333-65; rpl. in McKenzie. Bibliography and the Sociology of Texrs [1986] (Cambridge and New York:

Press, 1999), 79~!28.