Ecological Uncertainty and Organizational Flexibility on the Prehispanic Tewa Landscape: Notes from...

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Ecological Uncertainty and Organizational Flexibility on the Prehispanic Tewa Landscape

Notes from the Northern Frontier

Samuel Duwe and Kurt F. Anschuetz

The concept of movement — pertaining to people but also including weather, spirits, blessings, and animals — is an essential part of Pueblo identity and history (Anschuetz 2007a; Ortiz 1972; Van Dyke 2008). Movement is the driving force of every Pueblo’s origin. In these migration tradi-tions, the people, after emergence, embark on a long journey to the center of the world and each Pueblo’s modern home (Naranjo 1995:248; Swentzell 1993:145). The journey is always long and wearisome and through ensuing adventures molds and shapes the people into their final so-cial and cultural form (Parsons 1996). Movement also refers to the metaphysical flow of life ener-gies between the living, who live in communities at the landscape’s center, and supernatural beings, who reside across and beyond the edge of the world. Tessie Naranjo, a scholar from Santa Clara Pueblo, explains that “movement is one of the big ideological concepts of Pueblo thought because it is necessary for the perpetuation of life. Move-ment, clouds, wind, and rain are one. Movement must be emulated by the people” (1995:248).

Therefore, it should come as no surprise, then, that archaeologists are beginning to view Pueblo movement as “something to have been embraced rather than resisted” (Cordell 1998:64). As many chapters in this volume demonstrate, the North-ern Rio Grande region — the ancestral home of the Tewa Pueblos — is a microcosm of movement and

change. This includes large-scale movement such as migration and population coalescence (Duwe 2011; Ortman 2010a) but also, as we discuss below, frequent short-term moves between highland and lowland areas.

This chapter examines how Tewa culture evolved in dynamic relationship with the environ-mental diversity manifest among the Tewa Basin’s major watersheds. Our underlying thesis is that, when confronted with ecological uncertainty in the face of expanding regional and local popu-lations during the late thirteenth and early four-teenth centuries (see Towner and Salzer, Chapter 3), as well as the subsequent coalescence of people in the Classic period (Ad 1350–1598), the Tewa Basin’s populations adapted by frequently mov-ing between the region’s lowland and highland settings. By incorporating the concept of move-ment into their cosmology and history, the people equipped themselves with greater organizational flexibility to cope with heightened levels of eco-logical uncertainty across space and time. The Tewa also reoriented themselves conceptually in relation to north-central New Mexico’s lowlands and highlands to create the cultural landscape that is the Tewa world.

Our discussion is in three parts. The first re-views recent work contributing to our current multiscalar understanding of Tewa history in the Northern Rio Grande region. We refer to the

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timing and scale of population movement, in-cluding migration and coalescence. We specif-ically focus on the northwestern portion of the Tewa Basin — the Rio Chama watershed — to un-derstand the nuances of over five centuries of set-tlement and human history in the highlands and lowlands of northern New Mexico. The second part considers the economic technologies and challenges that contributed to the development of the Tewa’s technologically diverse and organiza-tionally flexible agricultural system to cope with environmental uncertainty. Particularly this sec-tion seeks to understand the sorts of small-scale movement required for integrating lowland and highland settings into agricultural production. The final section considers how the Tewa’s diverse ancestors came together during a time of regional population movement to create a qualitatively new cultural community, a process the Tewa refer to as “becoming” (Naranjo 1998, 2008).

The Rio Chama and the Tewa World

The ethnographic placement of the Tewa World, defined by four sacred peaks in northern New Mexico that are easily identified on a topo-graphic map (Figure 6.1; Harrington 1916; Ortiz 1969), roughly corresponds to the physiographic province known as the Tewa Basin (aka the Es-pañola Basin [Kelley 1979]). The basin is one of deep contrasts and expansive vistas, from the tall and jagged Sangre de Cristo Mountains in the east to the volcanic summits of the Jemez Moun-tains and broken topography of the Pajarito Pla-teau in the west. It runs along the Rio Grande rift valley as far south as Santa Fe and north past the modern Abiquiú Reservoir. In some locales, only 10 km separate lush riparian environments from snow-covered peaks that reach over 3,657 m (12,000 ft) in height. Much of the basin is primar-ily pinyon-juniper woodland, with associated grasses and shrubs (Henderson and Harrington 1914). Riparian areas with reptiles, amphibians, fish, and other aquatic life can be found in the re-gion’s permanent or semipermanent creeks and rivers, while high-elevation plants and large game (deer, elk, and sheep) are found along the Jemez and Sangre de Cristo mountain ranges (Luebben and Brugge 1953:3).

The Tewa Basin coincides with the compos-ite landscapes that the six present-day — and now

autonomous — Tewa Pueblos of Ohkay Owingeh (formerly known as San Juan), Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Pojoaque, Nambe, and Tesuque iden-tify as the cores of their respective traditional homelands (Harrington 1916; see also Marshall and Walt 2007; Ortiz 1969; Weigle 1975). Each of these communities is positioned with respect to a unique watershed, running from the heights of the Jemez and/or Sangre de Cristo mountain ranges and associated highlands to the lowlands of the Rio Grande Valley floodplain.

Just as each historic and modern Tewa com-munity has its own unique history and identity, so too does each particular Tewa Basin water-shed. In short, there is no one monolithic Tewa history. The Tewa Basin has been occupied for over 10,000 years (Ellis 1975:22). During the thir-teenth century, however, the region experienced a dramatic transformation of Northern Rio Grande society from small, scattered hamlets and vil-lages to large, and likely cosmopolitan (Cordell 1979; Habicht-Mauche 1993; Post, Chapter 5), vil-lages. In particular, the population of the Tewa Basin more than doubled between Ad 1275 and 1320 (Gabler 2009; Ortman 2010a, 2010b; but see Boyer et al. 2010). The increase in the number of Tewa Basin residents has been attributed to either the internal population growth of Rio Grande people (Boyer et al. 2010; Maxwell 1988) or the result of immigration, possibly from the north-ern San Juan region (Ortman 2008, 2010a, 2010b). Our recent research suggests that both processes likely happened simultaneously, as migrants from the northern San Juan region, the people they displaced, and existing Rio Grande populations converged in the thirteenth and fourteenth cen-turies.1

Recent settlement analyses (Gabler 2009; Ort-man 2010a) suggest that the Pajarito Plateau — located in the western portion of the Tewa Basin — was the site of initial immigrant settle-ments. The Rio Chama watershed, located in the northwestern corner of the Tewa Basin, was only sparely occupied before the late thirteenth century. The Chama was a place where dispa-rate peoples in the late 1200s came together and negotiated the shape, nature, and physical and metaphysical consequences of their world. The topographically diverse watershed provides an excellent case study for understanding the


Figure 6.1. Tewa Basin and the Northern Rio Grande region.


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interface among migration, coalescence, and so-cial and cosmological change in Pueblo society.

Communities on the Move

The chapters in this volume demonstrate that the Northern Rio Grande region and its people have a dynamic history of landscape use, exploiting both highland and lowland resources. This sec-tion reviews the culture history of the Rio Chama watershed, particularly focusing on population movement, to understand how the Tewa cultural and historic community evolved in relationship with the dynamic natural and social environmen-tal processes of its landscape over time.

The First Settlers (ad 1200–1300)

One of the most surprising aspects of the Rio Chama watershed is the relatively late date of its first habitation settlement. Over a century of archaeological survey has not yet identified a securely dated Developmental period (Ad 900–1200) habitation along the Rio Chama or its tribu-taries (Anschuetz 1998; Beal 1987; Peckham 1981). Sites dating to this time period, which character-istically have Kwahe’e Black-on-white pottery, (Habicht-Mauche 1993:15), are found in relatively substantial quantities in both the Santa Cruz watershed (Marshall and Walt 2007) and Santa Fe areas (Anschuetz and Scheick 2006; Lakatos 2007). In fact, the Rio Chama watershed was not used for lasting residential settlement until the mid–thirteenth century (Anschuetz 1998; Beal 1987; Duwe 2011). With only 10 percent survey coverage of the Rio Chama watershed (Figure 6.2; Duwe 2011), it is possible that some Develop-mental and Coalition period sites remain unre-corded, but it is likely that the district remained outside the residential core of the Pueblo world before Ad 1200. The lack of habitation settlement in the Rio Chama watershed, with its ample ar-able lowland land and upland resources, raises a crucial, but unanswered, research question: Why were these fertile areas essentially devoid of people while the upland areas of the Northern Rio Grande, which were arguably more agriculturally marginal, were not?

Whatever the reason for the late residential occupation of the Rio Chama watershed, the ini-tial settlement in the middle part of the thirteenth century was opportunistically spread across the

district’s highland and lowland areas. The earliest settlements were located along the lower reaches of the Rio Chama (Beal 1987; Ortman 2010a; Windes and McKenna 2006) and the Rio del Oso valleys (Anschuetz 1993), including the upland habitats in between (Bremer 1995a, 1995b). It is difficult for archaeologists to assign identity to these first settlers; however, some investigators cite the presence of a D-shaped kiva (Windes and McKenna 2006) and specific ceramic attributes (Ortman 2010a) at Tsama’uinge (LA 909) to sug-gest that these people might have been migrants from the north and west (Duwe 2011). It is im-portant to note that settlement of the Rio Chama watershed did not happen as a single episode.

While the area was occupied by the mid–twelfth century, population continued to grow throughout the second half of the Pindi phase (Ad 1250–1300), when villages, such as Maestas Pueblo, were constructed around Ad 1275 (An-schuetz 1998; Duwe 2011). Whether this growth was internal or due to continued population in-flux is currently unknown. Nonetheless, it is probable that the climatic instability confronting the Tewa Basin villages during the late thirteenth century (Towner and Salzer, Chapter 3) led people from other areas of the Tewa Basin to continue to move into the diverse landscape of the watershed.

A Turbulent Transformation (ad 1300–1350)

The first half of the fourteenth century, which we define as the Wiyo phase in the Rio Chama watershed, was a time of population growth and residential transformation. Population expansion into the Tewa Basin persisted into the beginning of the Wiyo phase as the final waves of migrants entered the Northern Rio Grande region (Gabler 2009; Orcutt 1991; Ortman 2010a). The watershed experienced a fourfold increase in the number of architectural rooms — a proxy for momentary population — and saw the settlement of previously uninhabited areas (Duwe 2011).

Based on ceramic provenance analysis and ar-chitectural comparisons, we believe that many of the new sites built at the beginning of the four-teenth century were established at least partly by people from the Pajarito Plateau, as well as other areas both inside and outside the Tewa Basin (Duwe 2011). Expanding populations on the Pa-jarito Plateau were likely composed of disparate


FiGuRe 6.2. Population model and survey coverage of the Rio Chama watershed.


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people from the northern San Juan region, the people that the Four Corners migrants dis-placed, and other indigenous Rio Grande popu-lations (Ortman 2010b; Steen 1977; Wendorf and Reed 1955; also see discussion in Anschuetz and Wilshusen 2011). Worsening climatic conditions, as well as the limited potential to intensify agri-cultural production (Orcutt 1991, 1999a), likely resulted in an expansion northward to the pe-ripheral areas of the Rio Chama watershed. The material culture, including ceramics, architecture, and ritual landscapes, is heterogeneous through-out the Chama (Duwe 2011). These diverse pat-terns suggest the existence of multiple groups of people with disparate histories and identities.

Evidence of short-term sedentism (Nelson and LeBlanc 1986), the cycling between the opening and closing of plaza architecture, and the shifting of residences between accessible and inaccessible locations in the Tewa Basin’s cool tributary val-leys is pronounced during the early decades of the fourteenth century (Anschuetz 1998; Anschuetz and Scheick 2006; Marshall and Walt 2007). The Rio Chama’s single-phase Wiyo phase pueblos (Ad 1300–1350) illustrate this point. Usually con-sisting of between 25 and 50 rooms, but some-times having as many as 500 rooms ( Tsiping’uinge [LA 300 {Duwe 2011}]), the villages appear in iso-lated locations in highland localities. Some Wiyo villages are located atop hard-to-reach mesas (e.g., Tsiping’uinge). Others, although occupy-ing more accessible physiographic settings, have plazas that are enclosed by either contiguous quadrangular room blocks (e.g., AR-03-10-06-1231 [LA147927 {Bremer 1995b; authors’ personal observation 2006}]) or palisades (e.g., Palisade [LA3505 {Peckham 1981}] and Riana [LA920 {Hibben 1937}]).

These patterns suggest that the final groups to arrive in the Tewa Basin confronted a quanti-tatively and qualitatively more challenging land-scape than did their predecessors. Judging from these villages’ “peripheral” (Mera 1934) and “de-fensible” (Hibben 1937) locations and architec-tural construction to enclose plazas, the inte-gration of these last immigrants into established Tewa communities did not occur within a social environment free of uncertainty or without out-right concerns about potential — or real — conflict (see below).

Pueblo populations briefly ended their habi-tation of most parts of the Rio Chama Valley by mid-century. Riana Ruin (along with some of its residents) was the casualty of a catastrophic fire event, which Hibben (1937) places around Ad 1350. Archaeological information shows that the site burned quickly and completely, with the remains of an individual found among fallen roof timbers. Also, a headdress, which the site’s resi-dents likely passed down through the generations as highly valued ceremonial paraphernalia (Par-sons 1933), was discovered in the ashes of the kiva (Hibben 1937). Kapo’uinge (LA 300) was simi-larly abandoned and burned at this time (Lueb-ben 1953). Whatever the reason, ancestral Tewa populations receded downriver to lowland sites by mid-century and settled the massive villages built in the Classic period.

Tewa Coalescence (ad 1350–1598)

The Wiyo phase (Ad 1300–1350) in the Rio Chama watershed ended with a major transformation in the size, density, and organization of residential settlements. Habitations established at the begin-ning of the fourteenth century, often hidden away in the peripheral canyons of the Tewa world, were quickly depopulated (although not forgotten; see below). The beginning of the Classic period is also when populations began to move from the high-land mesa tops on the Pajarito Plateau to lowland areas, such as the Cochiti area (Orcutt 1999b), the Rio Grande (Barrett 2002), and, based on the current data, the Rio Chama. These populations begin to coalescence at very large pueblos along the Rio Grande and its major tributaries (e.g., Ohkay Owingeh, Santa Clara, and San Ildefonso, among others) in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, with some villages growing to over 1,000 ground-floor rooms (Duwe 2009, 2011). Although there almost certainly are mul-tiple reasons for this population coalescence, the early half of the fourteenth century was climat-ically unfavorable to Pueblo agriculture based on Palmer Drought Severity Index data (Orcutt 1991; also see Towner and Salzer, Chapter 3). It is a very real possibility that, although Pueblo farmers used flexible and often successful farm-ing techniques (see below), climatic realties re-sulted in a necessary resettlement to the verdant river valleys.


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Ecological Uncertainly and Organizational Flexibility on the Prehistoric Tewa Landscape

There are two distinct scales of population co-alescence during this period. The first is coales-cence within the Rio Chama watershed. People ceased to occupy sites in the “peripheral” areas of the Rio Chama watershed, or the areas in the up-lands away from large watercourses, at the start of the Classic period (Mera 1934:19). While some of the evidence points toward a violent end, such as the burning of Riana Ruin mentioned previously, it is also likely that many of these people gathered peacefully with others at the large Classic period villages down at the river. That Wiyo phase sites like Tsiping’uinge still are retained in Tewa social memory (Richard I. Ford, personal communica-tion 2009; see also Harrington 1916) further sug-gests that the inhabitants of these places joined larger ancestral Tewa communities to the east.

The second scale of coalescence was larger and encompassed the greater Tewa Basin. In the latter half of the fourteenth century the population re-siding in highland villages on the Pajarito Plateau to the south suffers a dramatic population decline (Gabler 2009; Orcutt 1991). Orcutt (1991) sug-gested that much of the population of current-day Bandelier National Monument moved south to the Cochiti Reservoir area. Ortman (2010a) pro-poses that many people on the northern and cen-tral Pajarito Plateau might have moved into the lowland valleys of the Rio Chama watershed. This hypothesis is further supported by the results of Duwe’s (2011) pottery provenance analysis, which suggests further that a sizable number of settlers moved from the Pajarito Plateau north to the Rio Chama watershed by demonstrating increased in-teraction between the two districts in the Early Classic period.

The population in the Rio Chama watershed peaked at Ad 1480, with nine large villages spaced roughly evenly along the Rio Chama, Rio Ojo Caliente, Rio del Oso, and El Rito Creek (Duwe 2011). From the late fifteenth century to the middle of the sixteenth century, the process of co-alescence continued as population declined. This process led to the virtual depopulation of the Rio Chama watershed by Ad 1550.

The causes for continued population coales-cence in the Late Classic period are multivalent and based at least partially on deteriorating cli-matic conditions (Orcutt 1991) and social and cosmological transformation (Graves and Eckert

1998). The threat of violence, either real or per-ceived, must have played a role as well. This was a time of apparent strife, with several large vil-lages falling victim to burning and homicide. Te’ewi’uinge, Pesede’uinge (LA 299), and Poshu’uinge (LA 274) all yield evidence of cata-strophic fires. Although not all burning episodes represent acts of violence, multiple years of stored maize cobs and kernels, the lifeblood of the community, went up in flames at Pesede’uinge (Jeançon 1912, 1919). The bodies of 13 adolescent males were found killed and burned in Kiva 4 of Te’ewi’uinge (Wendorf 1953). And the conflagra-tion at Poshu’uinge was complete and thorough (Jeançon 1923).

Possible attackers include other ancestral Tewa people and neighboring Pueblo groups and per-haps ancestral Ute and southern Athapaskan groups (Carrillo 1992). While the specific causes of population coalescence remain unclear, the years from Ad 1500 to 1550 were turbulent with respect to residential upheaval. With large pop-ulations, competition over land and resources must have become a factor, as recent investiga-tions have demonstrated in the Galisteo Basin (Snead 2008a, 2008b) and on the Pajarito Plateau (Kohler et al. 2004). The threat of violence might have acted as a mechanism to keep fiercely au-tonomous villages interconnected along shared watercourses (Fowles 2004a). By Ad 1550 we es-timate that nearly all permanent residence in the Rio Chama watershed had ceased and that an-cestral Tewa populations completed their co-alescence into the historic villages along the Rio Grande.

The Historic Period (ad 1598–the Present)

It warrants emphasis that large, year-round Tewa residence in the Rio Chama watershed had ended by the time of the Spanish colonization of New Mexico in 1598. Although some villages were at least partially occupied though the early de-cades of the seventeenth century (Barrett 2002; Ramenofsky and Feathers 2004), the majority of the watershed’s inhabitants had coalesced in the historic Tewa villages along the Rio Grande (Ramenofsky and Feathers 2004). The Tewa did not abandon their ancestral homeland but, in-stead, continued to travel into outlying parts of their traditional settlement areas for short-term


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(likely seasonal) residence and mineral resource procurement (Carrillo 1992). Semiannual pil-grimages to Tsikumu (aka Chicoma Peak) were recorded by Parsons (1929). These rites continue through to the present day (Ohkay Owingeh elders, personal communication 1991).

The catalog of place-names recorded by Har-rington (1916) demonstrates that the Tewa of the historic period maintained a strong connec-tion with their ancestral landscape over the past millennium. The best evidence for the active in-corporation of the Rio Chama watershed into historic-period Tewa ritual landscapes is visible archaeologically at Ku’uinge (LA 253 [Anschuetz 1998; Duwe 2011]). Nine ancestral Tewa shrines consisting of basalt boulders with pecked and ground cupules are located on top of the melted adobe ruins of the western room block. Based on ceramic analysis (Duwe 2011), Ku’uinge was occu-pied from Ad 1350 to 1500. Therefore, the place-ment of shrines on the top of a fallen and eroding house mound suggests that these shrines date to the sixteenth century at the earliest. Ku’uinge is along the traditional pilgrimage path to Tsikumu. Its location, in combination with information conveyed in the Ohkay Owingeh’s oral traditions, including accounts shared publicly during plaza rituals (Kurt F. Anschuetz, personal observation 2004), indicates that Ku’uinge’s shrines persist as important cultural properties to this day.

Archaeology (Anschuetz 2005; Anschuetz et al. 2001a; Duwe 2011), ethnography (Harrington 1916; Ortiz 1969), and oral traditions (Parsons 1929, 1994) indicate that Tewa peoples reoccu-pied many of their great Chama-area Classic period pueblos. There is evidence for village re-occupation throughout the sixteenth and perhaps seventeenth centuries. These diverse data under-score statements by present-day Tewa people that their communities never forsake their ancestral homeland. Additionally, the documentary record during the Pueblo Revolt suggests that Pueblo populations were highly mobile and moved to dif-ferent villages during times of crisis (Barrett 2002; Benavides 1945), a pattern also witnessed in the sixteenth century (Schroeder and Matson 1965) and which probably occurred in the fifteenth cen-tury as well (Kohler et al. 2004). The Tewa village of Te’ewi’uinge, which overlooks the confluence of the Rio del Oso and the Rio Chama and was

observed by Castaño de Sosa in 1590 (Hammond and Rey 1966; Schroeder 1979), might have been the result of this widespread pattern of movement and settlement.

Technologies for and Challenges to Growing Communities

Tewa history can be modeled as a series of fre-quent movements between highland and low-land areas. There are likely many reasons for population movement, including violence (Hib-ben 1937) and an increasingly full and competi-tive landscape (Snead 2008a, 2008b). We suggest, however, that one of the primary forces driving ancestral Tewa mobility was the need to sus-tain access to an extensive agricultural land base through intermittent uses of highland settings, when temperature cycles were favorable for grow-ing crops of domesticated cultivars.

Archaeologists have documented rich and var-ied traces of old agricultural fields and facilities in many different physiographic settings through-out the Tewa Basin in recent decades (e.g., An-schuetz 1998, 2001; Anschuetz and Scheick 2006; Anschuetz et al. 2001b; Dominguez 2000; Hud-speth 2000; Maxwell 2000; Scheick and Deyl-off 2004). These features include gravel-mulched plots, rock-bordered grids, cobble step terraces, short terraces, diversion dams, and spreaders constructed across washes to slow runoff. Other features consist of unlined canals, constructed swales, pits, and broad mesa-top planting areas (as identified by the distribution of agricultural hoes, axes, and associated tool-sharpening slicks along with soil and pollen analyses). These studies have contributed significant information about the scale, structure, and temporal systematics of precolumbian Tewa Basin farming practices.

Aboriginal Pueblo farmers typically relied upon technologically diverse agricultural com-plexes to harvest and conserve direct precipi-tation, intermittent rain and snowmelt runoff, groundwater, and moisture from rivers, springs, and seeps (Anschuetz 1998:139–151). Also, it is clear that the farmers did not sit back passively and simply wait for the rain to fall to make their living (Anschuetz 1998). Through interdisciplin-ary efforts by anthropologists, agronomists, paly-nologists, geomorphologists, pedologists, and hydrologists (e.g., Anschuetz et al. 2006; Domin-


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guez 2000), investigators have learned that Tewa Basin farmers relied heavily on winter precipi-tation when constructing and occupying their agricultural landscapes. These studies indicate further that the farmers understood that they had to capture and conserve water received during the summer’s high-intensity, but brief, monsoons to ensure that their crops would have sufficient moisture to mature. Tewa Basin farmers mastered techniques for enhancing the ground’s capacity to absorb both winter and summer precipita-tion. The people treated the land as a “sponge” throughout the year (Anschuetz 2001:58–66).

The evolution of Tewa Basin agricultural land-scape engineering depended on more than the hydrological integration of disparate technol-ogies and planting strategies. In the face of the marked increase in Tewa Basin population den-sity, Pueblo farmers managed quantitatively and qualitatively different sources of moisture for crop production (Anschuetz 1998; Hudspeth 2000). Farmers continually added to and reorga-nized their field complexes over time. They be-gan harvesting seepage moisture, runoff flowing down larger watersheds, and water held in deep sand beds, which function as natural mulches, on previously unused mesa tops (e.g., see Anschuetz 1998; Dominguez 2000; Maxwell 2000). More-over, Tewa Basin farmers extensively modified the intermittent, dynamic watercourses that flowed across the bajadas (i.e., broad alluvial fans) bor-dering the floodplains of the major valleys using large complexes of ditches, diversion berms, and gridded terraces (Anschuetz et al. 2006; Scheick and Deyloff 2004).

Agricultural features often appear archaeo-logically as small, spatially isolated phenomena. Their usually low visibility is a product of a variety of site formation processes that are hostile to the preservation of old field works (Anschuetz 2010). As has been similarly seen at the Pueblo of Zia (Anschuetz 1995; Ellis and Dodge 1987), on La Ba-jada Mesa (Herhahn 1995), and at Taos (Greiser et al. 1992), the Tewa Basin agricultural system was a landscape phenomenon that covered broad geographic expanses (e.g., Scheick and Deyloff 2004; see also Anschuetz et al. 2006).

The wide distribution of agricultural features is, in small part, a product of the farmers’ need to diversify their crop locations during the growing

season to buffer the threat of localized crop fail-ures because of frost, plant disease, insect preda-tion, and so on (after Ford 1980). This pattern is, to a greater extent, the result of the interplay of four factors, including 1. the Tewa Basin farmer’s dependence upon a

nested series of short- and long-term fallow cycles to buffer downturns in crop yields be-cause of soil depletion in fields kept in con-tinuous cultivation over a span of years (An-schuetz 1998, after Minnis 1985);

2. high-frequency changes in the local hydro-logical contexts of fields planted in runoff- dependent but geomorphically active settings, such as the great bajadas flanking the Rio Grande Valley and its larger tributaries (Banet 2006, after Bull 1997);

3. the relatively high per capita farmland acreage (.7 ha/person in active, or near-active, cultiva-tion per year [see Anschuetz 1998:405–408]) that the people needed to sustain their families and communities; and

4. the complex of relationships among inter- and intraregional precipitation patterns (Salzer 2000; Schoenwetter and Dittert 1968; Towner and Salzer, Chapter 3), temperature regimes (Grissino-Mayer et al. 2002; Van West et al. 2009), and the physiologies of domesticated cultivars that periodically redefined the suit-ability of narrow valley and upland settings for farmland use (Anschuetz 1998, 2001).

Successful long-term agriculture under these conditions required people to maintain the flex-ibility to relocate their fields and homes as their perceptions — both realized and anticipated — of ecological conditions warranted. Archaeological studies (Anschuetz 1998; Anschuetz et al. 2001a; Anschuetz et al. 2001b, among others) show that the Tewa Basin populations added to and reor-ganized their field complexes in the very settings most susceptible to temperature fluctuations over time (e.g., Anschuetz 1998). These findings, in view of the fluctuating residence patterns, sug-gest that the people returned to areas from which they withdrew as conditions once again became suitable for resumed agricultural use.

As we discuss below, the Tewa Basin’s mixed peoples came together to create a new kind of community that emphasized behavioral and


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organizational flexibility. This community devel-oped through the process of ethnogenesis, which is the “synthesis of a people’s culture and political struggles to exist” (Hill 1996:2), within the basin’s ecologically dynamic and uncertain landscape. It simultaneously crosscut multiple residential set-tlements and acted upon the need to sustain ac-cess to an extensive agricultural land base through the sporadic use of the uplands when conditions were favorable for cultivation.

Becoming Tewa

The recurring movement of people up and down the basin’s varied watersheds enabled ancestral Tewa farmers to cope with the uncertainties posed by climatic perturbations that affected their agri-cultural economy and to fulfill the need to fallow hunting and gathering tracts,2 as well as agricul-tural lands, around large villages following epi-sodes of intense use. This land-use organization, however, required the people to develop social and ideational technologies that were flexible to facilitate frequent residential movements between lowland and highland settings. To sustain this system, the basin’s residents also needed mech-anisms to maintain access to a broad geographic expanse. We propose that the demographic shift resulting from the arrival of immigrant groups and the subsequent coalescence of disparate peoples, in combination with the need to access a broad geographic expanse and integrate peoples of contrasting historical origins and experiences, led to the creation of a distinct cultural landscape based on the repeated movement of populations between lowland and highland settings.

With respect to our preceding statements, three pressing questions immediately come to mind. What is the archaeological evidence to which we are referring? How did the Tewa Basin’s diverse mix of populations accomplish the chal-lenging feats of accommodation, reorganization, and intensification to facilitate frequent residen-tial movement? Last, if movement between the lowland and highland settings of Tewa Basin’s major watersheds was a key social-organizational strategy for coping with ecological uncertainty, how were the area’s residents able to invoke and maintain preferential use rights to widely dis-persed lands that they occupied only intermit-tently for year-round residence?

The answer to the first question consists of the appearance of both nuanced and complex ritual landscapes involving a variety of different shrine types associated with ancestral Tewa villages in the Rio Chama watershed and across the Tewa Basin. Characteristically located around the edges of habitations and in their surrounding environs (e.g., see Anschuetz 1998; Duwe 2011; Fowles 2009; Snead 2008a, 2008b), these features are commonly overlooked by researchers who focus their attentions exclusively on rocks, pots, and house forms within the settlements themselves. Shrine assemblages on the edges of the villages in-clude boulders with pecked and ground cupules, incised cobbles, petroglyph panels, and circular and semicircular rock rings. These manifesta-tions might also occur near old fields and next to seasonally occupied farmsteads and field houses. Other shrines, which have stone-lined pathways oriented toward nearby large habitations, are vis-ible on top of notable hills or mountains that con-temporary Pueblo residents continue to regard as holy places (Douglass 1912, 1917; Ortiz 1969). Many of these shrines have analogies with mor-phologically similar features recorded in Tewa ethnography, which Tewa people are known to use to solicit supernatural powers for assistance in providing water to the natural world (Ortiz 1969; see also Anschuetz 1998; Duwe 2011).

The Tewa, like all of the modern Pueblos, likely are an amalgamation of many disparate peoples with different identities, memories, and histories (Anschuetz and Wilshusen 2011; see also above). Tewa cosmology and identity were cre-ated through a long and often tumultuous period of residential upheaval and population coales-cence, which included migrants from the north and west and local Rio Grande populations (An-schuetz and Wilshusen 2011; Duwe 2011; Ortman 2010a, 2010b). The ethnographic Tewa cosmol-ogy had roots in multiple traditions but was in-novative and unique in the context of the larger Pueblo world. Not coincidentally, the influx of migrants in the late thirteenth century coin-cided with a transformation of ritual landscapes across the Northern Rio Grande region as a whole (Fowles 2004b; Snead 2008a) and within the Rio Chama watershed in particular (Anschuetz 1998; Duwe 2011). This landscape appears to be a hybrid ideational system incorporating cosmological ele-


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ments from both migrant and local populations (Anschuetz and Wilshusen 2011; Duwe 2011), in-cluding traditions of place-making found in the Mesa Verde region (Ortman 2010a, 2010b) and architectural elements with a deep history in the Rio Grande (Lakatos 2007). These traces simulta-neously exhibit patterns of continuity and dissim-ilarity that suggest the Tewa are the descendants of Ancestral Pueblo peoples from both the north-ern San Juan and the Northern Rio Grande re-gions (Anschuetz and Wilshusen 2011).

The answers to the second and third questions about how the Tewa Basin’s populations were able to facilitate frequent residential movements and to invoke and maintain preferential use rights on scattered lands, which they occupied residen-tially only periodically, are related to the process of Tewa “becoming” (Naranjo 2008; Ortiz 1969). While cosmographic landscape elements from both the immigrants and indigenous Rio Grande populations were incorporated into Tewa iden-tity and cosmology in the late thirteenth century, the Tewa identity took over a century to emerge. Again, it was through the movement of people, this time through population coalescence to the lowlands, which led to cosmological change.

Classic period villages in the Rio Chama — and elsewhere in the Tewa Basin (Marshall and Walt 2007; Snead 2008a) — are associated with ritual landscapes that resemble the cosmologic model described by Ortiz (1969) for the ethnographic- era Tewa (Anschuetz 1998; see also Anschuetz 2007a; Duwe 2011). Ritual landscape features include shrines that define both the center and the edge of the world (a way to define identity) and also in-tegrate disparate factions in the community. The former take the form of directional village shrines and field shrines. The latter, the world-quarter shrine, is an important place for rainmaking, which is an activity that involves both halves of the Tewa dual-division social and ceremonial or-ganization (see below). We believe that the Tewa, who are always in a process of “becoming,” began to solidify their Tewa identity beginning with co-alescence at Ad 1350 (after Anschuetz and Wilshu-sen 2011; Duwe 2011).

This combination of indigenous and intro-duced landscape themes underlay the genesis of Tewa identity as a cultural community distinct from the northern Tiwa peoples inhabiting the

Taos and Picuris districts to the north and the Keres communities extending along the Rio Grande Valley south of the Santa Fe district. During the latter half of the thirteenth century, the Tewa Basin’s archaeological assemblages begin to contrast materially and organizationally with those of the basin’s contemporaneous neigh-bors (e.g., see Fowles 2004a, 2004b; Fowles et al. 2007).

The construction of Tewa identity through the day-to-day actions of diverse peoples, who were coming together in a landscape that itself was be-ing forged, unfolded differentially in fits and starts among the Tewa Basin’s physiographically diverse watersheds. As a product of cultural- historical development in which disparate peoples acted, organized themselves, and managed their systems of belief to build a new cultural community from a recombination of established, transformed, and still-transforming traditions drawn selectively from among their collective experiences, Tewa ethnogenesis was a century-long process.

To meet formidable challenges to their sur-vival, the Tewa built, occupied, depopulated, and reoccupied their great villages in a pattern of cy-clical movement between the lowlands and the highlands of their homeland’s watersheds at a variety of temporal (e.g., seasonal, annual, inter-annual, and generational) and organizational (e.g., individual, nuclear family, extended family, and lineage segment) scales to dampen agricul-tural risk (after Anschuetz 2007b). To facilitate their patterns of movement and intermittent uses of diverse local settings across their homeland, the Tewa then drew upon their transforming cul-tural values to redefine their short-lived adobe ar-chitecture from a medium for building houses to a resource for constructing permanent markers on their landscapes (Anschuetz and Wilshusen 2011). This piling of impermanent architectural construction stood resolute and signified the Tewa’s persistent occupation, even though their people moved successively back and forth among their village complexes within and between their lowland and highland settings.

The eventual Tewa society forged by both mi-grants and indigenous Rio Grande people, espe-cially in light of environmental uncertainty, is a model in cultural persistence and organizational flexibility. But the process of Tewa “becoming”


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is never complete (Naranjo 2008). The flexibil-ity and pragmatism of Tewa thought are demon-strated in the archaeological record through the negotiation of disparate peoples’ conceptions of the cosmos and the eventual emergence of a unique Tewa cosmology. They are recorded in the historic record in the ways that the Tewa con-tinued to practice their beliefs while also accept-ing Christianity (Ware and Blinman 2000). And they are found in the modern era as the Tewa people continue to sanctify shrines and other “blessing-places” (Ortiz 1969; see also Anschuetz 2007a).

Conclusions

The Coalition and Classic periods were times of cultural transformation in north-central New Mexico. Immigrants who made their way to the Tewa Basin from the northern San Juan drain-age and other places in the Pueblo world faced the formidable challenge of incorporating them-selves into a long-established Pueblo homeland characterized by an ecologically diverse and un-

certain environment (see Towner and Salzer, Chapter 3). So too did disparate, coalescing pop-ulations in the Classic period who were joined together in massive lowland villages. The indige-nous residents and the newly arriving immigrants responded to the Northern Rio Grande region’s expanding population through collaborative ac-commodation, reorganization, and intensifica-tion based on cyclical movements between the lowland and highland settings of the Tewa Basin’s major watersheds. This cooperative enterprise, in turn, underlay the construction of an inno-vative — and distinctive Tewa — cultural identity based on specific time-honored traditions con-tributed by the indigenous and immigrant com-munities alike. Through Tewa ethnogenesis, the people equipped themselves with greater organi-zational flexibility to cope with heightened levels of ecological uncertainty across the dimensions of space and time. The Tewa also redefined them-selves in relation to north-central New Mexico’s lowlands and highlands to create the cultural landscape that is the Tewa world.

AcknowledgmentsWe thank Chuck Adams, Herman Agoyo, Mike Bremer, Linda Cordell, Michael Duwe, Dick Ford, Sev Fowles, Brandon Gabler, Louie Hena, Barbara Mills, Tessie Naranjo, Tito Naranjo, Scott Ortman, Kelly Swarts, Dani Triadan, Rina Swentzell, Paul Williams, and the many others who helped shape our thinking on Tewa history.

Notes 1. We recognize that there are different understand-

ings of Tewa origins, particularly those raised by Dean Wilson (Chapter 10) and his colleagues at the Office of Archaeological Studies in Santa Fe (Boyer et al. 2010). Practical constraints do not allow us to address the issues they raise in de-tail. However, we are excited by the research and discussion generated by this debate, and we look forward to working together to understand the complexly interwoven cultural-historical nuances of how the Tewa people became who they are to-day within their Tewa Basin homeland.

2. The term fallow carries the connotations of rest, renewal, and reuse. Population movements out of a setting for the purpose of fallowing are not abandonments because people intend to return

to renew cultivation at a later time when the soil’s fertility has been renewed.

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