1

Discrimination of Women in Igboland (Nigeria) A Comprehensive and Comparative Analysis in Search of an Ethical Solution

Dissertation

Zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades „ Doktor der Theologie“ an der

Katholisch-Theologischen Fakultät der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz

Erstbegutachter: Ao. Univ. –Prof. Dr. Kurt Remele Zweitbegutachterin: Univ. Prof. Dr. in Ulrike Bechmann

Eingereicht von: Mag. Ignatius Uchenna Emefoh

Graz, October 2010

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Acknowledgements

The success of this work largely depended on the assistance of my supervisor, Prof.

Dr. Kurt Remele. I admire his diligence and perseverance in reading the work and

making necessary observations and corrections. I thank, in a special way, my second

supervisor, Prof. Dr.in Ulrike Beckmann; her motivating seminar in inter-religious

dialogue from gender perspective inspired me to undertake a research on women

discrimination in Igboland. My gratitude also goes to Prof. Dr. Leopold Neuhold,

Rev. Fr. Mag. Josef Michal and Rev. Fr. Mag. Franz Zeiger. I am ever grateful to

Prof. MMag. Dr. Christian Anieke and Rev. Fr. Dr. Chigozie Nnebedum, who in

spite of their limited time responded with enthusiasm to read the manuscript

painstakingly and offer useful suggestions towards a more coherent and refined

dissertation.

In a special way, I thank my Bishop Emeritus, His Lordship, Most Rev. Dr. A. O.

Gbuji and my current Bishop, His Lordship, Most Rev. Dr. C. O. Onaga, for

allowing me to further my studies in Austria. My special gratitude goes to His

Lordship, Most Rev. Dr. Ludwig Schwarz, Catholic Bishop of the Diocese of Linz

and his Member of staff for giving me the opportunity to work in their Diocese and

study at the University of Graz.

I am sincerely grateful to Prof. Dr. Klaus Zapotoczky of the Institute of Sociology,

Johannes Kepler University, Linz and Prof. DDr. Valentin Zsifkovits for their

academic advice and caring. I count myself lucky to have been given an opportunity

to come in contact with such great and noble personalities. I pray that God will bless

them.

I also appreciate in a special way the fraternal relationships of Very Rev. Fr. Josef

Itzinger, Prof. Franz Huemer-Erbler, Prof. Dr. Johann Marböck and Prof. Franz

Greil. I feel highly honoured celebrating holy masses and also eating with them at the

same table. I enjoy their table jokes and their theological discussions. The Merciful

Sisters of the Cross Congregation in Linz will ever be remembered for providing me

with free accommodation and food during the period of this research work. I thank

them for their care and love.

My unalloyed appreciation also goes to Prof. Dr. Stan Anih. I am proud of being one

of his students; his contributions to the educational system in Nigeria served as a

source of inspiration to me. I thank God, who inspired me to write this work.

October, 2010 Ignatius Uchenna Emefo

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Curriculum Vitae

Name Ignatius Uchenna Emefoh.

Date of birth 1st Feb. I963.

Place of birth Onitsha.

State of origin Anambra.

Nationality Nigeria.

Marital status Single.

Religion Christianity – Catholic.

School attended with dates Certificate obtained with dates

Ogbete River Primary School, Enugu 1977-

1979.

FSLC. 1979.

St John Cross Seminary, Nsukka 1981-1984. WAEC. 1984.

Seat of Wisdom Major Seminary, Owerri

1985-1994.

B. phil. 1989, B.D. 1994.

Institute of Ecumenical Education (Godfrey

Okoye University), Enugu in affiliation with

Montclair state university USA 1995-1999.

M.phil /M.phil.ed. 1999.

Karl-Franzens-Universität, Graz (Austria)

2008-2009.

Mag. Theol. 2009.

Job Experience Position held.

Institute of Ecumenical Education (Godfrey

Okoye University), Enugu 1994-2002.

HOD Ecumenics 1994-2002.

National Orthopaedic hospital, Enugu 1994-

1998.

Chaplain 1994-1998.

St. Joseph Parish Emene-Enugu 1998-2002. Assistant parish priest 1998-2002.

St. Paul’s international Institute of

Evangelization, Enugu 2001-2002.

Lecturer 2001-2002.

Catholic diocese of linz (Austria) 2004-2010. Chaplain: African/English

speaking community 2004-2010.

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Abstract in Deutsch

Obwohl man sagt, dass alle Menschen gleich seien, stellt sich bei genauerer

Betrachtung heraus, dass manche Gesellschaften Frauen nach wie vor als Mitglieder

zweite Klasse behandeln und somit die Idee von der Gleichheit aller negieren. Eine

solche Gesellschaft ist die Igbo Gesellschaft Nigerias. Die Igbo lehnen die Gleichheit

aller Menschen auf zwei Weisen ab: durch Diskriminierung des weiblichen

Geschlechts und durch Diskriminierung der Osu. Osu, um es kurz zu sagen, werden

von den Nicht-Osu als Ausgestoßene betrachtet. Die weibliche Osu leidet unter

doppelter Diskriminierung.

Die Igbo Gemeinschaft ist eine von Männern dominierte Gemeinschaft, und Frauen

werden als untergeordnete Menschen betrachtet. Frauen nehmen den letzten Platz in

der hierarchischen Ordnung der Igbo ein. Es überrascht nicht, dass die Geburt von

Mädchen weniger gefeiert wird als die Geburt von Jungen. Bildung von Jungen wird

Bildung von Mädchen vorgezogen. Frauen ist es nicht erlaubt, Besitz zu erben. Ein

Mann kann so viele Frauen heiraten wie er möchte, aber eine Frau muss einem Mann

treu sein. Sie wird unterdrückt und kann ohne triftigen Grund geschieden werden.

In der Philosophie der Igbo werden Frauen als nicht intelligente menschliche Wesen,

als gemein und als schwache weibliche Wesen gesehen. Die Ungleichheit zwischen

den Geschlechtern ist in der traditionellen Igbo Moral verwurzelt.

Das Frauenbild der Igbo ist ähnlich dem Frauenbild in vielen Kulturen und

Religionen der Welt. Dennoch ändert sich in den meisten Kulturen und Religionen

die Einstellung zu Frauen schneller als bei den Igbo.

Die unmenschliche Behandlung der Frauen und der sogenannten Osu und der

Wunsch diese abzuschaffen machte es nötig, die vorliegende Arbeit zu schreiben.

Gleichzeitig ist es auch Ziel dieser Arbeit dazu beizutragen, dass diese Art von

Umgang mit Frauen abgeschafft wird. Um das Problem der weiblichen Osu und

andere Frauen zu lösen, wird eine sogenannte Deosulierung (deosulization) und

trans-cultural solution vorgeschlagen. Auch die Kirche kann helfen, die

Diskriminierung von Frauen zu stoppen, in dem sie vor allem einen Aspekt der Lehre

Jesus Christus hervorhebt: die Lehre der Befreiung.

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Abstract in English Although all human beings are said to be equal, some societies still treat women as

second class members of society. One of such societies that discriminate against

women is the Igbo society of Nigeria. The Igbo have two ways of rejecting the

equality of all human beings, namely by discriminating the female gender and by

discriminating Osu. The Osu, by way of a short explanation, are seen by the non-Osu

as outcasts. The female Osu therefore faces two discriminations – one as an Osu and

another as a woman.

The Igbo community is a male-dominated community and females are regarded as

subhuman beings. Women are the last in the hierarchical order of the Igbo society.

One is therefore not surprised to notice that the birth of a female is less celebrated

than the birth of a male. Also the education of males is preferred to the education of

females. The women are not allowed to inherit properties. A man can marry as many

wives as he likes but a woman must be faithful to one husband. She is suppressed

and can be divorced without cogent reasons.

The philosophy of the Igbo people as contained in their proverbs implies that women

are unintelligent, wicked, and weak human beings. In fact, it can be said that gender

inequality is rooted in Igbo traditional morality.

This Igbo conception of women is comparable with the conceptions of women in

most cultures and religions of the world. However, most of the cultures and religions

are changing their attitudes towards women faster than the Igbo people.

The experiences of the inhuman treatment and injustice against women and the

discrimination against the so called Osu necessitated the writing of this work and is,

in fact, the aim of the work. To solve the problem of the female Osu and other

females, deosulization and trans-cultural solutions are recommended. The church can

help to stop the discrimination of women by emphasizing one of the aspects of Jesus´

teaching: the theology of liberation.

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Abbreviations ATR African Traditional Religion BC Before Christ Cf. Confer, refer to, see also EAPR East Asian Pastoral Review ed.(s) Editor(s) e.g For example EJT European Journal of Theology EQ Evangelical Quarterly Etc Et cetera (and so on) ff. Following pages GS Gaudium et Spes H. Heft (volume) Ibid. In the same place IC Igbo Culture Ie Id est (that is) MM Mater et Magistra MThZ Münchener Theologische Zeitschrift NGF Neue Gesellschaft Frankfurter No. Number NT New Testament NTSSA Journal of the New Testament Society of South Africa NZSTh Neue Zeitschrift für systematische Theologie und Religion

Philosophie OA Octogesima Adveniens Op. Cit. Opere citato (in the same cited) OT Old Testament p., pp. Page(s) PP Populorum Progressio Prof. Professor PT Pacem in Terris PThMSW Pastoraltheologie Monatsschrift für Wissenschaft und Praxis in

Kirche SCE Studies in Christian Ethics SRS Sollicitudo Rei Socialis ThPQ Theologisch Praktische Quartalschrift Vol. Volume

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Table of Contents

Introduction……………………………………………………………………… 12

Chapter 1:

Exposition of Igbo Culture and Female Discrimination: General Background

Knowledge

1.1 Who are the Igbo? ………………………………………………………………17

1.2 Problem of Origin ...…………………………………………………………….19

1.3 Socio-politico and Economic Organisation …………………………………….21

1.3.1 Village Structure and Living Pattern …………………………………………22

1.3.2 Igbo Traditional Government. ………………………..………………………25

1.3.3 Igbo Entrepreneurship………….………………..………………………….. 26

1.3.4 The Igbo and Agriculture..………………….………………………………. 27

1.3.4.1 Farming Cycle………….…………….…………………………………... 28

1.3.4.2 Farming Implements……………...………………………………………... 28

1.3.4.3 Igbo and Sustenance of Life…..……….…………………………………... 29

1.4 The Igbo Religious Belief: The Almighty God ´Chi-Ukwu´ …………………...30

1.4.1 The Non Human Spirit ………………………………………………………..31

1.4.2 The Dead among the Living (The Human Spirit) …………………………….32

1.5 Igbo Traditional Burial ………………………………………...……………….33

1.6 Igbo Traditional Morality ……….……………………………………..……….35

1.6.1 Offences against ´Ani-cult´ ….………………………………………..………36

1.6.2 Human Offences ………………………………………………...……………37

1.7 Summary ………………………………………………………………………..39

Chapter 2:

Females in Igbo Culture

2.1 Position of Females in the Hierarchical Structure in Igboland …………….….40

2.1.1 Exclusion of Women in Leadership and Status Placement …….…………...41

2.1.2 Women and Priests in Igbo Leadership …………….……………………….43

2.1.3 Women and Ofo holders in Igbo Leadership …………..…………………...44

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2.1.4 Women and Age Status ………………………………………………………45

2.1.5 Marriage and Social Position from the Point of View of Women ……………47

2.1.6 Various Statuses of Women in the Igbo Traditional Culture …………………49

2.1.6.1 Nwa-afor Status ……………………………………………………………50

2.1.6.2 Ohuaku Status ………………………………………………………………51

2.1.6.3 Ohu Status …………………………………………………………………..51

2.1.6.4 Osu Status…………………………………………………………………...53

2.1.7 Igbo Descending Social Structure and the Women …………………………..54

2.1.8 Inferior Status of Women in Igbo Social Structure ………….…………...…..55

2.2 Birth of a Female Child …………….……………………………………..……57

2.3 Birth of three Consecutive Female Children………….………………..……… 60

2.4 Females and Education………………………………………………………… 61

2.5 Females and the Right of Inheritance …………………………………………..63

2.6 Females and Marriage in Igbo Culture …………………………………………64

2.6.1 Life in Husband’s House: The Suppression of Women ………………………66

2.6.2 The Problem of Polygamy ……………………………………………………68

2.7 The Problem of Divorce ………………………………………………………...69

2.7.1 The Fate of a Divorced Woman ………………………………………………70

2.8 Widowhood ……………………………………………………………………..71

2.8. 1 A Widow without a Male Child ……………………………………………...73

2.8.2 A Widow and her ´Transferred´ Husband ……………………………………73

2.9 The Death of a Wife …………………………………………………………….74

2.10 Summary ………………………………………………………………………76

Chapter 3:

Osu Tradition: A General Outline

3.1 Meaning of Osu …….…………………………………………………………77

3.2 Various types of Osu ………….……………………………………………….77

3.2.1 Categories of Osu in the Uke traditional Community ……….……………….78

3.2.2 Types of Osu and Igbo philosophy of Justice …….………………………….80

3.2.3 Types of Osu and Igbo Names ……………….………………………………81

3.3 Osu Privileges and Segregation ………………………………………………...82

3.4 The Fundamental Question of the Origin of Osu ……………………………….85

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3.4.1 Individual Village Theory …………………………………………………….86

3.4.2 Deceived Free-born Theory …………………………………………………..87

3.4.3 Transatlantic Slave Theory …………………………………………………...88

3.4.4 An Offended Deity Theory …………………………………………………...89

3.4.5 Criminal Origin Theory ………………………………………………………90

3.4.6 Scapegoat Theory ……………………………………………………………..91

3.4.7 Summary ……………………………………………………………………...93

Chapter 4:

The Female Osu – Discrimination on Two Grounds

4.1 The Beautiful Females as victims ………………………………………………94

4.2 Dedication of Female Osu …………………………………………………...…96

4.3 Female Osu and the Economy ……………………………………………….....99

4.4 Female Osu and Social Interaction ………………………………………...….102

4.5 Female Osu and Igbo Leadership ……………………………………………..105

4.6 Female Osu and Igbo Traditional Marriage ………………………………..…110

4.7 Female Osu and Migration ……………….……………………………….….116

4.8 Female Osu and Religion ……………………………………………………..119

4.9 Female Osu and Females Ohu …...…………..………………………………..122

4.10 Female Osu and Igbo Traditional Morality ……………………………….....125

4.11 Summary ……………………………………………………………………..129

Chapter 5:

Ethical Approach to the Discrimination of Woman in Igboland

5.1 Basic Points to note on Igbo Females ……….……………………………….130

5.2 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by the Principle of the Dignity of Human

Person……………………………………………………………………………... 130

5.3 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by the Principle of Solidarity…..........132

5.4 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by Principle of Common Good…….. 133

5.5 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by the Principle of the Option for the

Poor……………………………………………………………………... ………...135

5.6 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by Feminist Theological Ethics ……..137

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5.7 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by Academic Catholic Social

Thought…………………………………………………...………………………..141

5.8 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by US Catholic Bishops´ Pastoral

Response to Domestic Violence against Women……………………….…………151

5.9 Igbo Female and Mulieris Dignitatem – Dignity and Vocation of Women (John

Paul II) ………………….…………………………………………………………154

5.10 Igbo Females and the Letter of Pope John Paul to Women………….……… 160

5.11 Igbo Females and Some Encyclicals / Documents on Social Matters:

Discrimination…………………………………………………………………….. 164

5.12 Summary ……………………………………………………………………..175

5.13 Conclusion …………………………………………………………………...176

Chapter 6:

Possible Solutions to the Discrimination of Women in Igboland

6.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………177

6.2 An Appraisal of the Early Solutions on Osu Problems ………………………..177

6.2.1 Early Missionary Endeavours …………………………………………….....178

6.2.2 Solution through Legislation ………………………………………………...179

6.2.3 Individual Village Integration Solution ……………………………………..182

6.2.4 Verbal Condemnation Solution ……………………………………………...183

6.2.5 “Wait-And-See-Attitude”-Solution ………………………………………….185

6.3 “Deosulization” as a Novelty ………………………………………………….186

6.3.1 Pauline Theology on Option for the Weak ………………………………….186

6.3.2 Theology of Original Sin as a Paradigm for “Deosulization” ………………188

6.3.3Arnold Van Gennep´s Theory of the Rite of Passage as a Foundation of

“Deosulization”…………………………………………………………………….189

6.3.4 The Minister for “Deosulization” – A Recommendation …………………...195

6.3.5 Before the Day of “Deosulization” ………………………………………….196

6.3.6 The Roll Call, Questioning, and the Prayer of “Deosulization” …………….197

6.3.7 Reception ……………………………………………………………………198

6.4 Trans-Cultural Solution for the Discrimination of Women in Igboland……….198

6.4.1 Women Ordination …………………………………………………………..199

6.4.2 Solidarity Law ……………………………………………………………….199

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6.4.3 Women Identity in Daily Language …………………………………………200

6.4.4 Women Readiness to Share Responsibility with Men ……...……………….201

6.4.5 We-are-one-attitude …………………………………………………………202

6.5 Educating Igbo Women on Gender Equality ………………………..………..202

6.5.1 Gender Equality and the Teaching of Paulo Freire ………………………….203

6.5.2 Scholarship Fund for Gender Equality ……………………………………...204

6.6 Liberation Theology as a Means of Liberating the Igbo Female.. …………….205

6.7 Summary, Prospect and General Conclusion …………………………………207

Appendix 1 Questionnaire on the Discrimination of Women in Igboland ………..209

Appendix 2 Liturgical Rite for Deosulization …………………………………….212

Appendix 3 Pictures ……………………………………………………………….216

Appendix 4 Mini-Igbo Dictionary ………………………………………………...219

Bibliography ………………………………………………………………………221

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Introduction

In August 2005, during my holidays in my home country Nigeria, an old friend who

is now married with two children paid me a visit. He had told me he would come

with his wife and two children and that each of them was expecting a gift from

Austria. As I was expecting him with his young family, the enthusiasm to see them

made me peep through my window intermittently to know when they would finally

arrive. Later, I saw a woman with a gallon of palm wine on her head, a baby on her

back, holding the hand of another child. I also saw my old friend with a red cap on

his head and a staff in his hand following them. This scenario was shocking to me.

That was not the first time I had seen such a picture. It is a common picture of a

family on a visit, but I was deeply touched on this particular day. I began to ask

myself: What is the cultural function of a man in his family? Why should the culture

forbid my friend from helping his wife in carrying the palm wine or take care of the

little child she was holding with her left hand so that she could use her right hand to

support the gallon of palm wine she was carrying on her head? Why should the Igbo

be faithful to such an oppressive culture even in our contemporary age - the age of

enlightenment and respect of the dignity of all human beings?

On closer examination, one finds out that though all human beings are said to be

equal, some societies still treat the female gender as second class members of

society. One of such societies is the Igbo society of Nigeria. The Igbo have a double

way of disapproving of the equality of all human beings: in the discrimination of the

female gender and in the discrimination of the Osu. The Osu, by way of a short

explanation, is seen by the non-Osu as an outcast (This will be explained fully in the

work).

The experience of this inhuman treatment and injustice against women and these so-

called Osu and the desire to see to its abolition necessitated the writing of this work

and is, in fact, the aim of the work. It is quite painful to note that those who are not

Osu try as much as possible to avoid any contact with those who are Osu in order to

keep and preserve their dignity among their own people. It is also very sad to observe

that some women cooperate with men in the whole structure of maltreatment of

women. For example, in the typical Igbo setting, a woman who is bold enough to

speak out in a public meeting where men are involved will be shunned by other

women. Men, for instance, demand the circumcision of women but it is women who

13

carry out the procedure. The situation is even worse when one is a woman and at the

same time an Osu.

So many cases of discrimination can be seen among the Igbo. A day-old male child

comes before the oldest women in the hierarchical structure in Igboland. If a child

behaves well, the Igbo will say that it is like its father and when it does not behave

well, it is the mother’s child. The Igbo blame a woman when she gives birth only to

female children. They think that women are responsible for the determination of sex.

The Igbo culture permits a man to marry as many wives as he likes and obliges

women to be faithful to only one man. Many Igbo women are not conscious of their

discrimination; some think that their discrimination is not man-made but natural. The

Igbo husbands suppress their wives. The Igbo women call their husband Nnaanyi

(our father). The relationship between the wife and the husband is that of a child and

a father. The Igbo believe that ritual killing of women will make one rich and not the

ritual killing of men. The traditional constitutions of Igbo government have no place

for women. The birth of a female child is less celebrated than that of a male child.

The Igbo prefer the education of males to that of females. In addition, women are not

allowed to inherit property in many Igboland societies. Also the Igbo oblige a widow

to marry the brother of her dead husband. The female Osu are at the very bottom of

the hierarchical structure of Igboland. Some believe (erroneously) that one may trace

the root of female discrimination from the second biblical account of creation (Gen.

2, 18-25). There are similarities between female discrimination in Igboland and the

discrimination of women in world religions.

Research has shown that women are not only discriminated in Igboland but also in

world religions as Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Some Igbo women are not ready

to fight for their rights. Some Igbo women see their fellow women fighting for

women liberation as abnormal women. Some Igbo women are not ready to accept

equal rights and equal responsibilities with men. Some will prefer equal rights and

unequal responsibilities. Dependency seems to be part of the constitution of Igbo

women. Some Igbo women derive joy only in receiving and not in giving. Some are

not prepared to work outside of the home and earn their own living; they prefer to

enjoy the money earned by their husbands for which reason Igbo men refer to their

wives as “Oliaku” that is, eaters of wealth. It is possible that some Igbo women see

women liberation as oppression of women.

14

This dissertation tried to find out why women are discriminated against in Igboland,

why the Igbo women prefer male children to female children, why Igbo culture

forbids women from planting such important crops like yam, etc. This dissertation

also recommends the abolition of discrimination of women in Igbo society.

Purpose of the Study

This dissertation will explore the discrimination against women in the Igbo culture. It

will confront the issue of discrimination with the basic principles of ethics. It will

approach this task from different perspectives and makes use of certain principles.

These principles are against human discrimination. It will discuss also feminist

theological ethics and some social documents of the Catholic Church on women.

The idea of making reference to basic principles of ethics and some documents of the

Catholic Church apart from the Igbo culture will enable a comparative analysis to be

made in this work. Finally, the major aim of this work is to search for ethical

solutions to women discrimination in Igboland.

Limitation of the Dissertation

The dissertation was limited in many ways. Firstly, it could not treat women

discrimination in all cultures and religions of the world. The work concentrated on

Igboland but made general references to other cultures and religions.

Sources of Data

The data for the dissertation were collected from the libraries. The researcher

collected some of the information from his Master´s thesis and oral interviews he

made during the writing of his Master´s thesis. He also made use of internet sources.

In addition, interviews on women discrimination in Igboland formed part of the

sources of his information. Furthermore, the questionnaires he sent out contributed a

lot to the sources of his information. His field research in Igboland made him have

first hand information on Igbo culture. Exchange of ideas with the Igbo studying in

Austria and Germany was also part of his sources of data. Also telephone

conversations with some Igbo people at home and abroad formed part of the sources

of information of the research. The researcher grew up in Igbo culture, he is an Igbo

himself. He has a native’s knowledge of this culture, and this formed the most

important aspect of his sources of information.

15

Method of the Research

This research work made use of a number of methodological approaches because of

its nature which is descriptive, explanatory and normative. The language of the

thesis was carefully chosen to bear on the main focus of the topic and to adapt

adequately to what is intended in the work. For example, the word ‘Igbo’ is used to

depict the entire Igbo society as a community and also the people belonging to this

community. The term ‘female’ is used when referring to the gender and the term

‘women’ is used when referring to grown-up women.

The first method used in the writing of this work is the descriptive (expository)

method whereby the Igbo culture is presented with the origin of the Igbo in mind.

This method is employed so as to subsequently evaluate the people and culture of the

Igbo whose practice of women discrimination and its consequences are treated in this

work.

In this work, the culture of the Igbo is explained from all sides. There are, of course,

many aspects of Igbo culture that are good and should be upheld and also those that

are bad which required to be either changed entirely or be corrected. Analytical and

normative methods were used extensively in this work.

As a perennial problem in Igboland, the issue of discrimination against women is

affecting a lot of people directly and indirectly. Many people are craving for its

abolition but lack the courage to carry on the struggle. In view of this, another

method that is used is the method of participant observation and questionnaires

whereby the opinions of people were sampled and analysed. The researcher sent 150

questionnaires on women discrimination to Igbo men and women between the ages

of 18 to 86 years. This was done on June 2009. The numbers of people that returned

the questionnaires were 127. He interviewed 21 people out of which 10 were above

70 years. The oldest person was 98 years.

Structure of the Work

The dissertation is divided into six chapters. Chapter One treats the basic culture of

the Igboland. It starts with the controversial origin of Igboland. It goes on to treat the

socio-political, economic and religious aspects of Igbo culture. It maintains that

women are socially, politically, economically and religiously discriminated against.

Chapter Two concentrates on women in Igbo culture. It begins with a treatment of

the position of women in the hierarchical structure of Igboland. It highlights the

16

negligence of women in Igbo culture. It exposes female discrimination starting from

the birth of a female child, who is not as warmly welcomed as her male counterpart.

The discrimination against young women in education and the denial of right to

inherit property are exposed. The fate of the married women and their suppression in

their husbands’ houses are given attention. This chapter sees polygamy as a practice

contrary to the dignity of women. It seems that only husbands divorce their wives

and there is no rule to check this practice. This chapter also exposes the plight of

widows in Igboland.

Chapter Three treats the discrimination of the Osu. It starts with an explanation of

Osu. The Osu are the people dedicated to gods. It treats the various types of Osu and

the fundamental question of the origin of Osu.

Chapter Four concentrates on discrimination of female Osu – discrimination on two

grounds. It acknowledges that the male Osu are also discriminated against, but it

insists that the evil of discriminating against the male Osu is less than the evil of

discriminating against the female Osu. Women victims of the Osu tradition out-

number the men and suffer more. Women are also discriminated against in other

countries of the world. However, the more technologically advanced countries of the

world are more aware of the evil of women discrimination and are doing their best to

correct this inhumanity to women through modern legislations.

Chapter Five confronts the issue of discrimination with the basic principles of ethics.

It approaches this task from different perspectives and makes use of certain

principles. For example, the principle of the dignity of human person, the principle of

solidarity, the principle of the common good, the principle of the option for the poor

and so on. These principles are against human discrimination. It discusses also

feminist theological ethics and some social documents of the Catholic Church on

women.

Chapter Six searches for ethical solutions for the discrimination of women and

suggestions are made. Examples of many cultures that have advanced in the field of

female emancipation and gender equality are treated and suggested. It is highly

recommended that Igbo women and men be educated on gender equality.

17

Chapter 1:

Exposition of Igbo Culture and Female Discrimination: General Background

Knowledge

1.1 Who are the Igbo?

The fact that the treatment of women discrimination in this work concentrated on

Igboland makes it necessary to ask and to answer the question: Who are the Igbo?

The Igbo people are found in the Eastern part of Nigeria, in West Africa. Nigeria is a

multi-cultural and richly populated country with about one hundred and fifty million

people and 250 ethnic groups and languages.1 The Igbo are a major ethnic group in

Nigeria. The two other major ethnic groups are Hausa and Yoruba. Igboland has a

population of 20 million inhabitants.2 It “has thick population density of 1,000

people per square kilometre. With such a population living in an area of only 40, 000

km², the Igbo territory is the most populated region of Nigeria and the most densely

populated part of West Africa.”3 The word ´Igbo´ has two major functions. It refers

to a group of people. It also refers to the language spoken by this group of people.

The geographical area where the Igbo people live is called Igboland. It gives the

impression that the Igbo are an independent people, but they are not. They are a tribe

in Nigeria. One speaks of the fatherland in reference to Nigeria but for many Igbo,

the fatherland is the Igboland. History has it that the Igboland was a separate land

before the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorate by Sir Frederick

Lugard in 1914.4 The attempt to free the Igbo from the idea of great Nigeria led to

the Nigerian Civil War in 1967.5 The declaration of the Igbo as a country with the

name ´Biafra´ was the cause of the war. Biafra was defeated6 and incorporated again

1 Cf. Anieke, Christian: Problems of Intercultural Communication and Understanding in Achebe´s Representation of the Igbo and their Culture, Enugu: Mbaeze 2008, p. 20. 2 Cf. Affam, Rafael: Traditional Healing of the Sick in Igboland Nigeria, Aachen: Shaker Verlag 2002, p. 17. 3 Ibid. 4 Cf. Clarke, John: A Visual History of Nigeria, London: Butler and Tanner 1979, p. 39. 5 Cf. Nwankwo, Peter: Social Development in Rural Communities in South-Eastern Nigeria. A Mission of Charity, Frankfurt am Main: Iko Verlag 2006, p. 74. 6 Matthew Orji in his book The History and Culture of Igbo People seems not to agree that the defeat of Biafra or Igbo people was because of the superiority of other tribes of Nigeria. He writes: “Since the Igbo people came to settle in their present position, they have never been conquered, ruled or dominated by any other race or tribe. It was not even in the days of Othman Dan Fodio, when he was spreading the Moslem religion by force of arms. He was not able to conquer the Igbo people after he and his army had over-run most of the tribes in Nigeria and established the Moslem religion in those places. The Nigeria civil war in which the Igbo people suffered defeat was not a tribal war but a war that involved major world powers such as Russia, Britain and the whole of the Arab World.” The people of Britain were fighting against the independence of the Igbo, because they were responsible

18

to the rest of Nigeria, but the Igbo are not feeling at home in Nigeria. They feel that

they are not part of Nigeria and other parts of Nigeria see them as ´strange´ people.7

The Igbo were in the forefront in the decolonization process in Nigeria. The Igbo

women were also involved in the fight. The women riot at Aba in 19298 is worthy to

note. The women opposed the imposition of tax on women by the British

administration. The men accepted to pay tax in accordance with the British tax policy

but the Aba women prefered death to paying the taxes. The opposition engendered

by Igbo women in Aba against female taxation is subject to many interpretations. It

may mean that the injustice perpetrated to men extended to women, the men

tolerated this injustice; women were not ready to tolerate it. It can mean that the

women were not interested in British government and were not ready to support its

tax policy. It could also mean that the payment of the taxes was acceptable to men

and they had to pay it but that was not the case for women. If the last interpretation is

true, the Aba Igbo women’s riot had raised a very important point for our gender

discussion. This point will be later examined critically in the course of this

dissertation.

The people are known for their hard work and perseverance. Given many facts that

have to do with the Igbo, one may say that the Igbo are the most resourceful,

versatile and progressive ethnic group in Nigeria. Anyanwu Starling made no

mistake when he described the Igbo as the people that used labour to change their

environment.9

for the dependence of the Igbo to other tribes of Nigeria. The Arab World was fighting for their Moslem brothers in Northern Nigeria. The economic reason for the war is the oil in Igboland. 7 Cf. Orji, Matthew: The History and Culture of the Igbo People. Before the Advent of the White Man, Nkpor: Jet Pub. 1999, p. 2. “The Igbo people are the only tribe in Nigeria that complies implicitly as the Israelis, with the injunction of God […] to be circumcising all their male children on the eight day of their birth.” Commenting further on the distinctiveness and peculiarty of the Igbo, Matthew Orji, a retired superintendent of police maintains: “The Igbo man can grow fat where others starve, as long as there is a fertile soil under his feet. He does not wait for manna to fall from heaven […]. His indomitable spirit coupled with natural strength and the will to survive has made him a rare creature in the human world.” On the physical structure of the Igbo people, he writes: “They maintain an average height of five feet seven inches. Majority of them have semi-pointed nose and fair in complexion.” Emphasizing on material attachment of the Igbo tribe he says: “The acquisitive instinct of the Igbo people has made very few of them overstretch themselves and try to acquire wealth by unconventional means.” I would have preferred his words: “very few of them” to read “many of them” if he is describimg the Igbo I know as a native. I agree with him that “in Igboland women under menstruation were not allowed to enter sacred places or touch sacred things.” 8 Cf. Van, Allen: Aba Riots or Igbo Women´s War? Ideology, Stratification, and Invisibility of Women, in: Steady, F.: (ed.): The Black Woman Cross-Culturally, Cambridge: Schenkman 1981, p. 60. 9 Cf. Anyanwu, Starling: The Igbo Family life and Cultural Change, Marburg 1976 (= University Dissertation Marburg) p. 8.

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1.2 Problem of Origin

The controversial study of the origin of the Igbo people continues till date. There are

so many theories on the origin of Igbo people. Some authors attempt inadequately to

prove the origin of the Igbo people. The problem of the origin is complicated by lack

of earlier written documents.10 The Igbo culture is a culture that is transmitted orally

from one generation to another.11 It was only in 1789 that one found for the first time

a written document on the origin of the Igbo people.12 The author was a well- known

Igbo ex-slave with the name Equiano.13 John Oriji, a researcher on the traditions of

origin of Igbo people emphasized that Equiano was the earliest writer to link the

origin of the Igbo with the Jews.14 The only proof to this claim is cultural similarity.

The Igbo culture and the Jewish culture are similar. These similarities between the

Jewish culture and the Igbo culture are seen in the rite of circumcision, the rite of

purifying a woman after childbirth (Lev. 12), the laws concerning skin diseases (Lev.

13 ), sacrifices and sin offerings (Lev. 6,24-30), and many more others.15

The hypothesis that the Igbo originated from the Jews or the ancient Egypt received

close attention during the colonial and early missionaries’ activity in the Igboland.16

This belief of Semitic origin of the Igbo is held not only by non-Igbo writers but also

by the Igbo themselves. An example is when Matthew Orji, a retired superintendent

of police, tried to illustrate Hebrew origin of the Igbo by inference to historical

materials from the Bible: “In Igboland, women under menstruation do not touch

sacred things. And so it is with the Israelis. If it is biblically believed that the first

man and woman were created in the Garden of Eden, in the Middle East, then the

assertion that the Igbo people are from the Middle East raises no doubt. And from the

above research, analysis and comparisons, the Igbo should not have come from any

other place other than Israel.”17 He has, however, no other proof apart from his

emphasis on cultural similarity. Also his argument is based on the Bible. An example

of a non-Igbo writer with the same opinion is G. T. Basden, a colonial governor of

South-East Nigeria. Starling Anyanwu, a researcher in Igbo family life and cultural

change, says that Basden is of the opinion that “the Igbo at some very remote time

10 Cf. Affam, Rafael: Traditional Healing of the Sick in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p.18. 11 Cf. Ibid. 12 Cf. Ibid., p. 20. 13 Ibid. 14 Cf. Oriji, John: Tradition of Igbo Origin. A study of pre-colonial population movement in African, New York: Peter Lang 1990, p.14. 15 Cf. Ibid. 16 Cf. Ibid. 17 Orji, John: The History and Culture of the Igbo People, Nkpor: Jet Publishers 1999, p. 9.

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either lived near or had very close association with Semitic races, who, through

successive waves of invasion from the North-East of Asia down through Egypt

pressed these people (Igbo) to the South-West. In the course of this pressure […] the

Igbo came to settle where they live today. Basden pointed out some similarities in the

Jewish-Igbo land system, tradition of circumcision and even in women’s

menstruation.”18

The Jewish origin theory appears more rational compared with tales of origin in

Igboland, but cultural similarity alone is not enough to establish an origin of the

Igbo. It is worthy to point out that rules governing tribal life are not unique either to

Igbo or to Jews alone. There are sanctions that are peculiar to most non-literate

people all over the world. Good examples are: “Menstrual taboos of the Polynesians

or the Maoris in which the woman under menstruation is kept out of sight for three

days.”19 Can one also say that the Igbo originated from the Polynesians or the

Maoris? Their cultural prohibitions are analogous to those of the Igbo.20 Also “the

impurity of menstruation, as well as the horror of murder, was a recognised way of

behaviour of all the Semitic races and the Igbo, as in fact it is by almost all non-

literate ancient peoples.”21

The Semitic origin of the Igbo is not based on any material cultural evidence,

archaeological or ethnological. One can, therefore, question this most popular theory

of origin.

In fact, modern Nigeria historiography opposed this idea of Jewish or Egyptian

origin of Igboland.22 It is possible that Hebrew elements in Igbo culture might have

developed independently. Another possibility is that these Hebrew elements are

acquired through a common source. To insist on Jewish or Egyptian origin as pointed

out by John Oriji is a deliberate attempt to write the black man out of meaningful

history.23 John Oriji goes on to add that “archaeological research suggests that the

Igbo might have settled in their present location before the epoch of Moses in Jewish

history around 2000 B.C. The Igbo, therefore, cannot correctly be seen as part of the

´lost race of Israel´”24 as some people argued.

18 Anyanwu, Starling: The Igbo Family Life and Cultural Change, Op. Cit., pp. 15-16. 19 Ibid., p. 19. 20 Cf. Ibid. 21 Ibid. 22 Cf. Orji, John: The Tradition of Igbo Origin, Op. Cit., p. 14. 23 Cf. Ibid. 24 Ibid.

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As from 1950, scholars like K.O. Dike, P.A. Talbot and A. Mulhall argued that the

Igbo originated from Nri-Awka and Owerri zones25, while G.I. Jones´ position is that

the Nri-Awka and Orlu axis constitute the original core areas of Igboland.26

Moreover, V. Uchendu and A. Onwuejeogwu have maintained that: ”The Igbo

expanded from the former Awka, Orlu. Owerri, Okigwe and Agbor divisions.”27

Historians like Afigbo support the view that Nri-Awka and Orlu axis were the

fundamental areas of Igbo settlement and migration.28 From the point of view of

linguistic and archaeological evidence one can say that the homeland of the Igbo was

probably in the Niger-Benue confluence.29 The reason for this assertion is: ”The Igbo

language, for example, belongs to Kwa sub-group of the Niger-Congo family whose

core area lies in the Niger-Benue confluence.”30

However, these opinions do not answer the question of the origin of Igbo people

satisfactorily. They have, however, given us areas of early Igbo settlements from

where the Igbo expanded to other areas. The question still remains: from where did

the Igbo come to such areas as Awka, Nri, Orlu, Owerri, Agbor, etc.? These are

recognised old Igbo settlements, but that is not what one is searching for. Igbo

historians, archaeologists, ethnographers and linguists should work side by side for a

scientifically acceptable theory of the origin of the Igbo people. If this is not done,

“the debate on the Igbo origin is likely to continue for sometime and may not have a

generally accepted answer.”31

1.3 Socio-politico and Economic Organisation

Do the Igbo have any system of living? How do these people sustain their biological

life? These are questions this research tries to answer in this subsection. One needs to

be reminded that the village organisation and how the Igbo make their living that are

described and explained here have more to do with the original culture of the Igbo

people, the culture as it existed before colonialism. However, certain aspects of what

is exposed here still remain in Igboland.

25 Cf. Ibid., p. 15. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Cf. Ibid. 29 Cf. Ibid. 30 Ibid. 31 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria. An Ethical Assessment from the Perspective of Catholic Social Teaching/Thought, Graz 2009 (Diplomarbeit Universität Graz), p. 10.

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Democracy is traditional in Igboland, because community opinion is what matters as

far as decision on community issues is concerned. The Igbo naturally hate

dictatorship. It is worthy to note that Igbo traditional democracy32 has no place for

women. The decision-making body is Umunna (kinsmen). The function of women is

to cook for the Umunna but they are not allowed to participate in the meeting where

the decisions are taken. Women are also not involved in the village level of decision

making, or in the town level of decision making. Some strong women influence their

husbands on their stand on certain issues; their husbands speak the minds of these

women. One can then speak of indirect participation of women in Igbo traditional

government.33 They do not have an active voice.34 What prevents women from

having an active voice in Igbo traditional government is part of the crux of this work.

The limited area of land is one of the major problems of Igboland. One appreciates

this problem if one considers the fact that the Igbo are basically farmers. These facts

forced many of the Igbo to leave their geographical area to other areas in Nigeria and

the world as a whole in search of a better living. It is interesting to note that the

greater percentage of the people living in Igboland are now women, the greater

percentage of men are living outside the Igboland.

1.3.1 Village Structure and Living Pattern

What is described in this section refers to a typical traditional setting. Due to

modernisation, some of these traditional setting have changed. The typical Igbo

traditional villages are usually scattered over a considerable area of forest.35 A

compound has as many huts as there are married women.36 Each of these women has

her own separate hut.37 This hut is called Nkpuke in the Anambra area of Igboland.

And the main hut is called Obi. A woman lives with her children in her own hut and

32 Democracy is the government of the people by the people. The exclusion of women in the Igbo traditional government is problematic. One doubts if the so-called Igbo democracy is worth the name. 33 Cf. Agbasiere, Therese: Women in Igbo Life and Thought, London: Routledge 2000, p. 38. 34 Therese Agbasiere in her book Women in Igbo Life and Thought agrees that women do not have an active voice in Igbo traditional government. For her active voice: “[…] implies the privilege of a final say in any decision concerning matters of common interest. However, women possess a consultative voice which can exert significant political influence, especially in matters that concern women directly. In this sense, women’s role in traditional politics could be said to be advisory. In matters of communal interest, a woman, like a man, is expected to speak her mind [….] But , usually, final decisions rest with the male elders [….] Apart from their general role as advisers, women have their council of female elders, parallel to the council of male elders. In critical situations both council could meet together for deliberations and consultations. Examples of situations demanding such unified action include the shifting of a local marketplace, or a national calamity, such as plague or drought.” 35 Cf. Green, Margaret: Igbo Village Affairs, London: Frank Cass and Co 1964, p. 18. 36 Cf. Ibid. 37 Cf. Ibid.

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the man lives alone in his own hut. The hut is made of red soil mud wall with thatch

roofing (see pictures on appendix pages). It is a small and simple building with only

one or two rooms. Typically, a man’s hut has a veranda on which he can entertain

visitors and an inner room. A woman’s hut has no veranda. Some of them have a

kitchen, a sleeping room and a small storeroom. In this store, she keeps her crops.

Margaret Green38, a British researcher on Igbo culture, points out that normally a

man, together with each of his wives and also their sons that are not below fifteen

years of age, each has a house of his own. It is possible for a newly married wife to

share the house of her husband’s mother before she gets her own private house. The

alternative to this is to share the same hut with the senior wife during the early part of

her married life. She goes on to say that by the rules of exogamy39, girls are expected

leave the village at marriage. The idea of having a separate house seems to be a

waste of resources and because of this, they do not, therefore, have a separate house

in their own village.

The possibility of the younger wife sharing the same house as the senior wife

indicates how polygamy functioned in Igboland. The senior wife takes the position of

the mother and of course, in most cases the younger wife may be younger than the

daughters of the senior wife. The acceptance or the tolerance of polygamy by Igbo

women will receive more attention in chapter two of this research work.

Bush or forest demarcates a compound from another. One of the reasons why the

Igbo do not build their hut near each other is to acquire as many hectares of land as

possible, for they are primarily farmers as one shall see later. Another reason is that

living between bush and forest will make it difficult for the enemy to discover them.

Margaret Green40 sees this as a double-edged quality. It may hide them from the

enemy, but at the same time it can also enable the enemy to lay ambush for the

purpose of attacking them. She goes on to say: “If a mother wants to call her child, it

is no use going to the door of her house to look for it. Ten yards away it would be

38 Cf. Ibid. 39 Exogamy is a tradition of marrying outside a given group of people to which one belongs. The online Encyclopaedia says: “Exogamy is the custom of marring outside a specified group to which one belongs. In addition to blood relatives, marriage to members of a specific totem or other group may be forbidden. Different theories have been proposed. Westermark said it arose in the aversion to marriage between blood relatives or near kin that is, in horror of incest. This is very probably the true solution. Malennan holds that exogamy was due originally to scarcity of women, which obliged men to seek wives from other groups, including marriage by capture, and this in time grew into a custom. Durkheim derives Exogamy from totemism, and says it arose from a religious respect for the blood of a totem clan, for the clan totem is a god and is especially in the blood.” http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/198244/exogamy [23.06.2009]. 40 Cf. Green, Margaret: Igbo Village Affairs, Op. Cit., p. 10.

24

invisible either in the bush or, at the right season, among yam vines or maize stems.

So the village rang with the cries of parents seeking their children or friends calling

to each other.”41

Green has no direct answer on why a village sees the other villages as enemies, but

what she says in the introduction of her book is most likely the reason for inter-

village war in Igboland. She emphasised that the most immediate striking

characteristic of Igbo people is what can be described as their social fragmentation.42

The Igbo people are broken up into hundreds of small, more or less independent,

social units, the largest being, in many cases, what one may call the village group.43

She says: “This is a collection of villages bound together by certain ties, but each

one, at any rate largely managing its own affairs.”44

The enmity between the Igbo villages leads to wars and many men are killed. The

implication of this is that many Igbo women are forced by circumstances to enter

polygamous families. In trying to give an answer to the question “why a village sees

other villages as enemies,” John Obasi45 (85 years) stressed this ingrained striving for

independence among the Igbo. A village has only the welfare of its members at heart.

This interest often conflicts with the interests of another village. There is no law

regulating the relation between one village and the other. In times of conflict, a

village would state its demands from another village and if the village in question

failed to meet up with the demands, the only available solution was to use force and

hence, there were so many inter-village wars in Igbo land. Still on the selfishness of

Igbo village, Obasi says that the Igbo village laws are against the killing of members

of an Igbo village, but not against the killing of somebody outside the village. To kill

somebody within the village is an abomination and to kill somebody outside the

village is bravery.46 When shown what seemed to be a contradiction in the culture,

namely the popular belief that the Igbo people are more generous to visitors, be it

from the village or from any where else (a point that will be re-emphasised in the

treatment of female Osu), he accepts as an exemption that some villages through

41 Ibid. 42 Cf. Ibid., p. 3. 43 Cf. Ibid. 44 Ibid. 45 Cf. Obas, John: Why a village sees other villagers as Enemy in Igboland, Nsukka: Oral interview (25.08.2007). 46 Cf. Ibid.

25

inter-marital relationships or by having a common enemy to fight or other common

interests do have cordial interactions.47

It is, therefore, not the forest that exists between a village and another that is the

reason for enmity but social fragmentation with its inherent independence,

selfishness and lack of a unified central government. The forests were only one of the

ways of protection against an enemy, just as destruction of a bridge during the war

was a way of preventing the enemy from entering a village. Igbo villages do destroy

their bridges in time of war to protect themselves from their enemies.

1.3.2 Igbo Traditional Government

Each village is autonomous and normally small. Green puts the population of

Umueke village in 1964 at about 360 inhabitants.48 One must, however, remark that

any census in Igboland, after the historical census of 1929 that lead to women riots in

Aba, is most likely to be underestimated. Many avoid being counted because of the

fear of taxation. The fact, however, is that most villages are very small.

It is made up of groups of umunna (kindred). Some Igbo villages are so closely

related that marriage within the village is impossible since one is not permitted to

marry a relation. A good example that Green pointed out is Agbaja village: “All

married women in the village come from outside, all girls born in the village leave

the village at marriage.”49 This is a rule in Agbaja village.

Government at the village level is an exercise in direct participation. Victor

Uchendu, a popular writer on Igbo culture, points out that it involves all the lineages

and also required the political participation of all the male adults.50 This type of

democracy is a democracy that is not accommodating to women, a democracy where

the people are people insofar as they are men, a democracy that this research work

will critically examine.

Uchendu mentions institutions which are utilised in the political processes of the

village. These are: a general assembly (women are non members), the title-making

societies (women do not belong to these groups), the Dibia fraternity (traditional

medicine people, women are also excluded), the secret society (only men belong to

this society), oracles, and the age-grade associations, which members are all men. He

47 Cf. Ibid. 48 Cf. Green, Margaret: Igbo Village Affairs Op. Cit. p. 14. 49 Ibid., p. 15. 50 Cf. Uchendu, Victor: The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College 1965, p. 41.

26

goes on to say that legislative activities are performed by all adult males meeting in

what he described as ad hoc general assembly, of which according to him takes place

in an open square where all adult males of the village converge.51

1.3.3 Igbo Entrepreneurship

Sir Frederick Lugard, a colonial administrator, united Southern and Northern Nigeria

on the first of January 1914.52 And since then, the Igboland has been part of Nigeria.

Nigeria is richly blessed with mineral and crop such as tin, iron ore, coal, bitumen,

cocoa and oil. According to the Encyclopaedia Americans “oil was discovered in

Southern part of the country in 1959”.53 And Lukman, Special Adviser to the

President on petroleum reported that during the first quarter of 2003, Nigeria had 34

billion barrels oil reserve with daily production of about 2.5 million barrels per day.54

This information is very important with regard to the Igbo Society. The oil and other

mineral resources, as stated above, had nothing to contribute to Igbo economy during

the pre-colonial period. They were there, unknown and untapped.

Within this period the Igbo lived their normal life. It was a life very close to nature.

If the people engaged in any other activities, for instance, hunting, fishing or even

petty trading, they did so in order to support their farming business. Each household

struggled to be independent by working hard to produce almost all the food they

needed. Food was then not a problem as Pade Badru, a researcher in International

Banking and Rural Development pointed out: “Agrarian production was the

backbone of the economy with a self sufficiency in food production.”55 This self

sufficiency in food production was achieved through natural self effort and hard

work with traditional agricultural tools like hoe and machetes.

Yam was regarded as the king of all the crops and was grown by the men only.

Women were culturally not permitted to plant this most important economic crop,

but were allowed to plant other crops like cocoa-yams, beans and cassava. The rich

and alluvial Igbo soil was fertile for the production of yams, cocoa-yams, beans,

cassava, vegetables, etc.

51 Cf. Ibid. 52 Cf. Clarke, John: A Visual History of Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 39. 53 Cayne, B. (ed.): Encyclopaedia Americans. Vol. 20, New York: American Corporation 1976, p. 348a. 54 Cf. The Oil Boom, in: Newswatch 37/15 (21.04.2003) 12-13. 55 Badru, Pade: International Banking and Rural Development, Aldershot: Ashgate pub. 1998, p. 32.

27

Today agriculture is no more the backbone of Igbo economy. Most of the farmers are

now women and cultivation of yam is no longer the exclusive right of the men folk.

Most Igbo men have migrated to urban areas of the country and outside, trading or

working as professionals or artisans. One can say that business is now the backbone

of Igbo economy. The exploration of petroleum with its pollution has made some

parts of the Igboland unsuitable for agriculture.

1.3.4 The Igbo and Agriculture

A typical Igbo person is a farmer. The importance of agriculture in Igbo economy

cannot be over emphasised. Land, therefore, is the most important asset to the

people. Victor Uchendu sees it as a source of security. He points out that the Igbo

will not be contented in acquiring land and because of this fact “no opportunity to

acquire rights of land should be lost.”56 The system of land tenure used by the Igbo

according to Uchendu stipulates the rights of individuals and also that of groups over

the land they use, it says also how such rights may be acquired, it prescribes their

content, outlines the security enjoyed in them, it legislates what transfers can be

made, and the succession to them.57

Uchendu states four principles of the Igbo land tenure as following: “(1) All land is

owned. There is no concept of abandonment of land or “no man’s land” among the

Igbo. Whether land is cultivated or not, it belongs to somebody. (2) Land ultimately

belongs to the lineage and cannot be alienated from it. This is a statement of ideology

rather than of fact. Actually, the Igbo have institutionalized ways of alienating land.

(3) Within his lineage, the individual has security of tenure for the land he needs for

building his house and making farms. (4) No member of the lineage is without

land”58

Uchendu is referring to male members of Igbo lineage. The women normally do not

inherit land. They make use of their husbands’ land for farming and if not married of

their fathers´. The Igbo are subsistence farmers. They produce just enough food to

live on. The family essentially farms to earn their living.

56 Achebe, Chinua: Things Fall Apart, London: Heinemann 1976, p. 22. 57 Cf. Ibid. 58 Ibid.

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1.3.4.1 Farming Cycle

The period of January begins the agricultural cycle in Igboland. The first move is the

clearing of the bush. This takes place in January. The Igbo person surveys the land to

select the one on which to farm for the season. Starling Anyanwu, a researcher in

Igbo culture, stresses that “the soil must be good and normally covered with hard

trees and thick vegetation. The selected piece of land is cleared. Hard woods are left,

and they are burnt standing if they produce too much shade. The clearing is left to

dry for three to five weeks and then burnt. The women clean up the burnt land and

gather the woods for domestic fuel, while the ashes are used to fertilise the land,

which is then prepared for planting.”59

It is worthy to note that the Igbo practise shifting cultivation. It means a method of

farming by which a farmer leaves a piece of land fallow after cultivation for a period

of time. Some that have plenty of land leave the land up to six years, some, however,

can only afford to leave it fallow for one year.60 The cultivation of the plots of land

starts between Februarys to May. We call this period the planting season. Planting

starts with the first rains. When this rain delays, the starting of planting will also be

delayed. Farming season is normally a period between the planting season and

harvesting season. Harvesting season begins between Julys to October.61 The males

harvest their yams and the females their cassavas, coco-yams, maize, groundnuts and

other vegetables.

1.3.4.2 Farming Implements

Anyanwu writes on the agricultural tools of ancient Egypt. He observes that the hoe

is one of the earliest tools for tilling land.62 The long machete and hoe are the main

production tools used by the Igbo. They are locally made by Igbo smiths. There are

two types of hoes, the long spade type of hoe, it is called Ube and the short hoe made

from a curved elbow-shaped handle called Ogu. Related to hoes are weeding sickles,

the Igbo call it ike-agwu: “The early form of Igbo sickles are a short form of curved

cutlasses, which appeared earlier than farming itself, because it was used for the

cutting of grasses around houses and pathways.”63 However, one may say “that these

59 Anyanwu, Starling: The Igbo Family Life and Cultural Change, Op. Cit., p. 255. The modern mechanised agriculture condemns this because burning kills the organic materials in the soil. 60 Cf. Ibid. 61 Cf. Ibid. 62 Cf. Ibid. 63 Ibid., p. 256.

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forms of sickles which existed in all agricultural periods were formerly used for

cutting edible wild vegetables.”64 It is with these simple tools that the Igbo engage in

their agricultural activities.

1.3.4.3 The Igbo and Sustenance of Life

Getting proper food for good health and growth is not a problem for an Igbo person.

He works for this. An Igbo person lives in a family; the men cultivate and harvest

yams; the women cultivate coco-yams, cassavas, and vegetables. Economic trees like

oranges, mangoes, peas, paw-paws, cashews, palms, coconuts, kola-nuts, pears,

breadfruit, etc, are parts of the properties of an Igbo family. The bananas and

plantains are included. The family keeps domestic animals like goats, sheep, fowls,

etc. Wild animals are also available through hunting.

An Igbo person drinks water from the stream or collects drinking water directly

from rains. The raining season has a period of six months in Igboland. Within this

period, drinking water can be collected in big mud pots and stored. An Igbo person

taps his wine from palm or raffia trees. The foods, vegetables, meats, fruits and

wines are available for proper nutrition in Igboland.

The major food of an Igbo person is yam. We should not confuse yam with sweet

potato that Americans call yam.65 Yam is generally larger than sweet potato. Yam is

eaten in Igboland as often as bread is eaten in Austria and in Europe. It is stored in a

barn and controlled by the father of the family. He gives it out to his wives, one or

two tubers each on a daily basis.

The men care for their yams; the husbands give their wives the exact quantity to

cook. A wife has no right to enter a barn of her husband to collect yam herself. If the

husband is not there or has forgotten to bring out yam or will not like to give out

yam, the wife will find an alternative. Cocoyam is normally the alternative; one calls

it the women yam.66

A man who cannot sustain his family with yams is taken to be a lazy man. The word,

“sustain” here means having enough yams to feed his family. The grandfather of the

researcher had enough yams to feed his families. He married two wives and inherited 64 Ibid. 65 Cf. Uchendu, Victor: The Igbo of South-East Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 24. 66 What baffles me when I was living with my grandmother – 1972 to 1975 was that my grandmother never asked my grandfather the reason for not giving us the yam to cook. I could remember that my grandfather used to sell yam and my grandmother used to buy yam in the market. These yams she bought in the market and cooked were given to my grandfather and he ate without any remorse of conscience.

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one wife who had died before the period the researcher lived with the family. His

grandmother was the first wife and she was not properly taken care of by his

grandfather. The reason may be that her children were already mature enough to be

taking care of her. He took good care of the second wife and the reason may be

because her children were still growing up. It may also mean that his grandfather

simply preferred a younger wife to an older wife. His grandfather never explained his

reason for not giving his grandmother yams frequently. It was clear that it had

nothing to do with lack of yams to sustain the two wives. He had more than enough

and could even sell the excess. He was a hard-working man.

A man who has so many yams and can afford to feed the family with pounded yam

instead of pounded cassava, which is cheaper, can join the group of yam title holders,

which is an association of successful yam cultivators in Igboland. Uchendu sees yam

production more as “a prestige and the goal is to have a house full of yam and then to

take a yam title.”67

Cocoyam is next to yam. It is cultivated by women and before the discovery or

advent of cassava, pounded coco-yam took care of the problems of families who

could not afford pounded yam. Pounded yam, pounded coco-yam or pounded

cassavas is better eaten with bitter leaves soup (Ofeonugbu), while garri (cassava

flour) is better eaten with melon soup (Ofe-egwusi). Food shortage and a crisis of

nutrition were not problems for the ancient Igbo.

1.4 Igbo Religious Belief: The Almighty God ´Chi-ukwu´

The saying that man is by nature “homo religiosus” (a religious being) is indisputable

for an Igbo person. An Igbo person sees the entire existence from the point of view

of religion. Religion is the centre of the Igbo culture. Without religion, the entire

culture is misunderstood. The Igbo traditional religion is “built on a community-

based philosophy of life and served as a proper reply to the puzzles of the

individual’s being and experience […]. The religion instilled, influenced and affected

the Igbo person’s daily life and his or her life activities. Igbo life was centred on

belief in one Supreme Being called Chineke (God, the creator), Chi-Ukwu, (the

Supreme Being) and Chukwu (God).”68

67 Uchendu, Victor: The Igbo of South-East Nigeria, Op. Cit., p.26. 68 Okonkwo, Emmanuel: Marriage in the Christian and Igbo Traditional Context. Toward an Inculturation, Frankfurt: Peter Lang 2002, p. 8.

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Though this God is the King, Judge, All knowing and All-Powerful, Okonkwo

concluded: “For administrative reasons, he created minor deities, divinities and

spirits as agents to whom He entrusted the task of maintaining peace and order in the

universe.”69 It is these created non-human and human spirits that are visible in Igbo

traditional religion. God is so high that He cannot be conceived by the Igbo person.

The Igbo worshipper makes statues of these spirits and prays through them. He is so

interested in these spirits that an uncritical observer will think that the Igbo believe

only in these spirits.

1.4.1 The Non-Human Spirits

These spirits are too many to be counted. They are normally a personification of

natural phenomena. The water has its own spirit; the tree has its own spirit, the earth,

river, hills, fire, lightning, ancestors etc. It is worthy to note that some of these spirits

are not known but those which are known have their shrines and priests. The Igbo

words: agbara, alusi and mmuo are more often used for these spirits. There are good

spirits as well as evil spirits.

Francis Arinze, a theologian and a researcher in Igbo traditional religion (and later a

cardinal), names some of these wicked spirits: one of them is called Udo, which is

widespread in Igboland, he names another one called Omaliko, which is popular in a

town called Abatete, Okpimodu is one of the wicked spirit at Umunachi, Iyi-Oli is the

one at Nkwelle near the commercial city of Onitsha etc. Normally, only a mad man

wants to deal with them. Every sane person is afraid of swearing falsely on wicked

spirits, let alone inviting them to do harm to one’s enemies: “Woe betide anyone who

takes away any property of such spirits, whether wittingly or unwittingly, say the

pagans. These alusi are like electric wires. They do not consider bona fide

transgression.”70

The belongings of these spirits can be human beings- Osu (religious slave), animals

such as cows, goats, sheep, etc. The python is a property of the Idemili spirit and the

people of Idemili area do not kill it. We should note that this custom does not apply

in all parts of Igboland. When people offer sacrifice to such spirits, they are

explicitly or implicitly saying, go away from us, we do not want your troubles, we

are sorry for our offences against you, be appeased through this sacrifice. The

69 Ibid. 70 Arinze, Francis: Sacrifice in Ibo Religion, Ibandan: Uni. Press 1970, p. 14.

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relationship is based on fear. The nickname of these wicked spirits is Ogbu onye

ubochi ndu na ato ya uto´ (One that kills you the day your life is sweetest to you).

There are spirits that are not regarded as wicked spirits, but that does not mean that

offences against them are not punished. An example is Ani spirit (Earth spirit). She is

the great mother spirit. Arinze describes her as “the queen of the underworld, the

owner of men, and the custodian of morality in conjunction with the ancestors.”71

The ancestors are considered in Igboland as the living dead. They were dead but they

are living as far as an Igbo man is concerned. They are living in the spirit world and

at the same time participating in the Igbo physical world. Some of the offences

against the Ani spirit are: adultery, stealing of yams, giving birth to twins72, the Igbo

called twins nso Ani (abomination). Laws and customs are in the custody of Ani.

Therefore, the Ani priests are very important in Igboland: “Each village or group of

villages has a communal Ani shrine.”73

1.4.2 The Dead among the Living (The Human Spirits)

The ancestors are described by the Igbo as living dead. They are regarded as dead

and at the same time living. This means that the spirits of these Igbo dead fathers are

very much alive in the day-to-day life of an Igbo man. They are human spirits, but

are worshipped. The primary aim of an Igbo man is to live a life in line with the Igbo

culture so that when he dies he will join the ancestors. The Igbo reward for a good

life is a continuous living after death in communion with the living. Those that live a

life contrary to the traditional code or norms will end up as wandering-restless

spirits. They do not belong to the human spirit.

The Igbo do not believe they can be cut off from relationship with their good kiths

and kins, only as a result of death, they return to their families from time to time and

share meals with them. An Igbo person shares his meal symbolically by throwing a

71 Ibid., p. 15. 72 It is important to note that giving birth to twins or giving birth to more than one child at a time was considered to be a great evil by the Igbo people. It is seen to be below the dignity of a human being. It is reducing human life to a life of lower animal. The killing of twins is considered to be doing a holy duty to the land. Some Igbo see a woman that has given birth to twins as an evil woman and many of them died after the birth of their twins, because of lack of care. The ancient Igbo have no professional midwives, the women around were always responsible as far as helping the pregnant women to bring her child to the world is concerned. My grandmother told me that these women normally run away once they noticed that the second child is about to come out and often the woman in question have to bring this second child to the world without any help. Many of them died in the process, it is possible that many of them were not able to withstand such a shock. Thanks to the coming of Christianity, twins are seen to be a double blessing by God in Igboland today. 73 Arinze, Francis: Sacrifice in Ibo Religion, Op. Cit., p. 15.

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little part of whatever he eats or drinks to the ground for his ancestors: “The

ancestors know and have interest in what is going on in the family. They inquire

about family affairs, and may even warn of impending danger or rebuke those who

have failed to follow their special instructions. They are guardians of family affairs,

traditions, ethics and activities. Since they are believed to be still ´people´, the living

dead are, therefore, the best intermediaries between men and God, they know the

needs of men, and at the same time they have full access to the channels

communication with God.”74

Stan Ani’s (a theologian and popular Nigerian educationist) contribution to this topic

is worthy of note. He narrates how various festivals are held in commemoration of

the ancestors: “Continuous music is heard far into the night to welcome the

ancestors. On other occasions also, these ancestors leave their dwelling place, the

groves, and come out in the form of masquerades in the compounds, villages and the

towns. They perform ritualistic blessings, bestow gifts and other tidings. In addition,

they exorcise the evil spirits from all nook and corners, [sic] cleansing and purifying

the compounds, villages and the towns.”75

The apparent negligence on the side of the people as a result of Christianity or

modernity, to pay attention to the spirit of the ancestors is viewed by some of the

adherents to the culture with consternation. This, according to them, has its

consequences. Francis Arinze puts it thus:”The important thing is that they can

protect their children on earth. The pagans blame the Christians or at least feel that

failure to worship, feed, and sacrifice to the ancestors is unwarranted forgetfulness

and wanton lack of filial piety and love. Those who forget their dead fathers have no

right to expect their protection when the tables are turned against them.”76

1.5 Igbo Traditional Burial

The general treatment of the Igbo traditional burial will help one to see the evil of

discriminating against women in the area of burial in Igboland. Religion and life for

an Igbo person are two sides of one coin. One of the ways they express their

religiosity is through the burial of a deceased member. The ultimate ambition of a

pre-colonial Igbo person is to receive a worthy funeral when he or she dies. The

74 Mbiti, John: African Religions and Philosophy, London: Heinemann 1975, p. 262. 75 Anih, Stan: Religious Ecumenism and Education for Tolerance in Nigeria, Enugu: Snaap Press 1992, p.77. The correct expression is every nook and crannies and not all nook and corners. 76 Arinze, Francis: Sacrifice in Ibo Religion, Op. Cit., p. 18.

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reason for this is that funeral is a sine qua non for the joining of the ancestors. To

join the ancestor is to go to heaven in the understanding of an Igbo person and no one

will do this without receiving a befitting burial after his death.

Basden, a researcher in Igbo culture, agreeing with this idea writes: “The Igbo will

endure everything in order to ensure that their burial will be properly performed. His

whole future welfare depends upon this and hence it takes at all times almost

prominent place in man’s calculations.”77 Marriage without a child in Igboland is

disdainful. The first aim of getting children is to assure the continuation of linage and

also to assure that when somebody dies, he or she will be properly buried. And a son

who refuses his parents a worthy funeral is not a true born of Igboland. Chinua

Achebe “a popular Igbo novelist” puts it this way: “If there were any shame left in

the world, how could that beast of the bush who could not give his father a decent

burial78 stand up before you and pass shit through his mouth.”79

It was a common practice among the pre-colonial Igbo to repeat burial ceremonies.

The Dibia (native doctor) was normally consulted after the burial to know if the dead

man has arrived in the land of ancestor and if not, why? If the ´Why´ has something

to do with funeral, the funeral will then be repeated. Some keep on postponing the

funeral of their dead for years because of lack of sufficient fund.80

The Igbo believe that some of the dead ones disturb the living in order to receive

their funeral.81 There was the story of a dead man who kept appearing to different

relations in dream, telling them that the ancestors have not opened their doors to him,

simply because of one thing or the other that was not done properly during his

burial.82 One may see this as bordering on superstition and lack of faith.83 The

researcher´s interest, however, is to demonstrate how serious the Igbo take burial and

77 Basden, GT: Among the Igbos of Southern Nigeria, London: Frank Cass 1968, p. 117. 78 The question is not the giving of burial. The man he describes as beast of the bush might have buried his father, but the question is that it was not an expensive burial, which the Igbo equate with not being decent. 79 Achebe, Chinua: Arrow of God, London: Heinemann 1967, p. 84. The bracket is mine. 80 The father of my in-law died when my in-law was a boy. The burial was postponed until he grew up and was to accord his dead father worthy funeral. The time lag between the dead father and this funeral was twenty years. 81 My father told me of one of our relations who performed the funeral of his grand father, because the dead man kept appearing to him in a dream. The grandfather died when he was about four years. It was this dead man that told him that he is his grandfather. 82 If there is something that should have been done but was not done during the funeral and the ancestors have not opened the door for the dead man. The living must correct this mistake before the dead man will be allowed to join the ancestors. 83 Cf. Nwora-Chinyelu, Philip: Christian Burial in Igbo land in the light of Ecclesiastical Legislation, Onitsha: Veritas 1993, p. vi.

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funeral and that will help one to evaluate the burial and funeral of a man and that of a

woman.

At the payment of the bride price of a woman, she will leave her father’s compound

to her husband’s compound where she is said to belong until she dies. She changes

her surname to her husband’s surname. If her husband dies, he is buried in the

compound and if she dies, she is taken back to her father’s compound to be buried.

She belongs to the husband’s compound so long as she is alive and to her father’s

compound at a point she is no more useful to the husband and his kindred. The burial

and funeral of a woman costs far less, when one compares it with that of a man. The

mysterious stories of the dead ones appearing in a dream to complain about a poor

funeral which may lead to a repetition of the funeral seems to be applicable only to

men.

The Igbo ancestors are patriachical and refer to men. Women are not ancestors, an

issue that has serious ethical implication. The ancestors are the Igbo saints and if

women are not permitted to be ancestors, the implication is that women are not and

cannot be holy in Igbo traditional understanding. What may be the theological reason

for this cultural discrimination of women will be pointed out during the later

discussion of the Igbo women and menstruation which the Igbo people describe as

woman in her nso84.

1.6 Igbo Traditional Morality

The universal moral principle that good ought to be done and evil avoided is the

basic moral principle of the Igbo. However, two aspects characterize Igbo traditional

morality: its religious fundamentalism and the social dimension. First, the Igbo

traditional morality is linked in one way or the other with religion since the whole of

traditional Igbo life is permeated by religion and gods. Secondly, the Igbo believe in

a social dimension of nso (abomination). The action of one man can affect the entire

society. The Igbo support this point in their proverb: Onye fulu agadinwanyi ka ona

ata akpana ya napuya maka na obute onya okesa (Anyone who sees an old woman

84 Nso is an ambivalent word in Igbo language. The Igbo mass book translates nso with the English word for holiness. The Igbo call a holy person onye di nso. Nwanyi di nso means a holy woman. A menstruating woman is not called Nwanyi di nso which will mean a holy woman but Nwanyi no na nso, which means an unholy woman or unclean. Just as nso ani means a thing that is not holy or acceptable. Spilling of blood is unholy act and the women in menstruation must naturally be guilty of this inhuman law. The ethical assertion of the deliberateness as an important constitution of the culpability and in-culpability of an action is called to question in this connection.

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eating excrement of a fowl should not allow her to do so for when she is infected

with a disease she will infect others).

Joseph Awolalu, a researcher in African religion has a similar opinion when he

writes: “The Igbo always have at the back of their minds that if the terms of the

norms are not kept, there may be a disaster, and they would be held accountable.

Therefore, they make effort to see that moral conduct is maintained so that

orderliness and peace could reign in their society.”85

Offences which are called ida iwu (breaking of law) or nso (abomination) in

Igboland may be divided into two major classes: offences against human law and

offences against supernatural powers. An example of such supernatural powers is Ani

(Earth). The offender in this context is said to have polluted the land.

1.6.1 Offences against ´Ani Cult´

To offend Ani in Igboland is to commit an nso (abomination). This type of offence is

taken to be unnatural and the entire community is offended. One is afraid that the

earth goddess will punish the whole community. She can do this by refusing them

rainfall or sending them deadly diseases. In this case, the offender is not only

punished, but also the community will ensure that appropriate propitiatory rite was

performed to cleanse the polluted earth. There were cases where the punishment of

offenders required no further propitiatory rite, like in cases of incest as narrated by

Margaret Green where the offenders, that is those guilty of the incest in the past,

were buried alive. And since they were buried in the earth, it was taken to be that Ani

took them to purify herself.86

It was not only when a brother had sexual intercourse with his sister that incest was

said to be committed, but a sexual intercourse between a man and a woman born in

the same village87 was also seen as incest. Margaret Green goes on to point out other

offences against Ani such as “a man and a woman having sexual intercourse after the

birth of a child and before the woman has menstruated again. If the women were to

85 Awolalu, Joseph / Dopamu, Adelumo: West African Traditional Religion, Onibonoje press, Ibandan: Onibonoje press 1979, p. 213. 86 Cf. Green, Margaret: Igbo Village Affairs, Op. Cit., p. 100. 87 One needs to remark here that this rule of not having sexual intercourse with a member of the same village does not apply to all Igbo villages. It applies to the villages that believe that they are descendants of one ancestor. These villages in question do not intermarry. It is also possible for a village to believe that it has a close blood relationship with another village and because of this close blood relation, the two villages are not permitted to marry and if a person in one of this village has sexual relation with another person in the other village, it is taken to be a taboo or abomination.

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conceive and bear a child, she and her husband would be sent into the bush alone and

to an ant-hill where she would deliver the child. Afterwards the child would, in the

olden days, be thrown away and the parents would be buried alive.”88

Stealing of such items like yam, or any thing that belongs to a shrine are offences

against Ani. Suicide or murder of a clansman is also offences against Ani. Even an

unintended killing of a clansman is an offence against Ani. In Achebe`s novel –

Things Fall Apart, Okonkwo has to flee from the clan for an accidental killing of a

clansman. It was a crime against the earth goddess to kill a clansman.89 The

community had no other option for this noble son of the community. He must go into

exile or the entire community will suffer for not living according to the moral

standard of the land. There are other offences against Ani such as unmasking

masquerades90 in the presence of a woman, giving birth to twins, a woman dying

during child birth, swelling stomach, etc. These offences were against the moral code

of the Igbo. The Igbo do take their moral code very seriously.

1.6.2 Human offences

Those offences that are not against supernatural powers are regarded as human

offences. The Igbo call them ida iwu (breaking of law). Even though it is not aru

(abomination) or nsoani (taboo) as in cases of offences against the supernatural, it is,

nevertheless, taken seriously. Human offences are rooted in the Igbo sense of justice.

The sense of justice of an Igbo person comes close to the Old Testament idea of

justice- an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth (Deut 28, 15). The Igbo person will say:

Egbe belu ugo belu, nke si ibe ya ebena nku kapu ya (let the kite perch and the eagle

perch, whichever says the other will not perch let its wings break off). Francis Arinze

sees justice as the main pillar of Igbo morality. The classical sinner for him is a thief:

“It is justice that rules the relations between man and man. If anyone regards his

neighbour as evil, the neighbour will ask him Ezulu m ife gi? (Did I steal your

property?).”91

The Igbo believe that he who is given more, justice demands that more is expected

from him; therefore, an ordinary minor offence is taken more seriously when

88 Green, Margaret: Igbo Village Affairs, Op. Cit., p. 101. 89 Cf. Achebe, Chinua: Things Fall Apart, Op. Cit., p. 87. 90 The Igbo believe that masquerades are dead people. Only the initiated boys and men know that it is a living human being that covered himself to become a masquerade. To unmask the masquerades before a woman is a criminal offence in Igbgoland. 91 Arinze, Francis: Sacrifice in Ibo Religion, Op. Cit., p. 29.

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committed by highly respected personality like an ozo (title holder), a priest or a

dibia (traditional medicine man) in the community. An Ozo should tell the truth, be

just and fair in judgement and in settling disputes within the community. As a father

to all, says Hahn-Waanders, a researcher in Igbo culture “he should mediate and

pacify. He should be law abiding and respect the tradition and custom of his

people.”92 She enumerated some taboos which violation will be punished by loss of

ozo membership. Such forbidden things are “extra-marital relation, perjury, theft,

consumption of dog’s flesh, mutton and reptiles, consumption of cassava-related

foodstuffs, consumption of food prepared by menstruating women, climbing of trees

and crossing of water, planning anything that is detrimental to the community, doing

anything that damages the reputation of the Ozo Society.”93 What Hahn-Waanders

says is not always the case in some parts of Igboland.

Even to eat food prepared by menstruating women is taken to be abomination. This is

not just a question of hygiene but the belief in the impurity of a woman undergoing

menstruation. She is an impure woman, she is an unclean woman. What she touches

becomes contaminated and an Ozoman must not eat food she prepares.

Some of what Hahn-Waanders enumerated above are not offences at all for ordinary

Igbo person. For example: consumption of cassava-related foodstuffs, climbing of

trees, and crossing of water. Others may be an offence for an ordinary man and not a

taboo, as it is in the case of Ozo.

The Igbo hold that good personal conduct is rewarded, while bad conduct is

punished. The implication of this, according to Therese Agbasiere, is that: “Fate is

not immutable, it can change, and it can be modified by the individual through his or

her free choice of behaviour. A person can decide to do good or bad by exercising his

or her free will.”94

To end this section, one needs to point out that there is hardly any moral offence that

goes unpunished in Igboland. If the offender is known, he or she is punished

immediately; if he or she is suspected, an oath is taken. If not known at all, a dibia

uses his magical power to fish him or her out. If the offence is only known by the

offender, time will come when circumstance will force him to confess it, according

to the Igbo belief.

92 Hahn-Waanders, Hanny: Eze Institution in Igboland, Enugu: Visio Ad. 1990, p. 36. 93 Ibid., pp. 36-37. 94 Agbasiere, Therese: Women in Igbo Life and Thought, Op. Cit., p. 62.

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1.7 Summary

Chapter one was started with the presentation of the basic knowledge of the Igbo

people, which will help one to understand the discrimination of women in Igboland.

The Igbo are the most resourceful, versatile and the most progressive ethnic group in

Nigeria. The word “Igbo” refers not only to a group of people but also for their

language. The origin of this ethnic group of people is open to questions.

The ancient Igbo houses were small and simple. Each village is autonomous and

normally small. Village administration involves direct participation of all male

adults. The women are discriminated against in Igbo democracy. The Igbo are

occupational farmers; agriculture is the backbone of the ancient Igbo economy. Land,

which a woman is not permitted to own, is very important to an Igbo person. Women

are not permitted to plant yam but they can plant cocoyam, cassava and other female

crops in the land belonging to their husbands or fathers or even in the land inherited

by their sons or brothers.

The Igbo are religious people. God is the ´Almighty Being´ so great that a mere

human being will not be able to approach him directly. Women are discriminated in

Igbo traditional religion. In the Igbo traditional morality, some of the offences are

against human laws. Some of them are against supernatural powers. The Igbo

traditional morality has more prohibitions for women than it has for men. Gender

inequality is rooted in Igbo traditional morality.

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Chapter 2:

Females in Igbo Culture

2.1 Position of Females in the Hierarchical Structure of Igboland

The place of women in the hierarchical structure of Igboland is very important. The

hierarchical nature of Igbo community is complicated. Some people will not agree

that the Igbo are organized hierarchically. Cyril Onwumechili, a professor at the

University of Ife-Nigeria, explained that the concept of Igbo enwe eze should be

understood as referring to the characteristic traits of Igbo people.95 These traits,

according to him, have something to do with the nature of the Igbo traditional

government. The Igbo traditional government has the communal structure of Igbo

politics, in which the individual freedom of opinion on community matter is

guaranteed.96 When Igbo people talk of freedom of opinion on community matters

and rights of participation of all members of the community in the social, economic,

political and most importantly, religious affairs of Igboland, one takes for granted

that all members are male members of Igbo community. The Igbo do not need to

mention all male members of the Igbo community, because they consciously or

unconsciously believe that as far as the Igbo community is concerned, the members

are males. And when an ecumenical theologian like Stan Anih97 writes that in

Igboland the little toddler in the kindergarten is not neglected but respected and

treated as a man just as the little girl in the elementary school is not neglected but

respected as a human being per se, one suspects he is writing more about his wishes

and as an ecumenical theologian than about the reality in Igboland. The gap between

genders in Igboland is scandalous. One may, however, agree with Stan Anih that the

toddler is worthy of respect and honour while her mother merits the same respect and

honour. 98

An Igbo person does not see gender as inhibitory of his or her capability. An Igbo

person believes that he or she is capable of doing what others can do on the

understanding that there is no physical impairment or challenges of deformity.

95 Cf. Onwumechili, Cyril: Igbo Enwe Eze, Owerri: Ahajioku Publication 2002 p. 1. Quoted by Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 15. 96 Cf. Ibid. 97 Cf. Anih, Stan: Authentic Education for the third Millennium in Nigeria, Enugu: Snaap 1997, pp. 70-71. Quoted by Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland, Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 15. 98 Cf. Ibid.

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Nevertheless, the Igbo cherish an established order in their community. The status

placement is a reality among the Igbo. The position of females will be based on this

status placement.

2.1.1 Exclusion of Women in Leadership and Status Placement

The Igbo pattern of leadership in its entirety excludes women. The system of

leadership both in its secular nature and religious aspects exclude them: “The

traditional ruler of a given Igbo community is called Igwe or eze, or obi. He is the

head of the community and presides over the council assembly.”99 The Igwe or eze

or obi can be translated with the same English word ´king´. Ezenwanyi is foreign to

Igboland. Ezenwanyi means a woman king, if one translates the word literally. It

means queen in actual usage of the word. The Igbo has no original concept of queen.

The word Ezenwanyi was created to translate the English word for queen. For

instance, the early missionaries’ reference to Mary the mother of God as queen

makes one to think that ezenwanyi means Mary, the mother of God. In the early Igbo

liturgical book, ezenwanyi simply means Mary the mother of God. But now the need

to add “enuigwe” to differentiate our lady from other earthly queens became

necessary. “Ezenwanyi nke enuigwe” means the queen of heaven. One thinks that

one of the reasons for Igbo hatred of British administration is its claims to receive

order from the queen of England. The Igbo will not understand or accept an order

from such woman king as their Hausa counterparts in other parts of Nigeria.

Hanny Hahn-Waanders writes: “The eze is the head of the society. He presides over

the council assembly and at social and ritual event.”100 Hahn-Waanders points out

that not all political power is left to him. The council of elders which are made up of

men who are already advanced in age advise the king on the socio-political issues.

They have also controlling functions. The idea of check and balance is original in

Igbo democratic government. In modern democracy, the National Assembly can

remove the President by two third majorities as stipulated in the constitution of

Nigeria.101 The same is obtainable in Igbo traditional democracy. The male elders

can vote a king out of office in some areas in Igboland. This is normally done after

sufficient warnings.

99 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland, Nigeria, Op Cit., p. 15. 100 Hah-Waanders, Hanny: Eze Institution in Igboland, Op. Cit., p. 40 quoted by Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 15. 101 Cf. Nigeria Constitution: The National Assembly, Lagos: Government Press 1999, Section 143 (2).

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The traditional ruler makes use of age-groups which are exclusively made up of male

members and also masquerade association which women are not permitted to be

members of, to establish order and punish offenders. They are the police and military

forces of Igbo traditional government. One needs to point out that the king combines

both executive, legislative and judiciary power, even though he finds it difficult to

abuse these powers, because of checks and balances from the elders. One may agree

with Hahn-Waanders that the king “settles disputes, clarifies legal questions,

regulates land jurisdiction, and sees to it that everybody can live in harmony within

his community. He, in addition, secures the outside peace, regulates border disputes,

and mediates between his community and other communities.”102 One will not

dispute the fact that the king is the first among the leaders in Igboland. He is,

however, not the only leader because of the fact that the government of Igboland is

not meant for one person.103

“The government is the concern of the elders and titled men who have reached the

highest level of social status and prestige. They can execute various important

functions on behalf of the community, be it the management of economic resources

or judicial, legislative, political and religious functions.”104 Sabine Jell-Bahlsen, a

researcher in Igbo culture, writes: “Elders and titled men do not make decisions on

behalf of their individual groups in an autocratic manner, opinion of the people are

taken into consideration on vital issues. Igbo politics are flexible, open and

adaptable.”105 On certain purely social issues, women may be consulted before the

decision is taken. This does not mean that the elders are bound to act according to

their opinion. Igbo leadership is not a monopoly of the king and the elders, the priests

play their own roles.

102 Hahn-Waanders, Hanny: Eze Institution in Igboland, Op. Cit., p. 40. 103 Cf. Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 15. 104 Ibid. 105 Jell-Bahlsen, Sabine: Social Integration in the Absence of the state. A case study of the Igbo speaking people of South Eastern Nigeria, London: University Publication 1980, p. 177. Quoted by Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 15.

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2.1.2 Women and Priests in Igbo leadership

A priest is one who offers sacrificial ritual on behalf of community. A priest has

prestige and respect in the traditional Igbo community. This function of performing

ritual sacrifice is a privilege of male members of Igboland. Women can only

participate within a certain limit allowed them by the culture.

The Igbo word for priest is Ukochukwu106 (a bridge between gods and the people).

He is at the centre between human beings and the gods. He is the mouthpiece of the

gods and the eyes of the people, a servant of the people and the servant of the gods.

The ancient Igbo word for a priest is Ezemuo or Eze-na-ago-ani, who is not supposed

to be a women but a man. Not just any man but a man naturally positioned for the

post. He is under normal circumstances the oldest male of the kindred. This natural

position confers on him a lot of prestige.107 Even though the King ought to be the

most powerful person in the community, many believe that a priest is more powerful

than a king, because he is the visible god. He is also the spiritual leader108. Luke

Mbefo, a researcher in Igbo culture writes about him: “Nobody questioned the

pronouncement of the priest in-charge.”109 In this context, there is no exemption. The

eze (king) is not excluded. The pronouncement of a priest is a pronouncement of the

gods. If a king is not able to question the pronouncements of the gods, he will not be

able to question pronouncements of a priest.

Each kindred or group of people has its own priest. A priest is taken from the people.

The idea that the priest is the oldest person in a given group of people is only right

with some interpretation. 1: a woman is not a person in Igboland, because there are

so many groups of people in Igboland where women are the oldest among these

groups, but none of them is a priest. 2: women are not members of a given Igbo

group. 3: the Igbo have another particular system of determining who is the oldest in

age. It is important to note that “priesthood and social status attached to it is related

106 The word Ukochukwu is a compound word. It is made up of two Igbo words: Uko and Chukwu. Uko means a middle man, a go between, a neutral person, an agent. Uko refers normally to a person that acts as a middle man between the family of a man who is about to marry and a woman who is about to be married. Chukwu means god. Ukochukwu means a middle person for god. Somebody, who is not a god, nor a human, unlike Jesus of Christian religion who is truly God and truly man, the Igbo priest is partly God and partly human. At a point he seems to be fully human in his normal social interaction with his kindred. At a point he communicates to god, he appears to be divine. The Igbo understand the word Ukochkwu to mean a middle person between god and man. 107 Cf. Anigbo, Osmond: The Igbo Elite and Western Europe, Ibadan: Africana-fep 1992, p. 33. 108 To say that a priest is a spiritual leader in Igboland is not a contradiction of the fact that the king is both the spiritual and secular leader of Igboland. The spirit world and the physical world in Igbo world view cannot be separated from one another. The king shares in this spiritual leadership with a priest, just as he shares his socio-political leadership with the elders of Igboland. 109 Mbefo, Luke: The True African, Onitsha: Spiritan Publication 2001, p. 23.

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to that of age and title status.”110 We should note in a special way that an Igbo priest

is one from among his people. His lineage is not in question. His gender is

indisputable. It is unthinkable to imagine a woman in such a position. A woman

cannot be an Ofor111 holder.

2.1.3 Women and Ofo holders in Igbo leadership

Ofo holders participate in the leadership of Igboland. They are indispensable parts of

Igbo administrators. They are made up only of male members of Igbo society. The

Ofor is a wood that symbolizes the authority of the holders. It is not achieved

through hard work or being intelligent or rich. It is a birth-right of the firstborn male

of Igbo families, kindred and villages. The firstborn female child does not possess

such rights and is not culturally permitted to be Ofor holder. The implication of this

is that women have no chance of participating in ritual and secular authority in

Igboland: “The distribution of Ofo among the various segments shows that ritual and

secular authority among the Igbo is not unified but evenly distributed.”112 There is a

clear difference between Ofor holders and Ozo title holders: “The Ofo holders are

placed high in the community, because of the naturally assigned position, while Ozo

title holders have only secular authority, since they achieved their position through

hard work, as successful men in the community. The community places them high to

encourage other members to work harder. The more titles one has, the more one

participates in the leadership (of a community).”113

The exclusion of women in the leadership of Igboland does not necessary mean, that

the Igbo operate an autocratic system of government. Igbo leadership is made up of

leaders whose duty is to lead. That women are not allowed to be leaders in Igboland

is not because of the Igbo general belief that women are inferior rather because it is

the majority opinion of male members of Igbo community that rule the Igbo people.

Arthur Nwankwo, a political analyst admits that unlike Hausa / Fulani and Yoruba

tribes in Nigeria, the Igbo of the South-East Nigeria, even though they have their

leaders, these leaders are not the almighty leaders. He attributes the failure of

colonial rule to this factor. The British government failed and they failed woefully

only in Igboland with their indirect rule. This system of government takes for granted

110 Jell-Bahlsen, Sabine: Social Integration in the absence of a state, Op. Cit. pp. 260-261. Quoted by Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 16. 111 Ofor is a wood that symbolizes the authority of the holders. 112 Uchendu, Victor: The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 91. 113 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland, Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 17. The bracket is mine.

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the existence of traditional leaders.114 But the Igbo have their leaders, so the failure

of indirect rule is because this system needed not a leader but a dictator. Such a

dictator can be likened to a puppet that is commanded from England.

Leadership in Igboland is structural and at the same time simple: “The Igbo have

their leaders, they are highly positioned in Igbo social structure, but they are not

gods, they are respected as co-human beings. Before one reaches this leadership

position, one must have the following basic requirements: a free-born of Igboland, a

married man, a ripe age.”115 It is necessary to emphasize that the first thing that

qualifies a person to aspire to leadership in Igboland is the sex – in this case the male

gender. A woman (her qualities notwithstanding) is not qualified.

2.1.4 Women and the Age Status

Age is sacred, respected and celebrated in Igboland. Age is an advantage in Igboland,

because it depicts wisdom. To buttress this, an Igbo proverb says: “Ife okenye no na

Ani fu, nwata rigoru enu ogaghi afu” (What an old man sees sitting down, a child

will not be able to see on top of a tree). All male persons are culturally older than

female persons in Igboland. A male child is older than his mother, because the Igbo

believe: Nwoke na ano na afo ato nne ya (A male child in his mother´s womb is

older than her). And if the Igbo maintain that age is wisdom, it means that a male

child is more knowledgeable than his mother. An Igbo community is organized

according to age groups: “The men and boys of the village are divided into age

groups, all those who have done the initiation rites at the same time become members

of the same age group.”116 The organisation of men and boys is emphasized because

girls and women in the thinking of the Igbo are not very important. Essential

communal work is done by the male age grade. A given age grade is responsible to

do such a function like carrying of corpses during funerals. Girls or women are not

permitted to carry corpses: “The most senior age group is taken to be the wisest

because age is wisdom for the Igbo; on difficult issues the members of this group are

consulted.”117

Two age positions are formally institutionalised in Igboland. In this

institutionalisation, both genders are fairly represented. The first institutionalisation

114 Cf. Nwankwo, Arthur: The Leadership and the Future of Nigeria, Enugu: Fourth Dimension 1985, p. 14. 115 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 18. 116 Ibid. 117 Ibid.

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is that of the first born male which the Igbo call Diokpara, the second

institutionalisation is the first born female which they called Ada. The first male

born has the privilege of inheriting his father’s house: “There is no question of will;

the tradition has taken care of such a problem. The other siblings accept and respect

the natural right and the position of the first.”118

It is not only the father’s house that is the privilege of the eldest son, certain portions

of meats from goats, fowl, sheep or cows belong to him also. For instance, the head

of an animal killed in a family belongs to the first born male in that family.119 Even

though women do not inherit property in Igboland and the first female born is not

allowed to inherit at least the mother’s house as the first male inherits the father’s

house; she is entitled to the livers of all animals killed in the family: “Ada has the

sole right to the liver of any animal killed in the family. Even if the first born female

is no more in her father’s house, she can demand this right from her husband’s

home.”120 This can be acknowledged positively as part of Igbo culture that allows the

first females in a family to have certain rights, though one sees the inequality in the

right of the first son and the first daughter. One feels with regret that the youngest

son and not the first daughter inherits the mother’s house.

The Igbo share things “through the principle of sharing according to order of age. By

this, one means a procedure that tends to preserve the ranking by birth order. For

example, the children in Igbo family make use of the same plate when they are

eating. If there are pieces of meat or fish in the plate, nobody would take it. It is

divided by the youngest according to the number of the children eating. The oldest

will take a share, followed by the next in age and finally the youngest will be the last

to take.”121 One can conclude that the women and non free born Igbo are victims of

the Igbo age hierarchy system.

118 Ibid., p. 19. 119 Cf. Ibid. 120 Ibid. 121 Ibid., pp. 19-20.

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2.1.5 Marriage and Social Position from the point of view of women

A popular Igbo adage states that a husband is an honour to a woman. In a society

where women have little social placement, the importance of participating in the

social placement of their fathers or husbands becomes necessary. An unmarried

woman participates in the social placement of her father. Married women participate

in the social placement of their husbands. But the aim of an Igbo man or woman is to

get married and get children for the perpetuation of Igboland. For an average Igbo

person, a child is born and he or she grows and gets another child: “An unmarried

person has not yet reached his or her essence of being. In some Igbo communities

like Nenwe in Agwu local government area of Enugu State, an unmarried adult is not

buried when he or she dies. According to their belief, it is a bad death and such a

person does not reincarnate. He or she has not acquired a natural status which every

person ought to acquire before joining the ancestors. Therefore, he or she should not

be allowed to join these ancestors. The best way to do this is to deny him or her

traditional burial without which one cannot be received into the community of

ancestors.”122

An unmarried man or woman will not raise his or her voice during a group

discussion to avoid being insulted. An adult who is not married is a fool in the eyes

of the Igbo. A married woman wastes no time in telling the sisters of her husband

that she is in her husband’s house. The implication is that they also ought to leave

their father’s compound to their husband’s compound: “Igbo is a society which has

no concept of celibacy but tolerates celibates as victims of economic forces.”123 The

above statement refers to male members of Igbo community. Unmarried females are

taken to be victim of bad Chi (personal god). Some Igbo women are ready to be the

twentieth wife of a man instead of remaining single.

It is important to note the following first: “Among the married male, social ranking is

determined by the number of wives a man has. The number of wives indicates the

wealth of a man because to marry a wife is very expensive in Igboland. A man with

ten wives, for example, is placed higher than a man with nine. Chief Onyeama of

Eke in Udi local government area of Enugu State officially married twenty-four

wives.”124

122 Ibid., p. 20. 123 Uchendu, Victor: The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 86. 124 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 21.

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It is worthy also to point out that a man with many wives is respected in Igboland; a

woman who is married to a man with many wives participates in this respect.125

Victor Uchendu writes: “Igbo women support and often even finance polygamy

because it enhances their social status and lightens their domestic chores, thus giving

them the much-needed leisure to do private trading. With co-wives, the first wife

assumes the coveted status of nnekwu (the big mother). Other co-wives are ranked in

seniority according to their order to common husband.”126

The Igbo regard marriage so highly that a child is permitted to marry.127 The reason

for the child marriage is for the purpose of getting children. A child cannot be a

biological father of a child. The word child is used in the context of this discussion to

mean an infant in order to avoid the argument of the possibility of twelve years old

child being a biological father of a child. A child in question cannot also pay a bride

price of a woman, the father or mother or a relation does it for him. The need for a

child marriage occurs “when the child is the only male in the family. Even though he

is only the sociological father of the offspring from the marriage, yet he is respected

as a father. He is the sociological father and not biological father, because he is not

old enough to be a biological father. The culture permits his wife sexual relationship

with a man in the community. The Igbo culture also permits and respects a woman

that marries a fellow woman or women. She is call nwanyidi (a woman-husband).

This ´woman-husband´ is higher than other women, even the older women, in Igbo

social positioning.”128

The worth of some marriages is higher than others in Igboland. A marriage that is

blessed with children is higher than one without children. A woman without a child

is like salt without taste in Igboland. The Igbo call her Nwanyiaga (a barren woman):

“She is not pitied because such a bad luck is seen as a punishment for a sin

committed. She normally goes back to her father’s compound at the death of her

husband because she has no right to any property. A wife with only female children

has a similar problem with inheritance and lower social status, since only male

children have right to inherit their father’s properties. The right of the woman to stay

125 Ibid. 126 Uchendu, Victor: The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 86. Quoted by Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit. p. 21. 127 Cf. Okonkwor, Belonwu: The role of matrimonial consent in Igbo traditional marriage. In the light of the canonical legislations, Rome: University Publication 1985, p. 43. Quoted by Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 21. 128 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 21.

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in the compound of her husband after his death is guaranteed by her male child who

has the right to inherit the father’s property.”129

A woman as far as the social position is in question participates in the social status of

their fathers or husbands but if she bears only female children, the privilege of

participating in her husband’s social status will be difficult. If she is unable to bear a

child, the privilege of participating in her husband’s social status will be impossible.

The social status of women is problematic in Igboland.

2.1.6 Various Statuses of Women in Igbo Traditional Culture.

The status of women will be now discussed because what the researcher has been

saying so far also implies explicitly and implicitly the position of women in

Igboland. So far one sees that the equality between men and women is a difficult

concept in Igboland. An Igbo man cannot agree on this equality. One doubts if an

Igbo woman will accept this concept of equality. Igbo women seem to be

comfortable with their subordination. They are born into it and the possibility of

seeing it as a natural order is there. The ancient Igbo women never reacted against

their male counterpart: “Males are placed before females. Kola nut (a symbol of

unity and hospitality) cannot be broken even by the oldest woman in the community,

when a male child is around. Women cannot pluck the kola nut even if the kola nut

tree is only four feet in height. Women are forbidden to climb trees. Women should

not plant yam, etc. There is an Igbo saying that ´nwoke na ano an afo ato nne ya´ (a

male in a womb is older than his mother).”130

One will not be wrong to say that Igbo community is a male-dominated community.

Women are not included when the Igbo, for instance, talk of seniority by age. And

when, for example, the Igbo mean that the oldest person in the community should

break kola nut, they do not need to elaborate that a male child is older than his

mother in this context. Men and women in Igbo community are already aware of it.

Women are not permitted to be leaders, women are not permitted to be Ofor holders,

and women are not taken into consideration in the counting of age. How do we then

understand that women are members of Igbo community?

129 Ibid., p. 22. 130 Ibid.

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2.1.6.1 Nwa-afo Status

The concept of Nwa-afo refers to the freeborn Igbo, the real Igbo. The alternative

word for Nwa-afo is Diala. Nwa-afo needs not be mistaken with Nwa-ani which

means son of the soil. The Igbo do not have the concept of daughter of the soil. The

son of the soil is an indigenous person of a particular geographical location in

Igboland. The other people who are from other parts of Igboland are not sons of the

soil, but they can be Nwa-afo Igbo (free-born of Igboland). Nwa-afo refers only to

the male. Nobody in Igboland thinks of female when one Nwa-afo is mentioned.

However, females are not explicitly excluded but implicitly included, because the

Igbo do not group them among those that are not Nwa-afo i.e. not freeborn. The most

important sign of knowing the freeborn is “symbolised by the burial of his navel

cord, preferably at the foot of an oil palm tree.”131 The ceremonial burial of the

navel cord is only permissible with the male, and this indicates that even though

women are not included in the Igbo not-free-born, their free-born status is only by

participation. Some Igbo still remember their mother showing them palm trees where

their umbilical cords were buried. It is a proof of their citizenship, in a primitive

society where passports and birth registrations were not available.

As pointed out earlier “the Igbo concept of Nwa-afo refers more to the male

members of the Igbo community. They are the real Nwa-afo, and the female

members are participants in the Nwa-afoship of an Igbo man. A woman is totally

under a man and her umbilical cord is not ceremoniously buried.”132 If women are

taken to be freeborn, they are the last in the social hierarchy of the free Igbo, as they

are also the last in the social hierarchy of the not free Igbo. The following discussion

will make this point clearer.

131 Uchendu, Victor: The Igbo of South Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 59. 132 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 24.

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2.1.6.2 Ohuaku status

Ohuaku is a combination of two Igbo words: Ohu and Aku. Ohu means slave and Aku

means wealth. Ohuaku means somebody who decides to be a slave by borrowing the

wealth of other person. This person remains a slave until the payment of what was

borrowed. This person, in modern, language is the collateral for wealth borrowed. He

or she presents him or herself to the person he or she borrowed money from or other

valuable and becomes the slave of the loaner until he or she pays the debt. This debt

is normally paid by working in the farm of the loaner. The loaner in a normal

circumstance will prefer a man as collateral or two women in place of a man.

Women were taken to be inferior Ohuaku: “The Igbo practice of Ohuaku is

comparable with a loan one obtains from a bank. A demand for collateral is made by

a bank and if one has a valuable property like a house, he hands over the documents

to the bank. One takes the document back when one pays back the loan. The freeborn

hands over himself to the person he owes money and becomes Ohuaku. He forfeits

his personal freedom and is ready to serve the person he borrowed some amount of

money from. If the person decides that he will be working in his farm, he has no right

to disagree as far as he is still in debt.”133

The female Ohuaku can be sexually abused and Igbo laws are unable to protect them,

because they are slaves and the masters have right over their slaves. Their period of

enslavement last longer than that of a male; because of the cultural bias that women

worth little in Igboland. Female Ohuaku suffers similar injustice as the female Ohu

(slave).

2.1.6.3 Ohu status

Igbo traditional law permits the practice of slavery and the Igbo equivalent of slave is

Ohu. Women slaves are fewer in Igboland compared to male slave. One of the

reasons is the fact that many men are usually taken as slaves during inter-communal

and intertribal wars. One can sell or buy a slave in Igbo markets. Some slaves are

kidnapped. When an Igbo family decides to sell one of their sons or daughters into

slavery, they prefer to sell him or her to foreigners. A village will prefer selling their

slaves to another village. They normally buy slaves from other villages: “The ancient

Igbo sold their own children for one reason or another. Some sold their children

because of financial difficulties. Some sold them because of bad behaviour. Some

133 Ibid., p. 25.

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sold their unintelligent children to support those that were intelligent. This practice

was more frequent during the later period of colonialism when the Igbo began to

appreciate western education (in contrast to initial opposition). A story was told of a

man who sold three of his unintelligent children to support his son’s education in

London. Western education was quite expensive then.” 134

It was said that women who were ugly had the advantage of not being sold as slaves

because nobody would like to buy them. Women slaves regained their freedom faster

than their male counterparts because their masters took them sooner or later as one of

their wives. This should not be seen as an advantage to the women, because they are

not asked to be wives but they are taken as wives without their consents. One will not

deny, however, that those taken to be wives were better than those used only as sex

objects.

It is possible for a slave to become a free born in Igboland, but even then he or she is

still very restricted. “Especially on a purely cultural level […] a slave cannot offer

sacrifices to ani. He cannot break a kola nut in a public gathering. The reason why he

is not permitted to sacrifice to ani is that an Igbo person believes that the god of the

soil can only accept a sacrifice offered by a son of the soil. In this case, the Ohu who

has now become the freeborn of the village is not ´the son of the soil. His history is

traced outside the village. He also cannot break kola nuts on public occasions for a

similar reason.”135

Slaves are properties of their owners and male slaves are more valuable to the

owners than female slave. The male slaves can be used for the ritual which will not

be valid if female slaves are used. The male slaves are usually used to bury their

masters. The Igbo rank them higher than their female counterparts in the social

ladder. Women slaves come immediately before the male Osu.

134 Ibid., p. 26. 135 Ibid.

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2.1.6.4 Osu status

Generally speaking, the situation under which people became dedicated to gods in

Igboland is a terrible one. These people are called Osu136. A woman can be Osu and

a man can be Osu. The Osu are suffering because of their segregation in Igboland.

All Osu are discriminated against. An elaboration on Osu tradition is made in

chapters three and four of this research work, with special emphasis on the areas

women are affected. An Osu is dedicated to the service of deities. The male Osu are

cult-assistants, the female Osu render other services to deities or gods. The Osu

is:”onye ruru aru.” 137 – An impure person. An Osu is a living sacrifice. The

expression “living sacrifice” is very important, because the sacrifice of human beings

in Igboland means, under normal circumstances, the killing of that person. However

the human being sacrificed to the gods in the name of Osu are not dead but living

human beings. The function of the male Osu “is to assist the high priest of the

traditional religion to serve the god in his shrine. An Osu performs important

functions in Igbo traditional religion and yet he is socially segregated.”138

In the discussion of Igbo slaves, it was pointed out that male slaves are more in

number than the female slaves. The opposite is true in the case of Osu, the female

Osu are more than the male Osu. These women Osu are not allowed to be too close

at the sacrificial altar as their male counterpart. Many of the Osu women remain

unmarried. Many of the Osu women remain in the village. The female Osu are at the

very bottom of the Igbo social ladder.

136 I pointed out in my Master’s thesis: “Just as some animals, trees and images are sacred in Igboland, these Osu are also sacred. The gods own them as their property. The people regard them as taboo and will not associate with them. Even though the practice is rooted in traditional religion, Igbo Christians still observe customary law of segregating against these people and their descendants. In the hierarchical structure of Igboland, the Osu are the last in the class system.” pp. 27-28. 137 Ogbalu, Chidozie: Omenala Igbo, Lagos: University Press 1979, p. 83. 138 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 27.

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2.1.7 Igbo Descending Social Structure and the Women

The above graphic illustration depicts the hierarchical structure of the typical Igbo

status. There are three classes of citizens in Igbo traditional setting. The highest is the

Igwe and some of the leaders who are classified as first class citizens. The next stage

is the non-Osu members of the community of which all males are ranked higher than

all women. The women who are married to men and those who married other women

are classified in this category (these are regarded as the women husbands). The next

group are regarded as the third class citizens or classless citizens. Here one finds the

Ohuaku and the Osu. One finds out that Ohuaku status is higher than Osu in the

organigram and that the male Ohuaku are higher than female Ohuaku. The male Osu

are also higher than the female Osu.

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2.1.8 Inferior Status of Women in Igbo Social Structure

The females are less regarded in Igbo culture. They are seen as not real; they are

shadows of reality. They do not belong, they participate. If they exist, they exist as

parasites; they owe their existence to men in Igbo culture. Anthony Onyeocha, a

researcher in Igbo culture, says: “No matter how important or educated or rich a

woman may be, the fact remains that she is and remains ´Nwanyi - a woman, a

subordinate. This principle is deeply rooted in Igbo (culture).” 139 Igbo culture treats

women as inferior to men and Igbo women are forced to accept this inferior position:

“On the part of wives themselves, there exists a sense of inferiority. This is

conclusive from the title which some women give their husbands. Some appellations

portray a dignity higher than theirs. Such names as ´Oga m´ (my superior); Nnam-

ukwu (my Lord) or simply ´my master´ give the husband undue sense of

superiority.”140

It is not a question of women not being able to survive the struggles of life as their

male counterpart, but the fact is that “the Igbo world is male-dominated. Men count

more than women and lord it over them. In a meeting of men and women, men

decide cases. In the society, men present the kola nut; women are culturally

forbidden to do so.”141

One needs to point out here that in a gathering of women, when no male including a

male child is around, women may present and break kola without ritual ceremonies

or the invocation of the ancestors to eat kola nut, because a man cannot eat kola nut

broken by a woman and since women are not permitted to be ancestors, the Igbo

have no female ancestors.142

Most women nowadays call their husbands after the father of their first son or

daughter. Some still retain the old traditional title like my master and my lord. The

father of the researcher told him that his mother calls him Nnam-ukwu (my lord) only

139 Onyeocha, Anthony: Family Apostolate in Igboland, Roma 1983 (=University Dissertation Roma), p. 103. The bracket is mine. 140 Ibid., p. 5. 141 Ibid., p. 104. 142 Some modern Igbo authors claim that women are ancestors in Igboland. They are of the opinion that what qualifies one to be an ancestor are: good behaviour, married life, old age, good death – a person that dies of swollen stomach for example, will not be taken to have died a good death and will not be admitted into the community of ancestors. According to these authors, if a woman meets such expectations, what then prevents her from being an ancestor? This is actually the problem of this dissertation. The answer is: being a woman prevents her from being an ancestor. I will be doing judgemental demonstration of female discrimination in chapters five of this dissertation; there I will argue that women ought to be ancestress in Igboland. As far as the exposition of Igbo culture is concerned, it will be wrong to agree that women are ancestors. The Igbo have Ndinnaochie (ancestors) and not Ndinneochie (ancestress).

56

when she wants something from him. Some women today use Nnam-ukwu as a

mockery of their husbands. During his pastoral work at St. Joseph’s Catholic Church

Emene, Enugu (Nigeria) in 2002, a man and his wife came to the researcher to settle

a dispute between them. As the man was dictating what his wife must do, the wife

was saying yes, my lord. She means ironically she will do all these things, because

he is a lord and she her slave.

The wisdom of the Igbo people are contained in their proverbs and a critical

examination of some of these proverbs will portray the fact that the Igbo have a lot of

bias, prejudices and discrimination against women. One of the Igbo proverbs has it

that a woman is the evil of the land: “Nwanyi bu njo ala”143 Anthony Onyeocha144

translates nwanyi bu njo ala to mean that a woman is the abomination of a town. He

goes on to name other proverbs such as Nwanyi bu abo n´enwegh ekwe which means

a woman is a basket without a base. It means that a woman cannot stand on her own.

Somebody must hold her else she falls. She is like a child, a perpetual child as one

sees in the proverb which says: Nwanyi bu Nwata. Another proverb has it that Aja

nwanyi churu ruru aru and this means that any sacrifice a woman offers is not valid,

it is defiled; it is not per se a sacrifice. Still another proverb has it that Mmanya

nwanyi kuru, nwoke anukwan ya which means a man is not permitted to drink a wine

tapped by a woman. It is a taboo for a woman to tap palm wine. An Igbo proverb

says Onye nne ji ya na nwanyi, nne ji nani ya which means a man who has only

sisters is the only child of the mother. This very proverb denies the women the

position of being human beings and the Igbo accept it as a wise saying, as a

philosophy of life, together with the proverb which states that Nwanyi enweghi uche,

which means a woman is not intelligent, a woman is not rational. If one of the

attributes of human being is: ´a being with rationality´, the Igbo are saying in their

proverbs that the women are not human beings.

The grandfather of the researcher used to repeat the proverbs like: onye na agba

egwu nwanyi na eti na eji isi aba ohia which means a person who dances music

beaten by a woman will find his head in a bush. He normally advised a young man

about to marry with a proverb like: onye choro inu nwanyi ga ebu uzo kpa aturu

meaning a man who wants to marry should first of all shepherd a sheep. Just as the

tortoise is taken to be the wisest animal in Igboland, a sheep is taken to be the most

stupid animal in Igboland. A person who will not be able to cope with the stupidity 143 Onyeocha, Anthony: Family Apostolate in Igboland, Op. Cit., p. 104. 144 Ibid.

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of a sheep will find it difficult to be patient with a woman. He portrayed the

wickedness of women in such proverbs like: onye nwanyi gburu ada agba obala,

these words mean that a person killed by a woman does not bleed. His favourite

proverb is that onye nwanyi egbughi anaghi anwu ososo – a person not killed by a

woman will not die young. These negative pictures of women in Igbo culture cause

them to discriminate against women even at the very point of their birth.

2.2 Birth of a Female Child

If there are a group of people in the world who loves to have as many children as

possible, the Igbo people are one: “A family without children has little or no meaning

for the Igbos.”145 Discrimination of women in Igbo culture is inherent in the culture.

The discrimination is not just inherited, it is innate. A newly married couple receives

from the well-wishers a wish of a baby boy. A man prays for a baby boy and the wife

also prays for a baby boy. The immediate question asked when a woman delivers a

child is: “gini ka omulu?” which means what has she delivered? If the answer is a

baby boy everybody is happy and the child is warmly welcomed. If the answer is a

baby girl, the child is not warmly welcomed.

The best consolation to the family especially the husband is: “Ego gi” Which means

your money. The man will get back the dowry he paid for his wife when the baby

girl marries. The relations of the man are consoled with the word: “Iko nkwu unu”

which means your cup of wine. The baby girl will grow up and through the rigorous

marriage processes the relations will be entitled to many gallons of palm-wine which

the suitor must bring before he is allowed to take the young woman in marriage.

So, the birth of a woman in Igbo culture is a bit higher than the birth of a cow, which

has an economic advantage to the owner. One thinks of the money the father of the

baby girl will get; one thinks of the palm-wine the relation will drink. Apart from

these few advantages, the birth of a baby girl is not cheering news for the Igbo

people. But in the long run, many would want to marry women. Women are not

preferred to men but in the olden days many Igbo marry many women to show off

their affluence.

However, the birth of a baby girl at the first time is generally tolerated; the husband

still hopes that the wife will bear a male child at her second delivery. He increases

145 Arinze, Francis: Sacrifice in Ibo Religion, Op. Cit., p. 3.

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his offering146 to the ancestors and his gods. The birth of a baby girl at the second

time is unenthusiastically welcomed in the family and when this happens the third

time, many husbands will not like to take care of their wives anymore. Some of them

will marry a second wife within the same month to express their anger. Women are

responsible for the birth of baby girls in the understanding of an Igbo person; the

man laments the inability of his wife to give birth to a male child and the wife blames

her Chi (personal god) for giving her only female children. She is ready to offer

sacrifices to appease the gods for what seems to be apparent misfortune. Some

women even think their husbands are justified in treating them badly, because of

their inability to get a male child.

A male child is preferred to a female one. Anyanwu Starling in his research on Igbo

family life is of the opinion that “the birth of children helps to consolidate the

marriage, children are the centre of family life and they are the bond uniting husband

and wife. Children are, therefore, admired and the essence of founding a family in

order to continue the lineage is realised by having them.”147 He points out the

preference of a male child to a female child when he writes: “In their attitude towards

their children, parents lay emphasis on male child.”148 He gives the reason for this

type of behaviour thus: “Daughters marry out and belong to another lineage; their old

age support to their parents is limited.”149 One needs to point out that some Igbo

parents live with their daughters in their husbands’ houses when they get old. The

grandmother of the researcher did this. So the logic of the daughters marrying out

cannot be a justifiable reason for the discrimination against females. Most women

still help their parents from their husbands’ houses. Some of the helps they render are

known to their husbands while some are clandestine because of their husband´s

possible negative reactions.

In a family where a man marries many women, the wives who have male children

look down on the wives that have only female children. If they quarrel, they waste no

146 Offerings to seek the favour of gods are very common in Igboland. The Igbo hardly believe that an event can happen by mere cause of nature. The good luck and the bad luck depend on the good or bad relation with gods and the ancestors. The ancestors are closer to gods and when an Igbo is in good relation with the ancestors, he is confident that the ancestors will intercede for him and plead with the gods to be merciful. He offers to gods, he offers to ancestors. He offers all the time. He offers when things are okay to thank the gods and ancestors. He offers when things are not okay to appease the anger of gods and ancestors. When things are partly okay and partly not okay, he offers to make it totally okay. He offers when his wife gives birth to female child asking for a male child when she would deliver next time. 147 Anyanwu, Starling: The Igbo Family Life and Cultural Change, Op. Cit. p. 124. 148 Ibid. 149 Ibid.

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time to remind them that they have no place in their husbands’ house. The popular

expression is to tell them that they are standing with one leg: “In Igbo traditional

society, once a woman gets a male child, her strong position in her husband’s house

is assured. It goes without saying that even if she has given birth to many girls

without a male child, her position in such a family is not confirmed.”150 Some

imprudent husbands threaten their wives during pregnancy that if they give birth to

female children for them, they would be sent away. Cases of women stealing male

children151 in hospital are not uncommon in Igboland.

When a male child is born into a family after the birth of many female ones, the Igbo

may give him the name: “Chukwuemeka – God has done this indeed – it is a

thanksgiving name for the favour received.”152 If the Igbo maintain that the birth of

male children is the handiwork of God, they may mean that the birth of the female

children is the handiwork of the devil

It is difficulty to say why the Igbo think that women determine the sex of a child.

One notices that Igbo women feel guilty or self pity when they give birth to female

children. The Igbo find it hard to believe that sex determination is by pure chance. A

woman who had been severally abused by her husband came to the researcher one

day to complain that each time she confronts her husband with the issue of his extra

marital affair with a widow living in the same quarters with them, he will tell her that

she is the cause because she cannot give birth to a male child. The woman was

advised to let her husband know that she has been delivering what he had been

giving her. The woman did not muster the courage to tell her husband that, but the

message was put across during the address on 2001 Fathers´ Sunday at St. Joseph’s

150 Okonkwor, Belonwu: The Role of Matrimonial Consent in Igbo Traditional Marriage, Op. Cit., pp. 49-50. 151 Stealing of male children by desperate women is a fact in Igboland. One Igbo film called Afamuefuna which means: may my name never get lost is based on a true story with media exaggeration. It is a story of a young man by name Afamuefuna, the only son of an Igbo chief who married three wives. The first wife already had three daughters and about to give birth to the fourth child. The husband called her and threatened her that if she gave birth to another female child, she should consider herself and the child not belonging to the family. She prayed for the male child but was disappointed; she gave birth to a female child and exchanged the child with a male child belonging to another woman. Her husband welcomed her warmly and was happy he has somebody to take over from him. The child grew up and always has a sexual urge whenever he is with his supposed sisters. The sisters thought he is possessed by evil spirit. The abnormal behaviour continued to the extent that he attempted to have sexual relation with the supposed mother. The news spread that he could no longer be hidden. The native doctor was invited and the young man was asked many questions. He kept on saying that he feels that her supposed sisters are not his sisters and the supposed mother not his mother. The woman was forced to confess what actually happened and she told the true story. 152 Ehileme, Robert: Communal and Religious Value in Nigeria-Igbo Culture in Relation to an Ecclesiology of Communion, Roma 1997 (= University Dissertation Roma), p.70.

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Catholic Church Emene. The researcher purposely diverted from the normal

scientific position that determination of sex is by chance to say that men are the

cause of the sex determination. He explained that since men have XY chromosomes

and women have XX chromosomes, the determination of sex depends on X of the

man or the Y of the man, whichever meets one of the X of the woman to determine

the sex of the baby. But he arrived theologically to conclude that God determines the

sex of a baby. How far this conclusion was able to penetrate into the hearts of these

men in the gathering, taking cognizance of the fact that inherited traditional culture

has great influence in their lives, remains a conjecture.

2.3 Birth of three Consecutive Female Children

The birth of three consecutive female children is a serious case and reason for

mourning in Igboland. The man is disappointed and the woman is not only

disappointed but depressed. They show their dissatisfaction by not celebrating these

births as they would do for the males. The birth of three consecutive female children

is seen as a curse in Igboland: “By giving birth to female children, she is exposed to

caricature, and taunts by the members of the husband’s family as one who has come

to close their family with women […]. Some women who have female children or

practically nothing are badly maltreated.”153 The birth of three consecutive male

children is a blessing in Igboland. The family, relations and the community are

happy. The celebration stresses the superiority of male children over female children.

The husband is ready to spend his last money to ensure a worthy celebration at the

birth of a male child but will not spend a dime at the birth of a female child.

Igbo culture obliges him to thank the wife with a goat which is killed for her. She

goes to the market to distribute meat and people honour her with gifts. She feels like

a heroine, she has contributed a lot to her family and the entire Igbo community. If

the woman has a girl, suitors begin to negotiate for her hand in marriage with the

hope that she, like her mother, will be able to give birth to more male children than

female. Many of the young women born by a woman with only female children

remain unmarried in Igboland. This is because people are afraid of history repeating

itself. The people think they will be like their mothers. The fortunate ones are

married away from the village to families in different communities.

153 Ibid.

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2.4 Females and Education

Traditional education lays more emphasis on the education of boys than girls. Igbo

traditional system of education is unique in nature. A system where dialogue plays a

very great role: “As opposed to pedagogical slant, andragogical system of teaching

favour the growth of the virtue of friendship among the students which gives rise to

the unique reverential mutuality which neither diminishes one’s integrity nor

infringes into [sic] other’s personhood. What happen [sic] actually is floration [sic]

of fragrant rose of inter-personal uniqueness and independence concelebrated in a

cordiality of life in the classroom.”154

The first teacher of a male child is his father who makes every effort to see that his

male child has little contact with the mother and other sisters. The reason for this is

to prevent him from learning the stupidities of females. The boys also undergo series

of initiations which are parts and parcel of the traditional education. The aim of the

traditional education is to introduce a child to the system of the community. The

father teaches his son how to cultivate yams, how to tap palm-wine, how to hunt wild

animals and even how to handle women.155 As the most learned professor in his

family, he will not like to waste his time teaching his female children. The little they

get from their mother who the Igbo community sees as not being intelligent is

enough.

During the introduction of Western education, the Igbo first refused to send their

sons and daughters to school. Western education for them was a formal

demonstration of white-man’s madness: “The school became a means of approach to

the conversion of the people. It is, therefore, in the context of evangelism that one

had to see the school especially those run by the missionary counterparts […].”156

The Igbo fight against the white man’s religion extended to their fight against white

man’s education. The pressure to send their children to school forced them to send

154 Ani, Stan: Authentic Education for the third Millennium in Nigeria, Enugu: Snaap 1997, p. 73. 155 How to handle women is one of the important parts of the educational contents of a male child. He learns as a child the superiority of male gender. He learns how to keep certain secrets from females even his mother. Stories of stupid men who allow their wives to control them are narrated to him. He is told that a man marries a woman; a woman does not marry a man. The implication is that a man decides what ought to happen and not a woman. He sees also how his father handles his mother and how often he reminds his father what his mother said and how often the father dismissed what his mother said as a woman talk, which means unreasonable talk. 156 Anigbo, Osmond: Igbo Elite and Western Europe, Op. Cit., p. 63.

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their slaves; they would not like their own children to be corrupted by western

education which is opposed to traditional education.157

As things changed and it became clear that the future of the Igboland would one day

depend on those that have received western education; the Igbo became afraid that

the slaves and the outcasts would be the people in influential positions in time to

come. They changed their minds and started sending their own sons to school. The

newly discovered value of western education made them to stop sending their slaves

to school and they were also not eager to send their female children to school. The

criteria for sending the children to school were not based on intelligence but on

gender. The Igbo, of course, would not accept that a woman will be more intelligent

than a man or a girl more intelligent than a boy even though the situation now in the

schools proves them wrong. The selection was not based on age, because male

children could not be younger than the female children in the understanding of the

Igbo. So the right of education at this point in the history of the Igbo people went to

boys. The girls might have the privilege if there was surplus money in the family.

The family would not like to sacrifice anything in the training of the children who

would sooner or later leave them to their husbands’ houses.

Today the educational value is going down because of the problem of

unemployment. Igbo boys are giving up this right for education in pursuit of money,

which the Igbo society value more than education. The situation in schools now

located in Igboland proves that women are in the majority in Igbo-Nigerian schools.

The Igbo see it not as an advantage for women.

Education does not increase one´s position in Igboland. The Igbo (Nigeria) turns up

thousands of graduates every year to join the already large number of unemployed

youth. These people are busy looking for jobs that do not exist instead of thinking of

how to get themselves self-employed. The inability to get self-employed is largely

157 Traditional education is very much opposed to Western education. One learns from traditional education the logic of handling affairs in the community like the settlement of disputes and this logic is totally in contradiction to western logic. The white-man introduces their courts which settle cases in untraditional way. Chinua Acbebe in his book: Things Fall Apart in page 124 to 125 presents this picture of conflict between the western thinking and traditional thinking. Okonkwo who is the chief character in the novel and a representation of the superiority of male gender and the traditional belief has this to say: “Does the white-man understand our custom about land? How can he when he does not even speak our tongue? But he says that our customs are bad, and our own brothers who have taken up his religion also say that our customs are bad. How do you think we can fight when our own brothers have turned against us? The white-man is very clever. He came quietly and peaceably with his religion. We were amused at his foolishness and allowed him to stay. Now he has won our brothers, and our clan can no longer act like one. He has put a knife on the things that held us together and we have fallen apart.” The Igbo thought that the white men were stupid but later testified to their cleverness.

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due to the system of education they received. It is not inventive, it is not critical, it is

not creative.158 The educational system in Nigeria in general and in Igboland in

particular is not functional. Students are not empowered to prove that education is

power. Many of the educated become powerless servants of the uneducated. What

counts is not the number of degrees one has, but the wealth one acquires. That money

is power is noticeable in Igboland. The “accidental” educational opportunity of

women in Igboland will most likely change the situation of women in Igboland.

2.5 Females and the Right of Inheritance

One of the outstanding bad aspects of Igbo culture is the denial of the right of

inheritance to women: “Whenever a man died, his properties were divided among his

male children only. The females were not to partake.”159 Generally speaking, women

are not allowed to inherit properties in Igboland. The properties are divided

according to the number of the wives that have male children in the family. The first

sons of the wives will take their own portions which will be further divided

according to the number of the sons a woman has. If she has only one son, the

property will belong to that son alone.

In a field research in Ifiteogwuari, an Igbo village that still has a traditional structure

(as one can see from the structure of their houses in the picture attached before the

bibliography in this dissertation), the son of a man with twenty-one plots of land and

four wives told the researcher how they distributed the property of their father after

his death. One of the wives has seven sons, the other three, the third wife has one son

and the fourth has none. At the death of their husband, the plots of land were divided

into three. The son of the wife with only one son got seven plots alone, the sons of

the wife with three sons divided their own seven plots and each has 2.3 plots of land.

The sons of the wife with seven sons divided their own plots of land and got one plot

of the land each. The wife without a son had practically nothing with her daughters.

158 Cf. Emefoh, Ignatius: Curriculum Development and Implementation in Nigeria. The Need for Introducing Philosophy for Children, Enugu 1998 (= Master Degree thesis IEcE Enugu), pp. 120-121. 159 Orji, John: The History & Culture of the Igbo People, Op. Cit., p. 53.

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Table 1 Sharing of twenty-one plots of land of a man with four wives

Wives First Second Third Fourth

Sons 7 3 1 0

Plots of land

per person

1 2.3 7 -

Source: Field Research at Ifite Ogwari by the Researcher

The fourth wife with her daughters had nothing after the death of the man.160 They

are the victims of Igbo culture. The dead man could not prevent their fate. This is the

situation in Igbo. The idea of a dead man living a will behind is strange in Igbo

culture. If a man wants to deny his son the right of inheriting his properties, he has to

denounce him while alive. A dead man cannot help his daughters to inherit his

property after his death, his love for them not withstanding. The best a man can do

for his daughters is to give them some of his properties as gifts while alive. The

daughters have right to their gifts. However, this does not apply to landed properties

in the village.

2.6 Females and Marriage in Igbo Culture

Marriage is not necessarily a thing between a man and a woman, but between the

family of a man and the family of a woman: “Traditionally, marriage is a family and

umunna (kindred) affair, and, therefore, occupies an important place in the social life

of the Igbo […]. Family ties are strong. Marriage is not just the affair of a young man

and his fiancée, but a long process between both families, entailing the marriage

payments by the fiancé, […].”161 The family plays a great role in Igbo marriage and

this role has negative aspects on the part of the man or the woman who will like to

marry; on the side of the man because the family may decide whom he will marry

even against his own will. The same applies to the woman who is asked to be a wife,

160 They are helpless, because the twenty-plots of land belonging to the dead man were collectively cultivated by all the wives, sons and daughters. The wives, sons and daughters were participators of the man’s landed property. At the death of the man, the property was shared. The wife with seven sons will still participate in the landed properties of her sons. The one with three will do the same and the one with only one son will participate in her son’s landed property. One sees that the only son has more pieces of land followed by the three sons of the second wife. The fourth wife now has nobody she will join with to participate in the cultivation of his land. She and her daughters are helpless. 161 Affam, Rafael: Traditional Healing of the Sick in Igboland, Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 42.

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the family will decide if she will accept or not. Often she is forced162 to accept a man

she does not love.

One of the noticeable injustices in the marriage practices of the Igbo people is the

practice of a man marrying a woman who is younger than his grand daughter. This

situation occurs mostly when the old man is very rich and the parents of the woman

are very poor. The researcher has been personally confronted with such an ugly

situation during his Apostolic Work two years before his priestly ordination in 1994.

A young woman of about eighteen years was married to a man of about seventy

years. She is the sixth wife. She told the researcher that she was sick and the man

paid for her hospital bill at the request of his father with the condition that if she

recovered, the man would marry her; she was not consulted before this agreement

was concluded. She was informed shortly after her recovery and she had no other

choice than to accept the old man as her husband.

Igbo culture permits the bargaining for women as one bargains for commodities. It is

on record that some Igbo marriages could not hold because the price was too high for

the man to pay. The man intending to marry is present during the negotiation but the

woman to be married is not there. She will only be informed about the decision and

may be unfortunate to miss the man she loves because of her greedy parents. She is

forced to marry a man she does not love if the man is able to pay the bride price.

The woman can also be denied the right to marry. She remains at her father’s

compound for the purpose of giving birth to children. This normally happens when

there is no male issue in the compound. One of the females will be asked to remain

in her father’s house. The kindred may decide for a man or men who will take it as

their duty to see that she gets pregnant. In most cases she is denied the choice of a

man to have sexual relationship with, in order to fulfil the customary demand on her.

162 She is forced in the sense that she accepts against her own will. She is forced to accept. She needs to accept. It is essential that she accepts, she can be coerced by any means including physical beating and verbal assault to accept. She must consent. The consent of a woman is an essential part of the marriage ceremony in Igboland. So the parents and Umunna will employ any means to get the girl to give consent in favour of a prospective in-law endorsed on account of his wealth. The woman about to be married will be given a cup of palm wine. She searches for her would-be-husband in a crowd of men; each man she comes across will be asking her for the wine saying that he is the would-be-husband. She continues until she eventually finds the would-be-husband, she kneels down; drinks a bit of the palm-wine and gives it to the would-be-husband who will now drink the greater quantity of the wine. Kneeling down before the would-be-husband is a symbolic demonstration that she will be obedient and submissive to him. Drinking just a little of palm wine and allowing the husband to drink the greater portion of it; I will interpret to mean that the husband will always be greater than his wife. Since they cannot be equal, the wife is not permitted to drink half cup of the wine and give the other half to the husband. She accepts her inferiority at the very beginning of the marriage.

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Igbo culture permits a male child to marry a woman: “Thus, the Igbo idea that what

one man can do another can do.”163 A male child is a man in the philosophy of the

Igbo. The Igbo say: “Nwoke adabu nwata” which means a male cannot be a child. If

they believe that what a man can do another can also do, the implication is that if a

man who is an adult can marry, a male child164 can also marry. The woman married

to a male child will be mandated by the kindred to sleep with a man or men within

the kindred to raise children for her child-husband. The child will be the owner of her

children and other men from the kindred will be the biological fathers. She must give

all the respects a woman gives to her husband to this little child; address him as the

master of the house and the person who owns her. The little child is a husband, a

father of her and her children who in most cases are almost the same age with the

child husband. The child-husband normally marries another wife when he grows up

and in this type of family, the first wife could be mistaken to be the mother of her

husband, while the co-wife of the same woman could be mistaken to be her daughter-

in-law.

2.6.1 Life in Husband’s House: The Suppression of Women

Igbo culture is patriarchal in structure. The woman leaves her father’s house and

moves to the husband’s house when she marries. She is expected to be obedient and

submissive to her husband because the culture expects her to be subordinate to the

husband. She is not there for herself but for her husband. She is believed to have

been created solely for her husband, even though her husband is not created for her.

Culturally it is expected that she will be a virgin165 before marriage. It could amount

163 Nwankwo, Arthur: The Igbo Leadership and the Future of Nigeria, Enugu: Forth Dimension 1985, p. 14. 164 The male child is actually treated as an adult. He can marry just as grown up men. He can also become a king of the town. The traditional kingship in the olden days was hereditary. The culture stipulates whose turn it is to become a king after the death of a king. The normal thing is for the first son of the king to succeed his father in the throne. Sometimes, this son may be a child, but that does not remove his natural right from him. He will take the position of his father. He will be accorded all respects the Igbo accord their kings. He is in charge of the day to day running of the community. The only difference between him and grown up king is that he operates through intermediaries. These people representing him never claim to be in control. They made it clear that they are messengers of the child. When the child grows up, he will administer the community directly without these intermediaries. 165 The test of virginity of a woman in Igboland is done through her husband’s public presentation of the white cloth they used to have their first sexual intercourse. If the white cloth is stained with blood, the woman has passed the test of virginity; otherwise, she is taken not to be a virgin. She will be accused to have been sleeping with men. I was unable to get a satisfactory answer concerning the possibility of a woman accidentally breaking her virginity maybe through physical exercise. I tried to find out if there are cases of the women complaining that they have not met any man and yet the blood stain is not found in their sexual ceremonial white cloth. My field research is not aware of such cases.

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to her dishonour if found otherwise. The main aim of female genital mutilation is to

prevent them from enjoying sexual relations. Therefore genital mutilation is taken by

the Igbo as a means of controlling women promiscuity. A wife is permitted to have

one husband at a time166 in her life but this husband is permitted to have as many

wives as he likes.

The wife in her husband’s house is there to cook for the husband: “If a wife is

pounding the food and scolds the husband or any member of the family at the same

time, she has committed a great offence – isu odu-ikwe – and no family member will

eat the food from her kitchen until a reconciliation ritual is performed – oriko.”167

Before this ritual ceremony of reconciliation, “she is driven out of the house into a

hut hastily built for her in the bush, and all this time, [or] she must live alone [;]

taking food only from a small girl, who must be from another family and who has

never known a man before.”168 A woman does other work in the house of her

husband. She must satisfy her husband’s sexual drives even at the risk of contacting

sexually transmitted diseases. She has to be available for any job the husband will

like her to do. She must learn the temperament of her husband to reduce the number

of times she will be beaten in a week. The husband has the traditional right of beating

her, but she has many traditional prohibitions not to insult her husband.

The wife will not only make effort to please her husband, she must also make every

effort to please the mother-in-law169, brothers and sisters of the husband. These

people can make life a hell for the wife. The brothers of her husband are as sacred as

her husband. They are culturally taken to be co-husbands of the wife and the wife

can incur taboos if she has problem with them.

The burdens of the husband and wife are not shared equally; the wife takes the lion’s

share of the burdens. For example: In the beginning of this dissertation, the

166 The exceptions to this rule are women permitted by the culture to remarry, or where the kindred approved more than one man for a widow who has no transferred husband or a daughter that the family will like not to marry for the purposes of raising children for the family. 167 Anyanwu, Starling: The Igbo Family Life and Cultural Change, Op. Cit. p. 190. 168 Ibid. The brackets are mine. 169 The relationship between the mother-in-law and the daughter-in-law in Igboland is a difficult one. The mother-in-law expects the daughter-in-law to behave in a stipulated way. Many of the daughters-in-law may not be able to live up to the expectations of their mothers-in-law and there are always conflicts. The mother-in-law may be the cause of the problem or the daughter-in-law may also be the cause of the problem. The general belief is that the mothers-in-law are guiltier, because of their insistence on doing some of the things that are already outdated. The daughters-in-law are more flexible to cultural changes and most of the mothers-in-law see them as being too liberal. The height of the conflicts between the mothers-in-law and the daughters-in-law are so pronounced that many young women will not marry a man whose mother is still alive. Some of them delay the marriage with the hope of the death of the man’s mother. Some feel relieved at the death of their mother-in-law.

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researcher narrated a story of a family on a visit to him. The wife carried a gallon of

palm wine on her head, the baby on her back and another child in her left hand. The

man followed her with nothing. A sick woman cooks for her husband, because

husbands are not expected to cook. She is not consulted before her husband takes a

major decision in the house.

2.6.2 The Problem of Polygamy

The situation whereby a man marries as many wives as he likes by Igbo culture is a

serious problem in the discussion of gender equality. How can we talk of gender

equality when a man like Chief Onyeama170 a popular leader in Igbo traditional

government and a native of Eke in Udi local government area in Enugu State of

Nigeria, married twenty-four wives and had many concubines?

Polygamy can be seen as a manifestation of the inferiority of women in Igbo culture.

There is no other part of Igbo culture that reduces women to mere properties as the

practice of polygamy. Polygamy is a demonstration of wealth: “Among the Igbo,

monogamy existed because the individual monogamist who engaged in it was not

able to afford more than one wife. But as soon as he is economically better off and

able to show his economic power, the tendency changes to a polygamous

practice.”171 The bride price is high in Igboland and a man like chief Onyeama who

was able to marry as many as twenty-four wives is respected for his wealth. Like a

man that has many cars and makes a choice of which one to use anytime, so also is

the man with many wives. The possibility of one not being in the husband’s room for

a period of more than a year or not even permitted again to enter such a room is not

remote.

It is worthy to note that women sometimes freely agree to be married into a

polygamous family. Raphael Affam, a researcher in Igbo traditional healing, writes:

“Failure to get married under normal circumstances means that the person concerned

has rejected the society and society rejects him in return. The same applies in [sic] a

170 Rev. Fr. Dr. Ekeowa, a church historian, told me in 1995 how the white colonial masters sent chief Onyema to Europe to learn how a leader should behave. The reason for this action was because of the autocratic rule of chief Onyema. He demanded absolute obedience from his subjects. He tolerated no challenge. Chief Onyema came back after three months observation tour in Europe. He was asked to narrate his experiences, he said that the power he exercises as a chief in Igboland, is equivalent to the power a police man had in Europe. He said the power of a police man in Europe is even more. He needs not to talk; he raises his hand up and all the Vehicles on the road stop immediately. One can hardly see any motor in Igboland during this period not to talk of traffic police. A powerful chief like Onyeama is not common in Igboland. 171 Anyanwu, Starling: The Igbo Family Life and Cultural Change, Op. Cit., pp. 84-85.

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young woman who is ageing without marriage contract. The parents are usually

worried and a diviner is consulted. The situation may force a girl to enter a

polygamous family.”172

A woman once said that Igbo men are polygamous in nature. She said that because

even those that are married to one wife are polygamous in their affairs but hide under

the umbrella of monogamy. She mentioned her husband as a good example. She told

the husband to go and marry three of his women lovers.

2.7 The Problem of Divorce

Divorce is not a frequent occurrence in Igboland. It seems that only husbands divorce

their wives. One rarely hears of wives divorcing their husbands in Igboland. Igbo

culture stipulates how a man ought to divorce his wife and keeps silent on how a

woman ought to divorce her husband. The Igbo culture foresees the possibility of a

man divorcing a woman without foreseeing the possibility of a woman divorcing a

man.

The Igbo have pejorative term for divorce. The word for divorce in Igboland is “igba

alukwaghi”. It means the rejection of a wife by a husband. The process of divorce in

Igboland is varied and peculiar to individual communities, but one can still identify a

general pattern of divorce in Igboland. For, instance a husband takes a rejected wife

and hands her over to her father or whoever is acting as her father. This is a shameful

thing to happen to an Igbo woman. Nobody is interested in asking the reason for the

divorce. It is enough to know that her husband has rejected her. Sympathy is out of

the question.

To avoid being divorced, women accept demeaning treatments in their husbands’

houses without complaining. The belief in Igbo philosophy that ´the crown of a

woman is her husband´ is overwhelming. A woman without a husband in Igbo

cosmology is the ugliest woman in the universe. So suppression and subordination

are condoned to avoid divorce. The best weapon to control a wife is to threaten her

with a divorce. The possibility of a divorced woman remarrying in Igboland is

remote. She is looked upon as a bad woman.

The ceremonial sending away of a wife from her husband’s house is worthy to note.

The grandmother173 of the researcher told him that women are used against their

172 Affam, Rafael: Traditional Healing of the Sick in Igboland, Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 42. 173 I lived with my grand-mother Late Mrs Oraekwute as a primary school boy. She was a convert to Catholic Church. The evening programme in her hut was always the same. The taking of supper was

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fellow women. The women or Umuada of a given kindred will gather in the house of

the man who has resolved to send his rejected wife back to her father’s house with

aziza (brooms). The elders who will accompany the husband to send the woman back

to her father will also be there. As they lead the rejected wife out of the house, the

Umuada will follow them behind ensuring that every foot print of the divorced

woman is obliterated with the browns in their hands. This action is accompanied by a

satiric and derogatory song outlining the voices of the woman. This song is called

Ajo nwanyi (a bad woman). This song would attract many passers-by who would join

them.

At the father’s house, the handing over of the rejected wife is followed by the request

of the refund of the bride price to the husband. This can be done immediately or

later. The father of the divorced woman can also insist that the bride price be paid

when the woman remarries. However, if the bride price is not refunded, the rejected

wife remains the property of the former husband, which implies that any child /

children she gets belong to the former husband.

2.7.1 The Fate of Divorced Women

Many of the divorced women do not remarry in Igboland. There are many reasons

why the Igbo men will not marry them. One of them is that they are taken to be

notorious, quarrelsome and unmanageable. Another reason is that the fathers of the

divorced women in most cases are not able to return the bride price to the former

husband. The implication is that the new husband will pay back the pride price to the

former husband. The new husband will not have the opportunity to negotiate for a

cheaper bride price since it is already fixed.

If the father has paid back the bride price, the issue of being afraid of buying old

goods with the price of new goods will be eliminated and the woman in question

stands a better chance when compared with those whose father have not paid back

their bride price. Many of the fathers do not pay back the bride price because they are

aware that what they will pay back will be more than what they will receive from a

new husband. Many that have paid back did so to prevent the former sons-in-law

from claiming any child the daughters may give birth to after the divorce.

followed by cultural history with the emphasis on the change brought by Christianity. After this discussion the praying of rosary will follow and we then retire to bed. It was during one of these evenings that she told me the story on how wives were divorced in olden days.

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A divorced woman is not admitted to the meeting of the nwunyedi, which is the

association of women married by the men that belong to the same Umunna (kindred).

She is also too old to join the group of unmarried girl. She is denied social

association and many of them remain unhappy throughout their lives. The situation

forced many of them to accept women marrying them. A woman marrying another

woman must not be mistaken for the practice of lesbianism. It has nothing to do with

a woman having sexual relationship with another woman. It is a marriage permitted

by the Igbo culture. The woman-husband enjoys all the right of a husband except the

right of sexual relation, if she tries it, she will be buried alive.174 Her wife will meet

other men to get children for her. She will be the owner of these children.

Some divorced women agree to marry the useless men in the community. The

drunkards and those with whom the normal women will not agree to marry are their

possible husbands. One hears in drinking houses and joints, people informing the

drunkards of the possibility of getting a wife, whenever a woman is divorced. These

social misfits are sometimes considered to be the best people qualified to marry

divorced women in Igboland.

2.8 Widowhood

A widow is a woman whose husband is dead. A widower is a man whose wife is

dead. The Igbo word for a widow is: Ajedunwanyi, the Igbo do not have a word for

widower. There is nothing like Ajedunwoke. In the real sense, many of the dead

partners in marriages are men. The reason is obvious, the Igbo men marry women

far younger than them in age and when nature takes its course, the men will die

before the women. Igbo culture will not like men suffering the death of their wives;

their wives ought to suffer their death. A man ought to have wife or wives that will

mourn his death. Another reason why the Igbo do not have the concept of

Ajedunwoke is because of the polygamous nature of Igbo families. A man loses one

of his wives and the others are still there, so he cannot be a man without a wife in the

same way a woman can be a woman without a husband at the death of her husband.

Women are cheated in this context.

The death of a husband is one of the worst things that will happen to a woman:

“Before the advent of the white-man, the loss of a husband by death was the greatest

174 Cf. Odoh Joseph: A Woman Husband, Nsukka: Oral Interview (30.08.2005).

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tragedy that could befall a woman.”175 The Igbo culture is so men-dominated that no

wife under normal circumstance would like her husband to die: “As soon as a woman

is informed of her husband’s death, she is required to desist from any activity beyond

squatting on a mat and quietly bemoaning her fate. From then on, her role becomes

one of complete inactivity, circumscribed in time and space.”176

The culture demands the wife or wives to instently shave her or their hairs at the

husband’s death: “Where shaving is not the custom, the hair, if previously plaited, is

loosened and left uncombed.”177 Upon the death of a woman’s husband many things

including rituals are expected of her. The culture sometime insists on her drinking of

the water used to wash her dead husband, which will kill her if she is responsible for

the death of the husband. The culture restricts her to a small corner of a room for one

year. The culture restricts her to a black cloth within this year. The culture forbids

her from keeping herself clean within this period. The culture refuses her to “express

any opinion about any procedure regarding the burial of her husband.”178

From a field research, one discovered that the major reason for making life difficult

for a woman whose husband died is because of the Igbo strong belief in poisoning

people. The wives are in the position to poison their husbands because they cook for

them. The Igbo are aware that most of the wives, under normal circumstances, will

not like to marry their husbands. They are forced to marry them. In this case love is

out of question. A man´s wish to marry a woman is what is important. The woman

has no choice. So to prevent women from killing the men they do not love, the

culture of Igboland provides strict rituals and prohibition that the women will go

through at the death of their husbands. This will dissuade them from poisoning them.

A widow ought to suffer and not the widower.

175 Orji, John: The History and Culture of the Igbo People, Op. Cit., p. 32. 176 Agbasiere, Therese: Women in Igbo Life and Thought, Op. Cit., p. 147. 177 Ibid. 178 Ibid.

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2.8. 1 A Widow without a Male Child

A widow with a male child is better placed than a widow without a male child. When

a man is about to marry a woman, the father and the relations of the woman will pray

for him: “We are giving you our daughter today. She will be a good wife to you. She

will bear you […] sons”179 If the gods refuse to answer this prayer their daughter will

suffer especially when her husband dies. The properties of the dead husband go to his

brothers if he has no male child to inherit them. A widow without a male child

cannot take the decision of remaining in her husband’s house after his death. He has

no root in this family. She will no longer participate in the cultivation of the land that

belongs to her dead husband. She has no son to inherit land so that she will

participate in the cultivation of the lands that belong to her son. She can only wait for

the decision of the Umunna (kindred). She has no choice.

The Umunna can ask her to leave the compound or may transfer her to one of the

brothers of the dead husband as will be discussed in the next subheading. A widow

with male children has right of going back to her father’s house, staying in the

husband’s house with her sons or accepting to be transferred to the dead husband’s

brother. Most of the widows without male children are sent away because of the fear

that they will not be able to get male children through another man in the family.

This situation is most likely when the woman has got up to three daughters. The Igbo

also believe that giving birth to female children can be genetic and this is the reason

for asking a widow who has given birth to three daughters in a row without a son to

go back to her father’s compound. Asking them to leave in spite of their three

daughters demonstrate the discrimination of female in Igbo culture. She leaves

without her daughters and the bride price of her daughters will be taken by the

relation of her dead husband.

2.8.2 A Widow and her ´Transferred´ Husband

The system of transferring a woman to the brother or relation of her dead husband is

acceptable in Igbo culture. As already discussed, a woman without a male child can

be transferred against her opinion. The widow transferred is the widow inherited.

The laws governing the inheritance of other properties are also applicable with the

inheritance of a woman. The woman is not asked which of the men she will like for a

husband. The culture provides answer to this question. The woman will be inherited

179 Achebe, Chinua: Things Fall Apart, Op. Cit., p. 83.

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by the eldest brother of the dead husband. He has the right then to transfer her to

another brother or relation just as one has right to give out his or her properties.

Why is it that the Igbo do not also transfer a man to the eldest sister180 of the dead

wife? Some of the husbands marry the sisters of their dead wife out of choice (of free

will). Why are women also not allowed to marry the brothers of their dead husbands,

if it is their choice? The permission of the woman transferred to the dead husband’s

brother without the corresponding man being transferred to the sister of dead wife

can be interpreted to mean discrimination against women.

2.9 The Death of a Wife

The death of a wife when compared with the death of a husband shows the inequality

between man and woman in Igboland. In some parts of Igboland a dead wife is sent

back to her father’s compound for burial. This indicates that she does not actually

belong to her husband’s family. She is married for a purpose and this purpose is

terminated in her death; therefore, she must go back to where she belongs: “In

Igboland, it is indignity to the dead to be buried in a piece of land to which the

deceased has no right as a member.”181 A wife has no right of a piece of land in her

husband’s compound not even in her father’s compound. However, the Igbo consider

it expedient to take her remains to her father’s compound. The Igbo believe in life

after death and the life after death is a replica of the life before the death. The dead

wife will continue her life with her relations in the dead world. They can also decide

to come back to life through reincarnation provided a basic funeral ceremony is

accorded to them.

The funeral ceremony of a wife is not as elaborate as the funeral ceremony of a

husband. The death of a husband is sometimes followed by selling of land to pay for

the funeral obligations which are very expensive. The funeral of a wife is easy to

perform. One hears often of the story of a dead woman complaining of denial of a

funeral and not the denial of a befitting funeral. On the other side, one hears not only

of a dead man complaining of the denial of funeral, but also of the denial of a

180 The inheritance of the eldest sister will be possible if the eldest sister is not yet married, since only men are permitted to marry more than one wife or the culture will also permit women to marry more than one husband. The disadvantages of marrying more than one husband are the same with the disadvantages of marrying more than one wife. The eldest sister can also transfer this man to one of her sisters or relation just as the eldest brother of the dead man can also transfer the widow to other brothers or relation. I mean if the Igbo culture wants to be logically just. I am not making any recommendations here. 181 Anigbo, Osmond: Igbo Elite and Western Europe, Op. Cit., p. 29.

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befitting funeral. Most of the funerals repeated in Igboland are that of men, because

they complain that the ancestors have not opened their doors for them because of the

poor funeral. A funeral is a send-off ceremony to the spirit world and when this send-

off is not well done the indication is that the living have not actually settled the dead

and the dead will be very much around tormenting them until they do that

accordingly.

Women as already said are not ancestors. Osmond Anigbo, a social anthropologist,

disagrees with this when he writes: “The ancestors were men or women of proved

upright character whose dealings with their fellow men reflected the acceptable

traditional standard of conduct. They have been exposed to very critical test and

certified good. The ancestors are not and cannot be vindictive or capricious.”182

Women ought to be ancestors but they are not. A closer examination of the quotation

above shows a contradiction when Anigbo writes: “fellow men”183 and not fellow

men or women: “Ancestors (Ndi-nna-ochie or Nna-nna) are the group of the human

spirit sometimes called the living dead. They are the good spirits of the dead

members of the family, village, community or clan. Not every dead member of a

society qualifies to be an ancestor.”184 Women are not qualified to be ancestors,

because the Igbo word for ancestors is: Ndi-nna-ochie literally meaning ancient

fathers or forefathers. Since women are not ancestors, expensive funerals are not

needed for them to enter into the ancestral world but basic funeral is needed to ward

off their spirits from disturbing the living. One of the points being made here is that

more is spent when a man dies than when a woman dies and there is no justification

for this discrimination. It is difficult to say how the Igbo, know that women are not

admitted to the communion of Igbo saints (Ancestors) when they die. It is also

difficult to say what sin the women had committed that will disqualify them from

being ancestors. The Igbo may have their reason for sending back the women to their

fathers´ compounds after their deaths. One of the reasons may be: “The Igbo people

had a very firm belief that in the land where a person was born and his (her) placenta

(after birth) was buried, his (her) dead body must also be buried there to enable him

reincarnate. That was (is) why (a) woman married outside the community where she

182 Ibid., p. 32. 183 Ibid. 184 Anieke, Christian: Problem of Intercultural Communication, Op. Cit., p.32

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was born, must be brought back whenever she died and be buried in the same

land.”185

The researcher found out during his field work that it is to the advantage of the

women that they be sent back to their fathers’ compounds after their deaths. It is an

honour to them to go back to their people. He was told a story of an early Christian

convert who had abandoned the traditional way of life and insisted that she will bury

her dead mother in his father’s compound. He carried out his plan despite all

oppositions and his dead mother kept on appearing to him demanding that she be

taken back to her father’s compounds. Her constant appearances compelled him to do

the bidding of tradition. The remains of the dead mother were exhumed and taken

back to the maternal father’s compound for proper

2.10 Summary

Women are not permitted to be leaders in Igboland. They are at the bottom of the

Igbo hierarchical structure. They are the most affected victims of discrimination in

Igboland. They remain subordinate to men; they are taken to be second class citizens

and Igbo women are forced to accept this inferior position. They are mistreated and

are blamed for being responsible for the births of baby girls which are not warmly

welcomed by the Igbo. They are discriminated against in educational opportunities.

Women are treated like commodities, especially during the marriage negotiations.

They are not permitted to be present while their men are allowed to be present. Igbo

culture even permits a male child to marry a woman. Moreover, women have more

cultural prohibitions than men and a man is permitted to marry as many women as

possible. Women are suppressed, subordinated, disgraced and divorced. They are

maltreated at the death of their husbands and they are not allowed to inherit the

properties of their dead husbands but are inherited together with their properties.

The funeral ceremonies of women when compared with that of men show the

inequality between man and woman in Igboland. Dead women unlike dead men are

not admitted to the communion of saints – the ancestors. The other group of people

that suffer similar fate in Igboland is the group of people the Igbo dedicated to their

gods - the Osu. Chapter three of this dissertation will concentrate on the (female)

Osu.

185 Orji, John: The History and Culture of the Igbo People, Op. Cit., p. 45. The brackets are mine.

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Chapter 3:

Osu Tradition: A General Outline

3. 1 Meaning of Osu

The Osu are the people the Igbo dedicated to their gods. These people are regarded

as the properties of these gods. The Igbo conception of an Osu is ambiguous. He or

she is a holy person and at the same time an unclean person. He or she is holy

because of religious function and unclean because of the repulsive attitude of the

free-born towards them. The traditional attitude is to keep a reasonable distance from

an Osu. The Osu in a way live in a world different from the world of the free-born.

The Osu are cult slaves. The practice of Osu is a product of Igbo traditional religion;

it is part of Igbo culture, so rooted in the mind of the Igbo that Igbo Christians who

have rejected their idol worship before their Baptism seem to believe that Osu

practice is an exemption from idol worship.

This inhuman culture still remains after more than one hundred and twenty-three

years of Christianity in Igboland. The Igbo have their female Osu as well as male

Osu, but the female are more affected as one shall see later.

3.2 Various types of Osu

There is a consensus opinion that Osu tradition is a religious matter. It is not

debatable that the Osu are the people dedicated to gods.186 However, there is no

general agreement on the types, kinds, and categories of Osu. It depends on a given

place, because each village has its own shrines, and the types of Osu is dependent on

the types of shrines in a given area. “Some of these shrines are owned by a specific

group of people or extended family or even by the whole town.”187 According to

Margret Green, the houses of Osu people are always a little apart on the fringe of the

house-group to which they belong.188

The popularity of the shrines adds to the popularity of their Osu. If the people are

afraid of a given shrine, they will also be afraid of the Osu dedicated to this shrine:

“The Igbo do not normally talk of Osu without indicating the type they are talking

about. For instance in Arochukwu one hears of Osu-Ekpe and Osu-Chukwu. Osu-

186 Cf. Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 32. 187 Ibid. 188 Cf. Green, Margaret: Ibo Village Affairs, Op. Cit., p.23-24. Quoted by Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 32.

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Ekpe is consecrated to Ekpe spirit while Osu-Chukwu is consecrated to Chukwu.

These two types of Osu are not the same just like Ekpe and Chukwu are also not the

same.”189

To support the idea of plurality in the concept of Osu tradition, a sociologist, Jinehu

Emmanuel, comments on two types of Osu: “(a) the public Osu because he/she is

consecrated to a public god, hereinafter referred to as real Osu. (b) The domestic Osu

(Osu mgbaulo), because he/she is consecrated to one domestic god or the other;

whereas the real Osu ministers to a public god, the domestic Osu (Osu mgbaulo)

minister to a domestic patron god.”190

It will not be out of place to point out that “the term real Osu does not mean that a

domestic Osu is not an Osu. The consecration makes both Osu. The Public Osu are

real Osu in the sense that they are more generally recognizable as Osu and treated as

such. The controversy whether the domestic Osu are really Osu is based on the

question of whether they are consecrated or not. If they are consecrated as in the

above case, they are Osu. If they are not consecrated, many do not regard them as

Osu.”191

3.2.1 Categories of Osu in Uke traditional Community

Uke is a town in Igboland that acknowledges the fact of lack of uniformity in the

practice of Osu: “Generally speaking Uke people recognizes two types of Osu. The

Osu Idezuna and Osu Obiaja. One out of the six villages that make up Uke town, in

addition to the two types of Osu mentioned above, also recognizes another type of

Osu called Osu Akpu. Idezuna is a water spirit with a major shrine, a priest and

people dedicated to it. Since this shrine is a major shrine, everybody in Uke

recognizes it and the Osu are dedicated to it, even though this shrine belongs

particularly to one of the villages called Nkwelle Uke.”192

One needs to add: “Obiaja is another major shrine in Uke; it was a central shrine for

the other five villages of Uke, before the amalgamation of Nkwelle with the rest of

Uke. The shrine is located in one of the villages called Uruabo. Like Idezuna, this

shrine has its priests. People are dedicated to it. We call people dedicated to it Osu

189 . Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., pp. 32-33. 190 Jinehu, Emmanuel: The Osucaste in our Society, Enugu: Tudor press 1991, p. 5. Quotey by: Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 33. 191 Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 33. 192 Ibid.

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Obiaja.”193 Apart from these two major shrines, “there are other shrines like Udo

Nkwelle, Offiaomimi, Uburu-Uburuenu and Akpuoba that do not have people

dedicated to them.”194 But Akpuoba has servants that “render service in the shrine

and it is these people that are normally referred to as Osu Akpu. Those who argue

that they are not Osu argue from the point of view that they are not dedicated and

cannot trace their origin from dedicated parents.”195

It is not true that Akpu has its own Osu. One will not be wrong to contend: “The

claim that Akpu of Uke has its own Osu seems to be a more political than cultural

question. However, to be on the safe side, many do treat these people called Osu

Akpu as real Osu. For the people who fear Idezuna very much, Osu Idezuna is the

worst type of Osu, so much so that no sane person will ever approach or have

anything to do with them. One would in this case prefer an unnoticed interaction with

Osu Obiala. On the other hand, those that have great fear for Obiaja will not do

anything at all with Osu Obiaja, for them Osu Idezuna is better.”196

The doubt people have about the authenticity of Osu Akpu make them not to fear

them as they fear Osu Idezuna or Osu Obiaja: “It is interesting to note that even

among the Osu, a particular type of Osu is preferred to another. The so-called Osu

Akpu prefer interaction with Osu Obiaja rather than with Osu Idezuna. An Osu Akpu

normally sees himself as higher than Osu Obiaja, who in turn sees himself higher

than Osu Idezuna. This internal distinction among the Osu is what we shall see in our

discussion on Osu categories based on status before dedication below.”197

193 Ibid. 194 Cf Onyeka, Patrick: Osu Caste System in Uke Traditional Society, Uke: Oral interview (15.02.1994). Reproduced by Emefoh, Ignatius: Osu caste system in Uke traditional society, Owerri 1994 (= B.D Memoir Seminary Owerri) p. 7. 195 Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 34. 196 Ibid. 197 Ibid.

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3.2.2 Types of Osu and Igbo Philosophy of Justice

The varied treatments of Osu reflect the Igbo conception of justice. In addition to the

fact that Osu are dedicated to different shrines in Igboland, one observes that the

people the Igbo dedicate to their shrines are of different categories. A person

dedicated to a shrine may be one of the following: “a criminal, a slave, a person

unable to pay his or her debts, oppressed people that seek protection of gods and so

on. The Igbo are very careful about these distinctions. All of them are taken to be

Osu, but some are treated with more sympathy than the others. However, Igbo

culture does not allow this sympathy. The culture abhors all sentiments on the Osu

issue. It even forbids the Igbo crying at the death of an Osu.”198

The researcher recalls the day his father in tears showed him a young man who was

an Osu. He told him that the father of this Osu was an upright and honest man, a

free citizen who was dedicated to a shrine, because he killed an Osu accidentally.

This accident occurred when he was hunting. His inability to sponsor a ritual

ceremony that would allow him to remain an Igbo free citizen led to his being

dedicated to the shrine to which the Osu he killed unconsciously belonged to.199 In

other words he replaced the dead Osu.

One of the worst types of Osu in Igboland is the Ume-Osu: “Some Igbo communities

call criminals dedicated to shrine, that is those who ran to the shrine to be protected

from the anger of the people, Ume-Osu. They are ostracised because of the grave

crime they committed in the community. Ume is the worst of the caste series. “200

The people prefer not to call them by their full names which include Ume-Osu, but

by the name that differentiates them from other types of Osu, which is Ume.201 One

may define the Ume as “the criminal Osu who the people will prefer dead, instead of

living as Osu.”202 It is interesting to note that even the other Osu see themselves as

being higher in the social status than the Ume and they segregate against them. The

non Ume-Osu often accept their low position as Osu but will add: “We are of course

not an Ume descendant”203. On the other hand the Ume will make all possible effort

to avoid being identified as Ume. They simply refer to themselves as Osu dodging

the attribute Ume: “However on a general note, the word Osu is avoided. It is not a

198 Ibid. 199 Cf. Ibid. 200 Ibid., p. 35. 201 Cf. Ibid. 202 Ibid. 203 Ibid.

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word one hears so often. The so called Osu avoids it as well as the free-born. When

one could not avoid using the word, one whispers it. The only exemption to this is

when the word is part of an Igbo name.”204

3.2.3 Types of Osu and Igbo Names

One of the easiest ways to show that the Igbo have various categories of Osu, is by

the examination of Igbo names: “Many Igbo names begin with Osu and end with the

name of a shrine or deity. We consider some of them: Osuji, this is two Igbo words-

Osu and ji. The English word for ji is yam. Ji has its own shrine in Igboland called

Ahiajioku. Osuji literally means a person dedicated to the yam shrine.”205 This does

not mean: “All with the name Osuji are dedicated to the yam shrine. A family that

pleaded to the yam shrine to grant them a son to cultivate yam (men crop) may on

getting a son name him Osuji (here the word mean son of the yam shrine). M.O. Ene

correctly pointed out that there is no stigma to such name.”206

Moreover, Osuani are the Osu that belong to the earth goddess: “The Osu dedicated

to Ani are Osuani, they are a type of Osu in Igboland. Osuoye are Osu dedicated to

Oye shrine, the first of the four Igbo market days. The community that has Oye as

their market day normally dedicates people to this shrine. Osuafo are people

dedicated to Afo shrine, the second of the Igbo four market days (an Igbo week has

four days and not seven days. These days are: Orie, Afo, Nkwo and Eke). Some

communities have Afo as their market day and dedicate people to Afo shrine.

Osunkwo are people dedicated to Nkwo shrine. Some communities also have Nkwo

as their Market day. Osueke are the people dedicated to Eke shrine. Some

communities have Eke as their special market day.”207

Furthermore: “There are so many other names like Osuchukwu, Osuamadi,

Osuakwu, Osuigwe, Osumuo etc. They all indicate categories of Osu. Each of them

suffers segregation on different levels.”208 Regardless of the fact that many types of

Osu exist in Igboland and there is a social hierarchy among the Osu, one

acknowledges that all of them have something in common - dedication.

204 Ibid. 205 Ene, Moe: Rethinking the Osu Concept, in: http://www.kwenu.com/moe2003/osu-concept.htm [13.04.2004]. Quoted by Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 35. 206 Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 35. 207 Ibid., pp. 35-36. It is to be noted that “Oye” market day is the first of the four market days. 208 Ibid.

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It will be unfair to some Igbo who have Osu as part of their name and at the same

time are free born citizens in Igboland, if one does not point out that such a thing is

possible in Igboland. Francis Arinze contends that “the good spirits are mediators

between god and man, for example a woman may pray to Udo for a son, when she

eventually bears a son she calls him Nwa-Udo or Osu-Udo.”209 The Osu in this

context only indicates the part played by the shrine in the birth of the person in

question and has nothing to do with being the Osu of the shrine. It only shows that

through the instrumentality and intercession of the shrine this person has the

privilege of coming into the world. They are sons of the shrine and not slaves of the

shrine. The slaves of the shrine are those people dedicated to the shrine: “And the

type of god determines the type of the Osu.”210

3.3 Osu Privileges and Segregation

It is not uncommon to hear the Igbo talk of the privileges of the Osu. A close look at

what the Igbo refer to as the privileges of Osu will reveal that this so-called

privileges are based on segregation: “The Osu are people dedicated to the gods. This

act of dedication brought them segregation from the people and from this

segregation, the Osu derived what people normally regard to as Osu privileges.”211

Privilege according to the Catholic Code of Canon law is “a favour given by special

act for the benefit of certain persons, physical or juridical; it can be granted by the

legislator. And by an executive authority to whom the legislator has given this

power.” (Can. 76).

When one reflects on what the Igbo call Osu privileges such as the Igbo cultural law

that forbids the people from killing the Osu with the definition of the Canon on what

privileges are all about, one will hardly accept this as a privilege. Moreover: “This

law is rooted on [sic] the law that distances people from Osu; they should not be so

near as to kill him. Killing him presupposes that the law of segregation is also

violated. But should this even be a privilege? Does the law permit the killing of free-

born?”212 The answer is negative, because: “Okonkwo, the main character in Things

Fall Apart was exiled with his family and his houses and property burnt because he

209 Arinze, Francis: Sacrifice in Ibo Religion, Op. Cit., p. 50. 210 Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 36. 211 Ibid. 212 Ibid.

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accidentally killed a free-born of Umuofia.”213 As to the penalty for killing an Osu

one needs only a male cow to free oneself from the crime. A female cow is required

if one kills a female Osu.214 One may ask if it is a right not to be killed or a privilege

not to be killed: “We have to understand this privilege from the point of view of the

fact that some slaves were killed by their masters without any interference from the

customary law, since a slave is a property of the master. Osu is a person that the

customary law protects from being killed by human beings. It is the right of his god

to kill him or decree that he should be killed, because he is the property of this

god.”215

Osu is excluded from participating in wars. Every free born has the obligation to

defend their fatherland but Osu are exempted from this obligation: “This privilege is

also an extension of the segregation. The community warriors in war needed to come

together to plan war strategies, if Osu is allowed, the law of segregation will be

weakened.”216 Victor Dike is of the opinion that: “The Osu were forbidden to be

involved in war for fear of spilling their blood, which could unleash the wrath of the

deities.”217

It is also considered to be a privilege to Osu that they are not permitted to be sold: “A

house slave or even a free-born can be sold, but not an Osu.”218 Victor Uchendu sees

this as paradox: “Paradox in the sense that the social disabilities of an Osu are the

sources of their ritual privileges and legal protection. They are protected by the deity

from being sold.”219 Therefore: “The rite that made them properties of gods removed

them also from normal day-to-day dealing with the other members of the community.

A son or daughter of the house interacts with members of the house and the other

members of the house can, in the past, be sold for the economic good of the other

members. The house slave that lived with them can also be sold for the same

purpose. The Osu is segregated upon, in this case it is a privilege that this segregation

is a protection against being sold.”220

213 Achebe, Chinua: Things Fall Apart, Op. Cit., p. 87. Quoted by Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 37. 214 Cf. Ogbalu, Chidozie: Omenala Igbo, Op. Cit., p. 86. 215 Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 37. 216 Ibid. 217 Dike, Victor: The Osu Caste system in Igboland. Discrimination Based on Descent, Kearney: Morris Pub. 2002, p.5. 218 Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 37. 219 Uchendu, Victor: The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria, Op.Cit., p. 90. 220 Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 37.

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The Igbo generally believe the following: “Osu has the privilege of extending their

god’s lands. The most frequent disputes in Igboland are land disputes. Blood is

constantly shed over boundary issues. There are people who will like to increase

their land by encroaching on other peoples land, but this is a difficult venture, since

many are rather willing to die than give up an inch of what they believe is their land.

They fight and shed blood, especially when the Land Peace Committee has not

stepped in. Osu in this case is a privileged individual; he extends his god land with

ease. People will not like to fight him or shed his blood, because of the god he or she

is dedicated to.”221 In this connection Oliver Onwubiko, a theologian and a writer in

Igbo culture says that “the Osu took the advantage of the repulsive attitude the

people had toward them to claim land, beyond those assigned to them originally.”222

There are certain functions that can only be performed by the Osu in Igboland like

burying person who committed suicide. It is an economic function, because Osu will

be paid to carry out this function and that is the reason the Igbo think it is a

privileged economic function.223 This job can only be done by an Osu or a stranger:

“A community without an Osu has the alternative of looking for a stranger, because

it is an offence against the earth for a man to kill himself and such a man is not to be

buried by the free-born.”224 The free born Igbo are not permitted to do such a job,

because of the Igbo concept of pollution. To commit suicide in Igboland is to commit

an abomination: “Even though Osu can get a lot of money from such a job, this

privilege is rooted in the segregation. He is a stranger in this case. What a free-born

distances himself from, he can without problem carry out.”225

The Igbo believe in moral obligation of paying back the debts one owes: “The

privilege of recovering difficult debts in the community is reserved for the Osu. By a

difficult debt we do not mean the debt the debtor is unable to pay, the person as we

have already seen can be sold to repay what he owns. We are talking of the debtor

who can pay his debt, but unwilling to do so. The service of Osu is employed; he

goes near the man’s house and orders him to go and pay his debt or he will enter his

house. No free-born will accept the alternative of allowing Osu to enter his house.

The better option is to hurry up and pay the debt. This again has something to do

221 Ibid., p. 38. 222 Onwubiko, Oliver: Facing the Osu Issue in the African synod, Enugu: Snaap 1993, p. .34. 223 Cf. Emefoh. Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 38. 224 Ibid. 225 Ibid.

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with segregation.”226 The repulsive attitudes toward Osu enable them to render this

function in the society in which they are living.

Moreover: “Osu has the privilege of eating or drinking what is offered to the gods.

He is very near to the gods and can make use of whatever is for these gods. The free-

born are very far from these gods and prefer to remain far, because the gods are

´Ogbu onye ubosi ndu na atoya uto (gods kill people the day life seems to be most

enjoyable).”227 There is this inherent idea that the Igbo gods most often come closer

to the people when they want to punish them: “The coming of gods is therefore

synonymous with punishment. And since people are afraid of coming closer to these

gods, the food and drinks offered to these gods are privileges reserved to Osu.”228

One may list the seven privileges of Osu as following: (1) The Igbo traditional laws

legislate against killing them. (2) They are excluded from participating in wars. (3)

They cannot be sold. (4) They perform an economic function of burying the Igbo that

committed suicide. (5) They recover difficult debts. (6) They eat and drink what are

offered to gods.229

3.4 The Fundamental Question of Origin

There is no general agreement as far as the origin of Osu is concerned. Scholars have

different opinions on this issue. The lack of earlier written document on Igbo culture

complicates the origin of Osu all the more. There are many theories of the origin of

Osu: “Individual village theory; deceived free-born theory; transatlantic slave theory;

an offended deity theory; criminal origin theory and a scapegoat theory.”230 The

summary of these theories is presented in this work.

226 Ibid. 227 Ibid: 228 Ibid., p. 39. 229 Cf. Ibid. 230 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 39.

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3.4.1 Individual Village Theory

Many people are of the opinion that the Osu have no common origin. Each

community has its own story of the origin of Osu. Some of the communities do not

even have Osu. Opinions are divided on the contextual origin as Jerome Okafor231

presents in the following table:

Table: 2 Contextual Origin of the Osu Tradition

Ways of disposing

the invalids

Delegation of

priestly powers to

an inferior person

Slave trade and

human sacrifice

As old

as Igbo

No

idea

Total

1= 0.45% 2= 0.90 % 120=54.55 % 42=19.1

0%

55=25

%

220=100 %

Source: Okafor, J.: The Challenges of Osu Caste System to Igbo Christians, pp.

78-79.

In the above table a number of 220 people were polled: “Jerome Okafor explains the

above contextual origin of the Osu system by telling us that 1 person (0.45%) of the

total number (220) traces it to the way the Igbo dispose of invalids in their society,

while 2 (0.90%) to delegation of priestly powers to an inferior person. 120 (54.55%)

traces it to slave trade and human sacrifice in Igbo traditional religion, while 42

(19.10%) say it is as old as Igbo people themselves. 55 (25%) have no idea at all. He

goes on to say that in spite of the overwhelming number in favour of human sacrifice

as the origin, the multiplicity of answers given point to the uncertainty of origin.”232

One may not deny that the origin of Osu is connected with human sacrifice, but one

thinks the system originated before the slave trade: “What is logically possible is to

say that slave trades and human sacrifices increased the number of Osu in Igboland.

The system might have existed at least before the advent of slave trades, the Igbo are

already aware that once one runs into the shrine, the person receives protection from

gods and humiliation from the Igbo. The conditions which under normal

circumstance nobody will accept. If such a system does not exist, the idea of running

into the shrine will not come up. The slave masters or ritual masters would have

picked the victims up in the shrines.”233

231 Cf. Okafor, Jerome: The Challenge of Osu Caste System to Igbo Christian, Onitsha: Veritas Press 1993, pp.78-79. 232 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 42. 233 Ibid.

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One may have reason for not agreeing with the popular234 opinion as presented in

Okafor´s statistics but one will agree with Okafor when he says that the place of Osu

origin is uncertain:

Table: 3 PLACE OF ORIGIN

Benin Igbouk

wu

Okigwe Nri and

Arochukwu

Nri alone Arochukwu

alone

No idea Total

7=3.18

%

8=3.64

%

17=7.23% 22=10% % 23=10.45% 24=10.91% 119=54.1

0%

220=

100

%

Source: Okafor, J.: The Challenges of Osu Caste System to Igbo Christians, pp.

78-79.

In the above table, a number of 220 are polled: “Okafor states that 7 persons (3.18)

of the total respondents say it originated from Benin, while 8 persons (3.64) say from

Igboukwu in Anambra state. 17 (7.23%) persons say it is from Okigwe-Owerri area,

while 22 (10%) say from Nri and Arochukwu simultaneously. 23 (10.45%) say from

Nri alone, while 24 (10.91%) say from Arochukwu alone. 119 (54.10%) have no idea

at all. From this he concludes that the place of origin of Osu is uncertain.”235

3.4.2 Deceived free-born Theory

This theory sees the practice of Osu as a late comer in Igbo traditional religion. The

Ezemuo (Priest) carried out his function without the Osu. The work became too much

for the priests and they demanded people to help them. One made reference to Victor

Dike as saying that the Igbo built miniature monasteries near the major shrines for

the purpose of not only training but also maintaining a steady supply of high-priest

auxiliaries. Many of the freeborn who applied with the hope of being priests were

disappointed. They were deceived because they were made Osu. Their spiritual

234 The popular opinion is not always the correct opinion. The majority of the Igbo also believe that Osu tradition is a caste system. One reads often “The Osu Caste system.” The Igbo operate the class system and not caste system. The caste system is typically Indian. The Igbo cannot have Osu caste system without having other castes groups. The earlier writers on Igbo culture might have referred to Osu as caste system because they suffer similar segregation with the Indians’ untouchable. 235 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 43.

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education turned to their disadvantage instead of advantage because “they were not

given the mandate to serve the gods. They were dedicated to these gods.”236

The reason for calling this theory deceived freeborn theory is that the whole event is

based on deception. The Igbo probably were aware of the fact that if they had let the

people know of the plan to make them Osu after their training, they would not have

agreed to be trained. They allowed them to enter with the notion of becoming priests

but at the end they became what they did not bargain for: “One may argue that if

many priests had served in a shrine the problem of conflict of power may have arisen

and the Igbo decided that these trained free-born should serve in the shrine but

should not be accorded the status of priests. But one asks why an Osu? Why not

Nwamuo (a servant of a priest)? Some shrines in Igboland have Nwamuo and not an

Osu.”237

The fault one finds with this theory is that it failed to explain where the idea of Osu

being foreigners in a given village they live in come from: “If these people were free-

born, they would also have a root in the Igbo community where they belonged to.

This theory, therefore, fails to explain where the concept of foreigner in Osu practice

originated.”238

3.4.3 Transatlantic Slave Theory

This theory holds that the effort to escape being sold as slave during the period of

transatlantic slave trade forced many Igbo to run to different shrines for protection

”Some of those who were facing the danger of being sold as transatlantic slave ran

into a shrine and were dedicated as Osu of the shrine.”239

One can agree that “if it is true that many became Osu by seeking refuge at the shrine

to escape transatlantic slavery, it follows logically that Osu originated before this

period. The people were already aware that once one run into the shrine, nobody

would take him or her as a slave to be sold again. If such a system had not existed,

people would not, of course, run to shrines for protections. If they did, the slave

dealers would still pick them up from the shrines. It is because the system had

236 Ibid., p. 44. 237 Ibid., p. 45. 238 Ibid. 239 Ibid., p. 46.

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existed that many people, who felt threatened, ran to the shrines during this period

for protection.”240

One also agrees that: “If Osu originated as late as seventeenth century, the

controversy over the contextual and place of origin may not have been a serious

problem. Seventeenth century is within living memory. Tradition could have passed

this information from one generation to the other without much difficulty, and the

contemporary Igbo will be in a better position to agree on the origin of the Osu.”241

The selling of their daughters and sons as slaves show that the Igbo accepted the

transatlantic slave trade. If what one said is true it will be illogical for them to invent

“an institution that hindered this practice. It is most likely that this institution existed

for a different purpose (as will been shown later) and some of those who were facing

the danger of being sold as transatlantic slaves turned it to their own advantage. The

Igbo shrines used to be so holy that only priests were permitted to enter them. The

law that if one entered it, one would become an Osu was a punishment meant to keep

people away from shrines. Unfortunately, the Igbo never thought nor imagined that a

situation can turn this punishment into an advantage.” 242

3.4.4 An Offended Deity Theory

The Igbo deities constantly demand through the priests what the people will offer to

them: “Tradition has it that this very deity in question had occasionally demanded to

be offered a ´life´ cow, when he was annoyed. It was this demand of a cow that the

people once delayed to give him and he was very much offended that he demanded

for a living human being instead. The people, to avoid further anger of this deity,

dedicated to him a free-born.”243 It was said that a deity sometime in the past

demanded a sacrifice of a cow. As the people wasted much time in fulfilling that, he

demanded for a human offering instead. So as not to invoke the wrath of the god

further, a human being was brought as offering to him but this person was not killed

but dedicated to god as ´Osu.´

This theory is most unlikely to be true and one maintains the argument that “to

accept this theory is to reject the Igbo belief that human sacrifice is as old as Igbo

religion. By human sacrifice we mean people that are killed to appease the gods. If

240 Ibid. 241 Ibid. 242 Ibid., p. 47. 243 Ibid.

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the Igbo sacrifice people to appease the angry gods from the beginning of their

religion, the god that demanded a living human (instead of a dead human) offering

for being so much offended must have been ´a benevolent god.´ ´A happy and not an

offended god.´”244 The offended god theory is questionable.

3.4.5 Criminal Origin Theory

This theory is based on a man who stole yam.245 The Igbo wanted to kill him: “The

criminal was aware of what would happen to him and thought that the best thing to

do was to run to the inner sanctuary of the shrine for protection. The custom forbade

people from entering the inner sanctuary of a shrine no matter what happened. This

he did and the mob pursuing him was confused. They could not enter the inner

sanctuary of the shrine. The only option they thought to be open to them was to hide

and wait for this criminal to come out.”246 They were patient and waited for this

criminal: “They were disappointed when the priest of the shrine came and told them

to go to their homes for whoever enters the inner sanctuary of the shrine becomes

automatically the property of the god. They went home very much annoyed.”247

The Igbo had to meet to decide the fate of this criminal. They were not happy that he

was still living: “The first man that spoke in the assembly whenever he referred to

the criminal, made a sign of regret and this sign of regret osu hissing outrage that

sounded like Osu. The osu (here meaning regret), underlined the sadness that this

criminal was able to run into the shrine, it was a regret of not catching him before his

unthinkable action.”248

The annoyance forced the Igbo to take a harsh decision about him. He will be an

Osu, a word they derived from Igbo word for regret: “He must not have anything to

do with the community, except on religious matters. Intermarriage and sexual

intercourse with him will be an nso (taboo).”249 To disgrace him further and to make

sure that the people will recognise him anywhere he goes, the Igbo demanded: “He

244 Ibid., p. 48. 245Yam is a very important crop in Igboland. Women traditionally are not allowed to cultivate yam. It is a ritual crop and Chnua Achebe, in his book: Things Fall Apart, Op. Cit., p.23 describes yam as representing manliness. The classical sinners in Igboland are thieves. Theft is a grave sin in Igboland. If somebody is after an Igbo person she or he normally asks the person whether she or he stole something that belongs to the person. The Igbo often say “Did I destroy the string of your planted yam?” Stealing of yam belongs to worst abomination one can commit in Igboland, because yam is a ritual crop. The penalty is mobbing the person to death. 246 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 48. 247 Ibid. 248 Ibid. 249 Ibid., p. 49.

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must carry with him the mark of a forbidden caste- long, tangled and dirty hair.”250 In

addition to “these prohibitions, he was officially dedicated to a god. This is the origin

of Osu according to this oral tradition. Even though this theory is based on a tale, the

theory is very plausible.”251 A complimentary theory will now be discussed.

3.4.6 A Scapegoat Theory Onyeoma is the Igbo word for a scapegoat. It means a person who takes the sins of

another on him or herself. The need of scapegoat is a necessity in Igboland. It tallies

with the logic that it is better for one man to die than the whole nation to perish252

The Igbo will look for a Scapegoat: “When a village, a lineage, a family, or an

individual is dogged by illness, bad luck, or calamities and misfortunes, it will

consult a diviner to find out what is wrong. The diviner recommends the dedication

of a slave who will then become an Osu and carry the sins of the dedicators. The

free-born fear the Osu because they do not know how to interact with him without

offending the deity. An Osu is hated because the Osu remind the free-born of their

guilt”.253

The practice of human-scapegoats in Igboland under normal circumstances leads to

the death of the victim: “The case of an Osu is an exceptional one. And since Osu is

a living victim, he or she will not be allowed to die, he or she will be dedicated

instead. Many Osu are simply dedicated to appease the gods for the sins of the Igbo

without necessarily going through normal human-scapegoats procedure.”254

The theory under consideration maintains that the Osu originated when the chief

priest for the first time dedicated a person to a shrine so that the gods will not be

angry with the Igbo: “A person that is familiar with how the Igbo appease their gods

from serious sins committed by the community or the individual in former times can

only accept this theory as an exception. The scapegoat is dragged around the village

with such brutality until the person dies. Alternatively, the victim can be half-buried

in the earth till he dies, he can be burned or worse still, he or she can be tied to a tree 250 Achebe, Chinua: Things Fall Apart, Op. Cit., p. 111. 251 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 49. 252 The bible uses this statement to indicate that Jesus died as a scapegoat. He died to save mankind. It is a prophetic saying that to allow Jesus to die is better than allowing him to live and many people will die. The Jewish high priest consciously or unconsciously said the will of God concerning the second person in the trinity. A God-man whose aim of coming is to die so that many will through his death have eternal life. The Igbo believe also that through the suffering of Osu many will have peace with the gods. Many who could have died, because of the anger of gods will live because of the dedication of an Osu to appease the gods. 253 Uchendu, Victor: The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 89. 254 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 50.

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and left at the mercy of soldier ants. The chosen victim dies in place of the

community and takes away its sins.”255

The dedication of an Osu as a scapegoat even though it is an exception in Igbo

tradition because the Igbo normally kill their scapegoats, is in line with the concept

of scapegoat by the people of Israel: “Raymund Schwager, a Professor at the

University of Innsbruck Austria in his book Must There Be Scapegoats? Violence

and Redemption in the Bible describes Jesus as a scapegoat. Like the Igbo concept of

scapegoat Jesus died on the cross for the sins of the humanity.”256 The Old Testament

prophets prophesied the coming of the suffering servant of God who will die for the

sins of the world. Raymund Schwager applies the concept of scapegoat derived from

the writings of Rene Girard: “For Girard himself (there) is no doubt that the

scapegoat mechanism plays a decisive role in the gospel, indeed that these are the

only writing in world literature in which the hidden truth is completely revealed”257

There is no doubt that Rene Girard provided sound material from where Raymund

Schwager based his theology of scapegoat in his writing on the scapegoat but he

appreciates Raymund Schwager contribution: “I had avoided the word scapegoat for

Jesus, but I agree with Raymund Schwager that he is scapegoat for all.”258 Jesus is

described as the rejected stone: “The collective blindness of the builders is an

integral part of the very process by which the stone becomes a cornerstone.”259 The

rejection and the death of Jesus is essential plan of human salvation: “The rejection

points to the central role of violence. God chooses the murdered Jesus and made him

the cornerstone.”260 One argues in this direction and the stand is: “Osu is the stone

rejected by Igbo people, but an Osu remains the cornerstone in reconciling the Igbo

with their gods.”261

One also argues: “The truth of a scapegoat theory on the origin of Osu will only be

rational when one argues on the ground that in every rule there is always an

exception. In the case of Osu instead of allowing him to die, he was left alive to

serve a god.”262 One thinks a scapegoat theory is better than other theories: “It is the

255 Ibid. 256 Ibid., p. 51. 257 Schwager, Raymund: Must There Be Scapegoat? Violence and Redemption in the Bible, in: http://giradianlectionary.net/res/mtbs-136-145.htm [23.12.2008]. The bracket is mine. 258 Girard, Rene: Comment on Christianity Scapegoat and Sacrifice, in: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science?-ob=MImg&-imagekey=B6wwn-45K13MG [23.12.2008]. 259 Schwager, Raymund: Must there be Scapegoat, Op. Cit., pp. 136-145. 260 Ibid. 261 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 51. 262 Ibid., pp. 51-52.

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most likely theory to explain the origin of Osu. Francis Arinze has similar opinion

when he writes that ´the origin of the system (Osu) is not certain. But propitiation of

an angry spirit and the scapegoat idea seem to have been characteristic of it.´ Osu are

the people carrying the sins of the Igbo community.” 263

Dedication is common in all the theories. There is no doubt that Osu originated

through the dedication of people to gods. The dedication is a way of buying favour

from gods especially after a strained relationship with them. If an Osu is officially

dedicated or the offspring of the dedicated parents, the status cannot be reversed.

3.7 Summary

Osu are the people the Igbo dedicated to their gods. These people are segregated

upon. The six theories of the origin of Osu, which are individual village theory,

deceived free-born theory, transatlantic slave theory, the offended deity theory,

criminal origin theory and scapegoat theory, have their shortcomings. However, one

prefers the scapegoat theory to other theories. The second plausible theory is the

criminal origin theory. The females are the people most affected in Osu tradition.

The male Osu are discriminated but the female Osu suffer the same discrimination in

a superlative degree. They are discriminated on two grounds, because of their gender

and their Osu status.

263 Ibid.

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Chapter 4:

The Female Osu – Discrimination on Two Grounds

4.1 The Beautiful Women as Victims

The Osu tradition and discrimination is not only a custom against women but also a

custom against men. Most of what one will be writing on female Osu is also

applicable to the male Osu. The reason one dedicates this chapter to female Osu is

because of the fact that the females are more affected than the males. The number of

female Osu outweighs the number of male Osu. The male Osu is worth more than the

female Osu. The male Osu are discriminated against and the female Osu suffer the

same discrimination in a superlative degree. Most of the women Osu are beautiful,

this leads to the question: Why are most beautiful women victims of Osu system?

Why are women more victims than men in Osu tradition? The immediate answer one

gets is that the gods want the best.

But the truth is that the chief priests of the shrine prefer beautiful women for their

own sexual gratifications: “And this further explains why there are more of female

Osu than males, which confirms that females are dedicated in large number, because

the Chief priests consider them more beneficial.”264 Some of the shrines do not even

accept male Osu. They only accept females as Osu. One of the examples is “in

Imilike, Orba and Amalla-Ulo, where the Osu were referred to as the Igbere, they

were offered to the deities of Amanyi, Okpo and Ezeugwu respectively. The deity of

Okpo oracle in Imilike does not accept any other sex of human sacrifice, except

females, and that is why till this date the population of women outnumbers the male

Osu.”265

In principle, the chief priests are not supposed to have sexual intercourse with the

Osu dedicated to the shrine. These women Osu are permitted to marry or have sexual

relationship with Osu men. The children got from such relations are automatically

Osu and they are the properties of the gods: “The Osu in Obimo were referred to as

Nrobu. They were mainly females occupying a selected part of the village very close

to the shrine of Nrobu the deity of peace.”266 The children these women give birth to

through the sexual relation with male Osu belong to Nrobu deity.267

264 Okeke, Romeo: The Osu Concept in Igboland. A Study of the types of Slavery in Igbo-speaking Areas of Nigeria, Enugu: Access 1976, p. 52. 265 Ibid., p. 51. 266 Ibid. 267 Ibid., p. 52.

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Another reason why women are the most victims of Osu tradition is because of the

protective nature of the Igbo shrine. Most of the widows in the olden days have

nobody to protect them and were subject to be taken and sold into slavery. Some of

them ran into the shrine to become their Osu. One of the shrines in Nsukka is called

Adoro.268 The Igbo in Austria use this word Adoro for people asking the Austrian

government to protect them because of the dangers they are facing in their various

countries.

Jerome Okafor´s269 field research support the claim that women are most victims of

Osu system than men. He researches on the sex that is more affected in Osu tradition:

Table: 4 The Sex More Affected

No/% Male Female Male and

female

Total

No. 42 118 60 220

% 19.10 53.4 27.27 100

Source: Okafor, J.: The Challenges of Osu Caste System to Igbo Christians, p.

82.

In the above table, Jerome Okafor pointed out that out of 220 people who were asked

which gender is more affected in Osu practice 42 (19.10%) said that men are more

affected while 118 (53.4%) people were of the opinion that women are more

affected. 60 (27.27%) were of the opinion that both male and female are equally

affected. From the above finding one can conclude that females are mostly affected

by the practise of Osu.

268 Ibid. 269 Cf. Okafor Jerome: The Challenge of Osu Caste System to the Igbo Christian, Onitsha: Veritas 1993, p. 82.

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4.2 Dedication of Female Osu

Before the advent of the colonial masters, the dedication of an Osu was a big event in

Igboland. The Igbo have liturgical rites for the dedication of female Osu. It is the

function of the chief priest270 of the shrine to say when the god of the shrine needs an

Osu to be dedicated to it. The chief priest also says if the god needs a female or male

Osu. The female Osu is needed in most cases as already stated. If the gods need the

Osu, the town does not waste time to summon a village meeting. The aim of such

meeting is usually to discuss how to meet the demand of the gods. The decision on

how to get the victims is made. Some Igbo communities have prisoners from the

inter-village or inter-tribal wars they fought and these people often run the risk of

being taken as the victims. In the absence of these people, a slave can be bought or

people could be kidnapped.

It is good to point out that slaves were very cheap then: “The price of a slave varied,

of course. At one time [...] when his price was higher than usual, a man was sold for

thirteen iron bars, a woman for nine iron bars and proportionately for boys and girls

according to their ages.”271 It is interesting to note that an iron bar was worth half a

gallon of brandy.272 So the village is not under great difficulty in raising funds for the

purchase of a slave to be dedicated.

When the would-be Osu is available, the next step is to fix the date for the

dedication. It is an open ceremony. However, each village has their own custom and

method of dedication of the female Osu. The whole village may be present especially

when the shrine is central to the village or the respectable representatives of the

village who are elders will take the person to the shrine for the dedication. In some

areas of Igboland, for instance, in Awgu and Udi areas the person is given one of the

belongings of the deity. Romeo Okeke a researcher in Igbo culture gives a reason for

this action: “The significance of holding the property is to show that by handling

these items, the victim has exchanged his person [...] with the property of the

deity.”273 He goes on to say: “The person will be told the citations to make before

the deity and all other people present […], a drop of blood is spread or touched on

the stones around the sanctuary of the shrine.”274

270 A priest claims this decision is from a god and the people normally accept his claims because of the fact that the consultation of a god by the chief priest is normally done during the time of crisis. 271 Isichei Elizabeth: A History of the Igbo People, Op. Cit., p. 49. 272 Cf. Ibid. 273 Cf. Okeke, Romeo: The Osu Concept in Igboland, Op. Cit., p. 37. 274 Ibid.

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The touching or spreading of the blood of would-be Osu on the stones around the

sanctuary of the shrine is very important because it represents Osu´s signature. It is a

sign that she agrees to serve a god. Serving the deity is the decision of the people and

not the free-will of the Osu. She has no other alternative as to do what she is asked to

do. A drop of blood that has touched the stone is normally a flow of blood from the

cut on the left ear of the victim. In some cases the cut on the left ear is average and in

other cases, the left ear is totally cut off. This cut of the left ear serves as a mark of

identity of an Osu. The laws that govern her new position will be read to her, such as

leaving her hair untouched; living near the market place or at the boundary of the

village as the case may be. Gunfire normally indicates the end of the ceremony.

People depart to their various homes with a sense of joy that they have performed a

holy duty to their gods. They are proud of themselves as responsible citizens of their

village. They normally expect that the gods will reciprocate their kind gesture of

dedicating another Osu. As the dedications are normally done at the time of crisis,

people are happy that the dedication will mark the end of such crisis. And so in the

olden days, a dedication day was seen as a day of joy to the community.

Romeo Okeke, a researcher in Igbo culture comments that in 1956 just four years

before the independence of Nigeria, Dr. Namdi Azikiwe275 led the Eastern Region

House of Assembly to abolish Osu System in Igboland. The law states:

“Notwithstanding any custom or usage, each and every person who on the date of the

commencement of this law is Osu, shall from and after such date cease to be Osu and

shall be freed and discharged from any consequences thereof, and the children

thereafter to be born to such a person shall not be Osu, and the Osu system is hereby

utterly and forever abolished and declared unlawful.”276

The dedication of Osu in Igboland, therefore, became illegal and cannot be openly

celebrated as in the pre-colonial period. The fact remains that the Osu are dedicated

in secret. It is difficult to say how the dedication of Osu takes place within the period

because the practice became a secret affair. What is clear, however, is that it is no

more done publicly as in the pre-colonial period. An oral interview with Nnaedu

275 Dr. Namdi Ezikiwe was one of those people that fought for Nigeria’s independence. He was a respected Igbo man, unlike many Igbo, he believes in one Nigeria. He was the first president of Nigeria. He was, however, a ceremonial president, the prime minister is the head of the government. He was like a queen of England. He was the first and only ceremonial president that Nigeria had. The other presidents that follow after him were executive presidents. 276 Okeke, Romeo: The Osu Concept in Igboland, Op. Cit., p. 113.

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Agbo277, an eighty-two year old Igboman confirmed the fact that the practice was

done in secret. He said that at night, between five to ten men and the priest of the

shrine would take the would-be Osu to the shrine and perform the rite of dedication

without any gunshot. The change, however, lies in the reduction on the number of

these dedications, since many are beginning to see the injustice as explained by the

missionaries, an injustice also fought against by colonial masters and forbidden by

law through the influence of the educated Igbo. This law, even though it was unable

to destroy the Osu custom completely remained a major factor that affected other

aspects of the life of the Osu in general and female Osu in particular.

One of the aspects of Osu practices that are affected most because of “The Osu

Abolition Law” in the post-colonial period is the aspect of dedication. The reason is

that this aspect can be enforced by law. The administration of the law now is in the

hand of the people who understand the best way to discover the communities that

still go against the law that forbids Osu custom. The constant interventions by the

law enforcement agents go a long way in eliminating the number of women

dedicated.

It is most unlikely that any Igbo will now voluntarily offer him or her self for

dedication. The reasons for self offering278 for dedication were many such as

victimisation and frustration.279 In this case, the victimised seeks protection by

offering herself voluntarily to be dedicated. She now seeks such protection from a

new law of the land that protects the weak against the attacks of the strong.

Criminals who normally run to shrines to be dedicated so as not to be killed by the

people now run to police stations for such protection. Most of them are usually

imprisoned, if need be, and not killed. In a situation where poverty compel a widow

to borrow and whereby she cannot pay back, instead of asking to be dedicated to the

deities to scare away the lender who automatically ceases to approach her because of

her act of dedication,280 she now applies to law court which decides on a gradual way

to settle the debt. Even if she runs to the deities for protection from her creditor, the

creditor could also invoke the law to get redressed and settlement of her debt since

277 Cf. Agbo, Nnaedu: Osu Dedication, Oral interview 2007. 278 Most women especially widows who have nobody to protect them voluntarily run to shrine with their children for protection. The Igbo will not kidnap them to sell them as slaves because they will be afraid of the god of the shrine. It is a question of making a choice between two unavoidable evils. Some consider being Osu as lesser evil than being sold as slaves. 279 Cf. Okeke, Romeo: The Osu Concept in Igboland, Op. Cit., p. 29. 280 Cf. Ibid.

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the creditor may not accept the outdated traditional practice that one should forget

about the money one owes, as soon as one is dedicated to a deity

Granted, between the sixties and the early eighties, cases of imprisonment of those

who collaborated or were involved in the dedication of people to deities were heard

of. Today, there is no evidence281 that people are still being dedicated to the gods.

But lack of evidence is not enough to conclude that females are no more dedicated to

gods in Igboland. The truth is that most of the women now suffering as Osu are those

whose great grand-fathers were dedicated to the gods.

4.3 Female Osu and the Economy

Pade Badru describes Osu as an Outcast and adds: “These outcast peasants have no

rights to land whatsoever.”282 One understands this statement better when one

considers the fact that these people are considered to be strangers. The Igbo within

this period could not think of selling their land to an ordinary stranger, not even to a

free-born from other kindred within the same village, let alone selling it to a stranger

(Osu) with whom it is customarily forbidden to exchange wares in the market. Even

a free-born female is not permitted to own a piece of land let alone a female Osu.

The free-born females participate in the cultivation of the lands that belong to their

fathers or husbands.

The buying and selling of land in pre-colonial period was only possible within the

same kindred. The Igbo have their reasons for this restriction. It controls land

disputes, which were common in olden days. The lands are important, because the

Igbo are agricultural people.283 Since Female Osu has no right to land and cannot

even buy one, the big question is: How did these Osu survive within this period? A

female Osu was an Ogbe-nye in the pre-colonial period. The word Ogbe-nye has its

root in two Igbo words: Ogbe, which means community and nye which means give.

It was the pre-colonial Igbo’s understanding of a poor person. One is not poor if one

can feed, clothe and shelter oneself. A female Osu in pre-colonial period could not

feed, clothe or shelter herself. The community takes care of her indirectly when it

cares for the god to whom she is dedicated.

281 I made every effort during my field research to discover the shrine that still dedicate the females to gods. I suspected that some shrine in Nsukka area may be still be doing it in secret but I have no evidence to substantiate my feelings. 282 Badru, Pade: International Banking and Rural Development, England: Ashgate 1998, p. 61. 283 Cf. Afigbo, Nnom: The Age of Innocence: the Igbo and their Neighbours in pre-Colonial Times, Owerri: Govt Press 1981, p. 8.

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These include foods items and domestic animals offered to the gods. Some of these

offers may not be eaten by Osu depending on the type of offering. A good example is

burnt or buried offerings. However, many of them can be eaten by Osu. The people

sometimes offer clothing to the gods and the female Osu clothed themselves with

them. They also lived in the mud houses built for these gods. The needs of Osu and

the needs of free-born, who were peasant farmers, were limited. The lifestyle for

both is simple, what the people need are the basic requirements for existence: “Very

rarely did demands for luxuries develop to any great extent.”284 Unlike the free-born,

the female Osu has no choice on issues of food, clothing and shelter.

One may conclude from what we have seen so far that the survival of an Osu in the

pre-colonial period was assured. However, the most difficult problem for an Osu was

self-pride. An average Igbo is a proud person. An average Igbo person will prefer to

take care of him/herself and may be tempted to a wrong decision when unable to do

that. Achebe describes how a farmer tied his cloth to a tree branch and hanged

himself because of a poor harvest of his yam.285 The reason for the suicide is not that

this farmer would not be provided for by relations, but the simple fact that he does

not like to be Ogbe-nye (One the community feeds). On this ground one can

appreciate the problems the female Osu had in pre-colonial days in terms of

economy. They were not allowed to have their own land to feed themselves.

The primary occupation of the Igbo people in the colonial period remains subsistence

agriculture and petty trading. Agriculture is the basic occupation and trading,

according to Margaret Green, is a close second. She says: “One might almost say that

whereas they farm for necessity, they trade not only for necessity but also for

pleasure. Their markets are one of the main features in their lives. They provide a

meeting point for the discussion of common business and for the dissemination of

news.”286

If agriculture is the basic occupation, then the land is the basis of existence and an

understanding of the way the Igbo own their land is very important in our discussion.

As already pointed out, the female Osu do not own land, they merely make use of the

land that belongs to their deities. When Christianity was introduced within the

period, the Osu were among the early converts. Leaving the god they served to join

the new religion meant also that they were no longer entitled to any piece of land.

284 Ibid. 285 Cf. Achebe, Chinua: Things Fall Apart, Op. Cit., p. 17. 286 Green, Margaret: Ibo Village Affairs, Op. Cit, p. 37.

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One can imagine what that meant in a community where the economy depends solely

on agriculture.

They had no opportunity to buy lands then. The reason is: “The outright sell of land

to non-kin members who intend to retain the piece of land forever is not allowed by

Igbo custom. Purchase of land is a modern development, and may occur where the

heir is the only last living descendant of a lineage and has many acres of land at his

disposal. Even so, the wider family connection may have objection to such an

action.”287 The objection will be stronger when the non-kin member is a female Osu.

The second alternative, i.e. trade, was not favourable to the Osu. They were normally

in the minority and the free-born dared not buy from them. The Igbo market is a

social centre and the Osu has little or no place in such a market. Osu, therefore,

found it difficult to survive through agriculture or trade within this period. The

converts depended on the generosity of the missionaries and those that remained

faithful to their deities depended on the sacrifice offered to these deities.

It is worthy to note that offerings to the gods began to decline within the colonial

period. The missionaries were fighting against the traditional religion. The imported

education discouraged some people from offering to Igbo gods: “The Igbo who

accepted Christianity were told that it was a mortal sin to offer anything to gods.

They should know that these gods did not exist.”288 The implication of the decline of

offering to these gods meant that the Osu, during the colonial period unlike in the

pre-colonial period, had less to live on.

The wealth (in the post-colonial period) and beauty of the Osu are points which

protagonists of Osu system always emphasized. They believe that the gods were the

cause. One may argue that these advantages have nothing to do with the gods to

whom they are dedicated. They could be explained biologically and technically.

They are beautiful because the Igbo priests wanted beautiful women. If the

descendants of these beautiful women dedicated to gods are also beautiful, the

explanation is biological and not spiritual.

On the issue of wealth, one thinks that apart from the explanation given above that

the Osu were the first group of people to accept western ways of life, their perilous

social condition motivated them to work harder than others. They were aware of the

social influence of money in a society. It was therefore natural that they would like to

regain what they lost by birth (social position) through economy. They worked very 287 Anyanwu, Starling: The Igbo Family Life and Cultural Change, Op. Cit., p. 249. 288 Jinehu, Emmanuel: The Osucaste in our society, Enugu: Tudor and group 1991, p. 3.

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hard in this direction and the results are obvious. They are comparatively rich. Some

of the female Osu who remained in the village are among the poorest in the Igbo

community. Those in the towns are better off. The male Osu, because of their high

mobility, are richer than the female Osu.

4.4 Female Osu and Social Interaction

By social interaction one means the way people relate to one another. The Igbo are a

community-oriented group of people with such extra-ordinary extended family

systems that the two words “brothers” and “sisters” are enough to describe the whole

Igbo village. They gather together for eating, drinking, dancing and so on. The

youths play together at moonlit nights. Age mates work together, rotating their work

from one person to the other. The Igbo word Igwebuike (unity is strength) is popular

among the Igbo and is also a common name in Igboland.

The Igbo community with such a wonderful human interaction had nothing to do

with female Osu on the level of social interaction. On the level of rituals and

religious interaction, the story may be different for the male Osu but not so much for

the female289 Their social life is not an enviable one because they are simply

ostracised.290 They suffer the worst of all social segregations,291 and lived apart

within the period of discussion.292 Their houses could not be located near the

freeborn houses. An Osu woman was not allowed to participate in social gatherings

and functions. She could only marry a man who is also an Osu as will been seen

later: “They were dead as far as social life was concerned. To interact with anybody

was to contaminate the person and ritual purification was needed to cleanse the

person again. People abhorred their presence. They were considered living

misfortunes.”293 Chidozie Ogbalu, a writer in Igbo language, sees Osu as “ onye ruru

aru bu onye a na-eme ihe ochi, burukwa onye e wepuru ewepu.”294 Ogbalu means

that Osu is an impure person, a laughing object, and a segregated person.

289 Unlike the male Osu, the female Osu do not come too close during the offering of sacrifice in Igboland. They are passive workers in a given shrine and the male Osu are the active workers and can even hold material for the sacrifice for the priest. The general idea in Igboland that a woman sacrifice is not valid affect the female Osu in their service to gods they are dedicated to. Male Osu is preferred to female Osu.. 290 Cf. Okoye, Godfrey: Our Strange God’s, Ude pub., Mgbowo: Ude Pub. 1965, p. 23. 291 Cf. Iwe, Nelson: Christianity and Culture in Africa, Onitsha: University press 1 971, p. 21. 292 Cf. Green, Margaret: Igbo Village Affairs, Op. Cit., p. 23. 293 Emefoh, Ignatius: Osu Caste System in Uke Traditional Society, Op. Cit. p. 10. 294 Ogbalu Chidozie: Omenala Igbo, Op. Cit., p. 83.

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What we have seen so far may help us to understand the position of many old people

in Igboland today as far as Osu and social interaction is concerned. They believe that

Osu is no more segregated. This assertion could be appreciated when one compares

the discrimination of female Osu in the past with what is obtainable today: “Osu

practices involve inequality in freedom of movement and choice of residence,

inequality in the right of peaceful association, inequality in the enjoyment of the right

to marry and establish a family.”295 Segregation and Osu tradition are interwoven. However, when one compares the

situation with that of the pre-colonial period, one will acknowledge the improvement

made so far even though some of the new converts during the colonial administration

went back to Igbo traditional religion because of the insistence by the missionaries

that Osu should be allowed as members of the new religion (Christianity) without

their identification mark.296 The identification mark is the long tangled hair.297 It is

on record that within colonial period for the first time in the history of the Igbo

people some free-born Igbo worshipped together in one Church with the Osu: “An

Osu enters the Church and the free-born did not immediately run away from the

Church as one would expect them to do, those who found themselves nearest to them

merely moved to another seat.”298

In the schools set up by the colonial masters and missionaries, Osu was not

segregated against. They studied together with the free-born. There were, however,

many of the Igbo parents who did not want their children to go to school because of

the uncustomary and untraditional ways the schools were run by the missionaries. A

good example is the teaching on non-segregation. Those that went to school learnt

not to discriminate. They were educated on the equality of all people and the

fundamental right of social interaction. Nevertheless, some of them lived a double

life: the western way of life in the school and the traditional way of life at home. The

missionaries were pleased with them in the school and their parents were happy with

them in their homes.

295 Dike, Victor: The Osu Caste System in Igboland Discrimination Based on Descent, Op. Cit., pp. 3-4. 296 Cf. Ibid., p. 112. 297 The long tangled hair was meant to remind the people not to have any social interaction with the bearer. It is an identification mark for an Osu. Within this period many Osu shaved off this segregation mark. The new religion had taught them that they would not die when they do so, contrary to the teaching of Igbo traditional religion. The example of those that obeyed the instruction and are not dead encouraged many to follow in their footsteps. 298 Achebe, Chinua: Things Fall Apart. Op. Cit., p. 111.

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The new government also created employment opportunities in which the Osu were

not discriminated against. They had equal chance with the freeborn since the colonial

government was not interested about who is an Osu and who is not. This might have

contributed among many other things to the opposition to the colonial administration

in Igboland. These moves by the colonial masters and missionaries improved in no

small ways the social interaction between Osu and non Osu in Igboland.

The oral interview conducted in September 2007 with Chief Kosmas Chiemelu

showed that only two aspects of discrimination of the Osu remain much alive in

Igboland. Chief Cosmas Chiemelu299 named these two aspects as avoidance of sexual

relationship with an Osu; and refusal of an Osu to become a traditional ruler. One

thinks that the obstacle to sexual relationship with a free-born should be further

interpreted to mean that intermarriage between Osu and free-born is still a problem.

However, many free-born do have sexual relationship with the Osu. They avoid

intermarriage because of the social implication of such a marriage. The Igbo will

take them as Osu. Their sons will not be allowed to marry a free-born and their

daughters will not be married by a free-born.

It may not be out of place to remark that the problem of intermarriage is not peculiar

to Osu. Many Igbo Christians are opposed to inter-denominational and inter-religious

marriages. Many Catholics do not accept interdenominational marriage let alone

intermarry with Muslims, Hindus and Buddhists etc. However, when one compares

intermarriage between members of one denomination with the other or between

blacks and whites, with that of Osu and free-born, one must not fail to conclude that

it is more difficult for a free-born to marry an Osu than any inter-cultural or inter-

denominational marriages.

A male Osu is not permitted to become a ruler in Igboland. It is unthinkable that

female Osu will be one. None of the female Osu has made such an attempt in the

history of Igboland. Not being allowed to become a traditional ruler includes also not

being accepted in any leadership position in Igboland. On the aspect of not allowing

an Osu a leadership position in Igboland, the reason may be that if this happens it

will be like a stranger directing the affairs of the Igbo. The Osu are taken as

descendants of strangers in Igboland. On political election where numbers count, an

Osu may not be elected without the vote of free-born. They are in the minority, their

299 Cf. Chiemelu Kosmas: The Segregation of an Osu, Oral interview (21.08.2007).

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wealth notwithstanding, winning election is very difficult. They know it and many of

them are not interested in politics.

All the same, a lot has improved. Today, a stranger in Igboland cannot easily identify

who is and who is not an Osu. They live their daily life just like any other person.

They are no more living apart from other people. They can buy lands and build their

houses freely. Also the younger generation now finds it difficult to know who is and

who is not an Osu. They play together and dance together and even befriend each

other. It is only at the point of marriage that vehement opposition from the families

comes up. So the female Osu are currently discriminated against as far as marriage

is concerned. She is also denied the opportunity of being a leader in Igboland.

4.5 Female Osu and Igbo Leadership.

The direct democratic system of Igbo government where individuals participate

personally and not through their elected members confuse some people and they

doubt whether the Igbo of the past had any leadership. The popular Igbo saying:

“Igbo Enwe Eze” (the Igbo have no kings) seems to question the possibility of Igbo

leadership. This saying is “an obvious reference to the fact that historically the Igbo

never established kingdoms or empires presided over by supreme rulers. The

democratic village republic characterised by the family, kindred and village

assemblies, that gives virtually equal consideration to the elders and other adult male

members alike, could not quite serve the bureaucratic purpose of government.”300

The Igbo however, have their traditional leadership even though one may not

compare it with their counterparts in Yoruba and Hausa lands that have powerful

leaders.301

Direct democratic government was the form of government on a village level. It has

to do with the participation of all male free-born; it excludes the participation of

female Osu. The leaders were taken from “the title-making societies, the Dibia

fraternity (a diviner association), the secret society, oracles, and the age-grade

associations. Leadership is provided by the Ofo-holders, the titled men and women

of wealth who have risen spontaneously in the village and have developed their

300 Nwosu, A.: Episode in Encounter between the Town Union and the Eze Institution in Igboland and over the Issue of good Governance, Owerri: Govt press 1998, p. 11. 301 Cf. Isichei Elizabeth: The History of Igbo People, Op. Cit., p. 51.

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power and influence gradually.”302 The Osu in the pre-colonial period was not a

member of any of the above group.

It is unthinkable for an Osu to take any form of leadership role in pre-colonial Igbo

community. Moreover, such leadership positions like Eze303 (king) in pre-colonial

Igbo were hereditary. It was a natural right of a given lineage. Osu has no lineage in

Igboland, they are not free citizens and could neither vote nor be voted for. They

were forbidden to appear at social gatherings, let alone addressing such a gathering

as leaders.

The most important change in the leadership of the Igbo within the colonial period

was the introduction of indirect rule by the British administration. The traditional

government was used by British government to administer the Igbo. The Igbo chiefs

were used and where there was no chief the British government will create a chief

without the traditional procedure of installing a chief. The name of these chiefs

created by the British government is warrant chiefs: “Some of these chiefs misused

their power.”304

The method of creating the warrant chiefs gives the female Osu the chance of being

appointed as a leader in Igbo traditional community. Here, one must differentiate

between possibility and actuality. In pre-colonial period, the possibility was not there

at all and so one would not talk of actuality. Now the possibility is there and we can

talk of actuality. There was no indication that any of the female Osu were made

warrant chief during the colonial administration. If such had happened people must

have definitely opposed it as they had opposed so many other colonial

administrations policies, like the introduction of taxation.305

The opposition of warrant chiefs by the Igbo was based on the fact that these people

were mere agents of the British government and had not got the traditional mandate

of the people to govern them. They were mostly influential people in the community

and the female Osu in the colonial period had no such influence. The Osu in general

were only beginning to stand with their two feet in the community and were not fully

liberated as to aspire to political leadership in Igboland.

302 Cf. Uchendu Victor: The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria, Op. Cit., p.41. 303 Eze is a male king. Only males are allowed to become kings in Igboland. Women cannot be kings or queen in Igboland. Their womanhood disqualified them. We have also seen in chapter one that only free-born are allowed to be king. The Igbo have a system where kingships are inherited. If free-born women are not allowed to be kings, women Osu cannot, therefore, be kings. Not only that their womanship disqualified them, but also their being Osu constitute an impediment of being a king in Igboland. 304 Clarke, John: A Visual History of Nigeria, London: Butler and Tanner 1979, p. 28. 305 Cf. Ibid., p. 39.

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The post-colonial period was a period of crisis as far as male Osu and the leadership

of Igbo are concerned. The female Osu never dreamt of being a leader. They had two

obstacles hindering them from Igbo leadership. They were just women dedicated to

the gods. The possibility of male Osu becoming a leader was unimaginable in the

pre-colonial period. In the colonial period, there was this possibility, but it was not

exercised. Today many male Osu struggle over leadership in Igboland. Many of the

free-born resist vehemently any attempt to make an Osu their leader. Whereas a man

born in a country leaves his country for another country and obtains the host

country’s citizenship and becomes a leader in his host country, a born Igbo living in

Igboland is refused leadership in Igboland. The present Governor (Arnold

Schwarzenegger) of California is a good example; he is an Austrian by birth and now

the number one citizen of California. The present president (Barack Obama) of USA

is another good example; he is an African-American and Keynesian by birth and now

the number one citizen in USA.

Andrew Ndubuisi of Awaka-Emekuku told the researcher in 1992306 of a similar

problem in his village. An Osu wanted to be the leader of the community and even

inside the Church the people could not restrict their reaction when the catechist

announced it. There was great uproar in the Church that the Mass was not completed.

It led to a temporary closure of the Church by the then Bishop of Owerri Diocese,

Michael Onuegbu.

The problem in Oruku in Nkanu East Local Government Area of Enugu state started

in 1996: “A man of Umuode, regarded as Osu descendant by the village of

Umuchiani and Onuogowo, the two other villages that make up Oruku town […]” 307

became the eldest man in Oruku. This position has an element of leadership attached

to it. The other two villages, approved the second to the eldest to be the eldest, since

according to them an Osu could not in principle be the eldest man in a town. The

opposition by Umuode resulted in the killing of many of them. The catechist was

killed not because he belonged to the Osu group but because he preached against the

killing of Umuode-Osu group.

306 The year 1992 was the year I did my inter-diocesan apostolic work in one of the Igbo dioceses in Imo state. The Owerri diocese posted me to one of their parishes in Emekuku. Awaka is a station under the Emekuku parish. The parish priest Rev. Fr. Etoh posted me to this out station. I lived in a house that belongs to an Osu. Only one young man has the courage to visit me. I interacted with others only in the church and during my house visitations. 307 Dike, Victor: The Osu Caste System in Igboland- discrimination based on descent, Op. Cit., p. 15.

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One must not fail to remark that the protracted crisis in Oruku was caused by the

retaliation of the Umuode. The crisis is still raging today. The government allocation

of different area to Umuode and making them a town of their own did not solve the

problem. The conflict is most likely to continue for a long time. The case in question

maybe an experimental one. If the Osu succeeds in taking over leadership position in

Oruku, they may most likely succeed in other towns. The other Osu in Igboland are

solidly behind the Osu in Oruku, because if they succeed in the fight, they will be a

reference point to other villages and town in Igboland.

It is interesting to note that those mostly involved in supporting Osu´s discrimination

are the educated people. The field research carried out by Okafor Jerome308

buttresses this fact. The question Jerome asked 220 persons is: Which group of

people are primarily providing the strength sustaining Osu system according to your

opinion? (Who are those fanning Osu discrimination?) He gave three possible

answers to his question: (a) Ignorant Christians. (b) The enlightened people in Igbo

society. (c) The traditional religionists.

Table: 5

Who do you think are those fanning the discrimination?

Ignorant

Christian

Enlightened people Traditionalist Total

57= 25.9% 145= 65.9% 18= 8.18% 220=100%

Source: Okafor, J.: The Challenge of Osu System to the Igbo Christian, p. 80.

The above statistics show that 57 persons (25.91%) accuse the ignorant Christians for

providing the strength sustaining Osu discrimination today, while 145 persons

(65.91%) say the enlightened people in Igbo society and only 18 persons (8.18%)

blame the traditional religionists.309 The educated Igbo see to it that Osu never won

any election in Igboland. They are rich, but they remain in the minority.

But why is it that the enlightened Igbo are mostly the people behind Osu

segregation? Can one say that their knowledge exposed them to see the goodness of

Osu practice and if this is so, what is this goodness in the practice of Osu system?

During the field research it was discovered that the so-called enlightened Igbo have

308 Okafor, Jerome: The Challenge of Osu Caste System to the Igbo Christian, Op. Cit., p. 80. 309 Ibid.

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no other reason for supporting Osu practice other than that it is part of the Igbo

culture.

Whenever one hears such words like “This is our culture” in Igboland, it suggests a

rejection of colonialism. The first group of Igbo that came back from their studies in

Europe (mostly from London) were not happy with what they described as `inhuman

segregation` of whites against blacks. However, instead of fighting segregation in

Igboland, they are supporting it with the feeling that the white colonialists taught the

Igbo the evils of segregation, but experience shows them that similar segregation

exists in Europe. ´This is our culture´ therefore, means that our culture is as good or

as bad as any other culture and nobody from another culture has the right to change

it. One can interpret the support of Osu practice by the enlightened Igbo as

expression of their anger against racial segregation and injustice in Europe.

There are other reasons why the enlightened Igbo support Osu practice. One of them

is political. It has been said that most of the Osu people are rich because of their

earlier acceptance of western education, a less rich free-born fears losing his or her

political chance to a richer Osu if the system is eliminated. A good example is what

happened in Awaka in 1991 when a male Osu with his overwhelming economic

influence attempted to become a chief of the town. The politics that an Osu is a

stranger was used to knock him off and a less- rich-enlightened man was crowned

the chief of the town. Similar to this was what happened in Oruku in 1996, whereby

the eldest man’s position, which should have gone to an Osu at the time was denied

him based on the same politics that an Osu is a stranger. All the moves to take part in

Igbo leadership by the Osu so far were made by the male Osu. The female Osu have

not made any move to be Igbo leader, they are still too far from Igbo leadership.

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4.6 Female Osu and Igbo Traditional Marriage

The pre-colonial Igbo traditional marriage was a complicated institution. The reason

for this complication is because of the fact that marriages are between families and

not simply between a man and a woman. The community in which one belongs

participates in marriage procedures: “This in effect is an invitation to all in the

community to help see that the new family succeeds. For when one participates in

establishing something, one normally remains committed to it. Consequently, this

means that when there is a problem in marriage the community tries to solve it.”310

Marriage is so important in Igboland that the Igbo permit a child to marry. It shows

that one is interested in the continuity of the Igbo community. For the Igbo “title

taking enhances his prestige and gives him a high social position but he is free to

take it or not, marriage for him on the other hand, is essentially for his life. It is not

only that human nature demands it, it is a duty he owes to his family and society at

large.”311 This explains why the Igbo social status placed the married above the

unmarried. This explains why an Igbo person says: Otu onye adighi alu nwanyi

(marriage is not one man’s affair). The choice of a wife is not just the concern of a

man. He must obtain the approval of the whole family: “A person who sees a girl he

desires to marry must inform all relatives, grandparents, uncles, nephews, cousins

and nieces, distant or near for inspection and approval or disapproval. Their

individual and collective opinions matter a great deal.”312

In view of this, some questions yearn for answer: For instance, will the families

approve the marriage if an Osu is involved? Is an Osu an impediment in Igbo

traditional marriage? One may attempt an answer to the last question. By

impediment, one means an obstacle that makes marriage difficult or even impossible.

The Catholic Code of Cannon Law says: “A diriment impediment renders a person

incapable of validly contracting a marriage” (Can. 1073). One makes a distinction

between what is valid and what is lawful. One talks of a thing being valid when the

essentials-the basic and most important things are there. The consent of the two

persons about to get married and the consent of their parents or families are

essentials in Igbo traditional marriage. A marriage in Igboland is considered invalid

without these consents. One talks of a thing being lawful when a law allows

310 Dike, Eugene: Christian Marriage and Family in Igboland- A Study of the conflict between Igbo-culture and Christianity, Op. Cit., pp. 30-31. 311 Akalonu, Cyril: Procreation in Igbo Marriage: Inculturation of the Christian Ideal, Madrid: University Pub. 1987, p. 9. 312 Ogbalu, Chidozie: Igbo Institutions and Customs, Uni. pub. Onitsha: University Press 1973, p. 13.

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something or when something is permitted by law. Traditional law forbids a free-

born to marry an Osu in Igboland. If the pre-colonial Igbo believed that marriage

with an Osu is no marriage, then the Osu was incapable of validly contracting a

marriage in Igboland. Since the tradition sees this as an unacceptable marriage, it

means that Osu is validly capable of contracting a marriage with a freeborn. The law

limits them to marry among themselves. If the law is disobeyed, the marriage is still

valid but unlawful. The penalty is that a free-born through such a marriage becomes

an Osu. An Osu has not got the right to marry the spouse of his choice.313 One of the

interesting things in Igbo marriage is the long investigation and enquiries undertaken

by the people about to marry. Their families and their middlemen are involved in the

inquiry: “This inquiry is very serious in a marriage process. Before ever one takes a

definite stand whether to enter into marriage with a partner, one must know very well

the history of the partner’s birth, ancestral links, blood links and finally must find out

if the partner is an Osu. Once it has emerged that one is an Osu, that is the end of the

marriage”.314 Marrying an Osu in pre-colonial Igbo was unthinkable and abominable. People were

afraid of their gods and of social implications of marrying them. There is no

evidence, written or oral, that indicates that a free-born within the period attempted

marrying an Osu, or an Osu attempted marrying a free-born. The issue of mistaking

an Osu to be free-born was not possible then. The reason is because of the presence

of a physical mark on an Osu. The law of living apart from the free-born was in

force. We can then say of this period that intermarriage between an Osu and a free-

born was unheard of. The female Osu could only marry a male Osu.

In the pre-colonial period intermarriage between an Osu and free-born was

unthinkable: “The mere idea of it fills the freeborn with horror.”315 But the Christian

missionary activities in Igboland made it possible for some free-born to think of the

possibility of intermarriage with an Osu. It is on record that some converted free-

born in Igboland wanted to marry an Osu. A good example is the case of Obi

Okonkwo in Acheche’s novel, No Longer at Ease. Obi’s proposal to marry an Osu

young woman was opposed by his father, Isaac Okonkwo, even though he was a

Christian. He feared the fate of the offspring of that marriage. He wanted his son Obi

313 Cf. Okafor Jerome: The Challenge of Osu Caste System to the Igbo Christian, Op. Cit., p. 31. 314 Okonkwo Emmanuel: Marriage in the Christian and Igbo Traditional Context: Towards an Inculturation, Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang 2003, p. 50. 315 Green Margaret: Ibo Village Affairs, Op. Cit., p. 158.

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to reflect on this: “Who will marry your daughter? Whose daughter will your son

marry? Think of that my son. We are Christians but we cannot marry our

daughters.”316 For Isaac Okonkwo, his son Obi would be sorrowful if he married the

Osu girl, because the people would not understand his action.317 He would at the

same time bring shame to his family for his action would seem as that of a mad man.

His children would be sorrowful because they would suffer the same fate the Osu

suffers. The above consideration actually hindered such intermarriage. Even though

such and other similar intermarriages never succeeded in the colonial period, the

thinking of the possibility was already a big change, a step in the positive direction.

The great work of the missionaries had succeeded in convincing Igbo converts that

there is nothing wrong with intermarriage between the so-called Osu and free-born.

They had also taught that it was a contradiction to believe in Christianity and at the

same time believe in deities and people dedicated to these deities. The missionaries

taught that gods do not exist; the implication is that Osu is an Osu of the god who

does not exist. Many Igbo believe in this teaching, the problem still remains to put

into action what one is convinced of.

For more than fifty-four years of legal abolition of Osu in Igboland by the then

Eastern House of Assembly in 1956: “A good number of the social practices

associated with the system, began to be forgotten except in marriage ceremonies.”318

Mr. Ukpabi Asika, who was appointed Administrator of the East Central State after

the Nigerian-Biafran civil war, was not ignorant of the problem. This made him to

re-abolish the system in 1970.319 The outcome was that many Igbo communities like

Ogidi, Nnokwa, Nnobi, Oba, Umuoji, Awka-Etiti stood up and launched their own

war against Osu system.320 What actually happened was: “The traditional leaders of

these community declared that all in the communities are now free-born. A school of

316 Achebe, Chinua: No Longer At Ease, London: Heinemann 1978, p. 121. 317 The people not understanding the action of Obi Okonkwo does not mean that the action is wrong. The father of Obi Okwonkwo was not saying that marrying an Osu woman is wrong in itself. Isaac Okonkwo was saying that the wisdom of his son will be like foolishness in the sight of the Igbo people and as far as the Igbo are against such an action, the consequence will be unfavourable to the family. Even if Obi is ready to suffer the discrimination inherent in his marriage of an Osu woman, even if he is ready to be an Osu by marrying an Osu, the common sense according to his father Isaac demands that he considers his offspring, especially his daughters. Their daughters can of course be married by other Osu but Isaac never thought of that. Osu are in minority, the majority who are free-born will not marry the daughters of Obi Okonkwo if he goes on to marry an Osu and his father Isaac wants to use all possible argument to prevent the marriage. 318 Okeke, Romeo: The Osu Concept in Igboland, Op. Cit., p. 120. 319 Cf. Ibid. 320 Ibid.

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thought requested each traditional ruler to set an example by adding to his many

wives a known Osu, such leadership by example never happened.”321

Marriage between Osu and non Osu remains a big problem in Igboland. The post-

colonial period witnessed, unlike other periods many unconscious marriages between

Osu and free-born, because of the disappearance of many other aspects of the

discrimination. However, when later discovered, divorce was normally the next

alternative. Some of the Igbo outside the country are living with their Osu wives or

husbands. Many of them do not intend to return to Igboland again because of this

problem.

The post-colonial period has witnessed conscious intermarriage between Osu and

free-born. A good example was in 1991 in Umuoji, when a well known Osu

musician, with the nickname Akidiamaoke married a free-born young woman,

without the support of the family. He was very proud he succeeded and his nickname

came from a new album he released to celebrate his success. Akidi is a free crop that

respects no boundary; it can grow from the owner’s farm to another person’s farm.

Amaoke means not knowing the beginning or end of a boundary. In this context, the

musician in question did not know the traditional boundary of marrying only from

Osu group. He went beyond the boundary and married a free-born. Apart from these

few exceptions, marriage between Osu and free-born remains a problem in Igboland.

One has not heard of a female Osu marrying a free-born man, only from this male

Osu who married a free-born woman. Even though male and female Osu are both

discriminated, the discrimination of female Osu is stronger.

The statistics below, which is the fruit of the researcher’s two months´, research in

2007 express this problem clearly:

321 Ibid., p. 123.

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Table: 6

Intermarriage between Osu and free-born in five towns in Igboland

Town Uke Oruku Umuoji Awka-etiti Awaka

Population 15,362 11,867 27,091 14,745 9,417

Free-born 15,013 7,625 23,596 10,318 7,804

Osu 349 4,242 3,495 4,427 1,613

Intermarriage 0 0 1 5 1

Source: Field Research at Uke, Oruku, Umuoji, Awka-etiti and Awaka by the

Researcher

Uke has a total of 15,362 people and out of these 15,013 are free-born, while 349 are

Osu. There is no intermarriage between the Osu and the free-born in Uke. A similar

situation occurred in Oruku where out of 11,867, the free-born are 7,625 and the Osu

are as much as 4,242. In Umuoji with a total population of 27,091 out of which

23,596 are free-born and 3,495 are Osu, only one intermarriage is recorded, just as in

Awaka with a total population of 9,417 out of which 7,804 are free-born and 1,613

are Osu. The situation is much better in Awka-etiti with total population of 14,745

out of which 10,318 are free-born and 4,427 are Osu.

Why is it that in such a town as Oruku where up to 36% of the total population are

Osu, no intermarriage is recorded and in Awka-etiti where only 30% are Osu, 5

intermarriages are recorded? Rev. Fr. Patrick Ezeifedi, a native of Awka-etiti

attempts the interpretation of “high” intermarriages between free-born and Osu,

when he says that Osu in Awka-etiti are very rich. The five men from these rich

families that married five free-born women succeeded because of economic

considerations. He stresses that all these women came from poor families and the

father of two of them are employees of the fathers of two of the Osu husbands. One

may not doubt what money is capable of doing, but it is not only in Awka-etiti that

Osu are known to be rich. Generally as have been said before, the Osu are known to

be rich. In Uke as far back as 1973, when cars and storey buildings were most highly

regarded, an Osu openly promised a car (504 Peugeot) and a storey-building to any

free-born who would agree to marry his sister (then 27 years) and until today nobody

has accepted that offer.

Moreover, the Osu in Awaka are comparably richer than the Osu in Awka-etiti, but

only one intermarriage is recorded. A free-born wife came from another town

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(Ogbunike), also the marriage took place in New Jersey, USA. The woman only

knew that her husband is an Osu after coming back to Igboland, but unlike many

others she remained with the Osu husband.

Influence, be it economic or social, as was the case of Akidiamaoke, may contribute

to intermarriages between free-born and Osu, but what one thinks to be the major

factor is the readiness of a given town to depart from the old culture in preference to

a more acceptable culture. In this case, Awka-etiti is better disposed than Uke,

Oruku, Umuoji and Awaka. In these towns, families with tendencies to succumb to

economic and social influences are highly discouraged. There are cases of illegal

killing of intended free-born about to marry an Osu simply to prevent the marriage.

In this situation one understands why nobody will like to have gifts such as a car and

a storey-building if he agrees to marry an Osu. An old man in Oruku simply told the

researcher that it is practically impossible for a free-born to marry an Osu in their

town, even if she or he wants. He did not tell him that the secret members of the

village cult will kill the person, but experience shows that those who intended such

marriages in the past died mysteriously before the actual marriage, and these deaths

deterred others.

From what have been said so far, one sees that the female Osu suffer discrimination

as well as the male Osu. But from all indications, the suffering of the female Osu is

more severe than that of the male Osu. A female Osu sits in the house and waits for a

husband. The male Osu goes out and tries as many women as possible to see whether

he will succeed in having one of them as wife. Some leave the Igboland to other parts

of Nigeria and the world. The Igbo males in general travel more than females as one

shall see in the next subchapter of this dissertation.

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4.7 Female Osu and Migration

Migration is a movement from one place to another. An individual or a group of

people may have reason to change their living place, especially when the present

living place is no more comfortable. Is Osu comfortable in pre-colonial Igbo

villages? From what one has seen so far, it is most unlikely she is not. The next

question is: Do they migrate to other places? Is migration possible? If yes, to what

extent? If the answer is no, one may need to ask: why?

We need to note that urbanisation encourages migration. During the pre-colonial

period urbanisation was not known and only villages existed. Each of these villages

was more or less an independent unit. They organised their day to day activities in a

way that was peculiar to them. What was common in pre-colonial Igbo villages was

the belief that the people descended from one ancestor. They saw themselves as

brothers and sisters. They lived very close to each other. The villages were not too

big and it was possible to know each person in the village. The children needed only

to mention the name of their father, when somebody doubted their identity. The

easiest way to find out a stranger in the village was to mention any family name in

the village, if the person was unable to know this name, one could then conclude he

or she was a stranger: “The village was strongly conscious of itself as a unit […] the

village is the framework within which the individual lives his daily life.”322

One was born into the system and one lived and grew up in the system. The rural life

was also an agricultural life. Farming was the general occupation of the people. It

was a matter of hoes and machetes. It was, in fact, subsistence agriculture.

The pre-colonial village was very simple and uncomplicated. The community spirit

was very strong.323 Nobody was actually alone. The joys and sorrows of life were

shared together. There was no need of going out of the village for anything. The

people apart from female Osu, male Osu, female slaves and male slaves were

contented with their simple mud houses with palm leaf roofs. They found nothing

wrong with their clothing or sense of fashion. They never longed for any food and

drink beyond what was locally available. There was in fact no alternative to village

life.

The need for going out of a particular village to another within the pre-colonial

period was very important to Osu people. Within the period, it was not possible for

them to hide their identity, because the possible place of migration had similar 322 Green, Margaret: Igbo Village Affairs Op. Cit., p. 15. 323 Cf. Barnett, Tony: Sociology and Development, Britain: Anchor 1988, p. 25.

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village structure as the one they would like to leave. However, a village with a little

number of Osu, without strict check on Osu movement soon discovered they had lost

their own Osu to a village with a greater number of Osu. In a town like Umuoji in

Idemili local government, where Osu were so many as to have their own village, the

impacts of social segregation were not strong, since the Osu interacted among

themselves. Such a town in the pre-colonial period was a good place where other Osu

could migrate to.

It is essential to note that even though Osu migration in the pre-colonial period was

possible, the rate was minimal because of the check against such initiative. They,

however, made inter-village friends among themselves. The researcher was told

during his field research on Osu in 1994 that Osu migration in the pre-colonial period

could cause inter-village war. The shrine could request its Osu back and any failure

to grant this request could result in a warfare. Only powerful villages accepted Osu

that migrated into their village.

The colonial period began the era of industrialisation. These industries were located

in towns and the Igbo, especially the Osu, started moving from their villages to these

industrial centres in search of a new way of living. Some people within the period

abandoned their self-employed farm work in the village to become paid labourers in

the city. This was more favourable to Osu and the majority of them within the period

migrated to the cities where it was possible to hide their identity. The migration of

female Osu was limited when one compares it with the migration of male Osu.

One has to remark that urbanisation was only starting within the period. Many

people, with the exemption of Osu, were unwilling to leave the villages to urban

centres. The village had, however, started to lose part of their population especially

that of Osu, but not as pronounced as one shall see later. The influence of urban life

on the villages had started but the villages remained more or less the same with only

little modifications. The Osu that remained in the village continued to suffer

segregation.

The migration of Osu within the colonial period was very noticeable. It reemphasized

the fact that they were not comfortable with their situation. Unlike the free-born in

the cities, who returned frequently to the villages on weekends or during their leave

periods or during festivals like new yam festivals, the Osu remained in the cities even

on such great feasts as Christmas. Urbanisation is one of the best things that

happened to the Osu people.

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In fact, the withdrawal of resources from the rural area in favour of the urban area

encouraged the Osu to move from their villages to towns, where resources were

available. The urban area was an anonymous society so the incidence of labelling or

stereotyping was remote. The movement of Osu was not only for economic reason,

but also for socio-political reasons. They were seeking a more acceptable place for

social interaction and political participation. During his field research in 1993, the

researcher was told that the Uke traditional society lost 50% of their Osu during the

British administration.324

The economic policies of the post-colonial policy makers favoured the urban sector.

The post-colonial period was a period of rural decline in favour of urbanisation. Pade

Badru stated: “The policy makers aspire to finance rapid industrialisation by

withdrawal of resources from the peasant economy.”325

The post-colonial period was actually the period of general migration not only on a

national, but also on an international level. The Osu are in the forefront in the present

day Igbo migration. Many of them left their villages to urban centres. Others

migrated to Europe and America. Statistics suggest that more than six million (the

current estimate is thirty million) Nigerians, of whom more than 95 percent are

Southerners (Igbo area), have fled the country.326 Many of the Osu prefer to live very

far away from Igboland, where nobody will identify them in order to be free from

social discrimination. Igbo men generally migrate more than Igbo women. The

following statistics demonstrate this fact:

Table: 7

The Igbo in Austria327

City Vienna Graz Linz Innsbruck Total

Male 174 186 73 162 595

Female 85 23 13 17 138

Total 259 209 86 179 729

Source: Field Research at Vienna, Graz, Linz and Innsbruck by the Researcher

324 Cf. Nnaedu, Agbo: Osu in Uke traditional society, Uke: Oral Interview July (21.08.1993). 325 Badru, Pade: International Banking and Rural Development, Op. Cit., p. 20. 326 Cf. Aliyi Ekineh / Ezeani, Geo´Ben: The Grave Mistake of 1914, London: Catford 1998, p. 7. 327 The numbers of the Igbo I refer here are only the Igbo living in the four states of Austria. The statistics in these four are possible because of the Igbo association in these areas. I also added the numbers of non registered members of these associations as far as these people are known. Some of the Igbo who are now Austrian citizens but still identified in Igbo associations are counted. Those Igbo who claim to be citizens of other countries in African (especially African countries that are fighting wars) are counted. Their claims as far as I am concerned have nothing to do with the denial of being Igbo but for their easy reception as refugees’ status in Austria.

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The total number of Igbo in these four capitals of federal states of Austria is 729. The

number of male is 595, while the number of female is 138. It means that about 85

percent of the Igbo in four states of Austria are males, while about 15 percent are

females. Since the women migrate in lesser number than men, the female Osu also

migrate lesser than the male Osu. The implication is that the female Osu still suffer

more in the Igbo villages than their male counterparts.

4.8 Female Osu and Religion

Osu is a product of Igbo traditional religion. It is not possible to discuss female Osu

without discussing the religion of the people. One should bear in mind that the pre-

colonial period was a period in which pure Igbo traditional religion reigned. In that

period, the Igbo were ignorant of any other religion. It is only in the context of Igbo

traditional religion in the pre-colonial period that one can understand the Igbo and

their Osu system. The male Osu were inner members of this religion, the female Osu

were not excluded but they kept a reasonable distance during sacrifice. Osu system is

an important institution in Igbo religion. An Osu is “an indispensable figure in matter

of rituals.”328 The Igbo traditional religion placed a male Osu over a female Osu, but

generally speaking, on issue of rituals, the custom of segregation was relaxed.

They interact with the people and were not inferior members of the community at

this point. Their position followed immediately that of the Ezemuo (chief priest):

“They performed religious function which the free-born could not perform. They

enjoyed spiritual freedom.”329 In most cases, the male Osu received from the people

what was to be offered to god and handed it over to the chief priest. When the priest

received the gift, he announced the protocol to be followed. The Osu saw to it that

these orders were carried out. Margaret Green sees them as “the people the

community make horrible and holy to be part of the mechanism whereby law and

order are preserved.” 330

No reasonable Igbo person at that point dared to disobey the servant of god. They

worked so closely with the chief priest that an average Igbo could not distinguish the

function of the priest and that of an Osu. The greater part of the sacrifice belonged to

them. The female Osu had the responsibility of collecting and cooking the edible part

of the sacrifice. The Osu benefitted from the sacrifice: “In some communities they

328 Emefoh Ignatius: Osu Caste System in Uke Traditional Society, Op. Cit., p. 10. 329 Okoye, Godfrey: Our Strange God’s, Op. Cit., p. 23. 330 Green, Margaret: Igbo Village Affairs, Op, Cit., p. 50.

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have grown rich and to some extent powerful through the sacrifices made to their

deity.”331 There were, in fact, within this period so many sacrifices that female Osu

had enough to live on. When the harvests were okay the Igbo sacrificed332 to thank

their gods, thinking they would again bless them with another good harvest. And

when there were problems with the harvests, people normally asked why. The poor

harvests normally were an indication that the gods were offended. The Igbo had to

offer sacrifice again. Umu Okpoli aja (people who eat up what has been offered to

the deities, the Osu), did not lack food.333

The female Osu were fully employed servants of the pre-colonial traditional religion,

even though they were restricted in doing a housewife work in the shrines. They do

not need any other work for survival. The Igbo traditional religion prescribed enough

shrine deities to keep them busy within the period. All the shrines within the period

were still intact. The worshippers were hundred percent of the population. All the

traditional feasts and ceremonies were religiously carried out. And these were not

done until proper sacrifices were offered.

Osu is rooted in Igbo traditional religion. The Osu was the servant of this religion.

Until the advent of Europeans, Osu remained a faithful servant of Igbo traditional

religion. The colonial period introduced a dual religion in Igboland - the old

traditional religion and the new Christian religion. The missionaries condemned

traditional religion and pleaded with the Igbo to join their religion, which according

to them, can only give man salvation.

The Igbo were not happy that Osu were leaving their sacred duty of serving the

deities to join the Christian religion. The converted Osu remained alive and since the

acceptance of Christianity meant the rejection of the traditional religion, they could

no longer serve the deities which they had denounced at their Baptism.

The colonial period, therefore, had what we can call liberated Osu and non-liberated

Osu. By liberated Osu one means the converted Osu who no longer serves the deities

and the non-liberated Osu (unconverted Osu) who still serves the deities. It is

interesting to note that some of the female Osu still remained faithful to the

331 Ibid. 332 The Igbo sacrifice a lot to gods. There are reasons for an Igbo person to make sacrifice. She or he sacrifices in time of crisis, she or he sacrifice when things are okay. She or he is either offering to plead for mercy or offering to thank for the mercy obtained. A priest or religious workers like Osu always have something to sustain their lives. The decrease in the traditional offering is the increase in church offerings. The modern Igbo still offer cows, goats, cock or hen, rice, yam etc in the church. I got five goats in one of the masses I celebrated at St. Joseph Catholic parish Emene when I was parish administrator there.. 333 Cf. Okafor, Jerome: The Challenge of Osu Caste System to Igbo Christians, Op. Cit., p. 34.

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traditional religion within this period. In 1994, during his enquiry on Osu custom in

Uke community, the researcher was told that when the extreme Igbo traditional

religionists discovered that their gods were not taking action against the converted

Osu and that many Osu were leaving their jobs to join Christianity, they started to

take action on behalf of their gods. They killed some of these converted Osu in secret

and spread the false news that they were killed by the deities. Some of the Osu

believed them and remained faithful to their jobs. However, offering and visiting of

the shrine had started to decline and the female Osu had little now to cook and live

on. The practice of Osu as already pointed out is based on Igbo traditional religion. The

Supreme Being creates and also controls not only human beings but also order the

spirits.334 These spirits are his messengers. He creates them in order to serve human

beings. He wants human beings to approach him through them. The foundation of the

Osu system is rooted in the need of the people to serve these spirits. With the coming

of the missionaries in Igboland, the Christian God was introduced and the new

religious structure had no room for the practices of the Osu system. The implication

was that most of the shrines in Igboland began to lose their Osu at an alarming rate

without any corresponding replacement.

The post-colonial traditional religion operates now in most areas without the services

of female Osu. The priest now does the entire job in the shrine. One may recall that

one of the reasons given for the institution of Osu was the need to get workers in the

shrines. The priests found the work too cumbersome and demanding to perform

alone. A lot of people visited the shrines and a lot of sacrifices were performed. The

situation is no more the same today. The traditional religionists are becoming smaller

and smaller and relatively few members now have something to do in the shrine. The

shrine priests can now manage their work alone.

It may not be out of place to remark here that many of the shrines have folded up.

They are not only void of female Osu and male Osu but also of priests and

worshippers. Some that still have worshippers lack priests because the rightful

candidates have being converted to Christianity. Many of them are being persuaded

to abandon their Christian faith and take up the traditional priestly role. Some are

afraid that the gods will kill them if they disobey. However, there are no proven

cases of those killed by gods, because they rejected the traditional priesthood. 334 Ikenga, Metuh: Africa Religions in Western Conceptual Schemes: The Problem of Interpretation, Ibadan: Claveraum 1985, p. 96.

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The researcher made appreciable effort in 2007 to find out if there is still a shrine

with Osu as servants, but could not find any. He could not conclude, however, that

the possibility of finding a shrine in Igboland with an Osu is completely out of

question, because he is aware that the abolition law made the practice now a top

secret. But he concludes from the available evidence that the post-colonial traditional

religion is a religion in principle without an Osu as a servant of the religion. It is

rumoured that some females are secretly kept as Osu of some shrines

4.9 Female Osu and Female Ohu

“An Ohu is a person bought with money, expected in addition to render services to

his master at whose discretion it is also to use the person so bought for some other

purposes for which he so wishes. And this is what an Ohu stood for in Igbo

context.”335 The female Ohu can be married by his master but the female Osu can

not be married by his master-gods. Patrick Onyeka, an Igbo historian, said that the

master can dedicate her Ohu as Osu or allow her to be used in burial or willed her to

be used in his own burial when he dies.336

There are different ways of having slaves in Igboland. The slaves can be obtained

during wars. Many inter-tribal wars were fought in Igboland and many slaves were

obtained through these wars: “Quite often in those early days, communities and

villages engaged in inter-tribal wars. During such wars, many people were killed and

captured alive. Those captured alive were taken to be slaves. Laziness also

contributed to the number of slaves in those days in Igboland. Any growing child

found to be lazy and probably to be of no help to the family when he is fully grown,

was sold into slavery.”337

The pre-colonial Ohu was a person normally bought and expected to render services

to his master. Unlike the situation of the Osu, his conditions varied. It depended on

who the master was and what his wishes were. Like Osu they were mostly victims of

burial. Most Ohu in the pre-colonial period were buried alive in the same grave as

their masters. The logic behind this was the belief that life on earth is a replica of life

after death and so the slaves were expected to continue their services to their master

in the spirit world. In the case of Osu, the shrine that owns them must approve of it

335 Ibid., p. 78. 336 Cf. Onyeka, Patrick: The practice of Osu and Ohu in Igboland held Uke: Oral Interwiew 2005. 337 Ibid., p. 81.

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before they were used for burial, for instance, the burial of a public figure like the

chief priest.

The interwovenness and relationship of Osu and Ohu in the pre-colonial period had

given the wrong impression that, like dedicated Osu, Ohu cannot redeem himself:

“Ohu in general has the liberty of regaining his freedom.”338 In the pre-colonial

period an Ohu can become Osu, but an Osu cannot become an Ohu. Once an Osu

was dedicated, he remained an Osu for life. The master could decide to dedicate his

Ohu or sell him to the village or other individuals to be dedicated. This happened

often in the pre-colonial period and in that case the Ohu in question will change his

position of being a slave to a human being to a slave of god, which within the time of

discussion proved a more difficult position. The word “slavery” is what Osu and Ohu

have in common.

The colonial period witnessed a more drastic change in the conditions of the house

slave (Ohu) than that of the Osu. The first group of people that went to colonial or

mission schools were the house slaves. The Igbo were suspicious of the white-man’s

education. The education and conversion went together. The missionaries gave the

Igbo gifts to encourage their children to go to school. They were happy for the

missionaries’ generosity and sent their slaves to them to be educated. They were

afraid the school would corrupt their own children and lead them to white man’s

religion and ways of life which the Igbo then saw as foolishness.339

The education transformed the life of the house slaves and some of the Osu who took

after the Ohu. More of the female Ohu were educated than female Osu. Female Ohu

were sent by their masters to school but female Osu left the Igbo traditional religion

to Christian religion to enable them acquire white man’s education. The free-born

began sending their own sons to school when it dawned on them that the educated

would sooner or later be the masters of the uneducated. The many educated female

Ohu and some educated female Osu were becoming office workers in the colonial

government and some of them became commercial firm assistants. Their education

enabled them to get employed: “The colonial secondary school was modelled after

the English Grammar School. The primary aim had been to prepare candidates for

the Cambridge School Certificate or London Certificate of Education, which was and

is still the passport to the civil service, to the commercial firms, as well as

338 Ibid., p. 85. 339 Cf. Achebe, Chinua: Things Fall Apart, Op.Cit., p. 124.

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universities.”340 The female Ohu and the female Osu who attended secondary schools

were better placed than those who stopped at primary school or who did not attend

school at all. The educated female Ohu and female Osu were aware of their rights

and were in the position to report to the colonial masters the abuses of their rights.

With the constant intervention of the colonial government, sacrifice of Ohu and

making use of them for burial as well as dedication of the Osu was reduced.

The Igbo understood equal treatment of Ohu and free-born faster than that of the

Osu. The missionaries were able to convince the Igbo that all men are free, but did

not go to the roots of Osu which is evil. Many Ohu actually regained their freedom

during the colonial period. Those that remained in their masters’ house were no

longer treated as subhuman beings, essentially because of the influence of

Christianity or the fear of imprisonment or execution by the colonial master.

Unlike the Osu practice, slavery is now a thing of the past. Today, the stories of

slavery are just read in history books, whereas the practice of Osu still remains alive.

The female slaves are free; the female Osu are still being discriminated against. This

is because Osu is a religious practice. In this case, gods and human beings are

involved. The Igbo are afraid of offending their gods by not observing the practice of

Osu. The Ohu practices have only social and economic dimensions and the Igbo are

able to adjust. The adjustment is from Ohu practice to Odibo (house servant)

practice. An Odibo fills the gap created by the abandonment of the Ohu practice.

Odibo and Ohu have many things in common in Igboland. An Odibo does harder

work than a child born in the family, even though they may be of the same age. Like

Ohu, their conditions depend on who is the master, but unlike Ohu they can leave the

family any day they like. They are paid workers in the family. The payment may be

in cash or kind. Many Odibo are serving in the family and at the same time studying.

Their masters pay for their studies in appreciation of the work they do in the family.

Another reason for abandoning the practice of Ohu is that the Church is teaching that

all men and women are born free. This teaching is strong enough to stop the

enslavement of an innocent human being. The Igbo are aware that Ohu are innocent

people. They are touched by the preaching of the Church against the injustice done to

the Ohu. They know that many of the Ohu were kidnapped and sold in slave markets.

The Osu practice is a different matter. They are descendants of those the Igbo used to

appease their gods with and on this ground also, the Igbo are divided on the issue of 340 Emefoh, Ignatius: Curriculum Development and Implementation in Nigeria. The need for introducing Philosophy for Children, Enugu 1998 (=Master thesis IEcE Enugu), p. 57.

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stopping Osu practice. Peter Okeke, who is an elder in Igboland, said in 2007 that if

it is acceptable for a son to inherit the properties of his father, he should also inherit

the social position of his father, be it free-born or Osu341 This trend of thought makes

it difficult for the current teaching of the Church, i.e. the teaching that Osu are not

sinners and should not be segregated against to solve the problem. Osu like Ohu will

be a thing of the past when the root of the problem is addressed. It is the hope of

this dissertation that an ethical solution will be discovered and this will eliminate the

Osu system and the suffering of the female Osu.

4.10 Female Osu and Igbo Traditional Morality

Morality is better discussed in the context of the society or community in which it is

practised: “Morality can be organised on the basis of common good or interest and

practised among a group of people living the same way and having the same

ideology that binds them together.”342 One must also add that a group with the same

ideology today may have a different ideology in the near future. The ideology of the

pre-colonial Igbo was rooted in their religious beliefs. At this juncture, let us show

how female Osu suffered because of the morality of the pre-colonial traditional

period.

This morality was based on a strong belief in the existence of non-human spirits:

“These are personification of natural phenomena. Most important of these spirits is

Ani (the earth goddess) and she is the one universally worshipped in Igboland. Ani

and the ancestors are the custodians of Igbo morality.”343 The implication of the

above statement is that what the ancestors or Ani says to be good is accepted by

people as a morally good action and what they regard as evil is morally unacceptable

by the people.

The pre-colonial Igbo believed what their religious leaders told them about the earth

goddess and ancestors without asking for any evidence to prove whether it is true or

not. One thinks that such evidence does not even exist. What is important to note

here is that the pre-colonial Igbo as a whole believed that Osu practice with its

female discrimination was acceptable.

341 Cf. Okeke Peter: Osu system, Nsukka: Oral Interwiew (21.08.2007). 342 Awolalu, Joseph / Dopamu, Adelumo: West African Traditional Religion, Ibadan: Onibonoje 1979, p. 207. 343 Okafor, Jerome: The Challenge of Osu Caste System, Op. Cit. p. 40.

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Even in the pre-colonial period certain norms and morals of the Igbo seemed to be

outdated. The people could not understand why traditional morality allowed or

forbade certain things. Obierika in Things Fall Apart could not understand why his

friend Okonkwo should be exiled for seven years for “an offence he had committed

inadvertently.”344 He was led into greater complexities when he remembered his

wife’s new born twin children, whom he had thrown away. He sees no crime they

had committed. It was only because the Earth-goddess had decreed that giving birth

to twin was an offence and that the twins’ children must be killed345

These types of questions regarding the traditional morality were on the increase

during the colonial period. The condemnation of Osu custom with its attendant

female discrimination by the colonial masters and missionaries raised serious doubt

as to whether the traditional morality which approved Osu custom actually belonged

to a genuine Igbo culture or simply a product of human abuse of the power of the

deities. The Igbo were, therefore, divided within this period on the issue of the

morality of the Osu. Some said the system could not be questioned, since it was

inherited from the forefathers. Others believed that time has shown that the

forefathers were acting on ignorance and should not be blamed for allowing what

they honestly thought was good. The colonial Igbo, through cultural contact, saw the

other side of the coin and were under a great obligation to abandon the system.

The legal suppression of slavery by the British authority made the Igbo become

secretive about Osu practice: “One read in a Government report that the people of a

certain place reported that there used to be ten Osu in their town but they are all

dead. Further investigations would show that they were not only alive then but were

actively performing their religious function.”346

The very fact that the practice was forbidden started gradually to create a feeling

among the Igbo that they may, after all, be wrong. The father of the researcher told

him that even the chief priest of Obiaja within that period declared openly that there

was nothing more like Osu Obiaja. He was opposed by the fundamentalists, but he

withstood his ground and insisted that the forefathers who instituted Osu custom

never saw white men and their prison yards. One can therefore conclude that within

the colonial period, there were divided opinions on the morality of Osu practice and

the discrimination of female Osu.

344 Achebe, Chinua: Things Fall Apart, Op. Cit., p. 87. 345 Cf. Ibid. 346 Green Margaret: Igbo Village Affairs, Op. Cit., p. 23.

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Igbo morality anchors on Igbo culture (Omenala). Omenala plays a vital role in the

promotion of a healthy and godly society. But in the words of Afam Raphael: “It

would be quite honest to point out that not all aspects of Igbo morality are heartily

accepted, especially among the Christians who found some of them wanting, because

they are neither based on natural law nor have any serious traditional backing.”347

Osu practices may have serious traditional backing, but may not be in line with the

Christian moral ideal.

In the Post-Colonial era, the Igbo are mostly Christians. They are taught to abandon

traditional morality in favour of Christian moral principles. The traditional moralities

are said to be laws given to the Igbo by their gods. The gods punish the offender.

There are other norms concerning taboos like marrying a female Osu. Taboos are

based on Omenala (custom). Some of the taboos are against natural law like

committing suicide.348 Nobody could touch the body of a person who killed

him/herself. A stranger, of course, could do so.

Interaction with female Osu was a taboo. Pre-colonial morality saw it as evil, while

colonial morality doubted it and post-colonial morality does not see it any more as

evil, but avoid the interaction only on the ground that this is a custom of their fore-

fathers. The question remains: which other taboos have changed completely?

A good example is a woman that died during child-birth. It was a taboo and the

custom of the Igbo forefathers says that she should not be buried but be thrown

away. These people today are buried and nobody talks of this custom any more.

Another example is giving birth to twins. Twins were thrown away to die in evil

forest because that was the custom of the Igbo forefathers. The twins´ mothers must

undergo rigorous ritual purification, otherwise the wrath of the custodian of morality

(and that is earth goddess) will descend upon the offender. Today, the Igbo see twins

as a double blessing from God and their mothers are not subjected to any ritual

purification any longer. One has not heard of the wrath of the custodian of morality

descending on any mother of twins or on the twins themselves today.

From the above examples, one can see that the Igbo now abandon what they are

convinced to be wrong, although practised by their forefathers. If they are convinced

that Osu practice with its attendant female discrimination is wrong, or if they are

convinced that what makes one an Osu is completely removed from an Osu and all

347 Affam, Rafael: Traditional Healing of the Sick in Igboland, Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 37. 348 Cf. Achebe Chinua: Things Fall Apart, Op. Cit., p. 187.

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the Osu, they will also abandon this custom of their forefathers just as they had

abandoned many of such customs.

The segregation of female Osu is based on a religious moral demand. It is only

religion that will convince the Igbo to stop the segregation of Osu finally. The

success of Christianity in Igboland is because of the fact that the Igbo are religious

people. Their traditional religious background349 is a great force in their acceptance

of Christianity. Igbo traditional religious morality accepts the existence of many

gods. The early missionaries did not need to teach the Igbo that “God” exists. The

Igbo identified the ´Christian God´ as one of ´the Igbo gods.´ just one of the many

gods. What they did not accept early enough from the missionaries was that this

´Christian God´ is greater than one of the Igbo God called chukwuani (earth

goddess).

After they had learnt that the Christian God is the supreme God, many “abandoned”

their gods in search of this supreme God. Abandonment was more of physical than

spiritual. The Igbo people are still afraid that these “abandoned” gods can harm when

people overstep their limits, like full interaction with female Osu which are the

properties of these gods. The Igbo moral consciousness still tells them to keep a

reasonable distance from Osu. The Igbo people need to be convinced that an Osu is

no more an Osu before they can bridge the existing gap. And the only way to do this

is to do it religiously. It was a popular religion (then traditional religion) that made

an Osu, it is only a popular religion (now Christian religion) that will unmake an

Osu. The ethical solution of the discrimination of female Osu in Igboland demands

the eradication of the Osu system.

349 The traditional religious background of the Igbo contributed a lot to the flourishing of Christianity in Igboland today. The missionaries did not need to teach the Igbo the existence of God. They know that God exists. The missionaries need only to make use of St. Paul’s method. St Paul acknowledges that the people of Athens are highly religious people. They worship many gods like the Igbo and even have the altar of the unknown god. Paul told them that his God is the god they are worshipping without knowing it. The Igbo were worshipping the almighty God. They call him chiukwu (big God) others are chukwunta (small gods): The Christians prefer to call what the Igbo call small gods’ saints. The Igbo is one of the ethnic groups in the world that have the greatest number of Catholic priests. This fact owes its origin to the Igbo traditional religion that recognises the dignity of a priest. The Igbo respect of their traditional priest is transferred to the priest in Christian religion.

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4.11 Summary

The male Osu are discriminated against but the female Osu suffer the same

discrimination in a superlative degree. They are discriminated against on two

grounds, as a result of their gender and their Osu status. In the pre-colonial period,

dedication of female Osu was done openly. The segregation affected every aspect of

Osu´s social life because customary laws forbade social interaction between an Osu

and a free-born in the pre-colonial period. Today, such segregation is noticeably seen

in areas of marriage and leadership in Igboland.

It was unthinkable in the pre-colonial period to talk of female Osu or male Osu being

a leader in Igbo community because an Igbo leader must be a free-born. The

possibility now basically existing but there has been no attempt by female Osu to

become leaders; attempts made by the male Osu have not succeeded either. In the

pre-colonial period, intermarriage between Osu and free-born was unheard of. The

problem still remains, very little intermarriages are recorded. Migration of Osu,

though possible was very much controlled because of pre-colonial village structure,

which was small and easily controllable. The migration is no longer limited but the

female Osu did not migrate in large number as the male Osu did. They still suffer

more discrimination than their male counterparts.

The Osu were employed servants of pre-colonial traditional religion. But the

situation has changed. It is now difficult to find an Osu serving in an Igbo shrine.

The pre-colonial Igbo approved of the Osu practice. That is now illegal, the

discrimination and segregation, however, continue and the women Osu suffer more

than the men Osu.

One regrets the lack of internal critical behaviour in Osu Tradition, especially from

those involved in this menace. The criticisms and condemnations proposed in this

research and the yardsticks to measure the evils of discrimination of female Osu and

female in general are based on external observations. The suffering of women in

general and women Osu in particular calls for a comparative analysis of the suffering

of the Igbo women and the suffering of other women in other religions and cultures

of the world. The Igbo conception of women is comparable with the conception of

women in most cultures and religions of the world. However, most of the cultures

and religions are changing their attitudes towards women faster than the Igbo people.

The discrimination of Igbo women is ethically unacceptable. This will be discussed

in chapter five of this dissertation.

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Chapter 5:

Ethical Approach to the Problem of Discrimination against Women in Igboland

5.1 Basic Points to note about Igbo Females

The Igbo community is a male-dominated community and females are regarded as

subhuman beings. Females are last in the hierarchical order of the free-born Igbo and

also last in the hierarchy of the un-free-born Igbo. It is therefore not surprising to

observe that the births of females are less celebrated as the births of the males. The

education of males is preferred to the education of females. The females are not

permitted to inherit properties. A man can marry as many wives as he likes but a

woman must be faithful to one husband. She is suppressed and can be divorced

without any cogent reason. As a widow she can be transferred to the brother of her

dead husband to be his wife without her consent.

The females who are dedicated to gods suffer more than the males who are dedicated

to gods. Beautiful females are major victims of the dedication because of the sexual

motives. The female Osu, that is the women dedicated to gods, suffer double

discriminations. They are discriminated against because of their gender, they are also

discriminated against because of their dedication to gods.

The philosophy of the Igbo people as contained, e.g. in their proverbs sees women as

unintelligent, wicked and weak human beings. This Igbo conception of women is

comparable with the conception of women in many cultures and religions of the

world. Women can be said to be discriminated against in all cultures and religions in

the world. However, most of these cultures and religions are changing their attitudes

towards women faster than the Igbo people.

5.2 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by the Principle of the Dignity of

Human Person

The exposition of the discrimination of women in chapters one to four of this

dissertation raised a serious problem with regard to men’s inhumanity to women.

Women in Igboland are treated as subhuman beings; they are treated as less human

beings. A human being should be treated as a person and not as a property. The Igbo

concept that a woman is the property of a man is a concept that denies women the

basic dignity of being a person created in the image of God (Gen. 1, 27). The

elevated position of the women as privileged beings among other things created by

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God is not given them. The Igbo culture makes it difficult for women to have what is

necessary to uphold their human dignity. It does not allow them to inherit properties

so that they could be economically independent. They depend on the inherited

properties of their fathers, husbands or sons. They beg for these properties and as we

know a beggar has few choices.

This right of inheriting properties is not a right that the Igbo society gives to women.

But this right ought to be acknowledged by the Igbo society. It is a demand of social

justice: “Society ensures social justice when it provides the conditions that allow

associations or individuals to obtain what is their due, according to their nature and

their vocation.”350

The discrimination of women as far as property inheritance is concerned is a sin

against social justice. It is a denial of a right. The Igbo traditional society as far as

women are concerned is guilty of social injustice. This injustice seems to be normal

and most women accept it as a divine ordination: “Our educated and professional

women seem not to find a contradiction between their education and their status as a

second or third wife.”351 Some Igbo women see fights against these unjust structures

as distorting the natural order of things.

If men can inherit property, why not women?: “Every form of social or cultural

discrimination in fundamental personal rights on the ground of sex, race, colour,

social condition, language or religion, must be curbed and eradicated as incompatible

with God’s design” (GS 29). The Igbo ought to know that all human beings are

created in the image of God and equally have rational soul, the same nature and

origin, all redeemed by one sacrifice of Christ’s, all are called to share in the divine

beatitude: “[…] all, therefore, enjoy an equal dignity.” 352 The equality of human

beings rests particularly on their dignity as persons: “Respect for the human person

entails respect for the rights that flow from his dignity as a creature”353

Igbo women ought to have the opportunity of inheriting properties. For Pope

Benedict, “charity is love received and given.”354 Not only justice but also charity

demands that Igbo women should receive properties to enable them help others by

their act of generosity. They cannot give what they do not have. To be on the

receiving end does not promote their dignity. Discrimination against Igbo women is

350 The Catechism of the Catholic Church (11.10.1992) No. 1928. 351 Mbefo, Luke: Theology And Aspects Of Igbo Culture, Op. Cit., p.32. 352 The Catechism of the Catholic Church, Op.Cit., No. 1934. 353 Ibid., No. 1930. 354 Benedict XVI.: Caritas in Veritate (29.06.2009) No. 28.

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against the principle of the dignity of the human person. It also contradicts the

principle of solidarity.

5.3 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by the Principle of Solidarity

Human beings share the humanness as something that differentiates them from other

beings. Solidarity has to do with the loyalty and agreement of a given group. The

Igbo word for solidarity is Igwebuike; the literal translation is: “unity is strength.”

When difficulties are shared, they become less difficult. The yoke of labour reduces

by sharing it. The debt of one person reduces when many share the debt. Solidarity is

a call for action as Pope Paul VI said: “Following on the Second Vatican Ecumenical

Council as renewed consciousness of the demands of the Gospel makes it her duty to

put herself at the service of all, to help them grasp their serious problem in all its

dimensions and to convince them that solidarity in action at this turning point in

human history is a matter of urgency.”355

The wealthy nations are called to help the poor nations through the principle of

solidarity. The strong are called to help the weak through the same principle. The

relationship between persons call for solidarity: “Interdependence must be

transformed into solidarity.”356 A man depends on a woman and a woman depends

on a man. Both are interdependent and the relation between one and the other ought

not to be that of suppression, maltreatment, beating and so on. It ought to be a

relationship where one helps the other, where one respects the other: “The principle

of solidarity, also articulated in terms of ´friendship´ or ´social charity´ is a direct

demand of human and Christian brotherhood.”357

Social charity demands that Igbo men should take action against the cultural

inequality and discrimination of women in Igboland. It demands that both the Igbo

women and their men should work hand in hand to restore a just society: “Solidarity

is manifested in the first place by the distribution of goods and remuneration for

work. It also presupposes the effort for a more just social order where tensions are

better able to be reduced and conflicts more readily settled by negotiation.”358 It

means that goods such as landed properties are distributed to men and women in

355 Paul VI.: Populorum Progressio (26.03.1967), No. 1. Cf. O´Brien, David / Shannon, Thomas: Catholic Social Thought. The Documentary Heritage, New York: Orbis Book 2005 for the English translation of the church documents. 356 John Paul II.: Sollicitude Rei Socialis (30.12.1987) No. 39. 357 John Paul II.: The Catechism of the Catholic Church, Op.Cit., No. 1939. 358 Ibid., No.1941.

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Igbo society. The opportunity to acquire goods must be equal for a man and a

woman. The work women do must be equally remunerated. The role of giving birth

to children and caring for them ought not to be inferior with the manual labour done

by men. Both are equally important and complement each other.

5.4 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by the Principle of the Common

Good

It has been said that the preference of the word ´community´ over society is because

of the communal character of the Igbo people. The common good plays an important

role in the socio-political understanding of the Igbo people. A human is not described

in his or her individuality but based on his or her relation to the family, extended

family, family group and the community. The Igbo sacrifice an individual for the

sake of the common good as was pointed out in the description of the scapegoat

theory. The Igbo believe that it is better for one man to die than the community to

suffer. Despite all these concepts of the Igbo common good, the good of the Igbo

women is not protected in Igbo traditional law. The Igbo common good is patriarchal

in character.

The concept of common good is very prominent in the social teaching of the church.

Pope Benedict minces no word when he says: “God’s love calls us to move beyond

the limited and ephemeral; it gives us the courage to continue seeking and working

for the benefit of all, even if this cannot be achieved immediately […]. God gives us

the strength to fight and to suffer for love of the common good, because He is over

All, our greatest hope.”359 The Igbo concept of the common good is yet to move

beyond the limited definition of a human being as a male-being to female-male-

being. The Igbo still believe that the human beings that exist are men. The Igbo

emphasis of the common good presupposes this factor. The good for the benefit of all

is limited to the benefit of men.

Kurt Remele360 shares the opinion that common good is a good of all and of each

individual. The aim of the paper he presented at the Communitarian Summit in 2004

“is to demonstrate that a correct understanding of the term ´common good´ implies

that it has to be seen as the good of all and of each individual.”361 The ´good of each

359 Benedict XVI.: Caritas in Veritate (2009) No. 78. 360 Remele, Kurt: The Good of All and of Each Individual. The Common Good, Communitarianism, and Catholic Public Philosophy, Washington D.C. 2004 (= Communitarian Summit Paper). 361 Ibid.

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individual´ is a phrase he took from Pope John Paul II´s encyclical on social concern,

´Sollicitudo Rei Socialis´. He elaborates on this papal definition of common good

when he writes: “According to this definition, the proper good of the individual

human (bonum humanum) is closely related to the common good of all (bonum

commune).”362 He refutes the idea that “the common good of society and the proper

good of individuals can be secured only at the expense of each other.”363 Those

people with the above opinion are guilty of what he calls “the popular fallacy of

zero-sum thinking.”364 This implies that the Igbo concept of common good where

individual or a group of people are sacrificed for the sake of the so-called common

good is not acceptable.

He goes on to say that “the search for the common good does not exclude a certain

partiality; a partiality for those who are marginalized and oppressed; a preferential

option for the poor.”365

In her articulation of the moral law, the Church teaches: “Law is a rule of conduct

enacted by competent authority for the sake of the common good. The moral law

presupposes the rational order established among creatures for their good and to

serve their final end, by the power, wisdom and goodness of the Creator. All law

finds its first and ultimate truth in the eternal law. Law is declared and established by

reason as a participation in the providence of the living God, Creator and Redeemer

of all.”366

A law such as the Igbo traditional law that is enacted by the Igbo elders; who are the

adult male of the Igbo community, takes care only of the common good of the male

members of the Igbo community instead of the common good of all. The law is an

unjust law and should not be obeyed: “The law can only command what is morally

permitted, and it can never command what is sinful. For all legitimate authority is in

the last resort derived from God and is not allowed, therefore, to contradict his will

by sinful legislation. Accordingly a law can only command acts that are good or at

least indifferent.”367

The traditional Igbo law that insists that a woman stays at home for a year after the

death of her husband and the penance that follows this mourning period are not

362 Ibid. 363 Ibid. 364 Ibid. 365 Ibid. 366 The Catechism of the Catholic Church, Op.Cit., No. 1951. 367 Peschke, Karl: Christian Ethics. Moral Theology in the Light of Vatican II, India: Theological Pub. 2001, p. 143.

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necessary. The children suffer since the only parent living is also restricted in a

corner of their house. The community also does not benefit anything from this law. It

is not for the common good. It is based on superstition and ignorance. It is a

discriminatory law against women since a man whose wife dies is not required to do

the same. The discrimination of the Igbo women is against the ethical principle of

common good. It is also against the principle of the option for the poor.

5 Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by the Principle of the Option for the

Poor

The option for the poor according to Valentin Zsifkovits is the newest social

principle.368 The history of liberation theology cannot be complete without

mentioning the fundamental option for the poor. The poor must be liberated from the

enslavement by the rich. The weak must be liberated from the power abuse of the

strong. Women must be liberated from the discriminatory law which men support.

The common good ought to take special consideration of the poor and the weak in

any given society: “The common good demand justice for all, the protection of the

human rights of all.”369 The rich and the poor have the right to be protected but: “The

obligation to provide justice for all means that the poor has the single most urgent

economic claim on the conscience of the nation. Poverty can take many forms,

spiritual as well as material.”370 Poverty can be caused by the structure of a given

society. The poverty of women in Igboland is a good example. The men have all the

possibility of being rich. They have the monopoly of cultivating the most important

and the most expensive crop in Igboland – yam. They can inherit properties unlike

women. Igbo traditional laws force Igbo women to belong to the poor and the weak

in Igbo community.

In their pastoral letter, the US Bishops call for the fundamental option for the poor:

“The obligation to evaluate social and economic activity from the viewpoint of the

poor and the powerless arises from the radical command to love one’s neighbour as

one’s self. Those who are marginalized and whose rights are denied have privileged

claims if society is to provide justice for all.”371 Igbo women are not taken into

368 Cf. Zsifkovits, Valentin: Grundprinzipien der Katholischen Soziallehre, in: ThPQ 138 (1990); H. 1, p. 24. 369 US Catholic Bishop: Economic Justice for All (Nr. (85), in: O´Brien, David / Shannon, Thomas: Catholic Social Thought. The Documentary Heritage, New York: Orbis Book 2005, p. 599. 370 Ibid., No. 86. 371 Ibid., No. 87.

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consideration in the social and economic laws of the traditional Igbo community.

Igbo women are marginalized; they are denied their fundamental human rights. They

need to be liberated.

One should not misunderstand the social principle that calls for the special option for

the poor. One should not see this principle as being against the rich. It is not a

principle that divides but a principle that unites: “The primary purpose of this special

commitment to the poor is to enable them become active participants in the life of

society. It is to enable all people to share in and contribute to the common good. The

option for the poor, therefore, is not an adversarial slogan that pits one group or class

against another. Rather it states that the deprivation and powerlessness of the poor

wounds the whole community.”372 The discrimination of women in Igboland makes

the Igbo community less human, it makes it sick, it inflicts serious wound as far as

cordial relationship between a man and a woman is called to question: “These

wounds will be healed only by greater solidarity with the poor and among the poor

themselves.”373

The sooner Igbo women realize men’s inhumanity to women in the Igbo community

and fight as a group against such aberration, the better. Igbo men ought to reflect on

a popular Igbo song, sang at almost every wedding in Igboland. The title of the song

is: “Dim Oma” – My good husband. An Igbo woman tells her husband that she has

left her mother, father for the sake of living with him. She pricks his conscience by

telling him that whatever he does to her is what he does to himself. This song is

founded on a solid theological understanding of the Christian marriage. The man and

the woman through the sacrament of marriage are no more two but one flesh: “The

Church’s nuptial blessing recognizes that she is (your) equal and the heir with (you)

to the life of grace.”374

372 Ibid., No. 88. 373 Ibid. 374 Mbefo, Luke: Theology and Aspects of Igbo Culture, Op. Cit. p. 30. Luke Mbefo says: “Church ministers also do not seem to have come to terms with the status of women in the Church. If their homilies are indications of their position vis-à-vis women, then the weight of evidence tilts to the side of embarrassment.” It is also embarrassing to read: “It was a tradition among the Greeks that a woman is one who did not succeed in becoming man. A philosophical tradition headed by Nietzsche has the following to say: God created woman. And boredom did indeed cease from that moment – but man other things ceased as well! Woman was God’s second mistake.” Mbefo sees women as: “Labouring under a cluster of prejudices scattered throughout the world’s major culture. Nigerian cultures are not exceptions. As participants rather than spectators of our own cultures we almost need to jump over our shadow in order to view the status of our women objectively, freed from unquestioned assumptions.”

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The treatment of Igbo women is against the principle of the option for the poor and

the weak. Women ought to be treated well; because of their special roles as will later

be discussed in the letter of Pope John Paul II to women.

5.6 The Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by Feminist Theological Ethics

The maltreatment of women in Igboland as pointed out in Chapters Two of this

dissertation is comparable with the maltreatment of women in many cultures and

religions of the world. Women who are engaged in the liberation of women from the

oppression of men have written a lot on Feminist Theological Ethics. It is a question

of thinking theologically and ethically: “Feminist theology is not just one among

many options in theology; it is itself pluralistic on many of the same levels as is

theology generally.”375 Eleanor Humes Haney, a feminist ethicist in her answer to

what is Feminist Ethics says: “As feminist, our primary responsibility is the

liberation of women and by women, liberation from an ethos that corrupts our hearts

and mind, from the religious and philosophical constructs that support and reflect

that ethos, and from the concrete institutional and physical expressions of that

ethos.”376

Katie Cannon, a Christian social ethicist says: “My assignment as a woman liberation

ethicist is to debunk, unmask, and disentangle the historically conditioned value

judgments and power relations that under gird the particularities of race, sex, and

class oppression.”377 She calls on women scholars to demonstrate what she described

as the hidden assumptions and premises which according to her lie behind the ethical

speculations and ethical inferences: “Our task is to change the imbalance caused by

an androcentric view, wherein it is presumed that only men’s activities have

theological value. If we are willing to unmask the male assumptions that dominate

religious thought, we will discover whole new areas of ethical inquiry.”378 Her

invitation to unmask the male assumption extends to Igbo women.

The Igbo believe that women are ontologically subordinated to men, but the feminist

theological ethics is of the opinion that the subjugation of women under men is man-

375 Farley, Margaret: Feminist Theology and Bioethics, in: Daly, Lois (ed.): Feminist Theological Ethics. A Reader, Kentucky: Westminster John Knox Press 1994, p. 193. 376 Humes-Haney, Eleanor: What is Feminist Ethics? A Proposal for Continuing Discussion, in: Daly, Lois (ed.): Feminist Theological Ethics, Op. Cit., p. 7. 377 Cannon, Katie: Hitting a Straight Lick with a Crooked Stick. The Womanist Dilemma in the Development of a Black Liberation Ethics, in: Daly, Lois: (ed.): Feminist Theological Ethics. A Reader, Op. Cit., p. 33. 378 Ibid., p. 38.

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made. It is a product of male interpretation of religions and cultures. Men as well as

women have contributed a lot in any given culture and religion. But women roles are

sidetracked by egoistic interpretations by men. Mary Daly, a feminist theologian

blames the Judaic Christian tradition as being responsible for the discrimination of

women: “The image of God as exclusively a father and not a mother, for example,

was spawned by the human imagination under the condition of patriarchal society

and sustained as plausible by patriarchy.”379 If God is a man, a father in heaven, a

man in a family will then be a representation of this big man in heaven and it is

logical for a woman to be under him: “The husband dominating his wife can feel that

he represents God himself. A theologian such as Karl Barth could feel justified in

writing that woman is ontologically subordinate to man,”380 as the Igbo thought

themselves to be justified in their discrimination against women. But God is spiritual.

He or she is not a man and he or she is not a woman. He is above gender. He or she

is God, a Divine Spirit.

Mary Daly continues: “Some theologians have argued that since Jesus was male, and

called only males to become apostles, women should not be ordained. The doctrine

of a unique incarnation in Jesus reinforced the fixed idea of patriarchal religion that

God is male and that male is God. So also did the image of the virgin kneeling in

adoration before her own Son.”381 One notices that Mary Daly even overworked the

possessive pronoun (her own) to stress that Jesus is the child of Virgin Mary and the

mother must kneel to adore the son. She fails to recognize that Virgin Mary is not

kneeling before the male child Jesus but the divine nature in the person Jesus. Jesus

is truly God and at the same time truly man. Adoration is the privilege of God.

But she is right to question the anthropomorphic picture of God as a male. If God

must be represented in human language, it ought to be the accommodative language

without sexual bias: “Something like the Father-Mother God of Mary Baker Eddy

will be more acceptable to the new woman and the new man than the Father God of

the past.”382 She complained: “Love or charity has been interpreted to mean that

people should turn the other cheek to their oppressors.”383

379 Daly, Mary: The Spiritual Revolution. Women’s Liberation as Theological Re-education, in: Daly, Lois (ed.): Feminist Theological Ethics, Op. Cit., p. 121. 380 Ibid. 381 Ibid. 382 Ibid., p. 123. 383 Ibid.

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The Igbo traditional morality that supports the maltreatment of women is similar to

the traditional Christian ethics which as Daly pointed out, ”has been to a great extent

the product and support of sexist bias.”384 Unlike the majority of Igbo women, she

sees women liberation as a spiritual movement.385 It is a spiritual movement in the

sense that the movement is aimed at stopping dehumanization of women. The task of

humanization of women is not easy, because even the women themselves especially

the Igbo women see their maltreatment as the natural course of nature: “Women were

able to accept the fact that a mentally retarded boy was allowed to serve Mass,

whereas a woman with a Ph.D. was absolutely excluded from such a function.”386

What she said is still obtainable in Igboland. The females in Igbo churches are not

allowed to serve at mass. Some mentally retarded boys do serve at masses in

Igboland.

The researcher joins Dally in calling for a change in the social structure that

oppresses women. He agrees with her that: “It is nowhere written that we must pass

from patriarchy through matriarchy in order to become humanized. To settle for

reducing the other to victimized status would be failure.”387 The just social system is

not patriarchal or matriarchal but diarchal or a system that oppress nobody and also a

system that does not oppress the environment.

Lois Daly, an eco-feminist,388 discusses the relationship between the oppression of

women and the oppression of nature by western patriarchal society. She points out

that the function of women is to make sure that the needs of the men and their wants

are fulfilled. Non human nature is there also to serve the need and desire of human

beings. It provides resources to meet humans need such as food and shelter or even

what human needs for recreation. She stresses that nature has no purpose outside the

provision of human wants: “In both cases the instrumental role led to instrumental

value. Women were valued to the extent that they fulfilled their role. Nature was

valued in relation to human interests either in the present or the future. Women and

nature had little or no meaning independent of men.”389

The Igbo say that when a female grows above “who is your father”; she is asked

“who is your husband”? There is never a time a woman would be asked who are

384 Ibid., p. 122. 385 Cf. Ibid. 386 Ibid. 387 Ibid., p. 131. 388 Cf. Daly, Lois: Ecofeminism, Reverence for Life, and Feminist Theological Ethics, in: Daly, Lois: Feminist Theological Ethics, Op. Cit. p. 296. 389 Ibid.

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you? She is either the daughter of someone or a wife of somebody. A woman in

Igboland without father or husband has no identity. The Igbo are not the only group

of people with this subjugation of women to men. The feminist theological ethicists

are against this subjugation. They call for re-reading and re-interpretation of cultures

and religions to give women equal position with men.

Anne McGrew Bennett, a feminist theological ethicist, talks of overcoming the

biblical and traditional subordination of women.390 She suggests the rereading the

myth in the Bible. She points out that the Hebrew word for God in creation myth is

not Yahweh or El which refer to masculine singular nouns: “The Hebrew word is

Elohim. It is a plural word which is used in the Bible for a female or male God or

Gods.”391 The logic that the woman is inferior to man because she was created after

the man has a funny implication because: “It cannot be maintained that women are

inferior even if she was created after man without admitting that man is inferior to

the creeping things because he was created after them.”392

In some parts of Igboland, the last of the twin to be born is taken to be the senior and

not the first. The Igbo believe that the last twin has more wisdom than the first one.

He or she sends the first one out to try the unknown world before he or she will come

out. Wisdom is associated with age in Igboland and that is why the last to be born

(because of his wisdom) is taken to be the senior. This point is clear in Christian

liturgical ceremony, the chief celebrant comes last. If one is permitted to use the

argument of being created first to assess the rank of a man and a woman, one will

most likely conclude that a woman is above a man. The first woman’s name is Eve, it

means: “Life or mother of all living.”393

According to Anne Bennett, the promise God made to Abraham can be reread to

mean the promise God made to Sarah: “Sarah’s name means ruler. We always hear

about God’s promise to Abraham – we are called the children of Abraham. Actually

the promise of God was to Sarah. The promise was through Isaac, Sarah’s son.

Abraham already had a son. It is Sarah who is the mother of nations. Even the name

of the Jews, Israelites, comes not from Abraham but from Sarah. Her name has the

same root as Israel. Abraham was Sarah’s consort.”394

390 Cf. Bennett, Anne: Overcoming the Biblical and Traditional Subordination of Women, in: Daly, Lois: Feminist Theological Ethics, Op. Cit., p. 135. 391 Ibid., p. 137. 392 Ibid., p. 138. 393 Ibid. 394 Ibid., p. 141.

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Igbo women and women in general are highly placed by God. They are ontologically

equal with their male counterparts. They are as powerful as their male counterparts.

The inferiority of women is in the thinking of men. The Igbo women as far back as

1929, as already pointed out in this research work, opposed the oppressive nature of

the British administration refusing to support them by not paying tax. Pharaoh made

a great mistake by thinking that women are nothing when he ordered for the killing

of only the male born Hebrew. He thought that women are not powerful: “Notice that

it is the women who are the leaders in the revolution. It was the women who refused

to obey Pharaoh. The Hebrew midwives disobeyed. Pharaoh’s own daughter and her

maidens’ schemed with female slaves (Miriam and her mother) to adopt a Hebrew

child whom she names Moses. If Pharaoh had realized the power of women, he

might have reversed his decree and had females killed rather than males.”395

If the Igbo realize the power of their women, they will not place a male child above

his mother. The discrimination against women by the Igbo is against feminists’

theology and ethics.

5.7 The Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by Academic Catholic Social

Thought

The Catholic social teaching has two traditions. They include official documents of

the church written by Popes and the Bishops, and the social thought of theologians of

Catholic Church. Discussion on the academic social thought will be based on the

contributions of men and women who have been educated in the Catholic heritage.

The opinions of these Catholic intellectuals, who have reflected on the economic,

political and social life of the people, in the light of the social gospel of our lord

Jesus Christ will be considered. The relationships and differences between their

opinions and the situation of Igbo females will be pointed out. More emphasis will be

given to the thought of two Catholic women theologians, Professor Marianne

Heimbach-Steins and Professor Ulrike Bechmann.

Marianne Heimbach-Steins396, a Professor of Christian Social Ethics in the Catholic

Theological Faculty of Münster University, pointed out that social justice has to do

with the basic needs of the people and how to satisfy these needs. It has to fight for

395 Ibid. 396 Cf. Heimbach-Steins, Marianne: Soziale Gerechtigkeit Prüfkriterium gesellschaftlicher Strukturen, in: ThPQ 149 (2001) pp. 226-236.

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social equality.397 In her discussion on social ethics as contextual theological

ethics398, she stresses that social ethical teaching does not know the best structure for

a given society right from the beginning. It searches for structures for successful

community living. Her first thesis is that social ethics must not only ask the question

about justice but also the question of a good life.399

The question relating to justice and the question of a good life are related but not the

same thing. The separation of justice, which is more universal and good life, which is

more particular, corresponds to the separation of official and private sectors.400 She

propagates a Christian social ethics in which the universal claims and the demand of

the particularity are reconciled.

She goes on to make use of her understanding of what contextual ethics should be on

the question of global justice for women and men. She elaborated on the worldwide

inequality in education between men and women. According to her statistics, about

1/6 of the world population are illiterate. These people are third class citizen of the

global world and 2/3 of these uneducated people are women. So almost 67% of the

world uneducated people are women. It has been pointed out in Chapter Two of this

research that females are discriminated against in the area of education in Igboland.

The education of boys takes priority over the education of girls. The criteria used in a

family to determine who goes to school or not is not based on the intelligence of the

children but on sex. The male child is favoured at the detriment of the female child.

The Igbo wives support their husbands in discriminating against their daughters in

the area of education.

Heimbach-Steins only used education as an example of inequality between men and

women. She is of the opinion that no society can be praised for having reached

perfect equality between man and woman. She rightly pointed out that equality of

gender is not independent of the standard of income of a society. She acknowledged

the effort already made in the past 25 years but her stand is that the inequality

between men and women still remains.401 Even though women are discriminated

against all over the world, women are comparatively more discriminated against in

397 Cf. Ibid. 398 Cf. Heimbach-Steins, Marianne: Sozialethik als Kontextuelle Theologische Ethik. Eine Programmatische Skizze, in: JCSW 43 (2002) pp. 47-64. 399 Cf. Ibid. 400 Cf. Ibid. p. 48. 401 Cf. Ibid. p. 57.

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Igboland and the efforts made so far to minimize the suffering of female in Igboland

is not worthy of acknowledgement.

The overcoming of sex inequality in the area of education should be the central goal

of the new world plan of action. Heimbach-Steins analysis shows the relationship

between education of women and the fight against poverty. Education for her is the

key to social participation and responsibility in politics.402 Making it possible and

also improving on the education of girls and women will, enhance their chances in

employment opportunity and will go a long way to making them independent from

the men. She insists that the implementation of gender issue in the analysis of

education and strategies will not only change the position of women but will also

contribute to their developmental changes in the society.403

She minces no word to say that the general right of the people can only be talked of

when the right of girls and women are explicitly included.404 She, however,

maintains a balanced position and will not agree on the concept that women are

better people. Gender equality according to her, is not proclaiming the women to be

better people as some people claimed. The postulation of gender perspective in social

ethical analysis and orientation has to do with community life of women and men

ensuring, the equality of rights, equal chances to enable them live a good life. The

Igbo should take the words of Heimbach-Steins with regard to making the rights of

girls and women explicit, because when the Igbo talk of human being, they have the

boys and men at the back of their minds. A good example is the right of the eldest

person to hold the ofor (a symbol of authority) of a family. Here, the Igbo do not

mean the eldest person but the eldest man, because in some families, the women can

qualify to be the eldest person in that family but the Igbo have no women ofor

holders.

Gender category for Heimbach-Steins is an instrument to change what is accepted

and ask for condition for a new relationship between the question of justice and the

good living.405 Social ethical reflection must look for the theory which will guarantee

more chances for justice and development for good living of all people.406 Igbo

females should not be excluded.

402 Cf. Ibid. 403 Cf. Ibid. p. 58. 404 Cf. Ibid. 405 Cf. Ibid, pp. 59-60. 406 Cf. Ibid. p. 64.

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Ulrike Bechmann407, a Professor of religious studies at the theological faculty of the

University of Graz writes on the Women World Day of Prayer, in which about 170

countries participate. This ecumenical liturgical service is over one hundred years

old. In the preparation of this Women World Day, the women take into consideration

the situation of women in their particular countries. As a concrete sign of solidarity,

rich countries like Germany used the money they collected during the liturgical

offertory collections to support women projects in poor countries of the world. She

estimated the amount of money collected in Germany since 1975 to be twenty eight

million Euros, and the estimate for women projects undertaken with this amount to

be three thousand projects.408

Bechmann sees the World Prayer Day from the feministic perspective as an

important place for the realisation of gender issue.409 The women world prayer day

movement makes it possible for the women to have a feeling of solidarity with one

another. The money collected can also be invested for political action, which is

aimed at fighting injustice in public offices and ensuring equal treatment for both

genders.410

Even though the problems of women are similar and the central text for the liturgical

prayer on the Women World Day of Prayer makes effort to reflect these problems,

Bechmann subscribed to situational adaptation for this central liturgical text. This

will reflect the differences and particularity of the socio-political situation of women

in a particular country. One needs to know that history and implication of this history

to the women, has this contributed to the betterment of the position of women? Who

decides the political affairs of the country? Do women participate? What of the

economy? What types of spiritual and cultural traditions exist? Are women parts of

these traditions? What of the distribution of work? Do women have opportunity in

education?411

The answers to these questions from the perspective of the Igbo socio-political

structure are: The history of the Igbo people is a big obstacle to the betterment of the

position of women in Igboland. The modern Igbo quote how their forefathers handle

407 Cf. Bechmann, Ulrike: Reise ins Andere und finde dich selbst. Lernprozesse im Umgang mit Fremdheit beim Weltgebetstag der Frauen, in: Walz, Heike/Lienemann-Perrin, Christine/Strahm, Doris (Hg): Als hätten Sie uns Neu Erfunden. Beobachtungen zu Fremdheit und Geschlecht, Luzern: Edition Exodus 2003, pp. 201-217. 408 Cf. Ibid. 409 Cf. Ibid., p. 202. 410 Cf. Ibid. 411 Cf. Ibid., p. 204.

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women. The question is not whether the action of the Igbo forefather is just or not,

the question is that it is the custom handed down to the Igbo. But when Igbo men

become sick they go to hospital forgetting that their forefathers never went to the

hospital when they were sick. Igbo men decide the political affairs of the Igbo

society as was pointed out in Chapter One of this research work. The economy

favours the men, since women are not culturally allowed to plant such important

crops like yam. Most of the women are house wives. The spiritual and cultural

traditions are against Igbo female. The women have more “do not” than men. And a

woman that can accommodate all injustices forced on her by her husband is

culturally an ideal woman. Women are observers of Igbo traditions and the men are

the actors. Menial jobs are for women and important jobs for men. The education of

women is limited

More importantly, Bechmann asked theological question such as: Which spirituality?

What type of message do the women receive? What type of theological concept

determined the liturgy and the selection of Bible texts?412 She admits that the

problems of women all over the world are similar. Women globally suffer the

maltreatment of rape. Women themselves perceive objects from different perspective

and need not to agree on a particular position in relation to biblical texts. Similarities

and differences can be seen in one liturgy but for Bechmann, what is important on

the Women World Prayer Day is the solidarity the women show to one another on

this day.413 And this solidarity is very important. Igbo women should learn how to be

in solidarity with one another. The mother should be in solidarity with her daughter

and should be ready to fight against denying her intelligent daughter education in

order to make it possible for her less intelligent son to be educated.

Bechmann gives particular attention to the Korean church and elaborates on the

development of women organisation, and how the organisation makes effort to show

the people of Japan the sin of having forced women to prostitution in the military

during the Second World War.414 After fifty years of committing this crime, the

Korean women slammed the Japanese government for at least two hundred thousand

Korean women that were forced into prostitution. “Comfort Women” is the title of

412 Cf. Ibid. 413 Cf. Ibid., p. 205. 414 Cf. Ibid.

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the writing. Many of the women died under torture and many of these women came

from poor families. They were uneducated women.415

The Korean women made the decision to incorporate the experiences of these

women in the liturgy by situating it to tally with the gospel.416 As Marianne

Heimbach-Stein talks of contextual ethics to deal with the question of discrimination

of women, Ulrike Bechmann talks of contextual theology. The bible texts have to be

interpreted to conform to the experience of women. The famous parable of the

sowing of seed is a good example. The hard soil has to do with the reality of women

in Korea. The women are taken to be the seed that fell on this soil. The soil, which is

the experience of women, is so bad that a harvest needs a new soil.417

The obstacles must be removed so that the seed in future will have the chance, so that

the women will not find themselves in the same situation of exploitation and

maltreatment. The men were responsible for the bad experiences of the women.

Bechmann writes on the suggestion for the world wide celebration, the wearing of

placate with the words patriarchy – women as goods and sexual misuse. A woman

acting as solider will confess the sin the soldiers committed against women.418 It is

not also a holy act to keep silent in the face of oppression, but the women find it

difficult to confess that they have not fought against the system that made use of

women as beautiful goods or commodities. Even the bible texts that are seemingly

against women need exegetical work. And it is a pity that men still dominate the

interpretation of the biblical texts. Bechmann calls for empowerment as a central

goal of feministic theology and feministic actions. The Women World Day of Prayer

is a movement to this empowerment. It is an obligation for the active women to

encourage other women by telling them that they can do it.419 Women should not

only join in the discussion but also should be able to engage in political development

and influence the politics. Self-consciousness and participation in public affairs are

important.420 The Igbo church can empower Igbo girls and women by seizing the

new opportunity the Federal Government of Nigeria has given to individuals and

organisations to establish private Universities in making sure that some of these

private Universities offer courses in theology for all people. How can the Igbo

415 Cf. Ibid. 416 Cf. Ibid., p. 206. 417 Cf. Ibid. p. 207. 418 Cf. Ibid. 419 Cf. Ibid., p. 211. 420 Cf. Ibid. p. 212.

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women interpret the texts of the Bible from feministic perspective if they have no

knowledge of general theology and exegesis?

The reality that a patriarchal social system contributes to the problems of women is

not only discovered in the writing of Ulrike Bechmann. Heike Walz421, the author of

The Third World Women agrees that patriarchy and colonialization are not

favourable to women. And the women should not only take part in the Women

World Day of Prayer but also in missionary work. Katja Heidemanns422, the author

of Steps on the Way to a Feministic Missiology reported that in the year 1928, 70

years after the foundation of the first catholic missiology in a faculty in Münster, Sr.

Sixta wrote a work on the participation of women all over the world to missionary

work. This work shows the importance of directing the mission work in the

perspective of women.

One regrets that studies in theology in Igboland remain the sole right of men. Women

have not got the opportunity to study theology in Igboland. It is painful that this

situation is not questioned. Vuadi Vibiola423, the author of the Church with the

Colour of Women, was right when she wrote that the weakness of African culture (to

which Igbo also belong) is that nobody is ready to question the status quo. To be in

agreement with the culture gives more security than the innovation that is unknown.

She is of the opinion that in the context of the global world, Africans have the

alternative of being accommodated in a global village or remain backward. Africans

have the alternative or the possibility of a new ethics to follow or will lose the

advantage of mass communication. African survival depends on a new project for

women and men.424

Vibiola asked: which type of ecclesiological reflections has the African women

theologians already developed? She goes on to say that a comprehensive analysis of

the situation of women demand the analysis of the whole culture in the society. The

women are part of African tradition but at the same time have to think on

421 Walz Heike: Die Dritte-Welt-Frau? Geschlechterdifferenz im Scheinwerfern der Kritik postkolonialer Denkerinnen, in: Walz, Heike./Lienemann-Perrin, Christine./Strahm, Doris (Hg): Als hätten Sie uns Neu Erfunden. Beobachtungen zu Fremdheit und Geschlecht, Luzern: Edition Exodus 2003, pp. 41-53. 422 Cf. Heidemanns, K.atja: Schritte Auf Dem Weg Zu Einer Feministischer Missiology, in: Walz, Heike./Lienemann, Christine./Strahm, Doris (Hg): Als hätten Sie uns Neu Erfunden. Beobachtungen zu Fremdheit und Geschlecht, Luzern: Edition Exodus 2003, pp. 81-95. 423 Cf. Vibiola, Vuadi: Kirche mit den Farben der Frauen. Perspektive einer afrikanischen feministischen Ekklesiologie, in: Walz, Heike./Lienemann, Christine./Strahm, Doris (Hg): Als hätten Sie uns Neu Erfunden. Beobachtungen zu Fremdheit und Geschlecht, Luzern: Edition Exodus 2003, pp. 227-240. 424 Cf. Ibid.

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discrimination of women in the African culture. She stressed that in all areas women

experience discrimination. And if the church wants to join, they do it in such a way

that it will be seen to be the bad luck of women in creation and not the conscious act

of the creator.425 She acknowledges that some people in the church are against the

discrimination of women not minding that men dominate the theology.426

Vibiola pointed out that all culture and religion have the capacity of freeing and

enslaving and that African cultures are not to be exempted. She laments that in all

places there is a cry, in the whole world – it is a cry of a woman. The cry may differ

but there are relationships between them.427 She reported how the missionaries were

annoyed because of the disadvantage of the women and girls in the colony of

Bakongo. The missionaries decided in 1940 to teach the women and girls how to

write. The importance of the education of women is buttressed in the saying that to

educate a woman is to educate a nation. Women are educated to read the bible, to

write, to learn catechism and housework, but unfortunately were not educated to

fight injustices that the men perpetuate on them.428

The missionaries’ actions in Bakongo lead to the official acknowledgement of the

first Protestant woman theologian in 1974. The situation of women in Bakongo is

better than the situation of women in Igboland but still worse when it is compared to

the situation of women in Bakongo and the situation of women in Austria.

The first woman in Austria to register as a theological student was Charlotte

Leitmaier in 1933.429 Cardinal Archbishop Theodor Innitzer of Vienna gave her

permission to do so, but Charlotte was not given her doctorate in theology even

though she was successful in her theological studies. The reason for this action is

because she was a woman.430 The history of women and their theological studies in

the University of Graz (Austria) started in the winter semester of 1945/1946 when

Inge Nagele as the first woman along with 86 men was registered in the Faculty of

Theology.431 Ingeborg Janssen in 1961 was the first woman promoted to doctor of

theology in the University of Graz.432 The first woman that received the honorary

425 Cf. Ibid., p. 230. 426 Cf. Ibid. 427 Cf. Ibid., p. 231. 428 Ibid., p.234. 429 Cf. Sohn-Kronthaler, Michael./Sohn, Andreas: Frauen im Kirchlichen Leben. Vom 19. Jahrhundert bis heute, Innsbruck: Verlag Tyrolia 2008, p. 136. 430 Cf. Ibid. 431 Cf. Ibid. 432 Cf. Ibid.

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doctorate in theology in 1985 was Elisabeth Gössmann.433 And in 1993 the

University witnessed the first woman theological Professor Irmtraud Fischer.434

Today the number of women studying theology and religious studies is higher than

that of men.

Women in Igboland do not have such opportunity yet. Theological studies are for

candidates for priesthood and only men are allowed to be priests. It is true that the

word “experience” is fundamental in our language, culture and knowledge435 and the

experience of socio-political structure in Igboland shows that the structure is against

women. One is waiting when the local church will be able to do something on

marginalisation436 of women in Igboland. What is obtainable in Igboland is

comparable with what Christoph Stensche437, the author of Married Women and the

Spread of Early Christianity wrote. He is of the opinion that the New Testament is

primarily not about girls, women, wives and widows of all age. This he attributed to

the domineering patriarchal societies. The Igbo society still is a patriarchal society.

The essential conception of human freedom as being theologically and

philosophically important438 is yet to be accepted in Igboland. The women are

enslaved and their slave masters are men.

The gap between men and women in Igboland is comparable with the gap according

to Marcus Lehner439, a Professor of social ethics described that exists between the

rich and the poor. He used the adjective “big” to qualify the magnitude. As an

academic discipline, social ethics should search for a solution to bridge this gap. The

Gospel and faith message which society makes use of440 can help to bridge the gap

between men and women. The Gospel message on liberation needs to be

emphasized. And it is the function of the social ethics of the church to emphasize this

gospel.441 Just as the project for the poor is a way of putting into practice what one

433 Cf. Ibid. 434 Cf. Ibid. 435 Cf. Ritter, Werner: Was meint Erfahrung? Versuch Einer Verständnisbestimmung in Christlichen Kontext, in: MThZ 61 (2010) pp. 27-35. 436 Cf. Grosse, Heinrich: Kirchengemeinden können etwas gegen Armut und Ausgrenzung tun!, in PThMSW 99 (2010) pp. 18-194. 437 Stenschke, Christoph: Married Women and the Spread of Early Christianity, in: NTSSA 43 (2009) pp. 145-194. 438 Cf. Remenyi, Mathias: Zur Freiheit Befreit? Theologische Perspektiven auf den Begriff Menschlicher Freiheit, in: MThZ 61 (2010) pp. 13-26. 439 Cf. Lehner, Marcus: Caritas als Produzentin Kirchlicher Soziallehre, in: ThPQ 149 (2001) 237-246. 440 Cf. Reisinger, Ferdinand: Alles Vergebliche Liebes Müh? Zur Soziallehre der Kirche und ihrer Praktischen Umsetzung, in: ThPQ 149 (2001) pp. 247-256. 441 Cf. Schermann, Andreas:/Schroffner, Paul: Project Ökumenisches Sozialwort – Soziallehre von Unten?, in: ThPQ 149 (2001) pp. 257-266.

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learns from the theory of the option for the poor442 disobeying laws that promote

discrimination against women will also be a practical way of identifying with the

socially disadvantaged people.

Maximilian Aichern443, Bishop Emeritus of the Diocese of Linz, is justified for

writing that some people think that they have clean conscience when they do all the

law prescribed. These people replace personal conscience judgement with blind

obedience. The persistence of women discrimination in Igbo land has to do with

blind obedience to Igbo traditional religion and culture. And until the Igbo realise

that the thinking of one’s happiness and sadness and also the thinking of other

people’s happiness and sadness is the best way to enjoy friendship,444 they will

continue to discriminate against their women. Their blind obedience to their culture

will continue to create double standard of living in one and the same society just as

the situation in South Africa where black people and white people are separated.445

The Igbo, therefore, need social education. The type of education that will guarantee

the mutual living of man and woman: education for solidarity, tolerance and

justice.446 It will be the education of conscience so that if one does an unjust act, his

conscience will prick him and he will realise that he has done wrong.447 The good

education of conscience will place conscience in a position of being a law that one is

aware from within. One feels that he or she must obey a voice that urges him or her

to do what is right and avoid what is evil.448

The education of conscience of the Igbo people will be a difficult one as far as

women discrimination is concerned. There is the danger of thinking that the

discrimination against women in Igboland is a right action. Even some of Igbo

women will see what one calls discrimination as a natural order of things and may

even see a fight against discrimination against women as evil to be avoided and part

of evil of modernization and globalization.

442 Cf. Kaufmann, Jürgen: Ein Jahr Armut. Schwerpunktthema Einer Pfarrei, in: ThPQ 149 (2001) pp. 267-273. 443 Cf. Aichern, Maximilian: Gewissenhaft Leben, in: ThPQ 139 (1991) pp. 235-236. 444 Cf. Scheuer, Manfred: Selig Die Trauernden, Denn Sie Werden Getröstet werden, in: ThPQ 140 (1992) pp. 169-174. 445 Cf. Ottmar, Fuchs: Südafrika. Kirche zwischen Weiß und Schwarz, in ThPQ 140 (1992) pp. 123-131. 446 Cf. Riffert, Franz: Sozialerziehung in Religionsunterricht. Ein Beitrag Zur Schulentwicklung, in: ThPQ 149 (2001) pp. 275-283. 447 Cf. Janda, Josef: Gewissen und Gewissenbildung?, in: ThPQ 139 (1991) pp. 237-250. 448 Cf. Ducke, Karl-Heinz: Gewissensbildung. Ein Kirchlicher Beitrag Zur Demokratieentwicklung, in: ThPQ 139 (1991) pp. 258-264.

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Even though the education of the Igbo on equal rights for men and women will be a

difficult issue but it will not be impossible, because Africans (Igbo) have a potential

to develop, it is only for them to know that they can.449 Igbo religion and history

need a new interpretation in the light of religion and history in a renewed research on

Jesus450 who is the Lord of Catholic Social Teaching and Thought. Women from

developed countries like Austria and Germany should help Igbo women by financing

projects that will help women to stand on their own economically but the reception

of help will not replace the participation of women in the development process.451

Igbo women need to take active part in the development of a new Igbo society, a

society capable of maintaining social justice, a society that will grant equal status to

feminine and masculine genders; a society free from all forms of discrimination

especially women discrimination.

Academic social thought is against all forms of discrimination. It is for social justice,

it promotes solidarity, it emphasises mutual living and by implication, it is against

the discrimination of women in Igboland. One can also imply that the US Catholic

Bishops document on Pastoral response to domestic violence is also against the

discrimination of women in Igboland.

5.8 The Discrimination of Igbo Women Judged by US Catholic Bishops´

Pastoral Response to Domestic Violence against Women

The maltreatment of women is not peculiar to Igboland. Women are maltreated even

in advanced cultures like the United State of America. Unlike the Catholic Bishops

of Nigeria in general and Catholic Bishops in Igboland in particular, the US Catholic

Bishops warn strongly against the maltreatment of women: “As pastors of the

Catholic Church in the United States, we state as clearly and strongly as we can that

violence against women, inside or outside the home, is never justified, violence in

any form – physical, sexual, psychological, or verbal – is sinful, often, it is a crime as

well. We have called for a moral revolution to replace a culture of violence.”452

The treatment of the life of a woman in her husband’s house in Chapter Two of this

dissertation exposes the physical violence Igbo women suffer in their husbands’

homes. They are beaten up at the least provocation. Igbo women are advised by their

449 Cf. Neudeck, Rupert: Yes Africa You Can!, in: NGF 6 (2010) pp. 24-30. 450 Cf. Denz, Christian: Der Jesus der Exegeten und der Christus der Dogmatiker, in NZSTh 51 (2009) pp. 195- 204. 451 Cf. Traydte, K.laus-Peter: Ein Kick für Afrika?, in: NGF 6 (2010) pp. 22-24. 452 The Laity, in: http://www.usccb.org/laity/help.shtml [21.06.2009].

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pastors to take a mouth-full of water in their mouth when their husbands are annoyed

to prevent them from saying a word that will lead to their being beaten up by their

husbands. It is now time to answer the call of US Bishops for a moral revolution

where a woman can argue with a man without the danger of suffering physical

violence at the hand of the man. Igbo women also suffer sexual, psychological and

verbal violence from their men.

Igbo women especially those that are wedded in the church find it extremely difficult

to liberate themselves from domestic violence. They remember the marriage promise

- for better or for worse and some Igbo pastors urge them to suffer domestic violence

as a cross to carry in their journey to heaven. The US Catholic Bishops maintain a

radical position: “The person being assaulted needs to know that acting to end the

abuse does not violate the marriage promises.”453 At the conclusion of their pastoral

letter: When I call for Help: A Pastoral Response to Domestic Violence Against

Women, they said: “We emphasize that no person is expected to stay in an abusive

marriage. Some abused women believe that church teaching on the permanence of

marriage requires them to stay in an abusive relationship. They may hesitate to seek a

separation or divorce. They may fear that they cannot re-marry in the Church.

Violence and abuse not divorce break up a marriage. We encourage abused persons

who have divorced to investigate of seeking an annulment. An annulment, which

determines that the marriage bond is not valid, can frequently open the door to

healing.”454

The violence the women are suffering in their homes also affects their children. A

field research on the maltreatment of Igbo women in Nsukka agrees with this

statement. The similar finding in US is in line with the result of the research:

“Violence against women in the home has serious repercussions for children. Over

50 percent of men who abuse their wives also beat their children. Children who grow

up in violent homes are more likely to develop alcohol and drug addictions and to

become abusers themselves. The stage is set for a cycle of violence that may

continue from generation to generation.”455

The researcher observed in his field research that the young husbands who abuse

their wives inherited it from their father. This is in line with the Igbo proverb which

says: nneenwu na ata agbala nwaya anaeneya anya na onu (when a mother-goat eats

453 Ibid. 454 Ibid. 455 Ibid.

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grass, the child-goat watches her mouth). It means that a child learns by example. It

may mean that the culture of beating wives in Igboland will continue until the moral

revolution the US Bishops call for take place. It is only this moral revolution that will

break the violent cycle against women, which has existed in Igboland for so long.

It is not only the married women that are abused in Igboland. Younger women are

also abused sexually in Igbo institutions of higher learning. A young university

woman told the researcher a story of her professor insisting that she will book a room

in a hotel in order to sleep with her before her final degree examination result will be

released. The alternative will be to spend another year in the university. The young

women working in companies and even in government offices must be ready to

tolerate sexual harassments or run the risk of losing their jobs to other women who

are prepared to tolerate such sexual overtures. Same applies in US: “Younger,

unmarried women are at greatest risk for domestic violence.”456

Why are the women abused in Igbo culture and the other cultures of the world? The

US Bishops attempt to answer this question by saying: “Many abusive men hold a

view of women as inferior. Their conversation and language reveal their attitude

towards a woman’s place in society. Many believe that men are meant to dominate

and control women.”457 It is not an offence for a husband to abuse his wife in Igbo

culture while it is a serious offence for a wife to abuse her husband. The reason is

because of superiority-inferiority syndromes that exist between husband and wife in

Igboland. Nobody should be a subject of abuse, the causes of violence must be

discovered and treated: “Alcohol and drugs are often associated with domestic

violence, but they do not cause it, an abusive man who drinks or uses drugs has two

distinct problems: abuse and violence. Both must be treated.”458

The Igbo should not see violence against their women as a tradition but as a sickness

that need to be cured. The US Bishops will not support any attempt to use the Bible

to support maltreatment of women: “As bishops, we condemn the use of the Bible to

support abusive behaviour in any form. A correct reading of scripture leads people to

an understanding of the equal dignity of men and women and to relationships based

on mutuality and love. Beginning with Genesis, Scripture teaches that women and

men are created in God’s image. Jesus himself always respected the human dignity

of women. Pope John Paul II reminds us that Christ way of acting, the Gospel of his

456 Ibid. 457 Ibid. 458 Ibid.

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words and deeds, is a consistent protest against whatever offends the dignity of

women.”459

A painstaking reading of Chapter Two of this dissertation where the maltreatment of

the Igbo women was exposed, and thorough examination of the US Bishop pastoral

letter on the violence against women, will leave one without doubt that this pastoral

letter is against the discrimination of women in Igboland. The document is a big

motivation to the Igbo to overhaul their culture and promote the dignity and equality

of men and women in Igbo community.

5.9 The Igbo Female and Mulieris Dignitatem – Dignity and Vocation of Women

(John Paul II)

The English translation of Mulieris Dignitatem is the dignity and vocation of women.

Women are beings created in the image of God. They are beings highly placed as

their men counterpart by God. It is time to identify that the global call to respect the

equality of men and women is the sign of the times: “After the Second Vatican

Council, my predecessor Paul VI showed the relevance of this ´sign of the times´,

when he conferred the title ´Doctor of the Church´ upon Saint Teresa of Jesus and

Saint Catherine of Siena, and likewise when, at the request of the 1971 Assembly of

the Synod of Bishops, he set up a special Commission for the study of contemporary

problems concerning the ´effective promotion of the dignity and the responsibility of

women.´"460

John Paul II points out the teaching of Paul VI that women have a special place in

Christian religion. Paul VI, according to him even claims that Christianity uphold

women dignity more than any other religion.461 The elevated position of women is

connected with the elevation of Virgin Mary the mother of Jesus who is truly God

and truly human: “It is significant that Saint Paul does not call the Mother of Christ

by her own name Mary, but calls her woman: this coincides with the words of the

Proto-evangelium in the Book of Genesis (Cf. Gen. 3, 15). She is that woman who is

present in the central salvific event which marks the fullness of time: this event is

realized in her and through her. The sending of this Son, one in substance with the

Father, as a man born of woman, constitutes the culminating and definitive point of

459 Ibid. 460 John Paul II.: Mulieris Dignitatem (15.08.1988) No. 1. 461 Ibid.

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God's self-revelation to humanity.”462 The emphasis that Jesus is the son of a woman

shows what a woman is capable of doing. Women are not unimportant beings as the

Igbo culture presents them.

John Paul II is of the opinion that God’s elevation of Mary is a demonstration of the

extraordinary dignity of women. It is a supernatural elevation. Woman represents

humanity. She represents men and she also represents women: “On the other hand,

however, the event at Nazareth highlights a form of union with the living God which

can only belong to the woman, Mary: the union between mother and son. The Virgin

of Nazareth truly becomes the Mother of God.”463 How can the Igbo be right with

their proverb: Aja Nwanyi churu ruraru (a sacrifice offered by a woman is invalid)

when a woman is the mother of God and sacrifices are offered to God? If God is for

women, who can be against them?

John Paul II will not like to talk of the dignity of women without the dignity of men.

Men and women are creatures of dignity: “In anything we think, say or do

concerning the dignity and the vocation of women, our thoughts, hearts and actions

must not become detached from this horizon. The dignity of every human being and

the vocation corresponding to that dignity find definitive measure in union with God.

Mary, the woman of the Bible, is the most complete expression of this dignity and

vocation. For no human being, male or female, created in the image and likeness of

God, can in any way attain fulfilment apart from this image and likeness.”464

By this statement, John Paul II distanced himself from such a culture that emphasizes

the dignity of men and the nothingness of women. He also distanced himself from

any form of liberation of women that will lead to the imprisonment of men. He

minces no word when he says: “Both man and woman are human beings to an equal

degree; both are created in God's image. This image and likeness of God, which is

essential for the human being, is passed on by the man and woman, as spouses and

parents, to their descendants: Be fruitful and multiply, and fill the earth and subdue it

(Gen. 1, 28). The Creator entrusts dominion over the earth to the human race, to all

persons, to all men and women, who derive their dignity and vocation from the

common beginning.”465

462 Ibid., No. 2. 463 Ibid., No. 4. 464 Ibid., No. 5. 465 Ibid., No. 6.

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John Paul II will not even see the second description of the creation account which

says that woman is created by taking a rib from a man as subjugation of women to

men. He maintains that the biblical text provides enough evidence for acknowledging

the essential equality between man and woman: “From the very beginning, both are

persons, unlike the other living beings in the world about them. The woman is

another ´I´ in a common humanity. From the very beginning they appear as a unity of

the two, and this signifies that the original solitude is overcome, the solitude in which

man does not find a helper fit for him´ (Gen. 2, 20).”466

He goes on to explain the meaning of helper: “Is it only a question of a ´helper´ in

activity, in ´subduing the earth.´ Certainly it is a matter of a life's companion, with

whom, as a wife, the man can unite himself, becoming with her one flesh and for this

reason leaving ´his father and his mother´ (Cf. Gen. 2, 24).”467

Unlike the men in Igboland, John Paul II interpreted the difficult section of the Bible

in favour of women. The men in Igbo culture interpret their religion against the

women.

God does not discriminate. He sees male or female as human beings, as persons.

Male and female are placed equally by God. The difference between male and

female is a functional one. Both are equally important and complement each other. A

woman does not need to be a man and a man does not need to be a woman. Women

ought to avoid the danger of thinking that they must become like men in order to be

treated equally like men: “In the name of liberation from male domination, women

must not appropriate to themselves male characteristics contrary to their own

feminine originality. There is a well-founded fear that if they take this path, women

will not ´reach fulfilment´, but instead will deform and lose what constitutes their

essential richness. It is indeed an enormous richness.”468

In the biblical description, the words of the first man at the sight of the woman who

had been created were words of admiration and enchantment, words which are

enduring in the whole history of humanity. Adam appreciated the quality of Eve. He

saw in her what he did not see in any other creation. Igbo men ought to appreciate

the quality of their women. Just as Adam saw himself in Eve, Igbo men ought to see

themselves in their women: “The personal resources of femininity are certainly not

less than the resources of masculinity: they are merely different. Hence a woman, as

466 Ibid. 467 Ibid. 468 Ibid., No. 10.

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well as a man, must understand her fulfilment as a person, her dignity and vocation,

on the basis of these resources, according to the richness of the femininity which she

received on the day of creation and which she inherits as an expression of the ´image

and likeness of God´ that is specifically hers.”469

Jesus acted against the background of his time and treated women well. The Igbo

need to act against the background of their tradition to do like Jesus: “Various

women appear along the path of the mission of Jesus of Nazareth, and his meeting

with each of them is a confirmation of the evangelical ´newness of life´ […]. It is

universally admitted - even by people with a critical attitude towards the Christian

message - that in the eyes of his contemporaries Christ became a promoter of

women's true dignity and of the vocation corresponding to this dignity.”470

Igbo Christians, like Jesus, ought to be at the forefront in fighting the

dehumanization of women in Igboland. The non Christian Igbo may not understand

those actions. It was so at the time of Jesus. A good example was when the disciples

marvelled that he, Jesus was talking to a woman (Jon. 4, 27). John Paul II

emphasized the meeting of Jesus with women in the Gospel: “As we scan the pages

of the Gospel, many women, of different ages and conditions, pass before our eyes.

We meet women with illnesses or physical sufferings, such as the one who had a

spirit of infirmity for eighteen years; she was bent over and could not fully straighten

herself (Lk. 13, 11); or Simon's mother-in-law, who ´lay sick with fever´ (Mk. 1, 30);

or the woman ´who had a flow of blood´ (Cf. Mk. 5, 25-34), who could not touch

anyone because it was believed that her touch would make a person ´impure´. Each

of them was healed […].”471

One reads in Chapter Two of this dissertation how the Igbo maltreat their widows.

This attitude is not in line with the action of Jesus as pointed out by John Paul II. He

narrated a story of the widow's mite. The rich with their rich gifts when compared

with a poor widow’s two copper coins had donated less than the poor widow. The

widow had given hundred percent of her income and that was why Jesus praised her

“as a model for everyone and defended her, for in the socio-juridical system of the

time, widows were totally defenceless people (Cf. Lk. 18, 1-7).”472 Unlike the

behaviour of Igbo people, John Paul maintains: “In all of Jesus' teaching, as well as

469 Ibid. 470 Ibid., No. 12. 471 John Paul II.: Mulieris Dignitatem, Op Cit., No. 13. 472 Ibid.

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in his behaviour, one can find nothing which reflects the discrimination against

women prevalent in his day. On the contrary, his words and works always express

the respect and honour due to women.”473

Equality between man and woman does not necessarily mean that a man must do

what a woman does or that a woman must do what a man does. One acknowledges

the difference between the role of a man and the role of a woman: “Scientific

analysis fully confirms that the very physical constitution of women is naturally

disposed to motherhood - conception, pregnancy and giving birth - which is a

consequence of the marriage union with the man.”474

Motherhood makes women to be more caring than men. Most Igbo men abandon

their children in times of economic crisis, but Igbo women persevere by being

available to the children. The attitude of these Igbo men is against John Paul’s

interpretation of St. Paul saying that the husband is the head of the wife as Christ is

the head of the Church. Christ gives up himself for the Church so a man ought to

give up his own life475 as head of the family. Even though selfishness has not

allowed some Igbo men to suffer for their wives and children but it has allowed them

to discriminate against their wives. Igbo women still make a lot of contributions in

Igbo society and also the Igbo Church. John Paul was right to say: “The witness and

the achievements of Christian women have had a significant impact on the life of the

Church as well as of society. Even in the face of serious social discrimination, holy

women have acted freely, strengthened by their union with Christ.”476

Unlike a proverb in Igboland which says that onye nwanyi gburu adi agba obala (a

person killed by a woman dies without oozing blood). This proverb expresses the

wickedness of women in the understanding of the Igbo, but John Paul sees women

not as wicked beings but as beings capable of loving: “In God's eternal plan, woman

is the one in whom the order of love in the created world of persons takes first

root.”477 He goes on to say that “the dignity of women is measured by the order of

love, which is essentially the order of justice and charity.”478 If a woman can love, a

woman can also be loved: “Only a person can love and only a person can be loved.

This statement is primarily ontological in nature, and it gives rise to an ethical

473 Ibid. 474 Ibid., No. 18. 475 Ibid., No. 24. 476 Ibid., No. 27. 477 Ibid. 478 Ibid.

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affirmation. Love is an ontological and ethical requirement of the person. The person

must be loved, since love alone corresponds to what the person is.”479

John Paul talks on the general characteristics of women in which Igbo women are not

excluded: “A woman represents a particular value by the fact that she is a human

person, and, at the same time, this particular person, by the fact of her femininity.

This concerns each and every woman, independent of the cultural context in which

she lives, and independently of her spiritual, psychological and physical

characteristics, as for example, age, education, health, works, and whether she is

married or single.”480

A woman's dignity is derived from the love which she receives because of her

femininity. She also gives this love back in return.481 Unlike the Igbo who believe

that the society is entrusted to men by gods, John Paul is of the opinion that: “The

moral and spiritual strength of a woman is joined to her awareness that God entrusts

the human being to her in a special way. Of course, God entrusts every human being

to each and every other human being. But these entrusting concerns women in a

special way - precisely by reason of their femininity - and this in a particular way

determines their vocation.”482

Unlike the Igbo who bemoan the birth of a female child, John Paul thanked God for

women; ”for mothers, for sisters, for wives; for women consecrated to God in

virginity; for women dedicated to the many human beings who await the gratuitous

love of another person; for women who watch over the human persons in the family,

which is the fundamental sign of the human community; for women who work

professionally, and who at times are burdened by a great social responsibility; for

perfect women and for weak women - for all women as they have come forth from

the heart of God in all the beauty and richness of their femininity.”483 One sees then a

contradiction between the Apostolic Letter Mulieris Dignitatem and the Igbo

discrimination of women.

479 Ibid. 480 Ibid. 481 Ibid., No. 30. 482 Ibid. 483 Ibid.

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5.10 Igbo Females and Letter of Pope John Paul II to Women

The problem of Igbo women is not restricted to them, women all over the world at

one time or the other suffer similar problem. The women in advanced countries

realised early enough the men dominance of socio-political activities of the society,

they realised early enough that they are suffering because of the principle of

inequality that exists between them and their male counterpart. They thought it wise

to fight women discrimination in the international level. One of such initiatives by

women was the women conference in Beijing in 1995, in which Pope John Paul II

seized the opportunity to acknowledge the noble roles of women in the society, roles

which Igbo culture fails to acknowledge. The Pope began the letter thus: “I am

writing this letter to each one of you as a sign of solidarity and gratitude on the eve

of the Fourth World Conference on Women, to be held in Beijing this coming

September.”484 The Pope realised the need of showing solidarity to women, the need

of being grateful to the women. These needs are neglected by Igbo culture. Igbo

culture shows solidarity to men against women. The culture tries to protect the men

against the maltreatment of women485 without protecting the women against the

maltreatment of men.

Unlike the Igbo men the Pope insists: “The Church desires for her part to contribute

to upholding the dignity, role and rights of women, not only by the specific word of

the Holy See’s official Delegation to the Conference in Beijing, but also by speaking

directly to the heart and mind of every woman.”486 The Pope is aware of the general

problems of women with its historical origin but the Church is making effort “to

promote the cause of women in the Church and in today’s world.”487 St. Paul even

advised the early Christian women not to talk during public gatherings but today

women can read in the Church during liturgical celebrations. The girls even though

some Igbo Churches do not allow them to minister during masses are permitted by

Pope John Paul to serve at the Altar. God cannot be against the rights and dignity of

484 John Paul II.: The Letter to Women (29.06.1992) No. 1. 485 For example this research discovered that the major reason for making life so difficult for widows is to frighten women who may like to poison their husbands. They are afraid that a woman beaten by her husband out of her senses may be tempted to poison the food she gives to the husband. What she will suffer as a widow will then call her back to her senses. If she does not have a male son she will remember that the land she cultivates will be taken by the brothers of her husband when he dies. She will remember that women are not allowed to cultivate yam and without her husband this important crop will not be cultivated. She will remember that she can not pluck kola-nuts; she needs her husband to do it for her. All these will force her to pray to die before her husband. 486 John Paul II.: The Letter to Women , Op. Cit., No. 1. 487 Ibid.

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women: “I wish to consider the essential issue of the dignity and rights of women, as

seen in the light of the word of God.”488

If women are not highly regarded by God, our Blessed Virgin Mary will not be

allowed to carry the word incarnate in her Womb. She will not be dignified with the

honour of being the mother of God. So the Igbo ought to learn from Pope John Paul

II by saying: “Thank you, women who are mothers! You have sheltered human

beings within yourselves in a unique experience of joy and travail. This experience

makes you become God’s own smile upon the newborn child, the one who guides

your child’s first steps, who helps it to grow, and who is the anchor as the child

makes its way along the journey of life.”489 Some Igbo women are not visited by

their husbands because they gave birth to baby girls. The word is not thanks but woe;

even some that have given birth to male children are beaten up for a little mistake.

The Igbo hospitals have high record of miscarriages because of the beating of wives

by their husbands during pregnancies.

The Igbo ought to join the Pope in saying: “Thank you, women who are daughters

and women who are sisters! Into the heart of the family and then of all society, you

bring the richness of your sensitivity, your intuitiveness, your generosity and

fidelity.” 490 The Igbo ought to realize that there are areas where women excel more

than men such as sensitivity, intuitiveness and fidelity. These are ´plus´ areas for

women. The ´minus´ areas for the women ought to be considered side by side with

the plus areas. The men have also ´plus´ and ´minus´ areas. The ideal family makes

use of the plus areas of women and plus areas of a man to reach the ideal goal.

Some Igbo women make great contributions in the development of Igbo society. The

Igbo should drop their prejudices and say: “Thank you, women who work! You are

present and active in every area of life-social, economic, cultural, artistic and

political. In this way, you make an indispensable contribution to the growth of a

culture which reason and feeling, to a model of life ever open to the sense of

´mystery´ to the establishment of economic and political structures ever more worthy

of humanity.”491 Even those who remain in the house for the purpose of bearing

children should be thanked. Some Igbo women gave birth to more than ten children.

The mother of the researcher gave birth to nine children. He knows a woman with

488 Ibid. 489 Ibid., No. 2. 490 Ibid. 491 Ibid.

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thirteen children. This number is enough to form a class in a school. How can one

say that such a woman has not worked if she is able to take care of these children?

The fact of being a woman is enough ground for thanking them as the Pope did:

“Thank you, every woman for the simple fact of being a woman! Through the insight

which is so much a part of your womanhood you enrich the world’s understanding

and help to make human relations more honest and authentic.”492 The saying of Pope

John Paul: “Women’s dignity has often been unacknowledged and their prerogatives

misrepresented; they have often been relegated to the margins of society and even

reduced to servitude.”493 It was already pointed out through the statistics that more of

Igbo men live outside Igboland than women. The number of Igbo women living in

Vienna is more when one compares it with the number living in Linz, Graz and

Innsbruck. The reason is that some Igbo men in sex business use these women to

make money in the capital city of Austria.494 They are threatening not to report to

police or their family at home will be put to death. They receive less than 20% of

their income. One discovered that some of them have sexual intercourse with up to

seven men in a day. They are under servitude.495

It is time for the Igbo to take example from Jesus: “Transcending the established

norms of his own culture, Jesus treated women with openness, respect, acceptance

and tenderness. In this way, he honoured the dignity which women have always

possessed according to God’s plan and his love. As we look to Christ at the end of

this Second Millennium, it is natural to ask ourselves: how much of his message have

been heard and acted upon?”496 The ancient discrimination of women was based on

ignorance but now that we know: “Women have contributed to that history as much

as men and, more often than not, they did so in much more difficult conditions,”497

ought to drop ancient attitudes towards women and act on our contemporary

discoveries. The women who are still “excluded from equal educational

opportunities, underestimated, ignored and (they are) not given credit for their

intellectual contributions,”498 should be accorded such respect and honour.

Even though the neglect of education by Igbo men, nowadays, has turned to the

advantage of women but still some poor parents send only their male children to

492 Ibid. 493 Ibid., No. 3. 494 Cf. Ex-prostitute: Prostitution in Austria, Vienna: Oral Interview (08.05.2009). 495 Ibid. 496 John Paul II.: The Letter to Women Op. Cit., No. 3. 497 Ibid. 498 Ibid. The bracket is mine.

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school. If they do not have enough money for training all their children in school,

they should use other criteria such as who is more intelligent than others in selecting

the children to be trained and not on discrimination based on gender. One sees that

“much remains to be done to prevent discrimination against those who have chosen

to be wives and mothers. As far as personal rights are concerned, there is an urgent

need to achieve real equality in every area: equal pay for equal work, protection for

working mothers, fairness in career advancements, equality of spouses with regards

to family rights and the recognition of everything that is part of the rights and duties

of citizens in a democratic state.”499 Unfortunately some Igbo have no words of

thanks “for those women of goodwill who have devoted their lives to defending the

dignity of womanhood by fighting for their basic social, economic and political

rights […].”500

The Pope interprets the creation of women thus: “The creation of women is thus

marked from the outset by the principle of help which is not one-sided but mutual.

Women complement man, just as man complements woman: men and women are

complementary. Womanhood expresses the human as much as manhood does, but in

a different and complementary way.”501 The Pope’s theological understanding of

help in the Book of Genesis “is not referring merely to acting, but also being.

Womanhood and manhood are complementary not only from the physical and

psychological points of view but also from the ontological. It is only through the

duality of the masculine and the feminine that the human finds full realization.”502

How would the world made up of only one gender look like? God in his divine

wisdom has made human beings, male and female, both are equally important: “In

their fruitful relationship as husband and wife, in their common task of exercising

dominion over the earth, women and men are marked neither by a static and

undifferentiated equality nor by an irreconcilable and inexorably conflict difference.

Their most natural relationship, which corresponds to the plan of God, is the unity of

the two, a relational uni-duality, which enables each to experience their interpersonal

and reciprocal relationship as a gift which enriches and which confers

responsibility.”503

499 Ibid., No. 4. 500 Ibid., No. 6. 501 Ibid., No. 7. 502 Ibid. 503 Ibid., No. 8.

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Despite all these praises of women by Pope John Paul II, he sees women ordination

as against the divine plan as far as the economy of salvation is concerned. The fact

that only men are ordained in the Catholic Church according to him is not

discrimination against women. The women and other men who are not ordained

share in the common priesthood of Christ through their Baptism. Reservation of

ministerial priesthood to men belongs to role distinctions between man and woman:

“These role distinctions should not be viewed in accordance with the criteria of

functionality typical in human societies. Rather they must be understood according to

the particular criteria of the sacramental economy, i.e. the economy of signs which

God freely chooses in order to become present in the midst of humanity.”504

Inasmuch as one agrees in role distinctions between man and woman, for example

the natural role of women carrying a baby in their womb for nine months, one

maintains that dialogue on the possibility of women ordination should be taken more

serious by the Catholic Church.

Some aspects of the discrimination of women in the Church notwithstanding, the

Christian Churches have more positive picture of women than the Igbo religion. The

letter of Pope John Paul II sees womanhood as “part of the essential heritage of

mankind and of the Church herself.”505 Igbo traditional religion lacks such positive

view about women. Some encyclicals are also against discrimination of women.

5.11 Igbo Females and some Encyclicals/Documents on Social Matters:

Discrimination

Rerum Novarum by Pope Leo XIII (1891) is said to be the first papal encyclical that

specifically discussed the problem affecting the society. The fundamental aim of the

encyclical is to elaborate on the condition of labour. The wide gap between the

owners of companies and the workers in these companies is scandalous. The capitals

were more respected than human workers and the encyclical calls for economic

justice: “It stresses that social condition of the workers must be made better and a

just structure must be promoted for the interest of all.”506

The Pope is of the opinion that it is “indisputable that all are at full liberty either to

follow the counsel of Jesus Christ as to virginity, or to enter into the bonds of

504 Ibid., No. 11. 505 Ibid., No. 12. 506 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Traditional in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 75.

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marriage. No human law can abolish the natural and primitive right of marriage, or in

any way limit the chief and principal purpose of marriage.”507

It was pointed out in the Chapter Two of this dissertation that a widow is transferred

to the brother of the dead husband without seeking the widow’s consent. She is not in

a position to be at full liberty to decide what she wants. She is regarded as a property,

and inherited as properties are inherited. A female Osu is not free in choosing her

state of life. Majority of them were dedicated by force. The dedication prayer

indicates that a female Osu has no alternative to her state of life. The forceful

dedication of females to serve Igbo gods is against the spirit of Rerum Novarum.

Pope Leo also talks of the right of property: “[...] which has been proved to belong

naturally to individual persons […].”508 The right of property509 that Pope Leo

describes as a natural right is also denied the females in Igboland. They are not

permitted to inherit properties from their parents. They do not have right over landed

properties. What they have together with themselves belong to their husbands.

Pope Leo XIII links the ownership of properties with the personality of human being.

The ownership of properties will enable Igbo women “honourably to keep

themselves from want and misery in the uncertainties of this mortal life.”510 Igbo

women are kept at the receiving end to force them to be obedient to their husbands.

They suffer so many uncertainties in their lives.

How can an Igbo woman live honourably and keep herself from want and misery in a

social structure that deprives her right of private ownership? She is a victim of man’s

inhumanity to woman. So long as Igbo tradition continues to discriminate against

women, to disrespect human freedom in such a basic right as the choice of marriage

507 Leo XIII: Rerum Novarum (15.05.1891) No. 9. 508 Ibid. 509 One may argue that the women in Igboland have the right to private properties, even though they do not have right to inherit properties. Igbo women can do business in order to get money. Some of the Igbo women are rich. But in principle what they have belong to their man. A popular story in Igboland has it that a man quarrelled with his wife and the wife decided to leave to her father’s compound. She was aware that the children belonged to her husband but thought that all her private possessions belong to her. She told her husband the day she would leave the house with her private properties. The husband invited the elders of the kindred to witness the action of his wife. On the appointed day all gathered to see the wife off with what she called her private properties. She was asked to bring out her properties and she started bringing out all she used her money to buy from the house; the house was almost empty of the properties, because the woman was supposed to be richer than the man and had more properties in the house. After the selection of all she thought to be her properties, the elders of the kindred asked the man to take his own properties and the first valuable property the man took was his wife. The elders then concluded that what the wife had together with herself belonged to the man. The implication is that the wife has no right to decide her fate. It is the function of the man to say when he is ready to let her human property go. This story indicates that what is seen to be the women properties are in actual fact not their properties. 510 Ibid., No. 10.

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and ownership of private properties, this tradition will remain a total contradiction to

the social teaching of Pope Leo XIII.

Quadragesimo Anno by Pius XI (1931) commemorates the 40th Anniversary of

Rerum Novarum. This encyclical addresses the problem of the industrial revolution

and its negative impact on workers. The human society was divided into two

opposing classes: “Worse still, the class that was enjoying all the advantages of

modern economy was made up of few individuals in society and the majority of the

people were suffering.”511 The Igbo also have two opposing classes: the male gender

and the female gender. The female gender constitute the greater part of the Igbo

population512, nevertheless, they suffer from the hands of the male gender. If Pope

Pius was against the injustice the fewer wealthy members of the society perpetrated

against the greater population that made up the working class of his time, he would

also be against the injustice Igbo men perpetrate against their women. When one

compares the injustice against the majority of the people in the time of Pope Pius

with the injustice the females are suffering in Igboland, one may conclude that the

Igbo females suffer more than the working class in Pope Pius´ time.

Pope Pius XI writes: “Man’s natural right of possessing and transmitting property by

inheritance must be kept intact and cannot be taken away by the state from man [...].

However, when civil authority adjust ownership to meet needs of the public good it

acts not as an enemy, but as the friend of private owners.”513

Another encyclical that contradicts the discrimination of females in Igbo land is

Mater et Magistra (John XXIII, 1961). The English equivalent of Mater et Magistra

is mother and teacher. The Church is the mother and teacher of all the people of

goodwill. A mother has the responsibility of teaching and directing her child, the

Church has the responsibility of teaching and directing her faithful and the other

people that are open to the teaching of the Church. She tells them the best way to

follow in order to achieve their salvation. Pope John XXIII not only believes that the

Church extends her motherly function to her faithful, he insists also that she is a

511 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 77. 512 The field research proved that women are greater than men in Igboland. I was meant to understand that in olden days the number of women was three or four times greater than that of men. One of the reasons was the frequent intertribal wars. Many men died during these wars. The maternity statistics also proves that more females are born. And the female children survive more than the male children. I was unable to get any scientific explanation for this reality. The nurses could only prove their sayings with experience and statistics. From my pastoral calls to administer the sacrament of the sick in the hospital I witnessed that men died quicker than women. Out of four cases of those already dead before I could come to administer the sacrament of the sick, three were men. 513 Pius XI.: Quadragesimo Anno (15.05.1931, No. 49.

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mother and teacher of all nations. She has the right and authority to teach, she is

under obligation to teach. It is her duty to teach “and of course the duty to care not

only for the spiritual but also the temporal wellbeing of human beings. So it is the

right and duty of the Church to care for the wellbeing of those people the Igbo call

Osu (and the females).”514 It is the obligation of the Church to correct the error that

threatens mutual existence between male and female in any given society. The

Church ought not to keep silence in the face of injustice the females are suffering in

Igboland.

Pope John writes: “Indeed, the right of private individuals to act freely in economic

affairs is recognised in vain unless they are at the same time given an opportunity of

freely selecting and using things necessary for the exercise of this right [...] thus it

becomes clear that in the right of property, the exercise of liberty finds both a

safeguard and a stimulus.”515 The right of inheriting property which the male Igbo

deny their female counterparts is again condemned by Pope John XXIII. The

freedom of choice which the Igbo deny their females in such areas like, choosing

their husbands or deciding whether to remain single after the death of their husbands

or to leave the families of their husbands for the purpose of re-marrying to other men

is against the spirit of Mater et Magistra.

The pope makes it clear that: “It is not enough, then, to assert that man has from

nature the right of privately possessing goods as his own, including those of

productive character, unless, at the same time, a continuing effort is made to spread

the use of this right through all ranks of the citizenry.”516 The men inherit properties

and the women participate in the properties inherited by their men. The Igbo practice

is against the teaching of the Pope which categorically and emphatically insisted that

properties must spread to benefit all the citizen of a given society.

Excessive imbalances in economic and social conditions as the Pope pointed out

exists in Igboland, because of their practise of the Osu system: “The Igbo society has

witnessed the truth of the above statement. The internal war such as the on-going war

between Oruku and Umuode (Osu) is rooted in the imbalances that exist with regard

to the economic and social conditions. The Umuode could not tolerate these

imbalances any more. Their insistence on justice and the insistence of the Oruku

people on the outdated tradition of injustice make it impossible to have peace in the

514 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 78. The bracket is mine. 515 John XXIII.: Mater et Magistra (15.5.1961) No. 109. 516 Ibid., No. 113.

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village.”517 From what has been pointed out so far, one will not be wrong to conclude

that the discrimination of women in general and the discrimination of female Osu in

particular is a contradiction to the encyclical Mater et Magistra.

The encyclical Pacem in Terris (John XXIII, 1963) also contradicts the

discrimination of women in Igboland. Peace on earth is the English equivalent of the

Latin words Pacem in Terris. The aim of this encyclical is to stop the multiplication

of various arms of mass destruction, which contribute to the oppression of many

people in the society. Peace can exist if the people obey the natural law. Giving

natural law a chance will improve human relationship: “Human beings have the right

to choose the state of life which they prefer, and, therefore, the right to set up a

family, with equal rights and duties for man and woman.”518 Pope John is emphatic

that a man and woman ought to have equal rights and also equal duties. This is a very

difficult statement for an Igbo person.

The organigram in Chapter Two of this dissertation disagrees with this idea of

equality between man and woman in Igboland. It places a male in his mother’s womb

higher than the mother. One needs to remark that equal duties do not mean the same

duties. It may mean that the duty of a woman to carry a baby nine months in her

wombs is equal to the duty of a man working in a company ten hours daily for nine

months.

Therefore, the money he earns belongs to him as it belongs to his wife just as a child

his wife gives birth to belong to both of them. It may also mean that many hours a

woman puts at home in caring for the children are equivalent to many hours a man

spends in his working place.

Igbo anti-social attitude towards the female Osu is condemned in the encyclical:

“From the fact that human beings are by nature social, there arises the right of

assembly and association. They also have the right to give the societies of which they

are members the form they consider most suitable for the aim they have in view and

to act within such societies on their own initiative and on their own responsibility in

order to achieve their desired objectives.”519 Before the advent of Europeans the

female Osu and the other Osu were not allowed to come in the same market where

the free-born Igbo transact their business. They were totally segregated. The

discrimination of females and the Osu is inhuman and unnatural.

517 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 79. 518 John XXIII.: Pacem in Terris (15.05.1963) No. 15. 519 Ibid., No. 23.

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The Igbo cannot be justified in their discrimination against females. The argument

that the culture and the traditional law permit this practice is not convincing: “Pope

John XXIII maintains in his teachings that an unjust law should not be obeyed. He

says that the right to command is required by the moral order and has its source in

God. The implication is that, if the civil authority passes laws or commands

something (one can add here, if a culture permits a law) that opposes the moral order

on whatever pretence, it is not binding. Thus anything that opposes the moral order is

consequently contrary to the will of God. The pope says that such laws or their

authorisation cannot be binding in the conscience of the citizens.”520

Pope John XXII is against racism as he is against sex discrimination: “First among

the rules governing the relations between states is that of truth. This calls, above all,

the elimination of every trace of racism, and the consequent recognition of the

principle that all states are by nature equal in dignity [...] the right of each one to his

good name, and to the respect which is due.”521 Just as the discrimination of a person

because of the accidental placement of his or her origin is not acceptable, the

discrimination against a woman, because of her gender which is accidental is also not

acceptable: “Every trace of racism, be it in form of Osuism or tribalism (womanism),

must be eliminated. The so-called Osu (women) have rights to their good names and

the respect due to them […].522 The discrimination of women is a contradiction of

Pacem in Terris.

One of the most welcomed documents of the Second Vatican Council is the Gaudium

et Spes (1965) –the pastoral constitution on the church in a modern world. The name

suggests novelty and change. The Church in the ancient world must not be the same

with the church in the modern world. The ancient pastoral praxis cannot function

well in the modern world. The core of the document is on the relationship between

the Church and the people living in a world with a lot of improvement in technology:

“The joy and hope, the grief and anguish of the men (and women) of our time,

especially of those who are poor or afflicted in any way, are the joy and hope, the

grief and anguish of the followers of Christ as well” (GS 1). Since human beings are

created in the image of God, the dignity of the human person is at the centre of

Gaudium et Spes. The document talks of the “growing awareness of the exalted

520 John XXIII.: Pacem in Terris, in: Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 80. 521 John XXIII: Pacem in Terris, Op. Cit., No. 86. 522 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., pp. 80-81. The brackets are mine.

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dignity proper to the human person, and how an individual stands above all things.

One’s rights and duties are universal and inviolable. The document concludes that

these universal rights must be made available to all men (and women).”523

The discrimination of women is incompatible with the call to share the happiness,

hopes, grief and anguish of human beings. Igbo women are prohibited from attending

so many social gatherings in Igboland, because of their gender. It seems the Igbo

refuse to acknowledge them as social being and if this is true, it is a contradiction to

Gaudium et Spes that talks of the social nature of human beings, which does not

exclude a woman.

The women should not be in position with other things created by God, the men and

the women are placed above other things created by God. Male and female ought to

have such rights as “leading a life freely and to find a family, the right to education,

employment, good reputation, respect, appropriate information, activity in accord

with the upright norm of one’s own conscience, protection of privacy, and rightful

freedom in matters religion” (GS 26). The Igbo prefer male education to female

education. The Igbo men dictate on how their women should live their lives.

Instructions are given to them and they must carry out these instruction. An ideal

Igbo woman is the one that obeys her husband524 and not the one that dialogues with

her husband.

The Gaudium et Spes document stresses the social aspect of human beings.

Sociability is not an accidental aspect of being human; it is a fundamental aspect of

being human. God planed it to be so, because it is not good for human to be alone.

The implication of this social aspect of being human is interdependence: “The

Fathers (of Vatican II) go on to say that from the beginning of salvation history God

has chosen men (and women) not just as individuals but as members of a certain

community. The logical implication of this is the communitarian character which is

developed and consummated in the work of Jesus Christ.”525 The mystery of

incarnation shows the humility of God. God-Man-Jesus “did not class himself above

human, because of the special privilege of being the first son of God. He did not

523 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 81. The brackets are mine. 524 A wife is promoted in Igboland with a name obidiya meaning the heart of her husband. It means, a woman that knows the heart of her husband. The woman that cannot do what is contrary to the wishes of her husband. The woman naturally disposed to obey her husband. This is an ideal woman. The Igbo culture demands women education on the will of their husbands. Like Jesus they will be able to say: here I am, I have come to do your will. Unlike Jesus these words are directed to human beings and not to God. The Igbo women worship idols in the name of obedience to their husbands. 525 GS, in: Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 82. The brackets are mine.

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insist on his right of being equal with God. He humbled himself and become human,

poor and not a rich human.”526 It is ethically unacceptable for Igbo men to place

themselves so high and their women so low. Jesus is an ideal man, a humble man, the

Igbo, especially those who call themselves Christians, ought to be imitators of Christ.

The Populorum Progressio (Paul VI, 1967) is another document that contradicts the

Igbo. The development of the people is equivalent to the Latin words: Populorum

Progressio The interesting part of this document is the emphasis that each person is a

member of a society. The person may be man or woman, both exist in the society and

one is not placed over another. Each person is a part that makes up the whole human

society and a society is nothing but the sum of its parts. One neglected part of the

society will make the definition of that society to be incomplete. It is the aggregate of

the human being in the society that is called to development: “He (Pope Paul VI)

does not exclude any group. Each man (or woman) is a part of the whole mankind.

He is not just talking of certain individuals, but human beings who are called to this

fullness of development.”527

Man and woman are placed above development: “Civilisation is born, developed and

sometimes dies. But humanity is advancing along the path of history. The reality of

human solidarity, which is a benefit for us, also imposes a duty.”528 Civilisation goes

with revelation; the modern discovery disproves the ancient bias on women. Women

in the ancient world were conditioned to be inferior beings; they were not given the

chance to prove what they can do, to demonstrate that they can contribute equally

with the men in the development of the society. If the modern society must to be

better off, it must recognize that need of tapping the talents of men and women in the

society for development: “Human solidarity implies co-operation with one another,

working together with one another, sharing the pains and joy of one another,

interacting with one another and so on. The Igbo deny the Osu (and the women) this

human solidarity.529

The ownership of private property received qualified attention in this encyclical.

Men and women have the right to own properties but “no one is justified in keeping

for his exclusive use what he does not need when others lack necessities. He (Pope

Paul) warns that the right to property must never be exercised to the detriment of the

526 Ibid. 527 Paul VI.: Populorum Progressio, in: Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 83. The brackets are mine. 528 Paul VI.: Populorum Progressio (26.03.1967) No. 17. 529 Cf. Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 83. The bracket is mine.

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common good.”530 Would one be right to say that if women in Igboland inherit

property that it will be detrimental to the common good? It is the use of these

properties by men and women that will most likely be detrimental to common good:

“The right to private ownership of property including landed property (denied to Osu

and women) is not debatable according to Paul VI. His position is that the common

good should be taken into consideration in the exercising of this natural right. The

common good here should be understood as that which will profit all in a given

society and not what will be beneficial to a selected few.”531

Gender pressure group will not help any society. A human being needs first to be

seen as a person before being seen as a man or a woman. The evaluation ought to be

based on the person, the individuality and not on the gender. Just as nationalism and

racism are obstacles to universal solidarity,532 consideration of an individual on the

basis of his or her gender is an obstacle to the equality of gender. Christians have a

great work to do in this connection: “Without waiting passively for orders and

directives, to take the initiative freely and to infuse a Christian spirit into the

mentality, customs, laws, and structures of the community in which they live.

Changes are necessary, basic reforms are indispensable.”533 It is the obligation of

Igbo Christians to work on the transformation of those areas of Igbo culture that have

something to do with discrimination.

The Pope calls on all Christians “to expand their common co-operative efforts in

order to help mankind vanquish selfishness, overcome injustices, and to open up to

all the roads to a more human life, where each man (or woman) will be loved and

helped as one’s brother and one’s neighbour.”534 The root of the discriminatory laws

against women in Igbo culture is men’s selfishness. So long as these injustices

against Igbo women remain; these cultural practices will remain contradictions to

Populorum Progressio.

The Octogesima Adveniens (Paul VI, 1971) is against the discrimination of women:

“The inequalities in the economic, cultural and political development moved Pope

Paul VI on 14th May, 1971 to write a pastoral letter to Cardinal Maurice Roy, the

then president of the council of laity and of the Pontifical Commission for Justice

and Peace. The intention of this pastoral letter is to encourage Christians to act on the

530 Ibid., p. 84. The bracket is mine. 531 Ibid., The words and of women in the bracket is mine. 532 Cf. Paul VI.: Populorum Progressio, Op. Cit., No. 62. 533 Ibid. No. 81. 534 Ibid., No.82. The bracket is mine.

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contents of Rerum Novarum, the eightieth anniversary of which the document is

celebrating.”535 The document calls for unity based on justice. It is the responsibility

of Christians to work for this unity and mutual relationship between persons. It is

justice that will bring peace, a lasting and enduring peace.536 It means “treating

everybody equally, making no social distinction between one and the other,

accepting one another, caring for one another and accepting equality with one

another. It means that there is no essential difference between a person from one Igbo

family and another person from the other Igbo family. The Jew, Gentile, free-born,

(women), Osu etc are human beings created in the image of God. They all, without

exception, have rights to equal treatment.”537

The realisation of equality of people in Igboland will not be possible without the

Igbo fighting various aspects of female discriminations in their culture. Igbo

traditional legislations need to be revisited to protect human rights for men and

women in the Igbo community. The Igbo must be personally convinced of the need

for the equality of men and the women: “Legislation is not sufficient for setting up a

relationship of true justice and equality.”538 The discovery of this need for equality

will go a long way in making the Igbo community a habitable community for all

people. The law of God, the voice of God, the human conscience, will direct the Igbo

to the right action if they are ready to listen. It means that the Igbo should train their

consciences so that it will not degenerate into such laxity to the extent that the feeling

and suffering of human beings will be of no use: “If the Igbo are comfortable in their

conscience in respect to their discrimination against Osu (and women), one may

conclude that the Igbo are not acting according to a proper conscience, but according

to an erroneous conscience.”539

The emphasis on authentic justice, the categorical rejection of all forms of

discrimination and the advocacy of the equality of human beings by the document

Octogesima Adveniens of Paul VI, makes this document to be incompatible with the

Igbo practice of discrimination against women.

Sollicitudo Rei Socialis (John Paul II, 1987) as the name indicate deals on Social

Concern. It is meant to celebrate the 20th birthday of Populorum Progressio. The

document speaks against various forms of exploitation. Exploitation can be

535 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 85. 536Cf. Paul VI.: Octogesima Adveniens (14.05.1971) No. 17. 537 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 85. The bracket is mine. 538 Paul VI.: Octogesima Adveniens, Op. Cit., No. 23. 539 Emefoh, Ignatius: The Osu Tradition in Igboland-Nigeria, Op. Cit., p. 85. The bracket is mine.

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experienced in the economic, social, political and in areas of religion. The document

also talks of individual rights. It is against all forms of discrimination with emphasis

on racial discrimination. Pope John Paul II calls racial discrimination “the

exceptionally odious form based on difference of race.”540 Racial discrimination is

too close to gender discrimination. In the case of racial discrimination, an accidental

boundary in human existence play a big role, while the accidental sex that one

belongs to play a big role in gender discrimination. Just as the birth in which one

plays no part catapults one or degrades one in the assessment of others, so also is the

gender in which one plays no part brings one up or down in Igboland.

The Igbo social structure that favours men to the detriment of women is an unjust

structure: “Nations need to reform certain unjust structures, and in particular their

political institutions [...] for the promotion of human rights.”541 The socio-political

structure in Igboland needs to be reformed to favour men and women. Until this is

done, Igbo social and political structures remain contraction to Sollicitudo Rei

Socialis.

The nine documents of the Church already discussed say yes while the Igbo culture

says no. They say no when the Igbo culture says yes. The following questions will

buttress this point. The answers given can be explicitly or implicitly deduced from

the documents and the Igbo culture. The abbreviations used in the table below are:

LW= Letter of Pope John Paul II to the Women, RN= Rerum Novarum, QA=

Quadragesimo Anno, MM= Mater et Magistra, PT= Pacem in Terris, GS= Gaudium

et Spes, PP= Populorum Progressio, OA= Octogesima Adveniens, SRS= Sollicitudo

Rei Socialis, IC= Igbo Culture.

Questions LW RN QA MM PT GS PP OA SRS IC

Can one say that the

men and women are

equal?

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No

Are women

unintelligent being?

No No No No No No No No No Yes

Do men and women

have right to

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No

540 John Paul II.: Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, Op. Cit., No. 15. 541 Ibid., No. 44.

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properties?

Are women not

qualified to go to

heaven?

No No No No No No No No No Yes

Should men and

women have right to

equal education?

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No

Are men only

permitted to be

leaders in a society?

No No No No No No No No No Yes

Can a mother be

older than her male

child?

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No

Are women more

wicked than men?

No No No No No No No No No Yes

Can women equally

contribute to the

development of the

society?

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No

Can one say that the

discrimination of

women is natural?

No No No No No No No No No Yes

One sees in the above table how Igbo culture contradicts the social documents of the

Church. The low estimation and discrimination of women by Igbo culture is against

the spirit of the social documents of the Church.

5.12 Summary

From the basic points on Igbo females, one sees the women as second and third class

citizens of Igbo community. This position is below the dignity of women and against

the principle of the dignity of human person. It also means lack of solidarity with the

female gender and not only against the principle of solidarity but also the principle of

common good. The maltreatment of women is against the principle of the

fundamental option for the poor. The un-acknowledgement of the roles Igbo women

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play in their community does not tally with the letter of Pope John Paul II to the

women. The injustices in areas of inheritance of properties and participation in social

and political affairs in the community are in contradiction with the social documents

like: Rerum Novarum, Quadragesimo Anno, Mater et Magistra, Pacem in Terris,

Gaudium et Spes, Populorum Progressio, Octogesima Adveniens and Sollicitudo Rei

Socialis.

5.13 Conclusion

One sees from the exposition of Igbo culture and female discrimination as one reads

in Chapter One to Chapter Four of this dissertation the suffering of Igbo women. The

multi-dimensional discrimination of women with its comparative analytic approach

which resulted in the finding that women are discriminated against in most religions

and cultures of the world shows that Igbo women suffer more discrimination. One

sees also that the Igbo are backward, in the global fight to eliminate female

discriminations. One observes that the discrimination of women in Igbo culture is

opposed to the ethics and social teachings of the Church. Therefore one will hasten to

conclude that the discrimination of women in Igbo culture is ethically unacceptable.

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Chapter 6:

Possible Solutions for the Discrimination of Women in Igboland

6.1 Introduction

Chapter six of this research work attempts recommendations of solutions for the

problems of female in Igboland. The problems as presented in this dissertation are

twofold. The first is the general problem of female discrimination in Igboland and

the second is the particular problem of the female Osu. The possible ethical solutions

for both problems will be discussed in this section. The already attempted solutions

to these problems will be acknowledged before new solutions are presented. The

search for the ethical solutions will begin with the female Osu since they are the

people mostly discriminated against in Igboland.

Solving the problem of female Osu in the final analysis will also solve the problem

of male Osu. The research suggests a new theology to solve the Osu problem. The

current theology that Osu, as such, has nothing to do with sin and evil, and that they

are not descendants of the people who have something to do with sin and evil will

not solve the problem. This chapter insists that good theological theory needs to be

translated into action to solve a practical problem like the Osu tradition. It insists that

the Osu problem needs a solid, practical theology which is rooted in good theological

concepts, a theology that acknowledges the hidden fact that the practice of Osu is

rooted in sin and evil, a theology that will encourage and practise the forgiveness of

sin and reconciliation. One may start this important task by making an assessment of

the attempts already made toward solving the Osu problem.

6.2 An Appraisal of the Early Solutions to Osu Problem

It would be unfair not to recognise the efforts made so far to put an end to the Osu

problem. These efforts, despite their shortcomings, contributed in one way or the

other in improving the social conditions of the Osu, but these solutions are not

enough to eradicate the Osu problem. The following solutions will be considered:

early missionary solution, civil law solution, individual village integration solution,

verbal condemnation solution, and wait-and-see solution.

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6.2.1 Early Missionary Endeavours

As a result of cultural differences, the missionaries found it difficult to understand

the way of life of the Igbo. The Western perspective and logic make it difficult for

them to understand the culture of the Igbo. Everything in Igbo culture was regarded

as evil, irrational, and not worthy of study. The missionaries´ logic on Igbo culture is

deductive (they drew their conclusions from general statement) and not inductive

(they did not conclude from particular situations). The Igbo culture was judged from

a general perspective and not from individual aspects of this culture. The evil aspects

and the good aspects of the culture were judged together to be evil.

The missionaries preached that gods do not exist and therefore Osu also does not

exist. Their solution to the Osu problem is to deny the existence of the system. There

is no such thing as Osu. The Osu practice is a practice of ignorance. The light of the

Gospel is enough to overcome this ignorance. People were taught that it is illogical to

hold on to the Osu practice. No matter how appealing the logic of the missionaries

might be, it was difficult to convince the Igbo that the people they dedicated to idols,

people they used to purify their lands, people that went about with marks as servants

of gods were now nothing and stood for nothing.

The early Igbo converts respected the missionaries, their superiority and economic

power, their intelligence expressed in Igbo word: “bekee bu agbala” (a white man is

a big god), they could not hide their feelings in telling the early missionaries that the

issue of Osu was an issue they should better learn from them. It was not the issue of

Christianity and western civilisation; it was a religious issue which has practical

relevance to a set of people whose consciences had already been conditioned by their

traditional religion. It was not a simple matter to be dismissed as mere superstition.

Achebe dramatised the above issue in his novel Things Fall Apart when a missionary

was advised by his Igbo converts to teach things of a new religion, which he knows

and be humble enough to be a student in matters of Osu custom. The non workability

of the early missionary solution to the Osu problem was proved by the fact that an

Igbo convert went back to the traditional religion and those that remained did not

agree with the solution that Osu was nothing. They still observed the traditional law

of segregation against Osu, because they believe an Osu belonged to gods.542

542 Cf. Achebe, Chinua: Things Fall Apart, Op. Cit., p. 111.

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The early missionary logical deductive approach to the Osu problem, could have

been a wonderful solution if the Igbo were rationalists. It could have worked if Igbo

traditional religion was based only on reason, but Igbo traditional religion is based on

faith and emotion. This faith permeates all the aspects of an Igbo person’s life,

including his thinking. His logic is influenced by this faith and what seems to be

illogical appears logical to him. The missionaries did not go into the root of Osu

problem. They did not make an effort to study and find out the hidden fact that Osu

problem was rooted and governed by the principle of impurity.

However, one has to give credit to the missionary for making this first step. But only

a step was not enough if the aim of eliminating the tradition was to be achieved. Trial

and error are acceptable facts of experimentation. The trial and failure of the

missionaries to solve Osu problem led to civil solution of legislation.

6.2.2 Solution through Legislation

Chapter Three of this work argued that even though the Osu was not a slave in a

strict sense, the Osu practice was analogous to slavery. The British law against

slavery had great impact on the Igbo government, because Igboland was formerly

part of the British colony of Nigeria. On 10th day of May 1956 a bill was passed into

law on the abolition of the Osu system.543 The Osu system, according to this law,

includes “any system, status, institution, or practice which implies that any person is

subject to a legal or social disability or social stigma which is similar to or nearly

similar to that borne by an Osu.”544 The law further stated that “notwithstanding any

custom or usage, each and every person who on the date of the commencement of

this law is Osu shall from and after such date cease to be Osu and shall be free and

discharged from any consequences thereof, and the children thereafter to be born to

any such person and the offspring of such person shall not be Osu.”545 It went on to

say that “the Osu system is hereby utterly and forever abolished and declared

unlawful.”546

The abolition law went on to stipulate offences arising out of Osu system by saying

that whoever: “(1) (a) Prevent any person from exercising any right accruing to him

by reason of the abolition of the Osu system; or (b) Molest, injures, annoys,

543 Cf. Eastern Nigeria Abolition Law on Slavery and Similar Institutions, Enugu: Government Press 1956, No. 2. 544 Ibid. 545 Ibid. 546 Ibid.

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obstructs, or causes or attempts to cause obstruction to any person or boycotts any

person by reason of his having exercised any such right, or (c) By words, either

spoken or written or by visible representation or others, incites or encourages any

person or class of persons or the public generally to practise the Osu system in any

way whatsoever, is guilty of an offence and upon conviction shall be liable to a fine

not exceeding fifty pounds or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six

months.”547 It went on to say: “For the purposes of this section, a person shall be

deemed to boycott another person who: (a) Refused to lease to such other person, or

refuse to permit such other person to use or occupy, any house or land, or refused to

deal with, work for, hire for, or do business with, such other person or render to him

and receive from him any customary service, or refuses to do any of the said things

or the terms on which such things would be commonly done in the ordinary course of

business; or (b) Abstains from such social, professional or business relation as he

would ordinarily maintain with such other person.”548 It adds: “(5) Whoever, on the

ground that a person: (a) If this law had not been passed, would have become Osu; or

(b) Has refused to practise the Osu system; or (c) Has done any act in furtherance of

the objects of this law: denies any person belonging to his community or section

thereof any right to privilege, to which such person as a member of such community

would be entitled is guilty of an offence and upon conviction shall be liable to an

imprisonment not exceeding six months.”549

It concluded thus: “(6) Whoever on the ground of the Osu system enforces against

any person any disability whatsoever and in particular with regards to: (a) Marriage;

or (b) Acquisition or inheritance of any property; or (c) Observance of any social

custom; usage or ceremony, is guilty of an offence and shall upon conviction be

liable to a fine not exceeding fifty pounds or to imprisonment for a term not

exceeding six months.”550

One may say that the above step was a big step to the solution of Osu problem. It

actually improved the social condition of the Osu. For example, the free-born started

buying from the Osu in open markets. Public institutions like schools and hospitals

did not officially segregate against Osu. An ex-Biafra soldier said that in 1967,

during the Nigeria-Biafra civil war, Osu and free-born shared the same war camps.

547 Ibid. 548 Ibid. 549 Ibid., No. 5. 550 Ibid., No. 6.

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One recalls that before the abolition law, Osu were not permitted to participate in

wars.

These improvements notwithstanding, legislations were not an effective solution to

the Osu problem. It is difficult to enforce Osu law because of the nature of the

problem. Let’s give an example concerning marriage. Suppose a free-born man

wants to marry a young lady, he meets this young woman and proposes marriage to

her. Suppose this man has all the good qualities of an ideal husband for this young

woman and without giving it a second thought the young woman answers in the

affirmative, if a week later he discovers that this ideal wife is an Osu and could not

continue with the marriage, and he goes to this lady and says he is sorry, he does not

love her enough to marry her or that he is not ready to marry now, or his parents said

he must finish his university education and work for ten years before marriage, this

young man has not said he will not marry her because she is an Osu, in this case,

how can the law help?

How can the law help even if the same young man that his parents said will wait and

finish his university education and work for ten years before marriage, got married

after a month? Maybe with another reason that they now discovered that they did not

have enough money to continue the payment of the school fees. They re-decided or

reconsidered that their son should now marry and be helped by the relation of his

wife to finish his studies.

How can the law help when a well, good and educated Osu (for example) stands for

an election for a position of leadership in Igboland and the Igbo prefer a drunkard

and school drop out free-born. They refused to vote for this Osu, because he is an

Osu, but have not openly said so. Osu people constitute about five percent of Igbo

population and even the elected Eastern House of Assembly that passed the law on

Osu abolition had no member as an Osu. Fifty-four years practical experiences have

proved that legislation is not an effective solution to the Osu problem. The law

against Osu discrimination is resting on shelves of the Igbo people.

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6.2.3 Individual Village Integration Solution

It is worthy to note that some villages in Igboland openly embraced the Osu people

in their village with the promise of being one. All the members of the village ate and

drank together as a demonstration of their resolve not to stigmatize any member of

the community as Osu. Some of the examples of these villages are: Ogidi, Nnokwa,

Nnobi, Oba, Umuoji, Awka-Etiti, Ihiala to mention but a few.

The so-called integration ceremonies were basically the same. Evils of social

discriminations were spoken of and the Eze (King) of the village openly in the name

of the village abolished the Osu system in his own village. There were no sanctions

this time around. It was an appeal to reason, an education that the gods would not be

angry if Osu were reintegrated as free-born of the village. Eating and drinking

together served to prove to the Igbo that the Osu were integrated into the Igbo

community.

The above solution succeeded only in educating the people on the unacceptability of

Osu practice but it brought no lasting result. It was a-one-day-ceremony. The

discriminations remained as they were. If the chiefs were serious, they should have

added an Osu wife to their wives or married an Osu woman to one of their sons. So

the integration was far from being a practical solution; in fact it was a theoretical

one. Osu practice was a practical issue that needed a practical solution. If the Igbo

leaders are actually serious, they should show practical examples.

The major problem with the village integration method is the denial of the fact. To

say that Osu means nothing and that the free-born and Osu are the same is difficult

for an Igbo person to understand. The ceremony was based only on the social aspect,

but Osu practice was rooted in religion. The Igbo are deeply religious people; they

cannot understand how ordinary eating and drinking punctuated with condemnation

of Osu practice will make an Osu to be free-born. They see the integration method as

a big joke. They know how Osu were made; they have not seen how Osu are

unmade.

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6.2.4 Verbal Condemnation Solution

As early as 1863, the early missionaries condemned practices in Igboland such as the

maltreatment of lepers, widows, slaves, people with swollen stomach, twins, Osu etc.

The idea was to educate the people on the evils of these practices so that they can

stop them. The condemnation solution worked so well in other areas, but not on Osu

practice. Some examples of these condemnations are as follows:

Basden, a British government official in 1921 described the Osu system as “a savage

custom like the killing of twins and eating of human flesh that is cannibalism.”551 On

10th May 1956, Rt. Hon. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Premier of Eastern Nigeria,

described the system as man’s inhumanity to man. His successor, Dr. Michael

Okpara described Osu to be anti-social in character.552 A French man in 1969 (after

visiting the then Biafra) observed: “I admire the Igbo for their courage but I condemn

them because of the Osu caste system.”553

In 1977, Bishop Unegbu described Osu practice as a scandal and incompatible with

the authentic teaching of the Church, the only option is to stamp it out.554 The wife of

the former President of Nigeria, Mrs Miriam Babangida, in January 1987 appealed to

Igbo to do away with the Osu system which according to her, is a disgrace to the

Igbo race.555 Group Captain Emeka Omeruah, a one-time military governor of old

Anambra state, condemned the Osu system as a painful stigma.556 This condemnation

was followed up by the Imo State Directorate for Social Mobilisation; the Director in

a press conference in 1989 saw Osu practice as a practice inherent in social

injustice.557

On April 26th 1989, students of Michael Okpara College of Agriculture, Umuagwo

protested and described Osu system as a cultural scandal, a shameful stigma on the

face of all, especially the youths.558 In 1991 Dr. Ezeala, a researcher in Igbo culture

described Osu practice as cankerworm now eating deep into the church.559 And

Archbishop Ezeanya described the practice of Osu as one of the superstitions, which

551 Ezeala, Jude: Can the Igboman be a Christain in the view of Osu Caste system, Owerri: Nnaji 1991, p. 32. 552 Cf. Ibid. 553 Ibid. 554 Cf. Unegbo, Mike: The Osu/Diala Scandal; Owerri: Assumta 1977, p. 8. 555 Cf. Babangida, Miriam: The Osu in Igbo, Enugu: Government Press 1989 (= Official Address to the Igbo) p. 2. 556 Cf. Ezela, Jude: Can the Igboman be a Christian, Op. Cit., p. 32. 557 Cf. Ibid. 558 Cf. Ibid. 559 Cf. Ibid,, p. 28.

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the Igbo Christians failed to stop despite the teaching of the church.560 In 2002

Victor Dike described Osu practice as internal apartheid.561 And this research sees

Osu system as being ethically unacceptable.

All these are what one calls verbal condemnations. If they were effective solutions to

Osu problem, they would have solved it. One may not be wrong to say that 95% of

Igbo are personally aware that the treatments of these people called Osu are

unacceptable. Even the few remaining traditional religionists, during the researcher’s

interview in 1994, 2005, 2007, 2009 and 2010 confirmed that a majority Igbo people

are against Osu practice. A big question now is if they are against Osu practice, why

don’t they stop it?

The situation can be compared to a table joke the researcher enjoyed one day during

lunch in Austria. Very Rev. Fr. Francis Huemer-Erbler, the Spiritual Director of the

Sisters of the Cross, told a story about a man who suffered from Rat phobia, this man

saw himself as a rat and always ran away at the sight of a cat. A psychologist was

called to help this man to overcome this phobia. This psychologist was able to

convince this man that he is a human being and not a rat and that cats do not eat

human beings; as both shook hands, a cat came in and the man started running again.

The psychologist called him again and asked him why he was running away, whether

he did not remember that he is a human being and not a rat. And the man answered:

“Yes I know that I am a human being, but the cat does not know that.”

And here is the problem with the practice of Osu: an Igbo person always says he or

she knows Osu practice is not good, but what of the others? If he or she allows his or

her son or daughter to marry an Osu, will other free-borns allow their grandsons and

granddaughters to marry or be married by their daughters and sons. The problem is

not that of personal knowledge of whether Osu practice is acceptable or not, but the

implication lies in acting on this accordingly. It is a psychological fear rooted in the

community conscience that there is something in an Osu, something negative that

makes him or her a different person from a free-born.

560 Cf. Ezeanya, Stephen: The Sacrament of Penance, Onitsha: Tabansi press 1991, p. 18. 561 Cf. Dike, Victor: The Osu Caste in Igboland. A challenge for Nigeria democracy, Op. Cit., p. 51.

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6.2.5 “Wait -and -see –Attitude” solution

Many Igbo believe that the best solution to Osu problem is silence. It is time that will

solve the Osu problem. It is a question of wait and see what will happen with the

passage of time. Developments will eventually lead Osu tradition to a natural death.

Wait and see solution is also a sympathetic solution. It is another way of having

sympathy with Osu people, who are always offended to hear anything about Osu

practice. Talking about Osu is like opening up an old wound for many Osu in

Igboland.

It is unfortunate that Osu themselves seem to favour this wait-and-see solution. The

researcher unknowingly hurt an Osu friend in the year 2001. He bought a video

cassette film on Osu, it was a story of a young free-born woman who fell in love with

an Osu and she preferred death to succumbing to hot oppositions from the family and

the whole community. She could not understand what an Osu is and why she could

not marry a man she loves. The researcher sent this video cassette to his friend as a

Christmas gift. He later asked him to comment on the play and he told him that he

was hurt and has thrown the cassette away. He did not, therefore, tell him that he had

sent a congratulatory message to the chief actor of the play and made a promise that

his parish would be ready to sponsor such play as a way of sensitizing the public

against Osu practice. He has not heard any of the Osu speaking against Osu practice.

He said that Osu are among the best educated Igbo, but none of them to the best of

his knowledge has written even a-one-paged article on Osu practice.

He knows it is painful to remember what one abhors, he knows drugs that heal

sickness can be bitter, but a sick person takes it not because of the taste but because

of what it will do for him or her. The Igbo say: “agaeji mgbagbu halu ogu” (we can’t

refuse to go to war, because people are killed in wars). Silence will not solve the Osu

problem. One wonders why “the waiting”, when a primary school child knows all the

Osu in his village. Asked how they came about this knowledge the answer is always

from one’s father. In the future children will be telling their own children who is and

who is not an Osu. This knowledge will be passed from one generation to another.

It is time one stopped deceiving oneself with the hope that the Osu practice would

die a natural death. This tradition ought not to be handed down to the next

generation. It is time to make Christianity in Igboland an indigenous religion through

the process of inculturation. A proper inculturated Christianity will become a

traditional religion. And for the survival of Christian tradition in Igboland, it must

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remove the Osu tradition. It is a task that calls for openmindness; admits exception;

demands sacrifice; and needs understanding; it is an option for the weak and not for

the strong. One is speaking of deosulization as the only viable solution to the Osu

problem.

6.3 “Deosulization” as a Novelty

By deosulization one means the liturgical celebration of removal of the Osu stigma,

by an authorised and ordained minister of the Church. Through deosulization, an Osu

can be set free from the purported sin inherited from his or her forefathers or

committed through the practice of Igbo traditional religion. It is a liturgical act of

reconciliation by the ordained minister of God. Deosulization is a rejection of idol

worship and all that is associated with it.

As a new concept to end the Osu practice in Igboland, one will start by situating

deosulization at the main stream of Christian / Catholic theology. Pauline theology

on the option for the weak will be used to prove that deosulization is not a-

theological but theological. It is not a contradiction to the belief of non existence of

gods and idols but a celebrated affirmation of this belief. Theology of original sin

will be the foundation for deosulization. This part of the research will end with the

recommendation of liturgical rites for deosulization.

6.3.1 Pauline Theology on Option for the Weak

St. Paul (1 Cor. 8, 1-13) was faced with the problem of sacrifice of food to an idol.

He was faced with the problem of those who have knowledge and those who do not

have this knowledge. He started by saying that knowledge puffs up, but love builds

up. He affirmed that there is no idol in the world, and that there is only one God. He

accepted that there are others that believe in many gods (like Igbo people) and have

no knowledge that these gods are mere phantoms. He said that some converts in

Corinthians, through their familiarity with the idol, eat their food as something

sacrificed to an idol, their conscience, which is weak, is defiled. Food he goes on to

say will not commend us to God: “If we do not eat we go short of nothing; if we do

eat, we gain no advantage.” (1 Cor. 8, 8). He warns that Corinthian converts should

beware lest their knowledge will be a stumbling-block to those who are weak.

CK Barret observed: “Many Greeks on rationalistic ground had given up belief in the

gods and in the efficacy of sacrifice but continued to take part, for social reasons in

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rites in which they now saw no meaning.”562 One may ask: “Could not a Christian,

with stronger reason, not only accept invitation to private houses but also dine with

his friends in heathen temples, in the setting of idolatrous rites? What harm would he

do? Would he not even do good? […]. If I set a good example by publicly taking part

in an idolatrous feast, knowing that the food is just food and nothing more, our less

advanced Christian brothers will be encouraged, build up, edified, to do the same

thing. True, Paul comments; but unlike you they will be acting against their

conscience, and therefore sinning, since whatever is not of faith is sin.”563

As already pointed out, St. Paul after affirming the uniqueness of God and

acknowledging that nonetheless there are gods and lords in the real world of the

Corinthians` (also in Igboland) everyday experience, Paul begins to focus on the

topic at hand with some practical suggestions. His concern is that “someone with a

weak consciousness might be led into idolatry as a result of the blasé attitude of those

who are convinced that idols are unreal.”564

St Paul’s words are addressed to those who claim that everyone is in the know. They

are affirmations that the claim is simply not true, as they themselves should

realise.565 Just as in Igbo community, there are people in Corinth who are not

knowledgeable. There are those whose consciousness, that is, their self-awareness is

weak and delicate. Paul is saying that these people should be considered in our

actions.

Should we argue that deosulization is an acknowledgement of the non existence of

gods because we have this knowledge that only one God exists? What of many weak

Igbo converts who do not have such knowledge? What shall we lose if we deosulized

these people, since this seems to be the only remaining option? Deosulization as an

option for the weak is an imitation of Pauline theology and Paul said that to imitate

him is tantamount to imitating Christ. St Paul says: “If the unbeliever invites you to a

meal, go and eat without asking any questions because of your conscience, but on the

other hand if you are told that the food was offered to idols do not eat for the sake of

the conscience of one who told you that. Just as I do; I try to please everyone in all

that I do, not thinking of my own good, but of the good of all, so that they might be

562 Barret, CK: A Commentary on First Epistle to the Corinthians, London: Billing and Sons 1978, p. 196. 563 Ibid. 564 Collins, Raymond (ed.): First Corinthians. 7. Sacra Pagina Series, New York: Liturgical press 1999, p. 321. 565 Ibid.

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saved. Imitate me, then, just as I imitate Christ” (1 Cor. 10, 27- 11, 1). Christian

theology is Christo-centric and any theology that is not against the teaching of Christ

is an authentic theology.

6.3.2 Theology of the Original Sin as a Paradigm of Deosulization.

Almost all the people we call Osu in Igboland are descendants of the people

dedicated to gods. They are still regarded as Osu because of the Igbo belief that sins

and virtues can be inherited. The sons of Osu inherited the sins of their fathers, just

as the Catholics believe that they inherited the sin of Adam and Eve their first

parents. The Catholic doctrine talks of: “Actual Sin” and “Original Sin.” Actual sin is

a sin one committed on one’s volition, while original sin is the sin one inherited from

Adam and Eve.

Notwithstanding all oppositions to the Catholic doctrine of original sin, the Church

still holds to this doctrine. Many passages in the Bible suggest that sin can be

inherited; so the belief in inheritance of sin is not peculiar to Igbo people. David

affirms inheritance of sin when he confesses his sin with Bathsheba to God: “Behold,

I was brought forth in iniquity, and in sin my mother conceived me” (Ps. 51, 5). He

acknowledges the justness of God’s judgement by conceding to the very depth and

pervasiveness of his sin.

This difficult issue of inheritance of sin becomes more disturbing when one reads

passages of mass destruction in the Bible; for example when God delivered the

Canaanites to death at the hands of Israel, they captured and destroyed every town,

and put everyone to death, men, women, and children (Deut. 2, 34). Why children? If

the children are not guilty why should they also be killed? If they are guilty, what

type of guilt? What knowledge has an infant to be guilty of an offence? In this case

two things are possible: it is either that those children were killed because of the sins

of their parents or that God is unjust.

In the book of Genesis, God pronounced His curse upon the serpent. He indicated

that He was going to create enmity between the serpent and the women, and between

the serpent’s seed and the Woman’s seed (Gen. 3, 14-15). St. Paul says that sin, and

death entered the world through Adam’s sin. This death became universal, because

all have sinned (Rom 5, 12). Those the Igbo now call Osu, inherited their Osuness

from their parents. But just as baptism is a solution to original sin, is deosulization a

solution to the purported Osu-inherited sin.

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What happens if Osu is in conflict of conscience to believe in what one calls Osu-

inherited sin? What if an Osu believes that he or she is free from sin and finds it

unnecessary to undergo liturgical rites of deosulization. One pleads that like Christ,

let him or her voluntarily submit himself or herself to deosulization to fulfil all

righteousness. Let him or her help the free-born Igbo-Christian by removing from

them that temptation of discriminating against him or her. He or she is now the one

that St. Paul will describe as having knowledge; he or she is one that is now strong,

he or she needs to act not for his or her own good but for the good of others. The

others in the word of St. Paul are the weak. And in this context the Igbo-Christians,

who strongly believe in the impurity of an Osu.

One need-not to be afraid of deosulization, because no matter from which angle one

looks at it, it is in line with the teaching of the scripture, the teaching of Christ, and

the teaching of the Church. The Church is a universal sacrament of salvation. The

Church seeks the salvation of everyone. She is the Church of the saints and the

Church of the sinners. It is a pilgrim Church, not yet perfect, but on the journey to

perfection. Her members are sinners; her major work is reconciliation, reconciling

her members with one another and with God, removing their sins through the

administration of the sacrament of baptism and penance. Deosulization is in line with

all these methods used by the Church. It is a form of reconciliation similar (but not

the same) to the sacrament of baptism and penance. Not a substitution to these

sacraments, but a complementary to them.

6.3.3 Arnold Van Gennep’s Theory of the Rite of Passage as a Foundation of

Deosulization

Prof. Uche Ijeoma, a professor of history of philosophy, was fond of saying that

philosophers after Aristotle were writing footnotes. By that saying he meant that

what appeared to be creative and innovative efforts of philosophers after Aristotle

were not totally new.566 What Prof. Ijeoma said is not new to the Igbo because they

have a proverbs which says that onwere ihe Anya fulu gbawa mme (There is nothing

the eyes will see and start to bleed) this means that there is nothing totally so new

and strange that has not been seen before. Prof. Klaus Zapotoczky, an emeritus

professor of the Institute of Sociology in Johannes Kepler University once told the 566 Also Alfred North Whitehead, the famous philosopher and mathematician, said that European philosophical tradition consists of a series of footnotes to Plato.

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researcher that to say that things are totally different from one another is a position

that one may not be able to defend. The researcher calls Deosulization an innovation

by him, but he admits that the rite of baptism and sacrament of penance are related to

Deosulization. He described the theology of original sin as a paradigm for

Deosulization above.

The theory of the rite of passage propounded by Arnold Van Gennep, a religious

historian and anthropologist567 can be taken as a basis for Deosulization. “Rites of

Passage refer to the processes by which a creature moves from one state, level, or

role to another. This process is usually psychologically, physically and spiritually

intense. Many Rites of Passage, such as human birth, adulthood status, and death

have become ritualistically celebrated and are experienced in various ways

depending on the culture:”568

In his book Rites of Passage, which was originally written in French in 1909 but

translated into English in 1960, Gennep discuses the rites which have to do with the

different stages in life. Examples are: transition from old state to new state and

reintegration into original social structure.569

As Gennep pointed out, Rites of Passage and Transition570 influence human society:

“Virtually all human societies use ceremonial rites to mark significant transitions in

the social status of individuals. These rites highlight and validate changes in a

person's status, particularly on the occasion of such life-transforming events as birth,

puberty, marriage, parenthood, and death, but also may occur upon taking a political

office or joining a secret society.”571 The rite of Deosulization will change the social

status of Osu from being not-free-born to free born. The rite will validate the change

in their lives. It will transform their lives socially, economically and politically.

The outcome of Gennep’s research is “that rites of passage often share similar

features, including a period of segregation from everyday life, a liminal state of

transition from one status to the next, and a process of reintroduction to the social

order with a new standing.”572 The rites of passage in his understanding are an

567 Cf. Schomburg-Scherff, Sylvia: Arnold Van Gennep (1873-1957), in: Michaels, Axel: Klassiker der Religionswissenschaft von Friedrich Schleiermacher bis Mircea Eliade, München: Verlag C.H. Beck 1997, p. 222. 568 Rite of passage in: http://www.wilderdom.com/rites/ [07.10.2010]. 569 Cf. Ibid. 570 Rites of Passage: Van Gennep and beyond in: http://www.sttomasu.ca/-parkhill/rite101/ireps/gennep.htm [07.10.2010]. 571 Ibid. 572 Ibid.

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analytical concept, but many scholars prefer the term "transition rites."573 They

“draw analogies between rites of passage and the human life cycle. In these rites,

individuals are symbolically killed, and nurtured as they take on new social statuses,

and then reborn into society as new and different persons. Portals often feature

prominently in rites of passage, symbolizing the crossing of a threshold into a new

social world.”574 The integration of the Osu people through the rite of Deosulization

will actual bring them into a new world quite different from the old world of

discrimination.

Rituals play an important role in changing one status to another status. It removes the

person undergoing the ritual from his or her previous social status. In Okiek in Kenya

for example: “Initiates often undergo rituals and ordeals designed to redefine their

social standings. For example they may endure a variety of body modification

procedures, including haircuts, tattoos, and scarification. Male circumcision and

female excision also commonly mark rites of passage.”575 The Osu acceptance to

submit themselves to the rite of Deosulization which is meant to redefine their social

status will make it possible for them to be accepted as normal Igbo.

Deosulization is a liturgical ceremony comparable with other ceremonies in the rite

of passage. Good examples are initiations into adulthood: “They often include trials

of pain and stamina, periods of introspection, the teaching of sacred and secret

stories, and the use of symbolic representations, including dances and masks, as a

means of reshaping individuals' identities.”576

Gennep is of the opinion that rites of passage are “essential ingredients in the

rejuvenation of society. He and other social scientists generally believe that rites of

passage serve to preserve social stability by easing the transition of cohorts of

individuals into new status and prestige.”577 Some African societies like Igboland

“maintain a structure of age-grades, groups of individuals who share similar social

status by virtue of their similar age.”578 The function of the ceremonial rites of

passage therefore includes “institutionalizing the transitions in social status, […] to

eliminate the friction that would otherwise accompany the frequent renegotiations of

573 Ibid. 574 Ibid. 575 Ibid. 576 Ibid. 577 Ibid. 578 Ibid.

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relative status between individuals and groups within a society.”579 Deosulization

will remove the friction between the free-born Igbo and the Osu. It will eradicate the

existence of two groups of people in Igboland. It will reconcile and heal the old

wound perpetuated by the practice of Osu. It will make the Igbo one group of people.

Gennep discuses the theory of moments in initiation: “These moments are separation,

transition, and incorporation.”580 The state of being an Osu can be taken to be a

moment of separation. The Osu people are separated from the rest of the Igbo.

Deosulization will be the moment of transition. The rite will enable the Osu to pass

from their secluded world to a free world. The outcome and advantage of

Deosulization will be incorporation. The former Osu people will be incorporated into

the Igbo community.

The Osu were taken from the free born and dedicated to the gods i.e. they are

separated from the free born. Their suffering necessitated the rite of Deosulization

i.e. their transition. The reintegration to the Igbo community is the last stage i.e. their

incorporation. These are in line with Gennep threefold scheme of initiation of young

boys to adulthood: "Young boys are (1) taken from a village and their

mothers(separation); (2) sequestered in some cordoned-off place, where they suffer

ordeals as initiates and receive sacred knowledge(transition); (3) and finally returned,

now men, to their village.“581

Victor Turner, a cultural anthropologist, in his writing on Ritual Thinking Tools582

described rituals as “those aspects of prescribed formal behaviour that have no direct

technological consequences.”583 He is of the opinion that “the majority of "religious"

and "magical" actions are ritual in this sense, but the concept of ritual is not usefully

limited to religious and magical contexts. Ritual actions are "symbolic" in that they

assert something about the state of affairs, but they are not necessarily purposive, that

is, the performer of ritual does not necessarily seek to alter the state of affairs.”584

This is not the case in the Deosulization ritual. This ritual is meant to alter the state

of affairs and that is to make an Osu which is regarded as un-free-born-Igbo to be a-

free-born-Igbo.

579 Ibid. 580 Ibid. 581 Ibid. 582 Ritual Thinking Tools in: http://www.clal.org/tb-rt002.html [08.10.2010]. 583 Ibid. 584 Ibid.

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Turner acknowledges that the term “rites of passage” was a child of Arnold Van

Gennep. He describes two types of rite: “1. Rites that accompany the passage of a

person from one social status to another in the course of his or her life and 2. Rites

that mark recognized points in the passage of time”585 Turner disagrees with Arnold

Van Gennep’s restriction of the term “to the former type, which are now sometimes

called "life-crisis rites." Typical rites de passages in the modern sense are those that

accompany birth, the attainment of adult status, marriage, and death.”586

Turner writes: “Van Gennep analyzed these rites into a sequence of three stages: (1)

rites of separation, (2) marginal, or liminal, rites, and (3) rites of aggregation, or,

more simply, rites of entry into, waiting in, and leaving the intermediate no-man's

land.”587 He goes on to say: “The three elements are not equally marked in all rites

de passage; according to Van Gennep, the element of separation is more important in

mortuary or funerary rites.”588 Moreover: “The marginal rites, marking the period in

which an individual is detached from one status but not yet admitted into the next,

are most conspicuous in those initiation ceremonies that involve the participants in a

long period of isolation, cut off from their normal social contacts.”589

Mathieu Deflem, the author of Ritual Anti-Structure and Religion: A Discussion of

Victor Turner´s Processual Symbolic Analysis590 elaborates on Turner's research

among the Ndembu, a village he used as an example in his study of the African

society. Turner “made an innovative contribution to anthropology by introducing the

concept of social drama.”591 The social drama has a ritual function: “He introduced

the notion of social drama as a device to look beneath the surface of social

regularities into the hidden contradictions and eruptions of conflict in the Ndembu

social structure.”592 There are also contradictions in the Igbo practice of Osu system.

The Osu is seen as a holy and evil person at the same time. A holy person because of

his religious roles and an evil person because of being used as a scapegoat that takes

on him or herself the sins of the Igbo people. The appreciation the Igbo show to an

Osu for removing their sins is discrimination and maltreatment. This is the Igbo

social drama.

585 Ibid, 586 Ibid. 587 Ibid. 588 Ibid. 589 Ibid. 590 Ritual. Anti-Structure, and Religion: A Discussion of Victor Turner´s Processual Symbolic Analysis in: http://www.cas.sc.edu/socy/faculty/deflem/zturn.htm [08.10.2010]. 591 Ibid. 592 Ibid.

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Turner at one stage saw ritual “as mere compensations for the tensions produced in

the secular order.”593 However, he gave up his prejudice against ritual. He defined

ritual as "prescribed formal behaviour for occasions not given over to technological

routine, having reference to beliefs in mystical beings and powers."594 Mathieu

Deflem is of the opinion that “Turner's definition of ritual refers to ritual

performances involving manipulation of symbols that refer to religious beliefs.”595 It

is interesting to point out that “from Van Gennep's Rites of Passage Turner found the

basis for the further development of his ritual analysis.”596 Peter Bräunlein597 in his

writing on Victor Witter Turner pointed out that the three phase’s model of the rites

of passage by Van Gennep was the staring point of Victor Tuner. Tuner made it clear

that ritual is “situated within a process of social drama.”598 He comments on Van

Gennep definition of the rites of passages as "rites which accompany every change of

place, state, social position and age"599

The field research Turner made showed “that in many Ndembu rituals the colours

red, white, and black are represented in symbolic objects (red or white clay, black

charcoal).”600 He also “learned that the relationship between the three colours refers

to the mystery of the three rivers (the rivers of whiteness, redness, and blackness).

These rivers represent a power flowing from a common source in the high god

Nzambi.”601 Ritual is not accidental to religion in the thinking of Turner. It is not

accidental to Christian religion or to Igbo traditional religion. It is “an essential

element of religious belief. This is demonstrated by the attention he gave to the

cultural field in which rituals take place.”602

Hans Gerald Hödl603 also pointed out the importance of ritual cleanings in such

religion as Christianity, Islam and Hinduism. The catholic practice of the sacrament

of penance i.e. confession to priests, is given as an example of ritual cleansing.

593 Ibid. 594 Ibid. 595 Ibid. 596 Ibid. 597 Cf. Bräunlein, Peter: Victor Turner (1920-1983), in: Michaels, Axel: Klassiker der Religionswissenschaft von Friedrich Schleiermacher bis Mircea Eliade, München: Verlag C.H. Beck 1997, p.333. 598 Ritual. Anti-Structure, and Religion: A Discussion of Victor Turner´s Processual Symbolic Analysis in: http://www.cas.sc.edu/socy/faculty/deflem/zturn.htm [08.10.2010]. 599 Ibid. 600 Ibid. 601 Ibid. 602 Ibid. 603 Cf. Hödl, Hans: Ritual (Kult, Opfer, Ritus, Zeremonie): Figl, Johann (ed.): Handbuch Religionswissenschaft. Religionen und ihre zentralen Themen, Innsbruck-Wien: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2003, p. 684.

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Deosulization is also a good example of ritual cleansing. With regard to rites of

passage Hödl contends that they are common in Judaism, Islam, Hinduism and

Christianity.604 He extends the rite of passage to the educational area, e.g. the

receiving of academic titles. Sport organizations have also their own rites.605

In line with Van Gennep's passage model, Turner identifies “a three phased process

of ritual: A ritual exemplifies the transition of an individual from one state to

another.”606 In Turner's notion of anti-structure, one sees “that Turner applied the

passage model of Van Gennep to all kinds of rituals, in both tribal and modern

societies.”607 He comments on the liminal period in rites of passages and described it

as a mystery of changes in human life.608 Ritual is capable of transformation. Human

history is a history of rituals and Deosulization can be said to be one of these rituals.

Deosulization has a religious character and can enjoy the support of the Christian

teaching on equality. This research wishes that a chance be given to Deosulization.

6.3.4 Minister for the Deosulization – A Recommendation

Bishops or priests could be ordinary ministers for deosulization. It could be their

responsibility to officiate over the liturgical ceremony of deosulization. One will

suggest that the Bishop sees this ceremony as his important function and make every

effort to create time for it. There is no doubt that if the Bishop himself performs this

rite, it will be more acceptable to the people. When the Bishop, due to time schedule,

is not available, a delegate could be sent by him to perform the ceremony.

When the Bishop is unable to come for the ceremony or send a representative, the

parish can make the ceremony more acceptable to the people by inviting some of the

priests that the people believe have more spiritual power. The common name for

such priests in the language of the people is charismatic priests. They are highly

recommended. The faith the people already have in those priests is an advantage to

deosulization. It will help the people to believe that deosulization actually could

remove the sin of Osu.

The parish or any of the priests can also officiate over this rite of deosulization. He

only needs to accord it the dignity it requires. He has to prepare well for it, educate

604 Ibid., p. 680. 605 Ibid. p. 678. 606 Ritual. Anti-Structure, and Religion: A Discussion of Victor Turner´s Processual Symbolic Analysis in: http://www.cas.sc.edu/socy/faculty/deflem/zturn.htm [08.10.2010]. 607 Ibid. 608 Cf. . Bräunlein, Peter: Victor Turner (1920-1983), in: Michaels, Axel: Klassiker der Religionswissenschaft Op Cit., p. 333.

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the people well enough on the rite and what the rite intends to achieve before the

actual ceremony. He has to decide on the best day for the ceremony. He has to decide

whether it will be annual or bi-annual ceremony. The numbers of Osu to be

deosulized at a time are not very important, what is rather important, is that the

deosulization prayer will be said on each of them, with the minister’s hand on an

Osu´s head or shoulder, as will again be indicated on the actual rite of deosulization.

6.3. 5 Before the Day of Deosulization

Deosulization should not be a private action, it is a liturgy: a public action. If

deosulization is to achieve its purpose, enough publications should be given to it.

Nobody should be given the ground to doubt whether this ceremony is performed or

not. The Osu to be deosulized will formally apply for deosulization. The day of

deosulization, the name of the Osu, the category of the Osu, the intention of the Osu

are to be announced at least three times on Sunday masses. These announcements

will take place in the village Church of the Osu and all the Churches where the

candidate is known. If the parish or the diocese can afford it, they can help to make

the announcement in the media.

Deosulization is not confession of sin that must be done privately. If deosulization is

performed and the people do not know about it, they will still discriminate against

the Osu based on this ignorance. The wide publicity will help to remove this danger.

An example of the announcement can be as following:

Ignatius Emefoh, a native of Nkwelle Uke, his father or his grandfather or his great

grandfather was an Osu Ideazuna, he is now a Christian (if the person is already

baptised) or he wants to be a Christian (if not baptised); he has rejected the Igbo

traditional religion, and its Osu practice and is praying for the grace of God as he

looked forward to 20th January 2013, (the date the Church has fixed for his

deosulization). Therefore, we call on each and every one of us to remember him in

our prayers. A similar formulation can be used and the language that the people of

the place understand best will be an advantage. The local dialect of the place can be

used.

[See the appendix for details on the liturgical rite for deosulization, which include

procession and processional Hymn, introduction of deosulization, penitential rite,

opening prayer, possible scriptural readings and homilies, (then the role call,

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questioning, and the prayer of deosulization as one sees below), again in appendix

are profession of faith and the prayer of the faithful.]

6.3.6 The Roll Call, Questioning, and the Prayer of Deosulization

The calling out of the people to be deosulized: each will answer and come and kneel

down before the altar and the priest will ask them the following question: Dearly

beloved ones, before one proceeds to deosulize you, declare before the people of God

your intention to reject all that have to do with idols and disassociate yourself from

the purported evils of your forefathers. Are you ready to reject idezuna (name here

the particular idol the candidate is dedicated to) idol? The candidate will answer that

he or she is ready. The priest continues: Are you ready to reject the sins of your

forefathers, their worship of gods and their Osu tradition? The candidate will answer

that he or she is ready. The priest will again ask: Are you now willing to be elevated

to the status of a free-born citizen of Igboland, a free-born child of God and a

committed Christian? The candidate will finally answer that he or she is ready to do

so with the help of God.

The candidate will continue kneeling and the congregation will stand and sing a Holy

Spirit hymn like: chukwu muo nso onye okike (see the Igbo Catholic hymn book).

And then the priest will lay his hand on the candidate and say the following

deosulization prayer:

Almighty Father and merciful God, you created human being in your own image and

your own likeness. The sin of Adam and Eve has its consequences; it has been

transmitted to the entire human race including the Igbo race. We acknowledge the

existence of devil, a being that is clever, and powerful, who has a lot of negative

influence in Igboland. We believe that this devil is powerless before you. We believe

that your beloved Son and our Lord Jesus Christ’s death on the cross is a victory over

devil and his work, I hereby exercise His mandate of loosing and freeing your people

from the bondage of sin: I deosulize this servant of yours by freeing him (her) from

the bondage of Satan (he now blesses) in the name of the father and of the son and of

the holy spirit. The candidate will answer: Amen.

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6.3.7 Reception

There will be a reception after the deosulization ceremony. It will be the

responsibility of the parish to sponsor this ceremony. The parish should not agree on

the candidate sponsoring this ceremony to avoid the danger of waiting until the time

one has money before one can apply for deosulization. It is within the reception that

the ceremonious giving of the certificate of deosulization will be done. The

candidates will receive a proof of the ceremony they have undergone. It will be of

the size good enough to be put into frame when one wants. The name of the parish,

the deosulized and the deosulizer will be written on it. The signature of the deosulizer

is very important.

In an extreme case when the parish cannot afford the reception, the giving out of the

certificate can be done immediately after the post communion prayer. It is better not

to do the reception than to allow the candidate to sponsor it. Many of the candidates

may be rich enough to support the reception but to make it optional will lead to

everybody waiting until he will be able to do it. Experiences have shown that what is

optional for an Igbo person is compulsory-optional.

6.4 Trans-cultural Solution for the Discrimination of Women in Igboland

The trans-cultural solution is a suggested general solution to female problem in

Igboland. It is true that most of the cultures of the world at one time or the other have

discriminated against their females. It is also true that most of the advanced cultures

of the world are making serious efforts to correct the prejudices against females in

their society. Women emancipation is a household word in most advanced society.

The women movements with their struggle for equal rights with their men

counterpart have yielded such positive fruits that one thinks that women are no more

discriminated against in such cultures. The trans-cultural solution is going beyond

the Igbo culture to select those aspects from advanced cultures like Austria and

America that will help the Igbo community to achieve equality of men and women. It

is not transporting the cultures of advanced countries to Igboland. It is selecting those

aspects of advanced cultures that are ethical to solve the problems of inequality

between men and women in Igboland. Before writing on these ethical aspects of

advanced cultures that will help to solve the problem of inequality between men and

women in Igboland, it will be necessary to point out some unethical solution to the

problem of inequality between men and women in advanced cultures.

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6.4.1 Women Ordination

The admission of only men to the Catholic ministerial order is a real problem as far

as equality of men and women is concerned. It seems to be a discrimination against

women despite the official position of the Catholic Church on the equality of men

and women. The defence of the Church for not ordaining women are already pointed

out as well as the position of those people who insist on the ordination of women.

The division of Catholic Church into the groups that support women ordination and

the other that are against it shows that the Catholic Church is yet to solve the

problem of women ordination. The acceptable solution is not yet found.

The attempt by some Catholic women to receive the sacrament of ordination by force

as a solution to the problem of discrimination against women is not an ethical

solution. If men receive the sacrament of ordination and women attempt to receive

the sacrament of ordination, the inequality between men and women still persists.

The inequality will only vanish when women also receive the sacrament of

ordination and not when they attempt to receive this sacrament at all cost.

The suggested motto for the move for women ordination should be: Your will be

done oh God. Igbo women must fight609 for the opportunity to study theology. It is

sad that women in Igboland are yet to have the opportunity to study theology.

Catholic theology is still studied only in the seminary where only males are admitted

for studies. The current privatization of the universities in Nigeria is a great

opportunity to have a faculty that will allow women to study catholic theology as

their counterpart in countries like Austria.

6.4.2 Solidarity Law

The advanced countries have laws that are in solidarity with the plight of females.

Most of the advanced countries like Austria have a law that protects young girls from

sexual abuse. A male adult having sex with a young girl (minor) is considered guilty

of sexual abuse and is severely punished. This is in contradiction to the Igbo

customary law that permits male adult to marry a minor. The mother of the

researcher was married when she was fourteen years of age. He knows also a chief of

sixty- nine years that married a girl of fifteen years as the sixth wife. This could not

have been possible if there was a law preventing a male adult from having sexual

609 The word fight here does not mean making use of weapon. It is non violent fight; it is a struggle to stamp out discrimination.

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relationship with minors. The Igbo need to learn from the advanced countries in this

aspect.

Human beings are basically the same all over the world; men can also be violent in

advanced countries as they are in Igboland. That men in Austria are less violent in

Austria is because of the law which protects women against such violence. This law

is in solidarity with the women. A man who likes to beat his wife thinks twice when

he remembers the repercussion. This is not the same in a place like Igboland where

the beating of wives is a private family problem. The Igbo ought to emulate the

advanced cultures in making laws that protects women against violence. They may

not, however, overdo it to prevent the oppressed from being the oppressors. It is the

intention of this dissertation to find an ethical solution that will oppress no one.

A man in a country like Austria does not wake up and ask his wife to leave. He has

no final say on divorce matters like his counterpart in Igboland. He files a paper for

divorce and gives reasons for the divorce, he may at the end succeed or not. The

courts decide on the division of properties. The law of justice rules the divorce issues

in most of the advanced countries. It will be a great favour to Igbo women if such a

practice is workable in Igboland. It will go a long way to checking their being

unjustly sent away by their husbands.

6.4.3 Women Identity in Daily Language

There is always a danger of denying the existence of women in the daily language.

There is that unconsciousness that the females participate in the maleness of a given

society. Man is used in daily language where one means man and woman; he is used

in daily language where one means him or her. A good example is the section of

Nigeria constitution that talks on the qualification of being a governor or a president

in Nigeria: “A person shall be qualified for election to the office of president if – (a)

he is a citizen of Nigeria by birth (b) he has attained the age of forty years (c) he is a

member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party and (d) he has

been educated up to at least school certificate level or its equivalent.”610 This

language can discourage an Igbo woman who may like to run for the office of

governor or presidential seat in Nigeria.

Female identity in daily language can be learnt from the advanced cultures of the

world. One of the best cultures that acknowledge their female folks in daily language

610 Nigeria Constitution, Lagos: Government Press 1999, No. 131.

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is Austria. Austria, apart from having the words: er (he) and sie (she) ihn/ihm (him)

and ihr (her) has also Dr. and Dr.in, Prof. and Prof.in They invented “in” to further

differentiate the female titles from the male titles. This daily identification of the

females’ folk in daily language has a psychological advantage on the females feeling

that they have an autonomous existence like their male counterparts. It creates the

sense of man and woman being equal. It is highly recommended as an ethical

solution to the women problem in Igboland.

6.4.4 Women’s Readiness to Share Responsibility with Men

The equality of rights goes with equal responsibilities. Women in advanced cultures

are ready to share responsibility with men. Many of them are ready to contribute

their own quota in a relationship between man and woman. Many are conscious of

working and earning their own money which will enable them share equal

responsibilities with the men. Some even drive lorries and taxis which average Igbo

women will call men’s job. Women do difficult jobs in advanced countries to place

themselves on equal footing with their men. Their readiness to work and share

responsibilities with their men make them to be less discriminated against in the

society they are living in.

Igbo women ought to learn that what a man can do, a woman can sometimes do even

better. Most of the seemingly difficult jobs that ought to be done by men are not

really that, women can do them if they want. If a woman can drive a car, she can

drive a lorry with a little more effort.

Igbo women are advised to work hard to earn their own money so that their husbands

will not make their lives miserable by starving them of funds. They should learn

from women in advanced cultures by engaging in healthy competition with their

male counterparts in doing the so-called difficult jobs. They ought not to be liabilities

in the family but worthy assets.

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6.4.5 We-are-one-attitude

We-are-one-attitude is what the researcher named a man and a woman holding their

hands together on the streets of advanced countries. A husband that always takes his

wife’s hand, and is ready to go anywhere with her, is showing that they are one.

Oneness brings equality, fights discrimination, and creates cordial relationships. The

Igbo husbands should learn from this practice of oneness in the advanced cultures.

The gap between a man and a woman in Igboland needs to be bridged. The rich and

considerate Igbo men buy cars for their wives. These cars should be used to facilitate

the wives´ movements when they want to travel in different direction unlike their

husbands and not when they are going in the same direction. It happens that a

husband uses his own car to go to Church and the next car following him is his

wife’s car going to the same Church. One understands when the need to carry less

privileged people is the cause of this duplication; otherwise this will be against the

suggested principle of the We-are-one-attitude.

However, the Igbo should learn to let loose this hand when it is necessary to do so.

The holding of the hand in the streets ought to be flexible enough to create passing

space to the third party when the need arises. Love of a husband and a wife ought not

to limit the love of the neighbour. Charity demands the temporal letting loose of the

hand to allow other people to pass where there is lack of space.

6.5 Educating Igbo Female on Gender Equality

Discrimination against females will continue if the females themselves do not realise

that they are equal with the males. Therefore, educating the Igbo females on gender

equality is very necessary. The acceptance of women being inferior to men ought to

be a thing of the past. The ancient culture which subjugated women under men must

be broken. The women ought to see their maltreatment as oppression and not as fate.

They ought to see those aspects of culture that is inimical to women as man-made

and not divine providence. They should stop seeing the few women that are aware of

their equality with men as abnormal women. They should not allow themselves to be

used by their men to further their selfishness.

The reason behind the cultural demand that makes a widow to suffer is to prevent

women from killing their husbands. The same culture uses women against women to

achieve this aim. A group of women born in the same kindred called Umuada are

responsible for making the life of a woman whose husband is dead miserable. The

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Umuada ought to learn how to be in solidarity with their fellow women when their

husbands die.

It is unfortunate that some Igbo women agree with their husbands to exclusively

educate the male children because of insufficient funds. They easily agree that male

children will be more valuable to the family than the female children. They never

think that it is a waste of money sponsoring the education of unintelligent male

children and neglecting the intelligent female children. These women need to be

educated.

A well known Igbo proverb says: Onye edu aga ogu na ebu uzo (a person being

accompanied to war must be in front). The women should be at the forefront in the

fight to stop their discrimination. They ought to be at the forefront to oppose their

oppression. It is most unlikely that their oppressors will champion the fight to stop

the oppression, because of the fact that they are the people benefiting from the

oppression. However, the thought of Paulo Freire will help in educating Igbo women

in the fight for gender equality.

6.5.1 Gender Equality and the Teaching of Paulo Freire

When there are inequalities in a given society, there are people being oppressed. The

existence of the people being oppressed presupposes the existence of the oppressors.

The fights to liberate the oppressed from the hand of the oppressors lead Paulo Freire

to write a book he called Pedagogy of the Oppressed. He was convinced of the

equality of gender611 Igbo women should learn from Paulo Freire that the world

belongs to men and women and not only to men. They should be aware: “Every

human being, no matter how ignorant or submerged in the culture of silence is

capable of looking critically at the world in a dialogical encounter with others. The

individual can gradually perceive personal and social reality as well as the

contradiction in it, become conscious of his or her own perception of that reality, and

deal critically with it.”612

Igbo women are living in the culture that forces them to be silent, but this culture

should not prevent them from seeing the contradiction in Igbo social system. How

can the Igbo women fail to see the contradiction in the hierarchical structure in

Igboland that declares a male child in his mother’s womb older than his mother?

They ought to fight for the transformation of this social system by first of all 611 Cf. Freire, Paulo: Pedagogy of the Oppressed, New York: Penguin Books 1996, p. 14. 612 Ibid.

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recognizing that it is an oppression and dehumanization of women. They ought not to

accept dehumanization because: “Both humanization and dehumanization are

possibilities for a person as an incomplete being conscious of his or her imperfection.

But while both humanization and dehumanisations are real alternatives, only the first

is the people’s vocation.”613

Igbo women ought to see the struggle for their humanization as a necessary and not

as egocentric act. Charity demands that they will help their men to be human beings

by rejecting to be dehumanized, because the perpetuations of the injustice of

oppression make the actors less human. The struggle against women discrimination

is the struggle for a just society that will benefit all.

Igbo women do not need a violent fight as they did in 1929 when the British

administration demanded income tax from them.614 They need to fight female

illiteracy to have enough educated females that will be capable of arguing for

equality of gender in Igbo community. Women and all people of good will are called

upon to support the education program: Scholarship Fund for Gender Equality.

6.5.2 Scholarship Fund for Gender Equality

A special appeal fund for the education of intelligent disadvantaged females needs to

be made. This fund for gender equality needs to be a steady fund. A good capital

needs to be raised and invested as shares in a private school. The profit will be used

to sponsor the intelligent young women whose parents and relations are not able to

pay their school fees in Igboland. The amount of money raised from the share will

determine the number to be trained at a given period of time. Those girls that score

high marks in their common entrance examination but have nobody to sponsor them

will be called for a written and oral interviews. The best will be taken. The selected

ones will be encouraged to study those courses that will help them to gain admission

to study major courses in the universities, for example: medicine, law and political

science.

The presence of women doctors in hospital in Igboland will be an advantage to

women who may for one reason or the other prefer a female doctor to a male one.

The researcher was told615 that some of the Igbo women suffer sexual abuses from

613 Ibid., p. 25. 614 Cf. Mbefo, Luke: Theology and Aspects of Igbo Culture, Op. Cit., p. 31. 615 During my research work, some young women who will not like their name to be mentioned narrated their sad experiences with male doctors.

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male doctors and some brutally raped women are afraid of male doctors. In these

cases the presence of female doctors in hospitals will be of great help. A good

number of female lawyers will help to work for the protection of equal rights in the

enactment of law. They will also offer assistance to women who may not have

money to take legal actions when their rights as stated in the constitution are

trampled upon. The women educated in politics will be engaged in the neutralization

of the monopoly of men in politics in Igboland. They will fight against the current

rigging of elections in Igboland. This will facilitate many women winning leading

political posts in Igboland, because as already pointed out, they are more in number.

If they learn to be in solidarity among themselves and the elections are not rigged,

the elected leaders will be men and women that are interested in stamping out the

discrimination of females in Igboland.

6.6 Liberation Theology as a means of liberating the Igbo females

The interesting aspects of Jesus’ teaching are his theology of cross and his theology

of liberation. The theology of cross is at the centre of the horizontal aspect of his

theology. It is the theology of the end time happiness. This theology places human

happiness in heaven. This theology gives meaning to the sufferings on earth. It is

spiritual theology. This theology places much emphasis on the soul. It is the theology

that blesses the sufferers, because their rewards will be great in heaven. This type of

theology, though not unchristian in every aspect, will not be able to solve the

problem of discrimination of women in Igboland. It can help Igbo women to joyfully

wait for their death which will be the end of their discrimination and suffering and

the beginning of the life without discrimination and suffering. The life where all

citizens will be permitted to enjoy beatific vision.

Another aspect of Jesus´ theology is his theology of liberation. He introduces himself

as a liberator. The prisoners will be liberated through his action; the oppressed will

be liberated through his action, and the poor will receive good news of the presence

of somebody who is ready to die for their cause (Cf. Lk 4, 18-19). Kurt Remele in his

article on Catholic Social Ethics writes: “In der Tradition der Propheten Israels

stellt sich Jesus als Befreier der Bedrängten und Anwalt der Armen vor.”616 (The

tradition of the prophets of Israel introduces Jesus as a liberator of the oppressed and

616 Remele, Kurt: Katholische Sozialethik, in: Grabner-Haider, Anton (ed.): Ethos der Weltkulturenn. Religion und Ethik, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2006, p. 270. Quoted by Emefoh, Ignatius: Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria.

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the advocate of the poor). Jesus is a true liberator and a true founder of the theology

of liberation as well as theology of the cross.

It will, therefore, be wrong to say that any theology that does not liberate is not

theology. Theology of suffering is a valid theology otherwise God would have

prevented Jesus from suffering when he asked him to do so if it is his will, but God

willed the suffering of Jesus for the greater good of the salvation of humankind.

Nevertheless, the theology of suffering is not a solution to the discrimination of

women. The ethical solution will be the theology of liberation that will liberate

women in Igboland from the unjust treatment they are suffering.

The Churches in Igboland preach on the ethics of the society. The Churches are

against all form of discrimination but the question Remele asked is yet to get a

positive answer: “Praktiziert die katholische Kirche in ihren eigenen Reihen das,

was sie anderen predigt, gerade auch im Bereich der Sozialethik?”617 (Does the

Catholic Church on her part practise what she preaches to others, especially in the

area of social ethics?) The answer to this question is: no: The ethical solution will be

putting this teaching into action. Who will take a priest who preaches and campaigns

for a female president in Igboland (Nigeria) and at the same time is against a woman

being his vice chairman in the parish council serious? If all the Christians in Igboland

could live up to the demands of the social teaching of the Church, one will not be

talking of discrimination of women in Igboland.

Pope Paul VI makes it clear that the Church “has the duty to proclaim the liberation

of millions of human beings, many of whom are her own children”618 It is an ethical

obligation of all Christians in Igboland to fight for the liberation of women and all

the oppressed people in Igboland. The discrimination of women as already pointed

out is based on the selfishness of the Igbo men: “It must also never be forgotten that

the liberation includes as one of its most urgent tasks the struggle against the bonds

of selfishness and sinfulness in man’s own heart.”619

The brothers will be able to stop their selfishness and share the properties of their

fathers with their sisters. The Church will not only preach but will also take

necessary actions to ensure that women are liberated from the unjust laws such that

deny them the inheritance of properties. The Church “cannot and must not disregard

the immense importance of those questions which are so much issue today: question

617 Ibid., p. 275- 618 Paul VI.: Evangelii Nuntiandi (08.12.1975) No. 30. 619 Peschke, Karl: Christian Ethics, Op. Cit., p. 53.

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concerning justice, liberation, progress; and world peace. If we disregard these, we

are likewise disregarding the teaching of the gospel about the love of our neighbour

who is suffering and in want.”620

The Church in Igboland ought to sponsor poor widows to take legal action against

the brothers of their dead husbands who maltreat them by taking over the properties

of their dead husbands. Preaching against this practise is good but not enough.

Practical action must be taken. The Church ought not to remain neutral; the Church

must take side with the oppressed women. It is time for the Church in Igboland to

make their stand very clear through their actions.

6.7 Summary, Prospect and General Conclusion

The Igbo have two ways of rejecting the equality of all human beings, namely by

discriminating the female gender and by discriminating Osu. The Igbo community is

a male-dominated community and females are regarded as subhuman beings. Women

are the last in the hierarchical order of the Igbo society. One is therefore not

surprised to notice that the births of females are less celebrated than the births of the

males. Also the education of males is preferred to the education of females. The

women are not allowed to inherit properties. A man can marry as many wives as he

likes but a woman must be faithful to one husband. She is suppressed and can be

divorced without cogent reasons.

The philosophy of the Igbo people as contained in their proverbs implies that women

are unintelligent, wicked, and weak human beings. In fact, it can be said that gender

inequality is rooted in Igbo traditional morality. This Igbo conception of women is

comparable with the conceptions of women in most cultures and religions of the

world. However, most of the cultures and religions are changing their attitudes

towards women faster than the Igbo people. To solve the problem of the female Osu

and other females, deosulization and trans-cultural solutions are recommended.

The possibility that something positive will emerge if deosulization and trans-

cultural solutions are being implemented is high. For instance, in Nigeria, other

Christian denominations will take after the example of Catholic Church if the

Catholic Church in Igboland will implement the deosulization solution or they may

face the danger of losing their members who are Osu to the Catholic church because

620 Paul VI.: Evangelii Nuntiandi, Op. Cit., No. 31.

208

they will definitely prefer a church that has solution to their problem. Trans-cultural

solution has the prospect of bettering the situation of women in Igboland as it has

done in the advanced countries.

Discrimination does not mean paying a woman whose physical strength allows her to

work less than a man, a lesser amount of money; rather it is paying a woman who

works equally with a man less than the man. It is not giving only men those jobs that

the women themselves say they will not be able to do; it is refusing women the equal

opportunity by restricting certain jobs for the men. The Igbo social structure that

places men before women is guilty of discrimination which is not only antisocial, but

also a partial treatment which is unjust. It is ethically unacceptable. It needs practical

and ethical solutions like those suggested in this dissertation to eradicate it.

209

Appendix 1:

Questionnaire on the Discrimination of women in Igboland-Nigeria. The

researcher sent these questions to men and women in Igboland on June 2009.

Number of questionnaires sent out 150

Number of people who answered the questionnaire 127

Question 1

The Igbo adage which says that human beings are equal with one another is only a

saying. One will not be correct to say that women are equal to men; do you think this

assertion is correct?

Yes 103

No 21

Comment of people who said: Yes and No for various reasons 3

Question 2

The socio-politico and economic organisation in Igbo traditional government has no

place for participation of women, do you agree?

Yes 116

No 4

Comment of people who said: Yes and No for various reasons 7

Question 3

Men are placed higher than women in the hierarchical structure in Igboland. Is this

statement true?

Yes 127

No 0

Comment: 0

Question 4

The birth of a female child is equally celebrated as the birth of a male child, do you

agree?

Yes 0

No 127

Comment: 0

Question 5

The Igbo prefer the education of their male children to that of the female children, do

you agree?

The number of the people who said: Yes 121

210

No 6

Comment: 0

Question 6

The females have right of inheritance in Igboland. Is this statement true?

Yes 8

No 119

Comment: 0

Question 7

Women are maltreated in their husbands’ houses, do you agree?

Fully agree 82

Agree 16

Partially agrees 4

Did not agree 25

Comment: 0

Question 8

A man for many women and a woman for a man is discrimination of women, do you

agree?

Yes 91

No 22

Comment: people who have no idea 14

Question 9

Women suffer more as far as divorce in Igboland is concerned, do you agree?

Yes 116

No 11

Comment: 0

Question 10

Widows are equally treated as widowers in Igboland. Is this statement correct?

Yes 5

No 122

Comment: 0

Question 11

Are beautiful women more victims of Osu tradition?

Yes 114

No 3

211

Comment: people who have no idea 10

Question 12

Is it true that male Osu worth more than female Osu?

Yes 125

No 2

Comment: 0

Question 13

The Catholic Church should allow women to be ordained. Do you agree to this

assertion?

Yes 43

No 81

Comment: people who have no idea 3

Question 14

The treatment of women in the church is comparatively better than their treatment in

Igbo culture, do you agree?

Yes 121

No 6

Comment: 0

Question 15

Is there any culture you know where women are not discriminated?

Yes 5

No 122

Comment: 0

212

Appendix 2:

Liturgical Rite for Deosulization

2.1 Procession and Processional Hymn

Procession will be led by the cross bearer, followed by two acolytes, and other

ministers, with the chief celebrant at the rear. The person or those to be deosulized

then follow. When they reach the altar all will genuflect, the ministers will take their

seats in the sanctuary and the person or persons to be deouslized will take the seats

reserved for them before the altar. The chief celebrant will wait until the choir and

the congregation are through with processional hymn. A hymn like psalm 50 (51):

2.2 Introduction of Deosulization by the Chief Celebrant

The chief celebrant will introduce the deosulization. He may use the following

words: my dear brothers and sisters, we have gathered here today to celebrate

repentance, to celebrant forgiveness, to reconcile with our brothers and sisters and to

reconcile with God. We are celebrating and acknowledging that pardon for sins

comes ultimately from Christ’s finished work on Calvary. Christ has given the

church the power to free His people from the bondage of sins and to cast out demons.

The power to reconcile the world and make them one people of God, in the name of

our lord Jesus Christ and in obedience to His command, I as an ambassador of Christ

will in this liturgical ceremony remove the Osuness of these our dear brothers and

sisters who have indicated their interest once and for all to cut all connection

between them and Idol worship. They will receive the spirit of God, the spirit of

sonship.

2.3 Penitential Rite

Priest: My brothers and sisters, to participate in a sacred liturgy in which God will

remove the “sins” of his people, let us now remember our own sins and first of all

ask for God’s forgiveness (two minutes silence); and the priest will continue: we

have discriminated against our brothers and sisters and called them sons of idols

instead of your son, Lord have mercy. The people repeat: Lord have mercy. The

priest continues: we have refused to share with our brothers and sisters your free and

natural gifts of land, telling them that they are not one of us, Christ have mercy. And

the people will repeat: Christ have mercy. The priest continues: we have opposed the

marriage of our dear ones saying they will not marry or be married to an Osu, Lord

213

have mercy. The people will again repeat: Lord have mercy. And then the priest will

conclude: may almighty God have mercy on us, forgive us all our sins, especially

that of discrimination and bring us to everlasting life. All will answer: Amen!

2.4 Opening prayer:

Father, you guide your people with kindness. You govern us with love. You do not

desire the death of a sinner, but desire rather his repentance, for you are God that is

ever ready to forgive. Grant us this spirit of forgiveness so that we will also forgive

our brothers and sisters as you have forgiven all. Make us see every person as your

child. We make our prayer through our Lord Jesus Christ your Son, who died on the

cross for the forgiveness of our sin; and in unity with the Holy Spirit one God forever

and ever, Amen.

2.5 Readings from Old Testament and New Testament

The first reading. Ezekiel 18, 1-11a, 13b, 14, 17b, 21-23; may be taken: The Lord

spoke to me and said, what is this proverb people keep repeating in the land of

Israel? The parents ate the sour grapes, but the children got the sour taste. As surely

as I am the living God says the Sovereign Lord, you will not repeat this proverb in

Israel any more. The life of every person belongs to me, the life of the parent as well

as the child. The person who sins is the one who will die. Suppose there is a truly

good man, righteous and honest. He doesn’t worship the idols of the Israelites or eat

the sacrifices offered at forbidden shrines. He doesn’t seduce another man’s wife or

have intercourse with a woman during her period; he doesn’t cheat or rob anyone. He

returns what a borrower gives him as security: he feeds the hungry and gives clothing

to the naked. He doesn’t lend money for profit. He refuses to do evil and gives an

honest decision in any dispute. Such a man obeys my commands and carefully keeps

my laws. He is righteous, and will live, says the Sovereign Lord. Then suppose this

man has a son who robs and kills, who does any of these things that the father never

did. Will he live? No, he will not. Now suppose this second man has a son. He sees

all the sins his father practised, but does not follow his example. He will not die

because of his father’s sins, but he will certainly live. If someone evil stops sinning

and keeps my laws, if he does what is right and good, he will not die, he will

certainly live. All his sins will be forgiven, and he will live, because he did what is

right. Do you think I enjoy seeing evil people die? asks the Sovereign Lord. No, I

214

would rather see them repent and live. And these are the words of the Lord. The

people answer: thanks be to God.

Responsorial Psalm 56:2-4, 6, 11: Have mercy on me, God, have mercy.

1. Have mercy on me, God, have mercy for in you my soul has taken refuge. In

the shadow of your wings I take refuge till the storms of destruction pass by.

R.

2. I call to God the Most High, to God who has always been my help. May He

send from heaven and save me and shame those who assail me. May God

send his truth and His love. R.

3. O God, arise above the heavens, may your glory shine on earth, for your love

reaches to the heavens and your truth to the skies. R.

Gospel Acclamation: Alleluia, alleluia; I do not want the death of a sinner says

the Lord, rather that he turns away from his sins and come to me; Alleluia.

A reading from the holy Gospel according to Matthew 18, 10-14

See that you don’t despise any of these little ones. The angels in heaven, I tell

you, are always in the presence of my Father in heaven. What do you think a

man who has one hundred sheep and one of them gets lost will do? He will leave

the other ninety-nine grazing on the hillside and go and look for the lost sheep,

when he finds it, I tell you, he feels far happier over this one sheep than over the

ninety-nine that did not get lost. In just the same way your Father in heaven does

not want any of these little ones to be lost. And this is the gospel of the Lord; the

people will answer: thanks be to God.

2.6 The Homily: The Existential Questions of Repentance and Reconciliation.

The Igbo see an Osu as a sinner because he is a descendant of the people offered to

idols to appease the gods for the sins of the Igbo people; they inherited these sins

from their fathers. If we say that their forefathers were sinners and these sons and

daughters of the sinners will publicly reject sins of their forefathers and idol worship,

shall we still disagree to reconcile with them? Should we then conclude that

reconciliation with the Osu people is not possible judging from our experience of

reconciliation in the Bible?

One of the most serious sins committed in the Old Testament is the sin of David. He

was responsible for the death of Uriah, because of his lust for Bathsheba, Uriah´s

215

wife. When the prophet, Nathan, told him a story of a rich man who had many cattle

and sheep but could not kill any of these for his visitor but took the only lamb of a

poor man, and killed it to make a meal for his guest, David was very upset over this

and condemned this wicked rich man. David thought (just as the Igbo with regard to

Osu) reconciliation in such a situation was not possible. The sin of the rich man for

David was a deadly sin and the rich man ought to die. Prophet Nathan told David that

he was the one and David repented and cried: “I have sinned against the Lord.”

(Sam. 12, 13). But Nathan replied: “The Lord forgives you, you will not die.” (2

Sam. 12, 13). Reconciliation was still possible; God is ever ready to forgive; He will

forgive and remove the “sins” of Osu; we ought to reconcile and embrace our

brothers and sisters, which God will raise to the noble status of free-borns today. God

is a merciful Father. He is ever ready to forgive all sins. We only need to repent and

to reconcile with our fellow human beings and God. The deosulization as we will

now perform is also a method of forgiveness and reconciliation. [After deosulization

comes Profession of Faith].

2.7 Profession of Faith and Prayer of the Faithful

Profession of faith and prayer of the faithful will then follow. Five or six people

possibly from the new free-born of Igbo people will be selected. The prayer will

solely be for thanksgiving, freely composed by an individual and moderated by the

parish priest before the day of the ceremony. The bringing of bread and wine to the

altar should be done by the new free-born. Prayer over the gift and prayer after

communion will be taken from formula for mass for Christian unity, and the preface

will be that of: Idi n´otu nke ahu Kristi bu nzuko (The unity of Christ body, which is

the church).621

621 Cf. Usoro Emume Nke Misa (Order of Mass) pp. 199-200 for prayers.

216

Appendix 3:

Pictures622 The first four pictures were taken by Ihiagwa cultural organisation

and the last four pictures were taken by the researcher.

The Igbo women and dressing

The Igbo woman and movement

622 Cf. http://www.ihiagwa.org/igbomal.ipg [05.12.2009.

217

The Igbo women and petty trading

The Igbo women in Otamiri River

The image of a typical Igbo woman

218

The Igbo sacred tree

The researcher doing field work on female

discrimination in Igboland

The chief priest and a male Osu, a female Osu does not near the shrine

219

Appendix 4:

Mini-Igbo Dictionary 623

1. Ada The first female born. 2. Afo The second day of Igbo week. 3. Agbara A type of female spirit. 4. Aguwa A blade. 5. Akidi A type of bean crop. 6. Akpu A name of shrine or spirit. 7. Alusi A spirit or a deity. 8. Ani Earth. 9. Aru A taboo. 10. Chukwu God. 11. Chineke God, the creator. 12. Chi-ukwu The supreme deity. 13. Diala Free-born. 14. Dibia Traditional medicine people. 15. Diokpara The first male born. 16. Efi Cow. 17. Eke Fourth day of Igbo week. 18. Eze A chief. 19. Ezemuo A chief priest. 20. Garri Cassava flour. 21. Idaiwu Breaking of law. 22. Idemili A type of water spirit in Ogidi areas. 23. Idezuna Name of a shrine. 24. Igwe A king or a chief. 25. Igwebuike Unity is strength. 26. Ike-agwu Weeding sickles. 27. Ishinkpe A widow or a mourning head. 28. Iyi-oli A type of spirit in Nkwelle village. 29. Ji Yam. 30. Mmuo A spirit. 31. Nnekwu The big mother. 32. Nwanyiaga A barren woman. 33. Nwanyidi A woman-husband -- a woman that marries woman. 34. Nkpi A he-goat or a male goat. 35. Nkpuke A woman´s hut or small house. 36. Nso An abomination. 37. Nwafo A free-born. 38. Nwamuo A servant of a priest. 39. Nwani A son of the soil- a native. 40. Nkwo The third day of Igbo week. 41. Obi A man hut or house, also a chief. 42. Obiaja A name of a shrine in Uke. 43. Odibo A servant. 44. Ofe-egwusi Melon soup.

623 Reproduced from Emefoh, I.: Osu Tradition in Igboland Nigeria, Op. cit., p. 2-3.

220

45. Ofe-onumu Bitter leaves soup. 46. Offia-omimi A type of spirit in Uke. 47. Ofo A symbol of authority-a staff. 48. Ogbenye A poor person. 49. Ogu A short hoe made from a curved elbow-shaped handles. 50. Ogu A symbol of justice-a staff. 51. Ohu A slave. 52. Ohuaku A person used as collateral. 53. Okokporo Unmarried male adult, a male woman-pejorative. 54. Okpimosu A type of spirit in Umunachi village. 55. Omaliko A type of spirit in Abatete village. 56. Oji Kola nut. 57. Omenala Tradition. 58. Onweghdi Unmarried female adult. 59. Onyoma A good person. 60. Osu/Oye A person dedicated to got/The first day of Igbo week. 61. Ozo Title holder. 62. Ube A long spade form of hoe. 63. Uburu A name of shrine in Uke. 64. Udo A type of spirit in Uke. 65. Ukochukwu A priest. 66. Ume Worst type of Osu. 67. Umunna Kindred.

221

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