Agrarian Economy of the Bahawalpur State:

1866-1947

By

Zahra Akram Hashmi

Session: 2010-2013

Ph.D. History

Department of History

The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

2017

Agrarian Economy of the Bahawalpur State: 1866-1947

By

Zahra Akram Hashmi

A Dissertation Submitted to the Islamia University of

Bahawalpur in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the

Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History

Department Of History

The Islamia University of Bahawalpur Pakistan

2017

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To

My Father

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Acknowledgement

I am grateful to Allah Almighty who gave me courage and power to conduct my

research and enable me to complete this dissertation.

During the course of this research, I have received great help and support from my

PhD supervisor Dr. Aftab Hussain Gillani. I am particularly indebted to Dr. Abdul

Razzaq Shahid, Chairman of the Department of History. I would like to thank Dr.

Muhammad Akbar Malik and Dr. Shahid Hassan Rizvi for their academic and moral

support. Many thanks are due for Dr. Muhammad Khurshid Ahmad who provided me

great academic support.

I owe my particular thanks to Dr. Mubarak Ali, world fame historian of Pakistan, for

his valuable suggestions on the development of conceptual framework. This work

would not have been possible without his cooperation. I am also grateful to

Muhammad Abbas Chughtai, the Director of Punjab Archives Department and the

staff at Punjab Archives Lahore, where I have consulted the valuable manuscript. I am

also thankful to the staff at Commissioner Office Bahawalpur Division Bahawalpur

and the staff of Muhafiz Khana Bahawalpur, who gave me full access to the old

records of the Bahawalpur State. I am also grateful to the staff of Sadiq Reading

Library of IUB, Central Library Bahawalpur and Library of Lahore High Court

branch Bahawalpur. Many thanks are due for the staff of Punjab Public Library

Lahore and Library of Lahore Museum. Countless words of thanks are due to my

parents whose motivation and prayers have always kept me going.

For any lapses in the thesis however, I alone am responsible.

Zahra Akram Hashmi

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Abstract

This research aims at providing a historical analysis of the Agrarian

perspective of a regional economy and the development process of its parameters

using the State of Bahawalpur as both a specific context as well as a perspective. It

approaches the State as a distinct entity, which had its own specific social, economic,

and political conditions that interacted with external ideas especially during the period

in its history when it was under the British Agency administration. Generally, the

studies on economic history, particularly on the themes of agrarian history,

agricultural development and its social impact, and the phenomena of State and

society relationship are rare, which renders this discipline largely an unchartered

territory in the princely India context. This thesis is an effort towards that end and

adds to the scant body of literature on the topic.

The native agrarian system of the State, having a pastoral outlook, had large

potential for socio-economic uplift. This provided the basis for new initiatives of

fundamental importance to develop the State‟s infrastructure in socio-economic

sectors, especially under the Agency rule, which overhauled almost each department

of the administration and adapted the constitutional mechanism of political power to

shore up the economic growth. The provision of proprietary rights to the peasantry

ensured the secure lease of land to them and acted as the major income-generator in

the agricultural economy of the region. As a result, it also significantly increased the

land revenue of the State, which was realized through the colonial apparatus of the

settlements of land. This revenue largely was subsequently reinvested into two major

areas; irrigation and colonization projects. These projects remain the major focus and

form the main research questions of this study, which scopes both the ventures

because they were broadly interlinked and consequential, and played a significant part

in updating and leveraging the economy of the State. In parallel, a transformation

from an aboriginal outlook to agricultural character was also occurring in the States‟

economy and the social matrix of the State was changing under the influence of the

skillful and experienced colonists from the British Punjab. Along with the above

noted projects, the research methodology also scopes and scales this phenomenon.

Mainly, archival research and analysis methods have been employed to investigate the

socio-economic dynamics underpinning the traditional agricultural practices and

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customary relations that were gradually replaced by the modern cultivating

accomplishment. Relevant official documents provided the substance in this regard

and both the qualitative and quantitative methods have been used to extract and glean

required data. A wide range of other more specific methodological practices- from

fundamental historiographic skills and strategies for archival investigations to formal

analytic techniques such as content analysis and multidimensional scaling are used to

interpret the phenomena of socio-economic development and administrative control

of the Bahawalpur State in the context of main research questions outlined above.

viii

Table of Contents

Acknowledgement v

Abstract vi

Glossary xi

List of Abbreviations xiv

List of Tables xv

List of Figures xvii

List of Appendix xviii

Map xx

Chapter 1 1

Introduction 1

1.1. The State of Bahawalpur 2

1.2. The Princely India and the British 8

1.3.The British-Bahawalpur Relations 10

1.4. The British Agency and Political Structure of the Bahawalpur State 14

1.5. Historiography 17

1.6. Theoretical Framework 23

1.7. Scope and Significance of the Study 25

1.8. Terminologies, Methodology and Sources 26

1.9. Chapters Outline 29

Chapter 2 31

Agrarian Structure of the Bahawalpur State 31

2.1 The Origin and Growth of Agriculture in the State 31

2.2 Agricultural Production in the State 32

2.2.1 Cultivation Patterns and Crops Yields 33

2.2.2 Inducement of Modern Inputs 39

2.3 Agrarian Structure 42

2.3.1 Pastoralism 43

2.3.2 Peasants and the Ownership Rights 46

2.4 Socio-Economic Organization of the Village Communities 49

2.4.1 The Land Owning Class 53

2.4.1.1 The Big Land Owners 54

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2.4.1.2 The Small Landowners 55

2.5 Tenancy Cultivation (Mustajri) 56

2.6 TheVillage Menial 62

2. 7 Indebtedness 66

Chapter 3

Land Revenue System of the Bahawalpur State 74

3.1 Land Revenue Structure in the Pre Agency (1727-1866) 74

3.2 Development of the Land Revenue System during the Agency Period 77

3.2.1 Land Revenue Settlements 78

3.2.2 The Summary Settlement (1868-89) 80

3.2.3 The Records of Rights 81

3.2.4 The Regular Settlements 83

3.2.5 First Phase of the Revenue Settlement (1889-91) 83

3.2.6 Second Phase of the Revenue Settlement (1900-11) 85

3.2.7 Third Phase of the Revenue Settlement (1915-26) 86

3.2.8 Fourth Phase of the Revenue Settlement (1929-31) 90

3.2.9 Fifth Phase of the Revenue Settlement (1944-51) 93

3.3 The Standard for the State Demand 96

3.3.1 The Other taxes 103

3.3.2 Remissions on Kharaba and Role of Revenue Bureaucracy 104

3.4 Revenue Free Land Grants 106

Chapter 4 118

Irrigation System of the Bahawalpur State 118

4.1. Irrigation in the Pre-Agency Period 118

4.2. Irrigation System under the Agency 122

4.2.1. Traditional Irrigation 124

4.2.2. Canal Irrigation 127

4.2.3. Chherr System of Water Management 129

4.2.4.New Canal Works 135

4.2.5. Sadqia Twin Canal System 136

4.3. The Sutlej Valley Project 140

4.3.1. Antecedent of the Project 140

4.3.2. Thomas Ward Recommendations and the Final Project of 1919 142

4.3.3. Losses for the Bahawalpur State and loan Dilemma 147

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4.3.3.1.Water Discourse and Role of Custodian Government 150

4.3.4. Impacts of the Project 153

4.3.4.1. Progress in Communication Resources 154

Chapter 5

Canal Colonization in the Bahawalpur State 158

5.1 Colonization in the State 158

5.2. Canal Colonization in Punjab 162

5.3. Colonization Scheme under Sutlej Valley Project in the Bahawalpur State 163

5.3.1. The Attributes and Implications of the Bahawalpur Colony 165

5.3.1.1. Sale and Purchase 165

5.3.1.2. Peasant Grantees / Abadkars 168

5.3.1.3. Military Grants 169

5.3.1.4. Temporary Cultivation 171

5.3.1.5. Arboriculture 172

5.3.2.The Early Problems and Remedies 173

5.3.3. Proprietary Rights in the Bahawalpur Colony 177

5.3.4. The Social Origins and Composition of the Colonists 179

5.4. Impact of Canal Colonization 182

5.5. Trade Policy of the Bahawalpur State 189

5.6. Trade of Food Grains and Famine Prevention 195

Conclusion 202

Biblography 211

Appendix 234

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Glossary

Abadi Population

Abiana Water rates

Amlak Property

Banya Local Moneylender

Barani Rain fed areas

Bigha A scale for the measurement of land having 2483 of square

miles or 21780 of square feet or half of the acre

Bunds Stop dam

Bupari Merchant

Chahi Well irrigated land

Chakk Village

Chakbandi Gross area of land fixed for irrigation in relation

Chherr Unpaid labour

Cheharsala Four yearly

Crore Ten million

Dahar Mud flats

Darbar Court of native ruler

Dhunds Natural creeks to feed the fields

Dhanwai Weightman

Duck Cubic contents

Gadi Throne

Gosain Hindu religious nobles

Hal Plough

Hatti Small village shop

Hittar Low laying riverine land

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Inam Grant of land in reward

Iwz-e-Lashkari In lieu of Military Services

Jama Land revenue collection

Jagir Estate

Jagirdar Feudal lord

Jammabandi Settlement of the amount of revenue assessed upon an estate, a

village, district rent-roll or a register of the village holdings

Kami Menial

Kassur Grant of land with partial remission of revenue

Khanqah Sufi hospice

Kharif Autumn crops

Khu Well

Khwaja A Caste of Muslim traders, a rich or respectable man

Kuccha Raw, unbaked temporary

Kumhars Potter Caste

Khushhaisyate Water advantage rates

Lac 100,000

Lammah Southern part of Bahawalpur State along the bank of Punjnad

Maund 80 Ibs approximately

Maufi Remission

Moga Outlet

Mussavis Maps

Nagha Absentee fund

Naib Deputy

Nawab Assistant to the central government or Native Ruler

Nazar An offering, present

Nazrana Gift or price of land specified for the peasant grantees

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Nehri Canal irrigated

Peshkari Small administrative unit, next to tehsil

Rabi Spring crops

Rupee 16 annas = 64 pices (paise) = 192 pie

Sailaba Flooded land

Sajjada Successor of khanqah or tomb

Sanad Written authority for holding land or office

Siyala Winter

Tary-e-daryie Tax on crossing the river

Tehsil A Sub-divisional Administrative Zone under a District.

to an outlet.

Toba Open water tank in pure Cholistan

Ubha Northern side of Bahawalpur State along the bank of river

Sutlej

Un‟hala Six months of summer

Uttar Uplands

Warabandi Water delivery system.

Wazir Minister

Zilladar Head of a section of irrigation subdivision.

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List of Abbreviations

CO Colonization officer

EIC East India Company

ESC Eastern Sadqia Canal

FC Financial Commissioner

GOI Government of India

GOP Government of Punjab

IVC Indus Valley Civilization

PALA Punjab Alienation of Land Act

PWD Punjab Public works Department

SCO Settlement Commissioner of Punjab

SVP Sutlej Valley Project

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List of Table

Table 1.1. Bifurcation of the State Area in Square Miles and its Specification 4

Table 1.2. Administrative Division and Area of the Bahawalpur State in 1872-73 15

Table: 1.2-A. Administrative Division and Area of the Bahawalpur State in 1939 16

Table 1.3. Political and Administrative Division of the Bahawalpur State during the

Pre-Independence Period 16

Table 2.1. Acreage of Kharif and Rabi Area 34

Table2.2.Cultivated Area in Acres Covered by Each Crop (1867-1876) 36

Table 2.3.Cultivated Area in Acres Covered by Each Crop(1890-1911) 37

Table 2.4. Cultivated Area in Acres Covered by Each Crop (1920-1946) 39

Table 2.5.Development in the Production of Livestock 46

Table 2. 6. Agriculturists Population in the State in the First Census of 1870. 50

Table 2.7. Number of Holdings with More than 500 Acre 55

Table:2.8. Occupancy Patterns in the Cultivated Area in 1900-01 58

Table 2.9. Occupancy Patterns in the Cultivated Area in 1910-11 60

Table: 2.10.Occupancy Patterns in the Cultivated Area in 1940-41 61

Table 2.11.Proportion of the Menial Servants in the total Population of the State 64

Table: 2.12. Proportion of Artisans in the total Population of the State 65

Table:2.13. Detail of Sold and Mortgaged Land in Acres 70

Table 3.1. Revenue Rates of the First Regular Settlement 84

Table 3.2. Revenue Rates in Second Settlement in Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur 85

Table 3. 3. Division of Land under new Scheme of Rectangles 87

Table:3.4. Revenue Rates in Third Settlement 89

Table: 3. 5. Revenue Rates in the Fourth Settlement 92

Table:3.6. Revised Revenue Rates for Minchinabad and Bahawalnagar in 1937 92

Table:3.7-A.Revenue Rates as per Sliding Scale of Assessment 95

Table:3.7-B.Revenue Rates as per Sliding Scale of Assessment in Ahmadpur 95

Table:3.7-C.Revenue Rates for Minchinabad, Bahawalnagar and Chishtian Tehsils 95

Table:3.8. The Land Revenue under Fixed Assessment (1873-1877) 98

Table:3.9. The Land Revenue under Fixed Assessment (1901-1922) 99

Table:3.10.The Land Revenue under Fluctuating Assessment. (1935-1941) 100

Table:3.11. Land Revenue and Cultivated Area of the Phulkian States and the

Bahawalpur State 102

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Table 3.12 Rent-Free Grants in 1866 108

Table:3. 13. Estimated Area under Revenue Free Holdings till 1947 115

Table:4.1. Major Inundation Canals existed in 1866 121

Table:4.2.Land Distribution According to the Sources of Irrigation in 1867 124

Table:4.3. Share of the Zamindars and the State in Canals Work 133

Table:4.4. Share of each Nizamat in new Canal works under the First Agency 135

Table:4.5. Area in Acres Irrigated by Inundation Canals 1900-1911 138

Table:4.6 .Area in Acres Irrigated by Inundation Canals 1920-1932 138

Table:4. 7 Area in the Original SVP Plan of the 1920 143

Table:4. 8 Cost Estimates of SVP in the Original and Revised Plans 144

Table:4.9. Commanded Area under State Canals 147

Table:4.10.Outlay of SVP Loan for the Bahawalpur State 149

Table:5.1. Price of Land in the Ahsani Terms 1872 160

Table:5.2 Punjab Canal Colonies 163

Table:5.3.Grants of Land 1927- 1933 176

Table:5.4. Total Colony Area under Each Type of Grant till 31-3-1947 178

Table:5.5.Caste and Communal Distribution Plan for Peasant Grantees 180

Table:5.6.Major Castes and their Recruiting Centers 181

Table:5.7. The Population of the Bahawalpur State at Defferent Time Intervals 182

Table:5.8.Tehsil wise Population in the Bahawalpur State in 1941 Census 183

Table:5.9. Eastablishment of New Mandi Towns 185

Table:5.10.Number of Immigrants in the Bahawalpur State 1881 to 1901 200

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List of Figures

Figure: 2.1. Acreage of Kharif and Rabi Area 35

Figure. 3.1. The Land Revenue under Fixed Assessment (1973-77) 99

Figure: 3.2. The Land Revenue under Fixed Assessment (1901-1922) 100

Figure: 3.3. The Land Revenue under Fluctuating Assessment (1935-1941) 101

Figure: 3.4. The Land Revenue and Cultivated Area of the Phulkian States and the

Bahawalpur State 102

Figure: 4.1. Land Distribution According to the Sources of Irrigation in 1867 125

Figure: 4.2. Shares of the State in Canal Works 134

Figure: 4.3. Area in Acres under Inundation Canals 1900-1911 138

Figure: 4.4. Area in Acres under Inundation Canals 1920-1932 139

Figure: 5.1. Grants of Land 1927- 1933 177

Figure: 5.2. Total Colony Area till 31-3-1947 178

xviii

List of Appendix

Appendix I: Rulers of Bahawalpur State

Appendix II: Weights and measures used in this research

Appendix III: Seasonal Names of Months commonly used in Bahawalpur State

(Hindi)

Appendix IV: List of stages for accommodation and provision of commodities to the

British forces for Afghan Campaign

Appendix V: Title sheet containing the agreements of Bahawalpur with the EIC

Appendix VI: Partially population and housing census

Appendix VII: Native States under Punjab Government

Appendix VIII: Agricultural Classes as declared by Bahawalpur State according to

the PALA 1900

Appendix IX: Establishment for killabandi in Minchinabad District of Bahawalpur

State in 1915

Appendix X: Measurement of Inam lands

Appendix XI: Ratification of Asnad by the Agency

Appendix XII: Inheritance matters in the Royal family of Bahawalpur

Appendix XIII: Treatment of the heirs of Kasur Grantees

Appendix XIV: Partition of Inam land

Appendix XV: Appointment of irrigation Establishment

Appendix XVI: Native proposal for the construction of dam to fed the desert area

Appendix XVII: Community demand to augment the less supply of water

Appendix XVIII: Detail of SVP Loan by Accountant General

Appendix XIX: Amounts borrowed by the State from the various internal sources for

the pre-payment of SVP debt and due to be repaid after the liquadation

of SVP loan

Appendix XX: Commencement of colonization plan

Appendix XXI: Distribution plan of colony land

Appendix XXII: Initial prices of lands

Appendix XXIII: Military grants

Appendix XXIV: Division of Land in the Soil Survey

Appendix XXV: Zamindara League of colony areas demanded to augment the short

water supply

xix

Appendix XXVI: Percentage schedule for abadkars

Appendix XXVII: Dispatch of food grains from the Bahawalpur State

Appendix XXVIII: Auction plan of colony town sites

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1

Chapter 1

Introduction

This research aims at providing a historical analysis of the agrarian

perspective of economy of the Bahawalpur State, a former Princely State of India and,

later, of Pakistan. The agrarian discourse of a region is usually connected to its

political discourse shaped by authorities and has its roots in the agricultural

communities. The term „Agrarian‟ implies the socio-economic structure and

encapsulates the wider notion of „economy‟ within agricultural context. The time span

of this study is from 1866 to 1947, a period when the Indian Subcontinent was passing

through its transitory phase of direct British rule. The decade of 1870s was the

beginning of the „modernity‟ period of the British India associated with the

emergence of colonial institutions, ideologies of development and technical system of

management, which formed the economic and social context of agrarian life of that

time. Agrarian conditions of that era appeared in the statistical chronicles and became

a part of political and administrative records.1

The political chronicles of those days highlight the impact of the above noted

modern trends, regardless of the respective degrees of their influence on the economy

of both the British Districts and the Princely States. However, the Princely States,

which were considered the „Indians India‟, and also regarded somewhat sluggish in

adapting to the new trends as compared to the British India.2 The present study on the

other hand suggests that some of the native rulers were in the front line to absorb the

impact of new trends in order to stimulate their regional development. The economies

of native India was almost agrarian based though the nature of land administration,

revenue and irrigation methods, and agricultural practices were different as per their

ecological and indigenous conditions.

The purpose of this research is to analyze the agrarian structure of the

Bahawalpur State and the development of its parameters. The traditional agriculture

was a source of the State‟s income in the form of land revenue, which was

subsequently utilized for the improvement of the agriculture sector in particular and

the other organs of the State in general. The motive of the State was to attain a stable

1 David Ludden, The New Cambridge History of India IV. 4, An Agrarian History of South Asia

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 7. 2 Raghubir Singh, Indian States and the New Regime (Bombay: H.D.B. Taraporsvau, 1938), 3.

2

and consolidated economy for the welfare of its people as well as to achieve

recognition of a modern State. In this regard, land revenue generated from agriculture

was largely reinvested into two major areas; irrigation and colonization projects. This

study scopes both the ventures because they were broadly interlinked and

consequential, and played a significant part in updating and leveraging the economy

of the State. This not only endeavours to conceptualize a new paradigm for

explaining and interpreting the phenomena of socio-economic development based on

new administrative structure, but it also points out the relative strengths and

weaknesses in the existing paradigms.

1.1. The State of Bahawalpur

Regarding the evolution of princely states in India, Barbara Ramusack has

categorized them in three groups; the antique states; independent entities; and states

created by legendary warriors. Antique states that predated the Mughal regime were

mostly the Rajput states and became allies of the Mughals. Second group consisted of

the successors of Mughal governors, who declared independence during the anarchy

period and started functioning as independent entities, such as Oudh, Bengal, Mysore,

Hyderabad etc. Third group of states was carved out through military campaigns of

ambitious warriors.3

However, Richard B. Barnett placed the emergence of

Bahawalpur State in none of the three categories and emphasized;

But another category was of proto-princely state, since it may have

been one of a kind, but a novel, and distinct 18th century political system that

fits into none of the three. Instead, this new realm, the Bahawalpur State

emerged in a vacuum both demographically and politically. It was because of

that vacuum that it was never considered a viable part of the empire. It

created on a separate agrarian, commercial and political foundation …4

The Bahawalpur State was situated in the Northwest of the Indian

Subcontinent. On the North, it was surrounded by river Sutlej that separated it from

Multan and Montgomery districts of Punjab. On the West, a natural boundary of

combined waters of five rivers of the Punjab separated it from Muzafargarh district of

Punjab while on the South-West it was covered by the province of Sind. The State

3Barbara N. Ramusack, The New Cambridge History of India: III. 6, The Indian Princes and their States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 4. 4 Richard B. Barnett, The Greenings of Bahawalpur: Ecological Pragmatism and State Formation in

Pre-British Western India 1730-1870, Indo British Review: A Journal of History Vol. XV, No. 2

(December: 1988), 5-15.

3

was bordered on the Northeast by the British district of Ferozpur and on the East and

Southeast by the deserted portion of native states of Bikaner and Jaisalmer. It lied

between 27º.42 to 30º.25 North latitude and 69º.31º to 74º .1º East longitude.5

From an agri-based irrigation perspective, the Bahawalpur State was a part of

the great Indus basin.6 The State had a river border of 180 miles on Sutlej, 100 miles

on Chenab and 70 miles on Indus.7 The river and the desert both served as natural

boundaries. This geographical diversity was significant in shaping its economic

structure, thus, greatly enhancing the geo-strategic importance of the State. In the pre-

Agency period, river water played a very important role in the lives of its people;

inundation, moisture, trade, travel and defense line all were interwoven with this

natural resource.

The gross area of the State was 15,918 square miles, of which 9881square

miles consisted of desert. The climate of the State was hot and dry with summer

temperature reaching a maximum of 100° to 120° F and dropping to 65° to 60° F in

winter.8 The usual draught occurred in the adjoining desert caused by rarefaction and

heated air, which produced high winds during the summer months. Occasionally,

there was biometric depression when the winds changed to a Northerly or Easterly.9

A large part of the State territory was out of direct track of the monsoon

system except Minchinabad tehsil that was within Himalayan range. Therefore,

average annual rainfall was minimal, varying from 7 inches in the northeast to 3 inches

in the extreme southwest. The extreme length of the State was 300 miles from northeast to

southwest while extreme width was about 50 miles.10

The State consisted mainly of a flat

alluvial plain and divided into three natural tracts running parallel to one another but different

in appearance and nature of soil. Table 1.1 composes the main features of the all three tracts.

5 Henry Field, An Anthropological Renaissance in West Pakistan 1955: with Appendixes on the

Archaeology and Natural History of Baluchistan and Bahawalpur (Massachusetts: Peabody Museum

Cambridge, 1959), 145, 147. However, this area was increased to 17158 in 1939 due to the alluvium

rules. 6The Indus system comprises the Indus and its five tributaries; the Jhelum, the Chenab, the Ravi, the

Beas and the Sutlej from the East. The Indus and eastern most river Sutlej originated from Tibetan

plateau. Salman M.A. Salman and Kishor Uprety, Conflict and Cooperation on South Asia’s

International Rivers: A Legal Perspective (Washington D.C: World Bank, 2003), 37. 7 J.W. Burns, Notes on the Physical Geography of the Bahawalpur State, Journal of the Royal

Geographical Society of London, Vol. 42 (1872), 394-95. 8 Henry Field, An Anthropological Renaissance in West Pakistan 1955, 144-148. 9Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1868-69, 76. 10 Henry Field, An Anthropological Renaissance in West Pakistan 1955, 144, 147.

4

The first tract, called Khddar or Uttar was an alluvial strip lying with the river Sutlej,

and combined waters of Indus and its five tributaries.

This portion was very fertile mainly due to the rich silt brought down by the

annual flooding in the rivers. Almost all populated areas of the State were located

along this strip.11

Later on, a railway line was constructed upon the edge of this

portion. The central tract, called Bangar or Hittar, contained loamy soil and stiff clay

and cultivation depended on the rainfall and ponds. Afterwards, this part of the State

was irrigated through Sutlej valley canal system and became part of the colonization

programme. The Southernmost part of the State, called Cholistan or rohi was pure

desert and consisted merely of sand dunes. It was a continuation of the great desert of

the Subcontinent, called differently in different parts of this region such as Rajasthan

in India, Thar in Sind and Cholistan in Bahawalpur.

Table: 1.1. Bifurcation of the State Area in Square Miles and its Specification

Sr. Tract Name Length Width Commonly known Specification

1 Khaddar / Uttar 6037 11 Proprietary Areas Fertile

2 Bangar / Hittar

9881

20 Lesser Cholistan Cultivable

3 Cholistan / Rohi 20 Greater Cholistan Non-Cultivable

Sources: Derived from: i. Annual Administration Report of Bahawalpur 1874-75, 4.

ii. Henry Field, An Anthropological Renaissance in West Pakistan 1955,145.

Historically, Cholistan tract of the State is better known and has not always

been arid. Once it was well-watered and fertile land. Around four thousand BC, this

region was populated and cultivated by an old river, locally known as Hakra.12

The

river Hakra flew down the whole length of Cholistan, irrigated the areas of

Bahawalpur and Bikaner, and discharged itself into Indus at the point of Rohri and

Bhakkar in Sindh.13

The old bed of Hakra is still visible and serves as a boundary line

11Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1870-71, 1. 12 Muhammad Rafiq Mughal, Recent Archeological Research in the Cholistan Desert, ed. Gregory L.

Possehl, Harrapan Civilization (New Delhi: Oxford and IBH publishers, 1993), 84. 13 James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. II (London: Oxford, 1920), 1134.

5

between pure desert and Lesser Cholistan. Actually, the charisma of Hakra valley was

connected with the central system of Indus Valley Civilization (IVC).

The history of Bahawalpur region dates back to the time of IVC.14

The then

metropolitan of Ganveriwala, situated 27 miles from Derawar in the Cholistan,

existed right in the middle of Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa with the same status.15

Available records of its history specifically support all stages of its economic

development and it was one among the five urban centers of IVC.16

In the subsequent

periods, the territory comprising the Bahawalpur State remained a frontier region

through which the successive waves of migrants and invaders entered the plains of

Central India. The Aryans, the Scythians, and the Greeks left their marks on the soil

of this region.17

During relatively more recent times, this territory remained a central part of

Buddhist Empire,18

Roy dynasty,19

and the Arabs‟ rule.20

With the disintegration of

Abbasid dynasty in Baghdad, Multan and Mansurah appeared as independent

principalities, the Bahawalpur region passed to Multan principality until the

foundation of an independent State during 1730s.21

On the other hand, Cholistan part

of the State was throughout associated with the Rajasthan.22

The administrative

change for the Bahawalpur region from Mansura to Multan was not only a political

14 Encyclopedia of Archeology: History and discoveries Volume II, E-M, ed., Tim Murray: Indus

Civilization by Dilip Chakrabarti, 654-55. 15Ganweriwala was one out of 172 great urban centers of Mature Harappan phase in Hakra Valley. See

Muhammad Rafiq Mughal, Ancient Cholistan (Lahore: Ferozsons, 1992), 56. 16J. M. Kenoyer, Early City-States in South Asia: Comparing the Harappan Phase and the Early

Historic Period. The Archaeology of City-States: Cross Cultural Approaches, edit. Deborah L. Nichols

and T. H. Charlton (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1997), 54. 17 At present Uch, is a small town located 38 miles away from Bahawalpur city, located on the

confluence of five rivers, was once the hub of highest culture and learning. Almost two thousand years

ago, Alexander the great, conquered the region, paid inclusive attention to boost the status of the town

and named the city as „Alexandria Second‟. By the time, its material glory vanished with the downfall

of Sultanate of Delhi. But its spiritual and religious splendor sustained for a long time. The present status is merely a forgotten city with many shrines of early periods. See for details Ahmad Nabi Khan,

UCHCH: History and Architecture (Islamabad: NIHCR, 2001). 18A Buddhist monastery belonged to Kushan dynasty erected at Sui Vihar was the evidence. See Re-

Organization Report of Bahawalpur State1867, 12. 19 Roy Dynasty extended from Kashmir and Qanuj to Qandahar and Seistan and on the West to Makran

and on the South to Surat. Out of six famous forts constructed by Roy Sahans Kahore in his kingdom,

two were erected at Mau and Uch inside the territory of Bahawalpur State. Mir Sher Ali Qanae, Tuhfa-

tul-Karam, in The History of India: as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, Vol. I,

translated by Henry Miers Elliot, ed. John Dowson (London: Trubner and Co, 1967), 406. 20 Nazir Ali Shah, Sadiq Nama (Lahore: Maktaba-E-Jaded, 1959), 18. 21Muhammad Ashraf Gorgani & Mohammad Din, Sadiq-ut-Tawarikh (Bahawalpur: Sadiq-Ul-Anwar Press, 1866), 110. 22 Nurul Zaman Ahmad.Auj, Legacy of Cholistan (Multan: Carvan Books, 1995), 131.

6

change but also was a cultural transition from Sindhi to Multani influence. However,

the part of Punjnad23

valley in the State constantly remained under Sindhi influence

until the colonization program in early 20th

century.

The political history of the State commenced with its foundation in 1727, by

Daudputra Abbasids who claimed their lineage to the the Abbasid dynasty in Baghdad

and then in Egypt.24

The Abbasids landed in Sindh during last half of the 14th century,

owing to the internecine wars and succeeded in establishing their political power

here.25

Over time, they increasingly attained the position of spiritual guides besides

their political control.26

Their political supremacy was acknowledged by the Mughal

court and chief of the Abbasids tribe, Ghani Khan (known as Channi Khan in the local

dialect), was awarded with Punjhazari title, with a jagir at Swistan and a permit of

revenue collection from Ubauro to Lahori Bundar.27

After the death of Ghani Khan,

the Abbasids broke away into two factions; Kalhoras and Daudputras. The former

were the political successors of Ghani Khan in Sindh and latter were considered

spiritual and religious leaders.28

However, the Daudputra, after passing through many vicissitudes, succeeded

in establishing the city of Shikarpur on the right bank of Indus River in 1617 AD and

settled their clan over there. However, once again they became the victim of inter-clan

clashes and had to leave Shikarpur due to defeat in a combat with Kalhoras and

settled in the Bahawalpur regions.29

Here they professed allegiance to the Mughal

court and performed excellent military services for the Mughals in the subsequent

years that ultimately earned them the trust of the Mughal Court. As a reward, the chief

of Daudputra clan, Sadiq Mohammad, received a productive area as jagir (sort of

23Punjnad was called for Punjab in the pre-Mughal period. See Hari Ram Gupta, Latter Mughal History

of the Punjab (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel, 1976), 1. In the Bahawalpur region, Punjnad was and still is

applied for the Lamma part of the State, where five rivers of Punjab, joining each other at different

points. 24Gorgani & Mohammad Din, Sadiq-ut-Tawarikh, 127-149. 25

Auj, Legacy of Cholistan, 116. 26 Shahamet Ali, The History of Bahawalpur, With Notices of the Adjacent Countries of Sindh, Afghanistan, Multan, and the West of India (London: James Madden, 1848), 8-10. 27 Auj, Legacy of Cholistan, 117. 28 Shahamet Ali, The History of Bahawalpur, 12-14. 29 Auj, Legacy of Cholistan, 123.

7

independent territories) called Chaudarri30

from the Mughal governor of Multan,

Hayat Ullah Khan in 1727.

The ensuing period was marked by political unrest and anarchy. It was

actually during this period of the downfall of Mughal dynasty that the tracts

comprising of the Bahawalpur region slipped from the control of central government

and came under the sway of different regional chieftains of adjacent principalities. It

was a crucial time for the Mughal government, which was in search of the influential

and prominent warriors, who could control the areas and restore their income. The

Abbasids proved to be a best choice for that purpose in this region. By the time, the

Abbasid consolidated their position at their jagir and established the town of

„Allahabad‟, which was their foremost settlement as well as political headquarter.31

They also occupied the fort of Derawar, which was a stronghold of Bhatti rulers of

Jaislmer.32

This victory gave them a powerful stroke to the defense of Northwestern

frontiers for all times to come when they redrew the boundaries of the region and

extended economic opportunities.33

From a geo-political and historical perspective, establishment of the city of

Bahawalpur in 1748, on the left bank of Sutlej was a turning point for the region for a

range of reasons. First, the hub of power and center of all activities moved to Sutlej

valley from its ancient hub of Punjnad and Indus valley. Second, all possessions under

Daudputra Abbasid rule were organized into one entity named „the Bahawalpur

State‟.34

Nevertheless, it was still a loose confederacy under nominal leadership of

Daudputra chief. His chieftaincy was recognized by all kinsmen who were

independent in their respective jagirs, and constituted a complete standing army

always on war footing. During the infancy of the State, these kinsmen were its

powerbase. Gradually, the Abbasids extended their supremacy over all those

30 The word is a corruption of Saraiki word, which means four wall or Char Dewari in Urdu. In 1842,

Captain Leopold Orlich, traveled the India, when he passed through the area, only a tower of check

post in deplorable condition was existed over there. See Leopold Von Orlich, Travels in India

including Sinde and the Punjab Vol. I, translated from the German by H. Evans Lloyd (London:

Longman,1845), 137. 31 Masuad Hassan Shahab, Bahawalpur Ki Siyassi Tarikh (Lahore: Maktaba Illham, 1977), 17. 32 Gorgani and Muhammad Din, Sadiq-ut-Tawarikh, 154. 33 See Appendix I for the list of rulers of Bahawalpur State. 34 Aziz-ur-Rehman Aziz, Subah Sadiq (Bahawalpur: Urdu Academy, 1943), 83.

8

independent regional entities. The last jagir to fall was that of Garhi Ikhtiar Khan,

which came under the Abbasids‟ control in 1806.35

In a way, Daudputra Abbasids succeeded in composing the region into one

unit and organized it into a proper State with centralized power and hereditary form of

government.36

However, the „tattered imperial umbrella of Mughals‟ was maintained.

They divided the State into two administrative parts: the Northern part, locally called

Ubbha, was located on the strip of Sutlej, which was its sole source of irrigation. Its

main cities were Minchinabad, Khairpur, Shehrfarid and Bahawalpur. The Southern

part, called Lamma located in the valley of Punjnad and Indus. Its main cities were

Uch, Allahbad, Khanpur, Noushehra and Sadiqabad. Moreover, 19 forts in the

Cholistan were also under the control of the Nawabs.37

The early history of Daudputras was full of struggle for their political survival.

Besides the natural sterility, they greatly suffered from the exertions of Kalhoras,

Sikhs, Afghans and other depredators.38

At that time, they were distinctively warriors

and overcame all the challenges. Their enduring greatness lies in the fact that they

maintained law and order, and replaced the anarchy in their domain with absolute

peace that extended from Sabzal Kot in Southwest to Rana Watwan in Northeast.39

1.2. The Princely India and the British

During the 18th century, occurred the political and economic changes in India

that led to a new politico-economic and social formation. On the political scene, the

East India Company (EIC) emerged as a supreme entity. As William Lee has analyzed

its policy with regard to native states evolved in three stages. In the first stage (1757-

1813), the EIC adopted a Policy of Ring Fence with the allied states in order to

protect its territorial possessions. In the second phase (1813-1857), it adopted a policy

of Subordinate Isolation that substantially succeeded in subduing all native states of

India to the British through treaties and engagements. 40

35 Gorgani & Muhammad Din, Sadiq-ut-Tawarikh , 190. 36 Shahamet Ali, The History of Bahawalpur, xii. 37Mohammad Tahir, Riasat Bahawalpur Ka Nazm-E-Mumlikat: 1866-1947 (Multan: Bazm-e-Saqafat,

2008), 129. 38 Nazir Ali, Sadiq Nama, 40-45. 39The boundary of State continuously changed in certain times as the Pergana of Rana Watwan was

taken by British and Sabzal Kot and Bhong Bara was given to the State. See Government of India,

Memoranda on the Indian States 1930 (Calcutta: 1931), 112. 40 William Lee -Warner, The Native States of India (London: Macmillan, 1910), 43-44.

9

Essentially, this means that the States lost their control over foreign affairs and

defense, but were independent in internal matters of administration. During this

period, policy of Escheat and Laps was enforced by Lord Earl Auckland and strictly

followed by his successor Lord Dalhousie.41

Resultantly, the Oudh, Sind, Punjab, and

many small states were annexed by the British. In the third phase (1857-1947), the

EIC adopted the Policy of Union. This means the effective transfer of administration

from EIC to the British Crown, which brought a change in the policy towards native

states because the native rulers remained loyal to the British during the uprising that

partially was the fruit of the earlier policy of annexation.42

After the transfer of power to British Crown, the administrative structure of

the country divided into two categories; the British India and the Princely India. The

British India ruled by crown and its administration was carried in accordance with the

enactments of the British Parliament. The princely India was indirectly controlled

through Rajas, Maharaja and Nawabs who enforced the laws of the British India as

well as held the powers to make laws for their respective States.43

The princely India

was originally independent entities and the rights and obligation of the British only

rested in the mutual agreements. At its peak, the princely India included 600 big and

small native states that covered an area of 600000 square miles or 43% of the total

area and 23% of the total population of India.44

Therefore, the vitality of the princely

India was undoubted. However, the Government of India (GOI) desisted from

interrupting the traditions of the native India unless their economic interests were

affected.

In fact, without the assistance of the princely states, it was impossible for the

GOI to develop a British India and to fulfill their imperial interests. For example, the

pace of railway could not be accomplished without engaging the native India because

the country was geographically knit together. Therefore, the policy was adopted to

integrate them into the imperial system. Towards this end, colonial institutions were

promoted in the native states and the new designation given to Indian forces was

Imperial Service Troops. The series of darbars, honour system and titles were the

41

Ibid, 156. 42 William Lee -Warner, The Protected Princes of India (London: Macmillan and Co, 1894), 153. 43 Raghubir Sing, Indian States and the New Regime (Bombay: H.D.B. Taraporsvau, 1938), 3. 44 Caroline Keen, Princely India and the British: Political Development and the Operation of Empire

(London; New York: I.B.Tauras, 2012), 1. Further in A.R. Ashton, British Policy Towards the Indian

States (London: Curzon Press, 1982), 1.

10

flummeries to deal with the princes according to their royal temperament and for

maintaining the status quo where possible and necessary.45

The preservation of

traditional patterns and the measure of internal autonomy were supposed to transform

the princely states into solid bulwarks of the empire. As Sugata Bose and Ayesha Jalal

asserted;

‘The colonial reinvention of ‘traditional’ authority as part of its ideology of

the state had large consequences, helping transform the princely India into

a reliable base of support for the empire and freeing rulers legitimized by

colonial ‘tradition’ from the trouble of seeking popular sanction’.46

However, the subsequent events showed that the uprising of 1857 was

significant in determining the worth of the princely states for the British. The princely

states were their great supporter. For example, GOI receive full cooperation from the

Maharaja of Kashmir during the uprising. The Maratha states particularly Gwalior had

one of the best armies in the native states. The Maharaja of Patiala furnished recruits

to Indian army and kept their forces at the disposal of GOI.47

The later history also

witnessed that these states had always been large beneficiaries of the material support

from and development priorities of the British. Even the first experiment of weir

control irrigation in princely India was made on the urge of Maharaja of Patiala who

had served the British during the uprising.

1.3. The British-Bahawalpur Relations

The British-Bahawalpur formal relations started during the second stage of the

three-phased policy of the British as noted above and were strengthened within the

international political environment largely due to the apprehension of combined land

attack of Napoleon and Russia on India. Against this threat, the British required a

fence between the British India and Russia. On the external side, Kabul, Herat and

Persia formed the barrier and on the internal side, Sind, Bahawalpur and Sikh territory

made a boundary wall.48

To save the external side, two missions were sent: Mount

Stuart Elphinston to Kabul and John Malcolm to Tehran. Whereas in order to secure

the internal side C.T. Metcalfe was sent to Lahore.

45 V.B.Kulkarni, British Dominion in India and After (Bombay: 1959), 155. 46

Sugata Bose; Ayesha Jalal, Modern South Asia: History, Culture and Political Economy (Delhi:

Oxford, 1997), 103. 47 William Barton, Post-War Development Schemes in Northern and Central Indian States. Journal of

Royal Society of Arts, Vol. 94, No.4708 (January: 4th 1944), 91-99. 48 P.N. Khera, British Policy towards Sindh upto the Annexation 1843 (Lahore: Menvara Books, 1941),

5.

11

The geo-strategic location of the Bahawalpur State played an important role in

shaping the relations with British. Particularly, the Bahawalpur State was located in

the close proximity to Sindh and the Cis-Sutlej States. Located at the base of Punjab

and having a long conjoint river border that formed a natural boundary and could

serve as a barrier against in roads from the Punjab province. On the other hand,

advancing power of Ranjit Singh was a threat not only to Bahawalpur but also to the

other areas. In fact, his plan was to extend his rule over Sindh and then towards the

sea. The Bahawalpur State was the first hindrance in his way, though the Sikh-British

treaty of 1809 had already restricted the Sikh troops to the right bank of Sutlej.49

This

pact indirectly secured the frontiers of the Bahawalpur State from the Sikh fury.

The evidence from the archives documents that the nawab ruler made several

requisitions to EIC for the protection of its possessions from the Sikhs but those were

not considered.50

Later in 1830, the Sikh army occupied the State‟s possessions of

Dera Ghazi Khan, Mailsi, Kehror Pakka, Lodhran, Muzafaer Garh and Shujaabad, and

constantly camped across the Sutlej to attack on the State.51

Nevertheless, when the

British realized their own geo-political and strategic interests in protecting the

Bahawalpur State, they moved to have a treaty. Captain Wade personally approached

the then ruler of the State, Nawab Bahawal Khan, who agreed to settle the matters by

a treaty.52

Moreover, the commercial visit of Lt. Alexander Burns in 1830 to the Sindh

was another move in favour of the State. Mr. Burns found the Indus and Sutlej

suitable for commercial navigation. Therefore, the British planned to open traffic in

the rivers Indus and Sutlej. The Indus ran through the territory of Khairpur and

Hyderabad, which were headed by Rustam Ali Khan and Ali Murad Khan,

respectively. To cater to the British commercial interests, both the States entered a

treaty with the British in 1832, and gave them right to use their rivers and inlands. On

49 Herriet Martineau, British Rule in India: A Historical Sketch (London: 1857), 237. 50 There were many requisitions from nawab to EIC for the protection of his possessions from Sikh

aggression. See Punjab Records, Book 9, Application of nawab for protection of his Cis-Sutlej

possessions from Ranjit Sing on 15 January 1815, 21-26. Book 31, Application of nawab protection

against Ranjit Sing on 19 July 1815, 241-252. Book 33, Application of nawab for Sutlej side

protection on 29 July 1815, 58-59. Book 38, Application of nawab to declare his possessions of Cis-

Sutlej side as under British protection on 7 August 1815, 271-72. 51 Murad Shah Gardezi, Tarikh-e-Murad, 12. 52 Khera, 331, with reference to letter 105/17, Mackeson to Wade on 14 July 1833 and Wade to GOI

139/10.

12

the other hand, Sutlej, ran through the territories under Ranjit Singh and the nawab of

Bahawalpur. So, separate treaties to this effect were also carried out.

By the Indus Navigation Treaty of 1832 with the Sikh government, the EIC

obtained the rights of trade in the Sikh territory.53

While with regard to the

Bahawalpur State, the matters were settled through the Indus Toll Treaty in 1833. The

foremost impact of this agreement on the State was that it secured the State from Sikh

threat that help discarded the latter increasing plans for further political and territorial

extension.54

For instance, the right of the Bahawalpur State on the rivers within its

territory was also recognized by the paramount power and the State became entitled to

levy a moderate duty on all merchandise in transit. This pact was the first in the series

of treaties that the British India made with the State for its commercial interests and

was followed by many supplementary accords.

However, by the treaty of „Subordinate Cooperation‟ in 1838, the absolutism

of the nawab ruler was ended and he became subordinate to the British. In this

capacity, the State rendered assistance for the Afghan campaign (1838-41) both in

facilitating the strategic roads for troops and in furnishing the supplies.55

The State‟s

loyalty in Kabul campaign had strengthened its strategic importance for the British

and as a reward it received the Pargana of Bhung Bhara and Kot Sabzal.56

The

bestowal of these areas was actually in favour of the British as they found all the left

bank of Sindh and Sutlej from Rohri to Ferozpur, as a friendly line.57

In their effect, all these treaties contained the spirit of the British superiority

and bound the nawab ruler to the British wishes while in turn they secured the native

political aristocracy. There was only one occasion of the 1857 uprising when the

Bahawalpur State was not in the frontline of the British because it had an

53 Khera, British Policy towards Sindh, 22. 54 C.U. Aichtison, A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Sanads Relating to India and

Neighbouring Countries, Vol. III (Calcutta: 1909), 402. 55 Punjab Records, Book 110 (ii), Letter no 103, From C. Mackeson to C. M. Wade, Political Agent

Ludhiana on 28 October, 1838. For the detachment of troops to support Shah Shuja, Bahawalpur State

not only constructed a pacca road throughout its length but also supplied the grains, firewood and other

commodities. See Appendix IV. 56Punjab Records, Book 163, Letter no. 3, Dated 10 February 1843, Transfer of Districts of Sabzal Kot

and Bhoong to Bahawalpur, 4. See further Appendix V for the covering page of agreements with EIC

and all pacts are included in that file in original. However, the basic theme of almost all pacts was that

of the commercial and military interests. 57On 22 December 1838, Shah Shuja accompanied with armed forces under Sir W. McNaughton and

G. Nott, had been received warmly by the Bahawalpur State. See H.T. Lambrick, Sir Charles Napier

and Sind (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952), 77, with reference to Lord Ellenborough‟s remarks in Blue

Book, 1843, No.388, (Para 13).

13

overwhelmingly Muslim population and was the only administrative unit in the

Subcontinent where civil suits pertaining to legacy, matrimony divorce and debts

were settled in the light of Islamic Shariah.58

In this capacity, it was difficult to appear

hostile to the Mughals. However, it provided the services of 500 cavalry and 500

infantry in response of a kharita from John Lawrence and then provided a passage to

the Indian army towards Sindh.59

This gesture was also an indirect support to the

British because otherwise they would not have been able to put forwarded to Sindh.

However, the blessings of new British system can be traced even before the

uprising and its first sign was the commencement of partial census in 1854 in the

settlements adjacent to the British districts.60

Since the transfer of political power

from the EIC to the British Crown in 1858, the administrative set up of the country

changed. The territories of the British India were under the direct control of the GOI

while the Princely India was administered through Governor, Lt. Governor and

Financial Commissioner. The Princely States were independent in their internal

matter except defense, communication and foreign affairs departments, which were

under the control of the GOI. The British policy of non-intervention in internal affairs

of the Princely States was adhered to even during the years of civil war and internal

disturbances.61

The Bahawalpur State was in direct political relationships with the

GOI through the Agent to Governor General of Punjab States Agency.62

With the British protection, the political and economic conditions of the State

became more stable. Nonetheless, the period from 1859 to 1866 was a sad record of

court intrigues and civil war that ended with the death of the de facto ruler of the

State, Muhammad Bahawal Khan Abbassi-IV (1858-1866). During this period, the

crown prince Mohammad Sadiq Khan was a minor, therefore, the British took over

the management of the State. Mr. Ford, the Commissioner of Multan, was appointed

58 Auj, Legacy of Cholistan, 261. 59 Muhammad Din, The Political History of Bahawalpur State, Part II, (Bahawalpur), 39. 60 Punjab Records, Misl No: 12, on 25 June 1855, Selections from the old Record of Bahawalpur State.

See Appendix VI. However, the complete figures are not found in native chronicles because it was the

period of political chaos and civil war in the State and system of native structure was halted therefore, the pace of newly introduced British methods could not be persisted and followed until the direct

interference of GOI. 61 Rughubir Sing, Indian States and the New Regime, 22. 62The Short History of Bahawalpur (Unpublished), reserved in Muhafiz Khana Bahawalpur, 57.

14

as Political Agent and Superintendent of the State in 1866.63

Mr. C. Minchin

succeeded him.

The British continued to manage the State affairs until the installation of

crown prince in 1879. Again, in January 1899, the British took over the charge of the

State after the death of Muhammad Sadiq Khan-IV (18679-1899) until Prince

Mohammad Bahawal Khan-V assumed his responsibilities in 1903. After a brief

interval of the native rule, the State again went under the British management in 1907

and remained so until 1924. In all three cases, the Government of India executed the

affairs of the State through a Council of Regency.

The Council of Regency was a part of political and administrative structure for

native states according to the proclamation of 1858 by Queen Victoria that entitled the

GOI to take charge of any state in the event of the death or removal of a ruler and a

fresh succession was not recognized, or the recognized one was a minor.64

This

ensured that a stabile administrative framework was in place at the end of each

Agency regime, which was subsequently followed during the native rule. This also

ensured that the princes were well-educated from the Western institutions and

politically trained under the guidance of the British officers. Therefore, they were able

to follow the sophisticated administrative lines of British Agency and ensure smooth

and stable running of the state administration.

1.3. The British Agency and Political Structure of the Bahawalpur

State

The Bahawalpur State was under the direct control of Lieutenant Governor of

Punjab and was one out of 36 princely states under the Punjab dependencies.65

The

introduction of the British institutions in the State almost radically influenced the

political culture, economic conditions and class structure. The chief administrative

measure of the Agency was to employ the foreign administrators in the State both

from amongst the British officers and Indians from the British India who were

educated and trained in the British political and bureaucratic techniques. These

63 Aichtison, A Collection of Treaties, 413. 64 William Lee, The Native States of India, 334 65 The Government of Punjab, The Administration Report of Punjab and its Dependencies for the Year

1882-83 (Lahore: 1983), 1. See Appendix VII, for all native states under Punjab dependencies.

15

administrators reorganized the existing administrative set up on the pattern of the

British districts with the collaboration of the natives.

Table 1.2 provides a snapshot of the new setup. There was a complete

overhauling of each department of the administrative structure. From the outset, the

Agency set up an administrative system based on the understanding of the Indians‟

India. In fact, the British power was in search of the collaborators to sustain their rule

over India after the uprising of 1857. A nazim was in charge of each nizamat (district)

and a kardar was caretaker of each kardari (tehsil). The overall head of each

department including revenue branch was the Prime Minister who was accountable to

the Assistant Political Agent. Detailed rules were drawn for the conduct of business in

every department. The British laws replaced the personalized form of justice. The

civil and criminal codes were introduced. This political structure provided the base

line for new development. There were time-to-time changes in the administrative

structure of the State. Table 1.2-A presents the tehsil wise area according to the

amended civil division in 1939 and also displays weather tehsils consisted of colony

areas or old proprietary areas. Table 1.3 is an overview of the political divisions and

changes in the States‟ administrative units before the partition period.

Table: 1.2. Administrative Division and Proprietary Area of the Bahawalpur State in

1872-73

Nizamats/ District Kardaris Area in Sq. miles

Minchinabad

Minchinabad 743

Sadiqpur 712

Khairpur 478

Bahawalpur

Bahawalpur 238

Ahmadpur 313

Uch 230

Khanpur

Allahbad 315

Shidani 281

Khanpur 166

Noushehra

Kotsamaba 220

Noushehra 474

Ahmadpur Lamma 426

Total ---- 4596

Source: i. Annual Administration Report 1872-73, Appendix 1.B. ii. Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 22

May, 1871.

16

Table: 1.2-A. Administrative Division and total Area of the Bahawalpur State in 1939

District Tehsils Total Area in Sq.

miles

Colony/ Proprietary

Bahawalpur

Minchinabad 667 Proprietary

Bahawalnagar 639 Proprietary

Chishtian 1838 Both

Fort Abbas 1472 Colony

Bahawalpur 7441 Proprietary

Yazman (sub-tehsil) Colony

Rahimyar Khan

Ahmadpur East 475 Proprietary

Allahbad 1241 Proprietary

Khanpur 1407 Proprietary but a very small

was colony area

Rahimyar Khan 1076 Both

Sadiqabad 902 Both

Total ---- 17158

Source: Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Revenue and Public Works Department: File. 29/A,

Part ii, Census 1941.

Table: 1.3. Political and Administrative Division of the Bahawalpur State during

Pre-Independence Period

1903 1933 1939

Districts Tehsils Districts Tehsils Districts Tehsils

i.M

inch

inab

ad

i.Minchinabad

ii.Bahawalnagar

iii.Khairpur

i.B

ahaw

alnag

ar

i.Minchinabad

ii.Bahawalnagar

iii.Chishtian

i.B

ahaw

alpu

r

i.Minchinabad

ii.Bahawalnagar

iii.Chishtian

iv.Fortabbas

v.Bahawalpur

ii.B

ahaw

alp

ur

i.Bahawalpur

ii.Ahmadpur East

iii.Allahbad

ii. B

ahaw

alpu

r

i.Bahawalpur

ii.Ahmadpur East

iii.Allahbad

ii. R

ahim

yar

K

han

i.Ahmadpur

East

ii.Allahabad

iii.Khanpur

iv.Rahimyar

Khan

v. Sadiqabad

iii.

Khan

pur

i.Khanpur

ii.Noushehra

iii.Ahmadpur

Lamma

iii.

Rah

imyar

K

han

i.Rahimyar

Khan

ii. Khanpur

iii. Ahmadpur

Lamma

Sources: i. Dairy of Phulkian States Agency by Dunlop Smith, Political Agent, from 1st April

1903 to 31st

March 1905, 90-93. ii. File: 98/13-36, Part IV, Bahawalpur State Gazetteer Part

B, 1936, (Unpublished). iii. File: 205, Part III, Bahawalpur State Gazetteer Part B, 1939-40,

(Unpublished).

17

The Bahawalpur State remained in existence for 228 years. It willingly

acceded to Pakistan in 1947. Its distinctive status as a State, which had been achieved

after a long and ferocious struggle, was emasculated by one unit scheme in 1955. In a

way, the era of political and historical legacies of the Bahawalpur State was lost and it

was made merely a division of the Province of West Pakistan. On the dissolution of

One Unit in 1970, the region comprising of Bahawalpur State became an

Administrative Division of the Punjab Province with Bahawalpur City as its

headquarter. At present, Bahawalpur division has three sub-administrative units called

districts: Bahawalpur, Bahawalnagar and Rahimyar Khan.

1.5 Historiography

The regional specialization of agrarian discourse is a potent domain for

research but its early coverage was limited to only a few areas of South Asia. The

agrarian scholarships seeped into the regions where high production by intensified

agriculture had manifested itself.66

Therefore, the traditional agriculture does not

occupy the concentration of research elsewhere. Some regions of the British India

had been more concentrated in this regard as Northwestern Provinces, Punjab,

Western Bengal, UP and, particularly, the Southern India were central to early

agrarian studies.67

While Central Provinces, Eastern Bengal, Bihar, Burma, the tribal

areas and the native states were neglected in the field of agrarian studies.

For interpreting the phenomena of socio-economic development and

administrative control of the Bahawalpur State, this study has been based on the data

from three broad categories: regional history of Bahawalpur; works on Princely States

of India and the general historical work related to the economic discussions in South

Asian context. The regional writings of the State period focused mostly on

appeasement of the rulers and published work on socio-economic history provides

information in bits and pieces. This applies to all the princely India. The early

scholarship of the princely states was confined to the study of politics of the ruling

house. In the South Asia too, political historians wrote the early writings.

66 Arun Agarwal & K. Sivaramakrishnan, Agrarian Environments: Resources, Representation and Rule

in India (Durham & London: Duke University Press, 2000). 67 Burton Stein, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India (Delhi: Oxford, 1980).

18

With regard to the regional history of the Bahawalpur State, however,

Mohammad Tahir‟s study is a notable change; his focus being on the administrative

infrastructure of the State that conferred upon it the status of a Modern State.68

The

published work of Nur-ul-Zaman Ahmad Auj contained a brief but influential account

of the socio-economic patterns and the irrigation project in the Cholistan part of the

State.69

Essentially, his work has contributed to developing some research questions

for this study. The work of Penderel Moon concerns mainly with the military aspects

of the State, yet he also discussed the financial constrains regarding the Sutlej Valley

Project and its after effects.70

Nazir Ali Shah in his work provides a concise narrative history of important

political events of the State up to the year 1926.71

His work also contains the

extractions from different travelogues with a slight mention of agricultural produce of

the State. The work by Hafeez ur Rehman is infect a socio-cultural summary of the

Persian book Sairistan written by Pir Ibrahim, the first Native Agent in the

Bahawalpur State. It presents a brief sketch of the socio-cultural conditions and the

traditional agriculture.72

An introduction to the rich historical background of the region has been

explored through archaeological investigations. R.E. Mortimer Wheeler produced the

first research on that subject.73

Hennery Field also contributed to this field of

research.74

However, the most extensive and inclusive survey of Cholistan has been

conducted by Dr. Rafiq Mughal. Marvelous discovery of his research was the

metropolitan city of Ganveriwala that is as much important as the unearthing of

Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa per se.75

Regarding the work on the native states of India, the scope is quite limited and

has been panoramically viewed with the exception of few works. Raghubir Sing gives

68 Mohammad Tahir, Riasat Bahawalpur Ka Nazm-E-Mumlikat: 1866-1947 (Multan: Bazm-e-Saqafat,

2008). 69Nurul Zaman Ahmad.Auj, Legacy of Cholistan.

____________________, Cholistan Land and People (Multan: Carvan, 1991).

70 Penderel Moon, Divide and Quit (London: Chatto and Windus, 1961). 71

Nazir Ali Shah, Sadiq Nama. 72Hafeez ur Rehman, Tamadan-e-Hind. (Bahawalpur: 1923). 73 R.E. Mortimer Wheeler. The Indus Valley Civilization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

1953). 74Henry Field, An Anthropological Renaissance in West Pakistan 1955. 75 Mughal, Ancient Cholistan.

19

the background of the policies of the EIC and the GOI towards the native states in

detail and explores the political and constitutional factors of change enshrined in those

policies. He examines the efforts of the princes to maintain the dignity of their

princely institution as well as provides insights from the course of events, which led

them in making the federation of the undivided India.76

No doubt, the well-managed

native states were those, which adopted the English set up with the modifications as

per their local requirements. This demonstration is cited in the work of Lapel H.

Griffin.77

However, in the beginning of 21st century, the study on the princely states has

started to chart new dimensions and considered them as important as the study on the

British India. The princely states in their social, cultural relations were considered the

Indian India. Barbara Ramusack delineates that the prevalent trends in scholarships of

the princely states are limited to the political narratives of the rulers and their regimes.

She finds the lack of primary sources or impossibility to access them as the major

hurdle to conduct research on the native states.78

Yaqoob Khan Bangash has recently

contributed to the study on the subject of princely states that are associated with

Pakistan. His work is an analysis regarding the identity, integration, and the policies

of both the British and the government of Pakistan towards their rulers. 79

For insights into the princely India as a field of research, it seems almost

impossible not to talk about the hegemonic influence of and the imposed values by the

British India. This research is integrated into the historiography of South Asia and has

conceptualized from the writings on the diverse aspects of the region‟s economy. Karl

Marx was the pioneer of the discussion on the economic field of historical writings.

His synthesis of Asian Mode of Production opened a wide forum for discussion.80

Prominent names of historians of the Marxist School of Indian Historiography are

Kosambi, Sharma, Chandra, Rumila Thapar and Habib. As a result of the influence of

these Marxist historians, the scope of history has broadened to include social and

76 Raghubir Sing, Indian States and the New Regime. 77 Lepel H. Griffin The Rajas of the Punjab: Being the History of the Princely States in the Punjab and

their Political Relations with British Government (Lahore: 1870). 78

Barbara N. Ramusack, The Indian Princes and their States. 79Yaqoob Khan Bangash, A Princely Affair: the Accession and Integration of the Princely States of

Pakistan, 1947-1955 (Karachi: Oxford, 2015).

80 Karl Marks, Grundrisse, trans. with a foreword, Martin Nicolaus (New York: Vintage Books, 1973).

See also L. Krader, The Asiatic Mode of Production (Netherland: Van Gorcum, 1975).

20

economic dimensions. Moreover, the work of Dr. Mubarak Ali has also provided a

great inspiration for the historical background of this research.81

Burton Buckley in his research on irrigation provides a comprehensive study

of the soil and the ecological aspects in general and the sources of irrigation in

particular. He also provides the context and practical insights for irrigation planning.82

However, R.C. Dutt wrote the first nationalist history of the economic policies of the

GOI.83

William Moreland was the first who discussed agrarian history academically

and his work spans the Mughal period.84

However, a systematic analysis on agrarian

discourse was developed by Irfan Habib from the Marxian perspective and left

everlasting imprints on the agrarian scholarship.85

Karl Wittfogel who pioneered the study of water possession and its relation

with the state, determines that in the agro-managerial character of all Asiatic societies,

the bureaucracy held all the power. He labeled the small-scale irrigation as hydro-

agriculture based on traditional pattern and large-scale irrigation as the hydraulic

agriculture. His theory of Oriental Despotism argued that the control over water

would lead to the political despotism over society.86

Dr. Elizabeth Whitcombe‟s work provides valuable insights on the colonial

institutions and their impact over peasantry. She endorsed the extension of irrigation

in creating ecological disturbance, drainage issues and causing epidemics in the

Northwestern Provinces of India.87

Ian Stone writing in the same vein further

delineates the issue in the context of peasant adaptation to new technology, capacity

and decision-making, and concludes that canals play a vital role in fostering the

agricultural output in spite of their several side effects.88

The work by Sugata Bose

81

Mubarak Ali, Jagirdari (Lahore: Fiction House,1996).

_____________,Tarikn AurTehqiq (Lahore: Fiction House, 2002).

82 Robert Burton Buckley, Irrigation Works of India (London: E.&F. N. Spon, 1905 ). 83 R.C. Dutt, The Economic History of India (London: Routledge, 1963). 84

William Harrison. Moreland, The Agrarian System of Moslem India (Delhi: Oriental Books,1968). 85 Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India: 1556-170 (Delhi: Oxford University Press,

1999). 86

Karl A. Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism: A comparative study of total power (New Haven: Yale

University Press, 1957). 87Elizabeth Whitcombe, Agrarian Conditions in Northern India, The United Provinces under British

Rul:1860-1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972). 88Ian Stone, Canal Irrigation in British India: Perspectives on Technological Change in a Peasant

Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).

21

and Ayesha Jalal provides an excellent background to the understanding of political

economy of the British Crown in India.89

In the field of irrigated agriculture, Punjab has been a much-studied area with

rich literature, which highlights this socio-agricultural phenomenon. This body of

literature has a significant impact on this study. The great infrastructure of the

commercial towns, railways and roads were the symbol of modernity yet it resulted in

increased debt for the region. Malcolm Darling has explained this idea from a

comparative perspective.90

David Gilmartin studied the interaction among the colonial

policy in Punjab, change in Muslim identity and the regional politics.91

Using its rivers‟ water, natural setting of Punjab plains was replaced by

permanent settlement for the extractive imperial needs as well as to accommodate the

Punjab army in the canal colonies. On this subject, the study by Imran Ali is very

influential and unique in its genre. He examined the consequences of canal

colonization in the Western districts of Punjab.92

Mufakhrul Islam agrees with Ali‟s

scholarship and further connects the issue with the expansion of railway in India as a

means of transportation of agricultural produce to England.93

Indu Agnihotri has also

discussed the causes and consequences of the new era of agriculture development

enabled by canal colonies in the Punjab districts.94

However, Trithankar Roy labels

this agrarian change as disempowerment of the pastoral communities.95

H. Calvert presents some interconnected features of agricultural development

in Punjab and shows how the construction of canals developed communications,

increased production and extended trade that brought about a wealthy professional

89Sugata Bose & Ayesha Jalal, Modern South Asia: History, Culture and Political Economy (Delhi:

Oxford University Press, 1997). 90Malcolm L.Darling, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt (London: Oxford University Press,

1925).

________________,The Old light and the New in Punjab Villages, (Cambridge: 1929). 91David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Berkeley: University of

California Press, 1988). 92 Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism: 1885-1947 (New Delhi: Oxford, 1989). 93 M. Mufakharul Islam, Irrigation, Agriculture and Raj: Punjab, 1887-1948 (New Delhi: Manohar,

1997).

__________________, Bengal Agriculture 1920-1946: A Quantitative Study (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978). 94 Indu Agnihotri, Agrarian Change in the Canal Colonies Punjab 1890-1935, PhD. Dissertation

(Jawahir Lal Nehru University New Delhi: 1987). 95Trithankar Roy, The Economic History of India: 1857-1947 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011).

22

class. The work is limited largely to Central and Western Punjab.96

More recently,

Hamadri Banerjee in his book gives an account of the agrarian society at the outset of

British rule and traces the change in the social framework of the agriculturists. He

discusses the programme of land settlement, commercialization of agriculture,

colonization, the growing predominance of moneylenders and the changing

relationship between peasant groups and kamins. His work also primarily concentrates

on the central and western Punjab.97

Mridula Mukherjee‟s work is concerned with the peasantry, their social

relations and commercial accretions. She highlights capital accumulation and

investment in Punjab and the eastern India. This pioneering research work raises

important issue about the British agrarian policies.98

On ecological environment and

the agriculture, Arun Agarwal and K. Sivaramakrishnan collect the works of leading

intellectuals in their edited volumes. Their work established the novel environmental

concepts in agrarian studies in the context of India and South Asia. They tagged the

classic themes of agrarian development with the state formation, agriculture

production, commercial patterns and tenure relations as well as with the complex

social construction of nature.99

Daniel Haines in his study lays emphasis on the water politics and irrigation

development in the colonial and post-colonial Sindh. He determines a relationship

between administration, environment and modern science.100

Ayesha Siddiqa in his

excellent work analyzes the personal economic interests of military institution in

Pakistan. She argues that the lacunas in political system brought the military to the

forefront. In the seventh chapter of her study, she gives a detailed account of how

military controls and dominates its commercial interests regarding the rural and urban

lands. She traces the roots of this legitimacy in the colonial rule. This notion

substantiates the beginning of military dominance in the desert lands of the

96H. Calvert, The Wealth and Welfare of the Punjab: Being Some Studies in Punjab Rural Economics

(Lahore: 1922). 97 Himadri Banerjee, Agrarian Society of the Punjab 1849-1901 (Delhi: Manohar, 1982). 98

Mridula Mukherjee, Colonializing Agriculture: The Myth of Punjab Exceptionalism (New Delhi:

Sage Publications, 2005). 99 Arun Agarwal & K. Sivaramakrishnan, Agrarian Environments: Resources, Representation and Rule

in India. 100Timothy Daniel Haines, Building the Empire, Building the Nation: Water, land, and the Politics of

River-Development in Sind, 1898-1969. Phd dissertation (Royal Holloway College London, 2011).

23

Bahawalpur State on the eve of colonization programme when large tracts of

productive land were set aside for the military men.101

1.6 Theoretical Framework

This study examines the process of socio-economic and agricultural

transformation enforced through political control of the State. It focuses on the

policies that were somewhat different from the native traditions while analogous to

the British Indian districts. The agrarian change was a by-product of the modernity, a

concept elaborated at the start of this chapter. If a stable peasantry was the social

bedrock for a colonial state, it was more than fundamental to the native states. This

section demonstrates some of the approaches that largely deal with a complex

politico-socio-economic phenomenon.

The concept of “Challenge and Response” considerably facilitates the

understanding of Daudputra Abbasids‟ early struggle for accommodating in a new

country of diverse geo-political features and adopting the agriculture sector as a major

source of income. Besides the natural sterility, the region had to face: the

confrontation with Bhattis; the Sikhs exertions, the Afghan aggression; and lack of

human capital for cutting jungles and cultivating the wastelands. Daudputra Abbasids

overcame all the challenges, formed a single geographical entity and created political

homogeneity. This concept based on unpredictable factors remained prevalent

throughout the history of the Bahawalpur State, where ecological changes were also

continuously at play either by cutting of jungle or irrigating the desert.

The continuous process of the ecological changes and habitation resulted in

Peace and Harmony on the political scene created by the Abbasid in the pre-Agency

Bahawalpur State. It worked in various socio-economic dimensions like protection of

life and property, security of trade routes and defense from calamities. On the other

hand, peace attracted the educated and skilled strata from the rest of India. It remained

a significant and permanent force and a feature of the history of the State and resulted

in increase in the population and extension of the cultivation, which ultimately

strengthened the agrarian economy.

101 Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy (Karachi: Oxford University

Press, 2007).

24

The British Agency did not impose complicated laws of the British India in

the native states where it assumed the status of a guardian government owing to the

minority of the Prince. Rather, it depended on the maintenance of indigenous political

base for the purpose of political control. This research also draws on the theory of

collaboration, which led the British Agency to recognize the expediency of

maintaining the remnant of the native rule while engaging the rural native elites. The

centre of power coinciding with the agro-economic network of the State created a sort

of political economy, in which the fundamental aspect was the concept of

conciliation. With the new mode of governance, this political cooperation

strengthened the local economy. In fact, the native officers and the elites were more

effective in the implementation of the new irrigation principles. The patterns of the

modernity intermeshed with local practices and transformed the socio-economic make

up of the Bahawalpur State.

The AMP model by Karl Marks may also be relevant here. However, this

approach may slash down by the increasing impact of modernity, and by the

expansion in trading activities and social movements. For instance, the concept of

Wittfogel refers to the complex form of Asiatic empires in which majority of agrarian

society is ruled by the bureaucratic tool of government. The economic base for such

rule remained the self-sufficient village communities. This social base always

supported the state elite through taxes off its surplus produce. This approach has been

widely employed in this thesis when irrigated agriculture based on community

participation was developed by the State managed irrigation and led to the hydraulic

agriculture. Moreover, hydraulic-agricultural practices for irrigation as suggested by

Wittfogel in other ancient river-based civilizations can also be employed to study the

similar phenomenon in the Bahawalpur State, particularly useful in this regard is his

approach that water is an object of social and political power. The large-scale water

control, mainly in the dry zones led to the concentration of power into the hands of

state. The ideas formulated by Wittfogel are relatively more valid for the study of

agro-based economy and have strongly influenced the course of this research.

The ethnographic change under the political patronage was imperative to alter

the landscape of the Bahawalpur State, where a great part of land was barren. It was

not an easy task to convert a desert into a populated region but thanks to the arrival of

immigrants form Punjab, the whole scenario changed. This created a diaspora

25

different from the other canal colonies of Punjab. In this diaspora, the anthropology of

the British India was a model and the princely State was the testing ground. The

princely states had a constant feat for a responsible and practical relationship with

their subjects. There was no sudden transformation imposed on the native states as

was in the British India but a slow transition in which elements of the old were

enabled to survive alongside the new.

The undergoing study is an evidence of the William Barton‟s scholarship that,

The princes are not the people who trail about Europe wearing pearls

and diamonds and exploit their people but many of them are as up-to-

date and patriotic as many other Indians in the British India and are

making a very valuable contribution to the national life of a very

special character.102

1.7. Scope and Significance of the Study

This thesis covers the time span from 1866 to1947 when India was under the

influence of European advancement and experiencing the waves of technology as well

as the introduction of colonial instruments of administration. In the regional history of

the Bahawalpur State, 1870s was the period when the individual rights to land

ownership were legally recognized and the economic data was started to be recorded

in the chronicles of government. The economic landscape of the State, however,

remains clouded due to a lack of scholarly investigation.

A review of the historiography of the State in the preceding section indicates

that the studies on its economic history, particularly on themes of agriculture,

economy and its social impact are rare. Likewise, the research on agrarian dimension

of the State, which is the basic source to judge the most sensitive phenomena of State

and Society relationship, has remained untouched by historians and scholars. This

thesis is an effort towards this end.

The work approaches the State as distinct entity, which had its own specific

social, economic, political conditions that interacted with external ideas under the

British Agency. This interaction had far-reaching impact in the realm of state, society

and collective identity. This scholarly work focuses on the agrarian structure, policies,

and developmental measures of the State. These were precisely compared to similar

developments in the British Punjab and in other Princely States wherever it appeared

102 William Barton, Post-War Development Schemes, 98.

26

necessary and possible. There is common notion that Sutlej Valley Project (SVP), an

achievement of great proportions, changed the destiny of its catchment area.

However, the cost was also quite exorbitant. The cost benefit analysis of SVP from a

socio-economic perspective has never been made. This research also attempts a first

ever reasoned evaluation in this regard and tries to shed some light on that aspect.

Moreover, by analyzing the economic past of the Bahawalpur State, this

research highlights the existing agrarian potential of Bahawalpur in order to

contribute to the economic growth both regionally and nationally. At present

Bahawalpur is the largest division of the Punjab province in Pakistan. It comprises

1,12,60,232 acres of land but only less than 40% is cultivated while 60% is

uncultivated and requires to be usefully utilized.103

The region is facing, poverty,

illiteracy, disparity and overall backwardness as compare to the other part of the

province; even the swift of development that commenced with the completion of

Sutlej Valley Project could not be sustained. Poverty is prevalent in the villages of

ancient and remote areas. The poor economy of the region has widely affected the

society and led to the increase in crimes and other social disorders.

However, Bahawalpur region has significant economic potential in agrarian

sector as it is endowed with the right resources of land, optimum climate and human

capital. Moreover, there is a pressing need to investigate the historical paradigms of

agrarian-based, economic policies, which were successfully implemented and got

robust results in maintaining the economic relief and social contentment in the region.

A concerted effort towards the agricultural growth of the region will certainly support

the overall economic growth of the country. In this context, this study is also an

attempt to seek the attention of the regional and national authorities in order to

triumph over the problems of food insecurity, scarcity of water, low agriculture

output, widespread poverty, unemployment, and low human development faced by

this region.

1.8 Terminologies, Methodology and Sources

The term „the Bahawalpur region‟ refers to the land and territories before the

establishment of the State. The term „Agency‟ used in this document refers to the

103Malik Mohammad Akbar, Bahawalpur Mein Bahali-e-Subah Ki Tehri: Aik Tajziati Mutalia, Ph.D

Dissertation (The Islamia University Bahawalpur: 2003), 37.

27

period under British controlled administration known as Council of Regency during

the minority of a Prince. „The State‟ denotes the political period of both under the

Agency and the darbar. The terminological use of local words for weights, measures,

tenures, rates and taxes are based on the Indian local terms, which were normally in

Persian, Arabic and Hindi. The Muslim conquest introduced the Persian and Arabic

terms regarding land administration all over India.104

For the Persian terms, Ghais-ul-

Lughat has been used being a source not only for Persian but also contained the origin

of the words in Hindi or Arabic.105

Common words of indigenous origin regarding crops, agricultural practices

and irrigation have been rendered in their usual forms in Indian perspective as well as

in local Saraiki language. Pure native words have been italicized in the text and

detailed in the glossary. The glossary is based on two main sources; the Saraiki

dictionary compiled by Nur Ali Zamin Hussaini106

and the Glossary of Multani

Language compiled by Edward O‟Brien107

.

The study is based on comparative, analytical and descriptive methods and

uses both the primary and secondary sources. As the research is associated with the

economic interpretation of history so, both quantitative and qualitative methods have

been used for data analysis. The ancient Bahawalpur was connected with Sindh so,

the historical accounts of Sindh presented by Arab historians also covered the

Bahawalpur region. Tuhfatul Karam is the old source on ancient history of the Sindh

province after the Arab conquest.108

This work has been relied upon.

The historiography of the Bahawalpur region indicates that this region was

uncharted in its records of medieval and Mughal period except for the outstanding

compilation of Abul Fazal.109

Likewise, the State was unmapped in the first century

of its early records that was set down in the subsequent years by the EIC. Official

documents provide the substance for this research. A variety of documentary

104 Baden Powell, The Land-System in British India, Vol. I, 7. 105 Muhammad Ghias uddin, Ghias-ul-Lughat ( Kanpur: Matba Razaqi, 1243 Hijra). 106 Nur Ali Zamin Hussaini, Muaarif-e-Saraiki (Ahmadpur East: Mustafa Shah Academy, 1972). 107Adward O‟Brien, Glossary of the Multani Language Compared with Punjabi and Sindhi (Lahore:

1881). 108

Mir Sher Ali Qanae, Tuhfa-tul-Karam, in The History of India: as Told by Its Own Historians: The

Muhammadan Period, Vol. I. 109 Abulfazal Allami ,Ain e Akbari, translated in English by H. Blochmann & Colonel H. S. Jarret

(Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1873 – 1907); translated in Urdu by Fida Hussain (Lahore: Sange

Meel, 2000).

28

evidences of the political picture of the State was recorded in the official sources of

the EIC and the GOP and an effort was made to consult all the relevant document

from this source. For the pre-Agency period the major sources are: the official

correspondence between the State and the British officials, the reports of commercial

missions, the secret reports of British officers deputed for Kabul mission and Multan

campaign, communications of the British in India with the British Government in

London and Financial Commissioner‟s records. These records contained the picture of

the then economic, political and strategic environs.

Some records were based on fictional accounts, which came from European

travelers and historians including Mohan Lal, Boileau, Leopold, Masson and

Alexander Barnes. These records lacked analysis of ethnographic aspects and their

accounts either concentrated on the trade in the State or was coloured with political

motives, which gave an overall shallow picture of the State. Majority of the sources

for this study have been obtained from: Punjab Archives Lahore and the

Commissioner Office, Bahawalpur.

As the Bahawalpur State remained under Punjab dependency, many records

pertaining to the State are to be found in the holdings of Punjab Archives. All the

records relating are found in „the Files A and B‟ and in the manuscripts record under

„Ludhiana Agency‟ and „Lahore Agency‟. The central library of Bahawalpur also

holds valuable records and secondary sources related to this study. The record room

of Bahawalpur Branch of Punjab High Court provides a good deal of record mainly of

weekly Sadiq-ul-Akhbar gazette. Official files reserved in Muhafiz Khana of the

Bahawalpur State though in a deplorable condition, have been used for this study.

These records provide great deal of contextual details. The following unpublished

primary sources largely contained the administrative details and provide the social,

economic and cultural information as well as hardly used before this research are:

Settlement and Assessment Reports separate for each tehsil,

Agricultural reports

Canal Colony Administration Reports

Colony Progress Reports

Irrigation Reports

Revenue Reports

29

Sutlej Valley Canals Reports

Official Files under different departments of Bahawalpur darbar and

Bahawalpur government

Moreover, the Annual Administration Reports both published and unpublished

are the best way to analyze the period under study and formed the basis of the

documentation used throughout this work. In addition, published and unpublished

gazetteers for the Bahawalpur State and some of the gazetteers for the British districts

and the other Princely States are valuable resources this study has benefitted from.

1.9. Chapters outline

The nineteenth century economy of India was agrarian. Therefore, the focus of

the British was on the efficient administration of agriculture and land. Similarly based

on agriculture produce, the Bahawalpur State‟s economy was self-sufficient. So, this

study covers the following agrarian parameters of the State‟s economy:

Reorganization of the agriculture structure;

distribution and settlements of land for revenue generation;

Up gradation and development irrigation system and infrastructure; and

Colonization of the newly irrigated areas.

The above parameters and their sequence have influences the structure and

organization of this thesis. The paragraphs below explain the content of its each

chapter.

Chapter One introduces both this research and the region in terms of its physical

space, geographical features, political discourse and economic spectrum.

Chapter Two examines the agricultural trends and production that became the central

points of the agrarian policy of the State to generate additional income. The selection,

utilization and prioritization of land potential of the State for crop production and the

socio-economic setup of the peasantry, the major driver of the State‟s productivity are

also discussed. It also provides an understanding of relationship between the

landowning and landless classes.

Chapter Three examines the amelioration of the land revenue system of the State.

For the assessment of land, the State conducted five regular settlement operations

30

from 1867 to 1947. Individualization of land rights, cohesive set of land records, and

definite boundaries of holdings smoothened the system of assessing and collecting the

State demands. The chapter also analyzes the ways and the extent of revenue

collection. It also investigates the nature and the mode of the revenue-free holdings.

Chapter Four investigates that the major consideration behind revenue generation

was the investment in irrigation system to increase the cultivable land by extending

the agriculture activity to the deserted areas of Cholistan as well as to the arid plains

of inhabited areas. Mapping this procedure, this study explores the gap between

estimates and factual details along with the focus on the difficulties faced and the

losses suffered by the Bahawalpur State in harvesting the fruits of controlled water

system. It also analyzes the strides made by the State to meet its financial liabilities

and the ultimate consequences of SVP.

Chapter Five finally examines the process of human settlement that resulted from

extensive irrigation, particularly the colonization policy under SVP that was a part of

the overall policy on colonization by the British. It also discusses the basis of

allotment, the categories of grants and the extent to which they fulfilled the financial

expectations and targets. It further discusses how the State maintained its traditional

role of Indian India while incorporating the influx of colonists from the British

Punjab. It traces the impact of the colonization policy on the demographic index,

largely on the economic growth, and the existing trade patterns, as well.

31

Chapter 2

Agrarian Structure of the Bahawalpur State

This chapter examines the agrarian structure and process of agricultural

growth in the Bahawalpur State. It traces the roots of cultivation in the territory of the

State and probes as to how the native rulers tried to give impetus to agriculture in the

State. The Agency government instituted an agricultural structure in tune with the

existing patterns of the time, which were the product of a gradual process of

evolution. This chapter focuses on the magnitude of this change in cultivation

practices, which led to an increase in agricultural yields despite the poor soil and lack

of rainfall that was always considered a barrier to the development.

Early patterns of landholding in the region were shaped by the social

requirements of aboriginal population. Agricultural exertions for growth and success

were associated with work input of the population. This chapter also discusses the

peasantry, their role in agricultural development and the social framework of village

communities. Primarily, the region was a land of self-cultivators but tenancy

cultivation also formed a major component of the agrarian economy. The latter

sections of this chapter discuss the land-less labour and menials, which were essential

to the health of the rural agrarian economy of the State and their worth had increased,

particularly owing to the paucity of labour in the State. The chapter also analyzes the

conditions of agricultural indebtedness in the State.

2.1 The Origin and Growth of Agriculture in the State

The earliest traces of cultivation activity in this region date back to the

preliminary era of Hakra Wares in the fourth millennium BC that was supposed to be

a part of food producing era.110

In Bahawalpur region, 99 village sites belonging to

this phase were discovered along the old bed of Hakra between Fort Abbas and

Derawar. The region had been reckoned as one of the prime areas known for grain

production in the overall mature Harappan economy.111

Wheat and rice were the

oldest crops of this region.

110 Mughal, Ancient Cholistan, 42. This era is recognized by international scholars as Regionalization Era: Hakra Phase from 5000 to 2600 BC. See in Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, The Indus Valley Tradition

in Pakistan and Western India Journal of World Pre-History, Vol. 5, no. 4 (December, 1991), 333. 111 Gregory. L. Possehl, “The Transformation of Indus Civilization” Journal of World Prehistory, 11,

no. 4 (December, 1997), 443, 463.

32

In the first millennium BC, due to some hydrographic changes Hakra River

dried up, which wiped out the agriculture as well.112

With that, the areas along the

bank of the five rivers of the region became the hub of economic and cultural

activities in the region.113

However, pastoral mode of living occupied first place and

agriculture was the secondary profession. Later, cultivation and population became

more limited to the tracts on that river-line. This state of affairs in the economic sector

of the time persisted till the establishment of the Bahawalpur State.

When the Abbasids stepped in the region, agriculture structure was

dominantly shallow. A large proportion of cultivable land was covered by the jungle

of tamarisk trees and destitute of grass. The area under crops was very small and

confined to the ancient towns, which produced largely the food grains and non-food

crops though to a lesser extent. Wheat and rice were the oldest grain crops prevailing

in all these areas. Particularly Jajja, Butta Wahn and Uch were the main centers of

their production.114

Within the non-food crops, indigo had a large-scale production.

With time, the primary endeavor of the State became the increase in its income

through the extension of cultivation. Therefore, big area covered by jungles was

cleared to cultivate the food grains. However, it was a slow process because

population was sparse and subsistence agriculture was sufficient to feed.

2.2 Agricultural Production in the State

In the late 19th century, agriculture was the largest occupation for the

population of the State. Still there was significant scope for extending the cultivation

because large tracts of wasteland were lying vacant.115

The Agency government

streamlined the State administration in line with the requirements of the time and

established a separate department that focused on the land administration with the aim

of stimulating crop production to stabilize the agrarian economy of the State. The

Nazim116

and Kardar respectively were the main fiscal officers at Nizamat and

Kardari levels. The Kardar was actually the multifunctional officer being head of

illaqa with control over the entire administration of land within his jurisdiction. The 112 Hakra is mentioned as Sarswati, river in the Rig-Veda. See Aural Stein, A Survey of Ancient Sites

Along the “Lost” Sarswati River, The Geographical Journal, Vol. 99, No. 4 (April, 1942),182. 113

Mughal, Ancient Cholistan, 36. 114 Charles Masson Various Journeys in Balochistan, Punjab and Afghanistan: From Lahore to Karachi; via Multan, Uch, Khairpur, Hydarabad, Vol. I (London: Richard Bentley, 1844), 19-20. 115 Muhammad Din, Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State (Lahore: Sang e Meel, 2001), 218. 116Nazim was the Persian term used for Governor and followed in India by the Sikhs rule in Punjab.

Baden Powell, the Land System in India, Vol. II, 540.

33

functions under his direct control included were the Settlement of Land, Revenue,

Police, Forest, and Canals and he was directly accountable to the Prime Minister of

the State.

Actually, it was the formative phase of maintaining the statistical chronicles in

the native India. The initial task of the government was to figure out the exact area of

the State through the measurement of land. The Agricultural area was measured as

3178136 bigha117

(1589069 acres), out of which the cultivated area was only 1423520

bigha. Cultivable but not cultivated land was 862401 bigha and uncultivated

wasteland was 892215 bigha.118

In lamma part of the State, cultivation was

comparatively old and the ancient areas were the best grower of food grains.119

2.2.1 Cultivation Patterns and Crops Yields

Agriculture was mainly based on subsistence farming and occasionally

commercial crops. A bi-annual cropping system existed. Different crops were grown

in rotation in rabi and kharif harvests. The difference in rotation was based on the

water availability, temperature and physical condition of the soil, which had variation

in term of quality. The proportion of acreage under crops and ratio of the total area

cropped during the two harvests varied with the availability of moisture. The rabi

crops wheat, gram, barley and pulses used to provide the staple food. The indigo, rice

and cotton were important kharif crops.

In the statistical data, the acreages of cultivated land under different crops

represented the area actually sown, whether the crops were matured or not. The table

2.1 displays the predominance of rabi harvest over kharif harvest and this ratio was

changed after the economic depression of 1930 when the kharif harvest area increased

significantly. There were several factors for the overall dominance of rabi crops.

Particularly, the sandy soil during winter would require less water and large area

under crops would successfully mature. Above all, the extensive cultivation of wheat

on large scale contributed to increase in area for rabi harvest.

The kharif crops were grown for profit. The monsoon rains were the major

source of water supply for kharif harvest. The rivers would commonly spill in the

summer during the months of July and August and leave a large area under water.

117 A bigha used in the State was half of the acre. 118Re-organization Report 1867, 75. 119 Charles Masson, Various Journeys in Balochistan, Punjab and Afghanistan, 19.

34

This abundance of water would usually cause frequent floods and destroy the kharif

crops mainly in the lamma part of the State where large part of the kharif became

kharaba (crops destroyed by calamities and had partial or full remission from the

payment of land revenue). Moreover, high temperature of the desert and frequent

thunderstorm caused further injury to kharif harvest.

The most important crops of kharif were indigo and rice while in rabi it was

wheat. These distinct crops had been grown in the region from the prehistoric time.

Cultivation of rice depended upon special conditions, which were found only in the

areas of adequate water or near riverbeds. Khanpur, Jajja, Pattan, Allahbad and Uch

were renowned for the superior quality of rice locally called belanga.120

This kind was

famous for its fine taste and substantially exported to the rest of India. The wheat was

a major item of food as well as of export all over Punjab. It was sown throughout the

State however, Khanpur area produced high proportion of wheat followed by cotton.

Indigo was the most valuable kharif produce, planted throughout the State since

primordial times. About 50,000 maunds of indigo were produced during the pre-

Agency period.121

Its trade was extensive and traders of Multan would export it to

Kabul and Bukhara, and to Karachi to be shipped to Bombay port.

Table: 2.1. Acreage of Kharif and Rabi Area

Source: Derived from the published and unpublished Annual Administration Reports for

Bahawalpur State of the concerned years.

120Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1873-74, 25-26. 121

Captain Wade‟s letter written to the Government of India; The Secret Department, from July to

December 1837. Letter no. 92, on 27 August 1837. On The Trade of Bahawalpur By Munshi Mohan

Lal, 101.,

Year

Kharif Rabi

Total Acreage % Acreage %

1872-73 239908 47.56 264522 52.43 504430

1876-77 187503 34.46 356585 65.53 544088

1906-07 292703 33.63 577622 66.36 870325

1926-27 315095 31.09 698262 68.90 1013357

1946-47 1164087 51.87 1114553 48.91 2278640

35

Figure 2.1: Acreage of Kharif and Rabi Area (graphical presentation of the same data)

The time period covering the table 2.2 was the commencement of modern

trends under the First British Agency. The agricultural statistics and cultivated area

was to be recorded. It was a transition from traditional methods of agriculture to the

new farming skills in this period. The data of this table shows that the dominant

produces were the food grains, which covered almost 75% of the total sown area. The

rice cultivation gradually came down from 40% area to merely 10% of the total

cultivated area.

However, overall importance of wheat and rice remained unchallenged during

this period. Further, the nominal cultivation of pulses increased up to 13% of the total

area. Bajra yield per acre became double in the successive years, when canal

irrigation reached to the arid areas of Cholistan. The production of jowar also

increased while barley production decreased and completely ended during the

subsequent years.

Of the non-food crops, indigo was the largest produce in the year 1867-68 but

it showed an unusual fall during the subsequent years. Decrease in indigo produce

gave rise to the production of cotton, which attained a notable place among the

commercially available crops. The cultivation of fodder crops in the State was started

in 1870s with the arrival of settlers from Punjab. Narcotic based crops showed

significant decline and ultimately vanished. Crops providing oil seeds also lost their

position over the years considered in this table. Moreover, miscellaneous items in this

table referred to vegetable, till, mustard and fodder etc. The overall satisfactory crops

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

1872-73 1876-77 1906-07 1926-27 1946-47

kharif

rabi

36

yield during this period was largely dependent on the selection of the best seed as well

as the crop that suited to a particular soil or condition of water availability.

The most noticeable feature in the agriculture under the Agency administration

was improvement in the style of cultivation.122

The small holdings were properly

ploughed, manured and sown and the trend of cultivating the large fields with slight

attention was terminated. This brought more profit than in the former case. Therefore,

despite the failure of inundation canal in 1874-75, the overall revenue from

agriculture still increased due to the aforementioned factors and better quality of

crops.123

Table: 2.2.Cultivated Area in Acres Covered by Each Crop (1867-1876)

Crops 1867-68 1871-72 1875-76

Wheat 21.09 ----- 38.02

Barley 1.08 ----- -----

Wheat &Barley ----- 36.47 -----

Jowar 16.95 ----- -----

Jowar& Bajra 9.86 ----- 24.05

Gram 0.62 3.59 4.00

Pulses 1.03 ----- 3.72

Cotton 0.64 4.44 3.69

Rice 40.11 11.32 10.70

Indigo 6.46 3.58 3.36

Sugarcane 0.09 0.05 0.07

Oil seeds ----- 2.92 2.3

Cereals ----- 28.21

Nangli,Sanwak,

&Channa

0.29 ----- 1.47

Opium ----- 0.06 -----

Tobacco 0.11 o.29 0.33

Miscellaneous 1.64 9.07 8.02

Total 100% 100% 100%

Source: Derived from the Annual Administration Reports of the mentioned years.

122Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1870-71, 9. 123Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1874-75, 123.

37

Table 2.3 covered the period from 1890-91 to 1910-11. During this phase,

there was shortage of water in the State canals particularly due to the perennial canals

in the upper course of Sutlej in Punjab. The table shows that during this period, wheat

and rice occupied the first and second place respectively in crop production. This

status of both main food grains remained constant. Pulses and cereals were also grown

on large area though the oil seeds production reduced to almost 50%. The cultivation

of gram, barely and maize was marginal. Jowar production gradually dropped down

while gram increased its share repeatedly.

The former combination of jowar-bajra, and wheat-barley production was

replaced by rice-wheat rotation. The magnificent plantation of indigo for which the

State was well-known, largely decreased in this period. It should be made clear that

the period before 1890, only matured area for each crop is shown and failed area is

not included. Afterwards, the whole area sown whether matured or failed had to be

given as per the instruction of the GOI.124

The figures for table 2.3 are derived from

the Bahawalpur State Gazetteers of 1904 and 1913, therefore contained the details of

crops failed.

Table: 2.3.Cultivated Area Covered by Each Crop (1890-1911)

Year 1890-91 1895-96 1900-01 1905-06 1910-11

Wheat 36.74 34.11 30.82 34.23 34.56

Barley 2.99 2.50 2.08 2.29 1.24

Jowar 17.81 8.65 7.20 6.42 4.62

Bajra 7.50 7.97 7.32 6.27 3.48

Gram 1.05 4.34 4.66 7.11 9.36

Cotton 0.76 2.75 1.05 1.73 0.84

pulses 9.49 7.11 12.57 9.86 10.45

Rice 11.14 11.79 12.68 13.36 13.21

Indigo 2.84 3.31 3.01 1.73 0.65

Sugarcane 0.06 0.08 0.09 0.12 0.06

Oil seeds 9.63 8.18 5.36 4.85 4.06

Cereals 9.69 9.15 9.49 11.97 17.40

Crops failed 1.63 1.31 2.31 6.19 5.44

Source: Bahawalpur State Gazetteer Part B 1904, xxx-xliii and Part B 1913, lvi-lxxi.

124 Gulshan Rai, Agricultural Statistics of the Punjab 1901-02 to 1935-36. Board of Economic Enquiry

(1937), 17.

38

Table 2.4 covers the period from 1920-21 to 1945-46 that was the beginning

of perennial irrigation in the State. The previous cropping pattern was changed and

priority was given to the cash crops. Wheat area was dropped down, which was

favourable to staple foods, mainly to gram. The decline in the area under food grains

coincided with a significant decline in the area under wheat. This made all the

difference to the rabi harvest. There had been considerable increase almost in all other

items. Maize production also increased that was mostly grown in moist land. It

remained fixe at high rate due to its high price and frequent consumption in the diet of

the settlers from Punjab.

For instance, the increased cultivation of fodder crops was an impact of

extensive canal irrigation and many zamindars of newly irrigated areas had large

cattle herds as a supplementary source of income. Therefore, cultivation of fodder

crops increased and reached about 15% of the total irrigated area in 1947. Moreover,

the areas, where ample water was available in the latter part of kharif and early of

rabi, oilseeds were good choice mainly the cultivation of toria and taramira gave

high yields.125

The extension of water supply to the desert land brought a trend to cultivate

those crops, which were fit for loamy soil of the desert and easy to grow as toria and

gram. The gram furnished 7 % to 15 % per acre. From 1930 to 1940, gram production

had been rapidly increased but dramatically fell down in the next five years while the

production of sugarcane and oilseeds increased considerably. During this period, cane

crushing and gur making, as subsidiary source of earning, became popular into the

economic system of farming. Rice, formerly grown on very small scale in

Bahawalnagar district and on large scale in Rahimyar Khan district, was declined

while jowar and barley occupied a fixed area.126

Climatic conditions of sandy land also supported the barley production and the

area under non-food crops was increased throughout this period. The production of

cotton jumped up in the year of 1935-36 due to less water consumption and was

suitable for the reclamation of the land therefore, encouraged in colony areas. Among

the commercial crops, sugarcane was grown on a small scale while oil seeds covered

125 The Government of India, Report of the Sutlej Valley Project Inquiry Committee Bahawalpur 1932

(Lahore:1932), 48. 126ibid, 46.

39

a sufficient area. In the cultivated area, food grains covered 85.94% in 1920-21, while

in the next five years these came down to 80.08 % followed by 74.85% in 1930-31. In

1935 and 1940, the proportionate of food grains further reduced to 52.96% and

52.84% respectively. This decrease was mainly due to the reduction of acreage under

wheat, rice and pulses while increase in cotton.

Table: 2.4. Cultivated Area Covered by Each Crop (1920-1946)

Year 1920-21 1925-26 1930-31 1935-36 1940-41 1945-46

Wheat 37.48 29.70 28.43 28.72 26.01 19.21

Barley 0.90 0.86 1.18 1.01 1.07 0.34

Jowar 5.35 6.09 7.72 7.13 7.15 5.38

Bajra 3.34 4,90 7.58 4.29 5.34 6.82

Gram 4.99 7.92 13.80 13.42 12.22 4.67

Cotton 1.13 3.17 2.16 19.13 15.53 13.23

Desi -- -- -- -- -- 4.06

Pulses 13.20 13.22 8.18 6.06 3.65 1.18

Rice 11.61 8.50 4.14 1.36 0.94 1.93

Indigo 0.25 0.08 0.01 0.00 0.01 -------

Sugarcane 0.12 0.10 0.24 0.65 0.67 1.19

Oil seeds 0.21 3.31 5.65 6.65 6.32 4.92

Cereals 19.41 22.09 25.34 11.52 15.83 10.17

Sejji - - - - - 0.50

Crops failed 60.44 30.40 N.A N.A N.A N.A

Source: Derived from published and unpublished Annual Administration Reports of the

mentioned years.

2.2.2 Inducement of Modern Inputs

As it was the beginning of technological innovation in the West and at this

initial stage, the modern agricultural inputs were imported to the State by Mr. Heenan,

its Executive Engineer. The steam plough, harrows, winnowing and threshing

machines were some of the equipment that came from England. These machines were

initially used for the State farms because of their heavy cost. Afterwards wealthy

40

zamindars also started to purchase these inputs.127

The traditional crops gave low

production and had less value in the market as compare to high yielding varieties of

cash crops. Therefore, new varieties of seeds were adopted in the State as were in the

other parts of India, largely for the commercial crops.128

Actually, the GOI and GOP

encouraged the production of American cotton under the pressure from the British

manufacturers who were actively lobbying for support to the British textile industry.

After World War I, many speedy measures were adopted to increase the production of

wheat and cotton in order to fulfill the imperial needs. The crop experiments, seed

provisions, conditional grants and high prices of cotton were in fact the major

incentives to this end.

Agriculture department of Punjab supplied the varieties of hybrid seeds in the

province. The two hybrid varieties of wheat in this regard were Punjab -11 and Punjab

-8. For example, during the second half of the 20th century, the area under new

varieties of wheat in Montgomery district was 301334 acres and in Lyallpur district, it

reached to 231800 acres. During 1905-1940, the acreage under American cotton

variety 4-F was 400,000 acres in Montgomery and 250,000 acres in Lyallpur.

However, much of the cultivation of the American cotton was halted in slump years

of 1930-1937 all over the province and substituted by sugarcane.129

In the Bahawalpur State, improved seeds were introduced in the last two

decade of 19th century and a shift in the acreage under high-yielding varieties

occurred after the SVP. Particularly, cotton cultivation became more organized and

productive. The long staple varieties of American cotton were 4-F, 124 F and K T 25,

which gave more yield and income than the desi cotton. The first sort was more

effective in the non-perennial areas of the Rahimyar Khan District and Minchinabad

127

Government of the Punjab, Proceedings of the Government Punjab in the Political Department for

the Month of February 1871 (Lahore ), 201-204. 128 Actually, the new varieties came from Europe in the first half of 19th century through royal

horticulture society Calcutta. The society was setup in 1830 to extend the agriculture and to introduce

the technological improvements in India. It introduced the seeds of American and Peruvian cotton in

1831. The improved varieties of sugarcane and wheat came in 1838 and 1840 respectively. M.S.

Randhawa, A History of Agriculture in India Vol. III, 1757-1947 (New Delhi: Indian Council for

Agricultural Research, 1983), 75-77. Moreover, the Punjab horticulture society was founded in 1851

under Henry Lawrence. It proved to be a locomotive for the agricultural development. In first instance, improved varieties of seeds and new implements at the time were spreading in all parts of the province.

See General Report on the Administration of the Punjab Territories for the year 1854-55 to1855-56,

104. 129 Indo Agnihotri, Agrarian Changes, 306.

41

tehsil of the Bahawalpur district while the latter two sorts were successful on

perennial tracts mainly of the Bahawalpur district.130

The average yield of American cotton 124-F was 9.2 maunds per acre against

4.9 mounds of 4-F. In Allahbad tehsil, very significant increase in area under cotton

cultivation was noticed in sailaba (flood land), which in 1927-28 was only 69 acre

and rose to 35815 acre in 1939-41. But it was grown at the expense of rice, which had

been produced from the ancient times in the region. Rice production dwindled from

69% to only 4% in this tehsil.131

The overall production of cotton in the State went up

by two lac of bales annually.132

In addition, the two additional new varieties (C-518

and C-591) of wheat were introduced. The former yielded highest returns on good soil

and the latter one gave good results on average types of land.133

With the inception of the Agriculture Department in 1938, research oriented

practices were started. The major orientation by the department was to introduce the

latest scientific methods among the cultivators mainly about the hybridization. The

circulation of new seeds was the responsibility of the Department and more officials

were appointed to supply new seed to the farmers. Moreover, rat-destruction work and

eradication of pestilential weeds were the main undertakings of the department over

an area of 347736 acres and 37390 acres respectively.

Another influential step of the agricultural department was the demonstration

plots of wheat, gram, bajra, jowar and sugarcane comprising of the 100-200 acres.

The land for this purpose was selected in the rural area of each tehsil of the State.

They were also marked as the centers of producing and selling good seeds. These

demonstrating plots were supported well by the farmers. The crops were sown

following the new methods of cultivation as cotton was started to be grown in lines,

wheat sown by drills instead of broadcasting, and sugarcane sown on ridges.134

The

cultivators were also provided with training for the management of their fields.

Moreover, an agricultural school was established to teach solely agricultural

130Administration Report of Agriculture 1946-47, 6. 131Assessment Report Allahbad Tehsil 1946, 1. 132Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1945-46, 9. 133Administration Report of Agriculture1946-47, 6. 134Administration Report of Agriculture1939-40, 3-6.

42

education. Its main purpose was to provide farm management training to the sons of

zamindars and cultivators to manage their farm.135

There were also some downsides of the new methods. A vast amount of

money got-wasted each year due to the mixed nature of seeds used especially for

wheat, which negatively affected the wheat yield. Above all, the peasants were found

commonly slacking in adopting new methods. This required an advertisement

campaign by the agriculture department, which emphasized for plantation of more

orchards and selection of good seeds.136

The training about judicious cropping, a

balanced rotation, and the use of green manure combined with the control and

avoidance of common crop diseases ensured the higher yields and preserved the soil

fertility. This motivated the peasantry to take more interest in the land. As a

consequent of these measures, the agriculture sector that formerly provided livelihood

to about 60% of the population in the State, became a source of earning for 77% of

the population at the dawn of 20th

century.137

2.3 Agrarian Structure

A village was the primary unit of agrarian formation comprising cultivated fields,

wastelands and wells with dwelling houses. The term commonly used for a village in

the State was „basti‟. On the formation of the State, very few proper villages existed

mostly in its lamma part.138

While in the bet areas (low lands on the bank of rivers),

some huts of reeds and mud formed a temporary village for flood cultivation. The

new villages were constituted around the well in the sailaba land. Communities

usually formed and congregated on the high banks of the rivers front and above the

flood level. The early villages faced certain common difficulties as the land area for

them was reclaimed from jungle or desert by a constant and concerted struggle of the

people.139

The foundation of villages was a continuous process in the State because

135

Administration Report of Agriculture 1946-47, 5. 136 Ibid. 137

This percentage is extracted from Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1872-73,

Appendix, IV ; Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904,218. 138 Charles Masson, Various Journeys in Balochistan, Punjab and Afghanistan, 9. 139

Orlich Leopold gave a sketch of a number of villages located on the strip of lamma, which were

bounded by desert on one side and the fertile valley of Sutlej to the other side but covered with tamarisk jungle particularly, Mamoo Kot, Choudarri, and Chan-Di-goth. See Orlich Leopold, 137.

Further F. Mackeson, journal of captain C.M. Wade‟s Voyage from Ludhiana to Mithonkot by the river

Satlaj on his Mission to Lahore and Bahawalpore in 1832-33, The journal of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal, Vol. VI, Part 1, January to June (Calcutta: 1937), 205.

43

ample land was available. A village economy was self-sufficient as farmers, artisans,

labourers and banya (the traditional moneylender) were the compulsory segments of

this local autonomy. The prominent feature of the preliminary agrarian fabric in the

State was essentially the pastoral economy.

2.3.1 Pastoralism

Integration of agriculture with pastoralism was the main economic feature of

the economy of the State.140

The existence of animal husbandry in the region could

also be traced back to the Hakra phase in the 4th

millennium BC through archeological

evidence.141

The animal figures in stone found in thirty-two sites of that period,

demonstrate that cattle breeding was clubbed with farming.142

With the

commencement of desertification in Hakra belt, green areas turned into merely

grazing grounds, which remained consistent until the formation of the State.

The ecology of Cholistan was favourable for the growth of livestock. The

areas in smaller desert held a variety of stunted trees and bushy grass interspersed by

sand dunes, which provided good forage and fodder for livestock. While in the

proprietary areas of lamma part, large portions were covered with tamarisk jungle,

which was valuable as pastures for the cattle.143

Owing to these regional physical

conditions, the rearing of cattle held much importance for village economy and

households. In the absence of machines, ploughing of fields and irrigation by wells

was dependent on animal power. Even the ownership of agricultural land and its

expansion were also connected to the quantity of yokes.

Semi-nomadic population of the State was also equally dependent on

pastoralism and cultivation in the pre-Agency period. The pastro-nomadic way of life

was well suited to the people of Cholistan. Pastoralists usually stayed in the desert

during the monsoon and used to move towards the banks of the rivers during summer

when harsh climate and shortage of water were more acute. This pastro-nomadic

mode of existence underwent drastic changes under the influence of the modernity

when new trends in agriculture stimulated better crop production.

140

Ibid, 148. 141 Grewal, Historical Geography of Punjab, 1. 142

Mughal, New Archeological Evidence from Bahawalpur, in Dani, A. H. ed. Indus civilization: New

Perspective (Islamabad: Centre for the Study of the Civilizations of Central Asia, Quaid-e-Azam

University,1980), 35. 143 Auj, Cholistan: Land and People (Multan: Carvan Books, 1991), 17.

44

Nevertheless, primacy of the livestock sustained because the drier regions

normally practiced cattle breeding that continued to hold importance in the diet of

local people.144

The main livestock included camels, sheep, cow and goats, which

were the sources of wealth and comfort for the locals. These were also the main items

of export and furnished considerable revenue to the State.145

Camel was the most

useful livestock in the intense climate of desert where shrubs for camel grazing were

also abundant. Local inhabitants kept large herds of camels used them for transport in

the desert and carrying the agricultural produce to market.146

The young camel (todas)

was very much in demand in Punjab and a good source of revenue for the cattle

farmer.

The bullocks and bulls were yoked to the plough therefore, held permanent

economic value. Horse breeding was mainly to fulfill the army needs but was also

done by wealthy zamindars for the own needs. Besides catering to the local dairy and

meat consumption needs, surplus milk, oil and butter were sent to the adjacent areas

mainly to Jaisalmer.147

Orchards were also grown in ample quantity and became a

beneficial business. Mainly in the riverine tracts, the zamindars possessed large

pastures, where cattle grazed in lieu of payment at rates varying from six pies to eight

annas per head monthly, while on public grazing, a tax tirni was leveid. The cattle

engaged in agriculture were exempted from grazing dues. The forest and the pastures

on the crown land constituted the grazing land, which were common property in the

villages and called shamlat-e-deh (village common lands).148

The extension of

cultivation had decreased the grazing grounds but the fodder crops were profusely

cultivated to feed the cattle.

The local industry that used the byproducts from livestock as raw material

thrived since long. The hides of cattle were a significant input to the indigenous

industry and trade. As Mohan Lal described that buffaloes hides from the Bahawalpur

State were well known for their durability.149

The camel hairs were another valuable

input to the domestic industry and was used in manufacturing bed rugs, bags for

144 Orlich, 148. 145Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State, 1873-74, 148. 146 James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, 1305-1306. 147 Ibid. 148Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 293. 149 Captain Wade, Letters written to the Government of India in the Secret Department: From July to

December 1937, 25 September 1837, On the Trade of Bahawalpur by Munshee Mohun Lal, 174.

45

carrying grains and ropes. Camel leather was also important in the growth of domestic

leather processing. Further, sheep breeding was also significant as a source of revenue

and it supplied the raw material for leather, wool, and tallow.

Moreover, pasturing the large flocks of sheep was helpful in reclaiming of

inferior soil from the sandy desert. There were two types of sheep: butchi (short ears)

was common in Cholistan and produced fine fleece; while lohi (long ear) was usually

found in old riverine area. Their wool was utilized in the making of rugs, darris and

khess. Further, agricultural based local products were also combined with the use of

livestock, e. g. The State was famous for its peculiar but excellent silk lungi (used in

place of trouser) fabrics prepared from the wool of Cholistani sheep. Silk lungis, kora

cloth, loofees and soosee, were distinguished types of indigenous cloth that were

renowned for the fineness of their texture and the beauty of their pattern.150

Cotton

lungis with silk border made by Hindu weavers were the specialty of the State

artisanship and had a large market outside the State. Moreover, the State produced

superior quality carpet wool and woolen blankets.

In 1890, the State introduced the practice of cattle enumeration (malshumari)

through lambardars and zaildars. While, quinquennial census of livestock on regular

basis was undertaken from 1935 under the direction of GOI for the entire Punjab

province.151

Table 2.5 provides a comparison of the growth of livestock for the

selected period. The period under study witnessed an overall increase in almost each

category of animal. However, the period after World War I witnessed a decline in

each category, which again showed an upward trend after the slump years. A vital

increase in the production of household cattle resulting from the extension in

cultivation was also seen, which was instrumental in catering to the food requirements

of the increased population. The agriculturist immigrants from Punjab replaced the

sparsely located cattle breeders and agricultural growth in the early twentieth century

brought the transformation from the Pastoral to the Agrarian economy.

150

Punjab Record, Book 107, Letter no. 25 on 25 September 1837 by Lieutenant R. Leech,

Commercial Information regarding Bahawal Khan’s Territory, 396 151The collection of livestock statistics all over India was actually the outcome of Indian Famine

Commission of 1880. The first cattle census in India was undertaken in the year of 1912-13 and 1913-

14 in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, which were the victim of frequent famines. In Punjab, the first cattle

census was undertaken in 1922-23. See File 29-B (1941), Cattle Census.

46

Table: 2.5.Development in the Production of Livestock for selected period

Cattle 1890 1901-05 Difference 1928-29 1940-41 Difference

Camel 24891 27220 +2329 17156 27985 +10829

Sheep 34671 581242 +546571 267383 379748 +112365

Cow 14789 213599 +198810 200154 927097 +726943

Goat 10994 11955 +961 181941 1008116 +826175

Bullocks 89877 115061 +25184 188956 351645 +162689

Buffalos 54872 64260 +9388 81605 172538 +90933

Source: i. Forecast Report of Rahimyar Khan and Bahawalpur districts of the Bahawalpur

State. ii. Gazetteer for the year of 1940 (unpublished).

2.3.2 Peasants and the Ownership Rights

The proprietary rights and land tenures became a subject of serious study in

India during the British period when the concept of private ownership of agricultural

land was introduced in the State.152

Before the Agency government in the State, the

Nawab ruler was the sole proprietor and fountainhead of all rights over land within his

State. The subjects were supposed to obtain their land in obligation of military and

other services while zamindar in return for their possessions paid appropriate revenue

to the State.153

There was no concept of private property; it was presumed at the

pleasure of the ruler of the day or taba-e-marzi Sarkar.

Initially, Daudputras, the dominant clan owned the most of the land. They

could not cultivate their entire land, and frequently granted the possession to those

who could cultivate it. Assigning the land was totally at the disposal of the Nawab

ruler. The crown land was composed of both cultivated and uncultivated categories.

152S.S. Thornburn, Punjab in Peace and War (Edinburg: W. Blackwood, 1904), 229. See further Gilmartin, Blood and Water, 190. 153 The term zamindar was a main part of the land system in India. This was commonly used in the

chronicles of the state for an average landowner not for big landlords as applied in the other parts of the

country and the profession of cultivation called zamindara. .

47

For untilled waste, Mughal term Khalsa was used in revenue papers. 154

A certain

numbers of villages and other scattered areas within the State were private property of

the Nawab and known as chakuk sarkari. These lands were exempted from revenue.

Only a nominal share of the produce was obtained from the cultivators and debited to

the treasury.

At the outset of the Agency regime, the proprietorship of the peasants was

maintained in the State with same practice as in the British India. But the ultimate

authority over the land ownership in all the princely India belonged to the native ruler.

The proprietary rights were granted to the individuals. A zamindar when assumed or

given the status of proprietor of the land had complete rights to transfer, sale, and

mortgage of their land at will. The land was abundant, so there was no competition for

land. Therefore, the State had always encouraged people to get the ownership rights.

The ownership rights were confined to the irrigated land. On the eve of the Agency

regime, 35831 owners were entered on the rent-roll of the State. Out of those, 20954

were cultivating for their proprietors, while 14877 did not.155

Essentially, the State owned all the land except what had been purchased by

the public. The entire Cholistan was State property, where the original communities

were thinly scattered.156

In the case of water availability, the land under use of these

communities was available on lease or with proprietary rights under wasteland rules.

Moreover, customary rights had been established to certain tobbas and grazing

grounds. The wells and water cuts were also the unit of property. However, the owner

or his clan never denied drinking water to anyone. All clans recognized a reciprocal

obligation to provide water to the travelers and their cattle at tobbas and wells.

The mode of rights to land and its classification were necessary segments for

not only the assessment of the land revenue demand but also for the registration of

land ownership, for the protection of land rights and for settlement of rent and

charges. The villages in the State held different forms of tenure as was the custom in

the other parts of India. This had developed under the influence of historical, cultural

and economic factors. The tenure of zamindari was concerned with the single

154Old Jamabandi Record, Mauza Mahrabwala 1915-16, (manuscript) 10. 155Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1874-75, 2. 156 The Cholistani community mainly belonged to the tribes of Buhor, Rather, Pirhar, Varyah, Jat, Naik

and Manghwall. They were mostly cattle breeders and makers of sajji or carries of traffic in Rajputana

and Bahawalpur. See, Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 293.

48

ownership of a village or a group of villages, which was assessed as a whole but jama

was divided among many co-sharers. Primarily, this tenure was the creation of the

Mughal government.157

This zamindari form was also common in Bengal, Northwestern Provinces

and Punjab.158

In the Bahawalpur State, this tenure was connected to the members of

ruling tribe, State officers and a few religious persons from the Mughal times. They

held large tracts of land and dominated the majority of cultivators, who had limited

rights as tenants. However, with time this tenure kept divided among successive

generation. Therefore, zamindari villages of the Mughal period were not typical of the

arrangement existed in the rest of India.159

Nevertheless, the rulers of the State never allowed land ownership power to

the other chiefs of Abbasid clan to the extent where they could pose a threat to them.

At the onset of the Agency period, zamindari tenure was also granted in the newly

established villages of Cholistan, mainly in Minchinabad and Khairpur tehsils. These

villages belonged to the Sikh and Marwari Bishnoi settlers who received vast estates

of land under single ownership or in the name of a group, to be subsequently allocated

to many cultivators.160

Actually, they exercised this joint tenure like their home

villages in Punjab, where the zamindari system was well established and the

proprietors jointly paid revenue.161

In the late 19th century, there were only 105 village

under the zamindari tenure in the State. The proprietor was responsible for payment

of revenue to the State by collecting it from his co-sharers in proportion to the land

held and cultivated by each.162

Another type of tenure was Pattidari, wherein villages were divided into

several pattis or sections by individual proprietors. The property rights and tax

obligations were also vested in the individual peasants. This tenure existed in old

cultivated areas of the State, where right to land was generally inherited. Under this

157 Sulekh Chandra Gupta, Agrarian Relations and Early British Rule in India: A Case Study of Ceded

and Conquered Provinces (Uttar Pradesh) 1801-1833 (London: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 300. 158 Under this tenure, only one great landlord estate comprised on 197 villages was that of khattak chief

of Kohat. Next to him was an estate of 13 villages by seven co-sharers. See Baden Powel, The Land-

System of British India, Vol. II, 622. 159W. Crook, The North-Western Provinces of India: their History, Ethnology, and Administration (London: Metheon & Co, 1897), 301. 160Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1873-74, 7. 161 Himadri Banerjee, Agrarian Society of Punjab, 77. 162Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State1904, 292.

49

tenure, 49 villages were linked to perfect or ancestral pattidari tenure and 30 villages

held imperfect or customary tenure. Later, the newly settled areas in Minchinabad

Nizamat were brought under this pattern because shares in land were large and

number of shareholders was small. Gradually, ancestral fractioning led to the increase

in the number of owners.

The most common form of tenure was Bhaiwal or Bhaycharah. This term was

first used in India for a zamindari village, but was used subsequently as a measure of

individual right.163

This tenure had direct link to government and each individual held

separate holdings under ownership rights or inheritance laws. The shares kept by

plough and wells were more common while pastures were a village‟s common

property (shamlat e deh). Eight hundred and twenty five villages were under bhaiwal

form in old bastis. In Cholistan, almost all villages held this tenure.164

The custom was the un-written law and ruled stronger. The Shariah law was

practiced in some instances but the traditions ruled over law, and inheritance law was

not followed in the early Abbasid period in the State. Only male offspring were

entitled to receive the land. However, there was no any law to deprive the female

offspring from property inheritance but there was will or haq. On the introduction of

civil courts, people adopted the legal way to transfer the property back to male

offspring from the female ones. Though, examples also existed where female

offspring were given their right.

2.4 Socio-Economic Organization of the Village Communities

Economic activity in villages had always been based on the labour of its

communities. The village communities in India varied from place to place but their

common feature was that they tilled the land, shared the harvest among them and paid

the government share. Another general attribute of the Indian village was the tribal

and communal divisions. In the agrarian social setup of the Bahawalpur State, there

was co-existence of different communities and the countryside was an amalgam of

different religions and tribes. The Muslims and the Hindus were the old cultivating

inhabitants of the State while the Sikhs came in the aftermath of agriculture extension

in the later periods. All of them were composed of different casts and tribes and

163Obrien, Glossary of Multani Language, 29. Further in Baden Powell, the Land System in British

India Vol. II, 620. 164

Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 292-293.

50

distinguished by the territorial divisions. In fact, their territorial formations also

affected the human behaviour towards the agricultural trends and farming skills.

Caste being a distinctive expression of identity was vitally expressed within

the territorial framework. This territorial organization normally manifested itself

through the hegemony and control of dominant clans and lineages. However, a strong

caste system was absent in the State as it existed in the Hindu majority areas of India.

Whatever little caste system in the State was there, it existed to recognize menial

professions. In their economic life, all people followed the common laws of a village

community, while in respect of their personal lives they followed their own clan. The

rights and privileges of these different groups were determined by their role in village

economy.

Table 2.6 displays an overview of cultivating and non-cultivating population

in each tehsil. The Muslims were the major agrarian community on the eve of the

Agency period while the Hindus had a minor proportion in the cultivation. The

kardaris of Kot Samaba and Uch had the highest density of farmers and peasants

while Minchinabad and Sadiqpur kardaris had the lowest density of them because

both kardaris were comprised of newly settled areas and the process of settling the

outsiders for extending the cultivation had hardly started.

Table: 2. 6. Agriculturalists Population in the State according to the First Census of

1870

Kardari

Cultivators Non-cultivators

Muslims Hindus Muslims Hindus Total

1 Minchinabad 11382 2149 6243 2398 22172

2 Sadiqpur 14240 824 10732 3277 29073

3 Khairpur 19603 606 12800 6621 39630

4 Bahawalpur 23709 1100 23943 11628 60410

5 Ahmadpur 17221 320 12755 6035 36331

6 Uch 30025 619 11043 4072 45759

7 Allahbad 28619 896 9357 3723 42595

8 Shidani 19492 428 6315 2086 28321

9 Khanpur 29116 972 11776 5784 47648

51

10 Kotsamaba 32880 778 9172 4032 46857

11 Noushehra 25786 402 4711 3597 34496

12 Ahmadpur

Lamma

25841 1092 6852 5714 39499

13 Total 277914 10181 125699 58967 472791

14 60.93% 39.05 100%

Source: Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State for the years 1872-73,

Appendix, IV.

The royal tribe of the Daudputras Abbasid had already established a chain of

clan controlled areas through their patrilineal kin group. They entered the region with

many branches of their sub-clans, whose chiefs established villages on the lands under

their respective control and gave them their respective names.165

Afterwards, the land

was also given to individuals or group of individuals belonging to other tribes. The

clan ties worked strongly in the contagious territorial forms among all strong social

groups.

The Muslims, a top layer community, formed the bulk of agriculturists and

caste differentiation was important in their social setup in the periphery agriculture.

The farming skills of landowners varied from tribe to tribe. As regards their territorial

organization, the Wattus were the dominant clan in Minchinabad tehsil. In Khairpur

and Hasilpur tehsils, Joyas, Daudputras and Chishtis were more numerous. In

Bahawalpur, Channars, Danwanjs, Daudputras, Kulyarrs and Arains were common.

In Ahmadpur East, Sayyeds, Aarbis, Langahs, Baloches Buhars and Naichs; in

Khanpur and Allahabad, Baloches, Daudputras, Lars, Chachars, Machhis and Siyals

prevailed. In Noushehra and Ahmadpur Lamma, Bhuts, Baloches, Sammas, and

Machhis were the major agricultural communities. Jats were considered a superior

class of agriculturist and Arain were second to them in agricultural skills particularly

in vegetable orcharding.166

The position of the both in village economy was relatively

more secure. The Balochs and the Kharals were considered good cultivators while the

Daudputras were thought to be the worst.167

Second major religion based community in the State was that of the Hindus.

Mostly they were in animal husbandry alongside the farming. The majority of the

Hindu community were Brahmans and Aroras. The Brahmans had immigrated from

165 Hafeez-ur-Rehman, Subah Sadiq, 83. 166 Denzil Charles Jeff Ibbetson, Punjab Castes (Patiala, 1995), 189-195. 167 Mir Nasir Ali, Geographia Riyassat Bahawalpur, Bahawalpur, 1892, 8.

52

Multan and Hissar during the reign of the Nawab Bahawal Khan Abbassi II (1772-

1809). A small number of the Brahmans owned large portions of land in the State but

they tilled their land through tenants. The Aroras were basically commercial caste and

considered originally belonging to lower Sindh. They were contractors, moneylenders

and being trustworthy employees played an important part in the delivery of the State

services. Their share in agriculture was initially marginal but they became owners of

thousands of acre of cultivated land through the mortgage or purchase from the other

agriculturists.168

The important class of Hindu agriculturists was Bishnoi Hindus. They were

hardworking and tactful farmers and preferred self-cultivation. Actually, the Hindu

landowner all over Punjab though numerically less important was the most

industrious and thrifty as a cultivator.169

The other important religion based

community in the State was the Sikhs who migrated from Ludhiana, Ferozpur,

Amritsar, Patiala, and Nabha. They mostly settled in upper part of the desert, where

cultivation was barani. They were painstakingly hardworking with the experience of

barani cultivation in their former lands. Majority of the Sikhs consisted of retired

military men of active and industrious habits. The Sikh Jats of Punjab were the finest

peasantry in India.170

They succeeded in lifting the area agriculturally and output of

crops in the deserted land.171

This tribal and communal character of agricultural

population changed on the arrival of the colonists from Punjab under colonization

programme in the State.

The cooperation among the village communities was a glaring feature of the

village life because unceasing struggle was required for clearing of jungles to

cultivate grains, for irrigating the sandy desert, and to face the fury of nature in the

form of floods and draughts.172

Besides, during the early days of the State, the need to

fence against the brutes also needed a bond of unity.173

Agricultural activities for

subsistence economy were also based on group efforts either in fields or in managing

the irrigation resources and providing chherr.

168A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, Vol. II,

(Lahore: 1911), 16 -17. 169 Darling, Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, 230. 170 Thorburn, Musalmans and Moneylenders in Punjab, 15. 171Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State, 1873-74, 11. 172 Radhika Lal, The History of State Canals, 5. 173 Orlich, 147. He mentioned that villages of Tawakul and Laleka, were the place of lion.

53

Being independent from outside influence, this organic and evolving rural

structure led to local autonomy. The village cooperation had evolve through time in

both the patrilineal and exogamic features of this society. These ties were linked to

territorial bond, economic cooperation, political linkages and social necessity. Later,

the introduction of colonial institutes of Revenue, Police and Civil Courts caused this

local autonomy to vanish. The canal irrigation, which required more labour, also

changed the former social trends of the society.

The tribal discrimination and social restriction were the distinctive features of

rural life though its degree of rigidity varied from place to place. In the social

hierarchy, the royal family of Daudputra Abbasid, was considered of the highest

status. In the pre-Agency period, the ruler awarded the landed property as well as high

official ranks to the persons of high order and high birth in their territory. Sometimes

low castes got land in lieu of their services but without ownership rights.

The extremes of privilege and deprivation were commonly observed in the ancient

and remote areas of the State. Such deeds obviously resulted in some negative

aftermaths. The social norms encouraged the high castes to exploit the lowest social

groups. Moreover, this gave birth to the phenomenon of changing the caste altogether

to achieve social mobilization. This would take the form of a certain family leaving

their low caste to adopt a higher social caste and move to another place in order to

veil their original caste identity. The role of land owning class in the agricultural

pursuits and is discussed in the following pages.

2.4.1 The Land Owning Class

The attachment with land stratifies the rural societies into agrarian classes

comprising of owners, tenants and landless labour. The land owning class enjoyed the

higher status than the marginal farmer class. The landowner could be divided in two

sub-classes; big landholders and small farmers. The class disparity was distinctively

prominent between both classes and a pattern of land ownership was synonymous to

the social status, the power, the privileges and the social identity. The Punjab

Alienation of Land Act 1900 was enforced in the State in 1923. It determined the

54

ownership of land among the agricultural classes that were declared separately in all

three districts of the Bahawalpur State.174

2.4.1.1 The Big Land Owners

In the agrarian social setup, big zamindars were the most privileged class. In

the initial days of the State, they constituted the main force of the State, received

holdings in lieu of their military services, which were in addition to the holdings in

the villages established by them.175

They were mostly the descendents of the royal

tribes, the high-ranking State officers or the revered religious tribes. Their role was

imperative to the political support and dominance the Nawab ruler had. 176

On the eve of the Agency period, former warlords assumed the status of

landlords with extra control over peasants. Moreover, some influential native officers

and immigrants who had already been permanently settled in the State obtained large

tracts of land. This category of zamindars was called dankhani and they employed

tenants to manage their estates.177

A prominent feature of this class was that they were

generally well organized and quick to utilize the improved varieties of seeds and

agricultural implements. Owing to their resources, they had more access to the latest

techniques in agriculture than the peasants. Moreover, landlords would consciously

withhold innovations to maintain their exploitative control over the tenants.178

This

class included the families such as Sayeds, Qureshis, Gardezis, Gillanis, Chishtis and

Daudputras. The Chishti family of Minchinabad tehsil held a large estate including

several villages.179

These families were designated as co-sharers because of division and

subdivisions among latter generations. Table 2.7 posits the number of holdings

containing more than 500 acres. In Khanpur tehsil, ownership of large holdings was

more than that in the other tehsils. Ahmadpur East and Allahbad had least ownerships

of large area because both tehsils consisted of the old proprietary area, where large

tracts of land were under self-cultivation. Actually, the big landowners were

responsible for the creation of the worst form of absentee landlordism, which mostly

174 Manzoor Ahmad, Guldasta-e-Manzoor, 89. See for the Recognized Agricultural Classes Appendix

VIII. 175

Shahamet Ali, A History of Bahawalpur, 209. 176 Ibid. 177 Those grantees on cultivated lands, called Chhakar in other parts of India, and in Multan Chakdar

used for grantees by State officers and outsiders, while the term Muzaria was used in Bahawalpur. 178Assessment Report of Sadiqabad Tehsil, 1944, 8. 179Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 117.

55

prevailed in the old proprietary areas of the State. This class enjoyed higher status

than the marginal farmers resulting in insecure tenancy and unequal sharecropping.

Table: 2.7. Number of Holdings with More than 500 Acre

Tehsil No. of Holdings As % of the total area

Minchinabad 61 41%

Bahawalnagar 82 56%

Bahawalpur 66 43%

Ahmadpur 11 19%

Allahbad 19 21%

Khanpu r 130 49%

Rahimyar Khan 47 21%

Sadiqabad 63 45%

Source: Derived from Settlement Reports of Bahawalpur and Rahimyar Khan Districts

1945 and 1946-47.

2.4.1.2. The Small Landowners

Agricultural yields were overwhelmingly dependent on the individual efforts

of small peasants. The great mass of inhabitants in the State was self-cultivator. In the

early twentieth century, 53% of the cultivated area belonged to small owners who

tilled their land as khudkkasht or self-cultivators.180

In fact, variation in the nature of

soil and shortage of water were leading factors in the management of the independent

smallholdings. Small owners had to cultivate their land intensively. The average size

of the holding varied from three to four acres in the western part and ten to twenty-

seven acres in the eastern part. This share size was mainly due to the inheritance

practices under Shariah law.181

An average cultivator who owned one pair of bullocks

for plough held 5 to 7 acres of cultivated land. The highest size of holdings for a self-

cultivator was 30 acres, which existed in Sadiqabad tehsil.182

The smallness of the holding was not a barrier to prosperity because hard

labour, entrepreneurial spirit and quick mind were the real elements to yield high

returns from a small area. Small peasants were the main force behind a self-sufficient

village economy. They were independent in maintaining control over their production

180Report of Inquiry Committee, 44. 181Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 294. 182Assessment Report of Sadiqabad Tehsil, 1944, 8.

56

for subsistence needs. This class of peasants was more punctual in paying revenue,

while big zamindars were used to indulge in the unnecessary delays.

In addition to the labour in the fields, there were many other works to

consume the time and labour of the people such as to update implements, collect fuel

wood or cotton sticks, carry the produce to hatti, bunya or mandi. Above all,

clearance of the watercourses took a lot of time until the period of inundation canals.

A small proprietor also reared cattle as a supplementary source for living. In this way,

he was fully occupied for the most of a year. However, the matter of the fact was that

local peasants were the least progressive and lazy in their attitude and approach.183

This general slackness was to be found almost in all the tasks of agrarian life and was

the main reason behind the immigration of the peasants from outside the State who

very successfully filled this gap.

The local peasantry would usually indulge in useless habits as resting,

roaming, and gabbing. This trend was common among the small landholders and

tenants as well. Therefore, poverty was the corollary in the old proprietary areas, not

due to the overpressure on land or lack of other sources as was in case with the rest of

India. Instead, their backwardness was mainly due to the wastage of time in useless

activities. In the colony tracts, the situation was quite different. The virgin land, sandy

soil and canal irrigation needed hard labour. Therefore, the colonists spent much of

their time in overcoming these early problems, ensuring the water supply and looking

after their cattle. They mostly worked with the help of their family and were less

inclined to employ the tenants.

2.5. Tenancy Cultivation (Mustajri)

The tenancy was the main institution in the agrarian structure of Punjab and its

dependencies. The tenants were the real work force, actually responsible for

generating the production. The extension in agriculture had led to an enhanced

demand for tenants all over the State. The tenants in the State were commonly of two

types: occupancy tenants and tenants at will. The former were fewer in number and

their holdings were inheritable but not transferable. They did not pay rent except the

revenue and were not ousted as long as they paid revenue. The latter had no

183 Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 6 December, 1888.

57

occupancy rights therefore had no security of tenure. A considerable area under

tenancy was tilled by tenants at will, who were used to cultivate their holdings with

the assistance of their family.184

There were mainly two causes of tenancy. Firstly, tenants were employed by

zamindars that had more lands than they could till themselves. For better tillage, they

had to appoint labourers. Secondly, the high ranked officers and elite class did not like

to cultivate land. Their high social status restricted them to indulge in cultivation. This

was the dilemma in the social set up of the State that the ownership of land was a

pride and prestige for the rural elite but the implications of cultivation were

unbearable for them.

There was a clear distribution of responsibilities between the tenant and the

owner. The rights and obligations of the tenants were settled by a contract (patta

mustajri) for one or more harvests. By custom, the tenants were responsible for

managing seeds, cattle, plough, oxen, and other ordinary well gears. They used to

operate their holdings with family resources and were not allowed to leave the land

between sowing and harvesting. By rule, a tenant only abscond those duties, which

were commonly over and above the normal price or rent.

There were two diverse pictures in the tenant-owner relationship. The tenants

on smallholdings were prosperous. In fact, tenants were few and land was abundant,

which gave them a strong position. In certain cases, tenants were much better than the

owners. Actually, in some cases there was a trend among the tenants to flee after

obtaining some advance money from the owner to look out for a wealthier property

owner.185

To avoid such vagaries of the tenants, small landowners often preferred to

cultivate their land themselves though it was difficult because the precariousness of

cultivation urged them to hire labour.186

On the other hand, the tenants on big estates had to suffer severely and were

subject to unjust conditions. In the first decade of twentieth century, there were 3083

tenants on the disposal of landlords in the State. They were comparatively poor and

could be evicted without any advance notice.187

The main reason for their expulsion

was that there was no tenancy act in the State until 1910 when the Punjab Tenancy

184Gazetteer of Bahawalpur State 1904, 308. 185Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1873-74, 153. 186Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 259. 187 Ibid.

58

Act of 1887 came into force.188

This law was a remedy for the ill effects of the

tenancy, especially it prevented the owner from evicting the tenants without due

notice and from undue enhancement of rent. It generally brought in an atmosphere of

good relationship between the tenant and the landowner. In practice, majority of the

tenants were illiterate and ignorant of their rights even after the imposition of Tenancy

Act in the State. It took a long period for them just to understand it.

However, the role of the landowner was substantial in providing security and

assurance to the moneylender to obtain advances by the tenant. Sometimes, the

tenants would build houses on the land given to them by the owner but on the

condition with the full control over their life. Generally, the local tenants were not

good cultivators and were devoid of competitive spirit. Therefore, outsiders were

preferred compared to the local tenants.189

Table 2.8, shows that 55% holdings of the

total in the State were under khudkasht cultivation and while 44% was under tenancy

cultivation. The tendency towards tenancy cultivation was higher in old proprietary

areas particularly in Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur tehsils, in the latter case almost

whole tehsil was under tenancy. While in Khairpur, Khanpur and Sadiqabad tehsils,

the self-cultivation was dominant. Moreover, occupancy tenants were unknown

throughout the State during this period. This trend continued until the eve of weir

control irrigation.

Table: 2.8. Occupancy Patterns in the Cultivated Area in 1900-01

Det

ail

of

Ho

ldin

gs

Total % B

ahaw

alpu

r

Kh

airp

ur

Min

chin

abad

Ah

mad

pu

r

Eas

t

Kh

anp

ur

Sad

iqab

ad

Holdings

cultivated by

owners

55.88

32.99

63.98

58.82

4.69

65.74

65.32

By tenants at

nominal rate or

rent free

--- ------ ---- ---- ----- ---- ----

By tenants with

rights of

occupancy

--- ------ ---- ---- ---- ---- ----

By tenants

without rights

44.11

67.00

36.01

41.17

95.30

34.25

34.67

188 Manzoor Ahmad, Guldasta-e-Manzoor, 87. 189 Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1908-09, 49.

59

of occupancy

Total number of

holdings

-----

5167

2360

1275

11515

32162

32316

Source: Derived from the Bahawalpur State Gazetteer part B for the year 1908, xcvi-xcvii.

After the introduction of the weir control irrigation, some changes occurred in

the traditional pattern of the renting system. The rates varied according to

circumstances of the area. In perennial areas, the tenants paid water rates so the batai

was 10% for owner. In chahi land, the owner‟s share was 25% and on sailaba land, it

was 50%. In the western part, usual batai was 33% on nahri and 25% on chahi

land.190

However, in Ahmadpur East, batai was 33% on chahi-nahri, 50% on nahri-

sailaba, 20% on chahi and 33% on chahi-sailaba.191

In the Minchinabad district, the

average rate remained 33% for the owner as before while in the other colony areas,

the batai was half of the produce and half was the State demand on the perennial land.

On non-perennial sailaba lands, the rates varied with each village and each owner.192

The cash rents were very few, except in the immediate vicinity of Bahawalpur

and Ahmadpur East. These were equal to the revenue demands and fixed on

appraisement of standing crops and payments were taken at the time of harvest as per

the deed.193

The patterns of bearing the expenditures varied as per local

circumstances. In the colony areas, the State demand was equal to the rates of rent

while artisan dues were a joint charge. The average cost of cartage from threshing

floor to mart was also deducted. The maintenance of wells was owner‟s responsibility.

Its average expense before World War I was 20 rupees per acre of land, which rose to

104 rupees after the war. The day labour employed at the time of cutting the harvest

received four to eight annas. In Ahmadpur East, half of the tenants were ex-owners

who sold their land to moneylender and influential State officers. The prevailing rate

of the batai was 66% for the tenant and 33% for the owner while the tenant paid the

water rate and the owner the land revenue. 194

As table 2.9 exhibits, there was a decline in khudkasht cultivation category and

small increase in the tenancy category, which was less than the half of the total land.

The trend of awarding lands on nominal rent or rent-free basis commenced during this

190Settlement Report of Allahbad Tehsil 1939-40, 1-2. 191Settlement Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East Tehsils1930, 17. 192Assessement Report of Sadiqabad Tehsil 1944, 11. 193Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State1904, 260. 194Settlement Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East Tehsils 1930, 17.

60

period, when Colonel Grey granted lands to the immigrants and their claims to the

land was recognized. The wastelands in the Khairpur, Bahawlnagar and Ahmadpur

Lamma areas were the first to be transferred to the new owners under this category.

Likewise, the holdings to the occupancy tenants who had the status almost of an

owner were also granted. In the first two tehsils, its ratio out of the total was very little

while in the last one, it was 9% of the total area of that tehsil.

Table: 2.9. Occupancy Patterns in the Cultivated Area in 1910-11

Det

ail

of

hold

ings

Total %

Bah

awal

pur

Khai

rpur

Bah

awal

nag

ar

Min

chin

bad

Ahm

adpur

Eas

t

All

ahab

ad

Khan

pur

Noush

ehra

Ahm

adpur

lam

ma

Holdings

cultivated by

owners

51.33

70.14

32.75

40.34

25.24

55.35

69.21

49.70

51.30

25.44

By tenants at

nominal rate or

rent free

0.30

----

0.09

2.81

1.39

0.18

-----

-----

-----

0.11

By tenants with

rights of

occupancy

0.95

----

0.01

0.02

----- ---- ----- ----- ----

9.36

By tenants

without rights

of occupancy

47.40

29.85

67.14

56.81

73.35

44.50

30.78

56.57

48.69

65.60

Total number of

holdings

--- 7872 9221 7329 3715 27161 21152 5301 12817 10731

Source: Derived from the unpublished Bahawalpur State Gazetteer part B for the year 1913,

ccii-cciii.1

The changes in term of the tenancy and the land ownership occurred after the

slump years as table 2.10 shows an increase in the ownership pattern. The previous

pattern had been reversed and the tenancy cultivation had grown significantly from

44% in 1900-01 to 53% in 1940-41, while 43% area was still under khudkasht

cultivation. The khudkasht tenants were actually crown tenants who were either

landless or did not have sufficient land. The decline of this cultivation was prevalent

in Bahawalnagar and Sadiqabad tehsils. There was significant increase of khudkasht

owners in Ahmadpur East, which rose from 4% in 1900-01 to 53% in 1940-41. As

regards the sharing the yield, it was equally divided between the cultivator and the

owner after defraying the allowances for the menials at each harvest. The traditional

method of division of crops was the sharecropping or the batai. In old proprietary

areas, the rent was higher because owner had to provide labour for canal clearance.

61

Table: 2.10 Occupancy Patterns in the Cultivated Area in 1940-41

Det

ails

of

hold

ings

Tota

l

%

Bah

awal

pur

Chis

hia

n

Bah

awal

nag

ar

Min

chin

bad

Fort

ab b

as

Ahm

adpur

Eas

t

All

ahab

ad

Khan

pur

Rah

imyar

Khan

Sad

iqab

ad

Holdings

cultivated

by owners

43.77

36.79

31.10

25.53

32.35

51.63

53.45

63.86

51.96

55.57

26.26

By

tenants at

nominal

rate or

rent free

2.41 2.25 0.82 1.06 3.10 --- 4.04 4.07 2.60 1.57 0.67

By tenants with rights

of

occupancy

0.25 0.26 ----- 0.13 0.57 ---- 0.13 ----- ----- ----- 1.84

By tenants

without

rights of

occupancy

53.79 60.68 68.07 85.13 63.96 48.36 42.35 32.06 45.43 42.84 71.21

Total

number of

holdings

---- 42090 38343 32881 43766 19568 69179 55011 39921 61666 30957

Source: Derived from the unpublished Bahawalpur State Gazetteer part B for the year 1940-

41 (unpublished).

In the colony areas, the owner‟s share was less than the tenant‟s rent because

the latter had to clear the water channels. However, sharecropping varied as per

quality of the soil and the means of irrigation available. In nehri land, sharecropping

was 50%, 33%, or 20% of the produce. In nehri-chahi land, the owner received the

25% of the produce. In hither tract of Cholistan, the proprietors received 50% of

sharecropping with chherr labour and 33% share without providing chherr labour.

Apart from this, the owner was also used to take kharach from the common heap only

for wheat and cotton to pay the State demand.

Besides, some extra dues or local cesspool was also paid to the proprietors as per

custom. These dues were levied only in those areas, where the proprietor had the

zamindari rights or landlords had a strong hold and tenants were weak. All the

following dues had traditionally been charged in Sindh, Multan, D.G. Khan and

Muzafergarh and the State also followed the tradition.

Jholi was the heaviest cess, which originally was the amount of grain equal to

the folds of shirts.

62

Tobra was the considerable quantity of grain being given to feed the

zamindar‟s horse.

Rajkharcha was levied to entertain the owner‟s guests.

Piyada was paid for his private servant.

Kutrana was a quantity of grain, levied in lieu of the unclean corn left at the

bottom of the heap. It was taken at random and generally exceeded the amount

due fairly to the owners.

Sardari, levied in some tracts of the region, was the relic of the old exactions

by the feudal chiefs and was taken as lump sum.

Hathrakkhi was an amount paid by tenants to zamindar at the time of

commencing each harvest in lieu of occupying the land. It was, afterwards

extracted from owner‟s share of produce.

Bahtaliya was proprietors claim to have their shares weighed at 42 sers to the

maund.

These dues were remained in practice during the inundation period. After the

introduction of the weir control irrigation, only hathrakhi was intact while all others

were gradually abolished.

2.6 The Village Menials

The menial classes were the main labour force in the village economy

throughout the India known as kami. They connected indirectly with the agricultural

activities and identified by their caste corresponding to their occupation. They were

divided in two broad categories; artisans and village servants. Artisans were the

skilled labour as blacksmiths, potters, weavers, carpenters, chammars, and cobblers.

The services of artisans were essential in making plough and other implements for the

farming and other domestic industry. The menial servants provided services to all the

occupational communities including oil crushers, barbers, washmen and chuhras.

Various categories of skilled labour also existed in the State and the State prided on

their skills artisanship. Particularly, the weavers formed the largest occupational

group among the artisans. In the 19th century, the weavers of the State were famous

for expertise in their art.195

195 Wade Letters, 25 September 1837, On the Trade of Bahawalpur by Mohun Lal, 170.

63

The occupation of skilled labour was varied according to the types of the land.

As the kumhars were affluent in the chahi and sailaba tracts because the surface of

such areas was well suited for their work. In this regard, the kumhars of Khanpur and

Ahmadpur East were considered excellent in their profession. The barber performed

multiple functions for the household of zamindars. The significant aspect of the lives

of the kamis was that they often remained quite independent of the control of

lumberdar and did not have to bear the harsh treatment at the hands of the zamindar.

In spite of the vital hereditary role they played in the agrarian economy, the

menial class was the lowest in social standing, demographically insignificant and

without any ownership. Table 2.11 and 2.12 shows the demographics of the menial

population of the State. The main reason for the low population of the menials was the

poor economic conditions of the cultivators who could not afford the appointment of

large-scale menial staff. Among the menial, the machhi and mussali were somewhat

more in demand than the other kamis because ordinary people were unable to perform

the tasks performed by them. While the percentage shares of almost all the artisans

were more than those of other servants. With the time, the numerical strength of

weavers, potters and shoemakers reduced as showed in both the tables. Particularly,

the periods after World War I and II, witnessed a social change in the position and

status of kamis.

The complementarities between agriculture and manufacturing activities had been

disturbed by the developments under the modernity. The villages came in touch with

the outside world and imported goods caused a decline in the demand for local

handicrafts, for which the State was famous. New commodities poured into the

villages. Imported sugar started to replace gur and bross, and copper utensils replaced

the clay pottery in the village. The development in the means of communication and

transportation stimulated the import of many other articles in the towns and cities.

Therefore, the occupations of the artisans also got affected but it did not declined

rapidly as compared to the decaying of their professions in the other parts of

Punjab.196

The weavers and potters in the State were more affected than the other

artisans.

196 Himadri Banerjee, „Kamis of Punjab‟. The Punjab Past and Present XIII: X (October, 1985): 304-

306.

64

The handlooms were replaced by cotton factories. However, the more famous

articles did not completely vanish and continued to be demanded by the locals.

Technological changes caused social mobilization among the menial classes. With the

import of foreign goods, the menial classes changed their occupation and moved to

adopt other occupations. The spread of education and the up gradation of agricultural

activities also contributed to this end. The growth of new tasks in villages provided

additional sources of income. But the movement towards new occupations was slow

in the State due to the lack of awareness and motivation among the menials.

Sometimes, small portions of land were also allotted to engage them in

cultivation.197

Land acquisition provided them an opportunity to elevate their social

status in the rural society. Among artisans, the chammar and the mochi were regarded

unclean but not considered as untouchables as in the other parts of India. There

existed a degree of compassion towards them in the State, which was due to the

limited population of these categories of the menials. They were to be found in both

rural and urban areas in the State. In the pre-Agency economy, though the role of

skilled labour was essential in the agrarian sphere but they were not legally

recognized as professionals. In Punjab, they were recognized as professional labour

and menial staff through amended Act of Canal Drainage in Northern India 1873,

enforced in the State in 1911.198

However, the Punjab Alienation of Land Act (PALA)

of 1900 did not recognize them among the agricultural class.

Table: 2.11. Proportion of the Menial Servants in the total Population of the State

Occupation 1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931

Chuhras ----- ----- ----- 0.50 1.84 0.53

Dhobi 1.83 1.43 0.70 1,28 1.29 1.10

Kanjar 0.20 0.12 0.07 0.07 0.10 -----

Machhi 3.82 3.42 3.32 3.61 2.08 3.14

Mirasi 1.48 1.19 1.23 1.10 1.05 0.88

Mussali ----- ----- 0.30 2.89 1.75 2.76

Nai 1.28 1.05 0.55 0.96 0.88 0.74

Teli ----- ----- ----- 0.07 0.09 0.18

Thori 0.28 0.32 0.43 0.72 1.28 0.46

197Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 220. 198 Manzoor Ahmad, Guldasta-e-Manzoor, 59.

65

Source: Bahawalpur State Gazetteer Part B 1913, xxvii-xxxiil and 1935 xlvi-liv.

Table: 2.12. Proportion of the Artisans in the total Population of the State

Occupations 1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931

Julaha/ weavers 3.47 0.83 1.28 2.17 1.61 1.40

Kumhar potters 2.17 1.86 1.53 1.78 1.70 1.77

Lohar blacksmith 0.56 0.45 0.18 0.34 0.35 0.34

Mochi shoemakers 2.56 2.08 1.36 1.86 1.66 1.49

Chammar 1.07 0.13 0.57 1.36 0.46 1.94

Tarkhan 1.99 1.67 1.13 1.60 1.39 1.38

Total

Source: Bahawalpur State Gazetteer Part B 1913, xxvii-xxxiil and 1935, xlvi-liv.

The menial class was economically dependent on the other classes. Their

social context in the State was very close to that of the Jujmani system prevailing in

the rest of India. In Jujmani system, each family of the menials was attached to a

zamindar to perform its occupational services.199

In sporadic villages, the menials

might had been attached to more than one zamindar and obtained a fixed portion at

harvest from the each landholder. Their dues were customarily paid in kind out of

undivided yield but with the extension of canal irrigation, cash payments were also

made and their increased demand led to the favourable rates of wages.

Their remuneration determined by local customs varied from place to place

and usually was not oppressive. Generally, the payment to all categories of the

artisans was almost equal while for the unclean professions, it was half of the artisans.

The local musician was also considered a menial, and performed the job of a

messenger and received grain or money at the good will of people. Besides wages, the

menials were also entitled to bundle of fodder and to the tips for their services on the

social ceremonies. In a way, they were not miserable or poverty-stricken set of men.

199 The menials worked under interdependence system or Jujmani system in the Hindu society of India.

See William H Wiser, The Hindu Jajmani System, (Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House, 1958), xxii.

66

However, no members of Scheduled Caste200

could be absorbed in customary

occupations and some of them were seasonally mobilized to work as day labourers,

mainly on canals. Their share was specific in the produce share of the landowner. Gur

making charges were 10% of the product. Transplanting of rice was paid at four

rupees per acre.201

In the colony areas, the payment for cutting and threshing the crops

or cotton picking was estimated from 10-20% of the produce.202

There was a 10%

increase in the wages of skilled and unskilled labour due to the increased cost of

living after the slump years.203

The analysis of the agrarian development in the preceding sections determines

that the important feature of the State‟s economic life was the transition in the patterns

of economy. Before the Agency period, the rural society was self-sufficient. They

produced almost all that was required for their consumption. That attribute highlights

the static nature and character of the traditional Indian village life largely attributable

to the lack of communication means that kept them isolated from the outside world.

While urban centers of the State had connections with the rest of world through

trading activities but their number was not sufficient as to alter the stagnation of the

rural communities.

The improvements in the communication means facilitated the trade and broke

down the self-reliance and self-sufficiency patterns of the rural communities. Peasants

cultivated the most valuable crops according to the nature of their land. This led to the

money economy in place of the old barter system, which also went to link with the

outside world. To cope with the market requirements of the new reality, the simple

and illiterate peasantry was ill equipped while the banya was more active. The role of

the moneylender in the agrarian development is discussed below.

2.7 Indebtedness

The State‟s subsisting economy developed gradually and its impact was

visible in the increasing income of the cultivators, which also increased their

200 The inferior castes or untouchables were officially listed in the 1931-Census of India and defined as

depressed castes in 1932. See Praveen Jadhav, Relative Disparity in the Implementation of Reservation

Policy in India (with Respect to Scheduled Castes) edited, Jagan Karade, Development of Scheduled

Castes and Scheduled Tribes in India (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2008), 2. 201 Ibid. 202Assessment Report of Rahimyar Khan District 1944, 45. 203 File 502- 1942, Part I, Exchange of Information: Fortnightly Report, 4th July, 1942.

67

expenditures and ultimately resulted in the curse of indebtedness as Darling claimed

that debt was the result of prosperity. Before 1866, agricultural indebtedness in the

State was marginal due to the batai system, which had clear distribution of crops.204

Moreover, the subsistence agriculture with simple living did not allow them to exceed

their income. Therefore, the need for the money was not acute. Grain obtained in

advance as loan and was repaid at harvest. With the increasing trend of cultivation,

the money required for the agricultural expenditure also increased. The shift from

kind to cash transaction opened the way to debt. There were few opportunities to

obtain credit for poor peasants in remote areas. Their sole hope was the moneylender

or banya, who was the only credit agency in the rural economy.

There were many kinds of mortgage available and the nature of the transaction

depended on many economic and social factors. In the Rehn bilqabza, the

moneylender would obtain the complete possession of the land. He was responsible to

manage the cultivation and to pay the revenue to the landowner while appropriate

remaining produce in lieu of the debt. In the Rehn bilaqabza, the moneylender would

receive a fixed rate of interest and possession of property remained with the debtor.

The most common form of lending was lekhamukhi contract.205

Under this form, the

debtor would hand over his entire crop to the moneylender who would pay all the

expenses, deduct his interest charge and deposit the remaining amount for the

liquidation of original debt amount. This form was the worst of all and existed all over

in Punjab. Ultimately, this would reduce the landowning peasant to the status of a

tenant. 206

Apart from this, the personal guarantee of the landowner was compulsory

for his tenants if they did not have any material guarantee.

The material guarantee was generally received in the form of land or in

jewelry.207

The interest rate on moveable items was 9% and on grains was 24% per

annum.208

The most tragic situation was that the cash rate in most cases became more

than the actual sum of the advance through compound interest. The advance was 10%

to 20% of the total, deducted at the start. Resultantly, the cultivator turned wretched

204 Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 234. 205 Ibid, 236. 206 S.S. Thorburn, Musalmans and Moneylenders in Punjab (Edinburg: W. Blackwood, 1886), 83. 207 Annual Administration Reports of the Bahawalpur State 18 74-75, 2. 208 Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1875-76, 56.

68

and had to sell his mortgaged land to banya.209

This situation brought about a socio-

economic change in the structure of the rural society. The moneylenders were mostly

Hindu with few exceptions of wealthy Muslim zamindar or the State officials.

The bunya, who hardly held any land came to own hundreds of acres. In

Bahawalpur district, the Hindus owned 13.58% of the total area and 17.62% of the

cultivated area. They were able to purchase the protection of the ruling power.

Actually, the moneylender dealt in land as business and disposed it off when

favourable prices were available.210

There were several reasons as to why did people borrow. Debt was actually, a

reflection of indolence and incompetence of the peasants in the State. The majority of

creditors were poor Muslim cultivators or few Sikh immigrants.211

Some local

cultivators generally had large holdings that required higher amount of working

capital and uncertain inundation supply further multiplied their miseries, which forced

them to seek loan. Besides, they had to borrow money usually to meet the agricultural

expenses such as the purchase of cattle and seeds. Above all, the general poverty,

which among the peasant class was mainly due to bad season, flood and water

scarcity, became the major trigger of debt in the State.

Moreover, the prevailing trend in litigation, mainly to pay fines for the crime

of cattle stealing and women abduction, and exorbitant rates of interest were the main

factors of their indebtedness.212

On the other hand, some big zamindars were also

indulged in debt because of their lust for more land, extravagance and traditional

hospitality.213

However, M.R. Darling‟s analysis was apt that Muslim landlord was

too lazy, too indebted and devoid of developmental spirit.214

Debt for paying revenue

to the State was very rare in the Bahawalpur whereas, this was common in Punjab.

To overcome the debt dilemma, the proper organization of agricultural credit

system was essential. The State opened various avenues for the peasants. Colonel

Grey brought some developments in 1878 and prepared the regulations for the

209 Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 238 210

Assessment Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur Tehsils 1930, 3. 211 Annual Administration Reports of the Bahawalpur State 1900-1901, 6. Further see in Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 29 August, 1918. 212 Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 235. 213 Assessment Report of the Mincninabad Tehsil 1947, 36. 214 Darling, The Old light and the New in Punjab Villages, 333.

69

agricultural loans. The takavi loans on easy terms were provided to the cultivators for

the purchase of cattle, seeds and wells. In 1899, new rules for takavi grant were made

and eight lac rupees were sanctioned. The period of repayment was extended to ten

years in the flood and canal irrigated areas, and for 27 years in Cholistan.215

In Punjab, takavi scheme came under Land Improvement Act of 1871 and

Agricultural Loan Act of 1879 and 1884. In the first year, the advance of more than

one lac rupees was given for agricultural purpose.216

This lending scheme was not

very successful because of procedural complications to apply for the loan from the

government and rigid implementation of repayment schedule even in the bad season

when even bunya would postpone the collection though the interest charge would

accumulate. The Punjab peasantry found it convenient to obtain loan from the

moneylender. While in the State, the takavi loans were given on easy terms and

comfortable repayment options. The State did not charge interest on the loan rather

during any calamity, the collection was postponed and in more severe condition, it

was remitted.217

Therefore, results were contrary to what were in Punjab and demand

for more takavi kept increasing in the State, even after the advent of cooperative

institutions.

The first legal attempt of the native government to check the excessive interest

rates was the „Law of Interest and Imprisonment in Satisfaction of Decree 1896‟. The

law fixed the interest rate at less than half of the original amount or quantity of debt.

Moreover, the rate for pledged items was fixed at 6%. However, in case of

nonpayment; it could be increased to 24% of the debt. This measure seemed to be a

security for the peasants and minimized their miseries to a certain extent.218

The growing debt owed by the cultivators resulted in a substantial increase in

the transfer of land ownership to commercial classes and in the dispossession of the

peasantry from their ancestral holdings. This trend was so intense that during 1867 to

1901, the indebted peasants sold 296181 acres of land to the moneylenders at a small

whereas 74349 acres were mortgaged.219

Actually, this state of affairs was prevailing

215 Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 241; Settlement of Cholistan 1927, 7. 216 S.S. Thorburn, Musalmans and Moneylenders in Punjab, 101. 217 Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1908-09, 49. 218 Ibid. 219 Ibid, 237.

70

all over the province and transfer of land from the debtor to the moneylender was

more severe in Punjab. Its root cause was the absence of any legislation for land

alienation.

To overcome the debt dilemma and to shore up the land owning classes, the

GOP formulated the PALA 1900. Its major contribution was the restriction on the

transfer of land to the professional moneylenders and alienation was allowed only

within same agricultural castes. A schedule of agricultural and non-agricultural castes

was drawn and land transfers were considered valid only if according to this

schedule.220

This act was introduced in the State in 1910 with the same spirit as in

Punjab. The PALA prevented the commercial classes from acquiring the land owned

by the agricultural classes. The purchase and sale of land was also limited to the

agricultural classes.221

The distributions of the agricultural classes in the State were

the outcome of the PALA.

This also resulted in several discrepancies as some groups manipulated their

caste identity to claim an affiliation to be registered to the agricultural tribes. The act

failed to achieve the desired objectives and the moneylenders were able to sustain

themselves in the land market even after the enforcement of this act. They acquired

land during the overlapping period of the legislation by legal purchase and

mortgage.222

This strengthened the hold of the agricultural moneylender, who was

usually a big zamindar and his extortion was not less cruel than the professional

moneylender.

Table: 2.13. Detail of Sold and Mortgaged Land in Acres

Year Sale Price in Rs. Mortgage Price in Rs.

1880-81 to 1889-90 237187 576060 34124 149540

1890-91 to 1899-1900 257153 178428 61408 451363

1900-01 20274 195867 6224 50419

1904-05 26000 188115 5916 59739

1909-10 30894 533786 7344 149423

220Baljit Singh, Wither Agriculture in India. (Agra: N.R. Agarwal & Co, 1945), 248. 221 Barbara D. Metcalf & Thomas R. Metcalf. A Concise History of India (New York: Cambridge,

2006), 134. 222Settlement of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East 1930, 7.

71

1919-20 13573 814380 2877 195670

1929-30 25604 2002661 10955 612534

1834-35 44819 2438410 18726 659805

1939-40 41197 6792661 25176 1318116

1944-45 24780 3536148 29079 1459699

Source: Derived from Bahawalpur State Gazetteer; Annual Administration Report of

Bahawalpur State of the concerned Years (Published and unpublished).

In the canal-irrigated colonies of the State, the prevalence of the debt among

the small and average colonists was very little. The tenants were only nominally

indebted and that too only to their zamindars. This debt free environment was mainly

the result of the increase in prices of agricultural commodities after the slump years,

which significantly washed out the debt.223

Besides, the State lavishly granted the

takavi in the colony areas, which resulted in a progressive increase in the cultivation

and consequently in the revenue as well. However, Darling‟s perception was exactly

true regarding the Minchinabad tehsil of the State, where the big landholders were

indulged in the debt, not because of the insufficiency of assets but their extravagancy.

For example, a wealthy businessman of the tehsil sold his land to clear off his debt

incurred for establishing a cotton ginning factory.224

The Punjab canal colonies in the initial period were also free of debt. After

1912, when the proprietary rights were given to the colony districts, there was an

increase in mortgage debt. In order to rectify this problem, the cooperative department

was set up as a sort of semi lending official source by the GOP in 1904.225

In the

State, the cooperative societies were introduced in 1914, with the staff consisting of

only one superintendent and Mr. Calvert was the registrar of the cooperative societies.

These provided assistance in the purchase of seeds, implements and cattle. Initially, it

did not receive a warm welcome because people were doubtful about the potency of

new option. The moneylenders considered this a menace to their hereditary

profession. Therefore, the State established the central bank and contributed a loan of

Rs. 50000 to it.

223 Assessment Report of Sadiqabad 1944, 8. 224 Assessment of Minchinabad Tehsil 1947. 36. 225 Darling, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, 175.

72

Initially, there were 162 agricultural societies and comprised of 15451

members. The societies issued the loan of 61328 rupees in their very first year.226

Over the time, a sufficient proportion of people joined the societies as members. The

membership in the State was more than what was in Punjab. It was 23 per thousand of

the population in the State, while in Punjab it was 11 per thousand. The main feature

of these societies in the State was that the average of loan held their members was

very low at Rs. 10, whereas the same amount in Punjab was Rs.97. Moreover, per

member cost in the State was four anna and four pie, against one rupee and eight anna

in Punjab. Moreover, in Punjab as compare to takavi, cooperative societies were

successful but this success was not spread across the colonies. The big landholders

generally were the dominated and overall cooperation could not come to the rescue of

small agriculturists. The moneylenders were working against cooperative institution.

They organized several boycotts in almost all canal colonies of Punjab.227

Because majority of the peasants in the State were illiterate, so the government

combined the societies‟ work with that of the education department and engaged

school teachers as secretaries to inform the illiterate borrower about the benefits of the

system. With the advent of society‟s cooperative movement, the cultivators‟ miseries

reduced but did not vanish completely. However, it paved the way for further reforms

to control the debt problem. The societies remained a significant institution till 1947.

Conclusion

Being an agrarian zone, the idea of agricultural development in the State was

always there. Because the progress of the State was associated with the progress of

agriculture therefore, the Agency government redefined the parameters of growth. It

strategically directed agrarian economy of the State towards the modern agriculture

with the collaboration of the natives. Improvements in agricultural techniques and

practical skills, and use of improved seeds and manures resulted in increased output

from the agriculture sector and upgrading the standard of cultivation. The style of

cultivation also improved, e.g. the peasants found it more profitable to cultivate a

small area with the proper farming approach like more attention, deeper tilling and

removal of the shrubs. Resultantly, the agriculture gradually assumed the first place in

226 Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1915-16, 57-58. 227 Report on the Progress of Cooperative Societies in the Bahawalpur State, 5.

73

the State economy and traditional exchange transactions changed into monetary

exchanges. During this development period and process, the role of the agrarian

communities and the agricultural labour was quite vibrant. However, their traditional

agricultural practices and customary relations were replaced by the modern cultivating

accomplishment and professional farming attitude. This new agrarian environment

brought an increase in the State income, as the revenue from agricultural land was

more than the other sectors of the economy. This is going to be discussed in the next

chapter.

74

Chapter 3

Land Revenue System of the Bahawalpur State

This chapter examines the revenue structure of the Bahawalpur State and the

course of its gradual development. It analyzes that how indigenous land revenue

structure of initial phase of the state took a concrete and refined form. In this context,

the introduction of land revenue settlements was the nub of the system for assessing

and apportioning the State‟s share as well as for maintaining the complete agricultural

statistics. The killabandi system created a symmetry and order in fields that made the

assessment process easier. The chapter explores the nature of the feats by the rulers

achieved over time to raise the revenue demand and the reasons for this increase as

well as the situation of kharaba and to what extent it was given.

The peculiar role of revenue establishment was influential in determining the

relations of the peasantry with the State. This study postulates that how the

settlements of land became the major contributing factor towards the economic

advancement. The revenue free assignments are examined as a major part of the

revenue structure of the State. The beneficiary of rent-free holdings was generally the

elite class, which had successfully been defending their interests by obtaining

relaxation from the State demand.

3.1 Land Revenue Structure in the Pre-Agency Period (1727-1866)

Land revenue is an essential segment of income in any properly established

system of a governing body. Being the ruling power the government is entitled to a

share of the produce from the land under its control. In a country like India where

70% of population was associated with agriculture, the land revenue had always been

considered a part of the natural order of the society from the time immemorial.228

In the modern history of India, Sher Shah Suri (1540-1545) was the first

emperor who instituted an indigenous scheme of land revenue. His regulations

provided the grounds for a tentative revenue plan to the rulers who followed him.

During the reign of Jallal-ud-Din Akbar (1556-1605), his finance Minister Todarmul,

effectively imposed a comprehensive system of revenue assessment and collection.

228 P.J. Fagan, Land Revenue: its Origin and Development with Special Reference to the Punjab (Simla:

1921), 27.

75

The revenue administration consisted of heterogeneous classes, under direct control of

central government. The revenue demand was 33% of the gross produce while the

cultivators had the option to pay either in cash or in batai.229

This system remained in practical working in all parts of India in the

subsequent Mughal period. With some modifications, this pattern formed the

foundation of the institutions that existed under the British rule over India. In regard

to the princely India, the native states had their separate administrative and revenue

setup, yet the basic features were those from the Mughal period. In the State,

continuity subsisted in the land revenue system inherited from the Mughals, which

was modified by the Nawab rulers according to the local requirements.

The fiscal history of Bahawalpur was largely connected with Multan and Sind

because the State territories remained under the control of these provinces in the pre-

Abbasid period. The first known account of revenue generating areas connected with

the State region was mentioned in the work Ain-e-Akbari. These territories comprised

of thirteen perganas,230

which were; Jajja, Bhutta Wahan, Dulai Kosh, Derawar, Daud

Machhi231

, Ghazipur, Mau, Mahand, Uch, Marot, Rahri, Sarwahi, and Khai Bodla.

These areas were the revenue payers on feudal tenure under Multan province and

contributed a yearly income of Rs. 5, 11, 399.232

The Mughal governor awarded the jagir of Choudarri to Daudputra Abbasid

with the chief motive of restoring the revenue from these areas because owing to the

disintegration of the Mughal dynasty, many territories were slipping away from the

control of the central government. Later, the rulers of the State gradually brought the

surrounding areas under their control and paid a large amount in form of tribute to the

Mughals and afterwards to the Afghan ruler, which was in excess 1,50,000 rupees per

annum out of its total revenue of 1,500,000 rupees in 1816.233

During the initial period of the State, the revenue was collected in two ways:

first was the direct collection from the cultivators in those abodes, which were under

229 Radharoman Mukherjee, Occupancy Rights: its History and Incidents, together with an Introduction

Dealing with Land Tenure in Ancient India (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1919), 42. 230 Pergana was used for an administrative unit of district or tehsil in India from the Sultanate period.

However, in Bahawalpur, it was equal to a kardari or tehsil. 231 A village near the present town of Shidani in Khanpur tehsil. 232Derived from Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 302. 233 Mountstaurt Elphinston, An Account of the Kingdom Of Caubul, and its dependencies, in Persia,

Tartary and India: Comprising a view of the Afghan Nation, and a History of the Dooraunee

Monarchy, Vol.II (London: Richard Bentley, 1842), 233.

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the complete control of the Nawabs like Allahbad, Derawar and Bahawalpur. In these

areas, jama was lenient.234

In the other areas where tribal chiefs had founded separate

principalities upon their jagirs, they were independent in their financial matters and

usually received a high pitch of revenue through their workers.235

It was also the

emergence of intermediates in the State that sustained until 1806, when the Nawab

Bahawal Khan II (1772-1809) had annexed all independent jagirs and established his

authority over the entire State. He reorganized the administration by dividing the State

into four kardaris, which were originally revenue units.236

The usual demand varied from 17% to 25% of the gross produce.237

The

significant aspect of native rule was that the State revenue demand was dependent on

the conditions of soil and irrigation. The customary method of assessing and

collecting the land revenue was batai for grain crops.238

However, the State share in

indigo was always collected in kind while the indigo fees „moghla and zabta’ were

paid in cash. The batai was preceded by visual observation of kardar, assisted by two

other petty officials called chanjus and piyada. In batai, crops were stacked in equal

heaps at each harvest and one heap taken in accordance with the state demand. The

kardar was responsible to collect and deposit the grains in the state granaries known

in local dialect as sarkari-bhanda.

During the reign of Nawab Bahawal Khan III, the revenue was collected

partially in batai and partially in cash. The cash payments were realized for non-grain

crops generally when season was favourable and crops were abundant. The sum of the

revenue was presented on the eve of birthday of the Nawab.239

Before the Agency

rule, the revenue structure essentially existed but with shallow features. The concept

of land settlement since the inception of the State was unknown and there was

complete unavailability of statistical record of the land rights. The fields were of

234 Ibid. 235 Most of the towns and villages were established in the period between 1727 -1773. In 1737, the

Daudputras occupied Derawar fort and Bahawal Khan I was recognized the formal head of his tribe.

See Jan Muhammad Pirjani, Tarikh Khandan-e-Daudputra, 313-315. 236 Ibid, 186. 237 Punjab Records, Book 107, Lieutenant R. Leech, Commercial Information Regarding Bahawal

Khan’s Territory, 396. See also Andrew D Cruz, Political Relations existing between the British

Government and Native States and Chiefs subject to the Government of the North Western Provinces

(London: 1862), 94. 238 The division before threshing was batai or ghalla bakhshi and after threshing, was called lang batai.

On standing crops divided by demarcation of fields was khet batai. See Jagdesh Narayan Sarkar,

Mughal Polity (Delhi: Idarah-i-Adabiyar-i-Delli, 2009), 262. 239 Wade Letter, 25 September 1937, On the Trade of Bahawalpur by Mohan Lal, 166

77

uneven shape, plots were splintered into countless scattered fragments and village

boundaries were meandered. There were neither fixed boundaries for the fields nor

any clear bifurcation between the crown land and the cultivators‟ possession. This

ambiguity caused great loss to the State income.

Moreover, many illegal practices also existed among the cultivators and the

petty officials. The officials extorted excessive revenue from the poor peasants and

left a slender margin to them. Occasionally, they would make people to pay 8 to 10

times more than their due share. Some misdemeanors also existed on the part of the

natives such as bribery, or unnecessary delay in paying the revenue. Above all, there

was an absence of proper system of revenue collection and a common notion

prevailed that influential persons were exempted from the state revenue. Therefore,

annual revenue collection gradually lowered down and did not exceed the ten lacs

amount.240

These conditions were more severe during the days of political instability.

From 1852 to 1865, the regime was politically weak, which also weakened the

revenue system of the State. This system with several loopholes remained in practice

until the establishment of the Agency.

3.2 Development of the Land Revenue System during the Agency

Period

Under the auspices of the Agency, the land revenue structure began to take a

specific form. Primarily, the State purpose was threefold; to introduce a system,

which would relieve the peasantry; to increase the State income; and ensure the

collection from the maximum strata of the rural society. The political administrative

division was in fact the revenue division. Patwaris, girdawar and qanungo were the

most significant officials introduced in the revenue structure. The patwari assisted the

lumberdar in assessment, fixation and collection of the revenue for each village.241

A regular Revenue Department or Mushiraat e Mal was setup in 1871 with the

separate establishment of 62 revenue officials under the head of Land Administration.

The Nazim and Kardar held the premier position within this system. Both the State

branches, i.e. revenue and police, worked in close cooperation with each other. The

government added some more functionaries to strengthen the administration.

240 Wade Letter, From January to July 1838, 12 December 1838, Report from A.C. Gordon to D. J.

Cunningum, 88. See also Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1873-74, 152. 241Sadiq-ul-Akhbar 1st April, 1872.

78

Lumberdar to each village and zaildar to each mauza, were appointed to assist the

tehsildar in the revenue matters and to police in criminal proceedings.242

In fact, the articulation of power in villages of the Punjab province was

achieved through the appointment of local powerful men to the hereditary office of

lumberdar and to higher office of zaildar all over Punjab.243

The lumberdar occupied

important position in the system and, his official function was to assist police and

revenue authorities. For this he was allowed to retain the charge of five rupees and,

later, five acres of rent-free grant.244

He was an intermediary between the village and

the administration. His appointment was always made from among the leading men of

peasant proprietors. Therefore, Hamza Alvi called him the holder of a quasi-political

officer, not the servant of the State.245

The reorganization of the State administration by Colonel Grey in1977 gave a

considerable impetus to the revenue system and introduced the post of Mushir e Mall,

a rank equal to the Commissioner of a division in Punjab. The jurisdiction of the

Mushir e mal comprised of the departments of Land Revenue, Settlements, Domain

Lands and Studs while the Police became a separated department.246

The tehsildar

assumed the place of kardar at each tehsil with further responsibility of the

supervision of settlement work with his staff. Baden Powell cited that naib tehsildar

and Qanungo for each tehsil were appointed for conducting the settlement work.247

In

the following years, there was further time-to-time up gradation in the administrative

setup of the State.

3.2.1 Land Revenue Settlements

The land revenue settlement was a process of ascertaining the state revenue

demand. Its primary purpose was the revision of the assessments to ascertain the State

share and to maintain the records of the land rights.248

The settlement policy of the

British in India actually, commenced from Bengal in 1793, and was subsequently

242Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 70-71, 5. 243H. G. Trevaskis, An Economic History of Punjab (1890-1925) Vol. II (Gurgaon: Vintage, 1989),151. 244Ian John Stone Kerr, The Punjab Province and the Lahore District, 1849-1872: A Case Study British

Colonial Rule and Social Change in India, Vol II (University of Minnesota, 1975), 284. 245 Hamza Alvi, Rural Elites and Agricultural Development in Pakistan. Pakistan Economic and Social

Review, Vol. 14, No 1/4, 204. 246Proceedings of Political Department February 1879: Administration of the Bahawalpur State, 99-103,145. 247 B. H. Baden Powell, Land Revenue and Tenure in British in British India (London: Oxford, 1894),

554. 248 James M. Douie, Punjab Settlement Manual (Lahore: Government of the Punjab, 1930), 3.

79

followed in other provinces and districts with their annexation.249

In Punjab, the

process of the land revenue settlement had started in 1846 after the First Sikh war for

the areas of Cis-Sutlej and Trans Sutlej.250

After annexation in 1849, the summary

settlement was started to the other districts by pursuing the Thompson Directive for

the North-Western Provinces, which was the first Land Settlement Code of the

region.251

Under the new administration of John Lawrence (1849-1859) in the Punjab,

the land revenue system of Northwestern provinces was introduced in Punjab with

certain changes for Punjab. Its main features were the fixed assessment, the cash rates

and determining the records of rights.252

Later, the Financial Commissioner of Punjab Colonel Wace (1879-89) brought

several improvements in the revenue system of Punjab in 1885. The fundamental

development was the recognition of the principal that the preparation of reliable

agricultural statistics and the records of rights would be continued from settlement to

settlement. The Punjab settlements became the pioneer of the modern land revenue

system. The first legislative instance in the revenue system of Punjab was the Land

Revenue Act of 1871, which was also followed by the native states within the Punjab

dependencies. In the Bahawalpur State, the settlement process was adopted on the

Punjab model, which was passing through its second period of regular settlement.253

Therefore, the early settlements of the State were mature and polished proceedings.

The land revenue settlements were the first and foremost operations under

taken by the Agency to regularize the extraction from the agriculture sector. Lala

Daulat Rai, the Commissioner of Multan was appointed as Superintendent of Land

Settlements while being the Settlement Commissioner and the Revenue

administrator.254

Surveys for the purpose of assessing the revenue paying capacity of

the land were immediately started and were executed by the professional survey

parties from Punjab. Each village of the proprietary area was surveyed Mouza-wide

249 Baden Powell, Land systems of British India, Vol. I (London: oxford, 1894), 400 250Cis-Sutlej states were Faridkot, Nabha, Patiala, Malerkotla and Kalsia, while Cis-Sutlej districts

were Ferozepur, Ludhiana and Ambala. Trans Sutlej areas were Pakpattan, Depalpur and Dunyapur. 251

B.H. Baden Powell, The Land- systems of British India Vol. II, 533. 252 Northwestern provinces were come under British from 1801. See Doui, Punjab Settlement Manual, 9. 253 The districts under settlement in 1881-82, were Kohat, Ludhiana, Hoshiarpur Jallundhar, Sirsa

Rawalpindi and Sirsa. See Douie, Punjab Settlement Manual, 46. 254Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, December, 1867.

80

on the full village scale.255

There were two sorts of surveys associated with the land

settlements; topographical and cadastral. The topographical survey dealt with the

village as a whole by using the scale 4 inches that was equal to one mile, mapping the

boundaries and showing the main features as roads, abadi area, cultivated and

uncultivated lands and canals while the cadastral survey contained the preparation of

complete field maps and the record of titles.256

For the cadastral survey, the local revenue officials; patwaris and qanungo

were trained for the purpose. Their work was based on the data furnished by the

topographical survey.257

As concerned the internal ingredients of revenue assessment,

collection and mode of demand, the Agency remodeled the ongoing patterns.

Moreover, the land revenue system of the State consolidated through the revision of

the settlements and each revision was a refined version of the previous one. Before

the permanent settlement, a summary settlement was conducted to provide the

foundation for the regular settlement.258

3.2.2 The Summary Settlement (1868-89)

The first initiative to reform the revenue structure was the holding of the

summary settlement for which the work had to be started from scratch requiring

considerable amount of time. It was a cursory inspection to provide the basis for the

regular settlements. The State territory was divided into three parts having more or

less homogenous blocks for the assessment purpose. First part was the proprietary

area in the Western part of the State, covering Bahawalpur and Khanpur Nizamats. It

was settled in 1877-89 for a term of 12 years and a total area of 768162 acres were

assessed.259

Second part was the Eastern part of the State consisting of Minchinabad

Nizamat and settled from 1868 to 1876 for a three years term. The total area under

assessment was 710573 acres. In this circle, the summary settlement was revised in

1879-80, for a further term of ten years. Third part of the assessment exercise

comprised the Cholistan area of Bahawalgarh260

kardari, locally called Uttar, and was

255

Proceedings of Political Department April 1871: Bahawalpur Survey, 292-294. 256 Trevaskis, An Economic History of Punjab, 209-10. 257 Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1874-1875, 4. 258Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 304, 312. 259Annual Administration Report Bahawalpur 1877-78 (Urdu), 9. 260The kardari of Bahawalgarh was given the name of Bahawalnagar in 1872.

81

settled in 1868-78 for a term of ten years. The tehsil was the basic unit of assessment

for the entire exercise.261

A major consideration to secure the interests of peasantry was the

measurement of cultivated area in place of batai. In batai, though the risks associated

with the weather were equally divided but with greater complications. Mainly, the

peasants had to pay the expenses of carriage, and the prices in the market usually

remained low at harvest time and the peasants had to wait for repress or had to sell at

the lower rates. Gradually the batai system was replaced by the cash rate in the State

by 1867 except in Minchinabad Nizamat, where settlement operations were in

progress and the adoption of a new method was difficult.262

The peasants had the choice to pay the revenue in a form of their convenience

until the areas were granted on lease at fixed rates. The cash payment in fact linked

the cultivators more directly to the market system. The measurement system along

with the cash rates was first introduced in 1868 in Khanpur and Ahmadpur Lamma

and later on, in other proprietary areas of the State. The revenue demand, which

generally was at 20% of the produce, was levied on different crops based on the

measurement of the cultivated area. Moreover, the triangulation system was adopted

for the measurement of fields by using the scales of bigha, kanal and marla.263

For

assessment of the revenue rates, both fluctuating and fixed methods of assessment

were exercised. The former was adopted for the settled lands of old areas, where

cultivation was patchy and prone to flooding. The latter was embraced in the newly

cultivated areas, where the revenue demand was fixed at different crops rates based on

the produce of last seven years. Another important measure was that grain rates were

commuted to the cash rates per bigha basis.264

This was a progressive measure

towards the market economy.

3.2.3 The Records of Rights

The fundamental development in the revenue structure was the preparation of

agricultural statistics and records of land rights, which served as the major source of

establishing the property status. In the proprietary areas of the State, the boundary of

261

Government of Bahawalpur, Manuscript of the Report on Bandobast of Bahawalpur State, by

Settlement Commissioner Abdul Malik on 22nd May 1915 (unpublished). 262Proceedings of Political Department, November 1870: Bahawalpur Budget Estimate for 1871, 949. 263Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1875-76, 7. 264Proceedings of Political Department, April 1870:Bahawalpur Administration Report for 1868-69 ,

291.

82

each village was demarcated and holdings were divided into a bigha or an acre.265

This was a necessary element to register the rights over each plot of land in order to

fix the responsibility for the payment of revenue as well as for the accurate collection

of the revenue. The land rights determined and maintained the individualization in the

property rights, which was a marked shift from possession to the ownership of the

property. The contents of the standing record of rights consisted of the following

documents.

I. A Preliminary robkar was the initial proceedings containing the papers of

record with the dates of beginning and completion of the documentation.

II. A shajra kishtwar or field map was a detailed plan of any property belonging

to the State.

III. Shajra nasab was a genealogical table comprising of the pedigree details, and

the sorts of land tenure and co-sharers whether by plough, well or fractions

under the law of inheritance.

IV. A Jamabandi or record of titles held an index of field number, ownership and

tenancy details of each holding, and the details of revenue and rent for each

field. It was the most useful of all papers having complete records of all rights,

and interest in all the holdings.

V. Wajib-ul-arz or village administration papers having the rights and liabilities

of each owner and customary law.

VI. A statement of the revenue assignments and pensions.

VII. A statement of the rights over wells or other sources of irrigation.

Some other agricultural statistics were also a novel of this new system. The

land revenue roll was drawn up yearly through a process called qistbandi, which

contained the progress and lapse of assignments, alluvium and diluvium details and

maps of changes occurred during that year. The revenue demand and the receipt

details were prepared in khatuni by patwari for each holding along with the detail of

each landowner. Another important record was khasra girdawari prepared by

girdawar qanungo. It contained the list of fields, name of owner and tenants, area and

types of land and crops grown in each harvest together with the changes occurred in

265 Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1873-1874, 152.

83

ownership or in rent. The records of rights were maintained in Urdu and its

verification by the Settlement Officer was a compulsory undertaking.266

The jamabandi, the mutation cases and the field maps were prepared only for

Minchinabad district and Cholistan where the schemes of irrigation for the settlements

were going to be started. While for Bahawalpur and Khanpur Nizamat, maps were

made only for riverine villages; for remaining area, the exercise was postponed till the

next settlement. The land revenue was to be realized every year but jamabandi was

cheharsala, done every four years.267

At the end of the summary settlement, the land

revenue structure had assumed a systematic form.

Maintaining the land records and determining the individual rights was a

laborious and complicated task, as the most cases regarding ownership required an

elaborate investigation. Therefore, the process of the summary settlement took a long

time. As regards the response of the peasantry to the new system, initially the illiterate

peasants were unable to understand the new setup and they put of cultivation during

the first assessment and measurement. Gradually, they understood the benefits of new

patterns because their complicated matters regarding ownership rights were settled

and it secured them against any discrepancy and uncertainty in future. So after a while

they fully cooperated in adopting the new structure.

3.2.4 The Regular Settlements

The regular land revenue settlements in the Bahawalpur State were processed

under different periods. The main constituents of the assessment were soil, water

resources and human factor. These elements had the tendency to change over time;

therefore, assessment was fixed for a certain period and after that, a resettlement

would become imperative. In the regular settlement, while assessing the villages, their

circumstances, probabilities of increase or decrease in size, prospectus of extension of

irrigation were considered and based on that higher or lower rates were imposed

accordingly. Variations in the demand as per different sources of irrigation were a

permanent feature in all the regular settlements.

3.2.5 First Phase of the Revenue Settlement (1889-91)

The first regular settlement was conducted for the Western part in 1889-90,

while for the Eastern part and Cholistan, it was done in 1890-91. The life span of

266Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 314. 267Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1900-1901, 30.

84

settlement was ten years. The significant change in this phase was the adoption of the

„square laying‟ system for measurement instead triangulation.268

The State demand

was levied according to the classification of soil in place of crops, whereas in newly

settled areas of Minchinabad Nizamat, the demand was fixed on each holding. In

Bahawalpur and Khanpur districts, 410924 and 826869 bigha of land were assessed

for this purpose respectively.269

The State demand was assessed on average annual

market value of the produce of the last five years.270

Furthermore, all papers of the

land rights in the summary settlement were reviewed and updated. Village field maps

and record registers were the new addition adopted in the State in accordance with the

revenue system in Punjab.271

Colonel Wace had reorganized the Punjab system of the record of rights and

the agricultural statistics, which was followed in the Bahawalpur State.272

Table 3.1

presents the details of how the land revenue was assessed for a variety of classes of

land based on the sources of irrigation. Pure chahi land was assessed in Bahawalpur

and Khanpur Nizamats. In Minchinabad Nizamat, all kinds of land were almost

equally assessed, except for the orchards, for which the rates were somewhat higher

than other two Nizamat. The reason was that the orchard in the newly cultivated areas

had already additional relaxations. Resultantly, most of the landholders in the State

who abandoned the orchard cultivation under the former system now started

cultivating their lands.

Table: 3.1. Revenue Rates of the First Regular Settlement (Rupees-Anna -Pai)

No Type of land Minchinabad Bahawalpur and Khanpur

R-A-P R-A-P

1 BanjirJadid 0-4-0 0-4-0

2 Culturable waste 0-2-0 0-2-0

3 Chahi ---- 0-12-0

4 Chahi –Nehri 1-4-0 1-4-0

5 Chahi – jhallari 1-0-0 1-0-0

268 Colonel Wace Settlement Commissioner Punjab introduced Square system in 1883 for the

assessment of Punjab districts. This system had less enticement for fudging. See James M. Douie,

Punjab Settlement MAnual, 46. 269Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 315. 270Assessment Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur Tehsils, 1930, 16. 271Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1920-21, 19. 272 Trivaskis, An Economic History of Punjab, 207.

85

6 Chahi – sailaba 0-12-0 to 1-0-0 0-12-0 to 1-0-0

7 Nehri 1st class

2nd

class

1-0-0

0-10-0

1-0-0

0-8-0

8 Jhallari 0-8-0 0-8-0

9 Sailaba 0-8-0 0-8-0

10 Barani 0-4-0 0-4-0

Source: Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 309, 316.

3.2.6 Second Phase of the Revenue Settlement (1900-11)

This phase covered the years 1900-05 in the Western part and 1904-05 in the

Eastern part for a term of 20 years. In 1905, the Nawab Bahawal Khan II reorganized

the administrative structure once again and the State was divided into three districts.

Each district was subdivided into tehsils and previous kardaris and peshkaris were

dissolved. During this period, the Cholistan Uttar part was first settled in 1910-11, for

a term of ten years. In this part, the revenue demand was minimal owing to the scant

water resources and was levied at the rate of 5 anna and 6 pai per bigha.273

In the

previous settlement, the demand on each holding in Minchinabad tehsil did not work

well; therefore, the fixed revenue rates were assessed for every village at a rate of one

anna per acre. This lump sum rate of the demand was convenient for cultivators

because of their joint tenures of the land revenue.

Moreover, khushhaisyate or water advantage rates were introduced in the

State. In fact, the Settlement Commissioner Mr. Edward Prinsep (1846-1871) started

this tax with the opening of Bari Doab canal at the rate varied from 1 rupee and 8

anna to 12 anna.274

In the State, khushhaisyate was imposed on the area under Sadqia

twin canal system at a lower rate of four anna per acre. The following table shows

that the revenue rates for Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur tehsils were almost double in all

the classes of land than the previous period and two more classes were added for the

nehri land catagory. The increase in the rates was owing to the overall boost in prices

prevailing in India and partially with the opening of Sadqia twin canal system.

Table: 3.2. Revenue Rates in Second Settlement in Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur

(Rupees-Anna -Pai)

273Re- Assessment of Proprietary Cholistan 1936, 3. 274 The Government of Punjab, Selections from Records: Financial Commissioner Punjab. No.47.

Papers relating to the Canals (Lahore: 1900), 17. See also Doui, Punjab Settlement Manual, 39.

86

No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Lan

d

Ba

nji

rja

ded

Cu

ltiv

able

was

te

Ch

ah

i

Ch

ah

iNah

ri

Ch

ah

iJh

all

ar

i

Nehri

Sa

ila

ba

Ba

ran

i

1st

class

2nd

class

3rd

class

4th

class

R-A-P 0-8-

0

2 to 4 1-0-0 2-0-0 2-0-0 2-0-0 1-8-0 1-4-0 1-0-0 1-0-0 0-8-0

Source: Settlement Report. Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur tehsils 1930, 9.

3.2.7 Third Phase of the Revenue Settlement (1915-26)

This settlement consisted of some basic changes in the land revenue structure

since the weir control irrigation had been partially started. A substantial development

introduced in the administrative set up of the State was that a separate department of

Director of Land Record was created with the staff of one misal khawahan and two

muharars. Its particular obligation was to maintain the records of land rights with all

the supplements while the revenue and settlement department became a separate

body.275

The three previous circles (demarcation of the state area) for the purpose of

the assessment were to be dissolved and the revenue demand was to be based on and

assessed for the whole district. In Minchinabad district, the settlement took place from

1915 to 1923, in Bahawalpur district from 1923 to 24 and in Khanpur district from

1923-25. The whole expenditure for this settlement was Rs.1,73,540. In this phase,

the physiographic pattern of land use was changed to rectangles and subdivided the

land into small squares. This process came to be known as killabandi, initially applied

to the crown wasteland of Minchinabad district. A large establishment was appointed

to complete the tasks during this period. 276

The Survey of India Department mapped the area into the blocks of 100 acres

in regard to the Sutlej Valley project. This division was further divided into the

rectangles of 25 acres and again subdivided into a uniform size of one killa or acre by

the State revenue officials on local level.277

Afterwards, the killabandi was carried out

in the cultivated areas, where this process was entirely different from the crown

275Annual Administration Report of Bahawalpur1921-22 (Unpublished, 49. 276The Cholistan uttar part of Minchinabad and Bahawlnagar was settled for the first time in 1918. See

Misl No. 490 dated 5 August 1944, (Urdu Manuscript reserved in Muhafiz Khana Bahawalpur),

attached in Appendix IX. 277Annual Administration Report of Bahawalpur1921-22 (Unpublished), 63.

87

wastelands. In the Bahawalpur district, the process of killabandi was started but was

completed in the next phase.

During the killabandi, many new villages were created and 10563 mutations

took place in the whole areas under killabandi process. This process in Cholistan was

too difficult because over one-lac shares of single holdings had to be recorded in acre,

kanals and marlas. The zigzag boundaries of 475 villages of Cholistan were brought

into a proper shape.278

In old proprietary areas, the killabandi involved a complete

repartition of estates and became more complicated than that of the newly settled

areas of Cholistan.

Table: 3. 3. Division of Land in under New Scheme and Nomenclature in three

Districts of the State

District Total Tehsils Total Area in

acres

Total Rectangles

Minchinabad Minchinabad,

Bahawalpnagar, Khairpur

500000 23725

Khanpur Allahbad, Khanpur,

Noushehra, Ahmadpur

lamma

1200000 49602

Bahawalpur Ahmadpur East,

Bahawalpur

900000 36000

Source: i. Settlement Report of Khanpur District 1922, 5. ii. Assessment Report of Cholistan

1929, 12.

The details of the area under killabandi and rectangle demarcations is

presented in table 3.3, which shows that Khanpur district had more land to be

processed in killabandi. In fact, all three tehsils of Khanpur district contained a

significant jungle area, where killabandi was impossible. Therefore, rectangles were

prepared in cultivated areas while in the area covered by the jungle; blocks were

made on the scale cutting system. In this system, fields were formed by means of a

scale on the map of squares called massavis. That was the reason that numbers of the

rectangles were less when compared to its gross area.279

The mutation in and shuffling of the boundaries of old populated areas was a

difficult task. The landowners were hardly willing to accept any change in their

278Assessment Report of Cholistan 1929, 12 279Settlement Report of Khanpur 1922, 1.

88

hereditary holdings and protested against this pattern. However, they gradually

realized the benefits of this system, in the form of shaped fields, less waste of water,

saving of time and above all, their enhanced ability to manage their own partition

without interference of the revenue officials.280

Moreover, killabandi provided the

foundation for a cartographic network for a civilized society. The delineation of field

boundaries created organized units for the assessments. These rectangles contained

all necessary components of homogeneity, symmetry, and neatness.

The other significant development of this phase was the conversion of the

fixed assessment into the fluctuating assessment, comprising a field-to-field

appraisement of crops at each harvest. Actually, fixed method was prevailing in the

Punjab districts, where agrarian and hydraulic conditions were favourable. However,

in the canal colonies of Punjab, fluctuating principal was adopted during the initial

years of colonization, which was suitable to the tracts with unsettled economic and

demographic conditions.

In 1863-1871, Mr. Edward Principe applied fluctuating water advantage

scheme to the district traversed by the Bari Doab canal. This system was extended

during the third period of the regular settlement of Punjab in 1871-78. Mr. Lyell

(1871-78), (FCP) imposed fluctuating scheme initially in the rainless tracts of

Southern Punjab mainly Lower Chenab and Lower Jhelum. Afterwards fluctuating

method was adopted in the other districts, where the land was liable to extreme

variations and the harvests were precarious.281

As the agricultural conditions became stable and land started to give good

yields, this method proved to be highly inconvenient for the Punjab government

because it required a great deal of extra work and loss of substantial money. Besides,

this method opened many avenues for dishonesty among the officials. While fixed

method of assessment had small margin for illegal practices but could not be imposed

in the Punjab colony areas due to the opposition of the grantees.282

Contrary to the Punjab conditions, the soil conditions in Bahawalpur had

extreme variation throughout the State. It would change at some places due to kalar

and silt brought down by the canals. Moreover, human factor also had not always

280Bandobast-e-Riyasat, Minchinabad District 1921 (Urdu Manuscript in Bahawalpur Muhafiz Khana). 281 Doui, Punjab SettlementManual, 257. 282 Imran Ali, Punjab under Imperialism, 169-170

89

been uniform due to continuous arrival of new settlers in the State. Therefore, fixed

method was useless in the State while fluctuating method was the best choice for the

assessment. However, illegal gratifications of this system also existed in the State and

the cultivators would use it to lower the revenue burden by bribing a little sum of

money. The rural elite would generally use the flexibility of the fluctuating

assessment to their interest of and their secret dealings with lower bureaucracy would

continue. Nevertheless, orchards and date trees were always assessed by fixed

method.

The fluctuating rates were equal to the fixed rates. The revenue was levied on

the means of irrigation and was further divided into two seasonal classes of crops.

First class included the food grains of kharif and rabi, fruits, vegetable, cotton and

sugarcane. All others were in the second category of crops including indigo.283

Table

3.4 displays the revenue rates per acre of matured crop. The rates for items 1, 4 and 10

in the first column of the table for Allahbad tehsil were 3.5% less than the same items

for Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur tehsils, the reason being the poor economic condition

of the peasants owing to periodical floods.284

In Cholistan, the State demand was three

rupees per acre for a term of three years when the Sutlej valley irrigation scheme

became operational in 1926-27.

Table: 3.4. Revenue Rates in Third Settlement

Type of land

Bahawalpur District

Minchinabad District

Rahimyar Khan District

1st

class 2

nd

class 1

st

class 2

nd 1

st class 2

nd

class

1 Chahi 1-14-0 1-14-0 1-12-0

1-12-0 2-2-0 1-10-0

2 Chahi-nehri 2-6-0 2-0-0 2-8-0 2-2-0 2-8-0 1-12-0

3 Nehri 1-14-0 1-6-0 2-0-0 1-8-0 2-14-0 1-12-0

4 Chahi-jhallari-nehri

2-0-0 2-0-0 ------ ----- 2-8-0 1-12-0

5 Sailaba 2-4-0 1-8-0 ------ ------ 2-14-0 1-14-0

6 Chahi-sailaba 2-8-0 2-0-0 ------

-

------ 2-14-0 1-14-0

7 Jhalari ------ ------ 1-12-0

1-4-0 ------ ------

8 Chahi-jhallari ------ ------ 2-4-0 2-2-0 ------ ------

283 Re- Assessment of Proprietary Cholistan, 1936, 12. 284Assessment Report of Allahbad Tehsil 1926, 41.

90

9 Dertai-jhallari-

nehri

1-4-0 1-4-0 ------

-

------ ------ ------

10 Jhallari-daryai 1-8-0 1-0-0 -------

------ 2-8-0 1-12-0

11 Jhallari-nehri 1-8-0 1-0-0 ------ ------ 2-8-0 1-12-0

12 Chahi-jhallari-

daryai

2-8-0 2-0-0 ------ ------ 2-0-0 1-12-0

13 Bariani 1-0-0 1-0-0 2-2-0 ------ 1-0-0 1-0-0

14 Sailaba 1-14-0 1-6-0 ------ ------ 2-14-0 1-14-0

Source: i. Assessment Report of Cholistan portion of Bahawalnagar and Minchinabad

Tehsils, and Revision of Records and Water Rates, 11.

ii. Settlement of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East tehsils 1930, 11.

This phase had a progressive outlook and positive effects on the system

though some loopholes also existed. As geographical consideration was ignored in

imposing the rates. Distances level from the market for remote and easy access areas

were treated alike. Likewise, well-established areas were treated equally to the lands

in precarious conditions. So, these inequalities were to be removed and the

multiplicities of the rates needed to be shortened in the next phase.285

3.2.8 Fourth Phase of the Revenue Settlement (1929-31)

This phase of the settlement was designed for Bahawalpur and Bahawalnagar

districts. Since the Sutlej Valley canals had become operational and the large

wastelands of both the districts were ready for colonization. Therefore, the revision in

the land revenue was planned to increase the State revenue and to levy the new water

charges in colony areas. In the Bahawalpur district, tehsil remained the basic unit of

the assessment while in the Bahawalnagar district, tehsil unit had been further divided

into three circles; kacha, pacca and Cholistan. The assessed area for Bahawalnagar

district was 1224410 acres.286

In Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East, total assessed area

for both the tehsils was 617538 acres.287

The State demand was based on four factors:

rents, output quantity, prices of land and market value of agricultural produces.

The significant improvement was that separate revenue rates for perennial and

non-perennial irrigated lands were introduced in place of old inundation rates. Table

3.5 displays that the former minute division for the sources of irrigation was

285 Review of Mr. Oliver on the Settlement Forecast Report of Bahawalpur District by Department of

Revenue and Public Works department of Bahawalpur State (1946), 3. 286Assessment Report of Cholistan1929, 3. 287Assessment Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East Tehsils, 1930, 1.

91

discarded. In Bahawalnagar district, the land was classified into four classes and in

Bahawalpur district into six classes. Moreover, the assessment of separate crops was

also abolished. There were flat rates for all kinds of crops regardless of their kind. The

kharif rates were somewhat higher than the rabi rates because the latter one mostly

used for self-consumption while the kharif crops were of commercial value.

Moreover, the State share increased to 40% of net assets rather than the 25%

previously and khushhaistati was absorbed in the revenue demand. These revenue

rates were 8% higher than the previous demand while the water rates were 63.5%

higher.288

However, in practice, these rates did not come into operation due to the

significant fall in agricultural prices. This slump in prices persisted throughout in

India forcing the Punjab Government to postpone the assessment in the Montgomery

district. But, the Bahawalpur State could not take such step and had to bear the loss in

form of large-scale remission since the very first year of this settlement.289

In addition to the price fall, there were some other setbacks, particularly the

geographical considerations were ignored in imposing the new rates. Further, distance

levels from the market for remote and easy accessed areas were treated alike and the

uniform rate for all kinds of crops was also unfair because the consumption and

surplus of grains had never been equal at each harvest.290

The assessment of the fourth

period had to be revised in 1937 and its term was fixed for three years. Table 3.6

depicts the revised rates for Bahawalnagar district, in which the revenue demand was

levied separately on area irrigated by each canal. The previous division based on the

two classes of crops and the varied rates for both kharif and rabi harvests were

restored.

The premier standard of the State revenue demand of 25% was also fixed. In

practice, this assessment like the previous one could not contribute much to the

development process of the State. However, the factors for the failure of both

settlements were different. The last one had failed because it was undertaken at a time

of the high prices consequent to the effects of World War I.291

Moreover, for non-

perennial canal, the land was assessed alike for both the harvests, which was

unjustifiable.

288Assessment Report of Cholistan1929, 12-16. 289Assessment Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East Tehsil 1930, 1. 290Review by Mr. Oliver 1944, 1. 291Assessment Report of Minchinabad Tehsils1947, 20-A.

92

Table: 3. 5. Revenue Rates in the Fourth Settlement

Minchinabad and Bahawalnagar Tehsils Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East

Tehsils

Circles Rs-A-P Rs-A-P

Chahi 2-0-0 2-0-0

Perennial 4-0-0 4-4-0

Non-perennial Kharif

Non-perennial Rabi

3-0-0

2-8-0

2-8-0

2-0-0

Barani 1st

= 2nd

= 3rd

1-8-0

1-4-0

1-0-0

1-0-0

-----

-----

ChahiSailaba

Chahi-Jhallari-Daryai

------

------

1-13-9

2-3-11

Sources: i. Report on the Revision of Assessment for Cholistan area in Bahawalnagar

tehsil 1930, 4-12. ii. Assessment Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur EastTehsils

1930, 20-24.

Table: 3.6. Revised Revenue Rates for Minchinabad and Bahawalnagar in 1937

Classification

of Land

Eastern Grey

canal

Sadqia Canal Fordwah

Canal

1st

class

2nd

class

1st class 2

nd

class

1st

class

2nd

class

Chahi 2-0-0 ------ ---------- -------- -------- --------

Perennial 2-0-0 1-8-0 3-4-0 2-12-0 -------- ---------

Non-perennial ------ ------- ------- ------- 2-8-0 2-0-0

Barani 1st

= 2nd

1-4-0

1-0-0

-------- ------- -------

-------- --------

Source: Assessment Report of Minchinabad Tehsil 1947, 18.

93

3.2.9 Fifth Phase of the Revenue Settlement (1944-51)

The term of the previous settlement expired in 1938 and new operations were

postponed due to the two main reasons: commencement of World War-II and shortage

of the trained officers in the State.292

Meanwhile, the reorganization of the State took

place with the division of the Bahawalpur State into two districts; Bahawalpur and

Rahimyar Khan, each under a Deputy Commissioner who held the powers of a

revenue collector as well. The Rahimyar Khan District contained the tehsils of

Allahbad, Khanpur, Rahimyar Khan, Sadiqabad, and Ahmadpur East. The

Bahawalpur district consisted of Chishtian, Khairpur Tamenwali, Minchinabad,

Bahawalngar, Fort Abbass and Bahawalpur. Moreover, the Revenue and Colony

Departments were amalgamated and the posts of Revenue and Chief Engineer were

merged.293

In 1942, an experienced ex-settlement Officer Sheikh Nur Muhammad was

appointed as Deputy Commissioner and Settlement Officer at Rahimyar Khan District

who immediately started the settlement work in five tehsils of that district. Revenue

assessment was applied in Sadiqabad from 1944 while in the remaining four tehsils

from 1946 for the term of 30 years.294

In Minchinabad, Bahawalnagar and Chishtian

tehsils, the settlement began in 1946 and completed in 1948. While Bahawalpur and

Fort Abbass tehsils were assessed in 1949-50. The system of assessment followed the

Punjab Act of 1926, in which standard of assessment was enhanced from 50% to 25%

on the net assets.295

The important feature of this settlement was the imposition of a uniform

system of assessment for all the tehsils. Three circles of assessment were made for

each tehsil: sailaba, perennial and non-perennial circles except for Bahawalpur where

five circles were made; sailaba, non-perennial pacca, non-perennial Cholistan,

perennial and barani. The rectangle was the unit of assessment. A more liberal

treatment was seen in assessing the revenue demand during this period as the demand

was levied keeping in view the quality of soil, quantity of water, distance from market

and financial position of owners.296

Separate rates for both the harvests were laid

292

Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1942-43, 18. 293 File C-79, 1939, Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Part I, Official Correspondence between Secretary of Punjab States and Prime Minister of Bahawalpur State on 20-6-1940. 294 Dastur-ul-Amal Barai Amla-e- Mal, Rahimyar Khan District1948, 3. 295Assessment Report of Minchinabad Tehsil 1947, 63. 296Assessment Report of Khanpur Tehsil 1945, 84.

94

down. However, in Ahmadpur East rates were further divided on crops due to the

extensive mutation in soil. The fertile tracts combined with the patches of inferior

land covered 70% of the cultivated area of that tehsil.297

This settlement introduced the sliding scale method, which approximated a

balance between fixed and fluctuating assessment and was more rational. This

formula was borrowed from Punjab, where this scheme was introduced in 1930 but its

imposition was postponed due to the slump years until the prices were back to the

normal.298

In the State, this scale was adapted to the local circumstances and

introduced at a time when rural economy of the State was emerging out of the

devastation of depression years. Under this scale, the revenue rates were

automatically adjusted with the downfall of the prices. In case of fall in prices, the

scale gave automatic relief by following a comparison of index figures.

The standard for the index figures was extracted from yields, commutation

prices, and specific crops for the selected year. Its upper ceiling was fixed at 50% of

the basic revenue rates to be attained by three stages within six years.299

In Sadiqabad,

Rahimyar Khan, Khanpur, and Allahabad tehsils, the soil and water conditions were

similar therefore, sliding scale was applied on the same lines. Whereas, In Ahmadpur

East, due to the significant variation in soil, this scale was applied merely to perennial

circle of Bahawal canal and upper ceiling was fixed at 25%.300

This modern system

worked successfully and saved the peasantry from the significant loss consequent to

the fall in prices. Table 3.7-A shows that the kharif rates in all circles were higher

than the rabi rates. There was 32% increase in the revenue than that from the previous

settlement. In Khanpur and Allahbad tehsils, the rates were low due to lower yields

while higher rates in Rahimyar Khan and Sadiqabad tehsils were due to the higher

rates of the batai.301

297Draft Orders on the Assessment Report of the Ahmadpur East Tehsil 1946. 298Assessment Report of Rahimyar Khan District 1944, Part I, 2. 299Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1945-46, 24. 300Assessment Report of Rahimyar Khan District1944, Part I, 3-8. 301Assessment Report of Rahimyar Khan District1945, Part II, 74.

95

Table: 3.7-A.Revenue Rates as per Sliding Scale of Assessement Tehsils Sailaba circle Non-perennial Circle Perennial Circle

Kharif Rabi Kharif Rabi Kharif Rabi

Sadiqabad 3-2-6 2-2-4 3-11-10 ½ 2-2-11 4-1-10 2-14-7

Rahimyar khan 2-13-2¼ 2-5-9 ½ 3-5-3 2-1-5 ¼ 4-4-1 1/6 2-15-11 ¾

Khanpur 2-15-1 2-3-11 ¾ 3-2-3 1-15-9 4-1-11 ½ 2-13-15

Allahabad 2-0-0 2-1-7 2-7-8 2-5-5 2-15-7 2-7-5

Source. Assessment Report of Rahimyar Khan District 1945, Part II, 77.

Table: 3.7-B. Revenue Rates as per Sliding Scale of Assessment in Ahmadpur

Tehsil

Type Kharif Rabi

Sailaba 1-12-9 1-13-4

Non-

per

innia

l

Ahmadpur branch 2-2-3 2-8-7

Abbassia branch 2-4-3 2-2-5

Punjnad branch 2-2-5 2-3-3

Source: Assessment Report of Ahmadpur East 1946, 6.

The settlement for the Bahawalpur district was sanctioned in 1946 and the

assessment for Minchinabad, Bahawalnagar and Chishtian tehsils was to be done from

the rabi season of 1948 while Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East were planned to be

assessed and settled after additional two years.302

The scheme of assessment adopted

at the same pattern that had been applied at the Rahimyar Khan District. In assessing

the nehri rates, quality of soil, quantity of water, distance from market and

circumstances of the owner were considered. Moreover, the excavation of wells had

more incentives and was exempted from revenue consideration for 20 years.303

Table: 3.7-C. Revenue Rates for Minchinabad, Bahawalnagar and Chishtian Tehsils

Circles

Minchinabad Bahawalnagar and

Chishtian

Kharif Rabi 2-7-5 Rabi

Sailab 2-6-6 2-2-3 2-6-3 2-0-10

302Assessment Report of Minchinabad and Bahawalnagar Tehsils 1948, 13. 303Settlement Forecast Report of Bahawalpur District 1946, 25.

96

Non-Perinnal

Pacca

2-12-0 2-3-11 2-9-3 2-6-7

Non-Perennial

Cholistan

2-3-8 1-14-10 ------ ------

Perennial 3-9-4 3-8-0 2-6-10 3-9-0

Barani 1-10-9 1-5-6 ------

Source: Assessment Report of Minchinabad and Bahawalnagar Tehsils 1948, 6.

3.3 The Standard for the State Demand

The standard for the assessment of the State revenue demand was a fixed part

of any net asset liable for the revenue levy. The net assets referred to the average of

the surplus produce after subtracting the expenditures on cultivation.304

With the

advent of the Agency government, the old system changed. The Land revenue had

formerly been settled by custom. Now it had come to be assessed and fixed

considering all the contingencies involved. The land revenue had always been charged

to the actual owner, who held more than five bighas. The assessment of land was

based on the cultivated area rather than the entire occupied area.305

The State share

was 20% and 17% of the estimated value of the produce but as canal irrigation

extended the cultivation, the State share raised from 20% to 25% of the gross produce

on the nehri land.306

In Khanpur Nizamat, cultivation mainly dependent on flood water and the

peasants were poorer than that of their counterpart elsewhere in the State, therefore,

17% of the net assets were demanded. Even after the opening of Eastern Sadqia canal

in Cholistan, revenue remained the same and khushhaisyate was levied at 4 anna and

water rates at 2 anna.307

Moreover, thirty bighas were allotted to each well at a lump

sum rate of twelve rupees. In Cholistani hittar tract, cultivation was erratic and

possible only by rainwater therefore, demand was levied at 25% per acre. In the

surroundings of forts, the revenue rates were fixed at 20%, 17%, or even at 11% of

the produce depending on the nature of soil and other contingencies. If no rain fell,

land remained uncultivated. On the dominion lands (in the personal use of Nawab), a

304 Doui, Punjab Settlement Manual, 55. 305Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1908-09, 48. 306Sadiq- ul-Akhbar, 1st April, 1872. 307 Radhika Lal, History of Bahawalpur State Canals (Bahawalpur: 1932), 12.

97

fixed share of 12% of the produce used to be taken and deposited in the treasury under

the head of amlak-sarkari.308

During the second period of this settlement phase, the revenue demand was

fixed at 25% on the net assets. This was somewhat excessive than previous

assessments because of the extension in irrigation resources. In Khanpur and Allabad

tehsils, this amount was hardly received and thousands of acres of land belonging to

the defaulters were confiscated for the nonpayment of the revenue. It was the single

instance of its kind in the entire history of the State.309

After the completion of Sutlej Valley Project, the colony areas contributed a

large chunk of revenue to the State accounts. The State demand in the colony tracts

consisted of two broad heads: the land revenue and the water charges. Both were of

fluctuating nature. The theoretical basis of the demand 33% of the average produce

remained intact but it rose to half of the produce after the inclusion of local rates and

cess.310

This increase in the State demand was necessary because now water was

adequately available and the State had to liquidate its heavy external loan, obtained to

meet the capital outlay for the Sutlej valley canals. Nevertheless, these rates were

practically difficult to collect due to the economic depression therefore, the customary

rates of 25% had to be restored from 1937 onwards.311

The extension of canal irrigation to the colony areas brought good returns but

the rates were not as exorbitant as in the Punjab colonies, where the principle of

setting the rate at half of the net produce remained in practice. For example in

Pakpattan tehsil of Montgomery district, the province demand imposed in 1892 was

81% more than the previous settlement.312

In the Rakh branch circle of the Chenab

colony, increase in the land revenue was perhaps the most critical at 258% more than

that was made in the previous years. It was more than any other district of the

province and several estates in Punjab turned miserable due to the pressure of such

exorbitant revenue demands. At times, the owners themselves had to work as

labourers on their and other‟s tracts.313

Moreover, the peasantry in Punjab had to pay

308

Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 318. 309Assessment Report of Allahbad Tehsil 1926, 31. 310Assessment Report of Cholistan 1930, 155. 311Assessment Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East 1930, 19. 312Settlement Report of Montgomery District 1892, 81. 313 Indu Agnihotri, Agrarian Changes, 192.

98

revenue by the specific time in acute set of circumstances and the nonpayment of the

land revenue could lead to loss of the land ownership.

Ultimately, GOP had to revise the scale of the enhancements. The Punjab

Land Revenue Amendment Act III of 1928 lowered the maximum standard of

assessment to the 20% and the term was fixed at forty years.314

Instead, the State rates

were moderate throughout in its fiscal history. Consequently, the land revenue was

increased over time. Table 3.8 shows the details of the revenue received for the

different years under the fixed assessment regime. The fixed method was adopted

from the non-colony districts of Punjab. It proved to be an easy way of settling

demand and saved labour of extra work required by the fluctuating method. In the

early years of this phase, there was a marked increase in the land revenue collection

despite a fall in the cultivated area.

Table: 3.8. The Land Revenue under Fixed Assessment (1873-1877)

Kardari 1873-74 1875-76 1876-77

Minchinabad 93116 87714 118831

Sadiqpur 72815 73281 ----

Khairpur 65845 65298 101928

Bahawalpur 189021 183829 166013

Ahmadpur 48556 ----- ----

Uch 72509 116957 128665

Allahbad 108936 129026 113516

Shidani 82592 84906 ------

Khanpur 78003 92053 183713

Kotsamaba 103612 118024 --------

Noushehra 101970 107730 120968

Ahmadpur Lamma 81113 87794 72058

Total 1100119 1146612 1005692

Source: Annual Administration Reports of the Bahawalpur State for the

concerned years.

314 Doui, Punjab Settlement Manual, 46.

99

Figure 3.1: The Land Revenue under Fixed Assessment (1973-77)

Table 3.9 shows that Minchinabad, Khanpur and Noushehra tehsils

contributed proportionately more to the State income. The obvious reason perhaps

was that all the three tehsils were bifurcated into further administrative subunits,

which brought efficiency to the collection process. However, in 1910-11, there was an

overall increase due to the enforcement of the Act of 1887 in the State and the strict

measures were taken by the Agency for the recoveries. The receipts fell short again in

1921-22 owing to the war effects.

Table: 3.9. Land Revenue under Fixed Assessment (1901-1922)

Tehsils 1901-02 1910-11 1921-22

Minchinabad 223651 239721 137544

Bahawalnagar ----- ------ 90411

Khairpur 194357 214982 36508

Bahawalpur 126001 181509 200325

Ahmadpur 198379 218795 230080

Allahbad ----- 192617 20073

Khanpur 294209 175551 179307

Naushehra 311862 204047 230092

Ahmadpur lamma ----- 143271 89190

Total 1348460 1570492 1256360

1873-74

1875-76

100

Source: The data extracted from the Table 39of Bahawalpur State Gazetteer Part B

1904, 1913 and 1935.

Figure 3.2: Land Revenue under Fixed Assessment (1901-1922)

On the commencement of the weir control irrigation, as table 3.10 posits, the

mode of assessment changed from fixed to fluctuating and jama was substantially

increased to 33% of the produce. There was a gradual rise in all the tehsils of the State

with the Bahawalnagar district topping the league. Most amazing increase was seen in

Fort Abbass, which was a newly established tehsil on the desert land. It quite visible

that the colony areas generated more revenue than the old areas. However, there was

an overall increasing trend in the land revenue receipts among all the units of the

State.

Table: 3.10. Land Revenue under Fluctuating Assessment. (1935-1941)

0

200000

400000

600000

800000

1000000

1200000

1400000

1600000

1800000

1901-02

1910-11

1921-22

Tehsils 1935-36 1939-40 1940-41

Minchinabad 372079 370258 419633

Bahawalnagar 521044 536836 594323

Fortabbas 400425 357001 452816

Chishtian 212674 520991 567470

Bahawalpur 196275 291407 283666

Ahmadpur 225459 273491 304068

Allahbad 201462 246448 251340

101

Source: Data is taken from the unpublished Gazetteer Part B of Bahawalpur State for the

Years 1936, 1940 and 1941.

Figure 3.3: Land Revenue under Fluctuating Assessment (1935-1941)

Moreover, the orchards and the wells were exempted from the land revenue

for a term of certain years depending upon their location and other contingencies. This

measure was adopted in order to enable the cultivators to regain their capital

expenditure and to stabilize their economy.315

Almost all orchards existed in areas

affected by flood, especially in the Western part of the State.316

The assessment of the

orchards gardens was very generous. To encourage the peasants to grow more

orchards, chherr labour and the land revenue was waived for 20 years.317

Later on, the

term for revenue exemption was fixed for the first ten years and after that, the

orchards were assessed through quadrennial enumeration.318

Table 3.11 demonstrates

a comparison between the Phulkian States Agency319

and the Bahawalpur State. In the

period 1900-01, the land revenue of Phulkian States was 111.88% more as compare to

the area while Bahawalpur had 151.47% increase in the land revenue. This strong

position of the State was the result of the canals extension particularly Eastern Sadqia

315P.J. Fagan, Land Revenue, 26. 316Settlement Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur tehsils 1930,11. 317Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 10 April 1919. 318Assessment Report of Minchinabad Tehsil 1947, 71. 319

Phulkian States Agency comprised on the native states of Patiala, Jind and Nabha. The rulers of all

three originally belonged to one ancestor named „Phul‟. See Dr. Bhagat Singh, „Phulkian Ruling

Houses‟ in the Punjab Past and Present, Vol XIX-1: April 1985, 11.

0100000200000300000400000500000600000700000

1935-36

1939-40

1940-41

Khanpur 205680 301421 336211

Rahimyar 385061 478697 527514

Sadiqabad 371943 387867 426417

Total 3091202 3764417 4163458

102

Canal. However, in the next decade, the State obtained about 5% less revenue than the

Patiala State. The Nabha State revenue in both comparing years was more than the

Bahawalpur state but the reverse was true in the Jind State.

Table: 3.11. Land Revenue and Cultivated Area of the Phulkian States and the

Bahawalpur State

Patiala Acres Revenue in Rs. % of Land

Revenue

1900-01 2964711 3317181 111.88

1910-11 2918221 4471614 153.23

Jind

1900-01 739514 594332 80.36

1910-11 688129 594983 86.46

Nabha

1900-01 505863 931636 184.16

1910-11 507909 862611 169.83

Bahawlpur

1900-01 883536 1338344 151.47

1910-11 1000243 1489709 148.93

Source: The Punjab State Gazetteers Vol. XVII-B, Statistical Table 1913, Patiala ii; Jind ii;

Nabha ii, and Bahawalpur State Gazetteer 1913, cciv.

Figure 3.4: Land Revenue and Cultivated Area of the Phulkian States and the Bahawalpur

State

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160

180

200

Patiala Jind Nabha Bahawalpur

1900-01

1910-11

Column1

103

3.3.1 The Other taxes

Besides the land revenue, some other charges were levied on the landowners

by the State, mainly after the completion of Sutlej valley project. The major

imposition was that of water rates, also called the occupier‟s rate or the abiana levied

after the first two harvests. Actually, it was the price of canal water for cultivators.

However, there was no volumetric assessment and the cultivators were free to employ

as much water as they required. It was received along with the land revenue in the

State while in Punjab province the land revenue and the water rates were collected

separately.320

The water rates in the State were determined by the quality of soil with

a view to harmonize the revenue demand as per the productive capacity of the land.

The khushhaisyate was due in return for using water supply from Sutlej valley

canals at 2 rupees and 8 anna in perennial and 8 anna on non-perennial areas. The

zamindars of the concerned areas frequently insisted that this levy should be

abolished although its rates were justified, yet it was extended till 1940.321

Another

tax was malikana paid by the grantees until the acquisition of the property rights. It

was a sort of acknowledgement of the ownership rights by the State over crown land.

In the Bahawalpur colony, malikana was levied at the rate of 1 rupee and 8 anna per

acre with mature crop.322

In Punjab, its rate was somewhat higher. In lower Jhelum

colony, it was fixed at four anna per acre while in the lower Chenab colony at six

anna for the first ten years and nine anna thereafter till the acquisition of the

proprietary rights.323

Another charge was „Acreage Rate‟ received by the State in lieu of

infrastructural expenditures mainly constructing the watercourses and the culverts.

The acreage rate was fixed at 8 anna per acre and total amount incurred till 1944 was

34, 45,522. However, in the inferior land of Ahmadpur East, acreage rate for wheat

and cotton was 2 rupees and 4 anna per acre and for fodder crops and others was 1-

12-0 per acre.324

In the colony areas, lump sum payment of the acreage rate was a

320 Indu Agnihotri, Agrarian Changes, 214. 321

Levy of Water Advantage Rates1937, Official Correspondence from PWD and Revenue Minister to

Prime Minister of Bahawalpur State. 322Report of Inquiry Committee, 118. 323 Indu Agnihotri, Agrarian Changes, 198. 324 Official Correspondence from Prime Minister Bahawalpur State to FC Revenue Punjab on 23 May

1944.

104

compulsory condition for getting the ownership rights.325

During economic

depression, recovery of the acreage rate was suspended throughout the State.

However, the Punjab government abolished the acreage rate in proprietary area,

because the construction of the watercourses was the cultivator‟s responsibility.326

A further charge was the local rates credited to the district board for local

development. It was 12 rupees and 8 anna. Further, there were different cess: one was

for zaildari at the rate of one rupee and another lumberdari at five rupees.327

These

cesses and the local rates were purely local charges and were imposed all over Punjab.

However, the position of cess varied in each province, district, or in native state.328

The roots for local cess laid in the context of Famine Policy of the GOI. Thorburn

traced the local rates to a directive of the GOI to the GOP, which asked for a

contribution of £ 120000 per year to the Famine Insurance Fund and this amount was

to be received from agricultural resources.329

Apart from these, no other tax was

levied and other illegal exactions were abolished in the Bahawalpur State.

3.3.2 Remissions on Kharaba and Role of Revenue Bureaucracy

The assessment was reframed each harvest on matured crops after subtracting

for the kharaba. The kharaba term is used for all sort of crop failure or soiling of or

damage to the produce due to the peculiar physical environment or weather related

factors afflicting a big part of the region defining the state boundary. It was a fairly

common and regular phenomenon in the region that would partly or wholly destroy

the harvest and some sort of remissions would become necessary to relieve the

peasants as a result of its vagaries. The Mughal and the British both offered

remissions to the destitute cultivators. An elaborate system of suspension of the land

revenue was also an old tradition in the Bahawalpur State.

Kharaba was allowed after the joint inspection of the canal and revenue

department. However, tehsildar was responsible officer to grant the remission on the

written requisition of peasants. Sometimes, on the spot remissions were given by

concerned officer. Usually the State reduced the revenue because of internal factors

like; calamities of flood and low rainfall, scarcity of canal water and locust blight. In

325

Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 8 November 1928. 326 File: 12-A, 1942, Part III, Levy of Acreage Rate Notice with Reference to Revenue Minister on 12 April 1944. 327Assessment Report of Ahmadpur Tehsil 1923, 29. 328Trevaskis, An Economic History of Punjab, 151, 176. 329 S.S.Thorburn, The Punjab in Peace and War, 236.

105

1873-74, due to intense flooding large-scale remissions were granted and continued in

the subsequent years.330

The external factors also involved in granting remissions.

There were two examples of remission for external reasons. In 1871, the rates were

reduced by four annas for each crop because of an overall price fall in grains.331

Again, the price deflation of 1931 caused a great decline in prices throughout

India. The State made substantial reductions and granted a remission of 30% on the

State demand.332

The total remissions in the State during the seven years of economic

depression were 78 lac rupees.333

This reduction in the State revenue looks even more

significant when viewed in the backdrop of Sutlej valley project when the State was

already in debt.334

The other native States such as Faridkot, Maler Kotala and Nabha

were also facing the same conditions of economic depression but did not grant any

remission while Patiala, Kapurthala and Bikaner granted nominal remission of five

lac, one lac and three lac rupees respectively.335

The satisfactory results from revenue system depend upon the transparent

performance of the revenue administration and commitment to their job. However, the

discrepancies were to be commonly found in the process of revenue assessment and

remission.336

The demand sometimes lacking justification and unreliability of water

supply would reflect itself in the incidence of kharaba throughout the province. The

small-scale peasant would cultivate bad land and benefit the least from the remissions

announced while big landowners were the largest beneficiaries. This situation was

largely the result of the despotic role of the officials therefore, the Punjab government

abolished the kharaba custom except for the special circumstances.

The revenue system itself had some inbuilt flaws and faults that the State,

despite repeated efforts, could not eliminate. These flaws reduced the control of the

State over its bureaucratic apparatus. Further, the elite would also coerce and threaten

the collection staff. The lower bureaucracy had always been reluctant to work against

the the interests of the powerful people, rather it worked for the interests of the big

330Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1973-74, 9. 331

Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1872-73, 1. 332Assessment Report of Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East Tehsils 1930, 1. 333Sadiq-ul- Akhbar, 1st April, 1939. 334Sadiq-ul- Akhbar , 20 August , 1939. 335Sadiq-ul- Akhbar , 20 August , 1931 336Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1873-74, 2.

106

owners. The combination of the subordinate officials and the landlords not only

compromised the government efficiency but also reduced the public income.

The Agency government adopted strict measures to collect the arrears but

during the native rule, the rural elite used their position to their full advantage.

Actually, the absence of any law for recovery of arrears made the process of revenue

collection more difficult. The imposition of the Land Revenue Act of 1887 in the

State reduced the curse of arrears though very slowly. In case of non-recovery, the

Agency introduced the bold step of making the revenue administration accountable

for non-recovery of the revenue and the water rates.337

Overall, the administrative

reforms in the system detailed in the preceding paragraphs improved the State revenue

collection that had profound impact on the society as well. Moreover, the individual

peasant was made responsible for direct payment to the State contrary to the Punjab

where joint mode of payment was prevalent.

3.4 Revenue Free Land Grants

The grant of land to warriors and loyal courtiers was a significant aspect of

Muslim rule in India. During the Mughal regime, large tracts of land were awarded to

the local elites on service tenure and were entirely accountable to the central

government. Therefore, they never grew into big landlords and remained merely

chiefs with jagirs having partial or total remission. The Sikhs followed same pattern

in Punjab to maintain their political influence.338

The British brought a change in this practice and flourished a new tradition in

the administrative set up of India. They awarded rent-free land grants with ownership

rights for some additional purposes; to support the religious institution, to individuals

for some particular service or for livelihood of noble families. Regarding the revenue

liability of such land grants towards the Government, Baden Powell specified the

Punjab province as „the land par excellence of muafidars and of jagirdars’.339

In the formative decades of the Bahawalpur State, there were some estates

belonging to the other tribal groups, which were contemporary to the Abbasid in this

area. Among them, Lakhweras and Bhattis were the warlords, while Gillanis and

Bukharis were the holders of the religious endowments. The Nawab rulers of the

337Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1920-21, 34. 338 I.H. Malik, Sikandar Hayat Khan: A Political Biography (Islamabad: NIHCR, 1985), 14. 339 Baden Powell, The Land Systems of British India, Vol. II, 698.

107

Bahawalpur State maintained the legacy of former regimes and followed the ongoing

pattern of awarding further grants to individuals in perpetuation of jagir or muafi.340

These grants were initially limited to the Daudputras and the Balochs for

maintaining the troops to provide personnel for military campaigns. The grantees

were eight thousand men and each was allotted 50 bighas but responsible to pay

revenue for 25 bigha. This salary tenure was not inheritable and dependent on the will

of the Nawab. Latter, a considerable portion of the revenue was assigned to different

purposes on certain terms and conditions. The unconditional grant of one-lac acres

was conferred to religious and learned persons.341

Their jagirs were semi-feudal by

nature, alienable with hereditary rights but ancestral division shrank their size.

These grants held partial or total remission or muafi, which were mostly

extended first for ten years and afterwards for lifetime. In this context, the sanad was

the most important document, which held all particulars of grant. The grants unlike

jagirs were inalienable and always based on the pleasure of ruler (tabe-ie-marzi

sarkar). The loyalty with the State and good character was the primary condition.

However, the repossession by the State was very rare and the property had come

down for decades through the process of ratification of asnad in favour of the

descendants of the grantee.

Upon assuming the political control of the State, the Council of Regency had

to deal with a large group of people who held various forms of revenue free land

assignments.342

Under the new political set up, the Agency government maintained

the status of the grantees because each grantee held some special significance.

Furthermore, it was the British policy in India that landed aristocracy should be

maintained.343

The State laid down a set of rules to recognize the rent-free tenures. All

grants having asnad344

were scrutinized and restored. However, the grants of the

340 Same in NWFP, tribesman encouraged the sanad and other reputed holy man to settle down and

frequently gave them rent free grants called seri, for their own support or kept up a mosque or shrine. 341 Shahamet Ali, A History of Bahawalpur State, 208. 342

All grants were to be measured under Agency. See Appendix X. 343 Ian John Stone Kerr, The Punjab Province and the Lahore District, 1849-1872, 278.

344 For the Ratification of Sanad by Agency, sanad has been attached in Appendix XI.

108

rebellions involved in the anarchy during the reign of late Nawab Bahawal Khan III,

were lapsed and were further counterbalanced by new grants.345

Table 3.12 displays all the grants as of 1866. There were total 1497 grants.

The most fertile and well-watered areas were largely granted on partial or full muafi.

The ancient areas of Uch, Allahbad and Khanpur had large share in the revenue

exemption and small number of landowners occupied a large area while Ahmadpur

East, Ghazipur, Ahmadpur Lamma and Sabzal Kot had the least share of such grants.

In the eastern part of the State, only Bahawalgarh and Khairpur tehsils had rent-free

land because both were situated on the bank of Sutlej while rest of this area was

waterless hence had no share in maufi entitle grants. A little part of such lands in the

State was resumed by the Agency. It was mainly from those who were involved in the

rebellion. Sabzal Kot had the most share of confiscated land. The reason was probably

that it was away from the capital, Bahawalpur, therefore, had probably sustained the

rebellions for a longer period. Whereas Khairpur, Bahawalpur and Khanpur were the

center of political control so were saved from the uprising and had no share in the

resumed land.

Table 3.12 Rent-Free Grants in 1866

Tehsil

Number of grantees Land in Bighas

Paying

full

Nazrana

Paying

half

Nazrana

Rent-

Free

Resumed Inam Kasur Rent-

Free

Resumed

Bahawalgarh 80 85 1 4 21897 19228 --- 560

Khairpur 10 183 --- --- 32468 45110 45724 ---

Bahawalpur 11 238 4 --- 42764 89335 21349 ---

Ahmadpur

East

29 177 1 3 17994 48170 --- 162

Uch 18 150 7 3 62209 74097 1524 4326

Allahbad 30 114 6 --- 10014 75350 --- 9667

Khanpur 40 185 1 --- 149351 250523 --- ---

Ghazipur 12 11 --- --- 814 2287 --- 111

Ahmadpur

Lamma

18 21 --- --- 6211 11009 --- 1018

Sabzal Kot 29 19 1 7 3367 20143 --- 5506

Total 276 1183 21 17 347092 635258 68598 21402

345All persons who were guilty were allowed to come back but their jagirs were never restored and a

nominal allowance for them was granted for lifetime. See Proceedings of Political Department April,

1869: Case of Imam Bakhsh, 872.

109

Source: C. Minchin, Selection from the Records of the Government of the Punjab and its

Dependencies: Administration of the Bahawalpur, Chumba and Patowdie States (Lahore:

1869)22-23.

Moreover, the Agency regime brought changes to the character of jagirdars.

Their jagirs, which had not been assessed for revenue purpose previously but now

were liable for assessment so that the spirit of subjugation might be maintained in this

elite group. Their holdings were charged with the water rates but not included in the

calculation of the cultivated area of the State.346

The term landed aristocracy or feudal

lords was used for the owners of 500 acres or more.347

There were five sorts of

Revenue Free Assignments in the State.

A. Jagirs

The term „jagir’ was usually appropriated to the larger grants for the members

of the royal family. The jagirs were totally revenue free and alienable. The main

jagirs were related with the Queen Mother and her father, some of the Princes and

their wives, and Dhais (mid wives) attached to the palace. Some jagirs were given for

subsistence purpose to other close relatives of the Nawab.348

According to the royal

tradition, the oldest son was the successor and entitled to get all jagirs and amlak.

All other heirs were ennobled to attain guzara allowance and some jagir. The

female heirs were given only jewelry and monthly allowance.349

The personal jagirs

of the Nawab ruler were maintained through a separate Jagirat Department. The

jagirs were extended to a cluster of villages. The large jagirs were; Taif (14663),

Chhaneli (7600 acres), Sadiqnagar (4800 acres) Shamsabad (2820 acres),

Sadiqabad(2630 acres), Rashidabad (2000 acres), Changla (1840 acres), Abbaspur

(1220 acres) and many others. Some of these jagirs were also offered for sale on the

commencement of colonization in the Bahawalpur State.350

Total area in jagir was

26000 till 1947.351

B. Inam

346Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1873-74, 153. 347 Hamza Alvi, The Rural Elites and Agricultural Development, 194. 348Re-Organization Report 1867, 55. See also Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 3 October 1867. 349Old Record from Muhafiz Khana Bahawalpur, dated 15 May 1899. See Appendix XII. 350 File: 279-A, 1951, His Highness jagir in Taif, Letter from Household Minister Bahawalpur to the

Deputy Commissioner Bahawalpur, dated 14-4-52. 351 Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat: File 275-12-A, 1951, Agricultural Income Tax and Auqaf Land.

110

The other large grant was inam given to courtly subordinates, high ranked

officers, the persons of distinctive merits and to the religious institutions. In many

cases, this grant had absolute revenue remission. The large tracts under inam jagir

belonged to Uch, Maharan Sharif and Chachrhan. The distinctive aspect of inam jagir

in the Bahawalpur State was that it was largely given to the religious leaders

commonly known as pir. Makhdum Nuo Bahar Shah of Uch Bukhari and Makhdum

Shamsudin Gillani of Uch Gillani were the sajjada and big jagir holders at Uch. Mian

Mohammad Yousuf Kherri, son of Nurjahanian and sajjada of his ancestral darbar of

Maharan Sharif was the owner of lacs of bighas.352

Khawaja Mohammad Mueen

Uddin Koreja of Shedani was one of the leading jagirdar in the State as well as the

sajjada of the tomb of Qazi Aaqil Mohammad of Kotmitthan. Moreover, Mian

Mohammad Bakhsh of Chachran held the status of jagirdar and pir as well. The jagir

of the last one was completely exempted from land revenue.353

All these nobles were recognized as jagirdars by the GOP and were

mentioned in the official list of the notables by the GOI.354

Besides, the inam jagirs of

Bhong, Rahimabad and Mianwali Qureshian were of political nature in order to elicit

support for the native rule. Moreover, inam lands were awarded to the people from

outside the State and included newly recognized warriors, courtiers and officials.

Besides, a number of assignments under the head of inam were given to the various

noble families of Sayyed, Pattan, Qureshi, Baloch, Sial, Panwar, Kharal and

Lakhwera clans. The nature and extent of inam grant in Bahawalpur was somewhat

different from the inam grant in rest of India. Here it was specific to large parcels of

land while in Hyderabad Deccan, it was awarded to both the high ranked and the petty

official but the area was less than 100 acres.355

Likewise, in Lahore District, inam

ranged in size for less than an acre to almost two hundred acres or two pacca wells.356

The inam grant was usually in the form of land. However, in some instances

marginal cash inam was also given but confined only to Minchinabad tehsils, where

only 124 rupees was paid as nazrana and it was rent-free. All inam lands had to

provide chherr as per fixed quota but for the collection of their dues, inam holders had

352

Bahawalpur State Gazetteer 1904,320. 353The Government of India, Ruling Princes and Chiefs, Notables and Principal Officials of the Punjab Native States (Lahore: 1918), 6. 354 Ibid. 355 Harold. H. Mann, Land and Labour in a Deccan Village (Bombay: Oxford, 1917), 36. 356 Johnstone Kerr, The Punjab Province and the Lahore District, 1849-1872, 288.

111

to made arrangements on their own.357

In 1873, the major inam jagirs were 137 in

number.358

C. Kussur

The receivers of this grant were largely, the Daudputras and the Blochs who

received the land in return for their military service called iwz e lashkri. This sort of

grant was initiated when the Nawab Bahawal Khan III sent his troops to render

services to Multan campaign of the British Empire.359

The Nawab gave rent-free lands

to the military men of his clan as a reward of the excellent services in that campaign.

Later, this land grant remained continue and fixed for the provision of two footmen or

one mounted in the State service.360

This grant was assigned in the form of one well

with 12.5 acres of land or one jhallar with ten acre of land. The kussur grant was also

given to noble families for their livelihood. It was inheritable and was equally divided

among the heirs while in case of being issueless; the widow of deceased was eligible

for monthly wazifa.361

The Agency recognized all the kussur grants despite the

abolition of their war services. However, it increased the amount of nazrana on the

ratification of sanads.362

D. Takhfif-e-Ushri-Wa-Nahum

It was purely a local grant by the State and would entitle the grantee 1/9th

and

1/10th

remission on the land revenue. The grantee had to be permanently resident

within the State and in case of emigration; the muafi was to be abolished. In Chishtian

tehsil, a separate local term called „pokh‟ was used for this grant.363

The area under

this grant was 2361 acres.

E. Istamrar

Istamrar grant was prevailing in the other parts of India mainly in Delhi and

Kohat. It was given to improve the agriculture in uncultivated areas. A tract of thirty

bigha was given to sink a well on the State wasteland at the rate of 22 rupees per year.

357Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State, 1973-74, 10. 358 Figures compiled from the manuscript record with total list of each inam holder, no 313, reserved in

Muhafiz khana Bahawalpur. 359

Murad Shah, Tarikh-e-Murad, 146. 360 Shahamet Ali, A History of Bahawalpur, 209. 361 Record in Bahawalpur Archives, see Appendix XIII. 362Proceedings of Political Department November 1870: Bahawalpur Budget Estimate for 1871, 949. 363 This term is originally mokh, which means hadya or nazar, given to the prestigious and religious

men. In Chishtian tehsil, it was used for official grant, while in other state, for private gifts to pirs.

112

The Istamrar was entirely confined to Minchinabad Nizamat.364

The area of 15993

acres was granted for the term of settlement, afterwards reverted to the State.365

The maufi holders had to pay a rent called nazrana, which was a fixed

proportionate of the grant held by a grantee and was different for different grantees.

For inam and kussur, the average exemptions were from 2 anna to 7 anna per rupees.

The extension or reduction of these grants was based on the goodwill of Nawab and

their persistency was depended on the good behavior of maufidar. There were 1497

rent-free assignments or maufi in 1873.366

In 1901-02, the area under maufi was 173537 acres. Out of which 26456 acres

were granted on perpetuity grounds, 133130 acres for two or three generations and

6925 acres for the term of settlement on istamrar grant. The blocks of 18105 acres

paid revenue in kind while 155432 acres were assessed with cash rent of Rs. 86384.367

In 1920-21, the area under muafi was 137982 acres. Out of which 47138 acres were

granted on perpetuity bases, 74851 acres for two or three generations and 15993 acres

for the term of settlement. The total muafi in revenue on these grants was 80910

rupees in that period.368

The table 3.7 shows all the grants with respective paying

revenue payment details. The inam and kussur grants were sometimes also awarded to

the same landholder as was the case with the jagir of Garhi Ikhtiar Khan, which

consisted of 7624 acres of inam and 4016 acres of kussur.369

The dominating feature of the inam jagir was that the Nawab lavishly

endowed it for the maintenance of the religious institutions of khanqah and shrines.

For shrines, the land was conferred to the sajjada who was the functionary head of the

institution. The position of sajjada was that of a caretaker and the darbar had the final

authority for its succession approval. By custom, there were certain terms and

conditions for gaddi nasheen, which had to be accomplished. As sajjada must be an

heir from a Sayed mother, he was responsible of looking after the other members of

family.370

The local tradition of the nomination of son for the grant on the death of

muafi holder was also maintained under the Agency rule. In case of an issueless

364Gazetteer of Bahawalpur State 1904, 321. 365Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1920-21, 35. 366

Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 19 73-74, 153. 367Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 321. 368Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1920-21, 35. 369 Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, File: 89-1941, Court of Wards of Garhi Ikhtiar Khan. 370 Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Translation of Farman of the Nawab Ruler regarding Makhdum ul

Mulk Ghulam Meeran Shah on 15-8-41.

113

sajjada, the widow of the deceased was entitled to a grant or monthly pension called

as wazifa and rozina.371

The matter of the fact was that the religious grants were without any

obligation or service to the State and, thus, remained retrogressive. By the rule, the

income from a jagir was only for lungar, dars and urs but in practice, the income was

in the personal use of the sajjada. Mostly, the sajjada was not in favour of giving land

to his siblings except nominal allowances. With the time, the institution of khanqah in

the State became powerful and the sajjada nasheen assumed the role of both a

spiritual guide and a landowner. They became the most privileged group in the State

commonly known as pir.

The oldest endowment of this type existed in the State was that of Uch Gillani.

It began in 1467 A.D. for the shrine of Hazrat Bandgi Sahib. The Bahawalpur State

further granted 60134 bigha of inam land, out of which 15285 bigha for the shrines of

Uch Bukhari and 44849 bigha for charity and lunger.372

Makhdoom Hamid Gunj was

a powerful jagirdar of Uch.373

The nuzrana levied on his jagir ranged from 25% to

12% according to the harvest condition of the year and was taken from the share of

both the jagirdars and the tenants.374

A considerable area was further added to the

jagir land for kitchen and other expenses of the khanqah. Moreover, annuities to the

mosques attached to the khanqah were separate from these grants. The other minor

charitable grants were paid in kind at head quarter of each kardari.375

This form of

jagir was not transferable and a formal official confirmation was required for its

transfer to the heirs.

Besides, a number of patronages also persisted. They were exempted from the

usual court and were only called through murasla instead of summon. Their presence

was compulsory in the annual function of birthday. Another relaxation was that the

goods purchased by a sajjada nasheen, were exempted from the transit duty.376

The

Makhdoms of Uch were entitled to dastarbandi by the Nawab.377

Actually, the

371 Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Revenue and Public Works Department: File 520- 1945, Late

Makhdoom Hamid Mahmood Sajjadah Nashin of Uch Bokhari, 2. 372 Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Office of the Alimartabat Prime Minister Bahawalpur State, File:

520-A 1946, Matters Relating to Uch Gillani. 373Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1904-05, 9. 374Matters Relating to Uch Gillani. 375Re-Organization Report 1867, 55. 376 Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 28 July, 1938. Manzoor Ahmad, Guldasta-e- Manzoor, 205-06, 237. 377 Murad Shah, Tarikh-I-Murad, 413.

114

Nawabs of Bahawalpur, were religious minded and had great regard for the institution

of khanqah.378

Likewise, the large tracts of lands were conferred to the Hindu community for

mandir. The major grant receivers were Radhka Lal Bairagi and Gosain Kanhaya Lal

Bairagi till the establishment of mandir. Both were big zamindaar and spiritual guide

of Hindus. Further inam land was awarded in 1885 to Dayal Das, in 1927 to Attar

Nath, and in 1937 to Thao Ram and many others in the different periods as well.

Some sanyasi faqirs personally received the grants.379

The jagir holders in fact held a

status of rural aristocrats and were the most prestigious group of the society in the

State. They were given high protocol but were kept isolated from the power and

authority, particularly they were never invested with the powers of police or revenue.

Therefore, they were under the control of the Nawab ruler who did not face the

condition, which other native states had to confront in relation with their landowners.

For example, in Patiala the rural elites became so powerful against princely

aristocracy that Maharaja of Patiala had to reorganize his police departments against

their expected challenge.380

The financial aid to pirs and expenditure on shrines from the State treasury

was a legacy of the Abbasids. Along with the recognition of their rights over the river,

Nawab Bahawal Khan III assigned the collection of duties at Mitthankot to the pirs of

Mitthankot as a sort of free grant.381

Moreover, provision of sufficient amounts for

the day-to-day expenditures of lunger and khanqah, was also a legacy of the Abbasid

family. For example, Nawab Bahawal Khan V was very careful in spending money on

unnecessary expenditure but was fervent in his endowments for the shrines. On his

visit to Ajmir, he awarded ten thousand for the khanqah and forty thousand for the

deg. Apart from this, he often donated large sums for the maintenance of local tombs

378 Ibid, 199. See in C.M. Wade, Journal of a Voyage from Ludhiana to Mithonkot by the Satlaj River,

Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, January to June 1837, VI, Part 1, 208. 379

Bahawalpur Darbar Secriteriate, selections from the Old Record of Inam and Kasoor, reserved in

Muhafizkhana Bahawalpur. 380 Barbara Ramusake, Indian Princes, 173. 381 Wade Letter, 7 August 1937, Report on the Trade by the River Ghara and by the Indus between

Dera Ghazi Khan, Mithon kot and Hyderabad before and Since the Treaty of 1932-33 by F. Mackeson,

33.

115

and lungar as well.382

The table 3.13 provides an estimate percentage of revenue free

holdings in the State.

Table: 3. 13. Estimated Area under the Revenue Free Holdings till 1947

(Acres-Kanal- Marla)

Name of grant Paying Nuzrana Non-Paying Total

Inam 27598-5-17 21113-5-4 48612-0-21

Kassur 8624-1-1 2538-4-6 11162-5-7

Takhfif 3218-5-13 13250-0-5 16268-5-18

Istmrar 616-2-14 136-2-8 752-4-22

Grand total 40056-13-0 37037 77093

Source: Figures are extracted and compiled from Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Revenue

and PWD, File: 275-12-A 1951, Agricultural Income Tax on Auqaf Lands and Jagirs.

There was yet another dimension to this situation. The big landowners were

responsible to create the worst form of absentee landlordism, which was the most

prevalent in the old proprietary areas of the State. All the areas given in jagirs, were

the most fertile and rich tracts of the state but the majority of the people in those area

was on the verge of starvation and unable to pay even the lowest revenue rates. There

were also cases of poverty-stricken people paying a token amount as nazar when

paying the visit to their wealthy jagirdar or pir to to seek their barakat (spiritual

blessing). According to Gregory Kozlowski, this association between people and pirs

was based on spiritual connection. The former considered the pirs as a symbol of

blessing and divine support.383

M. Darling, rightly analyzed that the landlords and pirs were quit strong in the

Western Punjab: the former in material terms and the latter in spiritual sphere, and

they were responsible for the entrenched poverty of that area.384

However, the repute

of the landlords in the Bahawalpur State was not of the worst kind as was of the

landlords of Muzaffargarh and Dera Ghazi Khan areas. M. Darling called the latter

382Confidential Dairy of Political Agent of the Phulkian States and Bahawalpur, for the period ending

9th April , on Ajmeer visit, Vol, III, 144. 383 Gregory C. Kozlowski, Muslim Endowments and Society in British India (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1985), 23. 384 Darling, The Old Light and the New in Punjab Village, 336.

116

category as „throat stranglers‟.385

The reason behind this was the concept of welfare

State adopted by the Nawab rulers and the application of a good system of justice.

But, a grave social problem of perennial nature still persisted. All jagirs promoted a

strong landowning lobby in the agrarian society.

The crux of the matter, however, was that despite the claims of having a

paternal character, the native rulers indirectly sheltered the social disparity. For

example, the colonization program of the early 20th century was an apt chance to

abolish the strong hold of big landlords. There was a decision by the committee

constituted for the partition of inam lands with regard to a specific case in Khairpur.

The decision was in favour of breaking the large parcels of land and to offer it for

auction but it was not approved by the darbar.386

Moreover, the commercialization of

agriculture during early 20th

century had further strengthened the domination of the

rural elites in the Bahawalpur State as they diversified their surplus money from land

into trading activities. This increased their control over land and commodity markets,

which ultimately affected the agrarian dependents.

3.5 Conclusion

A lenient system of revenue existed in the State, which no doubt was the

legacy of the Mughals, modified by the Nawab rulers and refined by the Agency. The

nature of the Agency government in the native states was not extractive like it was in

the other provinces of India, where major purpose was to collect the revenue. Instead,

here traditional leniency of the princely India was dominant because its persistence

was a political necessity for the Nawab. In this scenario, the Agency did not adopt a

new system; instead it polished the existing native principles combined with the

adoption of the most influential colonial tool of the land revenue settlements. The

settlement policy was generated to ensure a long-term increase in fiscal demand. As

land survey and settlement operations progressed, the cultivated area increased,

ensuring more funds. On the other side, new system brought comforts to the subjects

and the records of rights rendered a valuable public service. The maps once made

were practically permanent in nature and saved the state from the labour of annual

385 Ibid, 286. 386 The committee was comprised on Foreign Secretary, Senoir Judge of Chief Court and Naib Mushir-

e-Mal. Letter from Prime Minister Bahawalpur State on the 26-4-1933, related with the khanqah

Khuda Bakhsh, Khairpur Tamenwali is attached in Appendix XIV.

117

measurement and the peasantry also knew quite well the boundaries of their property,

and about the nature of their rights and obligations. Nonetheless, the rent-free holders

enjoyed all the advantages but contributed least to the wellbeing of the peasant

society. They merely exploited the devotional feelings, particularly of the backward

communities. Their greed brought about a decline in the material conditions of the

peasantry. However, the variables of survey, measurement, killabandi and sliding

scale were the major components of a modern system of land revenue assessment and

became the triggers and the dynamics of the agrarian change as well. The funds

generated by the land revenue were spent locally on large-scale public works. In this

regard, the irrigation projects were the core of the state‟s focus that is going to be

discussed in the coming chapter.

118

Chapter 4

Irrigation System of the Bahawalpur State

This chapter examines the transition process and progress of irrigation activity

from a traditional system to modern and calculated water management system. The

close proximity of the rivers, intensity of the weather in term of dry climate, hot

temperature, and less rainfall all combined created a need and dynamics for an

artificial irrigation system in the State. This chapter analyzes the process that of how

river waters in Sutlej, Punjnad and Indus valleys beset the stage for agricultural

development in the State. The native irrigation, based on community management,

had been gradually converted into the State controlled system and provided the

baseline for the new progressive front. Inadequate water supply was the most

significant limiting factor for agricultural production, therefore the focus of the State

was to overcome this grim situation. The development of canal-based irrigation was

planned at the initiative of the Agency government. This study examines the politico-

economic process of mega change in the State triggered by the Sutlej Valley canals

along with the challenges it had to face. This chapter also highlights the State‟s

successful response through a well-crafted politico-economic strategy to the

significant financial challenge. The impact of these schemes on the rural economy of

that tract of the State is also discussed.

4.1 Irrigation in the Pre-Agency Period

The archeological evidence indicates the irrigation networks in the

Bahawalpur region and existence of hydraulic societies along the bank of river

Hakra.387

Present Cholistan was the catchment area of Hakra. Since the desiccation of

Hakra, the irrigational regime in its valley ended. The probable notion about the

desertification of Hakra valley was also the hydrographic changes.388

During second

to first millennium BC, Hakra gradually dwindled down and desolated the whole

valley.389

Whereas the Northern parts of Cholistan, fed by Indus and its tributaries

387 Mughal, Ancient Cholistan, 49. 388 Irfan Habib, Pre-History, People‟s History of India (New Delhi: Aligarh Historians Association,

2001), 68-71. 389 Mughal, Ancient Cholistan, 56.

119

became populous.390

In a way, the indus based system had been used for irrigtion

since the IVC.391

This scenario had persisted in these areas up to the medieval rule.

After a prolonged period, climate became more arid and rainfall more scanty, which

increased the dependence for subsistence on river water.

However, since the drying up of Hakra up to the eve of the Abbasid rule, the

Bahawalpur region had no traces of planned system of irrigation. The aridness and

scarcity of rains were more severe and cultivation was confined to the tracts

contiguous to the rivers, particularly in the Punjnad valley.392

On the arrival of the

Abbasids, high ridges of these areas became their first inhabited localities, while a

large part of the region was barren owing to the inadequate natural precipitation.393

Therefore, artificial irrigation was a necessity to feed and clothe the increasing

population of the region. Primarily, the peasants utilized the natural creeks and

depressions to irrigate their fields. These depressions were locally called dhunds. To

expand the irrigation, the water carried through small channels, which were

subdivided into nalas.394

Because water surface level in the rivers remained always

high in summer, therefore the rulers constructed the bunds or stop dams to protect the

areas from flood. These bunds were temporary and sometimes washed away by the

high flow of the river.

The wells or khu were the oldest form of irrigation used for both

complementary irrigation and domestic purpose. Nevertheless, the geo-physical

environment of the region provided an ideal base for canal irrigation, which was

focused in parallel to the foundation of new towns in the early Abbasid period. The

initial canal structure gradually developed with the full participation of irrigators and

nature of those canals was zamindari. The first zamindari canal Qaimwah was

constructed in 1747.

While the first canal excavated by the Abbasids was Khanuwah that was

established along the Bahawalpur town in 1748. In the same year, old canal Dajla,

390 J. S. Gerwal, “Historical Geography of Punjab” Journal of Punjab Studies, 11, No. 1 (2004), 4. 391

Salman M..A. Salman and Kishore UPrety, 38. 392 Radhika Lal, History of Bahawalpur State Canals, 5. 393 Khanbela, Allahabad, Taranda, Jajja etc. were the high lands located in the ancient areas of lamma. 394 Wade Letter, 25 September 1837, On the Trade of Bahawalpur by Mohan Lal, 166.

120

originally constructed during the reign of Aurangzeb Alamgir (1656-1707), was

reopened with the name of Nurangwah. At the same time, other tribal chiefs dug out

many canals in their concerned principalities.395

The history of every canal was full of

struggle against the heavy flashes of river. This struggle could not have been

successful without engaging the social fabric. Thus, a proper irrigation structure

gradually evolved but with certain limitations.

The matter of the fact was that the construction of canals usually depended

upon the ability of the ruler to mobilize the irrigators to the water affairs. The canal

building had a close link with the political stability and peaceful regime.396

Such as

the reign of Amir Mubarak Khan (1749-1772), was free from any sort of political

disturbance, therefore, it afforded a room for the construction of large canals;

Sabzalwah, Ikhtiarwah, and Ahmadwah. The large canals were also major conduits

for inland transportation.

The Nawab also ordered excavation of the canals in his possessions on the

right bank of Sutlej, named Mubarakwah, Sardarwah and Khanwah.397

Though the

Nawab ruler was the caretaker of all areas however, the centre for irrigation power

vested in the property based management; even the canals constructed by the Nawab

rulers were also based on community participation. The initial role of the State was

limited to the supervision of the canal operations while native regulations were

promulgated only in the distribution of water and appointment of labour for canal

clearance.

The irrigation arrangements were limited to the old proprietary areas. Before

the Agency administration, there were 38 existing canals. Out of which, 26 were

drawn from the Sutlej, 6 from the Chenab and 6 from the Indus.398

The table 4.1 gives

the details of 26 canals, which were more than 10 feet in breadth. The canals with a

395 The first canal was Qaimwah constructed in 1747, by Qaim Khan Arbani in Qaimpur. In 1748,

Bahadur Khan Hillali, excavated Nala Bahawalwah, with the establishment of Bahadurpur town.

Ahmadwah was excavated in 1758 in Ahmadpur East; in 1759, in Ahmadpur Lammah and in 1763 in

Mud Manthaar. Gorgani and Muhammad Din, Sadiq-ut-Tawarikh, 158-163. 396Hugo James, A Volunteer’s Scrambles through Scinde, the Punjab, Hindustan and the Himalayah Mountains Vol. I (London: W. Thacher & Co, 1854), 70. 397Hafeez-ur-Rehman Hafeez, Khulasa Tarikh Tajdaran-e-Riyasat Bahawalpur (Bahawalpur: 1924),

13. 398Gazetteer of the Bahawalpu State 1904, 243.

121

length more than 20 miles were zamindari canals. This table highlights that kardaris

of Khairpur Bahawalpur, Ahmadpur, and Noushehra had more share in canal building

while Minchinabad had only one stream. The pre-Agency canals had a total length of

817 miles including the tiny channels, which are not mentioned in the following

table.399

Table: 4.1. Major Inundation Canals existed in 1866 (LM =Length in miles)

SR. Kardari/

Tehsil

Canals L

M

S

R.

Kardari/

Tehsil

Canals L

M

1 Minchinabad Harsukhwah 25 14 Ibid Bahawal wah I 21

½

2 Khairpur

Tamewali

Kabeerwah 26 15 Ahmadpur

East

Qutub wah 34

3 Ibid Kallarwah 14 16 Ahmadpur

East

Mubarik wah I 13

4 Ibid Qaim wah 28 17 Ahmadpur

East

Ahmad wah I 15

5 Ibid Ahmad wah

II

39 18 Allahbad Bahawal wah II 33

6 Ibid Sher Ali wah 12 19 Khanpur Minchin wah 26

7 Ibid Tola wah 10 20 Noushra Kudan wah 44

8 Ibid Mauroofwah 10

½

21 Noushra Sone wah 12

9 Bahawalpur Gaganwah 16 22 Noushra Bahadur wah 14

10 Ibid Hussain wah 21 23 Sadiqabad Muhammadwah 19

11 Ibid Khan wah I 33 24 Sadiqabad Khan wahII 15

12 Ahmadpur

East

Nauranga 33 25 Sadiqabad Fazal wah II 19

13 Ibid Sultanwah 29 26 Sadiqabad Sabzal wah 21

Source: Extracted from Bahawalpur State Gazetteer 1904, 243; Annual Administration

Report of Bahawalpur 1875-76, Appendix vi.

399 Proceedings of Political Department December 1879: Administration Report of Bahawalpur1878-

79, 1263.

122

However, certain drawbacks existed in the pre-Agency canal system. There

was no standard code for executing the canals. Actually, all canals were originally

natural drainage channels, which extended in the form of inundation canals.

Individual administrators constructed these canals without scientific calculation,

therefore, they created many difficulties for the system, mainly the unstable heads

were responsible for the link break between river and canal supply.400

The channels

were broad and shallow instead of narrow and deep, which were essential to maintain

flow. Therefore, many of them vanished within fifty years of their excavation. The

major defect identified in the old system was the institutional vacuum. The

professional management orientation among the irrigators was minimal. Apart from

this, there was no mechanism for regulating the water supply in deluge canals during

the height of the flow in rivers and this caused great floods. Large volume of water

used to be available for rabi crop while kharif crops were dependent on the velocity

of river flow in winter.

These shortcomings were due to the lack of sound technical specifications and

their incidence was more common and acute in the other inundated areas of Punjab

and Sindh. The existing system also lacked expertise to deal with the new

environment of water competition created by canal excavations and the extension of

agricultural land. Actually, the traditional irrigation was efficient when need for

irrigation was likely to be at its lowest but inadequate to irrigate a wide stretch of

territory. With the expansion in cultivated area by either clearing of jungles or

irrigating the desert, it was necessary to improve and organize the irrigation system on

modern lines.

4.2 Irrigation System under the Agency

Under the British administrative control, a strong institutional evolution

originated in the irrigation infrastructure. In 1869, a joint department of Irrigation and

Public Works with a regular engineering section was set up in the Bahawalpur

State.401

This engineering branch was novel in India borne out of the international

400 Radhika Lal, History of Bahawalpur State Canals, 5. 401 Mr. Burns and Mr. Bucket were the first Superintendent of Irrigation and Public Works,

respectively. See Annual Administration Report of Bahawalpur1868-69, 86-89. Proceedings of

Political Department September 1869, attached in Appendix XV.

123

discourse on water technology, which was based on the conversion of water as a

commodity. In this context, the hydraulic engineers, who all were civil servants of

GOI, appointed on the Indian hydraulic projects to construct the canals on scientific

grounds.402

Moreover, during the period from 1870s to 1947, the government of India

made large investments in the Indus Basin irrigation to utilize its agricultural potential

for the development of economic sector.403

The new global hydraulic environment

influenced the emerging irrigation patterns in the State on one hand and on the other

hand, they were based on the native collaboration in canal building.404

In the Bahawalpur State, the Irrigation and Public Works departments were

working together but with separate responsibilities. The early character of the canal

department was that of an advisory organization. Its primary concern was only to

prepare longitudinal section of existing canal and to assist the civil officials with

technical advice in leveling and surveying the new canals. The excavation and

clearance of canals was the responsibility of PWD, which was further responsible for

preparing plans, sanctioning the estimated sum and handing them over to Nazim who

was in charge for executing the canal work by engaging the community. In this way,

the collaboration with natives was the nucleus of the system. In fact, it was the

integration of British engineers and officers with natives that stimulated a strong

political economy.

The changes in the administrative structure through time improved the

irrigation sector. In 1905, the irrigation and the revenue functions were separated from

PWD and the post of Mushir-e-Anhar was created with a separate establishment.405

In

1912, canal section passed from the revenue officers to canal engineers.406

This

organization was to cope with the trends of the time, which ultimately was a step

towards the perennial irrigation that started in 1920s. The initial motives behind

irrigation system building were essentially social and political in nature. The goals set

by the Agency were to provide the food security, increase in irrigated area and to

402 Proceedings of Political Department November 1871: Precedence of Bahawalpur Officers, 1096. 403 Ashok Swain, Environmental Cooperation in South Asia, eds. Ken Conca and Geoffrey D. Dabelko

Environmental Peacemaking (Washington, D.C: Woodrow Wilson Press, 2002), 66. 404

David Gilmartin, „Models of the Hydraulic Environment: Colonial Irrigation, State Power and

Community in the Indus Basin‟ in David Arnold and Ramachandra Guha (ed) Nature, Culture, Imperialism: Essays on the Environmental History of South Asia (New Delhi: Oxford University Press,

1995), 210-236. 405Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1904-05, 10. 406Assessment Report of Minchinabad Tehsil 1947, 17.

124

bring financial returns in order to expend on further public works. Therefore, first pre-

occupation of the British administration in the State was to improve the canals

operation and maintain the available sources of traditional irrigation.407

4.2.1 Traditional Irrigation

The existing cultivated area of the time was divided into three broad classes of

irrigation, which also made a difference in the pattern of agriculture. Table 4.2 gives a

picture of land distribution according to the sources of irrigation excluding the desert

area. The share of pure chahi land in this distribution was the least, sailaba had the

medium and nehri land had the highest share. The sailaba and nehri land existed in

Khanpur and Bahawalpur Nizamat. The cultivation on chahi land was more valuable

because it was fit for commercial crops, therefore, it had always been assessed at a

higher rate. Pure chahi land found only in the riverine tract of Bahawalnagar, where

water level in Sutlej was normally high. The proportion of barani land was very small

and found only in the desert area of Minchinabad and Bahawalnagar, comprising

135331 acres of land.408

Table: 4.2.Land Distribution According to the Sources of Irrigation in 1867

Description of source of irrigation Area in Bighas %

Chahi 215361 6.77

Sailaba 520754 16.38

Nehri 687405 21.62

Total cultivated land 1423520 44.79

Culturable Waste 862401 27.13

Non-Culturable Waste 892215 28.07

Grand total 3178136 100%

Source: Re-Organization Report 1867, 75

407Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904,239. 408Report of Inquiry Committee, 86.

125

Figure 4.1: Land Distribution According to the Sources of Irrigation in 1867

The wells and seasonal inundation were the main sources of traditional

irrigation. The well sinking for cultivation was the proprietor‟s responsibility,

therefore it was a unit of his personal possession. An ordinary ceiling of cultivation on

chahi land was 15 bigha whereas on nehri land, it was 30 bigha and on sailaba land,

it was 40 bigha. In the dry season, average in all cases reduced by one-third.409

This

smallness of chahi area was due to the operational dependence on bullock power.

The wells were important to buttress any decrease in supply from the rivers,

which resulted from canal works in Punjab. Particularly, the fall of water in Sirhind

canal had lowering effect upon the water level of wells. It caused to reduce the

average area irrigated by the well from 28636 bigha in 1883-84 to 11539 bigha in

1900 and increased the depth of wells to 25 to 30 feet, which previously was 10 to 20

feet. Actually, the wells were indispensable auxiliary of deluge irrigation that would

defuse the chemical impurities and improve the level of waters, therefore, existed

throughout the populated areas.410

409Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 241. 410 A Report Showing how far the Prosperity of Bahawalpur State Reverain Territory has been Injured

by the Construction of the Sirhind Perennial Canal, From Wazir Bahawalpur State to Colonel L.J.H.

Grey, Superintendent Bahawalpur State, Dated 14 October 1900.

Chahi

Sailaba

Nehri

Barani

Total cultivated land

Culturable Waste

Non-Culturable Waste

126

Khanpur and Allahbad tehsils had 3266 wells while Minchinabad tehsil had

only 674 wells because here well sinking commenced after the construction of

Fordwah. Fort Abbass tehsil of Minchinabad district had no well because it was

situated in the sandy desert. Nonetheless, irrigation from wells was costly and time

consuming. To save the cultivators from this exhaustion and also to increase the well

area, the Agency government provided many incentives. Mainly, it sunk many wells

on its own behalf and sold to the zamindars.411

Further, it provided loans to cultivators without interest but with easy

installments. Newly constructed wells were exempted from water rates for 12 years

and 30 bigha of land was to be allotted to the person who constructed one well.

Resultantly, landholders were encouraged and paid sufficient amount for the

construction of wells. From 1878-79 to 1898-99, the zamindar had spent 512084

rupees on well sinking. With the introduction of perennial canals, wells were

frequently used to supplement the poor water supply until the advent of tube well

technology.412

The other traditional mean of irrigation was sailaba, available in the tracts

contiguous to the river. This natural source was the least expensive but the supply was

available to the summer cultivation only. Historically, there were three major natural

overflow points in the State that irrigated sufficient area of their concerned tehsils

during the flood season. First overflow occurred above the junction of Sutlej and

Chenab near Uch and expanded fifty miles towards Khanpur in the Southwest.

Second overflow was near the junction of Chenab and Sindh eighteen miles from Uch

spilling from two to ten miles of land; and third overflow took place on Indus just

above the Subzalkot and would spread over fifteen miles in the State then flowed

towards Sindh. The combined discharge from these overflows was 30,000 cubic feet

per second and almost all was absorbed in the land.413

The land nourished by overflow had always been productive and more

retentive of moisture as water left a rich deposit of fertile silt. The silt consisted of

organic and mineral matter was a source of nourishment to the fields. But such

watering was irregular, only possible during flooding and only riparian owners could

411Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State, 1868-69, 29. 412 Muhammad Tahir, Riasat Bahawalpur Ka Nazm-e-Mumlikat, 343. 413 J.W. Burns, Notes on the Physical Geography of the Bahawalpur State, Journal of the Royal

Geographical Society of London, Vol. 42 (1872), 402.

127

take full advantage of it. In 1867, sailaba area was 5,20754 bighas, which by 1883,

had increased to 10,40934 bighas. By 1900, it decreased to 6,48624 bighas, owing to

the shortage of water subsequent to the construction of the perennial canals in

Punjab.414

This source of irrigation largely shrank down with the advent of weir

control system in 1924.

Furthermore, there were some natural creeks in the interior of the State.

Eleven small storage dames or reservoirs were constructed out of these water beds.

Seven of these were located in Minchinabad and four in Khairpur.415

To irrigate the

elevated tracts of lands from the reservoirs, a lift, locally called jhallar, was used,

which raised the water by the Persian wheel. The Native Political Agent, Murad Shah

Gardezi, introduced the jhallar system first in the Minchinabad Nizamat, where 600

jhallars were constructed on the Fordwah to feed the uplands. Later, this system

expanded to the districts of Bahawalpur and Khanpur.416

By 1867, 1249 jallars were

working.417

In 1872, these were reduced to 900 owing to the improvement in the

leveling of canals.418

On a very small scale, a lever operated lift, locally called dhekla,

was also introduced. However, the lift irrigation was very expensive and used only for

those places, where banks were spoiled and the use of the Persian wheel was

impossible.419

4.2.2 Canal Irrigation

The single natural input of water from rivers, the scarcity of rains and long

river frontage provided the base for artificial irrigation setup in the Bahawalpur State.

As Mr. Burns postulates;

“…the whole State (with the exception of well-cultivated and the land

submerged by the rivers during floods) would be reduced to desert

and therefore, it is only in a country of its kind where the blessings of

canal irrigation can be properly understood and appreciated.”420

The inundation canals were limited to the valley of Punjnad and Indus, and to

the lower part of Sutlej. The combine discharge from all such canals was estimated at

roughly 20,000 cubic feet per second at the peak of flood. In winter, this draw off was

414A Report of the Sirhind Perennial Canal, October 1900, 5. 415

Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State 1904, 254. 416Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1868-69,29 417Re-Organization Report, 80. 418Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1873-74, 2. 419Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State, 1870-71, 9. 420 Burns, Notes on the Physical Geography of the Bahawalpur State, 395.

128

half of that quantity.421

Increasing the irrigated agriculture to raise the revenue was the

primary objective for which the State was ready to spend additional money. In this

regard, Colonel Grey, the Political Agent of the State (1871-1879 and 1899-1908)

offered the GOP that the Bahawalpur State would bear half of the expenses of

railway, if railway authorities build protective works on Sutlej.422

The motive of the Agency government was that public irrigation could serve

the country far better if it pursued a strategy to reform the irrigation management with

greater professionalism and a performance orientation. Towards that end, the

overhauling of the irrigation system was one of the central focuses of the Agency.

Therefore, it brought major transition in the basic structure of the canal system in that

all the controlling and authoritative rights over the system vested in the State. The

State held control over regulation of water supplies, distribution, and management.

Moreover, with the State control both the State and the landowners became partners in

irrigation. The individual responsibility of the landholders for the canal management

was abolished. However, their partial involvement in the canal work was a necessary

feature of the system. The improvements on old canals engaged the zamindars by

asking them to provide labour under chherr system.

The overhauling of irrigation system in the State was undertaken in two steps.

The initial emphasis was on the existing canals and afterwards the new work was

undertaken. The first effort of the Agency was directed towards the maintenance and

operation of native canal structure by using new technology and technical

monitoring.423

The canals were provided with regulating bridges and stop dams,

which controlled the discharge during high floods. The head regulators were fixed for

all the State canals to control the flow of water and secure the crops from the flood

damage. All details regarding measurement of the discharge and abnoshes were

maintained. For the observation of the discharge, local educated youths were

employed.424

There was complete remodeling of all existing channels in terms of

alignments, gradients and leveling. From the main canals, branch canals, distributaries

and minor channels were drawn to distribute the water to the fields. Larger branches

421 Ibid. 422Proceedings of Political Department May 1871: Railway Works in Bahawalpur, 892. 423Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 1st September, 1867. 424 Radhika Lal,16. See also Tejveez Committee Mutauliq Intizam-e-Anhar on 15th April, 1901.

129

of Minchinwah and Sadiqwah canals in Khanpur tehsil were re-adjusted to irrigate the

intervening tract. In Ahmadpur Lamma tehsil, Bahadurwah and Ahmadwah canals

were extended. Moreover, new water heads on principal canals of Hussainwah,

Naurangwah and Khanwah were built. Two new canals Bakhtwah and Charleywah

were sources from river.425

The capital cost of improved work was funded with the assistance from the

landowners.426

Actually, the cultivators being inhibitors of a rainless region fully

realized the value of water. They showed great zeal in prosecuting canal clearance and

opening new cuts in existing canals. They paid for the cost of the extension and the

repair, while the State borne the expenditures on the improvements of the water

heads, the alignments and the gradients. In addition, the construction of rajbahs,

bridges, and sluices was also financed by the State. This early extension work

engaged ten thousand men from the State.427

Besides, a large number of labourers

from Bikaner obtained their living on the States‟ canal work. Moreover, the prisoners

from the State jail were employed for the minor work of canal improvement.428

4.2.3 Chherr System of Water Management

Water management had been a careful canal affair guided and determined by

socio-political and economic factors. In fact, the need for community cooperation and

its understanding was more evident in the areas suffering from water scarcity. The

task of annual silt clearance was the major obligation of the landowners to induce the

better flow in the canals.429

This method was based on a native principle that all

people who were entitled to water supply were bound to supply labour for the

clearance and repair of canals in return. The procedure was accomplished through

chherr tradition and this practice was called chherrbandi.430

Actually, the chherr system of water management was a distinctive feature of

the canal irrigation in Northern India and was particularly prevailed in Sindh and

Punjab.431

Being the partial or complete owner and caretaker of canal works, the local

425Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1868-69, 10-11. 426Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1870-71, 9. 427Proceedidngs of Political Department September 1869, 268. 428

Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 18 70-71, 21. 429 Ibid. 430 The Government of Punjab, Selections from Records: Financial Commissioner Punjab. No.34.

Papers relating to the Canals (Lahore: 1887), 366. 431However, tank irrigation was unknown in Punjab and Sind, while all other parts of India, it was

common feature particularly of South India. See Burton Bucklay, The Irrigation Works in India, 70.

130

communities had always been well aware about the soil composition, the rise and fall

of the river and the environment of their region. This collective action of village

communities was a symbol of social cohesion and would significantly preserve the

kinship practices, therefore Robert Wade called it a „public realm‟.432

The premiere communities of canal water sharers emerged in the infancy of the

Bahawalpur State and each irrigator became responsible for providing unpaid labour

proportionate to his irrigated area, wells or yokes. In case of the non-availability of

water, the chherr would be postponed.433

Peasants‟ participation was a centerpiece of

the irrigation planning while the State‟s role was just to assist the supervisory body,

comprising villagers and headman, through kardars and peshkars.

The Agency regime provided legal basis to chherrbandi and this property-

based management retained its control over the organization and maintenance of the

canals up to the early 20th

century. However, with the State control in irrigation

matters, the organization of silt clearance became an official concern. To supervise

the chherbandi on each canal, two officials were appointed: Mir-e-Aab and

Honourary Munsif. The former was selected from amongst the lumberdars of

concerned villages and the latter was one of the zamindars to help the irrigation staff

in chherbandi and warabandi as well. In order to keep the record of labour, a muharer

was appointed at each canal and the kardar had the responsibility to organize and

supervise the chherr labour at tehsil level.434

The necessary document in chherbandi was „the statement of task

assignment‟. It contained the record of cultivators and their part of task in canal work

along with the data of defaulters and their fines.435

The chherr labour was engaged to

redeem the silted canals through a fixed quota, which was usually one man for thirty

acres of cropped land. An average clearance generally employed 1600 men per day

for three month periods. However, the State granted aid in case of unusual silt deposit.

Apart from this, labour on daily wages was also engaged in case of heavy or

additional canal work, which was a source of earning for poor people.436

432Robert Wade, Village Republics: Economic Conditions for Collective Action in South India (San

Francisco: ICSG, 1994), 158. 433Proceedings of Political Department March 1872: Bahawalpur Administration Report 1871-72, 501. 434Sadiq-ul- Akhbar, 1st January, 1872. Further see Annual Administration Report of Bahawalpur 1900-

01, 5, 32. 435 Financial Commissioner Records, 539. 436Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1873-74, 154.

131

Nonetheless, some discrepancies did exist. Although, the self-organized

activity was more concerned with efficiency rather than dignity but through secret

dealing with the lower bureaucracy the influential persons usually got off the

clearance quota and marginal peasants fell in trouble. The latter would sometimes

give their lands to the shrines in order to avoid this unpaid labour. In a way, both the

State and the cultivators had to bear losses.437

To overcome these abuses, Colonel

Grey remodeled the entire administration of canals in 1877.

The major improvement introduced in the chherr system was the introduction

of duck system based on the estimation of cubic contents instead the number of

labours. In this method, the canal length was partitioned in pieces called ducks. These

ducks were allotted to landowners to be cleared within the fixed period.438

The bench

mark at every 330 feet in the bed of all canals were fixed. Theoretically, one owner of

25 acres was liable to provide one man for 90 days. This method was very reasonable

and brought about quick execution of work on the part of the landowners by engaging

more men. However, in case of unfinished work, the irrigator had to pay double cost

as penalty. This tradition of fine for a nagha was followed from Multan district where

Diwan Sawan Mal had originated this penalty during his rule.439

Colonel Grey introduced the duck system in both the Bahawalpur State and the

Ferozepur district at the same time. However, the penalty was imposed only in the

case of the Bahawalpur State. The rationale behind this was that enforcing the penalty

in native states without legal jurisdiction was possible as the State government was

authorized within its jurisdiction. But it was risky in the British districts until the

measure became a part of the legal order.440

That is why the duck system was

enforced in Multan and Muzafargarh almost eleven years after its implementation in

the Bahawalpur State, and this system was considered more successful in the

Bahawalpur State than the British District.441

The sharing of water by cultivators was generally based on warabandi, a

rotational method of water delivery and allocation. The share of cultivators was called

the duty and it was based on the notion of fixing the timed turns for water as per size

437

Proceedings of Political Department March 1872: Bahawalpur Administration Report for 1871-72,

501. 438Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1876-1877 (Urdu), 2. 439 Financial Commissioner Records, 520-521. 440Ibid, 518. 441Ibid, 521.

132

of holding and distance from mogga. The duty of water had always encompassed

multiple measures, standards, values, and justifications. It involved the distribution of

scarce water in an equitable manner over maximum area irrigated.442

With the

reorganization of the State in 1905, the warabandi system was also reorganized and

each kind of crop was allowed water for three times, and if more was required, chherr

was to be doubled.

The duty of water varied primarily with the nature of crops, as rice needs more

water than indigo and indigo more than wheat. Average duty was 45.6 cusecs per

acre. In fact, the economy of distribution depended upon the proper working of

regulators and masonry outlets as well as the honesty of the distributors of water – the

Mirabs who treated water sharing as a control entity and the ties of kinship were not

influential in this method.443

The State in recognition of the difficulties in chherr

work, imported three dredgers, which locally called chhikkar boat. These were mainly

for the clearance of three large canals; Sadiqwah, Burnswah and Minchinwah, which

collectively covered the one-third cultivated area of the total. These canals fed an area

of 93159 acres and engaged 6570 chherr labour for three months.444

However, with the extension of irrigation, chherrbandi also became harder to

manage, as the landowners with their tenants had to move miles off from their homes,

where they stayed in temporary sheds for the whole winter season. The rural elite

would exploit this situation in search of concessions and the small landowners bear

the additional burden.445

The solution to this problem was the imposition of water

rates, an exercise already in practice in the British Punjab. The chher system was

converted into abiana during the reign of the Nawab Bahawal Khan Abbassi V.

There were two main reasons behind this decision. First the reign of Bahawal

V was distinguished by more public oriented reforms and had penchant for adoption

of the new techniques, implemented in the British Punjab, for the welfare of his

masses. Second was his passionate attitude in favour of the peasantry. While on his

tours of the State, he would receive, many complaints against lower machinery of the

revenue and canal departments regarding discrimination, unequal distribution of water

442

Tejveez Committee Mutauliq Intizam-e-Anhar on 15th

April 1901. 443File: 284-A 1900, Note on Canal Establishment addressed to Mushir e Mal by Colonel H Grey dated

12 November 1900, 1-2. See also Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1911-12, 35. 444Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1872-73, 18-19. 445 Bahawalpur Archive, Manuscript of Political Proceedings on 6 January 1913, (Urdu), 49-53.

133

and atrocities in chherr. Resultantly, he decided to replace the old institution of

chherr by abiana system.446

The abiana was adopted on experimental bases on the main canals, which

were cleared mainly at the State expense. Only 10% of the expenses were received

from cultivators.447

Apart from some resentment by big zamindars and their partners

in lower bureaucracy, the conversion to abiana system was generally welcomed by

the landowners. However, with the enforcements of the Canal and Drainage Act 1887

in 1910, the chherrbandi was absolutely diminished.448

Table 3 shows that the share of the zamindars in the canal work was more than

the State‟s portion, which further increased quit significantly. It largely owed to the

excavation of ESC, which was the result of the efforts by Sikh zamindars. Moreover,

the period from 1900 to 1912 had policy changes about irrigation activity and

contributed to this increase. However, community participation in canal maintenance

had lowered down even in 1913-14, it remained one-third while State‟s share was

going to be upwards. The role of rural community in canal matters was completely

vanished from the State in 1922, when water rates levied on all canals.449

Table: 4.3. Shares of the Zamindars and the State in Canal Works

Year 1877-78 1900-01 1911-12 1913-14

By State 43.96 13.01 56.33 65.33

By Zamindar 56.03 86.98 43.66 34.66

Source: The Annual Administration Reports of the concerned year.

446 Radhika Lal. History of Bahawalpur State Canals, 19-20. 447 Ibid. 448Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1910-11, 50. 449Settlement Report of Khanpur District 1922, 2.

134

Figure 4.2: Share in Canal Works by the State

4.2.4 New Canal Works

Having improved the existing canals, the new work was initiated under the

Engineering branch of the irrigation department. In the new environment, the

administrative power and water provision were closely associated with each other and

the State expended a great deal of capital in fortifying this relationship. For irrigation

projects, 1/8th of the average yearly income was set aside.

450 All new work was the

joint effort of the cultivators and the State except the Fordwah. The first focus of the

new canal work was the Minchinabad district, which was still without any canal due

to its proximity to the desert.

The Fordwah was the foremost canal from Sutlej, which Colonel Minchin

decided to construct totally on the State expenses, costing 311603 rupees. It was also

the first work undertaken on engineering principles and became 106 miles long after

subsequent improvements.451

It was the largest inundation canal in Punjab at the time

and the first in the whole desert of Rajasthan, where initially it looked impossible to

run the water. The canal was limited in scale but had great impact on politics, society

450Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1875-76, 3. 451Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1870-71, 20.

1977-78

1900-01

1911-12

1913-14

135

and demographics. After subsequent extensions, it made an area of 32500 acres

cultivable.452

Table 4.4 shows that the pattern of irrigational investment in all three

Nizamats is almost similar and no part of the State was neglected with the exception

of the desert area. In Khanpur district, new canals of Burnswah from Chenab irrigated

the whole district. Sadiqwah fed the area of Sadiqabad and Noushehra kardari.

Hussainwah, Sardarwah, Qutabwah, Tolawah, Khanwah, Sultanwah and Fordwah

were continuously supplying water in the cold months except during the silt clearance

period.

Table: 4.4. Share of Each Nizamat in the New Canals Work under the First Agency

Nizamat/

District

Canal Length in

miles

(initially)

Area

irrigated

(initially)

Total Cost

in Rs.

Minchinabad

1 Ford wah 113 31120

2 Muradwah 30 9494

3 Katorap wah

4 Sotri - 2290

5 Daulat wah 55 15979

6 Grey wah I 13 1770

7 Hari wah

Bahawalpur

8 Barns wah 42 40503

9 Birch wah

10 Calthropwah

Khanpur

11 Barns wah 45 13483

12 Grey wha II 35 6963

13 Minchin wah 26 48241

14 Sadiq wah 53 41346

Total --------- 412 211189 1720976

Source: The Gazetteer of Bahawalpur State 1904, 244.

452 Burns, Notes on the Physical Geography of the Bahawalpur State, 396.

136

4.2.5 The Sadqia Twin Canal System

Under the first Agency, 810 miles of new canals and their branches were

scientifically constructed.453

The encouraging results from them, particularly of the

Fordwah, paved the way for more similar projects in the desert and its direct outcome

was Eastern Sadqia canal. The Sadqia system comprised two canals: Eastern Sadqia

canal, excavated in 1882 and Western Sadiqia canal, completed in 1889. The Eastern

Sadqia canal was drawn from Sutlej near the boundary of Ferozpur district. This

system was developed because the Abbasid rulers were anxious to irrigate arid land

towards Derawar that was their ancestral place as well as the cantonment of the State.

In this regard, the first practical step was taken during the reign of the Nawab

Bahawal Khan V. Throughout his reign, he evinced keen interest in pushing the

State‟s agrarian frontier in the desert.454

With his full support, the Superintendent of

irrigation J.W. Burns planned to revive the Hakra system from Fort Abbas to Derawar

via Marot. He made some alignments and masonry work on a channel called

Derawarwah. But it was not found feasible at the time to elevate water to the high

sandy lands of Cholistan and repeated efforts in this regard failed. However, these

efforts became successful with the opening of Eastern Sadqia canal in amidst of the

desert. In fact, this canal was the culmination of untiring efforts of the Sikhs who

were the early settlers in the Minchinabad district and majority of them consisting

retired military men.455

The construction was originally a tiny stream of 20 feet width and forty miles

long for supplying the drinking water to the area. Some patches of land in the way of

channel were choked up with sand but the Sikh pioneers did not feel disappointed. In

their first trail, no Sikh settlement received water however; getting merely the

drinking water was a boon for them. After subsequent extension, the canal became

148 miles in length and covered an area of 250000 acres, specifically in Cholistan.456

453 Proceedings of Political Department December 1879, 1263. 454 Auj, Legacy of Cholistan, 243-44. 455 Radhika Lal, History of Bahawalpur State Canals, 13. 456Dairy of Political Agent, Vol. III, From 1st April 1903 to 31 March 1904, 3. See also Annual

Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State1900-01, 5.

137

The canal proved to be a dynamic start to irrigation in this part of the State, where no

agriculture existed before. It also relied on migrant labour from outside the State

mainly from Bikaner and Hissar.

The Western Sadqia canal was drawn on the combine waters of Sutlej and

Chenab, and irrigated one-lac acres.457

It was projected to supply the old canals of

Pirwah, Kuddanwah, Kabirwah, Greywah Bahadurwah, Muhammadwah and

Khanwah. These old canals were cut off from the river because of the intervention of

Dera Ghazi Khan under the avulsion rules.

It is pertinent to note that the contemporary irrigation policy in Punjab seemed

to be focused more on the wastelands of Western and South Western districts of the

Punjab. As the Southern district of Hissar and Rohtak were rainless, devoid of any

canal and had great potential for man-made irrigation but somehow did not get

attention of the government. In contrast, the Bahawalpur irrigation development

covered all the State on uniform basis. However, there remained distinct differences

in the level of irrigation supplied to both the areas.

The table 4.5 shows the nehri cultivated area for each tehsil of the State. In

1905, Sadiqabad tehsil was abolished and two tehsils of Noushehra and Ahmadpur

Lamma were constituted. The Bahawalnagar tehsil was also created in the same year.

The tehsils of Khanpur, Ahmadpur East and Sadiqabad held a great part of nehri

cultivated land. During 1904-05, the total irrigated area in all the tehsils was increased

due to the adequate water supply from the rivers to the State canals. However, the

supply was somewhat low in the following period again owing to the paucity of

water.

The table 4.6 shows that in the Bahawalnagar district of the State, canal

irrigated area took a jump and doubled as compare to the previous period. It

enormously increased the agricultural production and the State income from backward

areas. However, in the tehsils of Ahmadpur Lamma, Khanpur and Khairpur the fall in

inundated land was constant. The inundated area in this phase was gradually reduced

owing to the commencement of perennial canals under SVP. In the following period,

457Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1899-1900, 2.

138

the inundation canals were replaced by weir control canals first in the eastern part of

the State and then in the western part by the Punjnad weir.

Table: 4.5. Area in Acres irrigated by Inundation Canals 1900-1911

Tehsils 1900-1901 1904-1905 1910-11

Minchinabad 86539 111682 99884

Bahawalnagar ----- ----- 31159

Khairpur 58814 90709 76700

Bahawalpur 80739 111385 102378

Ahmadpur East 175644 109039 140843

Allahbad ----- ----- 100879

Khanpur 298629 188254 91619

Sadiqabad 140703 151947 ------

Naushehra ----- ----- 112954

Ahmadpur Lamma ----- ----- 73649

Total 841207 763016 830103

Source: Bahawalpur State Gazetteer, Part B, 1913, lxxxiv-clix.

Figure 4.3: Area in Acres under Inundation Canals 1900-1911

Table: 4.6 .Area in Acres Irrigated by Inundation Canals 1920-1932

0

50000

100000

150000

200000

250000

300000

350000

1900-01

1904-05

1910-11

Tehsils 1920-21 1927-28 1931-32

139

Source: Bahawalpur State Gazetteer, Part B, 1935. xcviii-clxv.

Figure 4.4: Area in Acres under Inundation Canals 1920-1932

Before SVP, the State owned 26 big canals, 195 branch canals and 24872

distributaries drawn from Sutlej and Punjnad.458

The total area irrigated by the canals

increased from 34702 acres in 1867 to 807846 acres in 1924. It was equal to the

irrigated area of Eastern Jamna canal, more than double the Western Jamna canal and

458Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1899-1900, 4.

0

20000

40000

60000

80000

100000

120000

1920-21

1927-28

1931-32

Minchinabad 84094 ----- ----

Bahawalnagar 90613 ----- ----

Khairpur 57732 ----- ----

Bahawalpur 90415 82859 -----

Ahmadpur East --- 108174 23265

Allahbad 82287 92084 75733

Khanpur 52076 63848 68732

Naushehra 80572 109318 98952

Ahmadpur Lamma 47026 59659 71813

Total 584815 515942 338495

140

more than one-third of the area irrigated by Bari Doab.459

The ESC and Fordwah in

the Bahawalpur State contributed to dramatic population growth and two-fold

increase in the immigrants into the State from Rajasthan and Punjab. At almost all

feasible points of Sutlej, canals were constructed and there was no room for further

excavation of inundation canals except improving and lengthening of the existing one.

4.3 Sutlej Valley Project

The Sutlej Valley Project (SVP) was a joint scheme, designed by the GOP on

river Sutlej to provide weir control irrigation to the waterless zones of the Punjab

province.460

For the Bahawalpur State, three rivers- the Sutlej, the Chenab and the

Indus, had a year-round supply of water, but none of the State canal was perennial.

The handicaps associated with inundation supply further worsened this situation. The

inundation canals had no control at the off-take point to limit the quantity of water

and wreaking abnormal supplies causing the destruction to crops. Moreover, all

inundation canals in the State were seasonal. This seasonality meant excess in one

season and shortage in the other.

In monsoon, there were frequent floods and breaches in the embankments, and

in winter, there was no water to raise spring crops. Thus, most of the agricultural land

remained unproductive for half of the year. Owing to these conditions, native rulers

had some indigenous plans at local level. The Nawab Bahawal Khan V proposed a

weir at Hasil Sarhhu, 12 miles below ESC to irrigate an area of 34500 acre in the

desert. However, due to the technological constraint, it did not prove feasible.461

4.3.1 Antecedent of the Project

The modern era of the development of large-scale irrigation system for the

area has its roots in 19th century development plans initiated by the British in India,

which has the administrative dexterity and advanced technology to execute such

plans. First plan for the utilization of Sutlej water was formulated by the EIC in 1854,

when Lieutenant Anderson proposed a weir on Sutlej near Ferozpur. However, this

459 Eastern and Western Jamna canals were originally constructed by Mughal rulers and reopened by

British in 1821 and 1830 respectively. John William Kaye The Administration of the East India

Company; A History of Indian Progress (London: Richard Bentley, 1853), 281-287. See also Barnard Darlay, The Development of Irrigation in India. Journal of Royal Society of Arts. Vol. 90, No.4602

(December 12th: 1941), 40. 460 H.G. Trevaskis. The Economic History of Punjab, 267. 461Dairy of Political Agent, Vol.III (From 1st April 1903 to 31 March 1904). See Appendix XVI.

141

suggestion was abandoned for its high cost.462

With the transfer of power in 1858, the

GOI had under taken different irrigation projects to boost the agricultural economy of

India in order to consolidate their rule. Further, the occurrence of severe famine in

India stimulated hydel based plans for increased food production.463

The GOI decided to convert the Indus plain into an area suitable for

cultivation and to push the agricultural frontier towards the wasteland of Western

Punjab. Upper Bari Doab and Sirhind canals were the steps in this direction. The

genesis of Sutlej valley scheme can be traced to year 1901, when the Irrigation

Committee of India concluded a decision that the waters of Sutlej and Beas should not

be utilized to the right bank of Sutlej, where land received irrigation by Jhelum.

Instead, waters of both the rivers should conserve for the wasteland on left banks.

This decision paved the way for further plans.464

The different proposals for irrigation

development in Punjab were discussed at this time but no decision was reached.

Meanwhile, the Government of India appointed Mr. Glass to survey the

proposed areas of the project. Mr. Glass conducted a detailed soil survey between

1906-09 and 1912-13, in the desert areas of Bikaner and Bahawalpur. According to

his report, irrigation had to be limited to 1621764 acres inside the State because the

remaining part was surrounded by sand hills and was impossible to irrigate.465

Suddenly, the availability of water caused a big controversy between Punjab

and princely states of Bahawalpur and Bikaner. The Bahawalpur State, as a lower

riparian and being the owner of 300 miles river frontage was the major partner in all

the schemes. It had reservation on the withdrawal of water from Sutlej and Beas,

which was already diverted to Punjab canals. Moreover, the inclusion of the Bikaner

State was a main objection by the Bahawalpur State because it would reduce its share

of water.

Ultimately, the GOI deputed an Executive Engineer, Mr. Shirra Gibb to

prepare the final report about the project. He seconded Mr. Glass‟s opinion and

proposed a weir at Ferozepur with a canal to irrigate the British Punjab, Bikaner and

462 Montgomery District Gazetteer, 54. 463 Bernard Darley, The Development of Irrigation in India. Journal of Royal Society of Arts. Vol. 90,

No.4602 (December 12th : 1941), 41. 464Montgomery District Gazetteer, 55. See further John Benton, „Irrigation Works in India‟ Journal of

the Royal Society of Arts, Vol. 61, No. 3160 (June 13, 1913), 721. 465 All proposals are detailed in Report of Inquiry Committee, 1-3.

142

Bahawalpur. Another canal on the right bank of Sutlej was added to irrigate the

Nilibar in the then Montgomery district. In this plan, 40.8% of the proposed area was

British territory, 18.0% was of Bikaner and 41.2% of Bahawalpur.466

On the lines of

Gibb‟s report, a tripartite conference was held at Delhi that was the first effective

move to resolve the dispute over SVP. Though Bahawalpur expostulated for the

inclusion of Bikaner being a non-riparian State, yet all parties accepted the main

features of the plan based on Mr. Gibb‟s report.467

Sutlej Valley Tripartite Agreement

was substantially the first agreement over the sharing of water in the Indus Basin.

4.3.2 Thomas Ward Recommendations and the Final Project of 1919

On the findings of the Gibb‟s report, Sir Thomas Ward, the Irrigation

Inspector of India recommended a plan that became the forerunner of the final

scheme. It comprised of three weirs on Sutlej river at Gundasinghwala in Ferozpur,

Sulemanki and Islam, and a fourth one at Punjnad on the confluence of Sutlej and

Chenab. On the right bank of Sutlej, three canals were under taken in the British

territory of Debalpur, Mailsi and Pakpattan. On the left bank, six canals of the

Bahawalpur State namely; Sadqia, Ford, Qaim, Bahawal, Abbassia and Punjnad were

planned in addition to the one canal for the Bikaner State.468

The project was sent to the State government for final approval. But the State

engineers particularly, Mr. John Benton who was now the technical advisor of the

State, refused to accept the plan on following reservation.

The project was devoid of primary data, maps, plans, soil surveys and estimates of

receipts and expenditures.

Expenses had been grossly under estimated, so any addition in future would create

a financial embarrassment.

The data for last six out of ten years demonstrated that water supply remained

below average and had gradually decreased. This deficiency had badly affected

the cash crops during these years. All this showed that water in Sutlej would not

be sufficient to irrigate the whole area mentioned in the scheme.469

466Ibid, 3. 467Ibid, 7-8 468A Report by Thomas Ward Inspector General of Irrigation in India on Sutlej Valley Canal Project

1920, reserved in Bahawalpur Archive, 15. 469Review on Sir Barnard Darley project by Prime Minister of Bahawalpur, 6.

143

Owing to these reasons, the Council of Regency was unwilling to accept the

plan. Further, the GOP warned that if the State Government did not agree to this

project, it would be undertaken without inclusion of Bahawalpur. The Council of

Regency proposed option either to revert from Delhi meeting or to postpone the

scheme until the maturity of minor ruler but both were not accepted.470

The Council

gave pathetic account of the position in which they found themselves;

“The council of regency find themselves in a very delicate position. It

was very difficult for them to venture on an enterprise, which may prove

unsuccessful and thus bring untold misery in this train as their technical

advisors do not advise them to accept the project, which they very strongly

urged has many technical demerits. At the same time, it is very unfortunate to

reject a scheme which may be fruitful in its results as explained by the

government engineers. To speak plainly the council of regency is doubtful

about the sufficiency of water supply, the crucial point on which the utility of

the whole scheme turns. As regard supply we leave the final finding to the

benign government with the request that they will protect as the protector of

the interests of Bahawalpur State make sure upon this very serious point, and

if, satisfied, would pass the final order, regarding scheme bestowing

considerations upon the requests that have been made in the paragraph

above.”471

However, the Council decided to accept the decision of the government being

the protector of the interests of the State. The final project was signed in 1920 by the

troika of the Bahawalpur State, Punjab and the Bikaner State. In December 1921, the

project was sanctioned for immediate commencement in 1922.472

Table 4.7 gives a

detailed account of the area as envisaged in the original project.

Table: 4. 7. Area in the Original SVP Plan of 1920

Area in million Acres

Total

irrigated

area

Cusecs State Perennial Non-perennial

Gross area

commanded

Irrigated

Gross area

commanded

Irrigated

Bahawalpur 2.0 1.23 2.87 1.59 2.82 12504

British 0. 9 0.5 2.88 1.44 1.94 14963

Bikaner 0.5 0.3 -------- ---------- 0.3 2144

Grand

Total

3.4 2.03 5.75 3.03 5.06 29611

Source: i. Government of Punjab: Irrigation Branch, Sutlej Valley Project, June 1920, ii- iii,

4. ii. Thomas Ward Project 1920, 7, 12.

470 Government of Punjab: Irrigation Branch, Sutlej Valley Project, June, 1920, i. 471Public Works Department, Irrigation Branch Bahawalpur State, A Note on the Claims of Bahawalpur

State submitted to H.E. Crown Representatives 1941(Lahore: 1941), 7-8. 472Report of Inquiry Committee, 6-7.

144

Immediately after the commencement of the plan, World War I generally

caused inflation throughout the world. The price of land and the cost of work and

materials increased massively while the prices of agricultural products fell. The value

of agricultural products in the Indian market decreased by 50%. Thereafter, the GOP

had to revise the scheme twice in 1924 and in 1926 but both revisions brought great

increase in the budget estimates. Table 4.8 shows that basis of the original data was

entirely changed. The total expenses of the scheme were 35.17% and 63% more than

the original estimate in the first and second revisions, respectively.473

However, upto

the end of 1933, the total amount further increased to 33.31 million rupees due to the

worldwide economic depression.

Table: 4. 8. Cost Estimates of SVP in the Original and Revised Plans

State Original plan 1920 Revised plan 1924 Revised plan 1926

Fist plan 1920

Cost million Rs.

Revised plan 1924

Cost million Rs.

Revised plan

1924 Excess in

% from original

Revised plan

1926 Cost million

Rs.

Revised plan

1926 Excess in

% from

original

Bahawalpur 71.8 92.4 28.76 109.5 52.3

British 50.0 80.6 49.17 106.6 86.1

Bikaner 20.12 24.2 20.46 27.4 36.0

142.0 197.2 98.39 243.5 174.4

Source: i. The Government of Punjab, Public Works Department: Irrigation Branch, Sutlej

Valley Project 1924, Vol. 1, 2. ii. Sutlej Valley Project 1926, Vol. I, 2.

The matter of the fact was that neither the Council nor the Nawab ruler

consented to any such project as was dealt within the estimate of 1926. Penderal

Moon in this regard concluded that;

“it soon became apparent that Bahawalpur authorities had been

right. The supply of water was found insufficient for the designed

capacity of the canals at the Sulemanki and Islam weirs; in

particular the shortage during the critical seasons of the year was

serious and chronic.”474

473Administration Report of Bahawalpur State for the Year 1926-27 (Unpublished), (Sutlej Valley

Project), 5. 474 Penderal Moon, Divide and Quit, 199.

145

Hence, in order to investigate the matters and to suggest the best course of

action for the future, the GOI appointed an enquiry committee.475

The committee‟s

report identified the following loopholes in the scheme.

There was absence of proper soil survey before the preparation of project.

The average supplies in Sutlej valley canals were much less than assumed in

the plan.

Total share capacity was estimated at 16611 cusecs for non-perennial and at

1300 cusecs for perennial and total became 29611 cusecs. But actual supply in

last ten years was 8084, and 13584 cusecs, which further reduced to 7000 and

1200 cusecs in 1930-31.476

The enquiry committee proposed to reduce the area for colonization from

2,000,000 to 9,04,982 acres.477

Thus, a large tract of land on Sadqia and Bahawal

canals, supposed to be cultivable in the original project had to be abandoned. In

addition, the construction of Abbasia canal was postponed, while Punjnad perennial

canal was converted into non-perennial. The Darley report confirmed the anticipations

of the State engineers, which were pointed out at the planning stage of the project.

The necessity of augmenting the supply was insisted upon not only by the State but

also by the British districts and the Bikaner State.

Actually, the confrontation on water was not a new issue in the Indus basin.

The first dispute emerged on the construction of Upper Bari Doab Canal (UBDC)

between Punjab and Sindh as Sindh had objection on the project because it reduced

the water supply in the lower Sindh.478

Apart from SVP, there also were some

contemporary water issues causing political confrontation between provinces in India.

The proposal of Thal project by GOP was strongly opposed by the GOB (Sindh was

part of Bombay presidency till 1935) because this was detrimental to the lower

riparian Sindh, so it was not taken into consideration. Another water issue appearing

at that time on the political horizon of India was that of the GOB submitting a

complaint to the GOI against the GOP regarding the withdrawal of water by Sutlej

475 This committee consisted on Sir Barnard Darley, (Chairman), Chief Engineer of UP; B.H. Dobsen

(Advisor), Commissioner of Punjab and W. Roberts (Advisor), Representative for India. 476Report of Inquiry Committee, 25. 477 Ibid, 20. 478 Rasul Bax Palijo, Sindh-Punjab Water Dispute 1859-2003 (Hyderabad: Centre For Peace and

Human Development, 2003), 9-10.

146

valley canals, which affected the irrigation system in Sindh. This issue was resolved

with the approval of the Sukkar Barrage in Sindh by the Secretary of the State through

executive order.479

To redistribute the waters of Indus and its tributaries, the GOI in 1935

appointed a „Committee of Central Board of Irrigation‟ under the Chief Engineer of

UP, Mr. Frederick Anderson. The Committee‟s recommendations on Thal project

were in favour of Sindh. With regard to the Bahawalpur State, its recommendations

were not encouraging. The area commended for irrigation was reduced to 8.50 lac

acres under perennial category and to 17.76 lac acres non-perennial category. The

State‟s share in the water supply was reduced from 57% to 49% in rabi season and

from 42.2% to 37% in kharif season. In addition, the supply volume was also dropped

from 15049 to 13034 cusecs.480

These reductions were made by keeping in view the actual state of affairs in

the supply and soil conditions, for which the State engineers advised to reject the

initial plan. However, Anderson committee further suggested more means to augment

the supply for Sutlej valley canals, particularly the plan of Bhakra dam on Sutlej.

Finally, the total area to be irrigated was set at 51, 08000 acres, of which 28,25000

acres belonged to the Bahawalpur State, 19,42000 acres in the Punjab, and 341009

acres in the Bikaner State. The total length of channels in the State became 4000

miles.481

The table 4.9 shows the final and actual detail of the State canals under the

project.

479 T. Daniel Hanes, Building the Empire, 185. 480 A Note on the Claims of Bahawalpur State, 12. 481 Information and Publicity Department, Bahawalpur State: 1949-50 (Bahawalpur: 1950), 22.

147

Table: 4.9. Commended Area under the State Canals

Canals Length

in miles

Gross

Commended

Area

Cultivable

Commended Area

Perennial Non-

Perennial

State Distributory

of British Eastern

canal

58 64115 ------ 60474

Eastern Sadqia 742 1107425 887012 20897

Fordwah 398 455557 60731 358297

Bahawalpur 637 768215 227472 371936

Qaimpur 56 45781 - 42,723

Punjnad 1336 1380783 350899 880813

Abbassia 31 42808 - 34897

Total 3258 3864684 1535114 17700 37

Source: i. Special Administration Report of Irrigation Branch on Sutlej Valley Project from

1925-26 to 1942-43, 1-2. ii. Report of Inquiry Committee, 42.

4.3.3 Losses for the Bahawalpur State and Loan Dilemma.

In fact, the Bahawalpur State was eager to benefit from weir control irrigation

following the example of Punjab. No doubts, it gained benefits but at a heavy cost

such that a significant part of cultivable commanded area had to be abandoned owing

to the shortage of water.482

The dropped out area was 7,00,000 acres. Besides, the

construction of distributaries, rest houses, residential quarters, and gauge readers were

almost completed. Even the watercourses as per proposed chakbandi plan were

dugout for the allotment. The expenditures on abandoned areas afforded a loss of

17087543 rupees including interest.483

Moreover, during the nine out of ten years in the period from 1930 to 1940,

the State canals faced heavy shortage of water that was significantly less than what

482 Annual Administration Report 1930-31 (Unpublished), 4. 483Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Office of the Prime Minister Bahawalpur State, Sutlej Valley Project

Case 1946, 7. The abandoned areas were located in the dry bed of lost river Hakra particularly the

Hakra branch and Derawar branch of Sadqia canal. The rest houses in the abandoned areas of Cholistan

are still existed under the control of Cholistan Development Authority.

148

had been envisaged in the project plan.484

The shortage in water supply created a

gloomy prospect and shrank the area mainly under cotton and sugarcane cultivation.

Both were the major crops in the new colony areas. The decreased production of these

crops reduced the State income from the revenue and the water rates. In addition, the

paucity of irrigation water caused the land prices to fall. However, Punjnad weir was

more secure as it was situated below the junction of Sutlej and Chenab. There was

generally sufficient water for the designed capacity of the canals.485

The arrival of millions of colonists in the State colony areas might also have

created the food security problem if it were not for the sufficient production of grains

in the old propriety area and its transparent distribution in the colony area. Another

bad incident occurred during the project was the collapse of six bays of Islam weir

after two years of its completion. For its reconstruction, Bahawalpur State had to bear

Rs. 341438 with 4% interest.486

Apart from it, the Islam weir disaster postponed the colonization process and

all the allotted area on Bahawal canal was suspended. Furthermore, in order to fulfill

this loss, the expenditures were enhanced to adopt alternative sources.487

The State on

its own level had to design small storage schemes, sinking wells and tube-wells,

linking of channel and remodeling of old inundation canals. The working expenses on

alternative arrangements borne were one crore that was further increased due to the

inflation caused by the great depression.488

The mistakes in the estimation produced a serious effect on the finances of the

State. Thus, the State had to incur 140 million rupees out of total amount of 333.1

million. To finance this un-envisaged burden, the State paid 1.5 million rupees from

its treasury, used the proceeds of 20 million from the sale of more land and for the rest

a commitment for annual installments was scheduled. But the sale was postponed by

GOP until the sale process would start in British districts of Punjab because the sale

of land in the Bahawalpur State might affect the market and the prices in Punjab.489

It

was an ironic expression of imperialism that when all arrangements for auction of

484A Note on the Claims of the Bahawalpur State, 13. 485

Annual Administration Report of Bahawalpur 1942-43, 65. The community also demanded to

counterbalance the less supply of water. See Appendix XVII. 486File: 19-35, 1946, Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Repayment of Project Loan 1946, 4. 487 Ibid. 488 Draft Memorandum by the Bahawalpur Government on the Sutlej Valley Project Debt, 8. 489 Report of Inquiry Committee, 6-8.

149

land had been completed by spending large amount, the GOP froze the process.

Further, the expectations about the immediate returns also did not realize. The State

had no way except to accept the loan. Without economic appendage of the British, it

was not possible to finance the project.

The loan dilemma was the atrocious aspect of the plan because the State

sources were unable to finance 63% increase in cost along with other losses whereas

the original plan did not make any provision for this sort of financial burden. This

created a serious financial crisis for the State for a number of years. Table 4.10 shows

a picture of total loan impact. The amount would have to be obtained from the sale of

land and to be paid in installment was 90.60 million rupees, which in fact, could not

be realized. Initially, it had to take a loan of 5 million from the GOP with 6% interest.

Later on, it had to borrow 120.11 million rupees from GOI, out of which 90 million

was the principal amount and 20.5 million.490

It was 50 years financing loan,

scheduled in annual installments until March 1986.

Table: 4.10. Outlay of SVP Loan for the Bahawalpur State

Detail Amount

Actual Loan

9,84,16,064 (principal amount)

2,57,79,804 (arrears of interest)

12,41,95,868

2,03,40,918 (Compound interest)

Total paid 14,45 ,36,786

Source: i.Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Sutlej Valley Project Case 1947.

ii. Draft Memorandum by the Bahawalpur Government on the Sutlej Valley

Project Debt, 3-4.

Moreover, the GOP held control over revenue, finance and colonization

departments of the State. Due to these heavy installments loaded with compound

490Draft Memorandum by the Bahawalpur Government on the Sutlej Valley Project Debt, 3-4.

150

interest rate, the State was unable to undertake any other development schemes. Even

the State had to face difficulty in paying the salaries to its employs and expending on

nation building programs.491

The GOI was the originator of this project but in

imposing rigorous terms and compound interest for loan, its role was more of a

creditor. Therefore, the first priority of the State was to liquidate the loan as early as

possible.492

In this regard, some emergency steps were taken to overcome the constrains in

arranging the finances needed for the liquidation. These were: launching a National

Saving Scheme that brought ten million rupees and setting up a Trust Fund. The

national saving officers under the Revenue Minister were given the responsibility to

advertise the purpose of these schemes to square off the debt. In both schemes, 3%

interest was to be given on the amount invested. Further, 1.5 million rupees were

borrowed from other indigenous sources.493

In this regard, the colonists were offered

to get ownership rights by paying actual payment at once and without interest. The

culmination of these measures was that within 11 years, the State had been able to pay

the amount it owed to GOI; almost forty years before its due time.494

4.3.3.1. The Water Discourse and Role of the Custodian Government in the

Bahawalpur State

In reality, the standpoint of the Bahawalpur State was that the treaties with

the EIC particularly that of 1833, later with the Crown, were a clear

acknowledgement of the rights of the State over the waters of Sindh and Sutlej rivers

within its territory. The binding agreement of 1920 actually followed the agreement of

1838 Subordinate Cooperation. Moreover, the Foreign and Political Department

(through its Resolution No. 1894-1A, dated 27th August 1917) clearly defined that,

“…government of India’s position is that of trustee and custodian of the

rights, interests and traditions of native states during a minority

administration…”495

491

Repayment of Government of India Loan: Note on the Financial Position of the State and Working of

the 1936 Settlement 1946, 2. 492 See for the detail account of paid and expected to be paid in 1951 in Appendix XIII. 493See Appendix XIX. 494 File: G8-193, 1948, Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Repayment of Sutlej Valley Project Debt, 1948. 495A Note on the Claims of the Bahawalpur State, 16.

151

This situation put the GOI in a position to exercise its power as the regent of

the minor Prince. Nevertheless, Mr. Claude‟s pressure under the threat of exclusion

from the scheme should be considered contrary to the rights of a riparian State. After

the lapse of many years, the reservations and objections by the State engineers were

acknowledged by the GOI, and verified by the Darley Committee. The cost of the

project was too high and land under irrigation was too small than anticipated.

Likewise, water supply was insufficient and sale of land was very disappointing than

in the financial forecast.496

The State engineers had pointed out these estimations well

in time but it was taken as „destructive criticism‟.497

This miscalculation crippled the

project from the inception, caused financial difficulties for the State and left a legacy

of unsolved problems, which the Bahawalpur State had to tackle alone. Crushing

burden of interest charges made it impossible for the project to be remunerative for

many years to come.

This discussion leads to two diverse pictures. First, the GOI‟s intention

literally, was never to let down the State. In fact, the introduction of weir control

Irrigation was an entirely new discipline not only for the State but also for the whole

of India and mistakes were made at the planning stages. Accordingly, subsequent

years kept experiencing significant shortfalls between estimated and actual positions.

After the war, prices of land, the cost of work and materials increased

massively while the prices of agricultural products fell due to international economic

crises.498

In order to find quick economic returns from water extension, the GOI at

that time hurriedly sanctioned three huge canal projects: the Sukkar barrage in Sindh

(1923-1932), the Sarda Canal in United Province (1920-28) and the SVP in Punjab.499

The each of the three schemes had commanded a total area more than the whole of

cultivated area in Egypt.500

It was unfortunate that these schemes were sanctioned in

the chaotic days of war and came into operation during the slump years of 1930. The

global depression and war broke down the marketing and credit supply system in

India. During these years, as Sir Barnard Darley postulates that,

496 Barbara Ramusack, The Indian Princes and their States, 190. 497 Sutlej Valley Project, June, 1920, 1. 498 Annual Report of Agriculture 1926-27 (Unpublished), (Sutlej Valley Project), 5. 499 Sukkar project irrigated the area 7.5 million acres. See for details Aloys Arthur Michel, The Indus

Rivers: A Study of the Effects of Partition (London: Yale University Press, 1967), 110. 500 Barnard Darley, The Development of Irrigation in India, 47.

152

None of them has worked up to expectation and the crushing

load of interest charges has made it doubtful if any of them

will be remunerative for many years to come.501

While on the other side, this project in the State proved to be a vital example

of despotic behavior of the British. The Bahawalpur State, which helped the British to

promote their imperial interests, and took a stand with the British government just to

secure the benevolence of its people, was treated just like another ordinary subject of

the British Empire.502

For instance, the construction of all three weirs was beyond the

ambit of the State. As both weirs, Sulemanki and Islam were constructed in the

adjacent British districts at Sulemanki village and at Jamlera village some 65 miles

below the Sulemanki. The Punjnad weir was constructed in the tehsil Alipur of

Muzafar Garh district.

This is an evidence of imperial control over the waters of the State that if any

act of reluctance occurred in future on the part of the Bahawalpur State, it could be

deprived of water. The control over water created a culture of power on the part of

imperial power over a native State, which manifested itself in naked form during the

process of loan dilemma for the Bahawalpur State.

The despotic power, in this regard, had no concern as to how and where from

a native State would manage the finances imposed on it. The magnitude of the loan

crisis was much more than the capacity of a small princely state and it became the

victim of imperialism just to desire perennial irrigation facility. This agreement

essentially pledged the Bahawalpur State to the British. The strong desire for the

restoration of its sovereignty as early as possible underpinned the efforts of the

Bahawalpur darbar. The situation was a challenge and the State responded to it

courageously and successfully.

Despite many innovative features, irrigation projects were rooted in political

and economic concerns that governed the province. On the other side, the internal role

of the State machinery in the fields of irrigation and agriculture remained

authoritarian. According to the hydraulic thesis of Wittfoggel, the large-scale work

501

Ibid. However, the estimates in Sukkar and Sarda canals did not exceed 5% while in Bahawalpur;

there was 63% increase over the original estimates. 502Statement of Chairman Claud Hill is evidence of the British imperialistic approach; he warned

“British government had sole right over Sutlej water and where to be used. Bahawalpur had right over

its own irrigation and anything above the requirement of this irrigation was a concession not claimable

by right but by grace”. See A Note on the Claims of Bahawalpur State, 5.

153

gave the devolution of power in the hands of canal bureaucracy and caused to create a

culture of power in the social formulation. This was a natural consequence of

irrigation and a common feature in all irrigated arid lands of the India and anywhere

else.503

The subordinate canal bureaucracy got substantial but illegal benefits from the

canal works. The government salaries were only one source of income for this class

and the other was the graft and corruption resulting in sufferings for the cultivators at

the hands of the canal bureaucracy. To address some of the alleged grievances of the

public against this autocracy, a Divisional Canal Advisory Committee was

established. The formation of this committee was a reaction to the despotic character

of canal bureaucracy.504

4.3.4. Impact of the Project

With the time, the difficulties were subdued and the project turned out to be a

blessing in disguise during the following years. It was a matter of great prestige for

the State to be the sole owner of one of the greatest irrigation schemes in the

Subcontinent and the second largest barrage of the world at the time.505

Actually,

canal based irrigation system was an overwhelmingly positive contribution to

agricultural development and exhibit of human ingenuity harnessing a natural

resource to increase the State‟s revenue and expanding the agriculture sector for the

ultimate welfare of its subjects.

Perennial and non-perennial canals had replaced all naturally inundating

tributaries and waterways of the State by 1930.506

Through the hydel engineering

techniques to harness a natural water resource, the State successfully overcame its

uncertain water supply and saved the region from the danger of floods particularly,

the Punjnad valley. The project proved to be a triumph of British scientific irrigation

over the native cultivator‟s techniques.

In the Bahawalpur State, Sutlej valley canals had converted the extensive

sandy tracts into fertile cultivable lands. Moreover, the direction of State‟s investment

on irrigation became extractive to increase the land revenue in the context of its huge

503 Wittfoggel, Oriental Despotism, 126-136. 504 File: 119-1939 Part I, Procedure to be Followed under the New Constitution in Dealing with

Irrigation Projects etc. 505Bernard Darley, The Development of Irrigation in India, 47. 506Annual Report of Irrigation 1929-30, 1.

154

loan for SVP. This large-scale work was indirectly connected with the modernization

in irrigation structure worldwide. All the machinery and equipment were imported

from Europe under the supervision of the British engineers and technicians. As David

Gilmartin elicits that the hydraulics of the canal system and mechanics of the dam

construction in India were the same as it were used in the western world or in the

Indus basin.507

On the other side, however the project brought a social change in a way that

the construction or maintenance of weirs has often weakened social cohesion and

collective action. Old customs vanished with the increasing of technological

advancement, according to Gilmartin;

… the labour mobilized by zamindar was replaced by more

sophisticated techniques of scientific adoption…508

However, irrigation extension had its cost too. The canals developed seepage

and with the passage of time resulted in the rise of water levels, which led to water

logging and salinity. Actually, this was traced in 1875, when UBDC experienced the

water logging that spread at an alarming rate.509

These developments coupled with the

most serious challenge to the productive land under canal based irrigation in Punjab

further worsened the problem. This overburdened the management of the drainage

schemes. Therefore, Dr. Whitecombe labeled the canal system as a „costly

experiment‟.510

In the old proprietary areas of the State, which were already under

intensive irrigation, excessive moisture caused a great deal of water logging, which

rendered a great proportionate of land uncultivable. The reclamations of such land

would take a period of 2 to 4 years to be productive again.511

4.3.4.1 Progress in Communication Resources

With the extension of the canal network, an appropriate communication

system was the first requirement. The railway network in Bahawalpur had already

been developed during the initial days of its expansion in India. Actually, the rapid

507 David Gilmartin, Scientific Empire and Imperial Science: Colonialism and Irrigation Technology in

the Indus Basin, The Journal of South Asian Studies no. 53(4) (November: 1994), 1136. 508 Ibid, 1138 509

F. w. Woods, „Irrigation Enterprise in India‟. Journal of the Royal Society of Arts. Vol. 70,

3642(September 8, 1922), 707. See further M.H. Panwar, Six Thousand Years of History of Irrigation in Sindh (2011), 252. 510 Whitecmbe, Agrarian Conditions, 91. 511 File: Post War Reconstruction, Public Works Post War Proposals: Land Drainage and Reclamation

in Bahawalpur State, 1946.

155

extension of railway in India was the British need for their commercial and military

imperatives but that need provided the efficient transportation facilities to the natives

of India. The traditional means of transport either navigational or using different

domestic animal for the purpose were slow. Railway network radically altered the

native transportation system, specially its lower costs and increased speed paved the

way for new opportunities of trade.

By 1928, India held 40000 miles of rail lines in efficient working conditions,

of which 5500 miles were within Punjab.512

In the Bahawalpur State, the railway

system was started in 1872 and three tracks were constructed by GOI.513

For which,

the Bahawalpur State not only provided the land free of cost but also purchased the

proprietary rights from owners and rendered to the railway company.

Moreover, the State paid three-tenth of the police charges incurred on

railways. First line was the North Western Railway from Lahore to Karachi. Its length

within the State was 148 miles and track was doubled in 1906-07. It passed into the

State from Multan and Adam Wahan by the empress bridge across Sutlej. Second

line, the Southern Punjab Railway line opened in 1898. After subsequent extension,

its length within the State territory was 158 miles from Fort Abbas to Qatul

Ammarah, where it joined the track Sammasata to Bhatinda. Third line was

constructed to connect Delhi with Karachi, through Cholistan from MeCleodganj to

Ferozepur. It opened in 1906 having 16 miles length within the State territory.514

In addition, two lines were set up entirely on State expense called as darbar lines

with the purpose of facilitating the populated areas. First line was from Khanpur to

Chachran, set up in 1924. Its length was 27 miles and it had four stations.515

Second

was started in 1928 for colony area called Cholistan-Bahawalnagar line having 110

miles length. This track was entirely for colony use and Minchinabad emerged a large

trading centre in the late nineteenth century locating on that rail track. With the

railway net work, the interior towns of the State were directly connected with the

major export outlets of Karachi and Lahore. Furthermore, the economic effect of

512 In 1853, railway started with twenty miles track. It became an important source of employment for

all communities. In 1880, 9000 miles, by the end of century 23627 miles expanded. 513

The first agreement regarding railway was made in 1872 between Bahawalpur and GOI for the

North Western line to Karachi. The other two lines were also constructed by agreements with GOI. In all three cases, GOI attained full control and jurisdiction over the lines. While for the darbar lines,

Bahawalpur had paid for its construction. See Atchison Treaties, 240-253. 514Sadiq-ul-Akhbar , 1st March , 1906. 515Sadiq-ul-Akhbar , 31st May, 1906.

156

railways was immediate and widespread. It broke down the State‟s isolation and made

for better transport of raw materials and goods within the country and to the ports.

The railway established a close link of the State‟s towns with the rest of India and

increased the export of food grains.

Furthermore, with the completion of SVP, a system of trunk roads was

developed in the colony areas. The earlier road structure in the State was confined to

the Bahawalpur and other tehsil headquarters. Actually, the road structure was based

on the feature of pre-Agency system that was constructed to provide the passage for

British military expedition for Kabul mission. A significant State kachha road was

constructed from Sabzal Kot to Hasil Sarho running throughout the State and further

to Delhi in 1836.516

Under the Agency, all roads were repaired annually and

supervised by the tehsildar. The total number of major roads in 1870-71 was 11,

having length of 811 miles. In the period subsequent to the Sutlej valley project, road

system was developed under the State control. There were 566 miles roads for motor

transport and 803 miles for carts, while 46 miles were pacca roads.517

Camel and carts were the antiquated means of transport. The gadda system

was the subsidiary means of livelihood for the early agriculturists. After SVP, most of

the settlers also came with their carts while already made arrangements and a bus

service was started to carry them to colony areas. The pacca roads of 358 miles and

kachha roads of 448 miles for carts were built up in the colony areas.518

After the

World War II, the road system was further improved and three circles were made for

transport purpose, two of which were for the colony areas.

However, the new modes of transportation and carriage of goods reduced the

primacy of water navigation and ultimately vanished. Many boats men lost their

former source of income. With that, many significant towns of the State lost their

former position and went down due to the decline of previous mode of

communication. Particularly, Allahabad, Taranda Gorganj, Ghazipur, Uch, Garhi

Ikhtiar Khan, Pattan and Rajgarh, which were the first and foremost centre of

economic activities in the State, lagged behind due to the distance from main railway

line. Same situation was faced by the Eastern part of the State, where the ancient trade

516 Punjab Record, Book 103, 28 October, 1838, 679-688. 517Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1942-43, 75. 518 Muhammad Tahir, Riasat Bahawalpur Ka Nazm-E-Mumlikat, 445.

157

route of forts was cut off from the main areas. At the same time, railway stimulated

the growing importance of new trading centers like Noushehra, which now called

Rahimyar Khan where previously poverty was prevalent but with the railway, it

developed soon. For instance, if cart man and boatman lost their occupation then the

railway system opened the ways for employment and created jobs.

Conclusion

In the pre-Agency period, the unit of irrigation organization were village

communities while under the Agency, it was the State managed system. However, the

participation of farmers in self-management of canals was maintained. The early

Nawab rulers could not extend the cultivable area of their State because of less

population and inadequate facilities for irrigation. However, their initial canal work

formed the basis of new work under the Agency, which as compare to the grandiose

schemes by the Agency was very nominal. The era of restoration, extension, and

development of canals, commenced by the Agency government, provided the

environment for perennial irrigation. However, mistakes in the project cost estimation

brought a setback to the finances of the State and debt was the key issue in wreaking

the perennial irrigation projects. Some of the difficulties faced by the SVP were

obvious. From the long-term perspective, the project became a locomotive for socio-

economic development of the arid areas of the State. With the help of advanced

technology, the British utilized the irrigation potential and changed the landscape of

the State. This project optimized the irrigation water availability to a vast area,

reduced wastage and enlarged the cultivated area. These projects also helped to

increase the communication system and means of transportation. The transformation

of barren tracts into populated region for commercialized agricultural production was

the most fruitful result of the SVP, which is discussed in the next chapter.

158

Chapter 5

Canal Colonization in the Bahawalpur State

The establishment of weir control irrigation facilitated the emergence of canal

colonies of settlers to make the land cultivatable. The colonization in the State became

the ultimate preposition of agricultural development. This chapter explores the

exploits of peasantry of the British Punjab made from the newly opened agrarian

avenues on the land of a princely state as well as the role played by the State in

facilitating them. The new patterns of development created new economic nexus with

the growth of commercial towns. However, at the same it marginalized the traditional

hubs of economic power to certain extent. The chapter examines the impact of the

colonization phenomenon on the economic development of the State and on the trade

patterns vis-a-vis the magnitude of trade policy of the State used as insurance for

famine protection.

5.1 Colonization in the State

Canal colonization is a process of human settlement on canal-irrigated land. In

the history of the Bahawalpur region, human settlements are very old. With the drying

of water in Hakra, the habitation along its course began to disappear.519

The

population moved towards the upper basin of that river, and to the North and the

Northeast of Cholistan.520

While a few adopted nomadic lives with pastorlism. The

Northwestern areas situated on the fringes of rivers, became the hub of habitation.521

The towns of Uch, Jajja, Bhutta Wahan, Patan, Sheikh Wahan, Khaibodla, Sarwahi,

Mau, Taranda and Mahend were ancient settlements situated in the valley of

Punjnad.522

In the course of historical events, their population gradually decreased and

on the eve of the Abbasids in this region, population was sparse with semi- nomadic

outlook, while rest of the countryside was abandoned.

In the formative years, the main objective of the Abbasid rulers was to

increase both the cultivated area and the population. Therefore, human settlement

became a continuous process throughout the history of the Bahawalpur State. The

519

Grewal, Historical Geography of Punjab, 4. 520 Mughal, Ancient Cholistan, 22. 521 Ibid, 36. 522Auj, Legacy of Cholistan, 33. Some ancient settlements have been mentioned in the Persian records

of Punjab archive while discussing the trade through the river borne traffic in Punjnad and all ancient

settlements were located in the Punjnad valley.

159

Pathans were the first to be recruited in the State army in 1797 by the Nawab Bahawal

Khan II during a civil war while Daudputras and Balochs were already a part of his

army.523

Over time, people from various parts of India got land and acclimatized in

the proprietary areas. Particularly, peaceful inhabitants from the disturbed Punjab

during the late Sikh period came and settled down in the State.524

The grant of land on

lease had always been encouraged in the subsequent regime to the locals and the

outsiders yet a cohesive program of colonizing the wastelands was coincided with the

first British Agency period in the State‟s history.

The British Agency, with its new scientific approach, turned its attention

towards the desert Cholistan, where 26 land grants were already existed as a legacy of

the native regimes. The Agency government not only maintained all those leases but

also granted further leases. The Fordwah was the first irrigation settlement introduced

in the limited barani areas of the State. The Sikhs were the very first settlers to yoke

on that barani land and settled with the excavation of Fordwah.525

In fact, this canal

was a political necessity and it served initially the same purpose that Bari Doab Canal

served for Punjab districts being settling down the disbanded Sikh soldiers.

Ludhiana, Amritsar, Jalandhar, Multan, Hissar and Ferozepur, served as the

recruiting centers of agricultural communities for the Bahawalpur colony.526

The

hardy Sikhs had the experience of taking high yield from the crops on barani lands.

They preferred to be independent from the State interference. Therefore, they had

little interest in canal irrigation, which was based on chherr system. In a way,

Bahawalpur region was the early place where disbanded Sikh personnel were

accommodated and engaged in agricultural pursuits.527

On the other hand, local

inhabitants, being part of a rainless country, were not used to barani cultivation.

The first settlers had to face many hardships: the barren tracts, beasts, warm

temperature and above all the scarcity of water.528

The ubha and the lamma, both

parts of the State faced issues of different nature. Living in sandy land of the ubha

was more difficult than clearing thick jungles and leveling the grounds in the lamma.

However, the attempt to accommodate the peasants from outside provided a

523

Gurgani & Muhammad Din, Sadiq-ut-Tawarikh, 13. 524Shahamet Ali, A History of Bahawalpur, 193. 525Re-organization Report 1867, 10. 526Sadiq-ul- Akhbar, 6th October, 1867. 527Radhika Lal, History of Bahawalpur State Canals, 12-13. 528Report of Inquiry Committee, 25.

160

satisfactory output. Unfortunately, owing to a famine-like situation in 1868, many

colonists went back to their home districts.529

The second attempt to lease out the Cholistani land was made during the

incumbency of Colonel Grey. He formulated a cohesive set of rules for colonists on

specific conditions locally called Ahsani terms. In this phase, a Sanad-e-Ahsan was

awarded to the settlers for ten years. The wastelands in Cholistan were leased out at

one anna per bigha.530

The table 5.1 shows that price of land were very reasonable

and with the increasing quantity of land, the basic price was minimized.

Table: 5. 1. Price of Land in the Ahsani Terms1872

Land in Bigha Less than

100

More than

100

More than

300

More than

2000

Price in Rupees 8 6 4 3-4

Source: Annual Administration Report of Bahawalpur 1872-73, 87.

It was mandatory for the occupant to bring his tenants from outside of the

State. They were given many relaxations like exemption from tirni tax and providing

the chher labour. Their part of chher had to be arranged by Nazims. The complete

ownership rights were awarded on the completion of the specific period. The locals

were also entitled to attain the Sanad-e-Ahsan but they were bound to arrange the

tenants beyond the State and fulfill the other conditions.531

Encouraged by these incentives, more groups of immigrants came to the State.

However, perennial canal construction in Multan and Montgomery reduced the water

supply to the State canals, forcing the people on canal-irrigated lands to go back. The

third and the most influential phase for colonizing the barren tracts of the State started

with the excavation of ESC. The canal was, in fact, a result of constant efforts of Sikh

settlers and its excavation was a tale of sacrifices. As Radhika Lal notes;

‘ … the memory of their adventures in Cholistan , the difficulties they

had to experience and the forbearance exhibited by those sturdy Sikhs

529 Radhika Lal, History of Bahawalpur State Canals, 12. 530

Proceedings of Political Department December 1871: Wastelands in Bahawalpur, 1112. 531Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 18 March, 1872.

161

with white beards and grey eyebrows shall ever remain green in the

history of canal construction in the state.532

In 1908, the new rules for leasing the land were framed according to the new

requirements. These had a lenient outlook in order to attract more strata of peasantry

from Punjab. The term of the lease was reduced from ten to five years to improve the

land as early as possible. Furthermore, the previous condition of importing tenants

from outside the State was removed and the lessee was required to arrange the tenants

on his own. Another relaxation was in the revenue assessment. Now only the cropped

area was to be assessed in place of the entire leased area, as was the case earlier.533

In

Cholistan area of Minchinabad Nizamat, the leases were granted without

measurement and records of rights until 1910-11, when this territory was first settled.

In cultivating the desert land, natives of Cholistan made only a small

contribution because they were mainly cattle breeders and to engage them towards

agricultural pursuits would take time. The Nawab Bahawal Khan V, however, was

very keen to involve the locals in agriculture. So, he formulated regulations of

granting land to the locals and awarded some tracts of land to the State officials on

nominal price. The policy, however failed to elicit a positive response rather it

promoted absentee cultivation. Therefore, the third Agency government stopped this

practice, though the State officials continued secret dealings.534

The next phase of the land leasing policy began during the land settlement of

1910-11 in Minichinabad Nizamat. There were 109,000 bighas of cultivable land

available in Cholistan on ESC. According to the new policy, land would lease out

through auction for which one fourth of the price would have to be paid in advance

and the remaining in six half-yearly installments.535

Actually, the purpose of auction

policy was to get more income in order to finance the expenditure on canal

maintenance. In this phase, the Cholistan Uttar area was settled for habitation for the

first time and local owners of adjoining lands were largely considered for the grant of

land.

532 Radhika Lal, History of Bahawalpur State Canals, 13. 533Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1908-9, 8. 534ibid, 49. 535 File: 222-II, 1929. Official Letter from Office of Political Agent Phulkian States and Bahawalpur

dated 1-4-1912, no. 24/ 699.

162

This attempt made good strides because of the regular and systematic process

followed on the lines of Punjab canal colonies. The native colonization staff was sent

to Lyallpur and Sargodha to learn the colonization work under Mr. Dobson the

Settlement Officer of those colonies.536

After the World War I, the prices of canal-

irrigated land increased all over India. The State government raised the price of canal-

irrigated land on ESC for two main reasons; first, this land required less effort to

plough owing to its loamy soil and suitable for every kind of grain. Second, this was

more valuable because it located along the railway line and contributed to reverse the

trend of wealthy zamindars venturing into the State colony areas.537

5.2 Canal Colonization in the Punjab

The canal colonization in the State was influenced by the extensive schemes of

canal colonization in Punjab. Nine canal colonies were developed in the wastelands of

the western Punjab from 1885 to1926. Each colonization scheme had its own

strategies and priorities of development based on the needs of local environs. The

objectives behind these wide-ranging plans were both political and economic in

nature. The congested districts of the Eastern and the Central Punjab were facing

shortages of agricultural land caused by the increasing population. This agricultural

population occupied the newly irrigated Punjab plains, which ensured a surplus in

economic production.538

Actually, canal irrigation required intensive labour and hard work, which

made the sturdy and efficient Punjabis the best choice to gain economic benefits for

the GOI. The other motive behind the establishment of the Punjab canal colonies was

to re-employ the disbanded Sikh soldiers in agricultural pursuits.539

The provision of

food security to the increasing population of India was another objective of the GOI

behind launching this scheme. Moreover, the contingent factors also existed, which

included the needs of army, special grants on conditional terms and the patronage

grants to ensure political support in the region.540

536

Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State, 1912-13, 4. 537Sadiq-ul- Akhbar, 20 July 1922. 538 Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 13. 539 Ibid, 50 540Ian Talbot, Punjab under Colonialism: Order and Transformation in British India, Journal of Peasant

Studies Vol. 14, NO.1 (Spring 2007), 8.

163

Table 5.2 shows the detail of all the canal colonies in Punjab. Sidhnai canal in

Multan was the earliest attempt of colonization in the British Punjab. Nili bar was the

last colony and it was contemporary to the Bahawalpur colony. The British Punjab

part of the SVP brought about it. Bahawalpur was the only State to come under the

colonization program based on the patterns set by the Punjab canal colonies. The

canal irrigated area of Punjab colonies increased from 3,000,000 in 1885 to

14,000,000 acres in 1926.541

Table: 5.2 Punjab Canal Colonies

Name of

Colony

Period of

Colonization

Districts Name of

Canal Work

Sidhani 1886-1888 Multan Sidhnai

Sohag Para 1886-1888 Montgomery Lower Sohag

Para

Chunian 1896-1898

1904-1906

Lahore Upper Bari

Doab

Chenab 1892-1905 Gujranwala

Jhang

Layallpur

Lahore.

Sheikhupura

Lower

Chenab

Jhelum 1902-1906 Shahpur

Jhang

Lower

Jhelum

Lower Bari

Doab

1914-1924 Montgomery

Multan

Lower Bari

Doab

Upper

Chenab

1915-1919 Gujranwala,

Sialkot

Upper

Chenab

Upper

Jkelum

1916-1921 Gujrat Upper

Jhelum

Nili Bar 1926 Montgomery

Multan

Sutlej Valley

Project

Source: Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 9.

5.3 Colonization Scheme under Sutlej Valley Project in the

Bahawalpur State

The colonization policy in the Bahawalpur State took a systematic form with

the commencement of Sutlej valley project. The Revenue and the Colony

Departments were working in close cooperation with each other until 1931, when the

541 Ibid, 10.

164

administration of the Colony Department was reorganized. It consisted of a

Colonization Officer and his three Assistant for each canal colony.542

The Bahawalpur State colony developed with its own unique dynamics. In

fact, the scope for human settlement in the State was vast because a wide stretch of

land was unoccupied in proprietary areas and almost all newly irrigated area was

unpopulated. There were specific political motives behind the grants of land, which

amongst other things encompassed the need to procure skilled agricultural labour to

increase not only its population but also to create revenue, which could be used to

service the heavy loan for SVP. The imperial determinants also existed, yet the

benevolent hand of the State remained prevalent.

The Bahawalpur colony is a broader term and covers the three canal colonies

under the project: Sadqia colony, Bahawal colony and Punjnad colony. The three

colonies were adjacent to each other and formed an alluvial plain. The area

commanded by Sadqia canal and some part of Bahawal canal comprised the lost

Hakra valley, where only a wide shallow depression existed. On the southern side of

the Hakra depression, there were high ranges of sand hills, while on the Northern side,

the sand drifts were less formidable. Moreover, ruins of large villages were found at

frequent intervals and a chain of forts on the northern bank of the depression

evidenced that these areas were once highly populated and presumably, cultivated by

inundation of old Hakra river.543

These areas held very small population of semi

nomadic tribes.

The conditions and clauses of the scheme were largely the same as in the

Punjab scheme, although some changes were made as per indigenous environment.

However, the State was free in adopting the pattern of internal ingredients of

colonization policy. But the high echelon of the State which had the powers of

decision making, were all occupied by the British officers who were bound to act

according to the prevailing British policy. The process of colonization was undertaken

through the Colony Act of India 1912, which was implemented in the State in 1926.544

The irrigable area of the State under Sutlej valley canals projected for colonization

was 2,000,000 acres. Such a large area was disposed of through many stages,

542 In 1931, Mr. L.M. Mackeown was appointed as the first Colonization Officer in Bahawalpur. 543 Panwar, Six Thousand Years of History of Irrigation in Sindh, 46. 544Sadiq-ul- Akhbar 13 May 1926. See Appendix XX.

165

commencing with the partial completion of the plan in 1926 at Islam weir and

continuing after the partition of India.

5.3.1. The Attributes and Implications of the Bahawalpur Colony

The canal colonization in the State was originally a consequential part of the

SVP. To cultivate the land, the great mass of population was migrated from the

British Punjab to the State. The whole area was categorized into certain specific sorts

of grants. The capital element was included to encourage the enterprising farmers

while agricultural classes of abadkar were the main thrust of the plan. Landless

labours, artisans and menial classes were also moved to the Bahawalpur colony and

some specific space was allocated for them as well. These groups gave the touch of a

traditional social set up of a village in the colony called chakk.

According to the distribution plan for the area, 50% barren areas were set

aside for auction to purchaser and 80% of the remaining 50% was reserved for

peasant grants. The other 20% from this allocation was set aside for miscellaneous

grants.545

A very small proportion was ghair mumkin land, which was reserved for

roads, abadis, graveyard etc. The distribution of land was under the control of the

State. The physical layout was characterized by the division of land into chakks in

which each holding was complete in a single field.

The structure of each colony chakk stood on a uniform basis. Each chakk was

laid out according to a model plan with wide streets and central squares with half

rectangle fixed for lubmerdar, one rectangle for kamis and two rectangles for

sanitation grounds. Besides these, three acres were reserved for the Mohammaden

graveyard and one acre for Hindu cremation place.546

Each village was given one or

more watercourses and cultivators divided the water amongst themselves on a

recurring turn system fixed by canal officers. The process of allotting the colony areas

was executed in the five following categories.

5.3.1.1 Sale and Purchase

The reservation of land for sale was expected to bring immediate returns and

this was an urgent requirement to liquidate the SVP loan and overcome the other

545 Letter From the Minister for Revenue and Public Works to the Nawab Bahadur on Colonization

Scheme: 5 April 1927. 546 File: 184, 1926, Part 1. Notices and Conditions of Sale in Bahawalpur Colony, 179. See Appendix

XXIV for distributing plan of the land in colony chakks.

166

financial constraints. The auction of agricultural land and town sites in Bahawalpur

varied from time to time and from place to place due to the variation in soil condition.

The best tracts of land were set aside for auction to ensure more revenue.547

The

perennial irrigated areas of ESC, which had great economic value, were the first to be

colonized. As per Sutlej valley agreement, the annual limit for public sale was 40,000

acres. Land was auctioned in blocks and there was no limit for purchasing that land.548

In the first year, 18518 acres of perennial land were sold at Rs.220 per acres

and non-perennial land at Rs. 63 per acre to be paid in installments over three years.

The advance money was 10% of the total at 7% interest on unpaid balance. In the next

year, 3988 acres of land was sold at Rs. 230 per acre. Both initial auctions were

successful. However, in these years, Sutlej and Beas rivers flowed at low level and the

short supply of water caused failure in cultivation or resulted in poor quality of crops

particularly in the Bahawal colony. The yields were so little as to make it impossible

for the farmer to pay his dues.549

This resulted in the accumulation of massive arrears on the part of farmers and

badly affected the sale of land. It was realized very soon that the terms needed to

change and there had to be leniency in recognition of initial difficulties. Therefore, a

new scheme was launched in 1930 to sell the land on concessional terms. Under the

new scheme, the period of installments was extended from five to eight years. The

first two harvests were exempt from the land revenue and the water charges. An

important relaxation in the terms was the imposition of a nominal tax malikana, in

place of interest.550

Moreover, installments and acreage rate were suspended as a

temporary measure of relief until conditions improved.

The purpose of installment was to enable the purchasers to pay money

gradually from the profit obtained from the cultivation of land. However, it did not

yield the desired results and failure in cultivation broke down the installment system

resulting in the State having to give the proprietary rights to purchasers voluntarily.

The State initiated further two schemes for granting concessions to purchasers. The

first was a Lump Sum Payment Scheme to encourage the buyers to pay the entire

547

First auction was held for the perennial land of Gujjani distributary of Eastern Sadqia canal on 7th

and 8th April 1926. Second auction held on 7th and 8th March 1927. See Annual Administration Report 1926-27 (Unpublished), (Colonization), 1. 548Notices and Conditions of Sale of Land in Bahawalpur State 1926, 98. 549Annual Administration Report 1926-27 (Unpublished) , (Colonization), 1. 550Annual Administration Report 1931-32 (Unpublished), (Colonization), 2.

167

amount of land at once, at a concessional rate, instead of installments. It offered a

concession of 25% on initial deposit and 10% concession in revenue for the first few

years. This scheme continued till 1941, when the colony flourished and agricultural

prices risen.551

The other was the Compensation and Surrender Scheme for dealing with the

purchasers whose land had been confiscated due to nonpayment of their dues. Some

private individuals and the State officials had acquired land in the initial period of

allotment, but they could not manage to cultivate it. In this scheme, such purchasers

had to surrender the part of their holding for which they were unable to pay. In this

way, their allotments were reduced to a maximum one square at 3% interest rate per

annum. Under this scheme, the State avoided the confiscations and brought back the

settlers to their allotted land.552

With regard to the Punjnad colony, land was

auctioned in the form of lots instead of entire chakk. This step was taken to encourage

the local peasants and to promote self-cultivation. The blocks of up to five acres were

auctioned at a rate of Rs. 100/- per acre for superior quality land and Rs. 62/- per acre

for inferior quality land.553

Contrary to expectations, most of the State purchasers belonged to zamindar class

without large capital.554

Only a few capitalists or rural notables were attracted to the

Bahawalpur colony because majority was inclined to the Nilibar colony due to its

closeness with Punjab although the land quality was similar to as was in the

Bahawalpur colony.555

The significant capitalists in the Bahawalpur colony were Khan

Abdul Majid Khan of Kashmir who purchased 2500 acres, Sardar Hamidulla of Issa Khel

who held 5000 acres in Mauza Bahishti near Kot Samaba and Sir Daya Krishna Kaul who

acquired 5495 acres of land in Taranda. The largest purchaser was the entrepreneur of the

Union of Agricultural Syndicate, Rahimyar Khan, which bought 10,000 acres of land.556

The

State policy regarding capitalist class was based on a careful demonstration. Land was sold to

the strong enough parties after thoroughly examining their financial position. Those who did

not meet the criteria were denied the land. One such example was that of Diwan Syed

551Colony Administration Report 1931-32, 1. (Unpublished) 552

Annual Report of Agriculture 1931-32, 2. 553 Notices and Conditions of Sale of Land in Bahawalpur State: Sale of Land by Auction in Bahawalpur State 1926, 32. 554 Colony Administration Report 1929-30, 1. (Unpublished). 555 Colony Land 1928, 6. 556 File: 179-17, Part IV, 1937, Purchase of Land by Union of Agricultural Syndicate, Rahimyar khan.

168

Muhammad of Pak Pattan, whose application was not forwarded by Mr. Barron, owing to his

weak economic position.557

The allotment of land to big capitalists was in fact advantageous for political

reasons but unsuitable for the social and economic structure of the State because both

big zamindars and moneylenders relied on tenants and gave rise to absentee

landlordism. This policy, therefore, was not suitable to increase agricultural

production from small and scattered lands. In this context, self-tilling was an

imperative requirement for the success of the Bahawalpur colony.

5.3.1.2 Peasant Grants / Abadkari

Peasant grants were the mainstream of the project. The selection of grantees

was entrusted to the revenue department whereas, locating the colonists and looking

after their future interests was the responsibility of the colonization officer. For the

convenience of abadkars, a system of receiving and dispatching the necessary details

was sanctioned. One such arrangement was Chakk Abdulla, which was the focal

point, from where motor lorry and camel would take them to the spot.558

Unlike the purchasers, there were certain conditions for the abadkari grants. In

particular, land was confined to the self-farming peasants. The size of this grant

ranged from half acre to fifty acres. However, on an experimental basis, a few chakks

were leased out to a couple of zamindars who could afford the capital expenditure. In

1926, chakks on ESC were first to be notified on abadkari grants. The initial purchase

price, locally called nuzrana, was Rs. 150 per acre. The one-fourth of this price was to

be paid in advance while the remaining amount was to be paid in six half-yearly

installments at 6% interest. Actually, the purpose of installments was to enable the

purchasers to pay off debt gradually from the profit obtained from the cultivation of

the land.559

The abadkars were required to permanently move to their lands within six months

of possession and build their houses within one year. They were exempt from revenue

for the first two harvests but exchanges were not allowed.560

Initially, the old

inhabitants of riverine tracts of Ahmadpur and Allahbad tehsils, were given

557 File: 179-25, 1929, Purchase of Land by Diwan Syed Mohammad of Pak Pattan. 558Sadiq- ul-Akhbar, 17 February 1927. 559Notices and Conditions of Sale of Land in Bahawalpur State, 3-25. See Appendix XXII for the initial

attributes and prices of lands. 560Ibid.

169

preference in the abadkari allotments because they were severely affected by constant

floods.561

The first batch of abadkars came in 1927 from Punjab. Their payment of

nuzrana was due in 1930, but this could not be properly recovered owing to the

difficulties similar to what the purchasers had to face. Such circumstances had badly

affected the returns. Therefore, the installment period was further extended to twelve

years and abadkars had the right to exchange poor land with better land somewhere

else. The fact of the matter was that for the most part abadkars were poverty-stricken

and possessed fewer resources to help them tide over difficult times. In the following

years, the influx of abadkars was slow and limited to those who clung to their land

under every conceivable difficulty until the conditions improved.

The total allotment for abadkars area was 318732 acres in 1940. The

colonization in the Punjnad colony was the last in the process; it started when the

price fall was over. In the non-perennial area, there was more relaxation in the terms

as peshgi was reduced to Rs. 50 and the remaining amount had to be paid in 60

installments of Rs. 25 each. Further, well sinking was a compulsory measure for the

owner of two squares. These concessions saw rapid increase in the population of the

Bahawalpur colony.

5.3.1.3 Military Grants

Military grants were an offshoot of peasant grants. The military men of Indian

States serving with the units of the Indian army were selected by their commanding

officers for the grant of land in the newly built colonies in Punjab. In the Bahawalpur

colony, the State nominated only those military men who were Muslim and belonged

to agricultural class. In this regard, claims from the State‟s own army were preferred.

The first batch of military men was selected in 1924 in lieu of their services during the

World War I. 562

Twenty two chakks were allotted to the Indian army from 1928 to

1933 in the Sadqia colony. The viceroy‟s commissioned men were granted two

squares of land each whereas the soldiers and the Non-Commissioned officers were

561 Department of PWD and Revenue, File: 179-31, Land to Major Shamsud Din, Letter 4-c on 6-1 1942, from Deputy Commissioner Rahimyar Khan to PWD and Revenue Minister Bahawalpur State. 562 Military Department Darbar Sahib Bahawalpur State, Office of the Military Secretary, File: 225-A,

1924-25, Grant of Land to the Military Men. Application of State Soldiers to the Nawab Ruler on 18-3-

1924.

170

granted one square each. Five thousand acres in the Sadqia colony were reserved to

the State Force.563

The superiority of military institution was dominant and the conditions for

military grants were somewhat more lenient than the peasant grants. The required

advance of military grants was one-eighth of the total amount and revenue was

remitted for five years. This grant was for the better land and allowed greater freedom

in the matter of exchange. In case of dissatisfaction, the grantees had the right to get

their nuzrana refunded and conditions of self-cultivation were not enforced. In spite

of this relaxation, military men were reluctant to take grant in the Bahawalpur colony,

mainly for two reasons. First, though the land allotted to army personnel was of good

quality, it was suitable only for self-farming peasants while the majority of grantees

was in service and was not living in their allotted areas. The other reason was the lack

of efficient tenants or labour in the Cholistan area. Therefore, a large part of the land

reserved for military grants remained vacant.564

Actually, these grantees were warriors and did not have experience of

cultivation so 70% of military grantees went back. Some of them lived on their land

by engaging tenants, while the rest were absentees, who cultivated their lands through

their agents.565

In 1931, this scheme was practically wound up, with the exception of a

small area reserved for the State‟s military men and pensioners.566

In regard with

Punjab, the military grants were a successful attempt. The Jhelum colony was under

taken to fulfill the military needs.567

The lower Bari Doab was also associated with

the army and recognized as a very important horse breeding areas. 568

In fact, the

focus of land grants in Punjab colonies was determined by the fact that 40% of the

British Indian army in 1914 was recruited from Punjab.569

563 Department of PWD and Revenue, File: 232, Part XI, 1944. Military Services : Application of Hev.

Baker Ahmad Din from Batala District Gurdaspur. 564 Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat: Revenue and PWD, File: 9-36, 1943, Post War Settlement, Note on

Military Chakks by Prime Minister Bahawalpur on 4 June 1943, 1-3. 565Ibid, Letter from Assistant Commissioner Rahimyar Khan to Deputy Commissioner Rahimyar Khan, on 29-7-1943. See Appendix XXIII. 566Report of Inquiry Committee, 108. 567 Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 168. See also The Government of Punjab, Lower Jhelum

Canal: Punjab Canal Gazetteer Vol. 1 (Lahore: 1921), 35. 568 The Government of Punjab, The Youngest Punjab Canal Colony (Lahore: 1930), 4. 569 Talbot, Punjab under Colonialism: Order and Transformation in British India, 4.

171

After the World War II, the scheme for military grants in the State was revived

with the hope of success because by then, the irrigation and communication system

had sufficiently improved. Two chakks covering 1803 acres were reserved for State

forces. In the Punjnad colony, 6059 acres of military grants were reserved for the post

war settlement, which was partially allotted. In Allahabad tehsil, 125 acres perennial

and 127 non-perennial land was reserved for the demobilized State soldiers.570

This

revised phase of post war allotment became more successful than the previous one

and many grantees settled on their allotted land. At the same time, the military grants

on good concessional terms by the Bahawalpur darbar encouraged the tradition of

tenancy cultivation in place of self-cultivation. It opened the ways for military

dominance over the agricultural land, which expanded in the successive years to the

urban areas and was a major cause of the military officers becoming the large

stakeholders. This legacy increasingly nourished and contributed to transforming the

military men into feudal-lords and then into entrepreneurs as Ayesha Siddiqa asserts

that;

The military justifies its acquisition of agricultural land as part of the

inherited colonial tradition of granting land to military personnel ...in

fact, the military land acquisition, especially agricultural land, has

transformed the military into one of the many land barons or feudal

lords… 571

5.3.1.4 Temporary Cultivation

In order to utilize areas with rough soil, short-term leases for temporary

cultivation were granted. Temporary cultivation mostly involved the surrendered and

confiscated land as well as the land reserved for specific purposes, such as for

artisans, lumberdari allowance or tree plantation. Temporary cultivation was best

suited to reclaim poor land, test soil capacity and increase its market value. Its

purpose was to increase cultivation and earn money quickly. However, it confined to

those lands that had possibility of irrigation and cultivable.

570

Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat: Revenue and PWD, File: 9-39 1943, Post War Settlement: Chakks reserved for Demobilized Soldiers: Letter from Revenue Minister to the General Officer Commanding

Bahawalpur State Forces on 14-12-43. 571Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy (Karachi: Oxford University

Press, 2007), 174.

172

Before the SVP, tauhad system was actually a form of temporary cultivation,

which under the new colonization scheme was made more systematic. In 1929, the

land on the Hakra distributory was first granted on temporary lease and possession

was for the time being or till the arrival of the purchaser. Its rent per matured acre was

1 rupee and 8 anna along with Rs. 2/- malikana for a period of one year.572

Initially,

temporary cultivation did not produce good results, because neither the colonists nor

the locals were willing to get lease for such a short period. So, frequent changes were

made according to local circumstances.

In the revised rules of 1933, the period of temporary cultivation was extended

from two to five years by adopting an auction system. The upper ceiling was set as

five squares for each individual. In 1938, the State notified new terms for temporary

cultivation at the rate of 4 rupees per acre with one-third of the total amount as down

payment. Resultantly, one-fourth of the leased area was cultivated in the first year and

malikana was levied for the entire allotted area, and not just for the cultivated area.

The receivers of temporary lease were both agriculturists and non-agriculturists. In the

proprietary areas of the Punjnad colony, large area of crown waste was reserved for

temporary cultivation for four years. It was a successful experience and produced

sufficient returns.573

5.3.1.5 Arboriculture

There were some other forms of grants to suit the special circumstances of

some of the tracts of land and the State needs. The tree planting along the new roads

was important in the colony areas not only for the growth of trees but also for the

future use of timber as a source of income. Tree plantation grant was a compulsory

element in all the Punjab canal colonies from 1912. In fact, the grant of five acres of

land to lumberdar was also a sort of supplementary grant in order to encourage the

arboriculture. The purpose of this grant was to develop and refine the communication

resources. The growth of trees on the both sides of main roads towards the market

towns would create a beautiful landscape. The grant was generally limited to one

square per mile. In 1940, 16815 acres of land were allotted for 673 miles of roads.

572Colony Administration Report 1932-33, 3. (Unpublished). 573 Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, File: 242, 1935. Temporary Cultivation and Development of

Proprietary Area 1934-35, 137.

173

In 1943, all the grants were stopped except those for tree planting.

Consequently, the barren sandy tracts covered only with shrubs were replaced by the

rows of shisham trees extending the avenues of various roads on the canals, branches

and distributaries. This grant became more effective in changing the unedifying sight

of a vast desert into a green and pleasant landscape. In addition, a special grant for

sheep and goat breeding was started on experimental basis in 1943-44. It was given at

the rate of Rs. 250 per square and the grantee was to get only the occupancy rights.

5.3.2 The Early Problems and Remedies

Initially, both the State and the colonists had to face a tough time. In fact, in the

original scheme, the entire cultivable area under the SVP was treated as having same

quality and all irrigated land was deemed for selling and allotment. All pros and cons

emerged with the passing of time. Two major problems appeared; the poor nature of

soil and water scarcity. As far as land quality was concerned, it had been realized

from the very inception of the Bahawalpur colony, that the quality of land under

settlement was not as good as suggested by original estimates. According to these

estimates, which had been made without conducting a proper soil survey, all the land

was equally good. However, when cultivated, most of it turned out to be of inferior

quality. Its quality was not uniform and varied from village to village and in some

instances even within the same village.

As a result, a contraction occurred under each head of land grant to an extent that

sufficient land of average quality was not available for those who had already

deposited nazrna. The situation around the Bahawal canal was the worst. Likewise,

the upper portion of the Sadqia colony was ripe for colonization but its tail channels

had the same position as the Bahawal colony. Therefore, many chakks became

depopulated. Around the Abbassia canal, the water supply was satisfactory but soil

quality was poor.

The non-perennial Punjnad canal commanded the two lacs acres, scattered over

the old proprietary areas and in large blocks on the south of the railway line. In this

part of the State, there were great prospects for development because water was

available but the constraining factors were the shortage of work force and lack of

capital on the part of the settlers. The inferior quality land also existed in the Punjab

canal colonies, particularly in Chenab and Jhelum. However, it was not at dangerous

174

level while in the smaller colonies, it placed a serious check on the development

objective of the colonization scheme.574

The root of all these evils was the absence of proper soil survey. Rather the

classification of the soil was based on a rough soil survey conducted by the State

revenue staff in 1925-26, just for stone marking purpose at the fixed boundaries of

squares.575

The maps of soil survey were optimistic and the land not covered with

heavy sand was considered good and fit for colonization.576

However, after the

allotments, the actual result was contrary to expectations. Particularly, the peasant

grantees chakks on desert branch of the Bahawal canal and on the Bahawalpur

distributory were substandard. The hard soil, which contained a mixture of kallarathi

salts, provided very poor germination and was unsuited for valuable crops. In the

Nilibar colony, the quality of soil was also similar to the Bahawalpur colony.577

This inferior quality land became a major dilemma, which the State had to

negotiate along with other difficulties. In fact, this kind of soil required sufficient time

and labour to produce returns. The inferior land was granted mostly to the self-

cultivators of agricultural tribes. In spite of irrigation facilities and hard labour,

improvement was very slow. With low profit, only the marginal classes of abadkars

persisted in the very early stages. These conditions gave little agricultural output,

despite the frequent Free Harvest facility by the State, only a small proportion of land

was cultivated. Hence, very little revenue was paid to the State.578

The other major issue in the Bahawalpur colony was that of water scarcity,

which became more critical at the time of sowing the cash crops in April and May

each year. In these months, the colonists were usually free from their tenancy

contracts in Punjab and were ready to come into the new colony. The shortage of

water was the main cause that prevented them from settling down in the State where

unpromising soil already had bad reputation.579

The problems that were faced by the

574 Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 215. 575 See Appendix XXIV for soil survey. 576Report of Inquiry Committee, 9-10. 577Montgomery Gazetteer 1935, 58 578 File: 291, 1933 Part I, Inferior Land, 36. 579 There were also demands from the various sections of colonists to augment the short supply of

water. See Appendix XXV.

175

early settlers were much more than the unmet expectations. Thousands of them died

of snakebites, pneumonia and typhoid.580

Moreover, economic crises of 1930s also disruptive the colonization program

of the State and collection of revenue from the colonists declined due to severe

downturn in the price of land and reduced agricultural produces. Furthermore,

facilities for selling, obtaining credit and communication resources to carry the

produce to the market were in their infancy. The major difficulty was the paucity of

labour, which was direly needed to root out the bushes and to clear the jungles

because the local tenants were fewer and importing the tenants entailed a heavy cost

for abadkars who already were short of capital. However, they managed to work with

the aid of their families.

In order to overcome the initial difficulties, a very lenient treatment was

adopted by the State. The special conditions for the low quality land and free harvest

were the main part of the State policy. Free harvest was given for three years without

any peshgi and the grantee was eligible to acquire occupancy rights or proprietary

rights after five years by paying 10 and 30 rupees per acre respectively. Later, this

period was extended from three to four years. Further, installments and acreage rates

were suspended as a temporary measure of relief until conditions improved. To

provide financial relief to zamindars, the State granted takavi grants of Rs. 4567. 581

The result of these concessions was satisfactory and succeeded in securing the

cultivations of poor quality land.582

In fact, the early difficulties were a common

phenomenon prevailing in all the Punjab canal colonies. However, a great difference

was that these people were not facing the scarcity of water, as was the case with the

Bahawalpur State. Table 5.3 shows that sale of land was marginal and peasant grants

were the significant feature of this early period. However, this situation was very

discouraging with regard to revenue returns. Most of the peasants were from the

poorer classes and they had no resources except their labour.583

The early hardships

were smoothed away when market confidence returned to the levels of pre-slump

years. Later, the colonists took full benefit of high prices, particularly in the Sadqia

580 Auj, The Legacy of Cholistan, 260. 581 Department of PWD and Revenue, Colony Progress Report 1933 (General), .3. See also in Colony

Administration Report 1932-33, 6. 582Colony Progress Report 1942-43, 3. (Unpublished) 583 File: 328, Part I 1931, Disposal of Colony Land: Notes on the Progress of Colonization, 5.

176

and Punjnad colonies due to their location, which was near the railway line and the

proprietary areas. Large-scale sale was conducted in both the colonies at a rate of

Rs.372 per acre for perennial lands and Rs. 281 per acre for non-perennial lands and

Rs. 120 per acre for riverine land. Moreover, the variation in prices was the result of

different factors like; quality of soil, water availability, and distance from market and

railway.584

The larger part of the vacant area consisted of high land or sand dunes and was

situated at the ends of canals. The State made every effort to hold the colonists on the

land in order to attain the success. Irrigation arrangements were remarkably improved

and very few chakks were left without water supply. The trend of going back among

the settlers came to an end. Owing to the war effects, the prices of agricultural goods

went up, which automatically raised the cost of lease. Therefore, sale of land

increased and temporary cultivation decreased. Before 1947, a large proportion of the

population consisted of Hindus and Sikhs who at the time of partition left the country.

The evacuee land, which they left behind, was initially allotted to the families of

incoming refugees on the basis of 1 acre for one family.585

Table: 5.3.Grants of Land 1927- 1933

Type of

Grant

Sale Peasant

grants

Temporary

cultivation

Tree

plantation

Miscellaneous Total

In Acres 60912 370153 60000 8546 50159 546770

% 11.14 67.69 10.97 1.56 9.17 100%

Source: Colony Administration Report 1932-33, 9, (unpublish).

584Colony Progress Report 1943-44, 1. 585 Hamza Alvi, The Rural Elites and Agricultural Development in Pakistan, 194.

177

Figure 5.1: Grants of Land 1927- 1933

5.3.3 Proprietary Rights in the Bahawalpur Colony

The State was the sole owner of all the land under colonization program. As

per the SVP agreement, the State was willing in simple words, to withdraw its

ownership rights for the sake of a beneficial development for its people. The rights,

which were secured two centuries ago, were now going to be discharged. It was a

turning point in the life of a native State. The proprietary rights were transferred

directly from the State to the colonist. The table 5.4 shows that owners of 53%

agricultural land had been attained their property rights until 1947.

It reveals the increasing trend in the sale of land that became double on

passing the slump years while the peasant grants maintained their premier dominant

position. In the sale of land category, the pattern of lower Bari Doab was followed

with some modifications as per local customs. In the initial period of the colonization

process, the grantees were slow in getting the proprietary rights. In transferring the

land, the condition of self-cultivation was strictly adhered to and in case of absentee

purchaser, the land was usually resumed by the State.

0

50000

100000

150000

200000

250000

300000

350000

400000

Sale Peasant grants Temporary cultivation

Tree plantation

Miscellaneous

178

Table: 5.4. Total colony Area under Each Type of Grant till 31-3-1947

Type

of

Grant

Sale Peasant Vacant Total Fully paid

land

In

Acres

2,27,707 7,21,905 1,23,117 1072729 53%

% 21.22 67.29 11.47 100%

Source: Colony Progress Report 1946-47, 15.

Figure 5.2: Total Colony Area till 31-3-1947

The post-war period was a great stimulation in getting sufficient returns from

agriculture activity. The total output and value went up remarkably. The rise in prices

attracted the wealthy families throughout India and a sizeable amount of land was

sold to them who soon acquired proprietary rights. All sections of the colonists gained

the economic benefits. Moreover, the colonists used their surplus funds in the

acquisition of the proprietary rights during the high prices.586

This caused immense

increase in the revenue for the State, which was vividly reflected in the subsequent

years. This huge rise in prices of agricultural produces during the war considerably

improved the financial position of the colonists and a large majority of whom utilized

this surplus money in acquiring the proprietary rights for their lands.

586Colony Progress Report 1942-43, 14.

0.00%

10.00%

20.00%

30.00%

40.00%

50.00%

60.00%

70.00%

80.00%

Abadkar Vacant Sale

179

The conditions sanctioned by the State to the settlers were more favourable

than those prevalent in Punjab. The main reason for this was that the GOP obtained

higher prices due to the higher quality of land, which would create feelings of security

and brought good returns. The Bahawalpur State offered easier terms due to uncertain

irrigation and low quality soil. Moreover, the colonists were poor with no resources

but had great motivation, therefore, they were fully supported by the State.587

5.3.4 The Social Origins and Composition of the Colonists

The central Punjab districts were the main recruiting areas for the Bahawalpur

colony and for all the canal colonies of Punjab as well. It was the first occasion in the

history of India that an extensive migration of peasant families that had been residents

of the British Punjab for generations occurred within India. These migrants departed

their ancestral places and became the mainstay of the economy of the Bahawalpur

colony.

A large number of the colonists came in the initial phase of the allotment, i.e.

during 1927-29. Their social background and origin were different in each colony.

With regard to the purchasers, there was no communal restriction. With regard to

abadkars, caste and religion compatibility was the primary consideration in allotting

the land. A definite schedule of communal distribution was issued, in which the

percentage for agricultural classes was fixed. Table 5.5 shows the specific proportion

of land distributed to the various castes. With the passage of time, some modifications

were made. In this schedule, formerly the non-Muslims were not given any share

because the State‟s purpose was to maintain its identity as a Muslim society. Later on,

this program was revised in recognition of the fact that non-Muslims particularly the

Sikh Jats were the best cultivators and well reputed in getting the higher yields from

poor land through their hard labour.588

Thus, the Sikhs and the Hindus also became

eligible for grants however, Akali Sikhs were barred from settling in the State in order

to maintain a peaceful atmosphere and to avoid the intrigues during the formation of

the new colony. For instance, from the defense point of view, non-Muslims were not

allowed to settle in the vicinity of Dera Nawab and Derawar, which were the hub of

the State armed forces.

587

Colony Administration Report 1930-31, 1. 588 Assessment Report of Minchinabad Tehsil 1947, 38.

180

The State inhabitants received no preference in allotment nevertheless, a small

share for nomads was necessary to encourage them to substitute their occupation as

cattle grazers with farming. Besides, their inclusion in the list of those eligible for

land allotment was a measure to keep them calm by showing them that the State was

serious to protect their interests. Though the indigenous grantees were not efficient

cultivators but they were not as hostile towards the colonists as the indigenous

population of Chenab and Nilibar colonies was hostile for settlers in their region

where 35.4% and 40% of the abadkari grant were allotted to the locals

respectively.589

In contrast, the Cholistani people were less interested at the time in

getting land; they were hardly willing to leave their nomadic way of life. Therefore

their share in the schedule was only 10%.590

In practical terms, this schedule did not work out in the end. Many

discrepancies were found in collecting nuzrana and advance. The applications for

allotment were enormous and a large amount of nuzrana was deposited daily, which

remained unaccounted. The continuation of the policy at this scale was impossible

and those who paid nuzrana were given preference in later allotments rather than the

observing of caste and religion compatibility condition, which was a lengthy process.

Resultantly, this scheme was ended and land was allotted on priority, following the

principle of first come first served, to those who had already deposited money.591

Table: 5.5.Caste and Communal Distribution Plan for Peasant Grantees

Caste 1926 1928

Arains 30% 22 ½ %

Jats 20% 22 ½ %

589 Neelandri Bhatcharya, „Promise of Modernity, Antinomies of Development‟, Yale University Program in Agrarian Studies, Colloquium (20 January, 2012) , 20. See also Imran Ali, The Punjab

under Imperialism, 45, 49. 590 For the schedule by the State, see Appendix XXVI. 591 Department of PWD and Revenue, File: 184-III, 1927, Notices and Conditions of Land Sale,

Official Letter from Colonization Officer to Mr. Dobson, Member of SVP Enquiry Committee on 30th

January 1932.

181

Rajputs 20% 15%

Pathans and Awans 15% 15%

Doggar and Gujjars 5% Nill

Cholistani 10% 10%

Non Muslims Nill 10%

Miscellaneous Nill 5%

Source: Department of PWD and Revenue, File: 184, Notices and Conditions of Sale of Land

in Bahawalpur State Colony 1927, 2.

The selection criteria for allottees were also different in each canal colony of

the Punjab but as a common feature preference was given to the best agriculturists;

Arain, Jats and Sikhs in place of Muslims or original inhabitants. In the Lower

Chenab Colony, the choice of selecting abadkars was restricted to Jat, Arain and three

other minor tribes of industrious repute. In Amritsar, the young people with good

health were preferred. In the Nilibar colony, abadkars were carefully selected by the

district officers and they were bound to reside for 5 years on their cultivated lands.592

Whereas in the Bahawalpur colony, owing to the appearance of inferior land and

square off the SVP debt, the State preferred those who paid nuzrana. However, the

completion of the basic conditions was imperative. Table 5.6 highlights the recruiting

centers of these abadkars. This colony was started with the best agriculturist elements

of Punjab. In spite of their ethnic diversity, the colonists became a part of the

mainstream of the State.

Table: 5.6. Major Castes and their Recruiting Centers

Caste Hailing Areas

Arains Lyallpur, Montgomery, Jalindhar, Sheikhupura, Gurdaspur,

Amritsar, Hoshiarpur, and Bahawalpur itself.

592Report of Enquiry Committee, 35. Further in Douie, The Punjab Canal Colonies, Journal of the

Royal Society of Arts, Vol. 62, No. 3210 (May 29th, 1914).

182

Jats Lyallpur, Sheikhupura, Gurdaspur, Amritsar, Shahpur and

Sialkot.

Rajputs Hoshiarpur, Shahpur, Jhelum and Rohtak.

Pathans and

Awans

Shahpur, Jehlum, Attock, Mianwali and Peshawar.

Source: i. Report of Enquiry Committee, 114-115. ii. Assessment Report of Minchinabad

1947, 38.

5.4 Socio-Economic Impact of the Canal Colonization

Colonization in the State was centered on the land consisting of sand hills and

barren plains. With the passing of time, as the difficulties were going to be reduced

and satisfactory results appeared, the colonization increased the population level in

the State, which was the foremost purpose of the Nawab rulers from the inception of

the State. There were probably seven lacs of colonists adjusted in the Bahawalpur

colony under the canal colonization.593

Table 5.7 indicates that from 1867 to 1941, there was 367.95% increase in the

State population, while 36% increase was only within the final ten years. Table 5.8 is

explicit about the tehsil wise numerical strength in both the old areas and the colony

areas during the year of 1941. It reveals that Fort Abbass and Yazman were the pure

colony areas while at serial 1, 2, 6, 7 and 8 was the proprietary areas and other tehsils

consisting of both types. Fort Abbas had the largest ratio of the colonists. However,

after the World War II, this proportion of population changed and increased rapidly.

Table: 5.7 The Population of the Bahawalpur State at Different Time Intervals

Year Population Difference

1867 364502

593 Statesman, 4 December, 1945.

183

1870 472,791 +108289

1891 650,042 +177251

1901 720,877 +70835

1911 780,641 +59764

1921 781,191 +550

1931 984,612 +203421

1941 1,341,209 +356597

Source: Census of India 1941, Vol. vi, Punjab tables by Sheikh Fazal Illahi, 1941.

Table: 5.8.Tehsil wise population in Bahawalpur State in 1941 Census

Source: Extracted from the Bahawalpur State Gazetteer 1941 (Unpublished). 2

Sr.

Tehsil Proprietary area Colony area Total

1 Minchinabad 130206 ----- 130206

2 Bahawalnagar 123062 ----- 123062

3 Chishtian 105520 80817 186337

4 Fort Abbass ------- 111766 111766

5 Yazman ---- 32051 32051

6 Bahawalpur 122059 ------ 122059

7 Ahmadpur East 159576 ------ 159576

8 Allahabad. 111538 ------ 111538

9 Khanpur 107680 5377 113057

10 Rahimyar Khan 93700 43668 137368

11 Sadiqabad 86393 27796 114189

12 Total 1039734 301475 1341209

13 As % 77.52 % 22.47 % 100%

184

There was a sea change in the cropping pattern and cash crops were

extensively cultivated in the colony areas. This turned food production economy of

the state into a market-oriented economy and resulted in a huge increase in the

production of food grains, which were supplied to the other parts of India. In fact, the

GOI laid emphasis on the cultivation of wheat, cotton and sugarcane in all the colony

areas in Punjab so that they might be exported to the British markets. This process,

known as the commercialization of agriculture, however, brought little benefit to the

peasants of Punjab.594

In compliance with the food grain policy of the GOI, the

Bahawalpur State was able to provide 500,000 tons of food grains for the food deficit

areas of India.595

The total rise in cultivated area of the Bahawalpur and Rahimyar

Khan districts was 40% and 80% respectively. In the latter case, the cultivated area of

the district was in excess because it comprised the old proprietary tracts.596

Revenue generation and collection remained the prime focus to make the

colonization project remunerative. Financial motives were preferred in the plan but

not at the expense of the settlers. Though, due to poor quality soil, the State had to

strive hard to attract the colonists and had to show large degree of flexibility in the

terms and the facilities offered to them. The colony areas generated immense revenue.

According to the official estimates, prior to 1938-39, the Bahawalpur colony areas,

though not fully developed provided 20.9% of the gross revenue.597

The establishment of a series of market towns was another significant

consequence of this agricultural development. Many towns were developed into major

marketing centers. Earlier they had been either non-existent or with inconsequential

amounts of habitants such as Harunabad earlier called Badruwala, Fort Abbas, being

Phulra and Yazman earlier called Rohatwala. These were set up on the ruins of

ancient towns.598

The market work proceeded in stages.599

Table 5.9 shows the newly

established network of mandi towns. In the Sadqia colony, all mandis were successful

while in the Bahawal colony, Yazman mandi suffered a setback due to its location on

594 Himadri Banerjee, Agrarian Society of the Punjab, 67. 595Memo from Prime minister Bahawalpur to the secretary of Punjab States, Lahore (6 April, 1947) in

File: Sutlej Valley Project Case 1947, Appendix III. See attachment in Appendix XXVII for food grains

exported from Bahawalpur State. 596

This percentage is extracted from the Forcast Reports of Bahawalpur and Rahimyar Khan. 597Administration Reports of Irrigation Department 1925-26 to 1942-43, 7. 598 File: 22-H, 1931, Factory at Harudabad, 1. 599Baghdad ul jaded, a railway station in Bahawalpur, constructed on a regular pattern. It was actually a

plan aimed at the renaissance of the Baghdad of Iraq in all its dignity and as hub of business in

Bahawalpur. But this aim could not be accomplished.

185

poor land of the Bahawal canal. Moreover, a mandi on Baghdad-ul-jaded railway

station in Bahawalpur was planned but it could not be accomplished.

In the Punjnad colony, also having the old proprietary area, no new market

town was set up. Instead, the already existing major towns such as Sadiqabad,

Rahimyar Khan and Khanpur were commercially developed. These towns already

held the status of business centers and more markets with shops and separate

buildings were constructed. Furthermore, the abandoned area of the Abbasia canal of

about 1.5 lac acres was reopened and was colonized in the following years. Its

development was so fast that the target of eighty percent land distribution was

attained within five years. In all small towns of that colony, new markets were

established. To setup a new market at Choudarri railway station on the main Lahore-

Karachi line, hydro electricity was proposed at the end of the Abbassia canal, also to

be used for domestic and light industrial use and to boost irrigation.600

In the initial

phases, the actual situation was that only 5% zamindars sold their produce in market

while others continued on previous practices to sell the produce to beupari who was

an agent of mandi dealers. In the case of cotton, only the owners of large holdings

sent their produce direct to factory or to dealer, which saved them the mandi charges.

Table: 5.9. Eastablishment of New Mandi Towns

Colony Mandi towns Year Status

The Sadqia Colony Bahawalnagar 1928 Successful

Chishtian 1929 Successful

Harunabad 1933 Successful

Fort Abbas 1934 Successful

Hasilpur 1934 Successful

The Bahawal

Colony

Yazman 1932 Average

600 Assessment Report of Rahimyar Khan District 1945, 24.

186

Baghdad-ul- Jaded 1946 Flopped

Source: Review of Mr. Oliver on the Settlement Forecast Report of Bahawalpur District

1946, 1. Further in Official files for each market town separately reserved in Muhafiz Khana

Bahawalpur.

The Physical division of the colony urban area was systematic and contained a

preplanned structure of shops, enclosure wall, metal roads and tree plantation. The

mandi sites were sold to enterprising shopkeepers and wealthy zamindars on 20%

deposit and remaining price to be paid in six weeks.601

The progress on the

construction of buildings was slow mainly due to the scarcity of building materials

and shortage of labour. The buildings of the towns in the colony were constructed by

employing the gangs of trans-frontier labourers.602

In spite of low incidence of crime

in the colony, police department was fortified. Additionally, in all major urban

centers, the notified area committee members were appointed in 1943, to strictly

watch the overall welfare of the people.

Furthermore, through time family based subsistence farming to market

oriented farming raised the standard of living in the colony. The colony areas

consisted of the self-cultivators so there emerged a self-supporting peasantry in place

of big landlords. Therefore, Bahawalpur remained a land of small farmers from

Punjab who succeeded into obtaining sufficient production from a minimal quantity

of land.

In its economic impact, the village sites of the princely India experienced the

modern age and the colonies were the forerunner of industrialization process. In the

development of each market town, the foundation of cotton and pressing factory was a

compulsory condition. The yearly turn out of cotton was enhanced by 47000 mun,

which lent great support to cotton industry. In this regard, a great success was

achieved with the establishment of Abbasia textile mill. The mill provided

employment to the colonists and encouraged the zamindars to enhance their cotton

production.603

There was the beginning of industrial process though the increased

cotton was exported to Britain in order to support its textile industry.

601 For the auction detail of colony in Bahawalpur district, see Appendix XXVIII. 602 File: 328-Confidential, Part I, Colony Progress Report 1928, 603 It was the first mega project, resulted by the agricultural progress, commenced on 17 January 1947.

187

The improved methods of pest control crop and artificial manure were

demonstrated in the agricultural exhibitions conducted during the cattle fairs. These

celebrations were customarily held at Uch, Jetha Bhutta, Mandi Sadiq Ganj,

Chishtian, Harunabad and Bahawalnagar.604

The good specimens of agricultural

produces were also brought by zamindars in these shows.

The crop experimental farms were opened at Khanpur, Rahimyar khan and

Chakk Katora with 275 acres, 998 and 1200 acres respectively in order to get better

yields and by advising the peasants on different agricultural aspect and techniques.

Contrary to the Punjab case, the farms at Bahawalpur became successful in achieving

their targets. The Khanpur and Rahimyar Khan farms gave net profit of Rs.19723 and

Rs. 33842 respectively.605

Another striking feature of subsequent period of the SVP

was the utilization of the latest machinery. Improved implements were incorporated

into agricultural procedures like furrow turning, drills, threshers and cutters. These

simplified the heavy work in fields and facilitated the work of farmers as the

indigenous tools like ploughs, harrows and hoes were improved.606

The most important change was that the ethnography of the princely India

transformed by the long-standing customs of the British India. It was a large-scale

arrival of martial races of Punjab in the native India. George MacMunn cited that the

martial races are mostly the yeoman peasantry and small landholders.607

Prior to the

colonization, their ratio in Bahawalpur was little in spite of their demand being hardy

cultivators. After the canal colonization, most of the colony areas were dominated by

the martial races of Punjab particularly that of Jats.

The tribes from the rest of India were converged in the new land of

Bahawalpur and changed the traditional moorings of native social set up. They

established an entirely new society on the wasteland of the Indian India. In addition,

604Administration Report of Agriculture Department 1939-40, 4. 605Administration Report of Agriculture Department 1946-47,7. 606Administration Report of Agriculture Department1939-40, 3. 607 George MacMunn, The Martial Races of India (Sampson Low, Marston & Co, 1930), 52, 276.

188

there was a structural transformation in the emergent society. The social structure of

Punjab exerted its influence on the shape and nature of the Bahawalpur colony. The

colonists had their separate language, traditions, even dress sense and building

structure.

By sale purchasers, the urban-based strata of bourgeois and working class of

Punjab emerged in the colony towns. By peasant grantees, the culture of marginal

classes of Punjab introduced and changed the semi nomadic atmosphere of the

colonies. Nonetheless, the established norms of behavior, self-perception of status,

values and relations with others in the native India faced a challenge. Moreover, the

culture of the British India, where values were considered less important than the

princely India, exerted its impact on the cultural norms of the centuries old native

social pattern.

With the availability of water, the pastoral grounds and deserted areas brought

into order and the agriculturists from the rest of Punjab replaced the sparse cattle

breeders. The local character and social matrix changed under the influence of the

superior agriculturists. The natives had much to learn from their examples in

improved methods of agriculture, greater industry and in the judicious choice of

seeds.608

Moreover, the colonists had connections with their ancestral places in the

other parts of the province; this back and forth flow made them more open-minded

and had a positive impact over the traditional environment of the native State.

There was yet another side of the situation. The social cohesion among the

peasantry declined. As agriculture had moved from subsistence to commercialization,

the villagers diversified their economic activities. Irrigation based on community,

which previously had strong local authority, became State managed with the end of

self-support structure. This increased the State‟s role over agrarian society of the

native India. The colonization, on the other hand, generally affected the old

inhabitants who had already less social mobility. Regional differences and social

608Review of Mr. Oliver, 1946, 7.

189

disparities increased between the old proprietary areas and the colony lands. Large

amount of capital was invested by the State in the projection of the canal colonies,

which were provided with public services and amenities.

Actually, in all the colony areas of Punjab, the postal and telegraph facilities,

veterinary hospitals, and schools were the beginning of a civilized age in the arid

areas.609

In the Bahawalpur colony, it was not possible for the government to facilitate

the old areas at the same time with these provisions, at least until the liquidation of the

SVP debt. This created a division between the old and the new. On the other side, the

locals lacked in agricultural skills needed for cultivating the cash crops, which were

compulsory for economic viability of newly irrigated areas. Therefore, the colonists

looked down upon the locals and this resulted in the inter-regional encounters in the

coming period.

In the colony areas, agriculture production and land were regulated by the

State and the role of State machinery was essential from excavation of canals to the

allotment of land for cultivation. However, this often plagued with corruption at the

local level, with powerful local landlords and government officials using their

authority to manipulate the rights of the poor peasants. One of the most widespread

practices of this nature was visible during the system of warabandi. Further, the

wealthy peasantry cajoled the lower bureaucracy and received more than their due

share by paying less revenue and the lower water rate. To overcome this situation, the

State took some measures as government servants were not allowed to purchase the

land without official permission. They were admissible into this policy after the close

inspection of their resources and with the details of already owned property.610

5.5 Trade Policy of the Bahawalpur State

Trade and commerce formed a significant segment in the economic life of the

State. It existed substantially in the pre-Agency period, consolidated under the

Agency and progressed in the aftermath of the colonization with a modified and

developed structure. In practice, the Bahawalpur State had both internal and external

609C.H. Buck, Canal Irrigation in the Punjab, The Geographical Journal, Vol. 27, no 1, (January:

1906), 64, 66. 610Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 4 December, 1919.

190

trade connections with the rest of India from the old times. In this context, the State

had an edge that its desert portion along the old course of river Hakra, served the

ancient caravan route from Bahawalpur to Rajasthan and Delhi. F. Mackson

expressed the commercial importance of Bahawalpur region as;

The town of Bahawulpore, or a site in its immediate neighbourhood,

would unite advantages that could not be found in any other place. It is

situated both on the high road of the trade from Afghanistan to India, and

on what promises at no distant period, and with due encouragement, to

become the high road of trade from Bombay to Delhi, or from Europe to

the marts in Upper India. It is moreover easily accessible from the

capitals of Rajpootana, from Delhi, and from Amritsir, and is near to

Multan, itself a great mart.611

In the inhabited localities of Cholistan, twenty-one forts of medieval period

were existed. Besides the military purpose, these forts formed a line of

communication and provided protection to the merchants and travelers. Under the

auspices of the Nawab rulers in the pre-Agency period, the traders were generously

facilitated. Many wells and inns were also established on Delhi-Bahawalpur road for

the accommodation of merchants.612

The geographical position of Bahawalpur town gave another economic edge to

the State and its river frontier proved to be a major means of water transport. The

Indus Toll Treaty of 1833 induced great impetus in the economic life of Bahawalpur

and a proper trade policy was developed with the opening of navigation. Further, the

confluence of rivers at Punjnad became the bulwark of trade linked towards

Mitthonkot, which being the hub of commercial activities served the traders

throughout the Subcontinent. The river navigation was carried on by means of ferries,

which were usually private property and run by professional boatmen. In 1843, the

numbers of these boats were 1125 in the five rivers of the State used for both carriage

and ordinary travelers.613

Local water traffic used inundation canals for five to six

611 F. Mackeson, Report on the Rout from Seersa to Bahawalpur, Journal of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal, Vol. XIII, From January to June 1844, Part 1 (Calcutta: 1844) , 307. 612Shahamet Ali, A History of Bahawalpur, xxiii. 613 F. Mackeson, Report on the Rout from Seersa to Bahawalpur, 308.

191

months of summer. Particularly, Qutabwah, Bihariwah, and Ikhtiarwah canals were

the major sources of trade and exchange of the commodities.614

There existed a solid trade system. Even the signs of hondee (hundi)

transaction was also found when A.C. Gordon came on his commercial mission to

Bahawalpur in 1837, he received 500 rupees dispatched from Shikarpur and cashed at

Khanpur.615

The trading network was centered on the river ports, which accelerated

the foreign trade of the State. It extended the commercial contacts of the State with

Persia, Central Asia, Gulf and Europe. While the commercial relations with Sindh and

Afghanistan also existed since the infancy of the State. The trade of the State

depended upon the agricultural produce for which sufficient warehouses were

established. When the British forces passed through the State for Kabul mission, there

were 26 stores in the Bahawalpur State, which were well-maintained to facilitate the

British army.616

Food grains were the main articles of trade within the State. The

principal exports were wheat, gram, indigo, cotton, dates, mangoes and other fruits. A

special sort of rice locally known as belonga was considered the finest quality and

was a major item of export. Molasses produced in Ahmadpur East was exported to

Shikarpur to the quantity of 100 maunds in a year.617

The mixed silk, cotton cloth, indigo and some cotton of Bahawalpur was

distinctively exported to the rest of India in the early nineteenth century.618

The

annual value of these exports was 80,000 rupees. There were three hundred shops of

weavers in Bahawalpur where two sorts of temurshahi and shahjahani were

considered to be of excellent texture.619

Besides, the manufactured articles of pottery,

carpets, rugs, and brass and kansi utensils were of excellent quality manufactured by

private enterprise in the State.620

614 Wade Letters, 20 July 1837, On the Trade of Bahawalpur by Mohan Lal, 170-175. 615 Wade letter, 12 December, 1838 A.C. Gordon, Chachar on 6 February 1838. 616 Punjab Records, Book 110 (ii), Letter no 81, From C. Mackeson to C. Wade, Political Agent

Ludhiana on 29 August 1838. 617

Ibid. 618 Walter Hamilton, A Geographical, Statistical and Historical Description of Hindostan and the

Adjacent Countries, Vol. II (London: John Murray, 1920), 541. 619 Punjab Record, Book 107, Lieutenant R. Leech, Commercial Information regarding Bahawal

Khan’s Territory , 386-389. See further Wade Letters, 20 July 1837, On the Trade of Bahawalpur by

Mohan Lal, 166. 620Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1904-05, 9.

192

The towns were the focal points of trade that were divided by Charles Masson

into two commercial categories. First class commercial towns were Khanpur,

Ahmadpur East, Bahawalpur, Uch, and Khairpur. Second class included Ahmadpur

Lammah, Allahbad, Chan di Got, and Ghazipur in the Western part while Kinjar,

Phulra, Marot, Mojgarh, and Gudiana in the desert areas of the Eastern portion.

Bahawalpur town was emporium of the State as it located on the junction of three

routes. Khanpur was the center of trade primarily for agricultural produces. In regard

with the trading agencies, private entrepreneurs were dominant. Aroras occupied the

internal transaction of the State business and had agents in all tehsil towns of

Bahawalpur while Lohani Afghans predominantly carried out the long distance

trade.621

Lohani merchants had 700 camel and others had 300 camels in the desert for

the purpose of trade.622

Central Asia was the major market for Bahawalpur fabrics of cloth and indigo.

The demand for indigo in Central Asia was solid because all natives used to put on

blue trouser.623

Indigo exported via Multan to Peshawar, Afghanistan and then to

Central Asia. It was also merchandised to Masqat via Tando Allayar, Hyderabad,

Karachi and then Bombay.624

Indigo seeds were also sent to Bombay. The imports in

Bahawalpur were not considerable because country was rich in natural productions.

Therefore, the portion of imports in the State was less than exports. The main imports

were metals, English cloth, species, fruits, white sugar, horses and, particularly,

silver.625

The metals, saffron and horses were imported from Afghanistan; English

wears, spices and fruits from Punjab.626

Sugar was imported from Ludhiana and

Amritsar, groceries from Shikarpur and Tando Allayar, silk from Kharasan and

English thread from Bombay. Silver was a major item for the purpose of coin making

usually imported from Kabul. Another major import was that of gunny bags,

621Punjab Record, Book 107, Leech, Commercial Information regarding Bahawal Khan’s Territory,

396. 622 F. Mackeson, Report on the Rout from Seersa to Bahawalpur, 306. 623 Punjab Record, Book 107, Leech, Commercial Information regarding Bahawal Khan’s Territory,

387-388. 624Annual Administration Report the Bahawalpur State 1873-74, 26. 625 A comprehensive overview of imports and exports of pre-Agency time was provided in Wade

Letters, 20 July 1837, On the Trade of Bahawalpur by Mohan Lal, 166 626 Gazetteer of Adjacent Countries 1844, 140.

193

extensively used by grain dealers and traders.627

The traders of silk fabrics to Central

Asia and Sindh had to pay 12% of the articles as a custom duty, which was more than

any other article of export. Custom rates for Afghanistan were fixed in 1843 and

revised in 1847 at the rate of five anna per rupee on imports and six pies per rupee on

exports. In case of nonpayment, trader was liable to pay ten times of actual sum as a

penalty.

The transit permit or rahdari by the State was issued for six pies for one place

and six annas to move around the whole of the State.628

For the local transaction of

goods through river from Kot Sabzal to Bahawalpur, traders had to pay tary-e-daryie.

In spite of check and balance on trade and commerce by the State, the tradition of

secret dealing was also found when trade items were physically checked by village to

village. It caused a custom of corruption and influential merchants were exempted

from tax, and passed their goods by bribing the officials.

On the eve of the Agency rule, the villages were truly self-sufficient in

economy but they were connected to urban centers through banya who had strong

connections with trading centers of the towns. The surplus food of villages was

hidden in the economic life of urban centers to serve the purpose of food and raw

material. It also provided the base to the domestic industry and trade. Therefore, the

change in the trend of crop production influenced the trend of trade. For instance, the

British political involvement opened the way for the British traders and manufacturers

in Bahawalpur. The indigo cultivation was reduced with the shrinkage of its export

mainly due to the emergence of dying industry in the Europe. While the oilseeds

became the major item of export along with the food grains.

The Agency formulated new rules for trade and custom and once custom was

paid, the items were free to circulate everywhere within the State.629

The rahdari was

totally remitted but custom dues were taken as before. The development of

communication resources brought drastic changes in the patterns of trade and

commerce as well as took place with the premier river born traffic. Custom dues

included ferries, fisheries, sajjee and salt paper were taken always in cash. On food

grains, subsidence in custom was also given for the convenience of the people.

627 Dairy of Political Agent o Phulkian States Agency, 18 July 1903, 6. 628Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1872-73, Appendix iv, cxxx. 629Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, 3 October, 1867.

194

The Agency government introduced the new handlooms with the increasing

production of cotton in the State. In this regard, the establishment of jail institution at

Bahawalpur contributed largely in the waving industry brought by improved

handlooms. Very soon, Bahawalpur jail started to manufacture the export quality

carpets of cotton and wool, silk fabric, furs, mats, bed sheets, as well as stool and

chairs of reeds.630

But the major exports were that of food grains and raw cotton. The

opposite aspect of the new means of communication was that the zamindars sold their

surplus produce easily in the foreign market to earn more profit while poor classes

suffered greatly. This left a little margin for local consumption and in certain years,

the State had to face grain shortage in the local market.

A remarkable improvement in trade came with the introduction of permit system

for the export of food grains in order to fill the local requirements. This measure was

adopted during the World Wars I & II and in the year of less rainfall when inter-State

trade for wheat was not allowed more than one thousand mun.631

In 1942, the prices

of agricultural commodities increased throughout India, the export of food grains was

prohibited without permit as advised by GOI. The export permits were to be issued to

grain dealers through newly notified „Food Grain Control Order‟.632

In concern with the trading agencies, the Aroras maintained their former

position and were dominant in all trade and commerce in the State. Besides, there

were four private registered trading firms; Ralli Brothers, Sanday Patrick & Co,

Clements & Co, David Sassoon & Co. These firms had their branches at each tehsil

and entered in transactions with the other parts of India.633

Rice was exported to

Bengal and wheat to Ceylon, Rajasthan, Baluchistan, Calcutta and many other parts of

the country. With the progress in industry, there was an infrastructural change in the

patterns of trade and commerce as well as the domestic industry was going to be

reduced particularly, the handlooms were replaced by new factories. The cotton cloth

and yards was imported from the cotton mills of Lyallpur, Okara and Delhi.

The allotment of cotton on quota system was made by the GOI throughout the

country. Bahawalpur had fixed quota of cotton cloth, which was 3.4% of the quota

630Annual Administration Report the Bahawalpur State 1908-09, 5. 631Sadiq- ul-Akhbar, 11 January 1942. 632Annual Administration Report the Bahawalpur State 1942-43, 34 633Gazetteer of Bahawlapur State 1904, 274.

195

allotted for the Punjab zone. The importing agencies in the State changed their

working as per their share in the quota system.634

Messrs Owen Roberts &co, Lahore

was the biggest purchaser of food grains.635

The colony areas created a mechanism in

which, they became a part of national and international economy. The commercial

link of regional economy was maintained first through the internal market towns then

with Karachi through arhti who was an intermediary in commercial network. By

agricultural commercialization and vast trading activities, the regional economy

became interlinked with the world markers. Further, under the British patronage, the

focus of export was shifted from Central Asia to the Europe and England via Karachi.

The annual sum of custom was increased to 298974 rupees in 1867 and further rose to

572978 rupees in 1945-46.

On the other hand, the change in the trade pattern caused the domestic industry

to suffer, particularly that of cloth for which Bahawalpur was famous. The export of

cloth was replaced by the export of raw cotton to stimulate the British textile industry.

Actually, this was a uniform phenomenon all over the India, which became the

producer of raw cotton for the British industry. The new trade items were largely for

the interests of the imperial needs.

5.5.1 Trade of Food Grains and Famine Prevention

The incidence of famine in the Subcontinent has a long history, occurring

from time to time in different parts of the region. During the last quarter of the

19thcentury, India encountered severe scarcities, which affected the entire country

though different regions were affected in varying degree.636

After 1858, 10 serious

famines occurred in India. Out of these 10 famines, three were widespread and

officially recognized as „Great Indian Famines‟, happening in the years of 1876-78,

1896-97, and 1899-1901.637

The GOI took many steps to ameliorate the situation. In 1880, the Indian

Famine Commission was formed and famine codes were promulgated, which

634 Muslim Bazaz Association had 50% of the total state quota, Hindu Bazaz Subha had 6.8%, L.

Girdial Mul Bahawalnagar had 19.8, and I. Lekh Raj Ahmadpur East had 24%. See Annual

Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1946-47, 5. 635Exchange of Information Report for the First Fortnight of April 1942. 636B.M. Bhattia, The Famines in Indi (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 5. 637Trithankar Roy, The Economic History of India: 1857-1947, 278

196

contained the manual of instructions for provinces and native states.638

Usually, in a

great part of India, lack of monsoon rains caused large-scale destruction of kharif

crops and fodder and then the breakout of famine. The climatic changes became the

reasons for the dearth even in those few areas, which were formerly saved from

famine owning to their government policies.

In the Pre-Agency period in the Bahawalpur State, there was no sign of famine

because subsistence-based agriculture was sufficient for human needs and thick

jungles spreading over large tracts provided pastures to their cattle and saved them

from hunger. The first known scarcity took place in 1867, owing to late summer

rains.639

The second dearth occurred in 1872, which was averted by successful

working of canals.640

In both cases, scarcity was at small level and there were no signs

of famine in the State even during the First Great Indian famine.

The State faced first draught during the Second Great Indian famine in 1896. It

was largely caused by the dwindling water supply in canals owing to insufficient

rainfall in Himalayas. The same situation appeared in 1897, when canals dried up

earlier, which produced below average kharif crops. Insufficient water supply

devastated the cultivated areas of Minchinabad, Khairpur, Bahawalpur and

Ahmadpur. Late rains and floods worsened the situation. A large part of cultivated

area was rendered unfit for the next cultivation. Almost half of the State faced food

shortage causing prices of basic commodities to rise dramatically and inflation

sharply. It affected 3.36 million population of the State.641

This situation had affected

various segments of population in different ways and at different levels, depending

upon their livelihood, gender and social status.

The menial class and daily workers suffered more due to the failure of crops

than did the zamindar class. One great loss was that of livestock. The constant arrival

of immigrants added further fuel to fire and became the major cause for the increase

in prices. Actually, Rajasthan States were recurrently vulnerable to famine during the

period from 1868 to 1890 and their subjects were moved to the adjacent area.642

The

638The Government of India, Report of Famine Commission 1901 (Calcutta, 1901), 2. 639Re-organization Report, 54. 640Annual Administration Report of the Bahawalpur State 1873- 74, 3. 641Revenue and Agriculture Department (scarcity),Report on the Famine Relief Measures adopted in

the Bahawalpur State. (March 1897). 642Trithankar Roy, The Economic History of India: 1857-1947, 281.

197

Indian Famine Codes for the Native States authorized the local governments of the

Native States to arrange the protective and relief measures.643

According to these codes, the Bahawalpur State made a careful use of its

resources to overcome exacerbation. The local administration was declared as the

Famine Control Agency. The Revenue Minister was in charge of overall relief and

Nazim was the first rank responsible officer of the area concerned.644

During the

draught, the first strategy adopted by the State was instant supply of food to the

affected areas. In this regard, geographical diversity of the State having two distinct

parts had always been a blessing. If one part of the State produced poor crops, the

shortage was made up by the abundant production in the other part, which ensured

that the State‟s residents would have sufficient food supply.

Fortunately, the western part of the State produced normal crops due to

sufficient quantity of water in Chenab and Indus rivers. Therefore, no food shortage

occurred in the State. The State made immediate arrangements to purchase food

grains from areas of excess production and to provide them to the scarcity-hit areas

within a short span of time. Furthermore, a nominal excise duty was imposed on the

export of the grains to compensate the reduction of food grains dispatched towards

Bikaner, Jaisalmir and Hissar but soon it was abolished. However, the most important

protective measure was the policy of prohibition on grain export. There were certain

circumstances that led to this step but mainly the western part was the only area that

had to meet the food requirements of the rest of the State as well as to afford a large

stock of grain to export to the famine stricken areas of India.645

The dispatch of grains caused severe shortage of food within the State and it

was difficult to keep a balance between supply and demand. In order to mitigate the

increasing threat of food scarcity, the export of grains was ceased. The decision was

also indispensable to meet the growing demand of food by constant arrival of refugees

from the Rajasthan States.646

Montgomery, Kashmir and many other parts of India

also stopped the export of grains during the scarcity. The Bahawalpur State was not

willing to snatch the food from its masses and give it to others, especially at a time

643Revenue and Agriculture Department (scarcity),Abstract Famine Code for Native States, (May

1896). 644Report on the Famine Relief measures adopted in the Bahawalpur State. (March 1897). 645Revenue and Agriculture Department (December: 1896). 646 Ibid.

198

when it already had a problem of food shortage and was shouldering the burden of

many immigrants. Moreover, the existing stock of grain was enough for the State uses

until the next harvest. In this situation, the removal of export restriction would have

resulted in famine in the State. Further, the inter-state trade in scarcity days was

limited merely to one thousand maund of wheat.

On the other hand, there existed some evidences that in the British districts

non-intervention policy in private trade permitted the merchants to export grain even

from famine-stricken districts to the markets.647

In contrast, the native states were

independent in their interim policies and generally had a hold over trade affairs. In

Bahawalpur, a complete check and control was abided by till the danger of famine

was over and only then the restriction policy was terminated. In addition, the peasants

were never forced to grow commercial crops. This step was just in contrast with the

commercialization policy of the GOI, where it was a blessing for the commercial class

but was a burden to the cultivators. 648

The peasants in the State were mostly self-cultivators and grew the crops

according to the availability of water. Indeed, the subsistence agriculture was their

first priority. Most of the peasants would first meet their own requirement of food

grains, and then would send the surplus to the market.649

However, the cultivation of

commercial crops was preferred with the beginning of the weir control irrigation. In

addition, moneylenders of the State were bound to keep their interest rate low during

scarcity days. In this connection, some examples were found in Gujarat and

Rajasthan, where during the dearth moneylenders compelled the cultivators to give

their lands as security. In this way, many peasants became their tenants.650

No such

incident occurred in the State during the scarcity days. Instead, the State advanced

money without interest to retain the people at work on their own land and saved them

from becoming insolvent. The takavi advance without interest and remissions in

revenue saved them from becoming insolvent. Sir Theodore Morison called these

sorts of precautions as “prophylactic treatment of famine”.651

647Report on the Administration of Punjab and its Dependencies for 1896-1897, 2. 648Bhattia, The Famines in India, v-vi. 649Auj, Legacy of Cholistan, 248-259. 650David Hardiman, Usury, Dearth and Famine in Western India, Past and Present, No 152, (August:

1996), 133. 651Theodore Morison, The Economic Transition in India (London: John Murray, 1911), 125.

199

The Bahawalpur government involved zamindars and merchants in alleviating

the agonies of the scarcity. The zamindars in the State were encouraged to work in

close cooperation with the State officials mainly on canal projects. They were asked

to employ the immigrants. On the part of zamindars, an amount of Rs.34,000 was

paid to refugees as wages to clear the canals. In connection with merchant class, the

State adopted a strict system of keeping a check on traders, and Bunyas. They were

directed to split the hoards of grain on fixed prices and the desecration of this

directive was prone to a penalty of minimum Rs.1000.

The adjacent states of Rajasthan and other parts of India were still in the grip

of famine and a large part of their population was moving towards the protected parts

of the country, including the Bahawalpur State.652

The movement of famine-stricken

people to the State was mainly due to three factors. First was the availability of

commodities of life at cheaper rates.653

Second, the epidemics, which had been

widespread in drought-hit areas, had not affected in the State and several public works

were going to be started in Bahawalpur, which employed the immigrants to work on

these projects. Third, the other major public work undertaken by the State was the

construction of railways, which commenced in 1872 and employed a large number of

refugees mainly from the Bikaner State. In this way, the public work was being done

in tandem with scarcity relief work. Overall, these projects enabled thousand of

famine-stricken people to make some money.654

The following table depicts the number of immigrants in the State. These

figures show that very few of the famine-stricken people returned to their native areas.

Most of them were integrated in the State and frequently continued to be settled in the

upcoming years.

652Measures to stop the Immigration from Native States in the Punjab, (Scarcity), (January: 1902). 653Revenue and Agriculture Department (December: 1896). 654Nazir Ali, Sadiq Nama, 87.

200

Table: 5. 10. Number of Immigrants in the Bahawalpur State 1881 to 1901

Year 1881 1891 1901 Total Returned

to home

areas

Permanently

absorbed in

the State

Rajputana

States,

Ajmir and

Marwar

10483 10842 32487 53812 1590 52222

Hissar 581 1835 1621 4057 1606 2451

Source: The Bahawalpur State, Statistical Table, Part B 1913, xii.

The policies of restricting grain export, not forcing the peasants for

commercialized cultivation and involvement of human agencies in the relief process

were in contrast with the policies of the Government of India. However, according to

socio-economic circumstances of the State, these policies ultimately became a rescuer

for the people. It was so successful that no starvation deaths occurred in the State.

Neither any migration nor any transfer of land from poor to rich owing to scarcity

occurred. The persistence of this policy also remained a significant feature on the

commencement of the colonization plans. Nonetheless, the commercialization of

agricultural produced was an exception and contrast to the former trade and famine

strategy but was a necessary segment in the changing economic magnitude.

Conclusion

The colonization scheme was a part of the policy of the GOI to reduce the

burden on congested districts of Punjab. The political motives of the imperial needs

were conjoined with the philanthropist claims in the native states. The increase in the

population was one of the first matters to be considered and then the extension of

cultivation. By purchasers, the capitalist element entered in the newly opened areas

while the peasant grantees were the real force to transform the landscape of Cholistan

as well as the bulwark of political conservation. The colonization policy succeeded in

getting a large part of the State land cultivated by a contended body of permanent

settlers of agricultural classes who replaced the semi-nomadic environment with

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agricultural attribute. The transformation of barren tracts into populated region

stimulated the commercialized agricultural production and a great increase in the

demography and income of the State. At the same time, the centuries old hub of

socio-economic activities was disappearing into oblivion of history with the

emergence of the new urban centers. The extensive trade and commercial network

connected the Princely State not only with the rest of India but also with the world

market.

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Conclusion

The present study is an insight into the economic aspect of the agrarian history

of the Princely State of Bahawalpur. The princely states of India, in fact had their own

independent administrative system and separate socio-economic character borne out

of the indigenous environment. In the territory comprising the Bahawalpur State,

agriculture was the dominant profession. The political supremacy of the region came

into the hands of the Abbasid rulers during the fall of the Mughal dynasty. They

obtained a jagir as a grant from Mughals, extended its borders entirely with the help

of their tribe Daudputra Abbasids on the battlefield and knit the scattered surrounding

areas into one united regional entity with heritable form of rule. This newly emerged

political unit gradually came to occupy an important strategic position, laying at the

base of Punjab and having a long conjoint river frontage that could serve as a barrier

against in roads from the Punjab province. The first striking thing on the newly

appeared face of the area was the establishment of Peace and Harmony that provided

an environment for a viable political structure and stable subsistence based economy.

The idea of agrarian development in the State was present in its formative years.

However, its pastoral character was of equal importance in the initial stage of the

State economy.

The relations with the British stimulated the economic activities in the State

and later when all the Indian India became subordinate to the EIC, the Bahawalpur

State served in the various military expeditions being an ally of the British under

various agreements. However, being a guardian government the intervention of the

GOI in the internal administration of the State left a modern and sophisticated impact

on the traditional polity. The Agency in fact, was the foundational juncture of

institutional framework. There was an overhauling in each department of

administration and the constitutional mechanism of political power was used to shore

up the economic development. The first and foremost feat of the British Agency rule

in the State was to consolidate the economic sector particularly the realm of

agriculture. The economic life of the State under the first Agency rule was

transformed from its aboriginal outlook to an agricultural character.

The statistical accounts combined with spatial conception, emerging from

surveys, census and measurements provide an indispensible basis for rational

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discussions. Subsequently, this knowledge paved the way for formulating the novel

economic policies. Exact area of land and average crops yield have been obtained for

the first time. The impact of modernity manifested in the form of picturesque villages,

precise measurements and ordering of space. There emerged a qualitative shift in

agriculture from inferior quality food crops to superior food crops. A proper farming

attitude among the native population appeared, which improved the style of

cultivation such as deeper tilling and focus on quality in place of quantity of yields.

The subsistence agriculture was sufficient to feed the sparse population of the

State. However, a conducive agrarian environment attracted the people from the rest

of India. The vital feature of the time was that in the Bahawalpur State was the

premier region where the disbanded Sikh personnel were engaged in agricultural

pursuits. The Sikh Jats, the best class of agriculturists in India were the pioneers of

agriculture production from the barren and sandy soil of Cholistan. Afterwards, the

other outsiders from the different parts of India joined them and were absorbed into

the socio-economic arena of the State.

In regard with the ownership of agricultural land, the proprietary rights were

fully acknowledged in 1867, which were confined to the irrigated areas largely in the

lamma part of the State where proper village communities were to be found. The

proprietary rights over land were the most influential move towards agrarian

development and were a guarantee for a secure agricultural economy. Consequently,

the land became a source of pride within the social structure of the State. However,

class disparity was distinctively apparent in the agrarian structure and the land owners

were the most privileged section of rural society.

The Bahawalpur region was the land of self-cultivators but the institution of

tenancy was also valuable and the demand for tenants was always recognized. A

common feature of the indigenous peasants was that they were sluggish in doing hard

labour but expected the best of future. The reason behind was probably that the local

society spent a long time in the stagnant environment of subsistence economy. The

Agency regime proved to be a first step towards the breakdown of this stagnation and

it coincided with the refined style of cultivation and modern farming. This new

agrarian environment brought an increase in the State income, as the revenue from

agricultural land was more than the other sectors of economy.

204

Being an agrarian based country, land revenue on the soil and its produce was

a major source of the State income. There existed a traditional leniency in the system

particularly, due to seasonal variation. Under the aegis of the British Agency, the

leniency was maintained because the nature of the Agency government in the native

states was not extractive like in the British India. Instead, here the traditional patterns

of the princely India were dominant because their persistence was a political necessity

for the native governments. In this scenario, the Agency did not adopt a new system;

instead it polished the existing native principles

The process of land settlements were the significant operations in land revenue

system. Its primary undertaking was to settle the land for assessing and apportioning

the State‟s share. The assessment was made at a rate less than that in Punjab where

initially the assessment was taken at 50% and later at 33%, whereas the State received

formerly 33% and after the Sutlej valley project it collected 25%. The maintenance of

records of rights and agricultural statistics was to facilitate the assessment of revenue

as well as brought comforts to the subjects and provided a valuable public service.

However, the variables of surveys, measurements, killabandi and sliding scale were

the major components of a sophisticated system as well as the dynamics of the

agrarian change happening in the State.

The revenue free` jagirs in the State consisted mainly of religious endowments

and prompted by political imperatives. By examining their nature and configuration,

two results are observed. First, the former warlords appropriated large tracts of land

and assumed the status of feudal lords. This feudalistic element of the agrarian

economy entered in the commercial and political arena of the State. Second, the

religious persons wielded extraordinary power due to their land holdings and the

reigns of rural society were totally in their hands. They held the status of both a pir

and a landlord. But this joint control was seditious for the peasantry because this

highest stratum of society was slacking the development and in grooming of the

masses. On the other side, the lower bureaucracy, despite the existence of a proper

system of checks and balances, continued the secret dealings with this class just to

gratify its illegal interests. With the conjoint working of both these elements and the

connivance of the lower bureaucracy, the ownership of land and the water resources

underpinning the agrarian economy of the region became concentrated in a few hands

in the ensuing years.

205

To shore up the land revenue, large-scale public works of „irrigation‟ were

initiated. The scarcity of rain and long river frontage provided the base for artificial

irrigation. River water was the main force behind the economic development and

agricultural prosperity. The native rulers were enthusiastic to increase the cultivated

area by bringing more and more waste or pasture lands under cultivation through

irrigation plans. Their attention thus far had been confined to the proprietary areas.

The Agency that had knowledge of and access to advance technology of the time,

focused on both plains and desert as well. The preference was given to strengthen the

existing water channels in the ancient areas and then irrigating the desert land.

However, the desert area gradually occupied first place in the government programs.

The traditional irrigation was closely linked to the social set up. The local

people and regional elites were responsible for digging and maintaining canals

through chherr – the collective labour- while the State was their partner. Under the

Agency, the maintenance of collective action of community management was

maintained and improved because the need of periodically mobilized labour to

maintain the flow of canals remained essential for the sustenance of traditional

irrigation. By the time, the control of the State over irrigation matters was increasing

and the canal department was reorganized and restructured, which lessened the

community participation in irrigation matters. With the new infrastructure, the

refurbishment of existing inundation canals was focused along with the new projects.

Chherr system was retained, during the Agency period with some

modifications and improvements. The community-based structure persisted and the

canal schemes were implemented through district Nazims and tehsil officials by

engaging the zamindars. Fordwah and ESC were the primary stimulation to transition

the economy from pastorlism to agriculture. Both ventures contributed to two-fold

increase in immigrants into the State from Rajasthan and Punjab. It also set down a

precedent for the later projects in the sandy soil of Cholistan.

In the early 20th century, when the GOI decided to utilize the irrigation

potential of India with the help of their advanced technology and financial resources,

the arid Cholistan became a part of this mega scheme. The plank of scientific

techniques by British engineers made it possible to flow the water in the sandy desert.

The SVP was a joint venture to provide weir-controlled irrigation to the waterless

zones of the Bahawalpur State, the British Punjab and the Bikaner State. The Sutlej

206

Valley Tripartite Agreement was substantially the first agreement over the sharing of

water in Indus Basin. It was of course, an agrarian conquest over nature in term of

both the controlling the water and converting the desert into agricultural land.

However, to obtain the fruits of the scheme, the Bahawalpur State had to struggle

more than the other two partners in the project.

Actually, the project was prepared in the midst of World War-I and executed

during the slump years. The over estimation of water supply and under estimation of

expenditures in original plan was the major mistake. These mistakes in the estimation

brought a serious effect on the finances of the State. There was 63% increase in cost

and the State had no way except to borrow the loan, which was initially Rs. 50,00,000

lacs from the GOP and then further RS 12, 11, 00,000 from the GOI on compound

interest. In lieu of the debt, the GOP held control over revenue, finance and

colonization departments of the State. For the GOI, the success of the Bahawalpur

colony was essential to the security of the SVP loan.

The GOI was originator of the project but in imposing rigorous terms and

compound interest for the loan, its role was despotic. Due to heavy installments with

compound interest, the State was unable to undertake any other productive schemes.

Even the State had to face difficulty in paying the salaries to its employees and in

expending on other services or nation building programs. Therefore, the first priority

of the State was to liquidate the loan as early as possible. In this regard, some

emergency steps were taken to overcome the financial constrains to collect money for

the urgent need of liquidation. The culmination of these measures was that the State

successfully responded to this great challenge and within 11 years, it was able to pay

the amount to the GOI; almost forty years before it was due.

From a long-term perspective, the project became a locomotive for socio-

economic development of the arid areas. A developed canal system optimized the

water supply to a vast area, reduced wastage and enlarged the cultivated area. It also

stimulated the progress in communication system in the State. Irrigation became a

large-scale commercial operation after the SVP. However, at the same time, old

sailaba land increasingly converted into swamp and saline tracts. This was a problem

confronted by all canal-irrigated areas in India.

207

However, this fact cannot be overlooked that without the British influence and

establishment of colonial institutions, there could have been no significant change

towards socio-eocnomic progress in the Indian society whether in the British India or

in the princely India. The SVP did provide an impetus for change in the ethnography,

demography and landscape of the region. The human settlement in the sandy soil of

Cholistan and in the wastelands of old areas was a fascinating undertaking. The newly

settled lands were populated with the colonists from Punjab and sizeable allotments of

land were made on a variety of bases. The Purchasers and the peasant grantees were

the major stakeholder. To be a Muslim and the member of agricultural tribe was

major condition for abadkars while purchasers had less restriction and more free

treatment. In a way, the State maintained its identity as a Muslim entity. Almost all

applicants were given land due to the want of the peasants in the State. Besides, there

were some other patterns to brought capital from the canal lands. These were for

military and civilian officers and camel breeding. Military grants generated an

antecedent of transforming the military into feudal elements in the ensuing years.

Initially, the yields were poor because of uncertain supply. However; the

development in crop production and peasantry was visible after the slump years. After

the war, the colonists were able to consolidate their economic position and expanded

their holdings. There was increased activity in getting the ownership rights after the

World War-II. The settlers turned their allotted arid areas into flourished ones. It

brought an increase in the production of surplus food and finally resulted in the urban

growth. Many towns were developed into major marketing centers, which earlier were

not there or existed with insignificant habitants. The village sites of the State

experienced a mechanical age such as the colonies were the forerunner of

industrialization. It was mandatory for each market town to have one cotton and

pressing factory.

The aftermaths of industrial revolution in the Great Britain were also seen in

the State. With the increasing urban growth, handlooms vanished, artisans became

unemployed particularly weavers and potter. Likewise, labour on indigo production

and boatmen lost their professions. For instance, new patterns affected the local

industries for which the State was famous. Local cloth export replaced by the raw

cotton supplied to imperial metropolises.

208

Class based tension did not emerge initially but territorial based complexities

and regional differences appeared between the old proprietary areas and the new

colonies. For instance, the colonies were provided with public services and amenities.

It was not possible for government to facilitate the old areas at the same time with

these provisions due to financial stringenceis. This created a division of socio-

economic standards between the old and the new. The colonization program in the

State was distinctive in many respects. First, it helped mingle the socio-cultural

patterns of the British India into the princely India. With settling of the outsiders, the

colony tracts developed into a multi-clan territory of agricultural classes, interwoven

through various social, economic, political and historical-cultural ties. However, the

caste and the biradri system were strong in the new social setup. Second, the Indian‟s

India has always welcomed the foreign elements of change. The land of Bahawalpur

region has always been very fertile to absorb the outsiders, which was the beginning

of the breakdown of centuries old patterns of semi-nomadic life. In a way, stagnant

make up of the traditional India was also going to be altered.

On the other side, the Nawab rulers indirectly, sheltered social disparity. There

was a chance to abolish the monopoly of big landlords on the eve of the colonization

programme in 1930s. The Council and Prime Minister of the State suggested

auctioning the large tracts under waqf and jagir but the Nawab refused to break his

power-base. Therefore, it could be assessed that this step was not aimed at solving

the issues confronted by the rest of the peasantry and were indirectly in favour of the

native aristocracy.

The study bridges two paradigms of economy; a traditional and unscientific

phase of economy and an era full of prospects of sea pack economy. The research

summarizes the development of most of the variables of an agrarian economy

examined in this study. The chapter one provides an introduction to the research and

introduced the princely state of Bahawalpur that had a great potential of development

almost in all organs of an agrarian economy. The crux of chapter two displays that

there was four-fold increase in the area under agricultural production as well as the up

gradation in the style of farming, which essentially improved the socio-economic

standard of the peasant classes. Chapter three shows the progress in the revenue

structure. An organized system of revenue and settlements of land enhanced the State

income from Rs.1316021 in 1870-71 to Rs. 5812474 in 1945-46.

209

Chapter four displays the progress of irrigation from traditional system to

modern and measured water system, which resulted in an increase in the canal-

irrigated area from 34702 acres in 1867 to 807846 acres in 1924 and further raised to

20, 00,000 acres in 1940s. The length of the canal network also extended from 810

miles to 4000 miles. Chapter five demonstrates the progress in the population index,

which went up from 364502 in 1867 to 1341209 in 1941. For instance, the

construction of roads and railway, bridging the river, launching the educational

institutions, providing the public health amenities, and above all founding a number

of market towns were all the reflectors of a growth oriented economy and were a

move towards the urbanization. At the time of partition of India, there was a

development-oriented administrative and economic structure.

All these developments were undertaken at a time when the Bahawalpur State

was part of an imperial system of the British India and its resources were also lavishly

exhausted for the sake of the British interests at different levels. Imperial Service

Troops, Camel Corps, War Funds were the new forms of old war services and proved

to be a heavy burden on the financial resources of the Princely States. In spite of these

extra expenses, the development index of the State was quite high. In the present

scenario of regional backwardness of Bahawalpur division, when all the resources are

under the control of a single government, the paradigms of development can be

adopted in a more sophisticated and systematic way. However, some suggestions are

given to make the research present oriented.

Firstly, education through counseling are the best way to address the

prolonged intellectual stagnation as well as an influential tool for awakening the

political consciousness among the people, particularly that of the old proprietary

areas, which are still under the control of big landlords. Secondly, the large parcels of

land, expanding over thousands acres, under the control of demigods should be

repossessed by the government or distributed among the occupancy tenants. Thirdly,

in the un-colonized and uncultivated areas of Cholistan, which are far from the reach

of artificial irrigation, sheep and camel breeding are the significant source of the

region‟s economy. This potent source can be extensively commercialized by

promoting the large-scale wool and cotton industry by the government.

This research quantifies all data pertaining to production, revenue collection,

irrigation and enterprises carried out both by the local rulers and the British. It will

210

draw the attention of researchers to look into different areas of research with more

logical, scientific and calculated point of view. The present research has raised a

number of questions, which can be addressed in further research. The correlation of

agrarian economy with the socio-cultural life of old village communities might be

focused in the vast spectrum of the princely India. The comparison with similar

processes in the British India and other Princely States will also provide a solid

platform for intellectual discussion. The broader perspective of ethnography of

agrarian societies in the Bahawalpur State in both the old proprietary areas and the

colony tracts will be an important theme for a separate investigation. The arrival and

allotment of refugees to the colony areas and the socio-cultural changes brought by

them in the existing set up of this region, also demands a separate study. Moreover,

the insights into the trade, labour relations and the role of the State bureaucracy in the

irrigation-based development thrust have a vast potential for study, which can be seen

in the light of new research dimensions.

211

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_________. Book 31, Application of nawab protection against Ranjit Sing on 19 July

1815.

_________. Book 33, Application of nawab for Sutlej side protection on 29 July 1815.

_________. Book 38, Application of nawab to declare his possessions of Cis-Sutlej side

as under British protection on 7 August 1815.

_________. Book; 107, no, 25, Lieutenant R. Leech, Commercial Information

regarding Bahawal Khan’s Territory, on July 1837,110.

_________. Book 110 (ii), Letter no 81, From C. Mackeson to C. Wade, Political

Agent Ludhiana on 29 August 1838.

_________. Book 110 (ii), Letter no 103, From C. Mackeson to C. M. Wade, Political

Agent Ludhiana on 28 October, 1838

_________. Book 163, Letter no. 4, Transfer of Districts of Sabzal Kot and Bhoong to

Bahawalpur on 10 February 1843.

_________. Misl No: 12, Selections from the old Record of Bahawalpur State, 25

June 1855.

ii. Muhafiz Khana Bahawalpur

Urdu Records

Bandobast State, Mehakma-e-Mal 1900-01.

Bandobast of Bahawalpur State, by Settlement Commissioner Abdul Malik on 22nd

May 1915.

Bandobast-e-Riyasat, Minchinabad District 1921, Mehakma-e-Mal.

Darakht Pal Scheme, 1941.

Dasturul Amal Barai e Amla Mal, District Rahimyar Khan, 1948.

213

Jamabandi Record, Mauza Mahrabwala 1915-16, (manuscript)

Register Babat Afzaish-e-Riyaa 1879.

Tejveez Committee Mutauliq Intizam-e-Anhar on 15 April 1901.

English Records

Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Office of the Prime Minister Bahawalpur State

Abadkari Grants 1928.

Administrative Files Regarding the Changes in Administrative Division of

Bahawalpur State 1933.

Area Allotted to the Sikh Population in the State

Draft Memorandum by the Bahawalpur Government on Sutlej Valley Project Debt.

From Wazir Bahawalpur State, A Report Showing how far the Prosperity of

Bahawalpur State Riverain Territory has been Injured by the Construction of the

Sirhind Perennial Canal. October, 1900.

Levy of Water Advantage Rates, 1937.

Lump Sum Payment and Concession Scheme, 1931.

Old Record of Inam and Kasoor, (date is omitted).

Reclamation in Bahawalpur State, 1946.

Re-organization of Revenue Department and Amalgamation of Revenue and Colony

Department, 1939.

Repayment of Government of India Loan: Note on the Financial Position of the State

and Working of the 1936 Settlement, 1946.

Sale of Land in Bahawalnagar District, 1947.

Terms of Agreement for Sutlej Valley Project Loan, 1932.

Translation of Farman of the Nawab Ruler regarding Makhdumul Mulk Ghulam

Meeran Shah on 15-8-41.

214

Military Department Dera Nawab Sahab, Office of the Military Secretary

Bahawalpur State

File: 225-A, 1924-25, Grant of Land to the Military Men.

Office of the Chief Minister Bahawalpur State

Extension of Khushhasiyate Levy, 1926.

Joint Programme of Colonization and Sale of Land in Connection with the Punjab

Government.

Scheme for the Military Colonization of the Lower Sutlej (Nili Bar) Canal.

Office of Public Works Member Council of Regency, Bahawalpur State

Notes on the Colonization of State lands.

Unpublished Reports:

Public Works and Revenue Department Bahawalpur State

Administration Report of Agriculture for the year: 1931-32, 1939-40, 1946-47.

Annual Administration Reports for the Year: 1921-22, 1922-23, 1927-28, 1929-30,

1930-31, 1931-32, 1932-33, 1933-34, 1939-40.

Assessment Report of Ahmadpur East for the year: 1923, 1946.

______________ Allahbad Tehsil for the year: 1926, 1946.

______________ Bahawalnagar and Minchinabad, 1948.

______________ Chishtian Tehsil, 1949.

______________ Cholistan, 1929.

______________ Cholistan, 1930.

______________ Cholistan Portion of Bahawalnagar and Minchinabad Tehsils,1929.

______________ Minchinabad Tehsil, 1947.

______________ Sadiqabad Tehsil, 1944.

215

______________ Rahimyar Khan District, 1944.

Colony Administration Reports for the years: 1929-30, 1930-31, 1931-32, 1932-33.

Colony Progress Reports for the years: 1939-40, 1940-41, 19441-42, 1942-43,

1943-44, 1944-45, 1945-46.

Cooperation between Land Revenue, Colonization and Irrigation Department, 1937.

Crop Experiment Report, 1946.

Division of Land Revenue, Forest and Irrigation Receipts between the State and Sutlej

Valley Project, 1933.

Draft Orders on the Assessment Report of the Ahmadpur East Tehsil, 1946.

Irrigation Reports for the Year: 1945-46, 1948-49.

Post War Reconstruction, Public Works Post War Proposals: Land Drainage and

Preparation of Shajras, 1947.

Reports on Mandi Lands, 1941.

Re- Assessment of Proprietary Cholistan, 1936.

Restoration of Wells in the State, 1939.

Revenue Rates, Fluctuating Assessment, Nazrana on Land etc., 1923.

Revenue rates in Adjacent Punjab districts, 1932.

Report on Land Revenue Arrears and Remissions 1930.

Special Administration Report of Irrigation Branch on Sutlej Valley Project 1925-26

to 1942-43.

Settlement Report for Bahawalpur and Ahmadpur East Tehsils, 1930.

________________ . Allahbad Tehsil 1939-40.

________________ . Cholistan, 1927.

________________. Khanpur District, 1922.

216

________________. Forecast Rahimyar Khan District, 1943.

________________. Forecast Bahawalpur District, 1946.

Settling of outsiders in the State, 1947.

Statement of Demand and General Remissions, 1936-37.

Temporary Cultivation and Development of Proprietary Area 1934-35.

Unpublished Gazetteers of Bahawalpur State:

Gazetteers of Bahawalpur State Part B for the Year: 1928, 1936, 1939-40, 1940-41,

1944-45.

Files :

File: 284-A, 1900. Note on Canal Establishment addressed to Mushir e Mal by

Colonel H Grey dated 12 November 1900

File: 328 -I, 1928. Disposal of Colony Land.

File: 222-II, 1929. Official Letter from Office of Political Agent Phulkian States and

Bahawalpur on dated 1-4-1912, No. 24/ 699.

File: 179-25, 1929. Purchase of Land by Diwan Syed Mohammad of Pak Pattan.

File: 22-H, 1931, Factory at Harudabad.

File: 179-17, Part IV, 1937. Purchase of Land by Union of Agricultural Syndicate,

Rahimyar Khan.

File: 119, Part I, 1939. Procedure to be Followed under the New Constitution in

Dealing with Irrigation Projects etc.

File C-79, Part I, 1939. Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Official Correspondence

between Secretary of Punjab States and Prime Minister of Bahawalpur State on 20-6-

1940.

File: 29-B, 1941. Cattle Census.

File: 22-Q, 1941. Mandi Lands.

File: 184, 1941. Notices and Conditions of Sale of Land in Bahawalpur State Colony,

1926-1941.

File 502, 1942. Exchange of Information Fortnightly Reports for 1942-47.

217

File: 179-31, 1942. Land to Major Shamsud Din, Deputy Commissioner Rahimyar

Khan, Letter 106-c on 8 March 1942.

File: 12-A, Part III, 1942. Levy of Acreage Rate 1944.

File: 9-36, 1943, Post War Settlement: Note on Military Chakks by Prime Minister

Bahawalpur on 4 June 1943.

File: 9-39, 1943. Post War Settlement: Chakks reserved for Demobilized Soldiers:

Letter from Revenue Minister to the General Officer Commanding Bahawalpur State

Forces on 14-12-43.

File: 232, Part XI, 1944. Military Services : Application of Hev. Baker Ahmad Din

from Batala District Gurdaspur.

File 520, 1945. Late Makhdoom Hamid Mahmood Sjjadah Nashin of Uch Bokhari,

File: 520-A, 1946. Matters Relating to Uch Gillani.

File: 19-35, 1946, Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Repayment of Project Loan 1946.

File: G8-193, 1948, Part II, Bahawalpur Darbar Secretariat, Repayment of Sutlej Valley

Project Debt, 1948.

File: 271-A, 1951, His Highness jagir in Taif.

File 275-12-A, 1951. Agricultural Income Tax and Auqaf Land.

II Published Record Official

The Government of Bahawalpur. The Annual Administration Report of the

Bahawalpur State for Years:1866-67, 1867-68, 1868-69, 1869-70, 1871-72, 1872-73,

1873-74, 1874-75, 1875-76, 1876-77, 1877-78, 1878-79, 1888-89, 1898-99,1899-

1900, 1904-05, 1905-06, 1908-09, 1910-11, 1911-12, 1914-15, 1919-20, 1920-21,

1934-35, 1941-42, 1942-43, 1944-45, 1945-46.

____________________. A Note on the Claims of Bahawalpur State submitted to

H.E. Crown Representatives 1941(Lahore: 1941).

_____________________. The Century of the British-Bahawalpur Alliance (Lahore:

1933).

_____________________. Information and Publicity Department, Bahawalpur State:

1949-50 (Bahawalpur: 1950).

218

_____________________. Review on Sir Barnard Darley project by Prime Minister

of Bahawalpur.

______________________. Sutlej Valley Project, June 1920.

_____________________. Report of the Sutlej Valley Project Inquiry committee

(Lahore: 1932).

The Government of India. The Imperial Gazetteer of India (Oxford: 1909).

_____________________. Measures to stop the Immigration from Native States in

the Punjab (scarcity), (January: 1902).

_____________________. Memoranda on the Indian States (Calcutta: 1930).

_____________________. Revenue and Agriculture Department Abstract Famine

Code for Native States (scarcity), (May: 1896).

____________________. Report on the Famine Relief Measures adopted in the

Bahawalpur Stat (March: 1897).

The Government of Pakistan. Census Report of Punjab 1998 (Islamabad: 2001).

The Government of Punjab. Lower Jhelum Canal: Punjab Canal Gazetteer Vol. 1

(Lahore: 1921).

____________________. Political Proceeding for the Year: 1870-71; 1872-73; 1978-

79.

____________________. Punjab Colony Manual (Lahore: 1926).

____________________. Punjab States Gazetteers: Vol. XXXVI-B. Bahawalpur

State, Statistical Table 1904 (Lahore: 1908).

____________________. Punjab States Gazetteers: Vol. XXXVI-B. Bahawalpur

State, Statistical Table 1913 (Lahore: 1913).

____________________. Punjab States Gazetteers: Vol. XLV-B. Bahawalpur State,

Statistical Table 1935 (Lahore: 1935).

219

____________________. Punjab District Gazetteers Vol. XVIII- Montgomery District

with Maps193 I (Lahore: 1935).

____________________. Punjab State Gazetteers Vol. XVII- B Phulkian States,

Statistical Table 1913 (Lahore: 1915).

____________________. Punjab State Gazetteers: Vol. XLII-B. Patiala State,

Statistical Table 1936 (Lahore: 1937).

____________________. Selections from Records from the office of the Financial

Commissioner Punjab, No. LXXV. Principles Applicable to State Canal Assessment

in Punjab (1900).

____________________. Papers relating to the Canals (Lahore: 1887).

The Government of West Pakistan. Bahawalpur Code (Lahore: 1967).

The Government of West Pakistan. The Colony Manual Vol. II: 1967 (Bahawalpur:

1967).

Urdu

The Bahawalpur Government. Hidaayat-e-Kkhet Bandi (Bahawalpur: Sadiq-ul-

Anwar Press, 1915).

___________________, Sadiq-ul-Akhbar, December, 1867.

___________________, _____________, 1 January, 1872.

___________________, _____________, 1 April, 1872.

___________________, _____________, 1 April, 1874.

___________________, _____________, 8 December, 1888.

___________________, _____________, 1 March, 1906.

___________________, _____________, 31 May, 1906.

___________________, _____________, 20 July, 1922.

___________________, _____________, 13 May, 1926.

___________________, _____________, 17 February, 1927.

___________________, _____________, 8 November, 1928.

___________________, _____________, 20 August, 1931.

220

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234

Appendixes

235

Appendix I: Rulers of Bahawalpur State

Period Ruler

1727-1746 Amir Sadiq Muhammad Khan I

1746-1749 Amir Bahawal Khan I

1749-1772 Amir Mubarak Khan

1772-1809 Nawab Bahawal Khan II

1809-1825 Nawab Sadiq Muhammad Khan II

1825-1852 Nawab Bahawal Khan III

1852-1853 Nawab Sadiq Muhammad Khan III

1853-1858 Nawab Fateh Khan

1858-1866 Nawab Bahawal Khan IV

1866-1879 First Council of Regency

1879-1899 Nawab Sadiq Muhammad Khan IV

1899-1903 Second Council of Regency

1903-1907 Nawab Bahawal Khan V

1907-1924 Third Council of Regency

1924-1954 Nawab Sadiq Muhammad Khan V

236

Appendix II: Weights and measures used in this research

Units of weights

1 seer = 0.93310 kilogram

40 seer = 1 maund

Units of Area

Begha= Half acre

1 acre = 2 Bigha or 4840 square yard

640 acre = 1 square mile

Units of length

Shahjahani small hath = 18 English inches

A common hath = 22 inches

2 hath = 1 Guz

12 inches = 1 foot

237

Appendix III: Seasonal Names of Months commonly used in Bahawalpur State

(Hindi)

Hindi Days English

Visak

Jeth

Akhad

Sawan

Badrun

Asoo

Kate

Mangh

Pouh

Maug

Phagan

Chaitr

31

31

31

31

31

30

30

30

30

30

30

30/31

May

June

July

August

September

October

November

December

January

February

March

April

238

Appendix IV: List of stages for accommodation and provision of commodities to

the British forces for Afghan Campaign

239

Appendix IV:continued

240

Appendix V: Title sheet containing the agreements of Bahawalpur with the EIC

241

Appendix VI: Partially population and housing census

242

Appendix VI: Continued

243

Appendix VII: Native States under Punjab Government

244

Appendix VIII: Agricultural Classes as declared by Bahawalpur State according to

the

PALA 1900

Sr. Bahawalnagar Bahawalpur Rahimyar Khan

1 Arain Arain Arain

2 Langah Awan Langah

3 Afghan Pathan Baloch Awan

4 Baloch Bhatti Baloch

5 Bodla Bodla Pathan

6 Jat Afghan Pathan Jat

7 Rajput Panwar Daudpotra

8 Daudpotra Jat Rajput

9 Qureshi Chouhan Syed

10 Kamboh Daudpotras Qureshi

11 Sial Rajput Aarbi

12 Sayyed Sial Khokar

13 Mahar Syed Khagha

14 Mughal Abbassi Gujjar

15 Muhtam Aarbi Machi

16 Bishnoi Qureshi Mughal

17 Larr Kharal Muhtam

18 Minhans Kamboh Mahar

19 ------ Khokar Turk

20 ------ Khagha Sial

21 ------ Gujjar Sheikh

22 ------ Majawau ------

23 ------ Muhtam ------

24 ------ Mughal ------

25 ------ Minhans ------

26 ------ Mocharr ------

27 ------ Machhi ------

28 ------ Aheer ------

29 ------ Ansari ------

30 ------ Sheikh ------

245

Appendix IX: Establishment for killabandi in Minchinabad District of

Bahawalpur State in 1915

246

Appendix IX: Continued

247

Appendix IX: Continued

248

Appendix X: Measurement of inam lands

249

Appendix XI: Ratification of Asnad by the Agency

250

Appendix XII: Inheritance matters in the Royal family of Bahawalpur

251

Appendix XII: continued

252

Appendix XII: continued

253

Appendix XII: continued

254

Appendix XIII: Treatment of the heirs of Kasur grantees

255

Appendix XIII: Continued

256

Appendix XIV: Partition of Inam Land

257

Appendix XV: Appointment of irrigation Establishment

258

259

260

Appendix XVI: Native proposal for the construction of dam to fed the desert area.

261

Appendix XVI: continued

262

Appendix XVII: Community demand to augment the less supply of water

263

Appendix XVII: continued

264

Appendix XVIII: Detail of SVP Loan by Accountant General

265

Appendix XIX: Amounts borrowed by the State from the various internal sourcesfor

thepre-payment of SVP debt and due to be repaid after the liquadation of SVP loan

266

Appendix XX: Commencement of colonization plan

267

Appendix XXI: Distribution plan of colony land

268

Appendix XXII: Initial prices of lands

269

Appendix XXIII: Military grants

270

Appendix XXIII: Continued

271

Appendix XXIV: Division of Land in the Soil Survey 1925-26

The Good land was high quality land.

The Average land was actually inferior quality land, which took one or two

years to be productive.

The Poor land was much inferior and took many years to be productive.

The Unallottable land held hard soil and excessive salt.

The Uncommanded land was un-irrigable and was covered with sand hills on

its surface.

272

Appendix XXV: Zamindara League of colony areas demanded to augment the

Short water supply

273

Appendix XXV: continued

274

Appendix XXV: Continued

275

Appendix XXVI: Percentage schedule for abadkars

276

Appendix XXVI: continued

277

Appendix XXVII: Dispatch of food grains from Bahawalpur State

278

Appendix XXVIII: Auction plan of colony town sites