Ieva Tihovska

AUTENTISKUMS UN ETNISKUMS LATVIJAS ČIGĀNU (ROMU) MŪZIKĀ

Promocijas darba kopsavilkumsmākslas zinātņu doktora grāda (Dr. art.) iegūšanai

etnomuzikoloģijas nozarē

AUTHENTICITY AND ETHNICITY IN THE MUSIC OF LATVIAN ROMA

Summary of Doctoral Dissertation in Ethnomusicology

Rīga 2014

Promocijas darba raksturs: disertācija

Promocijas darba struktūra: ievads, sešas nodaļas, noslēgums, avotu saraksts, pielikumi – kopā 332 lpp.; audio un video piemēri datu CD.

Zinātniskais vadītājs: Dr. phil. Mārtiņš Boiko

Recenzenti:Dr. art. Rūta Muktupāvela, Latvijas Kultūras akadēmijas profesore

Dr. art. Valdis Muktupāvels, Latvijas Universitātes Humanitāro zinātņu fakultātes profesors

PhD Agita Lūse, Rīgas Stradiņa Universitātes Komunikāciju studiju katedras docenta p. i.

© Ieva Tihovska, 2014© Jāzepa Vītola Latvijas Mūzikas akadēmija, 2014ISBN 978-9934-8456-5-9

Promocijas darbs izstrādāts Jāzepa Vītola Latvijas Mūzikas akadēmijas doktorantūras nodaļā laika posmā no 2007. līdz 2014. gadam.

Promocijas darbs izstrādāts ar Eiropas Sociālā fonda atbalstu projekta nr. 2009/0169/1DP/1.1.2.1.2/09/IPIA/VIAA/001 Jāzepa Vītola Latvijas Mūzikas akadēmijas doktorantūras studiju programmas atbalsts darbības programmas Cilvēkresursi un nodarbinātība papildinājuma 1.1.2.1.2. apakšaktivitātes Atbalsts doktora studiju programmu īstenošanai ietvaros.

Ar promocijas darbu un tā kopsavilkumu var iepazīties Jāzepa Vītola Latvijas Mūzikas akadēmijas bibliotēkā un tiešsaistē www.jvlma.lv.

Promocijas darba aizstāvēšana notiksJāzepa Vītola Latvijas Mūzikas akadēmijas promocijas padomes atklātā sēdē 2014. gada 12. decembrī plkst. 14.00, Rīgā, K. Barona ielā 1, Ērģeļu zālē.

Ieva TihovskaAutentiskums un etniskums Latvijas čigānu (romu) mūzikāPromocijas darba kopsavilkums

Type of the Thesis: dissertation

Structure of the Thesis: introduction, six chapters, conclusions, list of sources, appendices – 332 pages in total; audio and video examples on the data CD.

Supervised by Dr. phil. Martin Boiko.

Reviewed by:Dr. art. Rūta Muktupāvela, professor at the Latvian Academy of Culture

Dr. art. Valdis Muktupāvels, professor at the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Latvia

PhD Agita Lūse, assistant professor at the Faculty of Communications of the Rīga Stradiņš University

The Doctoral Thesis has been developed in the Doctoral studies department of Jāzeps Vītols Latvian Academy of Music during 2007–2014.

The Doctoral Thesis has been supported by the Europe Social funding No. 2009/0169/1DP/1.1.2.1.2/09/IPIA/VIAA/001 Support for the doctoral studies at Jāzeps Vītols Latvian Music Academy activity programme’s Human Resources and Employment amendment 1.1.2.1.2. within sub-activity Support for realising doctoral studies.

A copy of the Thesis and the Summary are available at the library of Jāzeps Vītols Latvian Academy of Music as well as online at www.jvlma.lv.

The defence of the Thesis will be heldin the public session of the Promotion Council at the Jāzeps Vītols Latvian Academy of Music (Organ Hall) on December 12, 2014, at 2pm.Address: K. Barona Street, Riga, Latvia

Ieva TihovskaAuthenticity and ethnicity in the music of Latvian RomaSummary of doctoral dissertation

Abstract

The dissertation explores the concepts of authenticity and ethnicity implied in the music of Latvian Roma. The hybridity of Romany music does not it the national romantic, puristic idea of authentic ethnicity. Yet, authenticity is an essential concept of music and music-making for the Latvian Roma. This can be observed in the mean-ing of the Romany word čačipen (truth, genuineness), in the contemporary Romany discourse of ethnic identity and assimilation, as well as in the public “Gypsy music” image to which both Roma and non-Roma equally contribute.

The research is based on ieldwork sessions with Latvian Roma, mostly lotitka roma in Kurzeme region, that took place between 2002 and 2013. The disserta-tion follows up and discusses observations and ideas by Michael Stewart, Irén Kertész-Wilkinson, Allan Moore, Fredrik Barth and others.

Keywords: Roma, music, authenticity, ethnicity, identity

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Table of Contents

Introduction 28

1. Research of the music of minorities 31

2. Key concepts 32Ethnicity 32Authenticity 34

3. Roma and non-Roma 36Latvian Roma 36Roma surrounded by non-Roma 37Non-Romni surrounded by Roma: Description of the ieldwork 37

4. “We sing real songs.” The authenticity of music 39The music of Roma in Ventspils 39Authenticity of the songs 39

5. “We begin not to be like Roma any more.” 41 Music-making and collective identityThe collective identity of Roma 41Celebration of collective identity 41Identity and assimilation 41

6. “Roma can make pop, too, and not only wave around their skirts.” 42 Objectives and dilemmas of public performances“Gypsy music” and the irst public performances of Latvian Roma 42 in the 1920s–1930sProfessionalization of local Romany musicians in the 1960s–1980s 43The raise of public musicianship among local Roma during the irst decade 43 of the 21st century

Conclusions 45

Brief bibliography 48

Presentations at conferences and seminars 52

Relevant academic publications 52

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Introduction

Research topic

The hybridity of Romany music does not it the national romantic, puristic idea of authentic ethnicity. Yet, authenticity is an essential concept of music and music-making for the Latvian Roma. This can be observed in the meaning of the Romany word čačipen (truth, genuineness), the contemporary Romany discourse of ethnic identity and assimilation and also in the public “Gypsy music” image to which both Roma and non-Roma equally contribute.

The issue of the authenticity of ethnic groups is topical for folk musicians, their audiences and also cultural policy makers and researchers in Latvia. It is, however, almost absent in academic discussions and studies. The intention of this dissertation is to add the Latvian Romany perspective to the discourse of authenticity of music.

The ethnic dimension of music is the other focus of the dissertation. Ethnicity is a product of collective memory and it can be perceived as symbolic territory – a market, a festival square, a battleground or a sacred space – where collaborators as well as opponents meet. Music can create the sonic and symbolic boundaries of these territories. The term “ethnomusicology” lets us think that it has a special focus on ethnicity studies. In Latvia, however, scholars have more often researched local musical traditions. The intention of the dissertation is to explore empirically the possibilities of studying ethnic aspects of music. In what ways do Roma express their ethnic identity through music? What makes it “Gypsy” or “Romany” music? Do Roma recognise “Gypsyness” or a Romany style in music? The approach of social con-structivism allows an analysis of the concepts of ethnicity and authenticity without sacralising them.

Objective and tasks

The objective of the dissertation is to unfold the meanings and manifesta-tions of authenticity and ethnicity in the communication and musical practices of Latvian Roma and thereby contribute to the research of authenticity and ethnicity of music.

To obtain such an objective, certain tasks need to be fulilled:l to consider approaches to authenticity and ethnicity by studying the literature on

the topics in the ields of musicology and social sciences,l to become acquainted with the studies of Romany communities, their culture

and music,l to summarize the documentation and research history of Latvian ethnic minori-

ties, including Roma,l to organise and conduct ield research for documenting the repertoire of Latvian

Romany music and for interviewing and observing music-making situations,l to synthesise the results of ield research and other data on Romany music-mak-

ing in the in-group and out-group situations and to analyse the contexts and

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functions of music as well as social, cultural and speciically musical aspects of ethnicity and authenticity,

l to come to some general conclusions on the meanings and manifestations of au-thenticity and ethnicity in the musical practices of Latvian Roma.

Approach and methodology

The dissertation has been written in the ield of ethnomusicology. The research is based on ieldwork sessions with Latvian Roma, mostly lotitka roma in Kurzeme region, that took place between 2002 and 2013.

With reference to the model of ethnomusicological analysis developed by Alan Merriam (Merriam 1964:32–33), for the purpose of analysis I distinguish here be-tween “music” as sound and verbal text and “music-making” as behaviour. The anal-ysis of music as organised sound is not central to the research. A comprehensive analysis of the repertoire of Roma from Ventspils was made to identify the char-acteristic and traditional parameters of the musical style. Non-musical aspects of Romany communication and culture appeared to be meaningful when considering the aesthetics of music. The ield recordings are not supplemented by transcriptions because of their impact on the perception of music and changes of musical prac-tices they evoke. The written representation of oral cultural forms is a problem that ethnomusicologists have always faced and nowadays it corresponds to the broader discussion of the hegemony of sight and writing in sciences (Erlmann 2004 and oth-ers). As writing has had a small impact on the music of Latvian Roma and the prac-tice of improvisation was observed, I decided to keep the issue of transcription for future research.

Ethnicity and authenticity are interpreted as socially constructed concepts whose roles and meanings are changing and situational. The emic perspective is revealed by the means of qualitative content analysis exploring the uses of the concepts of authenticity, Gypsyness and collective identity in the texts. The visual and aural ob-servations add an etic perspective to the research.

In the analysis of music-making as a behavioural phenomenon I use the contex-tualist and functionalist approach. The typology of folklore contexts by Richard Bau-man (Bauman 1983) and the list of the functions of music developed by Alan Mer-riam (Merriam 1964:218–227) are used for the interpretation of my data.

Previous research and inluences

This is the irst completed dissertation on Latvian Roma. Anthropological ield research of Latvian Roma has also been done by Linde Dambe for her bachelor and master theses on purity and hospitality issues (Dambe 2008, 2010). During the period of completing this dissertation another dissertation in the ield of sociology by Deniss Kretalovs has been in progress regarding the topic of social mobility and cultural identity of Latvian Roma (Kretalovs 2009, 2011, etc.). Remarkable collec-tion work of the folkore and customs has been done by Jānis Leimanis and Juris

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Leimanis (Leimanis LFK [1389], Leimanis 1939). The collecting of folklore, as well as linguistic and folkloristic research, has also been done by Leksa Mānušs (Mānušs [Manuš] 1972, 1981, 1985, 1999, [Manush] 1986/87, and others). The history of the Latvian Roma has been researched by Marģers Vestermanis (Vestermanis 1993), Ilga Apine (Apine 1998, 2007), Valdis Bērziņš (Bērziņš 2000) and Regīna Greitjāne (Greitjāne 2003). The contemporary social problems have been deined by the re-searchers of the Latvian Centre for Human Rights and Ethnic Studies (LCESC 2003). Andris Tertats has published some articles in the ield of social psychology (Tertats 2011, etc.).

There are some typical issues in Romany studies. Purity and pollution, social struc-ture and control, collective identity and also the characteristics of music have been studied in detail. The concept of authenticity has been mostly absent in the research of Romany music because it was associated with the purist perspective, which did not it with Romany music, in which hybridity is the norm. Three authors have been the most inluential for this research. The great initial inspiration was provided by the book The Time of the Gypsies (1997) by Michael Stewart on the maintenance of col-lective identity and way of life in a Hungarian Vlach Roma community. The concept of čači vorba (“true speech”) analysed in the book in connection with functions of music was found to be similar to the meanings of authenticity in the music of Latvian Roma. This dissertation can also be considered a continuation of the theses devel-oped by Irén Kertész-Wilkinson in the articles on adopted Hungarian songs in the repertoire of Hungarian Vlach Roma (1992, 1996). The third inluential work is Con-temporary Folkloristics. A Shift of Paradigm by Dace Bula (2011), which has no direct connection to Roma or music, but the issues of contemporary folkloristics discussed in the book correspond very much with those observed in my ieldwork.

Structure of the dissertation

The dissertation contains an introduction, six chapters, a conclusion, a list of sources and 11 appendices. The six chapters can be divided into two parts. The irst three chapters prepare the analysis presented in the last three chapters. In Chapter 1 an overview of the research of ethnic minorities and their music, includ-ing also the music of Roma in Latvia and abroad, is presented. In Chapter 2 the key concepts of ethnicity and authenticity are discussed. Chapter 3 is an introduction to Romany history, way of life, social structure and culture. The mutuality of Roma and non-Roma as well as a description of my ieldwork is discussed here. In Chap-ters 4 and 5 the musical practices inside the Romany community are explored. In Chapter 4 the concept of the authenticity of Romany songs is analysed. Chapter 5 contains an analysis of Romany collective identity and its articulation in music-making and dance. In Chapter 6 the history of public performances of the Latvian Roma is summarised and the collaboration of Roma and non-Roma in the produc-tion of public “Gypsy music” as well as the dilemmas of the representation of the Roma are discussed.

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The appendices contain a collection of music transcriptions made by difer-ent authors during the 20th century (appendices 1–4), a collection of song texts documented in the 20th century (appendices 5–8), photographs and other im-ages (appendices 9 and 10) and a data CD containing audio and video iles of the 25 analysed songs.

1. Research of the music of minorities

Even though the research of the music of minorities as a topic of ethnomusicol-ogy was deined only in last few decades of the 20th century, ethnomusicology has always been engaged in the study of various minority groups. Bruno Nettl noticed an interest among American ethnomusicologists in the music of minorities ever since the 1960s within the studies of urban and “ethnic” music (Nettl 1992:380). With cer-tain exceptions this trend became noticeable in Europe in the 1980s. The Music and Minorities study group was established at the International Council for Traditional Music (ICTM) in 1997. By 2009 this study group had 250 members from 45 countries (Jurková 2009:9). One of the leading research themes in the music of minorities is group identity and its representation in music. Issues regarding the relationship be-tween the minority and the majority as well as assimilation and acculturation are also analysed (Hemetek 2001a:139–154).

Romany music is an active topic of research among those who study the music of European minorities. Until the 1970s the study of Romany music was concentrated in Hungary. In the later 1970s and 1980s this geography of documentation, publica-tions and research began to broaden. Active study began to take place in Bulgaria and Romania, with a few researchers also in Czech Republic, Slovakia, Austria, Slo-venia, Bosnia, Poland, Ukraine, Spain and Portugal. The most active research in the Nordic countries took place in Finland.

The Baltic countries have mostly been a blank spot on the research map. Episodic documentation has been done, but even if a few studies have been published, none of them have circulated beyond the national borders. In Russia, however, as in Hun-gary, the discourse of Romany music has a long history, which is linked with the popularity of Romany musicians since the late 18th century there. The publication of Romany in-group repertoire collections and studies there began only in the 1970s and 1980s. Researchers take the stylistic diversity and hybridity of Romany music for granted. This is a result of the difering histories of various Romany groups, their interaction with local cultures and their varying degrees of assimilation. Research-ers have also been interested in the issue of universals in Romany music (Hemetek 1994:152, Hemetek 1998:454, Pettan 1992:118). Musical interaction between the Roma and the majority culture or members of other ethnic groups has also frequent-ly been studied.

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In Latvia the documentation, publication and study of minority music took place only fragmentarily. However, Emilis Melngailis, Oskar Loorits, Herbert Tampere, Ivan Fridrih, Sjargej Saharaŭ, Maksis Goldins, Martin Boiko, Kevin Karnes have all made signiicant contributions to the publication and study of Livonian, Russian, Belaru-sian and Jewish music.

Most signiicant in the documentation and study of the music of Latvian Roma are the works by Romany activist Jānis Leimanis (1886–1950) in the 1930s and lin-guist Leksa Mānušs (Aleksandrs Belugins, 1942–1997) in the 1960s–1990s. Work done by Emilis Melngailis, Pēteris Barisons, Juris Leimanis, Alberts Sala and Edmunds Goldšteins is also important. In all, the 20th-century data available for this study consists of 19 melody transcriptions or arrangements, sound recordings of seven songs, 32 song texts and over 50 irst lines, fragments or descriptions of songs. Some records on music-making situations and the functions of music as well as a survey of song topics are also available.

2. Key concepts

Ethnicity

Ethnic arena and ethnic communication

Ethnicity is researched as a social phenomenon and a category of social contrast in the social sciences. Ethnicity is not an obvious and clear social category, especially if one tries to deine it apart from other social groups – local, professional, religious, interest, and wealth.

Diferent terms have been used in the study of ethnicity to emphasise the per-formative aspect of it. Thomas Hylland Eriksen writes on ethnicity as something to show of and uses the pair of terms “overcommunicated” and “undercommunicated” ethnicity (Eriksen 2010:27). Ethnicity has been characterised using diferent physical metaphors. For instance, Milton Yinger suggests the terms “hard” and “soft” ethnici-ties and focuses on the aspects of the institutionalisation and ideology of ethnicity (Yinger 1994:3). Not always is the performance of ethnicity the choice of an ethnic group or individuals themselves. Richard Jenkins writes on the emergence of ethnic-ity as a dual process – an ethnicity can have an internal as well as external deinition, it can be the result of group identiication or a social categorisation (Jenkins 2008). Therefore, not only an individual or a group but also the social environment and context can be more or less ethnic, as the terms “ethnic arena” un “‘neutral’ unmarked arena” suggest (Zenner 1996:393-4). From the viewpoint of an individual, the ethic arena can also have diferent forms that afect inter-ethnic communication and com-munication within an ethnic group (Silverman 2000b:248). For the purpose of analy-sis I distinguish between three spheres of communication in which ethnicity can be visible or invisible: 1) the private sphere, which does not take place in the “arena”

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but still reveals particular individual identities, customs, lifestyles and biographies; 2) communication and performance within an ethnic group; and 3) inter-ethnic communication and performance.

Roma almost always appear to be in the ethnic arena when they are in a non-Romany environment because of their visual characteristics as well as their diferent cultural experience. The Romany community has also been ethnicised in the state political arena because it is deined as an ethnic minority that needs a special strat-egy of social integration. The ethnicity of Roma is also “hard” inside the group; till only recently there was a clear deinition of what it means to be a Rom/Romni, who is in the group and how to behave properly.

Ethnicity and culture

The discussion about the relationship between ethnicity and culture is especially important for the research of music. The inluential essay by Fredrik Barth (Barth 1969) changed the research focus from ethnicity as a culturally oriented phenom-enon to a social one. Barth pointed out that ethnicity is not so much a matter of cul-tural content but of the articulation of social boundaries. The argument was based on the observation that ethnic groups can be culturally similar and still performed and perceived as distinctive social entities. He pointed to the instrumental and situ-ational aspects of ethnicity that became topical for many further studies. However, social boundaries are often articulated by means of cultural attributes – language, clothes, food, verbal folklore, musical instruments, music, dance, etc. There are also important intangible or invisible features that are more diicult to identify, such as particular values, lifestyle, learned emotions and ways of communication shared by an ethnic group. Barth mentions this aspect, too: “The cultural contents of ethnic dichotomies would seem analytically to be of two orders: (i) overt signals or signs – the diacritical features that people look for and exhibit to show identity, often such features as dress, language, house-form, or general style of life, and (ii) basic val-ue orientations: the standards of morality and excellence by which performance is judged.” (Barth 1969:14) Highly visible emblems, such as stylised folk costumes, lags, etc., are not normally used in the inside communication of Roma. They are meant for communication with non-Roma. For Roma themselves the most impor-tant aspects of ethnicity are proper body and verbal communication and enacting of social roles.

Ethnicity as a profession

The instrumentalist approach emphasises the beneicial aspect of ethnicity and allows ethnicities to be interpreted as interest groups (Alba 2000:847). “Gypsy mu-sic” and “Gypsyness” in a broader sense have been a popular form of entertainment, therefore, the commercial aspect of Romany music has to be taken into account. The term “ethnic niche” can also be useful here (Alba 2000:849), and the ethnicity of music can be analysed as a product of consumption.

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Ethnicity and ethnomusicology

Martin Stokes names ethnicity as one of the ten main research subjects in con-temporary ethnomusicology. It has been inluenced by anthropological studies since the 1960s (Stokes 2001:386–395). Adelaida Reyes Schramm suggests ascrip-tion, dichotomisation and diacritica as the most topical problems in the research of ethnic aspects of music (Reyes Schramm 1992[1979]:16). Stokes deines ethnic-ity primarily as the production of diference and therefore considers the aspects of representation and performance to be the most important for studying (Stokes 2001:388–389). Considering the role of music in the maintenance and performance of ethnic identity, Anders Hammarlund diferentiates the “emblematic” and “cata-lytic” function of music: “Emblematic music is directed outwards and has national symbolic meanings. (..) ‘It is lifted up as an emblem in front of the group, as a cul-tural lag around which associations to cultural heritage, past greatness etc. lock’ (..). The other function is the catalytic: in this case, music works as ‘a catalyst in the social chemistry which produces the feeling of belonging to a group’ (..).” (as quoted by Folkestad 2002:156)

Authenticity

The concept of authenticity

The quality of “authenticity” can make traditional music – a classical research ob-ject of ethnomusicology – worthy of admiration and study. But the term has an ir-rational dimension that makes it not so accessible for empirical research. Till the last decades of the 20th century authenticity was discussed mostly within the ield of ex-istentialism philosophy, but during recent decades many scholars of other humani-ties and social sciences have started to deconstruct and analyse the concept (Trilling 1971, Bendix 1997, Lindholm 2008, Vannini, Williams 2009, Fillitz, Saris 2013).

The concept of authenticity has been used in the modern sense of the “real” and “true” since the 18th century. Authenticity can cover diferent meanings, values and features in diferent contexts. The following synonyms for “authentic” can be found: sincere, essential, natural, original, real (Lindholm 2008:1), genuine, naive, noble, lively, sensuous, stirring (Bendix 1997:15), etc. Even if authenticity can have several meanings, seeking for it is considered to be a modern Western phenomenon result-ing from the social processes associated with the term “modernity”. The weaken-ing of previous communities and the transformed public sphere characterised by Charles Lindholm as “living among strangers” (Lindholm 2008:3) aroused the desire to renew a sense of continuity and connection.

Richard Handler implicitly deines two types of authenticity: individual and col-lective (Handler 1986:2). Social anthropologists, folklorists and ethnomusicolo-gists tend to study the collective forms of authenticity. Individual authenticity is an important concept in existentialism philosophy and psychology as well as in popular music studies. The issue of authenticity has been topical for the arts and

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for aesthetics in general. For the purpose of analysis Dennis Dutton suggests to distinguish between nominal and expressive authenticity (Dutton 2003). A simi-lar idea is proposed by Charles Lindholm who distinguishes between the genea-logical, historical authenticity (authentic origin), and authentic identity or corre-spondence (authentic content) (Lindholm 2008:2). The speciics of music are the possible separation of the artwork and its interpretation, and therefore a discus-sion of authenticity often faces the issues of performance and interpretation. The discourse of authenticity has developed diferently in three ields of music: early, popular and traditional.

Early music revival

Since the second half of the 20th century the practitioners of early music have made much efort to perform the music as “authentically” as possible, advocating their interpretations with studies of historical sources, such as original scores (Ur-texts), treatises on music, artefacts and iconographic evidences, which resulted in the use of period instruments, speciic vocal styles, improvisation, tempos, phras-ing, etc. Such performances were labelled as “authentic” by recording houses and stores even if the experts of early music avoided using the term, being aware of its utopism (Fabian 2001:154). General issues have been discussed, for instance, is authenticity achievable, is it desirable, is there such a state at all? “Authentic perfor-mances” have been criticised as developed for their own sake, and the freedom of individual interpretations has been questioned. Stephen Davies deined authentic-ity as “accuracy” and emphasised the problem of the onthology of music – what is music, which parameters are crucial for it, and should therefore be accurately performed (Davies 1991:22). Since the 1990s more the neutral terms “historically informed performance” and “period performance” are preferred.

Popular music studies

The discourse of authenticity has been present in the ield of popular music since the 1940s. At that time it followed the idea of authentic “folk” (Moore 2002:212, Frith 1981). Since the 1950s, as rock music developed, the authentic–commercial dichot-omy started to dominate (Moore 2002:211). The ethnic and proprietary dimension of authenticity was emphasised with respect to blues and hip-hop (Gilroy 1991, Rudi-now 1994). During the 1990s the anti-elitarist approach emerged, and recent studies are discussing the authenticity of mainstream commercial music (Joli 1998, Leach 2001, Avdeef 2013).

The discourse of authenticity is most diverse in the ield of popular music because many diferent aesthetics and ideologies can be encountered there. It motivated re-searchers to notice the diferent meanings of authenticity and to develop a compre-hensive approach. In his article Authenticity as Authentication, Allan Moore (Moore 2002) suggests a useful framework for analysis. He deines three types of authentic-ity depending on who is authenticized in a musical performance.

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Authenticity and ethnomusicology

Ethnicity and authenticity can be close terms in everyday language. Jenkins points out that they have became almost synonymous in the context of consum-erism: “In the markets of the aluent west and north to call a commodity ‘ethnic’ is to imply the value of ‘authenticity’” (Jenkins 2001:4824). The idea of authentic “folk” is based on the assumption that ethnic groups and cultures are naturally dis-tinct “species”. As a result, the puristic view of authenticity has developed and the authentic is metaphorically considered to be “pure” as opposed to hybrid. This is complemented by the idea that the pure state lies in the past and by the romanti-cisation of it. The search for authentic folklore and cultures was the main intention of the early folkloristics and anthropology, and this theoretical basis was also used in the research of folk music.

In comparison to the discussions and studies in the ields of early and popular music, authenticity is a poorly developed research topic in ethnomusicology al-though the importance of it cannot be denied. Two discourses can be observed in the ield of traditional music. First is the discussion of “genuine” folk music, which accompanies its documentation and preservation. An active discussion went on in the Latvian newspapers during the years 1874–1875 (Bērziņa 1983) and continued for the next several decades. This puristic approach was present in the ethnomusi-cology at least till the beginning of the 1950s (Wiora 1949, Saygun 1951, Karpeles 1951). The other discourse of authenticity emerged during the folk revivals, also in Latvia, with respect to the authenticity of performance (Klotiņš 1978, Klotiņš 1988, Muktupāvels 1988, Boiko 1995). Since the 1990s the aspects of authenticity have become increasingly present in ethnomusicological studies and discussions (Stokes 1997[1994], Chapman 1997[1994], Baumann 1999, Titon 1999, Boiko 1995, 2001, Keister 2005, Catlin-Jairazbhoy 2006, Burns 2007, etc.).

3. Roma and non-Roma

Latvian Roma

Roma is not a clearly deined and homogenous ethnic group. It can be deined by linguistic characteristics, geographical aspect, occupations, endonyms, exonyms, etc., and the group will difer in every case. Although it is common for Roma to dem-onstrate solidarity in opposition to gādže (non-Roma), Latvian Roma are not a united ethnic group. Two Romany dialect groups – lotitka and xaladitka – have historically inhabited the territory of Latvia. These two dialects belong to the North-Eastern dia-lect group, which comprises the Baltic States, Poland, Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. The variants of lotitka are spoken by Roma in Kurzeme and Vidzeme regions, and the variants of xaladitka, or the North-Russian dialect, are spoken in southern Latgale, northern Russia and part of Poland (Matras 2002:5–13). The social groups involved

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in the real networks of communication and sharing the common sense of belonging are basically smaller in scope. The social structure of Latvian Roma is inluenced by factors of kinship, neighbourhood settlements and social class.

Roma surrounded by non-Roma

The dichotomisation of society, the diferentiation between “us” and “the oth-ers”, is essential to the emergence and persistence of an ethnicity. This is clearly articulated within the Romany community and manifested in their everyday lan-guage, in which the word roma is used in connection with persons belonging to the ethnic group and the word gādže is used for all of those who do not belong. The roma–gādže dichotomy is explored in many anthropological studies (Suther-land 1975, Fonseca 1996, Stewart 1997, etc.). Roma live within a system of values that is created and controlled by non-Roma and that the Roma are not willing to adopt and share. Their weak participation in the dominant social institutions of Latvia maintains the diference of their world-view and behaviour. The fact that Roma have been weakly integrated in the education system of the state explains the dominance of orality in their communication and musical tradition as well as the insigniicant role of the nationalist ideology in their discourse of Romany iden-tity and culture.

Non-Romni surrounded by Roma: Description of the ieldwork

Short description of the ieldwork

The ield research was done episodically between 2002 and 2013 by visiting households of Latvian Roma and taking part in public events where Latvian Roma were participating. I did not live within a researched community for more than two succeeding days. Mostly I stayed in the ield for some hours visiting Roma, observ-ing and participating in events and conversations and making sound recordings of music as well as semi-structured or unstructured interviews. Latvian was the main language of my communication with informants; sometimes also Russian was used. My basic knowledge of Romany was often helpful for establishing the openness of communication.

My ieldwork included 15 towns, most of them inhabited by lotitka roma in Kurzeme region. 16 informants from Ventspils, Kandava, Tukums and Riga were met more than once and for a longer period of time. Public performances of the Latvian Romany groups Čerhiņa (Ventspils), Taboras romance (Sabile), Drom (Sloka), Bagan roma (Limbaži district), Ame roma (two groups with the same title from Riga), Riči Family (Riga), Rudeviči Family (Riga), Čigānzēni (Riga) and singer Dzintars Čīča (Sabile) were documented or observed. Interviews with the participants of these groups as well as with representatives of the groups Brīvais vējš (Madona), Dželem (Krāslava) and a Romany group at the social house of Daugavpils were held.

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Conclusions

The ieldwork elicited some methodological issues to consider: 1) the advantages and consequences of “music-centrism” and “ethno-centrism” in research, 2) the reci-procity and roles of interaction, 3) the aspect of control in research.

The dominant research model in Latvian ethnomusicology since the 1990s has been organised short ield sessions with semi-structured interviews and the record-ing of the musical repertoire as a primary goal (Beitāne 2009). The approach to the repertoire has mostly been selective and focused on that part which has been trans-mitted orally within a family. Individual informant-experts, close relatives or mem-bers of an ethnographic ensemble have been the persons of main interest. Photo, audio or video documenting devices have been highly present. I realised these as-pects, as well as music-centrism and ethno-centrism, to be arguable – meaning the arbitrary assumption that music is a priority for informants and the application of ethnic category to music and to the informants without ascertaining that this cor-responds to their values, interests and practices.

A researcher of Latvian traditional culture has mostly been an authority for the informants and being an informant has been a matter of prestige because the researcher and informants share the value of continuation and safeguarding the Latvian culture. Such idea of preservation of the culture is not widespread among Roma and a researcher is mostly associated with journalists, human rights activists and politicians, whose activities the Roma approach sceptically or pragmatically. This situation raised the issue of a shared communication platform and reciproc-ity between the researcher and informants. I found that communication is most successful if it is based on the Romany values of respect, honesty, equality and sharing. A shared communication platform is recognised to be an important ad-vantage of ieldwork “at home” and researching the “us” as opposed to the “others” because the distance can turn out to be a gap in the latter case.

It would seem obvious that a researcher is an active and respected person in the ield. However, my ieldwork was sometimes more like dealing with a situation in which the researcher is not an authority and has few possibilities to control the process. It raised the question of how much and what kind of control is needed. I also realised that a non-authoritative position can beneit because it provides the opportunity to observe passively and inluence the situations less. The shift from interviewing to observation also lessens the control of data because they are produced not by a mechanical device but by a subjective observer writing in-terpretative ield notes. Thus the accuracy of research data no longer means the technological virtuosity of documenting, systematising and transcription, but rather an assumption about the researcher’s accuracy of observation, reasoning and memory.

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4. “We sing real songs.” The authenticity of music

The music of Roma in Ventspils

An analysis of sound recordings (approximately ive hours) of the music of Ventspils Roma was performed to deine the “Gypsy” characteristics of a melody written down by Emilis Melngailis (Melngailis 1951:53, Nr. 388) with the note “a true Gypsy melody”. The analysis allows us to consider Melngailis’ manuscript as a body of several typical musical structure and performance elements that may well be situative. The documented music of Latvian Roma reveal to us that tex-tual and melodic improvisation was until quite recently the norm. Few melodi-cally unique examples of Latvian Romany music have been documented, but the analysis nevertheless reveals characteristic manners of performance and variation (slow appoggiaturas, melisma, portamento, rubato, inserted syllables, improvised rhythmic accompaniment, episodic heterophony in homophonic multipart sing-ing, etc.) that can make even recently adopted music “Romany-like”. In the case of Roma, the music itself demands a change of focus from studying repertoire to studying performance, and the established nuances in performance can then deine the aural authenticity of local Romany music. A diachronic comparison re-vealed that the aesthetics of sound and the melodic style has changed over the past half century; a regular metre and faster tempo have become characteristic of song performances and singers’ skill in variation is being lost, but the sonorous sound, melismatic melodies and ornamentation as well as skill at multipart-sing-ing have been preserved. It was also found that solo and multipart singing, a cap-pella singing and singing with instrumental accompaniment can difer in terms of tempo, intensity, metric freedom and texture.

A critical analysis of Melngailis’ transcription shows that the simple writing down of notes without the sound context creates not only an incomplete but also incor-rect idea about the musical tradition. I have concluded that it is important to identify and separate out the constant elements of musical structure and the situative indi-vidual features of performance.

Authenticity of the songs

“Adoption” in the music of Latvian Roma

As elsewhere in Europe, a large part of the Romany repertoire in Latvia, too, can be considered as adopted. The case of Romany music, in which hybridity and ad-aptation are considered the norm, elicits discussion regarding the very concept of adoption, which stems from the idea that folk songs are property that belongs more to one ethnic group than others. Roma rarely talk about music in terms of cultural property and diferences between social groups. Still, the songs in their repertoire are perceived as possessing a Romany genuineness, an authenticity in the eyes of

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the Roma. The concept of authenticity in Romany music is explained by the social context of learning the songs, the Romany notion of the songs’ origin and the narra-tive meanings of the songs’ performances and texts.

The origin of songs and their inclusion into the repertoire

Informants of all ages have learned a large part of their repertoires at family or community celebrations, most often from relatives of the generation before them. This social aspect – singing as an experience of togetherness – makes any performed repertoire authentic. Changes in cultural content are not perceived as the loss of authenticity because authenticity is linked with an experience-based interpretation, rather than preservation, of culture. This idea is conirmed by the Romany concept of song origins, which is well expressed by informant Lūcija Jez-dovska: “There were people who experienced it, and they sang this song – so then all of it is the truth.” The inclusion of songs into the repertoire and their perfor-mance are not conceptualised as reproduction (learning, acquiring). The song is primarily considered an expression of one’s own or another person’s experience and emotions. A conirmation of a song’s authenticity is the conviction that it is realistic.

Songs as stories of experience

The songs of the Ventspils Roma are often associated with speciic persons, most often the person who often sang the song or from whom the singer learned the song. But in the case of ive songs this speciic person was mentioned as the person who “sang out the song” (izdziedātājs, in Latvian) – the author of the song or the per-son who introduced it into the repertoire of the Ventspils Roma – and the song was associated with a speciic episode from that person’s life. Each of these ive songs were reactions to very diicult events and emotionally intense circumstances: a ship sinking, deportation, detention in prison, breaking up with a lover and inidelity. In this context, the term izdziedāt or izdziedāt ārā (to sing out, in Latvian) takes on not only the meaning of telling about an experience; it is also a psychological response.

Authenticity as the emotional reality and the ideal truth

This chapter examines two aspects of the concept of genuineness that are re-vealed by song texts. The members of the Čerhiņa (Stars) Ventspils youth ensemble deined two modes of genuineness in Romany songs: the songs are “about how the Roma live and how one should live”. These two states of authenticity are described in the dissertation as “emotional reality” (emocionālā īstenība, “how one lives”) and “ideal truth” (ideālā patiesība, “how one should live”). The latter is explained in con-nection with the concept of čačipen (truth, justice, fairness, reality, genuineness), which contains one of the basic ideas of Romany collectivism.

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5. “We begin not to be like Roma any more.” Music-making and collective identity

The collective identity of Roma

Each person in the Romany community has a status that he/she has been as-cribed or is accepted by the community. This status is formed by the sense of be-longing to the family, social stratum and level of prosperity as well as the person’s moral qualities and behaviour. Adherence to Romany law means that the individual is integrated into the Romany community; he/she has his/her place in society, which he/she is aware of and which the rest of the members of the community respect. Disregard for the laws is often described as a loss of status and detachment. The op-posite of this condition is celebration, in which the togetherness and values of “true Roma” are celebrated.

Celebration of collective identity

For the Roma, performance of ethnic identity primarily means an art of mutual communication, which cannot be replaced with other forms of identity representa-tion, such as the establishment of ensembles and music-making on stage. Singing and dance is an integrated part of Romany mutual communication. The main con-text for singing and dancing is celebrations. At such events, singing and dancing are not only an expression of elation or a sense of community, nor are they only a display of individual qualities or a performance. These behaviours are a part of maintaining Romany social structure, gender-appropriate norms, age-related and other social roles and also a display of mutual respect.

Identity and assimilation

A discourse of ethnic identity crisis is a topical issue among middle- and older-generation Roma. Roma do not see the main threats to their identity as lying outside the community; instead, the threat is found among the Roma’s own life and behav-iour choices. Romany values have changed over the last few decades; their level of mutual loyalty and intensity of communication have decreased, the community has become “looser”, the transmission of traditional knowledge is endangered, and processes of acculturation and structural assimilation are taking place. These factors also inluence music-making practices. However, ethnicity is still a signiicant part of the identity of younger-generation Roma. Their main challenge is the difering and often incompatible values and rules that are demanded by integration into Roma and non-Roma society.

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6. “Roma can make pop, too, and not only wave around their skirts.” Objectives and dilemmas of public performances

“Gypsy music” and the irst public performances of Latvian Roma in the 1920s–1930s

Unlike in Russia, which is geographically and historically close to Latvia, and also unlike in Hungary and the Balkan region, where music-making for non-Roma audi-ences was a typical profession and sometimes even a monopoly of some Romany groups, there was no such tradition of public performance among Roma living in Latvia. The irst veriiable evidence of public performances by Latvian Roma can be found in sources from the 1930s. The “Gypsy music” niche, however, already exist-ed in Latvia before that time and local Roma did not create it; instead, they had to consider its terms and conditions. Since the second half of the 19th century Latvian ideas about Romany music were inluenced mainly by the traditions of urban Ro-many music-making in Hungary and Russia as well as by interpretations of these traditions in academic and popular music.

In the later 1920s and 1930s, “Gyspy music” could be heard quite often in enter-tainment venues and events in Riga and other Latvian cities. The typical context was evening programmes at cafés and restaurants or variety shows and cabaret perfor-mances at cinema theatres, dance halls and casinos; Gypsy song and dance perfor-mances were also included in theatre productions and even several times at the circus. “Gypsy choirs” under the direction of Mihails Bravins, A. Grigorjevs, A. Vilks-Aleksandrovs, V. Larionovs and M. Vāvičs performed, but it is likely that the members were not Roma themselves.

The general popularity of “Gypsy music” encouraged Jānis Leimanis to establish a choir in 1932 within the Čigānu draugs (Gypsy Friend) society he had already es-tablished. The choir performed its début concert on April 29, 1933, at the Latvian Conservatory. There is little veriiable information regarding the further activities of the choir. The choir collaborated with the professional Latvian composers Jānis Kalniņš (1904–2000) and Ralfs Alunāns (1902–1978); Alunāns also became the sec-ond director of the choir. At its début concert, the choir sang 14 arrangements of Romany songs arranged by the afore-mentioned composers. Concert reviews and the short life of the choir leads us to believe that the Latvian Romany début on stage was not very successful. Both the choir’s musical authenticity and the quality of its performance were doubted. However, the existence of this choir, as well as other sources from the 1930s, proves that Roma and non-Roma were already collaborat-ing, instead of competing, in the creation of “Gypsy music” on ofer for audience.

In hopes of commercial success, the most advantageous strategy for the choir would have been to adopt the repertoire and performance style of the popular “Gypsy music” of the time. But, if the intention of the Roma was to integrate into

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Latvian society, the choir format – as a fundamental value of Latvian culture – may have been the most appropriate platform. It also seemingly allowed the Roma to perform their own traditional repertoire and express their local identity, which the general, internationally popular “Gypsy music” overshadowed. In the context of at-tempts at “cultural awakening”, this was a more prestigious and socially acceptable form of ethnic representation than morally ambivalent entertainment music.

Professionalization of local Romany musicians in the 1960s–1980s

During the post-war Soviet time (1945–1990) Romany representation in society was ensured by the state-sponsored Moscow Theatre Romen, which was popular throughout the whole Soviet Union. Romany musicians from Yugoslavia and ilms about Roma from the same region also ensured the popularity of Romany culture. Romen was also known in Latvia, both among Roma and non-Roma alike. The theatre’s history, signiicant events and guest performances were regularly covered by the Lat-vian press. The theatre toured in the Latvian cities of Riga, Daugavpils and Liepāja in 1968, 1976, 1979 and 1980. Several Latvian Roma were also involved in the theatre.

Local Romany ensembles were also active in the Latvian amateur scene and at various musical entertainment venues since the second half of the 1940s. The activ-ity of three generations of the Leimanis family shows the professionalization of the Roma throughout the entire 20th century. In the 1970s and 1980s Ventspils Romany musicians were most active in the ethnically neutral yet popular and commercially successful popular music scene. In Riga, Romany musicians managed to combine both aspects and earn a living and the legal status of being musicians with special Romany music programmes. The leading musicians on the Riga scene were Roma from Russia and Ukraine, including musician families who moved to Latvia after the Second World War. These musicians also collaborated with local Latvian Romany musicians. The Ame roma (We Roma) ensemble was established in 1976 in Riga, and in 1985, under the direction of Valerij Čunčukov, it began operating with the Latvian SSR State Philharmonic. When the Philharmonic was reorganised in 1989, the mem-bers of the ensemble continued to perform independently.

The raise of public musicianship among local Roma during the irst decade of the 21st century

Romany social activity grew to new heights during the irst decade of the 21st century. In many Latvian cities the organisational base for Romany music-making on public stages was provided by Romany societies, local cultural, educational, religious and social assistance programmes and also private initiatives. In the irst decade of the 21st century ensembles representing Romany ethnic identity existed in Riga and at least ten other Latvian cities and towns: Ventspils, Sabile, Tukums, Sloka, Limbaži re-gion, Madona, Jelgava, Jēkabpils, Krāslava and Daugavpils. Several Romany musicians

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gained wide popularity with Latvian audiences and took part in the entertainment industry: Dzintars Čīča, Ritvars (Rinaldo) and Kaspars Sunītis (Brāļi Riči, the Ričs Broth-ers), Kaspars Antess and the Roma show group Ame roma led by Artur Kopylenko. The public, annual Romany cultural festivals Undenoro and Šarad took place in Sabile and Tukums and also twice in Riga. But in most cases the existence of ensembles depend-ed on grants and the enthusiasm of individual members was short-lived.

Performance on public stages and popularity among non-Roma audiences does not always mean the Romany musicians have a high status within the Romany com-munity. Even though Roma respect people who have achieved success, Roma them-selves may feel ambivalent towards the representation of their culture on the public stage and may also feel it does not correspond to the community’s criteria of Roma-ness and musicality. Un-Roma-like behaviour and the stylisation of “Gypsyness” is often viewed critically. Public music-making is geared towards non-Roma audiences. Musicians have diferent motivations to work in this ield: to demonstrate their ethnic or musical identities and abilities, to achieve recognition, to integrate into society, to achieve ethnic or individual equality, to raise Romany self-conidence, to preserve musical traditions, to show the uniqueness of Romany culture or, the exact opposite, to show acculturation and normality, as well as to gain commercial success.

Nowadays, the demonstration of ethnic identity is not always the intention of Roma performing on the public stage, but only rarely are such performances free of any association with ethnicity. Even if it is not intentionally expressed in the per-formance, the context itself is often ethnic. And if the performance takes place on ethnically neutral territory, the ethnicity aspect can nevertheless show up in the accompanying public discourse. Comments by Roma reveal the dilemma of their public representation – to be “ethnic” on stage or not. It can be deined as a choice of musical genre or niche, but it can also be linked with the status of “Gypsy mu-sic”. Even in its modernised form, “Gypsy music” is no longer at the top of popular music charts. The older and middle generations form the main audience for “Gypsy music”. The representation dilemma is also linked to the issue of the preservation of Romany culture and the maintenance of ethnic identity. The Roma-organised celebrations – Urdenoro and the Šarad autumn festival – represented two contrary ideological trends. Šarad, organised by Anatolijs Berezovskis, was associated with the idea of constructing a Romany nation and represented a purist approach. Festi-val participants were invited to show their ethnic uniqueness and pureness in their performances; expressions of contemporary Romany culture were considered in-appropriate and censured. Kaspars Arhipovs, the author of the Urdenoro Roma cul-tural festival concept, took the opposite approach. Festival participants could freely choose the repertoire and style of their performances. They did not need to claim they were displaying their ethnicity, which would be contrary to the contemporary, partially assimilated Romany culture. Non-Roma were also invited to participate in the festival, because the intention of the festival was not only to unite Roma but also to encourage communication between Roma and non-Roma.

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Conclusions

1. The main singing and dance situations among contemporary Latvian Roma (lotitka roma) are planned or unplanned celebrations, such as funerals, weddings, birthdays, visits or other events. The song and dance continuity difers. Song rep-ertoire and performance style is a cultural element that is subject to changes and modernisation and does not unite the generations very much. Singing practices have diminished since the 1970s, a fact that has been brought about by changes in lifestyle and decreased frequency of communication as well as increasing inluence from sound recordings and music playback technologies. Nowadays, singing is no longer an obligatory element of celebrations; it is in large part the older Roma who sing their repertoires at celebrations. Younger Roma do sing in certain situations; they usually sing a diferent repertoire, but their performance style shares charac-teristic elements with the older generations. Traditional dance is a more stable per-formative culture element of the Latvian Roma. Dancing skill unites all generations, is stringently evaluated by the community and is an essential element of collective identity. But the signiicance of dancing skill has tended to decrease in recent years as well, especially among men. These changes can be included in the wider context of the discourse of the Romany community’s identity crisis.

2. It is possible to follow the history of public (aimed at non-Roma audiences) music-making practice among local Roma since the 1930s. Music-making on the public stage has been fragmentary and the established groups have largely been short-lived, but in the irst decade of the 21st century a quantitative and qualitative upswing in Romany public music-making was noticed. Romany social activities have decreased again in the second decade of the 21st century due to the state’s econom-ic crisis, emigration and other circumstances. The two annual, public, representative events of Romany culture – the Urdenoro Romany cultural festival in Sabile and the Šarad autumn festival – currently no longer take place, and most of the regional ensembles have also ceased activity. But individual musicians and groups, such as Artur Kopylenko’s group Ame roma, Dzintars Čīča, the Riči Brothers and Kaspars An-tess, continue their long-standing work in the entertainment industry.

3. Public music-making does not have a catalytic function. The main functions of Romany stage performances are an emblematic displaying of ethnic identity, the displaying of the musician’s personal identity and generation of inancial income. The main functions of singing within the Romany community are the expression of individual experience and emotion (which informants often described as “singing it out”), the maintaining of the community’s values and social structure and also the mutual creation of a masterful communication. The expression and function of a “real” song are diferent from those of dance songs. The texts of traditional dance songs include teasing and humour, which is not characteristic of “real” songs. The main function of dance is the display of gender and personal qualities as well as the showing of mutual respect.

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4. As elsewhere in Europe, the speciic, “Romany” aspect of Latvian Romany music, as seen from the etic perspective, is the performance style rather than the repertoire. The documented repertoire of Ventspils Roma or their melodic style is in large part similar to the traditional Latvian repertoire and style as well as the popular repertoire of Russian Roma; the characteristic Romany style, however, is created by metric free-dom, speciic sound producing techniques, and the use of ornamentation and me-lisma. Melodic variation is especially characteristic of performance by the older gen-eration, and there is also evidence of text improvisation practice. The idea and skill of creating vocal polyphony is characteristic of all generations. Song performance style difers among the generations; it also difers depending on whether the song is sung a cappella or with instrumental accompaniment.

5. Authenticity in the Latvian Romany community is not associated with a pur-ist understanding of the concept. Four diferent meanings of authenticity in their music-making can be established:l Firstly, the čačipen concept of Romany truth intends the existence of one indis-

putable truth. This concept unites the Romany community and ensures the con-tinuity of their values as well as the community itself. This truth is also manifested in Romany song texts, in their songs about the traditional lifestyle and values.

l The second meaning of authenticity is associated with the genuineness of the origin of the song or its performance. Songs are considered true because they have been created by an individual emotionally reacting to his/her own life ex-perience. An honest and uncontrolled expression of emotion is demanded of an individual both in communication as well as singing – this means that the individual is sincere.

l The third meaning of authenticity is associated with the fairly strong ideas about what constitutes “true Roma”, by which is usually meant behaviour proper to Roma. If a person enjoys this status in the community, then his/her music-mak-ing as communication and a display of himself/herself as an individual cannot be disputed.

l The fourth meaning of authenticity can be found in public performances for non-Roma audiences, but in this case the benchmark is the public image of “Gypsy”, which is mutually created and maintained by both Roma and non-Roma. The suc-cessful implementation of this image also means mastering the stage tradition of “Gypsy music”.6. Expressions and interpretations of Romany ethnicity difer depending on

whether the context is Romany or non-Romany. The expression of ethnicity in pub-lic stage performances aimed at non-Roma audiences takes place with the help of vivid visual and aural emblems or attributes: stylised costumes, musical instruments, stylised dances, lags, language, vocal techniques, increased tempos and other “dia-critical marks”. Such public emblems are in little use at Romany community events and celebrations and they have no crucial meaning in Romany awareness of identity. In the discourse of the crisis of Romany collective identity, “Romany-ness” is primarily

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deined as knowledge about the community’s values and history, behaviour beit-ting one’s social status and regular, cultivated mutual communication. Singing and dance are also a part of maintaining a certain “Romany-ness”.

7. In synthesising my observations about the Latvian Romany music and music-making as an expression of ethnicity, Carol Silverman’s thesis about the several levels of Roma publicness and Fredrik Barth’s conclusion about two types of ethnic culture content (overt signals and basic value orientations), I came to a model of ethnicity analysis that suggests that ethnicity can either consciously or unconsciously be ex-pressed in three ways and music has the potential to express it:l in the use of ethnic attributes, which can be most quickly communicated and is

also most easily perceived by outsiders,l in the verbal and body-language communication characteristic within the com-

munity, which is comprehended in closer interaction and does not demand the obligatory use of attributes,

l in the way of life characteristic of the ethnic group, which is the most private form of ethnicity and takes the longest time to be revealed.As already mentioned, Roma use the irst expression of ethnicity in non-Romany

society and it has no catalytic function. They feel that the main way to preserve eth-nic identity and a feeling of togetherness is the second expression, namely, partici-pation and mutual communication. It remains to be studied whether and to what extent the third factor – the preservation of a characteristic Romany lifestyle (high birthrate, high number of people living in one household, little inluence from of-icial education and literacy, low level of institutionalisation, horse ownership, early marriage, etc.) – inluences the preservation of Romany collective identity.

8. The roma–gādže (Roma – non-Roma) dichotomy so often used in Romany re-search allows us to describe not only the cultural and social distance between Roma and non-Roma. In this dissertation, the dichotomy has been examined as a meta-phorical pair of adjectives – romano–gādžikano (Romany – non-Romany) – as two bodies of values, two “truths” that can be expressed in both Romany and non-Roma-ny activities. The public “Gypsy image” or “Gypsyness” is a part of the local culture, its symbolic “other” that is created through Roma and non-Roma interaction and that is used and maintained by both Roma and non-Roma alike. And similarly, in the Roma-ny community, an individual may behave Roma-like or become gādžo/gādži if his/her behaviour does not correspond to the community’s ideas about Romany-ness. In this case, ethnicity is interpreted as a body of speciic values that is not directly linked to speciic social groups but is instead situative and instrumental.

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Referāti konferencēs un seminārosPresentations at conferences and seminars

Emiļa Melngaiļa “īsts čigānu meldiņš” – stilistiskā konteksta rekonstruēšanas mēģinājums. Re-ferāts Jāzepa Vītola Latvijas Mūzikas akadēmijas 1. starpdisciplinārajā zinātniskajā konferencē Mūzikas pētījumi Latvijā. Rīga, 2014. gada 28. marts.

Kas ir pusčigāni? Latvijas čigānu etniskās identitātes krīze. Referāts Latvijas Universitātes Sociālo zinātņu fakultātes starptautiskajā studentu konferencē Identitāte: personīgā, lokālā, globālā. Rīga, 2013. gada 17.–19. aprīlis.

Lauka pētījuma prezentācija Latvijas antropologu vasaras skolā. 2012. gada 4. augusts.

On and beyond the deined identities and boundaries. A study of the Latvian Roma music repertoire. Paper presentation at the 41st World Conference of the International Council for Traditional Music (ICTM). Canada, St. John’s, 13.–19.07.2011.

Referāts par bilingvismu Latvijas čigānu mūzikā Eiropas Savienības nacionālo kultūras ins-titūtu tīkla (EUNIC) projekta MultiTalks: Plural Languages, Plural Identities – daudzas valodas, vairākas identititātes atklāšanas seminārā. Rīga, 2011. gada 5. aprīlis.

Ensemble as a Representative of Ethnic Identity: Latvian Roma Case. Paper presentation at the 42nd Baltic Musicology Conference. Riga, 29.10.2010.

Latvian Roma Music. 2003–2005 ieldwork report. Paper presentation at the 4th meeting of the ICTM study group Music and Minorities. Bulgaria, Varna, 27.08.2006.

Latvian Roma Today: dissolution of music making contexts. Paper presentation at the interna-tional conference The Weakest Minorities: Reconstructing Europe of Local Cultures of the Centre for Stateless Cultures of the Vilnius University. Vilnius, 13.–14.05.2005.

“Dziesm’ nāk ārā no dzīv’” – čigānu mūzika kā dzīvesstāsts. Referāts LU Literatūras, folkloras un mākslas institūta rīkotajā konferencē Meklējumi un atradumi. Rīga, 2005. gada 20. aprīlis.

Latvijas čigāni un viņu mūzika. Pārmantošana un identitāte. Referāts LU Literatūras, folkloras un mākslas institūta rīkotajā konferencē Meklējumi un atradumi. Rīga, 2004. gada 21. aprīlis.

Akadēmiskās publikācijas par disertācijas tēmuRelevant academic publications

Tihovska, Ieva, 2014. “Ethnic identity, assimilation and the notion of ‘half-Roma’ among the Roma in Latvia.” In Review of Artistic Education, No. 7–8. Published by George Enescu University of Arts, Center of Intercultural Studies and Researches, Department for Teachers Education. Ed. by Børge Pugholm etc. Romania: Artes Publishing House, 234–241.

Tihovska Ieva, 2014. “Kas ir pusčigāni? Latvijas čigānu etniskā identitāte un asimilācija.” [Who are the half-Roma? Ethnic identity and assimilation of the Latvian Roma.] In Identitāte: personīgā, lokālā, globālā. 2. starptautiskās studentu konferences rakstu krājums. Latvijas Universitātes Sociālo zinātņu fakultāte. Rīga, 2013. gada 17.–19. aprīlis. Red. Evija Zača. Rīga: LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 24–32.

Tihovska Ieva, 2013. “Kurš rada čigānu mūziku? Nečigāni un biedrības Čigānu draugs ko-ris (1932–1933).” [Who creates Gypsy music? Non-Roma and the Gypsy Friend Society Choir (1932–1933).] In Mūzikas akadēmijas raksti, Nr. 10. Sast. un red. Baiba Jaunslaviete. Rīga: Jāzepa Vītola Latvijas Mūzikas akadēmija, 17–28.

Tihovska Ieva, 2005. “Latvijas čigāni šodien. Identitāte, muzicēšanas konteksti, pārmantoša-na.” [Latvian Roma today. Identity and the contexts of music-making and its transmission.] In Meklējumi un atradumi. Rakstu krājums. Sast. Inguna Daukste-Silasproģe. Rīga: Zinātne, 172–182.