THE V K NGS

ESTERN CH R STENDO

A.D . 789 T O AD . 888

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C . F. K E AR Y ,M , A .

,P . S .A.

A UT H O R O F

“ O UT LIN ES O F PR IMH‘

I V E BEL IEF, “T H E DAWN O F H IS T O RY,

E T C . , E T C

W IT H MAP A N D T ABLE S

N EW YO R K

G . P . PUT N AM ’

S S O N S

LO N D O N : T . FIS H E R U N W IN

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M IC H ELAN GELO .

PR E FAC E .

T H E present vo lum e i s concerned w i th that period inthe histo ryof the S candinavian peoples when they were grow ing, but hadnot yet fu l ly grown , i nto nat ional i t ies , and when , therefo re, the ir

true nat ional h i story had not begun . E very hi sto ric people has

passed through th i s early fo rm at ive period , its age of S turm

and D rang ; and i t m ay be sai d that every nat ional i ty which

i s wo rthy of the nam e has looked back upon that age witha pecu l iar affec t ion and w i th a so rt o f reverence . It has

,in

c onsequenc e,overlaid the fai nt t radi t ions of i t wi th a garm ent

o f m ytho logy,out o f which i t i s i n m o s t cases po ss ible

only here and there to separate a shred of h i sto rical tru th .

T he re su l t is that the very phase in the developm ent of thepeople abou t wh ich we mo s t long to know

,i s the one about

which we are condem ned to the com pletes t igno rance . T he

V iking Age of the N o rthern Fo lk differs from the co rresponding epochs in the histo ry of o ther nat ions in th i s—that i t isi l lum inated by a fai n t ray of real h i sto ry lent from the pages ofcontem po rary but al ien chronic lers , the chron ic lers, I m ean

,of

C hri stian E urope . Were i t no t for th i s faint gleam,the earl iest

age of the V ik ings wo u ld have rem ai ned for us as a meretradit ion, som eth ing known to have been, but not presentable

i v PR E FA C E .

inany real i z able fo rm m uch,i n fac t

,what the D o rianM igra

t ion i s in the h i s to ry of Greec e . As i t i s , by the aid o f the

c ontem po rary reco rds I have spoken o f,we can present the

no rth ernm igrat ion ina c learer gu i se .

For all that , a dist inc t ion m u s t be drawn between the earlies t

and,as I wou ld cal l i t , true V iking Age , and the ac tual h i s to ry

o f the S c andinavianFo lk as reco rded by them selve s . V iki ng

expedit ions continued to be m ade du ring the later h i sto r ical

period . Bu t they took a different charac ter from tho se o f

the earl ier age, and they no longer abso rbed so large a part

of the ac t ivi ty o f the people ; at any rate they no longer

c onst i tu ted, as they do for our period,the only phase of

nat ional ac t ivi ty whereof the rec o rds rem ain. T hu s,though

the express ionVikingAge i s o ften em ployed w i th a m uch w i der

significance,i t wou ld

,I th ink

,he an advantage, c ou ld i ts u se

be confined to ju st th i s epoch in the l ife o f the N o rthern

people and to no o ther 5 to the i r age of S to rm and S tres s,the

age o f th e i r fo rm at ion.

It would be an advantage,too

,if i t were m o re general ly

borne inm ind that the h i s to ry of the N o rth begin s Jig/

”

ML and

at no earl ier t im e . T he V i kings o f th i s period are for u s the

who le S candinavianpeople ; we know no O ther—if,at any rate ,

we exc ept a no t ice here and there o f the kings o f S o u thernD enm ark . But the pre

- em inenc e of the ant iquaries of the

N o rth , overshadow ing the study of S candinavian hi sto ry,has

rath er tended to obscu re th i s fac t . All histo ries (alm o st) ofS c andinav ian lands begin w i th prehi sto ric antiqu i t ies

,which

are not h i s to ry . O r i t m ay be that the hi sto rians o f thesec o untries have no t l iked to real i ze how far down in tim e the i rh i sto ry begins ; so that prehi sto ric disc o veries or unau thenti

cated t radi t ions preserved inthe sagas of a late r age have beenbro ugh t into fill up what i s for H isto ry in the proper sense o f

the word a m ere blank .

PR E FA C E .

S uch , then , i s the interes t attaching to the age o f the

V ikings from the po i n t o f view of S candinavian h i sto ry . Bu t

i t s reco rds are so shadowy that it wou ld not be po ssi ble to

c laim for i t a very large amount of attent ion u pon thatsco re alone . For uni versal h i s tory—or say for the h i s to ry

of E u rope general ly—it has a m uch deeper interes t, as one

phase,and a very im po rtant one , o f the long struggle be

tween C hri stian i ty and the H eatheni sm of the N orth . And

i t i s under th i s aspec t that the h isto ry i s treated in the present

vo lum e . O therw i se th ere wou ld be no adequate excu se for

the th ree chapters wi th which the vo lum e opens, nor for the

one w i th wh ich i t c oncludes . T hese fou r chapters are no t ,

str ic tly speaking,concerned wi th the V ikings ; but they are

c oncerned very int im ately wi th the relat ions of H eatheni sm

that is to say T eu tonic H eathen i sm—to C hri st ianity and to

C hri st ian E urope. It has always been the intention,or at

any rate the hope , of the present writer to carry onthe s tudy

of th i s epoch one stage fu rther ; nam e ly, to the form at ion and

to the early h i sto ry o f the S c andinavian c o nqu ests and co lonies

i n France,i n the Brit i sh I sles , i n the i s lands of the N o rth

At lant ic and,as apendant to th i s external h i sto ry, to the ri se

of the E dda and S aga l i teratu re and o f the m ytho logy which

they enshrine—r the las t art icu late vo ice of T eutonic H eathen

ism . If such an enlarged study were ever com pleted,then

the three opening chapters o f th i s vo lum e wou ld serve as an

i ntroduct ion to the who le , and the concluding chapter as a

l ink between th i s vo lum e and the next . T he half- t i tle,too ,

‘H eathendom and C hr istendom ,

’ wou ld stand not for thisvo lum e only , but for any

—one or more—suc ceeding one

l ikew i se .

I m ay, perhaps , be al lowed to add that, to the best of m y

rec o l lec tion, th i s bo ok was begun in the earl ier part of 1 88 2

C O N TE N T S .

PAG E

C H APT E R IV .

TH E FI R S T C O N TE S TS .

1 . Fi rst D anish attack on C hristendom .

—ii. C har lem agne’s S axon

wan—iii. First V ik ing raids, A . D . 789—807 .

—iv. C harlem agneand G odfred

C H APT E R V .

C H AR A C TE R OF TH E V IK IN G S .

1. S h ipbu i ld ing in the Baltic .—11. T he V ik ings as

‘adventu re rs ’

and as so ld ie rs—iii. E nfo rced ex i le . T he ideal V ik ing leader.—iv . T he S candinav ian countries .

—v . Abandonm ent of the

anc ient gods . Fate —vi. S trangeness of the C hristianwo rl d tothe first V ik ings

C H APT E R v 1.

TH E V IK I N G S IN I R ELAN D .

1. Baldness of allnarratives of early V ik ing raids .

—n. Polit'

cal cond ition of Ire land . V ik ing raids , A . D . 807

—833 . T urgesius

occupies half I re land—iii. R aids on E ngland from Ire land .

D eath of T urgesius . T he three V ik ing k ingdom s’inI re land

C H APT E R V II .

LE WI S TH E FI O US . TH E C O N QUE S TS OFC H R IS T IAN / T Y.

i. E xtension o f C hristianity towards the Baltic .—11. C haracte r of

Lewis the Piou s .—iii. C ivi l war in D enm ark . C onversion of

H arald .—iv . M issionof Anscar to D enm ark and Sweden

C H APT E R V III .

C I V IL WAR .

i. Fo rces tend ing to the d isintegration o f the E m pi re . C hu rch andS tate . R ise o fnational ities . S econd m arriage o f Lewis. Bi rtho f C harles (the Bald). —ii. O utbreak o f the C iv i l War. T heFie ld o f Lies .

’—ii1. R esto rationo f Lewis —iv . D eath of Lewisthe Pious .

—v . Battle o f Fontenoy . Peace o f V erdun

C O N TE N TS . i x

PAG E

C H APT E R IX .

R AID S I N TH E FR AN K IS H E III PIR E ,A . D . 834

—845.

i. V ik ing raids at the m ou th o f the R h ine ; of the S e ine ; of the

Lo ire inE ngland . N antes plundered . V ik ings up the G aronneand o ff the coast of S pain.

—ii. Attack on H am bu rg. R agnarLodbrok . Attack onPar is. M i rac le

C H APT E R X .

D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O W/V , A . D . 846—858 .

1. Peacefu l re lations between C hristians and S cand inav ians. T he

S wed ish m ission. K ing H o rik and Anscar.

—ii. Fresh attacksonFrisia and Franc e ; O scar

’s fleet at Bo rdeaux , R orik

’

s on the

R h ine , &c . Attacks onEngland . Battle o f O ckley . T he V ik ingsbeginto winte r in France and E ngland—iii. C harles the Baldand the Bretons. T he V ik ings on the Lo i re . Abd icationanddeath of Lothai r .—iv . S econd c ivi l war in D enm ark . C harlesthe Bal d and the Aqu itanians .

—v . S iege of the V ik ings inO issel , A . D . 858 . Lewis the G erm an invades W est Franc ia.

T he siege of O isse l raised .—v i. E ffects of the breakdowno f the

O isse l siege

C H APT E R X I .

D E CA Y AN D R E D IN TE G R A T I O IV, A .D . 859—866.

i. C hanges in the C arlov ingian E m pi re —11 . D anes attack N o rsem en in I re land—iii. Means o f defence adopted by C harlesthe Bal d . C aval ry . Fortifications. C ond itionof peasantry .

iv . R ise ofnew H ouses inFrance and G erm any . T he VV

elfings .

T he Liudolhngs . R obert the S trong . H incm ar.—v . V ikings

onthe S e ine and S om m e . D eath of R obert the S trong

C H APT E R X II .

TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

i. E xped ition by H asting and Bjorn 1nto S pain and into theMed ite rranean. S iege o f Luna .

—11 . Legends of the death ofR agnar Lodbrok . R eview o f the V ik ing attacks onEngland upto A . D . 866.

—iii. C om ing o f the G reat A rm y . T he Arm y inN o rthum bria ; inMe rc ia ; in[Cast Angl ia . D estructiono f m onas

C O N TE N T S .

PAG E

teries . Martyrdom of E adm und .—iv . The Arm y in W est

S axony ; at R ead ing. Battles of Englefield, R ead ing , Ashdown,Basing , Merton. Acc essionof I-E lfred. Battle ofW i lton. T he

V ikings inLondon at T o rksey ; at R epton. E x i le o f Burgred,k ing o f Me rc ia.

~—v . N o rse and D anish blood in E ngland .

G u thorm’

s arm y inW essex . Battle of IE thandune . Peace o f

Wedm ore

C H APT E R X III .

PAUS E IN TH E V I K I IVG R AI D S .

i. Pau se in the V ik ing raids on the C ontinent . C ond ition of the

k ingdom sno rth of the A lps , A . D . 866- 870 . D eath o f Lothai r I I . ,

A . D . 869 .—ii. Invasion of Lo tharingia by C harles the Bald .

Partition of Meersen. D eath o f the E m pero r Lewis I I ., A . D .

875.—iii. T he C ar l ing H ouse towards the end o f the ninth

centu ry .—iv . C harles the Bald em pero r . R enewed V ik ing

attacks onFrance . D eath o f Lewis the G e rm an. C harles theBald invades E ast Lotharingia. Battle o f Andernach and defeato f C harles

C H APT E R X IV .

C H AR LE S TH E FA T . TH E IN VAS I O N OF G E R MAN Y.

i. D eath of C harles the Bald .—11. R eigno f Lewis the S tam m e re r .

iii. Boso , k ing of Lower Bu rgundy . V ik ings retu rnfrom Englandto the C ontinent . Battle of T hu in. T o tal defeat o f S axons onLiineburg H eath . D efeat of V ik ings at S au cou rt .—iv . Advanceo f G odfred

’

s arm y up the R h ine . Besieged by C harles the Fatat Ashloh . S ham efu l term ination of the siege .

—v . D eath o f

Lewis , k ing o f W est Franc ia. R enewed attacks on France .

D esperate cond ition o f W estern C hristendom , A . D . 882—3 .

v i. G odfred and H ugh of Lo rraine. Mu rder of G odfred

C H APT E R XV .

TH E S IE G E OF PAR IS .

i. D eath o f C arlom an, k ing o f W est Franc ia , D ecem ber

, 884 .

C harles the Fat inherits the em pi re of C harlem angc . S iegfred’s

arm y advanc es up the S e ine and l)eg.ns the S iege of Paris , A . D .

885.

—ii. C essationo f attacks til l January, 886 . R ene“al of the

siege . D eath o f Bishop G o ylin. O do departs to seek as

C O N TE N TS . xi

PAG E

sistance from the em pero r . D eath o f D uke H enry o f E astFranc ia in attem pting to re l ieve garr ison. C harles arr ivesbefo re Paris ; pays ransom and al lows V 1kings to pro ceed toUpper Bu rgundy .

-iii. D epositionof C har les the Fat, A . D . 887 .

Arnolf, k ing o f G erm any . S eparationo f Latin-speak ing peo ples.

K ingdom s of France , Upp e r Burgundy , Lowe r b urgundy,Italy

C H APT E R XV I .

TH E C R E E D OF C H R IS TE N D OM .

1. N atu re of the r ival ry o f c reeds betweenH eathendom and C hristendom .—ii. T he Pope and the E m pero r . —iii. T he Pope and

the Frank ish C hu rch . T he false dec retals. N icho las I . andH incm ar.

—iv . N icho las I . and Lothai r I I . ; the Pope and the

Lotharing ianC hu rch . Judgm ent upon Lothai r II .—v . Popu lar

aspect o f the r ival ry between the Pope and the Frank ishC hu rch . T he S ac ram ental do ctrine —v i. E choes o f O ld G e rm anH eathenism .

—T he Mersebu rg fo rm u lae . Popu lar C hristianityH elz

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C H APT E R I.

H E A TH E N D O M .

T H E R E are few phys ical featu res in our E u rope to -day mo re

im press ive thanthe rem ains of tho se R om an roads which oncet raversed every land owning the R om an sway

,and wh ich have

w i thstood so wonderful ly the wear o f t im e . In every westernc ountry o f E u rope trac es o f th ese roads are to be found sti l l

recogni zable,though in m o st they have been abso rbed into

a m o re m odern system . S u ch has been the case w i th u s as in

France . But s ti ll the anc ient highways canbe wel l m ide ou t

o urWatl i ng S tree t,Fo sse Way, Icknield S treet, E rm ine S treet .

Inm any parts o f S pain these R om an roads rem ainuntouched,

b ut grass-grown and hal f- ru ined,wh i le bes ide them run the

m ule -paths,wh ich are all that the indo lent country now care s

to keep i n repai r and u se . E ac h one o f these roads i s a natu ral

sym bo l o f the state which brought i t i nto ex is tence,i n i ts

d i rec tness o f pu rpo se, i t s unswerving de term ination and con

tem pt o f obstac les, and l ikew i se i n a c ertainpro saic plainness .Yet we canno t cal l these roads pro saic in the sum so inim it

able are they i n the i r vast, undaunted length , and e ven intheuniform i ty o f thei r plan . S tanding uponth em you real i ze better

2

H E A TH E N D OM .

thaninany o ther way the long arm of R om anju st ice . If you

pu t you r ear to them ,and the c loud-gates of T im e w i l l ro l l as ide

for a m om ent for you , you m ay st i l l hear along all the i r length

the tram p o f legionari es, the chal lenges o f the guard , the hu rry

ing fee t o f m erc hants or o f slaves ; and you will reflect, w i th

pleasu re or the reverse of i t ac c o rd ing to you r bent, how thesewere once the i ron girdles wh ich bound toge ther all the

m em bers o f a m ighty em pire in anunchanging ru le o f j u s tic e

and o f law.

From I taly into Franc e these roads m ade the i r way by the

R iviera, or by the val leys o f the two D o ras (D urias), by Mont

Genevre to Briangon, or by the Li ttle S t. Bernard ; and e i the r

way at las t to Lyons , which was the h eart of all the R om an ru le

inGaul . From Lyons agai n they led onby C halons, Auxerre,T roye s

,the o th er C halons, to R h e im s ; from R he im s by Am iens

to Bou logne ; and then w i th bu t a narrow s tr i p of intervening

sea to Lym ne, orD over,orR ic hbo rough

,or R am sgate ; I thence

to C anterbury . Whenthere th ey tu rned into that greates t o f our

h ighways,Watl ing S treet, as the E ngl i sh cam e to cal l i_t ; / for i t

had i ts counterpart inthe great h ighway wh ich runs through theh eavens . Watling S tree t leads on th ro ugh Londonto Wro xeter ;th enc e to C heste r ; and from near C hes ter the R om an road sruns

due no rth past Manc/zesfer as faras C arl i sle,that i s to say, as far

as H adrian’s wal l . O nthe eas t s ide th ere i s a c o rresponding

road wh ic h runs pas t Linco ln to the fo rd ac ro ss the H u m ber,

to m any o ther c h e sters in the no rth,Bincfiesz‘er

,Lana/zesz‘er

,

E br/zester,and C /zesler le S treet (the C as trum on the R om an

road), up l ikew i se to H adrian’s wal l and beyond i t .Ac ro ss the Pyrenees and i nto S pain these roads pene trated

on e ither s ide wh ere the great m ountai n range di ps downto the sea ; on the eas t from N arbonne to Figueras, from

Cf . Map in 2nd S e r ies, v ol. i.

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4 H E A TH E N D OM'

.

(Germ ania S uperio r, Germ ania Inferio r),x

and in Bri tain.

When the rel igion o f R om e c hanged from Pagan i sm to

C h ri s tiani ty , C h ri stiani ty in i ts tu rn trave l led by the sam e

rou tes,bu t m ade i ts way fu rther thanPagani sm had eve r done .

It was only for a sh o rt t im e that Bri tainwas cu t o ff from

c onnec t ionw i th the C ont inent . Whenthe great age o f S z’urm

zm d D rafzg—the age o f what are cal led the Fo lk-wanderings

and of the fal l o f R om e—had passed,

th e se sho res we re again brought into connection w i th Gau l,we re onc e m o re vi s i ted by Gau l i sh vessel s and Gau l by E ngl i sh .

O nly i n the interval bo th lands had been ove rrun by a T eutonic conquero r . Gau l was on the highway to c hange intoFrancia—France and Bri tai n was becom ing

,or had bec om e

,

England .

O nly a short t im e did the interruptiono f interc ou rse betweenBritainand the C ont inent endure . But s t i l l there was an inter

ruption ; and i t so happens that the m ytho logy o f that intervalhas left us a prec iou s re l ic wh i ch typ ifies what i n the eyes o f

m enwho s ti l l m ade part o f the ‘wo rld of the R om anE mpire

was the c ondi tiono f tho se who had beenseparated from it. T here l ic I speak o f i s the m yth c u rrent am ong the fi sherm en o f

N o rthernGau l tou ching the mysterious i sland ‘Brittia a placeas t h ey deem ed to wh ich sou l s we re wafted after death , whe re ,as C laudian tho ught

,

2 U lysses had i nvoked the shades fromH ades and pou red blood i nto h i s trench

E st locus, e xtrem um pand it qua G al lia littus,O ceani praetentns aqtiis, u bi fertur U l ixesS angu ine l ibato popu lum inov isse silentem .

T hese two provinces were both on the west side o f the R h ine . T heywere , howeve r , m u ch less R om aniz ed than those pro vinc es fu rthe r sou thwh ich lay no rth o r east o f the Uppe r R hine and south o f the D anube

( h e tia , N o ricum ).2 /7z [Cu/in. i. 1 2 3

—8 . T he place wh ich C laud ianchoo ses is the edge o f

G au l opposite Bri tain. Bu t l’i o c O pius

’

sto ry shows that the m yth be ‘

ongedto our i sland .

R O zWE A IVD N O T -R OM E . 5

Illic um brarum tenu i strido re v olantumFlebilis auditur questus. S im u lac ra co loniPal l ida defunc tasque v ident m igrare figuras.

T he sam e m yth,as Pro cop iu s relates i t inpro se

,i s o f an i s land

,

Brittia,

’ half o f which was a hab itat ionfor the l i ving,but the

o the r halfwas set apart to be the hom e o f gho s ts . Be tween

the two regions stre tched a wall which none cou ld pas s and

l ive ; whoever did c ro ss i t instantly fe l l dead upon the o ther

s ide,so pest i lent ial was the air. Bu t serpents and allvenom ou s

th ings dwe l t onthe o th er s ide, and there the airwas dark and

spi ri t—haunted . T he fisherm en upon the Gau l i sh c oas t we rem ade the ferrym eno f the dead

,and onaccount o f th i s strange

du ty,we are assu red , they were exem pt from the o rd inary

incidence of taxat ion . T he i r task fe l l upon them in ro tat ion

tho se vi llagers who se tu rn had c om e were awakened at dead o f

night by a gentle tap upon the doo r,and a whi spering breath

cal l ing them to the beach . T here lay thei r boats, em pty toall appearance , and yet we ighed down as if by a heavy

load . Pu sh ing o ff,the fisherm en perfo rm ed in one night

a voyage which e l se they cou ld hard ly accom pl i sh,row ing

and sai l ing, i n six days and nights . When they had arr ived

at the unknown coast,they heard nam es cal led over and

vo ic es answering as if by ro tat ion, wh ile th ey fe l t the i r vessel sgradual ly grow ing l igh t at last whenall the sou l s had landed

the boats were wafted back to the habi table world.

I

T his desc ript ion has o ften been quo ted befo re . T he

great value for our pu rpo se of th i s p iece of m ytho logy l iesin i ts bo ldly at tac h ing i tself—or wi th the faintest d isgu i se—to a land fo rm erly so wel l known as Bri tai n was to the

R om ans—Bri tain,the birth -

plac e o f C ons tantine . T he sho res

abou t which the Gau l i sh fi sherm en th em se l ves entertained so

s trange a bel ief, whi ther they im agined that som e of the i r

Bell. G ot/z . iv . 2 0 .

6 H E A TH E N D OM .

vi llagers were set apart to ferry the dead , m u s t have been thesho res o f Bri tainknownto them and the refo re inthe popu lar

m ytho logy of our near ne ighbou rs our i sland m u s t hav e been

al togeth er a hom e of the dead.

I And som ething of thi ssupersti t ion long attached to u s—the land o f the Angl i was

inlater c entu ries c onfused wi th the hom e o f the Ange l i . 2 If,

h owever, we l im i t ou rse lves s tric tly to the m yth as given by

Proc op iu s, i t i s only the c ountry beyond the wall,i. a. , the

R om an Wall,that has so ghastl y a repu tat ion. Granting

,I

m ean,that th i s w i ld m yth conc erning ‘Brittia

’cou ld never

have sprung up save when our i s land and our R om an roads

were cut off from the great system o f E u rope st i l l i t was no tso w i ld as qu i te to fo rge t the diffe renc e between conqu ered

Bri tai n and tho se unknown unc onquered regions i n the far

no rth . It was at the wall where the R om an roads cam e to an

end,that all that was natu ral and hum an too

,ended

,and we

approached the borders o f the E arth . T h i s regionbeyond thewal l i s that sam e C aledonia whi ch one o f i t s own C hieftainswas made by T ac i tu s to speak o f as the end of all terri toriesand o f all freedom .

S uch was, I deem ,the at ti tude inwhich the R om an subjec t

s tood—not to all the res t o f the wo rld—bu t to tho se parts o f

N o rthern E urope which lay ou ts ide the dom ains o f R om e .

T o the com m oner people , at any rate , all tho se regions we restrange, m i sfo rm ed , m onstrou s

,inhum an

,gho stl ike . And

whenC hri stiani ty walked along the path s wh ich had been pre

pared for her by R om e , C h ri s tendom ,too

,looked upon thi s

part o f the unc h ri st ian wo rld i n the sam e way. In t im e, as

C hri s tiani ty cast her net over m any, people beyond the R om an

pale, they began to look w i th her eyes,and to regard as she

did the i r unconverted bre thren. T hat feel ing has been

‘

As the passage of C laud ianl ikewise suggests.

D udo , D e m ar . et act . prim . du e. N orm am z ie , n. 5.

R O M E A N D N O T -R O /WE .

c rystal l i zed and preserved (by chanc e partly, no doubt) in our

wo rd,beat/zen

,the Germ an H eide

,from lira/Ii , H aida. Partly

by chanc e,becau se Izeaf/i at one t im e m i ght m eananenc lo sure

i n the c ountry, Is fim be no m o re than a t ranslat ion o f the

Lat in paganas, vi llager . Bu t the earl ies t s ignificat ion of kart/i

was very soo n fo rgo t ten, and the wo rd very so oncam e to m ean

what i t m eans w i th us,a m oo r

,a w i ld

,71785081171

,uncu l t ivated

region,rem o te from hum ank ind . T he assoc iat ions inpopu lar

im aginat ion w i th all such places were necessari ly far m o re

terri ble than they are w i th us what was unknownwas alwaysth en zm m zz z

‘

fi,that i s to say, m onstrou s , terrifying .

T he Germ an race s,tho ugh they were

,as com pared to the

classical peoples,essent ial ly ru st ic s

,had in th e i r m inds as vivid

a pic tu re o f the ho rro r o f de serted regions as any that speaks

in class ical poetry . S i de by s ide w i th that m yth o f the Gau l s

abo u t Bri tain,s ide by s ide w i th the above -quo ted passage from

C laudian, or even w i th the m o re awfu l waiem’

a of the O dyssey

which suggested i t , we m igh t place som e p ic tu res drawn fromo u r earl iest po em Beowulf, o f that arch-heathen Grendel , andof the land

.

inwh ich he dwel t . I cal l him an arch o heathen,for he i s the em bodim ent of all terro rs attaching to the

m oo rs and m i s ty fel l s , the m arshe s and the dark peat

poo l s , to whate ver, i n fac t , lay far- o ff fro m hum an dwel l ings .

H e him self i s a ghou l or a giant,a giant ju st of the sam e kind

as the giant o f our fo lk - tales onl y that unfo rtunately wecanno t real i ze what l ikeness such be ings put on i n days wh enm enreal ly be l ieved in the i r exi stence . T h ere i s a giant

‘

inthe

E dda cal led H raesv elg, C o rpse - devou rer Grende l,too , feeds on

hum an flesh ; he l i ves far from mankind i n the dwel l ings o fthe Fifel- race ; bu t at night he stalks along under the m i s ty

hi l l s,t i l l he c om es to m en

’s habi tat ions,where he can find

som e food for hi s canni bal m ou th ,

8 H E A TH E N D O M .

C am e from the m oo r , under the m isty h i l ls,G rendel stalk ing .

H e bare ‘God’s anger on him ,

’

so wri tes o ur poet, a C hri s

tian tel l ing a heathenlegend.

I

We have , th en, inBeowulf , and i ts p ic tu re o f Grende l , the

due c ounterpart o f Pro cop iu s’

im agerv . T /uzl stands to u s fo r

the type o f a place c ut o ff from interco u rse wi th R om e,a

heathendom befo re C hri stiani ty, we m igh t say ; i/vis s tands to

us for any place cu t o ff fro m interco u rse w i th hum ankind,

and i n a spi ri tual sense i t typifie s the i dea o f heath endom

general ly, as the descendants of the heathens them selves c on

c eived i t .T he Go ths had ano ther m yth which i llu strates the sam e

though t . I t i s repo rted by the C hri s tian Go th Jo rdanes—in

days whenthe Go th ic nat ion had all beenC hri st ianized—and

relates to th o se be ings o f fear, the heathen H uns . Jo rdane s

tel l s us that a fo rm er king o f the Go ths had bani shed from

h is dom inions all the so rceresses,

2 that these had gone east

ward and found a h om e in a c ertain wood .3 T heta they

cohabited w i th the w i ld beasts o f the fo res t,and ou t o f th i s

unnatural c onnec t ion sprang the obsc ene race of the H uns .4

Inevery legend su ch as th i s the fee l ing wh ich underl ies i t i s

the sam e ; i t i s the ho rro r wh ich m ank ind universal ly c once ive s

o f all that i s m ysteriou s and unknown. T he desc ri pt ion inBeowu lf m igh t have beenwri ttenw i th equal fo rc e if the poemhad beena pu re ly heathenone and the s to ry wh ich Jo rdanes

retai l s m ay very we l l h ave had i ts o rig ini n heath endays . I t i s

only that C hri stendom adopted th i s s trainof popu lar superst i t ion

C om pare the epithets fim u u o’rm gr , lzm unbu

’

i, frequently appl ied to

giants in the E dda (as in H au stloizg,H y m iséu zd

’

a , also borgozii ,lzellisbu

’

i. 2 H alio runas .

’

3 T h is wood is the ( I ronwo od ) o f the E ddas. Cf . R ydberg ,Teu /o/z zc [IIt /z ology , p . 151 .

4 Jo rdanes , D e G ot/z . O rig. c . 2 4 .

G E R MA N Y. 9

and appl ied i t to the part of the wo rld to wh ich i t was spec ial lyappl icable —that is to say, the heathenno rth . It wou ld have

beenabsu rd to speak of the class ical pagans insu ch a m anner .

N o one cou ld think o f the descendants o f Peric les, or the

po sse sso rs o f the pr im eval w i sdom of the E ast as a w i ld, hal f

hum an people,haunt ing the ways of wo lves . T hu s heathen,

whenwe apply the wo rd to the unc onverted no rthernnat ions ,Germ ans or S candinavians , has a m eaning qu i te distinct from

that of pagan,as the wo rd was u sed in the early days of

C hri stianity . And as pagani sm was pre tty wel l d ispo sed o f

befo re C hri st iani ty c am e in c ontac t w i th heatheni sm, and

C hrist ianity i tself had c hanged in the interval , the att i tude o f

H eathendom and C hris tendom fac e to fac e w i th one ano ther

i s a th ing to be studied in and by i tse lf, not c onfo unded i n one

long histo ry o f the spread of C hri s t iani ty o ver E u rope .

N o t im e wou l d be wasted which shou l d help u s to gai n that

sense of the unknown in spore wh ich our fo refathe rs cou ld

po ssess,bu t wh ich i s so strange to m odern thought . In vain

the ph i lo sopher tel l s u s that o ur l ife i s hem m ed round with

m ystery ; i t i s the physical express ion of th i s m ystery that werequ i re

,in o rder to real i ze the ideas of fo rm er ages on th i s

matter . T o th ink that nol/zing knownl ies beyond such a wo od,that that far headland bounds the wo rld o f m en; cou ld thatbe po ss ible to u s inthe present day, then we might have som e

c oncept ion o f what heathen and i t s c ognate wo rds wou ld m eanto a C hri st ian o f the early M i ddle Ages . And we shou ld

through th i s knowledge al so be half-way towards an under

standing of the confl ic t which had to go on i n the heathenGerm an’s ownsou l befo re he cou ld bring h im self to cas t o uth is early gods to wander through such deso late places as O din

(Wuotan) and h i s fo l lowing were cas t ou t to becom e fiends,

the Wild H untsm anand hi s c rew or as the sam e god was leftalone upon the H arz transfo rm ed into the Prince o f D arkness .

10 H E A T H E N D OM .

S uch a confl ic t went oni n each m ind ; and the epos of th i s

m ental s truggle i s typefied by the epos of vi s ible warfare be tween

H eathendom and C h ri stendom ,whereof again the bat tles and

si eges of the fi rs t V iking Age (our m o re spec ial study in th i s

vo lum e) fo rm in the m ass a s ingle act. T he detai l s o f th i s

warfare are o ften very difficu l t to asc ertai n,and seem c om m on

p lac e and uninterest ing. Bu t the c onflic t as a who le in i ts

inward and ou tward phases was stupendou s , and stupendou s

in i t s resu l ts.

We have been ina po s i t i onto see how th ere was . ina certai n

sense,a heath endom be fo re C hri st iani ty . E very northern

c ountry which was c ut o ff from c onnec t ion w i th R om e (asBri tannia was for a t im e) sank at once into th i s tenebrou s c ondi t ion. And all th o se lands wh i ther the R om an roads hadnever reac h ed and the R om an ru le had never spread

,dwe l t i n

it perpetual ly . S uch a land was C aledonia beyond the wal l ;suc h was Ierne

,

‘ge l id Ierne,

’

as a R om anpoet m i scal l s theland o f warm m i s ts and rains

,a land which Agricola inouglzt

o f c onqu er ing , bu t where, infac t, the R om an arm s had never

been seen. But the true h om e of th i s heatheni sm beforeC h ri st iani ty (as o f the heatheni sm after C hri st ian ity) lay no tin th ese western extrem i t ie s of the wo rld

,but in the eas tern

ones,in all the great Germ an G erm any beyond the R hine

,

and in the Bal t ic C t untries of which the R omans had so faint

a no t ion.

T here was a R om anGerm any. First,tho se province s sou th

of the D anube whereof we have spoken , R haet ia, N o ricumnow

,roughly speaking

,Wu rtem bu rg

,Bavaria

, C arinth ia, Germ anAu s tr ia

,S tyria. T here were the D ecum ates Agr i (the

‘T i thewh ich co rrespond wi th the m odern Grand D uchy of

Baden, and a sm all part of Wurtcm berg. Inthat region there

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1 2 H E A TH E N D OM .

wh ich did not preserve i ts im po rtance i nto C hri st ian days ;there was C o lonia U bio rum , or C o lonia Agripp ina, what we

cal l C o logne ; Moguntiacum (Mainz) ; Argentoratum (S trassburg) V angiones (Wo rm s), ce lebrated,

’a R om an h isto rian

c om placently says ,‘for m any a defeat o f the barbarians

there i s no need to enum erate them all. T ruth to te l l,alm o s t

all the p ic tu resque m edieval towns which the travel ler of to -day

knows (knows and loves) along the banks of the R h ine , Bonn,R em agen

,Andernach , O berwesel , C oblentz , and the rest

I have

had a R om an o rigin . In C hri s tian day s the greater of

these m i l i tary strongh o lds grew to be l ikew i se strongh o lds

o f the fai th , archbi shops’and bi shops’ sees ; the three greatest

archbi shopric s of Germ any,the three great sp i r i tual e lec

torates, T reves , C o logne, and Mainz,were all in th is region

of R om an Germ ania. O ver agains t these st rongh o lds s toodin im perial days the w il d fo rest haunts o f the Germ ans

,the

T aunu s or the T eu tobergerWald, plac es wh ic h were pregnant

w i th great events .T here i s one o ther r iver of Germ any

,one o ther r iver i n

E u rope only, one m ay say, which has been fortified/

as a

ram part agains t h eathendom m uch as the R h ine has been .

T his river i s the V i stu la. Along all i t s banks which are Germ an

you find the fort ified towns or convent fo rtresses,rai sed inthe

thirteenth c entu ry by the T eu tonic knights as a bu lwark,no t

now against heath en Germ ans,bu t agains t heathen S lav s .

Marienburg , Marienwerder, G raudentz , C u lm ,

T ho rn,are the

c ounterparts o f C o lonia Agrippina, Bonna, C onfluentes

,

Moguntiacum ,Argentoratum ,

and the re st . O nly there i s th i s

d ifference, that wh ereas the greater num be r o f the R om an

fo rts upon the R hine wh ich C h r i stendom inh eri ted are uponthe west bank, the fo rtresse s of the V i stu la s tood wi thi n the

Bonna (Ara Ubio rum ), R igom agus , Antunacum , V osav ia, C onfluentes.

G E R MAN WAR FA R E . 13

heath en terri to ry and defended the rive r al ready won by

C hri stendom .

Beyond the boundar ies , as we have trac ed them , o f R om an

em pi re yo u c am e to that land wh ich the hi sto rian spoke o f,

in wo rds which have been quo ted a thou sand t im es,as in

unioersu zn, on the who le,e i th er rugged w i th fo rest or dank

w i th m arshe s,where people did not dwel l toge th er in towns ,

nosiro m ore, but apart and scattered . Many c entu ries late r

i t was said of the terri to ry of the S axons (be tween the Lower

R hine and the E lbe) that there a squ i rre l m ight travel for

leagues (‘ seven leagu es ’

) w i t hou t eve r having need to tou c h

the ground . T hese dark and trackless fo rest s had a terro r

of the i r own. Two th ings , says a rec ent writer,

I were , du ring

the i r effo rts to conqu er Germ any,strange and terrible to the

R om an general s and the R o m an legionaries—the O c eanw i thi ts t ides and the endles s stretche s o f dark wo odland in the

interio r. Upon the one the sh ips were suddenly , as if byunseen hands

,dragged from the i r m oo rings

,hu rried away

,

and to ssed upon som e rocky sho re . In the o ther,as the

legions were painfu l ly struggl ing through the dense fo res t,no t

less suddenly, and agai n at the touch o f unseen,but not

superhum an,hands

,the trees wou l d begin fal l ing to righ t and

left and rear of the arm y,a netwo rk of fallen trees . T hey had

been half fe l led through days befo re i n ant ic ipation o f the

advance . As the R om ans pressed fo rward they were suddenlybro ugh t fac e to face w i th a huge abat i s—éroti i t was calledinN o rth ernwarfare . Behind i t the enem y were ent renched

arrows and jave l ins began to fly ou t from behind the im pro

v ised stockade the oroz‘

i stretched great w ings far i nto the

fo res t if th i s were carried by assau l t yo u cam e upon ano ther

and ano ther, and the enem y scarc ely vis ible all the whi le.

V igfusson, G rim m C entenary ,11.

14 H E A TH E N D OM .

Meantim e o ther trees had been fal l ing, fal l ing,and fresh

abat i s had been grow ing up on o ther sides and to the rear

to c ut o ff all re treat . H e was a lucky or a very ski lfu l general

who cou ld bring hi s arm y out thence unbroken . Pe rhaps

he had been w i se enough to po s t suppo rts to com e up at the

c ri tical m om ent ; if they cou ld reach h im ,he was saved ; if

they fai led to reach him he was des troyed . T hi s i s how

C aesar was saved the day he ov ercam e the N erv ii,

’land th i s

i s how V arus was destroyed .

Ano ther favou ri te m e thod o f defence am ong the Germ ans

was by m eans of t renches . 2 S om e t im e s they we re m e re traps

m to which an advancing l ine might prec ip itate i tself ; som e

t im es th ey concealed an am bu sh . Add to these terro rs thew i ld and fearfu l howl ing, m o re l ike that of beas ts than o f m en

,3

wh ich echo ed and re - echoed in the fo res t wi lderness,and we

have a pic tu re of som e of the phys ical terro rs which dogged

the advance o f the R om ans into thi s anc ient land .

Bu t we shou ld , I th ink, be es t im at ing very wrongly if,

becau se these difficu l t ies were never overc om e,we were to

assum e that they were insu rm ountable,or that they were fe l t

to be so by the R om ans e i ther o f Augu s tu s’ or of T ac itus’

s

day. A few chance sayings o f the R om an hi sto r ians have

N ot o f cou rse that the land of the N ervi i lay in that spec ial regiono f

‘ heathen G erm any o f wh ich we are speak ing , for the ir te rrito ry wasby the S chel dt . Bu t they were a G erm anpeop le , and, l ike the i r brethrento the east and no rth ,

m ade u se of som eth ing l ike oi'ozir in the i r battlesonly that the i r stockades were m o re l ike hedges and m ade o f sm al le rtrees.

‘N e rvi i temeris arbo ribus incisis atque inflexis , crebris inlatitudinem ram is et rubis sentibu sque interjectis , e ffecerant u t instar m u rihae sepes m unim enta praeberent, quo non m odo intrari sed ne perspic i

qu idem po sset .’And later , S epibus densissim is, tit ante dem onstrav im us ,

interjectis, prospectus im pediretur ; neque ce rta subsid ia c onlocari, nequ e

quaqu e parte opus esset pro v 1de1i,’&c . Bell. G all. ii. 17 , 2 2 . Cf . T ac itu s ,

Annal. i. 63 ; Am m ian. xv i. I t,8 ; xv i i . 1 , 9 ; 10

,6.

2 S ee Am m ian. xv i. 1 2 , 2 7 ; xv i i . I, 8 , 9 .

3 Plutarch , Mariu s 16, for the C im br i and T eu tones. Cf . T ac itus,Anna]. i . 65, &c .

R OME’

S R E LA TI O N T O H E R N E I G H BO UR S . 15

been exaggerated by our vani ty as T eu tons and m ade to

rec e i ve th i s i nterpretat ion. It i s rather the oppo s i te o f t h i sfee l ing which we have to try and real ize . It i s no t easy

for u s who have been made wi se by the event to understand

how low a place the nat ions of N o rthern E u rope h el d then

i n the estim at ion of civi l ized m ankind . O ur though ts are

natural ly tu rned to the fu tu re, bu t the i rs were necessari ly con

c erned only w i th the past , that i s to say, w i th the rem ains o f

Alexander’s E m pi re i n the sou th and east,with the vast fiel d

of H el leni s ti c cu l tu re i n As ia and Africa.

‘Who ,

’as T aci tu s

says,

‘wou l d ever leave As ia and Africa for those inc lem ent

N o rthern lands ?’T he R om ans had few thoughts to spare

for the people who se sm al l, one—ro om ed

,wooden hu t s lay scat

tered am ong the G erm an fo res ts,or for tho se wilder people

s ti ll,perhaps

,of C aledonia and Ierne . India was far mo re

i nteresting to them than heathen Germ any or the flat lands

at the m ou th of the R h ine . T he way T ac i tu s speaks of even

the Gau l s is very m uch the way we speak of the H indu s,or

,

at any rate, of the Mohanim edans o f India—as of a peoplewho , no doubt , once were powerfu l

,bu t who se day i s over,

and who are now sunk irre trievably i n idleness and effem inacy .

T he sam e h i s to rian tel l s us how l i t tle the rebe l l ion of C ivi l i s

wh ich aro se on the Batavian i sland,and nearly lo s t to R o m e

N o rth ern Gau l and the provinc e of Germ ania Inferio r—wasno t ic ed am i d the exc i tem ent of c ivi l d i ssens ions in Italy.

I

It would be no unj u st c om pari son to l iken that rebel l ion to

an abo rt ive Indian m u t iny,had such anone been set on foo t

by S ik h s and N ep iu le'

e . Agrico la’s cam paigns i n Bri tainwe m igh t c om pare to the tak ing of S c inde . By such c om

pari sons only canwe arrive at so m e no tionof the re lat ion inwh ich R om e stood to her no rthern subj ec ts and ne ighbours.

H isz‘oria,lib . iv .

16 H E A TH E N D OM .

Germ any again—unconquered Germ any,the Germ any o f

T ac i tu s—we m u st co m pare to Afghani s tan, and the grea t

defeat o f V aru s to the des truc t ion of General S ale’s fo rce

in the K yber. T he c i rcum stance s of the two defeat s were

no t diss im i lar, and the i r c onsequence s were alm o st ident ical .

E ach bego t in the m ind of the g reater nat ion som e th ing

o f a superst i t iou s fear, an alm o s t supers t i t iou s exaggerat io n

o f the dangers wh ich lay i n wai t for the invader. T he

pol icy of Augu s tu s that the R hine shou ld fo rm the boundary

of the R om an E m pire was i dent ical wi th our dom inant

po l i cy i n respec t to Afghanistan, with no m ore and no less

o f reason for the one c ou rse than for the o th er. T he fo res t

warfare o f Germ any was difficu l t,as we have sai d the woods

,

the brotis, the swam py ground , lay i n wai t for the legions

and auxi l iar ies , as the K yber 01°

the Bo lan lay inwai t for our

m en. Bu t I do not th ink i t can be seriou sly m ai ntained that

i n the one case or i n the o th er there was anything l ike an

insuperable d ifficu l ty i n the way of conqu e s t . It was not

a reasonable, bu t far m o re a superst i t iou s,fear wh ic h hel d back

the R om an arm s .

D ru sus seem ed bo rn to play the part of C l ive to th i s

unconquered wo rld . H e m ade a flee t to sail upon the

Germ an O cean, I the fi rs t that ever dared i ts fitful t ides . But,

alas,thi s flee t was de stroyed by the treac h erou s ebb and

flood : Germ anicu s su ffered a l ike m i sadventure . D u ring thecom m ands o f D ru su s and T i beriu s in Germ any the R om an

ram parts extended som e way beyond the R h i ne . Al i so,a

strong fort onthe Li ppe (near the m odernPaderbo rn), seem ed

to cover all the country be tween the R hine and the E m s.

D ru su s cu t a canal,navigable by hi s flee t, fro m the fo rm er

Usque ad obis extrem um,

’Augustus says in his proc lam ation. Pl iny

says he went to the extrem ity o f the C im bric C he rsonese II . IV. ii. 67but th is is im probable ; ef . Bunbu ry

,Ane . G eog. ii. 190 .

D R US US AN D T IBE R /US IN G E R MAN Y. 1 7

river,through Friesland

,to the o cean . T i beriu s c ro ssed the

Weser and advanc ed as far as the E lbe . Bu t after the ‘Great

D efeat ’

o f V arus,Augu s tus undid the i r wo rk and c om m anded

the R hine to flow as the boundary o f the em pi re .

It m ay have been a sound policyIor i t m ay have been a

po l i tical supersti t ion that governed the em pero r’s dec i s ion in

th i s case ; bu t i t was not any press ing danger, nor even anyinsuperable diffic u l ty inthe way o f a c onques t of Germ any.

In the popu lar m ind,for the com m on so ld ier or for the

chance m erchant adventu ring into these terri to ries,there wou ld

m ingle,I do ubt not

,an e lem ent of supers t i t ion not po l i t ical ,

c onnec ted w i th th i s land o f enchantm ent s . T here the divinepower dwel t unseen i n the midst o f awfu l gro ves ; the wom en

o f thi s race were wonderfu l ly givento the study of m agic and

enchantm ents . Is i t no t rather s trange that the only pure re l ic s

of heathen Germ any which have c om e down to us are i n the

fo rm o f two incantat ions ?2 As the cam p sto ry went , when

D ru sus had m ade hi s m arch over the Weser, and threatened

the E lbe,one o f these w i se wom en

,these V olvas

,cas t her

spel l s upon him ; as a gigant ic fem ale figure—the figu re o f

G erm ania personified—she appeared to him ina dream and

warned him to tu rn back. H e did so but st i l l fate overtookhim ; he had a fal l from his ho rse and d ied w i th i n the year .And alm o s t from that t im e fo rward the em pi re o f R om e beyondthe R hine began to shrink .

° It reac h ed the l im i ts o f i ts flood

whenT iberiu s i n h i s fleet sai led to the m ou th o f the E lbe and

there jo ined hands w i th an arm y which had m arched t h i th e roverland, and awed the Germ ans upon the o th er bank so that

they dared not at tack .3 It then began to ebb. As T acitu s

Mom m sen, Prov inces of the R om anE mpire , trans. , i. 54 . Cf: T ac itus ,Annal. i. I I .

2 S ee C hapte r XV l . and cf. G erm . 10 .

3 Twenty years, A . U . C . 74 2 - 762 , we m ay reckon the duration o f th isextended R om an E m pi re in N o rthern G e rm any , o f wh ich Al iso was the

capital . S ee Mom m sen, Prov inces, i. 367 .

18 H E A TH E N D O M .

wri tes T he E lbe wh ich fo rm erly we knew, we now know by

repo rt only .

’

We have al ready seen how som e fou r centu rie s later the

flood of em pi re ebbed from Bri tain,and gho sts and the crea

tu res o f popu lar superst i t ioncam e i n to occ upy i t s room .

I II .

In the region beyond the E lbe,where the R om ans never

set fo o t, we m ight expec t to lie the ve ry s trongho lds of

what I have cal led pre-C hri st ian heathendom ,

the anc ientbe l iefs o f Germ any wh ich knew no tou ch o f fo re ign in

fluence . T here the great confederat ion of the S uevi s tre tched

from the sho res o f the Bal t i c down alm o s t to the bo rde r

of the R om an provinc es i n S ou thern Germ any . It i s from

am ong the S uevi of N o rthern Germ any l that com e the

few and sl ight p ic tures whic h T ac i tu s i s able to draw for

us o f the rel igion o f Germ any in h i s day. S om ewhere be

tweenthe E lbe and the O der, in the terri to ry of the S uevian

S em nones—m aybe on the s i te of the S preewald,where there

survives to -day a people who seem to belong to"a

’

T)ygone

heathen past—stood that grove , the m o s t sac red in all

Germ any,where i t was bel ieved that the great god of the

T eu tonic nat ions had been born. T hi s great god i s wi thou t

quest ion the Wuo tan or O din of later t im es, a d ivin i ty who ,

T he earl iest d istinctionam ong the national it ies o f T eutonic o rig inwasprobably betweenthose o f the E aste rnBaltic and o f the great sandy plaino f

N o rth G e rm any and the G erm ans o f the west the H arz , the T hu ringian,and T eu tobergerFo rests, &c .

—who cam e into contac t m o re or less withR om e . T he S cand inav ians, if we are to judge by early R unic insc riptions ,we re c lose ly al l ied in language to the G erm ans of the V istu la (G oths).O nthe o the r hand, c ranio logical ly the D anes are very d ifferent from the

Swedes and N o rsem en. Judging by p lace -nam es we shou l d say that thewho le o f R om anG erm any was o riginal ly C e ltic , and evena large part o fG erm any wh ich was neve r R om an. H arz , for exam ple , is probably a C e lticwo rd . I t is obv ious , the refo re , that the S uev ic confederationcom prehendedm any people no t ethno logical ly ve ry near ly al l ied .

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2 0 H E A TH E N D OM .

When the goddess re turned to her i sland , the‘chario t, the

ve i l,and if you l ike to be l ieve i t , the goddess herse lf, are

wash ed in a sec ret lake by slaves who im m ediate ly after are

them selves drowned there in. H ence come s a m ysteriou s

ho rro r and a ho ly igno rance of what has taken place , for that

i s beh e ld only by m en who are them selves im m ediate ly to

peri sh .

’ 1

O f the northern parts o f Germ any, T ac i tu s can tel l us l i t tle

m o re than i s contained in these two fragm ents of i t s creed . We

have j ust the nam es o f so m e o f the people who dwe l t eas t o f

the S uevi along the sou thern sho re of the Bal t i c ; of these the

G u ttones, dwel l ing by the m ou th o f the V i s tu la,were , we m ay

bel ieve, the fathers o f the fam ou s Go ths,and the m o s t nearly

al l ied of all the G erm annat ions to the S candinavians o f later

h i sto ry. In tru th,along all th i s no rthern s tre tch o f Germ any

,

from the Weser to the V i s tu la,we shou l d find i n these early

days the people who effec ted m o s t towards the carving ou t o f

Mediaeval E u rope from the rem ai ns o f the R om anE m pire ; theLom bards betweenthe Weser and the E lbe

,the S ao s

/at the

foo t o f the C im bric C hersonese ; the Angl i no rth of them,i n

Ju tland along w i th the Ju tes ; the Bu rgundians , no t clo se to theBal t ic shore

,but inPo land

,Prus s ian and R u ss ian

,east of the

V i stula ; and final ly the Go th s (we m ay bel ieve) in E as t Pru ssia.

T he Franks alone am ong the greater T eu ton race s are want ing

from th i s catego ry . And the Franks,if t hey were really none

o ther than the ancient S igam bri, belonged to a s im i lar andne ighbou ring region, the flat country of the Lowe r R hine .

Whenwe first catch sight o f them th ey are set tled in the i slando f Batavia , the low i sland at the m ou th of the R hine and S aal

,

whence the i r nam e S al ic Franks ? T o T ac i tu s and the R om ans

T ac itus, G erm . 40 .

0

2 T hose h ighe r up the r ive r , the R ipuarian or r ive r-bank Franks , we rein the anc ient land o f the S igam bri. N eve rthe less the Franks are no t

‘H E R E N A T UR E E N D S .

’2 1

o f hi s day these nat ions, all but the S igam bri, were lit tle m o re

than nam e s . S om e o f them ,he tel l s us , were c onsp ic uou s for

th e i r loyal ty to the i r kings—the Western Germ ans be ing m o re

independent and republican.

Final ly, we com e to the Balt ic i tself, which the R om ans heard

o f only as a part o f the N o rthern O cean. And beyond the Balt ic

T ac i tu s affo rds u s one sl ight peep into the S candinavian coun

tries—a m ere glance , but one not want ing in im press iveness .

O nthe o ther s ide o f that sea,he says

,l ies the i sland of the

S u iones , a land rich in arm s and sh ips and m en and beyond

the S u iones’ land ano th er sea,‘ sluggish and alm o st stagnant

,

which we m ay be l ieve gi rdles and enc lo ses the who le wo rld .

For here the l ight o f the sett ing sun l ingers on t i l l sunri sebrigh t enough to dim the l igh t of the stars . Mo re than that

,i t

i s asserted that the sound of hi s ri s ing i s to be heard, and the

fo rm s o f the gods and the glo ry round hi s head m ay be seen .

O nly tnus far, and izere rum our seem s tru i/z,cloes llze worlo

’

T he C im bric C hersonese (D enm ark), m o reover,the Lat in

wri ters frequently confounded w i th the H om eric land o f the

C im m erians at the edge o f the wo rld . H ere,then

,we come to

the t ru e c ounterparts o f the lands upon the o ther s ide of the

N o rth S ea,which were the end o f all land and of all l iberty

And if the im po rtance of these di stant terri to ries was small i n

the eyes of the R om ans , we m u st own that to the im aginat ion

o f tho se days an interest attached to them which i t i s no longer

po ss ible for u s to attri bu te to any country . It i s im po ssi blefor u s to read wi thou t a strange em o t ion the passages whic hspeak o f lands l ike these suppo sed to lie uponthe very bo rders

to be c lassed with the Low G erm ansto ck wh ich is the m o st c lose ly al l iedto the G oth ic , nor yet wi th the true H igh G e rm anAlam anni and Bavarians,bu t with T hur ingians (H erm un—a’u ri) as M il/d/e G erm an.

2 2 H E A TH E N D OM .

o f the earth . I llic usque lanlum N atura H ere natu re ends

It i s a trem endou s ph rase .

T he S candinav ian ‘ i sland ’ which the ancients knew, and

wh ich they c al led som et im es S canz ia, som et im e s S candia Ior

S cania, som e t im es S candinavia, d id not s ign ify the who le o f

the S candinavian peninsu la, but probably o nly that lower

bulge o f Sweden, part o f which sti l l bears one of these nam es

S cania, S kiine ; wh ile ano ther nam e has been extended to

inc lude a vast s tretch o f terr i to ry, of who se ex i s tence the

R om ans had no i dea.

T hi s o riginal S candinavia (S kgtne, H al land , S m éiland), w i thJu tland and the D ani sh i slands

,belongs to the low—ly ing

deeply-wooded region o f the Balt ic sho re s far m o re than to

upland Sweden and N orway,the lands farther to the no rth

,

which fal l away from the great backbone o f S candinavia.

T he trave l ler o f to -day, who passe s along the wel l -known canal

rou te from t enborg to S tockho lm—the mo s t fam i l iar of

northern h ighways —passes not far from the divid ing l ine,

betweenthe Bal t ic Lowlands and S candinavia Proper.J eolo

gically speaking, i t i s but a day or two s ince all was dry land,

where now l ies the bed o f the Bal t ic ;2only s inc e the terri to ry

wh ich shou ld uni te the Bal tic sho res sank beneath the waves,

the forests o f p ine and bi rch have,over a great part o f the

rem aining dry land,given place to fo rest s of hard -wood tree s

,

c h iefly beech . A poet,a H ans Andersen

,m igh t speak o f the

buried lands st i l l we t p ing to rej o in the i r breth renwho fee l the

Pto lem y has fou r islands o f S cand ia , one large and three ve ry sm al lthe D anish islands, or po ssibly S weden, Bo rnho lm , O land , and G o ttland

,

ifwe suppose the reg ionapp roached from the V istu la.

2 In S kgne the fossi l rem ains o f m any anim als are found , wh ich m usthave m igrated th ither from the sou l/z

,and the refo re o ve r what is now the

bed o f the Baltic . S ki’tne was , inthe S tone and Bronz e Ages , m uch m o reth ickly inhabited than any o the r part o f S candinav ra, while the countryno rth o f the D al-E lf was alm ost uninhabited .

TH E BALTI C . 3

upper air, and sending up through the water go lden tears , that

am ber,nam e ly , wh ic h i s such a no ted produc t o f the Bal t ic ,

and has brought i t so large a share o f whatever weal th i t at anyt im e has gained .

Am ber and furs were the staple o f such trade as exi sted

between the Bal t ic lands and R om e . T he Swedes are

desc ribed by a wri ter of late R o m an days as great hunters of

the anim al s valued for the i r fur,‘who se skins

,

’ says our

au tho r,

‘find the i r way t/zrougli countless hands to R om e .

’It

i s sai d that a c ertainknight o f N ero’s day was the fi rst R om an

who ever looked u pon the Bal tic . H e was a civi l,peaceable

knight,engaged in the am ber trade .

I But we o ught no t toom i t to say that , acc ord ing to one theo ry, there was i n m uch

earl ier t im es a Greek trade to the Bal t i c lands,t ravel l i ng by a

m ore easterly rou te . T hi s, m ounting the Borysthenes (D nie

per), m ight navigate to no great d is tance from the sou rc es

e i ther of the D wi na or the V i s tu la,and thende sc ending these

s tream s,m ight debouch i nto the Bal t ic . We are no t with ou t

evidence i n support o f th i s theo ry ; and i t i s qu i te po ss i blethat to th i s

[

early Greek trade , rath e r than to the R om an, the

Bal tic nations were i ndebted for the m o s t price less of all gifts,

the gift o f le t ters?

IV .

O ut of the vast ocean which covers three quarters of our

Pl iny , H ist. A’at. xxxvn. 1 1 . C] : Bunbu ry , Anc . G eog . i . 595. Ukert

G eog. o’er. G . u . R . I . ii. 30 7 , I II . i. 89 , ii. 5. O nthe traces o f a trade

ro ute downthe V istu la to the Baltic , and hence to Sweden, espec ial ly toislands o f G ottland and O land , see 0 . Montelius, C iv iliz ationof S weden inH eat/

lienT im es (tr. of S uerig

'

es Forntid), pp. 98 , 99 .

2 T aylo r , H ist. of A lp/zaoet and G reeks and G otlzs ; on the o ther sidesee L. W im m e r inAarbog for N ora

’is/é 1874 . M tillenho ff

(D eutsclte i. 2 13 says that the G reeks ce rtainly didnot ge t their am be r from th is sea . ( It is we l l known the re are , fu rthe r ,som e d ifficu lties attach ing to the translation o f the wo rd ijltricrpov , at anyrate befo re the tim e of Plato . )

2 4 H E A TH E N D O M .

globe there are three portions c onnec ted i n a spec ial degree with

the hi sto ry o f the wo rld. T he fi rst i s the Medi terranean,on

wh ich the l ight of h i s to ry fi rst sh ines,and round wh ich alm o s t

all the peoples o f the ancien t wo rld were grouped—E gyptians,

Phoenic ians,H ebrews

,Greeks

,R om ans , C arthaginians . V ery

striking i s i t to see the dawno f hi sto ry breaking over that sea,

inE gyp t fi rs t,thenover the E astern sho res

,pass ing we stward

to Greece and I taly and the Medi terranean c oas ts o f Gau l,and

onto S pai n . T he th i rd o f these ocean regions i s the Atlant ic ,wh ich

,as we know,

thro ugh the lands to wh ich i t leads the

way, has redressed the balance o f the O ld Wo rld . But the

m iddle region i s certainly the Bal tic , which i s a so rt o f ant i

thes i s o f the Mediterranean. T he western po rtion o f the

Bal t ic , do tted ove r w i t h i ts c ountless i sles , wh ich seem to invi te

m en to the art o f seafaring , i s as a N o rthern nean or ant

AEgean:I for as the neanwas the fi rs t sea i n which true

h i s tory begins , so the Bal t ic i s the last alm o s t of E u ropean seas

to which that l ight has reached . We , Angles and S axons , andeventhe Lom bards and Bu rgundians, m ay look upon ou rsel ve s

as belonging to th i s Balt ic region , as we l l as the G o th‘

sz/

a

/

nd the

S candinavian nat ions proper . For there i s no natu ral boundary

separat ing the diffe rent peoples o f the great northern plain.

N o t so the H o c h D eu tsch people who were so long in contac t

w i th R om an c i vil i zat ion,and have in the i r ve ins so large an

infu s iono f R om anblood , who se c ountry,too

,i s u tterly d iffe rent

incharac ter from the sandy plainof the no rth ?

1 C om pare Munch’s rem arks on the Au strv egr in N oz sée f ks. H ist.

i. 2 86 .

2 Many changes o f popu lation (and stil l m o re o f the nam es o f the popu

lation) to ok p lace between the R om an po ssession o f R haetia and N o ricumand the tithe lands , and the re -appearance o f these d istricts afte r the Frank ishconquests as the lands o f the A lam anni and Bajuvarians (Baioarians , Bavarians). W e m ay, however , c ons ide r these true H o ch D eu tsch peoples asm o re deeply affected by c ontact W ith R o m e thanany o the r part o f the G ernianrace . T he h isto ry o f these peop les is alm o st a blank between the

TH E S CA N D I N A VIAN C O H N TE /E S . 2 5

We im agine the S candinavian lands proper as deso latebeyond alm o st all Other lands of E u rope i n th i s rem o te past .And yet T ac i tu s speak s o f them as r ich inarm s and ships andm en. With regard to the sh ips there i s no doubt he i s right .T here m u s t have exi sted in the Bal t ic c ountries from m o s tant iqu e days

,c ertainly for as m uch as five hundred years befo re

T ac itus s day an art of ship -bu i lding. For on c ertain stonecarvings—nc’illrzstingar, h i l l - carvings , as they are cal ledfound in Sweden and inD enm ark

,we have p ic tures of ships ;

and the pic tu re s here presented m u s t date from at least half am i l lenium befo re T ac i tu s wrote .

I T he boats there shown, asfar as we canj udge o f them

,nearly answe r to the descriptions

by T ac i tu s of the boats in u se on the Bal ti c i n h i s day ; andc u riously enough they co rrespond very c lo se ly to the bu i ld o f

boats i n use am ong the V ikings m any centu ries later . O nly

that T aci tu s tel l s us one fact, which di st ingu i shes i n a m arked

degree the S candinavian ships of hi s age from the V iking sh ips—name ly

,that they had no sai l s . O f the V ik ing ships we wi ll

speak agai n at the proper place .

T hat the Bal t ic countries were once rich i n arms we m ightjudge from the rem ain s of the Bronze Age in these countries .

For i n no o ther part of E u rope do we find such beau t ifu l

bronze weapons as in D enm ark and S ou th S weden—unless i tbe inthose prehi sto ric ci ties and treasu re-hou ses of the Greek

race, which recent excavat ions have brought to l ight—the ex

cavations at I l ium,I m ean

,or T i ryns ?

In the se two part icu lars,therefore

,T acitus

’s alm o st so l i tary

tim e o f the i r inco rpo rationor sem i - inco rpo rationinto the Frank ish k ingdomat the end of the fifth centu ry , and of the labou rs am ong them o f Boniface ,at the beginning of the eighth centu ry.

I Montelius , C iv iliz ationof S wea’en (Wood), pp. 73

—5.

2 T he l ikeness betweenthe S candinav ianbronz es and these pre -H e l lenicones has beennoticed. It is d ifficu lt to say what conc lusions, if any, areto be drawnfrom th is fact, cf . Aaréog for N ora

’isé 1882 , p.

2 79 sag. (S . Mul ler).

2 6 H E A TH E N D OM

i tem of info rm ation abou t the S candinavian lands seem s con

fi rm ed . T he th i rd s tatem ent, that they were r ich i n m en,is the

hardest to give c redenc e to . Yet one fact, at any rate, m ay be

al leged insuppo rt o f i t : am ong tho se powerfu l Germ an nat ionalities which becam e the overth rowers of the R om an E m pi re ,the greater num ber kept the t radi t ion o f a migrat ion by the ir

forefath ers from the S candinavian peni nsu la to the m ainland of

E u rope . T he Go ths had th i s belief. We know how they and

the Gepidae were suppo sed to have co m e over in three keel s

(O strogo ths, V i s igo ths , and Gepidae), to the m ou th of the

V i s tu la—tho se three keel s wh ich unfo rtunate ly figure inm any

a T eutonic m igrat ion m yth, our ownam ong the nu m ber. T he

Lom bards , too , bel ieved that they had com e from S candinavia?Jo rdanes had the sam e bel ief as T ac i tu s abou t the prolificness

of the S candinavian land . H e cal l s i t (the‘ i sland ’

of S canz ia)‘the wo rkshop of races ,

’ofi cina gentium sive vagina nationum .

All th i s po ints to a c om m onbel ief i n the teeming so i l of S can

dinavia,which T aci tu s only retai l s .

T hat the bel ief was founded onfact I do not m ean‘

t fiv

m ain

tain? It m ay have had i ts ri se i n m ytho logy . T here m ay

have been som e pecu l iar sac redness attach ing to the S candi

navian ‘ i sland ,’or som e special m yth connec ted with it

,wh ich

m ade i t the o rigin of the fi rst hum an pai r,i n the same sense

that that sac red grove o f the S em nones was the b irthplace of

Wuotan. O ld T eu tonic bel ief related how three of the great

gods,walking through the wo rld

,had found two trees or two

T hese nam es do not nearly exhaust the l ist o f T eu tonic national ities ,whose trad itions po inted to a S cand inavian o r ig in. Penka ( H erkunfto’er Arier, p . 14 2 ) gives anexhaustive l ist o f them . It inc ludes the nam es

o f the G oths, G ep idae , H eru l i , Lom bards, Angl i and S axones, Franks ,Bu rgund ians , V andals , &c . S om e nations , e.g. , the C im bri and T eu tones,canonly b e traced as far back as to the C im bric C hersonese . T he D anes,onthe i r side , p robably m igrated to D enm ark from the south of Sweden.

3 S ee below , p . 30 , note 2.

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2 8 H E A TH E N D OM .

new and higher l ife . Whenvery old he was carried down and

placed onc e m o re in the boat which had bo rne him to tho se

shores ,‘by no less gifts acc om panied than when a ch ild he

had com e th i ther ,’m en knew no t whence . T h i s is what our

poem Beo’

wulf tells us o f h i s end?I trust I shal l not be ac cu sed of extravagance if I su rm i se

in th i s h isto ry of S ceat som e rem i n i sc ence of a c u l tu re brough t

to the Bal t ic from Greece or from R om e i n preh is to ric age s .

It m ay be that som e new kind o f c o rn was introduc ed into

the no rth then i t i s far from im probable that the sh ips wh ich

m ade the i r way down the V i s tu la to the Bal t ic were the fi rs t

s h ips—as d ist ingu i shed from rude cano es—which ever pl ied in

that sea. And the unm i stakable resem blance be tween som e

o f the prehi sto ric bronze weapons of Greece and the BronzeAge weapons of S candinavia m ight suggest that these weapons

were tho se onwh ich the S heaf was sleeping when he cam e to

the far no rth?

O r, to pu t the m atter m o re plai nly, suppo se Greek wande rers

to have com e no rthward to see what they cou ld pic-

le ap in the

way o f trade . S uppo se them to have brought wi th them a

sheaf or sheaves of c o rn never seen i n tho se parts befo re,and

along with th em weapons o f new kinds how eas i ly m i ght this

h i story tu rn into the legend of the m ysteriou s be ing S c eaf

carried in a boat,sleep ing upon hi s arm s .

I do not m ean that the T rip to lem u s m yth was nec essari ly

c arried no rth . In fac t,I scarc el y th ink that that c ou ld have

been the case . For how wou ld the dragon- drawn c hario t havebeenc onverted in to a sh ip ? Yet even th i s i s po ss ible ; it i sju st po s s ible that the D ragon

- sh i p had i ts o rigin i n the sh ip of

S c eaf. T he boats o f the lia'

llristningar are shaped l ike the

V iking sh ips . T hey have the sam e long cu rved stem s and

I . e. , of S cyl d’

s end. S ee previou s note.

2 S ee , howeve r , above p . 2 5, note2

.

S C E AF. 2 9

stern-po sts which seem ed to i nvi te the boat bu i lders o f the

V ik ing days to carve them into the l ik eness of a dragon or

worm ?

T hi s,I know

,i s mere specu lat ion . What rem ains i s th i s

m yth of S c eaf—the boat—bo rne, the father of m en(H eim daIP),or at the leas t the fathe r o f a new c i v i l i zat ion. H is m yth , hi s

wo rship,if he ever were actual ly a god, canno t be unc onnected

wi th the wo rsh ip of the D em eter of the N o rth,the E arth

Mo th er who was brought from som e i sland of the Bal t ic to bebo rne around among her wo rsh ippers inGerm any . And therei s,I th ink

,enough in th i s m yth—taken in connect ion w i th

T ac itus’s account of N erthus—to explai n the be l ief cu rrent

am ong s o m any of the great T eu tonic nat ions that they hadsprung from S candinavia ?

T hi s bel ief,whatever i ts o rigin, gives, i t wi l l be acknow ledged

a special interest to the S candinavian c ountries, evenfrom the

days when we fi rs t catch sigh t of them . Long befo re the i r

inhabitants ac tual ly com e i nto the fiel d as the las t cham pions

o f heathendom ,they stand at the background of the neare r

T eu tons a dark and m ysteriou s background,giving

,if I m ay

say so,a so rt of rel igiou s sanc t ion to the i r exi stence . T he

T eu tons d id no t really all spring from S candinavia. But theythought they had done so ; they thought they had c om e from

x T he wo rd D raki (D ragon) our drake in‘fire - drake was espec ial ly usedinthe no rth in connectionwith sh ips (see V igfusson

’s D ic t . s . v . D raki).

I t is extrem e ly antique in sp ite o f its undoubted foreigno r iginfrom a’raco

or dpaxwv .

T he kgllristningar sh ips are , m o reover , evenm o re l ike G reek or R om angal leys than the later sh ips of wh i ch rem ains are found in S cand inavia.

T hey are , m any of them , for instance , fu rnished with ram s.

2 I wi l l rem ark fu rthe r that there appears, general ly , to have beensom eth ing sac red about an island in the eyes of the S cand inavians : thatpeace

-steaa’s we re frequently m ade on islands ; that the sac red character o f

the island was the o rigin o f the Izolm -

gang, and of the exceptional lynum erous treasu res found uponsom e o f the S cand inavian islands

, e .g. , onBo rnho lm , O land , and G o ttland .

30 H E A TH E N D O M .

the bo rders o f that sluggi sh sea which girdled and enc lo sed the

who le earth . In som e way that we canno t qu i te unders tand

thi s bel ief was founded upon the i r re l igiou s c reed .

O nc e m ore,c ons idering the m at ter in ano ther l i ght , we m ay

divide the Germ an races into four divi s ions . We begin w i th

tho se people of the south and the people wes t of the R hine

who were abso rbed into the R om an E m p ire, or cam e into

peaceable c ontact w i th i t and accepted m uch of i t s c i v i l ization.

We c om e next to the people eas t of the R hine,the nat ions of

the T aunu s,of the T eu toberger Wal d and the H arz

,who

res i sted the advance of the R om an arm s and robbed R om e of

her conqu ests ? T hen we com e to the people of the vast

sandy plains sou th o f the Balt ic , who ,next after the Franks,

were fo rem o st inthe great era of invas ion , whenGerm any was

aggress ive and no longer on the defens ive m ere ly . Final ly,

we reach the S candinavian lands from which cam e the second

great arm y of conques t by heath endom over C hri stendom .

All fou r sec t ions were o f essent ial ly the sam e race ; i ndeed

that d iv is ion o f speech ou t of wh ich the present var iou s

branches of the T eu tonic fam i ly are fo rmed (the Lam rsckz'

e

éung as the gram m ar ians cal l i t) only began to take plac eabou t the C h ri st ian era. We canno t doubt that the fundam ental c reed of all these people was l ikew i se essential ly thesam e for all. What was th i s fundam ental creed or

,at any rate ,

what the distinc t ive features of i t ? i s a qu es t ionwhich interes ts

us part ic ularly . For the battle between H eathendom and

C hri stendom was waged in all ways and with all manner of

weapons,m aterial and sp ir i tual ?

T hese wou ld be chiefly the ancesto rs , at any rate the fo rerunners , o f theT hu ringians, the Franks , and the H essians (C hatti). T he last were inc ludedinthe Frank ish nationality .

2 Inregard to the supposed S cand inav iano rig inof the T eutonic nations ,to wh ich refe rence has been m ade above

, we ought no t to leave ou t o f

account the new theo ry of A ryan o rig ins wh ich has been deve loped with

S CAN D IN A VIAN O R I G IN S . 3 1

m uch learning and ingenu ity by D r. Poesche , and by D r. K . Penka in histwo books , O rig'ines A riaca ,

and D ie [Jerkunft a’er Arier (T hough

one title reads l ike a translationof the o ther , they are two separate wo rks .)Acco rd ing to this theo ry, not the G erm anraces alone , but the who le Aryanstock has had its o rigin on the S cand inavian peninsu la. It is im possiblehere to discuss that theo ry at length , or evento explain its p rovisions . It

is not qu ite co rrec t to say that D r. Penka supposes the who le A ryanstockto have m igrated from the extrem e no rth . T he Indo -E u ropeanrace itse lf,he supposes to be a m ixed one , half S cand inav ian and do l ichocephalous,half T u ranian and brachycephalou s, whose am algam ationdates from ve ryrem ote preh isto r ic tim es bu t he suggests that the language o f the Aryanso riginal ly be longed to the do l ichocephalous fai r race o f the S cand inavianpeninsu la. T he race is supposed to have com e into ex istence under subglac ial cond itions , to wh ich its fai r type is due , and at the te rm inationo f

the glac ial era to have m igrated no rthward , ino rder to keep to a c l im atem o re congenial to its physiqu e . InS cand inav ia alone , it is said , have we ,inthe k itchen-m iddens, hum anrem ains wh ich bridge over the gap betweenthe palaeo lith ic and neo l ith ic eras. T he theo ry is ingenious ; I do no tp rofess to be able to gauge its probabi l ity . Bu t there are very obviousd ifficu lties in the way of its acceptance ; and am ong those who are no tspec ial ists orwho do not (as Mr. Freem anhas happi ly said) th ink i t is the

he ight o f learning to accept the last new G erm an book , i t wi l l probablywai t som e tim e for acceptance .

It is scarce ly , I p resum e,necessary to po int ou t to the reader that th is

theo ry has, no m o re than any of the observations m ade onp . 2 1 , abo ve ,conce rning the essential unity o f the national ities o f the Baltic sho res andof the no rthern p lains of G e rm any , no thing to do with the theo ries putfo rward inMr. D u C haillu

’

s recent wo rk , and im pl ied in the title : Tk eV iking Age ; tke E arly H istory , Illanners , and C u stom s of Ike Ancestorsof Ike E nglisk -speaking N ations.

C H APT E R II .

TH E C R E E D OF H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y.

C H R IST IAN ITY passed through three stages onher road to the

c’

onquest of E u rope . From be i ng anoffshoo t of Judai sm ,she

becam e the rel igion of the‘Gent i les,

’ that i s to say, o f the

peoples fo rm ed m ainly by G raeco -R om an cu l tu re : then she

extended her em pire over the heathens . T he second stagealone of these three i s c learly i llum inated for us . O f the

C hri s tian com m un i ty—C hrist ian C hu rch if you like‘

r

to/

call i t

so—while i t was stil l Judaic under the pres idency of Peter andJam es, o f i ts quarrel s wi th Pau l ine C hri st ian ity, we get a hint

only,no clear idea. Bu t of the ac ts of Pau l and hi s wri t ings

,

o f the acts and wri t ings of the su c ceeding all drawnfrom the G raeco -R om an wo rld

,we have abundant rem ai ns . O n

entering the th ird s tage darkness again fal l s round us. We

have in real i ty but a very sl igh t and fragm entary his to ry ofthe c ontests between C hri st ian ity and heatheni sm

,of the

fai lures and successes o f the fo rgo tten arm y of m i s s ionarieswho went out to convert the T eu tonic races . And we are

w i thou t that which alone cou l d give fu l l m eaning to suchac counts as we po ssess

,a pic ture of the creed on wh ich

C hri stiani ty m ade war.

S TR A Y G LIMP S E S O F A N C IE N T BE LIE FS . 33

We re i t onl y po ss ible to rec over i n the i r ent ire ty the bel iefs o f

our heath enfo refathers But th i s i s for eve r im po ss ible . We

m u st c ontent ou rse lves wi th stray gl im pses of i t ; som e (verysl ight ones) i n the page s of class ical wr iters ; som e o thers

recovered from the reco rded creed o f one branch of the

T eu tonic nat ioni n a later age . T hi s c reed , though i t is so much

later i n date,m u s t preserve som e e lem ents of great antiqu i ty .

In addit ion we know,and i t i s a great th ing to know, the

character of the land i n which the anc i ent Germ ans l ived afid

we know som e th ing of the l ife they l ived there i n anc ient

days,befo re the spi ri t o f movem ent had begun to breathe

through all the G erm an races,and to inaugu rate that epoch of

Wander ing which preluded the fal l of R om e .

At the pre sent day if we wi sh to find a country,a di s

trict,w rapped round in a garm ent of m yth ; if we wish to

see landscapes , churches , old m ano r - hou ses,ananc ient tree , a

so l i tary m ere , touched and gi lded by that Akerglaube which i s ,as Goethe says , the poetry of l ife , we shal l not tu rnto the bu sy

changing inhabi tants o f the ne i ghbouring town,who have heaid

and fo rgo tten a hundred tales of wonder ; but to the peopleo f the nearest v i llages, who have l ived in them from father toson

,who have treasured up w i th m uch slower apprehension ,

but far m o re fai thfu l m em o ries,the m ytho logy of the place ,

unt i l i t has grown into the ir l ives and form ed

e ine K etteD er tiefstenW irkung.

For a l ike reason it canno t have been in the power eitherof the Germ ans of the early Wanderings

,or of tho se northern

pirates,part of whose hi sto ry i s our spec ial conc ern here

,to

have i nvented the e ssent ial bel iefs o f T eu toni sm . T hey were ,in tru th

,th ings incapable o f invention by any one

,as we

4

34 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y.

understand that wo rd bu t bel iefs which grew up by a natu ral

process out o f the ancestral l ife of the T eu tons and all i t s

su rroundings .

H owever m uch the s tand-po int of tho se who looked from

ou ts ide into the heathen lands m ay have differed from the

stand-po int of the inhabi tants , the character of the countries

them selves rem ained the sam e for bo th . It was accident and

the popu lar superst i t ion of the Gau l s wh ich converted C ale

donia into a land of gho st s . But for all that C aledon ia was

then what i t st i l l i s , s tern and w i ld,gi rt by the m elancho ly

ocean,and for all that m encou ld know in tho se days , at the

ou ter extrem i ty o f the who le wo rld . S o w i th Germany-or the Germ anies

,inc luding the S candinavian lands

T acitus’

s desc ript ion, dank and gloom y,’appl ied to them all.

H is p ic tu re of the Germ ans dwell ing apart ‘by stream , or grove ,or plo t o f open ground

,

’m igh t serve bes t for the Germ ans near

the R hine or in the broken country eastward as far as the

T hu ringian fo res t and the H arz . But the vast unfruitfiil

plains o f N o rth Germ any com pe l led m ento l ive apart for the

sake of su stenance . T here was less of cho ice here,be?mo re

of necessi ty.All these lands m u s t have been densely wooded . T he enti re

country knownto the R om ans certai nly was so . Inthe c entreand south lay the boundless H ercyn ian fo rest

,which stretched

beyond the regions where even stray m erchants and travel lershad penetrated . It threw out a wing no rthward to inc ludethe T eutoberger fo rest , V aru s

’s fatal wood,the T huringian

fo rest, and the C heruscanH arz (Mons M elibacus), a wing sou thwest to take in the present B lack Fo rest

,the S ilva M arciano

of R om an days . Withou t doubt the plains im m ediate ly to

the sou th o f the Bal t ic were not less thickly overshadowedby prim eval woods . T he C im bric C hersonese was dense lycovered . C enturie s later the coasts alone of the S candinavian

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36 C R E E D O F .H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y.

wherever there i s room enough , we see som eth in g resembl ing

m uch mo re the prim i t i ve vi llage o f the T eu tons, hou ses do tted

abou t far apart over a considerable plai n . T o day th i s area i s

general ly a clearing. But fo res t v i llages are s t i l l to be found .

In these one hou se canoftensee none of i ts neighbours each

one has i t s ownsm al l patch o f c u l t ivated ground .

Am ong the variou s hou seho lds o f the vi llage the land was

distribu ted in su ch a m anner that we m ay div ide i t s po rt ions

into three—the al lo tm ent, the farm ,and the c om m on . S om e

people wil l have i t that the pr inc iples of land tenu re too

reso lved them sel ves into three—private,

com m unal,

and

com mon : mean ing by com m unal land that held by the c om

m uni ty as a who le, and not i n pri vate ownersh ip,and red is

tr ibu ted each year, or at s tated t im es , by au tho ri ty of the vi llage

c ounci l—counc i l of e lderm en , alderm en,or whatever i t might

be cal led . T hi s theory of the farm land he ld as c om m unal

land is at the leas t doubtfu l ? Bu t what i s no t doubtfu l i s that

bes ide the private al lo tm ent be longing to each hou se or hou seho ld

,bes ide the portion o f farm - land wh ich was held\by each

hou seho l d bu t not held under qu i te so good a t i tle,there was

the large distric t of c om mon,or rough pas tu re, as it was som e

t im es cal led,inwhich no i nd ividual r ights exi s ted . Incountries

where the squ i rre l c o u ld trave l for leagu es wi thou t tou ch ing theground, the com m on o f the v i llage m u st have been m erely that

port ion of the fores t ove r which the com m uni ty c laim ed as a

body settlers’ rights . T he nearer po rtions o f the fo res t were nodoubt u sed by the vi l lagers for feeding the i r catt le and swine .

But there was beyond them a m o re deso late trac t wh ich servedto separate the village from i t sne ighhours

? And when a num ber

1 I have not attem pted to enter the tho rny path of controversy on the

subject of the so -cal led ‘V i l lage C om m unity .

’I have m ere ly fo l lowed

Waitz . Veryfassungsg

‘

esck . i. 93 sag.

2 T h is cam e to be the true fo rest of feudal tim es .

TH E V ILLA G E AN D TH E G A U. 37

of vi l lages were inhab ited by m em bers of the sam e t ribe,a

who le group of them,fo rm ing what the Lat inwri ters cal led a

pagus, and the Germ ans them sel ves cal led a G au , was divided

from the ne ighbou ring G au by a st i l l w ider and m o re im pene

trahle be l t o f fo res t . For the G au was the tr ibe, the em bryo state ;and C aesar te l l s us that i t was a po i nt of honou r w i th eac h

German state to have as w i de a trac t of uncu l t ivated land as

po ssible between i tself and i ts next ne ighbou rs ?

T hi s su rrounding bel t of wood,th i s gloom y and waste

region, inthe near part of which the anc ient Germ anvil lagerstethered the i r cattle or herded the i r p igs , and i n the farther

recesses hunted w i ld gam e, had a spec ial nam e i n the so c ial

econom y o f the T eu ton s . It was cal led the M ark. As each

vi llage had i t s ownm ark,so had

,i n a wider sense

,each country

or nat ion. When the t i ny em bryo s of com m onwealths, the Gau s

expanded into states , the m arks,too

,grew in im portance, and

becam e great terr i to rial d ivi s ions , t i l l out of them new countries

were i n the i r tu rn m ade such was o ur Mercia (Myrcna) suchthe m arches betweenE ngland andWales ; D enm aik

, the D anes’

m ark (the sou th of Ju t land o rig inal ly) La. Marque, whichafterwards separated that c ountry from Germany and the LowC ountries the Wendi sh Mark orMark of Brandenbu rg

,wh ich

d ivided Germ any from the S lavonic lands . T he guardians of

the m ark were tu rned into m arqu i ses , m archios,m arkgrafs . At

the beginning these guard ians were only the chief warriors of

the tribe ; they had o ften (we m ay bel ieve) the ir home i n the

waste, and stood there as watchm en between the vi l lage and theres t of the wo rld

,so that none m ight com e to the vil lage if

they cam e to do i t harm . T hese were par excellence the warrio rso f the tr ibe

,and i n som e degree they c onst i tu ted a class apart .

But let us rem em ber that the wo rd Mark,which we th ink of

1 B . G . iv . 3 .

38 C R E E D OF H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y.

as the boundary between two po ss ibly ho st i le states,has ety

m ologically, and therefo re had o riginal ly,no o ther m eaning

thanforest?

We can bes t understand the i ncidents of warfare waged by

m o re c i vi l ized peoples against the Germ ans of Germ any,the

inc idents of the cam paigns of D ru su s and T iberiu s,o f Marc u s

Au re l iu s,o f Grat ian or Ju l ian

,or

,agai n

,of C harlem agne’s

cam pai gns agai nst the S axons,if we remem ber that there

m u st have been a di st inct ion between the o rd inary vil lagers, them o re peaceful fo lk who cu l t ivated the clearings near at hand ,and the m en of the m ark

,the warrio rs who dwe l t i n the sur

rounding fo res t, who when they were not engaged in war wereprobably hunters m ere ly . T here wou ld be a certai n lu rking

su sp icion or latent antagoni sm between the vi llage hou seho lde r

and the mark warr io r,analogou s to the antagoni sm which ex isted

be tween the Frankl in and the T hane at a late r day. N o

doubt from the markmen cam e the band of Gesel len—C om ites

the Lat i n wri ters call them—who attached them se lves to the

person of the king or general,and shared hi s fo rtunes. If the

leader skoula’ des i re to reward these fo l lowers of hisd fy anygrant of land (though such reward was except ional that g ift

mu st have come from the su rrounding fo res t it cou ld not becarved out of the vi l lage c om m uni ty itself. 3 T hu s m ight ari se

a certain aloofnes s from civi l v i l lage l ife on the par t of the

Gese llen,the pro to types of the T hanes. T hey were, i t m ay be,

to a great extent unm arried m en they had given few pledges

to fortune ; they had not (general ly) acres to be tram pled

1 S o G rim m , D eu tscke Illy tkol. 4th ed. ,p. 56. Fick is not so c lear ,Verg . Wéclz . ii. 4 34 . T he u se of the wo rd m ark to signify a v i l lagecom m uni ty has no au tho rity in its favou r .

2 T he C om ites , we know , ate at the i r leader’s table, and for pay they gotarm s or o rnam ents—pe rsonalty—th ings for personal wear or use .

3 O n the k ing’

s r ights in th is uncu ltivated terri to ry , and afterwards inthe m ark of any new terr ito ry see VVaItz , V erfassungsg

'

. iv . 1 16.

TH E MAR K . 39

upon, fru i t- trees to be c ut down, graneries to be bu rned. T he

vi llage rs m ight,if they cho se, give i n to the conquero r. Bu t

the prince and hi s comrades had escaped , had h idden them

se lves in deep woods and m orasses, and wou ld retu rn and

ravage the enemies’ country agai n next year . T h i s i s the

h istory of m o st of the operat ions against the Germ ans,no tably

of tho se of C harles the Great agai nst the Saxons and against

Widukind .

T he mark or fo rest which fo rmed a sort of neutral terri to rybetween two vi llages or two Gaue wou ld serve as the m ee t ingpo int between them ; for the sam e reason that du ring the

M i ddle Ages m eetings of r ival powers were constantly heldupon an island or on a boat i n the m i ddle of a stream , as

i n the case of the island at R unnym ead for one exam ple,or

,

for ano ther, that earl iest of treat ies m ade between R omansand T eutons

,the treatv s igned by Athanaric the V is igo th

and the E m pero r V alens,where the contrac ting parties m et

in a boat upon the D anube ; 1 or agai n on the sam e principlewhereby a duel between N orsem enalways took place upon an

i sland,a fac t which earned for the duel the nam e of kolmgang.

What an i sland was in the m idst o f a boundary r iver, such

wou ld anopen glade be in the m idst of the boundary mark .

At the m eet ings which took place there in no doubt the

sanc t ions o f re l igion were cal led into request,and the glade

i n the fo rest, or the grove clo se bes ide it, a p lace not often

vi s ited,came to be a sacred place.

II .

T he Germ ans are described as bu i ld ing no fanes , making noim age s for wo rsh ip , bu t in th e i r fo rest rec e sses c al l ing uponthe Unseen Presence (secretu /n illucl), which they honou red

1 Am m ian. Marc .,xxv11. 5, 9.

40 C R E E D OF H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y.

by the name of variou s gods (or by variou s nam es)? T he

wo rd for grove i s in m any T eu ton ic languages a convert iblewo rd wi th temple :

2 th i s fac t prove s,bet te r than a thou sand

exam ples,how ent irely the rel igion of the Germ ans was bound

up w i th the i r fo rest l ife . Grim m says Individual gods m ay

have had th e i r dwel l i ngs onm ountai n - tops or i n ro cky caverns,

but the un iversal wo rsh ip o f the people found its home i n thegrove .

’

From a wri ter of the eleventh centu ry we have a preciousfragm ent of ancient bel ief—the desc ription o f a sacred grove

i n Sweden wh i le S weden was s t i l l heathen . T h i s grove was at

the m o st sac red spo t i n all the S candinavian pen insula, Upsala,

which has i nheri ted (one m ight say) i t s b i shopric and uni ver

sity of to day from the sac red grove o f heathendom . E veryni nth year

,

’ says our au tho ri ty (Adam of Brem en),‘a festival

i s celebrated at th i s place by all the provinces of Sweden and

from taking som e par t i n it none is exem pt. K ing and people

al ike m u st send gifts ; and even tho se who have em brac ed

C hri st ian i ty are not al lowed to buy them selves free from

at tendance . T he m anner of the sacrifice i s th i s : n ine o f

each kind of l iving th ing i s o ffered,and by the i r blood the

gods are wont to be appeased . T he bodies are hung in the

grove wh ich su rrounds the temple .

’S o that the S wede s di d

bu i ld tem ple s at th i s date . But our au tho r te l l s us fu rther :‘T he grove i tself is thought so sacred that s ingle t rees i n i t

are acc o unted a kind of gods, to the extent of rece iv ing

sacrifices of v ict im s . T here hang the bodies o f dogs and

m en al ike to the num ber, as som e C hri st ians have assu red

m e,o f seventy -two 3 toge ther."t

1 G erm ania , c . 9 .

3 G r im m , D eu tscke Mytkol. , 4th ed. , p . 54 ; N acktrag, p . 32 .

3 I . e. , nine tim es e ight .4 M. Adam i D escrifit. insu lar. aqu il. 2 7 (Pertz , V ll .

S A C R E D TR E E S . 4 1

T he last i tem i n th i s p ic tu re seem s to glance back to a very

prim i t ive worsh ip , not so m uch a cu l tu s of the secretpresence i n

the grove, rather'

to a m ere fet ich-wo rsh ip of i ndividual trees

and no doubt thi s elem ent d id m ingle with a higher and mo reim aginat i ve fai th .

Fu rther rel ic s of th i s prim i t ive fetich -wo rsh ip,so to cal l it,

are to be found in the reco rds, wh ich are num erou s enough,

of sac red trees,sac red oaks espec ial ly, am ong the heathen

T eu tons , as among the C e lts . T he few detai l s wh ich havec om e down to us o f C hrist ian m i ss ionary labou rs am ong theheathenGerm ans speak o ften of the fel l ing by the C hri st ians

of these trees ; some t im es a chu rch was erected upon the i rs i te . T he mos t typical o f these i nstances, the fel l ing of the

so -cal led Jupiter’s O ak (T hor’

s O ak) at G aesm era (Ge i sm ar inH esse), we shal l speak of again in the next chapter .T here were i n addi t ion the sac red trees—for they must have

been sac red—under wh ich the German people m et to ho ldcounci l . E ach vi llage had once i t s own sacred tree, the

pro to type o f the May-po le—in som e degree the proto type

too of our C hri stm as - trees . May-po les are prac tically ex

t inc t wi th us ; nowhere, I bel ieve, are they fixtu res now as

was ‘the May

-po le in the S trand ’a century ago . But in

very many vi l lages in Germany they are fixtu res ; nay, inm any cases they are growing trees

,tal l p ines wh ich have

been stripped of all the i r lower branches . T he sac red vi llagetree wou ld be the place o f assem blage of the vi llage counc i l .I im agine it standing a l i ttle way apart from any of the housesfor i t had ano ther duty to perfo rm . It was the tree o f

j udgm ent . V i ct ims, i ncluding hum an ones,as we have seen

,

wou ld be requ i red for offerings to the tree-fet ich ? For

1 S tato tempore in silvam coeunt, casogu e puklice kom ine(T acitus, l.c. T hese rem arks assum e the ex istence of a vil lage counc i l .T here is for tim es near to the h isto r ical no trace of v i l lage counc i ls exerc ising

4 2 C R E E D OF H E A TH E N G E R TIIAN Y.

the human vict im s capt ives of war wou ld serve i n an age

which had grown too m erc ifu l for the sacrifice of i t s own

tr ibesm en; or,fai l ing pri soners of war

,there wou ld be

criminal s ; tho se, for exam ple,who had been trai to rs to

the i r own t ribe or had deserted to the enem y—proa’itoreset tran.gfztga

1—tho se who had m ade them se lves ou tlaws , andso no longer mem bers of the c om m uni ty

,wou ld be the natu ral

and appropriate vic t im s . And they are they to whom the

T eu tons dec reed the puni shm ent o f hanging.

Varg—tre’ (Wo lf- tree)—that i s to say, ou tlaws- tree—i s one of

the m o st u sual nam es for gal lows i n the O ld N orse poetry .

N ow,let us rem ember what T ac i tu s te l l s us , nam ely

,that to

the ch ief god of the Germ ans,to Wodin alone

,were hum an

sac rifices offered? and we see that the gal lows - tree, which

was l ikew i se the sacred tree o f the vi l lage, m u st have been

dedicated special ly to Wodin (Wuotan). T o the lower m i nds,then, and i n earl ier days, the sac red tree was the vi llage fet ich

but to the higher m i nds or at a later t im e i t was m erelyWodin’s

tree, the sym bo l o f the unseensuprem e god.

T his is, I im agine,why i n the E ddie mytho logy thegaiiows

tree i s cal led Ygg’s- horse—Wodin

’

s ho rse (Yggdras i l); and whyth i s sam e Yggclrasil i s the sacred tree of the who le wo rld

,

which,o f cou rse, m eans no m o re than that a p ic tu re drawn

from the s ingle vi llage or tribe- stead has been expanded to

serve for the who le wo rld,a m acroco sm o s created out of a

m icroco smo s . I dare say that the im po rtance o f th i s world

tree is he ightened in the E ddas through the i nfluence of

the jud icial functions wh ich wou ld be necessary to provide v ictim s for the

fetich -tree (Waitz,

I do no t m ean,therefo re , that at any tim e

prox im ate to an h isto rical era su ch sac rific e of hum anv ictim s to the sac redtree took place ineach v i l lage . But it began in single v i l lages, only late rwas confined to groves particu lar ly sacred . C om pare Lat. tribus, G erm .

1 G erm ania, 1 2 .

1

9 .

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44 C R E E D OF H E A TH E N G E RMAN Y.

and deeper i n the fo res t , the hou ses reserved for the m archm en

,the guard ians of the waste . We see the e lders of the

village withdraw ing onone s ide to sit under some sacred treeor near som e ho ly grove . T hither each m ember

,of the com

m uni ty brings at s tated t im es h i s o ffering—A savage place,as

ho ly and enchanted as cou l d m ake it long ages o f past wo rsh ip ,and dreadfu l sacrifices witnessed from then to now

,and

preserved in m em o ry by the skeletons of the v ict im s hanging

in the grove,whitening its darkness .

When Germ anic u s m ade h i s at tack upon the C hat t i i n theT eutobergerWald

,and by a v i cto ry wiped out the shame o f

the defeat of V arus,he found the sku l l s of the R om an vic t im s

fixed to the t rees , and the R om an eagles which Arminiu s had

su spended in the groves to the gods of hi s fathers ?

We read not seldom in mediaeval romance of som e cruel

and beautifu l m aiden—a Me lu s i na or some o ther—who selovers had to pay with the i r l ives the penal ty o f trying to

win her. S om et imes the cou rt round her castle i s fi l led

with the i r b leaching bones ? T he sto ry itself is as old as the

world alm o st. But th i s part icular form of it reproduces the

picture of the dreadfu l grove of the T eu tons,and the m aiden

of the m yth i s not unconnec ted,I deem , with the priestesses

o fWodin. We shal l see so much hereafter.

We have only to widen the pictu re which we have drawn of

the ancient T eu ton vi llage, leaving out some lesse r detai l s , to

get a no t ion o f the who le s tate and i t s c reed,its co sm o logical

concept ion,

’as i t i s called i n ph i lo sophy

,and i t s c onception

of the supernatural envi ronm ent of l i fe . In the place of the

1 T ac itus, Ann. , 1. 59 ; cf . also 61 . In 11. 12 a grove is spoken o f as

dedicate to T ho r (H e rc u les).1 E .g. ,

K ing R u tker.

WO D IN . 45

sacred vil lage tree we should get one which was honouredby the who le c om m uni ty as was the Irm insul am ong the S axon

Angrarii, or the Ge i sm ar oak am ong the H ess ians . For the

sac red grove near the vi l lage we shou ld get a grove hel d sac red

by the who le country, such as the groves i n which stood the

trees ju st spoken of,or the grove of the S em nones

,or that in

which N erthu s dwelt, or the grove at U psala. But the local

fe tich -wo rsh ip wou ld somewhat fal l i nto the background and

the m o re Spiritual wo rsh ip of the people as a who le would

em erge . And thu s all the great gods of the T eu tonic pantheon

wou ld c om e befo re our eyes .

If the anc ient Germ ans bu i lt no fanes the grove served them

as a tem ple ; if they made no im ages of the ir gods,the indi

v idual tree s often served them , asAdam of Bremen witnesses,for

vi s i ble and tangible gods . S t i l l, there was a m o re imaginat ives ide to the i r c reed . T here was a Great G od who was not of

the fet ich kind . H e was, says T ac i tus, a‘ sacred presence ’

only. Was he ? It is hard to bel ieve i n so great a step asfrom the wo rship of individual trees to the worsh ip of a

be ing unseen,unfe l t

,wkolly apart from phys ical phenomena.

S om e of the Germ ans m ay have been capable of that,bu t

su re ly not all,not m any . T he Great G od whom we know as

Wodin, O din, 1 mu s t have drawn someth ing from h i s su rround

ings . Why was his presence reserved so pecu l iarly for the

grove ? Grant ing he was unseen , he m ay yet have been fel t .Withou t doubt h i s presence was expressed by the thou sandm ysteriou s sounds and breaths of the fo res t , but m o st of allby the w ind

,which is the fo res t’s very e ssence or sp ir i t.

We have been th ink ing at pre sent of the western s ide 0

'

1 T he Lom bard ic nam e is G wodan (Pau l . , D iac . , i. the S axon,W oden (Form a Abrenunt. in Pertz ’

s Leges , i. , and Me rsebu rg Fo rm u la) ;the Engl ish , Wod in(S axon C liroiz icle) the S cand inav ian, O d in. As the

E ngl ish fo rm is the m o st fam i l iar , it wi l l be the one em p loyed he reafter.

46 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y.

Germ any,o f tho se fo rest s wh i ch had known the pre sence

o f R om an so ldiers,where Germ anicu s had found the bones

o f slai n legionaries whi tening on the trees . As we passedfrom th i s region to the east and no rth

,towards the Bal t i c

sho res,we shou l d exc h ange the m i xed fo re sts of hard wood

and fi rs for fo res ts wh ich were alm o st ent i rely ‘blac k

i.e .

,o f fi r or pine . For the sandy so i l of N o rth Germ any wi l l

scarc ely suppo rt a hardier and tardier grow th . If the bi rthplac eo f Wodin real ly were near the m odern S preewal d, then that

birth m u st have taken plac e i n a black fo rest .If in these days we wish to feel the m yst ic presence of the

Great G od o f the Germ ans,we m u s t do as our wo rsh ipping

fo refathers did , wi thdraw from the c oncou rse of m en, find ou t

som e fo rest so l i tude , and wai t there . Let i t be,if you will ,

i n one of the great s t retches of woodland which are to be found

in E ast and West Pru ss ia ; or, better s t i l l nowadays, go to

the vast prim eval fo rests wh i ch lie upon the upper slopes o f theS candinavian peninsu la, far away from the fj o rds and the too

frequent s teps o f to u ri s ts . T h ere you wil l fee l,as

/ youshou ld

,the st range and awfu l s t i llness wh ic h from t im e to

t im e re igns i n pine - fo rest s such as these . Pre sently the

qu iet i s broken , firs t by a s igh wh ich arises,as from the ground

i tself, and breathes throughou t the wo od . Anon , from a

distanc e a sound i s heard so l ike the sound of the sea that

you m igh t swear (had you never been in such a wood befo re) that

you c ou ld hear the wave s draw ing backwards over a pebbly

beach . As it approac h es the sound grow s i nto a roar ; i t i s

the roar o f the tem pes t,the c om ing o f Wodin.

I can im agine that the seal ike sound o f the fo rest wi nd m ay

have been in part the reason why the S candinavian O din

appears som et im e s as a sea-

god, or at leas t as a god who has

a hom e beneath the sea. S unkbench says anE ddie poem desc r ib ing the palac es o f the gods

WO D IN AN D TH E FO R E S T WI IVD . 47

S unkbench is cal led the fou rth , wh ich the co ld wavesE ve r m u rm u r above

T he re O d inand S aga 1 dr ink all day longG ladly from go ldencups .

1

Ano ther, however , and a s tronge r reason i s that O din’s wife ,

Frigg,who i s the N erthu s of T ac i tu s

,3 i s i n part a goddess o f

the sea —though she i s st i l l m ore an earth-goddess . And

when in m ytho logy a god and godde ss are m arried , each

nec essari l y acqu i res so m e po rt ion Of the natu re o f the o ther .

H ow N erthu s c om es to be a goddess bo th o f the earth and

sea i s no doubt a mat ter wh ich needs som e inqu i ry,but we

have no spac e for i t here . T hat she i s so seems almo stc ertai n . It is T ac i tu s who cal l s her N erthus

,and adds, ia

’est

Terra m ater.

’But that very wo rd N erthu s mu s t be connec ted

wi th i rd of the E ddic m yth o logy ; and N jord m o st certainly

was a god of the sea. Frigg appears clearly as an earth

goddess : but her palace is Fensalir,

‘Fen- H al l,

’

or even

Wave-H al l . ’

And nowwe retu rn to Wodin and the fo rest wind.

It will be sai d by som e that th i s desc ript ion is pu relyim aginary. I m ake a d i st inc t ion be tween what i s imaginat i veand what i s im aginary . If you choose not to go i nto the

s tudy o f m ytho logy or o f bel iefs of any kind t i l l you have

fi rs t stripped yourself o f you r imaginat ion , you w i l l t ravel

indeed l ightly bu rdened , and you w i l l arrive at s trange re

sults. Becau se , as bel ief of all kinds i s born o f the im agina

t ion,and Alzerglo uke i s, as Goethe says , the poetry of l ife, you

wil l have taken the precau t ion of go ing i nto the dark unprov ided wi th a lantern. T o avo id do ing th i s you are not obl iged,however

,to give free re i n to your fancy. N or have we done

1 T he S eeress .

1 G rim nism cil 7 (Bugge) (C ory . Poet. Ban, i .3 Proved to be so by her relations to the Lom bards. Cf. T ac itus ,

G erm ania, 40 , and Pau l . , D iac . , i . 8 .

48 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E RMAN Y.

so here . Put sho rtly , the case stands thu s : We know that theGerm ans l i ved a fo rest l ife , that the i r groves were the i r tem ples ,that they didnot, as a ru le, make im age s of the gods, that they

d id not even im agine the i r Great G od v isi b le to sight, bu t

thought o f him as an unseen (secretum ) presence . But theym u st have been strangely advanc ed i n the i r rel igiou s no t ions ,and onthat s ide qu i te out of pace w i th the i r cu l tu re i n o ther

respec ts , if they cou ld d i spense wi th all sensuous apprehension

of the i r d ivin i ty . I do not th ink,therefo re

,a p ic tu re which

wou l d m ake some o f the T eu tons identify the ir Great G od

wi th a vi s ib le great t ree , oak or ash or p ine,and o thers m o re

im agi nat ive , hear and fee l h i s pre senc e i n the fo res t w ind, so

deserving o f the epi the t im aginary,as a theory which wou ld

g ive the god a nam e and no thing mo re,no sens ible real i ty

at all.

N ay, i t wou ld requ i re som e s trong argument to Show that

O din , who i s a god of bat tles befo re he i s anyth ing e l se, who

r ide s through the air on the sw iftest of horses , who se son i s

the T hunder -god, hi s son and h i s c om rade i n battlefl s not

the god who rode on the whi rlwind and d irected the s to rm .

For m en have at all t im es—and of th i s the i r language i s

the best wi tness—confounded the s torm and the fu ry of

bat tle,the s to rm of battle, I m ight say, wi th the battle of the

e lem ents.

T he sto rm of spears and O d in’s wrath

i s the nam e for battle inthe E dda songs .

T here was a sound fam i l iar to the R om an so ldier o f the

later em pire,in days when the greater part of the R om an

so ld iery were o f barbarian o rigin. It was cal led éarritu s, a

wo rd which i s said to be a Germ an glo ss ;1 it is certainly not

1 Fo rcel l ini , s.v .

TH E BAR R I T US . 49

a Lat in one . If the word i s Germ an,then the barritas m ust

be a Germ an insti tu t ion. T hi s was the m anner o f i t . It was

rai sed by the R om an legionaries befo re go ing into battle and

i t seem s to have been m ade by plac ing the rim o f the shie ld

below the m ou th,and then rai s ing a long m o re or less

m u s ical howl or cry, the sh ie ld serving as a sounding-board .

T he Oarritas began ina gentle m u rm u r and gradually swel led

to a great body o f sound,aud ible afar off, and expressly c om

pared by som e of the c lass ical wri ters to the roar of the sea.

T he so ld iers augu red we l l or i l l of the su c c ess of the com ing

bat tle,ac c o rd ing as the barritus ro se haim oniously i nto fu ll

swel l or no . T he sound m u st

’

hav e been the very counterpar t

of the sound of the w ind in a pine - fo rest . It m ay be , i t even

seem s to be,th i s very prac t ice and th is very sound which i s

referred to in an E ddie poem ,where O din is made to say

of his favouri tes go ing into battle

I sing under their sh ields?

All depends, I know, upon whe ther i t be dec i ded that the karritus real ly was a Germ an insti tu t ion

,and that seem s to depend

m o re than anyth ing upon the e tym o logy o f the word—a

quest ion upon wh ic h I am not capable of speaking . T hereare c onsiderable difficu l t ies i n the way o f ac c ept ing i t ; and Igive th i s i l lu strat ion only for what i t m ay be worth . It i l lu s

trate s the charac ter of Wodin as a god o f battles ; it i s no tneeded to establ i sh i t?

1 H aiv czm al,19 ( C or/5. P . B .)

‘tinder rand ir ek gol

’—wh ich we m ighttranslate under the ir sh ie lds I yel l . ’

C om p . the description of the Oar

a’itu s inT ac itu s, G . 3 . Bu t see next note .

2 G rim m first suggested the read ing o f Ga?ritu s for liaro’itu s in G erm 3 .

H e was fo l lowed by O relli Bu t I be l ieve there is no M S . au tho rity for thechange . Bard , ’ a po et , is a C e ltic no t a T eu tonic wo rd . Barritu s is

be l ieved to be a T eu tonic glo ss (see Fo rc e l l ini , s . v . ) H oweve r that m aybe, it is not Spoken of by the c lassical writers as used by the G erm an

50 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E R MA N Y.

Add to the forego ing p ictu re thatWodinsom et im es wanders

over the earth in a m o re peac efu l charac ter ; that he vi si t s

m enin t he i r ho m e s,when they do not know him

,and at suc h

tim es tak es the fo rm o f an old grey m an,one - eyed

,wrapped

in a c loak . T h i s we m ay take to be the wind visit ing the

earth in a gentler fash ion .

T ho r or D onar,the god next greates t after Wodin

,nobody

has ever ques t ioned was the T hunder ; for hi s Germ annam e

has rem ained unchanged . And looking upon O din as the

tem pest o f the air, i t i s appropriate eno ugh that T horr i s a

son of O din and of E arth (H létiyn) ; that he does not r idea-ho rseback th rough the clouds , bu t thunders over the h ill s i n

h i s char io t . T ho rr i s red-bearded ; from the flash o f l ight

ning . H e i s the parent o f m o re than one R odbard (R o thbart),R obert or R obin of M i ddle Age rom ance . T o us he i s m o s t

fam i l iar as w ielde r o f the ham m er o f T ho r,the boltw yfilnir,

the cru sher, i t was cal led inthe no rth . It i s onth i s account that

he i s cal led H ercu les by T ac i tu s ; Wod in,as we know ,

be ing

ident ified w i th Mercu ry . Jupi te r i s the true equ i valent for

T ho r, and th i s equ i valence was recogni zed by the Germ ans

o f the border when they adopted the R oman week o f seven

barbarians, but by the so ld iers (very probably o f G erm ano riginno doubt)inthe R om anarm y . T he wi ld howl ing o f the G oths was answered by them o re rhythm ic sound o f the barritas , is what Am m iansays, speaking o f thebattle of Marc ianopo l is . W e also hear of the sam e sound be ing raisedby the R om an so ld iers in Mesopotam ia . T he re is no thing , of co u rse , inall th is to prove that the Garritu s was no t a T eu tonic barbarian invention.

R ydberg assum es, withou t hesitation, that it was a war- c ry fam i l iar to all the

G erm ans . T he liarritus is m entioned inthe fo l lowing places inAm m ian,xv i. 1 2

, 48 ; xxi. I 3 , 15 ; xxvi . 7 , I 7 ; xxx i . 7 , 1 1 . Many o f the o ccasionsonwh ich it was u sed were (it wi l l be seen) by the R om ans troops intheE ast .

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52 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y.

can thu s trac e h i s dec l i ne through three s tages . But as we

have no p ic tu re o f him i n h i s days of greatness , we canno t

say m uch conc erning h i s charac ter . In the E ddas T yr i s

a rather shadowy c o unterpart o f O din ; and hi s nam e (one

proo f of his fo rm er greatness) i s u sed very o ften as the

abstract nam e for god. T h u s fim bu l- tyr, great tyr, great god,when u sed in the E ddas , does no t m ean th i s divini ty

,but

O din.

In revenge for th i s decline o f the Mars -god i n T ac i tu s’

tr io logy,we gain from the E ddie Panth eon two o ther gods

of great im po rtanc e , o f whom the c lass ical wri ters give bu tsl igh t h in ts . T hese are Frey and Balder, be ings very m u ch

al ike i n c harac ter, one o f whom c ertainly was known to the

conti nental Germ ans . As Bal der or Phol the god appears i n

one of the two incantat ions which I have sai d are alm o ~ t the

only genu ine doc um ents o f G erm an h eathendom whic h havec o m e down to our day. From that s ingle fragm ent we can

form no concept ion o f the place which Balde r held in the

c reed o f heathen Germ any . In the N o rse m ythologys h e i s a

young god, young and rem arkably beau t ifu l,and fai r in c o m

plexion ; he i s e ssent ial ly a god of peace . H e i s general ly

spoken of as one that i s al ready dead,who has desc ended

into the lower -world—to a place o f m i ld happiness not o f

to rtu re 1—to H ade s no t Geh enna, there fo re—has gone downinto H e l l i n that o lder s ignificance of the phrase which ou r

prayer-books have re tained . H e i s to c om e again,m o reover

,

acc o rd ing to the E ddie m yth , after the destruc t iono f the wo rld

at R agnarok,and re ign over a reno vated earth . Altoge ther

Balder i s endowed by the E dda po e ts w i th so m any o f the

attr ibu tes and so m u ch o f the hi sto ry o f the‘Wh i te C hri st

,

’

that we canno t now say how far he i s to be looked uponas a real

1 S ee R ydberg , Teu tonic rl/y tlzol. 2 48 , seq.

E ALD E R,FR E Y. 53

c reat ionof anc ient Germ an bel ief. But then we m u st rem em be rthat th is ‘W h i te C h rist ,

’ known to the sagas,has evidently

bo rrowed som eth ing from the nat ive god Balder . S o we m ay

say, perhaps , that tho ugh the m i lder aspec t s o f th is god of the

Peac e - steads have been em phasied, they have no t been in

vented,and that Balder was from the beginning ( l ike Frey) a

god of spring and o f the sun, of vegetat ion and of the bless ings

of the so i l .Frey i s m uch m ore genu inely heathen than Bal der, bu t

l ikew i se m o re exc lu s ive ly S candinavian. H e i s to be wor

shipped,the Gylfaginning

1 tel l s us,

‘for good harvest s and

for peace.

’H e , too , i s evidently a god of sunsh ine and of

Spring. At Upsala Frey fo rm ed one of a tr io logy,wh ich

included O d in and T ho r, exc luding T yr ;2the three grave

m ounds of these gods are s ti l l shown there . Frey was,too

,the

progeni to r of the Yngling rac e , wh i ch ru led in Sweden and in

N o rway. T hat there was som e be ing l ike him in charac ter

am ong the gods of the anc ient Germ ans we m u s t bel ie ve ;'

m o s tprobably th i s was Bal der, so that Frey canhardly be classed

am ong the divin i t ies of the ancient Germans .

For the peaceable s ide of l ife , however, the princ ipal

d ivin i ties wou ld natu ral ly be those of the fem ale sex. N erthu s

i s the m o s t im portant o f that num ber who se name can be

recovered . She, as we know (l ike Balder i n th i s), proc laim ed

peace whereve r she went . S he was, as we have al ready seen ,not unl ike the D em eter of the Greeks ; she had apparently

her m yth of wandering, and herT ripto lem u s-m yth,the m i s s ion

of S kef as the c i vi l i zer of m ank i nd . And if we take the

analogy of the E ddic rel igion , we m ay be l ieve that by the s ide o fth is m atronly goddess, Terra Mater, stood a younger one

1 Younger E dda (E a’a’a S u orra).

1 Adam of Brem enloco cit .

54 C R E E D OF H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y.

a so rt of Persephone—fo rm ed , so to say, out o f the e lderchthoni c be ing. We know how difficu l t i t i s inGreek art

,

and the mo re diffic u l t the farther we go back , to di stingu i sh

between D em eter and Persephone ? A s im i lar c onfus ion o f

m o ther and daughter, of o lde r and younger goddess , is repre

sented in the l ikeness i n name between Frigg,the w ife o f

O din , and Freyja, the daughter of i rd,the si ster and

fem in i ne counterpart of Frey? T here are o ther nam es for thematron goddess , Mo ther-earth

,in the Germ an m yt h o logy .

Perchta, Be rtha i s one, a nam e which su rvived late i n Germ an

fo lk- lo re. Bu t we are not concerned, happi ly, w i th the nam es

of our divini t ies ; were i t so the obscu ri t ie s and ram ificat ions

of our subject wou l d be i nc reased a hundredfo ld .

T acitu s speaks of ano the r goddess wo rsh ipped by a part

of the S uevi . Bu t he does not give her nat ive nam e . H e

cal ls her I s i s . Pars S uevorum et I sia’i sacrzfi cat. T hat th i s

Is is was e ssent ial ly different from N erthu s we canno t be l ieve .

S he was probably only the E arth-m o ther looked at from a

different po int o f view,of which we have next to speak.

For the everyday creed o f the ancient Germans, we m u st

be content with the fai nt ou tl i nes wh ich we have been able todraw—w i th the awfu l War-

god o f the grove ; som e t im es how

ever seen ina m i lder aspec t as a wanderer am ong the hom e s

of m en with T hunde r driving in hi s chario t over the hi l l s and

w i th o ther divini t ie s of less im portance, who fight at hi s s ide

and at the s ide of Wodin . T hen w i th a peacefu l spring god

1 E .g. , inthe H arpy T om b from X anthos inthe Bri tish Museum . S ee on

th is subj ect G erhardt , G r . ll/y tk . 2 40 , 4 ; and inAkaa’. Akt. ii. 357 ; and

O verbeck , G r . A’

unstmy t/z . ii. 44 2 , 448 .

1 Freyja is the daughte r o f N jo rd , who is the m ale counterpart o f

N erthus as Frey o f Freyja. T he refo re N erthus m ay as easi ly be identified with Freyja as with Fr igg . Fr igg

,l ike Freyja, belongs to the race of

the V anir , no t to that of the IE sir. I do no t know whether any c onnectionhas eve r beensuggested betweenN erthus and N it 7’tiS , the C hthonic go ddesso f the R ig Veda .

G O D D E S S E S . 55

who canw ie l d arm s wel l enough if cal led upon. And,

final l y ,w i th Mo ther- E arth , who l ike her hu sband Wodin

,i s at t im e s

a wandere r am ong m ankind,who loves peac e and happy

fest i val s , bu t abou t whom there i s l ikewi se som eth ing m ysterio u s

and terr ible—‘a ho ly igno rance and m yster iou s horro r ’

as

T ac i tus says . Whence cam e th is fear and mystery ?we will

nowask .

IV .

T here is to every c reed ano ther s ide bes ide i ts fam i l iar every

day aspect and there was such to the c reed of the anc ient G er

m ans . I t had a m ysteriou s, a m yst ic or m agical s ide . In th i s

the chief parts were played by Wodinand N erthu s . T hat pro

c ess iono f the goddess N erthu s , as i t i s desc ribed to u s, partakes

o f the natu re of a dram at ic representat ion , a sym bo l of the

m yth ic wanderings of the E arth -m o the r,in ju s t the sam e way

that the E leu s inian j ou rney sym bo l i zed the wanderings of theGreek Mo ther-E arth . And when we find T acitu s te ll ing us that

pars S uevorum wo rshipped I s i s,we m u st suppo se that he recog

niz ed for tkat goddess, at any rate (whe the r he had N erthu s inh i s m ind or no), that she s tood at the head o f a m ystery . For

the R om ans only knew I s i s as a goddess wo rsh ipped in th i sfash ion. It wou ld be im po ss ible for a R om an au tho r to speak

o f a Germ an goddess as Is i s,unle ss he thought he saw a

m ystery connec ted wi th her wo rsh ip .

I use the wo rd m ystery ’ here ina very defini te sense . I

do not m ean m erely that there was som e th ing awful and h iddenor half understood abo u t the d ivini ty . T hat m ay be predicated of any god. I m ean that there were c onnec ted wi thcertai n selected divini t ies, c erem onies which were rec ognizedto be i n a spec ial sense m ysteriou s and ho ly

,po ssess ing

m agical propert ies, conferring m i racu lo u s powers,needing a

selec ted body of pries ts or pries tesses to keep up the tradi tiono f them

,and t ransm i t th e i r div ine influenc e .

6 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E R /MA N Y.

It i s the spec ial no te o f a m ystery that i t so often ou tlive s

the s tage of bel ief inwhic h i t had i t s o rigin and to whic h i t

natu ral l y b elongs . We know how em inently th i s was the casew i th the c lass ical m ysteries , espec ial ly w i th two of them

,the

Mysteries of Is i s and the E leu s inia. I t i s reckoned that we can

trace the hi sto ry of the lat ter alm o s t abso lu te ly unc hanged for

a thou sand years ? N o c reed c ou ld we l l rem ain the sam e for

so long, leas t of all am ong the qu i c k -w i tted Greeks . T he

E leu s in ia long surv ived the offic ial recogni t ionof C hri st ian ity

they were final ly u proo ted by the m onks com ing into Greec e

inthe wake of Alar ic’s invading arm y i n A .D . 3 9 1 . Much the

same was the hi sto ry of the m yster ies of I s i s and S erapi s,

2

which after they had al ready been transm i t ted through countless

centur ies, E gypt bequeathed—ina c hanged fo rm no doubt

to R om e, and which R om e adopted when her ownbel iefs were

fading . It i s the sam e , if I m ay be perm i tted to say so,with

the C hri st ian m ysteries,which are essential ly prim i t ive and

mediaeval i n charac ter,3 and no t real ly i n harmony w i th the

C hrist iani ty of tod ay .

If therefo re we find,as we do

,a ceremony alm o st

‘

i’

cfentical

wi th the cerem ony of the progress of N erthu s surviving in a

part of Lower Germ any as late as the twe lfth centu ry,and

recognized by the C hri st ian wri ters of that t im e as a su rvi val

of heathen i sm ,we have s trong c onfirm ato ry evidence o f the

m yst ic s ignificance attaching to the acted progress of the E arth

goddess . 4

1 P. R . Fo rster , R auk u . R uckkek i a’

er Persepkone. If we were to fo l lowthe anthropo logical m ethod (a loose ne g znerally) o f trac ing som e part o f

the cerem onies to savage custom s, the pe rio d m ight of cou rse be extendedalm ost ind efinite ly .

1 S erapis , of cou rse , is onl y a R om an d ivinity unde r th is nam e , wh ich isa co rruptiono f Apis .

3 As we shal l have he reafter som e occasionto note . S ee C hap . XV I.4 S ee C kron. R ua

’olfi AM. S anct . Trial. (Pertz , xii . 309) and G rim m

D . M . i. 2 14 .

M YS TE R /E S . 57

And I m yse lf—though th i s m u st rem ai n a m atter o f infer

ence only—have v erv l i ttle doubt that the sto ry o f the boatbo rne S ceaf i s

,i n i ts tu rn

,clo se ly connec ted w i th the wo rsh ip

o f N erthus,and that we have here ano ther m ystery associated

wi th the parent one,m uch as the sto ry of T ripto lemus was

associated With the wo rshi p of D em eter .

T here always ari ses a certai n com m uni ty between a god and

the goddess who i s h i s w ife . D em e ter ought no doubt as ac h thonic d ivin i ty to be m arried to a god o f E arth

,whereas she

i s m arr ied to a god o f H eaven . But th en her o the r se lf,her

daughter i s m arr ied to the chthoni c Aidoneu s and D em eter’shu sband Zeu s h im self som etim es share s inher natu re—th ere i sin Greek m ytho logy a Zeu s C hthonios

,as wel l as a Zeu s of

heaven .

S o i t is i n the relat ions between Wodin and N erthu s ; andthe po i nt at wh ich m eet the natu ral ly oppo s i te charac ters o f

the heavenly War-

god and the peacefu l E arth,i s where we

find Wodin,as we have said we do find him

,wandering over

the earth di sgu i sed as anold m an, clad very often in beggar’s

weeds. T h is po rtrai t of him i s l ike the pictu re of D em eter inher wanderings

,s i tt ing down in the gu i se of a slave near the

palace of K eleos. Wodinwas not always treated so we l l as was

D em eter by K eleos’s daughters . O none o ccas ion he cam e to

ihe hou se o f a king G eirrbti. H e was se i zed as a beggar, anou tlaw

,and placed between two fires . And there i s m o re in

th i s s to ry than m eets the eye at fi rst sight,for by a com pari son

wi th o ther myths, G eirrdh i s seen to be a so rt of K ing o f D eath?

O n ano ther occas ion more di stantly al luded to , Wodin wasstil l worse handled, was actual ly hung . as an ou tlaw on the

1 T he G eruth of G o rm ’s (the no rthern O dysseus’) voyage in S axo

G ram m aticus ( E d. Miiller and V elschow) p . 4 2 0 . S ee also be low.

58 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N,

G E R MA N Y.

vargtré, that i s to say, uponh is own tree , ano ffering to him se lf

In one of the earl ies t E ddie fragm ents the god is made to

sayI know that I hung onthe gal lows tree ‘

N ine nights longT o O dinoffered , with a spear wounded,Myself to m yse lf ?

T hese myths are the foundat ion of the mysteries of Wodin.

T he num ber nine was an e spec ially sac red one to the

Germ ans . T h e i r o riginal week was one o f nine days . We

have no ted som e instanc e s already o f the recu rrenc e o f the

num ber. In the Upsala celebrat ion wh i c h to ok plac e every

nintk year,nine of each kind o f living th ing was offered .

3 And

wi th th i s p ic tu re of the Upsala sac rific e in o ur thoughts, we‘

need to l i stento the m yst ic verse s quo ted above .

N o th ing,I know

,i s m o re m isleading in o rdinary m ytho logy

(O pen-air m ytho logy,if I m ay use the express ion), than a

re l iance upon chance i dent i ty o f num bers . But i t i s the

pecu l iar m ark o f m yster ies and ph i lo sophies o f a inyslig /

l<ind

that num bers have i n them ,or are suppo sed to have

,a

deep m eaning . Juggl ing with num bers i s,i n fact

,a special

fo rm o f m agic am ong people at a certai n s tage of c u l tu re .

It i s po ss ible that one detai l , that of the wounding w i th a

spear,m ay be a sem i - C hri st ian addi t ion to the pic tu re o fWodin

on the gal lows - t ree .4 Bu t I do no t th ink the p ic tu re , as a

who le,i s C h ri st ian , but genu ine ly and anciently Germ an

,c on

1 O nthe gal lows tree ,’

v inga -m eidi a. S ee ante p . 43 .

2 C orp . P . B . i. 2 4 . I/civ am a’

l (E dda, Bugge) 138 .

3 C f. also the ninety-nine v ic tim s at the sac rific e in Le i re , wh ich also

to ok place every nintk year . T'

hietm ari, G /zr. i. 9 (Pertz , iii. 739T he re we re nine regions in N iflhel (V afJ). nine g iant -m aids o f the

O cean or Island M i l l (E y 11 . three nines o f m aidens(V alkyriur) see be low .

4 R ydbe rg has shown that there was noth ing antique inthat supposedcustom o f spear -risting.

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60 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E R /PIAN Y.

suprem e G od of the T eu tons ? Wodin is firs t the T em pest -god,

the ru sher ove r land and sea, the god of battle,the c hoo se r or

warriors , the i nsp irer o f battle fu ry , that fu ry to which the

N o rthmengave the nam e of kerserksgangr. But he i s,secondly,

the wanderer over the earth,the teac her o f writ ing (m agic

wri t ing), wisdom ,and incantat ions . IfWodin i n h i s fi rs t cha

rac ter c om m ended h im se lf bes t to the warrio r po rtion o f the

popu lat ion,Wodin i n h i s second charac ter wou ld be wo rshipped

mo re by the peacefu l sect ion ; for in the mo st warl ike s tates

there always i s a peacefu l sect ion of the popu lat ion . N ow I

th ink i t might be shown that the practice o f my steries ari ses in

all cases out of ancient rus t ic rites, r i tes wh ich are attached to

the so i l, not brought inby c onquero rs .

Am ong the R om ans under the E m pire the conquered races,

E gyptians and S yrians,suppl ied the bu lk o f m agic ians and

soo thsayers ; the Finns did the sam e for the S candinavians .

Alway s the weaker part of the popu lat ion po ssesses and guardsthese m yster ies and m agic ri tes . It m ight be u rged as anargu

ment that the Germ ans were au toc hthonou s , that we findam ongthem the women as chief soo th sayers. T hi s fact all the c lass ical

wri ters witness .

C aesar found that the reason of the delay [of Ariovi stu s incoming to anengagem ent] was that a c u s tom prevai led am ong

1 V igfgu sson th inks that O d in’s nam e is connected with the roo t o‘a’

,

inspiration. O ne of the ve rses of H avam a’

l ( 160) says

Pat kann-ek id fim tanda es go'

lPidd'

reyrir

D vergr fyr D ellings durom .

V afprudnism al (2 4) says of D e l l ing

D ellingr heitr hannes D ags fatfir.

S o that the Gr eat I nspirer from whom O din gains his

wisdom ,dwe l ls at the edge of the wo rld , or say be low the edge of the

world, befo re the doo rs of the house of day. S ee be low unde r sectionv ii .

WI S E I/V O IWE IV. 6 1

the Germ ans of wai t ing t i l l the i r wom en have dec lared by

sortelege and prophecy whether i t i s des i rable to engage in

battle or no t. We m igh t fi l l a chapter w i th quo tationshaving the sam e tendency . In the day of the revo l t of

C ivi l i s we know how the inhabi tants of the Batavian I slandh ung upon the wo rds of prophecy c om ing from the druda

cal led V e leda, who 'dwel t i n a lonely tower, not i n the i r own

c ountry but am ong the Bruc terii higher up the river ?

T he success ionof these seeresses am ong the T eu tons i s anapo s to l ic su c c ess ion

,with no break, no essent ial change o f

c haracter, only su ch change as t im e m u s t bring,from the day

of the wife o f Ariovi stu s, of V eleda or Au rin ia, through the

days of a certain spae-wife, O ta, whom we di scern in the dim

l ight of the -V iking period seated upon the high al tar o f

an I ri sh m inster,and ‘giving her answers ’ therefrom

, or of

the last o f the wise -wom an am ong the O ld Germ ans,of whom

we discover som e trac e i n a chronic ler of the n inth centu ry,3

onwards to the hero ines of the E dda lays , S igrdrifa or Brynhi ld

,S igru

’

m,S vava

,Aslaug and the res t. H ere i s a verse from

the lay of one o f these hero ines , wh ich I t ranslate onacc ountof i ts rare beau ty . S igrdri

’

fa is here the spae-wife . S he had beendi sobedient to O din by taking the wrong s ide in a contes t

be tween two princes,and for that reason had been pun ished

by a long sleep,or by death . But from that spel l the hero

o f the lay S igroed (S igu rd) - l ike hi s after - type who awoke the

sleep ing beau ty—arou sed her. She awoke and sai d

Long have I slept , long inslum ber lain,Long the spe l ls lie onm en,

O d inhas bound m e thu s, that I m ight notBreak the s leep -bands 4

B. G . i. 50 ,cf . D io C ass. xxxvi i i . 48.

T ac itus, H i st. iv . 6 1 .

3 T hio ta by nam e , cf . Ann. Fu la’ens , A . D . 847 . S he was a contem porarvof O ta . S ee C hapter V I .

4 Lit. , stat't s .

’

C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y.

H ai l to the day, hai l to the S ons of day 1H ai l N ight and E arth !

Lo ok with kind eyes over us twain,And bless us as he re we sit.

H ai l to the IE sir, hai l the AsyniorH ai l to thee , Mother E arth

G rant us two lovers good wo rds 1andwisdom ,

And heal ing hands wh i le we l ive?

T hen follows a lis t of charm s which S igrdrifa sang over

S igurd and taught h im to repeat .

O f the seeresse s who exerci sed so widespread an influence

and fi lled so important a place i n the soc ial econ om y of the

T eutons,some lived , we see

, as myster iou s reclu se s—l ikethe Lady Minnetrost in Fouque’s Z auberring. But at s tated

t im es such an one cam e am ong the people . T aking her

‘high seat,’she sat at the

‘

festivals,as O ta on the high al tar

at C lonm acno i se, and people came one by one befo re her to

consu l t the o racle .3 T he re i s no talk of any spec ial frenzy

l ike that of the D e lph ic priestes s . But the seat of prop h ecy

was a special one , capable apparently of im part ing som e vi rtu e

to the V ala. T he last l ine of the V oluspa,nu m unlionso

'

kkvaz ,‘now m u s t she descend,

’has general ly been interpreted to

refer to the com ing down from th i s h igh seat . 4 S om e t im es

she went from place to place inher car,and the days o f her

com i ng were days of fes t ival ; al toge ther the pic tu re i s not

unlike the picture of N erthus drawn round on her triumphal

1 Lu cky words, eépnp id? T he wo rd used is sim ply m a’

l, speech . Itm aym eanrunes to m ake the dead speak .

1 S igra’rij um al, 2—4 . In C . P . B . bette r arranged unde r the heading

of the O ld Play of tke Wolsungs , i. 40 .

3 Cf : V igfussonIcel. D ict . s .v . V o l va.

4 T hough it m ust be al lowed that sokkv a hardly bears such aninterpretation, and R ydberg gives it a d ifferent one . T he l ine rather suggests thatthe V alva. has beenraised from the under-wo rl d .

A G UILD O F PR O PH E TE S S E S . 63

cou rse the V ala m ay be considered as a vi s ible representat iveof. the goddess, for N erthu s herself, as we know, was alwaysh i dden from view. T here can be l i ttle doubt that N erthus

was a partner inthe m ysteries , and l ike her humanrepresen

tative especial ly gifted inm agic arts .

T he inves t igat ion of the preceding sect ion m ay di scover tous

, or reasonably sugge s t, the exi stenc e of a sort of gu i ld or

c o l lege o f proph etesses, devo ted in a rather pecu l iar way to

the wo rship o f Wodin and -of N erthu s or Frigg : i n rather a

pecu l iar way, I mean , becau se they wo rshipped the fo rme r inh i s charac ter as the god of w i sdom and m agic

, as what an

anthropo logist wou ld cal l the great m edic i ne -m an. T hey

m igh t d isobey him after they had been ini t iated,as C assandra

refu sed to pay Apo l lo the price of her gift of prophecy .

S igrdrifa disobeyed O din by s iding w i th Agnar agains t O din’sfavou ri te H elm -Gunnar . Bu t th i s freedom did not prevent

the seeresse s be ing as a body the m aidens of O din . T hey

were not all vestal s m any were m arried,l i ke Ariovi stu s’w ife ,

or the abo ve -m entioned O ta, who se hu sband was a V ik ing

leader, T horgisl. It wou ld, one can im agine,give no sm al l

prest ige to a king or leade r cou ld he secure one of the seprophe tesses for a w i fe .

S o farfor th i s be l ief, and the ri te s which had be longed to i t in

early days , while i t was st i l l attached to the m o re peacefu l s ide

o fWodin’s charac ter. Bu t i t was inevi table that the warrior ’s

c reed shou ld take po sse ss iono f th i s also . T he V ala’s w i sdomthough acqu i red at tim es o f peace wou ld be from the firs t

cal led into u se in t im es of war. T he re fo re whenWodin,from

the hom e ly m ysteriou s wande rer on earth,changed back to

be the bat tle-

god, rid ing on the whi rlwind , hi s c o l lege of

64 C R E E D O F H E A T H E N G E RMA N Y

m aidens was transferred from earth to heaven . T hey were

accredi ted wi th the sam e powers o f rid ing the s torm . In

virtue of these they becam e the t ro op of the helm-m aidens

of O din, the no rthern Am azons, who appear i n the E ddas .

T here they are cal led V alkyriur or‘ C hoo sers of the slain .

’

As O din rode through the clouds on hi s e ight-foo ted ho rse

S le ipni r, so did the V alkyriur, too,ride on white ho rses

through the air. T hey had a natu re- s ide to the i r charac ter

they were ident ified some t im es w i th the clouds . T hi s we see

from a verse of the E ddie poe try, not less beau t iful than that

which I quo ted just now.

T hree troops 1 of m aidens (says one poem ), though one m aid fo rem ost rode ,A wh ite and he lm ed m aid .

T he i r ho rses shook them se l ves , and from the i r m anes there fe llD ew inthe deep dales , onthe h igh trees hai l .

I take i t that the descent of these no rthern V alkyriur from

the ancient race of Germ an prophetesses i s c ont inuou s, and

such as presents no reasonable grounds for sceptici sm . T he

V alkyriur we re ju s t as m uc h V elvas,w i se-women, as was any

V e leda or Au ri nia of anc ient t im es . Wodin,again

,as the god

o f m agic,mu s t have been c onnected wi th th ese V e ledas or

Aurinias j ust as m uch as we know O din to have been connec ted

w i th a S igrdrifa or S vava,whom we m ee t wi th inthe E dda.

Wh enthe V alkyriur d id no t r ide through the air on h o rs e s

they changed them selves i nto birds,m o re part icularly into

swans .

O ur no rthern poetry is fu l l of the swan, the mo st poet ic of

all the b irds wh ich haunt the Bal t ic sho res and bays . In

that region is i nd igenou s the s inging swan,a varie ty wh ich

has som e essent ial d ifferences of construct ion from the m u te

1 Lit. , T hree nines o f m aidens .

’S ee above . T he three swan-m aidens

o f the VO'

luna’akv ida abode with the i r love rs ti l l the nintk year,v . 3 .

S WAN S AN D S WAN -MA ID E N S . 65

swan, the only kind which we know upon our lakes and rivers .

It rai ses i ts c lear trum pe t no tes wh i le i t fl ies and whee l s in

flo ck s i t m igrates sou thward, and i s seen upon the IEgean,

but i t does not belong to the sou th . T hi s swanwas the firs t

m e ssenger who cam e from the no rth to the sou th , prec eding

by so m any years the hordes of warrio rs who trave l led in i tswake

,bringing from a par t o f the wo rld unknown that lay

which has made the swan the em blem o f the poet in every

landMu lta D ircaeum levat au ra cycnum ,

T endit , Antoni , quo ties inaltosN ubium tractus.

T he T eu tonic name of the swancomes from th i s facu l ty o f

s inging,and shows u s that ourfo refathe rs knew the s inging swan

bet ter than we do? T hey c onnec ted the swan, mo reover, m uc hm o re with the sea than we do ; cal ling the sea

,for exam ple

,

the swan’s road,

’an express ion which occurs in Beowulf .

T herefo re the swan wou ld be a not inappropriate bird fora goddes s l ike N erthu s , who came ove r the sea

,and was in

part a sea-goddess . T here are three th ings which connect

N erthu s wi th the swan : one,the fact that her Lick/ing S ceat

appears i n M i ddle Age tradit ion as the swan-knight : ano ther,

that her alter ego the old Germ an Perchta, Bertha, appears l ikew i se inM i ddle Age tradi t ion as Bertha with the swan - fee t ; ath i rd

,that , i rti, the m ale counterpart o f N erthus (of a late r

age), i s likew i se spec ial ly connected w i th swans?

T h ere was every reason therefo re why the sh ield-m aidens

of Wodin , if they were connected with Wodin and N er ibus, as

1 Mullenhofl'

, D eutsc/ze Altertkk . beginning.

1 T he howl o f the wo lfT o m y ears sounded illBy the song of the swan

th is was d r‘

d’

s com p laint when com pe l led to spend half his tim e inthe m ountains with his wife , a daughte r of the m ountains .

66 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E R NIA I V Y

the god and goddess o f m agic,shou ld have the power o f

c hanging them se lves into swans .We can reasono ut the growth o f a bel ief ; for looked at ove r

a w ide area,and fo l lowed through a suffic ient period o f t im e

eve ry be l ief has a kind of reasonand a k i nd o f real i ty . Bu t

to each individual i n h i s brief spanof l ife i t i s l ike the windhe canno t te ll wh ence it com e th , or whithe r i t goeth . T o the

s im ple no rth e rn bonde r m ending hi s plough or hi s nets,o r

sharpening h i s weapons , the sound of the swans far overhead ,chant ing the i r lay thro ugh the S hor t night

, was in real i ty theso und o f O d in’s m ai dens s inging incantat ions

,hu rry ing th ro ugh

the air to som e battlefie‘

d, to take part in the slaughter

,or

cho o se am ong the slaindeni zens for VValhalla (V alhbll).T hey were proceeding sou th m aybe

,fo rerunne rs

,we have

said, o f the hum an flocks from the sam e Bal t ic sho res. And

,

strange to say, the o rder o f the i r fl ight was i n nine cases ou t

o f ten one which was rather a spec ial favou ri te with the

T eu ton rac es,the fo rm o f a wedge . T he wedge fo rm at ion

was known probably to all the Germ ans ; 1 nevertheless the

Go ths be l ie ved that i t has been spec ially the

ancesto r o f the i r royal line the Amal ings . T he fo rm at ion i s

cal led in Ic elandic l i teratu re fylking kam al,

2as having been

taught by Wodin to H am al,the anc esto r of the Am al ings .

3

H owappropriate if th i s wedge fo rm at ion were a special sec re t

of Wodin’s,that the swan-m aidens shou ld choo se that for the i r

fl ight or, pu t i t the o ther way, and say how uncanny m igh t i t

see m to a superst i t iou s T eu ton to see the fo rm at ionof hi s own

ranks im i tated w i th such exac tne ss by a flying troop overhead

1 Cf . T ac itus , G erm . 6. Acres per cuneos com positu s and again H ist.

iv . 16, Frisios , Batav os , propriis cuneis com fonit [C iv ilis]1 Ir

y lk/a kam a/t , to dre ss a battle ar ray as H am al taught. ’3 fiytking, it is wo rth whi le notic ing , translates the Latinlegia, wh ich , in

its tu rn, is the equ ivalent of the cuneu s o f the barbarians, as T ac itususes the word . H oweve r in this sense fylking is rather to be translatedarray o f batt le .

’

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68 C R E E D OF H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y.

For the reader, I w i l l presum e,has al ready detec ted to what

o ffspring gave ri se i n the M iddle Age s the O ld T eu tonic be l ie fin Wodin, and hi s c o l lege o f prophe tesses . We have only tochange the suprem e

‘w i sdom ’of anc ient days to the

‘blackart

’of a later age, the

'

god of h eathendom to the S atan o f

C h ri s tendom , and the sh iel d - m aidens o f Wodin to the N ightH ags who rode to m ee t S atan on the Blocksberg

,and the

transfo rm at ion, natu ral as i t i s,is com ple te . S ti l l i t i s an

apo sto l ical su c c ession ; there i s no im po rtant l i nk lo s t in the

long sequence . T he Brocken takes the plac e,say, o fWodin

’s

grove i n C entral Germ any,of N erthu s ’s i sland

, or the grovewhere C harlem agne found the Irm insul o f the Angrarii, as them etropo l i tan seat orsee of th i s transfo rm ed wo rsh i p . Bu t

,as i n

the earl ier exam ples,the Bro ck en was only the c h ief out o f

m any s im i lar ho ly (or unho ly)s i tes . T he legend of the Witche s

S abbath was everywhere the m o s t deep - seated of all the superstitions of Mediaeval E u rope.

T he s ight of what m u st have been one of the deepes t lai d

bel iefs of Germ an H eathendo m deve loping i nto one of the

m o st s teadfas t superst i t ions o fMediaeval C atho l ic i sm m u st m ake

us ask,how far that body o f be l ief, which was du ring the latter

age the m o st abso rb ing o f all,m ay have beenaffec ted by the

c reed o f heathen Germ any . I m ean the be l ief touching the

O th e r wo rld .

T h ere i s a certain i l logical logic abou t all m ytho logies .Where phi lo sophy leaps at once to abstrac t te rm s and speakso f an om ni scient , om ni po tent, om ni present de i ty—m ytho logy

aim ing at the sam e no t ions,pro c eeds

,agreeably to i ts natu re

,by

po s i t ive im age ry,i n place o fnegat ive airs trac t ion. T he suprem e

god o f the T eu tons i s not om ni sc ient nor o m nipo tent ; bu t he

18 , as we have seen , pre - em inent inm agic,in that great region

TH E C I T Y O F TH E G O D S . 69

of the might - be inwh ich you canset no bound to po ss ib i l i t ies .What O din learned at M im i r

’

s We l l ; what h iddenpo tenc ies

had the charm s he there acqu i red—Who can put a l im i t to

these ?

S o i t s tands again w i th the no t ionof omnipresence . T hat

abstrac t ion i s best expressed to though t by a negat ive no

plac e wit/tou t the dei ty . Po s i t ive m ytho logy,i n the case of

Wodinor T ho r, s topped a long way short o f that . But i t went

on m u l t iply ing the places i n wh ich the great god m ight beso ugh t and found . T he de i ty dwel t m o st of all, sav in that

sac red grove o f the S em nones , whereof we have so o ften

spoken . Bu t he was present , after a kind , i n every o ther sac red

grove,he was secretum illua

’

of each v i llage’

s ho ly plac e . Ju s t

so to the C atho l ic, C hrist i s in heaven, but H e l ikew i se—and

i n th i s case not the sp i ri t only, but the body as we l l—i s presentonevery al tar.

In addition to the ho ly grove of the vi llage,of the G au ,

or o f the who le nat ion or group o f nat ions , we m ay fee l su rethat the anc ient Germ ans had l i kew i s e the no t ion o f ano therho m e of the gods, a ho ly c i ty in the c louds or on the

bo rders of earth . Am ong the S candinavians th i s T eu tonic

O lym pus i s the Asa-bu rg,Asa-gard

, a heavenly plac e i nvi s i bleto m o rtal s ight

,or

,shal l we say, vi s ible from t im e to t im e

betweenthe clouds o f sunset . From the IE sir’

s bu rg the rai nbowthe gods’ bridge 1—m ade a way leading to earth

,or po ss i bly

to a p lac e be low the earth . I have l i tt le doubt that the Galaxywas though t to be a bridge o f the sam e

: kind . T he Galaxywas the di vine counte rpart o f som e o f the greates t o f the

R om an roads onearth,wh ich roads we re th em se lves esteem ed

by the T eu tons who knew them and knew not the i r o rigin,

1 Asbru'inthe E ddas, o r Bilrost, Bifrost.

70 C R E E D OF H E A TH E N G E RMAN Y.

th ings half divine. T hu s the R om an nam e for th ese roads,

strata,was transferred to the galaxy , which was known as

Watl ing S treet,Irm ing S treet, Iri ng S treet

?

T he spo t at wh ich th i s heavenly bridge touched the earth

general ly , so far as canbe gathered, though t o f as e i th er intheno rth orwes t—was a steaa

’or ho ly p lace . T hi ther

,ac c o rding to

the E ddas,the gods u sed to ride each day ev er Askru to ho l d

c ounc i l m u ch as the e lders of the vi llage or s tate m igh t ret i reto the glades o f the fores t, the i r own th ing- stead . Ac c o rd ing

to som e acc ounts,i n the mi dst of th i s d ivine th ing- stead

,sto od

the fountai n o f We i rd,

2 that i s, of D eath . Wherefore in one

aspec t of i t the divine th ing- stead is seen to lie i n the o ther

wo rld . N o m ytho logies,however, m ake very clear di s t inc t ions

between the bo rders o f the actual world and what we cal l the‘o ther ’ world . T hi s ‘ho ly place of the gods m u st l ikew i se

be the sam e place which m any of the no rthern trad itions speak

of as O cla’

insakr,the Ac re

,the Field, o f the Im m o rtal s

, the

E lys ian Fields of the N orth . It i s also known as the Gli ttering

Fields .3

T hi s m yth i s not S candinavian s im ply,not even T eu tonic

alone, bu t m ay be a uni versal Aryan one. For th i s gl ittering

bright imm o rtal region i s none o ther than the Land beyondthe N o rth W i nd ,

’the land o f the H yperbo reans o f which

H o m er knew . We m ight,however, take a different view of the

c onnec t ion , and suppo se that the m yth o f the H yperbo reans

i tse lf was im ported by the Greeks from som e northern sou rc ein the sam e way that i t has been thought they im po rted the

m yth o f the Phaeac ians,the ferriers o f the dead

,from the region

whence Procop iu s i n a much later age got h is myth o f Brittia.

1 C f. VVidukind, i . 13 (P. iii. and G rim m , D eu tsc/ze Mytkologie

p . 2 35 (tr. S talybrass).1 Urdizr-krunnr, E dda .

3 G lcesisv ellir. T h is nam e answe rs , m o re o r less , to the glass m ountaino f o ur fai ry tales. It was a C e ltic bel ief also . S ee G rim m , D . 111 .

TH E H OM E OF TH E S UN . 7 1

And as we have been agai n bro ught fac e to face w i th Procop iu s’

story, I canno t om i t to po int o ut that m any o f the accounts o f

O o’a’

znsakr and the G littering Lana’ sh ow u s som e port ion

thereof fenc ed o ff by a wall in su ch a way that the region

beyond the wal l i s of a whol ly d iffe rent charac ter from that on

th i s s ide ; so that the m o rtal who vi s i ts thi s land o f the Im

m o rtal s and c om es back to te ll the tale has yet neve r been

al lowed to pass beyond the wal l . I th ink i t i s qu i te po ssiblethat th i s featu re has been im po rted from the land ex trem um

pana’

it qua G allia littas, and from the Brittia m yth . I t wou ld

be qu i te natu ral for such a legend to pass from G au l s to G er

m ans ; and if that has been the case here,th i s m yth of the

H yperborean Paradi se m us t be as d ist inc tly Germ an as S can

dinav ian.

O r say espec ial ly a po ssess ion of the Germ ans o f N o rthGerm any . I do not th ink there i s anyth ing strange in m en

fixing upon the N o rth , though i t i s the hom e of fro s t and snow,

for the s i te of th i s E arth ly Paradise . N obody can think th i s

s trange who rem em bers what the northe in sum m er i s l ike ; who'

has seenthe red sunse t glow brooding in the no rth t i l l i t i s

subdued by the s i lvery approac h of dawn,has seen the

tw i l ight l inger in these lands all night,strong enough

,as

T ac 1tu s wro te,to dim the light. o f the stars .

Inthe no rth , as T ac i tu s l ikew ise says, was th ough t to lie thehom e o f the sun. S un(S ol, S onne) i s inthe Germ an language s

a wom an. Inthe S candinavianm ytho logy S ol flees allday befo re the sun-de vou ring wo lf (E c l ipse). S he i s only safe wh enshereache s the wood o f the V arns

,at the beginning o f the under

wo rld . T h ere B il ling and the o ther e lves o f the sunset m ee t herw i th kindled to rches , wh ich throw the i r reflec to nuponthe sky .

Bil l ing i s the watchm an o f the western edge o f the O da’

insakr,

and D el l ing, the E lf o f D awn,o f the easte in edge

,and we

m ay consider th i s Paradi se in the N o rth e i th er as on the

72 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E R MA N Y.

ou tward rim of th i s wo rld or the ent rance of ano ther. S uch

i s the sum m er p icture of the O ther Wo rld.

But change the scene from sum m er to winter, andwe have a

st i l l m o re im press ive im age . N ow the O ther Wo rld i s the land

o f Giants and th i s i s the pictu re wh ich i s the m o s t c ons i stent

w i th the who le co sm o logy o f the E ddas, and, on that account

we m ay bel ieve, even m o re deeply roo ted in the c onsc iou sness

o f the Germ an people than the c onc ept ion o f the E arth ly Paradise . With th i s co l d region , j o

'

tunlzeim ar,are natu ral ly far m o re

nearly assoc iated all ideas of D eath,su ch as of We i rd and her

fountain,than wi th the sum m er land above spoken o f. All

that i s s trange and fearfu l,all im ages o f pain and ho rro r

,w i l l

always be gathered together and pou red into the m ou l d o f that

one awfu l concept ion—D eath . What g ives i t s charac te r to them ytho logy o f the no rth—of all the Bal t i c regions—i s thatnatu re suppl ie s the substance of these p ictu res in such largem easu re .

In the N orse m ytho logy the habi table wo rld (Mannkeim ar,

m an’s home) i s conce ived as an i s land, contain ing, no doubt ,i t s proper c om plem ent o f i nland seas, with the i r viks and

i slands , of which the safe,fam i l iar Bal t ic m ade one. But

o u ts ide o f all flowed that sea which T ac i tu s heard of, the sea,

th ick and alm o s t stagnant,‘which we m ay be l ieve g irdles the

it ho le earth .

’T h i s sea i s i n N o rse m ytho logy cal led the S ea o f th

E livagar, the venom -c o ld wave s? It i s l ike Q ic sciv og,‘a shadowy

sea,a sea calam i tou s . ’ ‘Bo ld m u s t he be

,

’ says the E dda,

‘who str i ves to pass tkose waters .’

S om ewhere,far in the

N o rth,th i s o ceanc ontains a. m aelstrom

,whereby boat s m ay be

We m ay rem em be r in read ing the acco unt of the Elivagar, Pytheas’

desc riptiono f the sea beyond T hu le , and the shapes (ice -floes to be seenthe rein. T he e

’

liva’

gar are said to lie ‘at the end of heaven’

(011 theho riz on). H y m isk . l . 17 (C . P .

j O T UN H E IMAR . 73

suck ed downunder the waves and landed i n som e out-world

or under-world region . T h i s m ael s trom . too ( i t i s tke m aels trom o f the Lu ffodens, no doubt , only exagge rated by the lens

o f m ytho logy), i s c onc e ived as a so rt o f prim eval fount whirl ing

up‘at once and eve r ’

the sou rc e of all seas wh i c h fi l l the

wo rld S om ewhe re downbeneath i t i s an im m ense wo rld-m i l lrevo l v ing round and round, and chu rning up th i s prim eval

fo unt,cal led H vergelm ir, wh i le i ts handle m oves the di sk o f

the h eavenand the s tars wh : C h tu rn t h erew i th ?

Beyond the sea o f the Elivagar l ie s j o'

tun/zeim ar. And

wh enwe have got th ere we have got no t only to the bo rders o f

the earth,but to (or beyond) the bo rders of H elkeim ar , the

abode o f gho sts . And what s h ows that Jo tunhe im extendedinto H elheim i s that the giants (j ot/tar)and m onsters (t/zursar)who inhabi t JO tunheitn seem to divide them se lves i nto two

c lasses—one,o f which the nam es show them to be personifica

t ions o f natu ral fo rces,the o ther who se nam es Show them

personifications of D eath.

T here i s a passage inthe E dda poetry where a certai n K ingH eidrek i s represented ask ing riddles o f a w i se m an—O din, orsom e o th er . O ne o f the riddles i s :

‘Who i s the H uge O ne who walks over the sea and land

devou ring the h i ll s ; who fears the Wind but no m an,and

m akes war uponthe S un?’

T he answer to the riddle i s ‘Fog.

’T he sentence , however,

m ight stand for anexac t desc ript iono f the typic al nature—giantinthe E dda. T hese giants . one and all

,m ake war succ essfu lly

upon the sun in the person of Baldr ; t h ey fear no m an,but

they fear the Wind, who i s O din, and st i l l m ore the T hunder,

1 I do not suppose that H v ergelm ir was o riginal ly anyth ing d ifferentfrom U rd’

s wel l . And I doubt if the slaves o f the wo rld -m i l l we re o riginal lyd ifferent from the N o rris who guarded U rd ’

s wel l . R ydbe rg d istingu ishesthree d ifferent founts inthe lowe r -world .

74 C R E E D OF H E A I H E N G E R MAN Y.

T ho r. T hey are,in fact

,the im personat ions of the frost and

the rim e ; and the rim e i s the m i s t or fog o f fro s t . T he i r

nam es show how com pletely th ey are the em bodiments o f

natu re . C o l lect ive ly th ey are H rim thursar, R im e-Giants . In

d ividually they are c al led H rim,H rim grim ,

and so fo rth .

Fantas t ic as they are to u s,they were very real to our far

ancesto rs . T he be ing who s talked at n igh t under the m i sty

h i l ls and feared the W ind , had in the m o rn ing left behind himthe token of hi s presence i n the r im e on blade and bough .

17a m et j9am mycol m ist on se says evenour E ngl i sh C hronic le ,

descri bing a V ik ing exped it ion . N o t‘ they m et

,

’bu t ‘ there

m et them,

’

a great Fog onsea. N atu ral ly these be ings of thefro st and fog be long m o re to the N o rthe rn mytho logy than

e l sewhere ; bu t they were—the who le giant race was—a com

m onhe i rloom of T eu tonic bel ief.

O ne fact alone shal l suffice u s as evidence bo th that the giant

race was as much a part o f Germ anm ytho logy as of S candi

navian, and that i t exc i ted a very real terro r i n the popu lar

mind . It i s th i s : that the H uns (Magyars), who duging the

tenth centu ry swept over Germ any and gave that country the

m o s t terrible exper ience of barbarian invas ion wh ich s ince she

becam e a po rt ion of C hri s tendom she had ever known orwas

to know,have u surped in popu lar m ytho logy the place o f the

anc ient E otan race . U surped it very unfittingly no doubt in

fac t,whereby the huge bones of fo ss i l anim al s are ascribed in

fo lk- lo re to the sm all,swarthy T urc om an horsem en ; bu t very

appropriate ly to the lessons o f m ytho logy, if we rem em be r

what a devas tat ing ho rde they were, deserving to be cal led the

ch i ldren of w i tches and we re-wo lves , l ike the i r predecesso rs ,Jo rdanes’ H uns

,the exac t ant ithes i s of all the chi ldren 0 1

l ight .After the fro s t and snow giants we com e to tho se who repre

sent not phys ical cold, bu t the c o ld and num bness o f the

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76 C R E E D O F H E A TH E N G E R MAN Y

the gods s tand in such c lo se relat ion to the kingdom o f

death.

N or i s th i s am bi t iono f vi s i t ing the world of Shades confined

to the gods . I t i s shared by th o se half- di vine he ro e s wh o sele . ends fo rm anintegral po rt ion of the c o rpus o f no rthernm yth

o logy. S igu rd (S igrdd), when he awoke Brynh i ld - S igrdrifa ou t

o f her death - sleep,o r u rged hi s ho rse

,G rani

,through the

flam es wh ich su rrounded her hal l , was in re ility perfo rm ing

an O rphean task—he was vi s i t ing hi s be loved in the under

world . Ano ther poem gi ves a desc ript ion of Brynhi ld’s r idedown to hel l ; though th i s i s a late and rathe r dubio u s

au tho ri ty . T here are o ther heroes , such as H elgi, ii ho , having

been dead , are su m m oned from the i r ‘how,

’

or funeral m ound,

by the inc antat ions o f the spae—wom an—the V alkyria—whomthey had had to w i fe .

T his instanc e brings u s to ano ther aspec t of the relat ions be tween M ann/zeim and H elkeim—the power of necrom anc y

,o f conju ring the dead to c om e out o f the i r tom bs .

S uch powers belong,i t need no t be sai d , to all sys tem s o f

m agic ; and I do no t know that the em ploym ent o f them w is

a special ly com m onfeatu i e inthe no rthern m agic . S t i l l there

are m any ins tances o f such em ploym ent,and in co m binat ion

w i th the m yths o f j o’

tunkeim ar and H ellzeim ar,they he lp us to

fo rm a p ic ture of the popu lar bel iefs concerning the o ther

wo rld .

O ut o f all these sou rces i t wou ld be po ss i ble to draw a

pic tu re to lerably c ons i s tent w i th i tself o f the undergro und

hom es o f the dead,o f places o f puni shm ent and o f happine ss ,

o f the hom es o f the prim i t i ve earth - powers , the bei gs whoat tend to the growth o f natu re and the nou ri shm ent o f thewo rld - tree

,o f the be ings o f decay and death , o f fro st and co ld ?

1 R ydberg has unde rtakenthe task o f drawing such a com p lete p ic tu re ,and acco m pl ish ed it onthe who le wi th strik ing s uccess so at least it seem s

TH E H O ME OF TH E D E AD . 77

But any su ch de tai led ac c ount would be not only far beyond

the c o m pass o f th i s c hapter, i t would be very inappropriate to a

desc ript ionof the ance s tral bel iefs of the T eutonic rac e s . S uc ha p ic tu re as that m u st partake of all the elem ents out of wh ic h

the E ddaic m ytho logy i s m ade up . It m u st contai n m any

th ings bo rrowed fro m C hri st ian eschato logy, m any m o re whic h,

tho ugh they exi sted befo re the c ontac t w i th C hris tendom ,have

beenundu ly em phas i z ed ow ing to that contac t ; wh i le inaim ingat a pic tu re of prim i t ive be l ief we m u s t content ou rselves w i thno t ions very i l l-defined, w i th what cou ld by no m eans be alwaysm ou lded into a consi stent who le, i n a wo rd w i th im ages wh ic him pressed the popu lar im aginat ion

,which i t c o u ld no t rid i tsel f

o f, but which i t was general ly unw i l l ing to dwe l l upon at

length,and never thought of shaping into a single system .

T h i s popu lar and persi stent im agery o f the o ther wo rld wil l bethat which alone has the power of securing for i tself a last i ngplace inthe popu lar m ytho logy.

N ot the least im pressive am ong the im ages which answer toth i s tes t i s that o f the wal l o f flame, which cons tantly appears

su rrounding the H ou se of D eath . N ow i t appears as a ri ng o f

fire which enc i rc les the who le o f f o'

tunkeim ar,now i t enc lo ses

som e particu lar hou se w i th in those prec i nc ts ; that hou se or

to m e . S ee Teu tonic Mytkology, pp. 2 09—494 . T h is is the m ost im po r

tant po rtiono f Mr. V icto r R ydberg’s wo rk (Unclersokningar i G erm anisk

Illy /kologi). It is to be regretted that th is au tho r sho u l d m ar the effect o fgreat research and great acum en, by the o ccasional d isplay o f what m ightalm o st appear a disrngenuou s ingenuity. As, for exam ple , whenhe se lec tsfou r l ines out of a series in H avam al

V eiz tu hv e bibja skal , v eiz tu hv e blota skal 11Betra es obefiit anse

’

o f bldtiti, &c .

-as ev idence of a ritual ist warbetweenthe IE sir-wo rsh ippers and the V ani rwo rsh ippers . O r whenhe m akes a verse out of the sam e poem who sem eaning is pe rfec tly sim ple and c lear , carry a fo rced refe rence to the

m ak ing o f m anand wom anou t o fA sk and E m olo .

7 8 C R E E D OF H E A Tf I E N G E R MAN Y.

castle be ing for the m om ent the representative of the who leregion , be ing i n fac t the H o u se o f D eath .

Inthe sim p lestof sun-m yths to be found inthe E dda,that which

tel l s the sto ry of Frey’s desc ent to Jotunhe im i n the person of

Swipdag, D ayswoop, D aybreak, we have a charac teri st ic and

im pressive pi c tu re of th i s fiery wal l . D aybreak 1 savs as he

approaches the giant warder of the cou rts of Mengldd

What m onste r is it befo re the fo recou rt standing,And hovering round the bu rning flam e.

And later on, when he asks the guard ian the name o f thehal l

,he says

H ownam e they th is hal l that is girt roundW ith a certainfl icker ing flam e .

1

And inl ike m anner Frey’s mes senger, S ki rnir, befo re sett ingout to Jotunhe im

,says to his m as ter

G ive m e thy steed , then, that he m ay hear m e throughT he m irk fl icker ing flam e .

In t ru th th i s express ion ,‘fl ickering flame ’

(vafrlogi), tu rnsout to be appl ied e special ly to the flam e which surrounds theo ther wo rld .

Am ong a people by whom the pyre was the recogni zedm eans of departu re from th i s wo rld to the next 3 the funeral

1 Swipdag is real ly rathe r a god o f spr ing thano f daybreak . W indcold,’

he says , ‘ is m y nam e . My father was S pringcold, his father H ardcold.

’

1 C orp . Poet. Bor. ,

‘S wipday and Menglad,

’W . 17 and 47 (=Fj615

v innsm . , 1 and3 For a p iece o f ev idence on the im po rtance wh ich at one tim e the

no rthe rnnations attached to c rem ation, com pare an interesting passage in

IbnH aukal’s K itdb el-Mes/clik wa -l- Ik/em a

’

tik (T rave ls inR ussia).

TH E VAFR LO G I . 79

flam e would natu ral ly (nay, inevi tably) be t ranslated into the

im age of anac tual wal l o f fire su rrounding the H al l s o f D eath .

But then this myth ic im age m ight very wel l be enfo rced by anatu ral one .

Let 11s rem em ber that Jo tunhe im , besi de be ing the fo recou rt o f

the o the r wo rld,i s l ikew i se anem bodim ent of w i nter

,the w i nter

aspect of the no rth , ju s t as the E arthly Paradise , the O dainsakr,i s i ts sum m er aspect . As over one the l ight o f the sunse t

l ingered long enough to dim the l igh t o f the s tars,or

,if you

w i ll,as the to rches of Bill ing and D ell ing

,the e lves of tw i l igh t

and the dawn,sent up the i r reflec t ionupon the sky all through

the nigh t,so in w inter ano ther l ight m ay be seen to surround

the no rthern sky, a l ight to which the express ions ‘fl ickering

flam e,

’and ‘

m i rk fl ickering flam e’are pec u l iarly appropriate,

the Aurora Borealis, the dawn of the no rth .

’1

T h i s , I th ink, com ple tes the tale o f the phys ical phenomena, ou t o f which the no rthern people com po sed the i r mythicwo rld o f death . T he unknown no rthern seas w i th th e i r ic efloes

,the E livogs, and the i r m ae lstrom (H vergelm ir) ; the lands

o f pe rpetual ice and snow far in the no rth ; the AuroraBorealis

sh ining over all with i ts pale or ruddy wavering gleam . And if

i t be sai d that the m aterial s for th i s p ictu re cou ld no t ‘ havebelonged in equal m easu re to the G erm ans of Germ any I w i l l

grant i t : not inequal m easu re,but in no sm al l m easu re. For

the Au ro ra Bo real i s i s c ertai nly o ften seen in N o rthe rnGermay and N o rthern Germ any has i ts fu l l share of fro st andfog and snow. Bes ides wh ich -it m ay be that the nat ions o f

N o rthern Germ any had real ly c om e out o f the no rth, and i t

c ertainly was the case that they had much clo ser relat ions

1 Inm odernIce land ic v afrlogi is used for the ignisfatu us (see V igfussonD iet. 5 . And th is m ode rn u se ce r tainly po ints m uch m o re to the

Au ro ra Bo real is thanto the l ightning , wh ich is what R ydberg interprets thevafrlogi to be .

80 C R E E D OF H E A TH E N G E R MA N Y.

therew i th in prehi sto ric days than afterwards,

Iand bel ieved

them se lves to have sprung th enc e .

It now rem ains to se lec t from the E dda poem s s o m e

passages which m ay p resent in a vivid shape the p ic tu re o f the

D eat h K ingdom,as I have tr ied to draw i t .

We have said that the Vafrlogi i s not a phys ical phenom enon

only that i t belongs,so to say, to the dead, to the to m b . We

need not, therefo re , be su rpri sed to m ee t i t even wh enwe are

only conc erned w i th the sum m oning o f a dead m anou t o f his

how,

’

no t w i th a jou rney from th i s wo rld into the next . We find

i t,for exam ple , i n the su m m oning of Agantyr by h i s daugh te r

H ervor . N o th ing in l i teratu re i s m o re we i rd and im press ive

than the pic tu re o f the fire break ing ou t on every S ide (a

m yst ic,not a consum ing fire) wh i le the incantat ions are be ing

c hanted and the dead c om es to l ife

Fi res are fl ickering , graves are gapingBu rnfo ld and fen.

Be not we affr igh ted at such m oanings ,T hough onall sides the island bu rns.

Ajar l ies he l l -gate , the how is opened ,Fire I beho ld all round the island .

T hen fo l lows anawfu l conju rat ion o f the dead,and Agantyr

speaks from h i s tom b .

N ot less im press ive i s the s to ry o f H elgi and S igrun , where in

the dead warrio r r ides fo rth from h is tom b to m ee t h i s w ife .

But we do not get here any preci se ly new im age connec ted

w i th death .

T hese accounts lead u s onto o ther m yths inwhich one who

i s dead i s awakened by a vi s i t pai d no t to the tom b onearth , bu t

1 S ee inth is connection a very str ik ing note'

on two runes of the T une

stone insc riptionin C orp . Poet. Bor. , i . 572 . I do no t pretend , o f cou rse ,to dec lare how far V igfusson

’s read ing , wh ich d iffers from the read ings o f

W im m e r and Bugge , is suppo rted by the facts .

D E S C E N T I O H E LL . 8 1

to the H ou se o f the D ead be low the earth . Inthe s tory of

S igrdrifa and S igurd the ac t i s to ld m e tapho rical ly . S igrdrifa,

who has o ffended O din, has been pricked by a sleep- t horn .

T hat real ly means that she i s dead . S igu rd has to rescue

her ou t o f a hal l I'O U '

ld wh ic h bu rns a wal l o f flam e . H e had

al ready heard bi rds proph esy ing th i s deed . O ne sai d

A hal l is onh igh H indarfj al l ;W ith fire wi thout ’

tis all su rrounded .

M ighty lo rds that palace bu i ldedO f und im m ed earth -flam e?

I know that on the fe ll a war m aidensleeps,Around her fl ickers the l inden’

s bane ,

2

W ith his sle ep—tho rnO dinhas pie rc ed the m aiden,Who the G od ’

s chosendared inbattle to bring low.

T hen there are o ther acco unts wh ic h give u s the actualjou rney to the unde r-world . T h is i s a region so c lo sely

assoc iated w i th thoughts o f m i s t and darkness that e ven thet im e for m ak ing the journey i s general ly n igh t (as peop legenerally die inthe nigh t). S ki rni r, for exam ple , after he has

(in the passage quo ted above) begged o f Frey hi s ho rse,

addresses that ho rse i n the fo llowing words

D ark it grows withou t , tim e it is to fare,O ver the m isty fe l ls ,O ver thursar- land .

We wi l l both retu rn, or that all-powerful jotunS hal l seiz e us both .

And then we fo l low the detail s of the jou rney a l i ttle fu rth er .General ly the trave l ler has to pass along a cont inual ly darkingroad which for days—n ine days—leads onward to the lowerwo rld . Fearfu l m onsters try and affrigh t him

,he l l-hounds

,

guardians o f that land . When he has reached the entranc e tothe c i ty of H el he finds at the gate a V elva’s grave . S uch isthe pictu re given o f O din’s hel l-jou rney in the Vegtam skv zda.

1 G o ld. 1 Fire.

82 C R E E D OF H E A TH E N G E R MA N Y.

D ownward he rode toward N iflhel,T henm et him the he l l -hound from its cave com ing,Bloody it was uponits breast,And it bayed and gaped wideAt the si re of runic songs .

O nward rode O d in, the earth echoed ,T i l l to the high H e l’s hou se he cam e ;T henrode the god to the easterngate ,Where he knew the re was a V olva’

s graveT o the wise one beganhe his charm s to chant ,T i l l she up rose a - fo rce and the dead one spake

‘S ay what m anand m ento m e unknown,T rouble has m ade for m e and m y rest destroyedSnow has snowed o

’er m e rainhas rained uponm e

D ew has bedewed m e , I have long beendead.

’

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84 c‘

H R I S I E /VD O M .

rec e ive m anifo ld mo re inthi s pre sent t im e and inthe wo rld tocom e l i fe everlasting

,

’was des igned to fo ste r the prac tice o f

m onach ism ; or even whether the wo rds ‘ I am not com e to

s end peace into the wo rld but a swo rd,

’do or do not present

I quas i - sanct ion for re l igiou s wars and re l igiou s persecu t ions .l

‘

bese are not m atters onwhic h we have to speak .

Bu t we have to reckon w i th the fac t that there are threeelem ent s inthe later C atho l i c i sm po inted at i n the las t sentenc e,vi z .

,the growth of dogm a leading to persecu t ion, the growth

of m onas t ici sm,and the growth of the sacram ental do c tr ine

,

which can be as legi t im ate ly m ade the subjec ts of hi sto rical

inqu i ry as canany o ther hum an developm ents abou t wh ich thereexi st s no special theo ry of presc ript ion . T o the histo rian

studying the history of these growths of bel ief,i t i s a m at ter of

very secondary im po rtanc e whether a sanc t ionfor them canbe

found in the wri t ings o f thi s or that father, i n the dec rees of

th i s or that counc i l of the C hu rch . H e rec ogni zes—that i s tosay, if he i s at all fi tted to be the h i s to rian of ideas—thatBel ief

,l ike all th ings sp i ri tual

,is no t to be expressed in set

fo rm u las nor sealed up in the t igh test of decrees or artic le sthat it i s l i t tle affected by the fo rm of wo rds to which a par

ticular body o f i ndividual s m ay consent to append the i r

s ignatu res ; that the be l ief o f any age i s no th ing m o re thanthe

sum o f the i ndividual opin ions o f that age , w i th only th i s

provi so—that the opinion in every case i s one onwh ich i ts

po ssesso r i s prepared to ac t. And therefo re for a hi sto ry o f

C hri s tian or of any o ther bel ief he seeks for a hundred indications

,in popu lar art, popu lar legend , fam il iar l i teratu re and

co rrespondence, at least as im po rtant for h i s s tudy as legal

fo rm u lae or the decree s of counc i l s .

Inthree direc t ions, i t has beenal ready sai d (and, indeed, thefact i s general ly recogni zed), does the deve lopm ent of m ediaeval

C atho l ic i sm ch iefly di splay i tself towards dogm a and persec u

TH E D O N A TI S T QUA R R E L. 85

t ion towards m onastic i sm towards m ysterie s and o rde rs .

U s ing ano ther im age, we m ight cal l these the three p i l lars on

which all that i s especial ly charac teri st ic o f m ediaeval C atholi

c ism rests . And inthe rai sing up of these three p i llars there

are nec e ssari ly c ertainepo c h s spec ial ly m em o rable . O ne - the

first, pe rhaps— of these i s the convers iono f C onstant ine . It i s

not alone the acceptance o f C hri st iani ty as the state rel igion

which gi ve s im po rtance to that event but the evidence which

i t inc i dental ly brings to l ight o f the extent to wh ich the new

c reed had been preparing i tsel f for that c onsum m ation,the

readiness or even alac ri ty wh ich i t d isplayed to ac c ept a king

dom which was o f th i s wo rld,under the accom panying c on

ditions. As M i lm an says,the s to ry of the Battle O f the

Milvian Bridge and the c onvers ion o f the E m pero r i s pre

eminently s ignificant for the eagerness wh ich i t shows on the

par t of the C h ri st ians to rece i ve the ac count of a m i racle, who se

express pu rpo se was to convert the sym bo l of the Peace of G od

into anensigno f war. It was the fi rs t advanc e to the m i l i tary

C hri stiani ty o f the Middle Age s.

T he quarre l of the D onat i sts fo l lowed c lo se uponthe establiskm ent of the C hu rch and fo reshadowed all the fu tu re intest inestruggles of the C hri st ians . It i s no t iceable

,however

,that we

find bo th part ies in th i s brief but sangu inary struggle c i t ing for

the warrant O f the i r persec u t ions the au tho ri ty of the O ld

T estam ent rather than of the N ew ; as so m any persecu to rs

have done througho u t succeeding ages .

After the D onat i st d i spu tes fo l lowed the great T rin i tariancontroversy, in wh ich C hrist iani ty entered upon a new phase .

T he struggle betweenthe Arians and Athanas ians oc c up ied theat tent ionof the C hu rc h for m any succeeding generat ions

,and

she was i n th i s condi tion of se lf-abso rbt ionwhen the R om an

1 H ist. of C /zrist. 11. 354—5.

6 C H R IS TE N D OM .

E m pire began to shake and totter befo re the onslaughts of thebarbarians . O ne e ffec t of th i s c ondi tionof th ings

,which is of

extreme importanc e for our subject,was that the first contact

of C hri st ian i ty and T eu tonic heathen ism drew to i tself l i ttleat tent ion by com pari son w i th the i ncidents of the T rini tarian

warfare. T hat controversy , espec ial ly after it has degenerated

into one be tween the C atho l ics and semi-Arians,the s truggle

over the H om oiousion and H omoou s ion , seem s at the fi rst

glance to moderneyes p i tifu l enough . But I do not th ink itwas so i n real i ty. O f course , the subtle di st inc t ion be tween‘of the sam e substance or be ing ’

(O usia), or‘o f l ike sub

stance,

’wou ld be for the vast m aj o rity of C hri st ians anacadem i c

quest ion only ; such , too, I ventu re to th ink , has always been

for the great m ass o f C hri st ians the nature, or even the

existence,of the T hird Person of the T rin i ty . But not so

with the individual i ty o f C hri st H im self. T he real quest ionwhich had to be decided—I mean for the popu lar m ind—waswko shou ld be the D e i ty of the M i ddle Age s—C hris t , som e

abstract metaphysical god, or the Jehovah of Judai sm . Man

kind had advanced to the he ight of m ono the i sm . O th‘

éffi eities

m ight exi st,de i t ies of l imited powers l ike the gods of paganism

or heathendom . T hese only changed their names and becam e

the ange l s or the sai nts of the C hurch ; angel s or da ijuoi/ tg i n

the earl ier centurie s, and i n Gno st ic i sm and Manic hae i sm °

saints,chiefly , in the M i ddle Ages properly so cal led . Bu t

over all the se gods o f po lythe i sm ru led, i n place of the con

tro l l ing Fate o f the c lass i c drama,a contro l l ing Providenc e .

T he question which had to be decided,and which C hrist ianity

decided triumphantly i n its own sense,was whether C hris t or

some o ther was to represent th is Providence.

Art di splays the trium ph of the cau se,and indo ing so shows

how m uch popu lar re l igion was concerned in it. T he C hris t

o f the C atacombs—we all know that youthful, Apo l lo-like,but

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88 C H R I S TE N D OM .

II .

D ur ing all these years had been coming into effect an

im mense change i n the p ersonnel o f the C hri st ian commun ity,due to the introduct ion o f m onast ic i sm ; c ertainly the m o s tm om ento u s change i n that k ind s inc e o rde rs and the laying onof hands fi rs t becam e general am ong C h ri s t ians T he c om

m only-ac c epted O pinion,says Montalem bert , 1 fixe s the date o f

the regu lar c onst i tu t ion o f the m onast ic o rder at the end of the

th i rd c entu ry—contem porar i ly , th erefo re , w i th the establ i shm ent

of C hri s tiani ty as a state re l igion, a c entu ry befo re the i nflux ofthe barbarians .

H ow C hri stian m onas tic i sm took i ts ri se i n E gypt,in the

T hebai d,we know. Into what i s known or su rm i sed o f i t s

connec t ion w i th an earl ier pre - C hri s t ianer

em i t i sm —Jew i sh o f

the E ssenes,or po ssi bly even H indu of the gym no soph i sts

we need not inqu i re . Its natu ral c ou rse was from erem i t i sm to

coenobit i sm from the so l i tary exi stence o f the herm i t to that

o f the re l igiou s com m uni ty . Men fled at fi rs t singly\into the

desert. S om e h e rm i t o f exc ep t ional p ie ty becam e fam ou s ;disc i ple s and im i tato rs floc ked to hi s ne ighbou rhood ; so m e

t im es he let them abide th ere uncared for,m o re. o ften he

consented to take i n one way or ano ther the direc t ion o f the i r

l i fe ; and thu s the germ of a, c oenobit ic societv took shape .

O thers, again, we beho ld dep a rt ing into the desert or to some

spo t r ic h in ho l y assoc iat ions, with the express objec t o f

gathering com rades round th em and fo rm ing a c om m uni ty for

prayer and prai se . N um erou s are the nam es c e lebrated,or at

least c om m em o rated,as the fu rth erers of the new m ovem ent in

the variou s lands of C h ri stendom . But two stand ou t above

the rest in popu lar fam e,and are thu s fam i l iar to u s i n art

Moines a” O ccia’ent, l . 11.

M O N A S TTC I SM . 89

Anthony and Jerom e—Anthony the typical hermi t , Jerom e the

typical coenob i te .

T he spread of m onac h i sm did not long precede what i s for

our study the great event o f the age—the beginning of the

barbarian invasions . It m ay help us to fi x a date

to recal l how the news of the fall o f R om e before

the arm s of Alar ic—that awfu l event which seem ed to shak e

the ash e s o f R om an patrio t i sm i n i ts grave—reached Jerom e

as he was pre siding over h i s m onast ic comm un i ty at Beth leh em,

and insp i red Augu st ine w i th the thoughts which germ inated in

the C ity of -G oa’

. T he part wh i ch Anthony to ok in the D onat i sttroubles rem inds us , onthe o the r hand

,that w i th the beginnings

o f the m onast ic i nst i tu t ion are assoc iated the las t persecu t ions

of C hri st iani ty at the hands of pagani sm ,and

,fo l low ing alm o st

im m ediately upon them ,the fi rs t persecu t ions w i th in the pale

o f C hri stendom .

It is, perhaps , unnecessary to rem i nd the reader how altogether ou ts ide the es tabl i shed o rders of the C hurch lay

m onast ic ism at i ts foundat ion so that for long the m onk was

no t even a priest . T he ru le o f S t. Benedic t—u l t im ate ly t/ze

ru le for the com m un ities o f E u rope—provided that one or two

m onks in each m onastery shou ld be consec rated priests, i n

o rder that the services m ight be du ly perfo rm ed w i thou t

external aid ; and it was rare (at fi rst) to find any m onk whosought, as we shou ld say, prom o tion i n the C hu rch . T im eshad long greatly changed befo re we read o f Archbi shop O do ,of C anterbury, that he was the first archbishop who had notprevio usly been a m onk ? It m ay, I say, be unnec essary toremind the reader o f th i s but the fac t i s im po rtant

,inview of

the growth of that S ac ram ental doc trine which we took as the

th ird of the great p i l lars upon wh ich rested the bel ief o f

Mediaeval C hri stiani ty .

1 V ita S O s wala’i inLiv es of tke Arckéiskops of York . R aine (R o l ls S er

A.D . 410.

99 C H R I S TE N D OM

T he Eas t , the region o f deserts— the E ast and Africa—werethe natu ral b i rthplac es for the sp iri t o f erem i t i sm

,and therefo re

o f m onastic i sm . But i t was not long before the m ovem ent

spread from A rica and the E ast to E u rope . Am ong the

earl iest s i tes which i t c ho ~ e o ut (natu ral ly enough) were the

c ountless i slands o f the Medi terranean; and thu s what thelone ly waste o f sand expressed for the o riental m onk

,that

the boundle ss expanse o f water sym b o l i zed to his bro ther m onk

in E u rope—h i s aloofness from hum an affai rs,h i s lone l iness

w i th G od.

But th ere were so l i tary p laces enough onthe m ainlands,deep

fo rest trac ts and lonely m ountain tops . Befo re Benedic t hadc om e to Monte C ass ino to lay the foundat ions o f what m ay be

cal led the o rthodox m onast ic i sm of the West,the ins ti tu t ion

had already spread through Gau l to Bri tain. H i lary o f

Po ic tiers, Mart in o f T ou rs (m o re s tr ic tly o f Marm ou tiers,near

T ou rs), are the nam es m o st associated w i th the spread o f the

inst i tu t ioni n Gau l Martin’

s nam e pre- em inently so . After th i s

saint was chri stened one of the m o st d i st ingu i shed am ong theearly foundat ions in th i s c ountry, C andida C asa, or\V lfl hern,onthe S o lway Bay

? T hat one legend m ade i t the schoo l o f

Patrick shows at leas t the venerat ion i n which was he ld th i s

eldes t ch i ld of Gau l i sh m onast ic i sm ?

In th i s w i se —to go back to the im age with wh ich th i s vo lum e

opens—we see the m arch of th i s new soc ial and re l igiou s forc e

fo l low ing c lo se . upon the heel s o f C hri st iani ty i tsel f, and

t rave l l ing along the rou tes wh ic h the R om an E m pi re had

prepared for i t ; and we see,alm o st at the sam e m om ent

,the

Germ an barbarians stepping infrom the E ast .

1 Beda, H E . iii. 4 .

1 O nits re lationto I rish m onastic ism , see S kene , C elt. S cot]. 11. 46.

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92 C H R I S TE N D OM

orders that of the sea and that of the m ountain s . T o the m onks

o f the sea belonged m yst ic p iety, free specu lat ion, a m easure o f

phys ical slo th to the m onks of the mountains,severi ty, o rder,

and rigid o bedience . In the m atter of obedienc e, howeve r,C o lum ba effec ted a great im pro vem ent am ong hi s own

bre thren . T he Iri sh m onks gathered them se l ve s m o re str ic tly

into re l igiou s com m un i t ies,and adopted a ru le which was inthe

m ain the ru le o f S t . C o lum ba. I guard m yself from cal l ing

these new e stabl i shm ents re l igiou s kouses for such they we re

not. T hey were no m o re than groups of wooden hu ts—noIr i sh shanty o f to -day so sm al l as they were—each for i t s s ingle

occupant ? It was a group o f herm i t s carry ing,snai l - l i ke

,

the i r c el l s w i th them ; the sam e had been the grow th of

rel igiou s com m uni t ie s i n the T hebai d . Let a narrow place

w i th one doo r contai n them,

’ran the ru le of S t. C o lum ba .

T he who le group was gi rt round w i th a sl ight defens ive vallum

or m ud wall . Inthe m idst stood a sm al l orato ry containing a

shrine, w i th the rel ic s, i t m ay be , o f som e sai ntly fo unde r . T he

o rator ies were at fi rst cal led a’uirteck

,or a

’airtec/z , h ou ses of

wood (oak)? Late r on they becam e hou ses of s tone , and a

s tone be lfry was added . S uch was the I ri sh m onastery of

C o lum ba’s day, the foyer of so m uch that influ enc ed the fu tu re

hi sto ry o f C hristendom .

Befo re long the se m onas teries gai ned a great venerat ion

from the rel igiou s - superst i t iou s H ibernians . T he m o re fam ou s

becam e i n the m id st of a poo r popu lat ion the s to rehou ses o f

prec iou s gi fts ingo ld and s i lver and jewel s , in that fine tw i s tedwo rk which i s so charac ter ist ic of the go l dsm i th’s art i n Ire land .

And th i s treasure proved the i r owndestruc t ion in after—years,when the V iki ngs cam e .

1 S kene , C elt. 11. 57 , and Adam nan, V ita S . C olu m ba , Bks. i. , 11.

S tone ce l ls for anch o r-ites were no t , however , unknown, and it is no t probable that such were unknowninthe m onaste ries . Cf : C elt. S c . , ii. 70 .

1 T h is etym o logy o f a’airteclz is no t c e rtain.

IR I S H M O N A S TJC /S M . 93

I knowno t wh e the r i t was any su rvival fro m the tradi t ions

of the far-o ff founders of the i r o rder,but c ertain i t i s that

C o lum ba and the great inst i tu to rs o f m onasteries in h i s daycho se s ti l l to bu i ld by the s ide o f the water—onsom e one of

the countless i slands o ff the I ri sh coas t or inthe lakes, oruponsom e p ro m onto ry overlo oking the sea .

I S uch a habit served tom ark the dist inc t ion be tween the i r l ife , the rel igiou s l ife of

I reland,and the secu lar l ife . For the latter had intho se days

little c onnec t ionw i th the sea. T he po rts which Ireland has

she owes to the V ikings . N ow her cap ital c i t ies , D ubhn,

Belfast, C o rk , are at these po rts . T hen the capital , T ara, wasinland

,in the

‘Mi ddle K ingdom ,

’

so - called . T he s i te of

D ubl in was th en only the Black Poo l,or the Ford of the

H u rdles . 3 T here was no com m erce,there were no po rts in

tho se days . T here was fi sh ing,of cou rse

,for wh ich the rude

skin-covered w icker co rac les sufficed ; and these boats werepresently , as we shal l see

,m ade u se o f by ano ther kind o f

fishers , fish ers of m en.

T here was thu s a natu ral fi tness i n thi s uprearing of m onasteries as near as m igh t be to the edge of all secu lar l ife . And

for tho se which lo o ked out wes tward or to the north , there m u st,

as one fanc ies,have been an unending fasc inat ion i n gazing

nightly toward the gates of the sett ing sun and the doo rs of

Paradi se .

O ne of the m o st fam ou s of the Iri sh m onast ic foundat ionswas Bango r, onthe coas t of C ounty D own. It was the foundat ion of C om gall, the friend o f C o lum ba : C o lum ba him self

T he sm al l islands round the coast o r inthe inland lochs appear to havepossessed an i rresistible attraction for the founders of these m onasteries ’

(S kene , o. 6. ii.2 Meath , M iddle N o t, o f cou rse , that the kingdom

of Meath was o r is inthe m iddle o f 17 e/am z’

0 D ubh - linn=black poo l [Blackpoo l , Liverpoo l]. T he usual nam e for

D ubl in, whenthe V ik ings first m ade a settlem ent there , was Ath-C l iath ,”he ford o f the hu rdles, ’

94 C H R I S TE N D 0M .

had l ived there . From i t cam e tho se two great m i ss ionarie s

to continental E u rope , C o lum ban and Gal l . T o ry I sland , off

the coast of D onegal , was a fo undat ionof C o lum ba’

s own. S o

was D erry, wh i ch am i d i ts deep oak woods I had no ou tlook

save towards the sea. T he Arran i slands had each i ts m onas

tery z ano th e r , wh e re the town o f Lim e rick now stands—as a

town Lim erick was founded by the V ikings ; m any in C o rk

harbou r,i n Wexfo rd harbour ; one C o lum ba

’s foundation,

‘

on

R echrea (now Lam bey), off D ubl in county . T he i nland lakes

had the i r share . Five m onasteries on the i slands o f Lough

R ee alone—inLough N eagh, Lough C orrib, Lough D erg, the i r

du e num ber. O nthe S hannon, m idway between Lough D erg

and Lough R ee,stood one o f the m o st long and w i de ly- fam ed

of Iri sh m onas teries,which

,for the sake o f i t s annal s , the

student of Ir i sh hi sto ry grate ful ly rem em bers—C lonm acno i se

S t. K ieran was i t s patron , a co ntem po rary of C o lum ba.

C o lum ba was no t c ontent w i th refo rm ing the m onast ic ism of

hi s own c ountry. H is great ach iev em ent was the conve rsion

of h i s monas t ic C h u rch into a m i ss ionary C h u rc h . D riven

out o f hi s nat ive land , he carried w i th him a c om m uni ty o f

m onks to H y—the plac e wh ich we to -day m i scal l Iona— the

sm al l i sland ly ing alongs ide o f Mu l l ; a wo rld- fam ou s place,

wh ich through C o lu m ba becam e,as i t were

,the D elo s of

We s ternC hr istendom .

T he roving spiri t of the I ri sh fi tted them for the m i ss ionary

labou rs to which th ey were dest ined . Inthe hal f-m yth ic l i veso f the early I ri sh sai nt s th ere are m any h isto ri es o f adventu reby sea ; and th i s , in sp ite o f the rudeness of th e i r art of ship

bu i lding, far behind what obtained uponthe o ther s ide of the

known wo rld , the coasts of the Bal t ic . S t. Bridge t i s said to

have gone to S co tland,to S co tland proper

, S co tland of the

D erry z D az'

re,anoak wood.

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96 C H R IS TE N D O M

preachings of that perfervid S co tchm an w i th h i s s tatelypresence and sono rou s v o ice I we can only guess ; for therom ant ic instinc t of tho se days preferred to at tr ibu te to a

m i rac le the slow resu l ts of hum an effo rt . T he pic tu resquelegend tel ls how C o lum ba cam e to the capi tal of the heathenPict i sh king

,Brude Mac Maelchon. But the king wou ld have

none of him,and o rdered the palace gates to be shu t in the

face of the m i ss ionaries . T he saint s tood up, w i th h i s twod isc iples C om gall and C ennaeth 2 be side him

,and m ade a

cro ss upon the doors . T hey at once flew O pen and the king

cam e fo rth trem bl ing.

3 H enc efo rward the wo rk o f convers ion

went onapac e,and the h ighlands often echoed to the vo ices of

C o lum ba and h is fo l lowers .

C o lum ba passed on, founding fresh m onaster ies all up the

wes tern c oas t of S co t land . H is di sc iple C o rm ac carried hi swo rk fu rther by the C hri stiani zat ion of the O rkneys . And

wherever alm o s t a new m onastery was e s tabli shed,i t,l ike i ts

p"edecessors inIreland and S c o tland, was placed , if po ssible ,

uponan i s land,or uponthe seasho re c lo se to the waves . T he

eremite sp i ri t,the T heban spi ri t, was no t dead , and

/

som e

zealou s and so l i tary souls’

chose ou t lone herm i tages onbarren

rocks and preac h ed to the fishes and sea- birds th ere .

I twas intru th a wonderful l ife, th i s of the Iri sh m onk,alone or

inc om m union, inhi s narrow hut, looking ou t upon the eternal

seas—to u s an inc once ivable l ife.We have to read som e 0 1

t he i r poem s to guess how m u c h th ey loved these pens ivec i tade l s of the irs

,and how strongly natu re inher w i ld aspec ts

wrough t u ponthem .

‘Be loved —says one suc h poem ,called

a poem o f C o lumba, speaking o f som e of his fo undations

Beloved are D urrow and D er ry,Be loved is pu re R aphoe

Cf . Adam nan, V z'

ta S . C ol. (R eeves) i. c . 2 9 , and R eeves , note , p . 260 .

2 Vila S . C om gall.3 Adam nan, 0. e. , ii. 36.

IR I S H M O N A S TI C I S M . 97

Beloved is D rum hom e , the fru itfu l ,Be loved are Swo rds and K e l lsBut sweete r and love l ier farT he salt sea where the sea-gu l ls fly.

x

D oes thi s h i story seem to l inger too long over the earlyfo undat ions of the Irish C h u rc h ? It i s w i th an expres s pu r

po se . I tak e the c ream o f all hi sto ry to lie in the c ontrast

be tween the c hanging ac t i v i t ie s o f m anbrought face to fac e w i th

the unchanged feature s of natu re . And these c ontrasts ari seno t o ut of the lapse of t im e alone

,bu t from difference o f

deve lopm ent . . Inthe pre sent c ase I have des i red to bring intorel ief the c ontrasted p ic tures of two p

~oples dwel l ing by the

sea—the Iri sh and S co tt is h m onks in the far no rth-west,the

S candinaviannat ions i n the far north - eas t . T hese typify for

u s a part o f the m anifo ld contras t between H eathendom and

C hri stendom .

Let the reader, if he will , stand in fancy by the salt sea,

where the sea-gu l l s fly,and watch the bi rds as they wing

westward toward the sett ing sun,with the eye of an Iri sh

m onk,alone

,untroubled

,dream ing

,and praying . And again

let him watch the water- fowl—the S ir/am,say

—ri s ing from the

V iks o f the Bal t ic i n serried array,clanging th rough the air i n

H am al’s fl lklng far overh ead,and flying sou thward : let him

watch th i s s ight w i th the eye of a N o rthm an who i s h im self erelong to fo l low them uponth e i r sou thward j ou rney.

And th i s connec t ionand c ontras t o f the east and west i s no t

fanc ifu l nor arbitrary . For i t so happens that whi le the V ik ings

were brought into som e sort of relat ion w i th alm o s t every

c ountry o f E u rope and w i th all kinds and degrees o f C h ri st ians ,the i r relations w i th the Iri sh m onks were pec u l iar i n kind and

i n degree , and i n the i r resu l ts ; as we shal l see hereafter.

S ee also a longer and very beautifu l poem quo ted by S kene, C elticS cotland, i i . 92 .

98 C H R I S TE N D OM .

What arts m ight a m annot know, what thoughts m ight heno t th ink in th i s l i ttle wo rld ! H e kept up hi s scho larsh ip ;read in Greek alm o st alone among the learned of N o rthernE u rope ; occupied him se lf in the beau tifu l go ld and s i lver

wo rk, and s t i l l m o re beau tifu l i llum inat ions wh ich have comedown to u s from that age . T he I ri sh art wo rk i s pecu l iar i tsm arked charac teri st i c s are the e laborate interlac ed pat te rns

wh ich seem alm o s t to defy hum an ingenu i ty to carry out th e ir

tw i s ts and w ind ings . When you sc ru t in ize them clo sely you

find, mo reove r, that these patterns are m ade up of fantast i can im al s . It i s a pecu l iari ty wh ich runs through Iri sh m etal

wo rk and il lum inat ion al ike,and i s even im i tated in a very

inappropriate fash ion on Iri sh stone carvings . Probably m o s t

readers are be st acquainted with these last, especial ly on the

c ro sses cal led Iri sh cro sses,though they are fo und i n o ther c oun

tr ies,no tably inthe S cand inavian. T h ese interlaced patterns are

probably der ived in the fi rs t instance from the wattl ing of tw igs

or reeds—and so w i th one hand they reach back to pre

hi sto ric art,inwh ich watllz

'

zzg, orplatt ing, was one o f the earl iest

and m o s t im portant indu stries.

I But on the o ther hand th i s

tw i sted scro l l-wo rk is the parent of the art whic h i s charac teris

t ical ly S candinavian. It was im po rted by the V i kings into the

no rth, and has rem ained im planted i n the S candinavian coun

trie s up to the present day, though i t has been abandonede l sewhe re .

2

Agai n the extrao rd inary prevalence of the anim al fo rms in

I ri sh art wo rk touches som e of the charac teri st ics of Go th ic

Waffle, connected with the root v i (S kr. v é) inw’

tz'

s, m

’

m en, S lavonicwetla

,a wi l low ,

’and S ansk . v etm , a reed . T he num ber of the nam es of

plants (for several m o re m ight be added) der ived from the pro cess of

wattling, or weav ing, ind icates the im po rtance o f the pro cess inpreh isto rictim es. O f c ou rse weav ing inpreh isto r ic days was only platting .

2 S om e o f the lrish wo rk appears to have found its‘

way into S cand inav iabefo re the V iking Age began sce Montelius , S z

'

erz'

gesForntz'

a’

.

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Ioo C H R IS TE N D OM .

Gau l (A .D . 4 05) ac ro ss the frozen R h i ne . T he second era is

c onnec ted w i th the nat ions o f the O stro -Go th s,and the Franks

,

with T heodo ric ’s conqu e s t o f I taly , A . D . 4 93 , and

w i th C lovi s’s em p i re in Gaul , which begins wi th

the vi c to ry gained over S yagrius at S o i s sons i n

A . D . 4 86.

Between these two eras l ies the one wh ich has su ch an

espec ial i nterest for u s,that of the set tlem ent o f the Angles

and S axons i n Britian (from A . D . 449 By com paring thesedates we are i n a po s i t ion to see w. .at was the re lat ionship in

t im e between the establ i shm ent o f the I ri sh m onas tic C hu rch

and the cou rse of T eu tonic i nvas iono f E u rope .

S om e only am ong these barbariani nvas ions were inthe stric tsense heathen invas ions . For the c onvers iono f the Germ annat ional i t ies had begun m u c h earl ier ; and befo re they brokedown the barrier o f R om an power m o st o f the i nc om ing T eutoni c peoples had abandoned the c reed o f th e i r fo refathers .

N ot m uch no t ice , as we have sai d , was taken i n the m ids t o fthe T r in i tarian controversy o f the labou rs o f the m i ss i o narie sam ong the heathens . Bu t one m i s s ionary at least

,Ulfila, the

apo stle o f the Go ths,has le ft beh ind him hi s own m em o rial

,

a icrfijua ég eat, i n the go spe ls which he trans lated into the Go th ic

tongue .

From the V i s igoth s , the first i nvaders,whi le they were st i l l

hal f-unconverted,c o rnes to u s, m o reove r

,one o f the rare and sl igh t

exi st ing m em orial s o f heathendom . M iny of the Go ths had

al ready becom e C hri s tians , but i n the i r king (one o f the ir two

k ings or judges), Athanaric , they po sses sed astern upho lder o f

the anc ient fai th . When Athanaric saw h i s people fall ing away

to C hri stiani ty he began an ac t i ve persec u t ion o f the con

verts . As a test o f th e i r c onform i ty he sent round am ong the

vil lages o f the V i s igo th s a waggon bearing an i do l ; tho se who

refused to worship it were bu rnt , along w i th the i r families . It

A.D . 493 .

A.D . 486.

C O N VE R S I O N O F TH E FR A N K S . 10 1

canno t, I th ink , have beenO din , T ho r, or Frey, orBalde r, whowas carr ied round in th i s w i se ; fo r we are to ld that theT eu tons d id not m ake im age s o f these gods . It was m o re

probably N erthu s . For as she,Si ereo

’ere oelz

'

s,was herse lf

bathed in a sec re t lake i n the Bal t ic i s land, she m u s t have had

a co rpo real presence . T here m u s t have been som e im age o f

her, however carefu l ly i t was kept c oncealed . And she was the

one l ike ly to be c arried round from place to place am ong the

people.

T h i s persecu t ion by Athanaric i s a rare instance . As a ru lethe Germ ans passed over from the i r old creed to the new

one w i thou t d iffic u l ty or no i se,w i thou t preserving any overt

m em o r ial s of the pas t : the ine radicable effec ts o f c entu ries o fbel ief they cou ld no t bu t preserve . It was not as heathens but

as Arians that the Go th s and Bu rgundians incu rred the hatred o f

the subjec t R om ans . T he conversionof the early wanderers was

all the eas ier becau se they were wande rers . Prim i t ive c reeds

are so m uch attached to the so i l they depend so m uch uponlocal associat ions , upon gro ves where in aWodinhas beenbo rn,upon i slands where a N erthu s has her hom e . Moham m edani smhas been a conquering creed , ju s t onaccount of i t s pu re m ono

the i sm,i ts sl ight associat ionw i th objects o f sense—su ch even

as im ages or shrines . Mediaeval C atho l ici sm had far less

power and the very desc endants of the servants and warrio rs

o f the C ro ss,when they had been settled a l i ttle whi le inAs ia,

re lapsed into a so rt of pagani sm .

But i n retu rn for the i r fac i le convers ion, the Germ ans were

al lowed to im po rt into C hri st iani ty no sm al l part of the Sp i ri t

o f the i r anc ient c reed,and that pecu l iar growth , the chival ric

c reed of the M i ddle Ages, was ch iefly the i r creat ion i t from

th i s t im e began to take shape and to transfo rm C hri st iani ty .

T he fai r V alkyriur were abandoned , and began to c hange i nto

witches . Perhap s that sto ry o f the o rigin of the H uns was not

10 2 C H R I S TE N D OM .

a pu re heathen invent ion , but due to the dec l ine of the heathenw i se -wom en inpopu lar es t im at ion . Bu t the be l iefs and sent i

m ents which had fo stered the wo rsh ip of N erthu s and o f the

m aidens of Wodin,were transferred to the m o ther of C hri s t ;

and from the fi fth and s i xth c entu ries the wo rsh i p o f the V i rginbegan to take a conspicuo u s p lace lnthe popu lar creed .

‘

As di st ingu i shed from the earl ies t barbarian invaders,or from

all the T eu to nic invaders i n the S ou th , the Franks and the

Saxons cam e inas heathens . T hi s was afterward s reckoned a

happy ci rcum stance by the C atho l ic s ; for Ariani sm had lo s t

i ts power at the day o f the i r conversion,and they were the fi rs t

s trong suppo rters which the T rinitarianparty found am ong the

barbar ians .

T o a certain extent , mo reover, the Franks were predi spo sed

to favou r the R om an party in Gau l . T he fatal habi t o f

divi s ion am ong the Germ an nat ional i t ies , which has so o ften

paralyzed the effec t o f the i r v ic to ries , was beginning to be fe l t

at the opening of the second era of conquest . T he/ s am e

influences which in the dawn of Germ an h i sto ry had tu rned

S egestes agains t Arm iniu s , or m ade Maroboduu s hesi tate

be tween his countrym en and the i r enem ies,now “ sent

T heodoric, w i th the sanc t ion o f the em pero r, to the over

throw o f O dovacar , and C lovi s , w i th the t i t le of c onsu l ,against the V i s igo th s and B urgundians . C hildaric , C lovi s

’s

father, was a friend of the R o m ans , and not i l l-di spo sed to

the C hri s t ian fai th . S t. Genevieve (Genoveva) wrough t inhi s presence a m i racle pre c i sely s im i lar to that whic h C o lum ba

a c entu ry later wrought be fo re Brude Mac Maelchon. C h ilderic

had o rdered the gates o f hi s palace , at Par i s i i , to be clo sed

T he V irginis, on the contrary , never m entioned by S t. Patr ick inhisextant se rm ons, see W h itley S tokes , Tripartite s e (R o l ls S e ries), c l x i .

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104 C H Ie[S TE N D O H .

o f K ent ; only , perhaps, becau se i t s oaz‘

es sacer was a N o rthum brian. Whateve r o f th i s h i s to ry we fo rge t

,we are su re to

retainthe pic tu re of K ing E adw ine,of N o rth um bria

,driveno ut

fro m his nat ive land—in the t rue tradi t ion o f all th o se hero es

dearest to the T eu tonic im agi nat ion—wandering fo rlo rnly from

place to plac e , and dependent upon the prec ariou s ho spi tal i ty o f

whatever princ e m igh t venture to give him she l ter th enas he

hears of the in tended treachery o f h i s ho st,and ye t i n m ere

despai r canno t bring h im self to dec ide onany new plan, there

appears to h im in a vi s ion a stranger in strange att i re who te l l s

him that h i s enem y i s dead and gives him a sec re t s ign by

which he shal l know the proph e t again.

I N o t o therwi se i n

m any a heathen saga - does Wodinthe wandere r com e to som e

favou r ite hero , and i n the sam e way give him a sec re t token of

h i s changed fo rtune . Bu t th i s t im e,wh en E adwine m eets the

subj ec t of h i s vi s ion in the flesh,he pro ves to be , not Wod in

but the m i s s ionary Pau l inu s sent from K ent to N o rthum bria.

T hi s change i n the personal i ty o f the W i se O ld Mansym bo l i ze s

the trans i t ion from heatheni sm to C hri s t iani ty in the no rth .

S o far reached the wave of convers ion which cam e direc t

from R om e . But here i t rec e i ved a check . C hris t iani ty in

N o rthum bria was fora wh ile he ld bac k , m u ch as the C h ri s t ian i ty

o f Ulfila’s preach ing had been he ld in c h eck by the fie rc e

heathen ism of Athanaric . T he Athanaric o f H eptarch ic E ngand was Penda, K ing of Merc ia . H e did no t s c ruple to jo in

fo rces w i th the enem ies of h i s race , the Bri tons ; and the uni ted

arm ies o f Merc ia and S trathclyde m et the N o rthum brians at

H eathfield,where E adw ine was defeated and slain.

2 T hi s was

i n 63 3 . A date has no m eaning in i tself. But we

m ay rem em ber that i t was j us t seventy years , two

generat ions, s ince C o lum ba had sett led h i s c om m uni ty at Iona,

A.D . 63 3 .

Beda, H . E . , 11. 1 2 .

9 Ibid . , 11. 2 0.

O S WALD AN D PE N D A . 105

and one generat ionafter h i s death . It was nine ty years after

the oin‘lz o f C o lum banus, the great I ri s h m i ss ionary to C on

tinental E u rope ; and nine ty years, too,after the deatlz of

Benedic t onMonte C ass ino . T hat i s the chrono logy o f the

event reckoned by the history ofWes tern m onast ic i sm .

V .

T he task o f harry ing N o rthum bria and slay ing i ts C hri stianinhabitants fel l rath er to the C hri stianC eadwalla

A.D . 634 .

thanto Penda.

1 S oona new ru ler o f N orthum briaappeared

,the son o f E adwine’s anc ient r ival E thelfrith the

Fierc e . T his ruler, O swald , was a C hri stian who had learnt

h i s C h ri s t iani ty i n the schoo l o f Iona. N o rth um bria had

now alm o s t fal len back into h eath eni sm ; bu t unde r O swald’

spro tec t ion a new rac e o f m i s s ionaries cam e into the kingdomfrom the north

,and the great era o f C o lum banm onast ic i sm in

E ngland began .

2 T he wave wh ich had flowed no rthward from

R om e spent i tse lf when E adw ine fe l l at H eathfield. T he re

turn ing wave from the di stant fo rgo tten no rth began to flow

into E ngland,whenO swald brought S c o tt ish C hrist iani ty back

w i th him into N o rthum bria. Pagani sm,however, was not yet

extinc t ; and a second t im e the arm s of N o rthum bria went

down befo re tho se o f Penda and hi s Merc ians, and O swaldm et h i s death at Maserfeld (O swestry). 3 E ast Angl ian C hristianity, to o ,

was for a whi le roo ted ou t. T hree kings of the

E ast Angles fe l l insuccess ion befo re Penda . At las t,howeve r,

that c ham pion o f the anc ient c reed was him self

defeated and slain by O swiu , the bro ther and

successo r o f O swald .

And now the C o lumbian C hurch spread i ts influence un~

checked through E ngland . A idan, the new apo stle o f N o rth

A.D . 655.

x Beda, l. c.

2 Ibid .,iii. 2 .

3 Ibid . , iii. 19 .

i06 C H R I S TE N D OM

um bria founded hi s fi rst c om m uni ty ; and like his great

predecesso r at Iona he cho se for i t s s i te—for hi s D elo s, hi sH oly I sle—an island

,Li ndi sfarne

,ly ing ju st off the coas t

nearly oppo s i te to the o ld Bernician capi tal, Bam borough .

(N o rthum bria was one kingdom under O swald and O swiu

but these kings belonged to the Bernic ianhou se. ) Lindisfarnebecam e i n its turn the parent o f all the o ther monas te ries in

N o rthum bria, northward as far as the Fo rth , sou thward as

far as the H um ber ; o f Melro se , of C o ld ingham , o f H artlepoo l,

o f H exham , of Whitby (S treoneshealch); o f tho se two l ink edm onasterie s of sac red m e mo ry

,Monkwearm ou th and j arrbw :

m o st ‘

o f these , lik e the Iri sh m onas teries,s tanding to look ou t

seaward,and l i s ten to . the sound of the waves ; alm o st all, to o ,

de st ined , l ike the I ri sh m onasteries , to fal l am ong the earl ies t

vic t ims to the coming fu ry o f the V ikings .

T we lve E ngl i sh m onas teries,and i n S co tland thi rteen

,

looked back to Iri sh m onks as the i r founders ; bu t ina rem o te r

degree alm o st all the re l igiou s com m un i t ie s of E ngland and

S c o tland , nay, alm o s t all the C hri st ian i ty of H eptarc hic

E ngland 2m igh t be reckoned as the offspring of the foum ion

at Iona.

In re turn , E ngl i shmen and We l shm en,even G auls

'

and

Franks,

flocked to the I r i sh schoo l s . T hey learned m uch

there ; fo r,'

as has been sai d , m u ch learn ing was c h eri sh ed

there which had b een we l l-nigh lo st i n C entral E u rope . And

som e th ings they learned wh ich c o u ld hardly be set down

inthe cu rricu lum o f any schoo l , wh ic h yet const i tu ted not the

leas t im portant part of the inheri tanc e of Mediaeval C hri st iani ty

rom the I r i sh m onks .

For here is a p ic tu re of one of the Irish m i ss ionar ies in

Beda, H . E . , iii. 3 .

2 K ent alone owed 1ts C hristianity to the R om an m issionaries(R aine , Preface to Liv es of lore (R o l ls S er. )

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108 C H R I S TE N D OM

c ertain m an whom Fo rsey had known in the flesh , and who se

c lo thes he had rec e i ved when he died . T he ange l wardedhim from real inj u ry , but hi s earthly body ever afte rwards bo re

uponthe m ou th and cheek the marks of the hu rts which had

been infl ic ted by the touch of the bu rning l im b upon the sou l

o f the saint.

I

T h i s was the firs t of m any sto r ies concerning ano ther wo rld

wh ich,du ring th i s and the succeeding c entu ries, cam e out o f

I reland . T here was the sto ry of the voyage of S t. Brandanto

a so rt of E arthly Paradise,a so rt of I slands of the Blessed, i n

the far west . T he exi stenc e of the i s lands of S t. Brandan

was firm ly be l ieved in throughou t the M iddle Ages . 2

It was bel ieved—no flattering bel ief—that I reland had to itse lf a spec ial openi ng to the under-wo rld and S t. Bridget ina

vi s ionsaw num be rless sou l s descending by that way . O ut of

thi s bel ief grew the legend of S t. Patr ick’s Pu rgato ry, which

stands next to the legend of S t. Brandan’s voyage as one o f

the best known of m ediaeval m yths the legend to ld o f the

desc ent into pu rgato ry, by anopening near Lo ugh D erg,/ o f ac ertai n knigh t, S ir O wayne, and of hi s retu rn .

3 All these

were (save in the germ ) later, m ediaeval legends . Up to

the t im e o f the V i king ou tbreak the V i s ion of Fursey s tandsalm o st alone as a legend wh ich te l l s o f the fu tu re s tate .

N ext to i t, a l i ttle later, com es the ‘V i s ion of D rihthelm ,

’

wh ich l ikew ise reache s us from Ire land . It was to ld to Beda

by one H aem gils, a herm i t,an E ngl i shm an

,but res iding in

I re land . Fursey’

s vis ion i s,then

,so far as we know, the fi rs t

o f an unending series wh ich extends all through the M iddle

Ages, and on which,more than on any other fo rm of inte l

Beda, II E . , iii. 19 . Pursey went afterwards into France and foundedm onastery at Lagny and there he d ied .

2 T . W right , inI ’erey S ociety Pu blications, v ol. x iv.

3 T . W r ight , S t. Patrick’s Pu rgatory .

O TH E R VI S I O N S O F TH E FUT UR E S TA TE . 109

Iec tual food,the mind of mediae val C atho l ic i sm was nouri shed .

I t m ay seem to som e reader a s trange asse rtion that thereever was a t im e i n the histo ry of C hri stendom when m ankind

and m onk-kind hadnot the i r thoughts c onstantly running uponH el l , and Purgato ry, and H eaven . But I bel ie ve the assertion

c ou ld be substant iated. T he thoughts of early C h ri s tendomturned rather upon the M i l len ium and the S econd C om ing o f

C hri s t to re ignlzere inpower,than upon the fate of the disem

bodied sou l,and on plac es o f reward and puni shm ent after

death.

I C hri stendom had,of cou rse , the V i s ionof the S eer o f

Patm o s . Bu t that Apocalypse,for all i t s E astern richness of

apparel , wil l , I fancy, always seem rather confu sed and shapeless to Westerneyes . At any rate i t was only now that vi s ions

of H el l and Pu rgato ry began to take prom i nence . T hey are

am ong the pecu l iar fru i t s o f m onas t ic i sm ,and ( i t wou ld be fai r

to argue) o f Iri sh m onast ic i sm above all o ther branches . T he

bel ief inthe interm ediate place of probat ionwas only now,i n

the seventh centu ry , beginning to be generally rece ived .

Fursey ; D rihthelm ; then there i s the vi s ion o f a monk of

Lake C onstance (ano ther region , by the way, c lo sely assoc iatedw i th the labou rs of the I ri sh m i s s ionaries) related by Walafrid

S trabo the re i s a French legend of the V i s iono f C harles the

Fat (88 1 not probably of the date of C harles the Fat ;the V i s ion of T undale (ano ther I ri shm an 2

) the V i s ion of

Alberi c o f Monte C ass ino . T hese two last belong to the

twel fth centu ry,when im aginat ion was grow ing feveri sh upon

the subj ec t . At length the long series,wh ich began in the

E as t Anglian m onas tery,c u lm inate s inthe awfu l R evelat iono f

the Florentine . Who cou ld m o re fitly str ike the fi rst no te in

Cf . M iche let , La S ort iere beginning.

H e is said to have beenthe son o f a k ing o f C ashe l . T undale IS no t

anI rish nam e and m ust be a co rruption. E lsewhere his nam e appears as

D uggall—D ughallP

1 10 C H R I S TE N D OM .

th i s grand fugue than the I ri sh monks,who lived by the

m e lancho ly oc ean, uponthe bo rders o f the wo rld ?

We have seen of the be l iefs of the ancient Germ ans

enough to know that they had the i r v i s ions or the i r p ic tu re ,shadowy enough in all de tai l s , o f the hom e of the dead .

It com es to u s from N o rse l i terature . T he N orthm en, to o ,

l ived hard by the bo rders o f the earth,and we re l ike ly to

concern them selves w i th what lay beyond i t . In t im e,when

th ey se ttled in the Western I slands,the V i kings cam e i n

contact wi th the C e l t i c m onks o f I re land and S co tland ; and

out of th i s contac t grew a new vi s ion of a half- heathen he l l and

purgato ry a half- C hri s t ian heaven a half- C hri st ian legend o f

the destruc t ion of the wo rld . It i s enshrined in som e o f the

m o st beau t ifu l of early N orthern verse . It w i l l be our bu s iness,

shou ld , i n som e fu tu re vo lum e,the c ou rse of th i s h i s to ry reach

the proper per iod , to speak of th i s great c reat ion—to speak o f

the E dda poetry and E dda m ytho logy as a who le—the swansong of T eutonic heathendom .

While inthe manner wh ich we have partly described the I ri sh

C hu rch was spreading i t s branches and i t s i nfluence inm any

di rec t ions throughou t the Bri t i sh I sles , o th er m i s s ionar ies fromthe sam e centre made th e i r way to C ontinental E u rope . We

go back a l i t tle inthe cou rse o f t im e . T he age o f S tztrI nnna’

D rang was not long ove r , but the fate of the We stern E m pirewas sealed . S o c om plete was the pro st rat ion of R om e that

the T eu toni c nat ions alm o st im m ediate ly began to tu rn the i r

arm s agai nst one ano th er . It was only at th i s stage that the

di fferences be tween C h ri st ians and heathens cam e into re l ief,

and that a contest of rac es changed gradual ly into a contes t

of creeds . By the middle o f the s i xth c entury all the i ntru s ive

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I 12 C H R I S TE N D OM

bears h i s nam e,second in im po rtance to scarcely any re l igiou s

hou se i n the M iddle Ages . C o lum ban, as we know,went and

founded Bobbio,inLo m bardy : S t. Gal len and Bobbio were

places spec ial ly favou red in after - years by the Germ an C arlingho use.

T he labou rs of the I ri sh missionaries in heathen lands weredirec ted chiefly

I to the countries of the Upper R h ine and

Upper D anube, and to Switzerland . Whe rever they cam e

they founded m onasteries,wh ich lay l ike R om an cam ps

entrenched in a fo re ign country . In all seven m onas terie s i n

France , seventeen i n Al sace and Lo rraine , fifteen i n Swi tzer

land and i n the parts east of the R h ine,s i xteen in Bavaria

,

counted I ri sh m onks as the i r founders ? And for the who lebody of C el t i c m i s s ionaries who wo rked and died in theselands who cancount them ? O ne hundred and fifty are c om

m em orated i n the dedicat ions o f C hu rches, or as the patrons o f

towns and v i llages—one hundred and fi fty,of whom th i rty- s ix

were m artyrs : though l i ttle enough i s now rem em bered of the i r

l ife and wo rks.

C augh t by the sam e enthu s iasm ,the E ngl i sh m onks began

presently to tread in the foo tsteps o f the I ri sh,and to go

ou t and preach am ong the heath enGerm ans ; and as nearer

al l ies i n race and language the i r effo rt s might be expec ted to

be crowned wi th even greater suc c ess . C onvers ions pro reeded

apace am ong the Germ ans o f Upper Germ any befo re the

Engl i sh m i ss ionary era began so that the labou rs of these las t

lay to a great extent am ong the people o f the Lowe r R hine and

beyond i t, w i th the Fri s ians of the Low C ountries , the S axonsbetween the R hine and the E lbe . T he E ngl i sh

,though in the

days o f the Fo lk-wanderings they had no t gone so far afie ld

as some of the i r bro ther T eu tons, were not less i nveterate

But far from exc lusively. Montalem bert, Moines a” O eeia’ent.

TH E S C O T T I S H C H UR C H AN D R OME . 1 13

wanderers thanthe S co tch and I ri sh of th i s era, or thantheyhave rem ained ever s ince . T he love of pilgrim ing to R om e

becam e a veri table contag ion am ong the Engl i sh princ es andnobles at the end o f the seventh and the beginning of the

e ighth c entu ries .

It was,we have said, reckoned a happy thing for C atho l ic i sm

that the c onvers ion of the Franks and Engl i sh cam e so late .

T hey e scaped the fatal here sy o f the Arians, and they were re

bo rn i nto the C hri st iancom m uni ty at a t im e when m o re o rderwas com ing into i t ; whenm onast ici sm from be ing anexternal

,

independent , alm os t republ ican influ ence,was be ing abso rbed

into the regu lar const i tu t ion of the C hu rch ; and when the

c entral of power inthe West—the S ee of R om e—was from day

to day assum ing a po s i t ion m o re unchal lenged . As the Franksm ade them se lves the cham pions of the C atho l ic dogm a in

Western E u rope,so we re the E ngl i sh the cham pions and the

exponents of a pecu l iar devo t ion to the H o ly S ee . T his was

sym bo l i zed by the love o f pilgrim ing to R om e which m arked

the lai ty Iand i t was proc laim ed in a st i l l m o re em phat ic and

im po rtant way by som e o f the saints and confesso rs of the

E ngl i sh C hu rch . It produced a r ift between the E ngl i sh and

the Iri sh C hu rches, and m o re than anything el se (befo re the

c om ing of the V ikings) checked the influence of the latter on

C h r i stendom at large.

As inthe days o f the fi rst barbarian invasions the heat of theT rinitariancontroversy threw into the shade the histo ry o f the

earl iest encounters between C hrist iani ty and H eathenism ,so

in th i s age the achievem ents of the Iri sh m i ss ionaries in the

region o f Germ an Germ any were obscu red by the dispu te

wh ich aro se over the val i di ty o f the i r m i ss ion . T he dispu te

T he fo l lowing are the nam es of som e H eptarch ic k ings who m adepilgrim ages to R om e Wessex—Ine and C eadwalla E ssex—O ffa I . and

S ihtric ; Mercia—C oenred.

1 14 C H R I S TE N D O IW.

seem s inour eyes contem pt ible enough . It tu rned oncertain

ques t ions of the fo rm o f the tonsu re to be u sed by monks ,and onthe proper tim e (in a certain eventual i ty) for observingE aster. In substanc e the dispu te was really th is : PopeGregory the Great

,the fi rs t tonsu red Pope , had com e from

the m onastery o f Monte C ass ino . H e and h i s succ esso rs,

m o st o f whom were tonsu red l ikew i se , suppo rted the ru le o f

S t. Benedic t , as the only o rthodox ru le for m onast ic i sm . T he‘tonsu re o f S t. Pe ter ,

’as i t was cal led, was the symbo l of

confo rm i ty to that ru le ; and the I ri sh C hu rch rej ected ru le

and tonsu re (for m u ch the sam e reason that m ade the Go th s

rejec t the form u la of the C ounci l o f N ice) becau se the i rm onach i sm had an earl ier pedigree, and trac ed i t s descent

d i rectly from the m onach ism o f Africa. In E ngland the two

s tream s m et—Augu st ine and Pau l inu s had jou rneyed from the

S ou th , de spatched by that very Grego ry who was the o rig inato r

of all th i s controversy ; A idan and h i s di sc iples drew the i r

inspi rat ion from Iona . We m ay guess that the Engl i sh were

no t loath to pro c laim the i r independence of the i r C e l t i c god

fathers ; the i r devo tion to the popes m ay have beef/

sam u

lated by th e i r pride o f rac e . T he quest ion was dec ided for

N o rthumb ria at the fam ou s synod of Whitby

(S treoneshealch), when the use o f Iona was for

m al ly repudiated by the E ngl i sh ec c les iast ics .T he ch ief figu re i n th i s rev o lu t ion—for i t m ay be cal led a

revo lu t ion—i s that of S t. Wilfred (W ilfriO), the Archbi shop o f

Yo rk, a m an,as appears

,o f proud and passionate charac ter,

I

but o f eminent and com m anding vi rtues,influ enc ed

,too , by

a special devo t ion to the H o ly S ee ? H e carried thi s pre

A.D . 664 .

x C] : E dd ins , V ita Wilfrit/ti ep. inR aine , H ist. of Arbps. o ark, i. 1—103

(R o l ls c . 14 , 16. W i l fred was the greatest nam e upon the R om anside at the synod , C o lm anand H i lda onthe S cottish .

2 E dd ins, l. e.

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1 16 C H R IS T E N D O Il/l.

wide im po rt, the convers ion of C hlodowig. T he later victor ies

o f the Franks over the T hu ringians,Fris ians

,Bavarians m u s t

,

by ano ther proc ess, have i n th em selve s led to the partial con

vers iono f these people ? But even these conquests we canno tac cu rate ly date . When the Bavar ians first appear befo re u s

by nam e,they appear as al ready to som e extent the

subjects o f the Franks . S t i ll,the Iri sh m i s s ionar ies found

m uch to do am ong them . With the no rthern Germ an rac es

beyond the R h ine i t was probably the sam e . Bo th Fri s ians

and T hu r ingians were al ready partly c onverted . Bu t heathen

ism was st i l l s trong am ong them . It was (we have sai d) tothese no rthernGerm ans that the Engl i sh m i ss ionaries ch iefly

tu rned .

Wilfred himself began the work . T he o rigi n of these hi s

labou rs recal ls the hi sto ry o f C o lum ba ; he was driven from

hi s cho sen scene of wo rk,or left i t se lf-exi led

,and fo und for

a t im e a new fiel d am ong the heathens of Fri s ia. Itv aS i nA .D . 678 that he fi rs t landed in these regions .

H e found a king o f Fri s ia,Andgisl, not un

friendly,and du r ing the sho rt period of hi s m i s s ion he

c onverted and bapt ized,his biographer te ll s us

,m any

thou sands . Wilfred can hardly be num bered am ong the

great Engl i sh m i s s ionaries i n heathen Germ any ; no t at least

for what he him se lf ac com pl ished ; bu t he in i t iated muchFor a pupi l of h i s at R ipon

‘was the fam ou s Willibrord

who spent m o re than an average l ifet im e am ongthe Fri s ians he went to them first i n A . D . 69 2 , and

died am ong them at a great age as the fi rs t bi shop o f U trec h t

A.D . 678.

A.D . 692 .

T hat it was only partial we know we l l enough from the h isto ry o f

Boniface’s m ission, V ita (Pertz , ii. Cf . Jaffe, Mon. lV/ognnt.

2 E dd ins, c . 2 6.

BO N IFA C E . 1 17

in A. D . 73 9 . D u ring the years of hi s mi ss ion he once overstepped the bo rder and preached inD enm ark.

!

T he next in su c c ess ion i s a sti l l m o re ce lebrated nam e .

Winfred , 2 or,as he was afterwards cal led

,Boniface

,was

bo rn ina region rem o te from the sphere o f the N orthu rnbrian

S c o tt i sh C hu rch, in the half-Wel sh D evonsh i re,and under the

ru le of the Wes t Saxon kings . Wes sex,o f course

,l ike all the

rest o f the H eptarchic kingdom s, save K ent,owed i ts C hri s

tianity to N o rthum bria, and therefo re in the second degree toIona. It had not been C hri s t ianhalf a c entu ry when Bonifacewas bo rn . Bu t i t m ade up in zeal for the lateness of i tsc onvers ion ; that i s if we m ay take as a s ign of zeal theeagerness of i ts k ings to m ake pilgrim ages to R om e . T he

two kings unde r whom Boniface l ived his adu l t years in

England, C eadwalla and Ine , bo th d ied in R om e . Bon ifac e

m ay have beenprepared by the popu lar feel ing in Wessex for

the spec ial devo t ion to the Papal S ee which m arked all h i sm i ss ionary wo rk abroad

,and which was as im po rtant an

e lem ent in it,alm o s t , as hi s suc c ess i n the conversion of the

heathen .

H e,l ike hi s two predecesso rs above spoken of, turned hi s

firs t steps to Fri sia. Bu t he found that country inthe throes of

a counter- revo lut ion . T he Andgisl o fWilfred 5 t im e had been

suc ceeded by R adbod,one of tho se rare cham pions of heathen

dom whom we enc ounter in the c o u rse of th i s h isto ry,who

had the cou rage of h is be l ie f in the c reed of hi s fo refathers .

Athanaric , the Go th , i s one suc h the fierce Penda i s ano ther .

R adbod cam e , indeed, near to ac c epting bapt i sm : bu t he be

thought h im self o f asking,if i t were true what the priests said

Alcuini, V ita S . Willib. inMigne , t . 10 1 .

2 V ita S . BonifaeiiWV ilibald Acta S S . June 5Benedict. S aec . vi ii. Pertz ,vol. T here is an excel lent sketch o f the l ife o f Boni face by Mr. E .

Maunde T hom psoninthe D ie. N at . B i og.

1 18 C H R IS TE N D O M .

that by baptism alone cou ld m en hope for salvation,where,

i n that case, were hi s unbapt ized fo refathers ; and hi s instructo rhad the honesty to c onfe ss that

,acco rd ing to h is creed, they

m u s t be bu rn ing in h e l l . T hen,

’ said the Fris ian prince , I

vrill rathe r l ive t h ere with m y ances to rs than go to heaven w i th

a parc el of beggars .’

All the old T eu ton pride of race spoke i nthat answer . And now R adbod had turned vio lently against

the C hri st ians , driven them fo rth , bu rn t the i r chu rches , and

rebu i l t the heathen tem ples . H e was at war, too, wi th P ipp in

and the Franks ?

InH esse and T hu ringia,whi ther Boniface next

tu rned,hi s labou rs lay partly in convert ing the

heathen Germ ans,partly in com bat i ng the wo rk of earl ier

‘schi sm at ic ’ preachers in these lands ; by which phrase we

are to unders tand the Iri sh m i ss ionari es who had prec eded

him . T hu s the stream o f Engl i sh pro sely t i sm final ly left

the old channe l , and for the res t of Bonifac e’s l ife one - half

of hi s act iv i ty was em ployed in refo rm ing the sem i - C hri st ian

com m un i t ies (so he c ons idered them ) which he found in

Germ any, and in bringing them i n to obedience to the

H o ly S ee ? I t: was all i n keep ing w i th th i s princ iple that,

when i n A .D . 7 2 2 (he was back again i n Fri s ia at th i s

t im e), Willibrord wou ld have consec rated him b ishop and

nam ed him as h i s successo r at U trecht, he refu sed, on the

ground that he cou ld not rece i ve c onsec rat ion w i thou t the

sanc t ion of the Pope. H e then went to R om e , sum m oned

th i ther by Pope Grego ry I I . Afte r he had rem ained inR om e

a year,and had sat i sfied the Pope o f hi s o rthodoxy, he was

m ade a b ishop ; he onhi s s ide pledging him se lf i n wri t ing to

do no th ing in d isobedience to the H o ly Father . S uch a

A.D . 7 19—723 .

R adbo d d ied A .D . 7 19 .

2 Cf . Jaffé, MonMogunt . passim , espec ial l y N os . 49—52 , and Vita Bonif.

2 9 , &c . (Pertz , ii. 3 , 4 ,

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12 0 C H R I S TE N D OM .

i n Germany, o rdered , o rthodox, devo ted to the H o ly S ee . We

have not to di sc u ss wh ich kind of convers ion m ight haveeventual ly proved the m ost who lesom e . Fo r to discuss anyo th er than the actual event

, we shou ld have to im aginem ediaeval C ath o l ic i sm unfo rm ed—and that wou ld be to S tip

po se the great era o f m ediaeval h i story a blank page onwhich

we m ight wri te an im aginary hi sto ry to su i t our pleasu re . It

m ay be quest ioned whether any one person contr ibu ted so

m uch to the c reat ion of mediaeval C atho l ic i sm as did th i swonderful m an.

In the three great personal i t ies, Wilfred , Willibrord, and

Winfred or Boniface,we m ay watch how the E ngl i sh

C hu rch parts com pany w i th the I ri sh,and cont inues h ence

fo rward to trace out a new channel for i tself. In A . D . 567

began,as we saw

,the eastward flow of the wave of m is

sionary labou r . At the synod of Wh i tby (A. D . 664) occ urredthe fi rst m arked divi s ion between the C hu rches , wherebythe Iri sh stream o f influence was

,so to say, dam m ed up

onthe E ngl i sh s ide, and a new reservo i r was fo rm ed . Wilfred,

c ons i stently enough,refu sed to rece i ve consecration/

at the

hands of the N o rth um brian bi shops,and obta i ned i t from

the Bishop of Lyons . H e inaugurated the Engl i sh m iss ionarywo rk by hi s own labou rs i n A . D . 678 , and s t i l l m o re by train ing

up Willibrord for h i s great work in Fri sia—Willibrord who ,i t

i s wel l for us to rem em ber,onc e passed the Fri s ianbo rder and

preached in D enm ark,the fi rs t m i s s ionary in any S candinav ian

land . Last cam e Boniface,A . D . 7 1 6, wh o se nolo ep z

’

seopari at

the hands o f Willibrord, only em phaz ised the lesson wh ic hWilfred sought to teach by refus ing S co t t i sh consec rat ion: su ch

great wo rk as he was engaged upon m u st not alone be free

from the tai nt o f schi sm ,i t must rece i ve i ts i nspi rat ion d i rect

from the H o ly S ee.

C H APT E R IV .

TH E FI R S T C O N TE S TS .

O F tho se two C hrist ian fo rc es w i th which we have ju st beenconcerned , the Iri sh m i ss ionari es and the E ngl i sh miss ionaries

inE u rope, the fo rm er seem s e spec ial ly associated w i th the firstFrank i sh dynasty, the Merov ings, the latter w i th the second

,

the hou se o f H eristal. C o lum ba’s m i s s ion belongs to the

days of Fredegond and Brunehild,the darkest period of the

Mero v ing annal s . Bonifac e cou ld ne ver have achieved whathe did w i th ou t the ass is tance o f C harles the H am m er. H e

cam e to the Frank m ayo r spec ial ly rec om m ended by PopeGrego ry . H e i s saia

’to have c rowned Pipp in the S hort

,at

S o i ssons, i n 751 ,Ias the representat ive of Pope Zac hary, fou r

years befo re Bonifac e’s owndeath .

T he d ifference between the relat ionsh ips of the Iri sh m i ss ionaries and the E ngli sh to the two Frank i sh hou ses i s

,however,

m arked enough . C o lum ba arraigned the disso lu te Merovingiankings m o re fierc e ly than he braved the heath enGerm ans on

Lake C onstance : Bonifac e,in h i s great work of es tabl ish ing

not C hri stiani ty only but ano rdered C hu rch , leaned constantly

See S icke l , Forse/z . z . dent. G . , iv . 445, for this date.

1 2 2 FIR S T C O N T E S T S .

upon the su ppo rt of the secu lar arm ; the clo se al l iance of

C hu rch and S tate was i naugu rated by him .

I

Meant im e the S tate had i ts own era of contests wi thheath endom . From the very beginning we see the arm s o f

the Franks tu rned against the i r bro ther Germ ans—agains t

Germ ans (C hri st ians) upon th i s s ide of the R hine , Bu rgundians

and V i s igo th s ; agains t Germ ans (heathens or half-heathens)upon the farth er s ide o f the river

,Bavarians

,Alam annians

,

T huringians , Fri s ians : only , as we have sai d befo re , the de tai l s

o f the latter series o f contests are m o s t ly lo s t to u s . We can

not qu i te tel l how far they are to be looked uponas c ontests

be tween heathendom and C hri stendom . We m ay b e su re that

the m ai n obj ect of them was not the spread o f C hri st iani ty, bu t

the expansiono f the Franki sh em pi re . E re we come to a war,

u ndertaken wi th the di stinc t objec t o f extending the realm o f

C hri s t—a war which we m ay real ly des ignate the fi rs t C rusadethe wo rld eve r knew—we m u s t wai t t i l l we com e to the Saxon

War of C harlem agne.

But befo re we do thi s we m ay pau se a mom ent and lisE nto

the fi rst faint no te of ano ther,a very different m art ial air

,

which com e s wafted to u s down the s tream of tim e—that airwh ich

,i n the great o rches tra o f h i s to ry, w i l l for som e t im e

r i se cont inual ly h ighe r and higher,w i l l m ingle w i th and, for a

l i t tle whi le,o verpowe r whatever m u s i c com e s from e i ther

C hri stian C hu rch or C hri st ianS tate .

Far back in the Merov ing era,i n the reign o f

T heodo r ic , the son o f C lovi s, who re igned in

Au stras ia, and held the country o f the R hine m ou th as far

as to the Meu se , t here c am e up the las t-nam ed river a

S candinavian p i rate fleet , the fo re runne r o f all the later

V i king fleet s . T he c o m m ander o f i t was H ugleik (C hochi

1 Cf. j affe'

,Mon. Mogunt , 52 .

A.D . circ. 515.

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1 2 4 FIR S’

I C O N TE S T S .

Such anawakening o f the V iking sp iri t was l ike the fabu lou s

awakening of Barbaro ssa, whi le he slept under the palace at

K ai serslau tern .

‘D o the ravens st i ll fly round the h il l ?

T hen m u st I sleep ano ther hundred years . ’ For alm o st threec entu ries m o re the c u rtain descends upon the Bal t ic nat ions .

T hey d id , i t m ay be , val iant deeds, and developed a rac e o f

hero es . T hey went down to O rcu s , and long ni gh t oppressed

them . T hey went no t, inde ed , unsung ; but the bal lads which

to ld the i r h i s to ry have no t su rvived to our day, save i n the case

of the few hero es of the po em Beowulf.

T he t rave ll ing of th i s poem,or the germ of i t , acro ss the

N o rth S ea, not later probably than the year A . D . 7 00 ,m u st be

taken to argue som e intercou rse be tween the oppo si te sho res

of the Germ anO c ean . E ngli shm en had already heard of the

D ane s ; for once the vo ic e o fW illibrord had bro kenthe s i lence

o f the D ani sh fo rests . We see from the poem that they had

heard,too , of a farther land than Ju tland

,the land of the

Geatas or Go ths, from which one m u st pas s ove r the swan

road (the sea) to reach D enm ark. T his m ay have been Z ealand . It m ay have been G au thiod, G othland, i n the sou thern

e lbow o f S candinavia.

Save for th i s the Bal t ic had sunk out of s ight o f the hi sto r icwo rld m uch as Bri tain had done i n the days of Pro c opius .

C harles the Great, in the cou rse of h i s Saxonwars,had the

m eri t of rediscovering that sea—for good or evi l .

I t i s i n the Saxon wars o f C harlem agne that begins a new

era i n the relat ionsh ips of C hri stendom and H eathendom . Up

ti l l now the effo rts o f C hri s t iani ty am ong the ou te r h eathens

had been , ch iefly at any rate , of a m i ss ionary kind,by persua

s ion not by fo rce . Pipp inthe S hort had u sed som eth ing m o re

thanpersuas ioninthe case of the Fri siank ing,R adbod .

Miss ionaries had gone to the Saxo ns , and they had been

C H AR LE MA G N E ’S S AX O N WAR . 2 5

al lowed to k i l l and to rtu re them ; albe i t the S axons had he

c om e , innam e at least,the tr ibu taries of the Franks . We see

two instances in the case of the two H ewalds 1 O ther m artyrdorns fo l lowed . Publ ic opinion as wel l as h i s private am bit ion

cal led onC harles to stretch out hi s arm and teac h these turbulent ne ighbou rs the m ight of the new em pire which had grownup by the i r s ide?But let i t not be thought that ini ts contes t with heathendom

which i s , in a sense,the renewal of the contest between

R om e and not-R om e—the E m pi re o f the Franks is the he i r

of the E m pi re o f the R om an C aesars . T hat he i r was the who leof western C hri stendom ,

ne i ther m o re nor less . We canno t for

those days reckonby po l i t ical divi sions,nor cons ider the S tate

as a thing separate from the C hu rch . E ven in ancient R om e

the two were not divided . T he E m pero rs had in the i r best

days wielded mo re than a phys ical power. T hey were Popes 3

as wel l as E m pero rs. T he i r ru le was binding upon the w i l l sand consc ience s of m en even in the i r l ife t im e they were half

divine . C ons ider the s ignificance of the al tar wh ich T iberiu s setup D ivo Augusto at Lyons . R ound that al tar was c onc entratedthe nat ional i ty o f Gau l ; and i n virtue of i t the country grewinto a po l i t ical unity such as it had never consti tu ted before .

Befo re that al tar the R om an of the Province,

’and the nat ive

ofno rthernGau l , cou ld uni te i n a com mon fai th . T he latter

d id not abandon his ado rationo f s tream s,or oaks

,or of Bo rnio

o r G rannus h i s ancestral be l iefwas no obstacle to hi s offering

sac rifice,or paying sincere vows to the sp iri t of the D ivin:

Augustu s .But inC hri stendom ,

which was befo re all el se a theocracy,

Beda, H . E . , v . 10 .

2 Cf. E inhard , V ita C aroli Imp , c . 7 (Pertz , ii.3 Pontifi ees Maxim i. T h is title had by the tim e of C harlem agne been

appropriated by the Popes ; it was , in fac t , the only oj ieial title whichd istingu ished them from other bishops.

12 6 FIR S T C O N TE S T S .

the tem po ral ru ler c laim ed no worsh i p, only such honou r as

belonged to one appo inted by H eaven . C h ri st was now the

fiaorxet‘

rg fiaarkéw ,the se tter-up and pu l ler -down o f kings. All

parts o f We stern C hri stendom acknow ledged one c reed,one

m o ral law,i ndependent of the caprice of m onarchs ; and by

th i s uni ty o f wo rsh ip and bel ief all C hri s t ian E u rope wasindi sso lubly bound together . T hi s m o ral and re ligiou s unionwas supplem ented to o by an intel lec tual one ; for alm o s t all

the l i teratu re o f tho se days was theo logical,and all the nat i ves

of Western C hri s tendom had the sam e l i teratu re i n th i s k ind .

T hey had final ly a com mon l i terary language—Lat in . It was

the language , not o f priests and m onks alone,bu t of alm o st

all publ ic do cum ents and publ ic transac t ions . T he c om pi lers

o f our chroni c le (fo l lowing Beda) set out by enum erat ing the

variou s languages wh ic h had the i r hom e i n the i sland of

Bri tai n i n the days of which they wri te . T hese languages

are the E ngli sh , the Bri t i sh , the S co tt i sh , the Pic ti sh , and the‘Book-Lat in.

’ I And th i s ‘Book-Lat in ’ wou ld have i t s placei n a sum m ary o f the diffe rent languages i n u se i n any stateo f Western E u rope du ring these days . It was now,

in the

e ighth centu ry , beginn ing to be sharply di st ingu i shed from the

co l loqu ial Lat in—the lingua rustiea of the so - cal led Lat in

races .

N o longer,then , m aterial ly, by m eans of a single po l i tical

system ,nor by vi s i ble arm ies tram ping, and messengers speed

ing, along the R om an roads,but

,i n a m anner

,sp i ri tual ly and

thro ugh the air,the old uni ty o f the E m pi re was m aintained.

T he language of m en’s deepest thoughts was the language o f

C ic ero and Pl iny, only m odified by the fl ight of t ime the art

Bo claeden.

’Anglo -S axon C /zroniele , beg. T h is passage only occu rs

in MS S . D—F. D has five languages , thus : Engl ish , BritwelshBritish), S cotch , Pictish , and Boclaeden. E and F have six : Engl ish ,British (Britisc), We lsh , &c .

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2 8 FIR S T C O N T E S T S .

the l im i t o f th ese provinc e s . I t stre tc hed from the Alp s to the

D anube,and inso m e plac es a l i tt le to the fu rth er s ide of i t

,

and fro m the Lech to the Enns . Beyond Bavaria eastwardwere further acqu i s i t ions rec ently won—the O stniark

,wh ich

separated C hri stendom from the h eath en S lavs and barbarou s

Avars ; sou th o f i t lay the provinc e o f C arinth ia (Pannonia),which was at th i s t im e a po rt ion of the kingdom o f I taly .

N o rth of Alam annia you cam e to E ast Frankland (Franconia),wh ich stretched on bo th s ides o f the R h ine from the Maasalm o st to the sou rce of the Main and eas t o f E ast Franklandlay T huringia, big w i th the fu tu re h i story of Germ any .

But as you travel led sti l l fu rthe r no rth , the l im i t of theem pire began to contract again

,and the R hine m o re nearly

becam e,as of old, the boundary between R om e and no t

R om e,for beyond it

,h idden i n i ts dense fo res ts

,lay the

fierc e,unconverted nat ion o f the S axons . O ne m ight l iken

Wes tern C hri stendom at the t im e of the ou tbreak of the

Saxon war to a huge e l l ip se, stretc h ing no rth -west and sou th

east,from the foo t of Italy to the no rth of S co tland ; i ts sho rter

axi s touc h ing tho se two nearest fo es o f the fai th—thefi fl ons

in the no rth , and the S arac ens i n the sou th . T hen the two

foc i of th i s e l l ipse (a l i ttle m i splac ed,i t i s true) wou ld be the

two capital s of the Wes t, the capi tal s of the C hurch and of

the S tate—R om e and Aix-la-C hapelle.

I

T he land of the Saxons extended from very near the R h ineat one part (wh ere the Lippe flows into the greater river) asfaras the m yth i c E yder,

2at the fo o t of the C im bric C hersonese .

T hrough i t flowed the w izard stream o f the E lbe , and em ptied

Aix-la-C hape l le was inno spec ial sense the cap ital of the Frank ishE m pire befo re A . D . 795.

2 IE gisdyr, the doo r of IEgir, the northernsea-

god.

S AX O N IA . 1 2 9

i tself into the Germ an O cean . T he great mass of the Saxonpeople lay upon th i s s ide of the E lbe, and were known ( to

the chronic lers) as the C is-Albiani or H i ther Saxons in a l i ttlecorner of land be tween the E lbe and the E yder and the

Bal t ic lay the T rans-Albiani or Farth er S axons . T he H i ther

S axons were i n their tu rn d ivided into three separate tribes ornat ions—the E astphalians, the Angrarii or E ngern, and the

Westphaliaiis.

But of all tho se confederated Germ an tr ibes which had oncestretched along the sou thern sho re of the Bal t ic

,am ong whom

N erthu s had jou rneyed in her shrouded car,none now

rem ained . T he S axons had no ne ighbou rs of the i r own

creed and kin save the D anes o f Ju tland . T hese were the i r

only al l ies, and the natu ral enem ies o f the c ru sading Franks .T o the east of the Further S axons , on the sou thern Bal t i c

coas t, lay none but S lavs,the i r natu ral enem ies . With the

nearest of these , the Abodriti (O botriti), C harlem agne entered

into anal l iance.

It was i n A. D . 77 2 that the Franki sh troops first

cro ssed the bo rders and appeared am ong the wood

land vi llages and sac red groves o f the heathen .

T hey were trespass ing into that very region from which

D ru su s had tu rned back inawe , and where even the R om an

eagle s had gone down . T he same forests and the sam e

m arshes that had entrapped V aru s lay inwai t for them ; the

sam e brotis,no doubt

,were rai sed to impede the i r advanc e .

But perhaps the Franks,though converted

,were m ore proof

against the incantat ions of wise wom en , and less strange to

the genius loei than the R om ans had been.

I For,in fac t ,

they m et with bu t sl ight res i stance to t he i r fi rst expedi tion ;

A.D . 772 .

‘T rem it S axonia inaccessa paludibus (W iduk ind).I O

130 FIR S T C O N TE S TS .

and C h ri stendom heard w i th de l igh t that they had taken one

of the Saxon s trongho lds,E resburg, had pene trated into a

ve ry sacred grove i n the Li ppe- D e tm o l d country, and had

the re c ut downa ho ly tree or pi llar cal led Irm insul. I

We know what these sacred groves were . T he m ent ion of

one i n th i s place i s a l i nk wh ich uni tes the far-off pas t ofT ac itus

’s day with the s t i l l longer- l ived heathen i sm of the no rth ,

represented in the sac red gro ve of U psala. It was near

e ight hundred years s ince Augu stu s had o rdered hi s cam ps tobe broken up and h is po st s to fal l back from all the onc e

conquered country be tween Paderbo rn2and the R hine

,and

so given back the country to barbari sm . S inc e then t i l l nowwe m ay bel ieve that the anc ient l ife of the T eu tons and the i ranc ient c reed had unde rgone l i ttle change .

T he S axons we re,m aybe , th i s firs t t im e taken by su rpri se .

T he fierceness wi th which they res i sted o ther attacks and

revenged the i r d i sas ters was wo rt hy o f tne ground on wh ich

they fought,and wou ld have been wo rthy o f Arm iniu s and

hi s C hatt i . T wo years after there O pened out to them the

pro spect of revenge . For C harles was cal led away that/

year

into I taly,where D es ideriu s

,the Lom bard king

,was deep

in tho se quarre l s wi th the Pope, ou t of which the Franks

reaped so m any benefi ts . Pope Adrian I . had defin itely gone

over to the s ide of the Franks ; and i t was hi s dec lared

parti zansh ip for C harles wh ich set D es ideriu s’s arm y in m o t ion

towards R om e. Anappeal from Adrian brought C harles over

the Alps to depo se the Lom bard k ing . T hereupon the S axons

m ade a counter - rai d into the territo ry o f the Franks, burning

and slaughtering all they cou ld . T hey stream ed into H esse .

I E inhard , Annales , s. a . 772 . As m ost of the inc idents of the S axonwar are takenfrom the Annales o f E inhard , it is unnec essary to repeat thereferences thereto , wh ich are su ffic iently g ivenby the dates alone .

2 Al iso,the R om an station, lay near the m o de rn Pade rbo rn. T he

R om ans inA l iso had m ade a brave stand afte r the defeat o f V arus .

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1 32 FI R S T C O N TE S TS .

c ou ld no t contro l the act ion of the warrio rs . C harles inter

pre ted each fresh ou tbreak of ho s t i l i t ies as treachery,wh ich

m ight be justly avenged by a s laughter of pri soners and hatebego t hate .

T here had been local tr ibal wars,no doubt, without num ber,

but no th ing S ince the days of V aru s to daunt the woods in theshape o f a great fore ign invas ion unti l the c ru sade of C harlem agne . C harle s now c laim ed to ho ld the country as con

quered terri to ry,as part of h i s em pire . H e sum m oned a

‘plac i tum ’

(general counci l) for the year at Paderborn, closeby the s i te of the old R om an cam p

,Al i so .

It i s at th i s t im e that we once again catch sight

( in the pages of h i sto ry) of a S candinavianpeopleand hear the nam es of two of the i r kings.

I T hey were two

k i ngs o f S ou th D enm ark, S iegfred and Godfred by nam e . S u ch

pro tec t ion as he cou ld safely give, S iegfred gave to the Saxons .Widukind

,the great S axon leader

,who now appears upon the

scene, m any t im es took refuge at h is cou rt,and i s said to have

m arried hi s s i ster ? But as S iegfred l ikewi se sent anembassyto C harles

,and never in hi s own person took arm s to assi s t

h i s ne ighbou rs,we must perhaps look upon him as a so r t o f

Maroboduus (the Markm an), a tem po ri zer be tween heathendomand i ts enem ies , as Marobod was i n the days of Arm in ius .In the sam e year Widukind him se lf first appears to v iew .

W idukind (C hi ld of the Fo res t 3) was a prince i n Westphal ia.

A. D . 7 77 .

I I have no space here to d iscuss Munch’s attem pted reconstruction of

S cand inavian h isto ry befo re the opening of the V ik ing Age , D et N'

orske

Fol H istorie, i. 195—355. But I th ink it m ust be conceded that the

conc lusions arr ived at are for the m ost part too hypothetical to be used as

h isto ry .

2 Botho , C firon. P itt. in S trip . rer . Brunsv . , iii. 2 92 , not a re l iableau tho r ity (K ruse , i.

3 Another etym o logy givennot long afte r his day was‘wh ite ch i ld ,’

from his baptism al garm ent, a b itte r nicknam e (K ruse, p . H e had

apparently possessed another nam e ,\V ithm und (K ruse p .

S AX O N WAR,A .O . 778 . 133

Beaten th i s t ime, and obl iged to fly, he took refuge w i th S iegfred in S lesw ick . But anon the h opes o f the S axons roseonc e m o re, for a c loud had gathered upon the oppo s i te s ide o f

the kingdom , and the Franks were abou t to su ffer the m o stfam ou s reverse which they ever experienc ed in the long re ignof C harles the Great .N ot m any years previou sly C harlemagne had

added the Basque province to the E m p ire of the

Franks . Its inhabitants were wild mountaineers of prim i t iverace, who se desc endants to th i s day speak a language not o f

the Indo—E uropean fam i ly. T hi s year (7 78) the king led a

great expedi t ion against the S aracens of S pain , advancing

through the narrow passes of the Pyrenees to the E bro,and

beyond the E bro to S arago ssa. T he enem y retreated befo rehim fighting. Learn ing

,i t m ay be, that the i r great foe was

so far w i thdrawn,the Saxons m ade ready for ano ther raid in

Frankland, and news was brought to C harles afar off that

the i r ravages had begun . With the vanguard o f his tro opshe hu rried hom eward, leaving the rearguard to fo l low under

the com m and of R o land, C ount—or shal l we say Marqu i s—of

the Breton m arches.

I

But as the Franks s truggled through the pass—the westernpass from Pam peluna to D ax—the w i ld Basques , who had so

lately and perforce been inco rporated into the Franki shk ingdom , took the o c cas ion to revo l t and to fal l upon th i srearguard and cu t i t to pieces ? C harles heard of the disaster

after he had reach ed France,and turned upon h i s steps to

revenge the defeat? T hi s i s that battle of R oncesval les so

A. D . 778 .

1 E inhard , V ita , c . 9 .

2 T hey were no do ubt suppo rted by the G oths. C harles had takenbyfo rce o f arm s the G o th ic c ity of Pam pe luna, and onhis retreat he destroyedi t .3 ‘Bu t ,

’

says E inhard , ‘found no m eans of com ing to c lo se quarterswith the o f’fenders.

’

134 FIR S T C O N TE S T S .

abundantly celebrated in the tradi t ions of a later age. It

greatly saddened the heart of C harles . And though the

Saxons far away probably knew l i ttle of all this,

I i t at leas t

im proved the i r oppo rtuni ty , and th ey m ade a fiercer attack

than ever upon the Franks . ‘T hey had no t c om e for boo ty,

but for vengeance ,’ says E i nhard . T hey threatened the bone s

of Boni fac e at Fu lda,where

,after h i s l ife- labou rs

,they reposed .

T hey swept away the Franki sh garri sons between them and

the R h ine, which they reached at D eu tz . T hat was an o ld

R om an cam p . T he S axons c ou l d not c ontri ve to take i t, norto cro ss the r iver, bu t they spread all along the right bank of

the s tream as far as E hrenbre i ts te i n, oppo s i te the Mo se l le.

T he i ron king of the Franks was not one to bend from hi s

design befo re these pass ing m i sadventu res . H e only took up

the task of conquering Saxony with mo re de term ined pu rpose.

H e divided the subdu ed terr i to ry into ecc lesias t ical d i s tric ts .M i ss ionaries

,the pupi ls of Bon iface, we re placed over th em

they were to co m plete the rough wo rk of con vers ion by

preach ing, under the shadow o f the Franki sh arm s,the e —G o spe l

of Peace . C harles and hi s Franks and hi s ecclesiastics now

stood with i n but a l i t tle di stance of the D an ish front ier only

the Farther Saxons—the N orth Albiani—between them and i t .

And i t was now that C harlem agne entered into al l ianc e w i th

the S lavonic Abodriti agains t bo th S axons and D anes . I t

c anno t be sai d , therefo re , that on th i s s ide the Bal t ic nat ions

sought a quarre l wi th C hri stendom . Unw i l l ingly they entered

in, bu t be ing i n so bo re i t that the i r oppo sers woul d learnsoon

enough to beware of them .

Probably , but not ce rtainly . T he news of the great defeat m ay havereached as far as the earthquake wh ich , we are to ld , accom panied it,nam e ly, ‘from Miche l du Per i l to the S aints ’

[from Mont S t. M iche l tothe T hree K ings of C o logne] (C /zanson de R oland). Whethe r the S axonattack preceded or fo l lowed the R oncesval les defeat is not abso lu te lyc ertain. C om pare the accounts inE inhard and the m onk of S t. G al l .

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136 FIR S T C O N TE S T S .

H e fi rst swept acro ss the D ani sh front ier into Fri s ia,and

bu rnt som e of thefnew-bu i l t churches in that land ? T hen hecam e again into S axony

,rai sed there an arm y from the ranks

them selves o f C harles’s consc ripts , caught a Franki sh fo rc ec om m anded by one of C harles

’s l ieu tenants,and defeated it

at S undal . T hereupon C harles exacted a fearfu l penal ty forth i s treason by beheading fou r thou sand fiv e hundred S axon

pri soners by the banks of the Alar and he m ade preparat ion s

for a cam paigngreater than any which had gone befo re . T he

self-confidence of h i s opponents gave him th e rare and m uch

coveted O pportun i ty of fight ing two pitched battles wi th them,

one onMount O sn ing,i n D etmo ld

,one by the banks of the

H ase, the boundary o f the Westphal ian k i ngdo m . T he firs t

was doubtfu l the second a decisive vic to ry for the Franks .From th i s date the great stress of the S axon warwas over ,though fresh revo l ts were cont inual ly breaking ou t, and m uch

harry ing o f the land was needfu l , and severe enough co erc ion

of many kinds, befo re the two great S axon leaders , Widukindand Abbio ,

2 wou ld c onsent to come in and beM 785 bapt ized . T hey did th i s in 785, and wereh a

/

ptiz ed

atAtt igny .

What meaning they attached to the cerem ony one wou ld be

cu rio u s to know . T hat i t was a token of subm i s s ion wou ld

be enough to m ake i t hatefu l i n the i r eyes . T hey m ay haveheard from the i r fo refathers how,

in the days of the greatR om an power

,the subjec ts o f R om e h ad been m ade to

wo rship the ashes o f the em pero r. N ow they h eard from the

C hri stians of a new K ing o f all the wo rld, cal led C hri st ; H e

was apparently the head , or had beenthe head, of the C hri st ian

em pire ; images of him,i t appeared

,were now set up for

V ita Leodegar. (K ruse , 19)2 O rAlbio =Alboin(Pau l . D 1ac)=IE lfwine ?

E N G LA N D .2

7J

wo rsh ip ? T hat I op ine was abou t what bapti sm im pl ied to

these S axons . Afterwards th ey took to the i dea m o re kindly,

and treated i t as a go od—natu red j oke to obl ige the C hri stians

and get, at the sam e t im e,the pre sent of a fai r l inen garm ent .

S o m uch i s im pl ied by a sto ry to ld by the monk o f S t. Gal len,which

,if i t i s no t t rue

,m igh t very we l l be so

?

A c entu ry later, when S axonia had becom e not only C hrist ian

,bu t rath er no table for i t s p iety, a gentle m onki sh hard,

the C aedm on of old Saxony, tu rned into verse the hi sto ry of

the Go spe l . In his m ou th the H e l iand (H e i land) becom es a

S axonprince .

T he heathens m ay have redoubled bapt i sm ,too

,as a sort

o f C h ri st ian incantat ion , ju st as i n after-years m en,who were

scarce ly C h r i st ians i n any o ther respect, looked upon i t as a

kind of magic passport pas t the terro rs o f the under-world .

E i nhard counts the S axon war to have lasted from A. D . 77 2

to A .D . 804—th irty - three years in all? the l ifet ime of a genera

t ion—tru ly,t hen

,we m ay call i t a l ife

’s wo rk for C harlem agne.

But the backbone of i t was now broken ; and we m ay turn

from its cons ideration to o ther phases o f the opening warbetween H eathendom and C hris tendom,

and for a mom ent

leave C ont inental E u rope and revi s i t these lands .When we were las t c onc erned wi th thi s country the northern

H eptarchic kingdom was at the he ight of i ts glory, al thoughit had even then entered on its long rival ry wi thMercia. It su c cum bed to Penda ; but it ro seagai n after the battle of Winwaedfeld, 655. From that time

A.D . 655.

S et-bergs kveda sitja sunnr at Udrar bruh u iS vé. hefir ram r gram r rem danR dm s Oanda sié londom .

(AnO ld N o rse fragm ent onC hrist. )2 S ee ch. V II .

3 V ita C . Imp . c . 7 .

138 FI R S T C O N TE S TS .

fo rward for one centu ry i t rem ained the m o s t bril l iant state in

C hri s tendom . It had suc c eeded to the m antle of the I ri sh

C hu rc h . T he i l lum inated MS S . o f N o rthum bria im i tated bu t

rivalled tho se o f Ire land . In sanc t i ty i t boasted the nam es

of Aidan and C u thbert and H i lda, of Wilfred,of John of

Beverley, and m any m o re . I ts poet was C aedm on,and i t s

h i sto rian—the greatest that m any c entu ries produc ed—wasBede . Its schoo l at Yo rk , and i t s library

,founded and en

r iched by E cgberht and fE thelberht, were fam ou s throug'

ro ut

E u rope . From th i s schoo l had com e the greates t scho lar of

the day—Alc u in .

But tho ugh intel lectual ly N o rthum bria st i l l kept the lead,she was no longer

'

politically the fi rs t kingdom i n the H ep

tarchy. A long succ e ss ion o f able ru lers had rai sed Merc ia

to th i s he ight, and Merc ia’s r ival was now not N o rthum bria

but Wessex . Infact the no rthern kingdom had entered upon

a period of tu rbu lenc e wh i ch was to end in som e th ing l ike

anarchy . It had begun ‘m u rdering i t s lo rds ,

’

as C harlem agne

sai d ; th i s anarchy wou ld only cont inue and inc rease t i l l the

country lay aneas y prey to the arm s of the V ikings .Wessex , on the contrary

,the fu tu re hope of E ngland, was

r i s ing. S he had alm o st suc c eeded in gai n i ng the upper hand o f

Merc ia in the previou s gene rat ion, when the K i ng o f Merc ia,

E thelbald the Proud, was tw ic e defeated by C uOred o fWessex,

at Bu rford and again at S eckington,and on the

latter fie ld,

‘di sdaining to flee,

’was slain. But

the m iddle kingdom ro se to power again underA”"757—796’

O ffa, the greates t E ngl i sh king since E adw i ne, a

k ind of lesser or m im ic C harlem agne i n the Brit i sh i sland .

All the countries interm ediate be tween N orthum bria and

Wessex fe l l under the powe r o f O ffa ; and the K ing o f

Wessex , Burhred, sought h i s all iance . O ffa gave Burhred h is

daughter inm arriage,and ass i stance in driving from Wessex

A.D . 752 , 755.

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140 FIR S T C O N TE S TS .

where the E ngl i sh p i lgrim s on landing might find refreshm ent . From which we see that the C ont inental route of tho sedays was rather the D over to O stend route than the D over toC alai s . Mo re probably

,however

,most of the E ngli sh sh ips

sai led from the T ham es .

I t was no tewo rthy how up to th i s period whatever warsm ight st i l l rage on land—even between C hri st ian and C hri stianas i n th i s country—the sea seemed by general consent setapart to be a hom e of peace .

T he i r days were too long gone for m en to rem em ber theSaxon pirac ies i n the E ngl i sh C hannel , or to take no t ice o f a

few chance revival s o f piracy in later t im es , as by K ingH ygelac , and o thers of less acc ount

,i n waters mo re rem o te .

T he sea seem ed to be consecrated as the hom e of peace when

the I rish m i s s ionar ies entru sted them selves to i ts waves,and to

have remained so s ince,as i n every land m onas tery after

m onastery ro se upon i ts sho res . S o far as m enknew (for whatcou ld they guess of the thoughts of the Bal t i c no

ho st i le feel ing exi s ted between any people separated by the

sea ; none between the nat ions on the O ppo si te sideST

O

/

f the

E ngl i sh C hannel , al though the Franks were fierce enough

agai nst our k insfo lk in O ld S axony. And though we were

ho st i le enough to the C e l t s o f our own i s land—Bri t ish and

Pic ts—the fee l ing d ied down when i t reached the seasho re,

and towards the C e l t s of I reland we had no th ing but goodwi l l .

O nc e, and onc e only,anEngl i sh king had sent anarm y i nto

Ireland , and had‘m i serably harried that harm less people who

have always been so friendly to the E ngl ish,

’ says Beda,

I who

counts the des truc t ion which sho rtly overtook the sam e king

(E cgfrith), a direc t re tri bu t ion for th i s im piou s ac t.

M isere vastav itgentem innox iam et nationi Angloru m semper am ieissi

m am (If . E ., iv . T he wo rds so und strange , it m ust be owned , to

m odernears.

WAR N IN G S OF FUT UR E C H AN G E . 14 1

Merchants , too , doubtless, were pass ing now and again over

the Germ an O cean , where the Fri s ians were already beginning

to anticipate the history of the N etherlands , and were deve loping into the great comm ercial people o f N o rth ern E u rope.

Yet ifwe are to bel ieve the repo r t of later days,there were no t

wanting in the m i ds t of all th i s pro speri ty heavenly warnings

o f futu re change . Fiery dragons were seen careering through

the air,

fi t type of the dragon - ships which wou ld ere long beseen onevery no rthern sea, which had perhaps even now left

the safe harbours of the V ik (the S kager R ack), and tem ptedthe open o cean. In a m i raculous manner som e m en ’s garm ents were found suddenly m arked with a c ro s s

, as if to show

they were dest ined to m artyrdom . And Alc uin,retu rning

abou t th i s t im e ona brief vi s i t to hi s be loved Yo rk,beheld a

portentou s sign : a rai n of blood descending upon the minster?But more real and unm i stakable was the portent

of three kee l s wh ich one sum m er day o f 789 putA'D ‘ 789’

i nto a harbou r of the D o rse t coast ? T hey were thought to be

merchant vessel s, and the Port R eeve,good easy m an, rode

down from the king’s vi l l to the sho re to exac t h i s port dues .

But they were not m erchants they were no rthern m en,

’the

firs t sh ips of the D ani sh m enthat sought the E ngl i sh land

so far as we canascertain,they were the fi rs t nor th ernpi rates

who had appeared on any C hri stian sho re s inc e the days o f

H ugleik the precu rso rs of anendless series of fu tu re raiders ?

Jaffe, Mon. Ala , p . 182 (R er. G er . Bio.

2 A S . C itron , A. D . 787 .

3 T he interpretationo f the expression,‘iii. S cypu N ordinanna of H aere

c‘

faland has beenthe subj ec t of m o re controve rsy thanany o the r passage inthe C hronicle . H aerethaland has beeninterpreted as H ardeland inJut land(Munch), and H o rdaland inN o rway (Mau rer , S to rm ). T he wo rd does notoccu r inthe best M S S . of the C hronic le , and inthe passage the sh ips are

said to be the first sh ips of the D anish m enwh ich so ught the land of E ngland . S teenstru

’s ingenious suggested em endation o ferhx rranpac t land

’

m ust be noted N orm annerne i i . 19, and of . H . H unt,

I canno t

14 2 FIR S T C O N TE S T S .

T hey drew the i r arm s,ki l led the Port R eev e

,

I took,we m ay,

bel ieve, som e tr ifle o f boo ty,and then sai led away into the

unknown whenc e they had c om e , and were heard of no m o re .

Fou r years after the descent upon the D o rsetcoas t a far m o re terri ble V iking rai d took place i n

N o rthum bria . T he sc ene of i t was that i sland of Lindi sfarne

(nearly oppo s i te the old Bernic iancap i tal Bam borough), w herethe fi rs t C o lum ban m onastery had been buil t . We saw how

A idan,the C o lum ban m i s s ionary to N o rthum bria

,had fo l lowed

the exam ple of hi s m aster,and as lze m ade h i s ho ly i sland

,h is

D elo s , i n Iona, so had A idan chosen th i s H o ly I sle of Lind is

farne . It was not qu i te an i s land,for i t was uni ted at low t ide

by a strip o f land,wh ich

,tw ice a day, the tu rbu lent su rge

c overed and lai d bare Qui videl i ce t lo cu s, acc edente et

recedente rheum ate , b i s quo t id ie instar i nsu lae m ari s c i rcumluitur undi s, bi s renudato l ttore c ontigu us terrae redditur.

’2

It was on th i s Lindi sfarne that i n 793 a V iki ng flee t fe l l . 3

By chance ? We c anno t te ll . S om e have though t that one of

the rival fac t ions which at that m om ent divi ded theglgi/ngdom

of N o rthum bria invi ted them i n to the land . We find plenty

of o the r i nstances o f su c h occ u rrences . Bu t I do not knowthat there i s adequate evidence for i t in th i s case . N ow fi rs t

A.D . 7 93 (or

ac cept Mr. H oworth’s suggestionthat the date of th is raid is subsequent to

the attack on Lindisfarne (Trs . of R oy . H ist. S oc . tho ugh it isaccepted by the ed ito rs of the C orp . Poef . Bor. T he above -

quo ted sentences eem s to m e fatal to i t and as with S teenstrup I be l ieve these raiders tohave beenD anes, the re are no d i fficu lties in the suppo sition o f an attackonW essex . I confess , however , that the appearance o f these

‘ three kee lswhich figu re so ofteninT eu tonic m igrationlegends G oths, Jutes) g ivesthe account a som ewhat m yth ic air.

I IE thelweard gives us his nam e—Beaduheard.

2 Beda,H

'

. E . iii. 3 .

3 A S . C /zr. , s . a . S ym . D un. , II . D . E . e . v. T he dates at th is per iodare ve ry unce rtain. It is qu ite po ssible that th is attack onLind isfarne fe l linthe sam e year as the attacks onG lam o rgansh i re and R echru m entionedbe low. Cf . also An. Ult. 793 wh ich S teenstrup , o . e. , takes to re fe rto the attacks on E ngland , S kee rre , C . S .

,to attacks on the no rthe rn

is lands of S co tland . T he first v iew seem s to m e the m ost reasonable.

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144 FI R S T C O N TE S TS .

For Monkwearmouth was the spi r i tual b i rthplace and Jarrowwas the abid ing home

,and m ade the narrow wo rld of the

father of E ngl i sh h i sto ry and Engl i sh l i teratu re. T he eyes

which could look forward and backward along the stream of

t im e , and had learnt to m easure events so ju stly , had perhaps

never seen any earthly pro spect save the country which for a

few m i le s stre tched between the prec i nc ts o f Jarrow m onas tery

and the m onas tery at Monkwearm o uth,

I where'now the Wear

and T yne ro l l the i r po l lu ted waters to the sea,and all the land

l ies under the curse of sm oke and the dino f fo rges ; where then

the m onks of S t. Pe ter and S t. Pau l t i l led the i r fields,and

the i r sh epherds guarded the i r sheep .

N o warn ings from agenc ies natu ral or supernatu ral,from

Alcu i n or from the fiery dragons in the sky,cou ld se rve to put

these hou se s in a po si t ionto defy the V i kings . And onJarrow

the p i rate s fe ll the year after the i r attack onLindi sfarne and bu rned i t . T he crew went back to the i r

ship and sai led onto Wearm outh . T h is wou l d next have fallen,

but,say the chroni clers , S t. C u thbert now revenged h im self for

the de secrat ion o f h i s shrine . H e sent a sto rm uponI/

lTeflee t ,and the heathen’s boats

,which in these early V ik ing days were

l igh t c raft eno ugh,were driven asho re and wrec ked . T he i r leader

was k i lled in the affray the c rews were drowned or scat tered,and

fe l l an easy prey to the vengeance o f the peasantry,and the

vengeance we m ay be su re was not m i tigated . We m ay gu e ss

that m any were to rtu red and that few e scaped . And so i t was

that th i s attack upon the no rth of E ngland’

c eased alm o st as

suddenly as i t had begun; and desp i te the heavenly warnings

the fu l l fo rce of the V i king fury did no t fal l uponE ngland t i ll

the l ife time of a generat ionhad passed .

A.D . 7 94 .

1 T here is no ev idence insuppo rt of the travels to R om e)ascribedby later trad itionto Beda.

M O N K WE A RM O UTH , WALE S ,AN D I R E LAN D . 145

N ext year, however, a fresh flee t appeared in afresh quarter, in Glam o rgansh ire ? T he k ing of

S ou th Wales and hi s m ountaineers proved a m atch for the sea

rovers , who , giving up the i r attem pt upon that c ountry,set sai l

acro ss S t. Geo rge’s C hannel , and for the fi rs t t im e sighted thec oast of I re land—a country des t ined for long years to be thec hief m ark of the i r at tacks . N ear the coast o f what i s nowD ubl in C o unty, a l i ttle to the no rth of D ubl in Bay, lay a smal l

i sland cal led R echru or R echrain,c ontaining l ike m o st of the

I ri sh i s lands i ts com m uni ty of m onks, i t s shrine i n the midst .and i t s treasures, no doubt, of go ld and j ewel lery w i th in the

shr ine . It was a m onastery whi ch owed i ts foundat ion to

C o lum ba h im se lf, and which had always been a favou r i te w i th

the sai nt . T he V iking flee t,strong 1 2 0 sai l? warned perhaps

by the i r fai lure on the m ai nland of Glam o rgansh i re and the

previou s fai lure at Monkwearm outh (if any knew of that),reverted to the tac t ic s wi th wh ich they had begun and wh ich

,

for long years, generally m arked their descent upon a new

coas t . T hey firs t of all took po ssess ion of an i sland which theycou ld ho ld i n sec u ri ty . Inthe present case they fel l upon R echru,treating i t as they had treated Li nd i sfarne . T here was a bu rn

ing of the i sland of R echrain,and ho rri d ravage and harrying

to want and deso lat ion .

’3 T hen they m ade a lodgm ent onthe

i sland,u s ing i t hereafter as apoint d

’

appu i for attacks upon them ainland . And the place as i t changed i ts m asters changedl i kew i se its name . It was R echru , a C e l t ic wo rd of uncertain

etymo logy i t i s now D ani sh,Lam b -ay

—the Lam b Island .

T he plunderers rejo ic ing in the i r new-found wo rld o f adven

tu re , th i s unexplo red sea between I reland and E ngland ,4 crossed

A.D . 795.

Gwent. C firon. s. a . 795 (Publ . of C am br ianArch .

2 War of tlze G aednill, &c . , iv. (a . 795, T odd).3 An. Ult , 794 (795 An. Fou r Masters, 790 . The dates of the

Irish C hronic les are o ftenevenm o re wide o f the m ark than the dates of

the Engl ish C hronic le.4 C f. Ult. 797.

140 FIR S T C O N TE S TS .

back a year or two after to Man, or rather to a

A’D ’ 798 °little island ly ing close beside the larger one and

then cal led Innispatrick—S t. Patri ck’s i sle ? T he nam e was a

re l ic o f the early miss ionary labours of the Ir i sh C hu rch . N ow,

l i ke R echru,i t had to change i t and put on the one which i t

now bears—a nam e m o re consonant w ith the changed t im es, a

D anish name i n place o f a C e l t i c one, a name not suggest ive

of peac efu l labou rs bu t o f war’s alarm s, H o lm Pee l—the i sland

of the watch tower.

Inthe first years of the n inth centu ry the rel ig iou s wo rld of

Western C hri stendom suffered a new and bi tter

blow by the destruc tion of the monas tery o f Iona.

H y was fi rs t attacked in 80 2 2apparently by a fleet which had

sailed up S t. Geo rge’s C hannel and which, after it had done

th i s evil deed, i s los t to our s ight inthe far no rth .

But in806 it was again attack ed 3 by a fleet—perhaps by the sam e V ikings—sou thward bound

,and with m uch

greater fu ry than befo re. T he who le monastery was destroyedand all the monks were slain to the num ber of sixty-eighg/

It was now 2 4 3 years si nce C o lumba had fixed his homeupon this little i sland, whence he and hi s d isc iples had trave l led,as we have descr ibed them trave l l ing, from island to island andfrom shore tp sho re, founding fresh m onaster ies , making fresh

converts . S ince then the C o lum banC hurch , and H y wi th i t,had fal lengreatly below the i r anc ient renown . We have seen

in what manner the fo rmer had become a here t ical church .

O ne by one the ch i ldren of the C o lum ban C hurch,that in

N o rthumbria,the chu rch of the Picts

,had confo rmed to the

R om an practice. N aitan, king of the Picts, dealt a heavy blow

A.D . 802 .

A.D . 806.

An. Ult. 797, 798. T o dd, War, &c. , &c. , S teenstrup, N orm annerne,cf. Fou r M . 793 .

F. M . 797 An. Ult. 80 1 . T he date 781 inAnn. Inisj l is erroneous.3 E M 80 1 ; An. Ult. 804.

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148 FI R S T C O N TE S TS .

from the base of the h il l to the sea and term i nat ing at the N E .

end of the i s land ina strip o f the pu res t whi te sand , the scene

of a crue l s laughter of the m onks by the D anes . ’ 1

T hu s had the sea be tween Alban and I reland bec om e a

veri table co rsair’s hom e . Many of the atroci t ies of th i s t im e

are no doubt bu ried for ever i n obl ivion . For wh en histo ry

once more throws i ts l ight uponthe western coas ts and i s lands

o f S co tland we see N o rsem en everywhere settled in them,and

tho se countles s hom es of the C o lum ban m onks have disap

peared. It i s the sam e i n Ire land . We can but p ick ou t the

reco rd of one or two of the num berless desc ents upon the

rel igiou s com m unit ies . We need no t m uch regre t th i s . H ad

we the fu l l l i st of the ach ievem ents o f the V i kings it wou ld

read only l ike a cont inual repet i t ion of the same th ing—the

sam e scene o f rapine and slaughter .

And nowwe find the V i kings sai l i ng round to the o ther s ide

o f Ireland—the new O dysseuses—ventu ring to earth’s very

l im i ts . A. D . 80 7, the year after the fall o f H y, was

the year of the fi rs t o f the ir rai ds upon the western

coast of I reland the fi rs t t im e , too , that they landed upon the

m ainland o f th i s country . T he V ik ings firs t plundered Innish

m urray,off the S l igo coas t, and thence they harried inland som e

l i t tle way i nto R osc ornm onc ounty . What m ay have beenthe

thoughts of the dream y coenobi tes i n the se far sho res and

i slands when the robbers from unknown quarters o f the wo rld

bu rst upon the i r so l i tudes, we canonly gue ss . After th is fash ion,unw i ll ingly eno ugh , were they m ade m em bers of the body o f

C hri st ian E u rope and dragged once more i nto the s tream o f

E u ropean po l it ics .

A. D . 807 .

For a fuller descr iptionof Iona see R eeve’s Adam nan, Fi rst E d.

C H AR LE MA G N E A N D TH E D AN E S . 149

IV .

O n the continent, m eanwhile, though Saxony was by nom eans who l ly subdued

,her fu ture s truggle s were sporadic

and i nterm i ttent ; and from th i s t im e fo rward the Franks werei n a po sit ion to c om e into pret ty c lo se relat ionsh ip w i th the

D anes upon the i r s ide of the N o rth S ea. C ertainl y em bassiesonce or twic e passed between the two c ountries . Bu t du ringthe next two years or so fo llowing the bapt i sm of Widuk i nd

,

C harlem agne’s attent ion was a good deal called away in o therdi rect ions . T here were wars agai nst the Avars a dom esticconspi racy to put down ; final ly there was the po s i t ion of the

H o l y Father at R om e,which was growi ng day by day m ore

peri lou s,between the ho st i l i ty o f the Lom bard princes ou ts ide

,

and treachery with i n h i s gate s .Pope Leo II I . who had long been on i l l term s wi th the

part i sans of the Lom bard dynas ty, had, as was fondly bel ievedthroughout Frankland , su s tained a las t proof of the i r enm i ty in

the outbreak of a c onspi racy in his ownhou seho ld wh ich the

Lom bard party was suppo sed to have fom ented . D uring a

so lem n cerem onial i n R om e c ertain relat ives of the Pope, fal l ing

upon the proc ess ion at the head of which he rode, se i z ed the

person o f Leo,treated him with every indign i ty, and final ly, i t

was said,they c ut out his tongue and put out h i s eyes . But

alm o s t im m ediate ly after (such was the bel ief) the Pope'

s s ightand speech were resto red to him by a m i rac le . H e escapedfrom I taly and c am e to throw him se lf upon the pro tect ionof

C harles . C harles s tood fo rth as the cham pion of

C h ri s t iani ty and the pro tec to r of the V icar of C hri st,and we know what great event fo l lowed the retu rn of C harlesw i th the Pope into I taly

,in the year 80 0 . O ne inc idental

noti ce occu rring in th i s annus m iraOilis of the im perial coro

nat ion concerns u s here . C harles, we are to ld, passed som e

A. D 800.

150 FIR S T C O N T E S TS .

po rtion of the year ina vi s i tat ion of the sho res of the N o rthern

O cean (the Fri s ian i slands) which pirates had been ravagingand threaten ing I

and no doubt he m ade dispo s i t ions for thedefence of the coas t and the bu i ld ing of a flee t . O nth i s last

m atter h i s thoughts had long been turned .

T he pirate fleet s were , we m ay guess, despatched by the

succ esso r o f S iegfred, a m u ch m o re t rucu lent and perhaps

m uch mo re powerfu l k ing, Godfred (or G odrOd), who a year or

two later appears befo re u s ly ing ready w i th h i s flee t and army

at S leswick, whi le C harle s was transport ing the S axons away

from their hom es on hi s bo rder and giving these lands to theAbodriti ? Fo ur years later thi s king dec lared

openwar agains t the Frankish E m pero r,by attack

ing wi th great determ i nat ion the Abodriti, the al l ie s of the

Franks? H e com passed (by treachery, says E inhard) thedeath of T hrasuco (D rasco), dux or ki ng of that people

,and

lai d a part o f the i r land under tri bu te? C harles sent ass i s tance

to hi s vassal , and part o f G odfred’s arm y was cut to piece s

during a s iege o f one of the Wendi sh s trongho lds hisnephew

R eginald was slain . Godfred expected that the ho st i l i ty of theFrankish E m pero r wou ld go fu rther ; for he ret i red behind

S chleswig , and drew the l ine s of a great entrenchm ent,the

D an ish dyke,5 acro ss the front iers of his country , from the eas t

A.D . 808 .

T here is one notice of a V ik ing attack onthe coast ofAqu itaine in799 ,Mon. Ala , p . 51 2 , an event for wh ich I confess I canno t account. S ee

Jaffe’s no te , l. o.

2 InA. D . 804 C harlem agne rem oved a po rtion o f the T rans-Albingian

S axons from the i r te rr ito ries , and handed these over to the Abodriti,who thus separated the D anes from the i r old al l ies. G odfred on th isoccasionproposed a m eeting between h im self and C harlem agne upon the

E lbe , but neve r appeared . E inhard , s. a. 804 .

5 O nthe subj ect o f G odfred’snational ity see S teenstrup

’s Indledn. i N or. ,

68 sP4 Biggard , Ann. C itron. Moiss . (P. i .5 N ot the sam e dyke knownat a late r date as the D anish dyke , which

was constructed by QueenT hyra.

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152 FIR S T C O N TE S T S .

of th i s king ended all present tho ught am ong the D anes of

com ing to an encounter w i th the Frank i sh arm y . G odfred’

s

nephew and suc c essor,

I H em m ing,w i thdrew the arm y far into

the i naccess ible woods o f Ju tland,and C harles

,we are to ld ,

shed tears at the thought that h i s enem y had e sc aped him th i s

se cond t im e . Why was I no t deem ed wo rthy,

’he c ried

,

‘to

see how m y C hri st ian arm wou ld have m ade play wi th thesem onkeys ?’2 T he t ime wou ld c om e

,if not inhi s day.

And for a contras ted pictu re take th i s o ther—not,i t is true

,

perfectly au thenticated—from the m onk of S t. Gal len.

O nce C harle s arrived by chance at a certai n m ari t im e town

of Gal l ia N arbonensi s? Whi le he was s i tt ing at dinner,and

had not been recogni zed by the townspeople , som e no rthern

pirates cam e to carry on the i r depredat ions in that very po rt .

Whenthe ships were perc e i ved som e thought they we re Jew i sh

m erchants, some that th ey were Africans, som e Bretons . Bu t

the wise king , knowing from the shape and swiftness o f the

vessel s what so rt of crews they carr ied , sai d to tho se abou t

him,

“T hese ship s bearno merchandize,but cruel foes . ” At

0k laun-sv ik innlOm -

geOiAso arr af j

'

cifri bar

oh buO lungrabeO i fornomS tiflo -sandz of stunginnvas .

Ynglingatal resto red , xxv i . C . P . B . ii. 656. S ee note 3 onpage

Acco rd ing to Saxo G odfred was su cceeded by O laf, O lafby H em m ing .

Bk . ix .

C um cynocephalis illis .

’ Mon. S angall, ii. 13 (Pertz , 11. 757 Bouquet ,v . 1403 It)is certainthat inthe days of C harlem agne no no rthern pi rates had

m ade thei r way into the Med ite rranean. E ither,therefo re , our au tho r (the

m onk of S t. G al l) is m istakenabou t the place , or (what is perhaps the m ostreasonable supposition)he has transfe rred to the V ik ings a sto ry o riginal lyconnected with the Moham m edan pi rates, whose depredations in Italy and

inthe G tilf of Lyons we re scarce ly less terrible thanthose of the V ik ings inno rthe rnFrance . S om e of these C o rsai rs had al ready beenseenonthe coastof G au l . E inhard

,V ita. C ar. I . i. 1 7 (Pe i tz

E X TE N T O F V IK IN G R A VA G E S . 153

these wo rds all the Franks r ival led each o ther in the speed

with whic h they ru shed to attack the boat s . But i t was u seless .T he N o rthm en hearing that t/zere stood the m anwhom theywere wont to cal l C harle s the H am m er, were afrai d lest all

their flee t shou ld be taken i n the po rt,and shou ld be broken

i n piec es ; and the i r fl ight was so rapid,that they wi thdrew

th em selve s not only from the swo rds , but even from the eyes

o f tho se who w i shed to catc h th em . T he relig iou s C harles,

however, se i z ed by a ho ly fear, ro se from the table,and looked

out o f the w indow towards the E ast , rem aining long in that

position , h i s face bathed in tears . N o one ventured to qu est ion him bu t turning to h i s fo l lowers he s t i d , K now ye whyI weep ? T ru ly I fear not that these w i l l inju re m e . But I am

deeply grieved that in m y l ife t im e th ey shou ld have been so

near landing on these s h o res , and I am overwh elm ed withso rrow as I look fo rward and see what evi ls they w i l l bring

upon m y offspr ing and the i r people .

1

Under these fo reshadowings the e ighth centu ry drew to a

clo se,and the n inth (that fatal era) opened . T he V ik ings had

now been seen , but no t m uch m o re than seen , upon m os t of

the lands wh ere infu tu re the i r ships wou l d be best known

Aghast and pale ,From O stia’

s wal ls the crowd shall m ark

T he track of thy destroying bark,T hy thrice accu rsed sai l

Upon the Fri s ian coas t (as we have seen) po ss ibly as far sou thas Aqu i taine ; onthe sou thern and no rthern c oasts of England ;onbo th s ides o f S t. Geo rge

’

s C hanne l . But there was not m uc h

as yet to at tract the attent ion of E u rope at large , sti l l less to

cause seriou s alarm . We m ight com pare signs such as these

to the rio ts which precede a revo lu t ion—of no m om ent, o f

Mon. S angall, i i . 14 .

154 FI R S T C O N TE S TS .

i nfinite m oment,to the careless and unprepared. For the

present the c entral state of C hri stendom was he ld inthe strong

grasp of C harles the Great ; could i t but rem ain so ! But the

em pero r only out l ived h is truculent foe K ing G odfred fou r

years,dying inA. D . 8 1 4 .

H owbe i t,though th i s new sto rm of invas ion from the N o rth

seemed al ready to have begun to blow round almo s t everyc oas t

,the clouds for a whi le gathered them sel ves together

again, and leaving the o ther countries of E u rope ,drifted over

wes tward , and fel l w i th all the i r fu ry upon I re land . T he awfu l

prophecy c ontained in the fiery dragons and the rai n of bloodwas no t fulfi lled

,at least not yet ; for the space of ano ther

generationE ngland was left alm ost at peace.

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156 C H AR A C TE R O F TH E VI K IN G S .

against the spi ri t o f change i n them,and the general construe

t ion o f the i r boat s rem ai ned what i t had long been that is tosay, they were adm i rably fi tted for the com parat i vely safe

navigat ion of the Bal t ic, but to our modern no tions veryunseawo rthy .

T he h isto ry of boat-bui lding in the N orth,subsequent to the

days of T aci tu s,is scanti ly preserved by one or two di scoveries

o f bu ried c raft . O ne fou nd in N ydam s m oo s,i n D enmark ,

belongs to a per iod earl ier than the ou tbreak of the V ikingage? Two o thers found near C hri st iania, and now preserved

i n the C hri st iania museum ,are of a later date , probably of the

e leventh century ? T he best preserved of these,the Gokstad

sh ip,has been u sed as a bu rial sh ip ; that i s to say, the body

of a dead warrio r has been placed there i n for bu rial . T hi s

cu s tom of u s ing ships as a kind o f im m ense c offins long prevai led am ong the S candinavian nat ions ; i t prevai led not only

i n the days when they bu ried the i r dead , bu t earl ier in days

when they bu rned them . AnArab merchant who trave lled in

N ovgo rod , or G ardari'

ki,as the S candinavians cal led it

,in

the tenth centu ry—in days , that i s to say, when that country

was a S candinavian (S wedish) kingdom—has left us a cu riou sdescript ionof the funeral r i tes of these people . T hey always

bu rned the i r dead ; but the body was first placed ina boat

m ade for the purpo se?

We canno t tel l whether or no the G dkstad boat was made

only for pu rpo se s of funeral but i t was mo re probably anold

sea- go ing vesse l . Li ke the boat s of the s to ne- carvings,l ike the

boat s of T ac itu s’

s S u iones, it was bu i l t al ike at bo th ends , so

that it cou ld, as Tac i tus says of the earl ier no rthern craft,be

propel led w i th equal ease i n e i ther di rec t ion . What we no t i ce

I Montelius , K u ltu r S efiwedens inv orlz istoriseker Z eit, p. I 10 .

2 O ne found at T une , one at G okstad , both inthe C hristiania m useum .

3 Ibn H aukal, K itab el Masna’lié wa-l Mem a’

lzlé (Book of R oads and

K ingdom s)[T r. by O useley].

VIK IN G S H IPS . 157

most abou t the bu i ld of the C hrist iania boats—and the sam e

m ay be sai d of the N ydam boat so far as we can te l l —i s thatthey were very shal low. We see

,i n fac t, that they had fo l lowed

the old trad it ion. T he Gokstad sh ip i s seventy-five feet i nlength and s ixty feet along the keel . H er greates t breadth o f

beam i s fifteen feet ; but this narrows away towards e i ther

end. H er depth at the broadest part i s l i ttle m ore th an threeand a half feet . S uch vesse ls were adm i rably fi t ted to run in

and out of creek s and bays th ey were, par exeellenee,vik—boats

(wick-boats) as we l l as V iking boat s . T hey had no fixed

steering-gear, but, l ike the m odern whal ing-boat,cou ld be

s teered by an oar from the s ide—the star-board or steerboard . Inthe c reeks and sm al l bays

,through narrow channel s

and up r ivers , the boats would pass or lie snug, often qu i te

unperce ived by the landsm en clo se at hand ; and the N o rth

m en cou ld choo se the i r own moment for a rai d upon the

inhabitants . We m u st suppo se that the earl ier V iki ng boat swere sm al ler than tho se o f wh ich we hear descript ions in theS agas , or than the C hri st iania boat s . Inthe Sagas we read of

vessel s having th irty benches of rowers (s ixty rowers i n all), orof a st i l l greater num ber . S t i l l, even inS aga days fi fteen seats

seem s to have been a good average num ber for a ‘ long sh ip .

”

T he G dkstad sh ip had s ixteen oars a- s ide . We m ay take i tthat th i s i s abou t the extrem e num ber for a V iking ship i n theearl ier days . I have spokenof benches of rowers but i t mu st

he c onfessed that in the C hri stian ia shi p no traces of seats havebeen found , and i t wou ld seem that i n it the m en rowed

standing. T aking two m en to rel ieve each o ther at each oar,

we shou ld get si xty m en at leas t i n these sh ips . It i s qu i tel ikely that the fight ing m en i n a sh ip outnum bered tho se at any

Inthe later S aga age there were apparently inuse two so rts of ships ,‘ long sh ips

’for coast or genu ine wick ’

service , and a stronge r so rt ofsea-go ing vesse l . W e m ay be pretty su re that the ‘ long sh ip

’of those

tim es is the best representative o f the V ik ing sh ip of our earl ier period.

158 C H AR A C TE R OF TH E VIK IN G S .

moment engaged in rowing by at leas t three to one, which

would give not less than 1 2 0 m ento a vessel of the siz e of the

C hrist iania boat . Inthe Saga of O laf the Saint,for example,

a‘long ship of th irty - two benches is spokenof as containing

two hundred m en. But i t has been al ready sai d that when wehear inthe early V iking days o f a considerable fleet, we are not

to m u l tiply the number of ships ment ioned by ano ther 1 00 or

1 2 0 . Undoubtedly the great ' majo ri ty of the craft in earlyt im es were qu i te small boats, with nothing l ike the thirty-two

oars of the Gokstad sh ip .

We have sai d that these boats were, taken as a who le, not

very seawo rthy ; and that they were essential ly rowing boats,not sai l ing boats, and i n th i s respect resembled the sh ips of

antiqui ty. We scarcely eve r hear, even inthe later V ik ing age,of double ranks of rowers , such as tho se from which the

biremes got the i r names, and never of triple ranks . N e i the r

b iremes nor triremes, we m ay be p re t ty su re, were known in

V iking ship - build ing du ring our period T he m ast was a m ere

adjunct,with all the appearance of anaddition to the original

plan,very often but ill- supported by the light-bu i l t ship f

/T here

was never mo re than one mas t to a vessel . It carr ied one

heavy cro ss-beam,with a s ingle large square sail. T he mas t

could easily be lowered, and generally was so befo re an

engagement ; at such a time,therefore, all the manoeuvring

was done by the rowers.

We must not, then , in picturing the ships of the northern

sea-rovers, think of tho se craft which we now see,generally

laden with wood, sai l ing about the coast of N o rway. T hese

are heavy vessel s wi th square sterns. But we must thinkrather of the shal low boats , po i nted at each end, which are

rowed about the lakes,adding to them high, curved prows and

stern-

posts, and sails. T he las t were probably like the fine

square sails of the modern sai l ing craft , which , though they

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160 C H AR A C TE R OF TH E VIK IN G S .

and by this tim e the S candinavians had acqu i red a separate

speech and an ind ividual c haracter . It bec om es necessary ,therefo re, for us to ask

,What was the character of th i s

race, with wh ich C hri stendom had now begun a m o re than

hundred years’ war? O nce had the vo ice of a

C hr is t ian m i s s ionary been heard am ong the

woods o f D enm ark ; once , and had then grown s i lent . O nc e

had a D ani sh k ing adventured into the N o rthern O cean and

sai led round to the m ou th of the Meu se . S om e l i ttle com

m erce doubtless there was between D enm ark and Fri s ia ;but i ntercou rse o f no kind suffic ient to serio usly affect the

knowledge or the igno rance of C hri stendom touching the S candinav ians. O f the V ikings’ be l iefs we need not speak in thi s

place . T ho se that they re tained were no doubt i n the mai n the

bel iefs o f the O ld T eu tons, such as we have al ready attem ptedto sketch them . T he S candinavian c reed as a who le found

l i terary express ion at a date later than that to which our

present h i sto ry s tretches . I t w i l l be best not to speak o f

that unti l we come to the period of i ts creat ion . But of the

personal character o f the N o rsem en it i s adv isable w

tcf say

something.

We should have,it i s to be feared , to e l im inate the milder

e lements which after a centu ry o f contac t with C hri s tianE u rope have crept into the c haracter of the V iking hero

,as

he appears i n the hero ic bal lads of the N o rth . S t i l l, we m u s tnot th ink of him as we do of the modern fillibuster—the

wo rs t o ffspring o f a higher c ivil i zat ion . C orruptio op tim i

pessim a the V ik ing was no wo rse and no bet ter than the

society from which he Sprang . O f h is cou rage no t m uch

needs to be to ld . Yet we canno t eas i ly real i ze how all

em brac i ng that cou rage was. A trai ned so ld ier i s oftenafraid at sea

,a trained sai lo r lo s t if he has no t the pro tect

ing sense o f hi s ownsh ip beneath him . T he V iking ventured

A.D . 011 0. 695.

VIK IN G C O UR AG E . 161

upon unknownwaters i n sh ips very ill-fitted for the i r wo rk . H e

had all the spi ri t o f adventu re of a D rake or a H awkins,all

the trained valou r and rel iance upon h i s com rades that marka so ld iery fight ing a mil i t ia—that of C aesar’s legionar ies inthe Gau l s

,or Alva’s t roops in the Low C ountries . T here are

som e m anoeuvres which a sem i - savage valour seem s bettercapable o f execu t ing than the bes t t rained of m odern armies .T he V ik ings preserved and im proved upon a m anoeuvre infavou r wi th the anc ient G erm ans

,

I i n a way that i l lu strate s

very fo rc ibly the fineness of the i r qual i ty as so ld iers . T hismanoeuvre was the sham fl ight . When all day long they had

been invain attacking the serried ranks of the i r adversaries,

t hey wou ld at a preconcerted signal take to fl ight . T he i ropponents rare ly fai led to fo l low them ; and when they hadthus been drawn from the i r po s ition, the N o rthm en ral liedagai n and charged them i nto destruct ion . I th ink any general

wou ld admit that there have been but few d isc ipl ined armies

i n the wo rld’s h i s tory which cou ld be tru sted to exec u te such a

m anoeuvre as th i s ; that wi th the vas t m ajori ty of troops thes ignal to re treat i n the face of an enem y wou ld be fatal to thehopes o f the day, even though the reasons for that re treat werewell unders tood . And yet th i s sham fl ight becam e alm o st aspecial note of the V iking battle . It was practi sed wi th success befo re Yo rk in A .D . 867 inLi nco lnshi re

,near K esteven,

three years later ; and i n the battle o f Wilton two years lateragai n (A. D . T he sam e sham fl ight or som e th ing l ike itcaused the death in France of France’s braves t defender

,

R obert the S trong ; and two hundred years afterwards the sam e

manoeuvre, put i n pract ice by‘ he desc endants of these sam e

V ikings, proved fatal to the old E ngl i sh monarchy at H ast ings ?

Cf: G erm ania, c . 6.

3 For another (trad itional) exam ple if . D ado, D e m or. of act. pr. daeu m

N orm annia , ii. 4.

1 3

162 C H A R A C TE R O F TH E VIK IN G S .

T hey were as val iant indefence as i n attack . When hardes t

p re ssed they set up the im pregnable wal l of the shi el d-bu rg

(skjaldborg), wh i ch was a fo rm at ion to be compared to the

E ngl i sh square at Waterloo,

only i t was circular and no t

square ; a so rt o f low tower o f m enho ld ing the i r sh ields befo re

t h em , overlapping as w i th the R omantestudo ; som e m en,there

fo re,it i s to be presum ed

,knee ling

,som e s tanding above them .

What m akes the m i l i tary ach ievem ent s of the V ikings the

m o re rem arkable i s that they we re not o rgani zed by any des

po t ie powe r above they l ived under a const i tu t ionwh ich was

m o re republ ican than m onarch ic . T he i r leader was general ly

cal led a king , but was frequently one only inname

S o lo rex verbo , soens tam enim peritabat

as a wretched poet of these days s ings . S om et im es if he

o rdered an at tack, som e t im es if he o rdered the rai s ing o f a

s iege,they refused to obey . N everthe le ss

,they had the

w i sdom to im po se upon them se lves a to lerably s tr ic t cam p - law,

and,we m u s t be l ieve

,l ived in general obedience thereto ?

With th i s indom i table cou rage went the darker vicYe/

s of a

half- savage warl ike people : a cruel ty, orat leas t a care lessness ofl ife

,wh ic h spared no age nor sex. O ne o f the V ik ing leaders

got the n icknam e ofBOrn(C hi ld), becau se he had been so tende rhearted as to try and s top the spor t of h i s fo l lowers , who wereto ss ing young ch ildren in the air and catching them upon

the i r spears . N o doubt h i s m en laughed no t unkindly at th i s

fanc y of his, and gave him the nicknam e above m ent ioned.

For all th i s the N o rthm en do not seem as a ru le to have em

p loyed to rture , though th ey certai nly did so at t im es for on

Abbo , Bel. Par. u rbis , v . 37 cf . D udo , o. e. i. 1 1 .

3 O nthe Lawnam ed after Frode Frodegod, see S teenstrup , N orm annerne,i. 30 sea , and Yo rk-Powe l l , G rim m C entenary , v ii. T he fragm ent preserved of th is law is inS axo , H ist. D an. pp. 2 25

—2 30, (Mul ler).

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104 C H AR A C TE R OF TH E VIK IN G S .

quite inthe S candinavian ve in, was John Lackland . R obert

C ourthose, i s ano ther o f a s im ple r sort . But Geoffrey or H enry

Plantagenet , Will iam the Lion o f S co tland,H enry the Lion o f

Germ any—the i r soubriquet s are mere herald i c nam es,taken

from the badges on th e i r helm ets ; and they show a lack in

ancy and i n qu i ckness on the part o f tho se who gave them .

H enry the Fowler i s not much better. O ne n icknam e,the

bes t ever bes towed upon a monarch,i s Germ an

,and charac

teristically Germ an: ‘D er Winter K Onig,’

(T he Winter K ing).It has a hum ou r of i t s own—a poet ic, quas i - tragic hu m o u r l ike

that of Goethe and H e ine . It i s,however, toto divisam orbe

from the soubriquet s of the S candinavian kind .

T he love of the no rtheners for pract ical jokes and the

c haracter o f these practical joke s are am az ing. A s to ry to ld

in the Jom sburg V iking Saga of the execu t ion of a nu m ber of

the Jom sburg V i kings, who had beencaptured by E arl H akon,i s a good instanc e . All the Jom sburg V ikings are desc r ibed

s i tt ing ona log wi th the i r feet bound to i t . O ne after ano ther

was beheaded there where he sat,withou t fiinching, wi thou t

winking,so the s to ry says . At last the exec u t ioner cam e to

one of them , S igu rd Bu i s son,who had very long and

beau t ifu l hai r . As hi s tu rn came he cried out,

‘I fear not

death . But let no slave touch m y hai r , nor blood defi le it.’

S o that one of the N o rse m en-at-arm s stepped fo rward and he ld

up h is hai r t i l l the axe shou ld fal l . Bu t S igu rd gave a sudden

j erk and the axe fel l, not onh is neck, but onthe N o rsem an’s

wri s ts,cu tt ing off bo th h i s hands . T his tr ick so del ighted E ric ,

the sonof E arl H akon, that he obtained the reprieve of all the

rem aining Jom sb urgers. T here is ano ther sto ry, wel l enough

known,of how ki ng IE thelstan sent a swo rd as a present to

H arald H aarfagr,‘and when H arald took i t the am bassado r

I If th is is our IE thelstan,E dward ’

s son, thenwe m u st pe rfo rce br ingdownthe date of H arald Fairhair som e th i rty years, as V igfusson has done

H UM O UR . 165

called out,‘Ah

,now thou hast taken a swo rd from E thel s tan

,

and art bec om e hi s m an.

’A few years after H arald di s

patched one o f hi s earl s w i th h i s own young chi ld H akon,

w i th o rders to place the boy upon IE thelstan’

s knees . When

the earl had succeeded in do ing th is he cal led ou t,

‘N ow thou

art become my king’

s m an,for thou has t rece i ved hi s ch i ld to

fo ster .’ And H arald wou l d rather have had h is chi ld ki lled byIE thelstanthan that the earl shou ld have taken him back and

spo i l t the prac t ical joke .

I do no t know where we shou ld find a m odern paral lel tosuch a character as I have described, unles s i t were i n the

Western S tates of Am er ica. T here we shou ld see the sam e

recklessness,the sam e sto ic i sm

,som eth ing of the sam e rude

m agnanim i ty we shou ld find a code of honou r,ifno t as stric t

,

c ertainly as fantast ic as the V i king’s and final ly we shou ldfind a grim hum ou r alm o s t the exac t counterpart of his .

S ome wri ters , reluc tant to look upon the V i kings,who had

so much po tent ial nobi l i ty in them ,as m ere pirates

,have tried

to bestow on the i r raids alm o s t the charac ter o f a cru sade

or ant i - c rusade . I t seem s tem pt ing to be l ieve that, as C harles’s

S axon War m ay undoubtedly be rec koned the firs t c ru sade,so

these V i king rai ds,whi ch beginbefo re that i s over, are the reply

o f H eathendom the reto .

‘You c onvert by fire and swo rd? we

,

too , cando som eth ing in that l ine .

’I w i l l not say that there

m ay no t have m ingled thi s elem ent in the firs t attacks of the

N o rthm en—unconsciou sly ; that the advance o f C harles upon

the Balt i c shores m aynot have st i rred the S candinaviannatiOnsalm o s t invo luntari ly to undertake the i r new adventu res .T here was no o ther e lem ent of re l igiou s war than thi s un

(C . P . B . 11. Unfo rtunate ly his argum ent is large ly based on the

assum ptionthat it cou l d be no other [E the lstan and G u thorm -n’

E thelstanwou ld su it the facts bette r in m any ways than E dward’

s son. T he re sti l lrem ain, however , we ighty facts wh ich suppo rt V igfusson

’s chrono logy.

166 C H AR A C TE R O F TH E VIK I N G S .

consciou s one i n the V iking attacks . O nthe who le they were

only plunderi ng expedi tions, w i th scarce ly any o ther c onsc iou s

obj ec t at the ou tse t thanthe amass ing of treasu re . Late r on,when the weaknes s of the C hr i st ian states becam e m o re

apparent, thoughts of conquest and se ttlement supervened

thoughts o f conquest first, wh ich final ly qu ieted down to

thoughts of settlem ent .

Bu t,onthe o ther hand

,the am ass ing of treasure had, for the

V iking,a half- re l igiou s character wh ich it i s im po ss ible for u s

in these days to u nderstand . Be tween the i r days and ou rs the

Feudal Age has intervened ; feudal i sm rested all c laim to digni ty

and nobi l i ty upon the po ssession of land,which even to th i s

day seem s to m o s t o f the nat ions once feudal a po ssess ion of

qu i te a different kind from any o ther, whereas the amassing o f

spec ie, which i s the wo rk o f the t rading c lasses,i s ac c ounted

vulgar by com pari son . (I suppo se am ong the Jews,who have

ne ve r had any part in feudal i sm ,no shadow of th i s fee l ing

exi sts ; and that i t i s here that the fundamental d ifferenc ebe tween our way of looking at th ings and the i rs m akes i tself

fel t .)But with all the nat ions who took part i n the i nvas ion of the

R om an wo rld—and even w i th tho se who stayed behind,but by

sym pathy shared in the adven tu res of the i r bre thren—the

idea for ever befo re the i r m i nds was of the treasu re which was

am assed som ewhere i n these lands—the treasu re i n gold.

V o lum es, we know, might be wri tten o f the wonderfu l par t

which the ye l low m e tal has played in the hi sto ry of the world .

T he N o rthm en them selve s appear to have had som e s trangem yth which represented gold as a w i tch -wom an whom the gods

sought to bu rn , only wi th the effec t (of cou rse) of refining thego ld and making i t mo re attractive and powerfu l? All m odern

V o luspa2 1 (Bugge). I am aware that R ydberg does not accept th isinterpretation. T . Ill . 34

-

5.

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168 C H AR A C TE R O F TH E VIK IN G S .

Pas pee ic m oste m inum leodum ,

[E r swylt daage swylc gestrynan.

’

T he unbounded enthu s iasm for battle and adventu re whichaccom pani ed thi s l ife of treasu re- seeking

,which breathes i n

every l ine o f the E ddic poetry , and which was i n i tself a kind

o f rel igion,i s i nexpress i ble by wo rds . T he C hri st ian chronic lers

give u s the fac ts o f the V i king rai ds—for th i s early period,they

alone. But for the fee l i ngs wh ich accom pan ied the ad ventu rers

we mus t tu rn to the nat ive l i teratu re of the no rth , inWhich theold sp ir i t fu l ly survi ves . In these poem s, and i n them only

,

the scene of battle seem s to take shape, and there i s a wi ld

m agnificence inthe p ictu re that r i ses befo re our eyes.

We see the dragon sh ips w i th grinning heads cleaving the i r

way through the water, chu rn ing i t up wi th the i r tarred oars .If near the shadow o f the land the boat i s fo l lowed

,perhaps

,by

a friendly troop o f ravens, ready to m ake the i r account i n the

coming slaughter. T h i s b ird the N orthm enhave taken for thesymbo l o f the i r ‘war-wagers

,

’and use for the i r banner ; and

here and there a wise m anamong the crew,who has learnt the

language o f birds, hears the ravens (l ike the‘Twa GOFBies’

of

the S co tt i sh bal lad) telling each o ther where the enem y are and

where the th ickest o f the fight and the greates t slaughte r wi l l

be. O r, m aybe,far overhead rides a flock of wi ld swans, in

which the eye o f fai th di scerns the bright warl ike shie ld-m aidens

of O din—the spae-wom en,or N o rris

,as they are cal led som e

t im es—who weave the web o f vi c to ry and defeat.

V indom , v indom v ef darra’

dar,W ind we , wind we the web of darts.

For th is treasu re I , thanks to the Lo rd ofAll,T o the K ing of G lory inwo rds express,T hese that I m ight for m y people ,E re m y death -day thus acqu ire . Beowu lf , 1. 2 794 sqq.

We rem em ber , too , how E rode’s m i l l gro und G old, Peace, and H appiness

for the wo rld . G rotakv .

LO VE OF CAR N A G E . 169

‘T he web i s woven o f the gu ts o f m en and we ighed down

w i th hum an heads . T here are blood - stained darts to form the

shafts i t s s tays are i ron-wrought, with arrows shu ttled . S trikewith you r swo rds th i s web of victo ry.

‘N ow the web is woven and the fie ld reddened . Bloody

clouds are gath ering over the sky . T he air shal l be dyed wi ththe blood o f m en. Let u s ride away fast onour bare-backed

steeds,w i th our drawnsword s inour hands

,far away.

’I

T hen when the battle i s jo ined .

‘We hewed wi th swords.

We reddened our swords far and wide . T he m oonl ike sh ieldwas crim soned [as the m oon i s when ecl ipsed], and shri l lysc ream ed the swo rds . I t was not l ike love-play when we were

Spl i tt ing o f helm s . M ighty was the onset. H i gh ro se the

no i se of the spears . T hey rowed amain . T hey bent

the i r backs to the oars . T he oar thongs split, the

hawsers brake . T hey hewed wi th the i r axe s . T heyput the i r fingers to the bowstr ings and sho t deftly . T heycovered them sel ves w ith the i r shields . S o long as they re

m ained al i ve they ceased not to hew with the i r swo rds, riv ingm ai l-coats and cleaving helmets. T hrough the morning theyfought , through the fi rst watches and t i l l afternoon . T he fieldwas aswim w i th blood.

’

H ere i s ano ther passage inwhich,we m ay note, are m ent ioned

nearly all the weapons inhabitual use among the N o rthmen

inthe suc ceed ing century,and probably also inu se i n thi s fi rs t

V i k ing Age .

‘T he flyi ng jave l i n b i t ; peac e was be l ied there ;

the wo lf was glad,and the bowwas drawn the bo l ts clattered ;

the spear-po ints bi t the flaxenbowstring bo re the arrows out

o f the bow. H e brandished the buckler on h is arm,the

rou ser o f the play of blades. T he prince drew the yew,

the wound -bees flew.

’

C orpus Poetieum Boreale, i. 2 82 .

1 70 C H AR A C TE R O F TH E VIK IN G S .

T he las t i s a cu riou s and expressive synonym for the buzz ing

arrows ?

T he i r sh ields hung round the bu lwarks o f the sh ip as it

c left the water—bright round sh ie lds,pai n ted

,say red or

white,

2m ainl y of wood

,w i th metal bo sses , or covered w i th

a plate o f m etal . In every way the V ikings were better

arm ed than m o s t o f tho se agains t whom they fo ught ; betterarm ed for defenc e in the i r r ing - sarks or byrn ies 3 better for

attack wi th the i r swo rds and axes ; better arm ed than the

peasant who took h is place i n the S axon j j lrd far better than

the mem bers o f the I ri sh hos ting .

Bu t i n reading the ac counts o f battle s i n the E dda or S aga

lays,we m u s t rem em be r that there was th is d i fference between

the later batt les and tho se w i th wh ich we are now concerned .

It was du ri ng the second part o f the V iking Age that navalbattle s becam e com m on . When they began they took place

between r ival m em be rs of the S candinav ian rac e , l ike a certain

naval battle inI reland wh ich we shall describe h ereafter. At

3 T he weapons m entioned in the T hulor inC . P . B. , are c Tr—

d,/

Axe ,S pear , Arrows , Bow, S h ie ld , H elm et and Byrnie . T he synonym s forSwo rd , and the parts of the Swo rd , are as m any as for the o the r weaponspu t together S h ie l d com es next, thenArrows , thenAxe and H elm et (tie).

3 dit’

ipom raei‘

Sr hanni lum ,

roOnom r'

cindom ,ranO om si ldom ,

t rgom O rom , t ldom drifnom .

C orpu s Poet. B. i. 2 56, 1. 18—20.

Knerrir kom o v estankapps um lystir,m et?ginandom hOfdom ,

ok gro fnom tinglomhlaOnir v Oro heir h

'

Olda ok hv itra skjalda.

Ibid . 1. 64—66.

3 T he m ention of Oy rnies is very frequent in the E dda poetry , ofG rim nism dl 9 (Bugge), and the beau tifu l passage inH elgakv id

’

a H undings

Oana 15. T he byrnie is cal led a war-net (v ig-nest) in H egal’v . IIj orv ardss. v . 8 (Bugge) H elgi and S v ava,

’

C orp . P . B . i. 145, l . The

wo rd is , however , probably derived from the Franks. S ee D ucange s. v .

brunia.

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17 2 C H AR A C TE R O F TH E VIK I N G S .

kind o f cap i tal’

and som etim es one part icu lar swo rd wou ld

be a d ispu ted he i rloom for generat ions ? Bu t perhaps them o s t d i st inc t i ve and c haracteri st ic am ong V ik ing weapons

(though th is appl ies m o re e spec ial ly to the D anes) was the

axe . T he D anes were as m u ch c elebrated for the i r axes as

the Franks had beenat anearl ier date for the i r s . Bu t while

the frontista, the axe o f the Franks,had been a l igh t weapon

—o f the tomahawk o rde r alm o s t, for i t c ou ld be th rown as

we l l as u sed for strik ing—the axe s o f the D ane s were two

handed weapons o f great we i ght and power, terri ble in the

hands of a compac ted, we l l - disc ipl ined ho st .

Albe i t the earl ies t V ikings cam e as plunderers only,there i s

no e v idence that they c am e fo rth m ere ly th rough a love of

adventu re or the h ope of gain. T radi t io n always spoke o f the i r

exile as no t be ing vo luntary but enfo rc ed ? D udo'

s ac c o unt

c onc erning the anc esto rs o f the N o rm ans,for exam ple

,i s

that th ey we re driven fo rth through the poverty of the i r country .

T he yo unger m eno f the S candinaviannationalitiesfl ig tells

u s,after they were grownup, o ftenc onsp ired agains t the i r fathers

and grandfathers for the po sse ss ion o f the i r property , for the

popu lat ionwas exc ess i ve, and the land not large enough fo r

th e i r hab i tat ion. By an o ld c u stom,therefo re

,a m u l t i tude o f

the yo ung m en were c o llected by lo t and th ru st o u t o f the

kingdo m,that they m igh t gain by fo rce a kingd an for them

selves , and the O the rs l ive in peac e . T hu s i t was that theGe tae, al so cal led Go th s , depopu lated nearly the who le o f

3 As the swo rd T irfing m entioned in the Agantyr lay, S igurd’s swo rd

G ram ,&e .

3 T he S cand inav ian c o untries at all tim es o f the world’s h isto ry hav e

had to send ou t ex i les .

'

lhat any spec ial overc rowd ing du e to the practic eo f po lygam y was the cause o f the V ik ing em igrations , as S teenstrup thinks ,I do not m yself bel ieve . (S ee K . Maurer inj aniier Lit. Z eit.

E X ILE S . 1 7 3

E u rope . When they were thu s exi led they m ade a sac rific e toT ho r

,one o f the i r gods . T h ey rai sed the s tandard o f war upon

the i r ships . T h ey were sent out poo r that they m igh t gain

ric he s el sewhere . T hey were deprived o f th e i r ownpo ssess ionsthat they m igh t win kingdom s in fo re ign lands . T he D ac i

( D anes) drivenou t in th i s fash ion cam e to France ?

T radit ions te l l us of the young leader throwing into the air

a lance or a feather, and lett ing i ts fal l or fl ight determ inewhich way he and h i s band shou ld turn . I t i s a fine p ictu re .

All the wo rld be ing al ike unknown,i t mattered l i ttle which

way they went—wherever i t was i t led into a gloom y, giantguarded region , where only the bo ldest of m en and gods ever

penetrated. We m u st bear inmind that,t h rough all the years

du ring wh ich the V ikings properly so cal led were w i nning

the i r way i n Western E u rope,o ther bands of adventu rers

,

who se deeds are who lly los t in obliv ion,were winning the i r

way not less successfu l ly i n the E as t : they were founding

that S candinavian kingdom wh ich was called at fi rst G ardari'

ki,

or Greater S uithiod, a terri to ry extending from Ladoga to

K iev,com m anding the early trade rou te by the D nieper and

the D una,the o riginal E m pi re of R u ss ia

,the germ out o f

which has sprung the E m pi re o f All the R u ss ias o f to day ?

In 1 862 was c elebrated the m i l lenary of the

foundat ion of th i s kingdom at N o vgo rod by R orik

the V arangian? We m u s t no t fo rget th i s o ther fie ld of no rthern

A. D . 862 .

1 D udo , D e m or. et act. due. N orm . i. I have no space here to d iscussthe questionof D udo ’

s value as a repo rter of no rthern trad ition. H e has

( to speak only of recent publ ications) beenattacked by Mr. H owo rth intheArI /Iaaologia for 1880 ,

and defended by M . Lair inthe preface to his ed itiono f D udo

,and by Pro f. S teenstrup , Indledning, &c .

3 Cf . S pruner , H andatlas,N o . 67.

3 O r the R uss ; for the ve ry nam e R u ss is probably of S cand inav ian(orFinno - S cand inavian) o rigin. I t is be l ieved to be a co rruptiono f R ot/zm enS ea-farers and is therefo re alm ost exactly the equ ivalent o f the nam e o f

the westernadventurers , Vikings .

174 C H AR A C TE R OF TH E VI K I N G S .

adventu re,i n which the ach ievem ents of the S candinavians were

alm o s t m o re im portant thantho se inthe wes t,whenwe pic tu re

the young bands of em igrants tru st ing them selves to the hands

o f chance as they set fo rth to conqu er new po ssess ions . But

these deeds of the N o rthm en in the east were m o re u t terly

w i thou t th e i r sacred bard than the V iking expedi t ions properly

so - cal led,wh ich were m ade wes tward . E ven if i t were not so

they cou ld find no place i n our present study .

T he leade r cho sen for such anexpedi t ionwou ld no t be the

e ldes t sono f the royal hou se, bu t so m e cade t,very often som e

m em be r i n the po si t ion o f H am le t, one who s tood too near

the throne ; for, as every one knows, the succ e ss ion in T eu tonic

royal fam i l ies was not that o f s tric t heredi ty,but m o re l i ke the

cu stom wh ich the I ri sh cal led z‘

m zz

'

sfry, whereby the e ldes t

mem ber of a fam i ly succ eeded to the kingsh ip ; unc les we re

o ftenpreferred to nephews, som et im e s the sons o f younger sons

were preferred to tho se of the e ldest son. Any inc onvenient

claim ant wo u ld, no doubt, often be go t rid o f by placing him

at the head o f a V ik ing expedi t ion. S uch,ac c ording fi ) one

t radi t ion, was the case w i th the greates t legendary V iking

leader , R agnar Lodbrog ; such , acc o rdi ng to ano th er tradi

t ion,was the case With the m o s t fam ou s h i s to rical V i k ing

leader, R o lf. But,as D udo says

,they went ou t poo r to com e

hom e rich they lo s t the i r po ssessions at hom e that they

m ight win kingdom s abroad . T hey fu lfi l led the c ondit ions

which T eu tonic rom ance po stu lates for that ideal T eu tonic

hero,the despi sed younger son, the Boo ts of fo lk tales .

E ven before V iking days the legendary hero dear to the

popu lar m ind was o f the sam e kind . Beowu lf i s the yo unges t

bro th er of H ygelac , h is m an, one , only the firs t,am ong H ygelac

’s

hou se - thanes . T h ere was som e t radi t ion,too

,that Beowu lf, l ike

the typical hero o f the popu lar rom ance,had had hi s years of

i dleness and c ontem pt at the hands o f h i s breth ren . After

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176 C H A RA C TE R O F TH E VIK IN G S .

rank and po ssess ions they gained in glo ry . It was to them,

and no t to tho se at hom e , that the thoughts of the i r countrym en tu rned

,i n their honou r that the new crop o f lays and

sagas sprang up . We have seen two kings o f the D anes inD enm ark

, S iegfred and Godfred,i n the days o f C harlem agne

the latter a conspicuous figu re . S om e three or fou r nam es o fthe i r successo rs appear i n the C hronic les , one of them an

impo rtant personage . T hen the l i s t ceases,and for a period

we do not hear so much as a s i ngle au thent ic nam e of a ru lerin S candinavian countries . Meanwhi le the V i king leaders

begin to appear, and at the very tim e that the ch roniclers

become s i lent abou t the kings in D enm ark and S weden, of

Jutland and Le i re,of S uithiod and G authiod

,the i r pages are

fi l led with the names of the sea- captains from the north .

IV .

Jutland and the isles were D ani sh . D an i sh, too, was

the extrem e southern bu lge of the S candinavian peni nsula,

the provinc e s to-day cal led H al land,S kane

,Bleking, and

Smaland . N ext to these cam e G au thiod,Wes t G o thland and

E ast G othland, and no rth of G au thiod,S uithiod

,in which

stood S igtuna and its sacred groves . But the S candinavians

on th i s s ide of the S candinavian peninsu la did no t probably

extend further no rth than the D al river,a l i ttle to the no rth

of Upsala all the rest was Lapp or Finni sh terri to ry . T he

N orsem en stretched as far as H ordaland—that i s to say, the

H ardanga Fj o rd and S ogne Fj o rd ; probably farther no rth

to the T rondhj em Fjord ; but th ese districts were only thinly

inhabited . T he bu lk of the popu lat ion lay on the no rthern

coast of the S eager R ack and C attegat,that narrow inle t to the

Bal tic which i n V iking days bore the name of V i ken—tire V ik(Bay)par excellence.

I

T heno rtherncoastwas also cal led V ikenorWestfo ld . There was once

H OM E OF TH E VIK I N G S . 177

But in all these lands only the ou ter fringe s o f the country

were inhabited ; the c entre was s ti ll po sses sed by vast virgin

forests.

I

Writers upon the V iking Age love to dwe l l upon the p ictu reo f the hardy m ountaineers o f N o rway

,the fisherm en i n the

rocky fj o rds, gaining from the i r b it ter s truggles w i th natu re the

trai n ing for the i r V iking l ife . But the pictu re needs som e

co rrection . T hough natu re i s no doubt hard and steri leenough over all the S candinavian lands , yet i t rem ai ns truethat the great body o f the S candinavian people m u s t havebeen to be found , not in m ountainou s regions or on sto rmvexed c oasts

,suc h as th o se o f the H ardanger or the Sogne ,

but in the low- ly ing lands near the Bal t ic . Ju s t so i t i s w i th

S co tland . T o Frenc hm en and m o s t C ont inental wri ters the

S co tchm en are always m ontagfl am’s . Yet i t rem ains tru e that

the histo ry of S c o tland i s the h i s to ry of the Low lands and notof the H ighlands . O f N o rway even the late r h i sto ry of the

tenth and e leventh centu ries, the days o f O laf T ryggv esson

or O laf the Sai nt, i s c onnec ted far less w i th the H ardanger

and Sogne regions thanin the fi rs t plac e with V i ken and the

C hri stiania Fjo rd , and, in the sec ond place,w i th the scarce ly

less ferti le T rondhjem Fjo rd, half-way to the N o rth C ape .

2

Yet there i s one featu re o f th i s early S candinavian l ife which

we can better real i ze to day in the w i lder fjo rd di stric t s than

e lsewhere . If you have stayed for a while at,say, Gudvangen

onthe S ogne,at the end o f that awfu l val ley o f the N aerodal

,

on which du ring m any m onth s the sun never sh ines,at

Aardal (Black D ale) r ight at the extrem ity of the sam e fj o rd,

a larger d istrict cal led the V ik (V iken) stretch ing along the who le of thenorth coast o f the S kager R ack and C attegat. Later the nam e was l im itedto the coast betweenthe C hristiania Fjo rd and the G orha E lf. T h is lastr iver was the boundary of N o rway inthose days.

S ee C hapter II .

2 S ee for a good exam ple of th is Tbe S aga q ukou tfze G ood.

I S

178 C H A R A C TE R O F T H E V IK IN G S .

or at any plac e su ch as these two , where the wal l s of rock ri seprec i pi tou sly on every s ide and ex i t seem s im po ss ible ,

then

you w i l l learn to real i ze how c om pletely the water m ay be 2726

one path to an extent wh ich in th ese days o f roads and rai l

ways i s not po ssi ble e l sewhere . O n S undays or the days o f

any fest ival—bes t of all if i t be M i dsum m er E v e , the day

o f the sun’s fest ival , a su rvi val from heathen tim es—whensom e gather ing of ne ighbou rs i s expected

,as you s tand look ing

over the blank water you wil l see how, as if start ing ou t of therock s them se lves

,a m u l t i tude o f l i ttle c raft have suddenly

em erged to V iew,t i l l the face o f the fjo rd

,so em pty a m om ent

befo re, bec om es c o ve red w i th these boats, so m e far o ff and

som e near,but each m ak ing for the sam e t rys t ing-place . O n

the st i l l evening the beat o f the oars,the s inging vo ic es o f the

young m en and gi rl s sound far over the water . T hey are

gathering to pay the i r hal f-heathen ri tes to the sun on h i s

m i dsum m er day, by l ight ing up the Bale - Fire (Balder’s Bale)

and by danc ing through all the undarkened night .V ery eas i ly at such a t im e our fancy takes u s back to days

when i t needed not prec ip i tou s rocks , only a rough ande woodyinterio r and the safe , invi t ing wate r of the Bal t ic , to tu rn the

sea— the swan- road ’of our early po etry— into a road

,and

not a barrier, be tween one place and ano ther. We under

stand how the se lands cam e to be set apart for the c u l t i vat ion

of the art o f boat -bu i lding and the i r c h i ldrena dest ined rac e

of explo rers ; and we are led to ask ou rselves how m uch we

m ay owe to the S candinavian blood which runs in our ve in s .

V .

T he weak point inthe arm ou r of the V ik ing adventu rer was

that he went fo rth unacc om panied by the D i vine powers .

T here was, we have said , a quas i - re l igio u s sanc t ion given to

his treasu re- seeking : he re tained , and e ven enlarged upon,

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180 C H A R A C TE R O F TH E VIK IN G S .

i nto the snare. As a m an m ay not avo i d h i s fate, he can

at least step down wi th digni ty in to the dark pi t,wrapp ing ,

as it were, h i s mantle abou t h im as he passes .S igurd from the prophec y o f G ripir and from the talk ing

eagles , S iegfred from hi s spae-wife K r iem h i ld , had fo reknow

ledge of the i r end.

I T hey m ight have tu rned back,but they

went onall the same. And one after ano ther we see the saga

heroes throwing the i r l ives away,as it seems , vo luntari ly and

aimlessly.T here is, no doubt , inthese pic tures a touch of the whim si

cality of a savage’s adherence to a tradi t ional code of conduct,

though he himself knows no t the reason of i t . Bu t there is

l ikewise i n all the germ of a rude ch ival ry,which ino ther days,

among the N o rthmen when they had becom e N o rm ans,took

nobler fo rms.

C lo se beside this bel ief inFate stood ano ther very cu rious

and beau t iful no tion—that of the m anwho went abou t death

doomed. As befo re a m anwas death -doom ed he might com e

unexpectedly out of deadly danger, for

Wyrd oft saves anundoom ed m an,

so the doomed one i n mom ents o f seem ing secu rity, incasual

or domest ic i ntercou rse, wou ld suddenly betray h imself as

fezgr—as the S co tch st i l l say,‘fey.

’ 2 S om et im es it was by

Skiljom k be i l it Munat skiipom V innaN t

'

1 hefir 131i, G ripir, v el gort sem ek beiddak .

Fliott m indir pt'

t friori segjaMina sev i , ef pt

'

rm attir pat

Let us part inpeace. N one canfate withstand.N ow hast thou , G ripir, what I bade thee done.You wou ld , I ween, have wi l l ingly to ldMy l ife bette r , had you beenable .

” Allt es feigs forat‘

S (Fafnism al).‘T he doom ed m an’

s death is everywhere .

’E ve ry p lace is anabyss for the doom ed m an.

’

O r again

‘FE Y.

’18 1

unu sual high Spirits that the m anwho was fey drew on him

the no t ic e of hi s fe l lows, and that fo rm o f the superst i t ion

i s bes t re tained in the S co t t i sh no t ion of be i ng ‘fey som e

th ing ih i t o f the c lass ic , or say rather un iversal,i dea o f

N em es i s—that the gods,enviou s of to o m u ch happine ss , and

see ing any one i n su ch a case,

'

at once reso l ve upon h i s overthrow.

I When K i ng O laf the S aint lay with h i s arm y uponone s ide of the fatal val ley of S t ikles tad, w i th the ho s t i le powero f the bonders defiling towards him on the oppo s i te hi l l

,he

lai d h im down for a m om ent to rest w i th h i s head upon the

knee of his tru sted warrio r , Finn Arnesson. S lum ber overtookhim

,and he slept a l i t tle wh ile . But as he slept the bonders

’

arm y was seen to be advanc ing in great num bers and w i thbanners rai sed . T herefo re Finn awakened the king .

T he king said , Why d id you awake m e,Finn , and not allow

m e to fini sh m y dream ? T hey are not yet so nearwou ld you had let m e sleep .

’

‘What was the dream,s i re?’ Finn said

,

‘who se lo s s appears

to you so great ?’

And the king to l d h i s dream —that he seem ed to see a high

ladder,and on th i s he asc ended so high up in the air that

h eaven was O pen ; for the ladder reached to i t. ‘And when

thou awokest m e I was com e to the topm o st step.

’

K v eld lifir m ab ekki, eptir kvio N o rna (H am oism al).

N o m ancanl ive past the ev e afte r the Fates have spoken.

E very one wi l l rem em be r the powerfu l scene inG ay Mam zerz’

ng,

‘The

gauge r is fey.

’A sti l l m o re beau ti fu l and pathetic render ing of the sam e

idea is S hakespeare’s inR om eo and 7u /z

'

ot

My bosom’s lo rd sits l ight ly onhis throne ,

And all day long anunaccu stom ed gladnessLifts m e above the gro und W ith cheerfu l thoughts.

H erodotu s’ sto ry of Po lyc rates is of cou rse a typical exam ple of th isbelief.

182 C H AR AC TE R O F TH E VIK IN G S .

T hen Finn T he dream seem s not so good to m e

as i t does to thee . I think thou art fey,” king.

’

V I .

S uch , then, were the equ ipm ents,m aterial and mo ral , of the

Bal t ic peoples , who to our fanc‘

y stand at th i s m om ent trim m ing

the wings of their dragon sh ips, scarcely yet beyond the verge

o f the i r new l ife . T he one th ing o f all o thers which it i s

hardes t for u s to real i ze i s,that the life was so new, the wo rld

so unknown to the greatest num ber. We , i n our mental pic

tu res of the E u rope of tho se days,canno t but see som e part s of

i t as if vi s i bly bathed in l ight ; tho se are the parts i n which

au thent ic h i sto ry has begun. O ther parts,of which we have no

au thent ic reco rds,are as vi s ibly cas t i n shadow. But from the

N orthm an’s po i nt o f view we m u s t reverse the pictu re . H e had

som e knowledge (vague, no doubt) of the Bal t ic lands—first

tho se of h i s own kinsfo lk, next tho se of the S lavon ic people s ,hi s V endland—hi s V analand, perhaps—of O botriti, of Wiltz i,who are no m o re than nam es to us

,of o thers who are not even

nam ed inau thent ic h i s to ry. S om eth i ng of these and of / their

ways he knew ; not much, but m o re than we shal l ever know .

Beyond th i s c i rcle all was strange for the vas t m ajo ri ty of

the V ik ing wanderers , not less strange than in the old N o rthern

m ytho logy was all the land beyond the M idgard S ea. S om e

one or two wanderers had fared sou th,m ay even have

abandoned their creed and becom e C hri stians , l ike the half

m yth ical H olger (O tkar1), the D ane who , abou t A. D . 760 , cam e

to Francia and settled there . Bu t as these wanderers wou ld

not retu rn , the s tay-at-hom e N o rthm en were none the wiser.

We have a rem arkable exam ple to show how real was th i sfeel ing o f s trangeness how real

,too , that gian t wo rld of the

1 InMon. S angall, the best h isto rical au tho r ity for his existence O gerinthe C /zansons a’e G este.

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184 C H AR A C TE R OF TH E VIK IN G S .

the i r boo ty but they carry back al so the infection o f a plagu e,

or of a so rt o f dysentery or cho lera wh ich kil l s m any of them ,

which Spreads am ong the D anes after they have retu rned tothe i r nat i ve D enm ark . What i s th i s c i ty wh ich in V iking

tradi tionc o rresponds to N ifiheim ,the lower wo rld P

By c hance we have an ac count o fi

the sam e expedi tion

preserved by C h r i s t ian chronic lers . T hey,too , reco rd that the

leader o f the V i kings was called R agnar. T hey,too , te l l us of

the m i s t which enveloped the plundere rs (which had, no doubt,no th ing o f the supernatural abo u t i t), and o f the s ickness wh ich

they carried home with them ; th i s s ickness , say the C hri st ian

wri ters,was only stayed after the re lease o f all the C hrist ian

pri soners , and after the re sto rat ion by R a‘gnar of the plunder

wh ich he had taken from the i r chu rc hes . But the chroniclers

add to all th i s the nam e of the spo t wh ere these wonders took

place ; and the place is—Pari s , no o ther ; Pari s, the favouriteci ty o f j u l ian , Pari s, where Pippin lay bu ried , wh ich , though

no t prec i sely a royal c i ty, was from i t s po s i t ion even then one

o f the mo st impo rtant c entres o f t rade and one of the ri ches t

towns in France .

I A vo lum e c ou ld no t be tter express/

than

th i s one fac t the feel ings wi th wh ich the wanderers set fo rth uponthe i r new l ife. S uch feel ings are bes t rende red by the l ine s of

the E ddai c poem ,from which we have al ready quo ted

, describ

ing how S kirni r , the messenger of Frey, set fo rth ona j ou rney

into Jotunh e im . Wo rds l ike tho se wh ich S kirni r addre ssed tohi s horse, the V iking leader m ight have addressed to hi s sh ip

D ark it grows withou t,T im e it is to fareO ve r the m isty ways.

2

We wi l l bo th retu rnO r that all-powe rfu l j otun3S hal l seiz e us bo th .

4

S ee C hapter IX .

2 O rig . fel ls.’3 T he Jo tuninth is case is real ly D eath .

4

C H APT E R V I.

TH E VIK IN G S I N IR E LAN D .

I .

N O T H IN G of the character of those new-com ers, as we have

ske tched i t i n the preceding chapter, no th ing of the i r h i story

or the i r b irthplace was known to the C hri st ian chroniclers of

the t ime . H ow cou ld i t be ? By anexcept ion which is extra

o rdinary tho se ‘first three V iking sh ips ’which cam e to the sho re

of E ngland are i n our C firom'

de reported to have come fromH a rethaland. But where that H aerethaland lay, whether it was,as has general ly been assum ed , H ordaland , or the H ardanger

region of N o rway,whe ther final ly the nam e H aerethaland m ay

not have arisen from a copyist’s mistake are matters for

qu estion.

I

After th is date the chroniclers in the different C hri st ianc ountries know l i tt le of the home of the pirates. T he V ik ingsare to them heathens

,Gent i les

,fo re igners (G az

'

ll, lakem en(Loofilam z—anexpress ion only used inIreland), N orthmen

(ZVorm am zz'

,a wo rd which we mu st translate S candinavians not

N orsem en 3) and D anes . T his last wo rd agai n,i n the mouth of

S ee above , p. 14 1 and note 3 .9 Inthe Fou r Masters the V ikings are at fi rst pirates (sea- robbers), after

Wards heathen(G enti les), or fo reigne rs (G aill).3 N ot necessari ly N o rsem en, I m ean.

TH E VIK IN G S IN I R E LAN D .

a Fri s ian or a Saxon chronic ler, might very we l l be a generalnam e for any S candinavians .

From th i s nec essary igno ranc e on the part of the con

tem po rary chronic lers o f all which cou ld gi ve di st inctness andthe e lem ent o f personal i ty to the hi sto ry o f the early raids ,and from the fac t that through all th i s period the nat ive

l i teratu re of S candinavia i s yet unbo rn,there resu l t s a sad

unifo rm i ty and du lness i n the earl ier pages o f V iking h i sto ry .

T here i s no help for th i s . We m u st,on the path of hi sto ry as

onall o ther paths , m ake up our m inds to m uch m ono tonou s

trave ll ing. We canno t be c oncerned wi th ideas and pic tu re s

only ; we m us t fo l low the cou rse o f events even when tho se

events are reco rded only in the driest ou t l ine . It i s i n view of

m u ch that m u s t,I know

,prove s tony and du l l i n thi s h isto ry

(the present chapter perhaps the stoniest and m o st du ll of

all), that I have placed after the t i t le- page those l i ne s of

M ichae l Angelo , which I have m yself o ften found a sort of

talisman upon the drier roads o f hi sto ry and o f l ife

T he best of artists hath no thought to showWh ich the rough stone inits superfluou s shel lD o th not inc lude to break the m arble spe l l

Is all the hand wh ich serves the braincando .

I

Its appl icat ion to the present case i s that eventhe dreariest

chronic le s contai n wi th in t hem —they c o ve r up and c onceal

bu t st i ll ho ld—the reco rds o f a m ighty act i vi ty,a quenchless

l ife , wh ich the h ighe st art o f the h i s to r ianco u ld never revivify

i n half i t s natu ral fire and beau ty . T hat incom parable powerwhe ther you cal l i t hum anor D ivine—which m ou lds hum an

h i sto ry into shape , greate r than any power of any art i st,i s not

only always at wo rk, but can be always seen at wo rk,though

d im ly seensom et im e s through the m eagreness o f our reco rds .

1 Mr. S ym ond’s translation.

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188 TH E VIK I N G S IN I R E LAN D .

and the C hri st ians was who l ly different from what it was inC entral E u rope ; the C hri st iani ty i tself of these countr ie s wasof a pecu l iar charac ter. But such as they were the effects

of that contact were very m arked . S hou l d our inqu i r ies everadvance i nto the ensu ing c entu ry we shou ld obtaina clearer

idea of what were these effec t s . At present th is,too, stands

hidden in the fu tu re,as the image within the stone.

II .

S omething has been said , and mo re m ight eas i ly have been

sai d , of the learned and Spiri tual l ife o f Ireland in these and

earl ier days . But let not the reader i nqu i re after the c o ntem

porary po l it ical l ife . S carcely anyth ing canbe to ld o f i t except

em pty dynas tic l i s t s,or bald reco rds of cont inual c iv i l wars .

Iri sh h isto rians c ontend (som e o f them do at least) that abou tthe t ime of S t. C o lum ba the country real ly was show ing s igns

of coalesc ing into one kingdom ,and o f m aking a new begin

ning in po l i cy . I t i s a p iou s opin ion wh ich one wo u l d notwish to distu rb . All acknowledge that be tween thatday and

the days to which we have now com e,when the i nvas ions o f

the N o rthm en brough t ‘unnum bered woes ’

upon the people

o f E ri n, that progress had not been cont inuou s . Andnow the

power o f the Ard-R i,the so -cal led O ver-K ing of Ire land

, was

l i ttle m o re than nom inal o ver h i s bro ther kings o f the larger

d i s tricts . T he num ber o f persons who bo re the nam e o f k ing

was alm o s t uncountable. N o dun(fo rt)w ithou t i ts king.

’It

i s a m ax im of I ri sh law. E ach o f these kinglets,again

, was no

doubt bound,though by a loo se tie of servic e , to som e one or

o the r of the kings of the greater d iv i s ions . O nly one princ iple ,the fam i ly or c lan fee l ing , was kept al ive in th i s em bryo nat ion

al i ty . And where all e l se seem s to fluc tuate , we have the extra

o rdinary phenom enono f one great c lan,the H y

- N jall

having already rem ai ned the dom i nant race in I re land for fou r

C O N D I TI O N OF IR E LAN D . 9

hundred years,and fu rni sh ing from am ong the heads of one

or ano ther divi s ion of the c lan all the ch ief kings o f I reland

du ring th i s period . T he se O ’N eils all c laim ed desc ent from a

c ertain N jall of the nine ho stages, who se date is given A .D .

396—406.

We m ay look upon I reland as divided fi rst of all into two

great sections , a no rthern and a sou thern ; the d ivi ding l inerunn ing som ewhere abou t the lat i tude of the S l ieve -Bloomm ountai ns . In the N o rthern half re igned the different k ings

of the O’N eil fam i ly . And the i r ch ief rival s at th i s period were

the k ing or kings o f Munster, the sou thern half of Ire land ,whic h fo rmed som et im es a s ingle kingdom ,

som e t im es wasdivided into two . T he mo st sou thern of the two branches of the

O’N eils re igned inMeath

,a kingdom wh ich i n tho se days in

cluded a great part o f Le inster. InU lster, am id the oak fo res ts

of D erry,re igned the great fam i ly of the no rthern O ’

N eils,who se

king,N jal l- C ai lle , bes ide the kingdom o f U l ster, enjoyed from

A . D . 83 3—845 i n addit ion the t i tle of O ver -K i ng o f E rin . O ut

of U lster was cu t the k ingdom o f Iri sh D alriada ; and out of

Meath was taken the sm al l k ingdom of Bregia (Bray). Bregia,

s ituated as i t was onthe eas t coast, was anim po rtant d i strict inthe h isto ry of the V ikings inI reland , a l ike ly object for their

attacks . It cam e inthe end to rece i ve m o re of the i r inroads

thanany o ther of the Iri sh kingdom s ; and probably contained,after the i r final settlement, a larger infusion o f N orse blood

than any o ther part of I re land (though that was not greatI

T he O ver - K ing of Ire land was st i l l cal led K ing of T ara ;though at th i s mom ent h i s throne was at D erry —no t even i nthe kingdom o f Meath

,where T ara sto od , and though T ara

never mo re c ontai ned the palac e of the Ard-R i. T ara’s hal l s,

’

it is to be feared , had long grown s i lent. And th i s was no

Cf~Joyce, [risk N am es of Piaf“ , P' 10° ‘77'

190 TH E VI K IN G S IN IR E LAN D .

sm al l m atter . N o t becau se there was any part icu lar m agic

abou t the nam e of one capi tal rather than that of ano ther, butbec au se inanc ient days the greates t m ar/ear in all I re land hadbeenheld at th i s plac e

,the one great nat ional assem bly wh ich

the people enj oyed . T o have the com m and of the m arke t

as,as i t were , to have the com m and of the pu rse- str ings ; for

the king who dom i nated T ara w i th h i s arm y m ight exact su ch

to l l s and du e s as he pleased . In tho se days,too

,the great

annual or triennial fai rs held at T ara, or wherever they might

be , const i tu ted the very l ife o f the nat ion . At them took placenot only a buying and sel l i ng

,but assem bl ies of no tabil i t ies ,

pass ing of laws—or interpretat ions of laws—and so forth . S o

that h i sto rians are right in dat ing, i n a great degree,the decl ine

of the power o f the I ri sh over- kings from the decay of T araand the s i lenc ing o f i t s harps .

Up to the year 8o 7 the V ikings had not touched

upon the m ainland of I re land . Indeed,so far as

the reco rds tel l u s,each at tem pt of the i rs to e s tabl i sh them

se l ve s upo n the m ainland o f any country had, up t il l that/

year,

proved unsu c c e ssfu l . T hey had su c c eeded on the I sland o f

Li nd i sfarne they had fai led uponthe N o rthum brian c oast atWearm ou th. T hey had been beaten in Glam o rgansh i re , but

they had succeeded inR echain, i n Man,i n Iona

,and i n In

nishm urray. N ow,however

,they broke the spel l . S ho rtly

after the i r at tack on the las t p lace , they landed in S l igoand harried the c ountry far and wide .

I And after that,flee t

seem ed to fo l low fleet i n qu ick success ion ; so that we soon

h ear of the V ikings plunder ing and explo ring all down the

we stern coast o f Ireland ; now carry ing on the i r depredat ions

with l i ttle h indranc e,now encounte red and defeated by the

A.D . 807 .

1 F. M 802 (E d. O’D onov an, i. 4 13 ) Annals of U/sfor 806 (O

’

c ono r ,S en} . R oz) . H z

'

b. iv . 196 H ennessy (I r ish R o l ls S er ies), vol. i .

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192 TH E VIK IN G S IN IR E LAN D .

But there was ano ther rou te which went s traigh t across theN o rth S ea, from the N o rway coas t we m ay suppo se, to the

no rth of S co tland, to the S het lands and O rkneys,down to

the S co tt i sh c oas t,then round by We s tern S co tland

,by the

H ebrides,by Iona

,to I reland

,where i t wou ld m eet w i th the

o ther cu rrent , suppo s i ng any stream thereof to be flowing at

the t im e . O r,again

,th i s cu rrent of invas ion m ight flow no rth

ward from the S hetlands to the Faroes,beyond the Faroes as

far as Ic e land . An Iri sh m onk,wri t ing i n A. D . 8 2 5,

I says thateven at that day m any co lon ies of I ri sh m onks in the i slands

of the N o rth Atlant ic had been uproo ted and destroyed by

the pi rates from the no rth ; so by A. D . 8 2 5 we m ay be su rethat bo th rou tes were infu l l u se .

But not,I su spec t, m uch earl ier . It is natural to suppo se

that the coast ing voyage was the earl ies t m ade,and that i t

c ont inued to the last to be the m ost frequ ented . I am m yse lfdispo sed to attribu te all the earl ie st V iking rai ds to adventu rers

who had c om e th i s way and I wil l guess that the fi rs t attacks

upon I re land , which cam e from the far north,are tho se wh ich

we are abou t to reco rd .

2 T hese renewed attacks begin'

inA . D .

8 2 0, abou t the t im e

,as we have ju s t seen , that o ther V iking

fleets were plunderi ng and slaugh tering i n the S he tlands andFaroes . T he V iki ngs who cam e by the coas t ing rou te wou ld

natu ral ly be ch iefly D anes,and we m ay be alm o s t su re that

D ane s were i n the m ajo r i ty i n the fleet s which sai led to E ng

land and to C ont inental E urope . In I reland , upon the c on

trary, the N o rsem enhad, for so m e t im e after A . D . 8 2 0,the fie ld

to them se lve s , and the t race s of N o rse language in I reland and

S co tland are m u ch m o re num erou s than the trac e s o f D ani sh .3

I D ecu il, D e Mom m a O rOis Terram im2 T hu s the flee t wh ich attacked Ire land in8 12 is cal led inAnn. Fu la’ens.

C lassis D anorum .

’ Much the sam e is the v iew m aintained by S teenstrupinhis N orm annerne.3 S ee Joyce, Irisli N am es of Places.

E AR L Y A T TA C K S . 193

T he Iri sh at the beginning des ignated the i r new i nvaders by

the nam e of fo re igners (G aill) s im ply . In t im e they begantodi stingu i sh the G aill into two sec t ions or two nat ional i t ies—the

Finn -G aill,or white strangers

,and the D ubh - G aill

,or blac k

strangers . What the foundat ion for th i s d ist inc tion was we

canno t te l l for there i s really no rac ial d ifference o f type be

tween the N o rsem en and the D anes . It i s,however

,c ertain

that by the nam es Finn- G aill and D ubh - G aill the I ri sh meant

to separate these two S candinavian peoples .

T he attacks,then, began o nce m o re i n 8 2 0 . In

th i s year and the next V iking fleets appeared upon

all s ides of I reland . T hey pl undered in C o rk harbou r and i n

Beggary I sland, off the Wexfo rd coast ; and thenc e they sai led

to H owth , near D ubl in ;Ia place we no te which,

l ike Lam bey, has got i t s nam e from the N orthm en

-hove6, a head . T hey did not disdain to fal l upon the

barren Skellig Michil, which stood off the coast of K erry,fronting the Atlant ic waves, and to carry o ff its

one inhabi tant,a so l i tary herm i t (E tgall), who

died inthe i r hands 2 no m o re than they shrank from attackingone of the m o s t fam ou s re l igiou s com m un it ie s of N orthIreland

,Bango r (Bennchair), onthe coas t of D own .

3

At firs t, o f c ou rse, the i r attacks were ch ieflyA.D . 825

upon places onor near the coas t . But it was no t

long befo re they ventu red far inland. We can see them landing in Wexfo rd Bay, and marching thence wes t to T aghm on

,

A. D . 820.

A.D . 822 .

A. D . 824 .

Plunder o f E dar (H owth) by the G aill, who carried off a great booty ofwom en, Fou r Masters , 8 19 (O

’D ono vani. C f. G aill, v. Am i . Ult.

82 0 . T he year is that of C oenwulf of Mercia’

s death , A . D . 82 2 ? Cf .

T heopold, K m ] . (fi zters. p . 2 4 .

3 Ann. Ult . 82 3 (82 4? S teenstrup,3 F. M . 8 2 2 (O

’D ono van i. Am i . Ult. 82 2 and 82 3. C firon.

S oot. (H ennessy), p. 132 . Gaill, vi.

194 TH E VIK IN G S IN I R E LAN D .

which now l ies onthe high road from Wexford to N ew R o ss

from T aghm on (probably through O ld R o ss) to S t. Mu l l i n’s,

wh ich l ies upon the r iver Barrow. T hen northward by boat toI .eighlinBridge and into the O sso ry country from there ; or

e l se s traigh t ac ro ss country to Ini s t ioge, upon the river N o re .

At Inistiogue this band was m et by a ho st ing of O sso ry m en

and defeated, or at leas t checked in i ts advance .

It S o back

they m ade the i r way as best they c ou ld to Waterfo rd,em barked

there and sai led far round the c oas t unt i l they cam e to Yo u

ghall harbou r and the m ou th o f the Blackwater . We l l sc reened

by the leafy bank s of th i s r i ver they m ade up- stream wes twards

to Li sm ore . T here was a m onas tery there . T hi s and the

chu rc h of S t. Molaise (now K ilm olash), fiv e m i les off, they

plundered . T hen to the ir boats agai n and back to sea, and

round to K i nsale Bay, from whenc e they fe l l uponD unde rrow

and In ishannon, two o the r r i ch fo undat ions not far from the

coas t. Final ly we hear o f the i r flee t at K i lpeacon,i n the

Lim erick co unty. In th i s rai d,the chronic le says

,the heathen

m en u tterly dem o l i shed Li sm o re,D underrow

,Inishannon,

and D i sert T ipraite—a plac e not i dent ified ? Let th i s one

spec im en of a V iking raid suffic e . But they were as acti ve i n

the no rth as i n the sou th only we no t ice wi th som e satisfac

t ion (if only as a change ) that onc e the U ls te rm en gained a

rather im po rtant victo ry over the V i kings . We have no de tai l s .

I t i s only a victo ry of the U l s term en over the G aill at Lecale ,in which very m any m enfe l l . ’3

We m u st take no te that i n the sam e year a V i k ing fleet fel l

once mo re upon Iona. T he i sland,we see , had got back

i ts com munity of m onks,s ince the terr i ble attack e igh teen

I E xactly what happened is by no m eans certain. A im . Ult. 82 4 , F. M

(82 3)and C /i’

ron. S cot. l. o. speak of a defeat o f the O sso rym en, wh ich m ayo r m ay no t be identical w ith the battle fo ught du ring the raid of A . D . 825(S ee I/Var of t/16 G ated/til wif/i i/ze G aill,

2 G aill, v ii.3 F. M

'

. 82 3 ; Am i . Ult. 82 4.

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196 TH E VI K IN G S IN IR E LAN D .

north o f Ire land . Its flagship bo re the ensign of a certainT urgesius or T horgisl.

By th i s t im e the FinnG aill had,we m ay bel ieve , wel l -estab

lished them se lves inthe S he tlands and O rkneys,and downthe

westerncoast o f S co tland . We have no reco rd of the i r deedsin these place s only we know that

,as they passed

,they blasted

the l i ttle com m uni t ies or so l i tary herm itages o f m onks,am ong

the i slands and downthe c oast . And that when hi sto ry gets

s ight of the se regions again, the hundreds of re l ig iou s settlem ents have disappeared and inthe i r plac e the N o rsem en havee stabl i sh ed fo rts and treasu ries

,whi ther to bring the i r boo ty

and to refi t the i r wrecked barques .T hi s great expedi t ion which T horgisl led i n to N o rth Ire land

we m ay be pret ty su re s tee red downfrom the S c o tt i sh i slands .

T he fleet m ade i t s way (up the BannI

) to Lough N eagh , andin th i s lo ugh the V i ki ngs gained a s ignal vic to ry over theIr ish - ih the i r poo r co rac les , m o st l ike ly . T hen they plundered

the ne igh bou ring count ry, and final ly fe l l upon the greates tre l igio u s es tabl i shm ent of all I reland , Ard-Macha

,or Arm agh .

Arm agh m igh t cal l i tself then,what i t st i l l i s

,the PriTn

/

acy o f

all Ire land . H ere dwe l t the chief C om arb (or he i r) o f S t.

Patrick,the fi rs t pries t of h i s fam i ly or c lan

,h is spi ri tual

successor and hi s he i r inthe flesh al so . T hi s fi rst plundering

o f Arm agh by the ‘Gent i les took plac e in8 3 2 . But i t wasnot long the only one for the place was ravaged thrice i n one

m onth , and final ly the i l l - starred ‘c hief he i r o f S t. Patrick ’

(Forannanh is nam e) had to flee away,he and his rel ic s

,ou t o f

h i s nat i ve land al toge ther,and m igrate to the sou th-west—the

Munster d i stric t . T h ere,after wandering for som e t im e for

830 and Ult. , in 83 1 , there seem s every reason to take ou rs as the date of

the advent o f T horgisl. We m ust no te,too , the great inc rease inthe V ik ing

plunderings repo rted inAn. Ult. and the F. M from A . D . 83 1 onwards.

S to rm , I gather , wou ld agree to the date I have given &c . , p.

S teenstrup, o. c. i i . 107 .

T UR G E S I US . 197

lornly enough,he was picked up by ano ther body of V ikings

who happened to be plundering in tho se parts .

I O ne m ay in

these de term ined attacks upon Arm agh su spec t T horgisl andh i s fo l lowers o f som e m o re definite ho s t i l i ty to the nat iveC hu rch thanwas im p l ied by m ere rai ds uponr ich shrines—wem ay su spect th i s in the l ight of some of T horgisl

’

s subsequentpro ceedings .Meantime o ther expedit ions m ade thei r way into Ire land by

the east and jo ined fo rce s w i th the arm y of T horgisl. A fleetcame to Lou th

,plundered in Lou th and Meath (at D u leek). A

victo ry was gained over the N o rthernV ik ings inD erry in83 3?

But thi s did no t effec tually hi nder the i r advance nor the c onso l i

dat ion of the V ik ing fo rces . We have a long catalogue of the

descents and plunderings all round the I ri sh c oasts in tho seyears 83 3—4 , i n fac t on to 840

—ravaging of the

monasteries of Lou th , the burning (for the first t im e)of C lonm icnois

,3 that great l i terary m onastery inC entral Ireland .

T he expedi t ions, we see , had begun to spread far inland , and

the m onas teries i n the lakes to share the fate of tho se upon

the sea-coas t . We read of the ravaging of Ferns and C lonm o re

in 835. T h i s last was on C hri stm as n ight ; 4 theV ik ings having now taken a firm foo t ing in the

i s land,c ease to be only sum m er v i s i to rs a plundering and burn

ingo f Mount Garret and D rom -h Ing (D rom in P) and i n thenext year plunderings inK i ldare and the

‘first plundering ofE as tBregia (Bray 5) In836 or 83 7 cam e two flee ts

,each of s ixty

sai l , one up the Boyne, the o ther up the Liffey.6 At fi rst the

A. D . 834 .

A.D . 835—6.

1 An. Ult. 844 .

9 An. Ult. F. M 832 . [Fi rst year of N jaill C ai l le, i.e. ,3 An. Ult. 833 and 834 . T he place is cal led indifl

'

erently C luainm icN o is and C luain-m ac -N o is, C lonm icnois o r C lonm acnois . C luain-m u c

N o is, Gfir. S c .

4 An. Ult. 834 ; F. M 835.

5 Ult. 835, probably by the Lifley fleet of sixty sai l .6 Ult. 835, F. M . 835. H ere is a so rt of sum m ary of the plunderings by

198 TH E VIK I N G S IN IR E LA N D .

m enof Bray were vic to riou s but the i r su cc e sses d id no t count

for m uch,and i n 8 3 7 or 8 3 8 we read of anevent which i s wo rth

rem em bering : the fi rs t taking o f Ath- C l iath by theGent i les—Ath- C l iath be ing the fo rerunner o f the

D ubl in o f our days.

I

T he town and seapo rt o f D ubl in,l ike Limerick

,l ike Water

fo rd and Wexfo rd,and l ike m any o th er of the seapo rt towns o f

Ireland , was a c i ty of V ik ing foundation . T he D uO/z-Lim i

Black-poo l ’: E ngl i sh Blackpoo l , o r Liverpo o l if you l ike)

was a part icu lar spo t in the Liffey, clo se to‘the fo rd of

hu rdles,

’for that i s the m eaning o f Ath- C l iath . A fo rt had

beenbu i l t to pro tec t the fo rd, and inthe hands o f the V ik ings ,the fo rt expanded to bec om e the great po rt and capi tal of

I re land . H enc efo rth D ubl inwas o ften taken and re taken by

the N o rthm en and the Ir is h,bu t i t rem ained inthe end the

m o st im po rtant o f the N o rse se ttlem ents i n I reland . It,with

Lim erick and Waterfo rd,eventual ly const i tu ted the three

N o rse kingdom s in I re land.

We have i n connec t ionw i th these rai ds i n the east o f Ireland the nam e o f ano th er V iking leader bes ide T horgisl (orT urgesius), S axulf, nam e ly

,who probably com m anded one o f

the fleet s ju s t spokeno f, and who,after ravaging for a whi le in

the K i ldare and Meath d istric t s, was slai n by the Ir i sh ? N o

A.D . 8 38 .

variou s bod ies o f the G aill m o re or less unde r the d irectiono f T horgisl

83—84oThorgisl cam e to Arm agh , bro ught his flee t to Lough R ee, and ravaged

both Meath and C onnaught .Plunde ring of C lonm icno is (near Lough R ee).

C lonfert (G alway).Lethra (T ipperary).T erriglas (T ipperary).Innis C eltra (Inniscattery, at the m outh of the S hannon),

with its sevenchu rches .

And all the chu rches of Lough D erg . C om p . G aill, xi. Ari . Ult. 836.

Lough E rne , F. M . and An. Ult. 836.

x F. 211. 837 G . xii. 2 An. (At. 836.

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00 TH E VIK IN G S IN IR E LAN D .

out o f C lonm icnois and set up h i s w ife O ta there as a kind o f

V ala or Pries tess . At any rate the chron ic lers give u s a

pic tu re of O ta seated on the h igh Al tar o f C lonm icno is and‘ giv ing her answers

’

from i t (84 3)I—a s ingle pic tu re gleam

ing ou t of the darkness wh ich su rrounds the V iki ng se ttlem entsinI re land, and one which m ay s ign ify m uch for us?T h i s was a m em o rable event, the establ i shm ent of som eth ing

very l ike a N o rse kingdom over one half of Ire land . By i t

T horgisl ant icipated by half a centu ry the c ou rse of V iking

c onques t in o ther countrie s . E verywhere the h i sto ry of theserai ds i s m uch the sam e. It begins with iso lated at tacks

,as a

suppo rt to which som e island near the coast is se i zed , wh ich

becom e s a refuge and anarsenal and t reasu ry for the i nvaders .

Anon they ventu re fu rther and fu rther inland . T hey had been

l ike the swal lows, only sum m er v i s i tants soon we find them at

all t im es of the year . Inthe case of I re land,for instance , we

can for the first t im e detect the N o rthm en winter ing in thec ountry in8 35. But it is probable that when o nc e T horgisl

’s

great expedi tion had landed i t d id not agai n return . We fi rs t

hear o f the V ikings winter ing in France in84 3 and in En/

gland

i n the year 851 . T he next stage i s when the V i ki ngs th ink

not only o f se tt l ing i n the country and l iv ing on the i r plunder ,but of conqueri ng and co loni zi ng som e large part of i t . And

i t i s here that T horgisl’

s V ikings so far ou ts tripped tho se i n

o ther countries . T he taking o f C on’s half of Ireland fe l l i n

84 3 or 84 4 . In 8 78 , by the Peace of Wedm o re,the Engl i sh

D anes were for the fi rs t t ime settled in l ike fash io n in the

D anelag.3 T he se ttlem ent of the D ane s of R o lf in France

and the final e s tabl ishm ent of a N o rmans tate there did not take

place t i l l the ensu ing centu ry in9 1 2 .

G ard/i . ana’G aill, p. x l ix . 9 , 2 2 4

—2 7. S ee C hapter II.3 O r we m ay perhaps cal l the year 875 the year of the D anish settlem ent

inEngland .

TAK IN G O F LE TH C UI N IV. 2 0 1

Lethcuinn, or C on’s half

,where T horgisl had seated him self,

was the hom e of the m o s t warl ike and powerful of all the Iri shclans , the H y-N jall, or O

’

N eil. What,we m ay ask

,were the

I ri sh kings and C hieftains doing to al low the N orsem ento gain

su ch a fo o t ing inIreland ? Andwe m u s t so rrowfu l ly answer thatthey were fight ing am ong them selves . Inthe first place, du ringnearly all the t im e o f T horgisl

’

s re ign (so to cal l i t) there was asm ouldering or ac t ive ho st i l i ty between the K ing of Munsterand the over -king of Ire land . T he latter was N jall C ai l le of

the no rthern H y-N jall. T he K ing o f Munster, Felim I—the

two Munsters seem to have been uni ted j ust then under onesceptre—was an ec c le s iast ical d igni tary as wel l as a po l i t ical .

H e was Archbi shop of C ashel ; and it was the objec t ofh i s po licy

to place C ashe l ona par w i th Arm agh,S ou th Ireland equal i n

every respec t w i th N o rth I reland . Befo re T horgisl began hi s

attacks upon Arm agh the K ing of Munster had begun h i s .

T he objec t s of the V ikings c o inc i ded wi th Feidhlim idh’s

objects and we have here the exam ple,which was to be so

com m on in after- t imes, of co -operat ion between the G aill and

the G aedhill—the stranger and the native—for the oppression

of ano ther Iri sh tribe or kingdom.

T he am bi t ion of these V ikings was not confined to I reland,bu t stretched to the ne ighbouring i sland o f Bri tain . Mo re

than a generat ion had passed since the great raids onLindi s

farne and Yarrow,and the country had had le i su re to fo rge t

its troubles . T he suprem acy among the heptarchic kingdom s

had final ly passed from Mercia to Wessex. O ffa was re igningwhen the firs t pi rate ships struck the E ngl i sh coast ; now

Feidhlim idh (say Fe l im )was his im m em o rable , apparentlyunpronounceable, nam e . It is not qu ite c ertain whether T horgisl or he were the

plunderers of Arm agh ond ifferent o ccasions .

2 0 2 TH E VI K'

IN G S IN IR E LAN D .

E gberht sat uponthe throne ofWessex,and all S ou th-H um bria

had bec om e tri bu tary to hi s kingdom . Be ing a far- s ighted

ru le r,E gberht did not rem ain ind ifferent to the danger near at

hand,though he had him self had no experienc e o f

the terro rs of the V ikings . lV e find him i n 8 3 3cal l i ng together a c ounci l (a to consu l t for the

de fences o f the kingdom . H is m easu res were not taken too

soon for two years later a V ik ing fleet—wh ich wehave every reason to be l ieve cam e from I re land

fe l l uponthe coas t of K ent . It cam e to S heppey , and, after o ldV iking fash ion

, entrenc h ed i tse lf uponthe island.

I O ne year

later , again,a flee t o f fiv e -and- th i rty sai l fough t

agains t the E ngl i sh at C harm ou th in D o rset and

gained a vic to ry ? Anon the V i kings po l i t ic ly al l ied them

se lves wi th the Wes t We l sh,or C o rni shm en , always

ready for an attack u pon the E ngl i sh . T he i r

united arm y was m et by E gberht at H engston and c ru shed .3

N orwas th i s king for the rem aining years o f hi s l ife fu rther

troubled by the pi rate attacks. S t i l l the s to rm had begun/

onc e

m o r e to blow upon E ngland and did no t againdie down . It

was fo rty -fi ve years s ince the attack upon Li ndi sfarne ; i t

wou ld be fo rty years m o re o f steadily increas ing V iking raid s

befo re som eth ing l ike rest was brought to th i s land by the

Peace ofWedm o re .

And now i t seem s som e change for the better took plac e

i n the i n ternal po l i t ics of I reland . I twas sti ll the

re igno f N jall C ai l le onwhom the K ing o f Munster

and the N o rsem en had pres sed so hard . But now N jall had

recovered som e th ing of hi s power. We read of a great vic to ry

gained by him at Ith over the V ikings And at the

sam e t ime there aro se am ong the southern O’

N eils,the

A. D . 833 .

A.D . 835or836.

A.D . 836.

A. D . 83 8 .

A.D . 845.

2 A . S . C itron. a . 833 , and of . N u m ism . C 2 71 , 1882 , p . 61 , say.

2 Ibid . 8333 Ibid . 835.

4 An. Ult . 844 .

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2 04 TH E VI K IN G S I N IR E LAN D .

D u rlass the saint ro se from hi s grave to pu rsue him—so the

chronic le says—and there, appearing to Felim as ina dream ,

he gave him a blow wi th hi s s taff,whence sprang internal

inju ries from which the king died . H e died on the 1 8 th of

Augu st,84 7 ,

I ‘ by the m i racle of G od and K ieran .

’And,

know ing what h i sto ry i s , we are not su rpri sed to find that bythe Felim party

’

he i s described as‘the most religious clerk

in all Ireland during hi s day.

’

N ot that th i s meant anyth ing at all l ike a cessation of the

V iking raid s . T hey went onas c onstantly as ever , fresh fleets

always appearing to supp ly the lo sses o f the old. But the

invaders d id no t again attem pt to se i ze a large port ion o f thec ountry and erect a kingdom there . We m u s t p ictu re them

forwe canno t rehearse the weari som e catalogue of the i r attacks

du ring the second half of thi s V iking Age—confining themse lve s hencefo rth c hiefly to se ttlem ent s upon the coast , wh ich

se ttlem ents were eventual ly grouped into th ree ‘kingdom s ’

(so cal led)—the three N o rse k ingdom s of D ublin , Waterfo rd ,and Limer ick . After a struggle for m astery between the two

nat ional i t ies of V ik ings , for the D ane s revi s i ted

I reland in 8 the who le body of V ikings agreed

to acknowledge a sor t o f over-king wh o se t i tle was no doubt a

copy of that of the Iri sh Ard-R i,or K i ng of T ara.

T he first o f these ‘kings o f all the N o r thmen in

I reland i s a c ertai n O laf the White , 3 who has h i s connect ions

w i th the ru lers of the S co tt i sh islands,the E arls of the

H ebrides , and i n a rem o te r way wi th som e o f the early settlers

i n Iceland . Authent ic h i s to ry—that of the C hri st ian chron ic lers—almost tu rns away from the N o rthm en in I reland and

A.D . 851 .

A.D . 853 .

2 Probably. S ee G aill, xv.

2 Ult. 850, 851 . G aill, xx.

3 F. M 851 : Am i . Ult. 852 .

N O R S E AN D D AN I S H VI K IN G S . 2 9 ;

S co tland du ring the latter part of the ninth c entu ry . But onthe o ther hand the Icelandic traditions begin to take som e

no t ice of them .

Befo re the N o rsem en cam e the I ri sh had cared l ittle about

sea-po rts or the use of flee t s . T he i r boats were of the kindknown as co racles—a wicke r fram e covered wi th skin . T he

rudest and m o st primitive form of the co racle i s st i l l i n use in

the west . It is one of tho se prim i tive construct ions wh ichseem to belong to all ages and all nat ions . We can find an

exac t paral le l to it in the boat desc ribed by H erodo tus as

be i ng inuse upon the E uphrates s ix hundred years befo re our

era.

It was to the N o rsemen that I reland owed the beginning of a .

fleet , and of such comm ercial pro speri ty as she has ever had.

T he V ikings of N o rse blood were, so far as appears, of rather

a different cal i bre from the D ani sh V ikings o f the C ont inent

and o f the later invas ions of E ngland . While these last werefi l led wi th po l i t ical am bi t ions, were co lonizers and conquero rs ,i/zose were im bued with com m erc ial no t ions, and were con

querors and traders . H ow s ign ificant in th i s l ight is the

discove ry of a V ik ing interm ent, which was made a year or

two ago i n the H ebrides.

I T he m an had been boat-bu ried

after the heathen ri tes—though there were l ikewi se som e traces

of C hris t ian sym bo l i sm , cro sses and so fo rth,on the tom b

and he had been a warrio r who had doubtless d ied in hi s

harness, which , wi th his swo rd,spear

, and battle -axe, was

placed by h i s s ide. H is ho rse had been buried wi th him,and

one of the big bones of the ho rse had been nearly cut intwoby a swo rd or axe—no doubt in the hero ’s last bat tle . But

At C o lonsay , West H ebrides. T he d iscovery was m ade by a descendantof the H y

-N jall, Mr. Malco lm M’N iel, onthe estate of S ir j ohnM

’

N iel, o f

C o lonsay H ouse . T he rem ains we re exh ibited in the E d inbu rgh Museum

of S c ience and Art by Mr. W i l l iam G al loway , to whom I have beenindebted for a desc riptiono f them .

2 06 TH E VIK I N G S I N IR E LAN D .

along wi th all th i s war- gear there was found bu r ied with

the V iki ng leader a pai r o f scales cu rious type of the doublenature o f hi s l ife as a so ld ier and a tradesman It was

,let i t

be rem em bered , the N o rse or D anish kings of D ubl in who,

abou t A. D . 1 0 0 0,i ntroduced the first nat i ve coinage into

I re land,til l wh ich date such a m edium of exchange was

alm o s t unknown i n th i s backward c ountry .

T hough there m u s t be less S candinavian blood in I reland

than here,the N o r thm en seem at the i r fi rs t coming to have

m ingled mo re w i th the rest of the people, i dent ified themsel ves m o re wi th the nat ional po l i t ic s

,so to speak

,of I re land

,

than they d id at the i r fi rs t com i ng i nto E ngland . T he

reason of th i s m ay very we l l have been the anarch ic condi

t ion of the fo rm er c ountry, which , whatever the po i n t they

w i shed to attack,secu red for the i nvaders som e al l ies . Let

u s no te one proof only of the adm ixtu re of C e l t ic and S candi

navian blood du ring the V ik ing occupat ion o f I re land—the

extreme commonne ss at th i s very day in all S candinavian

countries of the nam e N iel and i t s deri vat ive s N eilsson,

N eil sen , &c .

—our N e l son probably . Yet that nam e IS no t

S candinavian, it is true I ri sh ; and every S candinavian N ie l or

N jall from (or befo re) Burnt N jall down to our N iel s,N ielssons, and N e l sons , m u s t doubtless have had an I ri sh

ancesto r of the race of the no rthern or the sou thern H y-N jall.

C o rmac is ano ther I ri sh or C e l t i c nam e‘

which becam e

com mon in S candinavian c ou ntr ies, especial ly in Ice land .

S uch nam es wou ld spring from marr iages—which very early

became fu l ly recogni zed—between the V iki ngs and the Iri sh .

It was not long befo re m any of the wild Ir i sh began to abju re

the i r C hri st iani ty and the i r old al legiance , and to em brace the

rare oppo rtuni t ies for ‘agi tat ion,

’ which an al l iance with the

i nvaders opened out. S o that there grew up a new class o f

heathen I ri sh who threw in th e i r lo t with the V ikings, fo l lowed

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C H APT E R V II .

LE WI S TH E P ] 0US . TH E C O N QUE S T S OF

C H R IS TIAN I T Y.

T H E year 795, which we m ay take to be, as nearly as po ss ible,the real beginning of the V ik ing era was , so i t happens, l i kewise the year inwhich a body o f lrish m onks firs t found their

way as far as Iceland, t i l l then a desert island.

I By so do i ng

they completed the wo rk of the Iri sh C hu rch , and, sog r as

terri torial extension goes, the dom i n ion o f C hri stendom inthe

Wes t.

O r had they quite com pleted i t ? Long years after,the

earl iest N o rse se ttlers i n Greenland 2 heard te l l from the nat ive s

o f that place of a settlem ent uponthe coas t oppo s i te,’

but far

o ff,of a body of st rangers who m the E skim o described as

walking together in pro ce ss ions,dressed all i n wh ite; carry ing

long staves wi th cloths hanging from them , and speaking or

c ry ing out i n a pecu l iar fash ion .3 T he oppo s i te coast ’ here

2 T h is fact is taken from D ecuilus D e m ensu ra orOis torraram ,

written 82 5. In that the d iscovery of Ice land is p laced th irty yearsearl ie r .

2 T owards the end of the tenth centu ry .

3 Fo xfinns S aga K arlsefnis , c . p . 162—3 , and Landnam a, u . c . 2 . Quo tedinK . Mau re r , Beéefirzm g a

’es norw S tam m es z um C bristent/zum e, i. p . 47

IR I S H M O N K S IN I C E LA N D AN D AM E R I CA . 2 09

spoken o f m u st have been som e part of N o rth Am erica—thatV inland (Wine- land), probably, which the N o rsem enafterwardsd i scovered and partly set tled ; and i n the desc ript ion given

by the E skim o of these strangers has been recogni zed the

desc rip tion of C hri st ian m i ss ionaries, walk ing inprocess ions in

th e i r su rpl ices, s inging, and carrying the i r wax tapers,the i r

cro sses, and banners .

It i s curiou s enough to th ink of C hris tian chants in th i s

early age waking the echoes upon the lonely Amer ican sho re .

S uch processions and such chants were at the sam e time r i s ingfrom l ike bodies of I ri sh monks in all the islands of N o rth

Wes tern E urope—the O rkneys,the S hetlands, the Faroes

,

Ice land—unt i l the V ikings cam e and si lenced them for ever .O n th i s work the red-handed N orse sai lors were even nowengaged , kill ing these ill-starred papas

,

’ ‘

papays,’who se swan

song . we m ay hope, lingered reproachfu l ly inthe ir ears.

S omewhere , then , between 795 and the middle of the ninthc entu ry , the I ri sh M i ss ionary C hu rch com pleted its work bycarrying C hri st iani ty to Ice land , and (if we m ay be l ieve it) tothe coast of Am erica ; and alm o st immediate ly there began theprocess of undo ing its wo rk at the hands of the V ikings

, who

were not only now,in the early years of the ninth century,

m u rdering all the communi ties of monks whom they found

scattered over the north seas and the S co tti sh coasts and

i slands, but had al ready struck at the very roo t or fountainhead of the

‘movem ent ’ i n I reland itse lf. T hi s was the i r

fi rst achievement . T he next was to attack in a more di rect

note. The country was also cal led H m'

tram annalana’

, or White Men’s

Land ,’ and Irlana’[zit mykla G reater I re land .

’Inthe Aarbogfornora

’isk

1887, the re is aninte resting paper by Prof. S ophus Bugge onH alluland, Mark land , and V inland , the three S cand inaviansettlem ents inAm er ica. T hese three places he identifies, respective ly , with Labrador,N ewfoundland , and N ova S cotia. It has beenusual to p lace V inland m uchfu rther sou th , abou t the S tate o f N ew Yo rk .

19 TH E C O N QUE S TS OF C H R I S TIAN I T Y

way the great com m onweal th of C hri st iani ty,the Franki sh

E m pire .

T owards D enm ark and towards the Bal t i c C hri st iani ty hadbeenextending her bo rders . It had beena great event whenBoniface pene trated far i nto woody H e sse and founded in th i sw i ld country h i s m onas tery o f Fu lda

,thro ughou t the M i ddle

Ages one o f the m o s t fam ou s and powerfu l o f the re l igiou s

h ou ses of Germ any. Fu lda lay no t far from Ge i sm ar,where

the oak o f T ho r had fal len,no t far from Gudensberg

,or

Wuotan’

s- berg where the Fu lda rive r j o ins the Weser . T hi s

fo refront of C hri s tendom,so soon as the S axon res i stance was

broken down,rece i ved m any fresh suppo rts . Paderbo rn was

m ade i nto a Bi shopr ic . T he s i te of Paderbo rn,we have said ,

was alm o st i dent ical w i th the s i te of Al i so,and Al i so m ight be

cal led the capi tal of the greater R om an Germ any which sub

s i sted for ju st twenty years,from A .U . C . 74 2

—762 (B. C . 1 2

to A . D . 9) from wh ich date the power ,o i the O ld E m pire i n

the no rth began to ebb . N ow,therefo re, c i v i l i zation , C hri sten

dom,or the N ew E m pi re

,had wonback what the old had lo st .

T he fi rs t two Bishops of Paderbo rnwere Saxons who had been

to rn from the i r heathen parents when young, and educated at

the m onaste ry ofWirz burg. N ear the m ou th of the We ser laytwo o ther Bi shops’ S ees, Brem en and V erden : Munster

,a

fourth,lay be tween the E m s and the R h ine

,com pri s ing in i t s

d io cese ju st that part o f S axony which approac hed nearest to

the lat ter river. In the re ign of Lewi s H albers tadt and

H i ldeshe im ,be tween theWeser and the E lbe , and H am bu rg

at the m ou th of the E lbe,were added to the ec c les iast ical

strongholds.

I

T he re was, be s ides, ano ther way i n which the influences of

2 H am bu rg was bu i lt inC harlem agne’s reign.

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2 1 2 TH E C O N QUE S T S OF C H R I S TIAN I T Y.

l i nen garm ents wh ich the newly - bapt i zed catechumens wo re,

and, i t seem s, got as a present, ran sho rt . S o they had to cu t

them u p into strips—inmu ch the sam e wayno doubt, and uponthe sam e princ i ple that we m ay see

,inour day, a co l lege tuto r

as he hands the graduates up to the V ice - C hanc el lo r appo rt ionhis hands into the i r ten digits and each hom ager em brac e a

thum b or s ingle finger . O ne of the D anes took thi s econom y

in garments very i l l, and cried out,

‘I have been bapti zed

twenty tim es,and always befo re you gave m e an exce l lent

wh i te garment ; the rag that you have given m e th i s t im e is

m o re fi t for a swineherd than a so ld ier. ’

T here m ight be o ther reasons for c onfo rm i ty . T he C hris

t ians wou ld not trade wi th the unbaptized . Inthe Ic e landic

sagas we not infrequently read of m enwho were pu re O din

wo rsh ippers, undergo ing the cerem ony s im ply on th i s account .Bu t even so they wou ld st ro l l now and then into the C hr is t ian

chu rches and come under their spe l l.

T he Frankish E m pire had no mo re trouble with the D anesafter the death of Godfred in A . D . 8 10 . T he

great empero r d ied fo u r years later and was su c

c eeded by h i s sonLew i s .When great kings die the i r wo rk does not die w i th them ,

but goes on through the im pu l se wh ich they gave and i n the

direc t ion they de termined . T he i r suc c esso r seem s to contem

porary eye s to be carried to greater he ights than they have

attained ; for all that his charac ter or fo rtunes m ay have i nthem the germ of decay, as certainly as the o thers’ he ld the

germ o f growth . S o i t was with the k ing who nowmounted

the throne of the Franks and assum ed the im perial d iadem

Ludovicu s P iu s , Lewi s the Piou s , Ludw ig der From m e,as the

G e rm ans cal l him or as the French, translat ing hi s epi thet in

A.D . 810 .

TH E E MPIR E O F LE WI S TH E PI O US . 2 13

the classical sense, Lou i s le D ebonnaire—Lewisthe K ind-hearted .

T he fabric was com plete which hi s ancesto rs had to i led to

bu i ld . From beginn ings m odest enough , am i d the flat s and

m arshes of the Low C ountries, a s ingle fam i ly had ri sen by wel l

defined steps until it came to contro l the destiny of allWestern

E u rope—had risen through m any of i t s m em bers by just and

open m eans,

‘not taking account in their judgments ,’as i s said

of one of Lewi s’s anc estors,I

of the difference betweenpoverty and weal th , rendering to the people the th ings which are

the people’s and to C aesar the th ings which are C aesar’s in someby m o re ques t ionable act ions . O f the spec ial fou r princeswhom we count as the bu i lders-up of the C arl ing H ousePippin of H eristal, C harles Martel/as

,Pippin the S ho rt

,each

seem s alone great enough to be the founder of a dynas ty , unt i l

the achievem ents of all are thrown into the shade by tho seof the fou rth i n the c atego ry

, C harles the Great . And now

the fifth in descent was abou t to reap the fruit of th i s slowharvest ; and in part through hi s own fau lt, i n part through

the u nkindness of Fo rtune or the operat ion of unseen and

inevi table forces of decay , he was abou t to di ss ipate all th i s

rich inheri tanc e .

As yet allwas wel l . Where C hri stian E urope had been a

conger ie s of host i le nat ions, it appeared now m ore l ike a G od

go verned c om m onweal th , at peace w i th in itse lf, at war onlywith the enem y ou t s ide i t s gates . A sense of secu rity and

settlem ent was everywhere shown . Men began to bu i ld,to

p lough , to plant gardens, to rai se bas i l icas—construc t i ve arts

of all kinds progressed?

O nly in naval and m i l i tary architec ture they were not so

A.D . 814.

2 Pippinof Landen S ee V ie a’o Pepin, inG uiz ot

’s Me‘m oires, 69 V.

V io let le D uc . c , a’e l

’Arenz

'

teetnre,s .v . Architecture.

2 14 TH E C O N QUE S TS OF C H R I S TIAN I T Y.

ac t i ve—a dangerous om i ss ion wi th a black cloud al ready

gather ing in the no rth . In respec t of the latter there had beenno real revival o f the art s ince the days when the R om an

power fe l l . S uch strong fenc ed c i t ies as N o rthern E u rope

possessed were s tro ng invirtu e o f the R om anwal l s wh ich st ill

stood round them ; pal i sade s and rude earthwo rks d id du tywhere th ese were want ing ? In re spec t o f naval arch itec tu re

,

no one t i l l ju s t the end of the e ighth c entu ry dreamt of thec onstruc trono f sh ips of war ; so peacefu l seem ed all the ways o f

the sea. But when'

the fi rst V ik ing raids upon N o rthumbriahad sent a thr i l l th rough E u ro pe

,and when C harles h im self

had had som e experience o f what th ese new sea fo es were l ike,

he lo s t , i t m u st be said, no t im e insett ing onfoo t the bu i ld ing

o f a navy?

C harles’s fo res ight had, indeed , left no th ing essent ial uncaredfor. Befo re h is death he set tled the su cc e ss ion to the vas t

dom inionwhic h was u nder h i s sway .3 H e had ou tl ived m any

o f h i s chi ldren. O ne son, C harles , whom we c atch s igh t o f

figh ting against the Saxons,had predeceased him . S o had a

sec ond son,Pippin

,whom we have al so seen be ing ano in ted

by Pope Adrian ; Pi ppin, however, left a natu ral son o f hi s

own, Bernard . C harlem agne’s th i rd 4 son,Lew i s , was desig

nated the he i r to the em p ire,and succ eeded on the death of

h i s fath er i n 8 1 4 ; while Bernard becam e K ing o f I taly : I talywh ic h inc luded C arinth ia and (nom i nal ly at leas t) Pannon ia,

2 Id. L’Are/z iteel. m ililaire anM oyenAge ; and D ict . i . 336—337 .

2 E inhard , s a,17 (Pertz , ii. Anonym i V ita H Z. P ii Imp . 15

(The Astronom er) (P. ii. T he defences onthe R hone and the G aronneo f wh ich the Astronom er m akes m entionwere , howeve r , not designed , ashe suppo ses , against the N o rthm en, bu t against the Moham m edanC o rsairs.

(S e e prec ed ing chapte r , and E inhard , l. o. )3 T hegan, Lita H lna

’ov iei I m p . 5 (Pe i tz , 11.

4 Fo u rth ifwe inc lude anearl ie r Pipp in, a hunchback , who is som etim es

spokeno f as a bastard , som etim es as legit im ate . O n ac co unt of his deo i m ity he was never tho ught o f as a possible successor ,

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2 16 TH E C O N QUE S TS O F C H R I S TIAN I T Y.

Lewis was not the less a good German. H e healed whenthe oppo rtuni ty cam e the wo unds o f S axony left so bleedingby C harles ;

Iso that a c ontem po rary chronic ler te l l s us that

in his quarre l s wi th h i s sons,in all the sad troubles wh ich

c louded hi s lat ter years,the em pero r tru sted m o re to hi s

S axons and to hi s o the r Germ an subjec ts than to the Franks ?

But i n far m ore im po rtant ways the E m pero r Lew i s wo rkedto bring uni ty i nto the po l i ti cal and rel i g ious l ife of the com

m onwealth over which he ru led . H e drew clo ser—too c lo se,

perhaps—that union of the S tate and the C hu rch which i t was

the bu s iness o f the C arl ing H ouse to e stabl i sh,and which was

at las t vi s ibly sym bo l i zed in the foundat ion of the H o ly

R om an E m p i re . Lew i s em bod ied i n h i s own person the

ideas of ‘ho l iness and of‘em p i re .

’H e was the fi rs t R oyal

S aint, the fi rs t o f ano rder o f which the re were m any exam ples

in the ages im m ediately succeeding him . Befo re Lewi s’s

day the‘ saint s ’

upon the throne had been of the type of

S t. G ontran3 of Bu rgundy—good , easy m en, who loved w i ne

and wom en and left the i r people alone . T he re had been

saints in the C arlov ingian H ou se and connected wi t h it—S t.Arno ld o f Me tz

,S t. Pippin of Landen—none of whom had

wo rn‘

the crown . T hen there was C arlom an,Pipp in the

S ho rt’s e lder bro ther ; he had had a‘ cal l ’

; but had there

u pon res igned h is crown after re i gning only one year .

C harlem agne him self was afterwards reckoned a saint,bu t

c o u ld scarce ly have been so i n h i s l ifet im e, save o f the

G ontran type . Lew i s was o f a very d ifferent pattern from

th ese ; and the type which be insti tu ted was reproduced inlater days by m any o ther kings—by R ober t I I . of the C epetan

l ine, 4 by the E mpero r H enry the Lam e i n Germ any, by our

E dward the C onfesso r in a certai n degree. IE lfred s ti ll

2 T hegan, a.o. 14 .

2 Anon. m e. 45 (P. ii.

3 G untchramnus.4 Autho r of a fine Latinhym n, Veni S anete s

'

rzm .

C H AR AC TE R O F LE WI S . 2 17

better de serves to be included in the list, which ends with

ano th er Lewis , he who died under the wal l s of T uni s .Lew i s the Piou s was the fi rs t C arlov ingian pri nce porplzyro

genilns. C harles was som e th ing of the self-m ade m an—hewas the se lf-m ade em pero r at all events—and the sp iri t of hi s

ances to rs, rough , genial country gent lem en,was st rong in

him . Lew i s was graver, gentler , m o re se lf-contained ;‘never

laughed loud,’ says T hegan I ‘was no t c ho leric .

’ We have the

em pe ro r’s p ic tu re drawn for u s by th i s noblem an and priest .

H e was ‘slow to anger,qu ick to p i ty ; im m ense ly piou s

prays wi th tears .’ H e‘ tru sted too m u ch to hi s counse l lo rs

T hegan com plai ns , all hi s t im e be ing given to Psalm - s inging

as it were . T hese counsello rs were ch iefly clerics, and,

bes ides,o f sham efu l ly low extract ion—anoffence i n the eyes

of T hegan. And even in our eyes there i s som e ground for

the com plai nt. T he clerical class—the lower ranks of i t

espec ial ly—were st i l l the representat ives of the R om an-C e l t ic

popu lat ion , and, pu tt ing as ide nat ional fickleness,it was

im poss ible for these to be heartily friendly to such a Germandynas ty as that o f H eristal.

For the rest, Lew i s was of middle he ight only 2 (a s trikingcontrast to his father), but w i th long, slender legs , strong

chest and arm s , fine hands and fingers . N one cam e near himi n throw ing the javel in or draw ing the bow. H e had an

open countenance , l ips ne i ther to o th ick nor too th in, largebright eyes , and a long no se —o f that th inness be l ike whicho ften go es w i th the re l igiou s charac ter . T his i s T hegan

’

s

po rtrai t of the E m pero r Lew i s .

Always , we m ay surm i se, of a som ewhat superst it iou s

natu re,and standing greatly in awe o f c elestial

A. D . 817 .

phenom ena,Lewis, inmiddle l ife , rec e ived a deep

2 T hegan, a t . 19, 2 0 (P. 11.

2 At the tim ehe m ountedthe Im perial throne , likewise of m iddle age 6

2 18 TH E C O N QUE S T S O F C H R I S TIAN I T Y.

im press ion from anaccident wh ich nearly proved fatal to him .

T hi s led to what,i n m odern re l ig iou s parlance

,would be

cal led h i s ‘convers ion.

’H e was pas sing along a wooden

gal lery at tached to hi s palace at Aix, when the bu i ld ing fel l

abou t h is ears,kil l ing som e of hi s at tendants and inj uring

o thers . Lew i s h im self was badly hu rt . After that date hegave up the pro fane l i teratu re he had del igh ted in

,becam e

m arkedly devou t? and at‘

last,at a cri t ical t im e ,

was w i th d iffic u l ty d i ssuaded from lay ing down

h i s sceptre and taking the tonsu re ?

O f the m any d iffic u l t ie s which enc om passed hi s ownthrone,

C harles , as i t seem ed , had left scarce ly any to hi s suc cesso r .

T he long- l i ved Lom bard quarre l was over ; Aquitaine was at

peace ; even the treacherou s region of the Pyrenees, which hadbrought uponthe Franks such fam ou s d i sasters i n pas t t im es

,

was tranqu i l,at least for a whi le . In the parts of E urope

which mo st c onc ern o ur histo ry an extrao rd inary qu ie t hadsucc eeded to the long tu rm o i l . T he S axon war had died

down in the ashes o f the S axon hom e steads bu t now the

people were real ly sett l ing into peace, and new hom es teads,

new bu i ld ings of m any kinds—fo rts and chu rche s—wereri s ing in the i r terri to ry . T he different seesm bishopric s and

abbeys—which C harles had founded were so many strong

ho lds o f the new re ign of law and o rder. T he i r m u s ical

be l l s rang out over regions where the sac red groves hadbeen desecrated, where Goddess N erthu s was no mo re bornefrom plac e to place i n her shrouded car. Lewis added in

after -years to these strongho lds of C hri st ian ity . H am bu rgc laim ed the w i zard s tream of the E lbe , and looked thenc ew i s tfu l ly after C h ri st ian m i s s ionaries who had wande red intothe far no rth . T o the S candinavian lands , wi th dream s o f

A.D . 819 .

2 E inhard, Ann. 817 ; Anon. V ila , 2 8.2 Anon. Vita, 32 .

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0 TH E C O N QUE S T S O F C H R I S TIAN I T Y

battle i n a great engagem ent . T he Franki sh chroniclers giveu s fabu lou s ac counts of the num ber o f the slai n? Bo th

leaders fell f—S iegfred and Anu lo . Bu t the party of the

lat ter was vic to riou s ; i t cho se as suc c es so rs to H em m ingthe two bro thers o f Anulo ,

H arald and R eginfred ; and they

extended the i r ru le,

as appears , not onl y over D enm ark

(Ju tland , the I sles,and S kénen), but over the N o rwegian

V iken2al so .

But now the sons o f Godfred appear upon the scene. T heyhad fled to Sweden

,3 whence they gathered fo rces enough to

drive ou t H arald and R eginfred i n the i r tu rn . T hese two

first wandered eastward i nto the terri to ry of the Abodriti,

the i r nearest S lavonic ne ighbou rs—a terri to ry that i s Mecklen

bu rg nowadays . T hence they retu rned a year later,tr ied the i r

fo rtunes onc e m o re,and were defeated . R eginfred was slain4

and H arald again driven forth .S H arald tu rned

th i s t im e towards the Franks , and sent to prayfor the ass i stanc e o f the Frank em pero r ; and Lew i s

,who

had ju s t m ounted the throne,

em brac ed th i s o c cas ion

for a‘spi ri ted fo re ign po l icy —rather

,we m ay b el ieve ,

w i th an eye to rel igiou s than to po l i tical

interests . Balderic, C ount Balderic (o f Friu l i),

6a

h ighly d ist ingu i shed o ffic er o f the empi re,was to ld off to

A. D . 814 .

A.D . 8 15.

2 E inhard (P. 1. Another MS . readsAdam o f Brem en(Pertz , v 11.

2 I . e.,W estfo l d .

3 Apud S u iones ,’E inhard .

4 T he e lder of the two sons o f G o dfred was also slain (E inhard5 E inhard , Ann. (Pertz , i. C liron. lV/oiss. ii. A . D . 8 1 3

—4 (P. ii.

Ac co rd ing to Adam of Brem en, i. I 7 (Pertz , v il . H aral d first droveo u t his brother R eginfred,

‘who becam e . a V ik ing .

’T h is is the reason

why j essenand S to rm have identified th is R eginfred with R agner Lodbrog,who by S axo G ram m aticu s is also m ade an opponent o f H arald the

Baptiz ed . Bu t th is R eginfred was certainly slain no t later thanT he C liron. zkloiss. e lsewhe re speaks of R eginfred being slainby the Abodriti inA . D . 808 (Pertz , i. 308 ) so that his h isto ry is ve ry obscure.

6 E inhard , Ann. (P. i. Anon. V, H Z. (P, i i .

H AR ALD TH E D AN E . 2 2 1

ass ist H arald . In 8 1 9 H aral d was for a while

restored,or at leas t adm i tted to a share o f the

kingdom ?

T hi s was anopportun i ty for edging in som e C hrist ian teach

ing along with m i l i tary aid. Two m en b es ide Lew i s had th i saim at heart m enhighly d i st ingu i shed in the po l i t ics of tho se

days, trusted counci l lo rs of Lewis as yet—afterwards the m ainstay of h is opponents—one was E bbo

,Bishop of R he im s , the

o ther Wala,Abbo t of C o rvey. T he biographers of Lew i s,

T hegan m o re espec ial ly, and m o st of the chroniclers have

no thing but i l l to say of the fo rm er. H e was of low o rigin,had been rai sed to h is po s i t ion under favou r of Lew i s , who

was his fo ster-bro ther, and repai d th i s favou r by the basest in

grat itude . T hat i s the i r acc ount . H owever th i s m ay be ,

E bbo threw himself into the mi ssionary wo rkamong the D anes wi th zeal ; and i t was a wo rkwhich a Wise po l icy, as we l l as the i nteres ts of re l igion , woulddictate . E bbo

,with H alitgar, Bishop of C am bray , were sent

i n 8 2 3 as missionaries to D enm ark . U nder the royal and the

papal sanct ion they preached to the people of S outh D enmark ,i ntoned the i r masses

,l ighted thei r candles, marched in the i r

processions—no m anhi nder ing them ? Man-

y of the D anes, i tis sai d, were converted at th i s t im e . S chleswick (S l iestho rp),the capi tal of th i s part of D enm ark, was certai nly brought oncem o re into c lo se re lat ionsh ip with the em pire

,and m ade greater

strides than ever befo re towards becom ing a trading stat ion o f

som e im portance,a so rt o f intermediary between Borstad and

the Bal t ic c ountries .Bu t the old quarre l between H eathendom and

C hri stendom was not to be compo sed after this.

A.D . 819.

A. D . 823.

A. D . 826.

2 E inhard (P. i.

E inhard , Ann. (P. i. see letter of Paschal I. (R egest. Pont .

D ip. D an. p . It is not dated .

2 2 2 TH E C O N QUE S T S O F C H R I S TIAN I T Y.

easy fash ion,by the peac efu l conversion o f the S candinavian

fo lk. We m ay gu ess that H aral d’s leaning for suppo rt uponthe hatefu l power o f the C aesar d id not stand him i n good stead

am ong h i s countrym en . After he had re igned seven years,

subsequ ent to hi s resto rat ion, the civi l war broke o ut again.

T he sons of Godfred were now represented by one,H orik .

I

H e had l i ved for som e years i n ban ishm ent in sou thern

N o rway . N ow he re tu rned to D enm ark,and drove out

H aral d once agai n, as i t proved,

final ly . T he depo sed king

turned straigh tway to the E m peror o f the Wes t , and—a su re

way of gain ing the armed suppo rt of Lew i s, if he had no o ther

reason—he dec lared him se lf converted by the preaching o f them i ss ionar ie s. H e was ready to ac cept bapt i sm H e and his

fo llow ing took sh ip to sai l up the R hine . Lew i s was i n h i s

palace of Ingel he im ,c lo se to Mainz, 2 when the square whi te

sai l s o f the D anes cam e doubl ing up the reaches o f the river .

H arald had wi th him hi s wife and hi s son,Godfred by nam e

,

and a good c om pany of D ani sh fo l lowers . T hey m ay havelo oked out w i th m any feel i ngs

,not always of the re l igiou s kind ,

upon the fai r c ountry th rough which they passed ; upon the

v i llas and c hu rches wh ich m i rro red them se l ves in the rive r ;m o st of all, perhaps, they apprec iated the rich vine - lands wh ic h

lay abo u t Inge lh e im . Godfred m o re e spec ial ly,we m ay su rm i se ,

took i n the se s igh t s and lai d them to heart .

H arald was ready bo th to rec e i ve bapt i sm and to place him

self inthe hands of the em pe ro r. T he spi r i tu al v ic to ry, we

m ay be su re , was the dearest i n Lewis’

s eyes . It was at Mainz

that the c erem ony o f H arald’s bapt i sm took place ; and Boni

2 Le ,H arekr, not E irekr (E r ic), as fo rm e r h isto rians, and as H oworth

sti l l in Tr. R . H . S .,v ol. v i. S ee S to rm ,

[( r. Bia’rag, &c . , p. 4 1 , note .

2 E inhard .

Engilin—ipse p ius plac ito tunc tram ite—he im

Adv olat ( l) E rm oldus N igellu s, C arm ina , iv . 179.

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TH E C O N QUE S T S O F C H R I S TIAN I T Y.

Miratur H eriold, conjunx m iraniur et om nesPro les

,et s o c i i cu lm ina tanta D ei,

Mirantur c le rum ,m irantur denique tem plum ,

Atque sacerdo tes o ffic ium qu e pium .

V ersification such as thi s i s poo r indeed . And, if we had

no th ing e l se to judge by , we Shou ld th ink m eanly o f the

R om an e lem ent inm ediaeval h i s to ry. Bu t we m u s t not judgeby th i s. C anwe ever r ightly judge of the R om ans by the i r

verse, even at i t s bes t days ? In the Lat in pro se o f th i s t im e

there s t i l l l ingers a far-off echo of the o ld m aj esty o f R om e—inthe Lat i n pro se as we read i t in the le tters and al locutions of

the great eccles iast ic s of the age ; best o f all i n the briefs orbu l l s of the successo r of S t. Peter, when we hear h im chast i s ing

or threatening som e s inner in h igh places

sancim us atque discernim u s,u t po st secundam vel tertiam

adm onitionem sanc titatis tuae, qu i squ i s res praefatae eccles iae,qu i bus tu aliquando ad u sum velsustentationem illic servientium

v el t i bi obsequentium fru itus fu i sse dighosceris, retinere, et s ib i

ulterius absque vo to tuo v indicare tentav erit tanquam

sacrilegus, ab E ccles iae grem io atque sacro co rpo re et pretioso

dom ini no stri Jesu C hri sti sangu i ne, donec praesenti dec reto

no s tro acquiev erit, habeatur om ni bu s m odi s al ienu s, et tanquam

v iolentus i nvaso r atque tyrannu s s i t C hristianorum c om m unione

privatus ita ut quihuju sm odi incom m unione susceperit, s imi li

poena teneatur astrictus.

’2

T here i s som ething , I say, not unm ajest i c inthe ponderou slength o f these sentences . In reading such th ere r i ses up be

fo re us, better than inany o ther way, the vi s ion of the awfu l

ho lder of the keys , the serous seroornm pronounc ing judgm ent

from h i s c u ru le c hai r .

2 M igne , 1 19 , col. 9 10 . T h is is a bu l l d irected by Pope N icho las I .against H incm ar. S ee C hapter XV I .

TH E WE AP O N S O F C H R I S TIA N I T Y. 2 2 5

T h en be s ide the Lat in pro se o f th i s age there was a new

fo rm of Lat in ve rse ri s ing up , of a kind unknown to the

anc ients,where l ines we re m easured by beats andnot by fee t

O , tu qui servas arm is ista m oeniaN o l i do rm ire , m oneo . sed vigi la.

D um H ec to r v igi l e xtitit inT ro ia,N oneam c epit frandulenta G raecia.

O r such aS thi s

N oxque i l la,nox am ara, noxque du ra nim ium

Inqua fo rtes c ec iderunt , praelio do c tissim i,Pater

,m ate r , so ro r , frater , qu os am ic 1 fle v erant.

It is inverse o f th i s kind. unspeakably w i ld and lonel y as itsounds at first

,growing m o re and m o re so lem n as the age s

advanc e and as to the m u s ic o f th i s m easu red beat i s added

the new c harm o f rhym e,that speaks m o s t c learly the appeal

ing vo ice of m ediaeval C atho l ic i sm

Qu id sum m ise r tum dicturus

Quem patronem rogaturus?

C um v ix ju stu s sit securus.

It was i n th i s w i se that the sou l of Ancient R om e st i ll in

fo rm ed the body o f the N ew E m pi re . And i t was by weaponsdrawnfrom the sam e arm oury that C hri st iani ty waged its warsagai nst the heathens o f the N o rth .

Merely to recal l the labou rs of miss ionaries as they are

related to u s i s no th ing : so m any bapt i zed on thi s occasion ,a c hu rch bu i l t i n that newly conquered terri to ry

,a jou rney

m ade to that far count ry wi th doubtfu l results. We need totry and pic tu re for ou rse lves the weapons by which thi s spi ri tual

warfare was carried on. And i n do ing thi s we m u s t not th ink

fi rst o f all e i ther o f Pau l i ne e loqu enc es, or of Lu ther- E ckius

c ontro vers ies bu t rath er o f m uch subtler appeal s to fancy andimaginat ion—of m u s ic and s inging

, of church o rgans and

1 6

2 2 6 TH E C O N QUE S T S O F C H R I S TIA N I T Y

church be ll s these m ade the effective in- sounding (rarfixnm r)to the barbar ian ear ; and o f ri te s new and strange

,terrify ing

and fasc inat ing,of incantations and of be l ieved doom s .

We m u s t p ic tu re whi te—robed proc ess ions of pries ts and

acrilytes, chant ing , carry ing l igh ted tape r s (a sigh t to m y m ind

always wonderfu l ly im pre ss ive , and m o s t so by dayl ight on

far-off S ho res, i n wi ld and woody place s . With varying suc c ess

and fai lu re these weapons were be ing , or were to be, em ployed

against the heathen on every so i l o f N o rthernE u rope ; upon

grounds Where the V i kings sought o ut the C hri st ians to

destroy them ,and i n terri to ries wh ere ventu red the C hri stian

m i s s ionaries .

O n u s the spel l of m edire val C atho l ic i sm descends m o st

d irectly from th ree th ings : from the Go th ic arch i tectu re ,from chu rch m us ic and from chu rch bel l s . T he fi rs t hadnot yet sprung into exi stenc e . T here was no th ing special ly

so lem n abou t the bas i l ica chu rches which at th i s date gavethe pattern of chu rch arch itec tu re . T heir transfo rm at ion into

the gloom y and im press ive R om anesque did not begin befo re

the end of our V ik ing Age . It was reserved for the descendants

o f the V ikings them se l ves to give to the R om anesque bu i ld ing

i ts grandes t fo rm . C hu rch be l l s o f the larger so rt were now ingeneral use . T he C o lum ban m onks had not enjoyed the i r insp irat ion . We know from num e rou s finds what so rt o f be l l s

tneir m onasteries po ssessed—l i ttle square ones,no bigger than

,

and m uch the sam e shape as, tho se which cat tle wear abroad

,

inSw i t zerland m o re especial ly . O ne m ight fancy a S t. Gal lu s

carry ing th i s type o f bel l w i th him to h i s H e lve t ian re treats ,and the type having desc ended in our days to the u se o f

cattle . I know not whe ther th i s reallv has been the case .

2 Im pressive , too , I guess, inno com m ondegree to our ownfo refatherswitness the i r beau tifu l im agery for the sun

,the wo rld ‘

s candle —z oornla’

eona’el (Beowu lf )

—‘G od ’

s b i ight cand le .

’

G oa’es (

“

ona’el

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2 2 8 TH E C O N QUE S TS OF C H R IS TIAN I T Y.

When H arald retu rned it was thought w i se that some newm i s s ionary sh ou ld accompany the D anes back to D enm ark .

Wala cas t h i s keen eyes upona young m onk (he was only twentyfiv e), late o f h i s own abbey, C o rb ie , now of N ew C o rvey, i n

Saxony , the daughter m onastery of h is own. T he nam e o f the

m onk was Anscar (O scar), one of tho se blam e less l ives which

grow up spo radical ly i n Med iaeval H i s to ry,wh ich com e inc on

tact with , and yet scarcel y seem to tou ch,the pol i t ical l ife

which surrounds them . H e was a S axon so near a ne i ghbou r

to the S candinavianpeople that he m ight we l l enter i nto the i r

thoughts and unders tand the i r qu est ionings of natu re . It i s

fi tting that we find him,from boyhood upward

,m uch oc c u

pied with specu lat ions upon death, o ften see ing vi s ions from the

wo rld of spi r i ts . Whenhe was qu i te a c hi ld h i s m o ther d ied ,and soon after he saw a vi s ion of her walking in the c ho i r of

the V irgi n along a love ly path . H e him se lf was on a m i ry,

slippery road , and cou ld not get fro m i t to where the proc ess ion

moved . But the V i rgin cam e to him and adm oni shed him

that if he desi red to come to the i r com pany he m u st pu t as ide

all idleness and fr ivo l i ty . Anscar obeyed the cal l in h i s

fourteenth year he adopted the m onast ic habi t . T he death o f

C harles the Great, which happened at th i s t im e,was ano ther

event which deeply m oved him . O nce Anscar h im self hadbehel d th i s m igh ty em pero r ; now was im perial C aesar tu rned

to clay—and hi s sou l —one cou ld no t be su re ? Anscar saw

ano ther vi s ion direc tly afterwards . Pe ter and John the Bapt i s t

cam e to him ,took h i s sou l out o f h is body and carr ied him

with them to pu rgato ry . T hence to the h e ight o f heaven, ou t

2 C harles was at any rate , acco rd ing to the v isionof the Monk Wettinus

of R e ichenau , seve re ly punished in pu rgatory for his carnal sins (seeWalafrid S trabo’

s poem inM igne,t .

MI S S I O N OF A N S GAR . 2 2 9

of wh ich a vo ice sounded in hi s ears , G o henc e, thou shal t

retu rnto m e ado rned w i th the crowno f m artyrdom Martyr

dom,in fac t (or at any rate in the ordinary sense), he never

d id attain . But,

’ says h i s biographer,‘ I deem that by the

m any pains and dangers which he su ffered in hi s l i fe the sam e

reward was earned .

’ 2 T he vi s iongave him an ‘unappeasable

th i rst ’ after h eavenly th ings . S om e years later,in ano ther

vi s ion , he was warned that he was espec ial ly chosen as an

apostle to the h eathen .

Anscar,accom panied by a younger vo lunteer from Wala’s

hou seho ld cal led Au tbert,j o ined H arald and hi s fo l low ing on

th e i r re tu rnjou rney to D enm ark . T hey began by sett ing up a

schoo l inthe c ountry,at S chleswick and Anscarwas espec ial ly

eager in looking out for D an ish boy slave s whom he c ou ld

purchase from the C h ri st ian m erchants o f D orstad or

wh erever i t m igh t be—and whom he could instruct in the

p rinciples o f C hr i st iani ty and trai n for the wo rk of preaching

to the i r c ountrym en. O ne o f the c onverts obtained in thi sm anner was R im bert , who afterwards su cceeded to the labou rs

and to the honou rs o f Anscar, and who wro te his l ife .

H ow hopefu l at th i s t im e all th ings looked for the qu iet inco r

porationof the S candinavian nat ions into the bodyo f

C hris tendom —at all events if one di d but tu rn one’s

eyes away from what was go ing onina far wes tern i sland . H ow

di fferent from the days wh en Godfred was hu rl ing h i s fleet upon

the sho re o fFr i s ia. E ngland i tse lfwas left at peace ju s t now was

not againtroubled ti ll 834 . And now envoys came to Lewis

from one of the k ings o f Sweden who seem ed l ikewi se to beshow ing the m o s t hopefu l d i spo s i t ions ’ towards C hri st iani ty,and i t was determ i ned to send an expedit ion even to tho se farregions? T he king, from whom the am bassado rs cam e , l ived

A.D . circ. 830.

2. Vita Anscari , c . 3 .

2 Ibid . c . 9.

30 TH E C O N QUE S T S O F C H R I S TIAN I T Y

not inthe parts o f S weden bo rdering onthe D an ish kingdom ,

but far round in the Lake Malar country . H is capi tal was

S igtuna, upon the Upsala i rd. N ear i t stood the m o st sac red

spo t i n all D enm ark inthe days o f heatheni sm, Upsala of the

three great m ounds (of O din , T ho r, and Frey), and o f the sacredgrove of wh ich , and of Adam of Brem en’s descript ion o f i t,m ention was m ade i n a fo rmer chapter .

T hi s kingdom of S igtuna i n the c ountry o f S uithiod was thegerm of the later kingdom of S weden. T he fact that we find

at this day the capital of S weden uponLake Malar instead of,

say, at G 0tenborg, near to D enm ark and to N o rway , i s due to theu l t imate pre

- em inence o f the S uithiod kingdom . N ear S igtuna itself s tood a town which at that tim e seem s to have been

a great m arke t—perhaps am ong d ifferent national i t ies o f theE astern Bal t i c 2 i t s nam e was Bi rca. It i s represented by them odern Bjiirko , an island onLake Malar

,which the trave l ler

up the lake reaches ju s t afte r pass ing the mou th of the Grips

holm sv ik.

T he earl iest co i ns ever m ade i n S candinavia come,so it

happens, from the s i te of this B i rca and they are im i tat ions ofthe m oney o f D orstad, belonging to the fi rst half of the n inth

centu ry ? S o we m ay be l ieve that there had been al ready som e

com m unicat ion between Birca and D orstad. T he Life o f

Anscar simply tel l s us that (in8 2 9) anem bassy cam e to Lew i sfrom the king of Sweden say ing that m any of h i s people had a

leani ng towards C hri s tian ity, and pray ing that fi t persons shou ldbe sent to preach to them . Anscar was at onc e cho sen . H e

left his work among the D anes—no longe r a wo rk inD enm ark,

2 By way of G othland to the m ou ths of the V istu la or the D wina, andhence by the D nieper to the Black S ea and to G reece (if Montelius,op .

2 S ee H . H i ldebrand’s N ora

’ens A lo’sta Mynt, inj ou rnal of R . H ist.

S oc. of S toeélz olm ,1887 , and the present wr ite r

’s rem arks on the sam e in

the N um ism atic C itroniele, sam e year .

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2 32 TH E C O N QUE S TS O F C H R I S TIA N I T Y.

were even now lay ing the foundat iono f that c om m erc ial andi ndu s tr ial greatnes s wh ich di st ingu i sh ed them th roughou t theM iddle Ages . T he i r woven stu ffs were the bes t in the em p i re

no rth of the Alps? If these fabric s were wo rth a m ass ,’or a

bapt i sm,D orstat, the rich em po rium o f all

,was a whe tt ing bai t

to the c u pid i ty of the V i kings .

By yie ld ing up these provinces to H arald and hi s kin,C hri s

t ians becam e, for the fi rst t im e,the subj ec ts of the heathens, as

a chronic ler declares a few years later . And i n tru th H arald’s

fief became a very ho tbed of V ik ing troubles i n after-years . H is

next successo r—hi s bro ther or h i s nephew R orik—go t the nam e

o f fel C /zristianitatis, the gal l of C h ri stendom? And hi s son

Godfred—whom we beheld ju s t now drawno u t o f the water byLo thai r

,the sono f Lewi s—what he becam e inafter -years

,how

he observed hi s bapt i sm al vows (if he m ade any), we shal lpartly see hereafter.

In truth it m u st be so rrowfu l ly owned that the hi sto ry o f thi s

convers ion of H aral d and his D anes,the j oy wh i ch was ex

pended over it at the t im e,contrasted with what i t real ly

m eant and what i t led to,are abundan tly suggest i ve

,and

typical of much i n the h is to ry of the E m pero r Lew i s .

D u ring these days ofearly su ccess i n the em pire,o fLew i s’s pro s

perity advanc ing onm any d ifferent s ides by leaps and bound s,

C h ri st iani ty stretching i t s w ings fornew fl ight s to the far north,

what, we are tem pted to ask,had been done in the way o f c arry

i ng out tho se soberer plans w i th wh ich C harles had been engageddu ring alm o s t h i s las t m om ents ; what espec ial ly in the di rec t ion

of bu i lding navies, arm ing for the coas t defenc e ? N ow, if m en

knew it, i s the go lden t im e,no t l ike ly to c om e agai n whe the r

used or'

neglected . Look far away to the i slands of the we s t

2 S ee e.g. , the Monk of S t. G al l , i. 2 6.

2 C f. Ann. Fu la’. 850 , and Prna’ent . (P. i.

D E CLI N IN G S UN OF LE WI S . 2 33

if am id these N igellus rhapsodie s m enhad t im e to cas t a glance

that way—and they wou l d see V iking fleets taking stat ions all

over the S he tlands and the O rkneys, onthe no rthern m ainland of

S co tland,onthe WesternI slands

,which 11127 cal l the S udreyer,

or S ont/z I slands . T h ey wou ld see in I reland such a plunder

ing o f m onas teries and slaughter o f m onks as in the days of

C harlem agne and Alcu i n wou ld have set E u rope asti r

plunderings i n Wicklow,D ubl in

,Meath , Lou th, D own—ou all

the i slands round the Iri sh c oast .

N ay, but there had already beensom e S ign o f danger nearerhome, though i t m u s t be sai d that the one raid o f th i s period was

vic to riou sly driven off. In8 2 0 a flee t s tood in to theFlanders coast , ju s t succeeded inland ing, and bu rnt

a few hu ts . After that i t m ade for the m ou th of the S e ine, but

w i thout be ing able to effec t a landing . Final ly the V iking

fleet sai led round the rocky Breton coast to Aqu i taine, and

accom pl i shed m o re there ‘

( i n that anarch ical country). It bu rneda smal l town

,Bou i n

,a l i ttle sou th of the Lo i re m onth? As a

plunder ing expedi t ion th i s one was no th ing ; as an explo r ing

one i t was im po rtant . T h ere m ay onc e befo re have been a

no rthern fleet round the C ape o f Finisterre? or thi s m ay havebeen thefirst V iki ng fleet i n the Bay of Biscay . C ertainly theway i n which th is fleet was beaten o ff from one place after

ano ther speaks wel l for the coas t defences at th i s t im e—s ixyears only after the death of C harlem agne . It was fi fteen yearsafter th is attack befo re the V ikings m ade ano ther one upon thec oast of France .

And now the sunof Lewi s the E m pero r, which had touched

i ts m erid ian , beganto take a westering cou rse and to dim in i sh

i ts al ti tude day by'

day unti l i t sank am i d sad co ntagiou s c louds

to its setting. T he catas trophes wh ich now overtook Western

A.D . 820.

2 Anon. V ita H l. I mp . c . 33 (Pertz , v ol. 11.2 S ee above , p . 150 .

2 34 TH E C O N QUE S T S O F C H R IS TIAN I T Y

C hristendom ,the gradual di sso lut ion of the C arlovingian

E m pire,constitu ted one o f the m o st po tent facto rs in the

fu tu re successe s o f the V ikings .

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2 36 C I VIL WAR .

foo t of the king ere he began ? H ow, one th inks , the N o rth

m en (if any am bassado rs from D enm ark were present) m u st

have s tared at such a cerem ony,rem em bering the rough speech

whi ch p revailed at the i r ownfolk- tnings, and treasu red the

m em o ry thereof for the ears of the i r co untrym en. We see , too ,

when Lew i s was m inded to wed a sec ond t im e,these sam e

grandees bringing the fai res t o f the i r daughters to him that he

m ight selec t one for h i s wife—m o re after the fash ion of an

E astern cal iph than a C hri st ian king .

All publ ic l ife had been brought into a w i se o rder s inc e

the Merovingian days . Fo l lowing the general and excel lent

c u stom am ong the m onarchs o f hi s t im e,Lew i s was c onstantly

upon the move, now in one part,now in ano ther of hi s vast

dom i n ions ? Wherever he was, he sat onc e a week to adm ini s ter

j u st ic e not quarter—sess ions only where he was.

3 T he

empire - I am the em pi re . H is person and presence only

bound into a who le the diverse interes ts of Franks and Aqu i

tanians,of Saxons and Prov engals. A terri to r ial nob il i ty had

begun to grow up i n the place o f the nobi l i ty of se rv ice wh ich

characteri zed the Merovingianm onarchy .4 It was now hardly

po ss ible to ho ld one General Assem bly for the who le o f the

w ide - stre tch ing em pi re . N ow the Plac i tum was held at

O rleans, now at N ym uegenor Aix,now on the Lake of C on

s tance , now at Augsbu rg i n d i stant Bavaria. In each case i t

wou ld be only the grandees m o s t c lo se ly attached to the person

of the E m pero r and tho se from the ne ighbou ring country

who attended . But the presence of the ru ler and h is im

m ediate c ourt gave a uni ty to the dec i s ions o f all. And every

where there were the cho sen servants of the em pero r speeding

2 E rm oldus N igellus, i. 137—1 78 , iii. 4 2 (Pertz , 11 . 469 ,

2 Anon. V ita H l . I mp . 7 (Astronom e r)[Pertz , ii.3 Fo rm er ly , whenk ing o f Aqu itaine , he had sat thr ice a week4 O nthe C ou rts of the Merov ingian m onarchs , see Puste l de C o u lange ,

La lWona re/z ie Franqu e .

AD M IN I S TR A TI O N O F LE WI S . 2 37

over the country (m issi a’om iniei

,the i r offic ial nam e

2

) inqu i ring into the affai rs of each county or m arqu i sate . T he nobles,the cou nts , and the m arqu i se s he ld the i r t i tles by office not by

heredi ty (not as yet), and were l iable to di sm i s sal for neglec t ofdu ty ; as—for one exam ple—was a di s t ingu i shed so ldie r of

C harlem agne’s and Lew i s’s days , C ount Balderic , the sam e

whom we lately saw com m i ss ioned to rai se an arm y to help

H aral d back to hi s th rone in D enm ark . Balderic was after

wards m ade C ount of Friu l i ; but fai l ing to defend h i s dom ains

agai ns t an inc u rs iono f B u lgars , he was deprived o f hi s com

m and? A year or two earl ie r the sam e puni shm ent fe l l upon

c ertain wardens o f the S pani sh m arches,when an i nru sh o f

Arabs and rebe l l io u s Go ths fo und them unprepared . And loud

com plaints were u ttered that they go t no wo rse puni shm ent .3

All seem ed at peace , even i n tho se regions where C harles’s

t roubles had been greatest . T he Lombard dynasty had dis

appeared the c langou r o f the S axon war had died away the

C al iphs of C o rdova were no t yet s trong enough seriou sly toth reaten the S pan ish m arches the Bal t ic nat ions were for them o m ent weaker than they had ever been ; and, as we saw

,

C h ri s tendom had al ready sent i ts em i ssaries into S weden,as

far as to Lake Malar .Yet there were w i th in that vast body of the Franki sh E m pire

fo rc es wh ich m ade for decay ; as there are fo rc es in every

body vas t or sm all,m ak ing for decay, and through decay

for new growth . It i s no t difficu l t to understand what the chiefo f these were . We have Spokeno f the two foc i o f that e l l ipsewhich m ade Up We stern C hri stendo m—of Aix, the capital o fthe wo rldly kingdo m ,

and of R om e,the capital o f the C hu rch .

2 O r m issi regii, cf . D u C ange , s. v . and the desc ription in E rm oldus ,C arm . ii. 489 soy.

E inhard , Ann. s .a. 82 8 ; Anon. V ita (Astron. ) (Pertz , ii.3 E inhard , 8 2 7 .

2 38 C I VIL WAR .

Let the equ ipo i se of these two centres o f fo rce be al tered,and

the cu rrent of l ife wh ich revo lved round th em m us t be changed .

At present the popes were unable to s tand alone . T h ey hadthrown off al legianc e to the E astern em pero rs

,who were stai ned

by the heresy o f Icono c lasm they wou l d not bear the prorect ion or dic tat ionof the Lom bard k ings . But th ey were no t

yet strong eno ugh to r i se i ndependent of all secu lar suppo rt,

to preserve unass i sted tho se terri to rial po ssess ions which theyhad rece ived as gifts from Pi pp in and C harlem agne . Leo

I II .,who had placed the d iadem upon the head o f C harles ,

died two years after h i s friend and pro tec to r . H is suc cesso r,

S tephen V .,undertook the arduou s jo u rney i nto Franc ia to

obtai n the rat ificat ion of h i s e lec t ion by Lew i s ? T h i s was a

great triumph for the hou se of H eristal. C harles had rece i ved

the diadem at the hands o f Leo I II . but Lew i s d id not wai tfor the sanction o f the Pope befo re he entered onh is im perial

success ion . O n the o ther hand S tephen acknow ledged the

em pero r’s right o f ve to to hi s elec t ion . N o t the le ss was

be, when he cam e to the C ou rt of Lew i s , rec e i ved by the

p iou s em pero r wi th every honou r . Lew i s rode to m ee t him ,

al ighted from hi s ho rse and held the Pope'

s st i rrup . S tephen,i n h i s tu rn , ano inted Lewis and h is w ife Irm ingard E m pero r

and E m press . It was not po ss i ble that the se two gieat powers

o f the C hri st ian C om m onweal th shou ld rem ain for e ve r th u s

balanc ed ; and the latter years o f Lew i s’s re ign show the

beginning of that long struggle be tween K ai ser and Pope ,which las ted all thro ugh the M iddle Ages

,which ~ s aw the

trium ph o f one party under O tto I II . ,o f the o th e r unde r

Grego ry V I I .

,and who se m em o ry su rvived in the bi tter

s truggles o f Gu e lph s and Ghibe ll ines . We m igh t deem that

there was some i nfluenc e inthe m agic o f a nam e when we see

2 Thegan, Vita Lua

’

, Pu . 16,17 (Pertz , ii .

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2 40 C I VIL WAR .

play that fatal d i sunion am ong the Germ an races wh ich,i n

sp i te of all the hero ism of her sons,has kept Germ any weak so

long. For som e whi le the T huringians and the Alam annians

were on i l l term s wi th the i r ne ighbou rs o f the great k ingdom of

Bavaria. Bavaria always held true to her ownking, Lew i s theGerm an

,th i rd sonof Lewi s the Piou s

,wh ether he were at war

w i th h i s father the em pero r or afterwards w i th h i s bro ther

Lo thai r. But (for many years)Alam ann ia and T hu ringia went

wi th the im perial party . Lew i s the Germ an was (so to say) aBavarian fi rs t

,a Germ an afterwards .

And i n the west there were peoples very d ifferent in charac ter

and hi sto ry, bu t inspi red wi th the sam e sp ir i t of nat ional i ty,and a longing, wise or foo l i sh , for H om e R u le .

Be tween the m ou th s o f the S e i ne and Lo i re j utted ou t the

wedge - l ike rocky Arm o rica or Bri ttany,w i th i t s popu lat ion of

ancient Arm o ricans and new Bri tons from C o rnwal l ; a terri

to ry never so mu ch as half inco rpo rated wi th the Frankish

kingdom , even now a tho rn inthe s ide to the kings of Franc ia,

as,all through the M i ddle Ages , i t was to be a thorn in the

s ides of the kings of Franc e .

S ou th of the Lo i re to the Pyrenees s tretched Aqu i tai ne,

which , l ike S axony , was peac efu l du ring Lewis’s early years

,

bu t was a sou rce o f i nfin ite troubles to Lew i s’

s succ esso r i n the

Wes t . Under the shadow o f the Pyrenee s lay the country o f

the w i ld Basques,who had i nfl ic ted such a defeat upon the

troops o f C harlemagne , and m ight reckon them se lve s indepen

dent of the C arl ing hou se . And to the east o f th i s B i scay, a

l i t tle county or m arqu i sate cal led G othia or S eptim ania,and in

later M i ddle Ages the county o f T ou lou se . It was a m arclt

agai ns t the kingdom of the Arabs in S pain; i t was for the

present a peacefu l county o f the em pi re ; bu t i ts inhabi tants

(descendants o f the V i s igo ths inG au l) s ighed for independence

as did the Aqu i tanians .

D I VE R S E N A TI O N ALI TIE S . 2 4 1

Far m o re im po rtant thanany o f these lesser nat ional aspi rat ions

,the re was the ri val ry betweenFranc e—the Lat i n-speaking

half o f the em pire—and Germ any,which was al ready beginning

to display i tself,and of wh ic h we find so m any proofs i n c om

paring the ac c ounts o f events and persons by the French and

Germ anannal i st s of these days .

C u rio u s indeed to t h ink o f how many nat ional i t ies and

how m any interests th i s em pi re was made up : of to i l ing

Fri s ians and Flem ings,di v ided even in tho se early days as

th ey are s ti l l,into a ru ral and a m anufac tu ring popu lat ion

weavers slow,labo rio u s

, peac eful , C hri s tianam ong the C hri st ian ;peasants , w i ld , half heathen still ;

Io f lo rdly Franks, grow ing

m o re and m o re into two nat ional i t ie s as they stretc hed acro ss

the who le breadth of the em pi re ; of qu ick,tu rbu lent Aquita

nians for ever c lam ou ring after H om e R u le,and slow, tu rbu lent

S axons, som e of whom s t i l l looked back to the days of Widuk ind or N erthu s of the Woods ; o f Gascons ; of Go ths ; ofProveneals, the m o s t m ixed of all popu lat ions

,the descendants

of the R om ans—and Provence st i l l he ld by her R om an tradit ions , and the fo rm s o f R om angovernm ent—m ingled with thedescendants o f the Go th s

,o f the Sarac ens

,and w i th Jews . T hese

las t were c onspi cuou s and powerfu l i n the sou thern provinces .H o ld ing the keys of trade

,th ey boas ted an independence of

the law as c om ple te as that o f any T am m any R ing o f m oderndays . T hey had the best intel l igenc e at C ou rt, c o u ld corruptall governm ents , from the sim p

'

est c i ty adm ini strat ion to thatof the greates t c o unts and m argrave s . Judi th

,the second wife

o f Lew i s the Piou s,i s said to have takenthe Jews under her

pro tect ion . It m ay be be l ieved that there was a strong anti

2 A m ost strik ing instanc e o f the su rv ival of heathencustom s am ong thepeasantry o f the Lower R h inelands (C ornelim iinster, near Aix), in the

twe lfth c entu ry , is quoted by G rim m (D .M . i 2 14 , ed. , Meyer) from theWWW . R ua

’

ol/i (Pertz , x i i . c i rca A . D . 1 133 . Cf . ante p. 57.I 7

2 42 C I VIL WAR .

S emiti c party i n the empire. At the head of i t stood m o st o fthe high ec c les iast ic s—none m o re vehem ent thanthe archbishop

who l ived m o s t w i th inthe c i rc le o f Jew i sh influ enc e,the fam ous

Agobard of Lyons ? A mighty shock was given to the con

sc ience of C hri st ian i ty when a c ertain learned deac on,Bodo

,

once a favou r i te w i th Lew i s and h i s em pres s , apo stat i z ed to

Judai sm ,let h i s hai r and beard grow

,gi rt h im self w i th a swo rd

,

and took a Jew i sh nam e,E leazar. H e m arried a Jewess

,and

eventual ly betook him se lf to what was the paradi se o f the

nat ion i n tho se days , the equable ru le of the C al iphs o f

C o rdova.

T he papal po l icy i tse lf was concerned w i th nat ional asp i rat ions . Bes ides the aggrandizem ent o f the i r office

,the popes

headed the party whic h c r ied,I taly for the I tal ians . ’ And as

fo rm erly they had got r id of Go th s and Lo m bards , th ey weredetermined now to free the land from the yo ke o f the Franks .

T he Franki sh cu stom of i nh eri tanc e againm ade for disinte

gration. For that cu stom requ ired the equal d is tr ibu t ion o f

po ssess ions am ong the legi t im ate sons of the dec eased . I t was

by goo d fortune that only one legitim ate m ale h e i r had sur

v iv ed to C harlem agne . C harlem agne had intended I taly forPipp in ; and after Pippin had died wi thou t legi tim ate he i rs

,

h i s natu ral son, Bernard , was al lowed to retain the c rowno f

I taly,and he h im self looked upon i t as h i s by right . I t was

therefo re by anacc i dent that the vas t em p ire of C harlem agnedescended to h i s sonunbroken.

But howeve r far T eu tonic cus tom m igh t sanc t ion such divi

s ions,the necess i ties of the t im e (or what seem ed the neces

s i t ies o f the t im e), and s t i l l m o re the dream s of fars i ghted

po l i t ic ians sanc t ioned an exac tly oppo s i te po l icy . T he ideal

o f that po l icy was the re sto rat iono f the anc ient m onarc h y of

2 Agobard, D o insolentia j ua’aorum D e j ua

’. S uperstct. (Migne, to

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2 44

deemed by m o st an ac t o f unu sual c lem ency,o rdered his l ife

to be spared,and that he shou ld only be bl inded ? But the

operat ion was c lu m s i ly perfo rm ed som e sai d wi th a des igned

c lum s ine ss at the inst igat ion of the E m press Irm ingard ; Bernard l ingered but a few days and died . H owever m uch publ i c

opinion m ay have exonerated Lew i s , hi s c onsc ience did no t

exonerate him . H e cont inu ed to bro od o ver the e vent ; and

years after, when C harlem agne or any earl ier king wou ld have

c lean fo rgo t ten the m atte r,rem o rse drove him to do publ ic

penance for hi s si n . T hat Irm ingard repented of her part

inthe bu s ine ss we are not to ld .

T he year fo l low ing Bernard’

s death Lewi s undertook an

expedi t ion into Bri ttany,and m ade m o re way

towards redu c ing th i s pe ople to a real subjectionio the em pire than any of his predec e sso rs had done ? T hi swas in 8 1 8 . In the fou r years wh ic h fo l lowed th ere wereo the r successes : som e upon the exac tly oppo s i te edge o f the

em pi re to Bri ttany , i n Pannonia, in o ther wo rds in E as t

Aus tria and H ungary west o f the D anube . Pannonia hadbeen prac t ical ly independent unti l Lew i s sent h i s arm y th i ther

and com pel led its subm i s s ion. Whereupon som e o f the S lav

peoples farther east l ikew i se acknowl edged his over- lo rdsh i p ;so that now hi s em pi re alm o s t trenched upon that o f the

T urcom an rac e,the Bu lgars

,who lay upon the Lowe r

D anube,onthe bo rde rs of the Greek E m pire . T he K han of

the Bu lgars sent a threatening letter to Lew i s,warn ing him

not to overs tep h i s boundaries . And wh ile all th i s was go ingfo rward i n the E ast

,Pipp in

,K ing o f Aqu i taine, Lew i s

’

s sec ond

son,was engaged in subdu ing rebe l s in Gascony and

H arald,aswe saw,was be i ng helped back to his throne inJutland.

A. D . 818

2 Astronom er (Pertz , 11. 62 2 T hegan, o .c. 2 2—3 (P. 11.

2 T he D uke o f Br ittany , Murcom annus, was slain. T hegan, l.c. &c.Murm an(Mo rwan) E rm old. N igellus, iii. 55, &c .

BIR TH O F C H AR LE S TH E BALD . 2 45

O ne sad event had happened be s ides the death of Bernard

Wh i le Lewi s was away uponhis Brittany expedi t ion. Irm ingard,

h i s w i fe,fe l l s ick

,and alm o st im m ediately uponh is return she

died . It was w i th ina year o f Bernard ’s death , as we no te , o f

which Irm ingard had been perhaps gu i l ty . Whether Lewi s

knew th i s or though t o f th i s we do no t know . What we doknow i s that at the death of the em press he fe l l into such a

condi t ion of m elancho l y or rem o rse that the fear was enter

tained that he wou ld now im i tate hi s great-unc le C arlorrranand ret i re i nto a clo i s te r . In th i s fear h i s c ou rt iers has tened

to pres s him to rem arry . T hey brought the fai res t of the i r

daughters to him that he m igh t se lec t from them a wife . H is

cho ice fe l l upon a beau t i fu l and gifted Judith, daugh

ter of C ount We lf o f Al tdo rf Bavar ian Swiss upon

the father’s s ide, Saxononthe m o ther’s ? From th i s m arriagem ore than from anyth i ng e l se sprang the tenthou sand i ll s whichdescended upon the Franki sh E m pi re and uponC hri stendom

during the next hundred years . T hi s second m arriage did notim m ediately m ake a change inthe dispo s i t ion of the terri to ry

o f the em p i re ; Lewi s had at firs t only a daughter by th i s

second m arriage , and the D ir/isio I mperii was confi rm ed in

8 2 1 . It was no t until two years after th i s that Judi th gavebirth to her first and only m ale chi ld

, C harles .

T he year previou s to that o f C harles’s b i rth Frankland had

beheld w i th wonder Lewi s,on who se c onscience

the m em o ry o f Bernard’

s death lay heavy, do ing

publ ic penanc e therefo r,2

an ac t o f the saint k ing’s thel ike o f which had not been heard o f t i l l now. T he year

i tse lf‘

o f C harles’s bi rth was an annus infaus/us , did the

augu rs of the t im e no te as m uch . It was a year o f

earthquakes and divers supernatu ral s igns wh ich greatly

A.D . 819.

A.D . 822

2 T hegan, c . 2 6.

2 Anon. V ita H l. Im p . c . 35 ; Ann. X ant. a.a.

2 46 C I VIL WAR .

di squ ieted the sou l of the em pero r . Perhaps the birth of the

young pri nce him self was the m o st inau sp i c iou s S ign o f all,

pregnant of fu tu re il l s wh ich it needed no great prophe t tofo retell.

I I.

T he year o f the bapt i sm o f H aral d at Mai n z there was an

A D 826

alarm from the S pan i sh -Arabic quarter . Many years

previou sly, while s t i l l K ing o f Aqu i tai ne m ere ly ,Lewis had m ade two briefly su c c essfu l exped it ions in that

d i rection . H e had taken Le rida and H uesca,and had defeated

the tr00ps of the E m i r Zado , Z addo (Saad under the wal ls of

Barc e lona,wh ic h he then took and retu rned trium phant ?

N ow,however

,the Arabs i n the i r tu rn came break i ng the

C hri st ian boundaries,stream ing up to the Pyrenee s into

G othia, where the i r leade r, Abu-Merwan,uni ted fo rces w i th a

rebel l iou s Go th i c arm y under a c ertai n Aiz o ? S kyey prodigie s ,not unl ike tho se wh ich th i rty years ago had affrigh ted the m en

o f N o rthum bria, were v i s ible—a phantom arm y seen fight ing i n

mid- air.3 S everal o f the Im perial counts and wardens of the

m arshes , taken all unprepared,were defeated . T he d isaster

m ight have been m o re ser iou s had i t no t been for Bernard,

C ount of G othia, who appears alm o st for the fi rs t t im e upon

the sc ene on th i s o ccas ion,but who se l ife and trag ic end were

henceforth to be clo se ly l inked w i th the fo rtune s of the C arl inghouse . N o one save Bernard cam e we l l ou t o f the bu siness 4

—not Lewi s h im se lf, who , unl ike the Lew i s o f earl ier days , didnot has tenin person to pro tect h i s m arche s and to avenge the

i n su l t . Whenthe em pero r heard the evi l t i dings he determ ined

2 E inhard , 80 1 Anon. V ita H l. I . (Pertz , 11 . E rm oldus N igellus,C arm ina, i. 67—537 (Pertz , ii. 468

2 E inh . 8 2 7 ; Astron. c . 40 , 4 1 .3 Astron. c . 4 1 .

4 N ithard, i. E inhard , a .a. 82 7 ; Astron. l. c. Matfrid of O r leanswas one of the cu lpable gene rals , H ugo t/ze T im ia' ano ther .

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2 48 C I VIL WA R .

as its po ssessor m ight choo se ? O n one s ide or the o ther

the statesm en and place—hunters o f the day began to takethe i r stand .

At length Judith contr ived that the C /zarta D ivisionis shou ld

be so far set as ide,that a fre sh sl ic e was carved

out of the empire as a po rt ionfor the ch ild C harle sAlamann ia or Swabia ? Bernard

,who had grownhigher and

h igher i n C ou rt favou r,was m ade the regent o fAlam annia inthe

i nfant’

s name . At the sam e t im e he rece ived the offi ce of H igh

C hamberlai n , the h ighest po st at C ourt ; and m atters grew r ipefor a revo l t?T h i s was in 8 2 9, three years after the Mainz bapti sm .

N ext year,by persuas ion of Bernard (says one

chronicler Lew i s undertook an expedit ion into

Bri ttany : by persuas ion of Bernard, but st i l l m o re i t was

thought of a certai n trai to ro u s C ount Lantbert (Lam bert), whofal se ly represented the D uke of Bri ttany as m editat ing a re vo l t .

Lantbert had hi s ownends to serve ; as appeared befo re long .

For now the em pero r, who had, st range ly enough , sum m oned

hi s ban in the m iddle of the Lenten fas t 4 found that only a

v ery few o f hi s grandees had obeyed the sum m ons . H e

began hi s m arch,however. O n th e i r s ide the nobles of the

Wes t,who had not com e when cal led upon, had beenhastening

el sewhi ther to m eet Pippin, K ingo f Aqu i taine ; and he ,instead

o f jo in ing hi s father upon the bo rders o f Bri ttany, had m arched

to Pari s . T here the s tandard o f revo l t was firs t rai sed ; and

Par i s took her fi rs t le sson in the art of conqueri ng her king .

A message cam e from the e lder bro ther,Lo thai r, in I taly , that

he was onh i s way to France, to put h im se lf at the head of the

A. D . 829.

A.D . 8 30.

2 R ather m o re thanAlam annia—terram Alam annicam et R edicam e t

partem aliquam Burgundiae . T hegan, o. c. 35.

2 E inhard , a . a. 8 2 9 Ann. Fu la’. a .a. N ithard,o. c. i . 3 (Pertz , ii .

Annales Bertiani. a .a . (Pertz , v ol. i p . 4 2 3 )Ann. fileltens . 830 (P. i. 336) cf . Pertz , Leg . i. 368 .

O UTBR E A K OF TH E R E BE LLI O N . 2 49

m alc ontents . Lew i s’

s troops we re fal l ing away and he cou ld

no t rely ontho s e that rem ained . Pippin m arc h ed from Pari s

to O rleans and from O rleans to V erberie? T he m ini ster who

had abused the c onfidence of the em pero r was arrai gned, and

anon he and Judi th were openl y accu sed o f adu l tery . Bernard

fled to hi s ownc o unty ? T he em press,seek ing refuge at Laon,

was se i zed , fo rc ed to take the ve i l , and th ru s t into a convent

at Poic tiers ; and Lew i s was so lem nly depri ved of the ins ignia

of hi s power .

And now Lo thai r cam e from I taly , jo i ned fo rces with h i sbro ther, and to ok the lead of the revo l t . T he rebe l s hadm i ssed C ount Be rnard , b trt they se i zed and im pri soned his

bro ther H erebert—ac c o rd ing to one au tho ri ty they pu t out hi s

eyes and all that sum m er Lew i s was em pero r only innam e.3

T he rebe l l ionwas a Frenc h one, hatched by the Lat in- speak

ing subjects o f the em pero r. T he Germ ans had no part init ;nor had the younger Lewi s , the younges t of Irm ingard

’

s sons .By him

,fo llowed by all the fai thfu l Germ ans and

Saxons , the em pero r was presently resto red ; and

at a c ounc i l he ld at N ym uegen he seem ed to haverecovered h is fo rm er greatness? But next year

,

wh i le Pippinhad sto len away from C ourt,5 news cam e that th i s

sam e Lewi s had broken i nto C harles’s kingdom o f Alamanniaand was harrying i t w i th fire and swo rd .

6 Befo re long all the

three sons o f Lew i s were i n revo l t together,and we

find them ly ing in that great plai n o f the Upper

R hine which has been so often the battle—ground betweendifferent nat ional i t ies and d ifferent c reeds . T he em pero r wasat Worm s , st i l l i t seem s tru st ing m o re to hi s ‘German subjects

A.D . 830.

A.D . 831 .

A.D . 833 .

2 N ithard, i. 3 cf : Palgrave , N orm . ana'E ngl. i. 2 82 .

2 N ithard, l. c.3 N ithard, l. c.

4 T hegan, 37 (P. 11. Anon. Vit. 36.

5 An. Bert. a . a 83 2 [83 1] (P. ii. 6 An. Bert. a. a. Anon. 47.

2 59 C I VIL WA R .

than to the Franks albe i t Lew i s the Germ an was now upon

the s ide of the rebel s .

What i s of mo s t s ignificance i s that Pope Grego ry was

al so here,having hu rried up from I taly

,professedly to ac t

the par t o f a peacem aker betweenthe r ival arm ies? real ly i t i sbel ieved tam pering with the im pe rial so ld iers in the i n tere st s

o fhis im m ediate lo rd, Lo thai r . At las t a sham efu l day arrived

which hi sto ry s ti l l rem em bers—wh en we see the Im perial

arm y all drawn up‘ i n a plain be tweenBasle and S trassbu rg

,

’2

the plain o f C o lm ar,and the rebel arm y oppo s i te, and wh en

present ly the unhappy Lew i s finds that h i s so ldie rs are desert

i ng to the enem y as fas t as the i r legs wrll carry th em ; unt il at

las t he i s obl iged to say, inhi s kindness o f heart, D o not stay

w i th m e . D o not be the las t to desert m e,le st you get into

trouble w i th you r newmas ters .’

Inm em o ry o f which sc ene o f

treachery the fie ld was cal led the Fie ld of Lies (Liigenfeld)3

eve r after—ubi plnrim orum fia’elitas extincta est

,for there died

the fai th of m any a subj ec t . ’4

T his , then was i n the m i dsum m er of A. D . 833 . O ne year

befo re th i s , far away in the wes t,T horgisl and hi s great royal

flee t had c om e to Ire land and the m enwere engaged in sad

ravag : o f all the ho ly p lac es there,plundering R athi

’

n,

C londalk in, and the res t . T hi s year,too

,E cgberht i n E ngland

was sum m oning h i s ‘Witan’to consu l t upon the defence s o f

the kingd o m . And he was not too soon,for the attack on

S heppey fo l lowed two years after. And,as i t c hanc ed , fo l low

ing alm o s t im m ediate ly upon the scene at the C o lm ar plain,

the northern troubles began onc e m o re uponthe C ont inent, aswe Shal l have presently to relate . N ay, we m ay take th i s as the

2 Ann. Fu la’. a. a. Ann. X au i. a. a.

2 T hegan, o .c. 4 2 (Pertz , 11. Anon. V ita .

3 C am pus m entitus, Ann. Bert . (P. i. 4 2 6) C am pu s m endacn, Thegan.

4 T hegan, l

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2 52 C I VIL WAR .

now em peror, rece i v ing ambassado rs from far and near, from

the S lavonic provinces, from the Greek em pero r . S om e,no

doubt, had set out wh i le Lew i s was st i l l uponthe throne ?

T here was no pr inciple o f po l icy gove rning the different

part ies in these revo l t s—each was for him se l f, and chao s

seemed come agai n ; wherefo re it has no t been nece ssary

for u s to fo l low in detai l the early years of th i s c iv i l war.

But let us no te one saving featu re through i t all, the extrem e

re luctance oneithe r si de to shed C hri stian blood . O ne l i ttle

spurt of actual battle (the fi rst i n th i s c ontes t) m arks the

proceedings of the next year , when Pippin and

Lewi s of Germ any were once m o re ranged upon

the side of the i r father and Lo thai r was onc e m o re depo sed 2

H e re t i red into I taly with the leaders of his party,Matfrid

,

C ount of O rleans , and Wala,the Abbo t

,once o f

C o rbie, now of Bobb io .3 E ven there he did not

fee l himself secu re, but set to wo rk to fo rt i fy the passes o f

the Alp s .

A.D . 836.

A.D . 834.

A.D . 835.

H eaven itself seem ed to pronounce hi s gu i l t .

H e was pro strated by a dange rou s fever . 4 We

shall see how m any t im es the pes ti lent ial air of I taly revenged

i tself upon the desc endants of her c onquero r,C harlem agne .

It was no ted how m any of Lo thai r’

s tru sted counse l lo rs—or,

as the im per ial par ty wou ld have said, ch ief au tho rs of all the

troubles of the realm - fel l ill at the sam e t im e . S o m e died ,as did Wala and Matfrid.

5 T he one was the greates t states

Ann. Bert. Astron. 49.

Ann. Bert. (P. i. N ithard (P. 11. Anon. 52 ; T hegan,52

-

55 It was real ly l ittle m o re thana sk i rm ish , though N 1thard speaks ofan‘ innum erable m u lt itude ’

as having fal len.

3 Agobard of Lyons and E bbo o f R he im s we re depr ived of thei r sees inA. D . 835 (Anon. V i ta . c . 54 Bert. s .a .

4 T hegan, add. (P. ii.5 T hegan, 55 Lantbert and H ugo d . 837 ; Ann. F.

FALL OF LO TH A IR . 2 53

m an,the o ther the m o st d i st ingu i shed general , i n the party o f

Lo thair.T he em pero r wou l d doubtless have pu rsu ed his

son st i l l farther,bu t

,by a strange co incidence, the

V ikings stepped in i n the N o rth and obl iged Lew i s the Pious

to pau se inh is m arch towards Italy . For the last three yearsthe D ane s had been harry ing in Fri sia ? T hi s year they fel l w i thgreat fury upon WalcherenI sland and onD orstad—that rich andtem pting town—plundered i t, and burnt a great part? Lew i s

was com pe l led to abandon hi s I tal ian e xpedi tion and to

c o l lec t troops to defend the north . H e h im se lf hu rried up

to N ym uegen, whenc e he cou ld see the fi res of the D an ish

devastat ion.3 But the V iki ngs had not yet grown so bo ld as

to hazard anengagem ent w i th the em pero r in person ; and as

Lew i s advanc ed they retreated , re tu rned to the i r ships,and

sai led away i n safety. But they had saved the fate of Lo thair .

A.D . 83 7 .

For those who ch iefly governed the po l i cy of Lewis,Judith ,

the em press, m o s t o f all,had obj ec ts m o re near at heart than

the diffic u l t and pro fitless task of c rushing the K ing of I taly ?

T he provi s ions o f the C harter D ivisionis had been long ago

set as ide w i th the c onsent even of the m aj o ri ty of the fi rs tfom entors o f the rebe l l ion m ade for i t s m aintenance and at

every fre sh retu rn o f the e lder Lew i s to power the portionof C harles the Bald in the em pire was increased . Pippinwas presently induc ed to consent to the endowment of

2 T he bu rnt Antwerp and Witla ontheMeuse A .Fu la’. andA . X ant.835

- 6.

2 Ann. Bert. Fu la'. Xant. 837 .

3 Astron. 836 T hegan,add. (Pertz , 11.

4 C] : Ann. Bert. a a. 836.

C harles w i th a po rtion of N eu stria ? At the sam e

t im e hi s father, the em pero r,girt C harles w i th a

swo rd,in token of h i s hav i ng arrived at m anhood (he was

now fifteen), and he himse lf placed a c rown upon C harles’s

head?But Lew i s and Lo thai r had been no part ie s to th i s arrange

m ent, and next year there were rum ou rs of a m eet ing be tween

the two bro thers i n the Alp ine passes . 3 Befo re long Lewi s

was openly in arm s once m o re . H e probably looked for the

support of hi s bro the r , but i t never cam e ; so he had to give

way, and see h im self robbed of S axony,whic h for som e t im e

past had fo rm ed a po rt ion of hi s Germ an kinnm,and wh ich

C harles now rece i ved in addit ion to the fai res t po rt ions o f

Francia—the douce France ’o f the Cnansons a’e G este. And

these arrangem ents had scarc e ly beenc om ple ted wh en Pippin

of Aqu i taine, the second son o f the em pero r, died? H e left

beh ind him a son of the sam e nam e , beau t ifu l, w i ld , and

fearles s, not only the natu ral su cc esso r to hi s father,bu t a

natu ral king am ong the people of the country where h i s fathe r

had ruled—ipsis B fiéernis II iOernzor—mo re qu ick,m ore tur

bu lent and brave, than the Aqu i tanians them se lves . N eve r

theless,Lew i s the em pero r refu sed to rat ify Pippin’s c laim

he was not fi t,he said

,to ru le ; and young C harles

,s ti l l

scarc e ly seventeen , no t m o re than one year o lder than t h i ssecond Pipp in , had Aqu i tai ne added to h i s vas t do m ai ns .

At th i s new i nju s t ice Lew i s the Germ an ro se onc e m o re in

loud,active res i s tanc e and com plaint . H e

,shorn of half h i s

power, was to see h i s young’

bro ther w i th such a Benjam in

po rt ion of two kingdom s . I t was not safe to have bo th the

A.D . 838 .

2 N ithard, 6 (P. 11. 653 where is g iven in exact detai l the te rr ito ryassigned to C har les.

2 N ithard, l. c .3 Ann. Bert . Ann. Fu la’. 838 (T rent).

4 N ithard, i. 8 Ann. Fu la’. a .a. (N o v . ) Ann. Bert. (D ec .) Anon. V ita

(Jan. , T he co rrect date is D ecem be r .

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2 56 C I VIL WAR .

his Germ an troops,and de term ined to try the fo rtune of

war befo re’

he wou ld subm i t to such a spo l iat ion. H is fathe r,

Lew i s,feeble as he was

,prepared onh i s s ide to bu c kle on hi s

armour. H e tu rned firs t to Aqu i taine,which he soonreduc ed

to an apparent subm i ss ion; then—w e ighed down though he

was w i th t rouble and disease , if no t w i th years—he traversedwith unexam pled c e ler i ty the who le breadth of Frankland to

com e to the encounter wkh Lewi s . T he em pero r cou ld hardly

be acc ounted old ; he was no t mo re than si xty - two . But h i s

sp iri t was broken . It had long left the wo rld . Better had i t

been for all if he had ret i red from i t who lly after the death of

Irm ingard for no th ing but evi l had resu l ted from the second

m arriage.

Mu s ing sad thoughts l ike these,snatch ing long hou rs for

praye r and penanc e wh ich were due to rest,stung in h is

tenderes t hum an affec t ions by the undut i fu lness o f hi s chi ldren,and wounded on the sp ir i tual s i de by the treachery of many

am ong the ecc les iast ic s whom he had de l ighted to honou r,what tie now bound the em pero r to l ife ? C ou ld even hi s

consc ience ac qu i t him,enslaved as he had becom e to the

am bi t ion of Judi th and to an unj u s t and exc lus ive tenderness

for h i s younges t son? If young Lewis,the m o s t h ones t and

hi therto the m o st fai th fu l o f all his sons , were inarm s,did the

fault lie chiefly at h i s doo r Bu t st i l l Lou i s the Piou s was the

sono f C harlem agne ; and though som e of these thoughts m u s t

have sat heavi ly upon him ,he did not pau se in h is advance ,

nor relax i n h i s effo rts to assem ble anarm y large enough to

cru sh the hopes of Lew i s the Germ an ; and when the fu l l im

perial power was put fo rth . t reason cou ld st i l l only peep to what i t

wou ld . S o soon, therefo re , as he saw hi s fathe r approach ing,

Lewis the Germ anretreated farther eastward into the S lavonian

marches, where he was prac t ical ly unreac hable, and lay there in

wait for better days .

D E A TH O F LE WI S TH E PI O US . 2 57

T he em pero r,on hi s s ide , s tayed his advance . H e had

al ready c ro ssed the R hine and he nowpau sed by one o f tho setrans-R henine fo rtresses wh ich owed the i r o rigin to the con2

quests of hi s father and grandfather,and were am ong the mo s t

speak ing m em o rial s of the ac t ivi ty and achievem ents of the

early C arl ing princes . T h i s one was at a passage of the Mainecalled

,from som e c i rc um stance now fo rgo tten

,the Franks’

fo rd—Frankfurt . From be ing a m i l i tary outpo st,a m arch

be tweenheathen and C h rist ian lands,it -had now grownto be

the seat o f an im perial palac e as we l l as a central m arke t forthese di stricts

,and was de s t ined to becom e one of the great

m arts of the world . At th i s plac e Lewis was attacked by anacu te ac ces s o f h i s c onsum ption; he cou ld take no nou ri shm ent, and soon appeared to be rapidly s inking . H e m ade a

backward m ovem ent to the R h ine , which he had not long leftand as the sum m er season was ju st com i ng on

,he o rdered a

shel ter to be erec ted for him upon one of the islands which thes tream m akes i n i ts rap id cou rse after i t has beenswo llen wi ththe waters o f the N eckar and the Mai ne

,ju s t where i t leaves the

sunny R heingm to pl unge into i t s narrower channe l lowerdown—that i sland fam i l iar enough to the m odern tou ri st asthe Pfalz Insel

,whe re ano ther im perial Lewis, Lew i s of

Bavaria,som e five hundred years later

,bu i l t the castle from

which i t takes i ts nam e. H ere Lewis m ight see the s to rksfly ing no rthwards to the i r sum m er hom es, the c rane and the

bittern fi sh ing in the pool s,the hawks hovering above the

woods which darkened the banks one i ther side, and bes ide all

l i stento the constant m urm u r of the ru sh ing stream . It was

the season when in fo rm er years he wou l d have been hunting

in woods l ike these , near fam i l iar Ingelhe im or pleasant C om

piegne . N ow all th i s was passed . T here was bu t a littlet im e left now to m ake h is peace w i th H eaven and leave hislast injunc t ions for the o rdering o f hi s earthly kingdom . H is

1 8

2 58 C I VIL WAR .

thought s st i l l dwe l t uponthe welfare o f C harles,h i s B enjam in

,

and be c om m ended him —ao ev il c h o ic e— to the pro tec ti ono f

Lo thai r . T ru s t no t to th i s R euben,oh Benjam in tru s t rather

to th ine own valou r and the co unse l s o f th ine undaunted

m o ther,Judit h o f Al tdo rf

And on th i s p fal z i sland , upon a S unday m o rning , the m id

sum m er ev e2o f the year 84 0 , su rrounded by som e o f h i s

favou ri te ec c les iast ic s,

m unz,

’fo r tified

,

’

as the R om an

C ath o l ic s say, w i th the last sac ram ent o f the C hurch, died

Lewi s the Piou s,the th i rd kingly C arlovingian

R ex H ludov icu s, pietatis tantu s am icusQuod piu s a popu lo , dic tur et titu lo .

V .

With the death of Lew i s d ied the C arl ing E mpire , after i t s

short l i fe of fo rty years , du ring the las t teno f wh ich i t,l ike

i ts representat ive , had beenal ready stricken by a fatal di sease .

T he spi ri t of dom inion, the s table sou rce o f all power,which

had res ted upon the h elm e t of the Pippins and C harleses of

old days, and seem ed to fo l low i n the c ou rse o f the H ou se o f

H eristal, shook its w ings and fled from,the i r desc endant s

never to re tu rn . T he m aj esty o f the Frankish nam e vani sh ed

too . T he Germ an race s—the barbarians—who had so o ften

s ided w i th the em pero r when the Franks were uni ted to

oppo se him , and had by the i r seried phalanxes overawedthe i r fo rm e r m as ters

,fe l t them se lves free . N ow that Lew i s

was dead,they were a ready prize to any one who cho se to

take th em i n h i s hand .

And the you nger Lewi s who had so long be en king o f

Bavaria, and had i dentified him se lf w i th Germ an thoughts

and ways, and who for a sh ort t im e had been inthe fu l l sense

a king of the Germ an nat ional i t ies,was ready to do th i s .

2 Ann. B . Field. N ithard, June 2 8 cf . Palgrave,o. c. i. 308

—9.

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260 C I VIL WA R .

jeers, more espec ially am ong h i s o riginal ones,the Bavar ians ,

he was a w i se and succ essfu l ru ler ; h i s suc cess i s w i tne ssed by

the u nswerving attachm ent o f th i s peop le to him through

good and evi l fo rtune ; and he was him se lf of anundaunted

and constant sp i r i t.

C harle s, the half-bro ther,was as yet only seventeen

,h is

charac ter scarc e ly fo rm ed . H i sto ry has generally been severe

upon hi s mem o ry . But su re ly our sym path ies canno t be

want ing for the unhappy you th,su rrounded by so m any

enemies,dest ined to such hard struggle s through all the years

of his long re ign, and never (desp i te hi s m any weaknesses

and many fai lu res) who l ly giving way and despai r ing of the

republ i c. T he fourth of these fou r sp iri ts o f disc o rd was

the younger Pipp in, whom a great part of the Aqu i tai ne

nob il ity, all the people of S ou th Aqu i taine, st i ll acknow ~

ledged as the i r r ightfu l k ing, though Aqu i tai ne was c ounted

among the dom in ions of C harle s the Bald .

T he m aster - s troke i n Judi th’s po l i cy befo re the death of

her hu sband lay in the fac t that she had cont r ived to hand

over to Lo thai r the lands wh ich had been taken from Lew i s,

instead of leaving them wi th her own son C harles . H ad

Lo thai r been sec u re of hi s po s i t ion he wou ld have cared li ttle

abou t the struggle be tween h i s younger bro th e rs , exc ept, i t m ay

be, to wai t unt il they had weakened each o ther,and then, if

poss ible, step in and take all he cou ld from bo th ; and if

Lewis and C harle s had been left face to face the fo rm er wou ldhave m ade qu ick wo rk o f the latter . S t i l l

,so obviou s seem ed

the m o t i ves wh ich u rged the two sons of Irm ingard to an

al l iance, that to a di spass ionate onlooker C harles’s m o s t probable dest iny wou ld have seem ed a sho rt shrift

,or at leas t an

early depo s i t ion . It was Lo thai r'

s arrogance and Lew i s’

s se lfseeking which saved him . Lo thai r was i n I taly wh en the

old em pero r d ied ; Lewis, as we have seen, had been driven

TR I UMPH AL PR O G R E S S OF LO TH AIR .

i nto Bavaria ? Befo re hi s e lder bro ther had t im e to cro ss the

Alps and arrive i n the m iddle kingdom , Lew i s had once m o re

c o l lec ted hi s troops , had entered Alam annia and laid s iege

to Wo rm s ; and thenc e,leaving the bes ieging arm y in the

c harge of hi s general s,had cro ssed into S axony to gai n

the adh erence o f that nat ion . Meanwhile Lo thai r appeared

no rth o f the Alps,and m ade a trium phant progress through

the m iddle kingdom to Aix,whe re he rece i ved the hom age of

m o st o f the m o s t d i st ingu i shed of hi s fathe r’s vassal s . T hey

had no reason for w i thho ld ing th i s hom age ; for had not

Lo thai r been de signated by Lew i s as h i s succ esso r,and had

no t all the m iddfe kingdom,i ncluding Fri s ia onone s ide, and

m o st of Provenc e with Bu rgundy upo n the o ther,been set apart

for him ? T h u s we find,am ong o the r of the fai thfu l fo llowers

o f Lew i s the E m pero r , hi s half-bro ther D rogo o f Mai nz do ing

hom age to the e ldes t son; and H ildwin too readi ly cam e overto the party of Lo thai r whenhe m ade h i s appearanc e west o f theMeu se ? Lo thai r was so overjoyed at the ovat ion he rece i vedthat he scarc ely c onc ealed hi s c laim s to pre- em inence over h i s

bro thers .And now fo llowed a tediou s period of m arch ing and

c ounter-m arching and o f endless nego t iat ions , which , however ,have a s ign ificanc e o f t h e i r own. In all th is long rival rys inc e 830 , a s tate o f th ings which was real ly civi l war

,there

had be en sca z c ely any blood yet shed . O ne engagem ent inwh ich C ount O do o f O rleans had fal len under the attack o f

Lo thai r’

s adhere nts,the brave and succ essfu l Lam bert and

Matfrid,was abo u t the only blo odshed which these ten long

years of s tr ife had to acknowledge . I do not thereforesuppo se that i t was due to m e re personal tiinidity on the

part of Lo thai r that, when he found him self drawn up in

2 N ithard, 11. 1 (P. 11. 2 N ithard, 11. 3.

2 62 C I VIL WAR .

battle array,now O ppo s i te Lew i s onthe R h ine

,now oppo s i te

C harles by the Lo i re,he pu t o ff the dreadfu l arb i trem ent o f

blood , and on each oc cas ion m ade a tem po rary tru ce . I t

was not want o f personal c o u rage,I im agine ; bu t i t was

certainly want o f reso lu tion and fo re s ight . Lo thair hoped , no

doubt,that the s ight o f hi s own pre em inent po s i t ionwou ld

draw away from Lew i s and C harles the i r few adherents,and

that w i th a blo odless v ic to ry the fu l l im perial power which

h i s father had swayed wo u l d so onbe h is . 1 H e did no t (andth i s i s the harde st thing in the wo rld to do) re ckon w i th the

change of the t im es . H e did no t see how far the different

po rt ions of the em p ire had dr ifted apart du r ing these las t ten

years of s truggle ; how hatefu l to the Germ ans was the

suprem acy of the Franks ; how l i tt le love o f uni ty th erere igned in any part o f the em pire . E verywhere had sprung

Up the dem and for hom e ru le . H alf of the Aqu i tanians

wou ld,if they cou ld

,have th e i r own king Pippin; bu t they

wou ld rather be j o ined w i th N eu stria than w i th the who lehe terogeneou s em pire wh ich Lew i s the Piou s had gove rned .

S o the fo rces wh ich Lo thai r deem ed wou ld be wo rking for

him were inreal i ty m aking fatally against h i s hope s .

Meant im e he was h es i tat ing . H e tu rned fi rs t to Germ any,

and cam e face to fac e w i th Lewi s’

s arm y , a forc e far inferio r

to h i s own. Bu t he did no t s tr ike qu ickly and str ik e hard ;rather he preferred a truce for s ix m onths and thenhe tu rned

westward towards N eu stria.

2 T h ereupon all C harles ’s king

dom no rth o f the Lo i re seem ed to fal l from him . In the

sou th o f Aqu i tai ne , too , he had h i s neph ew Pipp in in arm s .H is case seemed hopeless . But C harles wo u ld nor res ignwithou t a s truggle ; and, collec t ing such anarm y as he c ou ld

,

he m arched against Lo thai r, and m et him near O rleans . 3

Cf: N ithard, 11. 4 and 7 .

2 N ithard, 11. I .

3 Id. 11. 4 .

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264 C IVIL WAR .

were m arshal led upon one s ide or the other. For

Pipp in was onhi s way from Aqu i tai ne wi th a c on

t ingent to the army of Lo thai r. H ad at last the long years of

di sturbance com e to th i s,that C hri s t ians and subj ec ts o f the

sam e empire were about to fly at each o ther’s t h roats in a

death -wrest le ? Lewi s and C harles cou ld no t qu i te persuadethemse lves that there was no al ternat ive . As the i r father hadalways done

,even when inoverwhelm ing super io ri ty

,they had

recou rse fi rs t to peacefu l nego t iat ions . T hey offered to m akeanequi table part i t ion o f the countries north of the Alps intothree po rt ions, and Lo thai r, when the part i t ion was m ade

,was

to choo se hi s own share . H e wou ld,i n addit ion

,have had

I taly,which had always been h i s kingdom . As the event

proved i t was no unfai r o ffe r. But now i t was Lo thai r whorefu sed all overtu res of peace . T o him i t seem ed that hec ou ld eas i ly break the power of his bro thers . N evert h ele ss

he lengthened ou t the pourparlers to gi ve t im e for the arr ival

o f young Pippin, who was m arch ing from Aquitaine .

I And

nego t iat ions were s t i l l proceeding when Lo thai r heard of the

approach o f hi s al ly ; whereupon he suddenl y broke up his

cam p and fel l a day’s march to the rear towards the Lo i re

,

and th i ther h i s bro thers fo llowed him w i th what speed they

m ight . T hey encam ped at T u ry,

2 near Auxerre . T ru th to

tel l , Lewis’

s rapid m arch from the R hine to C halons hadalm o s t worn out h is i nfantry.

T he place where the bro thers final ly found Lothair eh

c am ped was in that pleasant undu lat ing c ountry ju st wherethe higher land o f the C ote d’

O r slopes away toward the great

central plai n of France . It i s the m odern departm ent o f

Yonne , a region wel l shu t in on three side s by ri vers ; for on

the north is the S e ine, and on the south the Lo i re ; on the

A.D . 841 .

N ithard, 11. lo. Tauriacus.’Ibid.

TH E BA T TLE OF FO N TE N O Y. 2 65

east i s the Yonne, which em pt ies i t s waters into the S e ine .

T he country i s all divided up into l i ttle valleys, every one of

which has i t s own stream flowing to swel l the waters of one

or o ther of the larger ri vers . H ence there are a greatnum ber of places i n the ne i ghbou rhood cal led Fontaines

,

Fontenoy, Fontenay, Fontenai l les : one of which was now to

gain i t s niche in h isto ry . V ery famou s i s th i s field o f

Fontenailles, orFontenoy,I i n the annal s of E uropean hi sto ry ;

far m ore so than that m odern battle -place, the Fontenoy i n

Belgium,where we got our beat ing at the hands of Marshal

Saxe . Upon the high road be tween C ogne and Yoigny, a

little after you have passed S aint S auveu r, you m ount the hil l

o f Fontaines , and there oppo s ite you s tands Fontenoy, s tanding pleasantly am ong i ts woods and farm s and o rchards—intho se days no doubt i ts woods were m uch thicker than they

are now. T he stream which runs through the val ley , wh ich

befo re the sum m er sundown of the 2 5th of June, 84 1 , was torun red enough , swel l s the waters of the O uanne , a tributaryo f the Yonne .

Battles in tho se days , when strategy was considered a sorto f knavery, often partook of the honou rable charac ter of thedue l . It was m o re espec ial ly appropriate that th is one shou ld doso , becau se i t was

‘

fought between kinsm enand nat ions of thesam e rel igion, the same civi l i zat ionand governm ent . Wherefo rethe prev iou s day Lew i s and C harle s had sent a so lem n defianceto Lo thai r ; and th i s field of Fontenoy had been fixed upon

as the fie ld o f battle .

It was very early onthe m orning of the 2 5th of June, 84 1 ,that the two al l ied arm ie s left the i r po s i t ions . Lew i s and

C harles cam e from T u ry , where the i r cam p stood . T hey

took stand with one wing upon the brow o f the hil l, but with

Fontaneum . Ibid.

2 66 CIVIL WAR .

the great body of the i r army in the val ley . In the latter

port ion stood nearly all the troops o f C harles’s com m and,the

western Franks,namely , from the Maas to the Lo i re

, and the

no rthern Aqu i tanians . H ere the al l ied bro thers m ade a hal t

t i l l e igh t o’c lock

,al low ing th i s one m o re brief m om ent to

hopes of peace . But Lo thai r had no thoughts o f peac e . H e ,

inhis tu rn,cam e advanc ing along the h ill to engage the tro ops

o f Lew i s, while h i s nephew Pi ppin m arched u p the val ley

agai nst tho se of C harles . N ow that the t im e for hes i tat ion

was over Lothai r d i splayed the Sp i r i t o f h is ancesto rs . H ail

there been tenm enas go od as he i n the uni ted army ’ i t would

not have given way. But the great s tress o f battle lay be tween

C harles and Pippin, m o re espec ial ly upon the extrem e w ing

of C harles’s army which was com m anded by C o unt Adal

hard. H ere Frenchm en and the m en o f no rthern Aqu i tainefought again st the sou thern Aqui tanians and Gascons . And

here the slaughter was terrible . T he greater part of the

nobi l i ty of Aqu i taine peri shed in th i s battle . Finally , am i d

the awfu l carnage, firs t Pipp in’s army from the val ley,then

Lo thai r and hi s arm y from the he igh t, were pu shed back and

back t ill they broke and ro l led away i n hopeless fl ight .

Lewis and C harles d id not pu rsue,‘wish ing to spare C hri s t ian

blood ’

; perhaps al so becau se the i r so ldiers were too fat igued

after the i r m idsum m er—day’s wo rk . And the two bro thers spent

the next day, S unday, c o l lect ing the dead,s inging the i r T e

D eaws too,perhaps

,if they had the heart to do so . Bu t i t

was no occasion for trium ph . O n that fie ld,for the firs t t im e ,

two great armies drawn from the subj ec t s o f the newWestern

Empire m et i n civi l com bat . In Lew i s’s trouble s w i th h i s

sons there had beenno s ingle great engagem ent . C hri st ians

shrank from drawing the blo od o f C hri st ians, subj ects o f the

empire, the blood of fel low- subj ects . But here thi s feel ingwas laid aside .

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2 68 CIVIL WAR .

m aking,if he cou ld

,Bri ttany onc e m o re an i ntegral po rt ion o f

his kingdom. But beyond th i s ano ther wo rk lay ahead for

Lo thai r and C harles—for tho se two e spec ial ly : the task and

m eans of guard ing the i r sea-c oast s again st the fleets o f the

N o rthm en,whom we m ay be su re had not watched w i th in

d ifference the new t roubles wh ich were growing round the

em pire from day to day.

C H APT E R IX .

R AID S IN TH E FR A N K /S H E MPIR E .

A. D . 834—845.

T H E outbreak of the civil war inthe Frankish E mpire whichlasted eleven years from Pippin

’

s first r i s ing to the battle of

Fontenoy,was a signal o f hope no do ubt to all the enem ies of

the Franks , to all on whom the i r ru le pressed heavi ly, or

who fe l t the danger of the i r advance . In m arsh r Frisia and

m ountainou s Bri ttany,i n the Gascon lands bo

i

idering the

Pyrenees, or where C ount Bernard was try ing to raise h imself

a separate state i n G o thia, by the sho res of the Mediterranean

and by the sho res o f the Bal t i c, the clang o f arms in thatfratricidal confl ic t was as a cal l to try one m o re s troke for

independence or conque st . And not'

the leas t was i t this tothe cham pions of heathendom who had for m any years watched

w i th increas ing dread the growth o f the C arl ing E m p i re . I t

was seventy years s ince C harlem agne’s Franks firs t woke the

echoes i n the S axon fo rests , nearly sixty since Widukind had

had to c om e i n and be baptized ; and S iegfred, hi s pro ti oto r ,m igh t say,

‘N ow m y turn wi ll com e .

’It was th i rty years

si nce the bo lder Godfred had hu rled h i s fleet upon the Fri s ian

coast and gathered anarm y wh ich he designed shou ld mee t the

2 70 R AID S IN T H E FR AN K I S H E MPIR E .

ho sts of C harlem agne . N ow at las t the t i de o f Franki shconquest, which had advanced so far

,seem ed to have fai rly

begunto ro l l back .

Amid the hurly of the su ic idal war within the em pi re all

ant i - C hri st ian fo rces appeared to ri se to fresh l ife .

Who wou ld have dream ed that th ere s ti l l lay a

s trong heathen par ty in S axony,the land which had been so

fai thful to the piou s Lewis, onwhich his wife Jud i th seem ed tohave special c laim s ? Yet su ch was the case . T he partycal led itse lf the party of the S z‘dlz

'

nga ,orS t icklers—s ticklers for

old O bservances,old m e thods o f land tenu re m o re espec ially.

I

T he Franki sh c onques t had i ntroduc ed Frankish cu stom s i nto

S axony,and w i th them a new terri tor ial nobi l i ty founded ona

principle analogou s to the m edim val one o f vassalage, or

contain ing, let u s say, the germ of that pri nciple . I t was

principal ly o f the Franki sh sys tem o f land tenu re that thefeudal i ty o f the M iddle Ages was the ou tgrow th .

2 And the

i ntrodu c t ionof that system i nto S axony was the destruction, orleas tways the m enac e , of the free al lodial tenu re which t i l l then

obtained . N o wonder, the re fo re, that there was the party of

S t icklers who were al so the party o f the or free

ho lders,and of the peasants oppo sed to the adel ,

the E d/zelz'

ngz'

(nobles) who he ld the i r land on Frankish

princ i ples .

T he ade l were natu ral ly favou rable to the Frankish ru le, and

A.D . 841.

I N ithard, iv . 2 sq. (Pertz , 11. Ann. X ant. a. 84 1 (P. 11. It is

the fo rm er of these only who dwe l ls m uch on the fear of a retu rn to

heathenism in S axony . Cf . Ann. Bert. (Prudentius) a .a. 84 1 (Pertz , i .437

-8) and V ita S . Lebuini (P. ii.2 Acco rd ing to Fustel de C ou lange , in his latest wo rk L

’Alleu , the

Frank ish land system , wh ich was eventual ly the feudal , m anorz'

al system ,

was inherited from the R om ans.

S ee also D ahn, D eu tsc/z e G erm . ii. on d ecay of yeom an c lassam ong G erm ans unde r the C arl ings and r ise ofnobi l ity by se rvice—com z tes.

T he sam e process went oninE ngland after the V iking era.

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2 72 R A ID S [N TH E FR AN K JS H E MPIR E .

N o rthm en of the Bal t ic beganto pou r into the regions furth e r

sou th, into that unknown te rri to ry wh ich to the N o rthm en

generally was s im ply ‘fo re ign land ’

( Vallafm’

) or to m any

was st il l part o f the vast R om an E m pi re,R om arz

’

iez'

,R om éef'g.

O nly a few,a very few hardy m ariners had explo red i t s

coast s . Godfred had hurled hi s fleet against Friesland .

T here i s some s ign of ano the r fleet i n very early days

m aking through the Engli sh C hannel and round as far as

Aquitai ne I T hen there was that fleet which in Lew i s

the Piou s’

day fi rs t attacked Fri s ia,afterward s the S e ine m ou th ,

and final ly plundered a l i t tle town upon the Aqu i taine coas t . 2

T hi s i s all that befo re the ou tbreak of the civilwar had been

at tempted again st V alland itself.R ound the i slands o f the N orth S ea, round Great Bri tain and

I re land , round the O rkneys,the S hetlands, the H ebrides and

the Faroes there dwe l t not the sam e m yster iou s dread . O n

them the V iking fu ry had al ready burs t . But from the

C ont inent i tse lf the wave had passed away . H ere i n the

em pi re of.

Lewis m en had too m uch to th ink of to tu rn the i r

eyes to far away I re land . N o doubt m onks and pries ts began

to come thence to France , and they had s to r ies to te l l o f whatthefuror [Vorm rm norum was l ike . But at hom e allwas yet safe,and it i s easy to forge t troubles wh ich have never yet found youat hom e .

T hat one abortive—or alm o st abo rt ive—attack ( i n 8 2 0)on Fri sia

, on the S e ine lands,and final ly on the

Aqu i taine coas t—it was a m atter not wo rth th inkingof, no th ing s ide by s ide w i th the glo riou s convers ionof H araldand the interpo s i t ion of the em pero r inthe D ani sh civi l war.

And then there were the m i s s ionary effo rts—Anscar’s fam ou s

journey almo s t to the ends of the earth,and the bu i lding of a

A.D . 820.

Ante , p. 150 , no te P. 2 33 .

E AR L Y R AID S . 2 73

chu rch there on Bi rca Island . T hi s m i ssion to Swedenhad taken place , by the way, i n the sam e year as Pippin’s firs t

r is ing . S ince thenAnscar had re turned to Germany and been

rai sed h igh am ong the ec cles iast ic s i n the S axon cout try, first

as Bishop o f V erden, afterwards o f H amburg. T o him had

been e ntru s ted the care o f all the N o rthern m i s s ions, to theD anes, to the S wedes, to the S lavs—whic h he he ld conjointlyw i th the fam ou s E bbo o f R he im s . N ow,

inthe days when theFranks were having c i vi l war i n the i r owncountry , the D anes

had ended the i rs . O u t o f all the i r s laughterings H o rik hadsurvived as the representat ive of C harlem agne

’

s old enemy

Godfred, and'

reig ied at S chleswick no longer wi th anyfear o f the Franks upon hi s bo rders . And D anish sh ips nodoubt had al ready grownfami liar w i th the way to the coas t ofFri s ia and to the m ou th of the R h ine

,and up the R hine to the

rich D orstad, wh ic h was part of H arald ’s fief, where the pro

duce of the lo oms of Flanders was spread out to view,and

w ine m ay be from the vine - lands h igher up the r iver,where

the proud chu rches invi ted m ento prayer , and di splayed their

co st ly shrines invi t ing to o ther thoughts as we l l .

T o the m arke t-places o f D orstad, or along the banks of the

R hine spread the news of the ri s ing of one part of the empire

against ano ther part , o f the sons against the i r father,

final ly

o f the sham e of Lugenfeld, where died the faith of many a

Frank .

I t was one year after Lugenfeld, in the early autumn of

834 ,that m enbeheld a fleet of V iking ships—not

D ani sh m erchants these—which steered for the

country o f the R hine m ou th s . T hey came up one branch to

U trech t, Willibrord’s old see

,and th i s they plundered, and up

ano ther branch to D orstad, which they plundered likewise .

‘

A.D . 834.

1 Ann. Xant. a. a. 834 (Pertz , 11. Am z . Fu ldem es, a.a. 835(Pertz , i. Ann. Bert . a .a . 834 (Pe rrl , i.

1 9

2 74 R A ID S IN TH E FR A N K I S H E MPIR E .

D orstad, as we know,was H aral d’s town

,and H arald was s t i l l

a vas sal of the em pi re,and pro fessedly a C hri s t ian wherefo re

we m ight cal l thi s expedit ionthe las t wave of the D anish c ivi lwar

,or the fi rs t of V iking invas ion. We canno t te l l whe ther

i t was di rected m o st agai nst the em pire or agai nst H arald the

rival of K ing H o rik. But the C hri st ians were the suffere rs i n

any case . From th i s t im e the em pi re weakened and the

m i sery of the people i ncreased from day to day.

’

T he next year, and the next, and the next, the pirates revis i ted

the sam e terri to ries , plundering and bu rn ing,

carry ing o ff m en and wom en,and m aking the

Fri s ians pay them tribute .

I T hey cam e up‘

the S che ld to

Antwerp and bu rnt that town as they had bu rned Bo rs tad . T he

h eavens sent dreadfu l warn ings l ike to tho se fiery shapes which

had fo reto ld the firs t onse t o f the V ikings i n N o rthum bria fo rty

years ago . At las t the cry o f the people brought Lew i s to the

no rth . H e had been preparing to m ake an expedi t ion into

I taly to depo se Lo thai r—as we saw.iH e had to give up th i s

intent ion , to m arch up to N ym u egen, and drive the N o rthm en

for a moment from the prey onwhich they were fas tening . H e

saw the red fires of the i r ravages ; bu t they did not stay h i s

approach . All he cou ld do was to ho ld a counci l at N ym uegen

and consu l t abou t the m eans for defending these terri to ries .N e i ther Lew i s and hi s Franks uponthe one s ide , nor the

N orthm enthem se lve s upon the o the r,knew the dreadfu l pro

phecy contai ned in these early rai ds . T hey cou ld not see all

that lay i n the wom b o f Fate . E ngland , as I su rm i se , had as

yet been attacked only by V ikings from I re land,who se opera

t ions lay ou t side the sphere o f C ont inental po l i t ic s . JI su rm i se

A.D . 8 35—6—7 .

Ann. Xant. 835—6—7 ; Ann. Fu ld. 835

—839 ; Ann. Bert. 834 (Prudentins), 836, 838 . T he people o f C o logne we re so inc ensed at the repo rtof these o utrages that , in 836, they m assac red som e envoys o f H o r ik , thek ing o f Jutland , who happened to be inthe c ity ; Ann. C ole/z . ( P. i.

Munch m isdates th is event in830 , IV. F. H . ii. 395. S ee next note .

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2 76 R AID S I N TH E FR AN K I S H E MPI R E .

and, m ay we not be l ieve, learning to im prove the irart of navigat ion under the insp i rat ion of the

Frisian merchants and m ar iners, who had long been acquai nted

wi th the peri l s o f the N orth S ea. And i t was,m aybe

,due to

such im provem ent that we find them,i n 840 and

the fo l lowing year c ro ss ing o ve r to the oppo s i te

coast of England, to the

‘m arsh country

,

’as the chronicle

says,I that i s to say to the sou th of Li nco l n or the no rth of

E ast Angl ia. T hey sl ipped up the Wash and m ade th e i r wayinto the great inland lagoons which lay be tween E as t Angliaand Mercia. H ere they slew E aldo rm an H ereberht. T hey

ravaged in Lindsay and i n E ast Anglia and sou thwards i n the

coas t of K ent ? A who l ly new experienc e for the D ane s if,as

i s poss ible, th i s was the firs t expedi t ion whi ch cam e hi ther from

the E as t—the fi rs t expedi t ion,that i s to say, s i nce tho se very

early ones wh ich took place befo re the n inth c entu ry began.

T hose who cam e sou thward found E gberht no longer govern

ing the k ingdoms of Wessex and K ent, bu t hi s sonE thelwulf,

who succeeded in 8 38 or 839, a prince whom h i sto r ians have

been wont to speak of as aweak king suc c eeding a fam ou s s i re,

much what Lewi s the Piou s was c om pared w i th My father,

C harlem agne . T here i s perhaps l i ttle ground for thi s inference ?

S t i l l one canno t but fee l that som e of the events of E thelwulf’sre ign which brought grave dangers upon E ngland wou ld no t

have happened unde r E gberht. 4

In V alland (Franc e), m eant ime , Lewi s h im sel f had died ;and the fu l l fu ry o f civi l war had bu rs t fo rth . And when the

rumour thereof spread to the no rth, the V i kings prepared for

A.D .

A.D . 840

AS . C . 83 7, 838 . T h is is the second reco rded invasion of Englandinth is centu ry , that prec ed ing H engstone (A .D . 838) be ing the first .Acco rd ing to T heopold (If : z

'

z‘

z'

scke Untersncfiungnoer o’z

'

e Qu eZ/ender AS .

G erda ), Cnr. 83S = 84 I .

3 AS . C /zron. ibid .3 G reen

, C ong. of E ngland, pp . 73—4 .

4 Be low, C hapte r X II .

O S CAR ’S FLE E T IN T H E S E IN E .

new and bo lder expediti ons . A flee t of unu sual dim ens ions

was fi tted out,and O scar,

Ia leader of ente rpri se and fam e

,

took co m m and o f that fleet, whic h was des t ined to acco m pl i shgreat th ings . N ow do the nam es o f the leaders of these

expedit ions begin to app ear in the C hri stian chron icles .

Inthe early year of 84 1 there were heavy rains in France ,and the waters o f m any o f the r ivers were full too verflow ing . And let i t be sai d that i n tho sedays all the rivers were fu l ler than they are now. T he th ick

woods wh ich c o v ered the so i l of France, so bare to -day, wou ld

ensu re a heavy rainfal l and fu l l s tream s . Bu t th i s spring they—the S e i ne, for instanc e—we re unu sual ly fu l l . C harles theBald fo und hi s ac c ount there in for he had been wai t ing for a

chanc e to c ro ss the river be h ind which Lo thai r had late ly

drivenhim ,and then set a guard to pro tec t the stream . But

C harle s gathered boats and set him self ac ro ss near R ouen,

to the su rpri se and confus ion o f Lo thai r’

s guards,and m ade hi s

way eas tward , w i th the intent ion of jo i n ing fo rces w i th Lewi s

the Germ an,as we have already seen. As the king

,having

got thu s happ i ly acro ss , was on h i s way towards the Maas, a

V ik ing fleet,probably O scar’s, c am e to the mou th of the sam e

rive r S e ine, and, finding i t openand easy o f navigat ion , sai led

up? T he regionwas all new to them . T here m i gh t they see

the r iver in i ts blue eddie s, bath ing the fai r flowers wh ich grew

upon its banks, or, shou ld the m o on have brought round a

spring t ide , they m ight hear that roar o f the ager on whichthe i r owno ffspring bes towed th i s nam e i n memo ry of the old

N o rse sea-

god?

A.D . 841 .

I Mo re co rrec tly Asgeirr. S to rm ,B z

’

a’rag, &c . , p. 62 .

2 Ann. Bert. a. a .

3 nir. Qua S egnana ca rnleo gu rgz’

te perspz'

cu z'

sou e t u rnou t fllnenr,

odorz'

f erasgu e riparnm keroas lam /rem “

, fl u ctuou e inflatz'

ore m ar z'

s rapereoerberota secundam lance z

'

nzm dantz'

s m arz’

s pelago re

O ne of the few passages inD udo no t devo id o f a ce rtaincharm .

2 78 R AID S IN TH E FR AN K I S H E MPI R E .

T he V ik ings sai led along unti l they cam e to where the rock

bu i lt R ouen guarded the r i ver. It was bu i l t not upon the

shores, but upon the i s lands (m ere rocks) in the m id- s tream ;a safe place if there had been none but land fo rce s to be

feared , but above all o thers expo sed now to the D ani sh flee ts .

T he V ikings sto rm ed the town , plundered i t, and bu rned a

great po rtion. S t. O uen Abbey,hard by

,shared the sam e fate .

T hen down the s tream again to Jum ieges (ano ther abbey),which only saved it se lf by payment of a fine . T he news of

the onset cam e to the ears of C harles , who, as we saw,was

bent eastwards on h i s way to a j unct ion wi th Lew i s ; but for

the nonce he tu rned back , and the V ikings, to whom a

Franki sh king was s t i l l an object of terro r, pu t ou t agai n to

sea.

I

N ow that the lands beyond the C hannel had been once ex

plored there were no t want ing adventu rers to keep the way

open. O none side were the rich towns o f N eu str ia, R ouen

for example, or—a l i t tle to the no rth- Quentov ic (C anche-w ick)at the mou th of the C anche, one of the chie f t rading ci ties of

N o rthern E u rope i n tho se days, a r ival to D orstad. O nthe

o ther s ide were the E ngl i sh towns—London, R ochester,

C anterbu ry. We read of a fleet in 84 2—it m ay

have been O scar’s—fal l ing fi rs t upon London ;then c ro ssing the C hannel to Quentov ic , where it arrived

ju st at daybreak . H ere was a new experience for one o f the

prosperous c i t ies and abbeys o f N eustria—anexperience which

fo reto ld many l ike it. It was one th ing to hear sto r ies o f

raids ondistant Fri s ia, ano ther thing to have the pirate knocking

at one’

s owndoo rs after th i s fash ion . What anexperience wasthat of the people of Quentov ic , for instance, when the piratefleet was found at daybreak 2 to have sai led into the mouth of

A.D . 842.

N orm annerne , ii. 49 50 .

Ann. Bert. s .a. N ithard, iv . 3 (P. 11.

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2 80 R A ID S IN TH E FR AN K I S H E MPIR E .

subjects ; if they cou l d not be m ade obedient to the i r lo rdthey m igh t at least be enc ou raged to attack his enem ies .

Lo thai r,i t i s believed

,had al ready

'

begun to be th ink him o f

th i s way of revenging the hum i l iat ion o f FontenoyI

of sending

the D an ish settlers wi th in h i s ownbo rders to harry the kingdom

of C harle s ; and the sam e m ethods were put in practic e by

C harle s’s enem ies nearer hom e . O ne o f the m o st fo rm idableof these was Lantbert, a c ount who had al ready d i stingu i shed

himse lf fighting onthe s ide of Lo thai r. H is o ffic e was that

wh ich R o land once hel d—C ount of the Bre ton marshes . But

the part he played was that of the t rai to r Gane lon , no t R o land’s .

H e leagued h imself w i th the duk e or princ e of Bri t tany,

N om inoi’

? N om inor de spatched an arm y agains t the new

warden of the Marches,R ainald (R egino ld) —the sam e who

fought wi th the D anes at N oirm outiers i n 835. T he Bre ton

arm y was under the com m and of E risp0 1, the he i r-apparent

of Bri ttany . It was dec i s ively defeated by R ai nald . Bu t

Lantbert came up unperce ived and caught the Franki sh arm y

unawares, and i n the engagem ent wh ich fo l lowed R ainald was

slai n and h i s t roops defeated . Lantbert s t i rred up N om ino'

i

to throw off all al legiance to C harles .And now the rebel s descried a V iking flee t—O scar’s we m ay

assum e—which was c ru i s ing near the m ou th o f the Lo i re they

a'

opted the sham efu l expedient o f i nvit ing w i th in the i r bo rders

the se enem ie s of the C hri stian nam e . T he al l ie s pro c eeded tolay s iege to N antes, the c h ief town of R ainald

’s c ounty .

3

Whenthe Bre tons had long invested i t upon the land s ide,4 theV iki ng fleet sai led up the Lo i re and attacked i t , all defence less ,from the r iver. T he V ikings entered the town burn ing and

slay ing. It was on S t. John’

s day. In the cathedral they

Peace had no t yet beenestabl ished by the T reaty of V erdun.

O r N om eno e .3 H e is som etim es cal led C ount of N antes .

4 Ann. Bert. a. 843 .

PLUN D E R OF N AN TE S . 2 8 1

found the Bi shop G unhard celebrating m ass and as he u ttered

the wo rds sursam eoro’a the V iking swo rds struck him down .

H e and all the congregat ion were slai n . Anawfu l m idsum m er

fes ti val for N antes ? After m any o ther plunderings the V ikings

took hold , for the first t im e,of N oirm ou tiers, which was to

becom e the i r great arsenal i n the fu tu re,the s to rehou se for

all the treasu re plundered from the villas and monaster ies of

the Lo i re . T here they abode the w inter, and this we m ay

take to be the fi rs t wintering of the V ikings on the soil of

France ?

Far to the south C harles had other troubles,where Bernard

the C ount of G othia (he whom m enonce sai d was

the father of C harles the Bald), had long beentrying to raise him self i nto an i ndependent ruler. H e had

never done personal hom age to hi s new king,though he had

depu ted hi s sonWill iam to do hom age for h im ; and he had

taken no part onone side or the o ther at the batt le of Fontenoy.

C harles answered thi s i nsubo rdinat ion by treachery .3 H e

suc c eeded in inducing the count to vi s i t h i s cam p befo reT ou lou se . When there

,Bernard was se ized , tried , and be

headed . But his rebe l l ion wasnot so eas i ly subdued . Will iam,

h i s son,a mere boy, st i l l held ou t in T ou louse—that fatefu l

c i ty des t ined to be the focus of so m any rebel l ions in after

years . H ere young C ount Wil l iam was jo i ned by ano ther

boy leader, young Pippin , the head of the i nsu rgent party i n

S ou thern Aqu i tai ne . And presently these two gained a veryim po rtant vic to ry over a large body of C harles’s t roops , under

one of hi s ables t generals—hi s unc le H ugh,lay

-abbo t of S t.Quent inand of S t. Bert i n ; in the battle H ugh fel l .4 Pippin

A.D . 844 .

C /zron. Fontan. 843 (P. u . R egino , 853 ! (R egino’s dates are who l ly

wrong at th is po int . H e says, too , onE aster S unday). D itm m ler, o . e. i.

190 .

2 Ann. Bert. 843 ,‘ insu lam quam dam

-N oirm ou tiers. C /zr . Ag. 846.

3 Ann. Fu la'

. a .a . 844 .4 Ann. Bert. a. 844 .

2 82 R A ID S IN TH E FR AN K I S H E MPIR E .

and Will iam now tu rned to the sam e expedient wh ich N omin01and Lantbert had adopted . T hey cal led in a V iking fleet

sti l l O scar’s m o s t probably—which sai led up the Garonne to

T ou lou se . We do no t know how far i t aided the rebel s i n

the i r res i s tance to C harles . But for the V ik ings them se lves

th i s,

was a new and rare experience—a vi s i t to the rich vinelands of S outhern France . And having go t so far they

ventu red even fu rther, and m ade a fo ray upon the no rthern

coast of S pain , not (firs t) upon Arabic S pain, but upon the

l i ttle indep endent C hri stian kingdom in the no rth -west—the

last remains o f the once m ighty power o f the V i s igo ths .

T he l i ttle kingdom of Astu rias, rocky and bare, edged inbetween the sea

,the Pyrenees, and the Arab E m i rate i n the .

south, hardly seem ed—so sm al l and ins ignificant i t was—to

have any part i n the h istory of E u rope . Its chron ic les at thi s

tim e consi s t of l i ttle m o re than dynast ic l i s ts . But i t s des t in ie s

were great . It was the germ ou t of wh ic h the better knownkingdom o f Leon was to grow as out of the kingdom o f Leon

was to grow the m onarchy of S pain . S m al l as it was,th i s

rock-bound kingdom did not escape the no t ice o f the V ikings ;and it has, am ong C hri s tian states, the unique honou r of be ing

one upon which the i r attacks were un ifo rm ly unsuccess fu l .T he V ikings

,w i th a flee t of 150 sai l , began ravaging the

country aro und C o runna (Forum Brzgantz'

am ). R am i ro I . was

the king who at th i s m om ent sat upon the Astu rian throne .

H e co l lec ted an arm y,gave battle to the V ikings

,gained a

bloody victory,and bu rnt no less than seventy of the enem y’s

fleet whereat the rai ders w i thdrew from h i s kingdom .

T he pirates now coas ted round the no rth of Po rtugal

and onto Li sbon . T hey were now off the Arab coasts,face

to face wi th a new foe? O n shore they wou ld now have to

Fabric ius, Foroino'elserne m ellem N orn’en0g a’enSp . H alvo . pp. 30 57

G ayangos, Mo/zam m . o’

yn. inSpain D o z y , R erlzerr/zes,&c . ,

ii . 2 7 ; 57 7 .

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2 84 RAID S IN TH E FR AN K IS H E MPIR E .

t ime they had al ready taken firm foo t ing,in the

S hetlands,i n the O rkneys , i n the greater part

of C ai thness, i n the H ebrides . T hese were the i r fixed

stat ions whence they swooped down upon the lowlands,

upon N o rthum bria, or upon I reland . In I re land they wereunder T horgils seated in the no rthern po rt ion—in C onn’sH alf—and had bes ide les ser s tat ions all round the coast . In

E ngland,on the Wessex coast , they had as yet only m ade

at tacks . Bu t they had gone so far as to ravage the chief towns

of K ent,and had once plundered London ; on the east coas t

and i n the i nner m arshlands they had al so been seen . H alf

Fri s ia was the i rs,what wi th the se ttlem ent s of quas i - C hri s t ian

N o rthmen in R u stringia and i n Walcheren,and the constant

preparedness of the V ikings to de sc end upon any o f the ri chc i t ie s which stood along the r iver banks in that region . O f

late the p irates had been seen uponm o s t of the great r iv ers of

France —the S e i ne, the Lo i re,the Garonne ; and now the i r

des troying sai l s had shown themse lves, and they had plundered

along all the coasts of S pai n, C hri st ian and Mahom m edan, as

far as to the Pil lars of H ercu les.

A‘D O 840—50

II .

T he winter which preceded 845 was a season of unusual

severity,I co l d no rth w inds last ing long into the

spring,witheri ng the young vine- sho o ts and arrest ing

the grow th o f co rn . S o that som e th ing like a regu lar fam ine

set i n . T here we re earthquake s to o,and dive rs heavenly

signs,perplexing to the nat ions ? And what was observed w i th

supers t it ion, as al so a s ign from heaven , the wo lves (em blem s

of the no rthern wo l ve s who are abo u t to sweep upon us)

A.D . 845.

Ann. Bert. 845.Two earthquakes inth is year . Ann. Xant. 845.

A T TA C K O N H AMBUR G . 2 85

becam e i n these seasons through scarc ity and through co ld

extraord inari ly numerou s and fierce . T hey assem bled in great

c oho rts,m arch ing and m anoeuvring l ike an arm y (so the

chroniclers wou ld have u s be l ieve), and attacking w i th‘

fatal

resu l t s sm al l towns and vi llages . S u re ly the D ay of the Lo rd

was at hand .

It was now fifty years s ince the ravage of Lind i sfarne , thereal beginn ing of the V iking Fury—alm o st half the V iking Agehad passed by. In the far wes t i t was a cri s i s i n which one

phase of V ik ing conques t cam e to anend by the drowning ofT urgesius i n Loch O wel. In the mo s t eastern part s of the

V ikings’ theatre of war i t was the tim e for a new beginning o f

qu i te ano ther so rt . T he year 845was the year of two great

effo rts on the part o f the V ikings—one agai nst Germ any , thefi rst great attack agai nst any part o f Lewi s

’s realm the o ther anattack upon the ri s ing capi tal of C harles’s kingdom —the c i ty ofPar i s .It is almost a wonder that the D anes were not earl ier

attrac ted by the wide mouth of the E lbe onwhich lay, so con

v eniently near the sea, the rich and grow ing town of H am bu rg .

H am burg wasnot as yet at allcom parable to D orstad as a centreof trade. But Iongo inter val/o i t stood probably next to it am ongthe no rthern c i t ies wh ich had anoutlet to the Germ an O cean .

It had not long s ince (83 1 ) been erec ted into anArchbi shopric,

and the trave l -wo rn Anscar,who had late ly retu rned from hi s

firs t expedition into Sweden , was m ade i ts archbishop . Inthe

Spring o f 845 a fleet o f no less than six hundred sai l I - the

larges t V iking fleet yet on reco rd—suddenly appeared in sightoff H am bu rg. It had beendespatched by H o rik, the D ani sh

Ann. Bert. 846 ; Ann. X ant. 6 ; Ann. Fu la’. 8 45. Ann. X ant. say

that the Fr isians defeated the V ik ings m o re than once th is year , w ith the

loss of twe l ve thousand m en( I) ; Ann. Fnlo’. say the V ik ings foughtthree battles against the Fr isians

,that they were beaten in the first and

victorious inthe o ther two .

2 86 R AI D S IN TH E FR A N K IS H E MP IR E .

king, him self; though H o r ik was nom inal ly at peac e w i th Lew i s

the German . T here was no t im e for the H am bu rgers to send

for tr00ps or to prepare for res i stance . Anscar had to fly

bearing hi s rel ics—and wandered awhi le disconso latel y am ong

the woods o f S axony . T he V ikings,who had fo rced anentry

into the ci ty wi th in twenty—fou r hou rs of the i r fi rst appearancebefo re the wal l s

,abode there a night and a day, killed m any of

the ci t i zens,bu rned the chu rch and m onastery , and then sai led

back down the E lbe. Anscar re tu rned to lam ent over the rui ns

o f hi s beloved chu rch and ci ty,bu t wi th a chastened and

deco rous sorrow.

‘T he Lo rd gave and the Lo rd hath taken

away .

"T h is same year ano ther flee t was fi tted out in D enm ark .

T he captai n of it was, i t i s thought, that fam o u s legendary

V iking hero , R agnar Lodbrok . For som e reason,wh ich we

canno t now fathom,R agnar has remai ned in N o rse tradition

the representat ive o f the V iking hero . But befo re the legends

of R agnar Lodbrok grew up inthe no rth , the V iking Age had

changed i ts character . T he i dea of the V ik ing l ife no longer

represented a great com bat be tween heathendom and C hri sten

dom far mo re a desu l to ry warfare carried onby one nat ion of

S candinavians agains t ano ther,or by the ou tlaws of some

S candinavian state agai nst the party in power . C onsequently

the s to ries o f R agnar’

s l ife present no au thent ic featu res dat ing

from the t im e w i th wh ich we are concerned,and bear l i t tle or

no th ingof the character of the adventu res of th i s age .

Inthe civil war i n D enm ark,who se ou tbreak ju st preceded

the death o f C harlem agne,we have seen how a c ertai n Anu lo ,

fight ing against h i s cou s in S iegfred, fel l , along w i th h i s rival , i n

a great battle and how h i s bro ther and representat ive,H arald

,

was cho sen king . S om e wri ters wou ld see inthe wo rd Anu lo

1 V z'

ta Anscari, c . 16 (Pertz , ii. T h is tak ing o f H am bu rg iswrongly ascr ibed by Lappe u berg to the year 840 .

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2 88 R AID S IN TH E FR AN K I S H E MPIR E .

S ometh ing the sam e m ay have been the case wi th R agnar. H e

m ay have bo rne a share i n many of the earl ier V iking cru i ses,

though the chroniclers m ake no m ent ion o f him ; and on

ac count of hi s royal descent and h is after -achievem ent s t radi

t ion m ay have prom o ted him to the rank of leader in them .

O f the N o rse hi s to ry of R agnar’s l ife whic h grew up in

later centu ries it is not nec e ssary to say m uch,so u tterly

fabu lous is it, not even un ifo rm in the tradi t ions of differentc ountries. T he very dates are i ncons i stent . R agnar

,i n one

ac count,is sai d to have l ived three generat ions earl ier than

the first co lon is ts of Ice land,which wou ld pu t back h i s bi rth

to someth ing l ike 780? Bu t h i s sons

,who are m o re con

spicuous than he himself i n the ac tual V ik ing hi sto ry,were

flou ri sh ing n inety or a hundred years later . H alfdan , for

i nstance, seem s to have been kil led abou t 8 78 Ubbe, ano the r

son, very nearly at the same t im e . T hey neither of them

died of old age . O ther of the sons of Lodbrok were probably

al ive stil l later.

T he no rth was full of fabu lou s s to ries of R agnar Lodbrok ,the be s t known of which was the

“

tale of how he won T ho ra

to wife from out the hou se where she was guarded by the

dragon,the

‘Lindwo rm,

’

who lay upon a pi le of go ld . It

wou ld be no mo re than a repet i t ion of the hi sto ry o f S igu rd

the V ol sung, and of I know not how m any heroes of no rthern

N ot ce rtainly if we bring downthe date o f the d iscovery o f Ice land as

V igfussonwou l d do (see C . P . B . ii. Bu t howeve r that m ay be , the

two Ice land ic S agas inthe Fornaldar S ogur wh ich contain the account o fR agnar’s l ife , canno t be shown to be earl ier than the th irteenth centu ry .

T he bal lad supposed to have beensung by R agnar as he lay inthe serpentpit of IE lla (the K rakum al) is perhaps earl ier . S axo ’

s account (H ist. D an.

ix . ) brings R agnar into connec tionwith som e events in the h isto ry o f

D enm ark wh ich have been re lated in prev ious chapters, e.g. , with the

H arald who was baptiz ed at Mainz in A. D . 82 6. S axo ’

s R agnar isH arald’

s rival for the throne o f D enm ark . O n the strength o f this connec tion(such as it is) som e writers have identified R agnar with R eginfred,llarald

’

s brother. S ee S torm ,If

'

rttis/ee L’

no’errogelse, &c . , andabove , p. 2 2 0.

R A G N AR LO D BR O K . 2 89l

fable,save that i t m akes Lodbrok gai n h is victo ry and his own

nicknam e by pu t ting on the celebrated ‘hai ry breeks,’ which

were im pervio u s to the dragon’s teeth .

Ano ther o f R agnar’

s m arriages, that wi th the gi rl K raka,

who se real nam e was Aslaug, andwho proved to be the daughter

o f S igu rd Fafnisbane him self, doe s br ing R agnar in ac tual

connectionw i th the V ol sung epic cyc le .

T he sto ries o f R agnar’s c onquests inSweden, inFinland, i n

R u ss ia,and i n E ngland

,are

,as they have c ome to u s

, who l ly

o u t o f charac ter w i th the adventu re s o f a hero i n the earl ier

V iking Age though I th ink i t no t unl ike ly that there m ay have

been som e c o rresponding real adventu re s out of which thesefabu lou s c onquests have grown . We canno t

,for i nstance

,deny

the s ignificance o f the exi stence o f a real k ing ‘IE lla’in

E ngland, j u s t at the t im e wh en R agnar’s sons m ake their

great i nvas ion of th i s country m a sho rt - re igned king,

who se nam e c ou ld never have been preserved in N o rsetradit ion save through some special connect ion wi th V ikingexplo i t s.In the expedit ion , whereo f we have now to speak, alone

,

of 845, do we find R agnar figuring in au thentic h i sto ry .

T hi s expedi t ion,we have reason to be l ieve , l ike the one which

alm o s t at the sam e t im e set sai l for the E lbe,was fi tted

out by H o rik h im self,or under h i s im m ediate sanction .

T he flee t cons i s ted of a hundred and twenty sai l,and in

March , 845, i t m ade i ts way to the m o u th of the S e i ne and

navigated once again to R ouen . T he V ikings were not thist im e c ontent wi th plunder ing R ouen and the ne ighbourhood

,

but cont inued the i r sai l up the river as far as C halevanne,

near S t. Germ ai ns-en-Laye . C harles the Bald heard of the i rc om ing , and cal led together what troops he m ight . Bu t the

people were weary w i th the long civil war, with the battles

against Lothai r, Pipp in , Bernard, C ount Lambert , N om inoi‘

,

2 0

2 90 R AID S I N TH E FR AN K I S H E MPIR E .

king o f Brittany ; inwhich , if C harles had gained some great

advantages,he had suffered many defeat s . D ur ing th i s period

of half-anarchy, too,and civi l war, the noble s had grown

mo re and mo re i ndependent and di si nc l i ned to fulfil- the i r

du t ies as Vassal s . T hey wou ld content them selves w i th de

fending the i r own e s tates , and the inland nobles had no

fear of V i king onslaught —~ they deemed they had cau se fornone . S o i t was only w i th a sm all arm y that C harles , after

one vai n attem pt to check the advance o f R agnar,threw him

se lf into the strong abbey o f S t. D eni s to watch,rather than

oppose, the approach ing D ani sh flee t . T hi s,after a pro sperou s

sail, almo st unchecked, came , towards the end of the m onth

for the firs t t ime i n V iking h i sto ry—under the wal l s o f Pari s .

It had navigated into far- i nland regions, wh ich fo rmed til l

now a term incognito to the N o rthm en .

T he i sland ci ty of the S e i ne—its exten t was

only what the tie de la eite’

i s to -day—was be

ginning to emerge i nto no t ice, and m ake for i tself a placeam ong the ch ief ci t ies of the

'

kingdom . T he early C arl ing

kings had l i t tle to say to i t . Pipp in of H eristal alone of thi s

family had been bu ried near i ts wal l s,i n S t. D eni s’Abbey :

and one of the fi rs t publ ic acts o f Pari s i n C arl ing days was

the part i t took in givi ng a head to the rebel l ion o f Pippin

of Aqu i tai ne against hi s father. It began i n thi s wise—as

Palgrave says—i ts career as a ci ty of revo lu t ions . Pari s hadbeen a quas i- royal town under the Merovingians

,du ring at

leas t some po rtion of the Merovingian per iod : we know

that our Queen Berchta was the daughter of the king of

Pari s . T he succeeding dynasty had i ts chief royal seats

at Aix,at R he ims, and Laon , never here . Bu t w i th or wi th

out royal favou r Par i s continued to grow by virtue o f the

inherent advantages o f i t s s i tuat ion . T he pro tection of the

river had perhaps been the reason that induced the Gauls

A.D .

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292 R A ID S IN T H E FR AN K I S H E III PI R E .

C ertai n it i s , i n sober language, that they we re enve loped i n

a th ick fog, i n wh ich bo th they and the C h ri st ians saw som e

th ing supernatu ral . T he fogwas so dense that they could w i thd ifficu l ty find the i r way back to the i r sh i ps . Many lo s t them

se lves , and we re slain by the enraged Pari s ians . And wo rse

than thi s,i t was a kind o f cho leraic m i s t . (T he W inter

,we

rem ember,had been one o f extrao rdi nary seve ri ty and o f

extrao rdinary m o rtal i ty ; th i s i l lnes s was perhaps the re su l t o f

som e sudden warm spr ing weather superven ing upon the

i ntense co ld .) T he fleet’s c rew were, on the i r re tu rn, se i zed

w i th a dysentery which did not leave them even when they

had reached h om e w i th the i r boo ty . R agnar sai led back to

D enm ark , and brought to H o rik the king a p i llar which hehad plundered from S t . Germ ain’s C hu rc h . Bu t h : and h i s

fo l lowers l ikew i se brought w i th th em the s ickness wh ich had

accom panied the flee t,and which

,i t i s said

,now began to

m ake havoc i n H orik’

s capi tal ; unt i l he bethough t him of

sending back the C hrist ian pr i soners unransom ed,when

,as

we are to ld , the i l lness was stayed. Perhaps as a m eresani tary precau t ion his di sm i s sal of the pri soners was to be

recom m ended .

Whatever be the real h i sto ry of th i s incident , i t s o ccu r

rence and the im press ionwhich i t made upon bo th C hri st ians

and heathens i s a m atter beyond di spu te . And i t i s a m at ter

S t. Be rtin. T he N o rthm enare‘struck with bl indness and m adness, ’ and

H o r ik dec lares h im se lf ready to resto re prisone rs and plunde r (a. a.

S axo G ram . H ist. D an. ix . (ed. H o lder , 1866, p . S ee C hapter V .

T he account inS axo is who l ly consistent with the way inwh ich we knowthat m yths trave l and change the i r m eaning . T he earl ie r V ik ings ha t ingfanc ied them se lves in Bjarm aland when they were attack ing Paris

, the

sto ry inS axo is transfe rred to the geograph ical Bjarm alancl, i.e ., to Pe rm in

the no rth o f R ussia . But how m yth ical a p lace S axo’s Bjarm aland real ly is ,

canbe judged from the sto ry o f G o rm ’s voyage ~

to the sam e place ( Ibid .

p . 2 87 sea ). T hen learning fro m C hristian sources o f R agnar’

s attack onParis, S axo transfe rs that also to his h isto ry . Fo r ano ther aspect of thesam e event see Pasch . Badb , inM igne , t , 120, col. 12 20.

“H A UN TE D LIFE ”

OF TH E VIK IN G S . 2 93

we l l worth no t ing . Inearthly weapons We stern C hri stendomfrom th i s t im e fo rward for m any years m ade no head againstthe V ik ings . Bu t her sp i ri tual arm s were im perceptibly

rec overing what was lo st by the tem po ral ones,and were

slowly underm ining the powe r o f the N o rthm en at the very

tim e that power was be ing rai sed ; ju s t as C hri stiani ty had doneonce befo re in the case o f the earl ier T eu tonic ‘Wanderers . ’

Like the T eu tonic nat ions who had preceded them,when the

N o rthm en passed w i th in the charm ed ci rcle of the R om an

C hu rch,the i r old c reed seem ed to fo rsake them . T he i r gods

cou ld no t breath e in the new air. T he s tory just re latedis one o f m any ins tanc es o f the fiannteo

’life which the

N o rthm en som e t im es led between the i r grow i ng sense of

the power o f the C hri s t ian G od and the i r cont i nued defianc e of the C hri stian arm ies . H ow m any instances thereare of a vic to riou s north ern c onqu ero r, i n the m i dst of h is

career of vic to ry,abandoning the c reed of hi s ownpeople and

adopt ing that of the peo ple he desp ised and had ju st conquered . In th i s w i se when a few generat ions had e lapsed

,

from be ing the enem ie s , the N orthm enbecam e the dought iest

cham pions o f the C hu rch , though in thei r own dark way—the

Pu ri tans o f m ediaeval C hri s tendom .

We have som et im es in the later personal b iographies of theS cand inavians inc idents which i l lu strate the process of the

V i kings’ convers ion, and of what I have cal led the i r hauntedl ife befo re that convers ionwas c om pleted, which belonged to a

great part of the V iking Age . In the s to ry, for exam ple,of

G isli S tirson, or G isli the O u tlaw,

I we have a typ ical exam ple .

T hi s C i sl i l ived, o f c ou rse, a c entu ry and mo re after the V ikings

were now beginni ng to harry E u rope but what tney went

G isla S aga S n’

rsonar C isl i the O utlaw.

’D asent.

294 R AJE S IN TH E FR AN R JS H E MP IR E .

through in the n inth centu ry the Ic e landers were beginning

to go through in the tenth and eleventh ? O f G isli we fi rst

hear how he and h i s friend V esstein go , in the cou rse of a

m erchant voyage , to V ibo rg, i n D enm ark,and for the sake o f

carrying on trade with the C h r i st ians there , al low them se lves

to be marked w i th the cro ss . Afterwards we hear incidental ly

that,s inc e he had been at V ibo rg, G isli had left o ff heathen

sac r ifices . T hen we have the ac count o f the two dream

wive s who vi s i t him ,one of whom i s soft and m i ld

,the o ther

dreadfu l and bloody l ike a V alkyria.

‘I have two wom en

who s i t wi th m e i n m y dream s ,’he says

,

‘one i s good to

m e,but the o ther tel l s m e nought bu t evi l , and her tale i s

every day worse and wo rse,and she spaes m e downright

ruin . But what I jus t dream ed i s th i s : Me thought I cam e

to a hou se or a hal l ; into’

the hal l I went,and there I saw

m any of m y fr iends and kinsfo lk,and they sat by fi res and

drank . T here were seven fires ; som e had bu rned very low,

but som e s t il l bu rned , as bright as b righ t cou ld be . T hen

in came my better dream -wife,and sai d these were tokens

of m y l ife , how m uch o f i t was to com e ; and she counsel led

m e so long as I l ived, to leave all old m isoetz'

efs ana’

zoite/zeraft

and to be gooo’to tire a

’

eaf ano’tne halt ana7 t/zepoor and tire weak .

’

T hi s pic tu re—the black and whi te spi r i ts (so com m on in

C h r i stian fo lk- lore),2of whom one, l ike a V alkyria

,gives

bloody counsel , the o ther , l ike an angel,i s fu l l of C hr is tian

m axim s the seven fi res (a tou ch of S t. Fursey here) ; thenagai n the mo re E ddaic p ic tu re o f the dead friends and k ins

fo lk drink ing inthe hal l—it is a true com binat ion of C hri st ian

and heathenm ytho logy.

I T he date givenfor G isli is A . D . 930—980 . T he Life itself was no doubt

m ade som e tim e after the latter date .

2 C om pare , for exam p le , the we l l -knownsto ry of H ackelberg as giveninK uhn’

s S agenG eorau c/ze u . Mare/zenii. no . 9 . H ack elberg is, ac co rd ing toV igfu ss on, an Ice lander—H ekla pe rsonified , infact . But I great ly doubt .

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2 06 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O W’

rV .

I

instance, of S lavom ir, the king of the Abodriti inC harlem agne ’s

day, who rem ained a heath en t i l l he was upon h i s death - bed,

and then had h im se lf bapti zed ; or m uch m o re dis tingu ish i d

exam p le s am ong the converted R om ans in the ear ly days o f

C hri st iani ty, su ch as that o f the great C onstant ine h im se lf.

And why ? N ot so much, or at any rate no t only,that they

m ight defer the evi l hou r when they m u st renounc e m any o f

their old pleasu re s ; but becau se bapt i sm ,as a sac ram ent

,was

to them one o f the suprem e m agic r i tes of the C hrist ianC hu rch—a church wh i ch had so m any strange deal i ngs w i th the super

natural world—a supreme charm agai nst the devi l and the dark

powers from be low. T o die i n the whi te garm ents o f bapti sm

was to go straigh t to the C hri stian heav en,Iand to go s traigh t

away from the C hri st ian hel l i n which,at any rate , these

heathens were beginning to bel ieve and trem ble .

T he seed planted by S t. Pu rsey long ago , or, if you w i l l , st i l l

longer ago by the S ee r of Patm o s,had grown and bo rne fru i t .

T he l ives o f the saints begin now to be fi l led w i th vi s ions o f

the ce lestial and i nfernal kingdoms . Men trem bled befo re the

Skyey portents, which were , perhaps , rather exceptional ly com

m oninthi s centu ry—com ets,ecl ipses

,m eteo r showers

,no rthe rn

l ights ; that cu rious di spers ion in the air of a t i ny fungo irl

growth cau s ing the descending rai n or snow to be t inged

w i th red,wh ic h hence

,i n popu lar supers t i t ion , becom es a rain

of blood—all these natu ral phenom ena,looked at with the eye

o f fear, took spectral and po rtentou s shapes .Add to these m o t i ves the m o re com m onplace influence o f

trade ; the m aterial advantages which som e places such as

S leswick—which for a sho rt wh ile was a town of the em pi re—were vi s ibly gai n ing through peacefu l interc ou rse be tweenD ane and C hri st ian ; and you have the explanat iono f the peace

T hus, inthe life of Anscar,R im bert speaks of the m any northerncon

v erts who , dy ing inthe ir baptism al garm ents , went straight to heaven.

H E R I GAR . 2 97

wh ich soon began to re ig n upon the bo rders of Lewis’s king

dom,i n the ve ry parts wh ere m atters had looked m o st threaten

ing i n C harlem agne’s day.

In m o re di stant fie lds,however, th ings did not always go

smoo thly wi th the m i s s ionaries . Abou t the t im e when H o rik

the D ane was sett ing onfoo t the two great expedi t ions wh ichin the sam e year fe l l upon Par i s and upon H ambu rg, there

was a ri s ing o f the Swedes in far-away S igtuna against the

co lony o f C hri stians planted by Anscar. G au z bert,the firs t

bi shop of the c ountry,was driven fo rth , h i s nephew was ki lled ,

and for som e years after that the flock in S wedenwas w i thou ta pasto r. A few o f the new c reed remained faithfu l to the bel ief

they had learned am ong o thers H erigar, the E arl or governo r

of Birca i s land ? And sto rie s o f the wonde rs by which thesec onvert s had test ified the power o f the i r fai th trave l led sou th

and gave joy i n C hri st ianc i rc le s . H erigar im i tated the m i rac le

of E l ijah or Gideon, and, as a h eavy rainc loud was onthe po int

of burst ing,he prayed in c ontes t w i th the heathen priests that

no rain shou ld fal l upon him or tho se who s tood by h is s ide ;which happened as he had desi red , whereas the priests of O din

a few paces off were caugh t i n a de luge . At ano ther t ime,when

a c ertain exi led S wedi sh king re tu rned, suppo rted by a D ani shcontingent to des troy the town of Birca

,H erigar obtai ned by

his prayers that the king’s heart shou ld be changed , and that

the D ane s them se lves shou ld be i nduced to sail away,and

,

i nstead o f Birca,to attack one o f the S lavon ic towns upon the

Bal t ic coast? S to ries l ike these, I say, travel led south , and

V ita Anscari , c . 19 (Pertz , ii. 70 1 so ).2 O r C u rland onthe G u lf ofFinland , wh ich had form erly belonged to the

k ings of S uithiod, but had now m ade itse lf independent . T he D anesattacked the C urlanders , but were drixen o ff. Aterwards the Swedes ,besieging one o f thei r towns, Pi lten, wi thout su ccess , we re on the po int o freti ring , afte r having vainly cal led on all the i r go ds inturn. T hey at lastbethought them of the C hristians’ G od. WhenH e had beeninvoked , the

2 98 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WN .

were no doubt eagerly welc om ed by the C hri st ians ; but that

m uch im pre ss ion was m ade upon the Swede s them selves by

these marve l s does not appear . T he C hri st ian missionaries

were i n need of such com fo rt as they c ou ld gather, for that

there had been no fu lfi lm ent o f the high hopes which accom

panied the foundat ion of the H am bu rg archbi shopric was only

too evident .

It was an archbi shopri c, one o f bu t three i n the dom i n ions

o f Lewi s the Germ an ; bu t anarchbishopric, one m ight alm o st

say, w i thou t pari she s ; only fo u r bapt i str ie s (bapti smal churches)I

fo rm ed i t s d ioc ese . Inrevenues it had lo s t hugely through theAbbey of T urho ut, whi c h had been o r iginal ly assigned for i t sm aintenance

,fal l ingr to the po rtionof C harles the Bald, and be ing

by h im converted to hi s ownu ses . T he heathen lands had not‘c om e in but the V ik i ngs had done so i n m o s t di sastrou s

fashionin845, and now,too

,H am bu rg i tself, the

’

greater part ofthe town and i t s cathedral

,lay all blac k c inders, and Anscar

had beendriven ou t to wande r i n the neighbou ring fo res ts.H owever i n 84 7 he was reinstated

,fi rst as

Bishop of Brem en , afterwards agai n Archb i shop of

H am burg,with an enlarged diocese ? And he soon began to

exert h imse lf to spread C hri s tiani ty am ong hi s heathen ne igh

bou rs . T he i nterpo s i t ion of S t. Germ anns in the mem o rablePari s s iege produced i t s effec t upon K i ng H o rik . C ount

C obbo,Lewis’s am bassado r to the D ane , repo rted that R agnar

the V iking on h is retu rn from Pari s brought to his m aster

spo i l s from the S t. Germ ai n’s C hu rch, a po rphyry pi llar and

A.D . 8 47 .

C urlanders of the ir own acco rd sounded a parley and offered a ransom o f

one pound of si lver for every head in the town. Vita Ans . c . 30 ; cf.

Ann. X an. 845and note onfo l lowing page .

V ita Anse. c . 2 2 .

2 V i/a Anse. c . 2 1—2 3 , and Adam of Brem en G esta H . Pont . i. T he

who le h isto ry of the transactions connected W ith the Archbishopric o f H am

bu rg is rather com pl icated . C f Migne T . 1 19 , col. 876.

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300 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WN .

What appears certai n w i th regard to the R agnar incident isthat H orik, for hi s part, real ly renounc ed h i s trucu lent plunder

i ng ways . We read of no m o re expedi t ions o rganized by himand ere long we read o f the c lo se friend - hip wh ich sprang

tip between him and the Archbi shop o f H am bu rg, and how,

finally,Anscar got leave to bu i ld a C hri st ian church (the

C hu rch of O ur Lady) i n H orik’s capi tal , the trading town of

S leswick , whi ther C hri s t ian merchants were always reso rt ing ?

S o that on th i s bo rder of the em pire there was peace , andLewis the Germ an’s trouble s wi th h i s S candinavian ne ighbours

were for the present at anend.

Lewis had, howeve r, o ther troubles of h i s own. T he S lavonic

people upon h i s eas tern bo rders had begun,during the dis

turbance of the civi l war,to beth ink them what steps they

S hould take to throw off the unloved Franki sh rule . T hey

had never been bound by more than a S lender tie to the

empire of C harlem agne . N ow seem ed the t im e to get r id even

of that . And at the very m om ent whenH orik’

s ambassado rs

sought Lewis at Paderbo rn , he was rai s ing anarm y to bring to

obedience the mo st no rthern of the S lavoni c people on h i s

borders, the Abodriti ? T hese did no t ventu re to awai t the in

vasion, bu t sued for peace . But almo s t im mediate ly,one after ano ther l ike a peal of bel ls , the o ther

S lavonic people took up the sam e no te of rebel l ion. Firs t i t was

the S orab ians or S o rbs , the next ne ighbou rs o f the Abodriti.

T hen it was the tu rn of the Mo ravians, and when an arm y

despatched by Lewis had lai d waste the i r country and was tetu rning through the terri to ry of the Bohem ians , these, in the ir

turn ro se , caught the Frankish troops ina mo rass and infl icted

severe losses upon them .3

A.D . 846.

2 Vita Anse. c . 2 4 .

2 C f. Ann. Fu to’. 845, and Xant. 846. T hese accounts do not quiteagree.

2 Ann. Fu ld. Xant. Bert.

LE WI S AN D TH E S LA VS . 30 1

T he o ther ru lers of the em pi re had to bear the brunt of

the V ik ing attacks whi ch in som e parts , e spec ially inLo thai r’s

Fris ian provinc e,soonbecam e alm o s t inc essant . I say ru lers of

the emp ire for i n theo ry i t was st i l l one vas t Franki sh E mpi re,w i th different parts placed under the spec ial pro tection of

d ifferent k ings , the elder alone (Lo thai r) bearing the im perialt i tle ; and in th i s s tage it cont inued so long as all the three sons

of Lew i s the Pious rem ai ned al ive . A kind of legal fic tion of

anem p ire but st i ll a defini te stage upon the road to completedisintegrat ion .

We m ay rem em ber th i s th ing, m o reover, that even in i t s daysof greates t oneness the Frankish E m pire was always mo re a legal

un ity than a real one . S o far as i t had one ru ler, Lew i s the

Piou s,i t was one. But the enactm ents of that empero r were

no t m ade withou t the sanc t ion o f hi s great co unci l s, hi s C hamps

de Mai. And i t depended ina great m easu re upon the ne igh

bourhood i n which that assem bly was he ld what co lou r wasgi ven to i ts proc eedings . I f Par i s or O rle m s were rebel l iou s

,

Lewis had but to cal l a counc i l at N ym u egenor Aix to find thetables tu rned and m en at h is devo t ion. A com m anding per

sonality such as that of C harlem agne cou ld im press a charac ter

o f uni ty onall the he terogeneo u s m ass. But under a lesser ru ler

i t s components nec essari ly fe l l apart .

T o the im aginat ion of the V ik ings the Frankish

E m pi re was st i l l no doubt what i t was i n fiction

only,anundivided who le i nto which they were s t i l l peering wi th

uncertai n eager gaze . E ach year they grew mo re famil iar w i th

the S ights wh ich i t d isc lo sed . In Fri s ia they were al ready beginning to fee l at hom e . T he year after the Par i s and H am burg

s ieges,and the year after that , they cam e up the R hine onc e

more as faras D orstad,which was again plundered and bu rnt?

A.D . 846—7 .

2 Ann. FnZa’. s .a.

302 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N BoWN .

‘As usual,

’says one chronic ler,

‘they plundered inO stergau and

Westergau2 T he three k ings m et in84 7 at Meersen

,

2

and they sent a jo i nt message to H o rik o f D enm ark that they

should ho ld h im respons ible if these at tacks cont inued .3 T here

was someth ing—in appearance at any rate—awfu l i n a threat

p roceeding from the jo i nt rulers of nearly all Wes tern C hri s

tendom . N evertheless , the attacks went on. H o rik pro

bably had no th ing to do wi th them . T he V ikings weregrowing into a separate body, almo s t a new nat ional i ty, w i th

k ings or leaders o f the i r own. T he reply these m ade to the

Meersen ‘joint no te was to sai l up th i s year ni ne mi le s above

D orstad. And inC harles the Bal d’s kingdom they were equal ly

trucu lent and t reatening. T hey bu rnt the abbey o f N o i r

mout iers in 846 . From th is t im e,or near i t, N o irm outiers

became one of the fixed strongho lds of the V i kings,from which

they were never afterwards d i slodged . T he sam e Lo i re V ikings

raided the fo l low i ng year on the m ainland and bu rn t themonastery of H erbauge andnow O scar’s flee t sai led onc e m o re

to the sou th and laid S iege to Bo rdeaux .4 H ere C harle s had

some success again st them and captured ni ne of the i r vesse l s .Bo rdeaux itself he ld out to the au tumn of 84 8 , and then (as

modern Frenchmen wou ld have been) i ts defenderswere tranis—by the Jews as they dec lared 5—or the

town would never have been captu red by the V ikings . T he

N o rthmen,’ says a chronicler , i n these years ,

‘as they were

wont to do , put the C hri s t ians to S ham e and grew m o re and

m ore instrength. But it is a sorrow to have to wri te these

things.

’6

A.D . 848—9.

850 and 851 , the m id years of this di sastrou s cenA.D . 850—1.

tury,were years of pec u l iar m i sery for N o rthern

2 Ann. Xan. s. a.

2 Pertz , Leges , i . 393 sgq.3 Ann. Bert.

4 C itron. Fontanell. 848, cf . 851 (P. i i . 303 5 Bert. , 848 .

Ann. X ant. 848—9 .

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304 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WIV.

verted in to a s trong fo rt ified cam p,and w intered there in the

m i dst of the S e i ne country ? Am ong the plac e s which fe l l

befo re their arm s was a m onas tery not very far from the m ou th

of the r ive r, a place o f anc ient foundat ion,for i t owed its o rigin

to one of the Ir i sh m iss ionar ies i n Franc e . From him i t too k

i ts nam e o f S t. Wandri l le , to us i t i s be t ter known from the o ld

Lat i n nam e o f the plac e as Fontanelle,and for the

sake o f i ts chron ic le wr itten,part o f i t, in these very

years , it deserves to be he ld i n rem em brance by the hi sto rian?

Add to all the se evi l s that i n som e parts of the em pire there

was such terr ible fam ine that people are sai d to have killed and

eaten their ownch i ldren .3

A.D . 851

Meanwh ile ano ther fleet,prepared by Bo rik

, a gigant ic fleet

o f 350 sai l , m ade for the E ngli sh coast . H i thertothe V ik ing attacks u pon England had been but

desu ltory . T he earl ies t, as we have seen, cam e inall probability from I reland—the earl iest

,I m ean, i n th i s centu ry tho se

qu i te prel im i nary explo ring rai ds in 78 7 and 793—5, I leave ou t

o f account . T he Iri sh seri e s of raids ended wi th the battle of

H engstone i n 83 8 , or soon after . T he next at tack o f any im

portance 4 was the one m ade by a fleet whic h was i n all pro

bability O scar’s, engaged inm aking i ts way through the C hanne l

to seek a field of adventu re onthe wes tern coas t o f Franc e . T h i s

i s the raid reco rded in our chronic le as the great slaughter inLo ndon , Quento vic , and R o che s ter. It i s g ivenunder date 8 3 9the true year is undoubtedly 84 2 , the date given i n the Franki sh

chronicles for the attack on Qu entovic , ju st the t ime when,

A.D . 850.

2 In850—1 or 851—2 ; see Ann. E nid. 850 ; C itron. Font. 852 .

2 S teenstrup places the attack onFontenailles inA. D . 852 . N orm . 11. 162 .

3 Ann. Bert. 850 .

4 T here we re engagem ents at S ou tham pton and at Po rt in 840 ; thefirst anEngl ish , the second a V iking v ic to ry .

305

(befo re and afte r Fontenoy) O scar’

s fleet was beginning to

plunder i n the S e i ne and the Lo i re. T he next rel iable entry

in the chron ic le is under the year 845, probably for 846? It

reco rds an Engl i sh vic to ry on the Parret in S omersetshi re .

H i ther to we had suffered less than any o ther land of Western

C hristendom . We lay between two eddies : one the N orse

stream,which swep t round S co tland and subm erged the S co tt i sh

i slands and alm o s t subm erged Ireland the o ther, the D ani sh

eddy, which swept round the coas ts of Frisia, Flanders, France ,and Aqui tai ne .

But the year in which R orik’s great fleet sighted our coasts

was a m emo rable one in the h i story of the V iking rai ds inE ngland ? T he fleet made for the m outh of the T hames . T heIsle of T hane t was then in real i ty an island access ible onall

sides to the l ight D an i sh craft. T hey sai led ins ide i t and up

the S tour to C anterbu ry, who se cathedral towers no doubt in

v ited all of them who rem em bered the chucrhes of U trecht andD orstad. C anterbu ry was storm ed wi th great slaughter. And

now the murderou s fleet s teered up the T hames for London .

T he E ngl i sh capi tal—say rather the fu ture capi tal of E nglandhad once al ready fel t the brunt of the i r attack . London was aMercian ci ty, and onthe approach of the V ikings the Mercian

king Berhtwulf hastened down to defend it. H e encounteredthe D anes i n a pi tched battle, was utterly defeated, and soonafter d ied of the wounds he had rece ived ; the enem y spread

no rth o f the river,plunder ing and bu rning.

But they found a poo rer country here than that they wereu sed to inWessex and in K ent ; so they soon agai n crossedthe T hames and came into S u rrey. T hey were now in the

territo ry of the Wes t Saxon kings—the one dynasty, as i t

happened, which was dest ined to make a stand agai nst the i r

A . 3 . ohm . s.a. Ibid . 851 .

306 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WN .

power , the dynasty under wh om alone the E ngl i sh name was tofind a refuge . IE thelwulf was upon the throne . H e

,fo l low

ing i n the steps of hi s fath er, m arched fo rward into S u rrey andgave bat tle to the tr ium phant R orik and his D anes at Aclea

(O ckley—O ak-Lea), and gai ned a m o st s ignal v ictory . IE thel

wu lf’s son, IE thelbald, fought by h i s s ide . N ever b efo re hadthere been su ch a slaugh ter o f heathens in E ngland

,so tel l us

the Engl i sh chronic lers : and not E ngl i sh c hroni clers only

celebrate th i s victo ry,for the fam e of i t spread far ?

T his m ay have beenthe end of R orik’

s flee t. But there wasno th ing dec i s ive i n the vic to ry so far as concerned the futu rehi sto ry o f the D anes i n E ngland . For though we read of

o ther suc cesse s th i s year—one at Wem bu ry , where E aldo rm an

C eo rl and the m enof D evonsh i re s lew m any o f the V ik ings,

2

better s t i l l a naval victo ry gained by IE thelstanand E aldo rm an

E alhere (taking n ine sh ips and d ispers ing the res t), whichought to have been an enc ou raging phenom enon

,no t to

E ngland only but to E u rope at large—wi th all these appear

ances o f suc c es s we read of ano ther event which in real i ty far

ou twe ighs t hem . T hi s i s the firs t wintering o f the V i kings

uponE ngl i sh so i l—nam e ly,upon the i s land o f T hane t .

It was a po rtentou s event . In Ire land the fi rs t w intering of

the V ikings had occu rred fifteen or s ixteen years befo re, i n 835.

It had been fo l lowed by the all-but conques t of the who lecountry . In Fri s ia the D anes had o ften w intered

,and now

found th em se lves qu i te at hom e there . But what wi th the

large terr i to r ies wh ich had been ass igned to the D ane K o r ik,

Fri s ia seem ed to be sl ipp ing out o f the feeble grasp of Lo thai r.

In France the D ane s wintered for the fi rs t t im e i n A . D .

Again, they Were (as we saw ju s t now) a year bes ieging

Bo rdeaux, in 84 7—8 . T he fi rst tim e we have any no t ice o f

2 Ann. Bert . 850.

2 A . S . Cnron. s .a.3 C h . IX .

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of the Meu se and of the S che ld : though , to be quite exact,Walcheren was no t i n tho se days a com plete i sland ; s t i l l i twas nearly enough so to be eas i ly defended . At the m ou th of

the S e ine they held the island o f O i s se l bu t they were not

afrai d to tru st them se lves far inland i n the G ioolo’i fossa . At

the m ou th of the Lo i re , or ju s t sou th of i t, they had the i sland

o f N oirm ontiers . Final ly,at the mou th of the T ham e s they

had T hanet, and a few years later S heppey .

For the every -day wants of these to i lers o f the sea all the

neighboufing coas t s wou ld supply them with a su fficient

harves t . What an expressi ve wo rd is that pecu l iarly no rthern

one S trand/log, s trand - slaughter ; m eaning a rai d from a V iking

vesse l upon the farm s near the c oas t,the captu re o f sheep and

cattle which were driven down to the s trand and slaughtered

there previou sly to be ing sh ipped and carried o ff. T hese

S trand/logs were now,we m ay fancy , gowg on along all the

coasts of the N etherlands and France ; fo rtunate for the

people, wherever the slaughter the seafarers m ade was slaughter

of cat tle only .

T hi s for the i r dai ly wants. But i nland lay a boundle ss

s to re of wealth i n the c i t ies and m onas terie s wh ich stood

scattered over all the plai ns of the N etherlat ds and all o ver

a’oute France. T he plunder of the ho ly places shocked the c on

sc ience of C hri stendom . What was wo rst for i ts m aterial interestswas the grip which the V i kings were taking o f the ve ins along

which flowed the l ife - blood o f C hri stian com m erce—o f the

R h ine which bo re the soft -wares o f Fris ia,and the wines of

Germ any ; of the Meu se,

of the S e ine , of the Lo i re , of

the T hames ; i n an interm i t tent way o f the Garonne . Wel l

if these ‘anarch i sts ’

had been content to take tax and to l l

of the goods which passed through the i r hands, instead o f,

by se i z ing all,s topping the very sou rce of th e i r own gains

,

kill ing the goo se wh ich lai d the go lden eggs . T h ey did

coWAR D I C E OF C H AR LE S TH E BALD . 309

not thus refrain , and trade was al ready beginning to langu i sh .

We hear l i t tle more of D orstad after the middle o f the ninth

century .

T o the tale of disaster belonging to these years

we m u st add a very furiou s V ik ing attack upon

Saxony . A fleet cam e sai l i ng up the E lbe . T hey entered

S axony in 851 and renewed the i r invas ion in 852 . A who le

d istr ic t was lai d was te, and thou sands of S axons m et their

death?

A.D . 851—2.

I II.

It was t ime for the rulers of C hristendom , time especial ly

for the lords of Fi isia and of France,Lo thai r and C harles the

Bald , to be do ing som eth ing. Yet they had with difficu l ty

been withhe ld du ring recent years from com i ng to blows over

a variety of petty d ifferences, and renewing the civi l war. H ow

far had Lew i s winked at the raid which R orik made onLo thair,and Lothai r on the rai d wh ich Godfred m ade on C harles ?

We canno t te l l . T hey pretended to regard the V i kings as

the com m on enem y o f C hri stendom . From time to t ime

the three ru lers m et together to keep up the appearance of

j o int ac t ion i n the governm ent of the em p ire ; first at T hion

vi lle (D iedenhofen)? 845, then at Meersen whencethey sent that threaten ing m essage to H o r ik , and a second

tim e at the'

latter place Beyond that threat we readl i ttle o f e i ther separate or jo i nt act ion against the D anes

,who se

cruel t ies were (says a chron icler) in these years past all bel iefor express ion . C harles we saw did try and re l ieve Bordeaux

,

and gai ned one sm al l suc cess on the Garonne . H e gai ned

ano ther against a tro op of V i k ings who had bo ldly ventured

2 AnnX anten. 851 , 852 (P. 11.

2 O r m o re exact ly at Juditz , near D iedenho fen.

3 Ann. Bert. a. 851 (P. i. 445 6) g ives a fu l l l ist of the enactm ents ofth is Plac itum m agnum et generale

’

( Cnr . f ont ); see also P.

407

3 10 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WIV.

far inland and away from the pro tection of the i r fleet to

ravage Beau vai s . T hey,or a po rt ion of the i r band

,were

caught by C harles’s t roops near the effluenc e of the

E pte and cut to p iec es. T he one advantage wh ich

the Franks at present possessed was i n the superio r i ty o f the i r

cavalry over that of the i r invaders,who perhaps hardly as yet

po ssessed th i s arm . It i s to the credi t of C harles the Bald that

he appre c iated the im po rtance of caval ry i n th i s warfare o f

raids and sal l ies,and m ade great effo rts to im prove h i s own.

But thi s alone was not enough . C harles po ssessed a certai n

dogged perseverance . We see him th roughou t h i s long re ign

pegging away,’ l ike Abraham Linco ln

,to gain his ends, what

ever they m igh t be . H e had the m eri t o f neve r despai r ing o f

the R epubl ic, great as the tem ptat ions to do so m u st havebeen . But he was

,so far as we can j udge

,w i thou t m i l i tary

talents, and we are som et im es tem pted to th ink him want ing in

personal cou rage ; sad wou ld Such an im pu tat ion be rest ing

on a grandson of C harlem agne . Yet if we set down hi s

refu sal to jo i n wi th Lo thai r inanattack onGodfred in850 todistrus t o f h is bro ther and not to fear, what are we to th ink

of the s ight wh ich these very years di splay to us in ano ther of

C harles the Bald ’s cam paigns? C harles,as we know, had

m any things upon hi s hands bes ide the dreadfu l V ik i ngonslaughts none m o re press ing than the eve r victo rious revo lt

o f Bri ttany,grown now so v ic to rious and suc ce ssfu l as to

deserve to be cal led a revo l t no longer, rather a war of

independence . N om ino'

i'

who began it—the peasant prince

who had accom pl i shed so mu ch du ri ng h i s re ign—hadh im sel f crowned as i ndependent Breton k ing i n 849, and next

tr ied to make his b ishops as i ndependent of the Frankishm e tropo l i tan as he wo u ld be o f the Frank i sh king . In851 he

died ? Bu t hi s sonE rispo'

i was as brave and successfu l as the2 Ann. Bert . C /zron. Ponten. a. a . R egz

'

non. Cnron. 862 (m isdated).

A.D . 851.

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3 12 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WN .

faith of h i s all y,or he thought he cou ld no t rely upon his own

troops . And i n the event, i nstead of a un i ted attack from the

kings o f the M iddle andWes tern kingdom s,the D anes rece ived

a heavy bri be from C harles to take the i r departu re, wh ich they

did—for a t im e.

’T rue indeed i t i s that

,as our chron icler

wr ites,

‘the heathens mo re and m o re pu t the C hri st ians to shame .

But it is wre tched to have to wri te these Wretched

indeed ! It i s a mere catalogue of rai ds and plunderings, with

out di st inc t i ve featu res , withou t varie ty .

Yet one m ust not qu i te pas s over a raid of

the Lo i re V ikings i n 853 for the sake of a placefam ous in the hi sto ry of France, the greatest monastery, wem ay cal l i t , of the Western kingdom ,

wh ich now fel t the we ight

of the i r attack . First the V iki ngs attacked N ante s ; they

penetrated thence deep in to Po i tou c ountry ; then late i n theau tumn they sai led far up the r iver Lo i re , which m ight alm o s t

now be cal led the i r r i ver, t i l l they reached the wo rld - fam ou s

abbey o f S t. Mart in o f T ou rs .3 T ou rs we might st i l l cal l them onast ic m e tropo l i s of France . It had, no doubt, lo s t som e

th ing of the glo ry which su rrounded i t du ring Merovingian

days,though it had of late won new t i tles to fame . In

Merovingian days T ou rs had been alm o s t an zunéitiens orbis,

the nave l at least o f the no rthern C hri s t ianworld, the R om e of

C hri stendom north o f the Alps . T he once fam ou s,now for

go tten , chu rch of Whithern or C asa C andida, i n S trath c lydeBri tai n—a chu rch which treated onequal term s wi th C o lum ba’s

C hu rch in S co tland -was a daughter foundat ion to S t.

Marti n’

s o f T ou rs,and took i ts nam e therefrom . O f the

statu s o f S t. Mart i n’s i n Franc e there i s the less need to say

m uch,because the nam e of the great h i s to rian of the

AOD . 853 .

2 Ann. Bert ; C /zron. Font. 852 (P . 11.2 Ann. Xant . s. a. 849 .

3 Ann. Bert a .a. ; Ann. Fu la'. a.a. ; Ann. Xanten. 854 ; S teenstrup,

N or/nannerne, 11. 2 50,

VI K IN G R AID O N T O UR S . 3 13

Merovingians is i nd i sso lubly uni ted w i th i t, and h i s h i story

never lets us fo rge t the glo ry of h is patron. T here were at th i s

m om ent two m onasteries of S t . Mart in at T ou rs,one with in

the c i ty,the o ther, the o lder, w i thou t the wal l s, atMarm ou tiers.

O f recent years T o u rs,though no longer eccles iast ical ly so

great as of old, had been illu strated by the presence wi thin her

abbey o f our fam ou s Alc u i n , the m o st learned o f all the divines

and statesm en in the kingdom of C harles the Great ; and

am ong h i s pupi ls there he had num bered R aban (H raban

the R aven), the present Archb i shop of Mainz,perhaps the

wo rth ies t l iv ing succ esso r to Alcu i n inall the Frank i sh E m pire .

Unhappy that ne i ther the sac red nor the l i terary asso c iat ions ofT ou rs were l ike ly to m ake im press ion upon the plunderers whowere now near ing i ts wal l s ; nor were tho se wal l s, strong

though they were,able to wi thstand the i r fu ry . And if there

yet rem ained any Frenchm an who looked upon the V ik ing

terro r wi th indifference, he could hardly do so after th i s fresh

sacr i lege.

We m ay wel l bel ieve that publ i c opinion in the kingdomsbo th of Lo thai r and C harles c ried out loudly forsom e dec i s i ve action . T he differences which st i l l

A‘D ‘ 853—4‘

kept apart the two bro thers were com posed at a m ee t ing at

V alenc ienne s ;Iand at ano ther m eet ing at Li

‘

ege 2 the ques tiono f jo in t action agains t the enem y was onc e m o re discu ssed .

M ight no t som e th ing he hoped for? But Lo thai r had the

experiences o f two previou s attem pts to warn him agai nst

expec t ing mu ch re su l t from these p lans, and as a fac t he seem salmo st im m ediately to have wearied of h is al l iance with C harles,

2 Pertz , Leg. i . 42 2 .

2 Ann. Bert. a.a. 854. C har les’s unionwith Lothai r resu l ted from hisfear o f Lewis, who was intrigu ing with the d iscontented nobles o f W estFranc ia and Aqu itaine . (S ee be low). C harles, on his side

,bribed the

K ing of the Bulgars to invade Lewis’

s territo iy(Ann. Bert.

3 14 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WN .

and once more to have entered into negot iat ions with Lewi s

the Germ an ?

H owever, this was alm o st the las t effort wh ich Lo thai r wasto m ake agai nst the D anes or any one el se . H is

power as a fr iend or as an enem y was over. H e

who w i th such vau l t ing ambi t ions had com e fifteen years ago

out of I taly when the news of Lew i s the Pious’ death wasbrought to him

,had long found out the vani ty o f hum an

w i shes and the heavy bu rden of power . O f half hi s rule he

had been stripped wh i le he st i l l re igned . After he left I taly

fifteen years ago he had never retu rned to i t . H is sonLew i s

had, with the help of the Pope,very soon contr ived to edge

him out of all power there . T ru th to te l l,I taly

,wi th her

separate i nterest s and her separate dangers—with a terri ble

cloud of S aracen invaders hanging on her ski rts—requi redand deserved a king l iv ing i n her m idst . T he po l i cy of thepopes in these days was, we have al ready sai d

,a nat ional

po l i cy, a po l i cy of I taly for the I tal ians . As Grego ry had

supported Lothai r agai nst h i s father) so did Grego ry’s su c

cesso r, S ergiu s, suppo rt Lo thai r’s son Lew i s agains t h im ; and

this Lewis, a val iant and capable prince, had long been the

undi spu ted king of I taly .

N ow even of the rest of h is em pire Lothair had grownweary . We know not what rem o rse of conscience m ay havedevou red him . H owbe i t

,he now res igned his terri to rie s no rth

of the Alp s in to the hands of h i s second son, Lo thai r, and hehim self took the tonsu re and re t i red into the monas tery of

Prum—the very place to which i n h i s past days of rebel l ion

he had once consigned hi s youngest bro ther C harles ? T here,a few weeks later , he died.

When , after some dispu tes, the divi s ion of the kingdom o f

A.D . 855.

0 am , 854.2 Ann. Bert. 855. &c , (P. i.

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3 16 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WIV.

Wherefo re an oppos i t ion party grew up i n D enmark, at the

head o f which were two neph ews o f H o rik,H arald and

G uthorm . S om e wou l d have th i s G uthorm to be the V ik ing

leader who in after-years won the kingdom o f E as t Angliafrom IE lfred the Great . But th ere i s no th ing beyond the

nam e to i dent ify the two . It i s m o re probable that G uthormperi shed i n the battle which presently ensued . H o rik wascom pel led to m ake a part i t ion of h i s kingdom with tho seleaders of the oppo s i t ion .

It m ay have been through the i r influence that i n the years

851 and 852 the great plundering expedi t ion was o rganized toS ti l up the E lbe

,whereo f m ent ion has been al ready m ade .

T he rival powers i n D enm ark rem ained in a j ealou s equ ipo i sefor som e years

,but i n 854 the flam e s o f c ivi l war broke out i n

ful l fu ry? Final ly a great bat tle was fought,lasting three

days—comparable i n du rat ion to that m ighty com bat i n wh ichS painwas lost by the Go ths . Alm o st all the royal hou se, i t i s

said,alm o st all the nobi l i ty o f D enm ark peri shed—am ong

them H o rik him se lf, and probably bo th h i s ri val s H arald and

G u thorm . O nly a boy was found to represent the blo od

royal , and he was rai sed to the throne under the nam e of

H o ri k II . H e m ay have been grandson to the fi rs t H o rik.

While h i s guardians rem ained i n power they headed a party

oppo sed to any friendship w i th Lewi s the Germ an or h is

subj ec ts . T he chu rch in S lesw ick was pu l led down. But

later on H o rik I I . began , in hi s tu rn, to m ake fri ends wi th

Archbishop Anscar, and to the C hri st ians i n S leswick werere sto red th e i r old l ibert ie s .

S om e of the V ik ing leaders were at tracted by the rum ou rs

of the c iv i l war at hom e . In 851 , when the oppo s i t ion party

2 Ann. Fit/(I. a .a. V ita. Anscar. c . 3 1 . R im bert speaks o f H o rik be ingattacked by p i rates . W e m ay pe rhaps read for th is the

‘V ik ingparty.

’

But see below.

S E C O N D C I VIL WAR IN D E N MAR K . 3 17

fi rs t sprang into exi stence there , R orik left h i s Fri s ian lands ,in which he had o nly j u st been sett led by Lo thai r the

em pero r,for D enm ark, with the hope of fi sh ing in tho se

t roubled waters . But he go t no good from that vi s i t .

Afterwards he and Godfred retu rned agai n to D enm ark , bu t

cam e to o late to take any part i n the great battle, or to pu t

i n any effec t ive claim to the throne ? T hey were of the blood

royal , of one branch of i t , as we remem ber . For i t was theH o ri k who had just fal len who , th i rty years earl ier

,ou sted

H arald , the bro ther or unc le of R orik and the father o f

Godfred,from the throne o f D enm ark . And certai nly the i r

ach ievem ents agains t the subjec ts o f Lo thai r and C harles theBald m ight be thought to enti tle these V iking leaders to the

suffrages of the i r c ountrym en . But though the V ikings ex

ci ted adm irat ion at a d istanc e, i t m ay have been found that

they were too strange to the every -day po l i t ic s of the i r country,too l i ttle ‘ i n touch ’ w i th i t

,as we shou ld say, to be able on

the spo t to win a sufficient body of adherents . R orik,how

ever,after a th i rd retu rn to D enm ark

,did final ly compe l

H orik II . to ass ign him a large strip of terri to ry ly ing betweenthe E yder and the sea?

Many o ther V iking leaders and fo l lowers were probably

attracted to D enmark by the civi l war, for i n854—5 there was a pau se in the v io lence of the

N orthm en’

s attacks i n France?Internal affai rs, too , m ore espec ial ly i n West Franc ia, the

kingdom of C harles the Bald , were go ing som ewhat be t ter forthe king. Pippinof Aqu i taine had fal len into C harles’s hands ,and had been com pel led to take the m onast ic habi t . 4 H e

had, m o reover , sunk m ore and m o re in to drunken,dis

2 Ann. Bert . 855.

2 Ann. Fu ld. 857.

3 Ann. X ant. (Pertz , ii. 30) says in 856 :‘E t D ani iternm resumptis

w’

ribns ,’&c .

4 Bert. 852 (P. i. 447) R egino, 853 (P. i.

A.D . 854—5.

3 18 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WIV.

repu table ways ? T he day was to c o m e, a year or two hence ,when he wou ld , breaking hi s v ow

,openly enl i s t h im se lf on

the s ide of the V i kings and,so rum ou r said

,fo rswear h i s

C hri s tiani ty as tho se renegade s the G aill-G aedhil were do ing

in I reland . T he sent im ent o f the Frankish E m p i re was no t

yet prepared to to lerate su ch conduc t .

T o set against Pippin’s lo ss o f credi t, however , one event

happened in the year'

854 , not so im po rtant in i t self as

om i nou s o f fu tu re evil . T he m alcontent Aqu i tanians , lo s ing

fai th i n the i r cham pion,Pippin

,began to lo ok e l sewhere for a

leader ; they began to bes iege the ear o f Lew i s the Germ an,

and Lewi s,unhappi ly

, to pay som e at tent ion to th e i r c o m

plai nts . Lew i s had h itherto,of all the three part ies to the

part i t ion of V erdun,been the m o s t zealou s for the m ai n

tenance o f i t s provi s ions . T hat he shou ld now be lending an

ear to tho se who sought to induce hiin to i nvade C harles’

s

territo ry was om inou s indeed.

O ne can im agine exc u ses enough for tho se who were eagerto be rid o f C harles’s rule and those who l i stened to th e i r

propo sal s . T he battle w i th the Bre to ns near R ennes,that

o ther sad fiasco by the grave o f G ivoldus—these we re o f ev i l

prophecy for the fu tu re years of C harles’s ru le . And had no t

C harles i ntrigued wi th Lew i s’s own enem ies, the Bu lgars ?But then the m alc ontent Aqu i tanians were not in real i ty

th inking abou t the pro tection of the i r c ountry against the

V ik ings . We shal l see a few years hence a ho rrible and

hum i l iat ing exam ple o f the i r ind ifferenc e On that head . T hey

were po ssessed only w i th a w i ld longing for independence at

any price . I t had becom e a m ad ia’

e’

e fixe wi th t hem ,for

which they we re prepared to sac r ifice everyth ing . But thatLewi s the Germ an shou ld have lent them any encou ragem ent

2 Like his father. S ee R egino , l. c.

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320

R agnar Lodbrok . S ihtric and Bjtirn s tood in com mand over a

body of V ikings who were ravaging far and near in the country

of the S e i ne up to Pitres . C harles enco untered them at

La Perche, and there gai ned a signal v icto ry . S ihtric left

the S e i ne and sai led for the Lo i re . Bjiirn re treated, and

entrenched h im se lf at G ioolo’i fossa. Bu t next year a st i l l

s tronge r flee t came agai n up the S e i ne . C harles—where washe ? T hi s t im e the V ikings m et with no oppo s i t ion , or only

the shadow o f one. N o monastery or town which did not fee l

the weight of the i r attack . At las t,bu rni ng and plundering

D ecem ber,on every side, they sai led the i r s low course up the

A.D . 856. river , and in mid -winter of 856—7 they m ade the

second V i ki ng attack on Paris ? (T he sec ond V ik i ng attackon London had fal len, as we no te, fi ve years earl ie r. T he

first V iking attack onLondon had preceded the firs t onPari s

by three or,m aybe , fou r years .) N o miracu lous arm was

s tretched forth th i s t ime to pro tect the ci ty su ch im m uni ty as

i t gai ned i t owed to the earthly weapon of a heavy ransom .

For the sake of this the V ikings consented to spare mo st of

the chu rches . But the chu rch o f S t. Peter and S t. Pau l was

devoured by flames . T here lay the rel i cs of S t. Genevieve,who by her miraculou s powers had alm ost converted a heathen

barbar ian of the earl ier invas ion—C hilderic , the father'

of

C lov i s . T he church where she lay occupied the s i te wherenow stands the Pantheon . In the Lo i re the devastat ions

were as terr i ble as onthe S e ine. T ou rs was attacked a second

t ime. From T ou rs the V i ki ngs ravaged as far as Blo i s?A cry o f fear and angu i sh aro se from these lands ofWestern

France . S carc ely a town (as we have sai d—they are the verywo rds of a chron ic ler scarc e ly a m onas tery

,rem ained un

touched .

‘All m en give themselves to fl igh t . N o one cries

Ann. Bert. inP. i. 857 .

2 Ibid . 857.3 Ib id .

4 Traslat . S . P/zi/iberti, ii. (Mab . A. S S . S aec . iv .

PR E PA R A T I O N S FO R S I E G E OF O I S S E L. 3 2 I

o ut, S tand and fig/zt f or your fat/zerland, for your cburc/z

,

for your countrym en. What th ey ought to defend with arm s

th ey sham efu l ly redeem by paym ents . T he com m onweal of

C hri stendom i s be trayed by i t s guardians .’

S uch was the state o f affai rs in France . In Fri s ia it wasdifferent, but scarcel y less d isastrou s. T he year855, the year of Lo thai r ’s death , i s the one i n

which the V ik ings m ay be sai d to have e stabl i shed themse l vesi n Fri s ia on a perm anent foo t ing. H enc efo rth the ru lers of

Lotharingia seem pre tty we ll to have abandoned the ideaof driving them fo rth again.

But perhaps Lo thai r I I. had not real ly abandoned the ideaonly that unaided he was no t equal to the task . If he and

C harles cou ld act i n conce rt S o the t reaty o f offence and

defence which hi s father had m ade was renewed . C harles, i n

vi rtue of a cu riou s power he seem s to have po ssessed of tw i s t

ing people round to h is own views , procu red that, as on the

o ccas ion of the o ther jo int attack, th i s sh ou l d fi rst be direc ted

against V ik ings in hi s own terri to ry . T he S e ine V ik i ngs wereagai n cho sen. After the i r great expedit ion ending wi th the

second siege o f Par i s th ey had retu rned down the r iver andsettled them se lves on the i r fo rt ified i sland of O i ssel . T here

C harles was determ ined to bes iege them . H e spared no effo rts

to m ake the attack a dec i s ive one. And had i t succeeded,the

who le h isto ry o f V ik ing invas ion in the century might havebeen al tered .

C harles prepared not only an army, but, what was st i l l toorare a th ing i n the Franki sh arm am ents, a fleet .

N 0 such large one had been seen befo re . Both sea

and land fo rce was set i n m o t ion for the m outh o f the S e ine in

Ju ly, 858 .

x

T he younger C harles, K i ng of Aquitai ne, marched

A.D . 855.

A.D . 858 .

2 Ann. Bert. a.a. V ita S . P/zaronis (Mab . AS S . 8 380. ii.

320

R agnar Lodbrok . S ihtric and Bjornstood in com m and over a

body of V iki ngs who were ravaging far and near i n the country

of the S e i ne up to Pitres . C harles enco untered them at

La Perche, and there gai ned a s ignal v icto ry . S ihtric left

the S e i ne and sai led for the Lo i re . Bjiirn re treated, and

entrenched h im se lf at G iooldi fossa. But next year a s t i l l

stronger fleet came agai n up the S e i ne . C harles—where washe ? T hi s t ime the V ik ings m et wi th no oppo si t ion, or only

the shadow o f one. N o monastery or town which did not fee l

the we ight of the i r attack . At las t,bu rning and plundering

D ecem ber,on every s ide, they sai led the i r s low cou rse up the

AD 856. river , and in mid -winter of 856—7 they m ade the

second V iki ng attack on Pari s ? (T he sec ond V ik ing attackon London had fal len, as we no te, five years earl ier. T he

first V i king attack onLondon had preceded the first onPari s

by three or,m aybe , fou r years .) N o m i racu lou s arm was

s tretched forth th i s t ime to pro tect the ci ty such im m uni ty as

i t gai ned i t owed to the earthly weapon of a heavy ransom .

For the sake of th i s the V iki ngs consented to spare mo s t of

the chu rches . But the chu rch o f S t. Peter and S t. Pau l was

devoured by flames . T here lay the re l i cs of S t. Genevieve,who by her miraculou s powers had alm ost c onverted a heathen

barbar ian of the earl ier invas ion—C hilderic , the father'

of

C lovi s . T he chu rch where she lay occupied the s i te wherenow stands the Pantheon . In the Lo i re the devastat ions

were as terr i ble as onthe S e i ne. T ou rs was attacked a second

t ime. From T ou rs the V i ki ngs ravaged as far as Blo i s?A cry o f fear and angu i sh aro se from these lands ofWes tern

France . S carc ely a town (as we have sai d—they are the verywo rds of a chron ic ler scarce ly a m onas tery

,rem ained un

touched .

‘All m en give themselves to fl igh t . N o one cries

2 Ann. Bert. inP. i. 857 .

2 Ibid . 857.3 Ib id .

4 Traslat . S . P/z itiOerti, ii. (Mab . A. S S . S aec . iv .

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3 2 2 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WN .

up with a contingent of h i s own, and Lo thai r jo ined the

arm y in Augu s t . T here lay the V ikings,shu t i n t ightly i n

the i r O i s se l fastness . Bu t the place cou ld not be taken byassau l t . O ne does no t hear that the Franks even tried ;perhaps they had grown to fear too m uch the V ik ing fortifi

cat ions or even the i r ‘S h ie ld -bu rg .

’

S o they had to re sort tothe tediou s operat ions o f a blockade

,wh ich might give who

knows how many openings to an evi l fate . And anevil fate

unhappi ly stood at the back o f C harles the Bald and his

preparat ions,and was e v en thenat wo rk .

At fi rs t all went we l l . T he S e ine D anes found them selves

unable to break thro ugh the blockade . N o friendly sai l s

appeared on the ho ri zon. T hey had never been over-prov i

dent against the evi l day, and provi sions soon began to run

Sho rt . T he s iege had endured som e twe lve weeks i t was not

po ss ible for them to ho l d out m u ch longer .But now C harles’s i l l- fo rtune s tepped i n in the shape of the

m alcontent nobles o f h is kingdom—Franks th i s t im e as wel l

as Aqu i tan ians . Whi le he had been’

gathering hi s arm y and

fleet they had been o pening c om m unicat ions w i th Lewis ?

And th i s shows how l i ttle honesty th ere was i n the i r pro tes ts

that they were only lo oki ng for a fi t defender for the i r country ,and to how low an ebb the i r patrio t i sm had sunk . C harles

was,at all events , m o re wo rth y than these u nwo rthy vassal s .

But Lew i s unhapp ily l i stened once m o re to the i r propo sal s ,which a certain C ount O t to and Abbo t Adalbert of S t. Bertin

brought to him . H e cou ld scarc e ly be expec ted du ly to we igh

the worth of the nego t iato rs . T he noble s painted the tyranny

o f C harles i n the blackes t co lou rs they pro te sted that if Lewi scou ld not help them they m u s t throw themse lve s upon an

al l iance with the D anes? S uch a th reat might have given

2 Ann. Fu ld. a.a. ; Ann. Bert. l. c. R egino , a .a. 860 (his dates be ingwrong as u sual ). 2 Ann. Fu ld. l. c.

LE WI S TH E G E R MAN IN VAD E S FR AN C E . 3 2 3

the measu re of the i r honesty . But it was perhaps cho sen to

give Lewi s a speciou s pre text for intervening.

T o do so m u s t have been against his conscience. Mo reover

at that mom ent every fam i l iar cal l of du ty required his presence

e l sewhere than in the m i dst of the dispu tes betweenC harles

and h i s subj ects . For the never mo re than half smo thered

rebe l l ion of hi s S lav tribu taries had broken ou t into flam e, and

the German king was th i s mom ent i n the act of arm ing a

tri ple expedit ion—against R astislas,the D uke of Moravia,

against the S orbs in the m iddle di strict,and the Abodriti in

the no rth? Perhaps the very exi stence of th i s ready prepared

arm y doubled the tem ptat ion to Lew i s ; C harles engaged far

away in the we st, the who le road lay open . After, we gather,pay ing his consc ience the tr ibu te of som e reluctance, 2 Lewi s

dec ided to cast the die. InAugu st,858, he cro ssed the

frontier and received the hom agings of a great number of

the Frank i sh and Aqu i tan iannobi l i ty,but of only one ecclesi

astio of the high es t rank,Wenilo

,the Arc hbi shop of S ens.

T hereupon C harles the Bald had to rai se the siege of O issel,which he had nearly brought to a successful conclusion ; and

when all the i r hopes had fled the N o rsem en saw themselves

o nce mo re left free .

C harle s onh is S i de marched to encounter Lewis, and the

two armies cam e face to fac e at Brienne?Bo th were apparently drawn up and ready to do battle but

C harle s had no serious thoughts of fighting. E i ther h i s nervefai led him or he knew that h i s general s had been tam pered

with .4 After three days o f nego t iat ions, leaving h i s troops i n

l ine , he secretly decam ped and m ade for Burgundy? where heexpec ted to find a s trong support . Lew i s m arched forward,and allWes t Francia seem ed to lie at hi s fee t.

2 Ann. Fu ld. l.c. 2 Ibid .3 Ann. Bert. l. c. Ann. Fu ld. l.c.

4 Ann. Bert. 5 Aqu i taine , acco rd ing to R egino , s. a. 866.

3 24 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WN .

But though the thanes fel l from C harles , the ecc les ias tics, allsave Wenilo

,s tood by the i r ano inted king. T hey he ld a synod

at Qu iersey under the pre s idency of H incm ar,Archbi shop of

R he im s,and head, as we m ight call him

,of the Gal l i can

C hu rch? Under the influence of that great and undaunted

m an,the b i shops and abbo t s at Quiersey drew up a letter o f

rem onstrance and reproof,addressed to the victoriou s Lew i s ,

which has a fine ring of courageou s s incer i ty am i d the treacheries

and weaknesses of the t im e . T hey d id not,however

,abso lu tely

refuse to acknowledge Lewis as the i r king . But befo re they

wou ld do so he must obtai n the abdicat ion of C harles the

Bal d.

And inthe event th i s i nvasion came to no mo re than the

invas ion by Lewi s the S axon . S ome o f the nob i l ity who had

been the fi rst to welcom e Lewi s into the western k ingdom,and

were the mo s t trusted by him ,began to i ntrigue for the retu rn

of the i r old king ? Among the se was C ount C onrad the Welf,

the nephew of Judi th the em press,l

and of E mma,the wi fe

of Lewis the German who,as a relat ive both o f C harles and

of h i s rival , might not unnatu ral ly hes i tate to who se s ide he

shou ld attach h imself. H e and h is bro ther H ugo—whom we

shal l often hear of again—had been the fo rem o st i n bringing

over the German king they were now the fo rem o s t i n bringing

back C harles . We can never unders tand the mi l itary move

m ents of those days,e i ther as between ri val C hri st ian princ es,

or between the C hri st ian troops and the be t ter-o rgani zed N o rth

m en, unless we bear i n mind how tem po rary and m i l i t ia- l ike

was the tie of service which kept toge ther the individual s of

the C hrist ianarmies ; how every banorBand had a claim when

2 H incm ar, Op. 11. 12 5 sq.

2 Ann. Fu ld. l. c . ; Ann. Bert. 859 (P. i. H incm ar, l. c . 11. 145158 R egino l. c . R egino

’s account shows that the opinionof the c ler ical

body was against Lewis .

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3 26 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WIV.

cam p with desperate cou rage . Bu t the D ane s held out with a

s t i l l mo re stubbo rn res i stanc e . When charge after charge hadbeen m ade, and m any had fal len on bo th s ides

,the E ngl i sh

were obl iged to w i thdraw . T he E ngl i sh accounts speak o f i t

as a drawnbat tle . But if the D anes kept ho ld,

as they did,of the i r fo rt ified cam p

,th i s was

everyth ing to them . Two years later they rem oved the i r

cam p from T hane t to S heppey,

2a l i ttle higher up the river

that is to say, a l i ttle nearer to London . T hey were now (asappears) under the com m and of three leaders who were to befam ou s inthe annal s of the D anes i n E ngland—Ingvar (Ivar),Ubbe, and H alfdan . T hey are cal led the sons of R agnarLodbrok. It was abou t the same t im e that the i r bro ther i rn

began to be act ive i n Franc e .

But had the s iege of O i ssel succeeded,had the D anes been

com pel led to su rrende r, and had C harle s (a doubtfu l hope , Iown) had the cou rage to m ete ou t to them the fu l l penal ty they

deserved, then one canno t but th ink that everywhere the

C hri stians wou ld have been spu rred ‘to fresh effo rts . T he

united Frank i sh armies might have marched next upon the

V ikings i n Fri s ia,or tho se upon the Lo i re

,and

,encouraged by

the mem o ry of the i r recent tr ium ph, they wou ld have had every

hope of success i n e i ther expedi t ion . T hen no doubt theE ngl i sh wou ld have been rou sed to st i l l greater effo rts

,and the

plague might have been stayed for eve r .

For, after all, it was s t i l l i n the early stage : i t had not yetlasted mo re than twenty years upon the C ont i nent . We can

not date the seriou s beginn ing of the V ik ing attacks uponthe Franki sh E m pi re befo re the death of Lew i s the Piou s, and

Lewis had yet been dead only e ighteen years . O f i so lated at tacks

from D enm ark I am not speaking but of the rise of what m ay

A.D . 855 or 856

2 A . S . cm ” . s.a. 855.

BR E AK D O WN OF O I S S E I . S IE G E . 3 2 7

be cal led a new S candinaviannat ion devo ted to the V ik ing l ife,and draw ing all i ts su stenance from fo re ign countries . It i s

the growth of th i s new nat ional i ty—a nat ion o f freeboo terswh ich m arks the c u lm inat ion , or, if you prefer it, the - true

beginn ing o f the V iking Age .

O f cou rse th is IS only what might have happened, and under

the mo st hopefu l view. It i s at leas t as l ike ly that the V ik ings,even if they had been driven from the C ont inent, wou ld only

have turned w i th s til l greater fury to E ngland, and the di sasterswhich fo l lowed the c om ing o f the Great Arm y (o f which wehave to speak hereafter) m igh t have beenant ic ipated and sur

passed . Inour country, as abroad , the V ik ings had only begun

to fas ten upon the land after a ser ies of desu l tory attacks . Andi t i s we l l indeed for us that th ese early attacks and settlem ents

did no t sooner take the charac te r o f a great invas ion . For a

c ertai n a t/zeling o f E ngland , sonof the re igning K ing IE thel

wu lf, who , m o re than any o the r prince of the century, was thecham pio n o f C hri stendom agai nst the heathen , had yet only

attained hi s tenth year . T en years later when the Great

Invasion did fal l uponE ngland , i t wou l d find thi s prince gi rtwith h i s swo rd

,ready to s tand by the s ide of hi s bro ther

,the

king,i n every bat tle and every s iege . Young as he was

,the

aethel ing IE lfred had al ready m ade one or perhaps two jou rneys

to R om e . O n the firs t v i si t be had been ano inted by PopeLeo IV .

,and rece ived by him as h i s son. O nthe second vi s i t,

i n 855—6, he had ac com panied hi s father IE thelwulf,and s tayed

for a wh i le at the C ou rt o f C harles the Bald. IE thelwulf,who

was a w idower o f fo rty,becam e an asp irant for the hand of

C harles’s daughte r, Jud ith , a girl of only fifteen ; he m arr ied

her on hi s retu rn jou rney wi th great c erem ony at R he ims,giving h i s sons a stepm o th er and the E ngl i sh people a FrenchMadam e

’for queen , w i th which ne i ther were wel l c ontent .

But th i s al l iance o f the two crowns o f We st Francia and We st

3 2 8 D E FE N C E S BR O K E N D O WN .

Saxondom (Wes t- Saex), at the t im e when bo th c ountries weresuffer ing such l ike treatm ent at the hands of the D anes i s

mem o rable .

O nce m o re : whatever succ ess the O i s se l at tack had had, i t

cou l d not have al tered the condit ion o f affai rs fu rther west,where the I ri sh S ea coast was now parcel led ou t am ong the

variou s V ik ing settlem ents,and all the c ountry , I ri sh as we ll as

N o rse or D an i sh, was i n som e sense under the rule of a king

from N o rway, O laf the White ; nor in the o ther countless

N o rse settlem ents in the west and no rth o f S co tland . Irelandand S co t land were for m any years left excluslvely i n the hands

of the V ik ings from N o rway, but i n 852 som e D anes appeared

upon the scene i n I reland in a fash ion wh ich we shal l describe

e l sewhere. And by th i s t ime N orse and D anes al ike wereuni ted into a so rt of Imperium inimp erio, o c cupying the coast

settlem ents in Ire land and ru led over by K ing O laf the White.

But i t i s t ime to cease Spec u lat ions on what might havehappened if the O i s se l s iege had hada different resu l t , and totu rnourat tention upon the actual s tate of th ings in thi s year ofgrace , 859, as C harles was settl ing in hi s reco vered kingdom ,

and the D an i sh S calds , no doubt , were s ing ing in the winter

cam ps upon the S e ine or the Lo i re the t r ium ph of the i r arms

over the C hri s t ians .

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330 D E CA y AN D R E D IN TE G R A TI O N .

Was it po ss i ble for C hri s tendom to s ink m uch lower than i t

had done now, or for the m onarchs o f the em pi re to give

fu rther proo f o f the i r i ncapac i ty for defending the i r subjec ts

against the i r new oppresso rs , or evidence o f a m o re fatal d i sun ion

am ong them sel ves ? And there m u st have been many al ivewho c ou ld rem em ber the glo riou s day when C harle s the Great

retu rned to Aix wearing the diadem of the C aesars . T hey

c ou ld rem em be r st i l l better the rage and yet c ontem pt w i th

which the Franks had heard o f the flee t wh ich Godfred dared

to hu rl agains t ano u tly ing po rt ion of the em p ire and C harle

m agne’s angry complaint agai n s t Providenc e,that he had not

been al lowed to try the strength o f hi sarm agai ns t tho se monkeys .

Yet here were all the i r defenc es broken down, and i n the

lands of the Franks and Germ ans there was an em pi re nom o re . S ome fict ion o f such a s tate had been kept up unti l

four years ago , when Lo thai r died . Bu t now i t had to be final ly

abandoned for the only crowned em pero r nowwas Lewis I I .

Lewi s,the K ing of I taly , abou t whom no one no rth of the

Alps thought or cared—a Frank i sh empero r with no Franks toru le .

T h is was a change inthe whole state of C hri stendom ; and

if i t had no di rec t bearing upon the do i ngs of the V ikings,i t

had ce rtainly a mo ral s i gn ifi cance in the hi sto ry of E u rope ,

and i t was a stage which we mu s t no t ic e inthe decay of thehou se of C harlem agne . We know how m uch the bringing

abou t th is state of th ings had always lai n at the hearts o f the

popes .Years ago , when Pope Grego ry died—Grego ry of the Lugen

fe ld—and S ergiu s was e lec ted h i s succe sso r by the R om ans ,the new pope had taken hi s seat upon the chair o f S t. Pe ter

w i thou t any reference to the assent o f the em pero r. Lo thai r I . ,

who had then been em pero r but fou r years,sent

A.D . 844 .

word to his son Lew1s,his V iceroy in I taly

, to

33 I

collect an arm y and m arch upon R om e,and to exact puni sh~

m ent for thi s contem pt . Lew i s did so ; h i s troops invaded

the papal terri to ries , bu rn ing and plunderi ng as they passed,unti l a terrible thunders to rm which o vertook them frightened

the consc iences of som e,and rem inded them that they were

treading upon ho ly ground . T hey approached the Sacred C i ty

i n mo re deco rou s fash ion . T he pope,w i sely bl ind to the

inju ries wh ich h i s servants and hi s terri to ries had su ffered,

cam e fo rward to gree t the young king, and rece i ved him with

im perial honou rs . At the doo r o f S t. Pe ter’s,however

,he

refu sed Lewis entrance to the fane t i l l he had given h is oath

that he i ntended no inju ry to the chai r of Peter or to the

R om an S tate . And Lew i s swo re to pro tect bo th . T hi s oath

grew presently into a com pact between the young I tal ian king

and the pope, to the exc lu s ion of the c laim s of the em pero r .S ergiu s crowned Lewis K ing of I taly

,and thu s gave him a

t i tle independent of hi s father’

s cho i ce ; and Lew i s confirm ed

the e lect ion of S ergiu s wi thou t refe rence to the wi shes of hi s

fathe r, who was(by these m eans prac t ical ly ousted from all

fu tu re influenc e over the governm ent of Italy ?

While the brin ging abou t o f th i s separat ion between I taly

and the em pire no rth of the Alps was,as we have said

,the

unfai l ing po l ic y of the popes , we canno t count the i r aim se i ther unnatu ral or unjust

,see ing all the spec ial dangers

which threatened the peninsu la, inwhich the transalpine landshad no share . It was a po l icy wh ich , for the t ime, su i ted we l lthe interest s of young Lew i s . But

,on h i s s ide

,i t was a short

s ighted po l i cy, m o rtgaging the power of the im perial crown ino rder to enjoy som e o f i t s pleasu res while hi s father l i ved .

When,eleven years later, Lo thai r ret i red to the monastery at

Prum ,or when, one m onth after

,he died

,Lewi s fel t the i l l

2 G esta Pont. R om . (Bianch ini , i. 349 Ann. Bert. a.a. 844 (P. i .440) T he latte r says noth ing abou t the hosti le attitude of Lewis at first.

33 2 D E CA it AN D R E D I N TE G R A TI O N .

effects of what he had done . H e had kept Italy to h im se lf,but he had al so kept h im self to I taly . H is father cou ld

revenge the sl ight of 844 when in 855 be handed o ve r theru le o f the no rthern countries to Lo thai r, h i s sec ond son. And

whenthe em pero r d ied,Lew i s found i t i n vain to put fo rward

h i s c laim s to som e part of the terri to ries h i s father had ru led

no rth of the Alps . T he two unc les,Lew i s the Germ an and

C harles the Bald,S ided with Lo thai r and, at the partit ion

of O rbe, Lew i s was fo rm al ly excluded from anypart i n the governm ent o f northern C hri stendom .

In th i s wi se Francia ente red upon a di st inc t stage inthecourse of its decay . N ow a st i ll m o re ser iou s downward step

had been taken i n the revival of the c i v i l war by Lew i s i n 858 ,teaching a m em o rable lesson of the overweening influenc e o f

personal am bi tion upon the po l icy of these sons o f Lewis the

Pious , above any care they had for the i r own s tates or the

welfare o f C hri s tendom . For Lew i s,we rem em ber

,had

,at

the’

m om ent o f i nvading C harles’s kingdom,lai d asi de the

schem es (legi t im ate schem e s they wou l d be deem ed in that

day)which he had been m atu ring to r ive t agai n the yoke of

the Franks upon hi s eastern ne ighbou rs the S lavs? It m ight

seem a judgm ent that from th i s t im e to the end o f hi s long

re ign that yoke was never m o re m ain tained by Lew i s ? T he

wars with the S lavs henc efo rth never d ied down . At the head

of the ho st i le c onfederat ion stood the Mo ravian D uke R as

tislas. H e was defeated from tim e to t im e,o ften hi s terr i to ry

was wasted ; but hi s subm i ss ion was neve r won. For m any

years R astislas kept al igh t the fire of revo l t when

he d ied , hi s suc c esso r, hi s neph ew, S uatopluk or

A.D . 856.

A.D . 8 70.

2 G frorer ho l ds that the assem bly of an arm y agains t the S lavs was onlya pretence , O . u . W

'

. Fr . C arol. i . 2 69 .

2 It was to a certainex tent resto red afte r A .D . 862 . T he years 855—862m ay be reckoned tho se o f the co m plete independence of Mo ravia. S ee

G frorer o .c. pp . 197 , 450 .

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334 D E CA Y AN D R E D IN TE G R A TI O N .

matr im onial d ifficu l ty,the cause celebre o f tho se days

,wh i ch

lay very near h i s heart , wh ich was m uch m o re to him than all

h i s kingly du t ie s ; and, indeed, all E u rope was agape abou t them at ter , as if i t had no th i ng m ore ser iou s to concern itse lf with

than the quest ion of the legal i ty o f a royal marriage . C ou ldnot H incm ar

,the greates t ec c les ias t ic o f hi s day no rth o f the

Alps,the gu id ing sp i ri t i n the po l ic y of C harles the Bald , find

subj ec t m o re press ing to the i nterests of h i s co untrym en thanto discu ss whe ther Lo thai r was rightly m arr ied to hi s wife ,T hietberga, or no orwhat m eans we re to be tak en to fo rce him

to give up h i s m i s tres s, Waldrada,and take back his lawfu l

spouse ? C ould H incm ar have looked fo rward ano ther quarter

o f a century and seen the V i king arm ies encamped round h i s

own be loved R he im s,h im se lf, an archb i shop old and grey,

flee i ng befo re them by n ight—c ou ld he have seen these s ights,wou ld he not have though t there were m at ters m o re we ighty

than even a royal d ivo rce su i t ? Yet there were th ings not les s

terrible be ing enac ted befo re hi s eyes, though neither he nor

R he im s we re yet the sufferers . H ad‘not one body of V ik ings

,

the very year o f the O i s se l siege , com e to Bayeux and slai n i t s

b i shop , Bi shop Baltfrid ? and at the beginn ing of

859 ki lled ano ther b i shop,E rm infrid of Beauvais,

and carried off Im mo , B ishop o f N oyon , a pri soner ?2

C harles, not less than Lo thai r, seem s to have abandoned the

tho ught of driving the V i kings away by steady open war ;

th o ugh he did no t,l ike hi s nephew,

s i t down and do no th ing ,or c oncern h im self only wi th dom est i c affai rs . Yet, if the

V i kings were too strong to be openly attacked, what o the r

resource was there ? 2 For one answe r to the que s t ion let us

tu rnas ide for a m om ent from the Franki sh em bro i lm ents, and

look far away over to the Wes tern I sland, wh ich we have lost

A.D . 859.

2Ann. Bert. 859,

D AN E S A T TA C K N O R S E M E IV. 335

s ight o f so long ; not, i ndeed , for the sake o f taking up the

continuo u s h isto ry of the V ikings in I reland agai n—for thehi sto ry i s at once too mono tonou s and m eagre to be unfo lded indetai l—but only to w i tness one event whic h happens to stand

out o f these barren chronic le s l ike an oas i s o f graph ic and

real i zable descrip tion.

II.

I t was in851 . What the G aill had been do ing in Ire landup to 851 we have , perhaps , by th i s t im e nearly

fo rgo tten. It was ‘the fifth year o f Malac hy

,

’for

one th ing—Malachy whom ,if we rem em ber anyth ing

,we

recal l as the s layer of T horgisl i n 845, and the year after

rai sed to the Ard- R i- ship , or t h rone of all Ire land, as Malachy I .

Malac hy had now been Ard-R i for fou r or five years, when,one sum m er

’

s m o rning o f 851 , the‘sea-ward ’

o f the V i kingsinD ubl in , looking ou t to sea

,beheld a great fleet hanging in

the c louds . T he N o rsem en were fi l led w i th panic ( i t i s an

Iri sh c h ronic ler who wri tes)? S om e

,however

,sai d that the

flee t was a flee t o f N o rsem en who we re c om ing to the i r aidbu t o thers, who had m o re know ledge

,sai d that these S h i ps

were the sh ips o f the D aunites, or D anes,who were c om i ng to

rob and plunder them and th i s was infac t the tru th .

It i s a new departu re i n V i k ing h isto ry,th i s tu rning o f the

arm s o f one nat ion o f sea- ro vers agai nst th o se o f ano ther ,instead o f fleshing them upon the comm onC hris tian enem ythe corpu s Bile o f the C hri st ian peasant or m onk .

T he chronicler goes onto te l l u s how the D ubl in N o rsem en

sent a very swift - sai l ing vesse l towards the approaching fleet .

A.D . 851.

2 O’

D ono v an, Tlzree Fragm ents [copied from anc ient sou rces byMcFirbisigh] , fi om wh ich the who le of the fo l lowing account is taken.

For confirm ation, howeve r , c f. C /zron. S cot. ; F. IV] . 850 ; G aill. xx . ;Ult . 850

- 1 . O n the superio rity of D anes ove r o ther S cand inav ians, cf.Ann. Xant.

6 D E CA Y AN D R E D I N TE G R A TI O IV.

And,am i d the barrenness o f all V ik ing reco rds

,i t is not

,I own

,

w i thout keen pleasu re that I watch that s i ngle vesse l scuddingand tacking onits m om entou s errand

,watched eagerly over the

D ubl i n Bay, while the threaten ing D aunite ’ fleet grows largerand larger to view. At last the swift vesse l has com e up to the

forem os t o f the new fleet and the two sh ips m eet‘face to fac e.

’

T he helm sm an 2o f the N o rsem an addressed the helm sman of

the D ane i n wo rds not mu ch d ifferent from tho se wh ich of old

t im e were spoken by Po lyphem u s to the wander ing O dysseu s,and his com rades . ‘Ye

,oh ! m en

,from what country are ye

come upon the sea? C ome ye for peace or forwar?’ 2 But

the only answer wh ich the D ane vou chsafed was to let fly ashower o f arrows . T he crews of the two sh ips at once en

gaged and the crew of the D ani sh sh ip overcam e the c rew of

the N o rsem an,and the D anes slew the crew of the N o rse sh ip .

T he D anish flee t then all together m ade for the place wherelay the N o rwegian sh ips and ran towards the sho re . A fiercebattle was fought . T he D anes slew thrice the i r ownnum ber o f

N o rsem en and they cut off the heads of all they slew . T he

D anes then c onvoyed the sh ips o f the N o rsem en along to a

fo rt and they took the women and the go ld and all the

property of the N orsem enwi th them . And thus ,’ conc ludes

o ur chronic ler,‘the Lo rd took away from the N o rsem en all

the wealth that they had sto len from the chu rches and the

sanctuaries and the shrines of the saints o f E r i n

But two N o rse ch iefs—S te i n and Jargna were the i r nam e s

on i n tel l igence of the defeat o f the D ubl in V i kings se t abou t

great preparat ions for revenge . T hey m ade a great ho s t ing

from eve ry quarter agai ns t the D anes, and came at last w i th

2 T he N o rse wo rd stiu rusm anis u sed by the I rish chronic ler. H e wasno t m ere ly the he lm sm anbut the captaino f the sh ip .

2 I

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338 D E CA Y AN D R E D IN TE G R A TI O N .

the D anes after their v ic to ry roast ing the i r supper on land,the

spits (or spears for sp i ts) stuck in the bodies of slain N o rsem en. And then thi s fragm ent of our chron icle comes to an

end, and we have to retu rn to the m ono tonous calendars .‘T hi s year the G aill and the G aedhil fought at wi th

out detai l ordis tinction between one raid or battle and ano ther .

III .

T urn back again to France . C harles the Bald knew no th ing

o f the do ings o f D ane s or N orsem eni n I reland , and there we renot upon h is coasts two nat ions who c ou ld be pi t ted one agai ns t

the o ther. . N evertheless h i s po l ic y tu rned som ewhat i n th i s

d irec t ion. H e sought to use the D anes o f one set tlem ent

agai nst the D anes of ano the r,to bribe the V ik ings of the

S om m e to attac k the V ik ings of the S e ine . It was not a very

honou rable po l icy , but i t was one of the m eans to whic h hehad to reso rt part of a slow and stubborn resistanc e i n detai l,a constant com bat ing from po in t to po int which m arked hi s

deal ings with the V ikings for long years hencefo rth—an in

gloriou s Fabian po l icy, but no t without its effect inthe end.

O ther means which C harles employed—part,they also

,

of the mach inery of the sam e system—were m o re wo rthy .

C harle s had mi l i tary insti nct enough to see the necess i ty ofim proving hi s caval ry arm . T he D anes them se lves had long

m ade good use of ho rses,but ch iefly for the sake of t ranspo r t.

O n ho rses—a m ounted infantry,or even as I have sai d a so rt

of ho rse-m arines—when away from the i r Sh ips they scou red

the country. H alf the i r suc ce ss was due to the rapid i ty o f

the i r m ovem ents . C harles sought to m ee t them by deve loping

a regu lar cavalry. A dec ree o f h is passed in these years2

2 C ouncil of Pi tres, c. 26 Pertz , Leg. i. 494 .

C l/A RLE S’IlI E AN S O F D E FE N C E . 339

o rdained that e very m anwho se ho ld ing was o f a c e rtai n values hou ld c om e into the fie ld on horseback ; th i s decree i sc o unted by m i l i tary hi sto rians as the veri table i nst i tution of

the m an“at arm s o f the M iddle Ages—the type of so ld ier whoh e l d the fie ld as by far the m o s t im po rtant cont ingent in anyarm y unt i l the vic to ries of the Sw i s s infantry over the troopsof Bu rgundy and M i lan at the beginn ing of the R enai ssanceE ra

, once m o re gave a superio r im portance to i nfantry,wh ich

the improvement i n arm s of prec i s ion final ly sec ured to it.

A th i rd m eans adopted by C harles agai nst the V ikings

was the bu i ld ing o f fo rtified bridges on the rivers to bar the

passage against D ani sh flee ts . A very obviou s means , itm ight be sai d . But i n the firs t place the art o f fo rt ificat ion

had been very l i ttle c ul t ivated of recent years . It wou ld

alm o s t seem as if i n th i s mat ter the C hr i st ians took lessonsfrom the heathens ; for the V ikings had long been in the

habi t of m aking them se lve s fo rt ified cam ps. We do not know

the m e thods of m i l i tary arch i tec ture which they em ployed,

b ut they su cceeded in m aking the i r camps prac t ical ly im

pregnable—as was proved inthe case of the O i s se l s iege .

At firs t the C hri s tians were afrai d to pos sess s trong plac e sfor fear they shou ld fal l into the hands of the enem y, and an

o rder was m ade to destroy the old rem ai n s of R om an

camps for th i s very reason ? N ow,however

, C harles beganthe fo rt ificat ion o f som e o f the r ivers—very tentat ive ly at fi rst .T he fi rs t place i n which C harles tried th i s new method o fwar

fare was Pi t res, a po int on the S e ine a l i ttle above the greatD an ish cam p of O i sse l . O n th i s the wo rks at Pitres weredes igned

,no doubt, as a so rt of po s t of observat ion . Pitres

2 Bu t also because they we re nests of robbe rs and for the encou ragem ent wh ich they gave to insu bo rd inationam ong the vassals o f the k ingdom .

S ee E dict cap. 37 .

340 D E CA Y AN D R E D IN TE G R A TI O N .

lay, mo reover, clo se to the junction of the two rivers , theE u re and the Ande l le, w i th the S e ine , and so barred the ascent

of all three st ream s . At the fi rst m eet ing o f a general counc i l

at Pitres in 862 the wo rks had al ready been begun,and

C harles u rged on the nobi l i ty of the ne ighbou rhood the

necess i ty of pro secu t ing them w i th vigou r . In 864 , at the

second counci l,they were thought to be com plete . T hey had

some e ffect in de terring V i k ing raids . Bu t o f far greater im

po rtance, as they were to prove twenty years later, were the

defensive wo rks wh ich C harles set on fo o t at Pari s , bu i lding

two bridges from the Pari s i sland ac ro ss the S e ine to bar

ingress up that water-way i n to the c entre o f France .

It was a wretched thing that the guardians o f the great

Franki sh E m pi re sh ou ld have to reso rt to such m e re di lato ry

expedients to save the land from the attacks of raw no rthern

barbarians . C ou ld any one i n the days of C harlem agne have

conc e ived that the kingdom wh ich he and his anc es tors had

bu i l t up—nay, that the unc onquered rac e o f the Franks them

selves—wou ld have been , i n l i ttle mo re than half a c entu ry ,trem bl ing and hiding

,or dodging

,so to say, behind the i r

fo rt ificat ions,bringing cunning to bear instead of strength

,by

se tt ing one V ik ing ho s t agains t ano ther ? Yet, as under all

fo rm s o f decay t here exi s t l ikewi se the germ s of new l ife ,though l ife of a di fferent k ind maybe, so here

,do ubtless

,

N ature had not gone to sleep , but was i n her ownway fash ioning som etning o ut o f what had onc e been the m ighty power o fthe Franks ; a som eth ing to which we have no righ t yet togive a nam e, for i t i s as yet but an em bryo . I w i l l no t takeupon myself even to desc ribe what that som eth ing was

,only

to recognize,when I see them

,som e o f the processes which

were bringing i t i nto exi s tence .

For the peasants of th i s age i t was anevi l tim e. C harles’s

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342 D ECA y A N D R E D IN TE G R A TI O N .

and,l ike the G aill-G aedhil of I re land

,had fo re swo rn the i r

country and the i r G od,and jo i ned the i r fo rtunes w i th the

enem ies of bo th . S uch , acco rd ing to one sto ry,was the

o rigin of the thri ce- fam ou s H asti ng. H e,so went the tale,

had once been a s im ple peasant o f Aqu i taine .

But,wi thou t apo stacy to a m an’s rel i gio n or treachery to

hi s country,there was a career open to the fo rtunate brave

of any rank ; or how shou ld that sto ry have ar i sen wh ich

made the ancesto r o f the suc ceeding royal hou se o f Francea &ecm z

'

o a’z'

Parzgz , a bu tcher o f Pari s, as D ante cal l s R o bertthe S trong ? In hi s case the m yth i s u tterly untrue . But

no doubt i t represents m any a t rue hi sto ry of the brave and

successfu l m en of tho se t im es . Many great fam i l ies had

the i r o rigi n in these days of tu rm o i l . We can find the

father of R obert the S trong , bu t we canno t find him a grand

father. O f ano ther cham p ion o f these days,Baldwin of the

Iron Arm,the king’s Fo rester and C ount of Flanders , and

eventual ly h i s son-in-law,I do not know that we caneven find

the father. T hi s i s the com pensat ion which N atu re m akes u s

for an era of revo lu t ion, wh ic h m u st al so needs be anera of

decay, th i s carrz'

ére ouven‘e aux tale/22‘s

,th i s r i se of fresh blood

to enfo rce the feeble cu rrent o f the old. Firs t o f all the

germ i nal pro cesses which were go ing onnow I place th i s r i seof great m en

,new m en

,the ances to rs of fam ou s ho uses

,m en

withou t ances to rs of the i r own.

E verywhere, whether they were new m enor old, the vassal s

of the C rown were grow ing into i ndependence . H ow co u ld it

be o therwise, whenthe prestige of the kingly rank—nay, whatwas s t i l l m o re we i ghty, the pre s t ige of the C arl ing nam e

had fal len so low? E verywhere,in all parts o f the em pire,

as by a nec essary natu ral pro c e ss,we see the sam e th ing go ing

on—the ri se o f great hou se s . O nly i n Franc e—in C harles’sk i ngdom—where the Franki sh and the C arl ing nam es had

R I S E OF N E W H 0US E S . TH E WE LFIN G S . 343

fal len so m uch the m o st,the pro cess i s m o re revo lu t ionary

,

the ri se i s mo re sudden, there are m o re new m en. E l sewhere

i t i s c h iefly that houses already famous gain vastly inimport

ance and power.

IV .

Great al ready was the fam i ly from which the late Empress

D owager Judi th came, the fam i ly of C ount We lf the Bavar ian.

Two o f the daughters of that C ount Welf m arried into the

royal C arl ing H ouse,the E m press Judith for one, E m ma, her

s i ster, for ano ther ; she m arried Lewi s the Germ an,so that

th i s las t was his own fathe r’s bro ther- in-law. H e was C harles

the Bald’s unc le- in-law and half-bro ther. T he sons of We lf

were two,R udo lf and C onrad . C onrad had for chi ldren

a second C onrad and H ugo,bo th o f whom we have seen

taking c onsp ic uou s parts inthe dram a o f Lewis the Germ an’s

instalm ent as ru ler o f West Francia i n 858 , and hi s expu l s ion

the fo l low ing year. T he sec ond C onrad had as son ano ther

R udo lf,whom we shal l see long henc e r i s ing to k ingly honours

u pon the ru in s o f the em pire .

I T hese We lfs were illu s tr iou s

by the i r connec t ions, for they were related in many different

ways to all the kings of the C arl ing H ou se through the i r twoaunts i n the way we have seen 5 th rough the i r m o ther

,Adelis

or Adelais, they were cou s ins to the E m pero r Lewi s I I . and to

Lo thai r II . But these Welfings were even mo re i l lustr iou s by

th e i r ownachievem ents , espec ial ly the second of them,Abbo t

H ugh . T he i r varied re lat ionsh ips m ight wel l m ake them of a

som ewhat doubtfu l al legiance . Two of th em , we have ju s tsaid

,were at fi rst am ong the leaders of the party which invited

Lew i s the Germ an into Wes t Francia ; and alm o st di rectly

after h i s i nvas ion they began to schem e for the resto ration o f

1 T here was a th i rd C onrad , son of the e l der R udo lf, l ikewise a conspicuous figure inthese days.

344 D E CA Y AN D R E D IN TE G R A TI O ZV.

C harles . But by m o re honou rable m eans also they ro se to

power . H ugh becam e i n later years the cho sen succ esso r 0R obert the S trong

,i n h i s abbey o f Marm outiers and h i s

county of Anjou ; that i s to say, he becam e the guard iano f the

Breton m arches against the Bre tons,as we ll as the defender of

the Fatherland agai nst the ceaseless and m o st dangerou s

at tacks of the Lo i re D anes .It was when the D anes were al l ied w i th the Bretons that

they became m o s t threatening . T hi s Abbo t H ugh l ived long.

H e becam e,after the death of C harles the Bald, alm o s t a

regent of the kingdom , and redeemed early days of treachery,or something l ike i t, by a long and fai thfu l service to the

WesternC arl i ng H ou se.

S axony never received its due share of attent ion from Lewis

the Germ an,who was to the end lzodz i n all h i s tas tes

and associat ions . H e had ru led h i s Bavarian kingdom long

befo re he rece i ved h i s terri to r ies, and hi s

thoughts centred round hi s firs t subj ec ts . T he i r neglec t at

the hands of Lewis necessari ly led the S axons to look the

more to the nobil i ty of their ownsto ck . O f t h ese by far the

greatest was the hou se who se repre sentat ive s were two counts

of Lewi s’s C ou rt, C ount C obbo and C ount Liudolf. T hey

were o f anancient Saxon fam i ly, who se genealogy went bac k

into the days o f heathenism and freedom . O f these two

bro thers,who belong to the his to ry o f th i s t im e, we have

already seenC ount C obbo sent as am bassado r to H o rik , K ing

o f D enm ark,what t im e R agnar retu rned ladenw i th boo ty and

with s ickness from h i s Pari s raid . C obbo was u sed to offices

of high tru st ; he had been,for exam ple, one o f Lew i s

’

s

plenipo tent iaries i n d i scu ss ing the pre l im i nar ies to the T reaty

of V erdun . T hough C obbo and Liudo lf cou ld look back to

the t im e wh en th e i r anc es to rs had bo rne ru le am ong the

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346 D E CA Y AN D R E D JZVTE G R A TI O N

diadem ; to the exc lu s iono f C onrad’s ownkin . In9 1 8 H enry

asc ended the im perial throne as H enry I .,and i s known to us

as H enry t/ze Fowler. H e i t was who drove the Magyar

ho rdes back from the Germ an lands . In him began the‘Saxon ’

em pero rs inGerm any . T o H enry’s grandson O tto ,cal led O tto the Great

,i t was given

,one m ay say, to ro l l back

the stream o f t im e,and to wrest from the popes the power

and privi leges wh ich , th rough years o f to i l , they had gathered

at the expense o f the em pero rs . But these th ings carry us

far beyond our present era.

In th i s centu ry there was another great G erm anduke who senam e deserves to be had in rem em branc e . T h i s was D ukeH enry of T hu ringia, of fam i ly and attai nm ents no t i nfer io r tothe two great S axon counts . O f som e of h i s own achievem ents we shall hereafter be the w i tne sses ; but as h i s

descendant s were, so far as we can tel l,undi st ingu i shed

,there

i s no need to speak of them .

Let us rather look acro ss to the western kingdom , to the

o ffspring of ano ther S axon who had settled there. T hi s

Saxon was nam ed Witichin or Witikin . T here i s no th ing toshow that he was of noble b irth but i n the open field of the

we st he wonh im self som e fam e . H ere in,however he was far

ou tshone by h i s son,that thrice- fam ou s R obert o f whom we

have al ready o ften had to speak . R obert becam e C ount o f

Anjou . H is was the task o f defending the Bre ton m arches,

and at the sam e t im e of keeping guard agains t the power o f

the V ik ings of the Lo i re,who were so clo se to the Bre ton

front ier ; and for a reward for h is great service s he held as

lay abbo t the r ich abbey o f Marm outiers at T ou rs . R obert,too , l ike so m any of the founders of great hou se s o f th i s age ,

we rem em ber far m o re for the sake o f h i s de sc endants than

for h imself : so germ inal was th i s t im e , so fu l l o f the seeds

R O BE R T TH E S TR O N G . z E LFR E D . 347

o f future h isto ry. N o need to speak of the offspring of thi s

R obert,whom after -ages wou ld have to have been a Ma zda 4 ?

Parzgz’

. E ven in the course of our hi sto ry we shall see the

enthronem en t of the first king of this house,but not the

defini te and final enthronem ent of the house in the person of

H ugh C ape t, H ugh of the H ood .

S trange that the two mo s t famous royal hou ses who se risewe trace in th i s age shou ld bo th have been Saxon . O verhere in E ngland at the same t im e, j ust growing up to m an

hoo d,was ano ther S axon, a West Saxon ; not the founder of

a new hou se, for he was anaethe l ing of the reigning one , but

the father of not less fam ou s descendants than e i ther R ober t

o r Liudolf, and mo re than they, the cham pion of the civil ized

wo rld agai nst the powers of heathendom and anarchy which

fought under the banners of the V ikings—I mean our English

ZE lfred.

Many more of the great m en of this age might we speakof—of C ount Bal dw i n of Flanders ; of C ount R am nulf, D ukeof Aqu i tai ne

,who often , through these dark days

,fought

against the V iki ngs by the s ide of R obert the S trong ; of

C ount V iv ianus,who se death we wi tnessed a while ago at the

bat tle of R ennes ; of H ukbert, the grim abbot, who guarded

the passes of the Al ps in his abbey of S t. Mau rice i n V allais

(where , m en said,there went ondo ings strange i ndeed for the

hom e o f an ecc les iast ic), and who,alm o st all his l ife long ,

was a tho rn in the s ide of K ing Lo thai r ; of E rnest theMargrave of the Bohem ian bo rder, father- in-law of C arlm an

,

K i ng Lew i s’s eldest son,and for a whi le Lewi s the Germ an’

s

m o st tru sted counse l lo r,then as suddenly di smi ssed by him

and deprived of all hi s fiefs or of Adalhard, the unc le-in-law

o f C harles the Bald, his strongest defence i n earlier days , butl ike the Welfic bro thers

, one who i n 858 played the part

348 D E CA Y AN D R E D IN TE G R A T101V.

of a king-m aker between the r ival s, Lewis the German and

C harles ;Iof howmany o thers .

E ven thenwe shou ld only have exhau sted the l ist of thegreat laym en. T here st i l l rem ain the C hu rchmen

, who now

play such an im po rtant part i n po lit ics,both lay and

eccles iast ical . T here are many who se names might wel l

deserve to be commemo rated ; yet they all sink into insignifi

cance by the side of the greates t prelate of the Franki sh

E mpire in the latter half o f the ninth centu ry ; I mean

H incm ar,the Archb i shop of R he ims

,who m igh t be cal led

the H ildebrand of hi s age, only that thi s t i tle belongs of right

to his contemporary, Pope N icho las the First . H incm ar was

a H i ldebrand in character,but h i s po l icy was the po l icy o f

the head of the C hurch of France, of what was to cal l i tself

at a later date the Gal l ican C hu rch . It was therefo re opposed

onmany points to the tradi t ional pol icy of the popes,which

H i th i s age was uphe ld by N i cho las the Firs t with almo st as

much courage and success as i n a later century by Grego ry V II .

T he contest between N icho las and H incm ar,when their paths

cro ssed , was a battle of giants ; but the victory remai ned with

the pope.

About the time at which we have now arrived—from about

the date 860 onwards—the po l icy of C harles the Bald was

di rected by H incm arfar m o re than by any o ther m an in the

kingdom . N o doubt we m ay ascri be to H incm ar’s counsel s

"

the strai n in C harles of greater stead iness of purpo se than

was to be found before, which , though mat ters m ight have

seemed almo st beyond hope, d id eventual ly have a very dec ided

effect upon the act iono f the V ik ings, and produced in the end an

unhoped-for amel io rat ion inthe affai rs of West Francia. But

Adalhard and the W elfings were general l y in rival ry, and the partwh ich the fo rm er took inbr ing ing inLewis m ay have influenced the latter'

0 change sides. Cf: D iim m ler, i. 4 2 2—3 .

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350 D E CA Y AN D R E D IN TE G R A TI O N .

inj ured bro ther, C harles the Bald . C harles cam e to a

conference at C oblenz and m ade a so lem n recitat ion o f hi s

wrongs. Lewis made apo logy,and prom ised inthe fu tu re to

preserve the terms of the T reaty of V erdun . T hi s was i n860.

V .

Meantime the V ikings had beenm aking unh indered the i r

cam ps along the ch ief rivers of France , and C harles , reno unc

ing his earl ier am bi t ion of driving them away by fo rce o f arm s,beganto have recou rse to hi s new m ethods . H e entered into

nego t iat ions with the D anes in the S om me. At the head o f

them was a leader, Weland by nam e, a name o f terro r or of

hope. C harles sought to enl i s t We land against We land’s

bro ther,or his rival, V i kings of the S e i ne . T he fi rst s tep i n

the new po licy was a miserable fai lure . C harles had promised

three thou sand pounds of s i lver, and had given ho stage s to the

D anes for the sam e . But though the shr ines and chu rches

were made to y ield up the i r t reasu res, the who le sum was not

forthcoming, ornot so quickly as to suit the requ i rements of

We land and his m en; whereat they set sai l , carried off the i r

ho stages,and instead o f fal l ing upon the V ikings of the S e ine

,

they made for the E ngl i sh coas t, and plundered the fam ou s

capi tal of Wessex—Winchester. I T hi s was the fi rs t attack

wh ich our country had fel t s i nce the death of E thelwulf, two

years befo re ; it is l ikew i se the las t (or almo st the last) i n whatm ay be cal led the trans i t ion per iod of the V i king raids i n England . A new and d isas trou s era was to dawn for E ngland, in

which all the hero i sm of her sons and all the great qual i t ies

of the children of fE thelwulf were to be put to the proo f.

T he E ngl i sh C hronicle says that subsequent to

the sto rm ing of Winchester the V ikings we re de

feated. At any rate Weland and his band cam e back to

AS . C itron. 860 .

A. D . 861.

S E IN E A N D S O TWA/E VIK'

IN G S . 351

France next year . T hey dem anded a c ontr ibu tion tw ice as

large as the first—five thou sand pounds of s i lver, cattle and c o rn

for the suppo rt o f the i r troops : and C harles the Bald , w i thunheard—of exert ions (extort ions, say hi s detrac to rs), had to

rai se that vas t sum . Meant im e the S e ine D anes had grown

mo re i nso lent than before . T wice du ring the spring of 861

they se i zed horses, rode along the banks of S e i ne up to Pari s,which now underwent i t s th i rd and fourth plunderings. T he

churches of S t. V incent and S t. Germ ain s were a prey to the

flames—S t. Germ ains,which had once been a scene of such

di saster to the ravagers,was now plundered unavenged .

But joy no doubt awoke i n m any breas ts at the news that ,the treaty wi th Weland be ing co m ple ted, the S omm e D aneshad in very tru th set sai l for the S e ine. T he S e ine D anes

were shu t i n by the i r fe l low-V ikings,hard pressed by hunger .

Bu t there was no thought onthe part of We land and his flee tof destroyi ng the i r fe l low- countrym en . T hey need only agreeto disgo rge the i r plunder. H ard pressed and m uch agai nst the i r

wi ll, the S e ine V ikings at last prom i sed to pay to the V ik ingsof the S om m e six thou sand pounds in go l d and si lver. At

that price they gai ned a free passage to the sea, to turn to o ther

lands or to retu rn to these,when the r ival flee t shou ld have

sai led away . If the C hri st ians obj ected to th i s treaty let themdo better for them sel ves . Many of the O i ssel D anes jo ined

hands with the i r conquero rs . T hey were unde r no fam ou s

leader so they to ok serv ice with Weland’s son. C harles hadgained l i ttle by all hi s exert ions and nego t iat ions

,by the

plunderings (as m encal led them ) of C hri st ian chu rches . H e

had to place tro ops under h i s son Lewis to guard the S e ineand keep watch o ver the vast body o f V ikings spread along alli ts length . But as for di rec t attac k s they were no t to bethought o f.T he plunderings inFriesland were as bad. T he V ik ings had

352 D E CA I’AN D R E D IN TE G R A TI O N Z

firm ho ld of the Batavian i sland . T hey had plundered

A.D . 862—4. U trecht, and destroyed m any of i ts chu rc hes, andin the year 862 they m ade ano ther descent on

Saxony. Lewis the German came no rth to defend hi s terri

to ries . T his visit o f his to Saxony i n the year 862 was thelast he ever made to that country. H enc efo rth to Liudolf andi ts o ther nat ive counts must S axony tru st . T he fo l lowing yearthe V ik i ngs were up the R hine again

,fi rst to D orstad. T hey

sai led farther, to the abbey of Xanten , and bu rnt its beau t ifu lchurch, S t. V ic tor. But

,say the Xanten chroniclers , they were

se i zed wi th m adnes s when they had done th i s,and abandoned

the treasu re they had robbed from the churches.

I Lo thai r II .

best i rred h im se lf th i s year . H e j o ined hands wi th the S axons,eager to revenge the ravages o f 862 . We see the S axons now

ac ting independently,m aking independent al l iances . T he two

C hri stian armies marched along opposi te banks down the

R hine . Lothai r effected no th ing w i th h i s troops. But the

S axons d id come to blows w i th the irenem ies

,defeated them

and slew the i r leader K alb i . 2

T hese v icto r ies were i neffective. T he V ikings cont inued to

settle in the Low C ountries . R udo lf,a son o f the bapt ized

H aral d—a nephew therefo re to R orik and bro ther to Godfred—rece ived a heavy tribu te from Lo thai r

,presum ably as guardian

o f the Fri s ian coas ts (A. D . T he V ikings who cam e to

E ngland about th is t im e are cal led by a chronicler S ta/dings,i.e. , S che ld m en.

3 From which i t wou l d seem that the N o rth

m en he ld a fi rm stat ion onthat ri ver as we ll as upon all the

mou th s of the R hine.

T his sounds l ike a rem iniscence of the Par is m iracle. Am t. X . a. 864

(P. ii. 2 3 1 A . X . are general ly one year late r thanthe true date .

9 Ibid .

3 S caldingi,’S im . D un. inM. H . B. , p . 795

—800 . Cf . S to rm ,Bz

’

a’

m g,eta , p . 8 1 .

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354 D E CA Y AN D R E D IN TE G R A TI O IV.

the pricks, he had to give way in the end and al lowJud ith’s

m arr iage to be publ ic ly so lem nized . T here was ,i ndeed, no room for any o ther po l icy than that o f

keeping the V ikings at bay.

T he V ik ings of the Lo i re country were st i rr ing agai n—inPoic tou—som e had even penetrated as far as Auvergne .

Pippin , the old pre tender to Aqu i taine,S prang out o f o bsc u ri ty

once m o re and openly j o ined fo rce s w i th th i s band o f p irates .O ne conso l ing featu re i n the s i tuat ion was that one of the

great leaders o f the S e i ne D anes—i rn I rons ide , the son o f

R agnar Lodbrok—had c om e to C harle s a year or

two ago to V erberie and done hom age . T h i s was

ano the r part of the pol icy o f C harles—to try and se ttle the

m o re peacefu l ly d ispo sed am ong the V ik ing leaders in the

terri to r ie s near h i s coas t where they m ight serve as a barrier

agai nst fresh fleets .A s ti l l m o re conso lato ry feature was the grow ing ac t ivi ty of

some of the great vassal s—tho se new m en of whom we havespoken . C ount Baldw i n bo th befo re and after he go t i ntotrouble with K ing C harles deserved wel l of the S tate for his

defence of the Flanders country . T hrough him the V ikings

were driven off i n 863 . S t il l m o re renowned were the ach ievem ents of R obert and of R am nulf i n these years. R obert the

S trong gained,mo reover

,in 863 , a great victo ry over the

Bre tons and over Lew i s, C harles the Bald

’s ownson,who was

i n rebel l ion agai nst h i s father . T hi s v ic tory was fo l lowed in

864 by a peace i n wh ich the Bre ton king (S alom onI his nam e

was) once m o re becam e a tr i bu tary o f the K ing o f the Franks,

and part of what C harles had been figh t ing for ever si nce hecam e to the throne was regained . Agains t the Lo i re V ikingsthe effo rt s of R obert and R am nulf were unceas ing in these

A.D . 863 .

A.D . 858 .

S alom on was a usu rpe r who had m u rdered the p reced ing pr ince ,E rispo r

—possibly with the connivance of C harles . S ee G frorer o . c .

D E A TH OF R O BE R T AN D R AMN ULF. 355

years (865, N ot always vic to r iou s but never di spi ri ted,

they carried onthe i r wo rk and wo re out the i r foes by cont inuedconfl ic ts .But what evil fate was that wh ich in the autumn

of the latter year sent these two heroes toge ther inpursu i t of a l i t tle band of som e fou r hundred D ane s and

Bretons who had gal loped acro ss c ountry to fall upon the

towno f Le Mans,onthe Sarthe, not far rem oved e i ther fro m

the Breton borders or the set tlem ents of the Lo i re D anes ?

T his was the country which had been special ly tru sted to the

care of C ount R obert. H e co l lec ted a troop,and on the i r

way back the plunderers were m et by th i s co rps of Franks,under the command of C ount R obert

, C ount R am nulf, C ountH eriv eus

,and C ount Godfred, all redoubted cham pions of

C hri stendom ,though the last , one wou ld th ink, mu st have been

a D ane by descent. T he m arauders onthe i r s ide were underthe o rders o f a very famous V iki ng leader—the sec ond m o stfam ou s i n tradition of all tho se who were ac t ive inthis centu ry—the leader H ast ing. U nder su ch a captainthe V ikings werenot l ike ly to subm i t tame ly nor at once ; for, bes ide s h i s

s trength inbattle,H ast ing was fam ous above all o ther V ik ing

captains for h i s resou rce i n m om ents o f d ifficu lty.It was at Brisarthe that the Franks cam e up wi th the D anes

they so far ou tnum bered them that the latter had no cho icebu t to shu t them se lve s up i n a strong stone chu rch which the

place boasted.

I All who cou ld not find refuge there int im e

were slai n . T ho se inside cou ld no t,however

,be driven ou t

unlucky that here there shou ld be a chu rch of stone ; had i tbeen of wood only ! But by th i s t im e i n France proper wooden

chu rch es were beginn ing to be ou tnum bered by the s tone ones .T he afternoonwore on to evening—in frui tless attacks. At

A.D . 866.

R egino , s .a. 867

D E CA y AN D R E D IN TE G R A TI O N .

last the Franks resolved to fix th e i r cam p ou ts ide the chu rch ,and renew the attack nex t day. C ount R obert was rest ingfrom hi s labou rs and had lai d as ide hi s helm e t and h i s breas t

plate for a m o m ent to coo l h im self in the breeze of that au tum n

evening . All wo rk seem ed ended for that day.

But not so thought the hawk- eyed H as t ing or hi s D anes, for

ever onthe alert. Few as they were they cho se th i s m omentto m ake a sal ly onthe unsu spect ing Franks . Im m ediate ly all

was inconfu s ion . C ount R obert se i zed hi s arm s and ru shed

bareheaded to the front . C ount R am nulf had com e up. T he

Franks held the i r own,and now began to drive back the foe

with the we ight of the i r superio r num bers,C ount R obert s t i l l

fighting at the i r front . But alas ! in the doors of the chu rc h

the V ikings made a s tand (or maybe they had only pretended

to fly th i ther i n o rder to draw on the i r foe), and in the m élée

there R obert was s truck down . An arrow from the window

gave R am nulf a wound from which in a few day s he died .

And the C hri st ians were so di sconcerted at the fal l of the

bravest of the i r leaders that they thought no mo re o f destroy ing

H asting and hi s fo l lowers,but stood idly by and let them

escape to the i r ships.

I In tru th,as a contem po rary says , the

lo ss was wo rse than the lo ss o f ten thou sand m en. Whatcou ld m ake up to France for the death of th is cho sen

c ham pion, th i s Judas Mac cabaeu s , 2 who seem ed cal led by

H eavento free the people of the Lord from th e i r oppresso rs .

R obert left two sons behind him,ano th er R obert , afterwards

C ount o f Pari s,and O do , who ro se h ighe r s til l, to be K ing

of France . T hey were too young to receive the po s i t ion andthe fiefs which he had hel d these were granted, m o st of them ,

to H ugh the We lf, a wo rthy fo l lower i n R obert’s steps . H e

T he best account of th is is inR egino , l. c. ; cf . also A . Bert . 866 (P. i.

472 A . X . 867 ; Ann. Fu ld. (Anon.) 867 .

9 Ann. Fu ld. l.c.

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C H APT E R X II .

TH E G R E A T AR AI Y.

I .

ALR E AD Y some of the great leaders were growing impatient ofthe i r l ife inFrance . Bjorn I rons ide—we sawhim som e years ago ,c om ing to the C ourt of C harles the Bald at V erberie and do ing

hom age to the king for a fief which he rec e i ved , as though hehad m ade up h i s m ind to give up the l ife of adventu re and

settle down inFrance . But the V iking sp i ri t cam e upon him

again befo re long, and next year he set to wo rk to fi t ou t a new

expedi t ion and to prepare for a voyage mo re adventurous than

any which a S candinavian fleet had yet em barked upon . T hi s wasin859, seven years befo re the las t event related in

the preceding c hapter . By the s ide of Bjorn inth i s voyage we find the sam e leader whom we have ju st seen

res i st ing the attack of C ount R obert at Brisarthe,and cau s i ng

the death of the c ount—I mean H ast ing . S o that,when he

m ade that m arauding at tack upon Le Mans , H as t ing had probably no t long returned from the far m o re exc i t ing and peri lous

adventu re which we have now to relate . U nfo rtunate that, asi s th e i r wont , the chronic lers give us the ou tl ines only of thisvoyage of d iscovery.H ast ing has not a good character i n the N orman tradi tion.

A.D . 859.

H A S TIN G AN D E j éRN . 359

H e appears inD udo as a kind of rival of R o lf the Ganger,the

conquero r o f N orm andy. H e appears as the O dysseus am ong

the band of V iking c h iefs, the m anof m any w i les and am ong

a people who , whate ver the i r prac t ice, did not perhaps ho ldw i l ines s in such go od repute as i t s to od am ong the Greeks .H ast ing was one of tho se who inafter- years becam e amenableto the new po l icy inst i tu ted by C harles the Bald ; that i s to say,

he was one o f tho se whom i t was po ss ible to bribe over to theC hri st ian s ide, to set to guard the front ier against fresh bandso f V i kings . Intho se later years he rece i ved the rich terri toryo f C hartres and was often treated by the K ing of France as one

o f hi s tru sted counsel lo rs . In such a capac i ty he appeared

befo re the flee t of R olf when i t neared the N orm an coast . H e

c am e to parley w i th the c rews i n the nam e of the French king .

T hey dem anded who he was. H eard ye never of H as t ing ?’

was the reply of the fam ou s V iking.

‘Yea,

’

answered R o lf,

we have heard of him as the m anwho began we l l and ended

i l l . ’ S uch i s the H ast ing o f N orm an tradi t ion. At the samet im e th i s friend o f the C hri stians i s represented as the m o st

c rue l of the heathen leaders , c om pared to whom R o lf and hi s

m encom e as a so rt o f saviou rs to the land th ey c onquered.

I

Bjorn, then, and th i s H ast ing in A . D . 859 prepared thei r

T here was, i t seem s, l ikewise a younger bro ther o f

Bjornon board,ano ther sono f R agnar Lodbrok . T he flee t

was not a large one , c om pared to m any which we have seennot m o re thanseventy sai l . But then th i s was a voyage of absolutelynewad ventu re , prom i s ingno im m ediate gain

,for i twasnot

di rec ted agains t the known lands of France or Fri s ia,nor even

against the Engl i sh coas t, but designed for the far sou thernsho res of S pain, and, as i t proved, for countries farther sti l l .

D udo (Bk . i.) devotes e leven l ines of bom bastic ve rse and as m any ofprose to abu se o f H asting .

2 Fabric ius , f brbz’

m z’

e/serne m et/em [Va/den0g (ten5p . H air/o, p. 69 sgg.

360 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

S pai n had up to now been only once vi s i ted by a V i ki ng fleet,fifteen years ago . T his flee t of Bjtirnmade fi rs t for the sameregions which had been befo re attacked—the kingdom of

Asturias wh ich lay among its m ountains upon the no rthern

coas t, that s ingle state i n which the N o rthern pi rate s never

m ade any way. R amiro I . had been the K i ng o f Asturias at

the t ime of the fi rs t attack . T he name of the pre sent king was

O rdono I . O f the kings of these days we know no mo re, or

l i t tle m o re , than the nam es,m u ch as we shou ld l ike to know.

O rdono was at the m oment engaged against h i s constant

enem ies the Moo rs bu t a c ount of the province,D onPedro ,

attacked the V iki ngs and defeated them , driving them out of

th i s country . T hey put to sea again and now once again the

N o rtherners reached the kingdom of the Arabs . T hey found

the sam e flee t s guarding the coast s that had prov ed so form id

able to the i r predecesso rs and i n attacks on these and

unsuccessfu l at tem pts to land, they sai led down the wes tern

coas t of S pai n . T he V iking fl eet cons i sted of but two and

s ixty sai l when it was fi rst descried by the fleet of the Arabs

and i n encounters wi th these last the N o rthm en lo s t two o f

the i r sh ips . But st i l l they sai led on and now they cam e to

the sou thern c oasts , and s ighted the m inare ts o f S evi lle and the

o range grove s of the Guadalqu i vi r . T hat land m u st have

seem ed anearthly paradi se to these sons o f Bo reas , and m igh t,

we l l invite them to strenuou s attem pts at c onques t . But the

Arabs were prepared to rece i ve them . An army under the

banner o f H aj i b I sa- ibn- H assan m arched uponthe m arauders,

and the flee t was o bl iged to we igh ancho r and sai l ou t to the

open sea.

And now it d id what no no rthern fleet had ever done befo re

sai led through the Pil lars of H erc u les , and its c rews were the

first o f the i r race who ever bu rs t into the Medi terranean S ea.

Tacitus tel l s us inh is German ia that the Germans inhis day

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362 TH E G R E A T ARM Y.

According to som e accounts they took N arbonne i t i s certainthat they plundered the ho l y places i n R ousillon. Las t o f allthey set sai l far over the Medi terranean unti l they came to the

de l ta o f the R hone and the low i sland which that delta fo rms

and which i s cal led the C am argue .

T he C am argue had al ready for some t im e been a favouri tehaunt of the Arab co rsai rs , the Medi terranean counterparts of

the V ik ings . It was the i r Walcherenor O i s se l , the safe placeinwhich they refi tted the ir rates gum m y and prepared fresh

assau l ts upon the inland towns }l T he se Arab pirates hadgrown to a he ight of i nso lence which m ight ri val that of the

V ikings i n the no rth . Witness a sto ry whic h the H incm ar te l l s

u s of the B ishop o f Arles and the Arab pi rates,c om parable i n

every way to so m e o f the s to r ies o f the V ik ings and the i r

do ings. T he Arabs to ok the unfo rtunate bishop pri soner and

treated him so roughly t hat he died i n the i r hands . Bu t m ean

while they found that the people o f Arle s were ready to give

any sum to ransom the m an of G od. T he bishop therefo re

was brough t fo rward from the pirate gal leys , dressed in h i s

robes, seated on h i s throne . H ow reverently these Mo slem

bear the holy m an And now the people see that the i r b ishop

i s real ly to be brought back to them,they pay the ransom at

once . T he p irates place him onthe sea- sho re and ret i re the

people ru sh fo rward to ki ss h i s hand and rec e ive hi s benedic t io n .

Alas ! that hand i s co ld . It was a dead b ishop wh ich the

S aracens bo re w i th su ch care,for whom we have pai d such a

heavy ransom . T he Arabs of the C am argue were not l ikely to

y iel d a ready place to s trangers . We m ay presum e, therefo re,

that at this moment they had abandoned the C am argu e for

m o re prom i s ing fiel ds in I taly ; for we do not hear that these

two r ival powers of the sea cam e i nto contact now,and it is

Prudentius m entions anattack by them onArles inA.D . 842 .

S IE G E OF LUN A . 363

probable that Bjornand H as t ing and the i r fleet s tayed through

the winter m onth s o f 859—60 by the i sland. T hey fortified

them selves ina town,

’ says the chronic ler, which to th i s daybears th e ir nam e .

’ We do no t hear that the V ik ings were di s

turbed in the i r w inter re treat . T hey were now i n the country

o f the K ing o f Prov ence , of C harles, the th ird sonof Lo thai r,a poo r, weakly, epi leptic princ e , abou t whom hi sto ry i s alm o sts i lent. H e was s t i l l yo ung, but hi s l ife was wo rth ju st threeyears’ pu rchase andno m o re no t a king whom the N o rthm en

need dread . T hey m ade a short expedit ion up the R hone and

took V alence . But when spring cam e round a new and

wei ghtier enterprise po ssessed the i r thoughts no thing less

than an attack upon the capi tal o f the wo rld—in a certain

sense i t was th i s sti l l—u pon R om e i tself—that strange cityo f wh ich no doubt m any o f the i r legends to ld .

T hey did set sai l , bu t from want o f p i lo t s they came not tothe T iber bu t to the Bay of S pezzia where m arble Luna laym i rrored in the sea.

I Luna had al ready been attacked by oneset o f pirate s —the Arabs—in84 8 , and, be ing st i l l fo rt ified wi thits R om an wal ls , i t m ight defy the s iege of th i s fleet’s crew of

V ikings devo i d of m ach inery for engineering wo rks .H ast ing

,that Loki of the V i kings

,had (as the sto ry goes)

o ther weapons at hand bes ide tho se of openfo rce . H e devi sed

a t rick whereby h is fo l lowers sho uld find the i r way i nto the

gates . H e sent to say that he and h i s com rades had not com e

to m ake war upon C hri st ians ; that they had been driven bythe i r fe l low- countrym en from the i r se t tlem ents in France ; thathe him se lf was near h i s end

,and all he des i red was to be

adm i tted by baptism into the C hris tianC hu rch . It had becom e

no t uncom m on,as we know

,for the N o rthm en to seek thi s

I O r perhaps first to Pisa, afterwards to Luna . O nthe grounds for supposm g that the fo llowm g inc id ent W t h is spo rad ic inV iking legend real lybe longs to th is Luna exped ition, see S teenstrup, a.r. i. 2 6 57 .

364 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

righ t o f way to salvat ion , and to do so upon the i r death -beds .T he B ishop of Luna cam e ou t w i th due proces s ion of prie sts

and cho i r to vi si t the s i ck H as t ing and to perfo rm the right he

prayed for. I t was no su rprise to the C hri st ians to learn on

the fo l low ing day that the V iking leader was dead, and that hehad c laim ed , as he had a right to c laim

,C hri stian bu ria l i n

C hri st ian ground . Ac co rdingly the go verno r (prceszzl) and theBishop of Luna prepared to adm i t a co rtege of mourners round

the bier of the dead sea-king . In so lem n procession , w i th

tapers and chant ings, it was condu c ted to the m onastery inthem i ddle of the ci ty , and the m ass for the dead was sung. T hen

they made preparat ions for the burial . Bu t the N o rthm en round

the bie r rai sed a shou t of refu sal . What was i ts m ean ing ?

T he heathens, we know,bu rned th e i r dead

,did not bu ry them .

Bu rn or bury ? becam e i n after -years a te st quest ion in the

N o rth , showing whether som e king orwarr io r had real ly d ied a

C hri s tian or a heathen . Was that the m eaning of th i s shou t of

res i stance ? Were the heathenfo l lowers go ing after all to ins i s t

that their leader shou ld be i nterred as a heathen? T he governo r

and all the chief m en of the town stood as toni shed and i n

doubt . When suddenly—what i s th i s wonder —the bodyo f the dead ch ief sprang up . H as ting was al ive again. H e

and hi s mou rners drew the i r swo rds, cut down all who stood in

the i r way, and he ld the town gate . A mom ent was enough

for the N o rsem en had s tationed an am bu sh near the gate s .

And so lna few minu tes the town i tselfwas inthe hands o f the

V iki ngs , and the m assacre of the ci t izens and the spo i l i ng o f

the shrine s began.

I

S uch i s the sto ry preserved in N o rm an tradit ion . After th i s

Luna expedi tion we do not qu i te know the next m ovem ents of

the flee t . O ne of i ts leaders,the younge r bro ther o f Bjorn

,

had long been for turning back . It m ay be that his vo ice was

Th is account is takenfrom D udo , i. 5—7.

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TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

G ladly shal l I quaff ale with the E sir onm y seatMy l ife

’s hou rs are done j oyfu l I depart .

But ano ther t radi t ion m ake s E l la a king inI re land, who by

treachery ge t s po ssession of the person of R agnar,and pu t s

him to death in the m anne r descr ibed above .

T here was anE l la who re i gned in N o rthum bria a few years

after the date o f the dream o f R agnar’s son. H e m ay even

have been a powerfu l noblem an , a so rt o f under-king at th i s

t im e .

1 Late r on,though not of the royal hou se, he raised a

party which proc laim ed him K i ng o f N o rthum bria , where hes tood as the rival o f the legit im ate king

,O sberht unt i l they

and the i r r ivalries were al ike extingu 1shed by the swo rds o f theD anes .

Ano ther tradi t ion from an E ngl i sh sou rc e 2m akes the death

of R agnar Lodbrok the cau se o f . the invas io n of E as t Angl iaand of the m artyrdom o f S t. E adm und , the king o f that country,events which fo l lowed hard upon the i nvasion o f N orthum bria

and the death o f E l la. Bo th tradi t ions po int to the con

e lus ion that the great invas ion o f England of which we havenow to speak was connec ted w i th the death, the vio lent death—the mu rder

,if we l ike to c al l i t so—o f the great N o rse hero .

T he story of the dream o f R agnar’s soncom e s from a sou rc e

di st i nc t al ike from the N o rse trad it ion of the death o f Lodbrok,

and from the E ngl i sh tradi t ion . It seem s insom e ways to ch im e

i n cu riou sly wi th them bu t in o ther respec ts there are great

d ifficu l t ies i n the way o f reconc i l ing the s to ry o f the dream

with the death of R agnar on the one hand,or, if that be

I S im eono f D u rham (17 . D . E . c . v i. ) says that the D anish invasiono f

N o rthum bria, wh ich we have now to re late , o ccu rred in the fifth year o fE l la’

s re ign. T hat wou ld refe r E l la’s usu rpationto A . D . 862 or 863 , two

or three years only after the dream o f R agnar’s son. Asse r im p l ies thatE l la only acqu ired a c rown in A . D . 867 , and he has been fo l lowed (asusual)by the AS . C /zr. Bu t his statem ent is no t qu ite definite .

2 Matt . W est , a. 870 .

Af TH E LWULF. 367

al lowed , o f connec t ing the death of R agnar wi th the c om ing of

the great invas ionwh ich now,inthe year 866

,abou t the sam e

t im e that R obert the S trong was finding a grave by the banks

of Sarthe, set sai l for our sho res.1

Withou t, th en, at tem pting to square t radi t ion with history, let

us take a glance at the c ondi t ionof E ngland at this t im e,and

at the phase wh ich the V iking attacks on th i s country had

reached.

E cgberht saw the beginning of the evi l, but only that. We

know how,evenbefo re the ho st i le fleets b

’

egan once m o re to

steer for the E ngl i sh c oas ts , he had, in consu l tat ionwith h i s

Witan,devi sed schem es for th e i r pro tec t ion : how, a couple o f

years after,an, expedi tion , presu m ably sent from I re land

,cam e

to the K ent i sh coast,m aking i ts way to a convenient i sland

near the c oast (S heppey) as years befo re V iking fleets had fi rst

se ttled upon Li ndi sfarne or Lam bay, as at the sam e t im e o ther

V iking fleet s were settl ing upon N o irm outiers or O i ssel . T he

raiders grew bo lder, though they m et at fi rs t wi th sl ightsuccess ; u nti l at length , al l ied w i th the C o rni shm en

,and with

very defini te i ntent ions of c onqu es t and settlem ent (after theI ri sh pattern), they dared to enco unter the great K ing of

Wessex at the head of his troops , and were deci s ively defeatedat H engston. S oon after wh ich suc c ess E cgberht died and

was gathered to hi s val iant fo refathers .E thelwulf suc ceeded . In hi s re ign the V ik i ng attacks on

E ngland took a new c om plexion . S om e o f them now came

(as appears)not from I ri sh N orsem en,but from the D anes who

were plundering and settling all downthe Fri s ian and Frankish

sho res . T he fi rs t of the at tac k s wh ich we m ay almo st

For o the r au tho r ities wh ich suppo rt th is connection see LappenbergG ert/z . E ng] . i. 2 99 ii. T o rf.e us c learly confounds R agnar wi thT horgisl.

368 TH E G R E A T ARM Y.

certai nly ass ign to these C ontinental V ikings is that attack upon

the m arsh country which took place i n 840 or 84 1 , fo l lowing

which is the s ti l l m o re im po rtant rai d whic h the C hron icledesc ribes as a great slaughter i n London and R ochester, i n

the year 84 2 . T he same fleet attacked Quentov ic z’ no doubt,

therefo re,itwas sai l i ng through the Engl i sh C hanne l and fal ling

upon the riches t towns on e i ther coas t . Far m o re terr iblewere the doings of the fleet despatched by R orik from Fri s ian ine years later , namely in 851—a mons trous fleet of 350 sai l ,which ru i ned London, ki lled Berhtwulf, K ing o f Merc ia

,and

was at last defeated by the K i ng of Wessex, at O ckley .

T his common suffering seem ed to bring the E ngl i sh kingdom

nearer to its ne ighbour of France and m ake us partakers intheaffai rs of all C hri stendom . E thelwulf the king had bes ide

some natural leanings to what one m ay cal l co smopo l i tani sm

towards that po licy (which the popes often represented) whichlooked uponallWestern C hri stendom as essent ial ly one state,bound by the same laws,which (a

’u ra te)were to be de termined

rather by the ecclesias t ical bodies in the i r midst than by thecaprice of the monarch or even the advice of hi s lay counci l .

It was this leaning—a leaning more, pe rhaps, than a direct

po l icy—which made the Wessex king despatch h i s be loved son

E lfred to R ome with pre sents to the Pope, and m ade him

afterwards undertake the same journey h imself. H e s tayed at

the C ourt of C harles the Bald and there beheld the beaut iful

young daughter of the king. Judith was then a mere ch i ld,not

yet, we wil l h0pe, the wanton which she became i n afte r-years .

E thelwulf was forty, she was fifteen ; but o therwi se the

marriage was suitable enough . It wou ld have been hard for

C harles to find hi s daughter a royal spou se e l sewhere than i n

E ngland ; for C arlings, her uncles or her cousins, sat upon all

Ante, p . 2 78.

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370 TH E G R E A T ARM Y

hovering round all the E ngl i sh coast (no rth i n the marsh

country as wel l as here i n Wessex and K ent) shou ld havedispo sed all patriot ic spiri ts to seek a com prom i se which . m ight

leave the forces of the kingdom u n im pai red .

Forall th i s t im e the ou tward danger was assum i ngfresh and m o re threatening fo rms . T he v ery year

o f that great victo ry at O ckley saw an even t of s t i l l greater

s ign ificance and of exac tly anO ppo s i te tendenc y,that i s to say

the fi rst winter ing of the D anes on E ngl i sh so i l,onthe i s land

of T hane t . We have al ready spoken of thatevent

,have com pared i t w i th l i ke events upon

the C ont inent and m easu red i ts s ignificance . Two years afterthe E ngl i sh m ade a desperate attem pt to drive the s trangers

fo rth . But they fai led . And in 855 or 856 the

V ikings changed the i r wi nter quarters from T hanetto S heppey . T hey were now under the com m and of three

leaders who se names were to be words of terror i n everyE ngl i sh hou seho ld i n the years to com e—three sons of R agnarLodbrok they are cal led , H alfdan, Ivar, and U bbe .

1

T here were no fu rther attacks of im po rtance until thec oming of Weland’s fleet to the Wessex coas t in the i ntervalof i t s awai ti ng the completion of a com pact wi th C harles

the Bald for the at tack upon the V ikings of the

S e i ne . Weland’s fleet took,as we saw

,Wincheste r

by sto rm,bu t was afterward s defeated . T hi s was i n 860 .

Meant ime E thelwulf had d ied (858) and been suc

ceeded by E thelbald. D uring the sho rt re ign of th i s king

the land had peace . But now the t im e drew near when therewas to be a com plete change i n the charac ter of the V ikingattacks onE ngland . R em em ber that by th i s t im e large trac tso f country i n S co tland and I re land had been subdued by the

A.D . 851 .

A. D . 853.

A.D . 855.

A.D . 860.

A S'

. C /zron. 853 Ann. Lina’z’

sf . 855 (Pertz , xix .

A VAN T—GAR D E OF TH E‘ARM Y.

’

3 7 1

N o rsemen , who had fo rm ed almost a newnat ioninC aithness,i n the O rkneys, the H ebrides, and inI reland. Itwas tim e for

the D anes to try the sam e po licy . Among the D anes onthe

C ontinent, in Fris ia and i n Francia (these last’

mo st o f all

whom C harles’s continual harass ing had begun to wear out),the news passed round that a great expedit ion was fi tt ing out

for E ngland.

III .

Anavant-gam’e o f the great i nvading army came to T hane t

i n 865 and wintered there . T he m en of K ent were unable

to m eet them i n the field ; but they did what theK ing of France had long been c onstrai ned to dothey o ffered to purchase the i r re treat by a heavy ransom . T he

V ik ings agreed ; but while the ransom was co l lecting theysto le from the ir cam p and marched through the greater parto f K ent plundering and burning.

I N ever befo re had the

northern pi rate s found the way so open befo re them . E thelwu lf, as we have seen

,had been dead s ince 858—two years

after h i s second m arriage . H is e ldest son,E thelbald

,who had

nearly brought such trouble upon the country,was dead al so :

he was, we m ay bel ieve, no incapable ru ler, for during h i s

sho r t re ign the E ngl ish were untro ubled by V iking attacks .

E thelberht, the third son,was nearing the end of his re ign .

H e,too

,was to be spared the great com ing trouble . For th i s

flee t whic h cam e to K ent i n 865—6 was no m o re than anavant

garde o f a far m o re im po s ing one which in the lat ter year hadbeen c o l lec t ing for the i nvas ion o f our country . V ik ings fromthe R hine m ou th , V ikings from the S cheld

,the S om m e

,the

S ei ne, drew together at the sound o f the preparat ions wh ic h

A.D . 865.

I T he l ikeness o f th is proceed ing to that o f W e land’s D anes inFrance

(R D . 860) is to be noted as, intruth , are the constant paralle l ism s int hehisto ry of the C ontinental and Engl ish V ikings .

372 TH E G R E A T AR M -Y.

were go i ng fo rward among the D anes of the C ont inent. T hey

were growing t i red of the i r m ono tonous l ife . H ere was a newand a great adventu re, the veri table conquest (for this theypromised themse lves)of one o f the great states of C hristendom .

From the accounts wh ich our chronicles g ive us we should

gathe r that up t i l l now the great m ajo ri ty of the V iking raids inE ngland had been directed again st the sou thern count ies .

But the chronicles of the north have not been so wel l pre

served, and it is qu i te poss ible that a number of attacks in

the north have gone unrecorded.

I From a h int here and

there we m ay gather that N o rthum bria had been subject to

them . She had long been in a m o st anarch ical condit ion .

O ne of her k ings abou t th i s t ime i s repo rted (though not on

very good au tho ri ty) to have been slai n by the V ik ings. H ow

the m iddle parts of E ngland had fared we canno t tel l . T here

is only one reco rded attack upon the m arsh country up to the

year at which we are now arrived, 866.

C ertainly one wou ld say that no part of E ngland lay mo re

invit ing to attack than the rich flat region of the eas t coast,

where many river m ou ths and arm s of the sea led far i nland,intho se days led the way to the great lagoons of the m arsh

country. For where now lie leve l fields furrowed by the

plough, neatly bo rdered by their long, straight dykes, then

lay great shal low inland lakes—beautiful lakes, pale/zerrz

’

m ee

palua’es, H enry of H untingdon cal ls them

,who knew them

well ; beaut iful and lonely , the haunt o f the sn ipe and bi ttern .

And onthe bo rders o f the lakes, or ri s ing l ike i slands out o f

them, stood some of the greatest re l igious hou ses of the

E ngland of tho se days, Bardeney, C royland, Peterbo rough,E ly, H untingdon

—each v i sible from one or more of the o thers,

S im eonof D urham reco rds no V ik ing attacks betweenthe first attackonLind isfarne and the com ing of the Arm y .

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374 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

therefore to the region o f m ytho logy. S oo th to say, no rem o tereasons

,no dram at ic inc i dents are necessary to account for

fact ion and t reachery i n the N o rthum bria of tho se days . T hat

once fam ou s kingdom , the l ight of who se learn ing and p ietyhad shone over the who le of E urope

,had for m ore than a

century 1 been sinking lower and lower am i d contending fac

t ions, and had now fal len on sad and evi l days . Two rival

kings c laim ed the suffrages of the people,O sberht

,the legit im ate

king,and that E l la 2 whom tradi tion po ints to as the m u rderer

of R agnar Lodbrok . T oo much di stracted by internal t roubles

to have aneye for what was go ing one lsewhere , the inhabitants

of N o rthum bria seem to have known no th ing o f the approac h

o f the Great Arm y ti l l i t was alm o s t upon them . T he V ikingshad fo l lowed the prac t ice which they had long u sed in France

they took horses from the peasantry round abou t,and with

these they made the i r march northwards,probably along the

old R om an road,E rmine S tree t

,which leads up to Brough

Ferry over the H umber. T hey cro ssed the H um ber un

O ppo sed, and by the first of N ovem ber, 867 , they had taken

po ssess ion of Yo rk. All over the country spread the i r hands,

plundering and burn ing .3

At the sight of this fo re ign danger the two ri val

kings compo sed the i r d ifferences and uni ted the i rarm ies for the sake of laying s iege to the D anes inthe c ap i tal .T hen it was, as I j udge, that the D anes put i n prac t ic e the i rfavou ri te m anoeuvre of the sham fl ight i n the midst of a bat tle .

T hey cam e out before the town to engage the N o rthumbrians

March , 868 .

i. 300 , note T h is fact g ives it , certainly , m o re and not less ver isim i l itude.

T he C odrm us of the story wou l d b e , as Lappenberg says , G otrum

(G uthorm ), who figu res so m uch in the m yths of th is period—of R o l lo ?(D udo), and H arald (H aralds S aga).

S tubbs po ints out how of the e ight k ings of N o rthum br ia who re ignedbetween A . D . 737 and 796, not one d ied a natu ral death uponthe throne .

C onst. H z'

st. , v ol. i.2 Ungecyndne cyning,

’AS . C /zr.

3 AS . C /z r. ,866 S im . D ur. H . D . E . c . vi.

TAK IN G OF YO R K . 5

but anon, seem i ng to give way, they fled wi thin the wall s of

the ci ty . T he E ngl i sh pu rsued , the i r two kings—as one i s

glad to see—leading them . T hen , when a number had got

w i th in the c i ty , the D anes ral l ied they shu t to the gates and

fel l upon the band which had got wi thin . It was a massacre

all the E ngl i sh peri shed, among them O sberht and E l la, the

r ival k ings of N orthum bria.

I And, save i n name, the E ngl i sh

kingdom of S ou thern N o rthumbria (D e i ra) ceased to ex i st .

After th i s victo ry the D anes spread no rthward and plundered

as far as the T yne, and the N o rthum brians of the northernd ivi s ion (Bernic ia)made peace withou t str ik ing a blow. An

E ngli shm an,E cgberht, was placed as king o f th i s po rtion ofthe

land . Later i n the year,the Great Arm y , abandoning all care

abou t i t s fleet, set out upon a long m arch i nto the inter io r of

England .

2 It was a new s igh t for E ngl i shmen, th i s serried

array o f wel l-dri l led so ldiers, armed (as no doubt they were)wi th all the lates t fash ion o f armou r

,offens ive or defensive,

known in the Franki sh E m pire—a perpetual army,a standing

arm y of veterans , to which they had no th ing to oppo se exc eptthe i r m i l i t ia, cal led the fyrd . U noppo sed, the V ikings marched

i nto Merc ia and set them selves down for winter quarters righti n the centre o f E ngland , at N o tt ingham . V ery d ifferent wasthe condit ion of the March-K i ngdom (Merc ia) i n the po l i t ic so f E ngland from that which i t held when the first V iking sh iphad touched the E ngl i sh coas t. T hen the victor iou s O ffa sat

upon the Merc ian throne ; the king o f Wessex had hum bly

sought h i s friendship and had obtained h i s help to drive fromthe kingdom hi s r ival E cgberht. S ince then E cgberht had

re tu rned , re igned glo riou sly, and d ied . A centu ry’s rival ry

I T he N o rse S aga m akes E l la receive the punishm ent of the bloodeagle .

2 Asser V ita E lf . and G /zron. s . a . As alm ost all the h istory o f th ispe riod com es o r iginal ly from Asse r

,it w1ll no t be necessary to m u ltiply

re .erences .

376 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

between Merc ia and Wessex had ended vic to riou sl y for thelatter , and now i t was the tu rn of the Merc ian king to cravethe friendship of his bro ther o fWessex .

A D 853T he king , Burgred by name , had befo re now

obtai ned the help o f E thelwulf,the West S axon

king, against the Wel sh

,h i s neighbours.

I T he distu rbance,the

sense o f i nsecuri ty, which the p i rate raids onE ngland had al ready

awakened, roused the slumberi ng fi res o f rebe l l ion among the

Wel sh . We sawhow anearly V iki ng hand al l ied i tse lf with theC o rn i shmen (the Wes t We lsh) agai nst E cgberht. Fo l lowing

that precedent , the N o rth We l sh,the We l sh proper

,ro se

agai nst Burgred ; Burgred had appealed for ass i stance,as

agai nst a com m on danger,to the Wes t Saxon ru le r

,and the

two kings marched together to chas t i se the Bri tons . T he

po l i t ical al l iance was supplem ented by anal l iance of blood , for

Burgred marr ied E thelswyth, the daughter o fWessex .

N ow,inthis new strai t brought by the i nvas ion of the D anes ,

and agai nst a new and c om m on danger to E ngland , the Mer

c ian king appealed onc e m o re to'

h i s S ou thern ne ighbour .

H is father- i n ~ law,the two elder of hi s k ingly bro thers in- law

,

had wo rn the crown and died . T he th i rd,E thel red , now

re igned i n Wessex ; and by h i s s ide stood the seeana’arz'

as of

the kingdom ,hi s next bro ther, E lfred, of whom E ngland , and

the D anes too,were to hear m uch i n the com i ng years . At

pre sent he was twenty years of age, and had ju st married

the daughter of E aldorm an E the lred of Mercia.

T he West Saxon prince s assem bled the i r t roops , marched

no rthward, and un i ted the i r arm y w i th Burgred

’s befo re the

wal l s of N o tt ingham . Bu t,alas the E ngl i sh were hope lessly

i l l -provided wi th the m achinery and the knowledge for the

conduct of a s iege . Arts wh ich had beenmaking no smal l

AS . C /zron. 853.

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378 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

was inMerc ian terri to ry ; bu t Burgred, we m ay gu ess, feel ing

how im po ss ible i t was for him to re l ieve these ou tly ing port ions o f hi s kingdom ,

cho se rather to look the o ther way and

let the plunderings go on. We have a som ewhat m i nu teaccount of the do ings of the V ikings in the m arsh country .

Unfo rtunate ly , the sou rce i s wo rthless—the wel l -known suppo

sitious Ingu lf of C royland . Acco rding to that account,wh ich

we give as narrat ive, not as h i s tory, Lincolnsh i re found am ong

her owngreat m en, thane s and prelate s , fou r cham pions , three

earl s o f renown , Algar, Mo rcar, and O sgod Bro ther T oli of

C royland , who , inear l ier days , had been a thane and a fam ou s

m anof war,but had now j u s t taken the tonsu re . T o l i left h i s

clo i s te r once m o re for the field, and brought w i th h im a ho st

of m enwho had fled to C royland Abbey . Inall, a force of

abou t m en assem bled under the E ngl i sh s tandards .T he D ani sh ho st—a part only o f the Great Arm y—was far le ssnum erou s bu t it contained only m eno f approved valou r u sed

to desperate strai ts , m enwho had often retrieved the day o f

bat tle when all seem ed lo st . Were i t no t so,rash ly indeed

had they brokendown the i r br idges and burn t th e i r boats, tofind them se lves i n the m idst of an enem y ’s country , where

defeat shou ld m ean annih i lat ion .

O nS t . Mau ric e’s day (S ept. 8 70 , the arm ies

jo ined battle . It was a desperate fight ; three o f

the V iking leaders fel l and a m u l t i tude o f lesser m en. At las t

the D anes were slowly driven back to the i r cam p . Bu t herethey m ade a stand they set up that im pregnable sh ield—burg o fthe i rs , andnigh t fe l l wh i le they were s t i ll unbroken . And now

was shown the pro fit o f that unqu enchable valo u r wh ich wou ld

no t y ield though the odds seem ed desperate ; so different from

the hare - l ike t im id i ty , start ing at every shadow,which had

begun to po sses s the so ld iers of C harles the Bald . H opeles s

seem ed the case wi th th i s sm al l band o f D anes when they

A.D . 870.

D E S TR UC T I O N OF M O N A S TE R IE S . 379

m easu red them selves against the num bers of the i r adversaries

and though t o f to -m o rrow’s dawn and the renewal of the attack .

Yet that day’s long stand had saved them . For that very night

behe ld a fresh arm y m arch ing into their cam p—a fresh army,

new landed from the c oas ts of France or Frisia. Five kingsc om m anded in i t, Gu thrum ,

Baegseg, O sketil,I H alfdan

,and

H am oud,

Iand m any earls . T he troops were no doubt the

flower o f the V iking arm ies on the cont inent,the mo st

adventu rou s,the m o s t eager for conques t . V ery d ifferent

was the c onfidence o f the D anes when morning dawnedfrom what i t had been at nightfal l . T hey d id not wait

to be attacked, but sal l ied fo rth against the E ngli sh

,who se

tu rn i t was now to rem ai n on the defensive. And the

E ngl i sh did rem ai n unshaken for m any hou rs,as at H ast ings

and Waterloo . But as the afternoon wo re on, the D anes hadrecou rse once more to that m anoeuvre o f the i rs which had

al ready decided the day at Yo rk . Li ke D uke Will iam ’s

N o rm ans at a later day, they seem ed to tu rn and fly, and

l ike H arald’s so ldiers , the troops of Mo rcar and Alfgar were

drawn from thei r defence to fo l low the fugit ives. T hen all

was lo st . T he V ikings tu rned and fe l l upon the E ngl i sh wi th

unappeasable fury. H alf went down at once . Algar and T o l i

were able to gather a smal l band and make their sh ield-bu rgupon a ne ighbouring mound . It avai led them l i ttle. T hey

cou ld not ho ld out agai nst the V ik i ng arm s , and the E ngl i sh

arm y was alm o st to tal ly destroyed . A few saved them se lves

by fl ight to a ne ighbou ring wood and escaped under the

shadow of night . 2

And now the fu rther destruction of monasteries ensued .

S o the narrative , bu t O sketil and H am und (Agm und) are probably apu re m istake , cau sed by fo l lowing S im eonof D u rham , 1. c .

2 T h is narrative , as we have said above , canno t be accepted as histo ry.

But there is conside rable verisim i l itude init.

380 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

Bardeney we know had fal len . C royland’s turn came next .

Fugi tives from the battle not far o ff brought to the m onks theterrible news of the E ngl i sh defeat. T he monks had time toescape if they wou ld . T he Abbo t T heodo re and som e of the

e lder monks , i t is said, cho se rather to suffer martyrdom at

the i r pos ts—l ike Blaithm ac of old onIona,l ike G unhard

,the

Bishop of N antes.

I As they were i n the ac t of celebrat in g them ass (so goes the sto ry) the D anes bu rst upon them ; K ing

O sketil hewed down the abbo t ; all the rest of the monks

were slai n . O nly one l i ttle boy was saved by a V ik ing earl,

S idroc . H e is the one suppo sed to gi ve an account of the

scene.

From C royland the towers of Pe terbo rough or Medham p

stead beckon invit ingly acro ss the m arshes , and thither theV ikings now proceeded . T hey brought the s iege artil lery of

those days agai nst the walls of the abbey , which were soon

broken down . T he abbo t and all the monks we re slai n .

Wo rse almost than the robbery and the bu rning of the ancient

pile (a burning which lasted fourteen days)was the destru ct ionof the library which it contained , of who knows what precio usmaterial s for hi sto ry, unrecoverable now. From Pe terbo rough

the army went to H unt ingdon,and from H untingdon to

C am bridge . In the fi rst was an abbey, i n the second was a

bi shop’s palace bo th were bu rned to the ground .

Sad i ndeed must have been the s ight of the se fi res flaringover the

‘beaut iful marshes ’ which lay all around . From

C am bridge the V ikings cou ld see, ri sing out of the surrounding

waters,E ly, an i sland com parable ins ize to the I s le of Man

,a

real i s land in tho se days up to which the sea spread though

the water was shallow and bracki sh , and from i t s shal lowness

haunted by anabundance of eel s, from which the i s land took

S ee p . 2 80 .

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3 82 TH E G R E A T ARM Y.

and fifty years or so after the D ani sh rai d i s that far mo refam il iar one

,which all the h i s to ry-book . give us

,of the c hant ing

vo ices of the m onks of E ly sounding pleasantly over the waters

to K i ng C nut as he rowed thereby .

Merie sangenthe m uneches b innenE lyT ha C nut ch ing rew fierby.

I

T hi s too i s a p ic tu re which cannever be real i zed again .

And nowwe re tu rn to the Great Arm y . N o rel iable account

Which we can recover gives us the c onfused scene of blood

and wrath wh ich m arked the fal l of E ly, the las t of the five

great monaster ie s wh ich i t assau l ted . Meantim e we have

left upon one side the o ther V iking cam p at T hetfo rd wh ich,

so far as appears , had up to now rem ained pretty qu ie t. T he

E ngl i sh had m ad e one attack upon i t ; but they were driven

o ff and lo s t the i r leader E aldo rm an U lfcetil. T he D anes in

E ly and the D anes of T hetford were bo th in the dom inions o f

the king of E as t Angl ia,wh o se nam e

‘

(fam ou s above a ll thenames of tho se who su ffered in these days) was E adm und .

T hi s E adm und has grown i nto a m y th ic figu re . We canno t

now tel l why he, above all who suffered m artyrdom from the

D anes, shou ld have been held i n such honou r—honou r to thepo int o f beatification and worsh ip as an im m o rtal alm o s t

im m ediate ly after his death . As C arlyle says ,‘What E ad

m und’s specific dut ies were,above all what h i s m ethod of

di scharging them w i th such resu l t s was,wou ld be interes t ing to

know; bu t are not ve ry d i scoverable now.

’E adm und had carr ied

onh i s governm ent , bu t fe l t h im se lf perhaps s ince that vic to ry

of the D anes o ver Algar and Mo rcar no longe r able to cope

w i th the i nvaders wi th any chanc e o f su c c e ss . At las t the

T he tfo rd army under Ivar and U bbe m arched farther into his

H ist. { E l/ens , 11. 2 8.

E AD M UN D . 383

terri tory . We are to ld that the king cam e out to fight again stth em and was de feated.

I We know at any rate that he fe l l

into the i r hands, into the hands of the two sons o f R agnar,

Ivar and Ubbe, refus ing to fo rsake h i s creed,and was pu t to

death—w i th c ruel tortu res , as som e reported . T he tradi t ion ac entu ry later ranthat he had been t ied to a t ree and sho t todeath 2 —anEngl i sh S . S ebast ian; or

,shal l we say, a C hri s tian

Balder ? And alm o s t im m ediate ly after h i s death the devo t ion

of the people to h is m em o ry began to show i tself : fi rst,inthe

innum erable co ins w i th the legend S and i E aa’m nna’i wh ich

had been stru ck in hi s honou r befo re the next centu ry wasm any years old 3 next in the sp lend id abbey which ro se o ver

h i s bu rial -place . H e led hi s c onquero rs captive . T he great

D an ish K ing o f E ngland , C nu t, cam e to adore the bones o f

him hi s ancesto rs had to rtured , took the go lden diadem from

h i s ownhead andplac ed i t onthe tom b of the sain t . E adm und’s

abbey becam e am ong the three or fou r greates t in E ngland .

R egaz'

esoat z'

npace. S trange that we shal l never learn the t i tleby which he rem ained thu s planted in the hearts of his

countrym en .

IV .

T he m artyrdom of S . E adm und was the only im po rtant

achievem ent o f the arm y in the au tum n o f th i s year, 8 70 .

Ac co rding to the book o f the pass io n o f S . E adm und it took

place on the 2 0 th of N ovem ber. We m ay suppo se that in

the co ld w inter m onths the D anes rem ained qu ietly in E as tAngl ia m aking th em se lves at hom e i n the c om fo rtable E as tAngl ian farm s and i n the country which now knew no o ther

Asser , p. 2 0 (W ise).2 O r shot at with arrows and final ly beheaded , Abbo , V z

'

ta S . E da’m .

(A . D .

3 S ee C at. E ng. C oins inMe Britt'

s/z rllaseam , C . F. K eary, pp. xxix,XXX , 97

- 137 '

384 TH E G R E A T ARM Y.

lord. But early inthe fo l lowing year they set out

upon a new fi eld of c onques t. And now begins

the cris i s of th i s drama of the invas ion of the Great Army .

For now they , that i s to say a large section of the Arm y,I

cro ssed the T hames and came into the country of the greates t

of the E ngl i sh kings—the K ing of Wes sex . Mercia was

almo st at their di sposal ; N o rthum bria and E ast Angl ia were

conquered. S hou ld We ssex fal l the who le of E ngland wou ld

be theirs , the course of hi sto ry wou l d have ro l led back,C hri s tian ity would have been driven ou t of the land

,the days

of E thelfrith the Fierce or of Penda wou ld have retu rned .

In the ir fi rst movements the D anes showed the i r mi l i taryskil l . T hey cro ssed the T ham es at a po int nice ly cho sen to

cut the kingdom of Wes sex i n two—to double the difficu l t ies of

E thel red inthe rai s ing of anoppo s ing army . T hi s po i n t was

R eading.

2 T here was a castle , say sm al l eastram,there and

the D anes were soon able to fo rt ify them selves sufficiently to

defy the E ngl i sh attacks . T he town l ies upon a po i nt of land

at the junction of the T hames and the K ennet. T he N o rth

m endrew a oat/am from one river to the o ther. I have sai dthat theys showed good general sh ip but we mu s t make the

provi so that it was of a kind in confo rmi ty with the i r usual

tact ics . T hey were wont to th ink always of attack,little of

defence ; l ittle of securing a base,or of their commi ssariat .

T hey trusted to find provi s ion for their troops i n the ho st i le

country . N evertheless i n the pre sent case the river served

them as a means of com m un icat ion wi th the i r fleet as a l ine

o f re treat and a po ss ible source o f suppl ies . But they could

hardly have to ld , and we at this day canno t tel l , how far the

A.D . 871 .

G uthorm didnot take part inth is fi rst invasionofWessex.2 T he country wh ich was to fo rm the scene of the com ing struggle was

the square rough fo rest country forwh ich the abundance o f bear/ne or box

trees am ong its woodland gained the nam e of Berksh ire (G reen, C onquestof E ngland, p .

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386 TH E _ G R E A T ARM Y.

garri son left in camp we m ay bel ieve that the i r who le fo rcem arched to the fie ld . T his fie ld o f battle was a place cal ledAshdown

,ly ing upon the chalk downs o f Berksh i re . In two

w ings the D an ish arm ywas draw11 up : one under the comm and o fthe two kings of N o rthum bria (kings e lect as i t were , for they hadhardly yet takenpo sse ss ion) H alfdan 2

and Baegsaeg; the o therled by five earl s—Asbjorn, Fraene, H arald

,and the e lde r and

younger S ihtric . Wherefo re the E ngl i sh arm y l ikew i se divided

into two . O ne divi sion, unde r E thel red ,faced that comm anded

hy the kings ; the o ther,under the S ecana’arz

'

as,the E thel ing

E lfred, faced the w ing o f the earl s .

T he D anes had cho sen the bes t po s i t ion . T hey had intruth

been the fi rst i n the fie ld,and al ready lay between the Engl i sh

arm y and its base . T hey were , too , onthe upper slope o f the

down . And now they were m oving do wnward s through the

thick bru shwood,

2 shoo t ing the i r arrows and hu rl ing the i r spears

befo re them as they advanced to the c harge . Prince E lfred

was alert. Bu t when he looked towards the king’s divi s ion ,E thelred was not yet there he was

,ih fact

,hearing m ass

,and

wou ld not move unt i l the servic e was at an end .3 Meant im e

the D anes were drawing nearer and nearer, espec ial ly that w ing

which stood oppo site E lfred’

s divi sion .4 T he prince coul d

not wai t longer for his bro ther'

s wo rd of com m and . O n hi s2 AS . 87 1 . I do not know why G reen substitutes G u thorm

for H al fdanthroughout the h isto ry of th is year , 0. c. p . 98 .

2 O f box P S ee above .

3 H isto r ians are wont to be very sarcastic over th is scene . But it m ayhe paral le led from the h isto ry of R om e in her greatest days , when the

general of the R epubl ic , ina battle against the E tolians , was observed tospend his tim e insac rific ing and pray ing to the gods .

4 Both Pau l i , o. c . p . 1 35, and G reen, 0 . c . p . 10 2 , represent the Engl ishas sto rm ing the D anish position Bu t I do no t see how th is is to be inferredfrom the wo rds o f Asser : C u m rex in oratzone a

’z

’

atz'

as nzoraf etu r et

Paganz’

[taratz'

ao’locu m certa /fria rs cz

'

tzns oa’o enz

’

ssent, z E /frea’tzcnc seczm rl

arias cu m a’

z

'

zztz'

zcs Izostz'

les acz’

es ferre nonposset, nz’

sz’

ant oello retrorswn

recederet, aut contra lzostz’

les copiers antefrat/ ls aa’z catam ineel/am prom /n

paret’

(p.

BA T TLE O F A S H D O WN . 387

ownresponsib il i ty he gave the s ignal to charge , and he him

sel f, all the berserk fu ry uponhim ,

I ‘ l ike a wild boar,’ ru shed

up the h il l at the head o f h i s m en. H appily now E thel redhad done h i s m ass

,and hi s d ivi s ion too m oved fo rward .

T here was a c ertain tho rn - tree , po i nted out i n after-years as

the place where the greatest shock o f bat tle was fel t . At las t .thank G od

,the enem y were seen to waver and break . With

trem endou s slaughter, they were pu shed back, and final ly

driven over the c rest and acro ss the ho l lows of the downs , theE ngl i sh st i l l pu rsu ing —pu rsu ing, the acc ount says

,for a day

and a night . O ne wonders that any of the V ikings escapedfrom such a carnage . N ever befo re , our chronic le r assures u s,had taken place such a slaughter o f the heathen—no , not at

O ckley, t i l l now the greate s t vic to ry wh ich the E ngl i sh hadwon. T he l i ttle pu rple flower which the Engl i sh in after-years

called D anes’- blood ought to have grown plentifu l ly hereafter

on these downs . Yet som e of the D ane s d id escape, and

found the i r way to R ead ing. T heywere s til l strong enough toho ld the i r camp .

H ere,i n thi s bat tle of Ashdown

,E lfred won his spu rs .

H is had beenthe greater share o f the battle,and the longest

tale of slaughtered foes . O ne o f the two kings, indeed, whoWe re oppo sed to E thel red had fal len but there had l ikewi sefal len all the five earl s who had led the wing oppo s i te to

E lfred’s. O nly H alfdan rem ained to guard the cam p . But

for the m em o ry o f th i s v ic to ry,one canhardly think that the

Engl i sh wou ld have nerved them se l ves to the long strugglewhich st i l l lay befo re them ere the D ane s were driven out or

Wessex .

For the re so lut ion of the D anes was unconquerable they

I For the be rserk fury was no m onopo ly o f the N o rthm en, rather aninhe ritance o f all the T eutonic rac e : as C .t sar, Plutarch , or T ac itus canshow us.

388 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

were not to be di scouraged by one defeat , however di sastrous .

T hey mus t, without doubt, have rece i ved re i nfo rcements by theri ve r du ring the next two weeks . At the end of that sho rtt im e we see them taking the offens ive onc e m o re , and gaining

a vic to ry over the Engl i sh at Bas ing,i n H am psh i re. T wo

m onth s later, ano ther battle was fought at Me rton . T he Engl i sh we re succes sfu l at the ou tset ; but by the end o f the day

the D anes had regai ned the i r p o s i tionand held the field . In

the E ngli sh army, Bishop H eahm und,of S herbou rne

,was

s lain .

In th i s wise passed the early m onth s o f the year 8 7 1 , thebeginni ng o f the long harvest season o f the D anes . Befo rethe year grew old K i ng E the l red d ied

,and on the shou lders

o f the E the ling E lfred, yet only twenty - two

,fel l the bu rden

o f defending h i s people agains t the D ani sh wo lves,who

,i n

eve r—increas ing num bers , pou red down on the devo ted land .

We have seen E lfred raging l ike a w ild boar on the fie ld o f

Ashdown . Yet, wi th a s trength andl

a m art ial ardou r which

m ade him a true sonof the royal hou seof We ssex , E lfred was

afflicted by a s trange i l lness, a tho rn i n the flesh , such as

sai nts and heroes—S t. Pau l s, Alexanders , C aesars , Mahom e ts,

Gu s tavu s Adolphu ses—have often to bear . T he affl ic tion had

com e upon him i n his yo u th,and had re-appeared agai n two

years ago , onthe occas ion of hi s marriage w i th a Merc ianlady,

E alswyth, daughter of E thel red, lo rd o f the Gain i . We do

not know the natu re o f the i l lnes s ; only that wh ile upon him

i t left the king weak as a ch ild . And i n all the fo l low ing

years o f trouble—now m ee t ing the i nvaders hand to hand, now

hid ing from them,and, i n the sec re t rec esses o f the wo ods,

prepar ing to s trike ano ther blow—let not i n o ur pic tu re o f the

h ero ic young king the rec o l lec t iono f th i s added affl ic t ion,the se

I‘lO II IC II tS o f utte r p hys ical exhau st ion , wo rse than mere pain,

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390 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

took the field. H e had now to abandon the eastern parts o f

We ssex to the i r owndevices for o ffence for the D ani sh arm y

had advanced far wes tward,and i t was at Wilton , that l i ttle

fo rlo rn town upon the W i lly,then the cap i tal o f the Wilsaetas

,

that they next encountered the E ngl i sh . O nce m o re an old

m anoeuvre wonthe day. T he E ngl i sh had been pu sh ing the i r

opponents back ; suddenly the V ik ing arm y tu rned and fled :

the E ngl i sh , alas ! pu rsued in ho t has te,o nly to see the i r

adversar ies ral ly ing again at a given po int , them selves to betaken in d i so rder and defeated . For the m om ent th i s was a

dec i sive victo ry. E lfred was as powerle ss against the i nvaders

as C harles the Bald had becom e after the O i s se l d i sas ter. H e

had no resou rce b itt that which was such a com m on one inFrance, a heavy br ibe .

At all events , E lfred and his E ngl i sh cou ld reflect that they

had not y ie lded easily to th i s expedient,nor at once . N owh ere

abroad had m ento bear such heavy and c ontinued attacks as

had fal len upon E ngland of late , and onWessex las t of all.

Inthe course of the las t year, E thel red and E lfred and the i r

subj ects had fought e ight pi tched battles and countless ski r

m ishes wi th th is im placable enem y ; they had alm o st anni

hilated one army, and had k i l led a large num ber of the D ani sh

leaders—one king, if not m o re, and n ine earls .

I But fresh

troops and fresh leaders always cam e into supply the places o f

the old. N evertheless,the D anes them se lves m ay have been

glad to cal l a t ruce and rece i ve the i r a’

anegela’

,and to turn

agai nst less stubborn bands o f E ngl i sh m i l i t ia.

T hey cro ssed the T ham es,and marched upon London,

which had long been included in the kingdom of

Me rc ia. It seem s they took the city for a co in o f

the i r leader,H alfdan

,probably struck in th i s year

,was s truck

A.D . 7 82 .

Asser (W ise) p . 2 5.

BUR G R E D D E TH R O N E D . 39 1

in London . It bears i n a m onogram the wo rd ‘Londonia.

"T he Mercian king cou l d do no th ing . H e pai d h i s danegela

'

as E lfred had done , and the fleet sai led northinto N o rthum bria. T henc e they went i nto Lin

colnshire, and,in the ne ighbou rhood of T o rksey

,spent the

w int er o f 8 73—4 .

N ext year they were up agai n . N o th ing avai led the Mer

e iau s the i r treaty of the previou s year and the fine

they had paid . T he V ikings m arched from T o rk

sey to R epton, one o f the chief royal seats of Mercia, and the

burial-place o f her kings . T he anc ient abbey, where rested so

m any royal bones,was

“bu rnt by the i nvaders . Mercia lay at

the i r d i spo sal as fu l ly as N o rthum bria had lain seven years

ago and,as they had done in N o rthum bria, the D anes now

depo sed the E ngl ish king,Burgred, and rai sed up a puppet o f

the i r own. C eolwulf,‘an unw i se king’s thane

,

’ was placed

uponthe Mercian throne,and he took anoath to ho ld it at the

pleasure of the conquero rs . We m ay guess w i th What feel ingsE lfred saw hi s bro ther-in-law thu s de throned and driven ou t

o f the land , and the second E ngl i sh kingdom fal l ing Who l ly

into D anish hands . Burgred set sai l for R om e,and never saw

h i s nat ive sho re s agai n . After the dri ving fo rth of Burgred,

the V i king arm y beganto take all the m easu re s befi tt ing con

querors of a new country . It separated into two po rtions ;one div i sion m arched unde r H alfdan back into N o rthumbria.

T here,says the C hronicle, H alfdan divided the land—divided ,

that i s,parti tioned i t,betweenh i s ownfo l lowers and the nat ive

E ngli sh .

2 T he latter were not ent i re ly d i spo ssessed ; bu t the i rpo ssess ions sh rank w i th innarrower l im i ts

,and they descended

to a social leve l below the i r conquero rs . Where they had beenfu l l al lodial owners, they became mo re l ike tenants by base

A. D . 87 3 .

A.D . 8 74.

2 K enyon, S ilv er C oins of E ngland, p. 79.

2 S o , at least S teenstrup , o . c . i . 2 97.

392 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

tenure . And very soon a l ike fate befe l l Mercia. T he D anes

spread them se lves over the land,and after a year or two ’s

nom inal re ign, C eolwulf was depri ved of m o st of h i s terr ito ry .

‘T he D anes divided the land,and gave part to C eolwulf.

’ 2

S uch was the end,’ says Pau l i

,

‘o f a kingdom wh ich for a long

period had d i sputed the suprem acy w i th the West S axons . I ts

prec ip i tate fal l , as we l l as the death of the las t ru ler, m u st haveproduced a deep impress ion upon E lfred. H e saw the old

plans and asp i rat ions of h is race vi tal ly endangered , and hi s

s i ster doomed to a l ife of so rrow,after having been deprived of

her husband and her crown.

’

V .

H ere perhaps would be the place (had one time) to speako f the adm ixtu re of D ani sh and E ngl i sh blood brought aboutby the sett lem ent

,

of the D anes i n N o r thum bria, i n E astAngl ia, and i n Mercia. Worsaae has devo ted him se lf, i n the

pages of a sho rt work,to the task of fo l low ing up the trace s

left by the D anes and N o rsem en throughou t the Bri t i sh Isles . 2

T hese traces are of m any kinds : i n the nomenclature of places,i n new custom s and laws i ntroduced from the N o rth

,i n new

blood affec t ing the actual phys ique o f the i nhabi tants of these

i slands . We mu st,however, rem em ber that we have as yet

arr ived only at the beginn ing of the connect ion between the

S candinav ian countr ie s and E ngland ; that the D ani sh con

ques t o f E ngland in the e leventh c entu ry has yet to c om e, and

that it would be im po ss i ble , Without lengthy and tediou s d i s

2 G reenm akes the reasonable suggestionthat here we have the o riginofthe two Mercias—the E ngl ish and the D anish—establ ished a few yearslater by the T reaty o fW edm o re .

2 lP/inder om de D ansée og N ordfna’ndene i E ngland, fa x. (C openhagen,T rs. AnA ccount of tlze D anes a 1d N orwegians in E ngland, fa

’c.

(London,

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394 TH E G R E A T A R IWY.

—fo rd .

2 S ome of these terminat ions are pec u l iarly N o rse,as

t/noaite, force, fell o thers are m o re characteri st ic of the D anes

T he northern place-nam es and terminat ions agai n d ivide

th em selves into two groups. S ome of them ,such as ey ,

ness,

u fiele,ford, flow, scar (a cl iff), and certaino ther wo rds which , l ike

these, speak of tho se natu ral featu res of a c ountry wh ich m ay

be best di sc erned from the sea,te l l m o re of the days of V iking

p iracy than of set tlem ent and c o loni zat ion . O ther wo rds

be long to a set tled l ife such wo rds are oy , gartlz , tlzofp ,

tlzwaite,and i n a less degree force, fell. In certai n parts of

Great B ri tai n the N orth-Wes t of E ng’aud)the V iking nam es

are m o re dist i nctly D ani sh,the se ttlem ent - nam es m ore N o rse .

It is not necessary to give instances of the oc currence of'

the

various term i nat ions I have m entioned in Engl i sh place - nam es ;half-a-dozen instances for every one w i l l spring at once into the

m i nd of the reader . And he w i l l h im self be able,if he choo se

,

to trace in a m ap of the Bri ti sh Isles the local i t ies where

these variou s k inds of term i nat ion prepbnderate . If he wi shes

to arrive m o re eas i ly at the m ai n resu l t s of the inqu i ry he can

tu rn to the wo rk of Worsaae al ready cited,to Joyce’s [risk

Place N am es,and to C anon T aylo r

’s Words and Places.

2

Worsaae giv es in a table the resu l t s of aninqu i ry into the

2 Whenu sed inthe sense of a passage up a river m o u th or estuaryfordis D anish ; whenit m eans only a passage across a rive r or brook it is AS .

Fo rds of the fo rm er k ind are C ar l ingfo rd , S trangfo rd , W exfo rd , and Waterfo rd inIre land .

2 I grant that there 13 no reasonwhy m any of these N o rse and D anishterm inations shou l d not have been bestowed in the cou rse of succeed ingcentu r ies see ing that such wo rds as t/z zoaite , toft, &c .

, had becom e 1n

corporated inthe speech of the Engl ish inN o rth England . S u ch inco rpo rationis itse lf ev idence o f a strong D anish or N o rse infusion in the popula

tion; but that is not qu ite the sam e th ing as the infe rence wh ich Worsaaeand T aylo r draw from the term inations o f p lace -nam es. C anon T aylo r’swo rk , m ust be used with cau tion, as the autho r has m ade seve ralm istakes

,e .g.

, the no ted instance of S altaire .

N O R S E AN D D AN IS H BLO O D I N E N G LAN D . 395

piace -nam es having the first thirteen term inat ions ci ted above.

T he to tal num be r of places inc luded in his table is 13 73 .

O ut o f these the terminations inby co nst i tu te nearly half—604wherefo re th i s place- ending, as our own knowledge wou ld

natu ral ly sugges t to u s,i s by far the mo s t im po rtant of all i t

i s em inently typ ical of the days of D anish settlemen t in E ngland. When

,therefo re, we find that out o f the 604 oys i n

Worsaae’s l i st

,no le ss than 3 79 com e from Yo rkshire and

Li nco lnshi re, whi le these countie s l ikew i se c ontai n 697 nam es

out of Worsaae’s to tal—1 3 73 it IS evident that Yo rkshi re and

Linco lnshire m ay claim to po ssess by far the greates t infu sion

o f D anish blood . It i s , i n fac t, inthe N o rth and E ast R idings

o fYo rksh ire and inLinco lnsh i re,and next after these countie s

inLe icestersh ire,R u tland

,N o tt ingham , and E ast Angl ia, that

we m u s t look for the ch ief rem ai ns of D ani sh co lonization inEngland . In the West R i ding of Yo rksh ire, in C um berlandand Westm o re land

,we find the t races of a N o rse se t tlem ent

which belongs probably to the c entury fo l lowing the one withwhich we are deal ing. Mo s t l ike ly it m igrated thi ther from

I reland , at the t im e when the N o rse kings in I reland becamel ikewise kings in N orthum bria. T hu s

,of nam es with the

terminat ion dale which i s characteri st ical ly N orse (so fam iliarto u s i n the nam e dalesnzan), we find in Worsaae

’s l i s t out of a

to tal of 1 4 2 , 52 nam e s from C um berland and Wes tm oreland,and 4 0 from the Wes t R id ing of Yo rksh i re ; and out o f 95exam ples of the s t i l l m o re charac teri st ic fell, 2 57 are fromC um berland and Westm o re land, and 2 1 from the West R id ing—78 , that i s, ou t o f 95.

InS co tland the S candinavian nam es come who l ly from the

N o rsem en,no t from the D anes . T he nam e s i n the S hetlands

,

O rkneys , and C ai thnes s are alm o s t exc lu s ivel y N o rse ; as are

2 Worsaae has only fifteen exam p les o f force Airey force ,

But,such as these are , they be long exc lusive ly to the N -W . o f England .

395 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

the nam es inthe lesser i slands o f the H ebrides (the S udreyar)and over half the larger i sland, Lew i s . T h ere are trac es of

N o rse set tlem ent all round the c oas t o f S c o tland,and far i nto

the i nterio r of S u therland and R o ss . In Wales the nam es

which betray a S candinavian o rigin are c om parat ive ly few : as

we m i ght expect from the h isto ry of the princi pal i ty . T he

Great O rm e i n N o rth Wale s i s one c onsp ic uou s instance ; a

fewnam es i n S ou th Wales,e special ly i n Pem brokesh i re—Mil

fo rd,H averfo rd, T enby, for exam ple—alm o st m ake up the

list . O f the N o rse names in Ireland som e th i ng has been

al ready said.

I

But now we must hu rry on to watch the conclu s ion o f the

great drama which was to be fought out i n Wessex . R em em bernow or never was the t im e for the D anes to po sses s th em se lvesof the who le of E ngland , to turn i t into a S candinavian s tate .

Who knows what the i r fu tu re achievem ents m ight have been if

they had rai sed up a great V iking kingdom here so c lo se to the

shores of France ? All E u rope was c onc erned in the i s sue o f

the struggle of the next few years and if that i ssue hung upon

the constancy of a s ingle m an,then i t depended u pon the

K ing E lfred. If he m u s t have been deeply and gloom i ly

impre ssed w i th what was go i ng on no rth o f the T ham es,what

,

we m ay th ink, were the fee l ings of h i s subjec ts,who had

already bo rne so many trial s, achieved such deeds, all, as i t

seem ed,i n vai n ?

N ow the D anes were divided into two arm ies , who se field s

o f labour hencefo rward lay nearly always apart . T he N or

thum brian D anes,under H alfdan, sought a fresh theatre of

ravage . T hey c ro ssed over to the we stern s ide o f E ngland

and plundered inS trathc lyde Bri tain, from the Mersey to the

C lyde, and no rthward i n the c ountry of the Picts . T he re ign

2 C om pare the m ap inC anonT aylo r’s Words and Places.

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398 TH E G R E A T ARM Y.

flee t m o re in conjunc t ion than they had done du ring the

earl ier years of i nvas ion and i n making th i s change o f tactic

we canno t doubt that they greatly strengthened the i r po s i t ion

and paved the way for the succ esses which they now ach ieved.

E lfred m arched against the Wareham D anes . Bu t when

the arm ies came in s ight they did no t engage ; ne i ther s ide

seem ed wil l ing to ri sk a bat tle. T he D ane s though t p robably

that they cou ld gain as much by stratagem . T hey m ade peac e ,and swo re onho ly ring and C hri st ian rel ic to leave the king

dom .

2 But when E lfred re t i red half o f them sto le away to

E xeter and se ttled there . E xeter m ight be reckoned as st i l l

part of Wes t Wales though i t had really been inc o rpo rated in

Wessex long befo re now and by a s trained interpre tat ion the

V ikings m ight plead that they had s t i ll observed the term s of

the i r oath .

2 In th i s event i s i l lu s trated the knowledge wh ich the

V ikings had acqu i red o f E ngland,and o f the weak pom ts in

the E ngl i sh system of defence . Tkey were always ready, slept ,we m ay say, upon the i r arms ; bu t the Engl i sh fyrd was cal led

toge ther for a defini te pu rpo se and for a l im i ted tim e . T he

husbandm an left h i s co rn unc u t,hi s fie lds unti l led

,to jo i n the

dragon banner of Wessex h i s thought s we re w i th h i s hom e and,when the period o f serv ice had com e to anend

,no th ing c ou ld

keep him with hisco lou rs . T hen was the chance for the D anes .

It was m ere fo l ly for them to engage the Engl i sh when fu l ly

prepared for battle ; whi le a l i t tle ru se, a l i t tle delay,would

throw the country at the i r m erc y .

E lfred now brought hi s flee t to blockade the V ikings in

E xe ter. But cont inued re info rcem ents cam e pou ring in.

H alfdan and Ivar afte r m any slaughterings ( i n the i r S trath

2 T hey swo re their so lem noath uponthe ho ly oaug—a ring p laced npcna so rt of altar (cf . C . P. B . i. 403 , quo tationfrom Islendinga T heyaltctook such oaths uponC hristianre l ics as were desired (Asser).

2 G reen, 0. c . p. 108 .

A T TA C K UP O N WALE S . 399

c lyde and Pic t i sh war?) sai led round to D evon—so at least

Asser says ; but i t seem s l ike ly there is som e m i s take here .

Whe ther orno a large V iking flee t was coming from Wareham

to rai se the blo ckade of E xe ter . But onthe i r way‘a great fog

m eets them onthe sea,

’and the fog i s fo l lowed by a sto rm , the

sto rm i s fo l lowed by an attack from E lfred’s fleet, and there

i n Swanage Bay the who le D anish arm ament of one hundred

and twenty sai l was destroyed .

Wherefo re, afte r the s iege o f E xe ter had lasted all the

sum m er, the D anes had at length to submi t . H umbly theytook the i r departu re, som e for S ou th Wales

,som e for

Gloucestersh i re . Under U bbe the N o rthm en m ade a fu rious

at tack UponWales i n the ensuing year. T hey were defeated

at firs t intwo bat tles,but i n the end R odrick Mawr the Prince

o fWales had to abandon hi s country and flee to I reland .

O ne fam ou s vic to ry crowned the arms of the E ngl i sh , underE aldo rm an O dda, the fo l lowing year, at

"

‘~C ynwith

’

—in D evonsh i re, we m ay suppo se . T here in,the

E ngl i sh took the banner of the V i kings,the raven banner

which had been (so at leas t i t was said 2) wovenby Lodbrok’s

daughters for Ivar and Ubbe,woven no doubt with m yst ic

chants,l ike tho se which accom panied the making of the

banner borne at C lontarf

A.D . 877 .

W ide is wrought the web of slaughter,T he drooping spear-c loud

2 that raineth blood.

But even Whi le th i s vic torywas be ing gai ned the E ngl i shresi stance was break ing down

,hopelessly, final ly as i t

seem ed . N ext year, as the Yu le - tide feas ts were beginn ing,

news was brough t that the D anish arm y,which had departed

2 O nly inthe Annals o fAsser and the wo rst MS S . of the Life .

’

2 T he banner suppo rted , as was the fash ion, upon two spears is l ikenedto a c loud overhanging the arm y and raining downblood .

400 TH E G R E A T AR M Y.

from E xe ter and made its way into Glouc e ste rsh i re, had re

tu rned thence i nto the country of the Wilsaetas,navigated the

Avon (the Bath Avon) we m ay suppo se, and. made i tse lf a

s trong cam p at C hippenham . And so m ehow,now the who le

O ppo s i t ion to their m ovem ents seem s to have co l lapsed . E lfred

was not wanting to h im self,but hi s subjec ts

,wearied o ut w i th

the i r long vigil, the i r m archings and counterm archirgs, seem ed

to have given up h0pe, to have begun to th ink o f subm i t t ing tothe i nevi table

,as the N o r thum brians and E as t Angl ians and

Mercians had subm i t ted . T h ey even began to quarre l am ong

them selve s,as the Ir i sh so often did in the t ery face of the

N o rthern invas ions . 2 T he D anes set to wo rk to harry the

country round C hippenham fE lfred rai sed no arm y to oppo sethem , and they carried onthei r wo rk unhindered .

T hen cam e that darkes t m om ent in the E ngl i sh annal s andi n the l ife of the king. All lo s t heart

,exc ept .E lfred the king

,

him and a few cho sen fo l lowers . O f the i r fo rlo rn wanderingsabou t the dark m arshy regions of D evonshi re and S om erse t

,

and the i r adventu res there i n,h i s to ry and m ytho logy love to

te l l . After a whi le E lfred set tled downwi th a sm all band of

fo l lowers upon a l i t tle i s land m ade at the iunc tiono f the T oneand the Parre t, two S om ersetsh ire r ivers . T here he m ade h im

se lf a fo r t, l ike the fort s wh ich the D anes them se lves had been

wont to rai se in the enem y’s country . S uch i t was to him .

H ow strange ly the tables have been tu rned , when the V ikings

appear as the m asters of the c o untry, and the rightful k ing o f

We ssex skulks li ke an ou tlaw,«hidden am id the woods and

m o rasses,m aking h i s sal l ies upon the enem y when opportuni ty

shows i tself T hat i sland where the fi re s of patr io t i sm,whic h

had bu rnt so low everywhere e l se were st i l l k ept al ive,i s a

sacred place forall E ngl i shm en, worthy of a pilgrim age, no t less

2 E thelwerd a. a. 886, see Lappenberg,H ist of E ng. (trs.) 11. 53 .

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40 2 TH E G R E A T A RM Y.

and daughters enslaved and carried o ver sea,

I nerved the i rarm s for the com ing battle .

It did not last long. S oonthe D anes were fly ing for shel ter

to their cam p at C hippenham ,and onc e m o re Wessex was re

covered to the E ngl i sh king .

E lfred sat down to bes iege the D ane s in the i r cam p . Bu t

anon , nego t iat ions were opened which,as i t proved

,paved the

way to a du rable peace. H owever great m ay have been the des i reo f the E ngl i sh for vengeanc e , a li tt le th o ugh t m u st have shown

them that they had no chance o f driv ing the D anes al togetherou t of the country . E ven if they de stroyed one arm y a freshone wou l d com e next year to take i t s p lace , and the esprit dc

corps wh ich exi sted am ong the V i kings—at any rate , tho se inEngland—wou ld have m ade the new arm y the avenger o f theold. Instead o f th i s perp e tual vendetta ,

an o c cas ion o ffered

for conc luding som e th ing l ike a perm anent peac e between theEngl i sh and the D ane s . E ach had tried the m e tal o f the

o ther ; each seem ed al ike unc onqu erable . A few days s inc e

E lfred had been all-bu t hunted ou t o f the last c o rner o f h is

realm ; now by the peace which was pre sently conc luded

be tween him and G u thorm ,no t only was allWessex re s to red

to him,but even a cons iderable part o f the Merc iankingdom

,

whic h seem ed to have passed for eve r into the hands o f the

V ikings . T he peace was conc luded at Wedm o re,and by that

nam e i t i s known inour h i s to ry books . Bu t t here i s no o ther

nam e for i t than that wh ic h we find inthe co l lec t ions o f Anglo

Saxon laws and i n st i tu t ions , {E lfreds and G otlzorm s F1 76",

E lfred and G uthorm’s Peac e . In eve ry way its provi s ions

were honourable to the E ngl i sh . By i t G utho rm h im se lf con

sented to rece ive bapt i sm and to ru le as a C hri st ian king i n

2 C f. C liron. a.a.

PE A C E OF WE D M O R E . 49 3

E as t Angl ia where the blood of E adm und had cem ented the

devo t ion o f the E ast Angl ians to the i r c reed . T he baptism alnam e of G uthorm was E thel stan. E lfred acted as his sponso r.In the divi sion o f terri to ry between the two kings

,the D ane

took the land east of a l ine wh ich ranalong the northern bankof the T ham es, tu rn ing away up the Lea befo re it reachedLondon

,then up to the sou rce of the latter river

,then straigh t

up to Bedfo rd, thenup the O u se t i l l you reach Wat l ing S tree t,and by

'

that l ine up to C hester . 2 But here the kingdom of

G u thorm came in contact w i th that wh ich H alfdan had

al ready e s tabl ished inN orthum bria.

T here were thu s three kingdom s i n E ngland after Wedmo retwo D anish and one Engl i sh . Yet when we review the

po s i t ion of E lfred ju st befo re the battle o f E thandune or the

h i s to ry o f E ngland for the twe lve years which had fo l lowed theadvent of the Great Army, the wonder i s that E lfred shou ld

have gained so much,not so l i ttle , as the resu lt of a s ingle

battle .

For the po s i t ion of the E ngl i sh was very different from that

o f the i r ne ighbou rs abroad . T here , wh ile a certain tradi t ional

reverence surrounded the Franki sh and Im perial names,and the

E m pire by its very vastness and variety precluded the idea o f

c om plete conquest,here

,in our com pact island and on an

hom ogeneou s popu lat ion , the scheme of conquest had beenfai rly tr ied . T hat i t had not proved al together suc c e ssfu l wasdue to the obst inacy of the West S axons, and m ore thanall to

the indom i table sp i ri t o f the i r k ing. But when once the bes teffo rts had been put forth on e i ther s ide, bo th part ies to the

com bat recogn i zed the m eri ts of a com prom i se. D ane and

2 E rest ym be heo ra land gem eerca andlang T em ese pa t [banon] up inLigean and lang Ligean 66 h ire ae -wylm (sou rce) banon on gerihta

(straight on) to Bedanforda banon up on Usan 66 Waetlinga straet.

A flfreds and G u t/torm s Frid, no t a c ontem porary source ; but we havenone bette r .

404 TH E G R E A T ARM Y.

Engl i sh were everywhere adm i t ted to an equal foo t ing—the

weregeld of a D ane was the sam e as that o f an E ngli shm an.

The land was part i t ioned be tween them . If there were two

D ani sh kingdom s and one E ngl i sh , we mu st remem ber that oneof the D ane s had becom e a C hrist ian . H alfdan rem ained a

heathen,and hi s memo ry was execrated acco rd ingly . But hi s

successo r,a certai n obscu re

,G udred

,was mo s t certainly a

C hri st ian . S o that tho ugh the E ngl i sh people had su ffered

grievou sly and saw eve rywhere the i r lands divided w i th D ani sh

co lonizers, they had not su ffered wi thou t com pensat ions they

were not a c onquered nat ion,m ere dirt beneath the fee t o f the

victo r iou s V ikings, as, wherever the D anes did plant them se lve s

on the C ontinent, becam e the c onquered Gau l s or Fri s ians .

N or, again , was the realm of C hri stendom dimini shed save for at ime ; for the newly- se t tled D anes soon gave up the i r O din worsh ip . Befo re long the two people , so m uc h al ike inparentage

and character, began to am algam ate, and ou t of that adm i xtu recam e the race wh ich i t wou ld be no extravagance to c laim as

the very cream of the E ngl i sh peopl'

e—I m ean the people of

the no rth of E ngland , of Yo rksh i re, and of Linc o lnsh i re .

O n th i s scene of the peac e o f Wedm o re we m ay let the

cu rtain fall , as i t i s a proper c l im ax of the dram a o f V ik ing

conquest i n E ngland . T here were , o f cou rse , recu rring waves

o f i nvas ion , bu t they were no m o re than the final e ffo rts of as to rm that was spent . We can leave them as ide . For the

h i sto ry of the V ik ings on the C ontinent, the hi s to ry of the

We stern E m pire general ly—s i lent for the last ten years—cal l sonc e m o re for our at tention . T o that ground the brunt of thestruggle between the N orthm en and the C hri st ians was again

transferred .

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406 PA US E IN TH E VI K I N G R AID S .

twenty years had preached to them . N ow was the time for

them to put as ide m u tual r i val ries,and by a wise al l ianc e and

u sefu l co-ope rat ion be tween all the m em bers o f the C arl ing

H ou se,to rai se once m o re the drooping spir i t of the Franks .

N ow,too ,

was the t ime for the Pope to cal l to arm s allWestern

C h ri stendom , to proclaim a fi rs t cru sade against the two great

enem ies of the C hri st ian nam e—the heathens from the northand the Sarac ens from the sou th .

H ow farWere these measu res adopted ? What was ac tual ly

the s tate of affai rs inE urope du ring this dodecade of the great

E ngl i sh i nvas ion , from 866 to 8 78 ? T o answer th i s qu es t ion

let us look at the three no rthern kingdom s i n C ont inental

E urope,beginning with the eas tern and travel l ing westward .

S o far as concerns Lewi s the Germ an i t m u st be sai d that hehad abandoned the though t o f c onqu es t towards the wes t, in

the terri to ry o f e i ther h is nephew,Lo thai r IL

,or o f h i s bro ther

,

C harles the Bald . H is po l icy was d i rected where i t ough t

always to have turned , to h is eastern ne ighbou rs,to keep ing

in subjec t ion,or at any rate at peac e, the S lavs upon h i s bo rders

—S o rabians, Bohem ians, Mo ravians .

O f these three peoples the las t were now the ch ief troublers

of the peace inthe Germ an kingdom . Lo ng ago , i n the days

o f the civi l war, Moini ir, the tri bu tary D uke of Mahren,had

taken advantage o f that period of distu rbance to erect h i s

duchy into a practic al ly i ndependent state . But Lew i s,when

he was secu re of h i s own,again attacked the Mo ravian

,

depo sed him ,and plac ed hi s nephew R astic

,or R astis las

,in

the duchy in hi s s tead . T hi s ac t was alm o st the last ac t of

au tho ri ty exerc i sed by Lewi s i n Mo ravia. E ven that had been

c lo se ly fo l lowed by a c ru sh ing ove rthrow o f Lewi s’s arm y at

the hands o f the C zech s o f Bohem ia, who were i n leagu e w i th

th e i r ne igh bours and fel low- S lavs, the Mo ravians, Th is event

P O LI C Y O F LE WI S TH E G E R MA /V. 407

we have al ready reco rded . It happened in 846, three years

only after the t reaty o f V e rdun . With su ch a lesson befo re

him at h i s acc ess ion i t i s no m atter for wonder that R astic

trod pretty c lo se ly i n the s teps o f h i s unc le ; thatby A . D . 855 he had rai sed Mo ravia into the

po s i tion o f a prac t ical ly indep endent state . Inthat year Lewis

the Germ an set onfoo t a great exped it ion for the reduc t ion of

Mo ravia. Bu t i t,l ike nearly all the expedi t ions u ndertaken

with thi s objec t, wh i le seem ing to accom pl i sh som e th ing ,effec ted , i n the end, l i ttle orno th ing . As the Franki sh arm y

advanced into the enem y’s terri to ry, R astislas retreated , and hefinal ly shu t h im se lf up i n one o f tho se m arsh -gi rt fastnesses inwhich h i s co untry abounded . When at last Lew i s

’

s troops

were obliged to ret i re,they were c ont inual ly harassed by the

Maravi,who eventually fo l lowed them acro ss the D anube and

plundered som e of the Ge rm an towns uponthe right bank o f

the r iver . In A . D . 864 , Lewi s m ade ano ther

effo rt ; and onth i s o c cas ion he al l ied him self w i th

the K han o f the Bu lgars . T hi s expedition was som ewhatm o re successful . R astislas cou ld no t be brough t to anengagem ent but he sent inho stages

,and c onsented to tende r som e

so rt of hom age to the Germ ank ing . But i n our present year,

866,the re lat ions be tween the S lav s and T eu tons were again

di stu rbed ; nor, between th i s year and that o f the captu re and

death of R astislas fo u r years later,were the

bo rders of the O stm ark ever secu re agai nst at tackfrom the s ide of Mo ravia . T hu s Germ an po l icy had nowaneaste rnou t look, as we l l as a wes tern, as i t has to th i s day.

And the gravi ty of the po s i t ion was im m ense ly inc reased,when

to the fear of S lavo n ic inroad was added the far greater terro r

o f the i nvading Magyars. Magyar ho rsem en fi rst appeareduponthe sou th-east bo rde rs o f Lew i s’s k ingdom i n A. D . 862 .

It was no t, however, t i ll after the end of our period that they

A.D . 855.

A.D . 864 .

A. D . 866.

408 PA US E IN TH E VIK I N G R AID S .

began to be a real te iror to Germ any . It was on account of

th is eas tern po l i cy o f Germany that the O stm ark,the E astern

Mark,wh ich was the germ of the Au str ian Archduchy

,grew

m o re and m o re i n im portanc e am ong the Germ an terr i to r ies .T hi s O s tm ark

,now that Lew i s was . ge tt ing on i n years—he

was s i xty- fou r—and had grown -up sons w i th whom to sharethe cares of governm ent

,was put espec ial ly under the charge

of the e ldes t of these sons, C arlom an

,h is fath er’s and m o ther’s

favou rite, and from what we can learn, a handsom e,s trong

,

brave, and ac t i ve prince ; u ntil a sad m i shap befel l him when

he had scarcely passed m i ddle l ife . But to show any favou r toone sonwas to exci te the j ealou sy of the o thers . Lewis

'

the

German’s sons were t ruly h i s ch i ldren in th i s, and as ready as

he had been onany provocat ion to set indefiance the au tho ri ty

of the i r father. T he second mo re e spec ial ly,the aquioocus, the

Lewi s whom our h i sto rians cal l Lewis the S axon,was cons tantly

in a state of covert rebe l l ion agai nst h i s father and agai ns t

the i nteres ts of h i s e lder bro ther C arlom an. In these res tless

schem ings of h i s,Lewis general ly contri ved to obtai n the

ass i s tance and countenance of the younges t o f the th reebro thers

,the younges t and weakes t, a

’

t imid,diseased

,rashly

rebell iou s or superst i t iou sly scrupu lou s C harles , whom h i sto ry

knows wel l as that s trange spo rt of Fo rtune, C harles the Fat. 1

The second preo ccupat ion of the aging Germ an k ing was

now,therefo re, to keep , as far as he might, a hand over h i s

c hi ldren and prevent them fly ing at each o ther’s throats .

2 T here canbe l ittle doubt that C harleswas always m o re or less d iseased ,physical ly and m ental ly . H e had that cu r ious m ental attack du r ing the

l ifetim e o f his father (Ann. Fu ld. , An. Xanten. s . a V ita S .,

R im bert. c. 2 0 , T henhe suffered fearfu l ly from headaches dur ing hissho rt

,inglo riou s re ign, and at the end fe l l into a state of com p lete m ental

abe rrat ion. T he nam e , C harles the Fat, was no t bestowed upon him byhis contem po raries But he was co rpu lent—a state of body suggestive of,orat any rate consistent with , a. weakness of brain.

2

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410 PA US E IN TH E VIK IN G R AI D S .

the counse l s of C harles the Bald, fo rgo t m u ch which he shou ldhave rem em bered wh i le engaged in the controvers ies whichsprang ou t of the Lothariandivo rce .

T hu s inthe we stern k ingdom m enwere seduced from the

w i se path o f s tatesm ansh i p . Lo thai r ’s errors seem ed to be

C harles’s and H incm ar’s O ppo rtuni ty . T hey s tood fo rth as the

cham p ions o f C hri st ian m o ral i ty and of the au tho ri ty of the

C hu rch and of the Pope . And though the Pope (N icho las I .l

and H incm ar subsequently quarrel led, C harles ever afte r

rem ained onfr iendly term s w i th the Lateran,and enjoyed the

prestige resu l t ing from th i s al l iance—a pres t ige, be i t said,wh ic h Frenc h kings and em pero rs have ever s inc e sought tore tain , and whi ch i s expre ssed in the t i t le o f the old Frenchm onarchy

,

‘the E ldes t S on o f the C hu rch .

’T h i s al l ianc e

s tood C harles the Bald i n good stead in the prosecution of

som e of h is m o re am bi t iou s schem es ; but i t was anevi l th ing

for France , which in these days requ i red from i ts ru ler no t

far- reaching am bi t ion but energy and capac i ty at hom e .

Farther off than eve r was the chanc e of a union am ong all the

princes i n N o rthern C hri s tendom ,and therefo re o f a las t

S trenuou s effo r t agai ns t the V ikings, com parable to the effo rt

wh ich E lfred was m aking onbehalf of the E ngl i sh . H ad the

years been spent in preparat ions for that, the effects o f the

O i s se l d isas ter m ight have been reversed .

C harles the Bald had now fewer d ifficu l t ies than fo rm erly

w i th the rebel l iou s s tates w i th in h i s ownbo rders . T h i s re su l t

was ch iefly due to the fac t that he had given way onthe ch ief

po in ts i n d ispu te . T he ou tcom e o f the long struggle with

Bri ttany was the conc ess ion o f prac tical independence to the i r

principal i ty . E rispoi, the son and suc cesso r o f the fi rs t rebel

N om inoi,in c ons iderat iono f the v i r tual i ndependenc e, wh ich

he had wonby h i s victo ry near R ennes,

Ic onsented to acknow

S ee above, p. 3 1 1 .

C H A R l S TH E BALD A N D E R I S P O I . 4 1 1

ledge som e so rt o f suze rainty on the part o f the French king

and th u s a m oo’

us D ioendi was found be tween them

(A. D . S S 1 ).I I t was dec i ded that th i s rec onc i l iat ion

sho u ld be em ented by the m arriage of Prince Lew i s , the eldest

sono f C harles the Bald,and the d ucal princ es s of

Bri ttany (A. D . T hat m arr iage never took

plac e . A year after th i s peace had been brought abou t,

E risp01 was m u rde red at the i nst igat ion of h i s kinsm an,

S alo m on, who suc c e eded him upon the th rone , and,if

we are to be l ieve Prudent iu s of T royes, the intrigue wh ic hb ro ught abou t the m u rder had no t gone on withou t som e

c o untenanc e from C harles . 3 S alo m on c onsented to pay

the tri bu te wh ich had been s t ipu lated inthe case of hi s predecesso r, unti l the year 868—the year whic h wehave taken as o ur standpo i nt for the beginning of

a review of the s tate o f E u rope . At th i s date C harles,

finding

him self weaker than ever after all the pas t years o f V iking

ravage , and S alom in grow ing res tless even in h i s nom inal

dependence, the Frenc h king went the length of present ing theBre ton duke wi th a go lden and jewe l led c rown

,and thereby

recogni z ing the c om ple te independenc e of Bri t tany . S o thatS alom on stepped from the rank of a duke to that o f a

king .4

O f S eptim ania, or G othia, we hear l i t tle at thi s t im e . When

we hear of i t agai n we find a C o unt Bernard rul ing there onc em o re . T hi s Bernard was not desc ended from that o lder Bernard whom m en had onc e cal led the father of C harles theBald , and wh om C harles afterward s caused to be beheaded 5

and he was for the present a fai thfu l vassal of the K ing o f

A. D . 851 .

A.D . 856—7 .

D . 868 .

2 Ann. Bert. s. a.2 Ibid . s. a.

3 Ann. Bert . and W enck,G escfi . des F. R . 3 14 .

4 Ann. Bert. s .a .

5 Ano the r Bernard , who apparently was grandsono f the 0 ( let Marqu is o fG othia, is m entioned abou t th is tim e as do ing ho m age to C harles.

4 12 PA US E I N TH E VI K IN G R AID S .

West Francia. But if C harle s had less t rouble from his

vassal s then fo rm erly, he had m o re with in his own househo ld . T he i ngrai ned vice of the C arlov ingian oro f the Franki sh

blood began now to show i t se lf am ong the ch i ldreno f C harles

the Bal d as i t had al ready shown i tse lf am ong the chi'

dren of

Lew i s the Germ an . O nly i n the case of the We s t Frank

princes there were no t so m any quarrel s and jealou s ies among

th em sel ves as a pretty'

general unan im i ty i n thwarting the wishes

of the i r father,and

,when occas iono ffered

,insuppo rt i ng the i r

owndes ign s by arm s . C harles the Bal d seem s to have been

e special ly arb i trary i n arranging the m arriages of h i s ch i ldren ,and almo s t all tfieir recalc i trat ions sprang o rig inal ly from the i r

resentm ent of h i s i nterferenc e w i th their own c ho ice i n th i s

m atter. Intru th,i t i s cu riou s

‘

the part wh ich love affai rs play

in the po l i ti cs of E u rope at th i s m om ent . H ere on one s idewas Lo thai r II . ready to stake all for hi s infatuat ion for h i s

m i stress Waldrada. In E ngland E thelwulf had endangered

his crown by his un ion w i th a young French princess ; and

presently E thelwulf’s son, E thelbald

,m ade the wo rld the

wi tness o f an awfu l scandal by hi s marr iage , upon the

death of E thelwulf, with h i s s tepm o ther, th i s sam e princess

Judith .

2 T he grudge o f Lew i s, the sonof C harles the Bald,

against h i s father, was due to a love affai r. H is affections were

set upon a certai n Ansgard,‘daughter of C ount H ardwin.

’2

C harles always oppo sed the m arr iage , and eventually obl iged

Lewis to di sso l ve i t . At one t im e he o rdered h i s sonto marry

the daughter of the Breton prince E rispoi. T his m arr iage was

fru s trated , as we saw, by the m u rder of the Bre ton duke . T he

young Lewis the S tammerer’

s private troubles i n th i s ki nd m ade

2 S ee above , pp . 368—69 .

2 Ann. Bert . (Pertz , i . R egino , s. a. 878 (P. i. Ansgard was

the m o ther of Lewis’

s two sons and successors, Lewis and C arlm ann. S eenext chapter,

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PA US E IN TH E VIK I N G R AID S .

as we have said , grudgingly . But Lew i s,who had taken the

occas ion to m arry Ansgard, was fo rced to pu t her away again.

T hu s we see there was no union am ong the princes of theFranki sh E m p ire for the c omm on good no bu i ld ing of fleet sin fu lfi lm ent o f C harlem agne’

s des ires long ago , or afte r thepat tern o f what E lfredwas even noweffec t ing inE ngland . N o

papal hull was i s su ed call ing C hri s t ians to take u p arm s agains tthe comm on enem y ; no Pe ter the H erm i t or Bernard preacheda fi rs t cru sade no Godfrey aro se to be the c hampion of

E u rope . Yet the V iking invas ions—we m ay beg in to cal l theminvasions now—were far m o re threatening thanany desec rat ion

o f the S epulchre i n Jerusalem three centu ries late r even the

S aracens i n I taly and S ic i ly were a greate r danger to C h ri sten

dom than in the twe lfth c entu ry was the power o f S'

alah- ed- D in.

InItaly, indeed, the conduc t o f m en and princ e s was m o re

wo rthy—if we cou ld con cern ou rse lves w i th I taly . T h ere

Lewis the em pero r was engaged in a hero ic s truggle agains t

the S aracens, which m i gh t we l l have pu t to sham e hi s bro ther

and his unc les beyond the Alps . As the V ikings in the no rth

from many rebe l l ious vassal s,so

,sham efu l to te l l

,the S ara

cens found support am ong the las t representat i ve s o f the o ld

Lom bard dukedom s i n the centre and sou th o fthe peninsu la

the D ukes of Benev entum and S alerno . In867 Lew i s began

the s iege of Bari,the great s trongho ld o f the Saracens eve r

si nce the i r fi rs t i nvas ion in 84 1 . At length , and after m uch

de lay, by the help of a Greek flee t he c om ple ted the blockade

of the town . T he infidels,reduced by want, cou ld no longer

defend the i r wal ls ; at the beginning o f 8 7 1 the

place was sto rm ed,and the greater part o f the

garr iso n was put to the swo rd . Alm o s t at the sam e t im e a

Franki sh and Lom bard arm y under the com m and of the Mar

qu i s of Friu l i,gained a signal victo ry o v er a fo rce o f twenty

A.D . 871 .

TH E E MP E R O R LE WI S II . 4 15

thou sand Saracen troops who were m arauding inthe D uc hy o f

Benev entum }

In the m i dst of th i s vic torious career a misfo rtune befe l l

Lew i s,com parable inalm o st every respect to that Which befe l l

our R ichard I . onthe re tu rn from His successful cru sading in

the H o ly Land . Adalgis, D uke of Benev entum ,had hi therto

fought s ide by s ide with the em pero r,m uch as Leopol d o f

Au s tria had fought s ide by s ide w i th~

R ichard in Palest ine .

But i t was no ted how at the taking of Bari he had u sed h i s

i nfluenc e to sh iel d the su l tan o f Bari , when the rest o f the

garri son were slain. It was sai d that the su l tan had earned

h i s grat i tude by spar ing the honou r of Adalgis’s daughter, who

was a prisoner inthe c i ty,and res to ring her to her father un

i nju red . Adalgis nowcarried the sultan'

wi h him as,so to say,

a prisoner onparo le . T he Mu ssu lm an su c c eeded ininflam inghi s jealou sy and h i s fears o f Lew15. Adalgis was to ld that so

so on as the Mo slem war was o ver, the e m pero r intended to

depose him and inc o rpo rate Benev entum and S alerno i nto the

I tal iankingdom . T o fo re stal l such de s i gns the duke m ade up

h i s m ind to se i ze the pe rson o f Lew i s whi le st i l l i n h i s terri to ry ;and having done th i s he kept Lew i s a pri soner i n Benev entum .

T he Pope, all I taly, ro se in fu ry . Adalgis had to re lease h i s

prey,after exac t ing su c h oath s of nonretal iat ion as he though t

nec essary—oath s from wh ich Lew i s was im m ediately released

by the Pope . Bu t Lewi s’s far- reac h ing designs for driving the

S aracens ou t o f I tal y we re all shat tered . T he sou therndukewas in league w i th the infide l Lewi s had to re t ire to the no rth

and conco c t h i s m easu res o f revenge upon the D uke of Bene

ventum .

2

2 H ist . Lom b. Benev enti post P .D . (E rchem pert) ap . Mu rato ri, 11. 2 45,

sgq. cf. D iim m ler O stf. G eseli . i. 704—5.

Mu rato r i , l.c . ; R eginonis , C /zron. (Pertz , 583 Bum m ler , l. c. 7 1 1

416 R A US E IN TH E VIK IN G R AID S .

While Lewi s was engaged in h i s S arac en war in the sou tho f I taly he was vi s i ted by hi s bro th er Lo zbair

,who

cam e to seek h i s influence i n fu rth ering h i s fam ou s

divo rc e case . N icho las I .

,Lo thai r’s unt i r ing adversary

,had

died in A .D . 867, and a new pope had c om e to the chai r o f S t.Peter . T he ci rc u m s tances of the m ee t ing be tween Lo thai rand H adrian I I . we w i l l leave to ano t her chapter

,and w i th

them the hi story of Lo thai r’s false oath at Monte C ass ino and

of hi s death a fewmonths afterwards at Piacenza,onh is way

home to hi s owncountry. 2

A.D . 8 69 .

II.

T he death of the K ing of Lo tharingia was a great event,affecting the who le po l i t ic s of E u rope . E ach of the rem aining

C arl ing princes prepared to assert hi s claim to the inheri tanc eof the dead king . C arl , the younges t son o f Lo thai r I .

,the

poo r, cne’

tif, ep ilept ic K ing o f Provence,had died som e s ix

years previou sly,and hi s kingdom had been divided between

h i s two bro thers,Lew i s ge tt ing Provenc e and Lo thai r T rans

ju rane Burgundy . S o that the em pero r had al ready a foo tho ldupon th i s s ide of the Alp s. T here c ou ld be no qu est ion that

of righ t the who le inher i tance o f hi s bro th er shou l d have fal len

to him,now the only su rviving son o f the fi rs t Lo thai r . H e

had a right to all the terri to ry whic h had been ass igned to hisfather by the treaty o f V e rdun .

N one had deserved be tter o f the C hri s tian c om m onweal ththan Lewis

,who had been far m o re su cc essfu l in h i s wars

agai nst the S arac ens than h i s unc les had been against Mora

vians,or Bre tons , or V i kings . N o wonder

,therefo re

,that the

Pope warmly e spou sed hi s cau se . Bu t Lew i s had i n tru th

done his duty by hi s own kingdom too we l l . H e had iden

2 S ee C hapter XV I .

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4 18 PA US E I N TH E VI K IN G R AID S .

t ime , not so was Lewi s the Germ an. H e was hindered ,indeed

,by a general r1sm g o f the S lav s upon his eastern

bo rders,in bringing abou t which i t i s l ikely enough C harle s

had a hand .

2 But when he was able to pu t his army i n m o t ion

westwards,Lewi s d id so wi th effec t . 2 C harles d id no t ventu re

to mai ntai n h i s po s i tion at the po int of the swo rd ; and a

divi s ion of Lotharingia was peaceably arranged between the

two bro thers at Meersen

By th i s t reaty, sett ing at nought the c laim s o f the em pero r ,all C hri s tian E u ro pe no rth of the Alps and eas t o f

the C hanne l , save the l ittle“

terri to ry o f Provence

(Provence east o f the R hone), was divi ded into two kingdom s,an eastern and a western . R oughly speak ing, the b o undaries

o f C harles’s kingdom m ay now be takento be the R h one, theS aone

,a fragm ent of the Mo se l le from near T ou l to j us t sou th

of T reves,then acro ss to the Meu se at Liege and along the

cou rse of that stream to the sea. R o ughly , that i s the d ivid ing

l ine . But i t swerves som ewhat to the eas t o f the S aone and

to the west of the Mo se l le. T he kingdom of Lew i s began to

the east of this l ine and to the no rth o f the R hone , and of whatis st ill the dividing l ine between Italy and S w i tzerland .

3

T he empero r had to content h im self w i th the tho ught o f h isI tal ian victo r ies .4 T hat s iege of Bari , of wh

'

ch we have

spoken, was brought to an end in 8 7 1 , the year fo l lowing the

parti t iono f Meersen , with great slaughte r o f S arac ens , and the

captu re of E m i r S u l im an,as we have seen . T hen fo l lowed

A.D . 870.

2 Ann. Fu ld. (Pertz , i . 38 12 Lewis had m o reover been lam ed by the fal l ing o f a bu i ld ing. W ith

great sto ic ism he m anaged to c onceal the inju ries he had rece ived , lestC harles shou l d be encou raged th ereby (Ann. Fu ld. s .a.

3 Ann. Bert. (Pertz , i . 4874 Lewis the G erm andid, in fac t , m eet the E m press E ngelberga at T rent

in 87 1 , and agree to resign his share of Lo tharingia to his nephew (cf .

Pertz , Leges, i. Bu t he revoked th is concession the fo l lowing year(Ann. Bert .

D E A TH OF TH E E MPE R O R LE WI S . 4 19

Lew i s’s brief C oeu r- de-Lion capt ivi ty . Whenre leased therefrom ,

Lew i s found h im self confronted by two sets of foes—Adalgis ,w i th h i s C hri s t ian al l ies , and the old enem y the Saracen . O ver

these last he did , however, gai n one m o re im po rtant victory in

8 7 2 , i n which nine thou sand or,acco rding to som e, twe lve

thou sand of the infidels were slain .

Bu t alas for C hri stendom ! In 8 75 a comet has been

flam ing inthe sky all through the m onth of June,and befo re the grapes are gathered a m elancho lyproce ss ion i s wending along the road from Brescia to M i lan .

At the head o f i t r ide the Arc hb ishop of M i lan , the Bi shops

o f Bresc ia,o f Bergam o

,o f C rem ona. With m ournfu l hym ns

and rai sed cro sse s they are bringing to i t s last resting-plac e i n

M i lan the m o rtal rem ains of the dead C aesar, Lewis too

early dead .

2 A brave and p ious m an,though the fo rtune of

hi s earl ier years had brought abou t one sharp co l l i s ion be tweenhim and Pope N icho las I . , end ing in a sacri legiou s attack byhi s troops upon R om e and the m i shandl ing of priest s and

m onks in the very traino f the ho ly father. Lew i s had re ignedas a real ly i ndependent king o f I taly from long befo re the

death of hi s father in 855 ; and,save for the inheri tance of

half of h is bro the r C harle s’s Prov engal kingdom ,which came

to him in 863 , he had never been, in fact, much m ore thanK ing of I taly , though

'

he bo re the im perial nam e . E ven as

K ing o f I taly he had l i t tle powe r over the D uchy of Benev entum , the D uchy of S pole to ,

and o ther rem nants of Greekand Lom bard ru le . But if he had l ived a few years longer hewou l d probably have united these to hi s crown

,have driven

the Saracens ou t of the peninsu la, and have ru led over a

unified I taly. H is death,therefo re

,was a heavy m i schance

for that country : never agai n , through all the M i ddle Ages ,

A.D . 875.

2 Andreas Be rg . (Mu rato ri , E rchem pert

4 20 PA US E I N TH E VIK IN G R A ID S .

through all succeeding centu rie s unt i l our ownday, was she toknow what i t was to be a uni ted Italy .

S trange that the fam i ly o f Lo thai r shou ld have died out inth i s manner

,wh ile h i s two bro thers s t i l l rem ained upon the i r

thrones ! H ere was a new fie ld o f am bi t ion open to the two

kings beyond the Alps, and two parties we re fo rm ed in I talyfirst no te o f a deep divi s ion in her po l i t i cs—to suppo rt respectively the French and the German interes ts . We th ink of

H enry of Luxem bu rg and R obert of N aples, of the Avignon

Popes, or of C harles of Anjou and the he i rs o f Frederick the

Great, when we see ranged upon the Frenc h side the pope

of these days,not H adriannow, bu t h i s su cc esso r, John V I II .

,

and onthe o ther Enge lberga,w idow of the late em pero r , and

what we m ay cal l the im per ial party . O f the two kings them

selves,Germany and France

,i n who se interests the se part ies

,

were fo rm ed,Lewis was now old and wo rn wi th the fat igue of

a long re ign,obliged , du ring the las t year or two of hi s l ife (he

only su rvived h i s - nephew one year), to leave the governm ent

inthe hands of h i s sons : not even Of any one son,for the i r

mutual jealou s ies were great . O therwi se , C harles the Bald hadhardly dared to rai se his ambi t ious hopes so high as to the

imperial diadem.

T he view of the newactors who are stepping upon the scene,and of the greater and greater diffic u l ty in dist ingu i shing

among the princes of the C arl ing H ou se whom we have m et

wi th and shal l m ee t , let u s pau se a m om ent at the death of the

em pero r, while as yet E ngland i s i n m or tal wrestle w i th her

no rthern invaders , whi le , except for sl ight and i nterm i ttent

attacks , the C ontinent has been left at peac e , and try to get

into our heads all the different sc ions o f the C arl ing H ouse , all

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42 2 PA US E IN TH E VI K IN G R A ID S .

wards known as H ugo o f Lo rraine,and Gisla orGisel la

,H ugo’s

s i ste r, m arried (as we shal l see) to Godfred the D ane . T herewas a third daughter, Bertha, whom we m ayfo rge t ifwe choo se .

C H AR LE S was the th i rd son, a weakly, epilept ic prince , w i th

good di spo s i t ions and intent ions . O nce only has V ikingh istory anyth ing to say to him—on that o c cas ion

,nam ely

,

whenBjOrn, H ast ing,and their flee t took w inter quarters upon

the i sland of C am argu e , at the R hone m ou th , and sai led up

the river as far as Arles and V alence,wh ic h las t plac e they

plundered and bu rnt. O n one occas ion th i s C harles’

s unc le,

C harles the Bald, at the i nvi tat ion of some m alcontents of the

realm,and profi t ing by the weakness of h is nephew

,m ade an

unprovoked invas ion of Provence , i n the hope o f adding som e

po rt ion of it to hi s own terri to ries . But he had to beat ahum i l iat ing re treat . When th i s C harles o f Provence died

,h i s

bro thers d ivided h i s terri to ry in the way that has been de

scribed, and unoppo sed by Lewis the Germ an or C harles the

Bald.

We come next to the sons of ~ Pippin,who have al ready

played the i r part inthe hi sto rical dram a,and therefo re m ay be

soon dism i ssed .

PIPPIN was the elder, the pretender o f Aqu i tai ne, or at anyrate the pre tender to S ou th Aqu i tai ne, the Gasc oncountrie s he

who fought by the s ide of the E m pero r Lothair at Fontenoy,who

upheld h i s cau se for long, and by every m eans wh i ch fell to hi s

hands ; so that the end of him was that he was found in open

al l iance with the V ikings, having, itwas said, fo rswo rn h i s fai th

and adopted even the manners and m ode of dress o f the

N orthmen . Inthe sum m er of A . D . 864 he was taken pri soner

by C ount R am nulf,was tried by hi s peers

,and condem ned to

death , but spared at the instanc e o f H incm ar,and im pri soned

for life . T hus he disappears from off the s tage .

C H ILD R E N O F PIPPIN . 42 3

C H AR LE S was the next bro ther—he i s, we see, al ready theth i rd C harle s onour l i s t

,and by no m eans the last . T h reaten

ing al so to rebe l against h i s uncle,he was com pel led by C harles

the Bald to take o rders, and obtai ned from Lewi s the Germ an

the Archbi shopric of Mai nz,i n which see he preceded

R aban .

T he next of the sons of Lewis the Pious is Lewis the

Germ an, who se career, whenever i t has touched the subject ofthi s hi sto ry

,we have fo l lowed wi th suffic ient clo seness ; H e

was now,i n 8 75, seventy-one years of age, and near the end of

hi s l ife and re ign ; H e had ru led as K ing of Bavaria ever

s ince the great D ivisio I mperii of A. D . 8 1 7 , that i s, s ince hisfou rteenth year and as king of nearly all Germ any s ince the

T reaty of V erdun in A. D . 8 43 . T he add it ional po rt ion of hiskingdom

,acqu i red s ince the death o f Lo thai r, he had governed

six years. Lewis had three sons—C arloman,Lewis

,and

C harles .

C AR LO MAN , the favou ri te of hi s father—agai nst whom , not

withstanding,he was once i n rebe ll ion—and sti l l m ore of h is

m o ther E m m a,was at th i s m om ent a handsom e

,val iant

, and

capable prince, ru l ing in practical i ndependence Bavaria, the

O s tm ark,and C arinth ia, keeping a watch over the rebell iou s

ne i ghbouring S lavs, m o re e spec ial ly against the Mo ravians andth e i r D uke , S uatopluk or Z wentibold. Z wentibold had suc

c eeded to h i s uncle R astic s, agai nst whom he had at one t im e

sought the ass i stance of the Franks but now he was t reading

as c lo se ly as po ssible i n the foo tsteps of h i s predec esso r . T oo

c om pl icated i s the hi sto ry of Mahrenand i ts dukes,and too

rem o te from the hi sto ry o f the V i kings , to occupy us here.

C arlom an was som et im es at war wi th R astic s ; once , at anyrate ,

in all iance w i th him against C arlom an’

s own father the

G erm anking. Bu t he rem ained h is fath er’s favou ri te t i l l the

4 2 4 R A US E IN TH E VIK IN G R AID S .

death of Lew i s the Germ an . H e had no legi t im ate o ffspring ;bu t

,l ike h i s cou s i n Lo thai r, one i l legi tim ate son, Arnolf by

name, who o c c upies a conspic uou s plac e i n the later h i sto ry o fth i s centu ry . Gisla

,or Gisel la, the s i ster o f Arnolf, m arr ied

the Z wentibold o f whom we have sp oken . T he jealou sy o f

C arlom an’s bro thers , e special ly of Lewi s

,m uch crippled the

capacit ies of th i s prince ; and a sad m i schanc e (o f wh ich weshal l have to speak in its place) cu t sho rt h i s re ign .

LE W IS (our t/zird Lewis , alas was the second o f the sons of

Lewis'

the Germ an . H im the h i s to ry books—for no clearlyassignable reason—des ignate as Lew i s the S axon. B e tter to cal l

him Lewis the Younger, as som e wri ters do . H e , too , proved

h im self onmo re than one occas ion a val iant and ski lfu l general

and ru ler ; but he was l ikewi se a tu rbu lent and unru ly subjec tdu ri ng the l ifet im e of h i s father, st i rring up , to aid and abe t him

,

his younges t bro ther C harles , who had m om ent s of bi tter re

pentance for hi s undu t ifu l conduc t . Inthe lat ter po rtion of hi s

re ign,mo reover, owing probably to i l l -heal th

,Lew i s seem ed

to lo se all vigou r of charac ter, and to bel ie the prom i se o f

h i s earl ier years . D ur ing the l ife t im e of hi s father,he ru led

c hiefly in the Franconian terri to ry . T o th i s,afte r Lewis the

Germ an’s death , were added S axony and T hu ringia. Final ly

,

he suc ceeded befo re the death of C arlom an in ou st i ng hi s

b ro ther from Bavaria, and i n prac t ical ly dethron ing him . Lew i s

had no spec ial connec t ion wi th S axony beyond the fact that he

m arried a wife out of a very fam ou s S axon hou se—that o fwhich we have spoken, whence was to proceed the l i ne cal led

that o f the Saxon E m pero rs i n Germ any . T h i s queen was

the daughterof Liudolf, niece, therefo re, o f C obbo ,and s i ster

of O tto and Bruno , fam ou s i n them se lves,but much mo re

famou s i n the i r o ffspring .

C H AR LE S (ourfourt/z C harle s)was the th i rd sonof Lew i s theGerman . H is o r iginal kingdom was Swabia

,and he i s some

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4 26 PA US E I N TH E VIK IN G R AI D S .

that C hri s t was no t the ac tual,bu t the adop ted S on of G od.

Any m arked phys ical de fec t,m o reover

,wou ld have det rac ted

from the pre s t ige of eventhe w i sest of m enand kings i n tho se

days ; and Lew i s the S tam m erer,though not withou t talents

,

was not the w i ses t o f m enand kings , In hi s father’s l ifet im e

he rec e i ved the t i tle of K ing o f N e us tria. O f the part he took

in oppo s i t ion to C har les the Bald,and in the fu rtherance o f

the m arriage be tween hi s s i ste r Judi th and Baldw inthe Fo rester,

we have seen som eth ing . H is sho rt re ign we have s t i l l to

see .

C H AR LE S (our fiftlc C harles), the next son, was, du ring thel ifet im e o f h i s father

,a mo re c onsp icuou s personage than h i s

e lder bro ther. For to grat i fy the Aqu i tanians’

asp i rat ions for

H om e R u le, C harles the Bald rai sed th is son to the rank o f

an alm o s t i ndependent king of Aqu i taine . H e com m anded

the Aqu i tanian arm y,and brought i t as a cont ingent to the

arm y com m anded by his father befo re O i s sel . H e was no t

behind h is bro ther Lew i s, nor his co us ins in Germ any, i n

rebel l iou s schem es . H e cam e to an2

untim e ly end du ri ng the

l ife t im e of h i s father . H e was retu rn ingfrom a day’s hunt ing

wi th some friends of hi s ownage and i n a‘skylarki ng ’mood , as

we shou ld say when it was grow i ng dark he suddenly rode up

to one of them who,we m ay suppo se, had go t separated by

som e l i ttle distance from hi s com rades, and m ade as if to attack

him . Albo in—th i s was the nam e o f the young m an—inthetwi l ight m istook Prince C harles for a robbe r, and aim ed a blow

which took effect upon the head of the prince,infl ic t ing a deep

wound and though C harles did no t die im m ediate ly,he never

recovered from the effects o f the blow,and l ingered for only

two years. H e had at this date (A . D . 8 75) been dead nineyears .

A th i rd sonof C harles the Bald , LO T H AIR ,was po inted ou t

by nature for an eccles iastic . A lame, gentle, and ret i r ing

C H ILD R EN OF C H A R LE S TH E D ALD . 4 2 7

prince, he was m ade Abbo t of S t. Germ an l’Auxerrois, and

died untouched by the stream o f wo rldly po l i t ic s .

C AR LO MAN ,ano ther C arlom an

, was the fou rth sonof C harles

the Bald . H e was l ikew i se ded icated to the C hu rch , and be

cam e Abbo t Of S t. Medard, an abbacy wh ich H ildwin had

held in form er days . C arlom an,however , did not fail i n the

family trad it ion . H e rebel led again st h i s father and sought atthe sam e t im e to dives t h im se lf of h i s o rders . H e was m o rehardly treated than any o f the o ther rebe l sons . T aken

pri soner,he was tried and c ondem ned to lo se h i s sigh t, as we ll

as to a perpetual c onfinem ent . E ventual ly he e scaped to Lew i sthe Germ an

,under who se pro tec t ion he ended hi s s igh tless

days .But we m u s t not leave ou t o f the catalogue o f the ch i ldren

o f C harles the Bal d Judi th,who se i l l- starred Melu s ina beau ty

di d so m uch to sow div i s ions bo th in her own country and inou rs . O f her scandalou s lo ve affai rs we have al ready spoken ,and as she was by th i s t im e safely m arried to C ount Baldwin o fFlanders we need speak of her no mo re .

By h i s second w ife , R ichildis, si s ter o f C ount Bo so, who is a

c onsp ic u ou s person du ring the years to come, C harles hadseveral o ther chi ldren, but they none of them attainedm atu ri ty.

IV .

Let us now retu rn to the affai rs of the empire at the po i ntat wh ich we left them—the death of Lewis I I . O ne m onthafter th i s event a c ounc i l o f grandees was held at Pavia underthe pres idency of Engelberga, the em press W i dow. But thoughE ngelberga herself was who l ly in favou r of the success ionof Lew i s the Germ an, the C ounc i l was divided . O n his

s ide, the Pope (John V I II .) had already sent a messageto hi s be loved son C harle s

,i nvi t ing him to come and rece ive

4 2 8 PA US E IN TH E VI K IN G R AID S .

the im per ial crown in R ome .

2 T he French king had been

co llecting an arm y,and

,alm o s t at the sam e t ime that the

C ounc i l was be ing he ld in Pavia, he c ro ssed the Alps and presently descended upon that c i ty, where he was we lcomed byh i s part i sans . 2

Meant im e the o ther C harles—C harles o f Swabia, C arolito—hadbeen com m i ss ioned to mai ntainthe c au se of h i s father Lewis. 3

H e,too

,c ro ssed the Alps and entered Lom bardy . But he had

ne i ther troops nor courage enough to ventu re upon anengagement and at the approach of his uncle he retreated once m o reacro ss the m ountains . All oppo s i t ion

,however

,was not over

for a much mo re fo rm idable antagon is t to C harles the Bald

presently appeared in the person o f C arlom an,Lewi s’s eldes t

son,with a Bavarian arm y. 4 Breaking through the barriers

which C harles the Bald had sought to place acro ss the Alp inepasses, he was presently wi th ina day’s m arch of the Wes t

Frank army . T hereupon hi s unc le,abandon ing the use o f

fo rce, tr ied hi s hand at nego t iat ion and craft . H e engaged to

ret i re upon the ret i rement of C arlom an , and to subm i t h i s case

to arb i trat ion the arb i trato r to be h i s ownrival and bro th er ,Lewis the German . N o term s cou ld have seem ed to C arlom an

m o re favou rable ; but C harles had no intentionof keeping to

them . When C arloman had ret i red, be advanced . And now

he took h i s way unoppo sed to R om e . By D ecem ber he had

reac h ed the capital , and at C hri stm as—in im i tat ion of the

wo rld-fam ou s co ronation of his grandfather seventy-five years

befo re—he rece ived the im per ial d iadem at the hands of John

V II I .5 By March he had retu rned to hi s hereditary kingdom

o f Francia.

6

2 Ann. Bert. 875 (P. i. 498 ; cf . P. iii.2 Ann. Fu ld. (P. i. 3 Ann. Bert. l.c.

4 Ibid .

5 Ann. Bert. a . 876 ; R egino , a. 8 75.

6 Lewis the G erm anrevenged h im se lf by o rgani z ing a raid into Franc ia(Ann. Bert.

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430 PA US E I N T H E VIK I N G R AID S .

u nderstand), the threatening powers had drawn off j ust whenthe weakness of the em p ire was beco m ing m o re and m o reapparent . D u r ing th i s period we need to reco rd bu t one im po rtantattack m ade by the N o rthm en . It was m ade i n 8 73 in theLo i re di stric t . After plundering on all s ides the V ikings tookAngers . C harles co l lected troops to attack them there

,and i n

o rder to m ake h i s attack a surpri se, he gave it out that he was

preparing an expedi t ion agains t the Bretons and the i r king

S alom on (S alom o), with whom he had i n real i ty entered intoal l iance . S uddenly the Franki sh arm y tu rned upon the cam p

o f the N o rthmen ; and i t was j o i ned by a cont ingent o fBretonsunder Wigon, the son of S alom on. But though the V i kings

were at fi rs t hard pressed,no t m uch was effec ted by thi s c on

c erted attack. T he s iege of Angers dragged on from Augu s t

to O c tober. At las t the N o rthm en cam e to terms,and agreed

to abandon the i r s trongho ld and all the Frankish terr i tory if asafe conduct were assu red them back to the sea.

2

And riow fu rther pro spec ts seem ed to open befo re C harles

the Bal d ; for ju s t one twelvem onth’

after the death o f Lew i s

the E m pero r, that i s to say inAugu st, 8 76, died the

em peror’s uncle and nam e sake , Lew i s the G er

m an.

2 As we have seen,th i s Lew i s had been K ing o f Bavaria

for nearly s ixty years, and inalm o st all the res t of his dom in ions

for m o re than thi rty : a c lear- eyed,brave , hard-wo rking king .

T hrough all the long years o f hi s re i gn Fate never al lowed

him to re s t and be thankfu l. N o doubt he reaped inpart the

evi l seed he had sown . H is rebe l l iou s sons were bu t fo llow

ing the exam ple of the i r father,when th ey m ade hi s las t years

years of trouble and not of p eace . With them,w i th Mo ravians

,

S o rab ians, C zechs , D anes,m alc ontent S axons , noble s m u tual ly

j ealous , he had had to encounter w i th a sea of troubles during

A.D . 876.

2 Ann. Bert. ; R egino , s .a . (Pertz , i. 496,a Inthe palace of Frankfurt , August 2 8 . R egino (P. i.

D E A TH OF LE WI S TH E G E RMA N . 43 1

hi s long re ign. H e had affronted all; had i s su ed from the longbattle o f l ife if not who l ly v ic to rio u s , at any rate no t beaten.

T he vast k ingdom which the Germ an king had governed

wi th so firm a hand was at once parc el led am ong h i s sons .

C arlom an, the elde s '

, go t Bavaria w i th the E as t Mark,and

wi th C arinth ia (no 10 . g r an I tal ianprovince). T hese he had

long ru led in prac t ical independenc e . Lew i s got Saxony ,T h u ringia

,E astern Lo rraine and the D ani sh Mark : hi s to

keep the keenes t watch against incu rsions o f the sea-fo lk .

C harles (C arolito)got Swab ia and E l sass .C harles the Bald

,we re m em ber, had, at the death ofLothair

IL, h oped and t ried to add to h i s ownkingdom the wh o le o f

Lo tharingia. Bu t when Lew i s the Germ an arm ed and preparedto dispu te hi s t i t le

,he gave way ; and the dispu te resu l ted in

the peac efu l d ivis ion of Meersen. N ow,however, anoppor

tunity seem ed to o ffe r for real i z ing that abandoned dream of

am bit ion, now that h i s redoubtable bro th er was no m o re .

2

Lew i s the Younger was indeed no novice . H e had rece i vedh i s bap t ism of fire seven-and- twenty years ago . But at hi s

back we re not the fo rces o f the who le Germ an land,only that

o f hi s ownk ingdo m ; for i t was no t to be suppo sed that h i s

two bro th e rs,w i t h so m uc h upon th e i r hands

,wo u ld upho ld

the cau se o f Lew i s the Saxon by the i r arm s . C harles the Bald,

too ,m ay have rem em be red the abo rtive invas ion of hi s own

terr i to rie s by the sam e antagoni s t twenty- two years befo re .

S o that there was ano ld sc ore to settle be tween the uncle and

neph ew.

Yet how m any wo rth ier call s there were upon the energies ofC harles the Bald . T he sam e au tum n in wh ich Lew i s the

Ge rm and ied,a newV i king fleet, strong one hundred sai l , c am e

navigat ing up the Seine, the fi rs t that had sought those waters

2 R egion, t.e.

432 PA US E IN TH E VIK IN G R AID S .

for ten years . T he N o rthm en were now beginning to drift

back from E ngland, 2 where there was not m uch room for

further conquest,and where, if there had been m uch to gain ,

there had been m uch to su ffe r l ikewi se .

N ot only did France cal l for the pro tec t ion of the king , bu tI taly was i n di re di stress . T he S aracens were fi l led w i th newhope s now that thei r arch- enem y

,the late C a sar

,was dead ;

they were now spreading far beyond the i r anc ient l im i ts ,s to rm ing ac ro ss the C am pagna to the very gates o f R om e .

Pope John wro te i n p i teou s di stress to ‘hi s deares t son and

m o st graciou s em pero r , by G od H im se lf c reated to be o ur

refuge,our com fo rt , and our he lp .

’Bu t the refuge ,

com fo rt,

and he lp remai ned obst inately deaf. T o be cal led C aesar

Augu stu s , to wear the Greek dalm at ica and a c o stly jewe l led

diadem , th i s was one th ing ; the conc o zu iiant du ty o f defending

his new terr i tor ies and keeping the i nfide l in check,th is was a

part of C aesardom for wh ich C harles fe l t less incl inat ion .

T he at tac k onLotharingia appeared to him an eas ier or

m o re i nvi t ing adventu re . I do not know how m any tim es

C harles and Lewis the Germ an had entered into m u tual

guarantees of each o ther’s terr i to r ies for them se lve s and the i r

he i rs . It was a wanton v io lation o f ju st ice,th i s at tack

,such as

H incm ar,who approved the fi rs t invas ion of Lo tharingia,

wou ld never have sanct ioned had he kept the c onsc ienc e o f

the king .

Bu t H incm ar’s re ign was over . A young w ife now po ssessed

C harles’s ear. H e had m arried R ichildis alm o s t im m ediate ly

afte r the m ou rning for h i s fi rs t w i fe,Irm intrud

,who died in

869, was over, and i n the i nte rvening period after the death

of Irm intrud, he had po ssessed her as h i s m i s tre ss . W i t h the

weakness of anold hu sband , he al lowed all the c redi t at C ourt

2 Cf . Ann. Fu ld. 876.

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434 PA US E I N TH E VIK IN G R A ID S .

king . Inh is reply he ant ic ipated (oddly enough) the excu sewhich the V ikings were to m ake i n after-years

,to his West

Frank subj ects for an ac t of t reachery sim i lar to hi s own.

H is oath s, he sai d, had been given to the dead Lewi s , not toany of his sons .T he dem and wh ich C harles m ade of his nephew was, we

have sai d,the eastern part o f Lotharingia, wh ich had been the

elder Lewi s’s share at the T reaty of Meersen . It was the v ery

sam e claim which France put fo rward under the N apo leons,

and,m aybe, wi ll som e day pu t fo rward agai n—the R hine was

to flow as the boundary between the eastern and western

kingdom s . And as the Germ an so ldiers assem bled under thebanners of Lew i s the S axon when he m ade h i s cam p at D eu tz

,

they were no doubt s inging, i n the fash ion o f the i r day

S ie so l lenihnnicht haben,D enfre iendeutschenR he in.

From where they pitched the i r tent s they cou l d see the o ther

s ide of the r iver, the hohe D om o f C o logne , m i rro ring i tself

i n the swift waters but they dared not reach i t, and under i ts

shadow the enem y presently e stabli shed the i r head quarters.T hu s C harles already o ccupied the di sputed terri to ry.

H ow to drive h im ou t agai n ? At D eu tz Lew i s rece ived

hi s returned am bassado rs and sawthat there was no al ternat ivefor him bu t battle or su rrender . H e found

, too . that he hadnow anarm y o f to lerable s trength . H is object was to cro ss

the r iver , if po ss ible , unperc e i ved . Leaving,therefo re

,hi s

cam p-fires bu rni ng, he m oved off h i s troops du ring the nigh t

o f the 4th and 5th o f O c tober,and after a sec re t and hasty

m arch,adm i rably execu ted , he cro ssed the R h ine unoppo sed

b etwe enC oblenz and Andernach . O nly whenthe passage o f

the I l\er had been safe ly ac c om pl i shed and Lew i s e stabl i shed

ina posit ionamong the hi lls com m anding the valleys of the

BA T TLE O F AN D E R /VA C II . 435

N e tte and Brohl did C harle s hear of what had been done .

T hereu ponhe broke up hi s c am p at C o logne and m arched toS inzig . H ere he was m et by mes sengers from Lew i s

, oncem o re m ak ing propo sal s of peace , and C harle s

,upon hi s part

,

had rec ou rse to one of tho se ru ses which had so o ften served

h i s t urn b e t ‘er than arm s,though to a n icer c onsc ience they

m igh t wear the garb of perju ry . H e propo sed a m eet ing of

plen ipo tent iaries for the 7th of O c tober, to di scu ss the term so f a treaty of peace . Lew i s assented

,and on the assum ption

that a truce was establ i shed du ring the interval he sent o ff

half hi s arm y i n search of provi s ions . C harles had no soonerbeen info rm ed of th i s by h i s sc ou ts, than he broke up hi scam p at S inz ig, and m arched w i th all h i s arm y of fifty thou

sand m enstraight for the Germ an cam p .

T he G erm ans were saved from su rpri se by two lucky chances .Willibert

,Archb i shop of C o logne, Lew i s

’

s envoy, found the

m eans of sending a swift m essenger to h i s king to warn him o f

hi s danger ; and the nat ive gu i des , who were all for Lew i s ,m anaged so to m i sdi rec t the arm y of C harles i n th i s hi l ly

region,that i t took twenty-fou r hours i n making a m arch of

som e twelve or fou rteen m i les .Lew i s , m eanwh i le , not know ing o f thi s delay, but only the

peri l i n wh ich he s tood, gathered all the rem ai nder of his arm y

and drew them up inarray of bat tle . E xpec t ing a night attack,

ino rder to avo i d c onfus ion and consequ ent panic,he o rdered

that every m an shou ld pu t on a whi te garm ent over h is u sualarm ou r. And all the night of the 7th o f O ctober the arm y

re m ained there l ike a l i t tle white c loud resting upon the

h i ll s which com m anded the valley . I t was a m i serable nigh t,

pou ring w i th rai n . But the case o f the Germans was not so

wretched as that of the i r opponents , who through all that n ight

floundered abou t upon fal se roads , anal only in the m o rning

cam e i n S igh t of th e i r enem y

, Whom the v fo und sm al l i n num

436 PA US E IN TH E VI K I N G RA ID S .

bers indeed, btit drawn up in a good po s i t ion and ready forbattle .

T he fi rst sho ck fe l l upon the S ax u s who c om po sed Lewi s’s

fi rs t l ine . At the onse t ofthat vas t body of fifty tho u sand Franks,

the S axons shook and gave way som ewhat . But the E as t

Franks cam e up to the i r support, and the m ovem ent o f retreatwas arres ted . And now

,on the French side

,m en perce i ved

that at the first charge C o unt H ieronym u s had gone down, oneof the leaders i n C harles’s army ; C ount R eginar, too , had

fallen wi th the oriflam m e, the im perial banner . T he C arl ing

troops had expected to su rpri se the i r enem y. N ot do ing th is,they were al ready di sheartened ; and by the i r long nigh t

’s march

they were alm o s t wo rn ou t. When they saw the i r banner fal l,and the i r k ing cam e not up to encou rage them

,they gave way

at once upon all s ides . T hey broke and ro l led back i n i rre

trievable pan ic,and C harles, who had ne ver o nc e com e to the

front of the battle,cou l d now find no th ing be tter to do than to

set Spu rs to h is ho rse and r ide for dear l i fe . H e rode all that

day, rode far out of the di spu ted Lo tharingian country , and

did not draw re i n t i l l he had reac hed Liege, safe in h i s own

terr i to ry.

Fo rtunate ly for C harles the Bald, he had sent fo rward hi sw ife, R ichildis, who was with chi ld, away from the bat tle -field

,

as far as H erstal,i n o rde r that she might give t id ings o f what

he deem ed a certai n v icto ry . Bu t H ers tal i t sel f was W i th i n

the terr i to ry of Lewi s the Younger, and to R ichildis there cam e

the news o f the fearfu l overthrowof the Wes t Franks. T h ough

i l l-fitted to t ravel , she had to flee thence under the charge o f

the Bishop o f Liege and the Abbo t of St . O m er. O nherway

she was bro ught to bed o f a boy, unt im e ly bo rn,and so on to

die . T h is was the las t o f fou r ch ildren that R ichildis had

borne to C harles, none o f whom attained to m anho od .

The battle of Andernach was the greatest which had been

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C H APT E R XIV .

C H AR LE S TH E FA T . TH E IN VA S I O N O F G E R IWAN Y.

I .

T H E battle of Andernach took place on the 8 th of O c tober,A . D . 8 76. T he V ik ings at th i s mom ent had begun to re tu rn

to the C ont inent ; but no large flee t had as yet com e th ither.For i n E ngland the D ane s were s t i l l advanc i ng to victo ry over

the Wes t S axons ; wherefore, when p irate flee ts were new ly

equ i pped, m o st of them we re s ti l l com m i s s ioned for th i s

country . N eve rth eless som e o f the V i kings,see i ng the greate r

part o f E ngland al ready in po sse ss ion of the i r bre th ren,and

the rem ai n ing po rt ion ho l d ing out val iant ly agai ns t them,

rem em bered the r ich abbeys and fat lands of Flanders andFrance, wh ich had been left undi stu rbed so long .

When C harles the Bald recovered from the panic into wh ich

h is defeat had thrown him ,he found that h i s ne phew, Lewi s ,

had no i ntent ion o f carry ing h i s V icto r iou s arm s

i nto France ; on that s ide, therefo re, he might fee lsec ure . But inI taly, but i n h i s im per ial t i tle , there was sm al l

l ik el ihood that he wou ld be left undistu rbed . In any case

C arlom an m ight have been expected to try and revenge the

t rick wh ich had been played upon him the year befo re .

A.D . 877

C H AR LE S TH E BALD IN I TALY. 439

Many of C harles the Bald’s fo rm er part i sans now w i thdrew

the i r suppo rt and C arlom ano f Bavaria was,i n fact

,co l lec t ing

an arm y and m edi tat ing a fresh incu rs ion into I taly . T he

Pope,however , rem ained true to the French al l ianc e though

he did so at h i s peri l . T he lesser princes, as we m ay cal l them ,

of c entral and sou thern I taly were seek i ng all iances of anykind , even with the Saracens, against the C arl ing ru le . T he

Pope,John V III .

,too

,had long had a personal quarre l w i th

the D uke of S po leto , hi s devas tat ing troops and the i nfidelarm s of the S arac ens now spread up to the very gates of

R om e .

I

John sent m essenger after m essenger w i th the m ost press ing

entreat ies to C harles the Bald to com e to h i s aid. T hi s t im e

C harle s determ i ned to com ply ; 2 al be i t the flee t of N orthm en

wh ic h had arrived in the S e ine the previou s year was s t i ll

plundering in that country unh indered . It i s charac terist ic of

C harles’

s po l icy during these later years that,wi thou t striking

one blow to free h i s country from such a press i ng evi l as th i s,

he shou ld have set to work to co l lec t an arm y to m arch into

I taly, and have consented to pu rchase the departu re of the

V ik ings for the enorm o us sum of fiv e thou sand pounds o f

s i lver, equal , one m ay say, i n m odern money to as much as

£ 1 2 0,o o o .

3

C harles put som e o rder into h i s affai rs befo re he set ou t.

H e he ld a counc i l atQuiersey4 i n which he exacted a fresh oath

o f fide l i ty from all the greater vassal s . Inretu rn he m ade an

im po rtant concess ion to the grow ing feudal i sm . H e dist inc tly

acknowledged the heredi tary princ i ple in the ho lding of fiefs.

It had not been acknowledged , nor were the rights of m ino rsguarded wh en, ten years befo re , the po ssess ions of R obert the

I Mansi , xvu . 2 7 , &c . Jaffe’

(z ud 3077—9 , 308 1 599 .

2 Ann. Bert. s .a. (Pertz , i . 3 Cf D um m ler, O stf . G escfz . u . 43 .

4 C onv entus C ariacensis , ap P( rt7 , Leger, i. 537 sqq.

440 TH E IN VA S I O N O F G E RMAN Y.

S trong were handed over to Abbo t H ugh,ard R obert ’s sons

were left po o r and ins ignificant . Abbo t H ugh was now the

fo rem o st m an i n the kingdom ; or h i s only r ival was Bo so,

bro ther of the em press . T h is empress and her bro ther , wi thH ugh , H incm ar

, Bernard, C ount of Auvergne, T heodo ric , theH igh C ham berlain, Franco , Bishop o f Liege , and Go zl i n or

Jocel in , Abbo t of S t. D eni s, fo rm ed, wi th the Princ e Lewis,a so rt of regency in the absenc e of the king . T hey were

special ly enjo i ned not to bel ieve too has ti ly any rum ou rs o f

the death o f the i r sovere ign . T hen C harles set fo rth uponh i s march into Italy .

I taly, that fatal land . E verybody was drawn th i ther by i ts

thou sandfo ld fascinat ions. Its weal th was of m any k i nds ; o f

which no t the leas t considered in tho se days was i t s weal th i n

rel ics,in the bones of sai nts and m artyrs . E very conquero r

from the no rth sought to draw upon th i s m i ne of m agical

power and fai l ing the use of fo rce, fraud m ight be legi t im ately

em ployed to gai n po ssess ion of the wonder -wo rking bones.

I

But the cl im ate of I taly revenged the count ry upon her

spoilers . It had al ready struck down one of the C arl ing

princes—Lo thai r. H is father narrowly escaped death what titreWala and Matfrid of O rleans and many ano ther found the i r

graves i n Italy. Lewi s,the e lder son—he, too

,had d ied

young. N ow I tal y called for fresh vi ct im s from the i r hou se .

C harles hadnot been long ac ro ss the Alps . H e had m et the

Pope Jo h n at Pavia, and, at a counci l of 1 30 bishops held at

R avenna, had been re- elected em pero r, 2 when news was broughtthat C arlom an was m arch ing over the Brenner

,3 with fo rce s

again st which C harle s deem ed him self unable to m ake head.

Cf . E inhard , T ransl . BB. Marc . et Pet. , 0 . I (Migne , t . 104 , col.

537—8) Act. S S . Bened. iv . 108 , sq. ; G frorer, C fir. A

’. Bk . iii. p . 9 29 .

3 Ane lectionwh ich the C ounc i l p ro c laim ed (with sm al l g ift of prophecy)was to rem ainfixed and stable . Jaffe, 2nd ed. i. 394 .

3 C f. Ann. Verlast. s .a. (P . ii.

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442 .TH E [N I/A S I G N OF G E RMAN Y.

It is a thought to m ake one pau se . N ot one m anprobably inall Lewis

'

s em pi re would have dream ed of Frankland vai l ingher arm s befo re the co untrym en o f H arald the D ane ; as we l lm ight you talk to an E ng li shm an to day o f E ngland be ing

invaded by D ervi shes or Zu lu s . Yet the th ing had come tobe . It had been a long re ign th i s of C harles the Bald

,the

longer by contras t wi th tho se that fo l lowed . T he succeeding

prince'

s o f th i s hou se were dest ined to bu t few years o f re ign,

few and evi l that of the next suc cesso r,Lew i s the S tam m erer

,

lasted bu t one year and s i x months, the k i ng i n feeble heal th

all the t im e .

II .

Lewi s the S tammerer fu lfi l led to the best of his abil i ty tho sem o re modest dut ies o f a king ofWest Franc ia

,wh i ch hi s father

had neglected of late . As for the C aesarsh ip , that passed away

from the We stern branc h of the C arl ing H ouse. C arlom an

was struck down befo re he cou ld enj oy it. I Pope John

thought of o ffering i t.

to Bo so rather than that i t should

pas s to a Germ an . But i t d id inthe end fall to the youngest

o f the three Germ an princes , C harles o f Swabia, whom we cal l

C harles the Fat.In the earl ier month s of 8 78 we find Lew i s m arch ing to

assi s t H ugh the Abbo t agains t the D anes,who were onc e

m o re ravaging free ly along the banks of the Lo ire .

But i n th i s expedi t ion the king fe l l i ll , and for the

brief rem ainder of hi s l i fe the governm ent was no t real ly inh i s

hands,bu t i n tho se o f hi s greate r vassal s

,of whom we jus t now

enum erated the mo s t d i s t ingu i shed .

Mo re and m o re confu sing grow the poli t ics of these days , as

each country y iel ds!

m o re and m o re to the c entrifugal fo rces

A.D . 878 .

1 H e was'

acknowledged as titu lar em pero r by his partisans in Italy.D um m ler, a. r. ii. 99 .

LE WI S TH E S TAMM E R E R . 43

which are tearing i t asunder. Mediaeval E u rope is (we havesai d i t befo re) inreal i ty a great theocratic republ ic anari sto

crat ic republ ic, too , no doubt, but not real ly a m onarchy or

group of m onarch ies .

R egarded as a gam e o f chess merely, one m ay take som e

i nterest i n the movem ents o f the p ieces . A game of chess o f

a new kind ; for there are not two gam es but twenty, eachgreater p iece, alm o st , c onst i tu t ing a party o f its own. For

royal p iec e s we have on one s ide of the board the three sons

of Lew i s the G erm an—o f whom C arlom an must now be

w i thdrawn . O n the o ther s ide of i t we have Lewis and

C arloman, the two sons of Lewi s the S tam merer . Queens

are not wanting. Enge lberga,the proud em press

,st i l l a facto r

in po l i t ic s,though her power i s on the wane ; and her

daughter , a queen- to -be, the not less am bit ious Engeltrud,Bo so’s wife . For knights we have the great ch iefs of G er

m any and S axony, of Franconia and the E ast Mark—Arnolf,C arlom an

’

s natu ral son,w i th a separate ru le in C arinth ia

the two Ludolfings, Bruno and O tto,alm o s t as independent

i n Saxony ; C ount H enry of Franconia : all fam ou s nam es,

m o re im po rtant inthe later years of the century than the nam es

o f kings . Inthe wes t, nam es no t less fam ou s,names that we

know,H ugo , Bo so , T heodo ric , C onrad , C ount of Pari s , the

two Bernard s and las tly two young warrio rs who are w inn ing

the i r spu rs, O do and R ober t

,the sons o f R obert the S trong .

For b ishops ? T he great ec c les iast ics of the m id- years of

the c entu ry were now dead or at death’

s doo r . Pope N icho laswas dead H adrian, hi s succ esso r , who with lesser powers yetheld high the papal digni ty

,was dead too . Jo hn V II I . was

far i nferio r to bo th i n e i ther abi l i ty or charac ter. R aban ofMainz

,the greatest of sc h olars , the m o s t venerable o f arch

bi shops,had been dead t h i rty years . Gunther o f C o logne

,

T hietgaud of Me tz—th ey to o were gone afte r p laying a no i sy

444 TH E IN VA S I O N O F G E R MAN Y.

part on the stage of l ife . H incm ar alone rem ai ned , and'

hewas near hi s end. But st i l l h i s in teres t inaffai rs of s tate

,and

all hi s ancient fire werenot extinct . At the access ion of Lewi s

the S tamm erer he had addressed an exho rtat ion to the youngking.

I And for a ri s ing figu re we have Go zl i n,Abbo t of S t.

D en is , best known as Go zl i n the Bishop of Pari s ;2 wi th him

we m ay place his nephew and successor in the abbacy ,E bolus.

Lewis the S tamm ere r did , as we have said , no thing m ore that

is mem o rable after that one D ani sh expedi t ion of

his,and he d ied Apri l I O , a gentle , ju st, peace

loving m an,at leas t i n these later years .

At the beginn ing o f the new re ign - the jo int re i gn of Lew i s

and C arloman4 ;—a po rt ion of the French noblesse made a

sham eful e m ove . C onrad of Pari s and Abbo t Go zl in sent to

o ffer the crown to the Germ an prince, Lew i s the Saxon

Gozlin had been Lewi s’s pri soner after Andernach . H e m ay

have been favou rably impressed by the Germ an’s charac ter.

C onrad agai n had blood relat ionsh ip w i th the C arl ings onbo th

s ide s of the Meuse ; that m ay have been the exc u se for h i s

seeming treachery. But H ugo and Bo so and T heodo ric suppo rted the cau se of thei r young m as ters . Lew i s the S axon

,

who had entered France wi th an arm y,was i nduc ed to c om e

to terms, and, i nstead of the who le kingdom , to content h im self

A.D . 879.

Op. H z’

m m arz’

, ap . Migne, t. 1 2 5, col. 983 sgq.

9 S ee C hapter XV .

3 Ann. Fu ld. Apr. I I ; Am z . Bert . Apr. 10 ;‘G ood Fr iday in the

evening ’

(H incm ar). R eg imo’

s characte r of him (wh ich m ay, one th inks,be trusted), is,

‘a sim ple and gentle natu re , a lover o f peace, of j ustice , of

re l ig ion (Pertz , i .4 A posthum ous ch i ld was bo rn to Lewis’s widow—C har les , knownin

h istory as C harles the S im ple .

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446. TH E IN VA S I G N OF G E R MAN Y.

to m ake an end of him by any m eans .

I C harles of Swabia,

on who se bo rders lay the new kingdom,jo ined w i th h i s

cou s ins i n th i s . But,says our ch ronicler

,Boso’s sk i l l and

valou r tri umphed over all h i s ou tward enem ies,and his j us t

ru le warded off treachery at home .

In the south-west the Frenc h pr inces had fu rther troublewi th Be rnard of G othia ; and over in Lo rrai ne, i n the

terr i tor ies o f Lewis the S axon,H ugo

,Lo thai r’s son,

2 was i n

revo l t, s trai n ing every nerve to winfor h im se l f a part at leasto f the terri to ries h i s father had ru led . S uch was the condit ion

o f affai rs onthe C ont i nent one year after the T reaty ofWedm o rehad rel ieved th i s country of the danger of V ik ing c onques t andset free many bands of adventu rers to carry the i r depredat ionse lsewhere.

We read that after Wedm o re a fresh body of V ikings cameto England and settled at Fu lham . Ano ther arm y

,c onsi st ing

of malcontent D anes who wou ld not accept C hri s t ian i ty or theterms of E lfred

’

s and G uthorm’s peade , made i t self a cam p at

C i rencester . T hese two arm ies eventual ly uni ted and finding

that there was no wo rk for them to do in E ngland,they set

sai l and cro ssed o ver to Flanders . T hen they m ounted the

S cheld . A fo rewarni ng of all th i s had been given in8 76 by theappearance of a new V iking fleet in the S e ine—a warning towhich C harles had rem ai ned so obstinate ly blind . N ow the

fu l l fury broke loo se upon the fat Flem i sh lands (Belgian and

French), where a generat ion had grown up which knewnot the

s ight of the ghastly V ik ing fires . S t. O m er, which l ies inthe

middle of the l ong strip of low coast be tween the S c he ld and

the S omm e,was at tacked and bu rned on Ju ly 2 8

, Ju s t

1 R egino,l. c.

2 N atu ral son, by Waldrada.

3 Awe. Blana’z'

em es , s. a. Bu t (f . D’

t‘

tm m ler, o . c. ii. I 30 , note. It

seem s m o re reasonable to suppose that the attack onS t. O m er was a part ofthe proceed ings o f the Fulham Arm y .

N E W IN VA S I O N O F TH E C O N TIN E N T . 447

one year later cam e the Fulham arm y.

I T hey lai d T h erouanne

inashes ; then cro ssing the S c h e ld they passed into Brabant .

H ugo,the pretender to north Lo tharingia, m ade a fe i n t o f

res i st ing them ,and undistu rbed they m ounted the S che l d in

the i r boats and fel l upon Ghent, wh ic h had no t for th ir ty years

fel t the we ight o f the i r heavy hand. At Ghent the V ik ings

fo rm ed a w inter cam p . All through the w i nter m onth s theyspread harry ing and bu rning on bo th s ide s of the river, in

Brabant and i n Flanders . 2 Inthe spring of 880 they at tacked

T ou rnay .

In thi s fresh invas ion o f the C ontinent, as we m ay call

i t, V iking leaders new and old c om e to the front . S trangethat the two m o st im po rtant nam e s now befo reus shou ld be tho se bo rne by the two D ani sh k ings

who first em erge o ut o f the m i s t o f prehistoric t im es,and fi rst

com e into contact w i th the Franks—S iegfred and Godfred . It

i s po ss i ble,butno t probable , that the second o f these two i s that

sonof H arald who was baptized along w i th h i s father i n A . D .

8 2 6, whom subsequently we have o ften seen m arauding onthe

coas ts of France . Wo rm i s the nam e o f a th i rd leade r .H ast ing was st i l l al ive

,bu t he rem ained inthe Lo i re country .

And acco rding to som e tradi t ions i t was abou t th i s tim e that anew leader began to d i st ingu i sh h im self, one who , i n fam e and

in the perm anency o f h is ach i evem ents,was to su rpass all the

o ther V iking ch iefs : I m ean R o lf,the fu ture founder o f

N o rm andy .3

N o one now thought of the kings of D enm ark all at tent ionwas abso rbed by the new nat ional i ty—as we m ay cal l it—of

the V ikings . It i s abou t th is t im e that even the nam es of thekings of D enm ark drop out o f the pages o f the C hri st ian

A.D . 880.

1 A S . C /n'on. Am z . I’ea

’asf. Am z . G azza’. (Pertz 11.

3 D udo ,D e act. N orm . i. , and the pre fac e to M . Lair’s ed ition.

448 TH E IN VA S I O N OF G E R MAN Y.

chron iclers, and do not reappear t i ll the second half of theV ik ing Age , while we mee t wi th m o re and mo re names of the

V iking leaders .

After the conclus ion of peace—the Peace of R ibemont

be tween Lewi s the Saxon and h i s co usins the West Frank

kings,the fo rmer made seriou s preparations for m ee t ing the

D ani sh inroad in the no rth . For on him fe l l , now that he

had acquired the who le o f Lotharingia, the du ty of defend

ing all the coas t- l i ne no rth of the S c h eld . T he V ikings at the

mom ent lay upon the bo rders of bo th k ingdom s , ravaging

im part ial ly ineach . T he Germ an king,m arching through the

terri to ry between the Meu se and the S cheld,cam e upona

large body of the pl underers unde r the com m and of G odfred.

I

T he king at once gave the s ignal to attack ; and,by the

superio r we igh t of the Germ an troops,the D anes were bo rne

down and alm o st cut to p ieces . 2 T hi s was a hopefu l i ssue to“

the fi rs t at tack wh ich for som e wh ile , C hris tians had ventu red

in the open fie ld agains t the i r oppresso rs . Bu t,unhappi ly

,

Lewi s’s natural son, H ugo,a we l l- loved son, rid ing im petuou sly

at the head of his troop , was no unded and carried off by therem nant of G odfred's fo rce , who shut them se lves ina royal vill,or farm

,at T huin onthe Sam bre .

T he Germ ans m ight eas i ly have su rrounded and ann ih i lated

th i s sm al l fo rce ; and such a d i ~ aster,i nvo lving the l i fe of the i r

greates t leader,wou ld have beenfu l l o f discouragem ent for the

late- retu rned D anes . But the thought of the dange r inwhichlay h i s dear H ugo held Lew i s back . S o he sat idly through

the n ight, watching the D ani sh cam p- fires

,t i l l the dawn o f

m o rning shou ld gi ve him a chance o f parley ing . But i n

real i ty tho se l ights are no t the cam p-fires o f the D anes they

R egino , a . 779 , Insi l v’

a C arbonaria —ih the K ohlenwald.Five thousand fe l l acc o rd ing to Aw e. f u ld. s .a. 880 .

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450 TH E IN VA S I O IV OF G E R /llAzV V .

them . But ano ther tro op m ounted to C am bray I and ravagedfar and near . Am o r g the p lac es which they plundered was

S t. Bert in,

2 who se chronic le s we u se . By the end

o f the spring of 88 1 they had alm o st swep t barethe country betweenthe S cheld and the S om m e . Acco rdinglyinthe sum m e r o f that year

,Ju ly

,they c ro ssed the r iver and

spread the i r devas tat ions fu rthe r south . I t was a veritable

i nvas ion,and alm o st o f a T artar kind

,l ike the devastat io ns o f

a ho rde of H uns . H owever, Lew i s, the e lder of the two kings

who governed France,had now co l lec ted an arm y and was

m arching fo rward to enco unter the enem y,accom pan ied by

what anxio us thoughts and prayers onbehalf of h i s subjects

we canim ag ine ; C hri stendom and civ i lizat ion them selve s m i gh t

seem to hang trem bl ing in the balanc e . T he D anes had

pressed fo rward as far as Beauvai s . Lew i s onhi s s ide cro ssed

the O i se not far from Abbeville , hO ping to i ntercept the

V ik ing arm y as i t retu rned to the fo rd o f the S om m e .3 T he

D anes soon cam e i n s ight ; and at S aucou r t,4 between Abbe

vi lle and E u, the two arm ie s jo ined b’at tle . Lewis , at the head

o f h i s ho rse, c harged the ranks of the N o rthm en , who gave

way, broke and fled . towards S aucou rt all bu t a fragm ent o f

the i r arm y which s ti l l held firm . And as the Franks scat tered

to plunde r,these D anes assu m ed the offens ive, and the Franks

i n the i r tu rn began to fal l back . But the French k ing ral l ied

h i s t roops, charged once more,and broke th i s rem nant of the

O ppo s ing fo rce .

T h i s was a better feat o f arm s than any which C harles theBald cou ld boast of agai nst the sam e foes . N o wonder, there

fo re, that the fam e o f Lew i s Spread far beyond hi s own

country,that h i s victo ry was chron ic led in E ngland

,and that

A.D . 881 .

1 Ann. Vedast. , 880 .

2 Ibid . a . 88 1 (D ecem ber ,3 At Latverum

’Pedart .

4 S athulcurtis,’Ibid .

TH E BA T H E O F SA O C O UR T. 451

they . sang of i t i n the nat ive Germ an tongue by the banks of

the R hine .

I E ight ornine thou sand N o rsem en it i s sai d fe l l

at the bat tle of Saucou rt . 2

T here had been o f late so few successes to boast of agai nst

the V ikings T his v ic tory c hecked for a mom ent the advance

of the i nvaders i n the western kingdom ; thereby i t only went

the worse for the eastern one . N ow,in fact

,began the wo rs t

i nvas ion from the N o rthm en wh i ch the lands governed by

Lewi s the Saxon had ever su ffered or wou ld suffer . T he

N o rthmen had cho sen the i r t im e wel l . Lewi s was i l l ; much

m o re so than m enguessed as yet. H e had done l i ttle s incehi s T hu im victo ry and the lo ss o f hi s sonH ugo . C arlom an

,

the e ldest brother, had died two years previou sly, after h i s long

enfo rced faz’

néarzee at h i s farm of O tt ing . T here had he bu i l t

a chu rch and founded anabbey,and there were h i s bones now

laid .3 Lewi s succeeded him in Bavaria and the O stm ark ;

C harles o f S wabia went over to I taly to claim the kingdom o f

that c ountry and the im perial crown he had no thoughts just

now to give to the troubles i n the no rth . Arnu lf, C arlom an’s

only but i llegitimate son, was capable o f great th ings and had

a great dest iny. But at present he had to look onand see h i s

unc les d ivid ing be tween them hi s father’

s realm .4 N om inal ly

he becam e a vassal o f Lewis ; in real i ty he ruled alm o s t in

dependently in C arinth ia.5 In T hu ri ngia there were di spu tes

between r ival vassal s , go i ng to the length of open war. S axony

had lo st one of i ts great ch iefs inBruno . And H ugo , the son

of Lo thai r , was only wai t ing the oppo rtuni ty to make good,by

any m eans in h i s power,hi s claim s onLower Lo rraine. T hi s

was the m om ent at wh ich the V iking leaders, S iegfred and

1 T he so cal led . R ithm u s T eutonicus de piae m em o r iaeLudo vico rege .

’S ee M tillenho ff and S cherer , D ew. Poesz

'

e u . Prom, pp .

1 7—19 . S ee also Sym . D un. and Asse r , s .a.

2 R egino , Ann. Fu ld. ,

3 R egino , 880 .4 Ibid .

5 Ibid.

452 TH E IN VA S I G N OF G E R MAIV Y.

Godfred , assem bled the ir fo rces for a great invasion of

Germany .

IV .

T he V i kings began by a w i despread plundering over all thecountry of the Lower R hine .

I After that they set ou t upon

the i r m arch inland . N obody was there to co l lec t

or take the com m and of an oppo s ing arm y,and,

the people flee ing out of their way as best they : migh t,the D anes pressed on unh indered to C o logne, the m etropo l i sof Lower Germany

,alm o s t the m o st im po rtant archb ishopric

no rth of the Alps . T he greater part of the town the

V i kings destroyed,and reduced its chu rches to ru ins . T hen

fo rward to Bonn , which experienced the fate o f C o logne .

Z i’

ilpich, Ju l ich, N eu ss,fe l l at the sam e t im e. It might

seem that th i s region wh ich had witnessed the conso li

dation of the Franki sh E m pire was dest ined now to witness

i ts enti re overthrow. Wo rst of all,they attacked and took

imperial Aix i tse lf. N owwas fu lfi l led the threat o f old G odfred the D ani sh king

, against C harlem agne, that a D ani sharm y shou ld be seen wi th i n his capi tal ; fu lfi lled by ano ther

Godfred,po ss i bly his descendant . O ld Godfred had never

dream t o f such an easy v ictory as these V ikings were gain ing,o f so trucu lent anentry i nto the C api tal o f the E m p i re . T he

N o rthm en s tal led their ho rses in the ai s les of the chu rches

which C harlem agne had bui l t, and they plundered and i n part

bu rned the palace of the great em pero r. From Aix the arm y

passed on to the Abbey of C ornelim unster,and thence m ade

the i r way into the beau t ifu l E ife l country—that fai r D evonianland—which was then no doubt very th inly inhabi ted. Inthe

A.D . 881.

1 For the account wh ich fo l lows see R egino (Pertz , i. 592 and

Ann. Fu ld. (P. i. 396

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454 TH E IN VA S I G N O F G E R MAN Y

inheri tor of a vast dom ai n . All the c ountries wh ich,i n fo rm er

years,had been ru led by the three m onarch s—Lewis the G er

m an,Lo thai r the S econd , and Lew i s the E m pero r—we re uni ted

under h i s sceptre .

I H e did indeed prom i se to restore to hi s

c ou s i n the po rt ion of Lo rraine wh ich had been ceded by thet reaty of R ibem ont ; bu t he never fu lfi l led hi s prom i se . All

these vast dom ain s were nom inal ly C harle s’s . But he was too

weak to ru le in them, or if he ru led to govern . Inbad health

,

no t unam iable, and be loved by m any of hi s poo re r subjects,2

he was yet not the m anfor these d i sj o i nted t im es .V ery so on the N o rthm en began again to advanc e up the

R hine . T hey were m et by the joyful news of Lew i s’s death .

C harles was i n I taly, and Germ any for the t im e w i thou t a ruler.

N owwas an oppo rtuni ty for the V ikings to penetrate i nto thevine-lands wh ich lay above the Mo se l . T he fines t towns of

Germ any, the riches t cathedral s and abbeys lay upon the stream

up which the i r sh i ps were sai l ing . If the i r leader Godfred real ly

was—as som e have suppo sed—the sam e as the God fred,H arald

’

s

son, 3 he m ight rem em be r through the dim v i s ta of years ano ther

o c cas ion onwhich he had sai led ina wh i te-w inged D an ish sh ip

up the sam e reaches ; passed C onfluentes or C oblenz, where m et

the s tream s of R hine and Mo se l,pas t the Pfalz insel where

Lew i s the Piou s was carried to draw h i s las t breath,th rough

the narrowneck of ri ver where the Lu rle i rock m i rro rs i tse lf

in the swift stream ,and up the broader reaches of the rich

R hinegau , as far as lo rdly Mai n z . N ow i n a very d i fferent

gu i se from that of hum ble , wh i te- robed c atechum ens,and w i th

fire and fam i ne as the i r handm aids,he and hi s D anes set out

1 O r say sim pl y the te rr ito r ies o f Lo thai r the E lde r and Lewis the G erm an save that Lothair was only nom inal l y K ing o f Italy .

2 T hey p itied him inhis fal l , and afte rwards invented a m yth that he hadnot real ly d ied at the tim e suppo sed , but wou l d com e againanrl reignoverthem .

3 Anextrem e ly im probable suppo sit'

ono f co urse,

H E S I E G E O F A S H LO H . 455

upon the sam e jou rn ey . T he people , sheep withou t shepherds,o ffe red sl igh t re s i stance . We have no detai l s o f th i s i nvas ion .

T ho se ch i ldren of chao s , wh ereve r they went , su rrounded themse lves wi th a cloud o f darkness for all that had any sem blance

of civi l i zat ion fled at the i r approach . All the land between

the Meu se and the R h ine ,at any rate from C oblenz down

wards,was in the i r hands

,and i t was pass ing m ore and m o re

unde r the sceptre of C hao s and O ld N ight . And th i s was theregion in wh ich had been planted the germ o f the m ighty

em p i re of the Franks . S o far backwards had the N o rthm enc ontrived to ro l l the car of h is tory . All of the C h r i s t ianswho c ou ld get there sh eltered them se l ve s w i th in the wall s o f

Mainz. Fo rtunate ly the invaders never got so far as th i s town .

From C oblenz th ey tu rned up the Mo sel and bu rnt T reves .

As the D anes were th i nking o f re tu rning to the i r strong cam pat Ashloh, the news reached them

,and passed along all good

C hrist ian l ips , that the new em p ero r, C harles , had com e again

ac ro ss the Alps that he had held a die t at Worm s,

Iand there

had su m m oned cont ingents from every par t o f the empi re . H e

was fo rm i ng a great arm y,w i th wh i ch he was abou t to make a

strenuou s effo rt to rid Germ any for ever from the V iking

scourge .

And i t was a huge arm y wh i c h now as sem bled under thebanner o f C harlt s .

2 From I taly he had brought a body of

Lom bards , who were in th i s w i se onc e again to revis i t thene ighbou rhood o f the i r ownancestral ho m e , and once m o re tofight shou lder to sh ou lder w i th the i r ancient k insm en

,the

Saxons . C ont ingents from all the Germ an nat ional i t ies werew i th C harles’s c o lo urs ; hi s own Swabians ; Bavarians under

the leadersh ip o f Arnu lf ; E ast Franks unde r D uke H enry ;T hu ringians , Saxons , Fri sians—who cancount them all? A

Ann. Fu ld. a. 882 .

2 R egino , a. 882 .

456 TH E IN VA S I O IV O F G E R MAN Y.

fo rmidable ho s t, had i t been com m anded by a m an if Arnu lf,

for exam ple , i n stead of be ing second in com m and,could have

been fi rs t .Bu t S iegfred and Godfred stood manfu l ly to the i r arm s ;

good scou ts i n front,and

'

the st rong place at E l sloo i n the i r

rear. T im e alone cou l d showwho se confidenc e was the bet ter

placed . At Ande rnach , a place o f good om en for Germ an

hearts, the im perial army made a mom entary hal t ; two co rpsfrom out o f i t , Arnu lf

’s Bavarians,H enry and h i s Franks, were

sent fo rward by rapid m arches to overtake , if po ss ible, theN o rthmen befo re they reached the i r s trongho l d . But the

V ikings—by t reachery say the chron iclers : by the exc e l lenceof the i r inte lligence department say we

—were warned of the

danger and m ade good the i r retreat .

Presently C harles w i th the m ai n arm y cam e u p to the D ani sh

cam p,and the s iege o f Ashloh beganabou t the m i ddle of J u ly

,

It had end u red a week or so when the re fel l a hai l

s to rm of extrao rd inary vio lence wi th s tones as big as cricket

ball s,ifwe are to bel ieve what the chronic lers tel l u s .

I T he

t imid C hri st ians , grown superst i tiou s th rough the i r fears,saw

them,no doubt

,i nc reased to tent im es th e i r real d im ens ions ;

and,having learnt to trem ble at eve ryth ing, tho ught they

d isc erned the hand o f G od d irected against them se lves . We

w i l l hope that i t was only the base r sp ir i ts in the arm y o f

C harles who thu s trem bled .

2 In real i ty the s torm had done

m o re harm to the defenders than to the attacking party ; forpart

o f the wal l s of the D ani sh cam p were kno cked down Bu t,

unfo rtunate ly inthe num ber o f th i s base r so r t was the em pero r

h im self ; and he at last , by the persuas ion o f two trai to rou s

counc i l lo rs,3 was i ndu ced to open nego t iat ions w i th S iegfred

1 T hey cou l d not be spanned by the thum b and finge r . D um m ler, o.c.,

u . 2 03 .

3 R egino , l.r. 3 Area Fu ld, 882 ,

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458 TH E IN VA S I O N O F G E RMAN Y

to look the o ther way ; not to see the c r im e wh i ch had beenperpetrated before h i s eyes , and to fu lfi l the condi tions o f thetreaty as if no thing had happened . T hese conditions invo lved

the paym ent of an im m ense sum, or pounds of

s i lver and go ld, or 4 8 0 0 0 so l id i . T he so l idus here spoken of

i s not a piec e o f c o ined m oney , only the so l id us o f ac count . It

i s im po ss ible to make anaccu rate com pari so n between valu es

i n tho se days and valu e s at the present day . But i t wou ld be

safe at any rate to reckon these so l idi as no t less thansterl ing .

But th i s was not all that C harles su rrendered. O ncondit ion

of God fred embrac ing the C hri st ian rel igion, which he dec lared

hi s w il l ingnes s to do,he rec e i ved the grant of an im m ense

terri to ry on the R h ine and the Waal. And presently'

he

m arried a scion o f the C arl ing H ou se,Gisla I orGise l la

,s i ster o f

H ugh o f Lo rrai ne (so we m ay cal l him ), and therefo re a

natu ral daughter of Lo thai r I I . T he D anes who did not

choo se to se ttle down under Godfred—a se ttlem ent almo s t

com parable to that of G uthorm -E thelst rn i n our c ountry

took their share o f the so l idi and c onsented to abandon

for the nonce the terr i to r ie s o f C harles the E m pero r.

It was a treaty to m ake ange l s weep . We l l m igh t m en

draw a contrast between the c onduc t of C harle s , w i th all the

vas t re sou rces of the em p i re at h is back,and that of Lew1s o f

France wi th h i s little band of Franks at Saucou rt.

It would be no wonder if a m ovem ent had been made in

Germ any for depo s ing C harles and pu tt ing h i s neph ew Lew i s

i n hi s place . Perhaps the Ludwigslied was wri tten abo u t th i s

1 Arnolf l ikewise had a siste r G isel la ; ano the r G isella m arried (or didnot m arry) R o lf of N o rm andy . G irl inO ld N o rse is a. ho stage ; so wecannot be sure that all these are prope r nam es.

D E A TTI O F LE WI S O F FR AN C E . 459

t im e w i th the objec t o f exc i t ing enthu s iasm for the schem e .

Bu t,as i l l-fo rtune wou ld have i t , Lew i s h im se lf pu t anend to

all such hopes . T h is young prince i n the pro sec u t ion of a loveaffair

,and a l i ttle the wo rse for l iquo r, as we m ay su rm i se,

pu rsued a re lu c tant dam se l who fled befo re him to her father’shou se . Lew i s was on ho rseback ; and e i the r unable to s top

hi s horse , or fo rget t ing to s toop sufficiently, his shou lder struck

against the arc hway of the cou rt-yard whereby he rec e ived

such inju ries that he d ied sho rtly afterwards .‘

N ow,therefore

,young C arlom an was left alone upon the

throne of France , a m ere boy, i n indifferent heal th , w i thou tprestige or power. What was there for him to do but

,as he

h im self said, to look up to Abbo t H ugh as to a father?2 I t

wou ld appear as if the race o f C harlem agne were becom ing

exhau sted , when we see,as we do , the who le of hi s em pi re

d iv ided between these two ru lers, C arlom an and C harles theFat

, the weak inbody and the weak in m ind .3

T he difficu l ties wh ich bese t these two princes d id not inthemeantim e grow less. I t m ay have seem ed a gai n to have go tthe terrible Godfred tu rned into a C hri st ian, married to a

C hri st ian w ife , and se ttled Where he cou ld (if he wou ld) defendthe in terio r of the em pire agains t fresh N o rthe rn i nvas ions .But then we m u st rem em ber who G odfred

’s wife was ; sister

to none o ther than the tyrant ’ H ugo who was w i l l ing to sacri

fic e every princ iple of du ty to winback h is father’s kingdom o f

Lo rraine . O ne o f the typical bastards ’o f rom anc e

,i n tru th

,

was thi s H ugo . H e was gett ing m o re and mo re vio lent inhi s

ways, execu t ing on the sl ightes t su sp icion some of h is o ldes t

and m ost fai th fu l servants . 4

1 Ann. Vedarf . (P. 11.9 Cf . Bouquet , ix. 43 1 and 435.

3 T here was ano the r W est Frank pr ince , a posthum ous sonof Lewis theS tam m e re r , and thenqu ite an infant . H e afte rwards cam e to the th rone ,and is knowninh isto ry as C harles the S im p le .

4 R egino , s. a. 883 (P. i . 593

460 TH E I N VA S I O N O F G E R MAN Y.

T he Western K ingdom was,in i t s tu rn

,obviou sly exposed to

fresh dange rs by the c onc lu s ion o f peac e at E lsloo . T he

victo ry of S auco urt had thrown the V 1k ings upon Germ any !

the c onclu s ion o f peac e w i th the e m pero r, c o inc i d ing w i th the

death of Lew is, i n v i ted a large num ber ‘back to Franc e . T hi s

c ont ingent departed under the c om m and o f S iegfred, and m any

d i stric ts o f Franc e w h ic h had been long free from attack

groaned again unde r the c rue l ties o f the invaders . E ach

m onth the N o rth m en grew bo lder,and advanced the i r l ines

nearer to the c entre o f Franc e . Afte r leaving the Meu se,

which now lay w i th in C harles’s terr i to ry,th ey be took them

se lve s to the S c h el d , the bo rder rive r, and sai led up that s tream

to C ondé, where for a wh i le they had the i r h eadquarters .

Abbo t H ugh had gone o ff to c onfer w i th the em pero r at

Wo rm s,and the know ledge o f his absenc e m ade the V ikings

m o re bo ld . From C ondé th ey pressed on th ro ugh the fo resto f T hierache

,

Ia wild fore s t in tho se days , stre tc hing from

S c h eld to the Meu se. Wh en they em erged th enc e the D ane s

fo und them sel v es in a new country .

'

T h ey m arc h ed upon

Laon,where the V iki ngs had never befo re been seen. T hi s

c i tade l upo n the rock, a favou ri te seat o f the We st Frank

C ar l ings, s tood out o f the i r reach . Bu t no t so R h e im s hard

by ; and there the townwal l s,di sm antled by E bbo long years

ago , had never beenrestored . H inc m ar,grownvery old

,s t i l l

watc h ed over h i s c harge . But w i th the ci ty and i t s inest im ablere l ic s left so defenc e le ss , H incm ar

,weak and old as he was

veee/zz'

o e fam’o,

o ld and slow,

’as D ante says—had to flee away

by nigh t,carry ing the rel i c s w i th him .

T he N o rthm en rode r igh t up to the town; but for som e

unexplained reasonfl which c ontem po rary wri ters have no

difficu lty i n reco gni z ing as the spec ial inte rvent ion o f Provi

Arm . Vea’

czst. (P. 11.

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462 TH E IN VA S I O N OF G E R TWAN Y.

drai n ing away i n thi s war the si news o f the kingdom . N owheredid the danger to C hri stendom res trai n the feuds or the am bi

t ions of the great vassal s . In Germ any there was a C ount

Poppo , o f T hu ringia, at war with a Franc ian, C ount E gino ;I

there was C ount Ar ibo in the E astm ark,who se ru le was d is

pu ted by W i lhe lm and Engelschalk, the c h ildren of the latem arqu i s , Arnu lf jo ining in from C ar inth ia onone s ide

,Z wenti

bo l d from Mo ravia u ponthe o ther . 2 S uch was the c ondi t ion of

C hri stendom uponwhi ch H incm ar’s sad eyes clo sed in D ecem

ber,88 2 .

All round the i r headquarters at C onde’

, as far as the S carpeand as the S om m e

,the V ikings sent the i r devas

tat ing h o rdes du ring th i s w inter,88 2 In the

sum mer they harried Flande rs . C arlom an d id what he cou ld

to defend hi s terri to r ies . But h i s sol d iers had lo st all nerve

and energy . I t seem ed as if the N o rthm enhad only to s tre tc h

out the i r hands and take what they wou ld . Al tho ugh , there

fo re, the king had stat ioned him self w i th an arm y o f observa

t ion upon the banks o f the S om m e , he did no t venture to

engage the enem y , but re treated as they advanc ed,and fel l

back upon Am iens ; at eac h step he was pu shed nearer to the

c entre o f hi s kingdom .

A m ee t ing o f N eu str ian nobles was he ld at C om piegne to

consu l t what c o u ld be done . C learly the pre sence of the king

and the royal arm y was no longe r any pro tec t ion. T hey

'

m ust

act for them sel ve s . Bu t the k ind o f ac t ionwh ich th ey c h o se

was o f a m i serable kind—no th ing bet ter thanthe old expedient

of buy ing o ff the enem y . A C h ri s t ian D ane 4 was sent to

A.D . 883 .

Ann. Fu ld. , Pt. V . , 882 , says : Bel lum inte r S axones et

T huringos.

’Cf . also 883 . Bu t probably for S axones

’we shou ld read

Francos .

’

S ee D'

ti-m m ler, o .c. ii. 2 15.

2 A . E .,l. c. , 884 .

3 Ann. Vedast. s.a. (P. i.4 S iegfred, the grandson of H o rik ’

[wh ich H o rik Ann. Vedast.

884 .

VJR JN G S A GAJN IN G E R MAN Y. 463

parley wi th the i nvaders , and the ransom final ly fixed upon

was the eno rm ou s sum of twe lve thou sand pounds of s i lver .

We m ay pu t the value of th i s i n m odern money at not lessthan O n thi s bas i s a t ruce was made with the

Wes t Franks . A port ion of the V iking arm y took ship and

sai led round to the no rth of the S cheld mou th, returning once

more into German territory.

V I

And here dangers of all kinds had begun agai n to th icken

round the path of the em pero r. Li t tle t rus t cou ld

C harles’s subj ec ts place i n h i s power to defend

them. But am ong the Germ an nobles there were st i l l brave

m en left. As inFrance Abbo t H ugh seem ed to be the main

stay of the S tate (though even he had grown s trange ly i nac t ive

of late), so for Germ any there was st i l l a defende r in D ukeH enry of Franconia . E arly in 883 a new body of V ikings

cam e into the country of the Lower R h ine . Godfred hadbeen enfeo ffed w i th hi s vast terr i to ries i n Fri sia onthe under

s tanding that he was to defend th ese parts ; but he m ade nooppo s i t ion to the new inroad . T he new-com ers fo rm ed a camp

at D u i sbu rg, at the junc t ion o f the R uhr w i th the R hine, andno t far from D usseldo rf. In the au tum n o f 884

half the im m ense i ndem ni ty of pounds o fs il ver was pai d over to the French V iking arm y at Am iens ;and it left the country.

I Part of the arm y sai led acro ss thec hanne l and attacked R ochester, whe re th ey m et w i th a veryd ifferent treatm ent at the hands of fE lfred’

s so ld iers from anythey had been u sed to i n France .

2 T hey got no indemni ty

here rather,as a N o rse poet s ings,

A.D . 883 .

A.D . 884 .

T hey go t sm art blows instead o f sh i l l ings,And the ham rner

’

s we ight inp lace of rings. ’

1 R eginO (P. i. 2 Asse r , s . a. ; ZE thelweard, iv . 3 .

464 TH E IN VA S JO N O F G E R MAN Y.

Ano ther po rtion sai led to Louvain,inBelgiu m

,and se ttled

there .

I InD ec em ber o f th i s year the C h ri st ians c ou ld rejo ic ei n the report o f a v ic to ry wh ich a saint—that saint

,too

,h im se l f

a D ane by birth—had gained over a new and large V ik ing

ho s t . R im bert had once been a D anish slave,

and was

brought up by Anscar to be a m issionary to h is c ountrym en.

H e becam e the b iographer o f Anscar,and was at th i s t im e

Archbishop of Brem en . W h en a D ani sh flee t landed at

N o rden,R im bert summ oned the hardy Fris ians under h i s

banner and at tacked them . H e him se lf stood as ide from

the fray, upo n a m ound,o ffer ing up prayers for the C hri st ians .

T he victory was a bri ll iant one the chronic lers tel l u s that thewho le V iking hos t, tenthou sand st rong, was des troyed ?

But a defeat here and there did no th ing to daunt the co u rage

of the N o rthm en. T he m o s t fo rm idable o f all

tho se set tled in im perial terri to ry were, o f cou rse ,the troops ofGodfred . G odfred had nom inal ly tu rned C hri st ian

and defender of the em p ire , but was i n real i ty , i t was feared ,only plo tt ing w ith hi s bro ther- ih - law H ugh fresh at tacks upon

C harles the Fat. Befo re long he paved the way to renewed\

ho st i l i t ies by putt ing fo rth new and im poss ible dem ands ?

H e was discontented with the terri to ry ass igned to him . It

contained no wine - growing country . T o supply th i s want he

asked for the lands, the beau t ifu l vine- lands , ly ing be tween

the Mo sel and Bonn, C oblenz , Ande rnach , S in z ig, &c . H ad

the reque s t been granted , the V ikings wou ld have been placed

in a po s i t ion a thou sand t im es stronge r for any fu tu re at tack

upon the heart of the em p ire . But th ey pro bably cared li ttlewhe ther the grant were m ade or refu sed. Godfred had

,no

A.D . 885.

I R egino , l. c . ; Ven’

art. , s.a.

2 Ann. Fu ld. 884 (Pt. iv . ) Adam o f Brem en, G ert. H . Pant . i. 4 1 .

3 Ann. Fu ld. ,l. c .

, and R egino (Pertz , i . 594—6) for the fo l lowingaccount .

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466 TH E IN VA S I G N OF G E R MAN Y.

between the two part ies . Gisla had been sent the year befo rewi th a m essage to the em pero r

,and had been retained by him

as a ho stage . Befo re she was brought back the two conferring

parties m et agai n . And now that Godfred was unsu sp iciou sand h is attendants unarm ed, there was no difficu l ty in find ing

a cau se of quarre l or i n rai sing the hot blood of the D anes .As the al tercat ion grew warm

,E berhard suddenly drew his

sword and cut down the V iking leader ; then the im perial i stsfel l upon the attendant D anes and m assac red them . And

now'

the D ani sh ho st,left w i th ou t a leader

,lai d as ide the

scheme of conques t wh ich Godfred and H ugo had hatched

between them . H u g o h im self had been invi ted to attend

ano ther conference at Gondrevi lle and alm o s t at the very

t im e that Godfred fel l he was takenpri sone r . H e was t ried ,and condem ned to lo se h i s eyesigh t and to be c onfined for the

rem ainder o f hi s days i n a m onastery and the p lace selec ted

was Priim,which had al ready received one royal c apt ive and

one vo luntary pr isoner of the C arl ing race. T here H ugo ended

h is days abou t the clo se of the centu ry .

Meant im e a new V ik ing flee t, with which Godfred had been

in secre t com m unicat ion, broke into S axony . T he Saxons had

the mem o ry of a recent and terrible di saster weigh ing upon

them . N evertheless,they assembled in large numbers to

resi st th i s attack . T he i r arm y was able to keep the V ikings

in check ; bu t at present i t had avo ided a p itched battle,

which the S axons m ay wel l have looked fo rward to w i th som e

fear . While affai rs were s t i l l in th i s doubtfu l c ondition a flee t

of Fris ians suddenly appeared upon the E lbe . T hu s the

D anes were expo sed to attack bo th in the front and rear ;and S axons and Frisians j o ined battle at the sam e t im e . After

a sharp engagement, the C hri s tians gained a dec i s ive vi c to ry .

T he Fri s ians,wi th the i r flee t

,th en took po ssession of the

flee t o f the D anes,and po ssessed them se lve s -

of all t h e i r

VIK IN G S D E FE A TE D IN S AX O N Y. 467

accum u lated treasure . Inth i s wi se the summer of 885 tu rned'

a brigh ter pro spect towards the Germ ans, and the news of

the i r victory resounded on all si des . In E ngland they heard

of i t, and reco rded it with thanksgiving.

In reality it was of m uch more significance than con

tempo rarie s supposed . T hi s year was real ly a tu rni ng -po i nt

inthe h isto ry of the Germ an states . T he death of Godfred

and the vic tory onthe E lbe checked the ardour of the V ikings ,and did indeed save the country . Befo re the i r memory was

wiped ou t by fresh succ esses,the energy of the N orthmen had

tu rned in ano ther direct ion . Germ any had been in im m inent

danger o f anabso lu te conques t but that danger neverretu rned .

In the western k ingdom ,Whither the o ther great leader,

S iegfred, had betaken him self, there was st i ll one deadly

struggle to be fought out and a long period of almo s t anarchyto be passed through ; then that land, too, though scarcelyknowing i t

,wou ld have passed through the cri si s of the V iking

m alady . And though , like Ireland , l ike E ngland, it was forgood or evi l (for good and evi l) never to get rid of the effectsO f these attacks

,st i l l out o f the state of pro strat ion in which i t

now lay i t wou ld befo re long ri se to a gradual and hopefu lconvalescence .

C H APT E R XV .

TH E S I E G E O F PA R IS .

ABO UT the time that S t. R im bert and h i s Fr i sians weregaining that encouraging vi c to ry o f the i rs over the D anes at

N o rden,and that Godfred and H ugo were preparing the

great s troke for which in the end th ey bo th pai d so dear,

C arlom an,the young K i ng o f France

,lay dying.

I ‘From a

wound rec eived o ut hunt ing,’ran the o ffic ial bu l le t in,

‘ i n a

fo rest near Andelys . ’2 Yes ; but the anim al who infl ic ted thewound was a two - legged one, not a w i ld boar as m en. were

to ld ; i t was one o f C arlom an’s young c om panions nam ed

Berhthold.3 It was an ac c ident ; and the s to ry o f the w i ld

boar had been c i rcu lated by C arlom an him se lf,for fear le s t

popu lar feel ing shou ld , after h i s death , m ake a vic t im O f the

au tho r of i t . It i s cu r iou s that two of the We st Frank princ e s

shou l d have m et the i r death from wounds acc i dental ly inflicted

by one of the i r com rades du r ing a hun irg expedi t ion.

T he only rem aining desc endant o f C harles the Bald was

2 D ec. 1 2 , 884 . T he fo rest of Basin3 Ann. Lem on/2

°

C . Ann. Lem/rat ; Am e. Vedart., the best au tho rities.

R egino g ives both sto r ies (P. i.

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4 70 TH E S IE G E OF PAR I S .

round the C arling nam e,that it was s t il l though t abso lu te l y

nece ssary to cho se for France a king o f that race .

C harles was in I taly when an em bas sy from the nobil i ty o f

France , at the head of whom was H ugo o f T ours , cam e to

offer him his new crown . H e set out upon hi s return j ou rney

early inthe spri ng and by the m i dd le o fApri l he had reached

Lake C onstance. When he approached nearer to the sc ene o f

confl ic t he o rdered out the herebano f Lo tharingia and N eustr ia

against the D ane s inLouvai n . But he did not him self m ake

any show of taking the comm and ; and bereft of t ru s two rthy

leaders—for H ugo seems to have been wounded I—the

new army made scarcely an attem pt to attack the V ikings’

camp. Presently it di spersed,each m an retu rn ing to h i s own

home.

2

Anon,when the summerwas mo re advanced , the V ik ings

’ sai l s

were againdescried off the French coast ; 3 and now S iegfred’

s

fleet, which during the last few years had nearly plundered bare

the country o f the S cheld and S omm e, m ade for the S e ine,which

,save for one vis i t i n A .D . 8 76, had for twenty

years been spared from attack. R ouen once m o re fe l t the

devas tat ing arms of the pirates : she was plundered on the

2 5th of Ju ly, S he had not seen the enem y wi thi n her

gates for fou r-and-forty years. Acco rd ing to som e ac counts

there served inthi s V iking army, and thu s for the mom ent in

the country wh i ch was afterwards N o rm andy,the great R o lf

h imse lf. T he hereban of N eu s tr ia summ oned up cou rage

suffi cient to march against the D anes ; but alm o s t at the first

onset its leader, C ount R eginal d of Maine, was ki l led ; 5 the

rest of the army thereupon di sso lved i n panic,and the N o rth

m enspread havoc all arou nd . T h ey beganto advanc e farthe rup the S e ine. Paris was the i r obj ect

,Paris

,the ‘Queenof

2 Am t. Ved.

, 885.

2 Ibid .4 Ib id.

5 Ib id.

BE G IN N I N G OF TH E S I E G E . 47 1

C i t ies,’ 1 which barred all progress beyond i t along the great

trade artery of France . Am ong the mo s t fru i tfu l of the

engineering wo rks set on foo t by C harles the Bald,had been

the furni sh ing of Paris with fresh fort ificat ions,and blocking

the r iver by a bridge .

Meant ime the em pero r rem ained far from all these troubles .H e was at present at R egensbu rg (R at i sbon), upon the D anube .

T he winter o f 885—886, while the N o rthm en were draw ing

clo ser and c lo ser the m eshes of an im m ense fleet and arm y

round the ch ief ci ty of h i s new kingdom ,he seem s to have

passed as far away as po ss ible from the scene of confl ict,in

I taly .

N earer and nearer cam e the D anes, their ships—seven hun

dred large vessel s , and innum e rable sm al ler craft—hi d the waterfor two leagu es and a half ; so , at all events, Abbo wou ld haveus bel ieve . A huge arm y of th i rty thou sand or forty thousand

m enm archeda long the banks or sai led in the vessel s? And

the em pero r was far o ff and m en’

s hearts were paralyzed wi th

fear. Where was H ugo,the m ainstay of We stern France ?

Wounded i t m ust be, i n that he st i l l stayed away from the

theatre of war. But happi ly the royal ci ty is not wi thou t

defenders . Fo rem o s t am ong these is i ts b i shop, Gozl in , lateAbbo t of S t. D enys . And, after him , C ount O do , now C o unt

2 N am m ed io S equanae recubans, cu lti quoque regniFrancrgenum , tem et statuis per ce lsa canendoS um po l ls , ut regrna m icah s om nes super u rbes.

’

Abbo , Bell. Parz'

r. u rbz'

r, i. 10- 12 .

O ne m ust blush , in qu o ting Abbo , for the wretchedness of his verse ,perhaps , takenfor all inall, througho ut the long po em , as bad as any thatthe Middle Ages have p roduced as the prose of S axo G ram m aticus m ay bereckoned am ong the wo rst Latin p ro se in ex istence . N everthe less, Abbois o ur only autho rity for the detai ls o f th is great siege of Paris

, o fwh ich hewas aneyewitness. T he leadm g events are to ld sho rtly inAnn. Vedart , &c .

Abbo, o. c . i. 11. 2 7

—35, 1 15.

472 TH E S IE G E O F PA R /s .

of Pari s , the e ldest son o f France’s old cham p ion, her Judas

Mac cabaeus , C ount R ober t the S trong. O do and R obert , left

chi ldren at the unt im e ly death of the i r father, had seen hi s

honou rs and fiefs passed over to ano ther, to H ugh . N ow th ey

were grown to man’s es tate

,and were to show that they had

i nheri ted som eth ing better than abbeys and t i tles from the i r

renowned father. N ext to th em we m ay c ount am ong the chief

defenders o f Pari s E blus or E bolus,the ne ph ew of Go zl in

,

h im self al so an ecc les iast ic and Abbo t o f S t. Germ ain des

Prés ; C ounts R eginar, H erivm us, U tto , E rilang, a K night

R obert,and m any m o re

,deserve c om m em o rat ion?

H ere, then, s tand s Pari s upon her i sland . S ince the days

of her earl ier attacks at the hands of the N o rthm en , C harles

the Bal d had, as we have said , fu rni sh ed her wi th two bridge s

bu i l t upon strong stone p iers . O ne c onnec ted the island ci ty

w i th the no rth bank of the ri ve r, the o ther w i th the sou th

Insu la te gaudet , fluv iu s sua fert t ibi gyroBrachia , com p lexo m u ros , m u lc entia c ircum ;D extra tu i pontes habitant tentoria lym phaeLaev aqu e c laudentes ; ho rum hinc inde tutricesC is urbem specu lare falas, c itra quoque flum en.

2

She was, we see, sti ll an i sland ci ty washed by the rive r . T he

no rthern bridge , wh ich stood where the Pont-au - C hange nowS tands

,was defended by a wooden tower

,has t i ly erec ted or

enlarged uponthe approach of the great flee t . T he suc cesso r

to th i s tower was the G rand C hatele t o f the M i ddle Age s,

which stood where the Place du C hate le t now stands .

S iegfred, when he c am e oppo s i te the c i ty,

fi rst sought a

m eeting w i th i ts Governo r,Bishop Gozl i n .

3 T o him he

declared that the D anes had no o the r O bj ec t but to pass higher

2 Abbo , o. c. i. 11. 66—8 , 95—1 13 , 167 , 2 45—6.

2 Ibid . , i. l l . 15—19 . O ne of A bbo’

s invo l ved passages.

3 LI. 36 rgg.

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474 TH E S IE G E O F PAR I S .

centu ries down the s t ream o f t im e ; as when we beho ld theleadenbal l s rai n ing against the towe r or fly ing over the heads

of the garri son ; or the V i kings ad vanc i ng to practi se a minei n the defences.T he morning of the 2 6th of N ovem ber

,the day after S ieg

fred’s d ism i ssal by Gozl in,the no rthern arm y m oved out fro m

i t s tents to attack the tower . C ount O do and C ount R obert

were bo th with in it ; so were Abbo t E bolus and C ountR agenar. All day the sto rm o f battle raged round the fo rt andi t s two hundred defenders . From w i th i n every arrow found

i ts m ark i n the dense m asses O f the enem y ; bo i l i ng p i tch and

bo i l ing o il descended upon the heads o f tho se who cam e under

the defences . T hey had to ru sh and plunge into the river toext ingu i sh the flam es. Yet if any showed signs of ho lding

back they were assai led by the j eers and reproaches of the i r

wom ankind, j ust as a thou sand year s befo re had been the

T eu tone s who invaded Gau l and I taly.

I S uch had alwaysbeen the part played in battle by tho s e V i ragoes of the N o rth .

At las t the bes iegers drew O ff, wi th heavy lo ss and w i thouthaving acc om pl i shed anyth ing . And yet they had takenthe

C hri st ians at a di sadvantage, for the defences of the towe r

were not as com plete as they might have been m ade . D u ring

the night after this fi rs t at tack the bishop m ade unheard -of

effo rts to com plete or inc rease these defences by a wooden

struc tu re, and inthe m o rning the fo rt s tood tw i ce as high as it

had s to od overnight?T he second day’s figh t was l ike the fi rs t. Agai n the sl ings

or m angonels hurled stones and leaden bal l s agains t the tower.T he enemy bro ught m zzrczzlz

'

or m antletr agai nst the wal ls

whee led hou ses pro tec ted against fire by sk ins s tre tc hed over

the roof—but the o il and pitch pou ring from the towe r drove

2 LI. 12 5rqg. cf . Plutarch , IlIarz'

u r,19.

2 L. 82 .

475

back the D ane s . N o t,howeve r

,befo re a m ine had been m ade

unde r one o f the wal ls wh ich d id some harm . A m ine,

I no t

o f cou rse sprung wi th gunpowder, bu t dug under the defences,i t s roo f perhaps supported by wooden beam s for a wh i le .

T hen these were set onfire , and the who le structure crum bled

down . S uch m ining was known as long ago as the days of the

ancient E gypt ians .T hi s m i ne did no great dam age . Baffled in these

attem pts the V ikings m ade ano ther? T hey raised a bonfire

near the wooden wal l s of the fo rt, and for a t im e the bu i lding

was inim m inent danger. But a heavy rai n desc ended and put

the fire out. And now the oriflam rne,the sacred banner of S t.

D eni s, was di splayed from the c i ty wal l s - he ld up between

two larrces,not float ing free i n the air su ch was the manner of

s tandard -bearing in these days . ‘T he hearts o f the garr i son

are rai sed, the D anes oppressed by the s ight : a hundred

catapu l t s di s charge and s tretch dead a hundred o f the be

s iegers.’3 In th i s w i se ended the second day’s assau l t. T he

D anes carried off the slain to be bu rnt with due honou r in

the ir cam p and we m ay p ic tu re the red funeral fires and the

c ries of the mou rners round them keeping awake th i s n ight,

the 2 7th of N o vem ber,885.

N ow came a m om entary pau se.4 After two days’ incessant

fighting the N orthrnenbegan to see that the bridge was not tobe carried by a coup de m ain. T hey now

,therefo re, establ i shed

them se l ve s i n a s trong cam p of observat ion in the Abbey o f

S t. Germ ai n l’Auxerro is,and they sent out bands of fo ragers

to harry the country far and near, and to co l lect provi sions forthe camp and for the navy duri ng the winter. T heir caval ryextended its raids as far to the north as R he ims. From

Fo ram en,

’l. 136. It is possible that the wo rd m eans only a breach .

(S ee D u C ange s . v .)L1. 144 ryg.

3 L. 157.4 LI. 1 72 ryg.

476 TH E S IE G E O F'

R A R 15 .

m any parts of Franc e m essengers were speeding towards theem pero r inI taly

,show ing how all the country was falling into

the hands o f the heathen . But C harles was long befo re hem oved . N ever had N o rthern C hri stendom seem ed so near

becom ing anu tter prey to the N o rthm enas . it seem ed j u st now.

II .

T hrough the earl ier winter m onths the garri sonhad res t . But at the end o f January a new

attack onthe tower was begun in due fo rm . T he D anes cam e

swarm ing ou t of the i r cam p l ike bees

A.D . 886.

E npro les S atanae subito castris furibundaeE rum punt, trepidis nim ium te l is oneratae ;Ad turrim properant, tenues arapes sua regnaD istentis adeunt hum er is casiaqu e thym oque

Arboreisque sim u l v el am oeni florrbus agr i . t

Always did the V ik ings bring to bear,all the engineering

sk i l l they cou l d com m and . T hey m ade BIZ/lei or [Warm /z ?

covered w i th hides , each capable of ho ld ing from fou r to s ix

m en.

‘T h ey m ake (s trange s igh t) 3 three m ac h ines o f u h

equal led s ize , m ounted o h s ixteen wheel s , and fash ioned o f

huge piec es of oak bound together . O n eac h m ac h i ne i s

placed a battering-ram,covered by a high ro o f. Within the

hou se they c ou ld ho ld c oncealed , it i s sai d , s ixty m en.

’

S uc h

i s Abbo ’s desc ript ion o f a so rt of towe r we l l known in

m ediaeval warfare, but a m ach ine,we gath er

,no t known to the

garri son of Pari s . H owever, for som e reason th i s m ighty

engine was never u sed . T he fire from the C hri st ian s ide

1 L1. 2 2 7—2 3 1 .

2 T hese m u reu /z'

, rats or cats ,’were low- roo fed sh eds running onwhee lsor ro l lers , and gradual ly pu shed u p to the wal ls so that the besiegers m ightbeginto breach th em . T he ro t ifs o f the m ureze/z

'

were cove red w ith hro e sto m ake them as far as possible fire -

proof. 3 L1. 2 05 ryg.

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478 TH E S IE G E OF PA R IS .

on which the bridge is rai sed—and bu rn them se lves out

harm lessly there. S o the C hri st ians now m ay laughYet

,alas for all these hero ic e ffo rts H eaven i t self seem ed

to fight upon the s ide of the barbarians . T owards the end of

the winter rains (Feb . 6th)I the S e ine ro se so high that a po rt ion

o f the bridge was suddenly swept away by i t,and the tower

and i ts defenc es were cu t o ff from the i sland ci ty . It is sai d

that at th i s m om ent there were only twe l ve of the garri son i nthe tower ; 2 wh ich was as wel l , for i n any case th e i r capitu lat ion m u st have been only a m atter o f t im e . Bu t these twe lveheroes held out to the last

,t i l l the D anes suc c eeded in set t ing

fire to the bu i lding , whereupon they sal l ied fo rth and wereslai n to the last m an.

3 T he V ik ings,prevented from reach ing

the northern bridge , now m oved to the sou th o f the town and

m ade the i r headquarters i n the o ther S t. Germ ain’s Abbey,S t.

Germ ai n des Prés .

But now he lp seem ed to be com ing from w i thou t . Gozl inhad sent m essage after m essage to the C aesar and to D u ke

H enry,hi s representat ive i n Germ any .

4 At last,towards the

end of February, H enry did set h im se lf i n m o t ion w i th an

army which he had gathered in Franc onia and S axony . But

h i s Germ ans suffered m uch du ring the i r m arch,fo r h eavy rai ns

were st i l l fal l ing . D uke H enry brought no sp i ri t wi th him to

the re l ief o f Par i s . H e m ade one night at tack upon the

D an ish cam p 5 and then wi thdrew, having ac c om pl i s h ed next

to no th ing .

For all that , the bes iegers m ade no progress . T he i r at tacks

onthe sou thern bridge were no m o re suc c t ssful than had been

2 Ll. 504 sqq. cf . Ann. Vea’.2 E rm enfrid, E riv eu s , E rland , O doace r , E rv ic , Arno ld , S o l ius, G o z l)ert,

Uv ido , Ardradus, E im ard, G o zwin.

3 O r were dece ived by ano ffe r of their l ives ; m uch as was the Bri tishgarrisonof C awnpo re . ( l .

4 Abbo , Bk . i i . 1. I ryg. 5 March 2 7th.

D E A TH O F BIS H O P G O Z LIN . 479

tho se to the no rth so that at las t S iegfred consented to com e

to term s,and agreed to rai se the s iege on the payment o f an

‘ indem ni ty ’o f s i xty pounds of silv er;

Ia moderate sum

indeed c om pared to the pounds wh ich the sam e

S iegfred had rece ived a year ago from the people of N eustria.

Matters had been thu s arranged when o f a sudden Bishop

Gozl ind ied,wo rn ou t i t m ay be by h i s exert ions, or ki l led by

the pest i lenc e wh ich had begun to rage i n the city ? Abou t

the sam e t im e, too , died Abbo t H ugh , who had been long

inval ided, and Wes t Franc ia lo s t her doughties t cham pion .

T he hearts o f the C hri s tians sank , and tho se of the D aneswere fi l led with joy. T ruly i t seem ed as if G od H im self were

fighting upon the s ide of the heathen .

But at all events the lesser D ivi ni t ies, if I m ay cal l them so ,

of the C hri stian pantheon, the saints , under who se pro tect ion

stood Pari s and her ne ighbou ring m onasteries,these did not

desert the sacred ci ty? As at the fi rs t attack upon Pari s

by R agnar Lodbrog forty long years s ince, they began oncem o re to put fo rth the i r m i racu lou s powers . Many m i racles

v indicated the ho l y so i l of the m onas teries,which the heathen

were pro faning . When m arauders sought to dri ve som e cattlefrom the fields o f S t. Germ ain des Prés the beasts s tood as if

roo ted to the ground, and could no t be m oved . O ne D anewho profane ly peered into the tom b o f S t. Germ ain’s father

was s truck bl ind ; ano the r who tr ied to enter that of the sai n t

h im self fel l dead upon the spo t - ah unseen hand struck himdead . A fou rth scal i ng the high towe r of h is chu rch wasthrownheadlong and fell to the earth in the s igh t of C ount

O do and the defenders of the ci ty. And the night after Bi shop

G o zl in d ied a D am’

r/z sent ine l (Abbo dec lares), in the s i lenceo f a dark

,we t night, saw S t. Germ ai n com e out of the s epu lchre

rBk . 40—I . u .

3 i . 11. 477 599-3 u : 11 85SH .

480 TH E S TE G E OF PAR I S .

in wh ich the bi shop’s body had j u s t been placed . Ano ther

night a C hri stian sent ine l w i tnessed a st i l l m o re. cheering sigh t—the sam e saint passing round the c i ty wall s and sprinkli ng

them with ho ly water . M i racles or no,or only that best of

augu ries , m en fighting for the defenc e of the i r c ountry,the

D anes began to grow weary o f the s iege . S iegfred, we saw,

had long been anxio u s to nego t iate , only that the death o f

Go zl in had in sp i red the D anes wi th fre sh ardou r for the i r

wo rk.

Yet s t i l l the‘

m o re de term ined of S iegfred’s fo l lowe rs

wou l d no t hear of giving in. T hen he led them onc e m o re

to the attack,which was no m o re su c c t ssful than previou s

ones had been, and m o cked at them as they were drivenback from the wal l s : a c u riou s p ic tu re o f the relat ions

be tween a V iking leader and V iking tro ops in tho se

days ?

In the sum m er the pes t broke ou t inthe ci ty w i th terri bleravages ? C ount O do , who was now the c o m m ander of the

garri son,dete rm ined at all hazards to m ake hi s way to the

em pero r and u rge upon him the desperate condi t ion in which

they all sto od .3 D u ring O do ’s absenc e the com m and devo lved

upon E bolus,the val iant Abbo t o f S t. Germ ains , B rave ly d id

he o rgani ze and lead num ero us so rt ies,harass ing the D anes i n

the i r cam p . T he garri son had but two c om fortfng reflec t ions

to dwe l l upon—one that S iegfred had now real ly gi venup hi s

c om m and,acc epted the O ffe red ransom

,and ret i red w i th a

po rt ion of the arm y o u t o f Franc e ; the second that su rely by

th i s t im e the C aesar m u s t be m arc h ing to th e i r re l ief. Befo re

long,in tru th

,the sun lighted up for the be s ieged the s h ields

of O do and h i s troops appearing upon the h e igh ts o f

I Bk . u . 47 rqq. T h is event is p laced befo re the death of G o z l in but i tm o re probably suc ceeded it .

3 i i . 11. 154 sqq.3 L. 163 .

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482 TH E S IE G E O F PAR IS .

and lett ing I dare not wai t upon I wou ld .

’T he only good

fo rtune whic h befel l the bes ieged was the death of S inrik , the

second leader of the N o rthm en, S iegfred having departed in

Apri l last . T hi s S inrik had vowed (over the Bragi c up, perhaps)that he wou l d fix h i s cam p by the very sou rce of the S e i ne .

What he d id ac com pl i sh was to m ake h i s bed in the s tream,

be ing drowned in the ri ver a l i ttle above the town ? T he

bes iegers , however, were not so di scou raged as to be prevented

from making ano ther fu riou s attack upon the defences o f

Pari s and once mo re arm s were c lash ing,bel ls r inging

,wom en

scream ing, m onks weeping , m onk Abbo among them ; such

anuproar as Abbo had never heard befo re ? H ad i t not been

for the cou rage and constancy of the i r leaders,the garrison

m u st have given way.

‘S t. Germai ns h im se lf i s brought to

the front ; he com es to fight upon our s ide !’3 Ino ther wo rds

,

hi s bones come ; the re l ic s be ing carried round the ram parts

to encou rage the com batants .

After th is a third attem pt at relief was made,less ambit ious

,

but m ore successfu l than the O thers .4 S ix hundred Fran

conians, sent fo rward by C harles,—fo rced the i r way into the

town from the he ights of Montm artre . T he garr i son on the i r

s ide made a so rtie,and the resu l t was a victo ry for the

C hri st ians, and th is welcome addi tion to the s trength of the

defence .

Final ly,5 j ust two m onth s after the Mainz D ie t , C harles did

at last himself appear w i th the m ain body o f hi s arm y, and

fixed his cam p upon the sam e h i l l ofMontm artre wh ich figu res

so frequently in the h i sto ry of th i s s iege . T he D anes on the i r

s i de w i thdrew to the i r headquarters upon the sou th s ide o f the

r iver.T o th i s extent , then, Par i s had been rel ieved . It i s true

2 LI. 2 2 7—8 .

3 LI. 2 79—83.

5 LI. 330 v e

R E LI E F O F PAR I S . 483

that in the c ou rse of the s iege anindem ni ty had al ready beenpaid to one leader of the D anes, and yet only a po rt ion of

the i r fo rc es had wi thdrawn . It might seem as if the defenders

had not gai ned mu ch by the i r long agony . But in truth thi s

s iege o f Pari s i s not to be compared to any mere raid and

plundering expedi t ion—such as were the earlier s ieges set on

foo t i n the hope o f boo ty only . T his we mu st look upon as

part of a scheme of conquest . From the obstinacy wi th wh ich

the N o rthm encarried on the i r operat ions, it i s clear that they

attached no sm al l im po rtance to the succes s of the i r endeavour .

Alm o st for the fi rs t tim e had they run the i r heads against one

o f the new defences set on foo t by C harles the Bald , and for

the fi rst t ime for m any years had they m et wi th a real ly determ ined res i s tance . It m ay have been mo re their pride than

the i r po l icy which made them obst inate to break down this

oppo s i t ion ; but, whether they knew it or not, po l icy was

deeply interested in the i ssue—the who le polz’

tz'

lcé,the who le

civi l ized state of WesternE u rope was c oncerned in i t. It is

never safe to indu lge i n specu lat ion as to what wou ld havehappened. But it m ay be said, at any rate, that there seemsno reason why, if Pari s had fal len at once

,the V i kings shou ld

no t have m ade them se lves the m asters of France . E vents in

thi s age always seem to hang upon a thread ; and therefo rei t is the m o re unw i se to prophesy how they m ight have proceeded i n d ifferent ci rcum stances . O ne canno t say why thedeath o f Godfred shou ld have saved the fate of Germ any

,or

at leas t of Germ any no rth of the Main. But so far as we can

judge , i t was th i s alone that d i d so . N or canwe say preciselywhy the obst inate res i stanc e o f Pari s saved the fate of France .

But if we try to picture what wou l d have happened had Pari sm ade l i ttle or no resi stance to the i nvading arm y

,we must

own that it seem s to have done th i s .

The D anes were now inthe i r tu rn bes ieged beh ind their

484 TH E S IE G E O F PAR IS .

l i nes. N Q doubt they were greatly reduced in numbers.

E asy seem ed the task wh ich lay befo re C harles wi th h i s greatarm y—easy, indeed , com pared wi th the effo rts wh ich O do and

h i s garr i son had been making throughout the las t year . If he

dared not attempt to sto rm the D ani sh camp ; to keep the

enemy shut i n there t i l l they we re s tarved into su rrende r to

make every effo rt meant ime to put Pari s i n a stronger c ondi

t ion of defence than she had been in before ; to victual her

afresh,to clear, as far as might be, her hou ses of pes ti lence

th i s was the plai n and not d ifficu lt du ty o f the em pero r. But

now he proceeded, as was h i s way, to undo as far as po ss ible

the good that had been achieved by hi s l ieu tenants . A m onthdawdled on

,and nothing was done . T hen cam e the news

that S iegfred had retu rned to the S e i ne w i th a new arm y and

a new fleet. C harles was at once pan ic - s truck . H e entered

into a shamefu l t reaty w i th the bes iegers . If th ey wou ld leave

Paris they shou l d have fu l l perm i ss ion to pass higher up the

river and enter Burgundy .

Burgundy scarce ly yet knew the i r name

N om ina tunc ensem quo rum perpessa frristi

N unc v ocitare prius, p igra O Burgund ia be l lo ,N eustria praecluibus thalam um nisi com eret altisJam tib i consi l io facilis verum m odo jam scis.

x

In that land might they plunder to the i r hearts’ content.For Burgundy

, even Upper Bu rgundy where the V ik ings now

went,was l i t tle attached to the C arl ing H ou se . It had been

on the po i nt of jo i n ing w i th S ou th Bu rgundy and Provencein recognizing Bo so as i ts k ing . It m ay have been in o rderto give the Bu rgundians a lesson that C harle s the Fat granted

thi s free passage o f the V ik i ngs into the i r terri to ry . But what

ever el se he did, he d id no t r ive t the i r feal ty to the C arl ing

Ll. 343—6.

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486 TH E S IE G E OF PAR TS .

Wes tern kingdom ,had looked for i n vai n from the successo r

of C harlemagne, she had found in herse lf, am ong her own

sons. T hough two of France’s great heroes

,H ugo and Go zl i n

,

had died last year,the wo rkshop of the i r k ind—the ofi ez

’

na

lzeroztm—had not ceased to produce .

It was as if R obert the S trong, the ancient defender of

France,had re-arisen inthe person of O do, m uch as

,acco rding

to the old legend , C harlem agne was to rise agai n som e day

i n the hour of Germany’s suprem e per i l . O n every side the

states wh ich had fo rmed but province s of one great empirewere awakening to the fact that they wou l d be happier, be tter

cared for, under the pro tection o f som e lesser ru ler who wasclo se at hand, than under the shadow o f a great imperial name .

T hus Arles had al ready got her king U pper Bu rgundy inthe

next year, 888, was to get hers . In the same year Francem ade a like change o f dynas ty . When C harles

the Fat,from weakness and i l l-heal th which had

long troubled h im (and afford the only excu se for h i s inaction),sank one step lowerdown into some th ing l ike sheer im beci l i ty,Germany cho se herself a king in Arnolf

,the brave D uke of

C arinth ia, C arlom an’s natural son. Bu t France took the great

step of rai s ing to the throne of Pari s and the throne of France

O do , the hero i c defender of the c i ty, a prince o f a new race

,

no scion, legi t imate or il legit imate, of the house of C harle

magne .

After the treaty made by C harles wi th the D anes the siege

of Par i s vi rtual ly reached i ts term inat ion. H owever, when

they had ravaged for one year in Bu rgundy, the N orthernarmy agai n ( i n the spring o f 888) appeared befo re the c i ty

dem anding the paym ent of the st ipu lated ransom . T he D ane s

were now once mo re below the c i ty,i n the i r old headquarters

of S t. Germ ai ns des Prés . Ascrich,the new Bishop of Pari s,

and C ount O do had gone to co l lec t the sum dem anded, seven

A. D . 888 .

D E P O S I TI O N OF C H AR LE S TH E FA T . 487

hundred pounds of pu re si lver. But the Pari s ians kept good

watch against the enem y. Meantim e , as appears,S iegfred

had again entered France and jo ined fo rces w i th h i s old

com rades, and i n the meant ime, too , C harles had been dethroned . Anon O do and Ascrich retu rned, and the fine was

paid . It was pai d upon condi tion that the V ikings shou ld

wi thdraw from the country . Instead they made an attem pt

to slip once m o re pas t the ci ty and attai n the region of the

Upper S e ine . But they were m et by Ascrich and the val iant

E bolus,and were beaten back ? H owever, they succeeded

in reaching the m ou th of the Marne ; and up that r iver theysai led, ravaging far and wide near the eas tern borders of

France?H ad G odfred

’s army been in po ssess ion of the terri to ry

which it had once nearly won upon the Mo sel, the two greatho sts o f V ikings wou ld have com e in contact. For th i s onewasted the c ountry as far as T ou l and V erdun . T hey wasted

round Meaux and T royes, and as far back agai n as R he im s .T hi s was the revenge o f the N o rthm en for the twelve months

lo st over the Par i s s iege . But they showed that they hadtaken to heart the lesson of that s iege

,i n that they confined

the i r depredat ions to the open c ountry, and did not attem pt

to fo rce the i r way with in the wal l s of the ci t ies . T hi s changeof plan is the firs t m ark o f a decl ine of the wave of c onquest ,though the am e l io rat ion in the condition o f the country wou l d

scarcely be discern ible for som e years to come.

IV .

T he polit ical events which fo l lowed immediately after thesiege o f Pari s were of such suprem e im po rtance that theyturned men’s eyes for a m om ent away from the V iking diffi

culties.

2 L. 396.

2 LI. 430 sqq. E bolus was, it appears, slainat this tim e .

88 TH E S IE G E OF PAR I S .

T he process of d i s integrat ion in the empire, which the

N orthern raids had done the i r part to hasten, had now

reached a cri s i s . And thus upon th i s s ide the V ikings m ay

alm o st be sai d to have done the i r wo rk . T rue, there are

no actual stopping-places in histo ry , and we can never say

that any fo rce i s real ly spent. T he artificial d ivi sions made bythe clo se of reigns and dynas ties often in real i ty fal l in the

middle of a new era. It would be hard to say whether this benot true of the close of the C arl ing dynasty whether the final

disappearance of the C arling H ouse from history is so

memorable an epoch as that upon who se thresho ld we now

stand—but do not mean to overs tep—the final divi s ion of the

empire,the final separation of the E astern andWestern kingdoms

,

and the ri se of many new thrones onwhich sit sovere igns notof C arl ing blood.

T hese changes, we have said, fol lowed im m edi

ately upon the ending of the siege of Pari s, and m ay

be reckoned inno smal l part the ou tcome of that s iege . C harles’s

conduct inthat gave the coup de grace to any reverence which

he m ay stil l have commanded . H is i ncapaci ty for all the

du t ies of a ruler was too apparent . S tatecraft was no t hedged

round with the netwo rk of custom which nowadays impedes

a change of governm ent . And so when - the fo rces wh ich

kept al ive men’s conservat i ve i nst incts once fai led, revo lu t ion

becam e, as i t became j ust nine centuries later inFrance,‘the

o rder of the day.

’

O ur pity cannot inj ust i ce be withhel d from the unfortunate

C harles . H e was,for one th ing

,i n wretched heal th , su ffering

to rtu res of headache duri ng the las t two years and th i s bodi lycondit ion m ay afford the explanat ion of m any of hi s ac ts of

weakness. H e had been epi lept ic as a young m an—as were

many m em bers of h i s hou se—and been troubled w i th strange

vi sions thought at one t im e,in a fi t of remo rse after rebe l l ing

A.D . 887.

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490 TH E S IE G E OF PAR IS .

in the north , the Saracens at tacked it from the side of the

Medi terranean .

Final ly,France

, as we know, reject ing all Arnolf’s claims toretain this port ion of the dom in ion of C harles the Fat

,chose

O do for her king, the fi rst of the C apetan H ouse . And th ischo ice is ofnot le ss im po rtance than the final enthronement of

the house under O do’s great-nephew,H ugh C apet himse lf.

T hese are the events which make the end of one,and the

beginning of a new era i n the histo ry of the empire.

For a while chao s seems to descend in i t s blackness over

Western E urope. T he annal i s t s leave off wri t ing annals : theravagings of the N o rsemen spread on all si des . But verysoon a favou rable change sets in i n the charac ter o f the V iking

at tacks. We have no i nternal h isto ry of these N orthm en—as

yet no clue, therefo re, to the arm s and po l icy of thei r leaders.

But we canhardly look upon the great invas ion of Germ any in

88 1—2, or the great attack upon Paris i n 885—7 as d irected

i n each case by any lesser ambition than that of conquering a

country . We must remember that the D anes who bore part in

these expeditions were either the same m en, or were in clo serelat ions wi th the same m en

,who had for years been engaged

in a great effo rt to conquer E ngland—aneffo rt wh ich , if i t hadnot succeeded to the top of the i r des i res

,had certai nly not

al together fai led . We m ay j u st ifiably look upon the two great

undertakings of G odfred and S iegfred in 88 1 and 8 85 as

pendants to the undertakings of the Great Arm y in E ngland

between 866 and 878 . V ery d i fferent from such vast schem es

were the i so lated at tempts to m ake settlements in the em pire

which had long been go ing on. T o these the wisest o f the

V ikings were inthe end to re tu rn and to confine themse lves forthe fu ture . A young V i king, R o lf, who , acco rding to som e

ac c ounts,was in E ngland du ring part o f the great years of

S CAN D IN A VIAN S TA TE S IN E UR O PE . 491

invas ion, and who was much mo re probably inmany o f the

V iking expedit ions undertaken between the years 88 1 and 88 7upon the C ont inent, was dest i ned, by confin ing his ambit ionwi th innarrower l im i t s than had done such leaders as S iegfred

and Godfred , to create the only perm anent no rthern statewi thi n the l im i t s of the ancient C arlovingian E mpire . T he

h i sto ry of the D anes inN o rm andy belongs to ano ther stage in

the re lations of C hri s tendom wi th the peop le of the north .

Before we utterly shu t the book upon this page of history,let u s take one glanc e over the port ion of E u rope which has

now for just one centu ry been the wide theatre for the achievements o f the V ikings , and see what the i r so l id accomplishments

have been e i ther inthe way of good or evil .

N ay, for one mom ent let us cas t our eyes farther even thanthe wide area of the V iking invas ions

,properly so cal led . For

that alm o st nam e less h i sto ry o f the early S candinaviandoingsinR u ss ia has passed through i ts fi rst s tage ; and there is byth i s t im e a we l l-establ i shed dynas ty of S wedish princes en

throned inN ovgo rod. T hese R u ssian N orthm en are in com

m unicationwith the Byzantine C ou rt, fu rni sh ing the empero rs

wi th the i r fam ed V aringian guard ; at t im es pass ing down to

the .‘E gean and carrying on thei r ownpirac ies onthat side o f

the wo rld . Pass wes twards from G ardariki, and we come to

the S candinavian countr ies proper. T hese are undergo ing a

ferm ent of the i r own—all tending towards a new era i n which

the pe tty kingships in D enm ark, S weden, and N orway, are to

be fu sed into a s ingle ru le rneach country . T his era,too, has

begun . Go rm the O ld re igns as so le K i ng of D enmark—at

least i t is bel ieved that h i s so le re ign begins abou t thi s t im e,

A.D . 883 , ju s t two years befo re the beginning of the Pari s s iege,is the date usual ly ass igned to the battle o f H afirsi rd,

wh ereby H aral d c ru shed h i s r ival s, the pe tty kings o f N o rway,

492 TH E S TE G E OF PA R TS .

and raised h im self to be the m onarch (not yet, i ndeed, the universally acknowledged one) o f that c ountry . T he h i story of

Sweden at th i s moment i s m o re obscure. But there is no

doubt that she fo l lowed at a short di stance o f time the leadof D enmark and of N o rway .

T hen agai n the V ikings had ere this founded earldoms inthe O rkneys and the S het lands . T hey had conquered C aith

ness and part of S u therlandsh ire nay, m o re or less imperfectly,

all S cotland no rth o f the Gram pians . As for the farther islands

of the ocean, there was no conques t to be m ade inthem—only

the ki llingordriv ing fo rth o f a few s tray m onks, papers, orhermits .

T his process had begun as early as 8 2 5, when a N o rseman ,Grim K amban, brought a co lony o f hi s countrymen into the

Faroes. T he N orwegian settlement in Ice land dates from

8 75. And the Icelandic sagas pro fess—and seem to be able

to support the boast—that they give h i sto ric accounts of theIcelanders from the first mom ent of the c o lonizat ion of the

i sland. S o that from the ir s ide h isto r ic l ight begins now to

shine uponthe career of the N orthrnen and i t touches some o f

the personages connected wi th the V iking history of these

days .

I reland : we have long lost sigh t of I reland . When we last

looked upon it, the hi sto ry of the N orsem enthere was entering

upon a new stage . T hey had obtai ned as much o f a foo t ing

i n the country as they thought necessary . T hen a new V i k ing

nationality, the D anes, after long abandon ing that fie ld o f

labour, had retu rned there once mo re , and a mom entary l ift i n

the mist , which wraps round the h i sto ry o f the country,

showed us the arm s of the V ikings no longer tu rned upon

the i r old v ict im s the G aedhil, but tu rned agai nst one ano ther.

T hen the clouds swept downagai n . T hese m om entary vic to ries

of the D anes were probably fo l lowed by o th er defeat s : for

through the chain of N orse stat ions in the H ebrides and the

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494 TH E S IE G E OF'

PAR I S .

I re land and,

S cotland wi th each o ther or with the native k ingdoms in e i ther country

,someth ing might be to ld

,som eth ing

labo riously gathered from stray no t ices and m eagre chronic les.But here, the clo se of th i s vo lume

,i s not the place to tel l it.

In the native kingdom s i n I reland no mater ial change hadcome abou t after the days when the N o rthm en settled them

selves fi rmly i n their d ifferent co lonies . In S co t land, on the

contrary,great changes came about. T he Pict i sh dynasty

came to anend, and, partl y by conques t, partly by inheri tance ,it was succeeded by the dynasty o f the S co tti sh kings o f the

West, so that Pictland and S cotland became uni ted into one

kingdom ,undera race of S cottish—that is to say o riginal ly of

Irish—kings .T he fi rs t access ionof a S co ttish king to the throne of the

Picts took place i n 844 . Bu t the union of the two kingdom s

was not final ly establ i shed unt i l the t ime at which our h isto ry

ends when the kingdom took a newnam e and becam e

the K ingdom o f Alban . T he power o f the kings o f Alban

never extended to the no rthern part’of the country (C ai thne ss

for instance), which we mu st reckon as a part of the S can

dinav ianearldom of the O rkneys.

It was probably abou t the time of the e stabl i shm ent

of the K ingdom of Alban that the O rkney earldom becam e

establ i shed as a dependency of the K ingdom of N o rway under

the First E arl ’S igu rd, bro ther of R Ognvald E arl of Maer i

,

one o f the companions in arms of H arald H aarfagr, who ,

acco rd ing to the N o rse tradit ion, was the father of R o lf of

N o rmandy.In I re land the kingship of O laf the White was fo l lowed by

that o f Ivar (hi s bro ther, by what appears), who accom panied

the king i n m any of h i s raids but the exact date at which Ivar

began to rule alone i s not ascertainable . In8 70 the plunderings

of I reland ceased. N ow for a whi le were the m enof I re land

C H R I S TIAN I T Y AM O N G TH E D AN E S . 495

free from plunderings of the strangers , namel y , for forty years ,that is to say, from Maelsechlain

’s re ign t i l l the year befo re the

death of Flann t i l l the access ion of N ial l G lundubh

T hen i t was that I reland agai n became fi l led with the sh ips of

the strangers . ’

S co tland was not so free. We hear of plunderings by O lafand Ivar together, of a plundering by O laf

’s son, T ho rste in theR ed, of plunderings from the O rkney I slands i n the no rth .

But the wo rst brunt of these fel l upon the no rthern half of thecountry, wh ich canscarcely be reckoned as a part of the new

S cott i sh kingdom,the K ingdom o fAlban .

InE ngland agai n fE lfred st i l l held the re ins of government,and no m aterial change took place i n the relat ions of theE ngli sh and N o rsem en

,only that the two peoples were to

some extent am algam at ing,and that the way was be ing pre

pared for the subjugat ion of the Mercian and E ast Angl iankingdom s under E adweard the E lder

,which was the chief

event of V iking h i sto ry inE ngland du ring the ensu ing centu ry .

In N o rthum bria the fierce H alfdan had died,

Iand had been

succeeded by a C hri stian D ane, who owed h i s e lect ion,it is

said,to the m i racu lou s i ntervention of S t. C uthbert . H ere

too the vigou r of the old V ik ing spiri t was be ing undermined ; wh i le ZE lfred checked i ts mo re open display. T he

simi lari ty o f the E ngli sh and D an i sh characters and the spread

of C hri st ian ity am ong the D anes was leading to a fus ionof the

two peoples .

If we cou ld im agine some pass ionate adherent of O dinwo rsh i p who had lo oked forward , du ring the last seventy years,

2 T here are three d iffe rent accounts of H alfdan’s death—Ann. Ult. 876

Font. Ann. 874 (Beth _ War af G aea'

fz z'

ll, p . 2 7 ; these au tho r itiesrepresent him as k i l led at the battle o f S trangfo rd Lough , A . D . 877. S eealso S teenstrup , N 07

’

7lla 71118 1 71e , ir. 9 1 Asse r says he was k i l led . E thelweard,Flor . H

’

Tg, that he was k i lled at\V odansfe ld inA . D . 9 1 1 .

496 TH E S TE G E OF PAR TS .

with growing hope to the suppress ion of C hri st iani ty and the

establ i shment of a great confederat ion of heathen nations i n

the north of E u rope, such an one wou ld have now felt,from

cau ses which he him self cou ld not we l l explai n,those hopes

gradual ly d imin ish ing . And cou ld he have looked over all

E urope and no ted the course of V iking histo ry in every“ountry, he would have been incl ined to date the year 88 7 or

388 as about the turn ing -po in t inthese pro spects . H e would

rot, I say, have been able to explai n to himse lf why it was so.

vlo more canwe bu t the fact rem ai ns .

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498 TH E C R E E D O F C H R I S TE N D O AT.

C hri st ians only,bu t C atho l ics o f the C atho l i c. And, as was

sai d on a fo rm er page,the true m easure o f the d iffe renc e

between the conques t of C nu t and the conquests O f the Great

Arm y i s given when we see the K ing of D enm ark and E ngland

kneel ing bes ide the tom b o f S t. E adm und,taking the c rown

from his ownhead and plac ing it-upon the shrine of the m artyr .

InGerm any agai n the great wave of V ik ing invas ion brokewhen G odfred

’

s arm y pau sed at C oblenz . And now a new foe

to that country had appeared above the ho rizon—a foe no t less

terrible than the V ikings , bu t o f a to tal ly d ifferent character

I mean the Magyars . And i n the h isto ry o f Germany the

no rthern nat ions soon c ease to play anim po rtant part .

Insensibly the S candinavian am bi tion and po l icy began to

take a new di rec t ion . It began to fo rm that vas t ou t lying

confederacy of no rthern peoples wh ich stre tched in a huge

arc round the central states o f C hri stendom —from far down

the D nieper upon the one s ide to the di stan t i slands o f the

N o rth Atlant ic on the o ther . From a sm al l c entral d i strict,com pri s ing the mo st part o f D enm ark

,the Balt ic I sles

,

S ou thern Sweden, a str i p o f S ou thern N o rway,grew up th i s

vast enlarged S candinavia, which consi s ted of the S candinavian

countries proper,Greater S uithiod i n R u ss ia, som e settlem ents

upon the sou thern sho re of the Bal t ic,the S candinavian

state s i n the no rth of E ngland, the no rth of S co tland , the

S co t ti sh isles, Man,the three ‘kingdom s ’ in I re land , the

Faroes, Ice land , Greenland, a t iny po rt ion o f Am erica even .

But i n sp i te of i t s im po s ing si ze, th i s greater S candinavia layou ts ide ( i n every sense) the nat ions o f C h ri s t ian E u rope ; onlyhere and there did i t com e inc ontact w i th them .

T he r i se , therefo re , o f th i s greater S candinavia, and i t sinternal h i sto ry when i t had ar i sen, are ( i t seem s to m e) theproper subjects for a separate s tudy ; and m ay, I hope, be

som e day the subj ec t of a suc c eeding vo lum e . In c onnec

C O N FLI C T OF C R E E D S . 499

t ion therewith—see ing that we shou ld st i l l deem ou rselves

concerned with the histo ry of H eathendom and C hri stendom

it wou ld be proper to introduce a dis t inct study of the m yth

o logy of the E ddas. S uch has been from the firs t m y plan .

What the fi rs t era of V iking conquest had done we know .

It had destroyed the I ri sh C hurch i t had reduced the central

states of C hri stendom alm o st to chaos . T o contem po rary minds

even fears which seem ch im erical to us were poss i ble : it migh thave seemed not impo ss ible that the heathens were abou twho l ly to uproot C hristiani ty i n N o rthern E u rope . S uch a

fear did exist . And i t was not fantast ic becau se of any weakness in the arm s o f the N o rthm en . T he V ikings’ weaknesslay in the i r creed. It i s needfu l for us to bear i n mind that,while with vi s ible weapons and i n outward battle the contes tbetween H eathendom and C hri stendom resu l ted al toge ther i n

favour of the heathens , there was at the same t im e ani nward

battle go ing on,fought wi th invis i ble weapons

,between

N o rthern H eathenism and C hri st iani ty, which resulted in a

victory not less deci s ive for the latter.

T o m ake our h i sto ry real ly complete it wou ld be necessary

to trace the steps of th i s o ther confl ict but the material s fordo ing so are who l ly denied us .

What alone is not denied us i s the O ppo rtuni ty of m easurgin

i n som e degree the oppo s ing fo rces . H alf the m eans fordo ing th i s we have al ready suppl ied . We have gathered

together all that seemed m o st im pressive and mo st l ikely to beperm anent inthe old T eu tonic re l igion . It rem ai ns to try andgai n som e no t ion of the antagoni stic belief—the creed of

C hri stendom during the ninth centu ry . For a picture o f thislast we mu st not be c ontent alone with our general knowledgeof C hri st iani ty, not evenwith our general knowledge o f the

C atho l ici sm of the M iddle Ages. We m ay take that as the

500 TH E C R EED OF C H RIS TE N DOM

groundwo rk of our pictu re. But we must overlay it wi th som e

detai l s which are pecu l iar to the times ofwh ich we wri te, somespecial aspects of the general creed of C hri stendom wh ich for

thi s period occupied the most men’s thoughts . T o gain ing at

leas t a h int upon these the present chapter i s appl ied .

We are not, be it understood

,concerned either wi th the

formal decrees o f counci l s,or wi th the abstract specu lat ions of

phi lo sophers,not wi th the v i s ions of the sp iritual, nor the

fervent asp i rat ions of the pious in themselves : only wi th the

resu l ts of all these in so far as they affected m en’s general

ou tlook o ver the world, the natural and supe rnatural i n i t wi th

which they cam e i n contact or bel ieved that they came in

contact . O n an earl ier page we sai d that the ‘c reed of any

age is only the sum of the i nd ividual O pinions of that age ;’

and it is with th i s fo rmu la, or som eth ing l ike i t , as our gu ide,that we must equ i p ourselves for o ur inqu i ry . What we ask i s

,

Whatwas at th i s mom ent the at t i tude o f society or of i nd ividuals

towards the abstract doctrines of C hristendom ; towards the

supernal powers ; towards what were deem ed the i r v i sible m an ifestations towards sacraments , rel ic s, miracles ; what the i r

bel ief in a fu ture s tate,what the fo rm s i n which that be l ief

was expressed ? O n these matters we ought to get som e

no tion ifwe cou ld—suffic ient at any rate to affo rd us an idea

of the weapons by wh ich C hri st ian i ty fought agai nst the rival

claims o f H eathendom.

Yet where are we to look for the m anifestat ions of our C reedof C hri s tendom du ring the n inth c entu ry ? T ru th to tel l, thatc reed i s not m ere ly no t uni fo rm over all parts of E u rope, buti t i s throughou t c o m pounded o f d ivers e lements whic h seem to

have no c onne c t ionw i th each o ther . H ow are we to sift and

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50 2 TH E C R E E D OF C H R I S TE N D OM

i dea of a theocracy. T hat idea m ight have, however, beendifferently real i zed i t m ight have beendiffu sed throughout thewho le body of the C hri st ian C hu rch and have spoken through

her counci l s . For Germ ans i t migh t have been embodied in

the Germ an h ierarchy ; for Frenchm en,for the m en of the

Western Empire, it m ight have been embodied inthe Gal lican

C hurch . T he idea of the theocracy of C hri st iani ty was a

universal and a popular i dea co m m on to high and low ;but the exac t shape i n wh ich th i s idea was to be shown forth

,

that I canno t bel ieve was in these days a m at ter of great

popu lar concern . It was, on the o ther hand,a matter o f the

greatest concern to the representat ive s o f the C hurch in every

land—to the higher eccles ias t i cal d ign i taries . T he ques tion

took the form o f a rival ry be tween the Pope on the one s ide

and the hierarch ies of the t ransalp ine countrie s upon the o ther.

S o far as regards what we m ay cal l the official C hri s t ian i ty of

tho se days—the C hurch , I mean, as represented by her chiefofficers—this quest ion was the mo s t im po rtant which agi tatedmen’s thoughts.

T he ques t ion becam e com pl icated w i th ano ther . T he Pope,besides being the claimant of suprem e au tocrat ic powe r in

eccles ias t ical affai rs, was the representat i ve o f a defin i te s tream

of lay pol i cy, the po l i cy whic h we have al ready defined as that

of Italy for the I tal ians : I taly for the I tal ians i n the fi rst

instance—get r id fi rst of all tho se barbarian invaders who,i n

success ive s tream s, have overrun our sacred land ; but when

that is accompl i shed we have a further am bi t ion wh ich wem i gh t cal l the po l icy o f all E u rope for I taly—ino ther wo rds theres torat ion to the C i ty o f the T i ber of som e th ing o f her anc ient

i nfluence . T h i s cou ld only be done inone way : by transferring

to the Pope, as H ead o f the C hu rch, a tem po ral as we l l as aS pi r i tual dom inion. S o m u ch had the love of em pi re survivedthe c apaci ty for i t am ong the R om ans,

TH E C O UN C IL OF FR AN K FUR T . 503

T hi s am bi t ion had one salu tary effec t . It obl iged the

R om ans to look ou t for som e wearer of the triple crown whoshou ld not be too unworthy o f his o ffice . And amid all theco rrupt ion and fact ion through whic h they rose , the popesthem se lves s tood up far superio r, for the m o s t par t

,to the i r

su rroundings . T h i s , then, was the envi ronm ent wi th in which

moved O fficial C hri s t ian ity during the ni nth centu ry, or, for that

matter,du ring m any centuries fo l low ing. We see that i t i s one

aspect o f the contes t (ofwhich the V iking troubles are another)betweenthe R om anand the T eu ton . We have now to see the

spec ial developm ents wh ich th is rivalry assumed during theperiod w i th wh ich we are deal ing .

We m ay, to begin with , take our stand at one of the m o s tim portant of eccle siast ical c ounci l s

,that of Frankfurt

,with

which the e ighth c entu ry drew to a c lose .

I

T he Frankfurt C ounc i l assem bled,under the presidency o f

C harlem agne,to discu ss , am ong o ther m at ters

,the

quest ion of im age-wo rship . H ow the I sau rian

E m pero r,Leo I I I .

,had set h im self again st the wo rsh ip of images

agai nst all u se of im ages i n the se rvice of the C hurch, needsnot be said . N o Puri tan C rom wel l was m ore zealou s in the

breaking of im ages than Leo and hi s succ esso rs o f the i conoc lastic fac t ion. T he sp ir i t wh ich opposed him was the spi rit o ftho se peoples i n whom the traces o f art and the sent iment ofart s ti l l survived—nay, we m ay say that the sent im ent of i do latry,or call i t anthropom o rphic po lythe i sm , su rvived m o st i n them

,

and found i ts express ion i n the wo rsh ip o f im age s . It was

a ques tion between C hri s t ian po lythe i sm and the mono the i sm,

the co ld m ono the i sm,of Jews and Moham m edans . And i n all

the class ical lands the worsh ippers o f im ages fo rm ed the popu lar

A.D . 794.

Mansi x i i i . col. 863 Sqq. ,C oncz

’

lz'

zm z Francofon/z'

ense, A .D . 794. S ee

also G frorer, G esc/z z’

c/zte der book i i i . chap. 9 .

504 TH E C R E E D OF CH RIS TEN DOM .

party . It was the mo s t popular section—the m o s t v iolent anddem ocrat ic sec t ion—of the E astern C hurch which sto od up anddefied the empero r I mean the monast ic body . InI taly thepopu lar vo i ce was on the sam e s ide ; and the popes , true to

the i r popu lar inst incts,pronounced strongly i n favour of the

retent ion o f images in chu rches . H adrian I . had wri tten tothe turbulent and v iolent C ounci l of C onstantinO ple,

Iapproving

inadvance the decis ion it was sure to come to i n favour ofimage-worsh ip .

N o t so , however, though t the eccles iastics no rth of the Alps.

H ow shal l we account for th i s d ifference ? It has been the

c ustt m to speak of image -wo rship as a di rect ou tcom e of the

barbarian invasions,of the in termix ture o f barbarian or quas i

savage e lem ents wi th ano lder and mo re civi l i zed C hri st ian i ty .

Yet if th is were the case,how i s i t that these very bar

barians, si tting in counci l under C harlemagne,em phat icall y

condem ned the pract ice o f wo rsh ipping image s ? T he Western

E m pero r and hi s eccles iast ics (to whom was added , m o reover,a conti ngent o fEngl i sh b i shops though they lent no sup p ort

to the vio lent acts of the E m pero r of the E as t, as em phati

cal ly condem ned the act ion and the doctrine of the not less

v iolent counci l of N icaea, i n which the Iconoclas t party wascondemned ; and by im pl icat ion, the letter of H adrian

,in

which he had approved the decrees o f that counc i l—a c ounc i l

which the R om an C hu rch has ever s ince , on H adrian’s

au tho ri ty, hel d to be oecum enical . 3 T hus condem ned,at leas t

Mo re com m only cal led the S econd C ounc i l of N ice , A . D . 787 . It

was he l d under I rene , the widow o f Leo IV ., who took the C atho l ic side .

For the ac ts o f th is C ounc i l see Mansi , xii. co l. 951—end, x i i i . co l. 1—8 19.

3 S ee C aroli M . ep . aa’

E lz'

pana’um inMansi , x i i i . co l. 899 say. It

appears that Alcu inwro te a spec ial treatise against im age -wo rsh ip . S im .

D un. (fest. R eg. Ang . quoted by G fr'

drer, o .c . v ol. iii. p . 62 2 .

3 G friirer (p . 574 ) says that in the days o f Pipp in, the Pope and theW o rsh ippers of Im ages entertained a l ive ly fear that the Franks wouldsupport C onstantine C opronym us.

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506 T H E CREED OF C H R JS TE N D OM .

them than the wo rsh ip of im ages,wh ich were made to repte

sent a personage , and were no t as a ru le them selves suppo sed

to be po ssessed o f m agical powers . Lest we sho u ld be tem pted

to interpre t the dec rees of the Frankfurt C ounc i l i n a sense too

favo u rable to the C hri st iani ty o f the T eu tons , we need to rem i nd

ou rse lves of the many exam ples o f the supe rs t i t i ou s reverencefor re l ics, o f the exploz

'

falz'

O /z which the sam e people carried on

o f all the ho ly tom bs o f I taly, the rifling from them of the re l ic s

o f the saints, in o rder to enrich them se lves and the i r own

c ountry wi th tho se preciou s am ulets .

I

T he C ounci l o f Frankfurt was counc i l and diet inone . At

it the lay and ecc les iast ical vassal s o f the em pero r sat s ide bys ide

, C harlem agne pres iding . A change had beenpass ing over

the personnel o f the greater ecc les iast ical vassal s s ince the

H o use of H eristal m ounted the throne T im e had beenwhen all ranks o f the c lergy, h igh and low

, we re fi lled by

R om an - C e l t s . Mo re and m o re,s i nce the days of S t. Arnolf

onwards, had Franki sh nobles asp i redafter the higher C hurc hdigni t ies and now, as we have seen , the upper ranks o f the

c lergy were ch iefly T eu tons . 2

T he convers ion o f Germ any had recrui ted the rank s of the

T eu tonic clergy with a number o f m enwho were i n these days

Cf . E inhard , H z'

storz'

a T 7 am . B .B. Mareellz'

m’

et Petrz’

[Peter Martyr],inMigne , t . 104 ; and ante , p . 440 .

2 G frdrer, l.c . p . 554 , by the rough but only avai lable test o f a co m parisono f nam es, estim ates that , wh i le in the first half of the sixth centu ry theb ishops inFrankland were , by a large m ajo r ity, of R om an- C e ltic o rig in, bythe seventh centu ry tho se o f Frank ish o riginwere in the sam e propo rtioninexcess o f the R om an- C e lts . T h is is inapparent contrad ictionwith whatwas said above inC hapter V I II . (p . whenspeak ing o f the ec c lesiasticalinfluence over Lewis the Pious . But inthe first p lace it m ay be p leaded ,what G frOrer adm its, that probably m any of the ecc le s iastics who bo reG erm annam es were o f G au l ish o r ig in (E bbo ,

fo r exam p le , who is said to

have been of serv i le o rig in, and whom , whenwriting the passage , I hadspec ial ly inm ind) and, again, that the m em bers o f the lowe r c lergy wou ldinsens ibly influence the po litics o f the who le e cc lesiastical body.

G E R /MAN E C CLE S IA S TI C S . 507

the very bes t o f thei r o rder . Boniface and his su c cesso rswere the direc t he irs o f the I ri sh m onks the i r fo rerunners

,who

a c entu ry earl ier had tam ed the sp i ri t s o f the lakes and m ountains inSwabia and Switz srland. T he change had b eenfroma C el t ic to a S axon race of teachers . T he ec c les iast icswho now fi l led the chief offices of the Franki sh C hu rch

were the m o st di st ingu i shed m en o f the i r day. Mo s t of

them we re Germ ans . E ven in I taly som e i n the highero rders in the C h urch were Franks . It wou l d be difficu ltto find anywhere greater s tatesm en than Wala of C o rbie ,E bbo of R he im s

,or his su cc esso r H incm ar ; m en o f m o re

ac c redi ted piety than B ened ict o f Aniana,or T heodolf of

O rleans ; m enm o re enl igh tened and sp i ri tual than Agobard of

Lyons ; o f greater learning than H incm ar,or than R aban I of

Mai nz ; of m o re zeal and cou rage t han Anscar of H am bu rg or

h is successo r R im bert . Under the gu idance and insp i rat iono f

these m enthe transalp ine chu rches grew in strength and con

fidence .

By the C ounci l of Frank fu rt the German eccles ias t ics cut

them sel ves off from the barren c ontrove rs ies wh ich were di s

t rac t ing the chu rch es o f the E as t . D u ring all the firs t half ofthe n inth centu ry they gained steadi ly in i nfluence over stateaffai rs . In the t im e o f C harlem agne the bishops sat along

w i th the lay vassal s to del i berate onthe o rd inary affai rs of theem pi re ; but on the o th e r hand (as we have seen) the lai tytook part inde l iberat ions whic h were pu rely ecc lesiastical. In

the days of Lewi s the Piou s,wh ile the c lergy st i l l sat in the

diets, the plantar, ques t ions of c reed , m atters such as thatendle ss c ontrove rsy o ver the s ingle and double nature of C hri st,these were dec ided by the C hu rch alone .

E bbo , we have said , was ve ry l ikely a G au l by descent ; Agobard ofLyons was by birth a S paniard , possibly in b o od a G o th ; R abanfl/aglze/zfias c laim ed R om an desc ent .

508 TH E CREED O F C H R TS TE N D O M .

Great was the sp i ri tual power o f the Frank i sh C hu rch , herforce o f att raction, at the beginning o f the ninth centu ry .

C harlem agne’s m ethod of c onvert ing the S axons was one whichhas no t been o ften fru i tfu l i n great resu l ts

,though i t has been

tried o ften enough . But the attrac t ive fo rces of C h ri s t iani ty

su rvived even that . T he gho sts o f the fou r tho u sand five

hundred pri soners m assac red at V erden on the Aller, of thethou sands m ore who had fallen by the s ide o f Widukind or

am ong the ashes of the i r hom es teads , dldnot r i se up and fo rb i dthe Saxons from desert ing the i r ancient sh rine s . T hey d id notprevent the erect ion , upon the ve ry s i te s of fo rm er bat tles o r i nthe places sacred to the old creed, of tho se new strongho lds ofC hri st iani ty

,bishopric s and abbeys

,wh ich be fo re long were

fi rm ly fixed all over the conquered country—at V erden i tself,at

S eligenstad, at Brem en,at Munster, at O snabu rg, Paderbo rn ,

H erfo rd,H ertzfe ld

,H allierstatt, H i lde sh e im , C o rvey, H am bu rg.

D uring C harles’s re ign

,or the next

,all these sees and abbeys

were founded ; and they rem ai ned and m ade converts .

T rue,the re was for som e t im e a pafty i n S axony which looked

back w i th regre t to the old heathen days and days of indepen

denc e , and hoped at som e t im e to resto re the m . But onthe

o ther hand , am ong the m aj o ri ty of the S axon people , great and

sm al l,dur ing the n inth centu ry, we shou ld find m o re piety—as

piety was understood in tho se days—m o re zeal i n m ak ingrel igiou s endowm ents, m o re attachm ent to C h r i st iani ty and the

C hurch , than i n alm o s t any o the r part o f the em pi re . N o

fam i ly produced mo re saints,

Ior rai sed m o re chu rc hes, and

endowed m o re monasteries, 2 than the great S axon hou se from

wh ich Liudolf and C obbo sprang . And i t was S axony wh ic h ,during th i s centu ry , gave b irth to that great epic po em now

known as H eliand (T he Saviou r), the counte rpart for O ld

E .g. S t. H athum od orAddila and H athem y, Abbess ; s o f H e rfo rd .

H erfo rd was the m ost im po rtant a mong the se G andershe im ano the r.

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; to T H E C R E E D OF C H R I S T E N D O /W.

and o ther S lavs been c om pel led to u se the R om an alphabet,

there can be no doubt that the i r languages wou ld be be tter

known in Western E u rope than they are tod ay,and m uch

of the i l l- feel ing which exi s ts between S lav and T eu to n m igh t

have g iven way befo re a better mu tual understanding. T he

m i s s ion o f these two bro thers in Mo ravia extends over the

years 864—867 . O f the c ontes t betweenC ath o l ic and O rthodox

interes ts fo l low ing th i s invas ion of a count ry wh ich fo rm ed as

yet a part o f the Wes tern C hu rch , we need no t here speak.

Let u s no te, however, that these c onvers ions o f the S lavs wereconfined to tho se who inhabited the c entre and sou th of the

S lavonic region . T he Abodriti onthe Bal t ic c oas t,l ike the i r

neighbours the D anes,rem ai ned unconverted , and the work of

extending C h ri s t iani ty to the S lavonian nat ional i t ie s on the

Bal t i c was reserved for a later century .

I II .

It was hardly consi stent wi th the character of hum an thingsthat the bright pro spects wh ich the early years o f the n inth

centu ry opened ou t shou ld cont inue . T he pro sely t iz ing spi rito f the Frankish C hu rch beat vainly agains t the s tubbo rn indi fference of the N orthm en. And here

,as in all o ther case s

,

to fai l i n m aking conques ts abroad was to lo se c redi t and powe r

at hom e .

A rival power to that of the Franki sh C hu rch had in the

m eanwh ile beengrowi ng up be) ond the Alps—the power o f the

popes . T he ec c les iast ical h i sto ry of the second port ion o f the

ninth centu ry i s the hi sto ry of the effo rts—successfu l for themo s t part—which the popes were m ak i ng

,fi rs t to de l ive r them

selves trom the patronage o f the em pero rs next to wres t fromthe Frankish C hu rch half i t s power

,and to bring It into obedi

ence to the Papal S ee .

G o bac k once m o re to the Ic onoc lasti c controversy . T he

D E CA y OF TH E FR AN A’

JS H CH URCH . 51 1

upsho t o f i t and of the action of the popes there inwas that the

latter wi thdrew from the c ondi t ion o f dependence upon the

E asternempero rs , denied the r ight of these to put a veto uponthe i r e lec t ion . T hu s they severed (final ly, as i t pro ved) theconnection between the E astern and Western C hu rches . Bu t

that obedience wh ich they w i thdrew from the E asternE m pire

they gave to the Wes tern. T he popes were not yet strong

enough to stand alone. And though the C ounci l of Frank

furt did no t su pport the doctrine o f H adrian on the subj ec t

of im age-wo rsh ip, C harlem agne did support the Pope in the

ac t ion whi ch ro se ou t of the doc trine . H enceforward the

e lec t ion o f the Pope had to be confirm ed by the Wes tern

E m pero r .It could no t take place save i n the presence of the im perial

envoy. At the sam e t im e we no te that onthatd

great C hri stm asD ay of A . D . 80 0

,when the Western E m pire fi rs t cam e into

exi stence,i t was the Pope who placed the diadem upon the

head o f C harles , whereby the Papal S ee acqu i red anundefinedand shadowy c laim to give the final sanction to , or, if need be ,the ve to upon

,the succ ess ion of these em pero rs of the wes t.

T hese two c laim s,the claim o f im perial sanc t ion for elec tion to

the papacy,the claim of papal sanc t ion for e lect ion to the

em pi re—the one definite and legal,the o ther shadowy indeed ,

bu t re s ting upon the universal theo c rat ic sent im ent of the

M iddle Ages—th ese we know were the two great quest ionsro und wh ich the hi sto ry o f the C hu rch , nay, all mediaeval

h isto ry, were to revo lve for m any centu ries . O ne trium phedunder O tto the Great in R o m e

,i n A .D . 963 ; the o ther

tr ium phed under Grego ry the Great at C anossa,i n A.D . 1 0 77 .

We have no t to speak o f th i s c ontes t as a who le , only of thesteps wh ich du ring the ninth c ent ury i t m ade towards ripening.Lew i s the Pio u s determined m o re exactly than h i s predeces

so rs had done the c onst itu tion for the e l ec t ion of the popes,

512 TH E C R E E D OF C H R Z S Z E N D O AI .

and in that c onst i tut ion the r ight o f im perial veto was m o s texpressly reserved . N or had i t been ever cal led in qu e stion

by the popes who were cho sen du ring the earlier years o f th i s

re ign, by Paschal I .,by E ugeniu s I I .

,or V alentine .

I But whenthe rebel l iono f the sons of Lew i s broke ou t

, we have seen howthe Pope began to i nterm eddle in the m atter ; how the new

po l icy of the Papal S ee, the po l icy o f set t ing the K ing o f I taly

into oppo s i t ion to the transalp ine em pero r and o f founding

papal i ndependence on the strength of the nat ional feel i ng,

had its dawning . We have seen how suc c essfu l ly the po l icy

was carr ied ondu ring the re ign o f Lo thai r I .

,who fo rfe i ted all

power i n I taly, and never ventu red, after h i s fi rs t attem pt at theelec t ion o f S ergiu s II .

,to i nterfere inthe cho ice o f the popes .

T hen it was that som et im es the c o rrupt and fac t iou s sp iri t ofthe R omans broke loo se

,and bro ugh t scandal upon the papal

e lec t ions . 2 But on the who le the cho i ce s were wel l m ade .

Final ly, after the m iddle of the centu ry,when one and all of

the Frank i sh sovere igns had lo st hugely i n power and pres t ige ,

a great m an« was rai sed to the papal chai r,under whom i t

seem ed that all the controvers ies between the popes and the

em pero r , or between the rival chu rches o f the wes t, wou ld besettled in favou r o f R om e .

O ne half of that for which the popes had s tr iven , the separa

t ion o f I taly from the em pire , had al ready been attained befo re

N icho las I . m ounted the papal throne . Long befo re h is

ret i rem ent,Lo thai r I . had lo s t all power i n I taly ; the next

em pero r,Lewis had none on th i s s ide o f the Alps . All the

energies o f Lew i s , and they were great, were at the servic e o f

the peninsu la : they were cons tantly cal led into requ i s i t ion

Albe it the R om ans sought to evade the law ; Cf. G frbrer, o . c . p . 72 8

2 T he m yth of Pope j oanbe longs to th is per iod . E venas a m yth it hasa ce rtainS ignificance .

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514 TH E CREED OF C H A’JS TE N D OM .

the sam e di rect ion . D uring the c iv il wars,mo reover

,ec c le

siastic s who m ixed them se lves up in state affai rs were deprived

of the i r sees or abbeys wi th as l i t tle sc ruple as the lay vassal s

were deprived o f the i r fi efs . Mo re and m o re the prac t ic e

obtained of grant ing to laym en the revenues of re l igiou s

fo undations,Ior creat ing the o rder o f lay abbots such as

R obert the S trong, or H ukbert of S t. Mau rice , or H ugo o f

T ours—a pract ice always exec rated by the c lergy,who se

vi s ionaries had seen C harles Martel,the cham p ion of C hri sten

dom agai nst the Moo rs , bu rning inhe l l for a no wo rse o ffen< e ;

bu t a prac t ice put inu se even by the piou s Lewi s h im se lf, and

viewed with m ore and m o re indi fference by the people, the

m o re they felt a debt of grat i tude to the cham pions who were

the i r best defence agains t the N o rthm en .

Inthese ci rcumstanc es c ertai n zealou s chu rchm en—prec i selywho w i l l never be known—hi t upona device

for, as they tho ught, refo rtify ing the threat

ened power and influence o f the i r C hurch . T he device was a

s im ple one ; merely the fo rgery,and then the suppo sed di s

covery of a series of dec retal s (dec ree s) of the earl ies t popes

decrees professedly dat ing back m uch farther than any of the

au thent ic decrees h i therto known .

T he C hurch d id al ready po ssess a co l lection o f au thenticdec retal s , known as the c o l lec t ion o f D ionys iu s . Bu t th i s

began no earl ier thanthe beginning o f the fifth c entu ry . T h ere

was also a co l lect ion of the dec rees o f co unc i l s known as the

co l lec t ion o f I s ido re of S evi lle . Am ong these , one (a dec reeo f the counc i l o f S ardica)was to the effec t that the personal

dec rees of the early popes—judgm ents pronounc ed in the i r

le tters—were to be cons idered binding upon the C hu rc h —the

A.D . circ . 836—840.

I At the sam e tim e that the V ik ings we re re l iev ing the m onasteries o f

the ir the m onarchs all o t e r\V e sternC h r is tendom ere in th isw.se re iev ing the m o f the ir l ea/l} .

TH E FALS E DECRETALS . 51 :

deerez‘als of the early popes equal to the decree: of counci ls .But the dec retal s of the earl ies t popes—where were they T heyhad never yet been discovered . It seemed a happy thoughtof so m e am ong the eccles ias ticsof Mainz or R he im s

,orwhere

soeve r the fo rgeries cam e from ,

I to m ake up the missingdoc um ent s

,or a suffic ient co l lec t ion of them . T hey fathered

them uponthe sam e I s ido re o f S evi lle, who had handed down

the decrees o f the early c ounc i l s ; and the co l lect ion which theypubl i shed

,and wh ich i s fam ou s i n the eccles iast ical h i sto ry of

these days,i s known as that of the ‘False D ecretals,

’or the

D ec re tal s of the Pseudo-I s ido re .

’

T h i s spu rio us co l lec t ion professed to contai n am ong o therth ings the o riginal deed o f the fam ou s donat ion of C onstantine

to Pope S ilvester,i n which began the tem po ral power o f the

popes,and whic h

,i n the V iew of the wisest of C atho l ics, had

wrought such evi l in the C hu rch

Fatto v’av ete D io d’

o ro e d’argento

E che altro e da v oi agl’ ido latre,

S e nonch’egli uno , e v 01 n

’o rate cento ?

Ahi C o stantin, di quanto m al fu m adreN onla tua conversion, m a quel la do te,C he da te prese il prim o r icco padre.

It was scarcely i n the power of the fo rgers, havingmade thi s

appeal to ant iqu i ty,to rest i t upon any o ther bas i s than the

papal powe r. The objec t of the new decretal s was to free the

C hu rch, wherever fo und , from the contro l of the lai ty : to all

th i s the fo rged dec rees tended . But i t cou ld not reserve th i spower to any one C hu rch at that m om ent exis ting. Where inthe fou rth c entury and earl ie r had been the C hu rch of the

Frank s,who se great eccle s ias t ic s now fo rm ed a powerfu l bar

I T here canbe l ittle doubt that the False D ec retals proceeded ez’

tfier

from Mainz or R he im s . G fro re r (l.c . p . 790) prono unces for the form er,D um

'nler ( O S Zf. k eu /z . i. 2 2 2 ) fo r the lat te r .

516 TH E CR EED O E C H R TS TE N D OM .

barian phalanx round the im perial throne ?I Bes ide, theseforgers were not them selves m em bers o f th i s greater h ierarc hy .

T hey were not eager to secu re the pre em i nence of the m etropo l i tan archb i shop who ranked wi th the greates t vassal s of the

em pi re,and who lo rded i t over the lesser b i shops . Add the

e ternal i nfluence o f the feel ing Om rze 22.9720! s pro m agm’

fieo , the

tendency of m ento avo i d the evi l s wh ich they know,and fly to

o th ers wh ich they knownot of, and we have the explanat ion o f

the fac t,s trange at fi rs t s ight

,that the effect of th is p iece of

Frankish or Germ an wo rkm ansh ip was eno rm ou sly to augm ent

the power of the Pope,and therefore of the U l t ramontane

C hurch . S om e of the suppo s i t i t iou s dec rees d i rec tly asserted,and all of them im pl ied

,a right of appeal for any bi shop from

h i s metropo l i tan to the Pope .

But these were not the provi s ions of the Fal se D ecretal s

which were fi rs t no t ic ed and put into u se . All manne r o f

questions,m o ral as wel l as ec c les iast ical

,were treated in them

and the bu rning ques t ion of the day, the al ienat ion o f C hu rch

benefic es, was not left out. N o s tudent of C hu rch h isto ry in

the present day cou ld be dec e ived by these fo rgeries , unlesshe were wilfu lly bl ind. It i s diffic u l t to be l ieve that the m o re

learned ec c les ias t ics o f that day di d not de tec t the fraud . Bu t

i t fel l i n so pat with the i r wishes , j u st at the t im e when they

were sharpening all the i r weapons for an attack upon the lay

vassal s sm al l and great . H ere were decrees against the

al ienat ion of C hu rch lands as fi tt ing as if they had beenwri tten

i n the n inth century (wh ich t hey were) instead o f the sec ond

or th i rd . H ere was a pro tec t ing power for the c lo th agains t

the v io lence of the lai ty . T he awfu l powe r of S t. Pe ter and h i skeys

,anappeal to wh ich m en had befo re only though t of as a

vague po ss ib i l i ty, nowto ok v is i ble pre sence i n the i r im aginat ions

I I inc lude in the expression‘ im perial throne

’that powe r which , after

A . D . 843 , the sons o f Lewis the Pi o u s affe cted to wie ld conjo intly .

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518 TH E C R E E D OF C H R I S T E N D OM .

submiss ion of H incm ar and re i nstated R othad in his

bishopric .

x

Inthe m eant im e aro se that great divorce case of Lo thair I I .

and T hietberga to wh ich we have o ften m ade referenc e .

2 T he

c ase s tood thus . Lo thair the E lder, though he ended hi s l ife

ina m onastery,had not shown him self i n the years o f hi s re ign

a great upho l der of C hrist ian m o ral s . H e had perm i t ted h i s

sons to take to them se lves mistresses and l ive wi th them

O penly . T he e ldes t son,Lo thai r (II ), had i n th i s m anner

connected him self with Waldrada,a lady of b irth . H e c on

tended afterwards that no t h is father only, but h i s m o ther, hadsanctioned the connec t ion, w i th the expres s object o f res trai n

i ng h im from vice,and that by h i s m o ther’s wish the connect ion

had been m ade lawfu l by m arriage . T o affirm so m uch was

to confess to bigam y ; for after Lo thai r cam e to the throne hem arr ied T hietberga, a lady wi th powerfu l connec t ions . H er

e ldes t bro ther was H ukbert,the lay abbo t of S t. Mau rice i n

the Alps . Lo thai r al leged that he had been fo rced into the

m arriage with T hietberga by her bro thers . H e al so , when

st i ll harder pressed for reasons for a d ivo rce,trum ped up a

s to ry of her having befo re her m arriage com m i tted inc es t w i th

her bro ther.

Infact, Lothair had no child by her. But he had a sonand

a daughte r by Waldrada—the son,that H ugo o f Lo rraine

who se rebel l ion and death we narrated in a previo us chapte r

the daughter, Gisla or Gisel la, who married Godfred the

D ane . T he reason of Lo thair’s s trenuou s endeavours to gain

a divo rce from T hietberga and licence to m arry Waldrada m ay

1 The controversy canbe followed inMigne t. 1 19, co ls . 82 1—39 , 860—3 ,87 1 , 890—9 1 1 , 1094—1 1 14 .

2 N icho las I .

’s briefs, &c . , on the case of Lo thair and T hietberga in

Migne t . 1 19, co ls. 796- 803 , 869

—70 , 88 1 , 9 15—2 5, 97 1 , 1 136—51 , 1 161—80 .

N I C H O LA S AN D TH E z 0 TH A R IN G IA N C H UR C H . 510

be suppo sed to lie chiefly in h is des i re to legi t imize h ischi ldren. Whatever the m er i ts o f the case m ight have been ,there can be no quest ion that in earl ier days a dem and like

that o f Lo thai r’s would have beengranted . T hat the m arriage

with T hietberga had been barren—that alone wou l d in earl ier

days have been ground suffic ient for i t s d i sso lu t ion . N 0 Pope ,a few of the Franki sh c lergy only, had pro tested agains t C harlem agne

’

s action in d ivo rc ing the Lom bard Princess D es iderata,

which was defended uponno better plea. But the severe lifeo f Lewi s the Piou s had changed m en’s and priests’ views on

m o ral quest ions . N icho las I . found in the scandal of Lo thai r’s

proc eedings a go lden O pportuni ty for humi liat ing one sect ion

of the clergy and one of the sovere igns of the Frankishem pire . And he was so c learly in the right

,the co rrupt

Lo tharingian pre lates,G iinther of C o logne, T hietgaud of

T reves , were so c learly in the wrong, that the bes t of theFrankish c lergy onevery s ide suppo rted the acts of N i cho las .H incm ar

,who wou ld have gi ven m uch for a good excu se for

hum i l iat ing the Pope, yet went w i th him to the end in thism atter.Inth i s case of the T hietberga divo rce N icholas cam e into

d irec t co ll i s ion with the ecc les iast ics o f Lo thai r’s kingdomassem bled in counci l . Lo thai r had no t ac ted wi thou t the

sanc t ion o f h i s c lergy . Intwo succ ess ive synods assem bled at

Aix,i n 860 and 862

,the king had obtained first

a separat ion and then a fo rm al d ivo rce fromT hietberga, i n vi rtue o f a confess ion (wrung from her

,i t m ay

be suppo sed , by threats) o f incestuou s intercou rse w i th herown bro ther previou sly to her m arriage wi th Lo thai r. Bu t

after th i s decree the queen m ade an appeal to the Pope,

revoking her fo rm er c onfess ion,which she declared to have

been fo rced from her under fear o f death . E ven befo reN icho las had m ingled in the m at rer, H inc m ar o f R he im s had

A D . 860, 862 .

52 0 TH E C R E E D OF C H R IS TE N D O M .

denounc ed the unj us t judgm ent of the synod . In 863

N ic ho las d ispatched legates to inqu i re i nto the cau se .

T he representat ive s were no t wel l cho sen : one R hadwaldhad al ready been sent to C onstant inople upon a

m at ter o f m uch greate r m oment than Lo thair’

s

m arriage qu est ion , which , howe ver, m ust not concern us here.

H e had been gained over by one party,and had reported con

trary to ju st ice and evidence . Lo thai r,in the meantim e,

cons idering the ques t ion settled by the dec re e of the Aix

synod,was abou t to ce lebrate hi s m arriage w ith Waldrada.

N icho las th reatened him wi th excom m uni cat ion if he did no twai t for the papal dec ree . T hu s the gauntle t was thrown

down by the Pope : the cau se whic h the Aix synod had

decided , the Pope decreed was to be re -heard inthe presenceo f hi s legates . S ti l l , we observe

,he had not yet sum m oned

the case for hear ing at R om e . Up to th i s po in t the Lotharingian C hu rch gave way . A fresh synod was sum m oned at

Metz the papal legates were bought over, and the j udgm ent

of the synod o f Aix was confirm ed .

O ne might alm o s t im agine that N icho las purpo se ly cho se

these com pl iant legates , so we l l did the i r c onduct (as it proved)subserve hi s neares t des i re s . N o do ubt he was kept well

i nfo rm ed by H incm ar,by the num ero u s adherents of the

T nietberga party, of the brief (if I m ay u se the wo rd) for thedefence . Final ly, he decided to re -hear and re - j udge the case

h im self,and to reverse

,if there shou ld prove to be n eed , the

decis ions o f the two Franki sh c o unc i l s . H e did not, h owever ,

proc eed qu i te openly to hi s des igns . Gunther and T hietgaud

had been despatched to convey to N i cho las the decree o f the

synod of Me tz . T hey arrived at R om e and we re we l l rece ived .

But i n three weeks they were sum m oned to attend

a counc i l at the Lateran. T here the Pope m ade

known the resu l t s of hi s inqu i r ies into the conduc t o f h is

A.D . 863 .

O ct , A.D . 863 .

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TH E C R E E D OF CH R IS TE N D OM .

new hopes,Lo thai r in 869 determ ined to m ake a

j ou rney to Italy to so l i c i t the warm e r support ofh i s bro tl er, and try what the i r uni ted influ enc e m igh t effec t

w i th the new Pope . Lew i s was at that m o m ent pre - occ upied

w i th h i s s iege o f Bari,and wo u ld have had Lo thai r s tay at

hom e,bu t when h i s bro ther cam e , did no t refuse h i s help .

H adrianwas invi ted to m ee t the two bro th ers— the em perorand the king—at Monte C ass ino . H ere every e ffo rt was m adeto bring abou t a re c onc i l iat ion between Lo thai r and the suc

cesso r of S t. Pe ter. H adriandid no t refu se to m eet the K ing

o f Lo tharingia, bu t be requ i red anassu ranc e,wh ich was given

bo ldly and im pudently by Lo thai r,that he had he ld no so rt

o f intercou rse w i th Waldrada s i nce her excom m unicat ion .

Lo thai r’s cou rt iers affi rm ed the sam e . T he next day, which

was S unday, H adrian h im se lf intoned the servic e o f the m ass,

and w i th h i s own hands adm i ni ste red the elem ent s to the two

sovere ign s and the i r court . Bu t when Lo thai r approached the

al tar he adm onished him onc e m o re, u s ing the awfu l wo rds ofth i s service, that if his c o nsc ienc e was free (as he had dec lared)from the sin o f interc ou rse w ith Waldrada

,then he m ight

draw near and rece i ve the sacram ent to hi s c o m fo rt and to the

rem i ss ion of h i s s ins ; but if h i s c onscience was no t pu re,let

him no t dare to approach that ho ly table , lest he shou ld eat

and drink h i s own dam nat ion. T he cou rt iers, too

,were

requ i red to swear that they had no t ai ded nor abet ted the k ingi n si n

,nor held any com m unicat ion w i th the exc om m unicated

Waldrada. All rec e i ved the sac ram ent w i thou t hes i tat ion;and after som e weeks of further nego t iat ion Lo thai r tu rned

hom eward fu l l o f hopes for the attainm ent of hi s wi shes,seeing

that H adrianhad al ready rel ieved Waldrada o f the sente nce o f

excom m unicat ion wh ich N icho las passed onher.

O n hi s re tu rn jou rney the king had go t as far as Lucca.

But there he was suddenly struck down by the fever ; his

A.D . 869 .

j UD GME N T O N LO TH AIR . 523

cou rtiers,too , were caught by the sam e m alady

,tho sewho had

taken the fal se oath at Monte C ass ino , and were dy ing by h i ss ide . O ne m ay guess with what a thri l l of ho rro r all m en

,

all E u rope, w i tnessed th i s spectacle of heavenly vengeance .

Lo thai r cont inued h is journey, i l l as he was, and he arr ived

at Piacenza onthe 6th of Augu s t , wh ich was a S unday—the

las t he wou ld ever see . H ere might he l i s ten to the be l l s

sum mon ing m enand wom en to prayers, but sum m oning him—oh ! whi ther ? T he be l iefs o f tho se days

,Lo thai r

’

s own

bel iefs probably , would leave no doubt of the answe r . O n

that day the king took a sudden tu rn for the wo rse, cou ld notbe carried fu rther , lo s t the power o f speech . Inth i s condit ionhe l ingered onfor a day, and d ied onthe 8th of August,

But, afterall, the controversies which we have sketched above

are i nterest ing to us—for what ? For the degree ch iefly i n

which they affected,or i l lu strated , the current popular bel iefs ,

the arm/final C hri st iani ty o f thi s centu ry. T ho se di spu tes

over the power of Peter’s chai r,tho se awfu l sentence s of

excom m unicat ion—what d id they real ly m ean ? S urely not anant iquarian quest ion only

,as to how far the Popes might

reckon them selves the direc t representat ives of S t. Peter. S ucha quest ion m ight be i nterest ing in settl ing a t i tle to success ion,and the di stribu t ion of r ival powers but i t cou ld not conc ernthe m ass of the C hri st ian populat ion of E u rope

,in the i r

hom es and the i r cam ps , and at the i r m arkets . For the

general i ty o f readers , for the general i ty of h i storians unhappi ly,controversie s l i ke these have degenerated into arid ant iquariandi spu tes

,such as inour days wou ld not be worth tracing. T o

1

g

gfgino’ s.a. 869 , gives a to lerably fu l l account of these events (Pertz ,

1. 5 1

514 TH E C R E E D O F C H R /S TE N O O H .

vivify them onc e m o re we need to m ake a suprem e effo rt o fim aginat ion, to pu t ou rse lve s back

,I w i l l not say into ,

bu t

uponthe edge o f, i n the penum bra of,the re l igiou s atm o sph t re

o f tho se days . We have to try and understand that system o f

(what shal l I cal l i t ?) superlat i ve magic on wh ich rested one

great po rtiono f the re l igio u s feel ing o f that age , the funda

m ental c reed of C atho l ic i sm . I m ean the C atho l ic sac ram ental doctr i ne w i th all i ts appu rtenances . We try to real i z ei t ; m any people pro fess to bel ieve i t s t i l l as fi rm ly as ever.

But the tru th i s,ne i ther we nor they can ev er, after the

revo lu t ion of so m any centuries,grasp m o re than i t s she l l

,

stand nearer than w i th in the ou ter shadow o f that belief.

T he unwo rth iness o f the pries t h indereth not the efficacy

of the sacram ent I—a phrase o ften enough repeated in thesedays

,and approved as contain ing a fine phi lo sophical tru th at

the bo ttom o f i t. But what was i t s m eaning to ears in tho sedays ? T he

‘efficacy of the sac ram ent —what was that ? It

was the las t , the suprem e m agic ri te o f C hri stendom . By i t

who knows what powers of darkness m ight be driven away or

di sarmed ? Who knows what soul s m ight be saved by a m e re

i ncantation bes ide a bapt i sm al font or by a po rtion of bread

or of wine, by an unction poured over a dying m an?

T hat power which a G iinther or a T hietgaud might h o ld , was

not h indered by h i s unwo rth iness . Whi le he he ld h i s o ffice

he he ld the condu i t as i t were o f a m ysteriou s and super

natu ral effluence , im m easurable, unm easured . By regu lar

c ou rse the stream of i nfluence descended in narrow ingcondu i ts through all the hierarchy, good and bad

,fro m the

m et ropo l i tan to the lowes t pries t . T he unwo rth iness o f the

I T h is do ctrine is espec ial ly insisted oninthe work of Paschasius R ad

bertus , D e C orpore et S angu ine D om ini (A . D . one of the m o stim po rtant theo logical wo rks of the century (see next note). Cf . especial lychh . xii. , xv . (Migne, t . 12 0 , col. 13 10 ,

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526 TH E C R E E D OF C H R I S TE N D OM

upona to rto i se—ou what does the to rto i se rest ?’ ‘We haveno val id evidence of the real i ty of our sensations ; we haveno val i d ev idence of the real ity of our i deas . What

,then,

are the u l t im ate t ru ths ?’T hese are the kind of quest ions

wh ich few people ask . But everybody i s dependent m o re or

less upon tho se who have asked them,and upon the answe rs

they have found . I gu ess i n the sam e way that few among

the two or three m i ll i ons o f C h r i s tians inWes tern E u rope in

tho se day s asked,What i s the u l t im ate source

,the re servo i r o f

th i s m agic s tream which flows th rough C h ri st iani ty ?’ ‘Who—to put the quest ion concre te ly who candeprive th i s G iinther

of hi s power over the condu i t which he ho lds ?’And yet

every one o f tho se m i l l ions was dependent upon the answer

g iven to the quest ion. N ow,therefo re, we see how these

c ontro vers ies over the powe r o f synods, over the rights of

Pe ter’s c hai r, were vi tal even to the popu lar rel ig ion o f tho se

days . For it was the c ont ro l o f th i s m agic l ife-blood of the

C hurch that was cal led lnqu es tion .

O ne canno t say that the diffic u l ty was ever ful ly so lved,any m o re than tho se m etaphys ical ques t ions wh ich have vexed

m ankind s ince m ank ind fi rst began to spec u late . S t il l , i t i s

necessary that som e so rt o f answe r to them shou l d be fo rth

coming . Undoubtedly inthe case o f suc h a be l ief as we have

been desc r i bi ng i t was o f advantage that the sou rce of the m agic

power shou ld be as rem o te as po s s i ble . O m rze 45 710111171pro

m agni/feo, as we have said . A m anknew h i s m e tropo l itantoo

wel l ; bu t if behind and ove r the m e tropo l i tan stood the dim

and awfu l figure o f the Po pe,that wo uld t e nd to reassu re m en

as to the c learness o f the u l tim ate so urce . And i t was probably

be tter for the piety o f p iou s Germ ans and Frenchm en if they

did not (l ike Lu ther) ever m ake the j ou rney to R om e .

I have de s ignedly sought to speak o f th i s m yst ic sac ram ental

infiu en e as a S iream flow ing o ut from Ro m e ove r all C h ri sten

TH E S A C R Arl/E JVTAL D O C I R I/VE . 52 7

dom . For at the beginn ing,if the reader rem em bers

,we

spoke in l ike fash ion of the stream of c ivi l i z ing influenc ewh ich flowed o u t from paganR om e to the vario u s quarters of

her e m p i re . And the later influ ence i s in som e degree the

ant i th es i s o f the earl ier .We are di scu ss ing

,not the doc trines o f m ediaeval C hri st ianity

inthe abstrac t,bu t tho se doc tri nes wh ic h cam e face to face

w i th no rth ern heathendom . Wh i le i t conqu ered i n arm s,

they conque red i t in spi ri t . All the m o re awfu l seem ed th i sm yst ic power, the m o re di stant i ts sou rc e

,the greater the

ram ificat ion o f m em bers,as th rough som e highly c onst i tu ted

o rgani sm , thro ugh wh ich i t flowed.

C anwe doubt that the N o rthm en had i nheri ted from the irfathers wonderfu l legends o f the power

,the m agical power, o f

pagan R om e ; of that im m ense ram ificat iono f i t th rough all th

c ivi l ized wo rld , the vi si ble sym bo l o f which for us,we settled

long ago , shou ld be the R om anroads ? But to know inwhat

fo rm the bel ief i n the m agic powers o f the C hu rch wou ld reach

the m inds of the V ikings, we m u st translate that bel ief intoi t s popu lar fo rm s . We m u st i m agine it enfo rced by a thousand appeal s to the senses , t h ro ugh all tho se aes th e t ic channelswho se c reat ionhas beenam ong the greatest gifts of m ediaeval

C atho l ic i sm to the wo rld .

V I.

T o th i s sam e centu ry, or to the beginn ing of the tenth ,belong two m agic fo rm u lae

,which are certainly anecho of O ld

G ernranheath eni sm —the las t echo wh ich G erm anheathenism,

as di st ingu i sh ed from the N o rse , was to leave i n the wo rld .

T hese two fragm ents are known as the Me rsebu rg incantat ions .

T h ey h ave c om e down to us in a tenth - c entu ry m arm s cript,

probably from the hand o f a m onk o f Fu lda.

Fu lda s tood so deep in the rec es se s of O ld G erm any,

52 8 TH E C R E E D O F C H R I S TE N D O H .

am ong those T aunus mountain s which we onc e spoke of as

the bu lwark of ancient heathendom , so near the o ther h i sto r ic

fo res ts—the T eutoberger Wald,the H ercynian Fo res t—that

here was the place for the peasant m onks to find am ong thei r

bro th er peasants s t i l l l ingering t races of the old be l iefs . It i s

reco rded that i n C harlem agne’s t im e m any old heathen songs

we re co l lected by the m onks and sung in the m onasteri es of

Germ any . We s igh over the l i t tle they c o l lec ted,the less s ti l l

that has been handed down to u s. Yet what bu s iness had

they w i th these re l ics of ‘devi l-wo rsh i p ’

? T he prac t ic e had

to be fo rb idden in the capi tu laries o f C harlem agne . T hese

are the two formu lae ; s trange are they—nay, i nexplicablei n our eyes

FIR ST MERS EBURG FO R MULA.x

For loosening t/ze bonds of a prisoner.

E iris saz unidisi sa‘

rz unhera duoder.S um a hapt hepidun, sum a he r i lez idun,S um a clfibodun um bi cuniouuidiInsprinc haptbandun, invar v igandun

E inst sassanJung frauen setz ensich h ierh inund do rthin.

E inige heftetenBande e inige hem m tendas H ee r,E inige pfliikteten, no ch K niefesselnherurnEntspring denH eftbanden, entfahre denFeindenl

S EC O N D FO RMULA .

For curing a lam e horse.

Phol ende Uuodan v uorunz i holz a‘

.

D fi uuart dem o Baldares vo lon sinv uo z birenkit.

T hfrbiguolenS inthgunt, S unna 01asuistcr,T hubeguo lenV o l la , Fr ija 01asuister

T hu beguolenUuodan, so he uno la couda.

S Osa benrenki, sOse bluo trenki,S Ose lidirenki.

Benz i bena, bluo t z i bluoda,Lid z igeliden, so se gelim ida sin.

From Mullenho ft and S cherer , D eal. /’oesie a . Prosa, p. 9.

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330 TH E C R E E D O F C H R TS TE N D O M .

punished by fine,not by death—a certai n tes t im ony to the

tenac i ty o f popu lar belief. I

It was no t t i l l a centu ry or two later—the eleventh ortwelfth- that the ancient bel iefs of Germ any had been transfo rmed

into tho se dark and awfu l superst i t ions which , i n the eyes of

C hri s t ians , took the fo rm of the blacke s t m agic and necrom ancy . T hat was

,intru th

,a nec rom ancy

,and o fa pec u l iarly im

press ive kind—the sum m oning from i t s tom b of a bu ried creed .

At present popu lar superst i t ion and C hri s tian bel ief l ived

onbetter terms . C hri s t ians and heathens alike l i ved on the

bo rderland of m ytho logy . N o sooner was a great m an dead,

than m yth took po ssess ion o f him and tran s fo rm ed him .

C harlem agne,for exam ple no so oner was he gath e red to h i s

fath ers than there began to spring up the C arl ing m yth , which

went ongrowing for centu ries . C harlem agne’s m o ther, Queen

B ertha we know the sto ry whi c h grew up abou t her—of the

persec u t ion s she endu red from her su sp ic iou s hu sband,com

parable to the sufferings of the pat ient Gri selda. Queen

Bertha’s age passed into the ideal of a go lden age—i! Onon

tempo gnana’o Berle: fi laoa,

‘the good old days when Bertha

span.

’And yet i t was not real ly she who was the h ero ine of that

p ic tu re,bu t ano ther Bertha

,Berch ta

,Perchta, the old heathen

Germ an goddess,o f whom we spo ke long ago

—the sp inner,the goddess o f the hou seho ld

,the go d dess o f the neartn, and

not less a goddess o f the earl}; 2 and o f allnatu re ; su ch as was

old Goddess N erthu s,who was perhaps ident ical w i th her.

When snow fel l, i t was (or is) in Germ an popu lar bel ief the

C apitzclare Paa’erOrz mnense, N o . 2 1 . S i qu is ad fontes aut arbo res v el

lucos votum fecerit, aut aliquit [sic] m ore gentilrum ob tulerit, e t ad hono remdaem onum c om m ederet [sic] si no bi l is fue rit so l idos sexaginta si ingenuus

[fri l ing] triginta si l itus qu indec im . Leges i. 49 .

h

? H

fiarth

, E arth , H erde, E rde—the one ina c ertainsense the im age ofl 6 Qt er.

H YTH O L O G Y. 53 1

feathers wh i c h QueenB e rchta shakes downas she m akes her

bed.

I

I b e l ieve in l ike m anner that m any th ings related of the

m yth ic C harlem agne

,m any featu res i n the l ikeness wh ich m en

drew o f him inafter-years,were inheri ted from the old K ing

o f G ods , the All- fath er, fath er of gods and m en—the very

Woden o f the incantat ion j u s t ci ted,of whom we spo ke at

length inanearl ier chapter. H e shou ld be by rights the hus

band o f the great Goddess Berc h ta. Inth i s m anner m yth o logy—the lo s t m ytho logy o f the O ld Germ ans—always

,as I th ink ,

s tood beh ind the recogni zed c reed o f even the C h ri s t ian

T eu tons, ready to obtrude i tself or to filch away unseen a

bel ief or a fanc y he re and there from h i sto ry or from the

C h ri st ian fai th . It“

i s,we know,

a lo s t m ytho l ogy ; we can

only gu ess at som e o f i ts featu res by the aid o f t hat k indred

m ytho logy whi ch s ti l l info rm ed the bel iefs of the S can

dinav ians .

I s uppose that the developm ent of bo th fo rm s of popu larm ytho logy—the m ytho logy wh ich grew ou t of the sac ram ental

doc trine,which c lu stered round the h o ly elem ents , ho ly water,

h o ly o il,re l ic s

,shrines

,tal i sm ans o f m any k inds ; and that

o ther heath enm ytho logy wh ich t im e c onverted into daem ono

logy and w i tchc raft , legends o f the Wi ld H untsm an,and all

the legion o f fiends and gobl ins who haunted the im aginat ion

of m eninthe M iddle Ages—was due in a large m easu re to

th i s m ingl ing o f C h ri st iani ty and h eatheni sm . T he elem entso f all these beliefs are prim eval .

,

T here never was a t im e

and there neve r was a people wh ich has no t be l ieved in

tal i sm ans and o z’

a z‘ica

,nor i n fiends and witches . It was the

vividne ss of th i s belzef whic h m ade the charac teri st ic of

m ediaeval C hri st iani ty . T he anc i ent c reed o f Germ any laid

I S ee W uttke , D enise/z . s . v . I’erc/c/a ( irrm . D . I V.

, s .v .

Berhta.

53 2 TH E C R E E D OF C H R TS TE N D OM .

the foundat iono f that overpowering sense of the narrowness o fthe known wo rld and the vas t regions o f the unknown which

becam e the prevai l i ng no te of m ediaeval C hri st iani ty, and

wh ich people m ean,but very inadequately express

,when they

talk o f the ‘ superst i t ion of the M i ddle Ages . ’ It i s the ant i

thes i s o f the sp i r i t of the R enai ssanc e,at the dawn o f which

the wo rld seem ed to grow l ight again,and the giants o f the fog

and m i st retreated once m o re to the ou tward regions of earth .

Inthe gloom y ai sles of the Go th ic cathedral i n the w ind - l ikevo ic e of the o rgan ; i n the unm easured bel ief inand dread of

w i tchc raft, we have echoe s nearer,or m o re rem o te , of the creed

o f the anc ient Germ an. We have i t,too

,inthe pic tu re o f the

m ediaeval devi l , gro tesqu e yet terrible, and o f the wi tche s’

S abbath onthe Brocken .

For the present these fo rce s were working beneath the

surface . We have to pass on a centu ry or two b e fo re we

real i ze the i r fu ll effec t , an effec t brought to light when

m ediaeval C atho l ic i sm has at once abso rbed the m o s t of and

grown m o t repugnant to the heatheni sm o f anc ient days . It

i s am ong the paradoxes inthe h i story of thought,that c ontra

dict ions l ike these are so c om m on . T he asc e t i c m onk, or his

intel lec tual o ffspr ing, becom es the m o s t r igid Pro testant ; hebu rns what he has ado red and ado re s what he has bu rned he

,

above all m en, r id icu le s the superst i t ion o f the C atho l i c s ; bu t

he im po rts h i s own dark and superst i t iou s charac te r into hi s

new creed,and ou t of h is Predest inat ion and E lec t ion to

Life,

’upri ses a fe t ich ism as degrading as any which he had

abandoned .

S o i t was with the descendants o f tho se V ik ings who were at

th i s m om ent bringing havoc among the m onasteries of France ,o f whom peace was soon to be pu rchased at the co s t of a

great c ess ion o f terri to ry i n N eu str ia. T hese descendants,the N orm ans

,becam e the patrons of mediaeval C atho l ic i sm

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534 TH E C R E E D OF C H R I S TE N D OM .

It was of the essence o f feudal i sm to fo s ter be l iefs l ike these,

m uch m o re so, i n tru th , thani t was o f the e ssence of the l ife of

the V i kings to do so . T hi s las t was the very ideal o f a wander ing

l ife ; the o ther the m o s t fixed im aginable . T he serfwas bound tothe so i l ; the lo rd was no t less secu rel y roo ted u ponhi s ownland .

‘N o land w i tho ut a lo rd,no lo rd wi tho u t land

,

’

was the watc h

wo rd of th i s system . S trange that the desc endants of the

V ik ings sho u ld have been i t s chief pro m o ters . Bu t oppo sed

as i t seem ed to the i r sp iri t, i t was inharm ony w i th the anc ient

social l ife, and,as we have said

,the anc ient bel iefs o f the

German people as a who le . I t has been sai d , rather paradoxically, that the feudal system was no th ing m o re thana de

v elopm ent from the vi llage l i fe o f the ancient Germ ans i n days

befo re they began to th ink o f m igrat ion,and l i ved contented

inth e i r v i llages and G aus. At leas t feudal ism had a c lo ser

re lat ion to th i s social l i fe than to the c i ty l ife o f the Lat i n

peoples .

But ne i ther the V ikings as a who le nor the S c andinavian

nat ions were ever fu l ly drawn into th i s sy stem which brooded

o verC entral E u rope . T herefo re the c reed of the V ik ings as awho le—that creed I m ean wh ic h i s prese rved inthe E dda

canno t be reckoned a c ons ti tuent elem ent of the be l iefs of the

M i ddle Ages , in the sam e sense that the c reed of the anc i ent

Germ ans becam e so . It i s for th i s reason that I have sough t

to make a di sti nc t ion between the two,to extract from the

S candinavian m ytho logy tho se parts whi ch appeared ant ique,

leaving the who le corpus of E ddaic m ytho logy to be spokeno f

in i t s proper place i n the h isto ry of the V ik ings—if we shou ldevenreach that po int .

For befo re we reached that po i nt we shou ld have to go back

som ewhat i n t im e and watc h the dawnings of h i sto ry i n the

S candinavian c ountries them se lves, and no te o ther s igns o f

nat ional ac t ivi ty, suc h as co loni zat ion; the re -d i scovery,and the

P O P ULA R C H R I S TIA N I T Y. 535

co loni zat ion o f Ic elanch for exam ple ; m at ters which do no t

be long to anaccount o f the V ik ing rai ds i n C hri stendom .

V II .

We have dwel t rather onthe superstitionof these t im es than

on the who l e body o f C hri st ian bel ief. T he s im pler featu re s

inthe latter m ay be takenm o re or less for granted ; i t i s to the

fo rm er that we owe m o st o f what i s d istinc t ive i n m ediaeval

C atho l ic i sm . I wou ld not,howeve r, be thought to im ply t hat

the people learnt no m o re from C hri st iani ty than the bel ief in

i ts m agic powers t h rough sac ram ents,re l ic s

,the m yst i c ri tes of

the C hurch ; or than the dread o f the ant i thesi s of C atho l icm agic

,the su rvival of heatheni sm inw i tchc raft . T he fo rm er

,

the o rthodox m agic , if I m ay be al lowed to u se the wo rd, was,indeed, acco rding to the bel ief o f tho se days

,the prim ary

condit ion o f all sp iri tual influence . T he being unc reated by

bapt ism,unrenewed by the sac ram ents

,was sp i r i tual ly non

existent . Bu t the c reed,the m o ral code

,which grew up i n

th i s atm o sphe re was s im ple, p io us , s incere . We have from the

age w i th which we are deal ing the bes t pro of of th i s i n tho se

two vernacu lar poem s—poem s preserved in the popular speechthe a

’

eniscn—whereo f m entionhas been al ready m ade ; m o re

e spec ial ly inthe longer one of the two,If eliana’. T he language

of popes and counc i l s m ay be a m ere spec iou s hypo c ri sy, or

a m ean ingless reverbe rat ionfrom the language of the apo s tles

and the fathers o f the C hu rc h . But th i s cou ld never be the

case i n a popu lar poem founded upon the C hri s t ian creed .

H e l iand i s a po em inold S axon, alm o s t the counterpart of thepoem s wri tten i n th i s c ountry i n Anglo—Saxon

,and com m only

cal led the poem s o f C aedrnon; but that th i s i s a metrical paraphrase o f the E vangel i st s . H ere i n S axony

,th erefo re , the last

conquered of the C hri st ianterri to ries , bards had been found, as

536 TH E C R E E D O F

inE ngland,to turn the i r art away fro m gts old u ses

,and ins tead

of chanting the glor ies o fnat ional h eroes

W el-hwylc gecwaeb’

Pact he fram S igem undes secganhyrdeE llendaedum , unc tipes fela,Waelsinges gewin.

(E veryth ing he to ldT hat he o f S igm und had heard sing,O f glo rious deeds, uncou th th ings, 1T he V olsungs

’ victo ries.)

to celebrate the glo ries o f the S aviou r and the i r new creed .

T here i s a s to ry how one o f the Engl i sh bi shops rec e i ved a

D i v i ne c omm and to devo te in th i s m anner h i s art to the

fu rtheranc e of C hri st ian i ty : how he sat by the high roadsc hant ing the sto ry of the go spel t i l l m entu rned and l i stened .

T he l ike sto ry how C aedm on’s l ips were O pened and he rece i ved

the sam e D iv ine gift of song i s we ll known. N o m o re po tent

fo rm of preaching cou ld be fo und than th i s . O f fo rm al

preaching the D eu tsch fo lk got l i ttle , pro bab ly . T here are,

i ndeed, at som e o f the counc i l s held in th i s c entu ry—no tablyat a great c ounci l held at Mainz under the pre s idency of

R aban—provi s ions made for the reading o f serm ons and

hom i l ies to the people i n the i r native tongue . O f c ou rse m o s t

o f the lower o rder of priests understood and spoke each the

dialec t of a’enlscnwh ich be longed to the distric t from which he

cam e . But such pries ts were not the m en to do m uc h i n the

way of o riginal serm on wri t ing ; and all the hom i l i e s at present

i n use were i n Lati n . I t was cons idered a th ing wo rthy o f

no te that such m en as Wala and R aban c o u ld S peak th i spopu lar tongue . T he real preachers of C hr i st iani ty am ong thepeople were , fi rs t the bel l s and c hants and m ystic ri tes wh ich

I'

nl: nownth ings.

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538 TH E C R E E D OF C H R I S TE N D OM .

po ints, mo reover, the au tho r has departed from h i s o riginal .C hri s t i s not a peasant

’

s son,bu t a young prince (D ro s te) -a

prince i n S axony , as i t alm o st seem s ; though Jeru salem and

the o ther B ible nam es are im po r ted from the G o spel s .T o what degree th is sto ry of the l i fe of C hri st m ay have

taken i ts plac e in popu lar be l ief,one canno t say. At any

rate,i t scarcely be longs to that pic tu re o f the ac tual wo rld o f

the Germ ans which we want to real i ze . With ano ther large

part o f the C hri s t ian doc trine i t was diffe rent ; and it was

d ifferent agai n with that pic tu re o f the destru c t i o n of the wo rld

which H el iand fai thfu l ly reprodu c es trom the o r ig inal,but i n

i ts owns im ple and d irec t language . Tnap,as a fu tu re event

,

and not a pas t one,fo rm ed a po tent facto r inthe wo rld - theo ry

o f all m enat th i s t im e ; and we have al ready seen how m u ch

m en i n this age had begun to concern them selve s wi th

the pictu re of the fu ture, o f the end o f the world, and of

heaven and he ll.

T henshal l m ensee the Moon, and the S unl ikewise,Both lose the i r l ight, and be swallowed up indarkness.T he S tars fal l the_wh ite l ights of heaven;T he E arth quakes the broad wo r ld heaves.

S uch signs shal l be .

T he great S ea roars the sto rm s are let looseT he waves cast fear onthe dwe l lers uponearth.

T henthe m u ltitude m inish through great oppressionT he fo l k through fear fo r Peace is the re nowhere ;But m anifo ld contest o

’

er all the wo r ldIs raised up .

E ach race ano the r st rives to m asterT o the k ings’ battle m ighty m usterings shall beMany deaths inpain and openwar.

It is a fearfu l th ing that such slaughter shal lArise am ong m en.

G reat pesti lence shal l spread o ver the wo rl dS uch death am ong m ank ind as neve r be fo re inMittelgard.

Menlie insickness , perrshing inthe plagu eT hey fal l and die and end thei r days

And so fo rth .

M US PILLI . 539

T he o ther C hri st ian poem written about th is t im e is inthe

flock deatsc/z vernacu lar. It was wri t ten in Bavaria and dedicated to Lew i s the Germ an . T his i s the poem wh ich c om

m only goes by the nam e of M aspilli.x It i s m o re o riginal

than the H eliand. It i s a prophet ic piece, describing the end

o f the wo rld ; and the descript ion i s such that we caneas i ly

detec t anadm ixture of heathen bel iefs with the C hri st ian .

I have sai d the poem i s devo ted to a descript ionof the end

of the wo rld ; I shou l d rather have sai d the fragm ent o f i t

wh ich has com e down to us i s so . T his Bavarianpoem i s not

represented by a long MS .,com parable to the S axon H eliand

only by qu i te a sm al l fragm ent . T hi s fragm ent i s, however, so

far as it goes , a genu ine contribu t ion to our knowledge o f the

bel iefs of tho se days . It is not a m ere reproduction from the

B ible .

T he poem ends w i th a pictu re of the great Arm ageddon, the

bat tle betweenthe c e lest ial and infernal powers, which i s to beim m ediate ly fo l lowed by the bu rning o f the wo rld . H ere thebat tle c onsi st s of personal com bats between se lec ted cham

pions from heaven and he l l . T he wo rd u sed for the fire that

c onsum es the wo rld i s that from wh ic h the poem has rece ived

its name , M icspilli, and i t is the m o st S ignificant wo rd in the

poem ; or we find i t o ccu rring al so i n the E ddas ? H ere,

th en , we have a st i ll c lo ser m eeting -po i n t be tween C hri s t iani ty

and heathendom . For we shall find in the N o rthern E ddas,

wh i c h are the last vo ice o f heathen m ytho logy, o ther descript ions o f the ending o f the wo ld and the personal com bats

wh ich pre ceded i t, in m any po int s exac tly s im i lar to the ‘

descript ion inM zcspilli, which is the firs t vo i ce (almost) o f

M icspilli E d. S chm eller, 1882 .

2 Bugge , howeve r , contends that the E ddaic wo rd M u spell has beenm ere ly copied from the G e rm anwo rd nzu spillz , wh ich he (and V igfussonfo l lows hrrn) der ives from Muni -spilli,

‘wo rld destruction (Lat. nz zcndas ,G er. spilli).

540 TH E C R E E D OF C H R I S TE N D OM .

C hri s tian mytho logy in Germany . Whether we c om e to

the conclu s ion that the E ddaic pic tu re i s derived from the

C hri st ian , or whether the p ictu re i n [lf nspilli i s anecho o f O ld

Germ an heatheni sm ,the l ikeness be tween the northern poem

and the Bavarian rem ains . H ere,then , i s the Bavarian

account, wi th which we wil l c onc lude our fragm entary p ic tu re

of the popular creed of C hris tian E urope at the end of the

n inth c entury

T here com es anarm yAnother from the p itch of he l l .C are shal l possess it ,T o wh ich o f the arm iesFor shou l d the fo l lowingQu ick wi l l they carry itT o the sm oke and the darkness .

But if tho se obtainit,T he ange ls’

pr i z e i t isWhere rs l i fe without death,A hom e without careWhenone a habitationA house inheaven,T he refo re needeth every oneT hat he the wi l l o f G odAnd H e l l ’s fire

And m ore i n this strai n . S o far we have pure C hri stiani ty,and l i ttle of the myth ical e lem ent . But nowwe pass on to thefinal battle of the wo rld—a battle known only to the eye o f

prophecy,and of which the bat tle over each individual sou l i s

a kind of sym bo l .

T h is hav e I heard the wise ones dec lare ,E l ias shal l fight with Antichr ist .T he warlock is harnessed a batt le there shal l be .

M ighty the com batants m ighty too the pr iz e .

E lias strives for ev e rlasting l ifeO f the righteous wi l l he the k ingdom establ ish .

T herefo re to his help the heavenly powers com e.

Antichrist u pho ldeth the O ld E nem y ,T he old fiend S atan, who shal l his destructionbe .

from the stars of heavenAround that sou l they 5 rive .

ti l l the wager be settled ,that sou l shal l be longof S atanobtaini t,there where all so rrow springsT hat is a d irefu l lot.who from H eavencom e ,

they bear it to the heavenly k ingdomlight wi thou t d rkness,there is none sick .

inParadise winneth ,there hath he abundant com fo rt .that his thoughts th ither tu rn,wi l l ingly wo rketh ,fleeth with fear .

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C H R O N 0130G I CAL TABLE .

The entr ies initalics are tho se o f events no t d i rectly connec ted wi th the h isto ry of the V ik ings .

Tne nam es witninsqu are brackets are t/zose of t/re countries in zonicntakeplace tlze ev ents recorded in tlce preceding entries , or to w/zose lz istory t/zey

AnnoD om ini.

789 . Attack onthe D o rset coast [England].793 . Lind isfarne [England].794 . Monkwearm outh sh ipwreck and slaughter of the V ik ings

795. Attack onG lam o rgansh ire defeat o f V ik . [S . Wales]. Att. onR echru(Lam bey)[I re land].

798 . Attack onPee l , Isle o fMan

799 . Frisian coast , and onAqu itaine ; 105 V ik . slain [Frank .

800 . C lzarl '

s t/ze G reat er. E mperor. Att. onFrisian coast and isl. [E rk .

80 2 . A ce . of E cgbert R . of Wessex . First att. onIona [S cotland].806 . S econd att. onIona807 . Att . onInishm urray and S l igo raid into R oscom m on[Ire land].808 . G odfred k . of D enm ark attacks Abodriti [S lavs] .

8 10 . G odfred desp . fleet (2 00 sai l) to att. Fr isia ; co l lects arm y to invadeS axony S lain[Fr.

8 1 1 . C harlem agne insp . the defences ofW . Franc ia [Fr. V ik . de f

inU lste r [Ire land].8 12 . V ik . attacks onO wless, C onnem ara, and W . coast o f Ire land to C o rk.

V ik . def. by E oganachts o f Loch Le in 4 16 51. [I reland].8 13 . Menof O wless def. by V ik . [I re land].8 14 . D . of C lrarles tiie G reat. Ace. of Lewis the Piou s .

8 18—2 0 ? N o rse V ik . beginto att . island s o f N . Atlantic .

82 0 . Atts . on Flande rs coast , S e ine , and Aqu itaine ( 13 sai l) [Fr.

Att. beginagaininI re land ( Isl. inW exfo rd

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546 C H R O N O L O G I C AL TABLE .

H o rik desp . fleet ag. H am bu rg (600 sai l ) another unde rR agnar (Lodbrok ag. Par is ( 1 2 0 sai l ) m i rac le . V ik . ret. fromS p .

,de f. C hr ist . and pl. S aintes [W . Franc ] G reat def. o f V ik . at

I th (E ar l O nfil T u rgesius drowned inLough O welR om e att . by C orsairs andBorgopl. [Italy] . D orstad pl. [Lo tharingia].N o irm outie r bu rnt [W . V ik . def. onParret by E ald. E anwulfand O sr ic and Bp . E alhstan. N aval v ict . ove r V ik .

Anscar reinst . in [JIM /bu rg) fri endly policy of I

-I oriR , K of D eu m .

[G e rm ] V ik . sai l 9 m i les above D ors tad H erbauge bu t.

by Lo i re V ik . N om inor unsu c . att. Lo i re V ik . Bo rdeau x bes . byO scar [W . D ubl. V rk . unde r H akonsl.

Agu itainians su r’

ra'

. V ik . sh ips on G aronne capt . by C harles ; Bordea’

u x falls to V ik . [W .

Luna pl. by C orsa zrs Lewis G erm . def. by Bolz em . [G erm ]T he N o rthm enc ontinued to gaininstrength (An. Xan. )700 V ik . sl. inMeath V ik . under Jarl T orer sl.

R orik , H aral d’s neph .

, and G odfred , H arald ’

s son, pl. inFrisia rest .by Lo thai r to fief Walche ren; Arles and other towns pl. by S ara

cens O scar and G odfred,H aral d ’

s son, pl. inFlanders(T he rouanne , G hent) inS e ine . S e ine V ik . entrench . in G iv o ldi

fossa 2 50 days [W . Franc ia] R orik’s fleet (350 pl. C ant . and

London; Berhtulf def. and sl. [E thelwu lf de f. R o rik’s V ik . at

O ckley. Battles o f W em bu ry and S andwich (naval) —E ng. v ic t .V ik . winte r inT hanet— I st winter ing inE ngland

S ec . m eeting)'

at Il/eersen[Fr . V ik . sai l up E lbe and m ake a

severe att. on S axony [G e rm ] 'D eatlt of IVom inoi ; v ictory ofBretons over C b . t/ze Bald. V ik . bu rn Beauvais ; defd. onE pte[W . Fr] D anish fl . inIr ish wate rs . Bat. o f C arl ingfo rd Bay bet.D anes and N o rsem en. D anish v i ct .

PI. (2 50 s .) att. Fr isia, ob t. ransom [Lothar .] Lo thai r and C har les theBald p rop . to att. S e ine V ik . C harles m akes te rm s with G odfred .

V ik . pl. Fontanel le . G od fred and S ihtric inG iv o ldi fo ssa, in2 50

sh ips rav . S e ine country (3rd exp . up S e ine) ; O scar def. C ts .

R ainald and R eno at Briliacum (Aqu it.) and thenret. to Bo rdeaux[W .

V ik . under S ihtric inLo ire ; m ake winte r cam p . S t. Flo rent att. ;

N antes att. and bru t ; T ou rs and Marm ou tier bnt. [W . FL ] E ald.

H uda and E alhere with fyrd o f K ent and S u rrey att. V ik . in

T hanet withou t effec t O laf the Wh ite ov erk . inIre land

C iv i l war in D enm ark ; H o rik I I . k ing [G e rm ] E . Frisia att.

Lo i re V ik . art. Ange rs and Blo is def. befo re O r leans .

V ik . atts. less num . th is year [W . Fr]D eat/z of E m p . Lot/lair. Fr isia becom es a pe rm . hom e of V ik . underR orik and G odfred S ihtric with 105 sai l settled onisl.

o f Lo ire . S ihtric and Bj'

orn up S e ine to Pitres . V ik . de f. inPerche . S iht. leaves S e ine ; Bj o rnentrenches h im se lf. [W . Fr ]

C H R O N O LO G I CAL TABLE . 547

A .D .

V ik . under lIalfdan, Ivar , and Ubbe rem ove cam p fr. T hanet toS heppey

856. Partitionof O rbe S ihtric pl. O rleans . N ew fleet inS e ine2nd att. onParis [W . Illar . of {E thelwu lf and 7 udith . R eb.

of AE‘

thelbald [E ng] G al l - G aedhil fi rst m entioned857 . Mu rder of E rispoi , D . of Brittany . Lo i re V ik . pl. Blo is and T ou rs

(2nd Pipp ino f Aqu it. jo ins V ik . [\V . FL ). O laf and Ivarslaugh . G aedhil and G al l - G aedhil

857—8 . V ik . plan. inFr isia (Batav ian T he churches of Utrecht destr.

858 . N icholas I . I’ope V ik . (R orik

’s m ake att. on S axony

dr iven back ; Brem en pl. [G erm ] Baltfred, Bp . o f Bayeau x sl.

by V ik . Bjorn does ho m . to C h . the Bald . C harles the B. andLothai r I I . bes . V ik . in O sse l . I err/is the G . invades PV .

{Francia. Lo ire V ik . capt . C hartres [W . Fr] D eath of { E thelwu lfE ngl ]

859. C harl. rest . inW . Fr. R obert the S tr. att . Lewis , s . of C h . the Bald.

V ik . inS che ld (S . V alerie Abb . pl.) and in S om m e (Am iensIm m o , Bp . o f N oyon, and E rm infred, Bp . of Beauvais sl. by V ik .

Peasants of Lo ire country att. V ik . thei r own lo rds take pt.

against them [W . H asting and Bj’

orn (70 sl.) m ake exp . to

Astu rias , Moh . S pain, Africa ,and C am argue [S p]

860 . H ast . and BjOrnattack Luna [Ital ] V ik . in R h ine V ik . inS om m e (unde r W e land ) and S e ine . C harles attem pts to bribeW e land to att. V . of S e ne [W . Franc ia]. W e land (2 00 sl.)sai ls toEng. and pl. W incheste r . Men o f H am p . and Berksh . def. V ik .

V ik . under H ona and T om rir att. Lim er ick861 . T herouanne pl. S t . O m e r pl. S e ine (O isse l) V ik . m ake 3rd and 4 th

att. onParis . We land ret. (2 00 sai l), and hes . V ik . in O isse l ;al lows them to withd raw on paym ent of fine . O isse l V ik . enl istunder W e land’

s sonand settle in S t. Mau r . W e land pl. Me lun.

H ast . and BjOrnre t. to France [W. O laf and Aedh . pl. inMeath def. by Malachy

862 . V ik . att. S axony [G erm ] R orik ret. to Frisia V ik . fromS t. Mau r pl. Meau x . We land sai ls away, ret. , and is bapt .S e ine V ik . all. with Bretons ; bribed by C t. R obert to give upal l iance [W . O laf and Aedh . pl. inMeath

863 . V ik . def. by S axons [G erm ] V ik . sai l up R h ine to D orstad and

thence to Xanten(m i rac le) Baldwinof Fl. m ar . j udzth .

S alom ondoes hom . to C h . V ik . trnsucc . att. by C t. T u rpio , of Angoum o is. Poictiers threat . by V ik . [W . F D eath of Malachy I .

Aedh . su cc .

864 . V ik . att. S axony [G erm ] R udo lf, H arald’s son, br ibed to def. Frisia

V ik . att. Flanders ; d riveno ff by Baldwin[W . Fr.] rc‘

to Frisia C ouncil of Pitres . Fortif. o f Pitres and Par is .

W ide pl. o f Lo ire V ik . (Po ic tiers, Ango u lem e , Pe rigueu x ,Lim oges

, C lerm ont,Bou rges , laid waste abo u t th is tim e). R obe rt

the S trong fought two batt les with Lo i re V ik ., I st V ik . def. , z ud

548 CH R O N O LO G I CAL TABLE .

A .D .

R . wounded . D om estic af airs beginto improve in leV . F. Aou i

tanians su bm it to C harles the B . [W .

865. Anscar ag. abp . of [Iam bnrg unit. with Brem en dies [G e rm ]V ik . (50 again on S e ine ; att. C hartres, bu t are def. and sl. ;V ik . under Baret pl. O rleans (2nd tim e), and then att. Fleu ryAbbey . Lo ire V ik . att. and bu rnLe Mans and Poictiers def. lryC ts . G o z frid and H eriv eus. S eigfred

’

s V ik . def. onC harente (N o t

againso far to the sou th). [W . V ik . com e to T hanet andW inte r there

866. V ik . sett le by Ysse l S e ine V ik . com e to Melun; def. by C t.

R obert and O do aft. rec . br ibe from C h . Fortif. o f Pitres pressedforw. lb . si lve r pd. to Lo i re V ik . R obert the S . and R amnulfsl. by H asting [W . Fr] V ik . from T hanet rav . inK ent . G t,Arm y sai ls for m arsh country V ik . def. in C o rk . harb .

Aedh . pl. the strongho lds of the N orsem en O laf pl. Pictland (N .W . S co t .)

867. N icholas I . d. H adrian Pope R orik driven out of

Frisia Bou rges pl. [W . Arm y m arches N . andtakes Yo rk Quarre l bet. three V ik . leaders (O laf, Ivan,and O isla)[Ire land]. V ik . pl. inS cotland [S cotland].

868 . Franks and Bretons unite ag. Lo i re V ik . under H asting . S alom onachn. [( ing of Brittany . V ik . rec . daneg. fr. O r leans [W .

G t. Arm y attacked inYo rk ; def. of E ng.

, O sberht and [E l la sl.

V ik . m ake E cgberht K . o f N a . ; p lunde r in Bernic ia. A rm ym arches fr. Yo rk to N o ttingham ; bes . by Bu rgred, k . o fMe rc ia,with aid of [E thel red , k . of Wessex , and ZE lfred. D anes ret . to

Yo rk869. D eath of Lothair I I . Bretons under S alom onm ake peace

with Lo ire V ik . Meno f Po itou def. Lo i re V ik . [W . Fran] G t.

Arm y rem . at Yo rk870 . Treaty of Meersen[G erm . and W . R orik has c onf. with C harles

B. [W . F] Arm y div . into two ; ( I )wint. T hetfo rd (2 ) S ai l s toLindsay . Bardeney, C rowland , Peterbo rough , H untingdon, C amb ridge , E ly, pl. (1) div . att. E adm und ; m artyrd. o f E adm und k .

of E ast Angl ia [Eng] I re land has peace from the Fo reigners for40 yrs .

’

( G aill) O laf and Ivar hes . D um bar ton87 1 . Barij alls to E mp . Lewis I ] . H ugo and G au z frid att. Lo i re

V ik . [W . Arm y c rosses T ham es and m akes cam p at R eadingEng. vict . at Englefield Eng. defeat and fl ight to W istley G reen.

Bat. of Ashdown, grt. V ik . defeat fal l o f k . Baegsaeg and 5 earls .

E ng. def. at Basing and Merton. D eath of z E the/red. E lfredsu cc. Bat. ofW

’i ltonand def. of Eng. D anege l d pd . to V ik . A rm ywint . inLondon. Merc iank . Burgred p . D anege ld

872 . D eath of H adrian 7olm V /II . Pope . G t . v a t . of Lewis the E mp .

ov er S aracens [ltal] C harles the B. has second confe r . wi thR orik and R udo l f, V ik . leaders . R o rik does horn. [W. Fr.] A rm yinLondon

873 . Last m ent . o f any D an. k ings for 50 yrs . inFr. chron. [D eum ] R orik

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550 C H R O N O G I GAL TABLE .

A .D .

88 2 . D eath of Lewis the S ax on. Ashloh V ik . rav . county o fMosel . C harlesthe Fat assem bl . troops at Wo rm s . A t news o f appr . of C harles,V ik . reti re to As lrloh besieged by C harles ; rece ive heavy br ibefrom E m p . G odf. is bapt . and m ar. H ugo ’

s siste r , G isla.

Lewis k . of W . Fr. att. H asting and V ik . of the Lo ire , who leaveth is stream no t to ret. ti l l c irc . 903 . D eath of Lewis h . of IV .

Fr . S iegfred’s V ik . leave Mense and com e u p S cheld to C ondé. V ik .

leave C ondé and (Abbo t H ugo having gone to m eet C harles the Fatat Wo rm s) they m arch through wi

l. o rT hrerache to Laon; thence

to R he im s ; fl ight o f H incm ar. Me t by C arlo m an and def. at

Avaux surAisne ; they retu rnto C ondé. D eath of H incm ar [W .

882—3 . (W inte r) V ik . onC ondé ravage far and near , to S carpe and S om m e

[W . F883 . H ugo of Lo thar . intrigues with G odfred . Fresh V ik . fleet com es to

Fr isia, settl. inD uisberg. D uke H enry gains som e v ict . over V ik .

C arlom anunable to keep the fie ld befo re V ik . who m akewinte r cam p at Am iens .

884. V ik . arm y def. at N o rden by Fr isians and S axons under R im bertV ik . inAm iens accept br ibe o f lb .

to leave W . Franc ia ; som e go to E ngl .,so m e to Louvain. D eath

of C arlom an [W . V ik . from W . Fr. bes. R ocheste r , assist .by G uthorm of E ast Angl a l\’o chester rel. by Ailfred, who alsosends fleet to att. D anes inE ast Angl ia (S tou r ) and takes 16 sh ips .

885. G od fred m akes fu rth dem ands for te rr ito ry ih r it . to a conference byR h ine and there m ur. by C t. E verard . H u

go taken bl inded and

im pr. in Priim V ik . re tu rn from Louvain to Francehear ing o f death o f C ar lom an. S iegfred and D anes sai l for S e ine ;att. R ouen( I st att. for 44 yrs .) beginsiege of Paris [W .

886. S iege o f Paris cont inued . S iegfred withdr. from siege . D eath o f

D . H enry . C har les the Fat adv . onParis siege part . raised V ik .

br ibed to retire . V ik . inUppe r Bu rgundy [W .

887 . V ik . ret. from Bur r

y . checked by Bp . Anscheric and Abb . E bolus

sai l up Marne take M1 aux and T royes [W . D eath of Boso h .

of Lower Bu rgundy [Bu rg] D eposition of C harles the Fat.

Arnu lf elect. h . of G erm any [G erm ].888 . O do elect . h. of W . Francia . R udolf elect . la. of Upper Bu rgundy .

Berengarzu s elect. h. of I taly . V ik . pl. round V e rdun, T ou l , andR he im s. V ik . def. by O do at Montfarrcon. V ik . again befo rePar is pl. C ham pagne .

By the T reaty of R ibem ont the kingdom of Lewis the Saxonwas extended as far as

he S cheld.

IN D E X .

ABD -E R -R AH MAN , C al iph o f C or

dova, 2 83 .

Abbio, S axonleader , 136 .

Abbo , m onk , his account of the

S iege of Paris , 4 7 1 soy.

Abodriti, or O bo triti, the , 1 2 9 , 134 ,

Abu -Merwan, Arab gene ral , 2 46.

Aclea ,see O ckley .

Ac re o f the Im m o rtals, see o’

dains

ac re .

Adal bert , Abbo t o f S t. Bertin, 32 2 .

Adalhard, C ount , 348 note .

Adalgis, D uke o f Benev entum , 4 15,

4 19 .

Adam o f Brem en, 40 , 45.

Adelis or Adelais , 343 .

Adt lila, Abbess o fH erford , 508 note.

AdO ptians,’T he , 4 2 5.

Higi r , N o rth ern sea-

god, 1 2 8 , 2 77note .

fE lfred, the G reat , K . o f the WestS axons , 2 16, 3 2 7 , 347 , 368, 376

say , 385, 396 sag , 495 ; see also

G E N EALO G IC AL T ABLE .

ZE lfreds and G uthrum s FriiS,’

402 ,

4 03 and note.

fE lla, K ing o f N o rthum bria, 289,365 374

—5.

tE sir, 69 ; see alsoAsa.

fE thandune , battle of, 40 1 and note ,

403 .

fE thelbald, K ing ofMerc ia, 138 .

tE tbelbald, K ing of Wessex , 306,

369 , 4 12 , 4 13 ; see also G E N E A

LO G I C AL T ABLE .

fE thelberht, K ing o f Wessex , 3 7 1see also G EN EALO G IC AL T ABLE .

[E thelney , 400—1 .

Ai rhelred, K ing ofW essex , 376 sag ,

385, 388 see also G EN EALO G IC ALT ABLE .

[E the l red , ealdo rm an, 376.

Ai thelstan, K ing , 164 ; see also G E

N E ALO G IC AL T ABLE .

[E the lstan (G u thorm 403 see also

G u thorm .

fE thelswyth , 376.

E thelthryth , 38 1 .

E thelwulf, K . o fWessex , 2 76, 306,3 2 7 , 353 , 368 7 0 , 4 12 ; see also

G E N E ALoc iC AL T ABLE .

[E thelwulf, ealdo rm an, 385.

Afr ica, 90 .

Agantyr, m yth ic he ro , 80 .

Aguar , m ythic hero , 63 .

Ago bard, Archbisho p of Lyons,242

-

3, 505, 507 , 513:

552 I N D E X .

Agrico la, cam paigns of, 15.

Aidan, S t. , 1 14 , 14 2—3 .

Aix -la-C hape l le , 1 2 8 , 2 18 , 2 37 d ietat, 2 47 ; plunde red by V ik ings,452 ; synods at, 519.

Aiz o , a G oth , 2 46.

A lam anni,Alam annia, 12 7

- 8, 2 40,2 48 .

A l m i , the , 99 .

Alar orA l ler , the , 136, 508 .

A laric , 89 .

A lban, k ingdom o f, 494 , 495.

A lber ic , m onk , v isiono f, 109 .

A lbio ,see Abbio .

A lbo in, 4 2 6.

Alcu in, Abbo t of Marm outier, 14 1 ,I43 , 3 13

Algar, ealdo rm an, 378—9 .

Algez ira, plundered by V ik ings , 361 .

Al iso , R om antown, 16, 1 32 , 2 10 .

Altar of R om e and Augustus at

Lyons, 3 , 1 2 5.

Altdo rf, 2 45.

Am alungs, the , 66.

Am er ica , Irish m onks in? 2 09N o rsem enin, 498 .

Am und (H am und, Anwynd), V ik ing

leader , 397 .

Ande rnach , battle of, 434 59a , 4 38 ,

444Andgisl, K ing of Fr isia, 1 16—7 .

Angles, settlem ent of,inBr itain, 100 .

Angl i, the , 2 0 .

Angrarii o r Engern, the (S axons),

Anj o u, C ounts of, see H ugo , R obert .

An;ou , co unty of, 344 , 4 13 .

Amlaf, see O laf.Anscar orAnsgar, m issionary to theS cand inavians and Archbishopo f H am bu rg , 2 2 8—9 , 2 72 , 2 85

—6,2 98 : 464 : 507

Ansgard, wife of Lew1s the S tamm e rer , 4 1 2 .

Anthony , S t. , 99.

Antichr ist , fights with E l ias at endo f the wo rld , 540 .

Antwe rp , p lundered by V ik ings , 2 74 .

Anu lo , pretende r to throne o f S .

Jutland , 2 19 , 2 86.

Anwynd, see Am und .

Aqu itani , Aquitani i , 153 , 2 40, 2 43 ,2 2 8 , 3 18

—9 , 3 2 2 , 34 1 , 4 33

Aqu itaine , seeAqu itani ; K ing of, seeC har les, K ing of Aqu itaine .

Arab c o rsai rs , 362 ; see also S aracens .

Arc , val ley of the , death of C harlesthe Bal d in, 4 4 1 .

Arch itectu re , 2 14 , 2 2 6.

Ardhaccan, V ik ings de feated at, 199.

Ard-m acha, see A rm agh .

Ardradus, C hristian cham pion, 478note .

Ard- ri or o ver -k ing of Ireland , 188 ,2 04 .

Aribo , C ount , 462 .

Ariov istus , 60—1 wife o f, 61 , 63 .

Arles, Bishop of, slain by S arac ens,362 p lunde r of, by V ik ings , 4 2 2 ;k ingdom of, 486 ; see also Bur

gundy (Lower).Arm agh , p lundered by V ik ings , 175.

Arm inius, 44 , 10 2 .

Arm o rica,2 40 see also Brittany .

Arm y, the G i eat, 3 7 1 , 373 soy.

Arno l d , C hristian cham pion, 478note.

Arnolf o f C arinth ia, son o f C ar lom an, afterwards K ing of G er

rr

gany, 4 2 4 , 44 3, 451 . 456, 462 ,

4 9Arnu lf

, S t.,o f Metz , 2 16, 506.

Arrows, see W eapons o f V ikings .

Arthu r’s C hase , 533 ; see also Wi ldH untsm an

”

Asa-bu rg or Asa-gard , 69 .

Asbjo rn, V ik ing lead e r , 386.

Asbrt'

i , 70 .

Ascrich , Bishop of Par is, 486.

sgeirr, 2 77 note see also O scar .Ash and E lm , c reationo f m anfrom ,

2 7 .

Ashdown,battle o f, 386 sag.

Ashloh or E lslo o ,V ik ing cam p at,

453 besieged by C harles the Fat,

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554 IN D E X .

Black fo rests, 34 , 46.

Black poo l ,’m eaning ofD ubh - l inn

,

93Blackwater , V ik ings onthe , 194—5.

Blaithm ac , m artyr , slainby V ik ings,195.

Blo is , p lundered by V ik ings, 32 0 .

Blood , adm ixtu re of N o rse andD anish , inE ngland , 392 .

Blood -eagle , punishm ent of the, 163 .

Bobb io , m onastery founded byC o lum ban, 1 12 Wala, Abbo t of,2 52 .

Bodo , a pervert to Judaism , 2 4 2 .

Bohem ians, 300 , 406.

Boniface , S t. (W infred), 1 17 saa.,

Bonn, p lunde red by V ik ings, 452 .

Bo ok -Lat in,’12 6.

Bo rdeau x , siege of, by V ik ings , 302 .

Bo so , C ount, afterwards K ing of

Lowe r Bu rgundy, 4 2 7 , 433 , 44 0 ,

44 2 $99» 461 , 484 , 489 ;Bows , see W eapons of V ikings.

Brandan, S t. , 108 .

Bregenz (Br igantia), 3 , 1 1 1 .

Bregia (Bray), 189 .

Brem en, b ishopr ic , 2 10, 508 , see

R im bert .Bretons and Lewis the S tam m erer ,4 13 see also Brittany.

Br idges pro tecting S eine at Paris,472 599°

Brisarthe , death of R obert the

S trong at, 355 sa.

Britain, m yth conce rning, 4 .

Br ittany , 2 40 , 2 44 , 2 48 , 433 , &c . ;see also E rispo i, N om ino i.

Brocken, W itches’ S abbath onthe,68 1

.

533 °

B 7 otz, the , 13 .

Brude -m ac -Maelchon, K ing of

N o rth Picts , 96, 102 .

Bruno , Liudolfing, D uke of S axony ,345. 4 24 . 443 , 449 ; see also

G EN EALO GIC AL T ABLE .

Brynh i l d , 6 1 , 67 , 76.

Bulgars, the, 244 .

Bu rfo rd , battle of, 138 .

Burgred or Burhred, K ing ofMerc ia, 376 saa. , 39 1 .

Bu rgund ians, the , 2 0 , 2 4 , 99 , 12 2 .

Bu rgundy , Lower , k ingdom of, 445,484 , 489 see also Boso .

Bu rgundy , Uppe r , k ingdom of, 484 ,

486, 489 ; see also R udo lf.Byrnie or Brunia, 170 .

C AD IZ attacked by V ik ings , 2 83 .

C ai thness , N o rse settlem ent in, 37 1 ,395

C aledonia, 6, 15.

C am argue , C o rsai rs on, 2 83 V ik ingson, 362 , 4 2 2 .

C am brey, 2 2 1 p lundered byV ik ings , 450 .

C am bridge , 380 ; V ik ings in, 397 .

C ampu s m a z’

w, the , 2 35.

C anche , V ik ings inthe , 2 78—9 .

C and ida casa or Whithern, abbeyat, 90 .

C ante rbu ry sto rm ed by V ik ings, 305.

C ape tan H ouse , 490 see also

G E N E ALO G IC AL T ABLE .

C a?z'

tu lare Paderhrunnense, 135andnote , 530 note ; see also S axoncap itu laries.

C arinth ia, 1 2 8,2 14 , 451 see also

Arnolf, C arlom an.

C ar l ing dynasty , fal l of, 488 .

C arl ingfo rd Lough,battle of, 337 .

C ar lom an, son of C har les Martel,2 16.

C arlom an, Abbot of S t. Medard ,sono f C harles the Bald , 4 2 7 see

also G EN EALO GI C AL T ABLE .

C arlom an, D uke o f Bavaria, &c . ,

son o f Lewis the G erm an, 408 ,

4 12 note , 4 2 3 , 4 2 8 saa. , 43 1 , 4 38 ,

44 1 , 443 , 451 ; see also G E N E A

LO G IC AL T ABLE .

C ash el , archbishopric of, 2 01 .

C astra vetera, 1 1 .

C atho l ic ism ,m ed iaeval , 84 , 497 saa.

C aval ry , 3 10 , 338 .

C eadwalla, K ingof S trathclyde , 105.

I N D E X .

C earbhall K ing o f O sso ry , 2 03 .

C enna th Irish m issionary , 96 .

C eo lwulf, puppet -k ing o f Me rc ia,39 1

C halons sur Marne , Lewis the

G e rm anand C har les the Bal d at,

2 63 .

C hans ons de geste , 2 15.

C harlem agne , 1 2 4 , 1 2 9 , 149—50 ,

152—3 , 2 1 3 , 2 16, 2 2 8 , 2 4 2 , 504 ,—1 .

C harles , K ing o f Aqu itaine , son of

C harles the Bald , 4 13 , 4 26 ; see

also G E N EALO G I C AL T ABLE .

C harles the Bald , K ing o f WestFranc ia , 2 45, 2 47 , z eo , 2 77, 303 ,309. 33 2 . 388. 4 10 no. 4 17.

4 2 0 , 4 2 5, 453 ; see also G EN BALO G IC AL T ABLE .

C harles the Fat, K ing of Swabia,afte rwards em pero r , &c .

, 408 note ,

43 1 . 44 2 446 453 579 o .

463 , 469 saa.

, 485, 488 ; visiono f, 109 ; see also G EN EALO G IC ALT ABLE .

C har les Maf tellu s , 1 2 1 , 2 13 , 514 .

C har les, son of Pippin, K ing of

Aqu itaine , 4 2 3 ; see also G EN BALO G IC AL T ABLE .

C har les, K ing o f Provence , son of

Lothai r I . , 363 , 4 16, 4 2 1—2 ; see

also G E N EALO G I C AL T ABLE .

C harles the S im p le , son o f Lewisthe S tam m e re r , 469 see also

G E N EALO G IC AL T ABLE .

C harla the, 2 43 .

C hartres , H asting in, 359 .

C hatti , the , 44 .

C he rusc i , the , 34 .

C hilderic , the Frank ish k ing , 102 .

C hippenham , V ik ing cam p at ,

400—1 .

C h lodowig, see C lov is .

C hoosers of the slain (V alkyriur),64 .

C hr ist , 86—7 .

C hristianity , 32 ; popu lar , 536 saa. ;

. ,ee also C atho l icism , m edicev al.

555

C hronic le , the Engl ish , 1 2 6.

C hu rch , the Frank ish , 506 saa. ; inS axony , 509 ; Lo tharingian, 52 0 ;N orthum brian, 103 saa. Westernand E aste rnseparationo f, 51 1 saa.

C hu rc h be l ls , use o f, 2 2 6.

C hu rch m usic , 2 2 6.

C im br ic C hersonese , the, 2 1 .C im m erians, the , 2 1 .

C i renceste r , V ik ings in, 446.

C is-Albiani, 140 .

C ivi l is, rebe l l ionof, 15.

C laud ian, poet , 4 .

C lonm acno ise or C lonm icno ise ,V ik ings in, 94 , 197 , 2 00 .

C lonm o re p lundered , 197 .

C lontarf, m agic banne r bo rne at,

399 °

C lov is , 87 , 100 , 102 -

3 , 1 1 1 , 1 16.

C nu t , 393 .

C obbo , S axon C ount , brother o f

Liudo lf, 2 98 , 344 , 4 2 4 , 508 ; seealso G EN EALO G IC AL T ABLE .

C oblenz , plundered by V ikings , 455.

C o inof H alfdanstruck inLondon,390—1 .

C o ld ingham , abbey , 106.

C o lm ar , p lainof, 2 50 .

C o logne , 12 ; archbishopric , 4 35plundered by V ik ings, 452 ; see

also G iinther, Willibert.C o lonsay , N o rse rem ains found at,

2 05note .

C o lum ba, S t. , 9 1- 2 , 96, 99, 12 1 .

C o lum ba , S t. , 94 , 104 , 1 1 1 .

C om gall, S t. , 93 , 96.

C om m erce , I r ish , due to the V i

k ings , 2 05.

C om piegne , d iet at, 462 .

C ondé. V ikings settled at, 460—2 .

C onnaught , plundered by V ik ings ,199 .

C onrad , sonofWe lf, 3 2 4 , 343 .

C onrad , sonof C onrad the W elfing,

343C onrad , C ount o f Paris, son o f R u

do . f, C ount , 34 3 note, 44 3 .

C onstantine the G reat , 85, 515.

556 I N D E X .

C onstantine or C yr i l , m issionary tothe S lavs , 509 .

C onstantinople , C ounc i l of, 504saa.

C onversions of the heathen, 1 12 .

C o rb ie , abbey, 2 2 1 , 2 2 8 , 2 43 ; see

also Wala.

C o rdova, see Abd-er- R ahm an.

C o rk harbo u r , V ik ings in, 193 , 195.

C o rm ac , I I’

ISh saint , 96, 2 06.

C ornelim unster, su rv ival o f heathenism at, 2 4 1 note, 533 .

C orn'

shm en (W est W e lsh) defeatedat H engstone , 367 .

C o runna, attacked by V ik ing s, 2 82 .

C o rvey (N ew C o rbie) Abbey , 2 2 8 ,

508 see also Anscar.

C reed o f H eathenG erm any , 33 saa.

of C hristendo m in the ninth cen

tu ry, 497 saa.

C r isis in the d isintegration of the

WesternE m p ire , 488 .

C royland abbey , 372 , 380 .

C uthbert , S t. , 144 .

C uthred, K ing of W essex , 138 .

C ynwith , batt le at, 399 .

C yri l , see C ons tantine .

C z echs, see Bo hem ians.

D AL C AIS , the , 199 .

D alm atica , the , wo rnby C harles theBald , 4 2 9 .

D anebrog , the , 4 2 9 .

D anes , the,132 and passz

'

rn see

also D enm ark .

D anes and N o rsem en, battles between) 335"QQ'

D anish dyke , the , 150 .

D aunites ( D anes), the , 335.

D ec retal s , False , the , 515.

D ecu m ates Agtri, 515.

D e fence , m ethods of, am ong Anc ientG erm ans

,13 .

D e l l ing , elf of dawn, 79 .

D em ete r , 53 .

D enis , S t. , Abbey o f, 2 90 , 2 9 1

Abbo t of, see G o z l in, H ildwin.

D enm ark,2 1 5S outh , k ings o f, 132 ;

k ings of, the i r nicknam es, 163

c ivi l wars in, 2 19- 2 0 , 3 14

—5 saa. ;

k ings o f d isappear from pages o f

C hronic le rs , 44 7 .

D e rg , Lough , S t . Patrick’s purga

to ry in, 108 ; V ik ing defeat in, 199 .

D erry , C o lum ba’

s m onaste ry at , 94 ,

96 ; cap ital o f the N o rthe rn H yN jall, 189 .

D esider ius , K ing o fLom bardy , 130 .

D estru ction o f the wo rld , fo reto ldlnllIu sm

'

llz'

, 540 .

D eutz , 134 , 434 .

D iedenho fen, see T h ionv i l le .

D isert T ipraite , p lundered by V ik ings , 194 .

D zjo z sz'

o Imperz z , 2 43 , 2 45, 4 2 3 .

D z’

wsom’

s , C harla , 2 53 see also

D z

’

z u’

sz’

o I mp .

D ir/o Augu sto , altar raised at Lyons ,1 2 5.

D niepe r , trade - rou te by , 2 3 , 1 73 .

D ogm a, growth of, 84 .

D onar , 50 .

D onatists, the , 89 .

D o rset coast , V ik ings on, 14 1 .

D orstad (Wyi

k - te - D uu rstede), 2 1 1 ,

2 29 ; plunde red by V ikings, 2 53 ,2 7 1 ~ 2 73 . 302 , 352

D ragonsh ips, 2 8 , 168 .

D ream o f R agnar’s son, 365.

D ress , Frank ish , 4 2 9 ; of V ik ingleaders , ibid .

D rihthelm ,v isionof, 109 .

D rom -h - Ing (D rom in), plundered byV ikings , 197 .

D rum hom e , m onaste ry at, 97 .

D rusus , his v ision, 1 7 .

D ubh G ai l i , 192 .

D ubl in (D ubh - l inn), 93 , 198 , 2 04 ,

33D u C hai l in, ML , 3 1 note .

D udo , h isto r ian of the N o rm andukes , 1 72 .

D u z'

rlech or da z'

rtec/z , 92 .

D u isbu rg , p lunde red by V ik ings,463 '

D ileek , plundered by V ik ings , 197 .

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558 IN D E X.

Fezgrr , see Fey.

’

Feidhlim idh ,see Felim .

Fel nam e given toR orik , 303 .

Felim ,K ing of Munster , 2 0 1 , 2 03.

Ferns , ravaged by V ik ings, 197.

Feudal ism , 534 .

Fey,’180 .

Fie l d of Lies , ’ the , 2 50 .

Fie lds , the G l itte ring , orfields oftheim m o rtals, 70 .

Fierebras, 2 15.

Fie ry dragons, 14 1.Fz

’

nzhu l-ty r, 52 .

Finn-Arnesson, 181 .Finn-G aill, 193 .

Finns , 60 .

Flem ings, 2 4 1 .

Fl icke ring flam e (vafrlogi), 78.

Fontanel le , Abbey of, p lundered byV ik ings, 304 .

Fontenailles, see Fontenoy.

Fontenoy, battle o f, 2 65 saa. , 42 2 .

Forannan, Archbishop of Arm agh ,

Fo rd o f the hu rdles (Ath-C liath),the , 93 .

Fo rests, 46.

Fornza 51 note.

Fortifications , 339 ; of Par is, 353 .

Founders of m onaster ies inA lsace ,Lo rraine , Bavaria, &c . , 1 1 2 .

Fraene , V ik ing leader , 386.

Franc ia, 2 39 and passz'

m see also

E ast Franc ia, W est Franc ia.

Franco , Bishop of Liege , 4 36, 440 .

Franconia, see E ast Franc ia, &c . ,

and H enry .

Frank ish dynasties , 12 1 chu rch ,506 ; decay of

, 513 system of

land - tenu re , 2 70 .

Franks, 2 0 , 1 15, 12 2 , &c ., passim ;

d ress of, 4 2 9 .

Frank fu rt , counc i l of, 503 , 51 1 .Prn 781 8 1 °

Frena. 54 .

Friesland , see Fr isia.

Fr igg. 47. 54 .

2 70 .

Fr isia , 1 16 ; raids on,1 2 3 , 150- 1 ,

153 , 2 39g2 53 , 2 55, 30 1 3 S I

Frisians , victo ry o f, o ver V ik ings,

Fr iu l i, C ount of, 2 37 , 489.

E rode’

s m i l l , 168 note.

Fu lda, Abbey o f, 134 , 2 10 , 52 7 .

Fu lham arm y (V ik ings) the , 446.

Foror N orm annoru m, 143 , 2 51 ,

2 72 .

Furseus, see Pu rsey , S t.Fursey, S t. 107 sa. , 2 96.

Fylking, H am al’s , 66.

Fy lhj a hantalt, 66 note.

Fyrd , E ngl ish , contrasted withV ik ing troops , 398 .

G ABH AR , see Lough G abhar.G aesm era, see G eissm ar.

G aill, 185.

G alaxy,69.

G al l , S t. , 94 , 1 1 1 saa. abbey, m onkof, 152 , 2 1 1 .

G al l -G aedhil, 2 0 1G al loway

,Mr. W i l l iam , 2 05note.

G rove , sac red , 40 .

G arc ia, K ing of N avarre , 361.G ardariki, 156 173 , 49 1 .

G arm ents m i racu lously m arked witha c ross, 14 1 .

G ascons, 2 4 1 see also N avarre .

G authiod, 176.

G auz bert, m issionary in Sweden,

G eirrodh (G eruth), 57, 59 , 75.G eissm ar, 4 1 , 45, 1 19 , 2 10 .

G enev ieve , S t.G eneral assem bly (placztunz), 2 35.

G enoveva, see G enevieve .

G ensom ir, 175G e rm anlanguage , preach ing inthe ,536

G erm ain, S t. , m i rac les wrought by ,

G e rm ains l’Auxerrm s, S t. , abbey,

V ik ings in, 475.

IN D E X .

G erm ains des Prés, S t. , abbey ,V ik ings in

, 478—9 , 486.

G erm anicus, I6, 44 .

G e rm ans , anc ient , 43 .

G erm any , R om an, 44 ; first greatV ik ing attack on, 2 85 V ikinginv asion o f, 452 saa.

, 540—1 .

G eruth (G eruthus), see G eirrddh.

G hent , plundered by V ik ings, 303 ,44 7 V ik ing defences at, 449 .

G iants , 7 2 saa.

G iant Lok i , the , 183 .

G isla or G isel la, daughter of Lothai rI I. , 4 2 2 , 458 , 465, 518 .

G isla or G ise l la, daughte r of C arlom ano f Bavaria, 4 2 4 .

G isli S t'

trson, 2 93 sa.

‘G ivoldi fossa,

’V ik ing cam p at,

3031—4 . 307 , 3 1 1

G lam o rgansh i re , V ik ings in, 14 2 ,190 .

G l itter ing fie lds ,’ the , 70 .

G lou cestershire ,V 1kings in, 399-

400 .

G ods’ bridge , the , 69 .

G odfred , K ing of S ou th D enm ark ,13 2 , 150 saa. , 176, 2 1 2 , 2 19 ;sons of, 2 2 0 .

G odfred , son of H aral d the

baptiz ed , 2 2 2 , 2 3 2 , 303 , 3 17 .

G odfred , V ik ing leader , 447 saa.,

490

G odr'

od (G odfred), 150 .

G okstad , V ik ing sh ip found at, 156.

G ondrev i l le , 466.

G ontran (G untchram nus), K ing of

Bu rgundy , 2 16.

G orm the O ld or the W ise , 57 note,

G othia, 2 40 , 2 46, 2 67 see also

S eptim ania.

G oth ic arch itectu re , 2 2 6.

G oths, the , 8 , 2 0 , 100 , 159 , 2 4 1 .

G o z bert, C hristian cham pion, 478note.

G o z l in, Bishop o f Paris ,449 50 . 4 7 1 599” 4 79 39 4 86

G o z win, C hristian cham pion, 478note .

59

G rantaceaster, 38 1 .

G reat arm y , see Arm y .

G reater S uithiod, see G ardariki.

G reenland,2 08 , 498 .

G regory L, Pope , 1 14 , 2 2 7 , 51 1 .

G rego ry IV . , Pope , 2 39 , 330 .

G rende l , 7 , 8 .

G rim K am ban, 492 .

G rim h i ld , 67 .

G ripir, 180 .

G rove , sac red , 18 , 2 6, 59 sa. , 68 ,1 30 .

G rowth of dogm a, 84 .

G uadalete ,‘

1 2 7 .

G u il laum e Fierebras, C ount of

O range , 2 15.G unhard , 2 8 1 .

G untchram nu s, see G ontran.

G unther , K ing , 175.

G unthe r , A rchbishop of C o logne ,443 . 519 57?

G u thorm , nephew of H o rik I .

, 3 16

s

G u tghorm (G u thrum ) z

’E thelstan,

V iking leade r , 379 , 397 , 40 1 saa.

G uthred, D anish k ing in N o rthum bria , 404 , 495.

H ADR IAN I ., Pope, 130 , 139, 504 ,

H adrianI I Pope , 4 16, 52 2 .

H aem gils , 108 .

H aerethaland, 14 1- 2 note, 185.

H afirsGdrd,battle o f, 492

—3 .

H aj ib Isa - 1bn- H assan, 360 .

H ak im , E l- II ., C al iph of C o rdova,

2 83 .

H akon, E arl , 164 .

H alberstadt , 2 10 , 508 .

H al fdan, V ik ing leader, son ofR agnar Lodbrok , 3 2 6, 370 , 379,386. 387 . 390

—1 . 445.

H alitgar, Bishop o f C am bray,2 2 1 .

H am al , 66 his fylking, ib id . , 40 1 .

H am bu rg , town and archbishopric ,2 10 , 2 18 , 2 73 , 2 98 sa. , 508 ;plunde red by V ik ings, 2 85—6.

560 IN D E X .

H am ond V ik ing leader ,379

H arald pretender to throne inD en

m ark , afterwards vassal of

E m p ire , 2 2 0—1 saa. , 2 2 9, 2 3 1 , 2 35,2 7 1 . 303 . 386. 44 7 .

H aral d , nephew o f H o rik I . , and

pretender to D anish th rone , 3 16sa.

IIarald H aarfagr, 164-

5 note, 491sa.

H artlepoo l , m onastery at, 106.

H arz , the , 1 1 , 30 , 34 .

H ase , battle onthe , 136.

H asting , V ik ing leader , 342 , 355,358we . 364 . 4 2 2 . 447

H athem i, 508 note .

H athum od, S t.

, 508 note.H aunted life of the V ikings, 2 93 .

H eahm und, Bishop of S herbou rne ,388 .

H eathen, ’7 .

H eathendom and C hristendom ,con

test between, 10 , &c ., 499 .

H eathenism , re l ics of G erm an, 52 9saa.

H eathfield, battle of, 104 .

H ebr ides, N o rse settlem ents in the ,2 051 3 7 1 , 396

H edd ington, see IE thandune .

H e im dal , progenitor of m ank ind,2 7 , 2 9.

H elgi, 80 .

H elheim (helheim ar), 73 , 76.

H elzana’

, the (poem ), 87 , 137, 508,52 9, 535 599°

I lelm -G unnar , 63.

H em m ing, D anish k ing, 152 , 2 19.

H engston, battle o f, 2 02 , 304 , 367 .

H enry , D uke of Franconia , 346,443. 455so. 463 so. 478. 48 1 . 489

H erbauge , 2 75, 30 2 ; see also R ainald.

H ercynianfo rest , the , 34 , 52 8 .

H ereberht, C ount , 2 49 .

H e reb erht, ealdo rm an, 2 76.

H e rfo rd,abbey , 508 .

H erigar, a C hristianSwede , 2 97 .

H erio ,see N oirm outiers.

H eristallum , 1 35.

H eriv aeus , C ount , 472 .

H erm odhr, 75.

H ersfe l d (H ertz fe ld)Abbey, 508.

H ervor , 80 .

IIesse , 1 18 .

H essians, 45.

H ewalds, the , Engl ish m issionar ies,1 2 5.

H exham , 106.

H ie ronym us , C ount , 436.

H ighley ? see Iglea .

H i lary of Poic tiers, S t. , 90.

H i ldeshe im , 76, 508.

H ildwin, Abbo t of S t. Medard andof S t. D enis, 4 2 7 , 461 .

H incm ar, A rchb ishop o f R he im s,

3 2 4 : 334 , 309 ; 4 10 . 432 : 440 :- 2 0

H lbdhyn, 50 .

H olgar or O tkar, the palad in, 182 .

H o lm gang , the , 39 .

H o lm Pee l , 146.

H o ly Isle , 106, 142 see also Lind isfar e .

H o ly S ee, 1 13, 1 18, 510 ; see also

Popes .

H drdaland, 176, 185.

H o r ik I ., D anish k ing , 2 2 2 , 2 74 ,

H o rik II . , D anish k ing , 3 17 sa.

H o rm , V ik ing leade r , 337 .

H ouse of D eath ,’the , 78 .

H owth , p lundered by V ik ings,193 .

H raesv elg, a giant inE dda, 7, 75.

H rim thursar, the, 74 .

H ro lf, see R o lf.H u esca, 2 46.

H ugh , see H ugo .

H ugleik (H ygelac), 12 2 sa. , 140 ,

1 74 .

H ugo the T im id , fathe r -in- law of

Lothai r I . ,2 46 note .

H ugo,Abbo t o f S t . Qu intin, &c .

,

unc le o f C harles the Bald, 2 8 1 .

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562 IN D E X .

Jupiter’s oak , 4 1.

Ju tland , 2 2 .

K ALB I , V ik ing leader , 352 .

K e l ls , m onaste ry at, 97 , 147.

K ent , V ik ing raids in, 2 76, 370 .

K e ti l Flatnose , 493 .

K hano f the Bu lgars , the , 2 44 .

K ieran, S t. , founde r of C lonm ac

no ise , 94 , 2 04 .

K i l larney , V ik ing raid in, 19 1 .

K i lpeacon, plundered by V ik ings ,194 .

K insale harbou r , V ik ings in, 104 .

LAMBERT (Lantbert), C ount , the

E lde r , 2 48 .

Lam be rt (Lantbert), C ount , the

Younger , 2 61 , 2 80 .

Lam bey (R echru), 94 p lundered byV ikings , 145, 367 .

Land , possessionof, inMiddle Ages ,166.

Landlo rd , the , 167 .

Land—tenu re , 2 70 .

Laon, threatened by V ik ings, 460 .

Latin, Book ,

’1 2 6 .

Latinprose , 2 2 4 .

Latin races , separation of, fromG erm an, 489 .

Laz z z’

, 2 70 .

Lea, the , l im it of G ulthorm’s k ing

dom , 403 .

Lecale , V ik ings defeated at, 194 .

Leck , the , 2 1 1 .

Lc ighlinbridge ,attacked byV ikings,194 .

Le i re (Lethra), k ingdom o f, 176.

Le Mans, p lundered by V ik ings ,355~

Leo the Isau r ian, Byz antine em pero r ,503 .

Leo III . , Pope , 149 , 2 38 .

Leo IV . , Pope , 32 7.

Ler ida , 246.

Leth -cu inno rC on’

s hal f (o f Irelantl),I 99 599°

Lewis the Pious , em pero r , 135, 2 1 2 ,2 15 saa. , 507

—9 , 51 1

—12 ; sons of,

4 2 1 see also G EN EALO G I C ALT ABLE .

Lewis the G erm an, sonof Lewis thePious , 2 39 , 2 43 , 2 49—50 , 33 2 saa.

,

406, 4 18 , 4 2 1 , 4 2 3 , 4 30 , 52 9 , & c . ;

see also G E N EALO G I C AL T ABLE .

Lewis em pe ro r , son o f Lo thai rI .

, 330 512 ; see

also G EN EALO G IC AL T ABLE .

Lewis the S axon, sono f Lewis theG erm an, 3 19 , 408 , 4 2 4 , 4 3 1 . 4 33 ,

454 ; see also G EN EALO G I C ALT ABLE .

Lewis the S tam m e rer , 349 , 4 1 1 saa. ,

44 2 saa. see also G E N E ALO G IC AL

T ABLE .

Lewis , sonof Lewis the S tam m e re r ,4 1 2 note , 443 , 451 see also

G E N EALO G IC AL T ABLE .

Libera nos a f urore N or/nannorunz,

a l itany used inFran e , 3 2 9 .

Liege , m eeting at, 3 13 Bi shop o f,see Franco .

Lim e rick , V ik ing attacks on, 198 ;S e ttlem ent in, 2 04 .

Linco lnsh ire , 395, 404 large adm ixtu re of S cand inav ian blood in,

Lindisfarne , 106 V ik'

ngattacks on,14 2

Lindsey, V ik ings in, 2 76, 377 .

Lind-wo rm , the , 2 88 .

Lisbon, V ik ing attack on, 2 82 .

Lism o re , p lundered by V ik ings , 194 .

Liudolf and the Liudo lfings , 345,

4 2 4 , 449 , 508 ; see also G E N BALO G IC AL T ABLE .

Liutgard, W ife o f Lewis the S axon,345;

Lochlann, 185.

Loch -Leinn, 19 1 .

Loch , see also Lough .

Lodbrok , see R agnar Lodbrok .

Lom bards , 2 0 , 2 4 , 455.

London, plunde red by V ik ings , 2 78 ,304

—5. 368 . 39o

—I

IN D E X .

Long wo rm ,

’the , 159 .

Lo ire , V ik ing raids upon, 305, 32 0 ,

Lo thai r I ., son of Lewis the Pious,

2 2 3 , 2 43 , 2 50 SW” 2 59 599-1 303 ,

309 , 3 14 ,—3 ’ 4 2 1 , 440 1 453 ,

51 2 saa. see also G EN EALO G IC ALT AB LE .

Lothair I I . , son o f Lo thai r I . , 332 ,

333—4 . 352 . 406 so . 409. 4 16.

4 2 1 , 440 , 518 saa. see also G E N E A

LO G IC AL T ABLE .

Lothair , son o f C harles the Bald ,Abbot of S t . G erm ains l’Auxer

ro is , 4 2 6 see also G EN EALO G IC ALT ABLE .

Lo ugh D erg , V ik ing defeat on, 199 .

Lo ugh G abhar , 2 03 .

Lough N eagh , V iking victo ry on,196.

Lough O wel, T urgesius drowned in,2 03 .

Lou th , p lundered by V ik ings , 197 .

Louvain, V ik ings in, 464 , 469 sa.

Ludwzlgslied, the , so- cal led , 451 , 459 .

Liigenfeld, see Fie ld o f Lies .

’

Luna , siege o f, by V ik ings , 363 sa.

Lunebu rg H eath , battle o f, 449 .

Lyons , 2 , 1 2 5, 2 4 2 sa. Archbishopo f, see Ago bard.

MAAs, the , 2 77 .

Mac N iel, Mr. Malco lm ,2 05note .

Magyars. 74 . 407 . 498Mainz , 1 1 , 1 2 , 2 2 2 , 515note .

Malachy 2 03 , 335.

Malaga attacked by V ik ings , 361 .

Malar , Lake , 2 37 .

Man, Isle o f, V ik ing attack on, 190 ;settlem ent in, 498 .

Mangone ls , use indefensive warfare ,4 74

Mannhe im , 72 , 76.

Mantai l le , counc i l at, 445.

Mant lets or m useu lz’

,used insieges ,

4 74 °

Mark , the , 37 .

Marm ou tier Abbey , 3 13 , 344 , 346 ;

see alsoA lcu in, H ugo , Martin, S t. ,T ou rs .

Maroboduu s, 102 , 1 32 .

Mars , 51 .

Maserfeld (O swestry P), 105.

Marsh country , the , 2 76.

Martin o f T ou rs , S t. , 90 ; see also

Marm ou t ier , T ou rs.

Matfrid , C ount , o f O rleans, 2 46

note, 2 52 , 2 61 , 440 , 513 .

Mau r ice , S t. , abbey of, see H ukbert.

Maypo le , the , 4 1 .

Meath , 189 , 197 , 199 .

Meaux , plunde red by V ik ings, 487 .

Me’

dard, S t. , abbots o f, see C arlom an,H ildwin.

Medham pstead, see Peterbo rough .

Med ina S idonia , attacked byV ik ings ,2 83 .

Meersen, m eeting at, 302 treatyof, 4 18 , 4 3 1 .

Mez’

dr, 4 3 .

Me l rose abbey , 106.

Menglod, 78 .

Merc ia, 138 ; V ik ings in, 375, 390—1kings o f, see IE thelbald, Berhtulf,Burgred, O ffa, Penda .

Mersebu rg incantations , the , 52 8 sa.

Me rton, battle o f, 388 .

Method ius , m issionary to the S lavs ,509 .

Me tz , co unc i l at, 48 1 synod at,

52 0 sa.

M im ir , 59, 69 , 167.

M irac les , 2 9 1 , 479 .

lll z'

ssi donz z'

nz'

cz'

or m issi regz z , 2 37and note .

Mio lni r , 50 .

Mo im ir, D uke o fMo ravia, 406.

Mo laise , S t. (K ilm olash), p lunderedby V ik ings , 194 .

Monarch ia,’ the , 2 4 3 .

Monasteries, 106 saa.

Monastic i sm , 84 , 88 saa.

Monk“earm ou th , 106, 144 .

Monte C ass ino , 1 14 Lo thair’s falseoath at, 4 16, 52 2 sa.

Montm artre , 4 8 1 .

564 IN D E X .

Mo rav ia and_Mo rav ians (Marav i),

300 , 406 sa. , 4 2 3 , 510 ; dukes of,see Moim ir, R astislas, S uatopluk .

Mo rcar , 378 .

Mo rocco , attacked by V ik ings , 361 .

Mo rwan, D uke of Brittany , 2 44note.

Mo se l , V ik ings onthe , 454 .

Mother - E arth (N erthus), 19, 2 9,

54 see also N e rthus .

Mount G arret , plundered by V ikings,197 .

Mount O sning, battle of, 136.

M u l l ,M u l l ins, S t. , p lundered by V ik ings,

194 .

Munster , k ingdom of, 189 ; see also

Felim .

Munste r , b ishopr ic, 2 10 , 508 .

Murcom annu s or Murm an, see

Mo rwan.

Mu scu lz'

or m ant lets, 4 73 sa.

M u spell, suggested etym o logy o f thewo rd , 539 note.

Mu spz'

llz’

, the poem so -cal led , 52 9 ,539 W9

Myster ies, no rthern, 55 saa.

N AN T ES , plundered by V ik ings, 2 8 1N avarre , 361 .

N eagh , see Lough N eagh .

N eko r , attacked by V ik ings, 361 .

N erthus , the goddess , 19 , 2 9 , 47 , 53saa. , 65, 68 , 10 1 sa. , 2 18 , 530 ,

533N erv1i , the , 14 andnote.N eu ss , p lundered by V ik ings, 452 .

N eustria, 254 .

N ew R oss, plundered by V ik ings,194 .

N icaea or C onstantinople , counc i l of,504 sa.

N icho las I ., Pope , 348 , 353 , 4 10 ,

4 16. 4 19. 509. 513 . 517 sooN icknam es , u se of, by the S candinavians, 163 .

N ibelungenl gend, the , 167 .

N ie l , 2 06 see also N jall.

N iflhel, 82 .

N ine , recurrence of the num ber , inE ddaic m ytho logy , 59 .

N jall, the nam e , 2 06 ; see also H yN ial l .

N jall, of the nine hostages , 189.

N jall C ai l le , 189 , 2 0 1 , 2 02 .

N JO I‘dl’l , 4 7a 54 1 65‘

N oirm ou tiers (H erio ), 2 75 sa. , 2 80

sa., 302 , 308 .

N om ino'

i or N om enoe, D uke o f

Br ittany , 2 80 , 3 10 , 4 10 .

N o rden, defeat of V ik ings at, 464 .

N o rm andy, settlem ent o f, 49 1 , 497.

N o rm anni ,’ 135, 143 , 185, 2 51 ;see also N o rthm en.

N o rm ans, 1 72 .

N o rns, the , 168 .

N o rse k ingdom s inI re land , 2 04 .

N o rsem en, 192 , 2 09 , &c .

N o rth Albiani, 134 .

N o rth Am er ica . 2 09 .

N orthm en, passz'

fn feroc ity of, 457 .

N o rthum br ia,103 saa. , 142 sa.

, 190 ,

372 59 ~a 39‘

N ottingham , V ik ings in, 375 saa.

N o vgo rod , 156, 49 1 .

N oyon, Bishop of, 334 .

N ydam s m oo s , sh ip found in, 156.

N ym uegen, 2 49 , 2 53 , 2 74 ; plunde red by V ikings , 449 .

O BO T R IT I , see Abodriti.

O ckley, defeat of V ik ings at, 306,

368 sa.

O dainsakr, the , 7 1 , 79 .

O dda, ealdo rm an, 399.

O d in, 1 1 , 18 , 54 , 74 see alsoWod in.

O do , C ount o f O rleans, 2 61 .

O do , son of R obe rt ' the S trong ,C ount - of Paris, afte rwards K ingo f France . 356. 44 3 . 4 72 . 4 74 .

479 sa. , 486 sa. , 490 ; see also

G E N EALO G IC AL T ABLE .

O doac e r , C hristian cham pion, 4 79note.

O ffa, K ing of Merc ia, 1 39, 2 0 1 .

O ge r , see O tkar.

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566 IN D E X .

Pippin, K ing of Italy , sonof C harlem agne

,135, 2 14 ,

2 4 2 .

Pippin, K ing o f Aqu itaine , son of

Lewis the Pious, 2 43 sa.

,2 48 ,

2 54 , 4 2 1 sa. ; see also G E N E ALO

G IC AL T ABLE .

Pippin, pretende r of Aqu itaine , sonof Pippin (the abo ve), 2 54 , 2 59 ,2 8 1 , 3 17 , 354 , 4 2 2 ; see also

G EN EALO G IC AL T ABLE .

Placitu m , the , 2 35.

Blu tez'

, im plem ents used in siegeoperations, 476.

Po ic tou , 354 .

Pontz'

fex nzax z'

nzu s , the title used bythe popes, 1 2 5note.

Pope and em pero r , r ival c laim s of,

502 , 510 sa.

Popes ; see E ugenius, G rego ry ,H adr ian, John, Leo , N icho las ,Paschal , S erg ius, S i lveste r , S tephen, V alent ine .

Po rtugal , V ik ing descent upon, 2 83 .

Pract ical j okes , 163 .

Pribina, D uke o f Pannonia, 509.

Prz/nszgntng, 2 95.

Procopius , 5, 70 .

Provence , Prov engals, 2 4 1 , 255k ings of, see Boso , C har les.

Priim , abbey of, 2 51 , 453 .

Pseudo - Isido re , the , 515 saa.

Pu rgato ry, 109.

QU IE R SY, synod of, 324 ; counc i lar’ 4ss'

Quentov 1c , p lundered by V ikings ,

R ABAN , Archbishop of Mainz , 3 13 ,

R adbert, 52 4 note, 52 5note.

R adbod , K ing of Fr isia, 1 18 , 1 2 4 .

R agnar Lodbrok , 1 74 , 183 sa.,2 86

SF?” 2 99, 3261 366, 374 , 479R agnar Lodbrok , sons of, 2 88 . 358sa.

, 364—5, 370 ; see also Bjorn,

H al fdan, Ivar, Ubbe .

R agnarok , 52 .

R ainbow, the gods’ br idge , 69.

R agnhi ld , 67.

R ainald , C ount of H erbauge , 2 75,2 80 .

R am iro L, K ing o f Astu r ias, 2 82 ,

360 .

R am nulf, C ount , 347 , 354 saa.

, 4 2 2 .

R apho e , m onaste ry at, 96.

R astics, see R astislas .

R astislas, D uke o f Mo ravia, 3 2 3 ,

R avenna, counc i l of, 440 .

R ead ing , V ik ing cam p at, 384 sa.

R echrea, R echrain, or R echru , 94 ,145.

R eginald , C ount ofMaine , 4 70 .

R eginar, C ount , 436.

R eginar, C ount, defender o f Paris,4 72 , 474

R eginfred, D ane , brother of H araldthe Baptiz ed , 2 2 0 sa.

R e l ics , &c . , reve rence for, 505—6.

R ennes, battle near , 3 1 1 , 4 10 .

R epton, V ikings in, 39 1 .

R hadwald, papal legate , 52 0 .

R heim s, 2 2 1 ; V iking raids upon,460 , 487 false dec retals m anufactured at 515 ; archbishopso f, see E bbo , H incm ar.

R ibem ont, peace of, 448 .

R ichildis, second wife of C har les theBald , 4 2 7 , 43 2 , 436.

R im bert, Archbishop o f Brem en,

R im e -giants, 74 .

R ing , father o f R agnar Lodbrok ,

2 87 .

R ing - breaker , i.e. , d ispenser of

treasu re , 167 .

R oads, R om an, 1 .

R obert the S trong, 34 2 , 344 , 346,349. 354 599” 439. 514 ; 566

also G EN EALO G I C AL T ABLE .

R obert, C ount, son o f R obe rt theS trong , 356, 443 , 4 74 ; see a .so

G E N E ALO G IC AL T ABLE .

R obert, a knight , 4 72 .

G E N E ALO G I CAL 2 ABLE S .

R ocheste r , plundered by V ik ings,2 78 . 304 . 368. 463

R oderic , K ing of the V isigoths of

S pain, 1 2 7 , 375.

R ode r ick Mawr , Pr ince of Wales,399

R ognvald, E arl ofMari, 494 .

R o land , 133 .

R o lf (R o l lo). so . 447. 490.

497R om e 89, 2 37 , 4 2 8 , 50 1, 502 ; seealso Popes , &c .

R om anG e rm any, 10 .

R om anim p lem ents ofwar, 473.R om anroads, see R oads.

R om anwal l , 6.

R om ariki, 2 72 .

R om berg , 2 72 .

R oncesval les , 3 , 133 .

R orik , nephew (or brother) of

H aral d the baptiz ed, 2 32 , 303saa. , 3 17 sa. , 368 .

R othad, Bishop of S o issons, 517.

R ouen, p lundered by V ik ings, 2 89,470

R ou tes o f V ik ing exped itions , 191 .R oyal saints , 2 16.

R udo lf, the sonofWe lf of Altdo rf,343 ; see also C H RO N O LO G IC AL'

f ABLE .

R udo lf, grandsonofWe lf, afterwardK ing of Upper Bu rgundy , 343 ,

see also C H R O N O LO G I

C AL T ABLE .

R unes, 59 .

R ustringia, 2 3 1 , 2 71.

S ABBAT H , witches’, 68 , 533 .

S ac ram ental doctrine , 84 , 52 4 saa.

S ac red grove , 18 , 2 6, 59 sa. , 69,

130 .

S t. Be rtin, see Be rtin, S t.S t. Mau rice , Abbo ts of, see H ukbert,R udo lf.

S alerno, D uke o f, 4 14 .

S alom on, D uke o f Brittany , 354 ,

567

‘ S anc ti E adm undi,’ insc ription on

co ins , 383 .

S aracens, 4 14 , 4 19 , 432 , 490.

S aum iers , syno d o f, 349 .

S auco u rt , battle o f, 450 , 460 .

S axno te , 57 note.

S axo G ram m aticus , 183 .

S axonC apitu laries ,’

530 .

S axons, 2 0 , 100 , 1 15, 140 ; defeatof, by V ik ings , 449 .

S axony , 2 39 , 2 70 - 1 V ik ing attackson, 466 ; chu rch in, 508 .

S axulf, V iking leade r , 198 sa.

S caldingi,’

352 note.

S cand inavia, S cand inav ians, 2 1 saa. ,

2 8 , 46, 2 19 , 2 2 9 , &c .

S canz ia, S cand ia, 0r S cania, 2 2 see

also S cand inavia.

S ceaf or S kef, 2 7 , 2 9 , 53 , 57 , 65.

S chel d , V ik ings on, 352 , 446, 460see also Antwerp , G hent , &c .

S cho larsh ip of Irish m onks, 97 .

52 5note .

S co tland , S cand inaviansett lem entsin’

.

4g4 1 498 °

S co ttish isles , S cand inavian settlem ents in, 498.

S co ttish k ing , accessionof, to throneof Picts , 494 .

S ea-k ing , l ife o f, 307.

S eck ington, battle of, 138.

S eine , V ik ings on the , 2 77 , 305,43 I 5g?” 439» 4 70 W?

S eligenstad, abbey , 508 .

S e lwood , 40 1 .

S em m ones, 18 , 2 6, 59 .

S eptim ania (o r G o thia), 2 40 , 4 1 1 .

S ergius IL , Pope , 330 , 51 2 .

S ettlem ent o fAngles and S axons inBritain, 100

S ev i l le , attacked by V ikings, 2 83 ,

360 .

S hannon, V ikings on, 195.

S he ppey , attacked by V iking s, 2 02

V ik ing settlem ent in, 3 2 6, 367 ,370

S hie lds , see\V eapons o f V ikings.

568 IN D E X .

S hip , V ik ing , 156.

S iegfred (S ifrit) o f the N ibelungenlegend , 175, 180 .

S iegfred, a D anish k ing 150 .

S iegfred, pretende r to the D anishth rone , 2 19 , 2 86.

S iegfred, a V ik ing leader , 44 7 , 452 ,456. 460. 470 . 4 73 Sea. 479. 484 .

S igam bri , the , 2 0 .

S igesburg, 13 1 .

S igrdrifa, 61—2 saa.

, 81.S igroed, see S igu rd .

S igrun, 61 , 67 , 80 .

S igtuna , 176, 2 30 , 2 97.

S igu rd (S igroed), 6 1 , 76, 80 , 180.

S igu rd Bu isson, 164 .

S ihtric (S idrok), V iking leader , 3 19,386.

S i lvester , Pope , 515.

S inthgunt (S ingunda), 52 8 .

S inz ig. 435S kef, see S ceaf.S k irni r , 75, 78 , 8 1 , 184 .

S leswick , 150 , 2 73 , 2 96.

S o issons, 100 ; Bishop of, see R o thad.

S o l ius, C hristiancham pion, 4 78 note.

S om m e , V ik ings onthe , 350 sa.

S ons of G odfred , see G odfred .

S ons of R agnar Lodbrok , see R agnar .S o rb s (S o rabi), 300 , 3 2 3 , 3 2 5.

S outh islands, see S udhreyar.

S pain, V ik ing attacks on, 2 82 sa. ,

359 ‘97

S panish m arch , 1 2 7 .

S pears , see Weapons of V ik ings.

S po leto , D uke of, 439 .

S preewald , 46.

S te in, V ik ing leader , 336.

S tellinga, 2 70 .

S tephenV . , Pope , 2 38 .

S trathc lyde Britons , 104 p lunderedby V ik ings , 398 .

S t7 andhog, 308 .

S treoneshealch (Wh itby), counc i l of,106, 1 14 .

S uat0pluk , D uke of Mo ravia , 33 2 ,

4 2 3 sa . 462 .

S udhreyar (H ebrides), the , 2 33 .

S uev i , the , 18 sa. , 54 , 99 .

S u iones , the , 2 1 sa.

S uithiod, 176, 2 30 .

S uithiod 498 ; see also

G ardarik i.‘

S u l eym an, E m i r of Bar i , 4 18.

S un, hom e of the , 7 1 .

S unkbench (S ohhoahehhr), 46.

S urv iv alo fheatli enism,2 4 1 note , 533 .

S ussex , 1 15.

S utherlandsh ire , N o rse sett lem entsin, 492 .

S yava , 61 , 64 .

S v ipdag, 79 .

Swabia , 2 4 8 .

Swan, the , inN orthernm ytho logy,64—6 sa.

Swanage Bay, V ikings defeated in,399

Swanhild, 67 .

Sweden. 2 97 , 2 97 , &c .

S wo rd , see W eapons of V ik ings.

Swo rds , m onaste ry at, 97 .

T AC LT US , 17 saa. , 34 , 54 .

T agh ‘

m on, V iking raid on, 193 .

T ara, 93 . 189 .

T aunus h i l l ~

, the , 1 1 , 30 , 52 8 .

T erm inat ions o f wo rds o f N o rseand D ani s h o r igin, 393 .

Testudo , use o f, inwarfare, 4 73 .

T eutoberger Wald , the , 30 , 34 , 44 ,

52 8 .

T eu tonic c reed , 33 .

T eutonic ecc lesiastic s , 506.

T hanet , V ikings in, 305 sa. , 3 25,

370 5?T hebaid , m onks of the , 88 .

T hegan, biographe r of Lewis the

Pious , 2 17 .

T heo c racy , 502 .

T heodebert, 1 2 3 .

T heodolf o f O rleans , 507 .

T heodo re , Abbo t , 380 .

T heodo ric , O strogoth ic k ing , 100 ,

102 .

T heodo ric , Frank ish k ing , 1 2 2 .

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570 IN D E X

its unifo rm ity , 186 ; leade rs o f,

seeAm und , Baegsaeg, Bjorn,Fraene ,G o dfred , G u thorm , H alfdan, H a

m und , H asting , H o rm , Ivar ,Jargna , O scar , R agnar , R orik ,

R u do lf, S axu lf, S iegfred, S ihtric ,

S te in, T urgesius, Ubbe , W e land ,Wo rm , &c . sh ips o f, 2 5, 156 sa.

V i l lage , anc ient G e rm an, 35.

V inland , 2 09 .

V isigo ths , 1 2 2 .

V isions , 108—I o .

V istu la com pared to R hine, 1 2 ;trade rou te by , 2 3 , 2 8 .

V iv ianus , C ount, 3 1 1 , 347 .

V o l la, 52 .

V 01uspa, the , 62 .

V iilv a , or V ala, 62 -

3 sa., 8 1.

V oyage , G o rm ’s, 57 note .

WALA , Abbo t of C o rbie , 2 2 1 , 2 43 ,2 52 . 446 . 50 7JS I 3 . 536

Waldrada , m istress o f Lo thai r II . ,

334»4 1 2 , 4 2 1 , 519 549 °

Walafrid S trabo , 109 , 195.

Walcheren, 2 53 , 2 7 1 plundered byV ikings , 30 7- 8 .

W ales , V ik ing attacks on, 145, 398 ;nam es o f p laces in, of S cand inav ian o r igin, 394 see also

W e lsh .

Walhal la , 66, 1 79.

Wal l , R om an, 6.

Wandri l le , S t ., 304

Wareham , V ik ings in, 397—8 sa.

Waterfo rd , V ik ing settlem ent , 198 ,2 04 .

Watl ing S treet , 1 , 2 , 70 , 403 .

W eapons of V ik ings, 169—70 saa.

W eapons , spiritual , of C hristiani ty ,

W earm ou th (Monkwearm ou th), 144 ,190 .

W edm o re , peace o f, 402 saa. , 446.

W e land , V ik ing leader , 350—1 ,

370

W e lf of Altdo rf, 2 45, 343 see also

G EN EALO G IC AL T ABLE .

We lsh , west (C o rnishm en), 2 02 .

W essex , see W est S axons .

W estergau (Fr isia), p lunde red byV ik ings , 30 2 .

W estern C hr i stendom , 1 2 7 sa.

W esternS tates of Am erica, 165.

W estfo ld , 1 76 note .

W est G o thland, 176.

W estphal ians , 13 1 sa.

West S axons , 138 , 384 ; k ings o f,see E lfred, IE thelbald, Ai thel

berht, [E the l red , Aithelwulf,C uthred.

W exfo rd , 194 , 198 .

W h itby , 106 , 1 14 , 1 2 0 .

Wh ite C hrist, the , 53 .

Whithern (C and ida casa), 90 , 3 1 2 .

W ido , D uke of S po leto , K ing ofItaly , 489 .

W iduk ind , 13 2 , 135 sa.

W igon, Bretonpr inc e , 430 .

W i l d huntsm an, 53 1 , 533 .

W i lfred , S t., 1 14 sa.

, 12 0 .

W i l l iam , C ount of T ou lou se , 2 8 1 .

W i l liam sonof Be rnard , C ounto f T ou louse , 2 8 1 .

VV illia’

m ,C 0unto fthe E astMark ,462 .

Willibert, Archb ishop of C o logne ,

W illibro rd, S t. , 1 16, 1 2 0 .

W i lton, battle of, 390 .

W iltz i, 182 .

W inchester , sto rm ed by V ik ings ,

W infred , 1 17 , 12 0 ; see also Boni

face .

W inte ring of V ik ings , in I re land ,

2 00 ; in E ngland , 306, 370 .

W inwaedfeld, battle o f, 137—8 .

Wistley G reen, defeat of Engl ish0n, 385.

W isdom ,

W itches’

S abbath , 68 , 533 .

W itichin, or W itik in, father of

R obert the S trong , 346.

VVitikind, see W iduk ind .

W itm ar, 2 3 1 .

Wod in (Wuo tan, 18 , 2 6, 4 2 ,

IN D E X . 57 1

44 . 46. 51 . 55. 57 . 59 . 63 . 68 .104 1 52 9 1 53 1 '

V Vo lf- tree , 4 2 .\'V orm , Long ,

see Longworm .

’

W o rm , V ik ing leade r , 447 .

W o rm s , 1 2 , 2 49 , 455.

Wo rsaae on S cand inav ian rem ainsinE ngland , 392 .

VV yk-bij D uu rstede , 2 1 1 .

X AN T EN Abbey ,V ikings

, 352 , 450 .

YG G (O d in), 43.

plundered by

Yggdrasi l (Ygg’s ho rse), 43 .

Ynglings , the , 53 .

Youghall, plundered by V ik ings ,194 .

Yo rk , 14 1 ; V ik ings in, 374 , 377 ,397

Yo rksh ire , large adm ixtu re o f S candinav ian blood in, 395—6, 404 .

Z ADO , E m i r , 246.

Z iilpich (T o lbiac), battle of, 1 15p lundered by V ik ings , 452 .

Z wentibold, see S uat0pluk .

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T he fo llowi ng v o lum es are now ready (Ap r i l, 1890)T H E S T O R Y O F G R E E C E . Prof. JA S . A . H ARRI S O N .

R O ME . ART H UR G ILMAN .

T H E JE W S . Prof. JAMES K . H O SMER .

C H ALD E A . Z . A . R AGO Z IN .

G E R MAN Y . S . BAR IN G - G O ULD .

N O R WAY . H JALMAR H . BO YE S E N .

S PAIN . R ev . E . E . and S U SAN H ALE .

H UN G AR Y . Pro f. A . V AMBER Y .

C AR T H AG E . Prof. ALFRED J . C H URC H .

T H E SAR AC E N S . ART H U R G ILMAN .

T H E MO O R S I N S PAIN . S TAN LEY LAN E-PO O LE .

T H E N O R MAN S . S ARAH O RN E JEW ET T .

PE R S IA . S . G . W . BEN JAM IN .

AN C IE N T E G YPT . Pro f. G E O . R AW LIN S O N .

ALE XAN D E R’

S E MPIR E . Prof. J . P. MAH AFFY .

AS SYR IA . Z . A . R AGO Z IN .

T H E G O T H S . H EN RY BRADLEY .

I R E LAN D . H on. E MILY LAW LE ss.

T U R K E Y . S TAN LEY LAN E-PO O LE .

ME D IA,BABYLO N ,

AN D PE R S IA . Z . A . R AGO Z IN .

ME D I IE V AL FR AN C E . Pro f. G US TAV MAS S O N .

H O LLAN D . Prof. J . T H O R O LD R O GER S .

ME X I C O . S U SAN H ALE .

PH CE N IC IA . Prof. G E O . R AWLIN S O N .

T H E H AN SA T O W N S . H ELEN Z IMMERN .

E AR LY BR IT AIN . Pro f. ALFRED J . C H UR C H .

T H E BAR BAR Y C O R SAIR S . S TAN LEY LAN E-PO O LE .

R U S S IA . W . R . M O R FILL .

T H E J E W S U N D E R R O ME . W . D . M O RRI S O N .

S C O T LAN D . JO H N IVIAC K IN T O S H .

N ow i n Pre ss fo r im m ediat e issu e :

T H E S T O R Y O F SW IT Z E R LAN D . R S T EAD andMrs . ARN O LD H UG .

V E D IC I N D IA . Z . A . R AG O Z IN .

T H E T H I R T E E N C O LO N IE S . H ELEN A . S M IT H .

MO D E R N FR AN C E . E M ILY C RAWFO RD .

C AN AD A . A . R . MACFARLAN E .

them es of the N ations.

E DIT E D BY

E V E LYN ABBO T T M .A . ,FELLO W O F BALLI O L C O LLEGE

, O X FO RD .

A S E R I E S o f b iograph i ca l s tu d ie s O f the l iv e s and wo rk

O f a n um b er o f rep rese n tat iv e h i s to r i ca l charac t e rs abo u t

who m hav e gat h e re d the great t rad i t i o n s O f the N at io n s

to wh ich they b e lo nged,and who hav e b e e n accep t ed ,

i n

m any i ns tan ce s , as type s O f the se v e ral N at io nal i d eals .

W i t h the l i fe O f eac h typ i cal charac te r wi ll b e p re se n t e d

a p i c tu re o f the N a t io na l co nd i t io n s su r ro u n d ing him

d u ri ng his care er.

T he narrat iv e s are the wo rk O f wr i te rs who are recogniz ed au t h o r i t i e s on t h e ir se v e ra l su bj e c t s

,and

,wh i le

t h o ro ugh ly t ru s two r t hy as h is t o ry ,wi l l p re se n t p i c t u re squ e

and dram at i c “sto r ie s o f the Menand O f the e v e n t s c on

ne c ted w i t h t h em .

T o the L i fe O f e ach “ H e ro wi ll be giv e n one du o

dec im o vo lum e ,handso m e ly p r i n ted i n large typ e , pro

v ided w i t h m ap s and adequ at e ly i l lu s t rat e d acco rd i ng to

the sp ec ia l requ irem e n t s o f the sev e ral su bj ec t s . T he

v o lum es wi l l b e so l d separat e ly as fo llO W S‘

C l o th ex t ra

v u u l q,

d b U W S ;

N els on, and the N av al S uprem acy o f E ngland. By W . C LARK R U S S ELau tho r o f T he W reck O f the G rosveno r , etc . (R eady Ap r i l 1 5, 1 890

G u s tav u s Adolphu s , and the S t ruggle o f P ro te s tant i sm for E x is

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Fe l low o f Bal l io l C o l lege,O xfo rd .

A lex ander the G reat , and the E x tens ion o f G re ek R u le andG reek Ideas . By Pro f. BEN JAM IN I . W H EELER

,C o rne l l Unive rsi ty .

T he oderic the‘

G oth ,the Barbarian C ham p iono f C iv i l i z a t ion. P

T H O MA S H O DGK IN ,au tho r O f Italy and H er Invade rs

,e tc .

C harlem agne , the R eo rgani z er of E u rope . By Pro f. G EO RGE L . BUR

C o rne l l Unive rsi ty .

H enry of N av arre,and the H ugu eno t s inFranc e . By P . F. W ILLER

M .A .,Fe l low o f E xe te r C o l lege , O xfo rd .

W i l l iam o f O range , the Founder of the D utch R epu b l ic .

By R UT H PUT N AM .

C icero , and the Fa ll o f the R om an R epub l i c . By J . L . S T R AC H A

D AV ID S O N,M .A .

,Fe l low O f Bal l io l C o l lege

,O xfo rd .

Lou is X IV . ,and the Z eni th o f the Frenc h M onarchy . By ART H U

H A S SALL,M .A .

,S enio r S tu dent O f C hr ist C hu rch C o l lege ,

O xfo rd .

S irW alter R aleigh , and the Adv enturers o f E ngland .

By A . L . S MIT H,M .A .

,Fe l low O f Bal l io l C o l lege

,O xfo rd .

B ism arck . T he N ew G erm an E m p i re : H ow It Aro se ; W hat

R ep lac ed And W hat It S tands For. By JAME S S IME , au tho rA Life o f Lessing

,

”

etc .

T O b e fo l lowe d byH anniba l , and the S truggle betweenC a rthage and R om e .

By E . A . FREEMAN ,LL. D R egiu s Prof. of H isto ry in tl

Unive rsi ty o f O xfo rd .

A lfred the G reat,and the Fi rst K ingdom inE ngland. By F. Y O R

PO WELL,M .A .

,S enio r S tu dent O f C hr ist C hu rch C o l lege ,

O xfo rd .

C har les the Bo ld,and the At t em pt to Found a M iddle K ingdo

By R . LO DGE,M .A .

,Fe l low O f Braseno se C o l lege ,

O xfo rd .

J o hn C a lv in,the H ero o f the

.French P ro te stant s . By O W EN l\

E DW ARD S,Fe l low O f Linco lnC o l lege

,O xfo rd .

O l iv er C rom well,and the R u le o f the Puritans inE ngland.

By C H ARLE S FIRT H ,Bal l io l C o l lege

,O xfo rd .

Marlborough , and E ngland as a M i l i tary Power.

By C . W . C . O MAN,A .M . ,

Fe l low O f All S ou ls C o l lege ,O xfo rd .

Ju l iu s C aesar,and the O rgani z a t iono f the R om an E m p ire .

By W .\V ARDE FO W LER,M .A .

,Fe l low o f Linco ln C o l lege , O xfo rd .

G . P. PUT N AM’

S S O N S