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The Paleoecology and Ancient Settlement of the Petexbatun Region,Guatemala

Nicholas Dunning, Timothy Beach and David Rue

Ancient Mesoamerica / Volume 8 / Issue 02 / September 1997, pp 255 - 266DOI: 10.1017/S0956536100001711, Published online: 10 October 2008

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0956536100001711

How to cite this article:Nicholas Dunning, Timothy Beach and David Rue (1997). The Paleoecology and Ancient Settlement of the PetexbatunRegion, Guatemala. Ancient Mesoamerica, 8, pp 255-266 doi:10.1017/S0956536100001711

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Ancient Mesoamerica, 8 (1997), 255-266Copyright © 1997 Cambridge University Press. Printed in the U.S.A.

THE PALEOECOLOGY AND ANCIENT SETTLEMENTOF THE PETEXBATUN REGION, GUATEMALA

Nicholas Dunning,3 Timothy Beach,b and David Ruec

"Department of Geography, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, OH 45221-0131, USAbScience, Technology, and International Affairs, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University, Washington, DC 2OOS7, USAArchaeological and Historical Consultants, Inc., P.O. Box 482, Centre Hall, PA 16828, USA

Abstract

The Petexbatun region has a series of upland ridges surrounded by lowland wetlands. In Preclassic times, ancient Maya peoplesbegan colonizing the region along waterways. Although few in number, they cleared large areas of upland tropical forest foragriculture and induced significant soil erosion. Population contracted in the region during the Early Classic, and mature tropicalforest growth returned. During the Late Classic, population expanded rapidly across the region, forest clearance resumed, anddesirable, intensively cultivated, upland areas were divided by an elaborate wall system. Upland agriculture during the LateClassic included the use of several types of terracing that significantly checked soil erosion during this period. Considerablevariation may have existed between the urban agriculture practiced in the region's three major centers—Dos Pilas, Tamarindito,and Aguateca.

A central theme in the scholarly study of the ancient Maya hasalways concerned the balance between land resources and humanpopulation. In the Petexbatun region of Guatemala this generaltheme helped us to pose several interrelated questions. What werethe environmental factors that influenced the ancient Maya occu-pation of the Petexbatun region? What were the environmental im-pacts of ancient Maya settlement? What was the nature of ancientMaya agriculture in the region? How did these factors interplaywith the region's documented history of Late Classic warfare? Theseare among the major questions that guided the investigations ofthe Ecology subproject of the Vanderbilt University PetexbatunRegional Archaeological Project between 1990 and 1995. This ar-ticle discusses some of the chief findings of the subproject, focus-ing primarily on issues of environmental change and on ancientagricultural systems.

Over the course of this regional study, we investigated soil land-scapes, soil erosion and sedimentation, pollen in sediment cores,paleoecology, ancient Maya land management, and modern agri-cultural development. Parts of this research have been presentedelsewhere, generally in a more preliminary form (Beach and Dun-ning 1995,1997; Dunning 1991,1992a, 1993a, 1993b, 1994,1996;Dunning and Beach 1994; Dunning etal. 1991, 1993, 1995, 1997;Dunning, Secaira, and Demarest 1992; Dunning, Wright, Emery,Secaira, Lentz, Beach, and Rue 1992).

ENVIRONMENT AND ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE

The Rio de la Pasion lowlands of the southwestern Peten Districtof Guatemala is a region of sharply divided terrain. The region islargely underlain by a series of Late Cretaceous-Early Tertiary car-bonate (and some clastic) rocks that have faulted into a series ofprominent horst uplands and graben troughs. The most prominent

horst and graben is the Petexbatun escarpment and its adjacenttrough that contains the Laguna and Rio Petexbatun (Figure 1; alsoDemarest 1997:Figure 1; Dunning et al. 1991; Dunning and Beach1994). The horst uplands are faulted and eroded into features sig-nificant to Maya occupation. These include fault scarps weatheredinto sheer-sided gorges near Aguateca and deeply incised streamsbetween Tamarindito and Dos Pilas, and karstic weathered (dis-solved and collapsed) extensive cave systems and numeroussinkholes in many areas such as those north of Aguateca. The com-bination of the structural lows of the grabens, backflows from theRio de la Pasion as it debauches from the highlands, the high re-gional water table, and approximately 2,500 mm of precipitationthat arrives chiefly between May and December result in pro-longed inundation of much of the low-lying areas. This inundationoften produces a 10-m annual fluctuation in water levels in theselowlands, thus limiting agriculture and occupance (Figure 2).

We undertook a coring program to test a series of interrelatedhypotheses: (1) that the Petexbatun region underwent progres-sively severe deforestation and environmental disturbance as Mayapopulation grew and expanded from Preclassic through Late Clas-sic times, as evident elsewhere in the Peten (summarized in Rice[1993]); (2) that initial forest clearance for agriculture generatedserious soil erosion, as suggested by studies in the nearby AguadaCatolina (Beach and Dunning 1995; Dunning and Beach 1994;Dunning et al. 1991); and (3) that soil erosion around Lake Tam-arindito was partially checked by the construction of terraces anddams, as suggested by archaeological operations. We extracted agroup of sediment cores from Laguna Petexbatun and Laguna Tam-arindito (Dunning and Beach 1994; Dunning et al. 1991, 1997).Unfortunately the cores from Laguna Petexbatun proved unusabledue to inverted radiocarbon dates probably resulting from the tur-bidity of bottom sediments. The 235-cm-deep core from Laguna

255

256 Dunning, Beach, and Rue

tn

% ! ^ - -u> , —

Graben

^ Ul CO

s. s§s» x) crN 3»-o co£

3 a3

Horst

ii

i 5-

ili.iH^71 \ Grabeni |

i

s \

1 ' Horst

Fractures

o-%

-o

% •

\ Graben

Figure 1. Geological cross section ofthe Rio de la Pasion lowlands [fromDunning and Beach 1994:Figure 2).

Tamarindito proved to contain a straightforward paleoecologicalrecord dating to almost 10,000 years B.P. (uncalibrated). Many sim-ilarities as well as some notable differences exist between this coreand those from numerous cores of central Peten lakes taken in the1970s.

While we initiallly obtained the Laguna Tamarindito core to bet-ter understand human-environment interactions over the past 3,000years, much of this short core proved to be much older. The low-ermost levels of the Laguna Tamarindito core date to the onset ofthe Holocene Period about 10,000 years B.P.. Samples from thistime indicate an open water context: organic rich sediments, abun-dant deep-water gastropods, and predominant pine pollen of eitherlocal or distant origin. By 7500 B.P., the region was colonized bytropical deciduous forest species (exemplified by Moraceae, Com-bretacae, and Burseraceae; Figure 3). As indicated, by the oxida-

tion of sediments and changes in snail populations, the lakeexperienced two periods of significant lake level reductions at ap-proximately 6500 and 4900 B.P..

The clearance of primary tropical deciduous forest species andthe appearance of Zea pollen provide evidence of the emergenceof agriculture in the region between 4000 and 3000 B.P.. Thesedates correspond with other areas in the Maya lowlands andCentral America, although some regions saw forest clearance amillennium earlier (Fritz 1994; Pohl et al. 1996). The distinctphysiographic setting of the Petexbatun region may have made itunattractive for extremely early agriculturists who probably fa-vored more easily cultivable river and lake margins. The AlbionIsland, Belize studies (Hansen 1990), the Petenxil cores (Tsukada1966), and the Quexil core (Vaughan et al. 1985) also indicatedorigins of agriculture, Zea cultivation, and forest clearance be-

Upland

Seasonal

SecondaryUpland

Wetland

PerennialWetland

Figure 2. Land and settlement zones of the Petexbatun region [from Dunning 1996:Figure 4.3; courtesy University of Utah Press].

Paleoecology and ancient settlement

, % Total Pollen and Spores

257

r"7

2 O 4 O 2 O 4 O 6 O 100 200 M0 2 0 4 0 6 0

KM)

20 40 60 80

Figure 3. Pollen summary diagram of the 1991 Laguna Tamarindito core [after Dunning et al. 1997:Figure 6].

tween 4000 and 3000 B.P.. We found sedimentary evidence in thelake core and sinkholes that the onset of forest clearance and ag-riculture in the region was accompanied by significant accelera-tion of local soil erosion (Dunning and Beach 1994; Dunninget al. 1997). Studies at Cobweb Swamp at Colha, Belize (Jones1994), Lake Yojoa in Honduras (Rue 1987), and various lakes inPanama (Piperno 1994) indicate agricultural origins around 5000B.P. or just after.

The core shows evidence of two major episodes of forest clear-ance, in the Maya Preclassic and again in the Classic (probablyLate Classic) periods. Severe depression of the Moraceae curve atthese points in the core suggests significant deforestation of thehigh climax forest. Nevertheless, nonclimax arboreal species per-sist in both periods. Archaeological evidence indicates that the firstof these periods, the Preclassic, was characterized by a relativelysmall, scattered population that probably cleared broad areas forcultivation. This period is also marked by an increase in sedimen-tation and a change to less organic, more mineral-rich sedimentsindicating a significant increase in soil loss. Our investigation ofthe small Aguada Catolina on the Petexbatun Escarpment also in-dicates severe disturbance of the soil cover associated with Pre-classic agriculture (Beach and Dunning 1995; Dunning and Beach1994).

The second period of deforestation, the Late Classic, accompa-nied enormous increases in regional population density and theonset of intensive agricultural production. This bimodal deforesta-tion curve is different from that of the Peten Lakes region, wherethe rate of deforestation and disturbance seems to have increasedsteadily from Preclassic through Late Classic times (Rice 1993): apattern we expected to see repeated in the Petexbatun. But the ap-parent Early Classic regrowth of high forest in the region parallelsarchaeological data that indicate a possible decline in regional pop-ulation during this period.

We found only equivocal evidence for significant drying of lo-cal climate in both the Preclassic and Classic periods as has beendetected in cores from elsewhere in the Maya lowlands (Hodellet al. 1995). Increased charcoal quantities and a shift in snail spe-cies could indicate climatic drying, but other explanations are pos-sible. We are hopeful that future analysis on another core recentlytaken from Laguna Tamarindito may help isolate evidence for oragainst climatic dessication.

In some parts of the Maya lowlands, such as the Copan Valley,the spread of agriculture onto hillsides led to significant soil loss(Rue 1987; Wingard 1992). In the Petexbatun region we noted thatmany hillsides were at least partially protected by a variety of soilconservation terraces and dams (Figure 4), including many on thehills near Laguna Tamarindito (Figure 5). These Late Classic soil-conservation methods appear to have been quite effective as indi-cated by relatively minor increases in sedimentation, given the largeamount of landscape modification, and sediments relatively highin organic matter in the Laguna Tamarindito core.

The palynological data also indicate the presence of consider-able regional forest cover throughout the Late Classic, althoughsome of the tree species associated with primary forest virtuallydisappear, perhaps indicating the creation of a managed forest land-scape. Preliminary palynological information recently retrievedfrom a core taken from Laguna Tamarindito during 1995 indicatesthe presence of significant numbers of fruit producing trees duringthe Maya occupation of the region (John Jones, personal commu-nication 1996). Data on regional fauna also suggest that consider-able amounts of forest cover remained in the region during the LateClassic period (Emery 1991). Both the archaeofaunal data and stable-isotope and trace-element analyses of human skeletons for dietaryinformation indicate that animal protein remained abundant duringthe Late Classic, although the quantities consumed varied by socialstatus (Wright 1994, 1997; Wright and White 1996).

258 Dunning, Beach, and Rue

Gravel

Small Stones

Figure 4. Agricultural terrace types of the Petexbatun region: (a] exca-vated check dam, (b) excavated box terrace, [c] excavated footslope ter-race, (d) reconstructed view of footslope. terrace, (e) excavated dry-slopecontour terrace [after Beach and Dunning 199S:Figure 4].

The 1991 Tamarindito core has its limitations, because of itssample location at the lake's edge and because significant sectionsof the core were used for bulk-sediment radiocarbon dating. Wetook two additonal cores from Laguna Tamarindito during 1995,but analysis of these cores is in a preliminary phase.

WETLAND AGRICULTURE

In 1983, R. E. W. Adams published an innovative hypothesis onthe environmental history of ancient Maya settlement in the Rio

de la Pasion region of Guatemala. At that time the only data avail-able were radar imagery and limited settlement and epigraphic data.Based on these sources Adams suggested that the region's appar-ently high Classic-period population was largely supported byintensive cultivation of the area's extensive wetlands—an idea con-sistent with then-current theories. In this reconstruction, the re-gion's upland areas were assigned a decidedly secondary subsistencerole. Our own findings have led us to question this hypothesis.

To date, aerial and ground surveys of the Petexbatun region haveproduced no indications of extensive wetland canal and field sys-

J2P meters

it Spring

Group R7-1

Figure 5. Map of a portion of the residential area east of the Tamarinditosite core (after Chinchilla 1993:Figure 14.1; Dunning and Beach 1994:Fig-ure 6].

Paleoecology and ancient settlement 259

terns. We found in fact that many of the areas where canals wereindicated by the analysis of radar imagery are not even wetlands.It is possible that patterning observed on the radar images mayrepresent networks of bedrock faults particularly in the area be-tween Aguateca and Laguna Las Pozas where the Petexbatun gra-ben failed to open fully but is interlaced with numerous small faults.Moreover, in the actual perennial wetlands of the region there areno discernable vestiges of agricultural fields nor are there settle-ment remains clearly oriented toward these wetland areas. Giventhe radical fluctuations in water levels and long inundations in theseswamps, it seems unlikely that the ancient Maya seriously at-tempted to bring them into cultivation.

The region's seasonal wetlands, however, were probably usedfor some type of agriculture and silvaculture. These zones occur inboth seasonally inundated low-lying areas, such as the structuraltrough occupied by Laguna Tamarindito, and many more poorlydrained areas of the uplands, such as many areas around Dos Pilaswhere ground water is perched or high.

A clear spatial association occurs between many settlement re-mains and seasonal wetlands in the Petexbatun region. Such set-tlement vestiges range from the large site of Dos Pilas to singleplazuela groups on isolated hillocks within the extensive seasonalwetlands of the Laguna Tamarindito depression. If the inhabitantsof such groups were engaged in agriculture, it is most likely thatthey were cultivating wetland fields. The soils that occur in manyof the seasonal wetland areas are quite fertile (e.g., calciaquolls)and are capable of supporting intensive cultivation, particularly ifareas can be built up or excess water can be removed through shal-low ditching. While we observed no surface indications of suchditching in the region, a combination of sedimentation and the swell-ing ("self-plowing") properties of wetland clay soils could haveobliterated most surface traces. No attempts were made to searchfor vestiges of ditches by trenching such as was undertaken nearthe northwestern Peten site of Agua Azul (Culbert et al. 1990).

Soil phosphate mapping has produced ambiguous results forsample sites in seasonal wetlands. Phosphate fractionation of se-lect wetland soil samples has also produced uncertain results(Table I).1 For example, samples taken from seasonal wetlandsnear Tamarindito (Table 1, Note bb) and on Intersite SettlementTransect 3 (Table 1, Note aa) produced ambiguous signatures. How-ever, samples from several of the poorly drained areas in and aroundDos Pilas itself produced no evidence for agricultural manipula-tion (Table 1, Notes w and y).

The clearest agricultural phosphate fractionation signature ob-tained from a seasonal wetland context is from a moderately poorly

drained structural arroyo valley lying about halfway between DosPilas and Arroyo de Piedra (Table 1, Note 1).

In short, while we believe significant cultivation occured in theregion's seasonal wetlands, the nature and extent of such cultiva-tion are far from clear. What is clear are the major conceptual zonesof agriculture in the Petexbatun (see Figure 2). The lowland zoneconsists of two types of land: the relatively poorly drained sea-sonal wetlands, discussed above, and better-drained areas, lyingon small, secondary horst blocks and on alluvial levees.

UPLAND AGRICULTURE

The Petexbatun uplands exhibit numerous and varied vestiges ofancient landscape modification and agricultural production. Datacollected by the Vanderbilt University Petexbatun Regional Ar-chaeological Project indicate that the principal focus of ancientagriculture and settlement in the region was these well-drained up-lands. This pattern of settlement and land use is most apparent dur-ing the Late Classic period when the region's uplands were generallydensely settled, some areas were partitioned by wall systems, andsome were intensively cultivated (Demarest 1997; Demarestet al. 1991, 1997; Demarest and Dunning 1990; Dunning 1991;1993b; Dunning et al. 1991; Houston et al. 1990; Killion et al.1991; Killion and Dunning 1992). Late Classic agricultural man-agement included several types of terracing and intensive culti-vation of prime sinkhole (rejollada) soils. The extensive use ofterracing and field walls on the uplands resembles somewhatthe rural settlement landscape described for the Rio Bee region(Eaton 1975; Turner 1983). In short, we have every reason tobelieve that the uplands were the focus of intensive agriculturalproduction.

The greatest amounts of data on upland agricultural systemscome from the intersite mapping programs and from investiga-tions on the eastern side of Tamarindito (Beach and Dunning 1995,1997; Chinchilla 1993; Demarest 1997; Dunning and Beach 1994;Dunning et al. 1991, 1993, 1995; Houston et al. 1990; Killionet al. 1991; Van Tourenhout et al. 1993). Intersite mapping (Tran-sects 1 and 2) in 1991 revealed that some parts of the uplands alongthe Petexbatun escarpment were partitioned by field wall systems.Many parts of the uplands were also partitioned by defensive walls,generally at a later date.

The most striking cultural feature encountered on Transect 1was a large wall closing off a portion of the escarpment and form-ing a strong division between two mound groups designated as the

1 The upland soils of the Petexbatun Escarpment and the Peten in gen-eral have a very high innate fertility, being highly saturated with limestone-derived nutrient bases. The only plant macronutrient that is consistently inlow supply is phosphorous. Cultivation of these soils rapidly depletes thissmall supply, which then must be replenished either by long fallow peri-ods or fertilization. Once organic phosphorous is introduced to the soil,much of it is quickly mineralized and assumes fixed, stable forms that per-sist in the soil. Mapping of soil phosphate values in 1991 and 1993 (usingthe ring method outlined by Eidt [1984]) has revealed further complexitiesin the ancient agricultural landscape and made it quite clear that the Mayawere extensively manipulating phosphorous levels in their environment(see Table 1). Mapping of soil-phosphate field values indicates many areasof net P depletion (e.g., over used agricultural fields) and other areas of Penrichment (both midden deposits and fertilized gardens). Such variabilityin land use was revealed in intensive mapping and sampling at Quim ChiHilan (see Figure 6; Dunning 1993b, 1994; Dunning et al. 1991).

Laboratory fractionation of constituent mineral phosphates can some-times be used to distinguish agricultural from nonagricultural soils

even hundreds of years after abandonment (Chang and Jackson 1957;Dunning 1992b, 1993b, 1994; Eidt 1977, 1984; Lillios 1992; Woods 1977).This process is accomplished by comparing the fractionation "signa-tures" of areas of known land use with areas of uncertain use. Phosphatesignatures are composed of three inorganic fractions: I, loosely boundaluminum and iron phosphates; II, occluded aluminum and iron phos-phates; and HI, calcium phosphates. The ratios between these fractionswill vary as the phosphorous in a soil is manipulated through humanactions.

It is worth noting that the results shown in Table 1 have been producedwith some difficulty and only mixed success. Difficulties have occurred asthe result of a series of complex problems involved in extracting phos-phates from calcium- and gypsum-rich soils. Another vexing issue is thehigh number of "ambiguous" signatures. While some of these problematicsignatures clearly result from their mixed contexts, others cannot be soexplained and point to either the presence of unidentified land use or tofurther, as yet unidentified, problems in the phosphate fractionationprocedure.

260 Dunning, Beach, and Rue

Table 1. Soil phosphate fractions for samples from the Petexbatun region, Guatemala

Sample

Agricultural signatures

Tamarindito box terrace 1a

Tamarindito box terrace 2b

Tamarandito footslope terrace lc

Quim Chi Hilan terraced

Quim Chi Hilan "garden"e

Tzunum terrace'

Quim Chi Hilan walled field8

Aguateca Park upland terrace11

Transect 1, 1 st sink floor'

Transect 1, 2nd sink floor'

Aguateca sink floork

Duende-Arroyo de Piedra Transect1

Residential signatures

Quim Chi Hilan patio"1

Shai Yao terrace"

Tix Li Poh patio"

Dos Pilas midden 1p

Bayak patioq

Phosphate

I

80.8

78.5

81

79.9

77.8

84.1

80

79.5

78

82.5

83.6

77.5

48.2

45.9

52.1

50

47.3

Fractions (%)

II

9.2

7.9

7.7

9.2

10.1

7.2

8.5

8.9

7.8

8.3

7.7

9.9

11

8.9

10.6

11.6

9.7

III

10

13.6

11.3

10.9

12.1

8.7

11.5

11.6

14.2

9.2

8.7

12.6

40.8

45.2

37.3

38.4

43

Total P

(ppm)

279

301

238

243

270

199

113

109

225

211

291

108

257

201

204

282

213

Sample

Ambiguous signatures

Transect 1 lake flat alfisolr

Transect 1 Lake flat rendoll5

Transect 1 upland rendoll1

Transect 2 terrace"

Dos Pilas interplatform 1v

Dos Pilas interplatform 2W

Dos Pilas interplatform 3X

Dos Pilas bajoy

Tamarindito check dam*

Transect 3 bajoa°

Tamarindito bajobb

Tamarindito house plazacc

Tamarindito footslope terrace 2dd

Phosphate

I

87.6

80.3

87

67.4

73.3

69.1

75.4

39.9

58

67.4

31.1

55.5

62.6

Fractions (%)

II

5.6

11.3

2.1

8.5

10.7

18.5

15.7

33.2

24.1

15.8

17.4

37.8

21.4

III

6.8

8.3

10.9

24.1

16

12.4

8.9

26.9

17.9

16.8

51.5

6.7

16

Total P(ppm)

131

123

157

268

169

140

158

127

199

155

119

311

201

•Sample from 1990 Op. T6 D27, excavated by R. Chatham."Sample from Unit T-T-93-5.'Sample from Unit T-T-93-1.dQuim Chi Hilan miscellaneous sample #3; terrace along escarpment edge.eFrom probable garden area north of the large wall; 5300/12640.'Huge footslope terrace near the base of the escarpment a short distance north of Transect 1 near 12925.gSample from within the large wall; 5270/12660.hSample from 1991 Op. TR1-41-TP1, excavated by M. McDermott; one of a system of contouring terraces within the large wall enclosing part of the escarpment south ofQuim Chi Hilan.'Sample from floor of first rejollada west of Quim Chi Hilan on Transect 1; 5325/12500.'Sample from floor of second rejollada west of Quim Chi Hilan; 5300/12000.kFrom the floor of a shallow rejollada in the northwestern portion of the mapped area of Aguateca.'Cumulic rendoll at the foot of a steep slope in a wide arroyo 140 m southwest of stake A29 of the 1990 Duende-Arroyo de Piedra transect (roughly midway between the sites).mSmall open area between mound groups; 5340/12640."Sample from narrow probable residential terrace on the escarpment face near 5325/12900."Small open area between mounds just north of Transect 1 (nonpastured land).pFrom midden excavation behind Structure N5-20.qSample taken from an apparent residential courtyard in the riverside settlement of Bayak on Transect 3.rSample from low terrain east of the escarpment on sandy alfisol soil; 5300/13025. Signature shows some characteristics of an agricultural soil, but with a tendency towardthe values expected for a forest soil (e.g., high Fraction I), probably indicative of low-intensity cultivation.sSample from low terrain east of the escarpment on vertirendoll soil; 5300/13150. Probable "depleted" agricultural soil, but with Fractions II and III slightly skewed fromnormal for cultivated soils.'Sample from rolling upland surface between first and second rejolladas on Transect 1 on vertirendoll soil; 5300/12150. Shows mixed characteristics of agricultural andforest soils; low-intensity agriculture."Sample from an apparent agricultural terrace on the upper slopes of a rejollada near 6415/11675. Shows mixed characteristics of an enriched agricultural soil and a resi-dential soil; possibly contaminated from sheetwash and colluvium from upslope residential group associated with the recent clearing of forest cover for cultivation.vFrom systematically sampled area midway between Structures K4-27 and K4-28.wFrom a sampling transect running south from Structure K4-6."From a sampling transect near Structure N5-16.ySample from low-lying area between Dos Pilas and La Paciencia.zSample from Unit T-T-93-2."Moderately poorly drained area about 200 m east of Bayal.bbPoorly drained area south of Laguna Tamarindito."Plaza of small mound group R6-2.ddSample from Unit 36—1994.

site of Quim Chi Hilan (Figure 6; Demarest et al. 1997; Killion

et al. 1991; Van Tuerenhout 1996; Van Tuerenhout and Verhagen

1992). Other smaller walls occur farther west on the transect, sit-

uated to perhaps enclose several large rejolladas: free-draining sink-

holes with deep, cumulic soils on their floors. At Quim Chi Hilan,

distinct agricultural phosphate signatures reveal areas of intensive

"infield" gardening (with apparent intentional enrichment of soils

and some contour terracing) associated with the settlement re-

mains outside (north of) the large wall (see Figure 6). On the in-

side (south) of the wall, however, where only one small group of

Paleoecology and ancient settlement 261

Figure 6. Land use indicated by soil-phosphate-fraction values at the escarpment-edge settlement of Quim Chi Hilan located onTransect I (from Dunning !996:Figure 4.5; courtesy University of Utah Press].

mounds occur, phosphate mapping indicated a large agriculturalfield area in which we see phosphorous (and presumably other nu-trient) depletion. Given that nightsoil was one likely source offertilizer used in intensive gardening, it is not surprising thatsoils in small, intensively managed gardens should show netnutrient enrichment, whereas the large field area seemingly con-trolled by a small group should show net nutrient depletion. In gen-eral, the total soil phosphate level decreased with distance west ofQuim Chi Hilan. However, the deep soils within the rejolladas ex-hibit high total soil phosphate levels and agricultural fractionationsignatures (see Table 1, Notes i and j). Feral individuals of domes-ticated cacao trees exist in some regional sinkholes, suggesting thatthis sensitive, highly valuable crop may have been cultivated in thesesheltered microenvironments at some time in the past. Modern farm-ers also have had success growing maize in some rejolladas duringthe dry season, when cultivation outside of these depressions is dif-ficult. Thus, these special characteristics and the presence of an-cient walls suggest that rejolladas may have been privately controlled.Likewise, the large wall at Quim Chi Hilan suggests that Late Clas-sic Petexbatun land holdings were anything but equal. We furtherspeculate that spatial association and wall size hint that some of thelarger walled-off areas closer to Aguateca may represent royal land-

holdings associated with that site, whereas the "leftover" lands weredivided among a dense rural population.

On Transect 2, numerous mound groups were found on the rug-ged uplands west of the escarpment (Killion et al. 1991). In manycases low walls radiated from these apparent residential com-pounds. In some instances these walls either enclosed or con-nected with systems of agricultural terraces. These relationshipsstrongly suggest household control and management of nearby ag-ricultural fields. As McAnany (1995:94-95) has noted, the growthin size and complexity of these residence-wall-terrace systemsfollows a pattern often associated with the growth of extended fam-ily groups. We observed similar wall and terrace systems around alarge rejollada on the western margins of Seibal National Park in1991, although no such features were noted during the mapping ofthe Seibal urban zone itself (Tourtellot 1988).

In contrast to the strongly spatially divided cultural landscapeof the escarpment uplands, the lowland areas mapped on Tran-sects 1-3 exhibit an utter absence of field walls and a much lowersettlement density (Killion et al. 1991; Van Tourenhout et al. 1993).As discussed above, while many parts of these low-lying areashave significant agricultural potential, the nature of their agricul-tural use during the Late Classic remains unknown.

262 Dunning, Beach, and Rue

The diversity of terracing in the Petexbatun region is best seenin the elite residential zone lying just to the east of the monumen-tal core of Tamarindito (see Figure 5; Beach and Dunning 1995,1997; Chinchilla 1993; Dunning and Beach 1994; Dunning et al.1991, 1993, 1995; Houston et al. 1990). The two major types ofterraces that apparently functioned as planting surfaces are foot-slope terraces and box terraces (see Figure 4). Footslope terracesserve as large sediment traps at the bases of steep slopes that wereotherwise unprotected, although the palynological finding of sig-nificant regional forest cover and the relatively slow infusion ofLate Classic sediments in Laguna Tamarindito suggest that manysuch steep slopes may have been left forested. In any case, thefootslope terraces created some small fields with deep, fertilesoils. On the other hand, mapping and excavation of box terracesindicate that these systems created rather small, shallow plantingsurfaces (Dunning et al. 1993; Houston et al. 1990). The boxterrace systems appear to be intimately associated with the eliteresidential compounds found upon the hilltops where the terracesoccur. The form and location of the box-terrace systems suggeststhat they may be analogous to intensively cultivated seed bedsemployed near residential areas in parts of Mesoamerica today.Scott Fedick (1994) has also made this suggestion for the func-tion of similar "residential" box-terrace systems found in westernBelize.

Phosphate fractionation seems to affirm the agricultural natureof the box and footslope terraces (see Table 1, Notes a-c). Thetwo sampled box-terrace systems show some of the highest totalsoil-phosphate values in the region. This finding supports the ideathat these "mini terraces" may have functioned as heavily mulched

and fertilized seed beds. In contrast, the single phosphate fraction-ation sample taken from an excavated check dam or weir terracedoes not suggest that it functioned as a planting surface (Table 1,Note z). The form and placement of the check dams also indicatethat they probably functioned principally as erosion-control devices.

At the mouth of an arroyo containing a prominent system ofcheck dams is a large alluvial fan (see Figure 5). An excavationunit placed in the fan shows it formed during several depositionalepisodes. These episodes include a pre-Maya stratum probably as-sociated with Pleistocene-Holocene environmental changes, a LateClassic layer containing weathered sherds (most likely depositedafter the check-dam system was abandoned and many of the damsfailed), and a recent level accumulated from contemporary forestclearance and erosion (Dunning et al. 1995).

The mapped portion of the eastern Tamarindito settlement zoneincludes another interesting feature, namely, an ancient reservoirand associated dam (Figure 7; Beach and Dunning 1997). At thepresent time, the reservoir/depression is a subtle feature, becauseits volume has been filled with accumulating sediment, and thedam, which once impounded water, has been partly destroyed. Thedam was about 60 m in length, 2 m wide, and probably 3 m high.We believe the dam served at least two important functions. First,it created a source of water more immediately accessible, and per-haps more defensible, for the people residing in the habitationgroups situated on the high, steep hills at Tamarindito. One prob-able use of this water was for pot irrigation of nearby terraced plots.Second, the dam would have prevented eroding soil and residen-tial pollutants from running directly down the course of the arroyoand fouling the spring located at its base.

Figure 7. Reconstructed view of the Tamarindito dam and reservoir [drawing by L F. Luin, courtesy Vanderbilt University Press].

Paleoecology and ancient settlement 263

URBAN SUBSISTENCE VARIATION

An interesting diversity exists among the apparent "infield" com-ponent of subsistence systems associated with the three majorcenters of the Petexbatun: Tamarindito, Aguateca, and Dos Pilas.The eastern residential zone of Tamarindito, with its variety ofterrace forms and dams, exhibits some of the clearest evidencefor agricultural intensification in the region. Some of the Tama-rindito terrace systems, most notably the box terraces, are clearlyassociated with particular households. On the other hand, someterraces like the various check dam and footslope systems, servea more obviously communal purpose, indicating either coopera-tive or organized construction. The relative simplicity and scaleof the check dams indicates that they could easily have been cre-ated by local cooperation and incremental growth. The larger res-ervoir dam evinces a more clearly communal project that wouldhave benefited many different households. All told, the variousterrace systems seem to indicate that many elite urban house-holds at Tamarindito were involved in agricultural production,including "infield" gardening in the urban zone (Beach and Dun-ning 1997).

Aguateca also displays evidence for urban garden agriculture.The urban area of Aguateca is largely defined by an extensive,complex wall system (Graham 1967; Houston 1993; Inomata 1995,this volume). Located within the walled area of the site are severalsizable rejolladas like those encountered on intersite transects 1and 2. Phosphate analyses from these sinkhole soils indicate in-tensive cultivation of some kind (Table 1, Note k). On the otherhand, much of the walled area of the site is composed of a free-draining upland surface with an extremely thin soil mantle, in manyplaces only a few scant centimeters of humus over bedrock. Be-cause these surfaces do not indicate agricultural manipulation, in-field gardening at Aguateca was possibly restricted to sinkholefloors.

Perhaps the most startling find of the soil-phosphate testing pro-gram is that no indication of agricultural activity was found at DosPilas. To date, soil analyses from several promising interplatformareas produced only ambiguous phosphate fractionation signa-tures (Table 1, Notes Notes v-x). These signatures and their asso-ciated total-soil-phosphate values are consistent with a weak amountof contamination from nearby residential complexes and no sig-nificant agricultural activity. It is, of course, possible that gardensexisted at Dos Pilas, but were simply missed in the survey. It alsopossible that Dos Pilas was occupied for a significantly shorterperiod of time than were other sites in the region, a conclusionalso suggested by the relatively weak phosphate levels found inmany middens at the site (e.g., Table 1, Note p). It is also possiblethat gardening simply did not take place at Dos Pilas and that thecity's residents were completely dependent on crops grown out-side of the urban area. The relatively poor quality of many of thesoil zones at Dos Pilas itself may have been a significant factor inthis regard. A few exceptions around Dos Pilas include evidencefor agricultural activity in the hilly area around Cueva del Sangre,where a few probable agricultural terraces exist (Dunning et al.1993), and in the deep, broad arroyos between the Duende groupat Dos Pilas and Arroyo de Piedra.

In sum, environmental variability strongly influenced ancientagricultural variability among the urban centers of the Petexbatunregion. At Tamarindito, the focus was on prime upland soils andselective forms of intensification such as terracing and rejolladacultivation in appropriate areas, but at soil-poor Dos Pilas there

seems to have been a lack of cultivation. On the other hand, socialforces clearly influenced the pattern of agriculture, including theintensification and possible centralization of production in the vi-cinity of many of the escarpment settlements such as Tamarindito,Aguateca, Quim Chi Hilan, and El Excavado. Whether the lack ofagriculture at Dos Pilas has a social explanation, such as its de-pendent existence as a predatory entity, is unclear.

DISCUSSION

Maya people entering the Petexbatun region in Preclassic timessettled principally along the region's lakes and streams, but clearedlarge areas of forest using land-extensive agricultural techniques.Initial forest clearance induced significant environmental changes,most notably locally accelerated soil erosion. For unknown rea-sons, Maya population in the region apparently contracted duringthe Early Classic period, at which time considerable regrowth ofhigh primary forest occurred. During the Late Classic, however,population appears to have expanded quickly, and forest clearanceoccurred once again. Nevertheless significant tree cover remained,and food production appears to have been strong during much ofthe period (Wright 1997; Wright and White 1996).

Most of our ecological data thus far suggest the dominance ofhousehold-level agricultural management during the Late Classicin the Petexbatun region, although some evidence exists for com-munal projects (e.g., the reservoir-dam and check-dam systems).It is noteworthy that individual households in some instances ap-pear to have had substantial disparities in the size and quality oftheir land holdings. There appear to have been efforts late in theClassic period toward closing off larger tracts of land in some ar-eas such as the vicinity of Aguateca.

Both epigraphic and archaeological data support a generally seg-mentary model of Late Classic lowland Maya society and politicalorganization in the Petexbatun region (Demarest 1992,1996; Hous-ton 1993). In this model, centralized and integrated economies arelacking, the ruling elites exert little control over most material pro-duction, and urban centers largely replicate each other function-ally. To a large extent, our data and analysis agree with this modelof relatively weakly integrated economic structure, although cer-tain differences appear to have existed in the subsistence econo-mies of the three major regional centers. Most problematic is thecase of Dos Pilas, which as an intrusive polity might have adopteda predatory relationship with surrounding land.

Competition for prime upland areas was intense during the LateClassic period. Proximity to the important centers of the Petexba-tun Escarpment and defensibility clearly influenced the desir-abilty of land. During the Late Classic the escarpment land aroundand between the major centers was partially partitioned by a field-wall system. Some of these areas were naturally defensible, andothers had defensive systems nearby. On the other hand, adjacentlow-lying areas (both well drained and poorly drained) were lessdensely populated and were not divided by walls, nor were theyeasily defensible. This juxtaposition of contrasting landscapes sug-gests that the pervasive climate of intersite warfare during the LateClassic may have given added value to the more defensible realestate atop the escarpment. In sum, the interplay of environmentalfactors, such as the existance of agriculturally valuable land alongthe Petexbatun Escarpment, and social factors, such as prolongedintersite hostilities, probably spurred the development of the dis-tinctive, complex, and divided regional landscape.

264 Dunning, Beach, and Rue

RESUMEN

La region de Petexbatun se caracteriza por divisiones geologicas distinti-vas entre las tierras altas y bajas. En tiempos preclasicos los antiguos ma-yas empezaron a colonizar la region por las vi'as fluviales. Aunque loscolonos fueron pocos en numero, talaron grandes areas de bosque alto tro-pical para la agricultura, lo que inicio la extensiva erosion del suelo. Lapoblacion antigua decrecio en la region durante el pen'odo clasico tem-prano y el bosque alto se recuper6. Durante el pen'odo clasico tardi'o la

poblacion se extendio rapidamente a traves de la region, el talado del bosquese reanudo, y algunas de las tierras cultivadas elevadas fueron divididaspor un sistema complicado de muros. En algunos lugares la erosion delsuelo fue reducida por medio del uso de terrazas de piedra, presas y otrosmetodos de conservation. Las investigaciones indican una gran variationen las sistemas de subsistencia de los centros urbanos de la region dePetexbatun.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Much of the work of the Ecology subproject has been collaborative in na-ture, and we are indebted to numerous other members of the VanderbiltUniversity Petexbatun Regional Archaeological Project.

Funding for this research was provided by the United States Aid forInternational Development Agency, the Swedish International Develop-

ment Agency, the National Geographic Society, the National Endowmentfor the Humanities, Vanderbilt University, the University of Cincinnati,and Georgetown University. The Ecology subproject also benefited con-siderably from generous logistical support provided in the field by JohnSchmidt, proprietor of the Posada de Mateo, Peten, Guatemala.

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