Uneven Development in Western Guatemala *

Liliana R. Goldin

University at Albany

State University of New York

and

María Eugenia Saenz de Tejada

Universidad del Valle

* Research for this study was conducted in part with funds from a Faculty Research Award

received from the University at Albany, SUNY.

Ethnology, 1993

1

Uneven Development in Western Guatemala

In Latin America, analysts have noted patterns of uneven development within individual third

world countries, independent of their peripheral or semiperipheral condition. There are

numerous explanations for this phenomenon. Economic internal colonialism describes

situations in which capital reaches only certain layers of the bureaucracy or socioeconomic

sectors which, in turn, exploit human and other resources in the area without generating or

redistributing development. Urban primacy, so common to many third world countries, is

another contributing factor. Urban primacy implies unequal access to transportation and

infrastructure networks and to sources of supply and demand. In areas where populations are

mainly connected to the national and international markets through peasant rural markets,

whether they are periodic or permanent, primacy promotes differential access to resources

including labor and outlets for production. In western Guatemala, both perspectives can

explain uneven regional development.

Soon after contact, when Spaniards identified sites as those where they would establish

themselves (thereby forcing the development of certain areas over others), they set in motion a

pattern of uneven development that was further reinforced during the colonial and independent

years. Prior to that time, however, local populations were not uniformly endowed and

developed. Highly differentiated societies benefited from access to more or less fertile lands and

resources, and larger or smaller regions in the coast. Ecological, cultural, and historical

processes generated the contemporary situation in the region. To explain variability in

development, we need to consider not only these factors, including the position of the region with

respect to shifts and trends in the capitalist system, but also the local responses and initiatives

taken by the native populations to economic decline (Cook and Binford 1990:29).

In areas of limited land resources, like the Guatemalan western highlands, regional variation

2

in economic depression has been explained as a function of a region's distance to the core area of

the marketing system. The closer an area is to the central regional marketing system, the more

developed the communities are said to be, and the less dependent they are on seasonal work

outside the communities The greater the distance of the community from the core area, the

poorer and more dependent on seasonal work they are (Smith 1977 ). Although this explains,

in part, uneven regional development, there also exists variation in economic conditions between

townships located within the most developed core areas of the marketing system of western

Guatemala (e.g., in the departments of Quetzaltenango and Totonicapán). At present, there are

no adequate theoretical formulations to account for such between-town differentiation within the

core. Why are some communities doing better than others, even with comparable access to the

markets and comparable resources (i.e., scarce but reasonably fertile land)? What places some

rural inhabitants in an advantageous position relative to others? In other words, what explains

economic differentiation within core areas?

Here we compare two neighboring villages in western Guatemala, Zunil and Almolonga,

and point to similarities and differences between them. We use a model of economic

differentiation to explain within-township differences (Goldin 1993) as a basis for understanding

some of the dynamics that underlie between-village differences. Our comparison of the

townships on economic and cultural variables raises issues about the benefits and limits of the

production of nontraditional crops and their commercialization and it provides insights into the

process of change in peasant societies. Within a few miles of each other, the two towns'

differing historical paths and present economic attitudes are a commentary on the need for a

combination of regional and community studies to explain social and economic developments.

A MODEL OF ECONOMIC DIFFERENTIATION

The model proposed here focuses on occupational change (in the form of the production of

3

nontraditional crops and increased trading activity), religious change (from Catholicism to

Protestantism), and economic ideology as explanatory variables for economic differentiation. The

theoretical framework is not intended to be exhaustive but suggestive of some of the variables that

impinge on economic differentiation. According to the theory, many Mayan Indians are

experiencing difficulties in maintaining adequate standards of living because of high birthrates that

lead to a rapidly growing population coupled with limited access to land. Inheritance traditions

dictate dividing the deceased head-of-household's land among all living children, giving each child

access to less land to sustain his or her family with each passing generation. At some point,

alternative means of sustenance are sought, which might include migrating to a large city or

attempting to secure non-traditional work in a neighboring township (e.g., factory work). For a

growing number of Indians, an increase in trading activity and participation in the market system is

pursued. In the case of Almolonga, there has been an increase in the production, trade, and

exporting of nontraditional vegetables. Such trading activity leads to diversification whereby the

individual combines agriculture and trade and explores alternative markets. Participation in the

broader market system requires travel to new places and a subsequent exposure to new ideological

orientations. Capitalist notions of profit, competition, accumulation, and wealth are encountered

and reinforced in a broader marketing network that actively reinforces these concepts. The result

is the eventual adoption and crystallization of a new economic ideology that redefines the meaning

of accumulation and wealth relative to a more traditional ideology that characterizes sectors of the

township. This newer economic ideology further encourages trade and diversification which

ultimately leads to an improvement in economic status. Individuals who are least likely to pursue

the path of diversification and trade are the very poor within the township. Rather, it is those

people with average to better than average economic resources who are most likely to diversify, as

noted in Cancian's (1979:12) discussion of the facilitating effects of wealth.

In the context of increased trading activity and an emerging economic ideology, there is a

4

second important social process in Almolonga: conversions from Catholicism to Protestantism.

The conversion process and its cultural implications have been analyzed in Goldin and Metz

(1991). Protestantism in the region seems to be evolving into a religion compatible with an

occupation that requires long distance travel, which leads to capital accumulation and the emerging

economic ideology (see also Sexton 1978 and Annis 1987). By contrast, Catholicism is associated

with the more traditional agricultural cycle and does not embrace the notions of individualism and

competition in the way that Protestantism does. The result is that as occupational shifts occur,

greater numbers of individuals are embracing Protestantism which, in turn, brings about

fundamental cultural changes within Mayan townships. To be sure, Protestantism and the

emerging economic ideology are having an impact on Catholics and Protestants alike. Goldin and

Metz (1991) suggest that there are many who remain Catholic, but have adopted many of the

ideological orientations of Protestants. In this sense, formal religious affiliation is not necessarily a

strong correlate of economic ideology and change.

Evidence in support of the above mechanisms as a means of understanding differential

economic status within a township appears in Goldin (1993). We suggest here that the same

dynamics may help explain between-township economic stratification within more developed areas.

Specifically, most people in Almolonga and Zunil have at present roughly equivalent land

resources and access to the core marketing system, yet the two townships differ in their economic

position (with Almolonga having less absolute land and being relatively more economically

developed than Zunil). The above model leads to several predictions about how Zunil and

Almolonga should differ on the variables contained within the theoretical framework. First, one

would expect that Almolonga will have a greater number of individuals who have diversified and

incorporated trade into their occupation. Second, one would expect that Almolonga will have a

greater number of people who exhibit the nontraditional economic ideology that has emerged

concurrent with the new occupations. Third, one would expect that Almolonga will have a greater

5

number of Protestants, reflecting the congruence between the new religion, the new economic

ideology, and the new occupation. Finally, with very limited land resources, one may expect that

the township developing a higher entrepreneurial perspective (i.e., Almolonga) will be more prone

to expand its interests and pursuits beyond the township, thereby generating further differentiation

and more pronounced unequal relations between the towns.

We explored these predictions in the context of participant observation within the townships

and an extensive survey of each town. In the following sections, we first describe the basic

methodology used in the surveys. We then report the findings based on statistical analyses of the

above predictions and interpret these results in the context of qualitative data. Finally, we discuss

the broader implications of the results and speculate about future developments in the region

vis-a-vis the dynamic interplay of economic status, the ongoing process of class formation,

occupation change, religion, and economic ideology.

METHODOLOGY

We used three forms of data collection; participant observation, life histories, and survey Each

method has its advantages and disadvantages and our focus was on the results that converged

across the three forms of analysis. The survey data, though more superficial, tend to be more

representative of the townships as a whole. The qualitative data tend to be richer and more

elaborated in the cultural context, but involve data collection on a limited number of individuals.

Participant Observation and Life Histories.

In Almolonga, Goldin conducted fieldwork for approximately 24 months since 1980. Based on a

survey conducted in 1988 fifteen individuals, most of whom had been economically successful,

were selected to provide additional life histories. In Zunil, we relied on fieldwork conducted by

Saenz de Tejada in 1989-90 and other colleagues, partly reported in Miralbés de Polanco et.al.

(1990).

6

Surveys.

During 1988 and 1990, approximately 10 per cent of the households of each township were

randomly selected from township rosters and contacted to be in the survey (157 individuals in

Almolonga and 122 in Zunil). The surveys were conducted by male interviewers who resided in

the township being surveyed; three in Almolonga and two in Zunil.i

Their training was designed to

familiarize them with the interview process and the kinds of reactions and questions they might

receive from study participants. Analyses were conducted to determine if the responses people

gave tended to differ as a function of the interviewer and no such bias was evident for the data

reported here. The phrasing of survey questions and use of concepts were guided by the authors'

field experience in the communities and the region.

All individuals who were asked to be in the study agreed to do so. Each interview lasted

approximately two hours and all respondents were compensated for their participation in the

survey. The survey asked a broad range of questions about family history and structure, views

about land, agricultural practice, and trade, religious orientation, assets, views of the township (in

general), and political and economic ideology. The questions were primarily open-ended, to

permit individuals to respond in language that was appropriate to them. K'iche', the local native

language, was used in most cases but interviewers were asked to provide open- ended answers in

Spanish (which they can write), in the closest translation possible. The interviewer began the

survey by affirming the confidentiality of responses and describing the procedures for

confidentiality assurance.

Three sets of questions are of primary interest to this article. The first set focuses on religion

and the religious affiliation of the individual's parents and grandparents. The second focuses on

occupation of self, parents, and grandparents. The final set is on economic ideology. These

questions were based on the authors' experience in the townships and a detailed analysis of life

histories, folktales, and observed practices. Several beliefs were identified that focus on various

7

facets of economic ideology and which seemed to capture the more traditional economic ideology

within the townships versus the emerging economic ideology that is evident in our qualitative

analyses (Goldin 1992). The questions included conceptions of the wealthy, often suspected in

the most traditional frameworks, choices between land and capital investments, hard work,

diversification, accumulation, preference for children's education, and attachment to the township.

RICH AND POOR NEIGHBORS

Indices of Poverty.

We have referred to Zunil as a poorer town, overall, than Almolonga. There are several

indicators of this. People in the region recognize Almolonga as wealthier and better off than most

towns in the area. When individuals in our survey were asked to estimate the percentages of

wealthier and poorer people in their own town, there are significant differences. In Almolonga,

people estimated, on average, that 22 per cent of the township fell into the poor or very poor

categories. In Zunil, people indicated, on average, that 82 per cent of the township's population

were thought to be either poor or very poor. These are, of course, subjective measures of people

in both towns which we assume are based on comparable cultural assumptions about wealth and

poverty and self perceptions. In addition, there were significant differences between the two

townships when people were asked to describe the major problems they had in the past year. In

Almolonga, 48 per cent said they had no major problems, compared to 19 per cent in Zunil.

Besides citing the death of a relative or child, poverty and lack of money were mentioned by a

larger percentage of individuals in Zunil than in Almolonga (8 per cent in Almolonga and 28 per

cent in Zunil). Almolongueños cited bad harvests as a major problem they had experienced,

Zunil cited unemployment (8 per cent). Finally, indices of differential poverty are available from

census data, such as the percentage of sanitary systems installed in houses, which is larger in

Almolonga, and the existence of electricity in households, which is also more widespread in

8

Almolonga. More houses in Almolonga have newer and more expensive and prestigious

materials, as reflected in systematic observations made by our interviewers during our survey as

well as our qualitative research.

Land and Ethnic Composition.

There are 5 kilometers between Quetzaltenango, the second largest city in Guatemala and a major

marketing center, and the head township of Almolonga. There are an additional 5.5 kilometers

from there to Zunil. In the hills and ravines that surround the head township of Zunil, there are

mines of iron and sulfur among other minerals. Both Zunil and Almolonga enjoy the presence of

thermal springs that give character to both towns as centers of medicinal waters. Zunil has an

extension of 92 square kilometers and Almolonga has an extension of 20 square kilometers.

Descriptions of the area in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries describe it as a very rich

area where people worked hard and produced grains, foul, and legumes, for example, Fuentes y

Guzmán (1969[1690]: vol.III,98) describes the two towns as follows:

San Pedro Almolonga, located a league from Quetzaltenango in a highland valley,

is a town of good sustenance, abundant grains, fowl and legumes. And Santa

Catarina Zunil is two leagues from the cabecera [Quetzaltenango] on a

mountainous road, with little level land, its indians are productive, not given to

idleness or laziness, and they do not take time off from the cultivation of their fields

and communal lands; they acquire from other activities great wealth, and there is no

lack of it in their trade and cultivation... [our translation]

The ejidos, or communal lands in both towns were expropriated by regulations that went

into effect in the nineteenth century. In Almolonga, these lands (representing some of the best in

the township) were sold back to the Almolongueños in small lots when the ladino family owner of

9

the land needed money (Goldin 1989). By the beginning of this century, Almolongueños owned

most of the land in the township, and the people of Zunil owned almost no land. This situation

changed in the last 50 years, as people in both townships have acquired and redistributed land.

Today, on average, the amount of land owned by a given family (excluding ladinos) is

approximately the same in the two townships.

In Table 1, we present comparative information on land tenure, ethnic composition, and

population figures. Maya people in Zunil have experienced a pronounced history of exploitation.

Most people in the 1930s had no land, and a few families owned most of the land. Landless

people were hired as day workers who either worked for the wealthier families or for the

government (Saenz de Tejada 1990). Presently, although many inhabitants say that approximately

one fourth of the town does not own any land, our survey indicates that approximately 13 per cent

do not own any land, as compared to 28 per cent of the people in Almolonga. There are no

statistically significant differences in the amount of land inherited in both townships. As indicated,

Zunil has a total surface of 890 manzanas (1 manzana= 1.7 acres), which is almost three times

larger than Almolonga (even though the population of Zunil is slightly smaller than Almolonga's

population). However, the land distribution in Zunil is much more skewed than in Almolonga.

In Zunil approximately 70 per cent of the lots are less than one manzana in size, representing 15

per cent of the land. This indicates that most of the land is owned by a small percentage of the

population and the rest of the population shares a small amount of very fractured land. In fact,

approximately one half of Zunil's land is represented by four lots. Zunil experiences the mixed

blessing of also owning some attractive coastal lands, where two large fincas are located. In

Almolonga, by contrast, approximately 86 per cent of the lots are less than 1 manzana, but this

represents 51 per cent of all land (Censo Nacional Agropecuario 1982). This means that while

most people have very little land, there are relatively few, if any, large landholders holding great

extensions of land. This is directly related to the ethnic composition of both towns. In Zunil,

10

according to the 1980 census, Indians constitute 88 per cent of the population as opposed to

Almolonga, where Indians constitute 99 per cent of the population. This disparity may be one

contributing factor to the difference in economic well-being of both populations, representing the

detrimental impact that the non-Indian population has had on native communities. Native

agency, when allowed, may result in the development of viable economic alternatives.

Occupational Differences.

Even when taking into account the differences in ethnic composition outlined above, we still find

that a larger percentage of people in Almolonga (28 per cent) own no land. This is, in part, due

to the scarcity of land and small size of the township. Considering this, what strategies for

sustenance and economic development have the populations of both towns pursued in the last 50

years? Our model suggests that we should observe differences between the two townships in

occupational strategies, given their uneven economic development. Table 2 presents the results

from the survey on the occupation questions. For the current generation, there are large

differences between the two townships in the percentage of individuals whose occupation is

primarily agricultural (44 per cent in Almolonga versus 78 per cent in Zunil), a difference which is

statistically significant (p < 0.05). Similarly, the percentage of combined agricultural-traders is

significantly (p < 0.05) higher in Almolonga than in Zunil (32 per cent versus 10 per cent). Finally,

a larger percentage of individuals identified themselves as exclusively traders in Almolonga than in

Zunil (14 per cent compared to 5 per cent, respectively). These marked differences between the

townships are consistent with the model described above. It is interesting to note that the

disparities between the two townships in occupation largely exist in the present generation; the

discrepancy in occupational trends is much smaller for the respondent's parents and grandparents.

This is consistent with our qualitative analyses that suggest the changes that are occurring in the

region are recent and rapid.

We find that people in both towns have specialized in the production of vegetables. Almolonga

11

is one of the larger producers of cabbages and carrots in the country, also producing onions, beets,

cauliflower, radishes, and other vegetables. The people of Zunil, by contrast, emphasize

production of onions, green beans, and tomatoes, which are largely used in the native diet and are

mostly oriented towards the local market. A few people do export vegetables, mostly through

intermediaries, but many come from other townships (including Almolonga). There are no

significant differences in the percentages of people producing corn in the parent's generation, but

in the current generation people in Zunil produce more corn both in summer (11 and 1.5 per cent

respectively) and in winter 32 per cent in Zunil and 22 per cent in Almolonga).

About 40 per cent of our Zunil sample indicated that they engage in other activities beyond

their main one described as compared to 70 per cent of the people in Almolonga, suggesting that

Almolongueños tend to diversify more than Zunileños. The major additional activities described

by Almolongueños are the purchase and sale of vegetables, the transport of vegetables, and other

"businesses". Furthermore, Almolongueños own more jeeps and trucks than people in Zunil (17

per cent compared to 2 per cent) and are known for travelling long distances from the area.

Textile production, widespread among Zunil's women, is one of the major alternative economic

activities of the township, with 400 active members in the textile cooperative (Saenz de Tejada and

Miralbés de Polanco, 1990).

As noted above, both townships have experienced a scarcity of land. The responses to this

lack of land, however, differ greatly between the two townships. Many Almolongueños rent land

in the surrounding townships, including Zunil. By contrast, Zunileños tend not to engage in this

practice. Thirty per cent of people in our survey in Almolonga (compared to 10 per cent in

Zunil) say they rent some land at all, and 21 per cent of Almolongueños say they rent land outside

Almolonga, while no Zunileños say that they rent land outside of Zunil. In fact, Almolongueños

either own or rent land in Zunil, Cantel, San Cristóbal Totonicapán, Quetzaltenango, and Salcajá,

while some people in Zunil have bought land in Cantel and in the Pacific coast. When they do

12

rent land, on average Almolongueños rent more land than Zunileños (5 cuerdas and 2.4 cuerdas

respectively).

In sum, we see distinct differences in the two townships in occupational strategy and

entrepreneurial activity. Whereas the economically better off Almolongueños have diversified

and focused on production and trade of vegetables amenable to both local and nonlocal markets,

Zunileños have tended to retain a more traditional agricultural orientation. There is

unquestionably a difference in entrepreneurial activity across the towns.

Religious and Economic Attitudes.

Since the beginning of the century, the region surrounding Almolonga and Zunil has experienced a

large influx of Protestant missionaries. This development was encouraged by liberal governments

in Guatemala since the end of the nineteenth century. In the region, Protestantism seems to be

evolving into a religion that is compatible with the new economic strategies, such as trade and active

participation in the capitalist market and, in turn, with a new emerging economic ideology.

Catholicism, by contrast is associated with the agricultural cycle of corn production and does not

embrace many of the values traditionally identified as capitalist values such as individualism and

competition, as Protestantism does. We have discussed the conversion process and its cultural

implications in other papers (e.g., Goldin and Metz 1991). The results of our analyses suggest that

as occupational shifts occur, a greater number of individuals embrace Protestantism which, in turn,

is bringing about fundamental cultural changes.

Based on our proposed model of economic differentiation, one would expect that

Almolonga and Zunil should differ on religious variables which may be indirectly related to

economic differentiation between townships, given roughly equivalent resources. More specifically,

one would expect that Almolonga will have a greater number of Protestants, reflecting, in part, the

congruence between the new religion and the emphasis on diversification and commercialization

of vegetables. Consistent with this, the results of our survey suggest that Almolonga has a strikingly

13

larger percentage of converts to Protestantism than Zunil (50 per cent as compared to 10 per cent,

respectively) (see Table 3). On the other hand, we find in Almolonga, as compared to Zunil, a

larger percentage of people that currently participate in the activities of the civic and religious

associations (cofradías) and that practice the traditional maya ritual (costumbre), as well as a larger

proportion of people who state that both parents and grandparents participated in cofradías and

practiced costumbre. This can be accounted for by the intervention of orthodox forms of

Catholicism in Zunil, through the missionary work of Catholic Action, combined with the strict

and zealous work of the Catholic priest in Zunil who discourages cofradías and costumbre.

According to our proposed model, we would also expect that the town showing economic

improvement would also be characterized by an economic ideology that would provide support to

the ongoing economic changes even when the changes may be shaped partly by the ideology

(bi-directional effects in our proposed model). This new economic ideology would reveal an

openness to competition and individualism, valuing capital investment more than land,

emphasizing alternative means to making money rather than traditional means (corn agriculture),

valuing wealth and rich people with no fear or threat of being considered traitors to the

community and no fear of envy (a negative feeling that in traditional Maya ideology is thought to

cause disease or death). The new ideology identifies with the notion that it is better to be rich

rather than poor as long as some alleviating circumstances are added such as "rich but generous," as

suggested by people in Almolonga. When comparing people in the two towns on these

dimensions in both our quantitative and qualitative analyses, we found interesting differences and

trends pointing towards Zunil's greater identification with the more traditional responses and

Almolonga with a changing economic ideology. Different attitudes with respect to the legitimacy of

the wealthy are often expressed. In Almolonga the wealthy are often surrounded by positive

attributes, and in Zunil they are, on average, perceived to be greedy, harmful, and worthy of

suspicion.

14

Class Structure.

As noted, both towns show evidence of landless peasants. Some of these peasants work as

nurses, teachers, factory workers, etc. These constitute less than 10 per cent of the population in

each town. Our analyses indicate that some of those in Almolonga who do not own land rent land

in other towns. What we do not observe in Almolonga is a sector of the population engaged in

full-time wage labor or who identify themselves as full time day laborers. Some people stated that

they do occasional day work in the fields of other people for a wage, but that this occupies no more

than a few days in a month. On the other hand, 46 per cent of the Almolonga sample stated that

they hire day workers. Only 7 per cent of the Zunil sample stated that they hire day workers.

Day workers seem to have identified themselves as agriculturalists when asked about their

occupation, and we do not have a good estimate of the percentage of day workers in Almolonga

from our study. In Zunil, a 1983 census conducted by the Centro de Salud (Health Center)

reported 20 per cent of the population as day workers (jornaleros) and 6 per cent as wage workers

(empleados) (Saenz de Tejada 1990).

Zunil workers labor either in Zunil or for people in Almolonga. Almolongueños indicate that

they hire workers from Zunil, San Cristóbal, Cantel, and other townships, some of whom work the

lands which Almolongueños bought or rented from those villages. There is a clear sense that it is

the Almolongueños who most often adopt the role of the employer, certainly those

Almolongueños who are better off. Almolongueños proudly state that they do not work on the

plantations but that people come from other townships to work for them. In fact, Zunileños

prefer to work for Almolongueños than for other people in Zunil because salaries are higher in

Almolonga (Saenz de Tejada 1990). There is a similar situation with respect to land prices, which

are much higher in Almolonga than in the neighboring towns. The sense we get from participant

observation work in Almolonga and which can be supported by quantitative information, is that

while Almolongueños can identify a sector of poor people in the town, they are not necessarily

15

landless or characterized by a specific position vis-a-vis the means of production, nor is there the

notion of self-identification as belonging to a dispossessed sector. Instead, in Zunil the category of

jornalero seems to have wider validity and representation.

In the unequal relation between Almolonga and Zunil, Almolonga comes to represent the

employer, the landowner or client-renter, and Zunil the supplier of labor and some land.

Both towns are producing products for prices lower than any capitalist firm would be willing to

produce, thus providing cheap food and cheap labor (Deere 1987). In addition, Zunil is

providing Almolonga with cheaper prices on land, produce, and labor so as to enable the former

to accumulate further capital. In turn, Almolonga is following what Lehmann (1982) described as

the involuted pattern of capitalist development. Unable to become large landholders and even to

compete with large capitalist farms, Almolongueños choose the route of commercial development

with the help, in part, of the semiproletarianized labor from neighboring towns. Almolongueños

can depend on smaller extensions of land, as allowed by intensive vegetable production and on

their combined role as producers and intermediaries. As noted, this pattern, while more

capitalistic, creates more egalitarian land structures, based on small but equitable distribution

among hundreds of producer-owners. The poor in this context are semiproletarianized, so as to

complement their limited land (Lehmann 1982). The people of the central area have

chosen commercialization as an option, over and above proletarianization, unlike people in

peripheral areas or cases such as the Peruvian hinterland (Deere and de Janvry 1981). The

situation of semiproletarianization that we find in Zunil, and in sectors of Almolonga as well, has

increased the polarization between commercial and the poorer sectors, eliminating the middle

sectors in agriculture. This development was observed by Bartra and Otero (1987) in Mexico and

may become more pronounced in the area under study in future years. Collier (1989) observed

a similar development in Zinacantán, Chiapas. Like the people of Almolonga, Zinacantecos who

had been farmers in the sixties, took to commerce, using their own trucks and traveling long

16

distances throughout the state of Chiapas. The combination of semiproletarianization and

commerce led to a "major shift in relations of Zinacanteco production" (Collier 1989:118). In our

case, the shift becomes more pronounced between towns than within towns, although it also takes

place within the individual populations.

DISCUSSION

Theories focusing on urban primacy and internal colonialism have been the basis of

explanations of uneven regional development in Latin America. The notion of distance from the

core of the marketing system has been used to explain economic differences between townships in

western Guatemala. However, there is comparatively little theory that permits us to explain

unequal development between towns when the towns are roughly equidistant from the core and

have access to roughly the same resources. Here we presented a model that identifies three

variables that bear on uneven economic development under these conditions; i.e., occupation,

religion, and economic ideology.

When comparing two townships with comparable resources but are economically distinct,

we find confirmation for the basic tenets of the theory. The township of Almolonga, which is

doing economically better than Zunil, shows a larger percentage of the population who have

engaged not only in the production of vegetables, as many in Zunil have done, but who have

specialized in vegetables with export potential and who have extended and diversified their markets

to include several sites in Central America and Mexico. Almolongueños have changed their

traditional occupational activities to include, on a more comprehensive scale, trade and the role of

intermediaries. As they have done so, they have shifted their economic ideologies to allow for a

system of meanings that supports and encourages their economic pursuits. In comparison to

Zunil, Almolongueños have moved away from more traditional economic attitudes, even when

people in Zunil have separated themselves from the practice of traditional Maya rituals and

17

participation in cofradías. Consistent with the model, we also observed more conversions to

Protestantism in Almolonga than in Zunil, and the difference is impressive. While Zunil exhibits

economic differentiation within the town, it is most marked along ethnic lines, where ladinos have

accrued the largest wealth and, with the exception of a few families, Indians have been left to share

a small percentage of the township's assets among themselves. Internal differentiation in

Almolonga exists, but it is less marked if compared to the degree of differentiation between the

towns. This leads us to the dynamics of class formation: As the people of Almolonga develop

more acute entrepreneurial skills, they search for human and environmental resources beyond

Almolonga, generating uneven development within the region.

Presently there is considerable resentment mixed with admiration for the people of

Almolonga by their neighbors. In turn, the people of Almolonga perceive their neighbors as "kept

in their old ways," "backward," or "afraid of taking risks," and they contrast themselves as

"progressive," "modern," and "not afraid of taking risks." The cultural differences between the two

towns, and probably between Almolonga and several other towns in the area, can only become

exacerbated by intensification of the existing relations. Almolongueños are opting for alternative

ways of leisure, religion, more exposure to the Spanish language, and are also experiencing changes

in their gender dynamics, at least as far as the treatment of women is concerned (which is less

violent due to the reduction in alcohol consumption associated with conversions to Protestantism).

Almolongueños are also becoming more aware of the benefits of middle and higher education

and the need to allow their children to leave the town to pursue an education beyond the basic one

that they can obtain in the town.

Will people in other villages follow the model of Almolonga? The response of individuals in

other towns is that it is too difficult to do so, that they do not have the skills to produce vegetables

or to export them. They seem resigned to continue serving as sources of cheaper land and

cheaper labor. Almolonga's innovation and independence in the region is due to a combination

18

of factors. On the one hand, Almolonga's extremely small surface may have forced their people

early on to explore alternative occupations and strategies relative to other townships. Some of

their grandparents, they say, dreamt that growing vegetables was the thing to do. On the other

hand, Almolonga seems to be blessed by the historical fact that few ladinos settled in the town,

making it almost an exclusively Mayan town. This development, combined with the community

orientation of postcontact Maya towns, has probably served as a source of ethnic pride and

empowerment. In general, people in the township were not treated derogatively or in a

paternalistic way, nor were they explicitly exploited within the town. This may have permitted the

development of stronger feelings of self-worth that are conducive to innovation and risk taking. (It

would be interesting to compare people in towns with and without ladino populations on issues

related to ethnic identity, self-esteem, and motivation to succeed economically).

The relative economic betterment of Almolonga through occupational diversification is not

without costs and portends some of the dangers of producing and commercializing nontraditional

crops within the region. First, many of the nontraditional vegetables require intensive use of

chemical fertilizers and pesticides which are undermining the productivity of the land and are

having a negative effect on people's health. Second, there is an emerging pattern of economic

exploitation in which Almolongueños are using the resources and labor of other townships to

better themselves. This contributes to a regionalized class structure that may be

counterproductive in the long run and it is reflected in the resentment experienced among

neighboring townships. This, in turn, contributes towards friction between native peoples and

restricts the much needed solidarity networks among Mayas.

19

NOTE i.María Eugenia Saenz de Tejada supervised the survey in Zunil. Goldin supervised the survey in

Almolonga. With the exception of small changes to accommodate town specifics, the surveys were

almost identical.

20

Table 1

Land, Population, and Ethnic Composition Almolonga Zunil Total Land 259 890

(Manzanas)* Population 8,000 7,000 Percentage of 1 % 12 % non-Indian population Source: Censo Nacional, 1981. Guatemala.

*1 manzana = 1.7 acres

21

Table 2

Percentage of Individuals in a Given Occupational Group Zunil Almolonga

Grand Grand Self Parents Parents Self Parents Parents Agriculture Only 44 80 80 78 89 92 Agriculture and Trade 32 1 3 10 4 0

Trade Only 14 12 10 5 4 2 Other 10 7 7 7 3 6

22

Table 3

Percentage of Individuals in Selected Religious Groups Almolonga Zunil

Grand Grand Self Parents Parents Self Parents Parents Catholics 49 88 97 95 93 98 Protestants 51 12 3 5 7 2

23

References

Annis, S. , 1987. God and Production in a Guatemalan Town. Austin.

Bartra, R. and G. Otero, 1987. "Agrarian Crisis and Social Differentiation in Mexico." The

Journal of Peasant Studies vol.14(3):335-362.

Cancian, F., 1979. The Innovator's Situation. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Censo Nacional Agropecuario. 1982 (1979). Vol.I Tomo I, Dirección General de Estadística.

Guatemala.

Censo Nacional 1981. 1984. IV Habitación IX Población, Dirección General de Estadística.

Guatemala.

Collier, G. 1989. Changing Inequality in Zinacantán: The Generations of 1918 and 1942.

Ethnographic Encounters in Southern Mesoamerica. Essays in Honor of Evon

ZartmanVogt, Jr., ed. V. Bricker and G. Gossen, pp. 111-124, Albany.

Cook, S. and L. Binford. 1990. Obliging Need. Rural Petty Industry in Mexican Capitalism.

Austin.

Deere, C. D. 1987. The Peasantry in Political Economy:Trends in the 1980's. Program in

Latin American Studies Occasional Papers Series No.19. University of Massachusetts

at Amherst.

Deere, C. D. and A. de Janvry. 1981. Demographic and Social Differentiation Among

Northern Peruvian Peasants. The Journal of Peasant Studies 8:335-66.

Fuentes y Guzmán, F. A. 1969 (1690) Obras de Fuentes y Guzmán. Recordación Florida.

Biblioteca de Autores Españoles No.230,259. Madrid.

Goldin, L. 1989. Comercialización y Cambio en San Pedro Almolonga, Guatemala

Occidental , Mayab 5:45-9.

----- 1992. Work and Ideology in the Maya Highlands of Guatemala:Economic Beliefs in

24

the Context of Occupational Change. Economic Development and Cultural Change

41:103-23.

----- 1993. Models of Economic Differentiation and Cultural Change. Ms. on file at SUNY.

Albany.

Goldin, L. and B. Metz. 1991. An Expression of Cultural Change: Invisible Converts to

Protestantism Among Highland Guatemala Mayas. Ethnology 30:325-38.

Lehmann, D.1982. After Chayanov and Lenin. New Paths of Agrarian Capitalism.

Journal of Development Economics 11:132-61.

Miralbés de Polanco, R. E. Saenz de Tejada and I. Mejía de Rodas, editors, 1990. Zunil. Traje y

Economía. Guatemala.

Saenz de Tejada, M. E. 1990. Zunil: Su Economía. Zunil. Traje y Economía, eds. R.

Miralbés de Polanco, E. Saenz de Tejada and I. Mejía de Rodas, pp.25-58. Guatemala.

Saenz de Tejada, M. E. and R. Miralbés de Polanco.1990. Producción Textil en Zunil. Zunil.

Traje y Economía,eds. R. Miralbés de Polanco, E. Saenz de Tejada and I. Mejía de Rodas, pp.

115-24. Guatemala.

Sexton, J. 1978. Protestantism and Modernization in Two Guatemalan Towns. American

Ethnologist 5:280-302.

Smith, C.1977. How Marketing Systems Affect Economic Opportunity in Agrarian

Societies. Peasant Livelihood, eds. R. Halperin and J. Dow, pp. 117-46, New York.