COLLECTION MONETA – 191

DOCUMENTS AND STUDIES ON 19th c. MONETARY HISTORY

Mints, Technology and Coin Production

Proceedings of the Round Table of the "Silver Monetary Depreciation and International Relations" program

(ANR DAMIN, LabEx TransferS), Copenhagen, May 28-29, 2015

Georges Depeyrot, Michael Märcher, editors

MONETA, WETTEREN 2015

II

Cover: Mermaid, Copenhagen, photo Fotolia_2793149© Filip Makowski Fotolia.com

Recherche effectuée dans le cadre du programme DAMIN La Dépréciation de l'Argent Monétaire et les relations Internationales

Silver Monetary Depreciation and International Relations ANR 2011 BSH3 008 01

Ce travail a été réalisé avec le soutien du laboratoire d'excellence TransferS (programme Investissements d'avenir ANR-10-IDEX-0001-02 PSL* et ANR-10-LABX-0099).

This work has received support of TransferS (laboratoire d’excellence, program “Investissements d’avenir” ANR-10-IDEX-0001-02 PSL* and ANR-10-LABX-0099).

© Moneta 2015

MONETA, Hoenderstraat 22, 9230 Wetteren, Blegium, Fax (32) 93 69 59 25

www.moneta.be

39

The curious case of mint master of Riga city J. Haltermann (1660-1663)*

Viktors Dāboliņš

In the minting history of Riga and Livonia an unprecedented practice took place on 13 March 1660, when the former bookkeeper of Riga city mint Jost Haltermann was appointed to the mint master’s office.1 Traditionally, the mint master’s office was granted either to a warden or a goldsmith. Further activity of J. Haltermann deserves special attention. Namely, it is not known whether J. Haltermann ever carried on his main obligation - minting coins. Numismatic items of his office period bore only recognition marks - initials "IM" – of Riga mint warden Joachiim Meineke (1652-1663). This article reveals different aspects of J. Haltermann’s case by taking a closer look at the events and processes in Riga city in the first continuous minting period (1621-1673) under Swedish rule (1621-1710).

Very little has been studied about Haltermann’s activity in Riga city mint. The first opinions were expressed by Johann Christoph Brotze (1742-1823), the great Livonian polyhistorian and collector par excellence. J. C. Brotze assumed that the signature "IH" on the local numismatic material belongs to mint master Jost Haltermann. Thus, undated 10 ducat medal of Swedish king Charles X Gustav (1654-1660) was attributed to J. Haltermann and served as the sole evidence to his operation at the mint. J. C. Brotze and future generations of researchers were not aware of the fact that the same initials bore medals of Johann Höhn (active until 1693), who was commisioned by the royal Swedish, Polish and other European courts. J. C. Brotze also noticed the fact that despite the appointment of 13 March 1660, J. Haltermann never actually minted coins himself. Since 1660 and onwards the coins bore initialls of J. Meineke - "IM". Therefore, J. C. Brotze came to the conclusion that J. Haltermann had died shortly after his appointment.2

It was only in 1854 that J. Haltermann’s name was brought to public knowledge. August Buchholtz, the author of the article "Register of wardens and mint masters of Riga city 1517-1705"3 reflected largely on the earlier findings of Livonian mints and mint masters compiled by J. C. Brotze in his 10 volume masterpiece "Monumente ..". Although the accumulated historical knowledge was not sufficient, in the later generations’ work on archival documents research was not carried out, and the evidences to J. Haltemann’s engagement were sought only in numismatical material. In 1874 Egger brothers in Vienna issued a Livonian coin and medal auction catalogue.4 Among many unusual and unseen items, the medal (1643) of Queen Christina of Sweden, supposedly struck by J. Haltermann, was on sale.5 Almost all necessary items on offer, including the medal, were purchased by Anton Buchholtz for the Coin Cabinet of Himsel Museum. When the Riga cultural and historical exhibition opened its doors ten years later, the 1643 medal and another undated Queen Christina's oval-shaped medal or medaillon was presented as J. Haltermann’s coinage.6 Both items were incorrectly attributed – medal

* I would like to thank dr. Ivar Leimus from Estonian History Museum for the review and useful advices and

corrections of transcriptions. 1 LVVA 673:1:1280, fol. 51-51, LVVA 673:1:1279, fol.150. 2 J. C. Brotze “Sammlung verschiedener Monumente…” II Vol., S.120 3 Buchholtz, A. Verzeichniss der rigaschen Münzwardeine und Münzmeister von 1517 bis 1705.// Mitteilungen

aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte Liv-, Ehst- und Kurland’s, hrsg von der Gesellschaft für Geschichte und Alterthumskunde der russischen Ostsee-provinzen. VII Bd. S. 457 – 461.

4 Die Gotthard Minussche Thaler & Medaillensammlung.Die Adolph preissche Sammlung von Münzen und Medaillen der baltischen Provinzen. Bearb. von F. J. Wesener, Wien, 1974

5 Minuss & Preiss Catalogue, S. 109, Nr. 1833 6 Katalog der Rigaschen culturhistorischen Ausstellung. Veranstaltet von der Gesellschaft für Geschichte und

Altertumskunde der Ostseeprovinzen Russlands. Riga: Müller Buchdruckerei, 1883., S.136 (Nr. 1462 and 1463)

40

(1643) was the work of mint master of Riga city Hinrich Wulff (1633-1659), medaillon – of medalist Johann Höhn. There are reasons to believe that at a later period A. Buchholtz changed his mind. The name of J. Haltermann is no more present among other mint masters mentioned in the Xth Russian Archaeological Congress catalog (1896)7, nor in Anton Buchholtz’ coin catalogue (1922) compiled by his successor Heinrich Jochumsen at the Coin Cabinet of Riga city.8

In 21st century numismatic literature, the subject hasn’t been studied at all. The most significant studies in the history of the Riga city mint under the Swedish rule are almost simultaneously published works by Rasma Ceplīte and Aleksandrs Platbārzdis.9 Both neglect to mention J. Haltermann. A. Platbārzdis gives a comprehensive study of the Swedish Crown mint history, only periodically taking a look at the Riga city mint. The study of R. Ceplīte represents minting and evaluation history of the small denomination coins - schillings and dreipölkers minted in both mints. Meanwhile, virtually no studies engage with such aspects of Riga City mint as the structure, staff, legal status and income and outcome, which is essential to the interpretation of the historical situation under discussion.

In 1621 Swedish king Gustav II Adolph captured Riga and occupied the Latvian part of Vidzeme (Livonia). As in nearby Estonia, monetary and economic policy was implemented in both acquisitions for the economic integration within the Swedish economical system. On 25 September 1621 Gustav II Adolph confirmed Riga its minting rights, in accordance with the Swedish monetary system. Town council resisted privilege limit and already in 5 October Gustav II Adolf renewed minting rights which granted "in future"10 rights to mint groschen, dreipölkers and schillings according to the former, Polish coin regulations. As the King of Sweden was the new holder of the Münzhoheit, coins had to bear the image of the king or the Coat of arms. Mint kept its special institutional status and division of labour. All the minting obligations, expenses and income were held by the city. Town council for their part appointed two mint-lords to oversee financial affairs of mint and the work of the mint master, who managed the practical work of mint. The mint master was entrusted with the minting rights, for which he agreed to pay rent or fixed share of the silver struck (Schlagschatz) to the mint-lords.

Riga mint became a significant source of revenue for the city under Polish rule (1581-1621) and the coins were probably the most recognizable Livonian export product in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. By minting small denomination silver coins – schillings - Riga exploited the existing shortage of silver change within the Commonwealth territories. Therefore, Riga schillings accounted for about 60% of the circulating schillings within the territories of the Commonwealth.11

The mintage of schillings didn’t lose significance under Swedish rule. According to the estimations of the mint-book (Münzbuch), drawn up during the office of mint master Heinrich Wulff (1633-1659), Schlagschatz was fixed at 9 zloty 1 groschen of a silver mark12 struck in schillings and 2 ½ zloty – of a silver mark struck in dreipölkers. Due to the high purchase price of silver mark no Schlagschatz was charged for thalers.13 These sums roughly correspond to 21% and 4% of the minted coin values and, as can be seen, the highest degree of added value came from minting schillings. During this period 308 million schillings were minted in the mint,

7 Katalog der Ausstellung zum X archäologischen Kongress in Riga. Gedruckt auf Verfügen der Gesellschaft für

Geschichte und Altertumskunde der Ostseeprovinzen Russlands. Riga: W.F. Häcker, 1896, S. 255 8 Berga, T., Eihe,M., Dāboliņš, V., Berga, I. Dr. phil. Anton Buchholtz Sammlung baltischen Münzen und

Medaillen von Heinrich Johumsen, Rīga, 2011 9 Ceplīte, R. Numismātika, Rīga 1968; Platbārzdis, A. Die Königliche Schwedische Münze in Livland. Stockholm,

1968 10 A.Platbārzdis, S.17 Platbārzdis refers to the significance of formulation „in future”, which replaced common

formula „in eternity”, and was a serious instrument in the hand of Swedish Crown in further quarrels with town council of the minting privilege.

11 Mikołajczyk, A. Einführung in die neuzeitliche Münzgeschichte Polens. Łódź 1988, S. 61, 68. 12 Krakow mark – 197,8g 13 LVVA 673:1:1289, fol. 18, 55

41

which brought about 65,164,529 schillings, or 210,000 (reichs) thalers to the city treasury.14 (Appendix 1) It should be noted that these figures are inconsistent with A. Platbārzdis’ calculations of schilling production in 1644 - 1664. Based on a variety of written evidences, A. Platbārzdis assumed that the emission rate of schillings at Riga city mint exceeded that of the Crown mint twofold, and was estimated at 800 million schillings.15 Although we have no access to the Riga city mint financial data for the period from 1660 to 1664, comparative data suggest that in terms of emission of schillings Riga city mint lagged behind the Crown mint. (Appendix II)

The emission history of Riga schillings in the period under discussion can be divided in two periods: 1) from 1621 to 1644 and 2) from 1644 to 1664. In the 1621-1644 period, on average 4 million schillings were produced annually. Beginning with 1644, which was marked by the opening of the second mint in Riga, the Swedish Crown mint, emission of schillings at the Riga mint underwent quadruple and even five-fold increase, reaching its peak in 1653 when 31 million shillings were minted. Two main reasons attested to the intensification of the schilling emission - the opening of the Crown mint and favourable market conditions in the region (1648-1656).16 The Crown mint produced schillings of a like fineness (348 schillings were minted from 1 3/8 loth silver) to the Riga mint schillings (348 schillings were minted from 1 ¼ loth silver) only to a much higher extent, thus speeding up the output of the Riga city mint.17 Despite claims by Riga town council against harassment of the minting privilege and overproduction, evidently up to the early 1660s Riga city mint easily coped with the competition and minting of schillings was the most profitable enterprise in Riga mint.18

Considerably lower amounts of profit went to maintenance costs of the mint - expenditure on the staff and materials. According to the 15 May 1646 calculations drawn by H. Wulff, less than 40 people were employed at the mint: 26 workers, journeyman, supervisor and bookkeeper. Variety of craftsmen were also employed: 3(?) blacksmiths, 3 die cutters, silver dealer, stablemen, etc.19 (Appendix III) The total cost for processing 4000 Marks of pure silver accounted for approx. 6640 (reich) thalers or 11.6% of the overall value of minted coins. Material resources accounted for 2,630 (4.6%) and wages - 4010 (reichs) thalers (7%) of expenses. H. Wulff drew up the list only of the hired staff under his command. Mint master and warden were not included, because they were hired by town council. According to the employment contract of 30 August 1633 H. Wulff received in salary 1 ½ groschen or 1 dreipölker for a fine silver mark struck and the warden – 500 marks (33 thalers 90 schillings) a year.20 Because the amounts of fine marks struck in those years varied in the range from 10 000 to 60 000 a year, the mint master's salary ranged from around 200 to 700 (reichs) thalers. Given these numbers, total expenses of staff and materials reached about 7000 thalers or 12,2% a year. Profitability varied from year to year depending mostly on the working intensity, resource costs and denominations being struck. Besides, mint master had to consider certain risk factors - unstable silver supplies, political and military hostilities and natural disasters. As the studies show, in times of difficulties, the mint master could economize on wages by cutting back the staff and often by proposing the debasement of coinage.21

Little is known about the first bookkeepers and their obligations in Riga city mint. However, the significant growth of emission and working force at the mint in the Polish period, suggests that demand for a permanent accountant apparently already existed. The first entry concerning a bookkeeper at the Riga city mint dates to early 1621. Shortly before the

14 In 1621-1647 from 1 1/4 loth silver 302 schillings were struck, from 1647 - 348 schillings. 15 A. Platbārzdis, S.219 16 A. Platbārzdis, S.217 17 A.Platbārzdis, S.415 18 Dreipölkers were minted several years (1622-1624, 1644, 1647-1649, 1669) at considerably much smaller

emission rates and therefore was of minor significance to the total value of the coins struck. 19 LVVA 673:1:1279, fol. 112-113 20 LVVA 673:1:1280, fol. 9-9a The exchange rate was: 1 thaler=15 marks=60 dreipölker 21 Leimus, I. Livonian Mint masters of the sixteenth century//Nordisk Numismatisk Årskrift 1989-90, P. 124

42

capitulation of Riga to the new overlord Gustav II Adolf, mint master Martin Wolff (1609-1633) employed bookkeeper Johann Friedel.22 Apparently, every next mint master kept a Buchhalter at his disposal. In 1646 Heinrich Wulff (1633-1659) employed a bookkeeper, who received 200 thalers a year for his services.23 It is not certain whether this could be J. Haltermann or anyone else of his predecessors. Jost Haltermann and his successor J. Meineke worked together with bookkeeper Heinrich von Cöln (Collen, Köln, 1660-1673).

The beginnings of Jost Haltermann’s engagement in the city mint remain unclear. His personal and biography details - date and place of birth, education - are largely unknown either. Because we can’t trace the name of Haltermann in Livonia before the mid 17th century we may assume that Haltermann was a recent newcomer in this region of the Baltics. As proof to his material well-being and social status was his admission to the burgher of Riga city in 9 October 1655.24

It is not known what freedoms and rights Jost Haltermann and his predecessors enjoyed, but a number of mint documents from 1660’s show that bookkeeper’s status was rather high. During this time, for the first time in addition to the mint master’s and warden’s signature the signature of the bookkeeper appears. In 1662 H. von Cöln also gave the oath of bookkeeper.25 We may suggest that J. Haltermann as well as a mint master and warden was appointed by the town council and was exempt of ordinary citizen’s obligations (Bürgerliche Unpflichten) – town guard, housing of soldiers and taxes. Should we conclude that the legal status of bookkeeper meant that he belonged to the candidate circle that could hold the vacant mint master’s office? Unfortunately, it is not known.

The death of H. Wulff in 17 October 1659 marked the end of Wulff mint master dynasty. For the first time in centuries an ‘outsider’ of no local background was appointed to the mint master’s office. The Ordinance of 13 March 1660 stated that J. Haltermann had to strike coins of certain weight, value and amount from the fine silver mark whose price, similarly to the previous calculations, was not below or above the 24 zloty (à 30 groschen). Every Thursday the warden was required to hand in the coin book and the corresponding Schlagschatz to the mint-lords. Unlike the earlier practice the amount of Schlagshatz was not calculated on the basis of the denominations struck, but was determined to 9 zloty for each pure silver mark struck. In the following three years of his office, the mint master was obliged with the help of Kämmerei to arrange and allot an apartment to the mint staff. As usual, for his services the mint master was exempt from ordinary citizen’s obligations.26

Neither the Ordinance of 13 March nor any other document indicates of the mint master’s reward. In case the wage was kept at the same level as during the office of H. Wulff, i.e. 1 dreipölker for earch pure silver mark struck, the potential reward was motivating enough. On deciding in favour of J. Haltermann’s candidacy we shouldn’t exclude the actual example of the Crown mint. Possibly J. Haltermann offered or agreed with the town council on financially more profitable plans on how to exploit the mint.

Anyhow, during J. Haltermann’s office, coins were struck by the experienced warden Jochim Meineke. J. Meineke was born in Riga at the beginning of the 17th century in the family of goldsmith Otto Meineke. Following in his father’s footsteps, Jochim mastered the goldsmith’s craft. His early carreer was overshadoved by the ill fame and poor relations with the Goldsmiths' Guild - the reasons as to why he was admitted to the Guild only in 1652.27 In 17 June of the same year, J. Meineke took up the duties of warden. In his own words, he had

22 LVVA 673:1:1279, fol. 7. 23 LVVA 673:1:1279, fol. 112. 24 LVVA 749:6:4, fol. 152. 25 LVVA 673:1:125, fol. 1. 26 LVVA 673:1:1280, fol. 51. 27 Latvijas sudrabkaļi. Darbi un meistaru zīmes. Sast. V. Vilīte. Rundāle, 1993, 37. lpp.; Buchholtz A. Verzeichnis

der rigaschen Münz - Wardeine und Münzmeister, von 1517-1705, S. 459

43

did melting works and examined the fineness, as well as provided a helping hand in other obligations. J. Meineke was rewarded with 100 thalers and 24 cords of firewood a year.28

At first J. Meinecke’s initials “IM” appeared on the "coronation" thalers of Riga from 1660. In 23 November 1660 Queen Hedvig Eleonora, in gratitude for the heroic resistance of Riga in 1656 against Russian siege, granted "privilege Nobilitatis civitatis Rigensis". The king of Sweden 'crowned' the coat of arms of Riga and, similarly to Swedish nobility, ennobled the town council members. The same die set was used for striking both thalers and 10 ducats (Portugaloser).29 It was the last portugaloser struck in Riga.30 Most likely these coins were struck at a special order of the town council, and served for representative purposes.

During the mint master’s office of J. Haltermann, the most commonly struck coins by J. Meineke were shillings. However, the “golden age” of schillings was over. The influence of various processes caused the effect in coin market which in Livonian numismatics is called the "schillings catastrophe" or the major economic and monetary crisis in the early modern Livonia. A. Platbārzdis linked the catastrophe mainly to the emission of the Polish-Lithuanian low fineness schillings or boratinki (1659-1664) and the intrusion of Suczawa counterfeit schillings (1662-1666).31 In accordance with Gresham's Law, which states, bad money drives out good money, valuable Riga and Livonian schillings went out of circulation. The result was the loss of confidence in schillings and the dramatic drop of schilling value, accordingly in 1665 thaler was equal to 594 schillings, and in 1667-1669 the exchange rate was up to 720 shillings.32

A variety of efforts followed by the King of Sweden, as well as the town council, to neutralize the effects of the “schilling catastrophe”. In both mints schilling emission was periodically stopped, exchange rates were determined and the counterfeit money was confiscated. In 1664 the Crown mint discontinued its operations, and in the following year the last schillings were struck in the Riga city mint. In the autumn of 1667 trade in Riga had gone as bad as ever in times of peace, goods from the West were shipped only through the neighbouring lands, and payment was accepted only in thalers and ducats.33 To meet the demand for the precious currency, in 1664 and 1667 double-ducats were minted, in 1668-1669 thalers of various denominations and in 1673 - ducat coins. These were the last coins struck by J. Meineke. The activity of Riga city mint was not restored until 1700.

At the outset of financial and monetary crisis in the early 1663 died Jost Haltermann. 34 Circumstances of J. Haltermann’s death are not known, however, as one might suggest, he, similarly to the predecessors, died in prosperity. On 19 August 1661 J. Haltermann concluded a 20 year contract with the town council for the lease of a mill and surrounding farm in Uexküll, which was formerly owned by Jacob Vogel.35 The annual rent was 40 thalers in cash. Apparently J. Haltermann planned to expand business activities in the new property by building a new copper mill (Kupfer Mühle) next to the existing hammermill and copper mint. It is noteworthy that the city council set a limit on the usage of charcoal, not allowing them to be used for the needs of mint. Assuming that this prohibition expired after J. Haltermann’s death, delivery of charcoal as well as firewood to the mint or other households could provide J. Haltermann’s descendants with sufficiently high income. As the calculations of 1646 show, processing of 4000 silver marks required charcoal and firewood in the worth of 1100 thalers alone.36

In light of the monetary crisis, we should also take note of the regulatory changes in the mint that were implemented after J. Haltermann’s death. According to the coin decree (Muntz 28 LVVA 673:1:1279, fol. 130 29 Platbārzdis, A. S. 160 30 Berga, T. Rīgas dāvinājuma un piemiņas monētas.//Senā Rīga, 3. sēj., Rīga, 92.lpp. 31 We also shouldn’t neglect the effect of the Polish –Swedish war (1655-1660), which left a lasting impact on the

demand of schillings abroad. 32 Platbārzdis, A. S. 229-241., 273-313 Ceplíte. Numismátika, 130. lpp. 33 Platbārzdis, A. S. 234 34 LVVA 749:6:9, fol. 112-113. 35 LVVA 673:1:1280, fol. 54-55. 36 LVVA 673:1:1279, fol. 112.

44

Ordnung) of 11 July 1663 mint was no longer given to the mint master in lease. Mint master J. Meineke and bookkeeper H. von Cöln were given the rights of mintage as the city officials. As such, J. Meineke alongside the mint master’s duties performed those of warden. Every Thursday mint master submitted calculations of Schlagschatz and 9 thalers in Schlagschatz for each silver mark struck. The so called adjuncti H. von Cöln filled the duties of bookkeeper and of warden – took samples and examined their fineness, weight, value and amount. In addition to these responsibilities, he was also entrusted with the duties of an economist - carrying out the calculations of revenue and expenditure. Both mint master and bookkeeper received a fixed salary, living area in one of the mint houses and the exemption from ordinary civil obligations. Mint master received annual salary of 700 (reichs) thaler, bookkeeper – of 600 (reichs)thalers.37 Next to the examination veil (nebst dem probier Gewölb) exchange chamber had to be appropriated for the daily needs of the mint master to calculate the exchange rates of incoming money.38 Instead of rent, the warden was obliged to look after the spending of resources - wood, iron, coal and light.39

The mint regulations of 11 July 1663 indicate that the bookkeeper enjoyed high professional status at the Riga city mint. Bookkeepers was familiar not only with the economical calculations but also the craft of warden. Thus Haltermann’s precedent owed much to the merging of bookkeepers and warden's fields. In addition to professional skills, J. Haltermann’s career opportunities were possibly determined by his personal qualities - versatility, belonging to burghers and material wealth. We may conclude that the rise of the bookkeeper’s status in Riga mint came at a certain price. Because Jost Haltermann wasn’t able to mint the coins himself, his period in Livonian numismatics doesn’t speak of itself in coins. Therefore, the coinage of Riga mint in 1660-1663 is commonly associated with the warden J. Meineke, who, in respect to this period, in literature is normally called a ‘mint master’.

37 J. C. Brotze “ Monumente…” II Vol., P. 120 38 LVVA 673:1:1280, fol. 59b 39 LVVA 673:1:1280, fol. 60.

45

Appendix I. The emission of schillings in the Riga city mint (1633-1659)*

Minting period Amount of schillings struck

(in Krakow marks) Total amount of

schillings 1633

(15 Sept. – 26 Dec. 1633.) 11,405 3,444,310

1634 (26 Dec. 1633 – 31 Dec. 1634)

27,901 8,426,102

1635 (8 Jan. - 17 Dec. 1635)

13,757 4,154,614

1636 (7 Jan. – 22 Dec. 1636)

13,853 4,183,606

1637 (29 Dec. 1636 – 21 Dec. 1637)

16,838 5,085,076

1638 (1638. g. 4. Jan. – 6. Dec.)

17,720 5,351,440

1639 (7 Febr. – 19 Dec. 1639)

10,671 3,222,642

1640 (2 Jan. – 10 Dec. 1640)

14,739 4,451,178

1641 (7 Jan. – 30 Sept. 1641)

10,505 3,172,510

1642 (6 Jan. – 24 Nov. 1642)

16,266 4,912,332

1643 (22 Dec. 1642 – 21 Dec. 1643)

20,139 6,081,978

1644 (4 Jan. – 24 Dec. 1644)

43,495 13,135,490

1645 (9 Jan. 1645 – 1 Jan. 1646)

46,708 14,105,816

1646 (1 Jan. – 14 May 1646)

17,818 5,381,036

1647 (26 May – 30 Dec. 1647.)

from 30 Sept. 348 schillings are struck from 1 mark

34,015 11,837,220

1648 (30 Dec. 1647. – 28 Dec. 1648)

36,449 12,684,252

1649 (28 Dec. 1648 – 27. Dec. 1649)

39,039 13,585,572

1650 (3 Jan. – 13 Apr., 5 -24 Dec. 1650)

25,683 8,937,684

1651 (2 Jan. – 26. July 1651)

41,504 14,443,392

1652 (1. July – 30. Dec. 1652)

55,478 19,306,344

1653 (30 Dec. 1652 – 29 Dec. 1653)

91,224 31,745,952

1654 (5 Jan. – 24. March,

12 Oct. – 28 Dec. 1654) 59,760 20,796,480

1655 (28 Dec. 1654. – 7 Apr.,1. Dec. – 20

Dec. 1655) 58,182 20,247,336

47

Appendix III. The staff of Riga mint, wages and expenses of resources in 1646*

4000 mark fein Ins jahr machen a 42 f 28 g 2 s 171733 f 10 g Das Silber zu 24 f machet 96000 f Das Kupfer auf die feine mark 4 f 12 g 17600 f Abgank im feuwr vndt Weißuden 3f 3g 12400 f Schlagschatz a 9 f 2g 36266 f 20 g Vnkostunge zu 2 f 11 g 9466 f 20 g 171733 f 10 g

Waß ich aber das Jahre vber auf solche arbeit an Vnkostunge Verkurtzet bin, muß ich vngefehr setzen, so ich Jerlich haben muß zu solchen Werk: 500 faden holtz zu 18 mark ist 600 Rd Kohlen das Jahr 500 Rd Allaun 350 Rd Weinstein 600 3 Schmiede die Werk mit eißen Stall undt arbeits lohne 1400 6 pferde 60 habern 200 Rd heuwe 100 3 Scheune zu heuwe undt Holtz 60 26 persohnen zur arbeiten 1500 ein buchhalter 200 ein geselle vndt aufseher 200 Ein Eisenschneider 250 Ein Einkauffer 150 3 abschneider 210 for kelle vndt glueherde 50 for pargem zu bogen 90 for Ziegel, Berssche vndt teutsche Erde 130 for dratte 30 for fette, Olge, klawen fette 60 6640 Rd

Was sonsten mehr so nicht Specifirirt dazukommet vndt Vnkostunge erfordertt, pferbeschlach, Satler, Remer, Botker, [...] vndt dergleichen.

* Source: LVVA 673:1:1279, fol. 112.

431

Contents

Catherine Brégianni, Classical revivals in contemporary European banknotes:

cultural interconnections and monetary homogenization ........................................ 1

Cao Jin 曹晉, Mints and Minting in Late Imperial China:

Technology, Organisation and Problems .............................................................. 17

Viktors Dāboliņš, The curious case of mint master of Riga city

J. Haltermann (1660-1663) ................................................................................... 39

Georges Depeyrot, Coins versus banknotes in Antiquity ....................................................... 49

Dennis O. Flynn, Tangible and Intangible Monies: Theory and Global History ................... 61

Cecilia von Heijne, What can be learned about coin circulation from a total inventory

of coin finds? Case study: Northeastern Skåne c. 1600-1800 ............................... 93

Gitte Tarnow Ingvardson, Two 17th Century War Hoards from Todarp (South Sweden) . 109

Claudia de Lozanne Jefferies, Selective adoption of mining and minting

technological innovations in Habsburg colonial Mexico:

Centralist policy or exchange rate management strategy? .................................. 149

Ursula Kampmann, Minting made in Germany,

Trends in the Coin Producing Industry of Today ................................................ 161

Seán Kenny and Jason Lennard, Monthly Estimates of the Monetary Base for the United

Kingdom, 1841-70............................................................................................... 191

Ivar Leimus, International contacts of Tallinn mint masters in the 16-17th c. .................... 215

Michael Märcher, Screw presses, Boulton presses, and Uhlhorn presses -

The 19th century development in Danish coin striking machinery

from an international perspective ........................................................................ 221

Rita Martins de Sousa, Minting Techniques and the Quality of Coins Produced

at the Lisbon Mint (18-19th century) .................................................................. 255

Sylvain Michon, L'atelier monétaire, les monnayeurs et les mentalités collectives

dans la crise monétaire de la décennie 1570 à Troyes ........................................ 267

Jens Christian Moesgaard, Medieval coining tools from Lund, Scania

(present day Sweden) .......................................................................................... 367

Hedi Saidi, La frappe de la monnaie en Tunisie. Variétés, ancienneté et utilisation ............ 377

Sergey Tolstoguzov, The Tenpo Crises and Bakufu’s Finances ........................................... 393

Brigitte Touitou-Michon, Le cave se rebiffe – Business plan

Michel Audiard, visionnaire des plans de développement d'entreprise ?............ 401

Contents ................................................................................................................................. 431