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Success Stories of Political Marketing in Multi Ethnic Societies:
Case Studies Jokowi-Ahok in Jakarta and Aher-Deddy in West Java1
Dipa Nugraha Suyitno Muhammadiyah University of Surakarta
BACKGROUND OF THE RESEARCH
According to Kotler and Keller (2006), there are 10 types of entities for marketing
people to be marketed. The 10 types of entities are: goods, services, experiences, events, persons,
places, properties, organizations, information, and ideas. Whilst there are 10 types of entities are
available for marketing people but marketing persons seem to develop slowly compared to other
types of entities. However, recent studies show that this field, especially in the political field, is
growing as some scholars take this issue into surface (O’Shaughnessy, 1990; Lock and Harris,
1996; O’Shaughnessy, 2001; Dean and Croft, 2001; Henneberg, 2008; Dean and Croft, 2009).
The term for this study then coined as this has become a new field. It is a marriage between
marketing and politics and named as political marketing.
Political marketing sees voters as customers and focuses on market-research-driven
policy (Henneberg, 2008; O’Shaughnessy, 2001) since “voters make their electoral decision just
as if they buy products or services” (Dean and Croft, 2009, p. 131). Political marketing believes
1 Research draft in June 2013 for Pursuing Ph.D in Political Marketing at the University of Auckland. This research
draft was intended to be supervised under Assc. Prof. Jennifer Lees-Marshment. However, I canceled out taking
the offer from The University of Auckland to accept an offer from Monash University due to sponsorship
reasoning.
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that voters can be treated as consumers as they are also affected by the message from word-of-
mouth and mass media (Katz, 1957). Eventhough the direct effect given by mass media to voters
is weak compared to the effect from opinion coming from influential people as Katz and
Lazarsfeld (in Fill, 1999) find this on American voting, but the recent phenomenon is that right
now mass media is used by party and or candidate to affect voters by using influential people.
Thus, it is not relevant anymore to divide the effect of message brought by mass media to
persuade voters and the effect of opinion coming from influential people since they now manifest
into a single package; the application of marketing. Furthermore, Brown and Coates (in Dean
and Croft, 2001) see that political campaigning becoming an art where “product to be prepared,
packaged and marketed with appropriate brand image after careful market research”.
Recently, marketing in politics has been growing into a serious business. It uses
marketing strategies, techniques, and methods in political process as a new breed between
marketing and politics (Menon, 2008). Indeed, Henneberg (2008, p. 170) adds that the theory of
marketing-oriented voter behavior can be used in political marketing as this implies that political
marketing can be understood as a new way to “answer questions regarding impact and
appropriateness” of marketing strategies and tactics in politics.
Political marketing in Indonesia has been developing since the changing of political
system from tyrannical system into democratical system. Indonesia has evolved from tyrannical
system which was held by Suharto (1966-1998) into a democratical system. The transition from
tyrannical system into a real democratic provokes a new atmosphere in the way politics proposed
and educated to voters. After the fall of Suharto, there was some doubt, uncertainty, concern, and
volatility over Indonesian politics. This is a country where there were only two presidents for
over 52 years; Sukarno (1945-1966) and Suharto (1966-1998) before the mass reformation
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happened in the country. This is truly a country where “the real” democracy is still a new term in
the politics. It all started when Suharto stepped down in 1998 and Habibie gained the power to
ignite the transition into democratic system. However, the most important moment for
Indonesian politics is 2004 election. In 2004 election the parliament and the president were both
directly elected by Indonesian. That was the time when electoral system for parliament and
presidency began (Djalal, 2008) and political marketing became important issue (Alie, 2010).
While the Indonesian politics has been developing into more and more democratic, the
issue of political marketing was just started couple years ago. The first book published in
Indonesia discussing the necessity of new strategy on the political winning in Indonesia by using
political marketing approach was published in 2004. This book, Political Marketing: Strategi
Memenangkan Pemilu Sebuah Pendekatan Baru Kampanye Pemilihan DPR, DPD, was written
by Nursal. The two other books to discuss the same issue were written by Firmanzah: Marketing
Politik – Antara Pemahaman dan Realitas (2006; 2008a) and Mengelola Partai Politik:
Persaingan dan Positioning Ideologi Politik (2008b). There are only two academic articles
written in this subject. The first was written by Suryaningtyas and Satrio based on Kompas
survey, Kapan Pilihan Ditentukan? (2007) which depicts the election of governor of Jakarta and
shows some important points of political marketing in the election. The second article was
written by Widigdo (2009) which talks about the concepts of political marketing. This means
that the serious study on political marketing in Indonesia itself has just started for about eight
years. The number of published books in this field implies that the study of political marketing
has not been developing well in Indonesia as it should have been when considering Indonesia as
one of the biggest democratic countries in the world. While for research which exclusively focus
on political marketing in Indonesia, there are only twelve research available in Indonesia and
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they were all conducted in 2009s and up above (Setiawan, 2009; Rahmayanti, 2009; Sudariyono,
2009; Wicaksono, 2010; Pramono, 2010; Alie, 2010; Mahu, 2010; Rindaryanto, 2010; Fajar,
2011; Sidabalok, 2011; Situmorang, 2011; Sitepu, 2011). These facts, the lack of academic book
to discuss political marketing and the low number of research done on the same subject, can be
understood since the true democratic era in Indonesia just started in 1998 after the fall of Suharto
(Djalal, 2008) and the political marketing in democratic system in Indonesia was just started
from general election 2004 (Alie, 2010).
What makes interesting also from these facts is that there are only two research which
really manage the marriage between “marketing” as business management subject and “politics”.
The research done by Sudariyono (2009) and Alie (2010) clearly put marketing management as
the basic for their research while others put “public communication” as their domain eventhough
some of them use marketing terms. Sudariyono (2009) used STP (Segmentation, Targetting,
Positioning) and 7Ps marketing mix approaches to analyze the strategic planning of Golongan
Karya party in their 2009 parliament campaign while Alie (2010) used the Theory of Reasoned
Action from Fishbein and Ajzen to explain the important factors which affect the voting behavior
on a political party in Jakarta during general election 2009. While Sudariyono’s and Alie’s
conducted research based on the practices of political marketing in a new democratic
athmosphere, there are still important remarks left behind. They did not take into consideration
within their research that is the most important aspect of Indonesia; multi-ethnicity.
Multi-ethnicity in Indonesia is unique. Since the beginning of this country, the founding
fathers realized that they need a national motto to bond the ethnic diversity. It was in early years
of Indonesian independence, the founding fathers of Indonesia chose “Bhineka Tunggal Ika” as
Indonesian national motto. Bhineka Tunggal Ika was taken from ancient Sanskrit means “Unity
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in Diversity”. It is a spirit coined by Indonesian founding fathers to show that Indonesia by
nature is a land of many ethnicities but these ethnicities are united as one Indonesia.2 However,
in Indonesia itself the issue of ethnicity against nationalism has never gone. By the coming of
democratization era, ethnic revivalism has found its wake up call against Indonesian-ness
(Gayatri, 2010). This is an era where democratization is not about the changing of political
system from a tyranny but it deals indeed also with ethnicity sensitivism in practicing democracy
as one nation (Ghoshal, 2004).
PROPOSITION OF RESEARCH
To give a clear framework to this research, the researcher assumes a working
proposition that the practices of political marketing in multi-ethnic societies in a new democratic
country can be used as in those well-established democratic country. This research will also
explore how Jokowi-Ahok and Aher-Deddy political campaign teams designed their winning
strategies.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THIS RESEARCH
This research is important since there is no previous research which defines the creation
of political marketing winning strategies in practice in multi-ethnic such as Indonesia. This
2 Badan Intelejen Negara, accessed on 8 March 2013 at 02:42 p.m. GMT+7
http://www.bin.go.id/wawasan/detil/167/3/26/11/2012/filosofi-garuda-pancasila
6
research will also contribute to:
1. Political Marketing studies; as the results of this research will give another source to
set new strategies in promoting candidate in multi-ethnic societies.
2. Political Studies and Marketing Management; as the results of this research are
expected to bond more tightly between these two fields. This research is hoped to
clarify how marketing strategies are fit and effective to be implemented in political
campaigning as still being questioned by Baines and Egan (2001).
LITERATURE REVIEW
Political Marketing in Western Countries
Although there is still a debate over the ‘acceptance’ of political marketing among
political scientists, but it is here and may be considered as sub-discipline of marketing
management (O’Shaughnessy, 2001). However, O’Shaughnessy himself puts stress that this
political marketing “is also a recommendation” in the study of marketing. He sees that
eventhough this political marketing is claimed by its advocates, esp. in the USA, as essentially
similar with commodity marketing, but O’Shaughnessy believes that political and commercial
context cannot be concluded as similar (O’Shaughnessy, 2001). The British General Election of
1992 and the Canadian General Election of 1993 are proofs given by O’Shaughnessy (2001) in
questioning political marketing as panacea.
On the other hand, in many countries where democracy has been well-established,
relatively, political marketing has become more and more important (c.f. Lees-Marshment and
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Lilleker, 2012). Political marketing consultants all over the world share ideas and experiences to
each other (Kinsey, 1999; Thurber and Nelson, 2000; Medvic, 2001; Plasser and Plasser, 2002;
Kaid and Holtz-Bacha, 2006; Johnson, 2007; Harding, 2008; Lees-Marshment and Lilleker,
2012). It is important also to note that Gould (in Lees-Marshment and Lilleker, 2012) warns us
that political marketing in practice is not about copying totally to what is successful in another
country. It is but to understand that distinctiveness between countries guarantees different ways
to employ the same techniques. Hence, sharing ideas and experiences between political
marketing consultants has been going until now. It has also created success stories of transferring
and adopting political marketing in a country to other countries. The success stories of Tony
Blair,s New Labour in the UK in 1997, Shroeder’s German SPD, Labour in New Zealand in
1999, New Moderates in Sweden in 2003, Left-Denmark’s Liberal Party in 2005, LDP in Japan
2001-2006, Kevin Rudd’s Australian Labour in 2007 were inspired by similar political
marketing products from Bill Clinton’s 1992 New Democrats campaign (Ingram and Lees-
Marshment, 2002; Lees, 2005; Rudd, 2005; New Zealand Herald, 2007; Pettitt, 2009; Turner,
2009; Wakefield, 2009; Lees-Marshment and Lilleker, 2012).
Political Marketing in Indonesia
Ever since ‘the real democracy’ was started in Indonesia in 1998 and ‘perfect
competition’ as Alie (2010) calls it began in general election 2004, political marketing has had
important place in Indonesian politics.
As Gould (2007) and Humprey (2007) believe that different country may need different
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strategy to win in a political campaign and Carter (2007) puts stress that ‘even within one
country things change’, the dynamic of political campaigning in Indonesia related to these three
experts is interesting. Anis Matta from Prosperous Justice Party (in Revolusi, 2012) admitted that
his party in 2009 used [political] marketing strategy to gain enormous votes and it succeeded
although did not win majority and so did Alie (2010). Alie claimed based upon his research that
one the upmost of several reasons why Democratic Party won general election 2004 and 2009 in
Jakarta was because the impact of SBY charisma and figure. However, there are interesting facts
from Matta’s statement (in Revolusi, 2012) and Alie’s claim (2010).
Whilst Matta stated that his party applied political marketing strategy but he frankly
said that it did not quite successful. His party in 2009 general election only gained 7.89% or
placed 6th with 45 seats in the parliament3. Alie concluded that Democratic Party won general
election in Jakarta twice in a row because of SBY’s positive influence towards party’s
electability. On the other hand, although SBY was still in charge as the head of Democratic
Party’s senior members and they did get majority votes for DPR (The People’s Representative
Council)4 and DPRD (The People’s Regional Representative Council)5 in Jakarta in 2009 general
election but they lost in Jakarta for Presidential Election6 and two rounds Governor Election in
3 http://www.kpu.go.id/dmdocuments/saku_h.pdf and
http://www.bps.go.id/tab_sub/view.php?tabel=1&daftar=1&id_subyek=34¬ab=4
4 http://mediacenter.kpu.go.id/hasil-pemilu-2009.html?start=50 and http://mediacenter.kpu.go.id/hasil-pemilu-
2009.html?start=60
5 http://www.kpujakarta.go.id/view/data/hp-2009-pemilu-legislatif/
6 http://mediacenter.kpu.go.id/images/mediacenter/pilpres2009/rekapitulasi_nasional.pdf and
http://120.89.88.44/view/data/hp-2009-pemilu-presiden/
9
2012.7
Hence, the research adapting Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA) from Fishbein and
Ajzen done by Alie (2010) which explored political marketing in context of multi-ethnic society
such Jakarta did not depict ‘the changing situation’ as the nature of political marketing. It did not
give enough evidence to explain why voters in Jakarta chose Jokowi-Ahok8 over Foke-Nara9 in
governor election. It cannot explain why these voters, the same voters who previously gave their
votes to representatives from Democratic Party in legislative election, did not give their votes to
Foke-Nara. Jokowi-Ahok won in the first round (11 July 2012 ) and the second round (20
September 2012) of the governor election by convincing votes compared to their competitors.
Foke-Nara both had such charisma to attract voters in the Jakarta governor election and
for Foke himself was an incumbent without any defect. In addition, this running mates were also
endorsed 5 big parties (Partai Demokrat, PAN, PKS, Golkar, and PPP) but still lost in the first
and second run-off election by Jokowi-Ahok who were endorsed by 2 parties only (PDI-P and
Gerindra). Another interesting fact about the winning of Jokowi-Ahok was the failure of the
same scenario previously successfully conducted by Partai Demokrat in year 2007 delivering
Fauzi bowo as the governor to beat Adang Daradjatun. The strategy done in 2007 governor
election was by making a coalition between parties involved in the governor election to
overcome the competition from Adang Daradjatun who was endorsed by PKS only (Imam
7 http://120.89.88.44/view/data/download/ and http://nasional.kontan.co.id/xml/inilah-hasil-rekap-pilkada-dki-
jakarta-putaran-1
8 Joko Widodo a.k.a Jokowi – Basuki Cahaya Purnama a.k.a Ahok, these two ran for Governor and Vice Governor of
Jakarta in 2012 using nicknames Jokowi-Ahok
9 Fauzi Bowo a.k.a Foke – Nachrowi Ramli a.k.a Nara, these two ran for Governor and Vice Governor of Jakarta in
2012 using nicknames Foke-Nara
10
Sukamto, 2012). Another striking fact from the lost of Foke-Nara from Jokowi-Ahok was
ineffective impact from the use of ethnicity and religious belief issues in the political campaign.
It is interesting also to note that in 2001 when “intruders” from East Java wanted to prevent the
overthroning of Abdurahman Wahid, the Betawi people were united to block these intruders
from entering Jakarta. So then it is also an interesting phenomenon when talking ‘Jakarta for
Betawi people’ or ‘Jakarta for Indonesia’ (cf. Knörr, 2007). Jokowi-Ahok are clearly not Betawi
people but they could win the election against Foke-Nara who are Betawi people.
The case of governor election winning by Aher-Deddy10 is also interesting. These
candidates, Aher-Deddy, were supported by PKS, PPP, Hanura, and Bulan Bintang Party. They
won West Java governor election held on 24 February 2013 under hard situation against the
other four running candidates11. PKS as the leading party of this coalition was facing national
issue after its chairman had been arrested by KPK12. Luthfi Hasan Ishaq, the chairman of PKS,
was arrested by KPK because of trading influence in government import beef quota. However, it
is also interesting that according to survey conducted from 14 February to 16 February 2013 by
Instrat (Indonesian Startegic Institute) Aher and Dedy were above other running mates13
although in national survey done by Lembaga Survei Jakarta from 9 to15 February 2013 and the
result issued on 19 February 2013 PKS, as Aher and Dedy main endorser, placed seventh below
10 Aher is an abbreviation or a nickname for Ahmad Hermawan. Deddy is Deddy Mizwar.
11 Didik Mulyana Arif Mansyur – Cecep N.S. Toyib (Didik – Cecep), Irianto M.S. Syafiuddin – Tatang Farhanul Hakim
(Yance – Tatang), Dede Yusuf – Lex Laksamana (Dede- Laksamana), Rieke Diah Pitaloka – Teten Masduki (Rieke –
Teten).
12 KPK = Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi = Corruption Eradication Commission
13 http://www.instratcenter.com/hasil-survey-elektabilitas-pilkada-jabar-2013/
11
other parties.14 This provokes an interesting question whether in Indonesian voters choose
candidates not based on their parties but the ‘figures’ of candidates as stated by Ambardi (2013:
12) or because of a result of massive political advertisements as done by PKS (Muhtadi, 2013).
Jakarta and West Java have important influence on Indonesian democracy. Jakarta and
West Java are two big provinces in Indonesia based on the number of its residents. Jakarta has
9.6 million residents while West Java has 43 million. This puts Jakarta in the sixth and West
Java in the first biggest provinces from all 34 provinces in Indonesia.15 Jakarta is a melting pot
where multi ethnicities gather in this province or in Betawi term; a gado-gado (see. Knörr, 2007:
9-10). Jakarta, as the capital of Indonesia, of course has great effect on the face and direction of
Indonesian politics. West Java can be said as a province which has enormous impact upon
Indonesian politics because of its number of residents and status as a buffer province of Jakarta.
Maruarar Sirait (in Raka, 2012) and Qodari (in Malik & Qodari, 2012) believe that West Java is
important for every party in Indonesia. Sirait and Qodari say that from three previous general
elections, the parties that won general elections in West Java would also win nationally. This
makes West Java so special in the context of political campaign in Indonesia. In addition, Piliang
(in Malik & Qodari, 2012) also states that for Indonesia, West Java is another melting pot
besides Jakarta because of West Java’s heterogenous people.
By and large, exploring and explaining political marketing in multi-ethnic society in
Indonesia can be undergone by understanding the strategies and tactics designed by political
14
http://nasional.kompas.com/read/2013/02/19/14573447/Elektabilitas.Hanura.Meroket.Kalahkan.Nasde
m
15 http://www.bps.go.id/tab_sub/view.php?kat=1&tabel=1&daftar=1&id_subyek=12¬ab=1
12
marketing practitioners in Jakarta and West Java. These two provinces are ‘some kind’ of
Indonesian miniature. They really reflect what really happens in Indonesian politics, in this case,
the marketing of politics.
RESEARCH DESIGN
This research is a grounded research. It tries to construct a theory of political marketing in multi-
ethnic society by using two provinces in Indonesia as reference.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This research will use in-depth interview with: 1) Jokowi-Ahok political campaigning
team, 2) experts and or practitioners of politics or political marketing, 3) opinion leaders in
Jakarta, 4) students from some reputable universities in Jakarta. Students are chosen among the
participants of in-depth interview since student population is large and important (Almossawi,
2001 via Alamro and Rowley, 2011) for any marketing campaign and it is homogeneous
(Homburg and Koschate, 2004 via Matzler et al., 2006). Another reason why university students
are chosen as participants in this research is because according to Indonesian political history,
university students have great influence on voters (Adi Negoro in Mawardi, 2012).
This research will apply data trianggulation. Data trianggulation involves various
sources of information “to increase the validity of the study” Guion et al. (2011b, p. 1). Guion et
al. (2011b, p. 1) suggest this method “to gain insight on what the stakeholders perceive”. It
deepens and maximizes the degree of validity of the analysis (c.f. Denzin in Golafshani, 2003;
Cresswell and Miller in Golafshani, 2003). This combination will provide “a clearer
13
understanding of the problem” (Thurmond, 2001, p. 254), or when applied to this research, a
clear and thorough understanding about the antecedent factors of voter preference in Jakarta
governor election.
In-depth interview will be done by face-to-face session (Allmark et al., 2009).
Eventhough there is no exact number of how many informants are needed to claim the interviews
as appropriate but Kuzel (1992) suggests 6 to 8 informants. Along with Kuzel’s, Bertaux (in
Guest et al., 2006) defines 15 informants as minimum number while Morse (1994) gives 6 to 50
interviewees as sufficient enough to make a solid conclusion depending on the complexity of
issue in the research. These numbers suggested by Kuzel, Bertaux, and Morse are not far from
the number suggested by Cresswell (in Guest et al., 2006), which is 5 to 30 interviewees. Based
on the various adequate number of participants in in-depth interview, this research is intended to
involve 30 - 50 participants.
RESEARCH TIMELINE
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No. Activity
Year 2013
Year 2014
Year 2015
Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4
1. Proposal Revision and
Development √
2. Instrument
Development √
3. Qualitative Data
Collection √ √ √ √ √ √
4. Data Analysis √
5. Report Writing √ √
6. Dissertation
Presentation √ √
7. International Journal
Publication √ √
15
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