Studies of Islam: dealing with divergence

In the following section I shall review a brief selection of the

academic literature that has been written on the topic of Islam,

exploring the key themes considered de rigueur. For those studying

Islam, manifold polemics have arisen at the nucleus of the subject

matter itself, viz., defining what constitutes Islam. This has

been difficult owing to what Asad has called the 'problem of

diversity' (Asad 1986:386). I shall look at the different

approaches to this topic, which touch upon the argument about pure

Islam versus syncretic Islam. Equally contentious, once the

subject matter has been conceptualised, is to look at the

different methods of 'making sense' of Islam (Manger 1999). Soares

reminds us that 'discourses or understandings of Islam have been

valued over others' (Soares 2005:9). Initially scholars may have

made overarching conjectures about Islam, assuming that all

Islamic groups would evolve in similar fashions (Soares 2005:4).

Yet as studies of Islam have proliferated over time,

Islamologists, Anthropologists, Sociologists and other scholars of

Islam, have tended to focus on the divergences of Islam in local

contexts, noting the differences in beliefs, how Islam has

'developed in manifold and sometimes incongruous ways' (Eickelman

1982:1).

Meanwhile, recognition of the importance of global factors, which

influence local contexts, has permitted discourses to better

explore the conditions and multiple ways in which Islamic

discourses have emerged. Such accounts focus on local contexts but

also emphasise the interplay between the local and the global,

viewing Islam as a dynamic, heterogeneous entity. More recent

publications also see it as a priority to represent Islam from a

multitude of viewpoints, taking into consideration the voice not

only of elders or authority figures, but also of women and youth

(Berliner 2005, Bayart, Janson 2005, Toulabor 2008, Durham 2000,

Mahmood 2005).

As El-Zein has pointed out, there are many different forms of

Islam and all have to be treated as equally real (El-Zein 1977).

However, the first problem with such an approach, as Asad remarks,

is that we cannot, therefore, argue that there is no such

analytical category as otherwise there cannot be an anthropology

of Islam (Asad 1986:8). As scholars of Islam, it would be an

egregious error to reject any one form of Islamic belief on the

basis that it is not 'pure' or 'true' Islam (Gilsenan 1973).

Instead it behooves us to accept that Islamic belief and practice

may be manifested in varying and differing ways by believers. Such

modes of belief and practice must be situated within their

sociocultural contexts. The Mouride religion is Islamic; it may

differ greatly from Wahhabi Islam for example, yet both are Islam.

Scholars, however, warns Asad, must be wary of defining Islam as

being whatever 'people say it is … if only because there are

everywhere Muslims who say that what other people take to be Islam

is not really Islam at all … a Muslim's beliefs about the beliefs

and practices of others are his own beliefs, they animate and are

sustained by his social relations with others' (Asad 1986:2).

This brings us to the crux of the matter, what it means to be a

Muslim and how Islam is defined can be understood by scholars only

by examining the societies within which such beliefs have evolved

and the social relationships that form the context of the

validation, or not, of the said beliefs. As mentioned in the

introduction to this section, these relationships may be local but

also extend into the global arena. We cannot prioritise the

authority of one group of people in defining what is a religion or

how it is practised. Berliner points out in his work on religious

transmission that academics favouring the testimonies of elders

have 'neglected the supporting and active role of young people

within society … as active agents in regenerating older …

religious practices' (Berliner 2005:578).

By accepting that there are many forms of Islam and focusing on

the local contexts where Islam is practised in alternative ways by

different groups of people we arrive at an impasse. Treating Islam

as an object of study that is plural in nature is theologically

questionable, as such an assertion is contrary to the notion held

by all Muslims, that Islam is a unitary belief system, and the

globally held notion of the umma (Soares 2005:6). By underlining

the differences between various forms of Islam we fail to treat

Islam as a world religion in the Weberian sense and risk

'overlooking … the historic connections across different Muslim

societies' (Bowen 1993:7). Organising such diversity in terms of

logical paradigms has been the challenge faced by those dealing

with the subject.

In 'Muslim Society', a series of diverse essays based on his work in

North Africa, Gellner conceived of Islam as a distinct historical

entity which shaped society. He presented a general model of

Islam, within which religious belief, social structure and

political activities combined with each other to form a Muslim

whole. Gellner described a set of rules independent of the control

of man, which, he stated, existed externally and were spiritual in

nature. Comparing Islam with Christianity, his suggestion that the

former was less concerned with the uses of political power than

the latter earned him criticism. Asad accused Gellner of

Orientalism (Asad 1986:2-4). Furthermore Gellner came under fire

for his model which attempted to provide a general interpretation

of all Islamic societies, past and present. This model, according

to Said and El-Zein, reduced Muslim faith down to a series of

idealised and predictable paradigms (Said 1979, El-Zein 1977). The

model that received this criticism described fixed features: a

dichotomy between city and village, each with its own particular

form of religion. The ”great” tradition Gellner described as the

urban form of Islam, puritanical and dominated by the ulama and

consisting of a community whose beliefs rested upon scripture and

Divine Law. The “little” tradition of the village, was a distinct

form of Islam which, owing to the illiteracy of the village people

remained mired in ritual and superstition including saint-

worshipping idolatry1. Although it is useful to follow Gellner's

1 This model was actually based on categories introduced by the sociologist

Robert Redfield in 'Peasant Society and Culture' (1956) in which he used them to

differentiate between the major, continuing components of a religious

approach to trace the history and examine the social context of

Islam, it is erroneous to associate particular types of social

settings with specific types of Islam. I feel that Gellner's

approach towards outlining the history of a religious grouping is

essential for an understanding of said grouping, which is why in

chapter two I provide a history of the Mouride order.

Gellner was criticised for asserting that there was an analogy

between ideological superstructure and societal base (Asad

1986:7). Asad argues that Islam as the object of study must be

treated as a discursive tradition 'that connects variously with

the formation of moral selves, the manipulation of populations, or

resistance to it and the production of appropriate knowledges'

(ibid). A deterministic model of Islam causes scholars to overlook

the diversity of the Muslim religion. Furthermore, the dichotomy

between great and little traditions causes Gellner to run the risk

of assuming that one form of Islam is more pure than the other. No

one form of Islam can be seen to be more real, as they are formed

in 'different ways in different conditions' (Asad 1986:10).

Rather, academics must examine the conditions that permit the

emergence and success or failure of unique religious discourses,

for example by tracing transformations in ideas, practices,

tradition and the appropriation of them at local or village level.

institutions (Soares 2005:6). This is what I aim to do in this

thesis as I explore the concatenation of circumstances and events

that led to the rise of neoteric Mouride orders in Dakar.

Furthermore, by exploring the situations pertaining to Islamic

Mouride disciples in Dakar, recounting their life stories as I

detail the limited opportunities they possess, it is my goal to

demonstrate how successful Mouride movements today have

metamorphosed in consonance with 'different ways' and 'different

conditions' within the global Islamic ecumene (see above, Asad

1986:10).

My work is influenced by Gellner's notion in that I feel that it

is crucial to trace a historical trajectory of the Mouride

religion, underlining how this is intimately related to power and

knowledge in Mouridiyya. Nonetheless, particular versions of Islam

are not merely about acquiring social, political or economic

power, although this is often the case. Versions of Islam, as Le

Blanc's work on Islamic identity in Côte d'Ivoire attests, should

also be understood in terms of everyday practices, social

visibility and self-identification (Le Blanc 1999: 488-489). The

idea of great traditions versus little traditions is one that, as

this thesis will make clear, is not relevant. According to

Gellner's model, as already described, saint-worshipping and

idolatry would be confined to rural areas whilst in the urban

areas faith would be puritanical and based upon scripture. Amongst

the two groups of Mourides in Dakar, that are the subject of this

thesis, the Thiantistes and followers of Kara, belief shows

multiple faces for different members of the order. For some it

revolves around ritual, around worship of the two Cheikhs or

'saints' who lead the orders. Many followers have limited

education, therefore textual and scriptural sources are of lesser

importance. However yet others fervently spend time pouring over

texts written by Cheikh Amadou Bamba, the founder of the Mouride

order. It is hence perhaps not useful to try to make clear cut

distinctions.

As this thesis makes clear, in Dakar, those practices which

Gellner named 'traditional' are enduring in the face of modernity

and indeed flourishing yet novel forms of worship are also melding

with these, to form new Mouride movements that go beyond straight-

cut divisions and definitions. There are multiple and competing

forms of Islam in Dakar. Wahhabi2, Salafi and other reformist

2 Wahhabi Islam is a term often misused to designate all reformist Muslims,

however amongst Muslims it refers solely to the followers of Mohammed ibn

'Abd al-Wahhabi (d. 1787) who created his own community in Arabia. His

movements, have also gained success in Senegal, in particular

amongst university students (Villalon 2004:62-64, Soares 2005:5-9,

181-211, Diouf 1998). Regardless of numbers, it is important to

emphasise that distinctions are often blurred as the maraboutic

and other popular movements have borrowed or incorporated ideas

such as the institutionalisation of the dahira3 model (ibid).

Geertz's work, which also followed the great traditions versus

little traditions model, differed from Gellner's work in that it

was more concerned with cultural meaning rather than social

structure. In 'Islam Observed' Geertz laid out a comparative analysis

of Islam in two locations: Morocco and Indonesia. Geertz traced

the history and evolution of Islam in the two settings, taking

note of the striking differences. His approach, influenced by

teachings were spread by the House of Sa'ud and these emphasised the oneness

of God and the need to eradicate unislamic practices.

3 7 A dahira refers to a grouping of Mouride disciples according to various

affinities - (see Guèye 2002:515).

Wittgenstein4 and Weber5, was to treat religious behaviour as a

theatre of expression, a symbolic screen. In Morocco, Geertz

believed that the Islamic conception of life was associated with

individuality, morality, activity, while in Indonesia the same

concept, he believed, resonated with the radical dissolution of

personality and an inward-facing spirituality. Geertz's approach

was highly textual and concerned with hermeneutics, cultural

analysis and the role of symbols in organising human experience.

Geertz has been criticised for his representations of Islam that

are 'constructed along the lines of an action play (and) have ….

no place for peasants. Peasants … like women, are not depicted as

doing anything' (Asad 1986: 8).

As Beinart and Bundy (1986) have argued, African religions inhabit

4 His (Wittgenstein’s) attack upon the idea of a private language, which

brought thought out of its grotto in the head into the public square where

one could look at it, and his proposal of 'forms of life' as (to quote one

commentator) the 'complex of natural and cultural circumstances which are

presupposed in … any particular understanding of the world,' seem almost

custom-designed to enable the sort of anthropological study I, and others of

my ilk, do. (Geertz 2000b:xii)

5 Geertz has praised Weber for the invention of an interpretative social

science (Geertz 1973f:5). Geertz clearly sees his own work as interpretative

social science.

a complex universe within which many layers of society are

involved. Peasants and migrants have to be included as actors and

shapers (Ranger 1986:21). Women are also denied a place in

Geertz's account. Work by Mahmood on the role of women as shapers

of Islam in Egypt (Mahmood 2004) and research carried out by Deeb

in Lebanon (Deeb 2006) attests to the fact that women play a

crucial role in shaping, transmitting and transforming religious

belief. Youth, as I have mentioned and detail further in a section

dedicated to the topic, have often been ignored as agents of

change, it is the aim of this thesis to provide a voice for youth

in the rich corpus of work on Mouridiyya.

Even if Geertz has been excoriated for ignoring large sections of

populations, his work on symbolism and the acting out of beliefs

is very useful in the analysis of religion, in fact many of these

ideas inspire this thesis. I detail, in particular in chapter

four, how both marabouts and politicians make use of symbols

whether it be through the vector of language or attire or

otherwise, to make appeals to their audiences. In chapters five as

well as six, I detail how disciples are affected by the use of

Mouride religions symbols and in turn use them to choreograph

their lives as they navigate their way through the challenges of

life.

Geertz's approach treated culture as a text. Based on the idea of

first analysing the meaning contained within symbols, his work

related such symbols to systems of meaning which are incorporated

in the symbols and linked to sociocultural and psychological

processes (Geertz 1973:125). Said criticised this approach for

focusing too much on semantic concerns: 'Islam is seen to be about

texts rather than people' (Said 1979:317). El Zein raised similar

concerns, arguing that the lives of Muslims should not be reduced

to idealistic patterns (El Zein 1977:227-54). Abu-Lughod states:

if cultures are treated as texts, then who is doing the reading?

She suggests that there may be uncertainty about meanings for

groups or individuals (Abu-Lughod 1989:272). Yet, as I have noted

here above Geertz's methodology, which involves interpreting

people's actions 'in terms of systems of publicly shared

symbols... to seek to understand how these symbols shape people's

understandings and feelings' (Geertz 1979: suq) provides a

thought-provoking method of investigation which is dealt with in

chapter four. This chapter explores how Mourides have been

imagined and imagine themselves, using a rich repertoire of ever-

changing symbols to define their religion and religious identity.

Such themes are primordial to my work, I suggest throughout this

thesis that new Mouride movements provide youth not only with

practical methods to deal with their circumstances but also with

new ways to both imagine themselves as individuals and as a

collective group within today's globalised world as they search

for and define an alternative modernity that aligns with their

experiences and desires. Jean Comaroff's work on Tshidi religious

ideas demonstrates the need to understand signs and symbols as

being caught up in dynamic models (Comaroff 1985). Complexes of

signs are often 'disengaged from their former contexts and take on

transformed meanings in their new associations' (Comaroff

1985:53). In chapter six, which examines the Mouride diaspora, I

will examine how Mouride paradigms no longer in situ, exposed to new

situations in their host country, morph. Divorced from their home

country signs and symbols may take on new meanings thus altering

the way in which the faith is practised. Much of the modern work

on Islam deals with the importance of symbols and signs.

It is beyond the scope of this thesis to review the modern work on

Islam so I shall now briefly look at a few important contributions

that are particularly relevant. Cruise O'Brien, who has worked

extensively on Mourides in Senegal, follows Geertz's idea of using

symbols to examine religious processes. Cruise O'Brien utilises

this to examine how religious symbols are implicitly political

(Cruise O'Brien 2003). Cruise O'Brien argues that in dealing with

the government, religious leaders may deploy symbolic language to

gain power. Such symbolic religious language not only arouses

passionate belief amongst believers but is also relevant to and

readable by Mourides, many of whom feel that the modern state is

an alien institution with little legitimacy. Cruise O'Brien

concludes that symbolic confrontations between the Senegalese

state and the Mouride leaders, serve to 'strengthen the state as

an institution with a place in the citizen's imagination' (Cruise

O'Brien 2003:27) whilst masking the truth of intimate ties between

government and religious leaders. This idea is explored with

regards to new Mouride marabouts as well as politicians in chapter

four. Tapper concludes that it is the anthropologist's job to ask

the awkward questions, such as examining what the economic,

political and other interests are, that adherents may have at all

levels of society (Tapper 1995). By looking into these questions

with regards to politicians and religious leaders in Dakar,

Senegal it will allow me to better understand how ideologies are

created, changed and how language and 'systems of symbols are

manipulated' (Tapper 1995:188).

In chapter five I look at the charismatic nature of the Islamic

leaders and the Heads of State, that were the object of study

during my fieldwork. My analysis of the notion of charisma has

been influenced by writers such as Villalon (1993) who follow the

Weberian prototype. Villalon's study of charisma in Senegal,

examines the 'construction of charisma in accordance with

interests of a clientèle' (Villalon 1993:82). Villalon argues that

charisma should not merely be treated as a quality belonging to an

individual, as conjectured by Weber. Villalon builds on this idea

to describe charisma as 'an aspect of a type of relationship

between leaders and followers' (ibid), following Bensman and

Givant (Bensman and Givant 1975:581-2) who describe charisma as

inherent in the belief of followers and not necessarily a quality

of leaders. Villalon concludes that charisma is rendered concrete

via a symbiotic relationship whereby marabouts, religious leaders,

make use of genealogical and other methods of legitimisation to

appeal to their followers, who then affirm that charisma (or not)

and by extension the powerful role of that cheikh. Villalon

proposes that charisma is a construct which is created in

accordance with the interests of a clientèle.

In chapter four, following both Weber and Villalon, I suggest that

the new Mouride marabouts, as well as political leaders, in

particular, the President at the time of my fieldwork, Abdoulaye

Wade6, borrow and manipulate the religious lexicon in order to

attempt to construct charisma, to ensure an aura of legitimate

power for themselves. However, charisma and legitimacy, as

Villalon suggests, are not endemic to Cheikh Bethio Thioune, Serigne

Modou Kara nor Wade. The charisma that appears to appertain to

these leaders is only actualised through the followers' acceptance

and belief in the symbolic structures which the leaders make use

of. Such symbols, as already pointed out earlier, must be seen as

dynamic as well as having multiple and changing meaning (Comaroff

1985). Ranger describes how the strength of religion in Africa and

important role of religious leaders is that both draw 'on all the

ambiguous power of myth, symbol and ritual because they could mean

many things at once and contain many potentialities' (Ranger

1986:51). As the testimonies of Dakarois youth make clear, these

symbols are also a very important part of identity formation.

Launay, like Gellner before him, states that Islam must be

6 Since my fieldwork took place Wade is no longer president and as I will

detail in the conclusion, has been replaced by Macky Sall.

understood historically. As I will demonstrate in chapter four,

symbols are constantly changing and being recycled to fit the

changing times. Islam itself, as Launay remarks, is always in

transition (Launay 1992:223, Gellner 1981). 'Beliefs and practices

are constantly shifting - subject to re-evaluation if not

rejection - though not necessarily in uniform and entirely

predictable ways' (ibid). This thesis will demonstrate throughout

how Mouride Islam has constantly shifted and how youth in Dakar as

well as overseas have choreographed novel changes to the faith.

The legacy of 19th century social theory, Launay argues that, is

that academics have often attempted, erroneously, not only to

predict the organisation of Islam but also to try compartmentalise

Islam into predictable dichotomies: great traditions versus little

traditions, universal modes of Islam versus particular modes of

Islam, macrocosm versus microcosm, global community versus local

community. Launay conducted fieldwork in the Côte d'Ivoire. He

based his investigation of Islamic practices on his experiences

amongst the Dioula, in Koko, in the neighbourhood of Korhogo, Côte

d'Ivoire. Launay suggests that scholars must not see the above-

described terms as antithetical.

Launay notes how the Dioula have their own 'version' of Islam.

Changes in belief and practice over time have come to be

synonymous with a uniquely Dioula identity. Yet despite adapting

everyday religious practices to the local context, these Muslims

retain strong ties to the universal Islamic tradition and do not

consider themselves as separate from it. Highlighting the tension

between particular and universal beliefs, Launay demonstrates how

the community of Korhogo is continuously and simultaneously

immersed in the local context and a larger global arena. As we

will see throughout this thesis, whether disciples are residents

of Senegal or living in the diaspora, in Brussels they are always

involved in a local that is also global (see Piot 1999:1973).

'Every citizen ... is involved to one extent or another in both

areas. No one can choose between particularism and universalism.

In any case particularism and universalism do not really exist …

There are only particularisms and universalisms' (Launay

1992:224).

Throughout this thesis it is clear that both followers and

leaders of these new Mouride movements inhabit local and global

arenas, taking from both as their points of reference. Soares

notes that idealising Islam is not useful; in Senegal scholars

have overlooked the diversity of beliefs 'if in earlier periods,

some lamented the Mouride's economic exploitation of ordinary

Senegalese, today commentators are more likely to laud the

positive character … of the Mourides with their protestant-like

work ethic' (Soares 2007:324).

Buggenhagen, like Launay and Soares, also aims to dispel myths

regarding the Mouride order. Looking at Mourides at home in

Senegal and in the diaspora, she utilises examples from her

fieldwork to dislodge ideas that have permeated much of the

literature on Mouridiyya (Buggenhagen 2009). Firstly she

demonstrates how women, whose participation was often viewed as

minimal, hold a crucial role within the tariqa. Buggenhagen

demonstrates how in the search for tuyaaba, religious merit, women

participate in vital ways to the functioning of the order. For

example, women organise prayer sessions, provide free labour on

marabout's farms and make many offerings of food as well as gifts

for religious ceremonies whether these be pilgrimages to Touba, at

Tabaski (Eid al-Adha), or during life cycle rituals (Buggenhagen

2009:191).

Secondly Buggenhagen, argues that contrary to popular belief,

Mouride disciples do not give all their riches to their marabouts

and that there are clear cut limits to their generosity. Certain

mechanisms, in particular those controlled by women, serve to

ensure funds get diverted into social capital as well as personal

material gains. Buggenhagen describes how mass migration amongst

the Mouride entails that many women have had stay behind whilst

their husbands, brothers, fathers work abroad. Disciples abroad

have contributed significantly, as we shall see in chapter six, to

the building of the Mouride city of Touba and have been able to

give more money to their marabouts than many disciples at home.

Buggenhagen describes how women have developed mechanisms to

ensure funds get diverted to their households 'to secure processes

of social production at home in Senegal, through remittences of

cash and cloth for birth, marriage and mortuary rituals' (ibid).

The complaints of the Mouride hierarchy who claim that 'women's

demands for valued objects for family ceremonies' take resources

away from the spiritual Mouride order and men's critique that

women use remittences destined for schooling, medications etc for

lavish displays of wealth on their bodies and during ceremonies,

remain unheeded by women (ibid). Men in the diaspora, Buggenhagen

notes, despite such disapprobations continue to assist women in

Senegal, by sending them remittances and goods such as cloth and

items which are used by women in ritual exchanges and reproductive

activities. These activities are primordial in the creation of

social status and regenerating 'essential ties of kinship'

(Buggenhagen 2009:200). Women's social labour and the financial

resources invested in the process of both reproducing kinship

relations and a sense of spiritual communitas, concludes

Buggenhagen, limit the potential for men's gifts in the religious

sphere 'to spin out of control' (Buggenhagen 2009:196). Despite

their role in diverting funds towards rites involving lineage

identity, Buggenhagen believed that women must still be seen as

key contributors to the religious order for socially visible acts

such as gift-giving and food offerings proved vital during Mouride

ritual events.

Le Blanc examines Islamic rites and practises. Much like

Buggenhagen she notes how these are socially visible acts,

functioning as key markers (Le Blanc 1999:489). However, Le Blanc

notes how different modes of belief and ways of practising Islam

are not merely to be viewed as a way of gaining prestige and

power, whether economic, social or political (Le Blanc 1999).

Villalon's study of the Mouride asserts 'a ritual has two

audiences, inside members of the group and outsiders or members of

competing groups … the intent is to dramatise the difference

between these … to establish the exclusiveness of the group … to

demarcate the distinctiveness of a marabout's following … to

reinforce internal cohesion of that group … rituals (act) as

rallies' (Villalon 1999:430-433). As will be clear in the

descriptions of Serigne Modou Kara's Press Conference and Cheikh

Bethio Thioune's thiant7, rituals serve very much as markers of a

particular kind of Mouride identity, as well as acting as 'on-

going maraboutic 'electoral' campaigns' (Villalon 1999:434-435).

Le Blanc, most importantly, brings up the fact that methods of

practising Islam and forms of belief are a key means for young

people to acquire an identity with which they can face

gerontocratic power systems and structural changes (Le Blanc

1999:500). Much like the youth in Le Blanc's study, Dakarois youth

have meagre choices and very little if any access to adulthood.

This thesis details how youth adopt and adapt Mouride ideologies,

identities and practises to deal with their socio-structural

dilemmas.

In Le Blanc's work, she describes how, faced with limited choices,

the capacity to control religious choices enables youth in Bouaké

to guarantee their agency in certain social and family situations,7 Mouride rite with food, drink (non-alcoholic), prayer and music.

in particular given that the experiences that young Muslims have

nowadays differ dramatically from those of their parents. For

example, young men and women in Bouaké have invoked new forms of

Islam to reject arranged marriages. Marriage is a key part of

young people's lives, permitting young people to make the

transition towards adulthood. The capacity to choose when and whom

one weds is of great value to youth in Bouaké. As this thesis will

examine, in the case of the bride-wealth-free marriages offered by

Cheikh Bethio Thioune in Dakar, marriage as a means to transition

to adulthood provides a crucial form of socio-political

empowerment for young people.

Masquelier's book 'Women and Islamic Revival in a West African Town' focuses

on the gendered dimension of Islam. Masquelier's research centres

on the role of women and new Islamic movements in the city of

Dogondoutchi, Niger (Masquelier 2009). Masquelier focuses on the

Izala reformist and Awali Muslim groups that have replaced the

Bori possesion cults that were once a prominent dimension of life

in Dogondoutchi. The Islamic reformist groups have been a mixed

blessing for women, who have simultaneously gained new rights and

understandings of their place in Muslim society but have also had

to acquiesce to tighter controls on their bodies, their sexuality

and their visibility.

Womens' bodies have become the site par excellence, upon which the

moral paradigms of religious reform are played out. For example,

Masquelier argues that wearing the hijabi has become a prerequisite

for women who wish to adhere to religious norms. This, the author

argues, is not so much due to the hijabi's ability to conceal a

women but largely because it marks her 'as a moral person'

(Masquelier 2009:225). Masquelier describes how reformist tenets

have impacted many areas of womens' lives, not only the sartorial

choices of women but also wedding prestations, formerly an area of

female power. Masquelier demonstrates how the Mawri women of

Dogondoutchi have displayed varying reactions in response to the

reformist demands made upon their womanhood. Some have embraced

ideals whilst others have contested them. For example some women,

despite the reformist guidelines to the contrary, have continued

to hold lavish wedding prestation rites, in a bid to preserve

their control over a space where women have typically been able to

generate both social and material capital. Furnishing the reader

with such examples, Masquelier expounds how women have not been

passive victims of reformist activities but have actively

negotiated their role in such a way as to balance religious

requirements and their need for autonomy.

Masquelier states that hijabi were once worn in dull colours such as

black and brown, have been turned by young women wishing to be

seen as pious yet still stylish into embellished fashion

accoutrements. Many young women choose to wear hijabi, Masquelier

tells us, made of brightly coloured fabrics, adorning these with

lace trim and other decoration. Masquelier portrays women's

'strategic efforts to defend their interests and agendas when

these are threatened by emergent ideologies centred on the re-

definition of Islamic orthodoxy (Masquelier 2009:277). Ultimately,

Masquelier's work reveals the agentive capacity women have to

reconfigure their roles within the confines of reformist Islam

according to their own concerns and needs thus redefining their

position within society. Masquelier's work is pertinent to this

study given how, as we shall see, young Mouride adherents in

Dakar, both male and female, continuously 'carve out spaces of

self-determination' through the medium of Islam (Masquelier

2009:193).

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