Rice fields to prawn farms: a blue revolution in southwest Bangladesh
Transcript of Rice fields to prawn farms: a blue revolution in southwest Bangladesh
Rice fields to prawn farms: a blue revolution in southwestBangladesh?
Nesar Ahmed Æ Edward H. Allison Æ James F. Muir
Received: 18 July 2008 / Accepted: 8 June 2009 / Published online: 27 June 2009� Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2009
Abstract This paper examines freshwater prawn (Macrobrachium rosenbergii) farming
in southwest Bangladesh where a large number of farmers have converted their rice fields
to export oriented prawn farms, locally known as gher. The gher design potentially pro-
vides good opportunities for diversified production of prawn, fish, rice and dike crops, that
has brought about a ‘blue revolution’. The average annual yield of prawn, fish and rice was
estimated at 467, 986 and 2,257 kg ha-1, respectively. Large farmers produced higher
production due to more inputs, larger farm size and longer experience of prawn farming
than others. All farmers in different gher size categories (i.e., small, medium and large)
made a profit, with seed and feed dominating variable costs. Despite a higher production
costs per hectare, the average annual net return was higher in large farms (US$2,426),
compared with medium (US$1,798) and small (US$1,420) farms. Prawn production in
gher systems has been accompanied by a great deal of social and economic benefits. Most
farmers associate the blue revolution with increases in income and living standards. Socio-
economic benefits of the households of prawn farmers depend on resource ownership (i.e.,
farm size) and are very apparent. Nevertheless, a number of significant challenges, par-
ticularly social and environmental issues, are vital in translating its benefits effectively to
the thousands of rural poor.
Keywords Prawn � Rice field � Gher � Blue revolution � Bangladesh
N. Ahmed (&)Department of Fisheries Management, Bangladesh Agricultural University, Mymensingh 2202,Bangladeshe-mail: [email protected]
E. H. AllisonThe WorldFish Center, Jalan Batu Maung, Batu Maung, 11960 Bayan Lepas, Penang, Malaysia
J. F. MuirInstitute of Aquaculture, University of Stirling, Stirling FK9 4LA, Scotland, UK
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Introduction
In Bangladesh, freshwater prawn (Macrobrachium rosenbergii) farming is currently one of
the most important sectors of the national economy, and during the last two decades its
development has attracted considerable attention because of export potential. The fresh-
water prawn is a highly valued product for international markets; almost all prawns are
therefore exported, particularly to the USA, Europe and Japan (Ahmed et al. 2007a). In
2006, Bangladesh exported 49,317 tons of prawn and shrimp valued at US$415 million, of
which around 25% was contributed by prawn (DOF 2007).
The total area under prawn cultivation is estimated to be around 50,000 ha. Most prawn
farms (71%) are located in southwest Bangladesh, mainly Khulna, Bagerhat and Satkhira
districts (Ahmed et al. 2008). Freshwater prawn farming is expanding rapidly at an average
of 10% per annum. Approximately 1.2 million people are involved in prawn and shrimp
production, processing and marketing activities, and a further 4.8 million household
members are associated with the sector. In addition, the livelihoods of around 400,000
people, many of them women and children, are associated with prawn and shrimp fry
fishing in coastal Bangladesh (USAID 2006).
In southwest Bangladesh, the cultivation of prawns is done in modified rice fields,
locally referred to as gher. The Bengali term ‘gher’ is an enclosure made for prawn
cultivation by modifying rice fields through building higher dikes around the field and
excavating a canal several feet deep inside the periphery to retain water during the dry
season (Kendrick 1994). Gher farming is a quiet, indigenous technological revolution,
suitable for the cultivation of prawn, fish, rice and dike crops (Kamp and Brand 1994). This
innovation, combined with high prices for prawn in the international market, has led
increasing numbers of farmers to convert rice fields to prawn farms. Prawn farming in rice
fields can be considered as a method of integrated aquaculture–agriculture (IAA).
According to Nhan et al. (2007), IAA is more appropriate for resource-poor farmers who
include integration with rice or other crops. IAA farming systems are often less risky
because, if managed efficiently, they benefit from synergisms among enterprises (Lightfoot
et al. 1993; Edwards 1998). The purposes of IAA are increased diversification, intensifi-
cation, improved natural resource efficiency, increased productivity and sustainability
(Prein 2002; Ahmed et al. 2007b).
The rapid development of integrated prawn farming in southwest Bangladesh has been
likened to a ‘blue revolution’1 (Ito 2004; Islam 2007). The term ‘blue revolution’ refers to
the remarkable emergence of aquaculture as an important and highly productive agricul-
tural activity (McGinn 1998; Movik et al. 2005). According to Cunningham et al. (2004),
the blue revolution is the result of new techniques of fish farming that may contribute to
human nutrition in ways comparable to the ‘green revolution’, but may also create social
and environmental problems. Goldburg et al. (2001) noted that one way to make the blue
revolution more environmentally acceptable is to teach new methods to poor farmers. It is
being asserted just as the ‘green revolution’ transformed world agriculture in the 1960s
(Wollenweber et al. 2005).
This paper examines the blue revolution that has been brought about by export-oriented
prawn cultivation in southwest Bangladesh. It also analyzes how prawn farming brings
about widespread social and economic benefits within the area and more broadly in
1 The term ‘blue revolution’ was first used by Bailey (1985) to describe the aquatic equivalent of the ‘greenrevolution’. The blue revolution refers to the advent of new fisheries technology that helped boost the fishingcapacity of developing countries.
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Bangladesh. One important factor, resource ownership, is considered meaningful in terms
of socio-economic benefits. The aim of this paper was therefore to describe the ways in
which prawn farming communities gain from the cultivation of prawns, and how these
benefits depend on resource ownership. This description is based on published sources
together with the results of primary data collected in southwest Bangladesh.
Materials and methods
Study area
The study was conducted in Bagerhat district, a coastal area of the Bay of Bengal, situated
in the southwest part of Bangladesh (Fig. 1). Geographically, Bagerhat has been identified
as the most important and promising area for prawn culture, because of the availability of
wild fry, favorable resources and climatic conditions, including the availability of low-
lying rice fields, warm climate, fertile soil, and cheap and abundant labor (Ahmed 2001).
This district is divided into nine sub-districts; among them Bagerhat Sadar, Fakirhat,
Mollahat and Chitalmari are important for M. rosenbergii farming and the remaining are
important for tiger shrimp (Penaeus monodon) farming as a result of salt-water intrusion.
Among the four prawn farming sub-districts, Fakirhat is the most important as prawn
farming was first started in this area in the early 1970s (Mazid 1994). Fakirhat was
therefore selected for the study.
History of the blue revolution
Around 1978, a few well-off local farmers in the Bagerhat area of southwest Bangladesh
began to experiment with stocking prawn in carp ponds. These innovators experimented
with construction design, feeding, stocking and other technical aspects, and profited well
(Kendrick 1994). Some time between the late 1970s and the mid 1980s, a few pioneers
developed the first prawn cultivation in rice fields in low-lying agricultural land. The name
most frequently raised as the ‘father of freshwater prawn farming’ is Keramat Ali of the
Fakirhat area in Bagerhat district (Rutherford 1994). When the people of southwest
Bangladesh were enduring hardship, only Keramat Ali’s initiative changed the socio-
economic scenario of the whole area, and more broadly in Bangladesh, to earn a significant
amount of valuable foreign exchange through prawn farming. Keramat Ali has received
national awards for his outstanding contribution over the last 25 years.
In the late 1980s, the practice of prawn farming began to be adopted widely in the
original location of the Fakirhat area, where prawns were grown along with carp and rice
(Kamp and Brand 1994). By around 1987, a few local farmers first converted their low-
lying rice fields into gher for prawn cultivation. Since then the pace of adoption increased
dramatically as more farmers watched their neighbors profiting from prawn cultivation and
decided to begin prawn farming as well. The news soon spread to other areas, and farmers
in other parts of Bagerhat district began to adopt this new technology (Rutherford 1994).
Although it has developed strongly in other areas, the number of prawn farms and farmers
are still the highest in the Fakirhat area. There have been changes of economic activities in
the Fakirhat area due to prawn farming which have led to its being called ‘the Kuwait of
Bangladesh’ (Kendrick 1994).
The early innovators tended to be large- and medium-sized farmers, but increasing
numbers of small farmers also started prawn farming. The expansion of prawn cultivation
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has been dramatic, and since 1990 adoption has accelerated, spreading to other southwest
districts (Ahmed et al. 2008). Since then, prawn farming has become one of the most
financially attractive investment opportunities and a multimillion dollar industry. In recent
years (since 2000), the increase in demand for prawn in the international market has
attracted many fish farmers to switch to prawn cultivation in different parts of Bangladesh.
Table 1 provides a summary of the historical development of prawn farming in
Bangladesh.
Data collection methods
Field research was conducted for a 12-month period, from January to December 2006.2 A
combination of the following participatory, qualitative and quantitative methods was used
for primary data collection.
Participatory rural appraisal
Participatory rural appraisal (PRA) is a group of methods to collect information in a
participatory fashion from rural communities. The advantage of PRA over other methods is
that it allows wider participation of the community, and therefore the information collected
is likely to be more accurate (Chambers 1992). For this study the PRA tools—transect walk
and focus group discussion (FGD)—were conducted with prawn farmers and associated
groups, such as fry traders, feed traders, intermediaries, prawn traders and day laborers
including women and children.
The transect walk involved developing an understanding of a village, its farming
practices and natural resources by walking the area in a straight line. The transect walk is
not passively observational; it allows researchers to discuss with villagers who accompany
on the walk (Chambers 1994). For this study, approximately 50 transect walks were carried
out through the study area along the possible roads, involving discussions with over 1,000
villagers. This method was used to get a quick picture of the prawn farming communities
in terms of the blue revolution.
FGD is a group meeting where people from the target communities discuss selected
topics. A total of 50 FGD sessions were conducted for this study where each group
consisted of 6–12 persons (total 439) and the duration of each session was approximately
Table 1 Milestones for the development of prawn farming in Bangladesh
Years Development
Early 1970s Prawn farming first started in the Bagerhat area of southwest Bangladesh
Late 1970s Began to experiment with stocking prawn in carp ponds
Early 1980s Developed prawn cultivation in low-lying agricultural land and rice fields
Late 1980s Converted low-lying rice fields into gher for prawn cultivation
Early 1990s Prawn farming started in other southwest districts: Khulna, Satkhira and Jessore
Late 1990s Prawn farming became an attractive investment opportunity for small farmers
Early 2000s Prawn farming began in Noakhali, Patuakhali and Mymensingh districts
2 Building upon detailed baseline data collected by one of the authors during 1998–1999 in the Bagerhatarea (Ahmed 2001), recent fieldwork seeks to explore impacts of the blue revolution from the perspective oflocal people.
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an hour. FGD was used to get an overview of prawn farming practices and its socio-
economic benefits. FGD sessions were held in front of village shops, under large trees, in
farmers’ houses and on market premises, wherever there were spontaneous gatherings and
where participants could sit, feel comfortable and were easily observed.
Questionnaire interviews
Questionnaire interviews with prawn farmers were preceded by preparation and testing of
the questionnaire and training of enumerators. For questionnaire interviews, farmers were
selected through stratified3 random sampling based on farm size. For this sampling method,
a database of prawn farmers including farm size was collected from the Bagerhat District
Fisheries Office. Prawn farmers were classified into three groups on the basis of farm size:
small, medium and large farmers (Table 2). Prawn farmers of each group were viewed as
the population of each stratum. Samples from each stratum were selected following simple
random sampling4 technique. A total of 180 prawn farmers, 60 in each stratum, were
interviewed at their houses and/or farm sites. The interviews, lasting about an hour,
focused on prawn farming systems, production technology, productivity, production con-
straints, prawn marketing, production costs and returns, and farmers improved conditions
including socio-economic benefits.
Cross-check interviews with key informants
A key informant is someone with special knowledge on a particular topic. Key informants
are expected to be able to answer questions about the knowledge and behavior of others, and
the operations of the broader systems (Theis and Grady 1991). Cross-check interviews were
conducted with school teachers, local leaders, District and Sub-district Fisheries Officers,
Table 2 Stratification of prawn farmers based on farm size
Farmerscategory
Farm size Samplesize
Characteristics
Small farmers Up to 0.20 ha (up to50 decimals)
60 Mainly extensive farming using lower inputs;late innovators; require loans for farm operation
Medium farmers 0.21–0.40 ha(51–100 decimals)
60 Improved extensive farming; intermediatelevel of inputs; personal assets (cows, timber,gold jewelry) depletion for prawn farming
Large farmers Above 0.40 ha(above 100decimals)
60 Semi-intensive farming using higher inputs;early innovators; built prawn farms on theirown land with their own capital
3 A stratified sample is one obtained by separating the population elements into non-overlapping groups,called strata, and then selecting a sample from each stratum (Scheaffer et al. 1990). Arens and Loebbecke(1981) noted that stratification is most commonly used for reducing the sample size needed to achieve adesired level of precision and reliability.4 A sample is drawn from a population in such a way that every possible sample has an equal chance ofbeing selected (Scheaffer et al. 1990). Schofield (1993) noted that simple random sampling is the funda-mental method of probability where ‘simple’ does not mean that it is easier to carry out than other methods,but that steps are taken to ensure that nothing influences selection each time a choice is made, other thanchance.
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researchers, policymakers, social workers, relevant non-governmental organization (NGO)
workers and project staff (e.g., the WorldFish Center, Winrock International, Danida). A
total of 29 key informants were interviewed in their offices and/or houses.
Data analysis
Data from questionnaire interviews were coded and entered into a database system using
Microsoft Excel software. The statistical package for social science (SPSS; SPSS Inc.,
Chicago, IL, USA) was used to analyze the data, producing descriptive statistics. Results
from the data analyses, in combination with qualitative information collected through
different data collection methods, were used to describe prawn farming with its impacts of
the blue revolution. Comparisons among farmers’ categories were made by ANOVA F-test
and a two-tailed P \ 0.05 indicated statistically significant differences. Economic analysis
was conducted to determine net returns of prawn farming (Shang 1990). The analysis was
based on farm-gate prices of prawn and current local market prices of all other items
expressed in US dollars (US$1 = Tk65 in December 2006).
Results and discussion
Prawn culture systems
The gher design potentially provides good opportunities for diversified IAA production,
with primary dependence on prawn, fish, rice and dike crops. Prawns are produced for
export markets while fish, rice and dike crops are for local markets and household con-
sumption (Fig. 2). The peak season of prawn farming is from May to January. Prawn fry
are stocked when they become available in May to June and are harvested primarily from
November to January, a culture period of around 9 months.
According to the survey, 92% of respondents integrated prawn, fish and rice, and only
8% cultured prawn and rice (Table 3). The highest percentage of fully integrated farms was
found for large farmers (97%), followed by medium (92%) and small (87%) farmers. There
Prawn farming in gher systems
Outputs: prawn, fish, rice and dike
crops
Domestic markets: fish,
rice, dike crops
Household consumption: fish,
rice, dike crops
Export market of prawn
Inputs: prawn fry, feed, fertilizer,
labor
Other inputs: fish fry, feed,
agricultural seed
Fig. 2 Prawn production process in gher systems (based on field survey)
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was a significant difference (P \ 0.05) in culture systems among farmer categories. In
general, farmers cultivate boro rice in the central plateau of the gher during the dry season
from January to April and aman rice during the monsoon from June to September. Prawn
culture with rice farming is ecologically sound, and rice production has increased as
prawns predate upon insects, which improves soil fertility. This practice is now growing in
Bangladesh, partly as a result of the promotion of integrated pest management (IPM).
Many Asian countries (e.g., China, Thailand and Vietnam) promote prawn culture in rice
fields as a form of IPM and it is an effective way to increase the productivity of rice and
prawn (Giap et al. 2005).
A range of carp species is cultured with the prawns. Farmers stock Indian major carps
such as catla (Catla catla), rohu (Labeo rohita), mrigal (Cirrhinus cirrhosus) and exotic
carps including silver carp (Hypophthalmichthys molitrix), grass carp (Ctenopharyngodonidella) and common carp (Cyprinus carpio). In general, farmers do not attempt to stock any
specific ratio of different carp species. The average annual stocking density was found to
be 3,514 fingerling ha-1. Although most farmers (92%) produced fish with the prawns,
only 8% did not because of low production of prawn and fish, and/or because fish compete
with prawn for feed, space and their limited capital. However, Hossain and Islam (2006)
noted that the growth and yield of prawn in integrated farming systems do not appear to be
influenced by fish, and therefore prawn cum fish culture is technically and economically
viable.
Almost all farmers cultivate a variety of dike crops on a small scale. During the winter
season, different types of dike crops such as carrot, tomato, onion, mustard, long yard bean,
spinach and pea are produced, while ladies finger (okra), sweet gourd and other vegetables
are produced in the summer season. Fruits such as banana, guava and papaya are also
grown on dikes. The number of crops grown is the major determinant of profitability from
dike cropping. According to the survey, most of the large farmers produced more than six
crops in the different seasons, while medium and small farmers produced 4–6 and 1–3
crops, respectively.
Farming practices
Prawn culture still remains dependent on wild fry as production of hatchery is limited and
farmers consider them to be of lower quality. In addition, the survival of wild fry is
reported to be much higher than that of hatchery produced fry. Although there are 81
prawn hatcheries in Bangladesh, only 38 (47%) are operational in the sense of producing
around 100 million fry annually, 20% of total demand (Ahmed 2008). Lack of technical
knowledge, inadequate skilled manpower and insufficient supply of wild brood are
important reasons for the poor results of many hatcheries. The average annual stocking
Table 3 Integrated prawn culture systems by category of farmers
Culture system Farmer categories
Small Medium Large All farmersn = 60 n = 60 n = 60 n = 180
Prawn–fish–rice 52 (87%) 55 (92%) 58 (97%) 165 (92%)
Prawn–rice 8 (13%) 5 (8%) 2 (3%) 15 (8%)
n sample size of prawn farmers
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density of wild postlarvae was found to be 21,519 ha-1 (Table 4). There was a significant
difference (P \ 0.05) in stocking rates among farmer categories.
A variety of feeds are used for prawn farming but the preferred feed is the freshwater
snail (Pila globosa). In general, chopped snail meat is given twice a day in the morning and
evening. According to the survey, an average 9,913 kg ha-1 year-1 of snail meat was
applied for prawn farming (Table 4). The supply of snail is not regular and therefore
farmers also use industrially manufactured pelleted feeds or homemade feed prepared by
mixing cooked rice, rice bran, oil cake and fishmeal. In addition to snail meat, the average
annual feeding rate was 3,507 kg ha-1. There was a significant difference (P \ 0.05) in
feeding rates among farmer categories.
For grow-out of prawn, farmers use fertilizers mainly including cow dung, urea and
triple super phosphate (TSP) at varying frequencies. On average, annual fertilization rates
were 1,439 kg ha-1 of cow dung, 435 kg ha-1 of urea and 223 kg ha-1 of TSP. Although
all large and medium farmers used fertilizers, 65% of small farmers did not use inorganic
fertilizers due to lack of money and poor knowledge of prawn farming. Small farmers
mainly used cow dung, which is relatively cheap and abundant in the study area.
Table 4 Inputs and outputs of integrated prawn farming by farmer category in 2006
Inputs and outputs Farmer categories
Small Medium Large All farmers
Inputs
Stocking (quantity ha-1 year-1)
Prawn fry 17,753 ± 2,469 21,268 ± 3,705 25,527 ± 4,547 21,519 ± 3,561
Fish fingerling 2,109 ± 346 3,487 ± 523 4,954 ± 717 3,514 ± 532
Feeding (kg ha-1 year-1)
Snail meat 7,932 ± 1,102 9,416 ± 1,743 12,383 ± 1,988 9,913 ± 1,634
Other feed 2,818 ± 561 3,472 ± 713 4,239 ± 946 3,507 ± 739
Fertilization (kg ha-1 year-1)
Cow dung 1,459 ± 227 1,372 ± 186 1,481 ± 211 1,439 ± 209
Urea 312 ± 45 461 ± 76 527 ± 89 435 ± 73
TSP 167 ± 31 224 ± 47 283 ± 65 223 ± 45
Outputs (kg ha-1 year-1)
Prawn 387 ± 52 451 ± 76 564 ± 83 467 ± 73
Fish 703 ± 81 992 ± 103 1,271 ± 197 986 ± 131
Rice 2,106 ± 383 2,265 ± 412 2,396 ± 427 2,257 ± 409
Values given as mean ± standard deviation (SD)
Table 5 Comparison of prawnyields in Bangladesh and otherAsian countries
Country Prawn production(kg ha-1 year-1)
Reference
Bangladesh 467 This study
China 1,500 Weimin and Xianping (2002)
India 600–1,000 Raizada et al. (2005)
Thailand 2,338 Vicki (2007)
Vietnam 1,000–1,500 New (2005)
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Productivity
According to the survey, the average annual yield of prawn, fish and rice was estimated at
467, 986 and 2,257 kg ha-1, respectively (Table 4). There was a significant difference
(P \ 0.05) in yields among farmer categories, because of the differences of farm size, feed
and seed inputs, and management skills. Results showed that large farmers produced higher
production due to more inputs, larger farm size and longer experience of prawn farming than
others. Nevertheless, most of the prawns are cultivated using extensive methods, and pro-
ductivity is low compared to other countries (Table 5). Countries with a larger export
market than Bangladesh use more intensive techniques and have significantly higher yields.
Total rice production has probably decreased as a result of widespread conversion of
rice fields to prawn farms. However, at the farm level, many farmers (18%) reported
increased rice production as higher dikes keep fully saline water out of their fields. Pro-
ductivity of rice was estimated including the area of canal and water for prawn farming,
and thus actual yield would typically be higher by 20–25%. In general, more than 50% of
the gher area is allocated for rice cultivation (Nandeesha 2003).
Production constraints
A number of constraints were reported by respondents for prawn farming, including water
pollution, diseases, natural disasters (flood, drought) and high production costs. According
to the survey, 58% of respondents identified high production costs as their single most
important constraint (Table 6). Costs of prawn cultivation were reported to have increased
significantly in recent years as a result of increased fry, feed and labor costs. The prices of
both prawn fry and feed have increased dramatically since prawn farming has become
widespread. Inadequate finance can therefore be a significant constraint. The proportion of
respondents identifying inadequate supply of prawn fry was 24%. Only 11% and 7% of
farmers reported flood and disease to be the most important constraint, respectively. There
was a significant difference (P \ 0.05) in production constraints among farmer categories.
Marketing of prawns
The peak season of prawn marketing is from November to January. Farmers harvest their
prawns by using cast nets and seine nets. Harvested prawns are kept in aluminum or plastic
containers. The prawns are cleaned with tube-well water and kept in containers until they
are sold. Farmers grade all head-on prawns by size and weight, and sell them to the traders.
Table 6 Constraints of prawn farming by category of respondents
Key constraint Farmer categories
Small Medium Large All farmersn = 60 n = 60 n = 60 n = 180
High production costs 41 (68%) 36 (60%) 28 (47%) 105 (58%)
Low supply of prawn fry 10 (17%) 15 (25%) 19 (32%) 44 (24%)
Flood 5 (8%) 6 (10%) 8 (13%) 19 (11%)
Disease 4 (7%) 3 (5%) 5 (8%) 12 (7%)
n sample size of prawn farmers
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The price of prawns depends on grade, quality, seasonality, supply and demand. The
average farm-gate prices of prawns varied from US$2.61 to $6.55 kg-1 (Table 7).
The market chain from farmers to the international market passes through a number of
intermediaries (Fig. 3). Farmers commonly use vans and rickshaws (i.e., pedal tricycle) to
transport the prawns to local markets. Sometimes field workers, locally known as foria,
buy prawns from the farmers at the farm side and carrying them to the traders. Prawn
traders are normally based in local markets near prawn farming areas. They supply prawns
directly, or via agents, to the processing plants within 1 or 2 days of purchase, during
which time they are kept on ice. Consignments are sent once sufficient quantities (200–
250 kg trader-1) have been obtained. Trucks and pickups are used to transport prawns to
the processors. Finally, processing plants export frozen headless prawns either as indi-
vidually quick frozen or block frozen to the international market through Mongla port in
southwest Bangladesh. Prawn marketing is not very competitive but plays a vital role in
connecting the farmers and foreign consumers, thus contributing significantly in the value-
adding process and consequently in earning of foreign currency.
About 35 plants are involved in prawn processing and export in southwest Bangladesh
(Muir 2003). Most processing plants are broadly compliant with hazard analysis and
critical control point (HACCP) requirements. In recent years, the Department of Fisheries
in Bangladesh has amended the prawn inspection and quality control act to incorporate
HACCP principles. Nevertheless, Bangladesh has been facing problems in maintaining
quality standards in prawn processing. Although prawn markets have grown strongly in
volume over the last two decades, concerns over processing standards have left Bangladesh
in a relatively weak position. The issue of risk associated with the export of contaminated
Table 7 Grade and averagefarm-gate prices of head-onprawns in 2006
Grade Number of head-onprawns per kg
Averageweight ofprawn (g)
Marketshare(%)
Average price(US$ per kg)
5 5 or less 200 2 6.55
10 6–10 125 8 5.39
20 11–20 70 50 4.37
30 21–30 40 25 3.64
50 31–50 25 15 2.61
2%
90%
10%
18%
80% Prawnfarmers
Prawntraders
Ship at Mongla port
Processingplants
International markets
Fieldworkers
Agents
Fig. 3 Freshwater prawn supply chain from farmers to international markets (based on survey)
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product cannot be underestimated (Ahmed et al. 2007a). If the export of prawns were to be
increased, the product needs to be carefully marketed. A good reputation for quality will
need to be established and maintained from an international market perspective.
Economics of prawn farming
Table 8 shows that the average annual production costs of integrated prawn farming
(excluding dike cropping) for all sample farmers averaged US$2,218 ha-1, varying from
US$1,893 ha-1 in small farms to US$2,219 ha-1 in medium and US$2,563 ha-1 in large
farms. There was a significant difference (P \ 0.05) in production costs among farm size.
Regardless of farm category, the average annual variable and fixed costs were estimated at
US$1,783 ha-1 (80% of total costs) and US$435 ha-1 (20%), respectively. Among the
variable costs, seed and feed dominated all other costs representing about 32 and 28%
of total costs, respectively. Under fixed costs, the average annual depreciation costs
Table 8 Average production costs and returns (US$ ha-1 year-1) of integrated prawn farming by farmers’category in 2006
Costs and returns Farmer categories All farmers
Small Medium Large
Variable costs (VC)
Seed (prawn and fish) 578 (31%) 708 (32%) 861 (34%) 713 (32%)
Feed 506 (27%) 619 (28%) 731 (29%) 618 (28%)
Fertilizer 52 (3%) 69 (3%) 83 (3%) 67 (3%)
Labor (family and hired) 153 (8%) 178 (8%) 189 (7%) 173 (8%)
Harvesting and marketing 44 (2%) 51 (2%) 56 (2%) 49 (2%)
Rice cultivation 122 (6%) 137 (6%) 141 (5%) 133 (6%)
Miscellaneous 26 (1%) 31 (2%) 35 (2%) 30 (1%)
Sub-total 1,481 (78%) 1,793 (81%) 2,096 (82%) 1,783 (80%)
Fixed costs (FC)
Depreciationa 106 (6%) 113 (5%) 124 (5%) 115 (5%)
Interestb 139 (7%) 151 (7%) 168 (6%) 153 (7%)
Land use costc 167 (9%) 162 (7%) 175 (7%) 167 (8%)
Sub-total 412 (22%) 426 (19%) 467 (18%) 435 (20%)
Total costs (TC = VC ? FC) 1,893 (100%) 2,219 (100%) 2,563 (100%) 2,218 (100%)
Gross revenue (GR)d
Prawn 2,232 (67%) 2,601 (65%) 3,253 (65%) 2,694 (66%)
Fish 757 (23%) 1,068 (26%) 1,368 (27%) 1,061 (26%)
Rice 324 (10%) 348 (9%) 368 (8%) 347 (8%)
Total 3,313 (100%) 4,017 (100%) 4,989 (100%) 4,102 (100%)
Net return (NR = GR-TC) 1,420 1,798 2,426 1,884
Parentheses indicate as a percent of totala [(purchase price-salvage value)/economic life]b Interest on operating capital or loan was charged at the rate of 15% per annumc Valuation of land at its rental price or lease moneyd Production 9 farm-gate price
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(i.e., water pump, net, other equipment), interest on operating capital and land use costs or
lease money were estimated at US$115, US$153 and US$167 ha-1, respectively.
The average annual gross revenue was calculated at US$4,102 ha-1, varying from
US$3,313 ha-1 in small farms to US$4,017 ha-1 in medium and US$4,989 ha-1 in large
farms (Table 8). The highest average gross revenue was reported by large farmers due to
higher production, whilst the lowest was found for small farmers due to lower production.
There were striking differences of gross revenues among prawn (66%), fish (26%) and rice
(8%) production. Despite higher production costs per hectare, the average annual net return
was higher in large farms (US$2,426), compared with medium (US$1,798) and small
(US$1,420) farms. There was a significant difference (P \ 0.05) in net returns among farm
categories.
Impacts of the blue revolution
Overall, the impacts of the blue revolution appear to have had a positive effect, and
certainly most members of the prawn farming community confirm this. The changes
brought about by the cultivation of prawn have been profound. The following paragraphs
address impacts of the blue revolution.
Prawn farming: a cash economy
The switch from rice fields to prawn farms is not merely a change in cropping system,
more importantly it is a shift from production of a staple food crop to a commodity for the
international market. Because it is an export product, prawn production infused unprece-
dented amounts of cash into the local economy. Much of this capital circulates through the
local economy and beyond prawn farming communities. Most farmers have improved their
income through increased profitability in prawn farming and diversified cropping systems.
Clearly there have been visible qualitative and quantitative changes in level of economic
activity. During prawn marketing season, farmers and associated groups have abundant
cash in their hands to buy foods, clothes and basic items. A significant number of small
markets have been established in prawn farming communities including tea stalls and
restaurants, as well as small shops, fruit and vegetable sellers.
Across the study, the average annual net income from integrated prawn farming was
estimated at US$776 farmer-1, varying from US$476 for small farmers to US$719 for
medium and US$1,132 for large farmers. There was a significant difference (P \ 0.05) in
income among farmer categories. The average annual income was found to increase with
increased farm size. The farm size was significantly and positively related to the farmers’
income; the value of coefficient correlation was 0.84, which was significant at the 0.001 level.
It seems certain that the rich are getting richer as a result of prawn farming. Results showed
that large farmers made a good profit, and medium farmers made an adequate profit. How-
ever, small farmers had benefited the least. In contrast, a few key informants stated that small
farmers had benefited the most, because their situation had been desperate before prawn
farming as they were dependent on daily wage labor, and now they are living a better
existence. Income from prawn production offers many small farmers the opportunity to
engage in petty business, poultry farming and livestock rearing to supplement their income.
Income also provides the opportunity to increase security for coping with uncertain situa-
tions, such as illness and natural disasters (i.e., floods, heavy rain and cyclones).
A number of negative social impacts were found due to increased farmer income. For
example, dowry payment has increased as a result of prawn farming. Families of
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bridegrooms that formerly would have received a bicycle from the bride’s family are now
demanding a motorcycle, large amounts of cash money, gold jewelry and wristwatches.
Risks of theft and robbery have increased due to increased amounts of cash transactions.
Sometimes jealous people throw poison into prawn farms at night, after which all the
prawns may die.
Food security
The second most significant change was in food consumption. Before prawn farming a
large number of farmers lived below the poverty line, and after converting their rice fields
to prawn farms, they have increased their food consumption. Survey results showed that
the integrated prawn production systems have substantially improved their food security.5
Almost all small farmers reported that before prawn farming they took food twice a day.
As a result of prawn farming, they are able to eat rice three times a day and also eat better
quality food, including fish, meat, milk, eggs, fruits and vegetables. Vegetables are now
more abundant and are also cheaper as a result of dike cropping, and farmers have ben-
efited from selling these.
The consumption of fish in the households of prawn farmers and other community
members has increased notably over recent years as fish are now abundant and cheaper due
to integrated prawn–fish–rice farming. It was found that households of farmers tend to eat
small fish rather than sell them. In addition to animal protein, small fish is a valuable source
of micronutrients, vitamins and minerals. These are eaten whole with bones and heads, thus
contributing calcium, phosphorus, iron, zinc and vitamins to the diets of poor families. Small
fish also have particular importance for the diets of children and lactating mothers to avoid
child blindness and reduce infant mortality (Roos et al. 2007). Prawn heads and legs are also
a supplemental protein source that practically the whole community enjoys during the prawn
exporting season after beheading; farmers never eat the prawns themselves.
Although food security has been increased, it may be an important issue for small
farmers who turned good rice fields to prawn farms. Farmers who converted good rice
fields reported that they felt greater food insecurity due to lower rice production. A few
small farmers (5%) reported that after converting all of their rice fields to prawn farms at
once, their prawn harvest failed due to floods and it became hard to feed their large
families. Sharecropping opportunities have also been reduced dramatically as a result of
prawn farming. Rich farmers who would previously have given their surplus land out for
sharecropping now prefer to lease out for prawn farming. As a result of reduced share-
cropping opportunities, some households faced food insecurity.
Social status
Freshwater prawn production has been accompanied by a great deal of social benefits, and
these benefits depend on resource ownership. Evidence has suggested that the positive
impact of prawn farming is higher among those farmers who have large farms. According
to the survey, all large farmers (100%) benefited the most and improved their social status,
while 95% of medium farmers also improved their socio-economic conditions. Most small
farmers (88%) also increased their social status, but 12% reported that conditions were
5 Food security defined by the FAO (2006) as a condition when people at all times have physical andeconomic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences foran active and healthy life.
568 Aquacult Int (2010) 18:555–574
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unchanged or diminished. These less successful farmers explained that due to lack of
technical knowledge, higher production costs, flood, diseases of prawns, theft and poisoned
gher had failed their prawn harvest, which were the principal reasons for their disadvan-
taged situation.
Most small farmers reported that risks and debt were not new to them after entering into
prawn cultivation by taking loans. The poor farmers generally took loans from money-
lenders with high interest rates at 10% monthly (i.e., 120% yearly). In general, rich farmers
and local businessmen act as moneylenders. Farmers often used their principal asset, land,
as collateral. The numbers of farmers who defaulted on their loans and lost land have
increased during the last few years. According to key informants, losing land to money-
lenders occurred when farmers were previously very poor and relatively powerless.
A few disadvantaged farmers described that the first year of prawn farming was the
period of greatest insecurity, because assets such as cows, gold jewelry and timber were
sold, loans taken out, and rice crops foregone. As a result, many of them actually became
poorer, or at least potentially more vulnerable. The study also found that leased farmers
have become disadvantaged. The costs of leases had increased significantly due to
increased demand from the greater number of people wishing to participate in prawn
farming. Returns had also decreased as the costs of prawn farming had increased signifi-
cantly. However, a few key informants suggested that most landless people and poor
farmers had benefited through prawn farming by leasing a prawn farm.
Some small farmers (10%) experienced dramatic improvement in their living standards
because they converted low-lying lands into prawn farms which were previously not
utilized. A few small farmers (12%) had managed to avoid high-interest loans, and
increased cash income has provided the opportunity for more investment in productive
resources. For these farmers prawn production has obviously brought positive impacts.
Poor people are also able to profit by selling land as land prices have skyrocketed since the
start of prawn farming. In some cases, rich farmers and wealthy people forced poor farmers
to sell their land. Friction between the two sides sometimes led to scuffles involving
villagers and hired enforcers employed by the wealthy. Some of the minority Hindu people
feel insecure due to conflict with Muslims, and a number have migrated to India, selling
their land and prawn farms to others.
In spite of social constraints, the great majority of respondents (94%) have improved their
social status through prawn farming. Farmers’ improved conditions can be described on the
basis of qualitative indicators, such as standards of living, purchasing power, choice and
ability as an economic sector. Most farmers have improved their housing condition as profits
from prawn farming are used to replace bamboo roofs and walls with tin sheets and wood.
There have also been an increased number of boats, bicycles and motorcycles for transport.
Farmers have also improved their health and sanitary facilities as well as their drinking water
supplies through tube-wells. The number of recreational items, such as radios, televisions,
and mobile phones for communications (i.e., prawn marketing) has also increased. The
acquisition of such goods can be used as an indirect measure of wealth and is also attributed
to more modern developing conditions. Most farmers with recreational items noted that they
were interested in listening to folk-songs and news, particularly since newspapers were not
available and many could not read them anyway due to lack of education.
Livelihood of the poor
Prawn farming brought about dramatic improvements in the livelihood of the poor. A range
of associated groups such as wild fry collectors, fry traders, snail harvesters, snail traders,
Aquacult Int (2010) 18:555–574 569
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feed traders, intermediaries, prawn traders, transporters and day laborers including women
and children have benefited. Prawn fry collectors are the most marginalized people in
coastal communities and fishing prawn fry is an alternative livelihood coping strategy,
offering a substantial part of their income. A network for fry trading, such as the wild fry
collectors, suppliers, traders and agents all gain from this system. Overall, the supply of
snails has also generated a number of employment opportunities in catching, processing,
transport and marketing activities. A similar network for prawn marketing has also been
established.
The poorest and landless households have also benefited from prawn farming due to
greater employment opportunities. The opportunities for day laborers to find work have
increased significantly for prawn farming and marketing activities. Labor is required for
construction of prawn farms, night guards, fry trading, snail breaking, feed trading, prawn
harvesting and marketing. In prawn markets, laborers perform post-harvest tasks that
include handling, cleaning, sorting, grading and icing. They also work to carry ice from the
ice factories, break it up, mix ice with prawns and load prawns onto the vehicles. Addi-
tional employment opportunities are also generated in prawn hatcheries, commercial prawn
feed industries and in the transport sector, from rickshaws and vans to large motorized
vehicles, which carry prawns to processing plants. A large number of contract workers are
also involved in prawn processing plants. Although wage rates fluctuate during the year
with seasonal labor demand, wages in prawn farming areas (US$1.65 day-1) appear to be
higher than agricultural wage rates in nearby rice producing areas. Most day laborers
reported experiencing real benefits from the higher wages and increased wage-earning
opportunities brought about by prawn farming, suggesting active involvement over
300 days in a year. Almost all day laborers noted that they were better off now than they
were before prawn farming became widespread.
Women’s empowerment
Rural society in Bangladesh is still characterized by traditional value systems, in which the
position of men is held to be superior to that of women (Morris 1997; Ahmed 2005). There
have, however, been recent changes in the attitude of the people towards the role of women
in various aspects of household decision-making and income generating activities (King
1989; Gupta 1990), and a number of activities associated with prawn farming increasingly
involve women. Women are involved in various facets of prawn cultivation, including
feeding of prawns, farm supervision and management, dike cropping, prawn harvesting and
post-harvest handling. In dike cropping, they involve mainly sowing crops, planting sap-
lings, fertilization, weeding, irrigation, harvesting and marketing. Women also assist in
prawn marketing, especially where emergency harvests are required due to the threat of
flood or other reasons (theft, poisoning). After harvesting, women are also involved in
sorting, grading and weighing of prawns. In previous years, women were exclusively
engaged in beheading prawns at their home premises, but recently that has shifted to take
place in processing plants as per the suggestion of importing countries.
Job opportunities for landless women have also increased since prawn farming started.
A few key informants noted that the migration of women has reduced due to economic
changes brought about by prawn farming. In the past, poor women had to migrate to town
seeking jobs, but more recently they have returned to find work as wage laborers in prawn
farming activities. A large number of women are employed in processing plants to clean
and behead prawns, as well as for freezing and packaging. Women are also involved in
570 Aquacult Int (2010) 18:555–574
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snail harvesting, breaking and marketing as wage laborers. A few women are involved in
the weaving of nets for prawn harvesting, and this has increased their earnings.
Prawn farming activities of women at the village level have enhanced their position in
families and societies. Their prawn-related cash income has given them some economic
independence. They now tend to play a stronger role in economic decisions for the
management of their households, including those concerning education of children,
attending social functions, inviting guests, accepting family planning methods, attending
religious functions, and advising sons and daughters on selection of spouses.
Environmental impacts
Considerable debate and arguments occurred during the last decade on various impacts of
prawn and shrimp farming on the environment, biodiversity and society (Hossain 2001;
Islam 2003). Nevertheless, prawn farming in Bangladesh had not been associated with any
of the negative environmental consequences for which shrimp production has received so
much criticism (Ahmed 2001). However, in recent years there have been some concerns
about the long-term environmental sustainability of prawn farming. The major changes in
the environment that have been found include problems with prawn farm construction,
wild fry fishing and snail harvesting for use as prawn feed.
Large areas of rice fields have been used for construction of prawn farms. The reduction
in rice fields is likely to have negative impacts on rice production, and decreased rice
production has meant decreased availability of paddy straw, which is used for both cooking
fuel and fodder for cattle. The reduction of rice fields negatively affected the population of
the Indian bullfrog (Rana tigrina), which plays an important role in rice farming systems
by consuming insects to increase rice production (Nuruzzaman 1993).
Environmental impacts associated with prawn postlarvae fishing are likely to occur due
to significant by-catch (Ahmed 2003; EJF 2004). By-catch rates are high as prawn fry are
typically harvested using very fine mesh nets that are indiscriminate, catching most aquatic
organisms in their path. A huge number of fish fry are caught and discarded, and with
unknown mortality effects, may have severe long-term impacts on coastal fisheries. Wild
prawn production has also significantly decreased due to uncontrolled fishing of prawn fry.
Negative environmental impacts also appear from over-harvesting of snails. The snail
population has become extinct in most parts of prawn farming areas due to excessive
harvesting during the monsoon season, which is the peak season of their reproduction
(Ahmed et al. 1997). Removal of the snail is likely to result in an increase in the growth of
at least some species of aquatic weeds which could reduce light penetration as well as
photosynthesis and could lead to eutrophication of water bodies (Gain 1998). Snail har-
vesting has created the problem of disposal of large quantities of snail shells, which has
resulted in pollution and blockage of canals where they are often dumped.
Conclusions
Freshwater prawn farming plays an important role in the economy of Bangladesh, earning
valuable foreign exchange, contributing to increased food production, diversifying the
economy and increasing employment opportunities. The evidence presented in this study
confirms that the blue revolution of prawn farming has brought about widespread social
and economic benefits in southwest Bangladesh. Most farmers have improved their income
through integrated prawn farming and the combination of prawn, fish and rice production
Aquacult Int (2010) 18:555–574 571
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give particularly good potential returns. Socio-economic conditions have altered and most
farmers have improved their status through prawn farming. The blue revolution has
increased food security, purchasing power, choice and ability as an economic sector for
most farmers.
While there is great potential for increasing family income through engaging in prawn
cultivation, a number of factors contribute to the vulnerability of poor farmers including
high production costs, inadequate supply of prawn fry, flooding and diseases of prawns. In
addition, farmers are not achieving a high level of productivity compared to other countries
due to a variety of technical constraints. It is therefore necessary to provide technical
assistance to the farmers for sustainable prawn farming. Training and extension services
would also help to improve production and reduce risks. It may also be necessary to
promote low-cost technologies for higher production (Pillay 1994).
The present reliance on wild-caught prawn fry and snails as prawn feed puts pressure on
the local environment. It is therefore necessary to explore the possibility of developing
prawn hatcheries and processed feed industries. Development of prawn hatcheries and feed
production systems using low-cost locally produced ingredients would help to increase
farmers’ profit margins, reduce the negative environmental impacts and increase job
opportunities. Hatcheries may reduce the pressure on wild fry exploitation and increase
wild production (Ahmed 2008).
The provision of low-interest credit would also help to reduce the risks for small and
marginal farmers. Access to credit at reasonable interest rates and with appropriate
repayment schedules will be essential if prawn farming is to become accessible to the
poorer farmers. Thus, the government as well as national banks should provide adequate
access to interest-free credit or credit at very low interest rates.
Although various constraints can be recognized, the prospects for prawn farming in rice
fields are positive. However, a number of significant challenges, particularly social and
environmental issues, will need to be overcome to translate its benefits effectively to the
thousands of rural poor. The issues of environmental sustainability of freshwater prawn
cultivation, while clearly not as negative as those of marine shrimp culture in Bangladesh,
are nevertheless poorly understood. Therefore, research would be required to understand
and quantify environmental impacts for sustainable prawn farming.
Acknowledgments The study was supported by the UK Department for International Development(DFID) as part of the Aquaculture and Fish Genetics Research Program (AFGRP). The opinions expressedherein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of DFID or AFGRP.
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