Piagam Muara Mendras: more Malay documents from highland Jambi

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Penyunting Ahli: Jonathan Zilberg University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA Maizar Karim Universitas Jambi, Jambi Muntholib SM. IAIN Sulthan Thaha Saifuddin, Jambi Steven Sager Australian National University, Canberra, Australia Uli Kozok University of Hawaii at Manoa, USA

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Kosong

Daftar Isi

vii Editorial

ARTIKEL1-50 Annabel Teh Gallop Piagam Muara Mendras: More Malay Documents

from Highland Jambi

51-94 Maizar Karim Syair Mambang Dewata: Telaah Sinkronis Puisi

Klasik Melayu Jambi

95-121 Jakob Sumardjo Kosmologi Batik Jambi

Vol. 2, No. 1, 2013ISSN: 2089-4589

SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013: v-vi © Dewan Kesenian Jambi

Daftar Isi

vi SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

123-143 Siti Heidi Karmela Industrialisasi Batik di Kota Jambi: Batik Jambi

sebagai Produk Ekonomi dan Politik

145-177 Syamsul Bahri Barisan Selempang Merah, 1949-1950

ULASAN BUKU179-196 Adi Prasetijo Orang Kubu dalam Pandangan Edwin Loeb (Ula-

san Buku)

ULASAN ARTIKEL197-213 M. Husnul Abid Respons terhadap Kedatangan Belanda di Jambi:

Mitos dan Kenyataan (Ulasan Artikel)

Kontributor Aturan Penulisan untuk Seloko: Jurnal Budaya

ANNABEL TEH GALLOPThe British Library, London, UK

Piagam Muara Mendras: More Malay Documents from Highland Jambi1

This paper presents four edicts (piagam) written in Malay in Jawi script, dating from the early 18th to the late 19th centuries. These documents are held as communal ancestral heirlooms in the house of the village chief of Muara Mendras, in the Sungai Tenang region in the highlands of Jambi province, Sumatra. By comparison with a group of recently-published piagam from the neighbouring region of Serampas, also in highland Jambi, only the earliest Muara Mendras piagam conforms to the pan-archipelagic formal structural model of royal edicts in Malay. The three later documents are very different, and full of puzzles which philology alone cannot solve; the search to make sense of them involves crossing numerous disciplinary borders. The documents were photographed in 1989 by Heinzpeter Znoj during his fieldwork in Sungai Tenang. As Znoj has explained, Muara Mendras was only founded in the 1880s, at a time of great strife in the Jambi sultanate, during Sultan Taha Saifuddin’s strug-gle against the Dutch. In this time of upheaval, it would not have been easy for the elders of a newly-established settlement to obtain the usual royal credentials which would recognize their jurisdiction over a particular territory. Thus the later piagam of Muara Men-dras seem to have been ‘created’ in the highlands, drawing on such chancery models as were available, not only from Jambi but also from Aceh and Minangkabau. Like the location of the settlement itself, the piagam of Muara Mendras are truly situated in crossbor-der territory.

KEYWORDS: Piagam, Malay documents, diplomatics, Muara Men-dras, Jambi.

SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013: 1-50 © Dewan Kesenian Jambi

Annabel Teh Gallop

2 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

Introduction1

As the title suggests, this paper is umbilically linked, both in con-tent and genesis, with an earlier paper entitled “Piagam Seram-pas: Malay Documents from Highland Jambi”, first presented at a conference in Berlin in 2006, which has recently been published in the conference proceedings.2 The Piagam Serampas under dis-cussion comprised seven authentic original royal edicts issued from the court of Jambi to local chiefs in the Serampas region over a period of two hundred years, from the mid-17th to the mid-19th century. The documents all conformed to an archipelago-wide standard structural model for edicts in Malay, albeit with some distinctively local elements.

Copies of the Piagam Serampas had been obtained by David Neidel from Renah Kemumu and Renah Alai in the course of his fieldwork in 2005.3 In the same year, Neidel was also shown by an informant in Sungai Tenang a photocopy of another document from Muara Mendras. The original of this last document together with three others, all held as pusaka or communal ancestral heir-

1 This paper was originally presented at the 13th International Con-ference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeolo-gists, “Crossing Borders in Southeast Asian Archaeology”, Berlin, 27 September-1 October 2010. As it stands, this paper was not originally intended for publication, due to the too-numerous unsolved problems and errors in the readings of the documents, particularly with regard to toponyms, which could probably be resolved with the assistance of local informants. However, as the editors of Seloko suggested that even in its present form this paper was of some value for Jambi stud-ies, I agreed to its publication with the kind agreement of Heinzpeter Znoj.

2 Annabel Teh Gallop, “Piagam Serampas: Malay Documents from Highland Jambi”, Dominik Bonatz, John Miksic, J. David Neidel, Mai Lin Tjoa-Bonatz (eds.), From Distant Tales: Archaeology and Ethno-history in the Highlands of Sumatra, (Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cam-bridge Scholars Press, 2009), pp. 272-322.

3 John David Neidel, “The Garden of Forking Paths: History, its Eras-ure and Remembrance in Sumatra's Kerinci Seblat National Park”, [Ph.D. thesis], Yale University, 2006.

Piagam Muara Mendras

3SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

looms in the house of the village chief of Muara Mendras, had been photographed by Heinzpeter Znoj, who had worked in the Sungai Tenang region to the south of Serampas in 1989, and after our meeting at the 2006 Berlin conference Znoj kindly made available to me copies of his slides. Although some of these documents are very damaged the high quality of Znoj’s photographs has enabled a degree of codicological – almost archaeological – analysis.

The seven piagam Serampas exhibited a remarkable coher-ence in structure and content, reflecting the royal Jambi chancery tradition over a period of 150 years, from around 1650 to 1800. Turning to the somewhat later Muara Mendras documents, dat-ing from the early 18th to the late 19th centuries, the situation is very different. Only one – MS A, the earliest – fits the structural template of the Serampas documents. The other three later docu-ments (MSS B, C and D) are all different from each other, and full of puzzles which philology alone would never solve; the search to make sense of them would involve crossing numerous disciplinary borders, from history and anthropology to codicology, diplomatics and art history.

It is hoped that future collaboration with Znoj will result in a publication offering a full contextual view of these documents. The present paper is therefore limited to a philological and codi-cological study of the piagam Muara Mendras, and a preliminary overview of the manuscriptural context in which these documents can be evaluated, as well as identifying some themes arising. In this analysis, the greatest help has been the body of comparative material available from central Sumatra, primarily the extraordi-nary collection of pusaka documents identified and transliterated under the supervision of P. Voorhoeve in Kerinci in 1941, known collectively as Tambo Kerinci,4 more recently made available on-

4 P. Voorhoeve, Tambo Kerintji: Disalin dari Toelisan Djawa Koeno, Toelisan Rentjong dan Toelisan Melajoe jang Terdapat pada Tandoek Kerbau, Daoen Lontar, Boeloeh dan Kertas dan Koelit Kajoe, Poesaka Simpanan Orang Kerintji, P.Voorhoeve, dengan pertolongan R.Ng.Dr. Poerbatjaraka, toean H.Veldkamp, controleur B.B., njonja M.C.J.

Annabel Teh Gallop

4 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

line by Uli Kozok,5 while another important collection of docu-ments from Minangkabau is that published by Drakard.6

Piagam Muara Mendras: An Overview of the Four DocumentsThe first document (Muara Mendras MS A) is badly damaged; it completely lacks the right-hand half of the paper, and therefore only the second half of each line survives (Figs. 1-2). However, on codicological and palaeographical grounds it can be asserted that this is undoubtedly a fragment of an original edict (the term used is piagam) issued by the ruler named in the text, Sultan As-tra Ingalaga of Jambi (r.1719-1725, 1727-1743), to Dipati Ratnya Yuda, which would originally have borne the royal seal at the top of the sheet. It has the standard opening formulary of dated Ma-lay chancery documents, but unfortunately the year is missing. It commences with a boundary list followed by rules of governance pertaining to the collection of forest produce, with attendant pen-alties, and concludes with the name of the royal scribe. Attached to this document text is another piece of paper with two seal im-pressions; this appears to be a later endorsement from a Palem-bang noble of the priviledges granted in the Jambi edict. Muara Mendras MS A is the only one of the four documents to conform to the Malay chancery structural ‘norm’.

Muara Mendras MS B (Figs. 3-5) is in poor condition, writ-ten on very brittle acidic paper with many losses, in a very inse-cure hand and orthography; on codicological and palaeographical grounds this manuscript appears to date from the second half of

Voorhoeve Bernelot Moens, goeroe A. Hamid, 1941. [Typescript, re-produced by C.W. Watson].

5 http://www.hawaii.edu/indolang/manuscripts/Kerinci/Tambo/index.html.

6 Jane Drakard, A Kingdom of Words: Language and Power in Su-matra, South-East Asian Historical Monographs, (Shah Alam: Oxford University Press, 1999).


5SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

the 19th century. At the top are four pseudo-seals – hand-drawn seals containing exhortations to Allah and Muhammad – and the document opens by invoking the authority of Sultanah Tajul Alam Safiatuddin Syah, who was queen of Aceh from 1641 to 1675. This exordium is followed by the name of Dipati Ranah Udah as recipi-ent of the authority of the celak piagam of Dipati Udah Mengala, and is followed by a boundary list, in the midst of which the rest of the document is lost.

Muara Mendras MS C is a complete document with a seal (Fig. 6). It starts abruptly, ‘This is the charter of Dipati Muncak Teralam Tiang Igama dua jaya Dipati Rana Uda’ and moves im-mediately into a considerable boundary list. The next section is an explication of power-sharing between Dipati Mucak Alam Tiang Igama of Sungai Tenang and Dipati Rana Uda of Durian Balai. The document concludes in the name of Pangiran Jami Kesuma and invokes the seal of Sultan Abdul Rahman Nasiruddin ibn Sul-tan Mahmud Muhiuddin (sultan of Jambi from 1841-1855), and ends with the date 1256 (1840/1 AD). The seal at the top of the document (Fig. 7) is indeed the authentic seal of Sultan Abdul Rahman, but the paper it is impressed on is blue-white, compared to the yellowish text of the document. A brownish resinous stain along the horizontal fold between the seal and the start of the let-ter text gives the impression that the piece of paper containing the seal impression has been stuck on the top of the letter containing the document text, to give it royal authority.

Finally, we arrive at Muara Mendras MS D, which is the original of the photocopied document seen by David Neidel. The manuscript consists of a long scroll of three pieces of paper pasted together, with a lampblack seal stamped (upside down) at the top of the scroll (Figs. 9-10). It starts with a description of the investi-ture of authority on Dipati Muncak by the sultan of Jami in Sun-gai Tenang. This is followed by the long boundary list. The docu-ment has suffered losses at the bottom, but appears to end with a reference to the seal of the sultan and a date.

Annabel Teh Gallop

6 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

Themes Arising from the Piagam Muara MendrasAs can probably be seen from the brief descriptions above and the more detailed analyses of each document presented in the Appen-dix, the piagam Muara Mendras constitute a difficult and varied collection of documents, each of which demands a study on their own terms. Nonetheless, a few preliminary comments can be made after looking at the group as a whole.

Firstly, it is very interesting to note the different interplay between the the local host region and foreign sources of author-ity in the four documents, reflecting Muara Mendras’s location in Sungai Tenang, true borderland country, on the fringes of vari-ous competing centres. MS A was issued by the Sultan of Jambi, the traditional ‘centre of authority’ of the mandala-style polity in that part of eastern and central Sumatra. But MS A also displays the encroachment or overlapping of a neighbouring centre, Palem-bang, whose own hinterland in the upper reaches of the Musi river in parts overlapped or touched on the fringes of Jambi authority. MS B displays a completely different orientation, northwards to-wards Aceh and Minangkabau, as well as acknowledgement of the Highest Authority. MSS C and D acknowledge the authority of the sultan of Jambi, albeit in very distant terms. In other words, the four piagam Muara Mendras, taken together, reflect an ‘inverted’ mandala model, with Sungai Tenang located at the centre, and with the more heavy-weight but distant authorities, now located on its periphery, imposing on this centre only to varying extents.

And it is this image, of the relative strength and weakness of the ties between centre and periphery, which is also reflected in the evolving contents of the four documents over time. MS A is a classic example of a royal edict as a nexus of downstream-up-stream (hilir-hulu) relations in Sumatra. Issued by the Sultan of Jambi from his downstream court, it served both to establish and confirm his authority over the upstream region, and to define and enforce his prerogatives over the governance and produce of the region. For the recipient, the local chieftain upriver, the document


7SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

served as confirmation of his authority and added to his prestige, but nonetheless also bound him to serve the sultan in various ways. The three other documents, MSS B, C and D, as surmised in the Appendix, were probably all produced in the upriver region in the locality of Sungai Tenang itself. And here we find that the element of obligation to the higher authority – such an important part of MS A – has completely disappeared. The higher authority is still present and named in the document, but only as a source of prestige and to confirm the authority of the recipient of the char-ter, without the corresponding burden of responsibility to the cen-tre. From being a concrete presence in MS A, whose word was to be obeyed and whose retribution was to be feared in the age-old words hubaya2 jangan dilalui, ‘on no account should these laws be contravened!’, in MSS B, C and D the Sultan – whether of Aceh or Jambi – is only evoked to enhance the power and authority of the local Dipati or Pemuncak of Sungai Tenang.

Boundary ListsOne aspect of the contents of all four documents calls for special attention, as a reason why piagam retained their value despite the weakening ties with traditional centres: boundary lists. In the study of the piagam Serampas, boundary lists were identified as one aspect of the traditional contents of the charters issued by the royal chancery of Jambi, but with further study a more critical appraisal can be given. Boundary lists only occur in the two latest of the seven piagam Serampas: the five earliest documents, dat-ing from ca.1650 to ca.1720, do not mention boundaries of territo-ries at all. Renah Kemumu MS F, dated 1759, contains two short boundary lists of four and ten toponyms respectively, but Renah Alai MS A, dated 1800, has a much longer list of 25 toponyms.7 Turning to the much larger body of Malay documents published in the Tambo Kerinci, it is also strongly noticeable that boundary

7 Gallop, Piagam Serampas, p. 278.

Annabel Teh Gallop

8 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

lists only occur in a very small number of documents – about six out of the approximately 70 documents written in Malay in Jawi script in the collection, the earliest dating from 1722 – and are mostly very limited in the number of toponyms, which are usu-ally less than ten. Moreover, the boundary lists are usually just given in terms of the outer limit in a certain direction. For ex-ample, in a piagam from Mendapo Rawang (TK8 44) dated 1340 (1921/2), the boundary is given in terms of ke depan, daratnya and mudiknya, with only three toponyms. In another piagam also from Mendapo Rawang (TK 57b), six toponyms are specified in two directions, hulu and hilir. In another piagam issued by Sultan Ahmad Zainuddin of Jambi to Depati Raja Simpan Bumi Mangku Bumi in Dusun Kuto Tuo (TK 161), the boundaries are specified by the names of the officials whose territories marked the borders in each direction:

Adapun perbatasnnya dengan Yang Patuan Maraja Bongsu Gunung Berapi dan pebatasannya dengan Depati Empat Muara Sekunkung Mati dan pebatasannya dengan Raja Hitam dan Raja Putih Bukit Tulang Orang dan pebatasannya dengan orang Teba Pangkal Tit-ian ….9

‘The boundary with Yang Patuan Maraja Bongsu is Gunung Berapi and the boundary with the Four Depati is Muara Sekunkung Mati, and the boundary with Raja Hitam and Raja Putih is Bukit Tulang Orang, and the boundary with the Teba people is Pangkal Titian …’

In the earliest of the piagam Muara Mendras, MS A, which contains five toponyms in its surviving text, the boundaries here too are specified in certain directions:

... ke ilirnya hingga Lubuk Kemumu lalu ke Perawah Besyar me-nucu Durian

... itulah yang di ilirnya, maka yang di mudiknya hingga muara Danau Besyar

8 This TK number refers to the document number used in the Tambo Kerinci. See Voorhoeve, Tambo Kerintji.

9 Voorhoeve, Tambo Kerintji, p. 125.


9SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

‘... downstream to Lubuk Kemumu, then on to Perawah Besar head-ing for Durian

... this is its extent downstream; as for its upstream boundary, up to the mouth of the Danau Besyar’

All the other three documents contain longer boundary lists, which are not delimited by direction, but rather mark out the full circumference of the territory (see Table 2). MS B has 18 top-onyms, ending at Kepayang Tinggi Batat before the loss of the rest of the document; MS C has 36 toponyms and MS D has 41. MS B may well have been as long as MS D, for Kepayang Tinggi Bani is in 18th place out of 41 in MS D (although the preceding list does not fully accord with that in MS B).

What we are able to say categorically is that compared to oth-er piagam held in the Jambi highlands, the length of the boundary lists in the later piagam Muara Mendras is exceptional, and that these boundary lists have certainly developed and expanded in time.

A number of different theories could be proposed for why this has happened. Znoj was struck not just by the length of the bound-ary list in MS D but also by its ‘excessive’ territorial claims, em-bracing areas then unpopulated. Against the background of the Dutch campaign at the end of the 19th century to subdue Sultan Taha’s power base in highland Jambi, Znoj suggests that one very plausible reason for the founding of Muara Mendras and its am-bitious territorial compass might have been to establish it as a bulkhead or border post against Dutch advances.10 Another ear-lier possibility suggested by Znoj for the length of the list in MS D was being influenced by the Dutch attempt to map the central Sumatran highlands into clearly defined administrative units.11 This development could also be viewed in terms of the general

10 Pers. e-comm., 2 Dec 2006.11 Heinzpeter Znoj, Heterarchy and Domination in Highland Jambi: The

Contest for Community in a Matrilinear Society, Habilitationsschrift, University of Bern, 2001, Ch.7.

Annabel Teh Gallop

10 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

evolution of the piagam in the Muara Mendras region. In the early period, represented by MS A, a piagam defined the authority of the Dipati almost solely in terms of his liabilities to his overlord downstream in Jambi, but by the late 19th century – as seen in MSS B, C, D – the piagam tradition had been appropriated by the local chiefs themselves, and the piagam format used for their own ends, the primary purposes being to define and hence lay claim to the territories under their jurisdiction. Probably, all the above reasons, and others, may have contributed to this phenomenon.

It is in this context that we can reconsider the photocopy of Muara Mendras MS D seen by David Neidel in 2005 in the pos-session of Bapak Mochtaruddin in Sungai Tenang. As shown in the photograph by Neidel (Fig. 11), the photocopy is of a document with 26 lines of text, with a seal at the top, in the correct orienta-tion. However, photographs of the original of Muara Mendras MS D (Fig. 10) show a document with 45 lines of text, and with the seal imprinted the wrong way up. This leads to the realisation that what Neidel saw was a ‘composite’ photocopy (!), made by copying the top portion with the seal, turning it upside down, and then rejoining this with a photocopy of only the portion of the text that contained the boundary list, i.e. lines 18-43 of the original 45-line document.

In view of the comments above regarding the evolution of the piagam form in Muara Mendras over the centuries, I would suggest that the ‘composite’ photocopy of MS D shown to Neidel should not be regarded as a ‘fake’, but simply as the latest in a long line of heritage documents from Muara Mendras which have been adapted as necessary to address matters of pressing current concern. While in the past a piagam might have been copied by hand with certain readjustments, and then authenticated with a seal sourced by whatever means available, in this case modern technological developments simply provided a new and simpler way to achieve a similar ends.


11SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

Concluding RemarksThe piagam Muara Mendras are clearly quite different in content and purport compared with the similar collections of pusaka docu-ments held in Renah Kemumu in Serampas, and even the single piagam in Renah Alai. This can probably be attributed primar-ily to the difference in settlement histories, with Renah Kemumu showing a stable, settled pattern which allowed for a long rela-tionship with the sultan and nobles of Jambi, defined over the centuries with a series of piagam which periodically renewed the relationship. As a much newer settlement, only founded at the end of the 19th century, Muara Mendras had roots in a similar relationship with the court of Jambi, but appears to have taken proactive measures in the late 19th century to shape its own past, as well as its present and future.

Annabel Teh Gallop

12 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

1. Muara Mendras MS A

seal #1745

[a] Charter (piagam) issued by Sultan Astra Ingalaga (r.1719-1725, 1727-1743 in Jambi) to Dipati Ratna Yuda, dated in the year ha, written by Ki Astra Negara; early 18th century. [b] Fragment in the same hand as [a] and possibly forming part of [a] [c] Later endorsement (tapak ...) with the seal of a Palembang noble

c.1720-1743

Figures 1-2 (Znoj slides Piagam MM, 44.19-22)

2. Muara Mendras MS B

Credentials invoking the authority of Sultan Tajul Alam Safiatuddin Syah [queen of Aceh, r.1641-1675] over the land of Jami, granted to Dipati Ranah Udah with reference to the credentials (celak piagam) of Dipati Udah Mengala, with a boundary list of the territory under his jurisdiction; incomplete.

late 19th c.?

Figures 3-5 (Znoj slides Piagam MM, 44.09-11)

3. Muara Mendras MS C

seal #1744

Charter (celak piagam) of Dipati Mucak Alam Tiang Igama and Dipati Rana Uda of Sungai Tenang, specifying the boundaries of land under their jurisdiction, and confirming the shared authority of Dipati Mucak Alam Tiang Igama and Dipati Uda Mengala; dated AH 1256 (AD 1840/1); with the seal of Sultan Abdul Rahman Nasiruddin, stamped on a piece of paper which has been pasted on.

1840/1 Figures 6-7 (Znoj slides Piagam MM, 44.06-08)

4. Muara Mendras MS D

seal #1697

Credentials (celak piagam) of Dipati Muncak Tiang Igama of Sungai Tenang, specifying the boundaries of the land under his jurisdiction; date illegible, but bearing the seal of Sultan Kakanda Ahmad Nasiruddin dated 1881/1882

c.1881 Figures 8-10 (Znoj slides Piagam MM, 44.12-15)

Table 1: Piagam Muara Mendras


13SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

MS

A

c. 1

720-

1743

5

topo

nym

s

MS

B

late

19t

h c.

? 18

topo

nym

s (l

ist

inco

mpl

ete)

MS

C

1840

/1

36 to

pony

ms

MS

D

c. 1

881

41 to

pony

ms

m

aka

man

urun

ka

Lubu

k K

emum

u

kelu

ar d

arip

ada

tana

h D

uria

n B

alai

da

ri ta

nah

Du(

r)ia

n B

alai

m

aka

men

aiki

mah

izir

ka

Lub

uk L

uban

g la

lu k

e Lu

buk

Luba

ng M

uara

M

empi

yul,

lalu

ke

Lubu

k Lu

bang

Mua

ra

Mem

piyu

l, ke

ilir

nya

hing

ga

Lubu

k K

emum

u ...

.iual

an

lalu

meh

ilir

Lubu

k K

emum

u,

dari

situ

hili

r ke

Lub

uk

Kam

umu,

la

lu k

e Pe

raw

ah

Bes

yar

mak

a m

enai

ki k

e Pa

uh

Bes

yar

m

enai

ki k

a ta

nah

gent

ing

Saw

a M

elun

cur,

m

aka

men

aiki

ke

tana

h ge

ntin

g Sa

wa

Mel

uncu

r,

men

ucu

Dur

ian

/ ...

.ny.

w.r

... m

aka

...//

... it

ulah

yan

g di

ili

rnya

,

mak

a te

rjun

ka

Lubu

k R

awah

la

lu m

eniti

pem

atan

g bu

nga

tem

pat D

uria

n G

abu,

m

aka

men

dapa

t Du(

r)ia

n R

abun

g,

m

aka

men

aiki

Pe

mat

ang

Bun

guh

...

lalu

ke

Lubu

k Pe

kak,

da

ri D

u(r)

ian

Rab

ung

mak

a m

emel

ah P

emat

ang

Bun

ga,

m

em ..

. Pem

atan

g B

ungu

h ...

. m

ehili

r ra

ntau

Lim

au K

apas

, m

aka

terj

un k

e Lu

buk

Peka

k,

…

. kel

ing

la

lu m

uara

Sun

gai S

elua

ng,

dari

Lub

uk P

ekak

hili

r ke

R

anta

u Li

mau

Kap

as

m

aka

man

urun

ke

Mua

ra M

enge

mbe

ran

men

uju

Pera

dun

Sago

, m

enda

pat M

uara

Sun

gai

Selu

ang,

.... y

akni

nya

…

men

urun

Buk

it R

ejan

g,

men

apuh

Per

adua

n Sa

go,

Tabl

e 2:

Com

pari

son

of to

pony

ms

in th

e bo

unda

ry li

sts

of th

e Pi

agam

Mua

ra M

endr

as

Annabel Teh Gallop

14 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

ra

ya ja

lan

ke R

awas

.

men

apat

mua

ra S

unga

i Mas

at,

lalu

ka

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ejan

g,

M

aka

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izir

aka

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tu

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Bat

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buk

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ai,

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ayan

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ah

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elar

ik,

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sar

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is,

men

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ayan

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men

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emat

ang

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is

men

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atan

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ipis

,

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nah

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la

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ang

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ng

Para

ng,

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ki

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at

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rik

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is,

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awas

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uis

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gi,

men

dapa

t ka

hulu

Kui

s Ti

nggi

,

mud

ik k

a hu

lu R

awas

,


15SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

mak

a ya

ng d

i m

udik

nya

hing

ga

mua

ra D

anau

Bes

yar

/

la

lu m

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ang

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uran

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au

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yar,

m

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n) D

anau

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aris

an,

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uh M

anis

Mas

am

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bang

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is M

asam

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bela

h,

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uara

Sua

Bat

u B

ergu

mba

k,

terj

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uara

Suo

Bat

u B

egom

bak

dala

m B

atan

g K

etah

un,

lalu

mel

ayan

g B

atan

g K

etah

un,

mer

impi

ng B

atan

g K

etah

un,

lalu

ke

Lubu

k M

anau

Kun

ing

Bat

ang

Ket

awan

, la

lu k

e Te

luk

Man

au K

unin

g,

men

aiki

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aris

an,

men

aiki

Buk

it B

aris

an,

terj

un m

uara

Impu

Bui

h,

terj

un M

uara

Ipu

Bui

h,

....m

aka

lalu

ke

hucu

ng B

ukit

Pand

an...

m

enai

ki B

ukit

Pand

an T

ua

men

aiki

Buk

it Pa

ndan

Tua

,

lalu

terj

un p

erad

uan

Lim

au

Kel

ing,

te

rjun

ke

para

duan

Lim

au

Kal

ing,

la

lu m

uara

Sun

gai K

elak

um,

lalu

Mua

ra S

unga

i Kel

ukum

,

la

lu m

udik

Ran

tau

Ket

ekal

, m

udik

ke

Ran

tau

Ket

angk

al,

lalu

men

dapa

t pen

yura

n da

nau,

m

elay

ang

peny

uran

Dan

au

Ged

ang,

men

apu

bend

ung

ke T

angk

al

Luas

,

m

aka

mel

ayan

g ke

par

adun

K

ayu

Pasa

k B

ercu

pang

Em

pat.

men

dapa

t ke

para

duan

Kay

u Pa

sak

Ber

jupa

ng E

mpa

t

Annabel Teh Gallop

16 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

APPENDIX: Transliteration and translation of the Piagam Muara MendrasEditorial conventions:.... text illegible, missing or indecipherable[maka] reliable reconstruction of missing text[maka] reliable reconstruction of partially legible text[maka?] unreliable reconstructionmaka[?] reading uncertainmaka text crossed out by scribe<maka> text added by scribe(maka) text added at editor’s discretion{maka} text deemed redundant by editor

The wide variety of orthographic styles in the four documents pre-sented here have posed problems for the transliteration. As a mat-ter of principle, the editions presented here are diplomatic rather than critical, i.e. they follow closely the actual spelling in the docu-ments themselves, with any editorial interventions indicated us-ing the conventions above, or noted in the footnotes. In a particu-larly striking example, the toponym Jambi is consistently spelt Jami (j.m.y or j.a.m.y) in MSS B, C and D, and this is therefore reflected in the transliteration. In many other cases in the same three documents we find more local particularities, for example when two consonants are clustered without a medial vowel, some-times one consonant is dropped, eg. Mucak (m.w.c.q) for Muncak, semilan for sembilan, melikang for melinggang. Sometimes the interpolation of medial ‘a’ is reflected in the spelling, eg. terajun for terjun, and puguang for punggung.

In my editions I have also made use of three translitera-tions kindly supplied by Heinzpeter Znoj. Two are transcriptions he made of readings of MS C and MS D by informants in Muara Mendras in 1989 (referred to as ‘Z’ in the footnotes), and one was copied from a transliteration made by Muh. Djaapar in 1971 (‘MD’


17SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

in the footnotes). These generally give the local pronounciation for toponyms, particularly the final ‘o’ for the standard Malay ‘a’, for example ‘Bungo’ for the Malay ‘Bunga’, but I have kept to the standard Malay vowels in my transliteration. While these trans-literations have been invaluable, especially for toponyms, some-times they do not represent exactly the text itself; for example, the frequently-encountered menaiki, ‘ascend’, in both MS C and D was always read mendaki, ‘climb’, in Znoj’s copies. Thus when the reading in the original text is clear, I have preferred this to Znoj’s readings. However, many of Znoj’s variant readings are given in the footnotes in acknowledgement of the ‘local knowledge’ they may present.

The texts of the Piagam Muara Mendras – together with those of the Piagam Serampas – have been added to the Malay Concordance Project, http://mcp.anu.edu.au/Q/mcp.html.

MUARA MENDRAS MS ACharter (piagam) in Malay in Jawi script, issued by Sultan Astra Ingalaga (r.1719-1725, 1727-1743) to Dipati Ratnya Yuda, dated in the year ha, written by Ki Astra Negara; early 18th century.

Znoj slides Piagam MM, 44.19-22 show a document [a] (Fig. 1), torn on the right-hand side, and a separate fragment [b] (Fig. 2). Attached to the bottom of [a] is a piece of paper with two seal im-pressions [c], which appears to have been stuck on to [a] with glue (Fig. 1).

This document is not mentioned in Laporan.12

[a] 11 lines of text; complete at the top and on the left, but the right-hand half of the sheet of paper is missing; thus what remains is the second half of each line. Written in a fine chancery hand with deep bowl-shaped curves; pa is always written with

12 Laporan (n.d.).

Annabel Teh Gallop

18 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

three dots.

... tahun kepada tahun ha kepada delapan belas hari bulan...[p]iagam dari bawah Duli Seri Sultan Astra Ingalaga digaduhkan ... ke ilirnya hingga Lubuk Kemumu lalu ke Perawah Besyar menucu

Durian... itulah yang di ilirnya, maka yang di mudiknya hingga muara Danau

Besyar... Seri Sultan kepada Dipati Ratnya Yuda[?], jangan ada orang

... dan mengambil rotan rumbianya dan mengambil buah-buahannya yang di dalam

... pnya dan mengambil silangnya, maka cikalau ada orang mengambil... diisinya yang di dalam watas utan ini maka tiada lagi

.... [d]emikian itu [yang utan?]nya kenalah denda dalam setahil sepaha dan

... hubaya2 jangan kamu lalui, wa-katibuhu Ki Astra Negara tamat al-kalam.

....inilah d.a.n.....

‘... year, in the year ha, on the the eighteenth day of the month... decree from His Majesty Sultan Astra Ingalaga was bestowed upon... downstream to Lubuk Kemumu, then on to Perawah Besar heading

for Durian... this is its extent downstream; as for its upstream boundary, up to the

mouth of the Danau Besyar... His Majesty to Dipati ... no one should

... and collect rattan and sago or collect fruits from within... and take felled [trees?], and if anyone should take

... filled from within the borders of this forest then no more... thus the ... will be fined 1¼ tahil and

... under no circumstances should you contravene them; and the writer [of this document] is Ki Astra Negara, the end of the words.

... this is ...’

[b] Fragment in exactly the same hand as [a], evidencing at least 9 lines of text. It is possible that it comprises part of the missing right-hand side of [a], or it may be an addendum to [a].

....... tengah naik ini ...

...t.n tanah Duli Sulta[n] .......ny.w.r... maka ...

....maka lalu ke hucung Bukit Pandan....


19SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

....y tanduk kayu pancang13 dan mengambil buluh bilah....... meng...ngi sungai danaunya dan lupuk s....

... rotan rumbiah14 atau barang se.....a.t.n....

‘…... ascending this ...

... the lands of His Majesty the Sultan ...... wherefore ...

... and then to the edge of Bukit Pandan ...... horns, stakes, and collecting bamboo products ...

... its rivers and lakes and pools[?] ...... rattan products or other ...’

...

CommentaryDespite the damaged state of [a], it is immediately recognizable as a standard royal edict issued from the Jambi court chancery, which would originally have borne the royal seal of the Sultan of Jambi at the top of the paper. There are numerous other examples of Jambi edicts to contextualise the surviving elements of text in [a] and to give us some idea of the contents of the lost first half of each line. For example, a very similar edict is Renah Kemumu MS F,15 dated 1759, of which the first few lines are reproduced below. The parts corresponding to the text of [a] are underlined, and thus the remaining segments correspond to the lost portions of text of [a].

Hijrat al-nabi salla Allah ‘alayhi wa-sallam seribu seratus tujuh puluh tiga tahun kepada tahun jim kepada lima belas hari bu-lan Safar pada hari Isnin, bahwa ini piagam serta cap daripada Duli Sultan Anum Seri Ingalaga [etc.] digaduhkan kepada Dipati Payung Dewa [etc.], seperti utang tanah hilirnya [hingga] Tangga

13 “A long pole, a pile, a stake, - used especially of the stakes driven into the sea-bottom to serve as moorings for light boats.” R. J. Wilkinson, R. J., Kamus-Jawi-Melayu-Inggeris, [Facsimile reprint of the 1903 ed.] (Alai, Melaka: Baharudinjoha, 1985), p. 473.

14 r.m.b.y.y.a.h15 Gallop, “Piagam Serampas”, pp. 295-301.

Annabel Teh Gallop

20 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

Jelatang [etc., i.e. boundary list follows]

‘The year of the migration of the prophet, may God’s blessings and peace be upon him, one thousand one hundred and seventy-three, in the year jim, on the fifteenth day of Safar, on Monday, wherefore this sealed decree of His Majesty Sultan Anum Seri Ingalaga [etc.] was assigned to Dipati Payung Dewa [etc.], in respect of the land downstream to Tangga Jelatang [etc.]’

The text of [a] concludes at the end of line 10, with the name of the scribe and the standard closing phrase tamat al-kalam. Re-nah Kemumu MS F also provides a context to understand the ex-istence of the few words evident on line 11 of [a], for MS F contains a one-line addendum to the main text.16

Renah Kemumu MS F can also be used as a comparative framework to evaluate whether [b] is the part of the missing right-hand half of [a]. In some ways this seems possible, because even the very limited number of words in [b] evoke the contents of a standard royal edict from Jambi, opening by referring to the source of authority, the Sultan; following with a boundary list; and continuing with a list of prescriptions concerning the use of forest products. If [b] is in fact part of the missing right-hand side of document [a], the most logical way of combining them (in view of the sense of the lines in each fragment) is actually an alignment of the first lines of each document as presented above. The full text of [a + b] would therefore read as follows:

.... // ... tahun kepada tahun ha kepada delapan belas hari bulan / ... tengah naik ini ... // ...[p]iagam dari bawah Duli Seri Sul-tan Astra Ingalaga digaduhkan / ...t.n tanah Duli Sulta[n] ...// ... ke ilirnya hingga Lubuk Kemumu lalu ke Perawah Besyar menucu Durian / ....ny.w.r... maka ...// ... itulah yang di ilirnya, maka yang di mudiknya hingga muara Danau Besyar / ....maka lalu ke hucung Bukit Pandan....// ... Seri Sultan kepada Dipati Ratnya Yuda, jangan ada orang / ....y tanduk kayu pancang dan mengambil bu-luh bilah...// ... dan mengambil rotan rumbianya dan mengambil buah-buahannya yang di dalam / .... meng...ngi sungai danaunya dan lupuk s....// ... pnya dan mengambil silangnya, maka cikalau

16 Cf. Gallop, “Piagam Serampas”, p. 298.


21SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

ada orang mengambil / ... rotan rumbiah atau barang se...// ... diisinya yang di dalam watas utan ini maka tiada lagi / ...t.n....// .... [d]emikian itu [yang utan?]nya kenalah denda dalam setahil sepaha dan / --- // ... hubaya2 jangan kamu lalui, wa-katibuhu Ki Astra Negara tamat al-kalam.

‘… // ... year, in the year ha, on the the eighteenth day of the month / … ascending this … // ... decree from His Majesty Sultan Astra Ingalaga was bestowed upon / … the lands of His Majesty the Sul-tan … // ... downstream to Lubuk Kemumu, then on to Perawah Besyar heading for Durian / … wherefore … // ... this is its extent downstream, as for its upstream boundary, until the mouth of the Danau Besyar / … then to the far edge of Bukit Pandan … // ... His Majesty to Dipati ... no one should / … (animal) horns, stakes and collect bamboo products … // ... and collect rattan products or collect fruits from within / … its rivers and lakes and pools[?] … // ... and take felled [trees?], and if anyone should take / … rattan products and other such … // ... filled from within the borders of this forest then no more / … // ... thus the ... will be fined 1¼ tahil and / … // ... under no circumstances should you contravene them; and the writer [of this document] is Ki Astra Negara; the writing is finished.’

This reconstruction is essentially plausible, except for the phrase … tengah naik ini … in line 2 of [b], which is difficult to reconcile with any known opening lines of royal Jambi edicts. But MS F also offers another context for the interpretation of [b], for MS F also contains a long addendum, in the same hand as the main text, written either on a separate piece of paper or on the reverse of the main text.17 This second text confirms the royal pre-rogative to certain goods such as bezoar stones and ivory; orders anyone who finds such goods to surrender them to officials to be passed to the ruler; and lists the punishments for disobedience. It is therefore equally possible that [b] is a fragment of an addendum to [a].

[c] has 5 short lines of (partially damaged) text and two differ-ent lampblack seal impressions, on a lighter coloured paper than [a]. There is a dark resinous stain at the juncture of the two types

17 As only photocopies of MS F were available it is not known whether one or two pieces of paper were used.

Annabel Teh Gallop

22 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

of paper, suggesting that [c] has been glued to the bottom of [a]. The first seal is illegible, while the second one (#1745)18 (stamped at an orientation of 45˚ to the first) may possibly be read:

... Setia Wijaya ... fi balad Palembang dar al-salam ...,

‘... Setia Wijaya, ... in the state of Palembang, abode of peace ....’.

In layout and calligraphy, this seal can be compared to one dated 1217 (AD 1802/3), inscribed Alamat Kiai Demang Jaya Lak-sana fi balad Palembang dar al-salam sanat 1217, ‘The sign of Kiai Demang Jaya Laksana, of the state of Palembang, abode of peace, the year 1217’.19 The phrase fi balad Palembang dar al-salam has been a distinctive feature of royal and noble Palembang seals for at least a century, from 1722 to 1822.20 The text of [c] reads:

Bahwa inilah ... / tapak s.a/l.w.... / Ranai Yuda a… / inangkan-lah[?] tanah[?] / yang sebaikkah[?]

Wherefore this is ... / the sign of ... /Ranai Yuda .... / tend[?] the land / as well as possible [?]

[c] can be understood as constituting a later endorsement of the priviledges accorded in [a]. The text of [c] is complete on the right-hand side, commencing as it does with the word bahwa, which implies that [c] was attached to [a] after the loss of the right-hand side of [a]. Thus even in a damaged state, [a] was still deemed important enough to attach a later endorsement to.

The relationship between the text and the seals of [c] is not clear, with two different possibilities. Either a piece of plain paper was stuck on to [a] and then the seals impressed and the accom-panying text written; or the piece of paper with the seals already stamped was attached to [a]. The former scenario would mean that

18 Here and elsewhere in this paper, a number preceded by a hash # sign is the unique reference number accorded to each seal in ATG’s database catalogue of Malay seals.

19 Annabel Teh Gallop, “Malay Seal Inscriptions: A Study in Islamic Epigraphy from Southeast Asia”, [Ph.D. thesis], School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 2002, p. 216, #667.

20 Cf. Gallop, “Malay Seal Inscriptions”, pp. 210-219.


23SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

endorsement of the priviledges granted by the Jambi sultan was sought from, or proferred, by one or more officials of the Palem-bang court hierarchy. In the latter scenario, a piece of paper bear-ing Palembang seals was somehow obtained by the owner of [a], and was attached to [a] to bolster the authority of the document. Either case highlights the enormous importance accorded to seals in the highland societies in which these documents circulated.

MUARA MENDRAS MS BCharter in Malay in Jawi script invoking the authority of Sultan Tajul Alam Safiatuddin Syah [queen of Aceh, r.1641-1675] over the land of Jam(b)i, granted to Dipati Ranah Udah with reference to the credentials (celak piagam) of Dipati Udah Mengala, followed by a long boundary list; in-complete; probably late 19th c.

Znoj slides Piagam MM, 44.09-11, show a scroll [a] (Figs. 3-4) and a small detached fragment [b] (Fig. 5). From the slides, this docu-ment is in very poor condition, with thin, brittle paper; the text is complete at top and on the left but there are many losses of text on the right, and it is truncated at the bottom. The Jawi text, which is written in a very careful but insecure hand, appears to employ some ‘punctuation marks’ in the form of dots in between some components of the boundary list; these marks have been rendered in the transliteration as full stops. The document is adorned with four pseudo-seals, i.e. petalled roundels resembling seals hand-drawn in black ink, with inscriptions reserved in white. Two are placed at the top of the document on the left and the right, flank-ing the first line; the other two flank lines 10-12. The two roundels on the right read Ya Allah sultan21 and the two on the left read Ya Muhammad sultan. The yellowish colour and brittle texture of the paper imply the use of woodpulp paper, suggesting a date in the

21 In all four cases spelt s.l.t.n, not s.l.t.a.n.

Annabel Teh Gallop

24 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

second half of the 19th century.Laporan describes this document as: A.1.d.5, Piagam surat

pengangkatan Depati Ranah Udo, concerning the authority of the office of the head of the village (jabatan kepala desa) of Muara Madras.22 It reports that the document consists of two pieces of paper joined together, with no watermark visible, and measures 46 x 21 cm.

[a] Hijrah al-nabi salla Allah ‘alayhi wa-sallam, / [da]ri pada [tahu?]n yang terpikir maka oleh / ... khalifah itu segala raja-raja yang sering menghukumkan / ... segala manusia dengan hukum yang tel ...hasi kepada al-nabi Muhammad / salla Allah ‘alayhi wa-sallam, maka iaitu berdaulat Sultan Kakandah Taj al-‘Alam Safiat / al-Din Syah Syah23 Berdaulat [z]ill24 Allah fi al-‘alam dan yang ditinggikan Allah darjatnya dan hadrat / yang maha mulia yang telah ada terkhidmat25 al-khayri di dalam negeri Jami26 dan tanah / ....b depan alamnya dengan adilnya27 memegangkan sem-bah semilan28 lurah pucuk / ...g Jami dengan firman Allah ta‘ala subhanahu / inni ja’il fi al-[ard] khalifah / yakni maka dirikan raja di atas dunia / artinya tempatku / maluluskan hukum / yang amat adil2:

Inilah tapak tangan Sultan / ...c.b karniamu gegahar29 akan Di-pati Ranah Udah inginnya / tanah genting30 cab bab nangu[?]31

22 Laporan (n.d.), p. 6.23 This may simply be an example of dittography, but might also stem

from a misrendering of the Acehnese sovereign title Johan Berdaulat, “the Sovereign Champion”, as Syah Berdaulat, “the Sovereign King”. (All Acehnese kings bore the title Johan Berdaulat after their regnal names, while the queens just bore the title Berdaulat).

24 q.l25 h.m.t26 i.e. Jambi, but spelt j.a.m.y here and in all other occurences.27 a.d.a.l.ny28 i.e. sembilan.29 g.g.h.r, meaning not known, possibly an archaic form of gegar, ‘quiv-

ering, shaking’?30 g.n.t.y.ng, “G. bukit: the junction between two high hills when they

join near their bases and make the pass between them disproportion-ately low.” See Wilkinson, Kamus-Jawi-Melayu-Inggeris, p. 577.

31 n.ng.w


25SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

bekepala [dua?] di dalam celak32 piagam Dipati / Udah Mengala emban33 d.d.h Dipati Ranah Udah adanya.

Maka manurun / ka Lubuk Kemumu. Maka menaiki mahizir34 ka Lubuk Lubang / ....iualan, maka menaiki ke Pauh Besyar. Maka terajun35 / ka Lubuk Rawah. Maka menaiki Pematang Bunguh ... / mem ... Pematang Bunguh .... / … Keling, maka manurun ke Muara Mengemberan / ....yakninya … / raya jalan ke Rawas. Maka mahizir akan ratu36 l.w.l / maka manuju Durian Bunga, yakninya dari itu / ....w, maka manuju ranah37 Sungai Seluang, / maka ma-hizir akan Sungai Masat, maka manuju / ranah luwas di ha(da)pan bukit lagi ind...

[b] - detached fragment, which appears to be a direct continuation of the above:

terajun ke [Batu Empang]. Maka mari[mping]38 … / Bukit Rutai. Maka manurun ke ranah … / [Em]pang39 Kepayang. Maka menaiki Kepayang Tinggi b.a.t.t …

[a] In the [era of the] migration of the prophet, may God’s peace and blessings be upon him,

32 c.l.q; the only meaning of celak found in all the main Malay diction-aries is a form of kohl for darkening eyelids, with bercelak meaning bright, shining. Calak, c.a.l.q, meaning ‘likely to happen, akan jadi’, found in both Wilkinson and Marsden, may be a possible reading.

33 a.m.b.n; Wilkinson gives amban, ambin and emban, all contrivances such as a sling or a rope with the same core function of enabling the carrying of a heavy burden. Wilkinson, Kamus-Jawi-Melayu-Inggeris, p. 35.

34 i.e. mahilir, but spelt m.a.h.y.z.y.r here and in all other occurences.35 t.r.a.j.n, i.e. terjun.36 r.a.t.w, rantau?37 renah: a flat area, typically, but not necessarily, located in a valley.

Cf. Gallop, “Piagam Serampas”, p. 288, fn. 17.38 Wilkinson gives “rimping, Perimping: the end man of a row; the ob-

jects at the extreme end of a row of similar objects.” Wilkinson, Ka-mus-Jawi-Melayu-Inggeris, p. 338. Hence in this context merimping would have the meaning of travelling right to the end of a row of a particular geographical feature.

39 a.m.p.ng; empang, ‘barring, damming; constructing a barrier to check the flow of a stream ….’ Wilkinson, Kamus-Jawi-Melayu-Inggeris, p. 38.

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in the appropriate year[?], therefore …… the vicegerent the kings who usually rule mankind with laws … to the prophet Muhammad, may God’s peace and blessings be upon him, wherefore the sover-eign Elder Sister Sultan Taj al-‘Alam Safiat al-Din Syah, the Sover-eign Ruler, the shadow of God on earth, whose station and majestic presence has been elevated by God, who serves with benevolence in the state of Jami and the land … her land with justice and holds the obeisance of the nine lurah … of Jami, through the word of God, the exalted and praised, ‘Indeed I will create on the earth an agent, a khalifah’,40 that is, ‘a ruler will be placed on earth’, meaning the place where I administer the law with great justice.

This is the sign of the hand of the Sultan …. granted … to Dipati Ranah Udah, wishing that the land of the low mountain pass[?] … seal with … two-headed … in the charter of Dipati Udah Mengala …[should be partially borne by?] … Dipati Ranah Udah.

So, descend to Lubuk Kemumu, and then climb downriver to Lubuk Lubang …, then climb up to Pauh Besyar, then plunge down to Lubuk Rawah, then ascend Pematang Bunguh, …. Pematang Bun-guh … Keling, then descend to Muara Mengemberan, … that is …. way to Rawas, then go downstream to …., then head for Durian Bunga, thence from there … then head for the flat lands around Sungai Seluang, then go downstream to Sungai Masat, then head for the wide plain in front of the hill …

[b] …. plunge down to [Batu Empang], then keep right on to the end … to Bukit Rutai, then descend to the flat lands of Empang Kepayang41, then climb up to Kepayang Tinggi …

CommentaryUnlike MS A, in MS B the higher authority named as conferring priviledges upon the Dipati Ranah Uda is not the sultan of Jam-bi but the most famous queen of Aceh, Tajul Alam Safiatuddin Syah, who reigned from 1641-1675. She was the daughter of the great king of Aceh, Iskandar Muda (r.1604-1636), and widow of his successor, Sultan Iskandar Thani (r.1636-1641). Preliminary

40 Quran 2: 30.41 k.o. tree, pangium edule. Wilkinson, Kamus-Jawi-Melayu-Inggeris, p.

522.


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research suggests a proliferation of edicts and charters during her rule, but the language and composition of this document is quite alien to the Acehnese tradition of royal edicts, known as tarakata.42 Interestingly, though, the reign of Tajul Alam is one of the two periods identified by Znoj during which direct Acehnese influence and contact might have been felt in Sungai Tenang – this being the earlier of the two periods, when Aceh excercised control over the goldmines in Tiku and Pariaman.

Both the wording and the graphic impact of this document point to another source of influence, also to the north but nearer at hand: Minangkabau. Minangkabau royal edicts, written in Malay, are a complex class of documents; although not yet fully studied or understood,43 what is clear is that they are very different in style from the products of most (coastal) Malay royal chanceries. The few Minangkabau royal decrees that have been published often start with a narration of earlier sources of authority, including fig-ures from Islamic and pre-Islamic history. The Qur’anic quotation from Surat al-Baqarah (Q. 2: 30) in MS B – often used in Islamic kingdoms in justification of the temporal rule of a monarch – does feature in Minangkabau documents, as well as others from Ker-inci.

The strongest hint of Minangkabau influence, however, is in the four pseudo-seals arranged carefully around the text. Royal Minangkabau decrees often included drawings of several such circles containing inscriptions, referred to as ‘bab’ or gateways, symbolically representing the outposts, or gateways, to the Mi-nangkabau realm.44

MS B does not bear any original seal impression – in all Ma-lay realms an important confirmation of the authority of a royal decree. For this reason, and the many other factors mentioned above, it is likely that this document only dates from the late 19th

42 Cf. Gallop, “Malay Seal Inscriptions”.43 Cf. Drakard, A Kingdom of Words.44 Cf. Drakard, A Kingdom of Words, Plates 1-4.

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century, though it may draw upon earlier models.

MUARA MENDRAS MS CCharter (celak piagam) in Malay in Jawi script of Dipati Mucak Alam Tiang Igama and Dipati Rana Uda of Sungai Tenang, specifying the boundaries of land under their ju-risdiction, and confirming the shared authority of Dipati Mucak Alam Tiang Igama and Dipati Uda Mengala; dated AH 1256 (AD 1840/1); with the seal of Sultan Abdul Rahman Nasaruddin of Jambi.

Znoj slides Piagam MM, 44.06-08 (Figs. 6-7). From the photo-graphs, the top part of document containing the seal impression is on paper which is whitish/grey in colour, while the the lower part of the document containing the text is written on yellowish paper. There is a resinous stain along the juncture of the two types of pa-per, implying that the paper containing the seal was glued to the paper containing the text.

Laporan describes this document as A.1.d.4, Piagam Depati Muncak II, concerning the authority of the office of the head of the village (jabatan kepala desa) of Muara Madras.45 The paper is said to be watermarked with a crown and ‘E & R’, and the document measures 44 x 22 cm.

Seal: #1744, of Sultan Abdul Rahman Nasaruddin of Jambi (r.1841-1855), inscribed:

sanat 1256 al-wāthiq billah al-Jalī al-Sultan Abdul Rahman Na-saruddin ibn al-Sultan Mahmud Muhyiuddin // Sultan / Ratu / Anum / Dilaga

“The year 1256, he who trusts in God, the Resplendent One, the Sul-tan Abdul Rahman Nasaruddin, son of the Sultan Mahmud Muhyi-uddin // Sultan / Ratu / Anum / Dilaga”

8-petalled circle, with a double-ruled border containing cross-

45 Laporan (n.d.), p. 6.


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es; stepped lobed petals, four of which (at 45º, 135º, 225º and 315º) enclose elephants facing inwards; stamped in lampblack. This is the only impression known of this seal.

Bahwa ini celak piagam Dipati Mucak46 Teralam Tiang Igama dua jaya47[?] Dipati Rani48 Uda. Keluar daripada tanah Durian Balai lalu ke Lubuk Lubang Muara Mempiyul49, lalu mehilir Lubuk Ke-mumu, menaiki ka Tanah Genting Sawa Meluncur, lalu meniti Pe-matang Bunga tempat Durian Gabu, lalu ke Lubuk Pekak, mehilir rantau Limau Kapas, lalu muara Sungai Seluang, menuju perad-uan sago, menurun Bukit Rejang, menapat50 Muara Sungai Masat, mehilir ke Batu Empang, maka merimping Bukit Rutai51, terjun ke ranah Empang Kepayang, lalu menaiki Kepayang Tinggi Bani, meniti pematang Puguang52 Parang, lalu terjun Rantau Lalang, lepas ka Sarik Bajajo Betuang53 Manis, lalu meniti Pematang Mi-pis terjun kelua[r] Rawas, menaiki ulu Kuis Tinggi, lalu melayang penyuran54 Danau Besyar, menaiki Bukit Barisan, tepat ke Pauh Manis Masam Sebelah, terjun Muara Suwa55 Batu Bergumbak, lalu melayang Batang Ketahun, lalu ke Lubuk Manau Kuning Ba-tang Ketawan56, menaiki Bukit Barisan, terjun57 Muara Impu Buih, menaiki Bukit Pandan Tua, lalu terjun peraduan Limau Keling, lalu Muara Sungai Kelakum58, lalu mudik Rantau Ketekal59, lalu mendapat penyuran danau, maka melayang ke paraduan Kayu Pa-sak Bercupang Empat.

Suatu pasal lagi dari pada anak Raja Tiangso[?]60 yang bernama

46 m.w.c.q, i.e. Muncak.47 d.w.j.a.y48 r.a.n.y49 m.m.p.y.y.w.l50 m.n.a.p.t, Z: menempuh.51 r.w.t.y, Z: Runtai.52 p.w.g.w.a.ng, Z: punggung.53 Z: betuang X betung (i.e. first read as betuang, then corrected to be-

tung).54 p.ny.w.r.a.n, Z: peradun.55 s.w.a, suwa, “bringing two objects close to one another … projecting

forward, prominence.” Wilkinson, Kamus-Jawi-Melayu-Inggeris, p. 416.

56 k.t.a.w.a.n57 t.r.j.w.a.n58 Z: Kelukup.59 Z: Ketangkal.60 t.n.s.a. In Z just read as “anak Raja Jambi”.

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30 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

Si Bujang Jami, maka diinginkan[?]61 Pemucak menjadi Dipati Mucak Alam Tiang Igama di dalam alam Sungai Tenang dua se-jabat62 dengan Dipati Rana Uda duduk di tanah [Du]rian Balai, tahu buah masam buah manis, kuasa pulang pada Dipati Mucak merintah di dalam Puguk Semilan, ilir muara mudik mehulukan, melonjak tiada tersudak63, meligang64 tiada terpapas, yang terlin-tang penggal65 yang terpanggung jatuhkan, di dalam pungguk yang semilan, demikian pegangan Dipati Mucak Alam Tiang Igama dan Dipati Uda Mengala.

Tamat kalam Pangiran Jami Kesuma cap Sultan Abdul Rahman Nasiruddin ibn Sultan Mahmud Muhiuddin.

Sanat 1256.

This is the charter of Dipati Mucak Teralam Tiang Igama, [work-ing successfully together with?] Dipati Rani Uda. Leaving the land of Durian Bali, go to Lubuk Lubang Muara Mempiyul and then go upriver to Lubuk Kemumu, climb up to Tanah Genting Sawa Me-luncur and then take the narrow footway through the ricefields of Pematang Bunga to the place of Durian Gabu, then on to Lubuk Pekak and upriver to the reaches of Limau Kapas, then on to the mouth of the Seluang river, head for the resting-place by the sago, descend Bukit Rajang and charge straight on to the mouth of the Masat river, go upriver to Batu Empang, then right on to the end of Bukit Rutai, and descend to plain of Empang Kepayang, then climb up to Kepayang Tinggi Bani, follow the narrow footway of Pematang Pukuang Perang, then plunge down to the reaches of long grass, and to Sarik Bajajo Betuang Manis then take the narrow footway of Pematang Mipis and plunge down and out through Rawas, climb upriver to Kuis Tinggi then swoop on down to the sluice of Danau Besyar, ascend the Barisan mountains just to Pauh Manis Masam Sebelah and then plunge down to the rivermouth with jutting out piles of rocks, and then fly up to the branch of the Ketahun river, then on to Lubuk Manau Kuning on the branch of the Ketawan, up the Barisan mountains, right down to the Impu Buih rivermouth, up Bukit Pandan Tua and then down to the resting-place of Limau Keling, on to the mouth of the Kelakum river, then upriver to the Ketekal reaches, then follow the sluice of the lake and straight on to

61 d.a.y.n.d.y.n.k.n, Z: diinginkan.62 Z: sejajar.63 S: tersundak.64 Z: melinggang.65 Z: penggalkan.


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the resting-place of Kayu Pasak Bercupang Empat.

Furthermore, regarding the son of Raja Tiangso who was named Si Bujang Jami, the Pemuncak wished him to be made Dipati Mucak Alam Tiang Igama in the country of Sungai Tenang, of equal status with Dipati Rana Uda based in the land of Durian Balai, able to distinguish which fruit is sour and which sweet, authority being retained by Dipati Mucak who rules over the Puguk Semilan, down to the river mouth and up to the river source, when leaping up will not be knocked down, when going forward will not be deterred, what is obstructing the way will be chopped up, what is raised up will be torn down, in Pungguk Semilan, this is the authority of Dipati Mu-cak Alam Tiang Igama and Dipati Uda Mengala.

Thus ends the writing of Pangiran Jami Kesuma, with the seal of Sultan Abdul Rahman Nasaruddin, son of Sultan Mahmud Muiud-din.

The year 1256 (1840/1 AD).

CommentaryAt first sight, this document appears to be a standard product of the Jambi chancery, written on high-quality European laid paper, with the sultan’s great seal at the top. Although this is the only known example of this seal of Sultan Abdul Rahman Nasiruddin of Jambi (r.1841-1855), the seal itself is undoubtedly genuine. It is in the characteristic shape and style of all sovereign seals of Jambi since the time of Sultan Ahmad Zainuddin (r.1743-1770?), namely an eight-petalled circle, with the sultan’s regnal Muslim name in the centre, and in four of the eight petals his traditional title, with pictures of animals in the other four petals. (The presence of these depictions of animals on the seal is quite extraordinary in a Southeast Asian Islamic context: out of over 1,600 Islamic seals from throughout the Malay world, dating from 1600 to 1900, these royal Jambi seals are the only ones to include representations of living creatures.)

But the composition of the text of the document bears little

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32 SELOKO, VOL. 2, NO. 1, 2013

relation to ‘authentic’ products of the Jambi chancery. All edicts and decrees from traditional Malay chanceries, including that of Jambi, conformed to a standard opening formulary, as described in Gallop.66 Essentially, there are two main variants of the open-ing formulary, either starting with the date (On this date / so-and so / granted this [document] / to so-and-so / for the purposes of such-and-such), or, as above, but without the date at the begin-ning. Despite its damaged state, this structure can be seen clearly in Muara Mendras MS A, and indeed in all seven Piagam Seram-pas. In MS C, what is missing from the very beginning is the name of the issuing authority. Instead, the compositional order is some-what subverted, with a boundary list presented at the beginning, followed by a justification for the installation of the Dipati Mucak Alam Tiang Agama. Only at the end is the writing attributed to ‘Pangiran Jami Kesuma’, under the authority of the seal of the sultan, and the date of 1256.

Everything about this document – the compositional struc-ture, and the way that a genuine royal seal has been stuck on to the paper containing the charter – suggests that this manuscript was created not in the royal chancery of Jambi, but in the region that is the focus of the text, namely Sungai Tenang itself. This implies that the creators of this document managed to get hold of a piece of paper bearing the royal seal (perhaps by cutting it off another charter), and then used it to give authority to a text of their own making. The seal is dated 1256 AH, which raises ques-tions about the use of the date 1256 on the document. How likely was it that the creators of this document managed to get hold of a stamped impression of the seal in the year it was made? Was the document really written in 1256, or did it perhaps appropriate the date written so clearly on the seal? It might be safest to regard 1256 AH (1840/1 AD) as the earliest possible date (terminus post quem) that MS C could have been written.

66 Gallop, “Piagam Serampas”, pp. 276-277.


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MUARA MENDRAS MS DCharter (celak piagam) in Malay in Jawi script, describing the installation of Dipati Muncak Tiang Igama in Sungai Tenang by the Sultan of Jam(b)i, and specifying the bound-aries of the land under his jurisdiction; date illegible, but bearing the seal of Sultan Kakanda Ahmad Nasiruddin dated 1881/1882.

Znoj slides Piagam MM, 44.12-15 (Figs. 8-10). Laporan describes this document as A.1.d.3, Piagam Depati Muncak I, concerning the authority of the office of the head of the village (jabatan kepala desa) of Muara Madras.67 The document comprises three pieces of paper joined together, watermarked ‘Concordia’, and measures 72 x 17 cm.

The seal at the top of the document is impressed upside down.

Seal: #1697, seal of Sultan Ahmad Nasiruddin, inscribed:Sultan Kakanda Ahmad Nasiruddin bin Sultan Ratu Ahmad ... din [29]9

“Elder-brother Sultan Ahmad Nasiruddin, son of Sultan Ratu Ah-mad ...din, [29]9”

Date of seal: probably AH [1299] (AD 1881/1882); 23-petalled circle, with a double-ruled outline; this is the only known impres-sion.

j.y.l f.y.l a.r.d.f.l.y.f.h [i.e. ja’il fi al-ard khalifah, Q.2:30]. Inilah celak piagam Dipati Muncak terjujung di atas jemala68 Dipati Mun-cak Alam Tiang Igama Alam Sungai Tenang. Pasal ini Pemuncak pulang ke Rawas, maka hilirlah Raja Tiangso mengadap Sultan Jami mekhabarkan Pemucak hilir ke Rawas sekarang, maka diang-katkan Sultan anak Raja Tiangso yang bernama Bujang Jami akan jadi Dipati Muncak Alam Tiang Igama di Alam Sungai (Tenang), merintahkan di dalam adat atau di dalam igama di dalam Alam

67 Laporan (n.d.), pp. 5-6.68 “The crown of the head,” Wilkinson, Kamus-Jawi-Melayu-Inggeris, p.

230.

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Sungai Tenang, hilir muarakan dan mudik mehulukan manyepat memenggal melarik menyejukan dari landuh <di lenduh>69 balai yang dua, tegak tiada tersundak, duduk tiada terpapas, melikang70 tiada tersangkut, barang yang terpagung71 jatuhkan, barang yang terlintang pengalkan72, dan seperti di dalam igama demikian juga merintahkan membuat langar73 dan surau dan mesjid dan sem-bahyang lima waktu dan zakat dan {dan} fitrah dan sesiapa tia(da) mau mengerjakan maka dikutukkan firman Allah ta‘ala dengan tiga kutuk dan …

Suatu pasal lagi daripada tanah yang dipegang Dipati Muncak di dalam perbukala: dari tanah Du(r)ian74 Balai lalu ke Lubuk Lubang Muara Mempiyul, dari situ hilir ke Lubuk Kamumu, maka menai-ki ke Tanah Genting Sawa Meluncur, maka mendapat Du(r)ian Rabung, dari Du(r)ian Rabung maka memelah75 Pematang Bunga, maka terjun ke Lubuk Pekak76, dari Lubuk Pekak hilir ke Rantau Li-mau Kapas mendapat Muara Sungai Seluang, menapuh77 peraduan sago, lalu ka Bukit Rejang, terjun ke Lubuk Muara Sungai Masat, mehilir ke Lubuk Batu Kiari, maka mudik meriping78 Bukit Rutai79, terjun ka hulu Narso Gedang, dari situ maka menda(pat) Muara Sungai Empang Kepayang, lalu Kepayang Belarik, mendapat Ke-payang Tinggi Bani, menaiki Pematang Mipis, lalu Pematang Pu-gung80 Parang, terjun ke hulu Tengkui, lalu ka hulu Tengkui Kecik, mudik ke Rantau Lalang, menuju Serik Bejajo Batung Manis, lalu ke81 hulu Rawas, mendapat ka hulu Kuis Tinggi, mudik ka hulu Ra-was, melayang penyura(n) Danau Besyar, dari situ menuju ke Pauh Kumambang82 Manis Masam Sebelah, terjun Muara Suwa Batu Be-gombak dalam Batang Ketahun, merimping Batang Ketahun, lalu

69 Spelt l.n.d.h in the main text, with d.l.n.d.w.h, added in small letters underneath, as if in clarification or correction.

70 Z: melinggang.71 Z: terpanggung.72 Z: penggalkan.73 Z: langgar.74 d.w.y.n75 Z: membelah.76 Z: Paku; MD Pekat.77 Z: menempuh.78 m.r.y.p.ng, Z: merimping.79 Z: Rantai.80 Z: Punggung.81 l.k82 Z: Kumbang.


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ke Teluk Manau Kuning, menaiki Bukit Barisan, terjun Muara Ipu83 Buih, menaiki Bukit Pandan Tua, terjun ke paraduan Limau Kal-ing, lalu Muara Sungai Kelukum84, mudik ke Rantau Ketangkal, melayang penyuran Danau Gedang, menapu85 bendung ke Tangkal Luas, mendapat ke paraduan Kayu Pasak Berjupang Empat.

Ingat[?]86 itu ke mari leba’87 sama kuwang paya rumbia lupuk da-nau bukit gunung utan tanah jemu88 kelaka, itulah yang dipegang Dipati Muncak di dalam perbukala.

Tamatlah kalam Pangiran Jami Kas(uma) ... cap sultan ... 8 hari bulan ...

‘I will create on the earth an agent, a khalifah.’89 This is the charter of Dipati Muncak, bestowed upon the head of Dipati Muncak Alam Tiang Igama of the land of Sungai Tenang. Since the Pemuncak had returned to Rawas, so Raja Tiangso travelled downstream for an audience with the Sultan of Jami to inform him that the Pemuncak had now gone down to Rawas, and so the Sultan installed the son of Raja Tiangso named Bujang Jami as Dipati Muncak Alam Tiang Igama in the country of Sungai (Tenang), to govern in the realms of both traditional custom and religion throughout the country of Sungai Tenang, downstream to the rivermouth and upstream to the source, stripping, polishing, dimantling and pacifying ... in the two assemblies, when standing upright will not be felled, when seated will not be knocked over, when going forward will not be hindered, whatever is raised up will be knocked down, whatever is obstruct-ing the way will be broken up, and as for religious life so too will he administer the construction of prayer halls and prayer houses and mosques, and the performing of prayers five times a day, and the collection of religious tithes, and the enactment of good works; and whosoever disobeys will be cursed by the word of God the Almighty with three curses, and ....

Furthermore concerning the land held by Dipati Muncak since an-cient times: from the land of Durian Balai to Lubuk Lubang Muara Mempiyul, and from there downstream to Lubuk Kamumu, then

83 Z: Impuh.84 Z: Kelukup.85 Z: menempuh.86 a.y.g.w, Z: Inggo.87 MD: lembak.88 j.m.w89 Quran, S. al-Baqarah, 2: 30.

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climbing up to Tanah Genting Sawa Meluncur, and then on to Durian Rabung, from Durian Rabung then keeping on Pematang Bunga, plunging down to Lubuk Pekak, from Lubuk Pekak down-river to the Limau Kapas reaches up till the mouth of the Seluang river, straight on to the sago resting-place, then to Bukit Rejang, right down to Lubuk Muara Sungai Masat and downriver to Lubuk Batu Kiari, and then down and right to the end of Bukit Rutai and down to the upper reaches of Narso Gedang, and from there on to the mouth of the Empang Kepayang river, then from Kepayang Belarik to Kepayang Tinggi Bani, climbing up to Pematang Mipis and on to Pematang Pugung Parang, plunging down to the upper reaches of Tengkui, upriver to Tengkui Kecik and down to Rantau Lalang, heading for Serik Bejajo Batung Manis, and on to the upper reaches of Rawas, and then to the upper reaches of of Kuis Tinggi, up to the upper reaches of Rawas, swooping down to the sluice of Danau Besyar, from there heading for Pauh Kumambang Manis Masam Sebelah, then down to Muara Suwa Batu Begombak in the branch of the Ketahun river, heading right to the end of the Keta-hun branch, on to Teluk Manau Kuning, up the Barisan mountains, plunging down to the mouth of the Ipu Buih, climbing up Bukit Pandan Tua, plunging down to the rest-place of Limau Kaling, then on to the mouth of the Kelukum river, upriver to the Ketangkal reaches, swooping along the sluice of the Danau Gedang, straight to Bendung Ketangkal Luas, and on to the resting place of Kayu Pasak Berjupang Empat.

Remember that to here come bees[?] and pheasants, swamps, marshes, pools, lakes, hills, mountains, forest, the land of …, this is what is held by Dipati Muncak in perpetuity.

The end of the writing of Pangiran Jami Kas(uma), .... the seal of the sultan ... 8 of the month ....

CommentaryThe relationship between seal and document in MS D raises a dif-ferent set of problems from those encountered in MS C. In MS C, we found a recognizably genuine seal of the sultan of Jambi, but which was incontrovertibly not an original part of the document. In MS D, the seal - in the name of Sultan Ahmad Nasiruddin of Jambi, who reigned from 1858-1881 - is definitely an integral part


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of the manuscript document, but the seal itself is puzzling in some ways. For a start, it is impressed upside down, suggesting, at the least, a lack of professionalism in the use of the seal.90

Secondly, the seal is not in the standard style of sovereign Jambi seals as discussed under MS C, namely an 8-petalled circle with images of animals in four of the eight petals. The ‘real’ sov-ereign seal of Sultan Ahmad Nasiruddin, in the standard style, is found on a contract with the Dutch of 1864, is inscribed sanat 1275 al-wāthiq billāh al-Jalī cap al-Sultan Ahmad Nasiruddin ibn al-Sultan Mahmud Muhyiuddin al-marhum // Sultan / Ratu / Inga / Dilaga, “the year 1275 (AD 1858/1859), he who trusts in God, the Resplendent One, the seal of the Sultan Ahmad Nasirud-din, son of the late Sultan Mahmud Muhyiuddin // Sultan / Ratu / Inga / Dilaga” (#906).

The use of a different seal is not in itself a ‘fatal’ flaw, for many Malay sovereigns had more than one seal. But the third ma-jor problem with the seal on MS D is that all aspects of the inscrip-tion – composition, calligraphy and orthography – are unusual in the context of royal Jambi seals. The inscription is rather poorly writtern, but appears to read: Sultan Kakanda Ahmad Nasirud-din bin Sultan Ratu Ahmad n.a.din, [29]9, “Elder-brother Sultan Ahmad Nasiruddin, son of Sultan Ratu Ahmad n.a.din [29]9”; a date of AH 1299 would equate to AD 1881/1882. The date lacks the initial ‘1’, but this is not unusual in Islamic seals; the ‘2’ is written back-to-front and hence resembles the Arabic numeral ‘6’, though even such mirror-image inversion is also not very rare in Malay seals; but the date equates to the very end of the reign of Sultan Ahmad Nasiruddin, which is unusual. Also, Sultan Ahmad Nasiruddin was the son of Sultan Mahmud Muhyiuddin (r.1812-1833), as stated on his sovereign seal, while on the seal of MS D he

90 As most Malay seal matrices were symmetrical circles or petalled cir-cles, they usually had a small “marker” on the reverse of the seal face at the top of the seal, to help orientate the seal correctly when it was stamped on a document.

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is said to be the son of a sultan ‘Ahmad n.a.din’. Futhermore, the form of the title ‘Sultan Kakanda’ is very unusual; although many Malay kingdoms such as Johor and Perak had a system of dual rulership with titles such as ‘Sultan Tua’ and ‘Sultan Muda’, the title ‘Sultan Kakanda’ is not familiar from Malay written records. It is probably significant, however, that the same title is accorded to Sultan Tajulalam Safiatuddin Syah of Aceh in MS B, suggest-ing a localised usage.

These issues notwithstanding, there is no intrinsic reason to doubt the date on the seal, and although the date at the bottom of the document is unfortunately missing, the seal date ofAH [1299] (AD 1881/2) gives a reasonable terminus post quem for the date of this document, i.e. the end of the 19th century. Turning now to the structure of the text of MS D, the same issues raised in the discus-sion of MS C apply here. The text does not conform to the standard model of charters produced in the royal Jambi chancery, and here too we can conclude that the document was most likely produced locally, in the Sungai Tenang region. Regarding the seal itself, for all the reasons given above it was most probably made up in the highlands rather than at the downstream court of Jambi, ei-ther with or without the knowledge and authority of Sultan Ah-mad Nasiruddin, at a time of the demise of the piagam tradition, caused by the political disintegration of the sultanate.

AcknowledgementAs will be clear from the remarks above, everything in this paper was stimulated by work done originally by Heinzpeter Znoj, who in 1989 photographed the documents and made the translitera-tions, and then shared this material, and his valuable insights, with me so generously. I am extremely grateful [S].


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Figure 1: Muara Mendras MS A. Charter (piagam) [a] issued by Sultan Astra Ingalaga of Jambi (r.1719-1743) to Dipati Ratnya Yuda; early 18th century; together with an attached later endorse-ment (tapak ...) [c] with the seal of a Palembang noble. Digital im-age stitched from two overlapping photographs. Photographs by H.

Znoj, Muara Mendras, 1989.

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Figure 2: Muara Mendras MS A, detached fragment [b] in the same hand as the charter [a] shown in Fig. 1. Photograph by H. Znoj,

Muara Mendras, 1989.


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Figure 3. Muara Mendras MS B, top part of document. Credentials invoking the authority of Sultan Tajul Alam Safiatuddin Syah over the land of Jambi, granted to Dipati Ranah Udah; incomplete; prob-ably late 19th century. Photograph by H. Znoj, Muara Mendras, 1989.

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Figure 4: Muara Mendras MS B, bottom part of document. Photo-graph by H. Znoj, Muara Mendras, 1989.

Figure 5: Muara Mendras MS B, detached fragment. Photograph by H. Znoj, Muara Mendras, 1989.


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Figure 6: Muara Mendras MS C. Charter (celak piagam) of Dipati Mucak Alam Tiang Igama and Dipati Rana Uda of Sungai Tenang, specifying the boundaries of land under their jurisdiction, dated AH 1256 (AD 1840/1), with the seal of Sultan Abdul Rahman Nasirud-din stamped on a piece of paper which has been pasted on. Photo-

graph by H. Znoj, Muara Mendras, 1989.

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Figure 7: Muara Mendras MS C. The seal (#1744) of Sultan Abdul Rahman Nasaruddin of Jambi (r.1841-1855), inscribed: sanat 1256 al-wāthiq billah al-Jalī al-Sultan Abdul Rahman Nasaruddin ibn al-Sultan Mahmud Muhyiuddin // Sultan / Ratu / Anum / Di-

laga. Photograph by H. Znoj, Muara Mendras, 1989.

Figure 8: MS Muara Mendras D. Seal (#1697) of Sultan Ahmad Na-siruddin, inscribed: Sultan Kakanda Ahmad Nasiruddin bin Sultan Ratu Ahmad ... din [29]9. Photograph by H. Znoj, Muara Mendras,

1989.


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Figure 9: Muara Mendras MS D. Top part of the credentials (celak piagam) of Dipati Muncak Tiang Igama of Sungai Tenang, specify-ing the boundaries of the land under his jurisdiction; date illegible,

but bearing the seal (stamped upside down) of Sultan Kakanda Ahmad Nasiruddin dated 1881/1882. Photograph by H. Znoj, Muara

Mendras, 1989.

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Figure 10: Muara Mendras MS D. Credentials (celak piagam) of Di-pati Muncak Tiang Igama of Sungai Tenang. Digital image stitched together from four overlapping photographs, showing the full docu-ment of 45 lines. Photographs by H. Znoj, Muara Mendras, 1989.


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Figure 11: Photocopy of Muara Mendras MS D in the possession of Bapak Mochtaruddin of Sungai Tenang, showing only 26 lines of text, comprising lines 18-43 of the original MS D as shown in Fig. 10, and with the seal turned the right way up. Photograph by D.

Neidel, Sungai Tenang, 2005.

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Figure 12: Local informant in Muara Mendras reading MS D. Pho-tograph by H. Znoj, Muara Mendras, 1989.


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REFERENCES

Drakard, Jane, A Kingdom of Words: Language and Power in Sumatra, South-East Asian Historical Monographs, (Shah Alam: Oxford University Press, 1999).

Gallop, Annabel Teh, “Malay Seal Inscriptions: A Study in Islam-ic Epigraphy from Southeast Asia”, [Ph.D. thesis], School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 2002.

Gallop, Annabel Teh, “Piagam Serampas: Malay Documents from Highland Jambi”, Dominik Bonatz, John Miksic, J. David Neidel, Mai Lin Tjoa-Bonatz (eds.), From Distant Tales: Ar-chaeology and Ethnohistory in the Highlands of Sumatra, (Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2009): 272-322.

Laporan, Laporan Penelitian Arkeologi: Penelitian Penjajakan Arkeologi Islam di Kabupaten Merangin, Provinsi Jam-bi, [S.l.]: [s.n.], n.d. [photocopy kindly made available by D.Neidel.]

Neidel, John David, “The Garden of Forking Paths: History, its Erasure and Remembrance in Sumatra's Kerinci Seblat Na-tional Park”, [Ph.D. thesis], Yale University, 2006.

Voorhoeve, P., Tambo Kerintji: Disalin dari Toelisan Djawa Koeno, Toelisan Rentjong dan Toelisan Melajoe jang Terda-pat pada Tandoek Kerbau, Daoen Lontar, Boeloeh dan Ker-tas dan Koelit Kajoe, Poesaka Simpanan Orang Kerintji, P.Voorhoeve, dengan pertolongan R.Ng.Dr. Poerbatjaraka, toean H.Veldkamp, controleur B.B., njonja M.C.J. Voorhoeve Bernelot Moens, goeroe A. Hamid, 1941. [Typescript, repro-duced by C.W. Watson].

Wilkinson, R. J., Kamus-Jawi-Melayu-Inggeris, [Facsimile reprint of the 1903 ed.] (Alai, Melaka: Baharudinjoha, 1985).

Znoj, Heinzpeter, Heterarchy and Domination in Highland Jambi: The Contest for Community in a Matrilinear Society, Habili-tationsschrift, University of Bern, 2001.

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Internet resources

Malay Concordance Project. <http://mcp.anu.edu.au/Q/mcp.html>

Tambo Kerinci <http://ipll.manoa.hawaii.edu/indonesian/re-search/tambo-kerinci/>

Piagam Muara Mendras: more Malay documents from highland Jambi

Documents

Transcript of Piagam Muara Mendras: more Malay documents from highland Jambi