Monarch wears a hollow crown in a Kafkaesque Kingdom

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Transcript of Monarch wears a hollow crown in a Kafkaesque Kingdom

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Monarch Wears a Hollow Crown in aKafkaesque KingdomBY SOVANNARITH KEO | NOVEMBER 12, 2014

If Jayavarman VII is known among Cambodians and the rest of theworld as the greatest monarch that Cambodia ever produced forhaving ruled the country (then the Khmer Empire) to its zenith; ifChey Chettha II is known as the worst of the worst for ceding hugeparts of Kampuchea Krom, or Lower Cambodia, to Vietnam to satisfyhis Vietnamese wife, Princess Nguyen Thi Ngoc Van of the NguyenDynasty; and if the late King Norodom Sihanouk is known as the“playboy king” for being a womanizer during his adulthood, a“madman” for being a genius, a “red king” for joining hands with theCommunists or the “royal crusader” for demanding his country’sindependence from France…then what, exactly, does the present KingNorodom Sihamoni want his fellow Cambodians and the world toknow him for?

A dancer, a puppet, a prisoner of the palace? A reluctant, simple orMachiavellian king? Or something that is yet to be decided? It is hischoice!

King Sihamoni has now reigned for just over a decade. Ten years ago,at his coronation, he addressed his beloved people, promising hewould always be their “faithful and devoted servant.” Yet he admittedto a lack of experience and vowed not to interfere in politics. Hepledged: “The Royal House will remain a transparent house. And forme there will never be an ivory tower.”

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In truth, if one looks at Cambodia’s history, King Sihamoni is amongthe luckiest out of an estimated 86 monarchs, if only because hesmoothly acceded to the throne without any upheaval or usurpation.

Ten years ago, having secured support from Cambodia’s strongman,Prime Minister Hun Sen, King Sihamoni was unanimously chosen bythe Privy Council to succeed his father. In some ways, he was in theright place at the right time.

His crown, at the very least, was clean of any bloodstains.

Yet a hidden agenda was played out behind the scenes. It was the lateKing Sihanouk who had engineered the right moment for his son’ssuccession. After all, it was through meticulous planning, not byaccident, that King Sihanouk surprised the nation and the rest of theworld with his abdication—a move dubbed by The New York Times as“one final hand in a lifelong game of chance.”

Apparently the only monarch in the world to have abdicated twice,King Sihanouk did so for several reasons, which he said were a “mustdo” to ensure the survival of the monarchy. The move not onlyallowed him to “secure influence in the choice of his successor” and“oversee the transition and help his heir find his footing,” accordingto the Times, but also assured his wife’s “well-being after he is gone.”

King Sihamoni is best known for being a former ballet dancer andinstructor, choreographer, cinematographer and cultural diplomat.Unlike his father, who preferred living a life of extravagance to matchhis flamboyant personality, King Sihamoni has reigned overCambodia in a markedly quiet manner.

Seen as lacking freedom and sometimes placed under intensepressures from politicians, some say King Sihamoni is discontentedin his role as a sovereign monarch. The happiest moment of his lifewas almost certainly not during his reign as King but during his timein Prague, which he called “my second homeland.” It is widelybelieved that his father had to try several times to persuade him totake the throne.

By maintaining a low profile, King Sihamoni has distanced himself

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from the country’s politics. However, by maintaining minimuminvolvement in sensitive public issues, he is often seen as weak andinactive.

Nevertheless, he remains a symbol of national unity andreconciliation, as well as the guardian of the country’s history,traditions and religion.

He represents the epicenter of the Khmer souls as he goes about hisday-to-day tasks, mainly keeping himself and occupied with social,humanitarian and religious affairs.

He has also made known his desire to take part in a revival of hiscountry’s education, health care and cultural institutions.

His father once said: “My son is not interested in politics. He lovessocial affairs, culture and fine arts and literature…. If NorodomSihamoni stays on the throne, there will be harmony for the nationaland international community.”

Unlike his father, who sometimes bitterly fought for his monarchicalpower and actively involved himself in politics as a so-called “royalcheck and balance” through his well-known blog, rarely has KingSihamoni publicly voiced any feelings on the heavy burden thatcomes with being a constitutional king.

Apparently adapting a strict interpretation of the Constitution, hedutifully abides by the concept of “reign but not rule.”

Some of his massive-sounding roles with seemingly no real powersinclude being the guarantor of the country’s national independence,sovereignty and territorial integrity; ensuring the independence ofthe judiciary; acting as an arbitrator to ensure the faithful executionof public powers; and serving as the supreme commander of thearmed forces and the chairman of the Supreme Council of theNational Defense.

Having presided over a decade of rapid changes in Cambodia’spolitical landscape, King Sihamoni has so far been exposed to at leasttwo uneasy situations that placed him in the spotlight and tested hisleadership, political acumen and intelligence.

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The King’s first and toughest test was in late 2005 when he initiallyrefused to sign off on the controversial supplementary border treatybetween Cambodia and Vietnam.

The treaty was viewed by many Khmer ethno-nationalists, includinghis father, as illegal and against the genuine spirit of the Paris PeaceAgreements. These critics said it would enshrine all past bordertreaties that had been entered into between Cambodia and Vietnamin 1979, 1982, 1983 and 1985, when Cambodia was occupied byVietnam.

Perhaps at the advice of his father, King Sihamoni instead chose toleave the country for Beijing under the pretext of receiving medicaltreatment.

Prime Minister Hun Sen, at the time, seemingly threatened to abolishthe monarchy, saying “we must review, should we keep the monarchyor form a republic?”

Since this incident, and particularly in the aftermath of his father’sdeath, King Sihamoni has adopted a truly nonconfrontational, morecooperative, subservient and cooler attitude toward Mr. Hun Sen’sgovernment and the ruling CPP—an attitude that has resulted in himbeing called a “puppet king.”

This was clearly seen when he decided to convene the new NationalAssembly in September last year despite the fact that the oppositionCNRP was still contesting the election results and warning of aparliamentary boycott.

Things almost certainly would have played out differently under hisfather.

As it was, King Sihamoni took heavy criticism for taking such a softstance toward the CPP, which was accused of carrying out massivevote rigging, and for his failure to meaningfully intervene in solvingthe post-election crisis and avert violent conflicts.

Many wonder whether he is a king of division or a king of personalinterest when he chooses to take the side of those in power and seems

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to turn a deaf ear to the opposition and the marginalized, or speakagainst any sensitive issues endangering the nation.

How much can King Sihamoni contribute to the sustainability of hiscountry’s peace, harmony and happiness? To what extent isCambodia’s monarchy necessary? Will King Sihamoni be thecountry’s last monarch?

Ten years into an uneasy reign in a country dubbed by his father a“Kafkaesque Kingdom,” King Sihamoni has no doubt experiencedboth psychological and physical unease.

At a very challenging time when most among Cambodia’s younggeneration are no longer so-called “royalists at heart,” and when theKing’s reverence among ordinary Cambodians is being questioned,perhaps only Shakespeare could appreciate the depth of KingSihamoni’s sorrow when the playwright wrote some 400 years ago:“Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown.”

Sovannarith Keo is an independent researcher focusing onCambodian and Southeast Asian foreign policy and security issues.

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