GeoJournal 37.1 91-100 © 1995 (Sep) by Kluwer Academic Publishers

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Karez Irrigation in Pakistan

Khan, Muhammad Fazle Karim, Prof. Dr., Karachi University, Geography Department, Karachi 32, Pakistan; Nawaz, Muhammad, Assistant Prof., Balochistan University, Geography Department, Quetta, Pakistan

AB STRACT: Karez is an indigenous method of irrigation in which groundwater is tapped by a tunnel. After running for some distance the tunnel comes out in the open and the water is conducted to the command area. Karez irrigation is practised in 22 countries from China to Chile including Pakistan. In Pakistan it is confined to the province of Balochistan which has a tribal society.

Karez is an old and stable irrigation system of Pakistan. It is a community enterprise managed by tribal tradition and run by social control. Spacing of the karez, their types, life, length, discharge, land development and allocation, water distribution and management are important aspects of karez irrigation which have been discussed in this paper. Differences in karez maintenance and management produced by differences in tradition and customs of various tribes inhabiting Balochistan are brought out. Furthermore recent changes in Karez irrigation caused by changes in the socio-economic conditions are also analysed.

Karez is a tunnel through which groundwater is conducted to the c o m m a n d area by gravity. It is an old and stable i rr igat ion system of Pakistan confined to the province o f Balochistan.

Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan in area (43.60/0) but smallest in popula t ion (5.1°/0). Only 4.60/0 of the total area is cult ivated (Govt. of Pakistan 1992: 114). Rugged topography has turned a large area unfit for cultivation. Nonethe less 34.6% is classified as cultivable waste. Most of this can be brought under p lough i f water is made available which is scarce in Balochistan. The average annual rainfall over most parts of Balochistan is less than 25 m m (10 in). Scarce water is ut i l ized in different ways. Besides rain-fed farming a number o f irr igational methods have been employed, namely diversion canal, perennial canal, run-off, springs, wells, tubewells and karez. About 45,000 hectares is under karez i rr igation account ing for 8.8% of the irr igated area and 3% of the cult ivated area o f Balochistan (Govt. of Balochistan 1987-88: 119-120).

Karez i rr igation is pract ised in at least 22 countr ies from China to Chile and is called by 20 different names (Rahman 1981: 8). Its origin is not known. The consensus of opinion is that karez originated in Iran about 3000 years ago (Borrow 1987: 248). Rahman thinks that karez diffused into Balochistan from Afghanis tan (Rahman 1981: 12). In all probabi l i ty karez came into Nor th Balochistan f rom Afghanis tan and into South Balochistan f rom Iran.

Balochistan has a tribal society. It is inhabi ted by several tr ibes divided into sub-tr ibes, clans and kinship groups. Balochi, Barohi and Pathans are the main tribes. Quet ta may be taken as the dividing point. Pathans are in major i ty nor th of Quetta, and Balochis, south o f Quetta. Barohis occupy the central part o f the province. Balochis and Barohis by intermarr iage and living together have become so close that the dist inct ion be tween the two is not much. The imprint of tr ibal society is reflected in karez irrigation. Therefore it is appropria te to bring out the differences in irr igation practices of Pathan area (North Balochistan), Balochi-Barohi area (Central Balochistan) and Balochi area (South Balochistan).

Karcz Technology

Karez technology is sufficiently sophis t icated in which groundwater is brought to the surface by a tunnel . No mechanical pump or lift is used. Gravi ty alone brings the water from the underground source. The first step in the deve lopment o f karez is to dig a trial well to ascertain the availabili ty of the groundwater . For digging a trial well the expert selects a site in the alluvial fan. In Nor th Balochistan this job is done somet imes by a water diviner. The water diviner performs a n u m b e r o f gimmicks. He moves about with a forkel branch of a tree in his hand. The forked

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branch is pointed towards the ground. He claims that in case groundwater is available he feels a sensation in his hand. Sometimes he will crouch and let his ears touch the ground and then pronounce whether groundwater is available or not. Sometimes he succeeds and sometimes he fails. In Makran (South Balochistan) the water diviner does not select the spot for trial well. A local expert selects the spot in the alluvial fan by examining the lay out of the land, the existence of dry valleys or gullies, surface deposits and vegetation (if any). In case the trial well strikes water it is dug sufficiently deep into the water-bearing strata and it acts as the motherwell. In case one motherwell does not yield sufficient water, two or three motherwells are dug and they are interconnected with the karez tunnel.

From the motherwell, a tunnel (pushtek/Iamboor) is dug by the shortest possible distance to the command area. For tunnel digging and cleaning of the karez wells or shafts (chah) are made at an approximate distance of 30 meters. They are dug first and then the two close shafts on either side are connected by the tunnel. This facilitates the work and also helps in keeping the tunnel straight as far as possible. Several teams start to dig the tunnel simultaneously. The tunnel is first prepared so that the work is not interfered by the water gushing from the motherwell which is dug in the last. Great care in its digging is required or the workers may be swept away by rushing water.

At some distance from the command area, the karez comes out to the surface. This is the daylight point. From here the karez flows in an open channel. The open channel is usually 400 m long. At the entrance of the command area an outlet is constructed from where water distribution is controlled. Further control is exercised at minor outlets within the command area.

The tunnel is kept straight as far as possible to keep the distance between the motherwell and the command area at a minimum. This is necessary to minimize the seepage of water in passage and the cost of construction and maintenance. For keeping the tunnel straight the tunnel diggers are guided by their sense of direction, by the noise of the workers digging on the other side of a shaft and by a lamp which is kept for light and straight alignment of the tunnel. Even then kinks in the tunnel often exist. The shaft has an approximate diameter of 1.5 m and the tunnel is kept 1.2-1.5 m high and 1 m wide so that the workers may move about and work easily. A gentle gradient of 1/1000 to 1/1500 is kept in the tunnel so that the water flows by gravity from the motherwell to the command area and yet it is not so steep as to damage the tunnel floor.

A new karez takes about 2-4 years in its digging and a heavy capital investment. The digging ofBalochabad Karez at Balochabad (near Turbat) was started in 1973 and was completed in 1976. It is about 5 km (3 miles) long. The total investment was about one million rupees.

Karez takes its origin from motherwell located at the foothill. The average depth of motherwells in Balochistan is about 50 m. The karez has to come up to the surface from this depth after making a sufficiently long journey. A

sample of about 60 karezes in Balochistan reveal that the lenght of karezes varies from 25 km (Sharak Karez, Turbat District) to 8 km (Gulistan Karez, Pishin Discrict). The average lenght ofkarezes in South Balochistan is 2.3 kin, in Central Balochistan, 4.4 km and in North Balochistan, 5.4 km. In comparison the average length of karezes in Varamin Valley, south of Tehran in Iran is 2.5 km (Beaumont 1968: 175), while in Yezd (Central Iran) they range from 25 to 50 km (Cressey 1958, 36).

Types of Karezes

Karazes in Balochistan are of various types: (1) Alluvial fan or piedmont karez, (2) Infiltration gallery karez, (3) Rain-fed karez, (4) Spring karez. Most of the karezes of Balochistan are alluvial fan type. The alluvial fans develop at the foothills where the motherwells are bored to tap the underlying aquifers. They offer greater and more steady supply of water and have long life. Infiltration gallery karez utilizes the water oozing out from cracks and joints of rocks. They supply small quantity of water and have a short life. Gulzar Karez, Haji Ali Karez and Naurang Karez at the foot of the Chiltan Hills near Quetta are examples. Rainfed karez the one which depends on rainfall for the supply of water. They start flowing after rainfall takes place. Some days after the rainfall they become dry and stop flowing. Such karezes in Balochistan are confined in Makran. Kikan, Shuruki, Kaysak and Haytam are examples. They are located in the Kech Valley (Makran). Spring karez is the one in which spring water is conducted into the karez tunnel. Chashma karez located 5 km west of Quetta is an example (Rahman 1981: 12).

Life of the Karezes

Length of life of the karezes varies. Some of them have short life and others may have long life extending over a period of several hundred years. Their life depends upon proper maintenance and on the type of aquifer that the motherwell strikes. In case the motherwell is fed by perched aquifer, the karez will have a short life. If, however, an unconfined aquifer is struck the karez is likely to have a long life. Karezes fed by infiltration gallery and spring also have short life.

In South Balochistan there are some legendary karezes. Kausi and Khusrawi Karezes are named after King Kaus and Kai Khusrau of Iran. They are said to have been dug during their times (Gazetteer ofBalochistan, Makran 1986: 58). They were running until a few years ago. The development of Turbat has destroyed these two karezes. There is yet another very old karez in Kalatuk called Sadabad. This is supposed to be excavated by Saad-bin-Ali Waqas, an Arab General, during the time of Caliph Omar. Sadabad karez is still alive. Apart from these legendary karezes, there are a number of other karezes the age of which is not known. In 16 villages from which data have

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been collected there are in all 51 karezes (including 4 being excavated); of them 18 are more than hundred years old and 13 of them are older than 200 years.

In Central Balochistan, Mustang Area, four karezes were studied by Kahlown and others (Khalown, Kahlil, and Munir 1987: 5-2). All of the karezes are at least 500 years old, namely Ishkana (500 years), Mayana (600), Kalam (600) and Kundki (600). Out of eight karezes in North Balochistan studied by the same authors, four are 150 years old or older, namely Jalogir (150 years), Sahib (250), Khanozai (300), and Balozai (300). Temerak, Jamal, Gulistan and Inayatullah Karez are several hundred years old. Their exact age is not known (Achakzai and Toor 1990: 31-41). A karez once excavated may serve for several hundred years if it is property looked after.

Spacing of the Karezes

A minimum distance of 460 m (500 yards) is kept between the motherwells of two karezes in South Balochistan. This is done so that the new karez may not adversely affect the flow of the existing ones. After a long experience the local experts have come to a consensus that this distance will keep the flow of the two karezes independent of each other. It is also assumed that this practice was introduced by the Arabs in the 7th century AD in accordance with water rules observed during the days of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) in Medina. This practice holds good and is also accepted by court of law. Whenever a new application for karez is made, the deputy commissioner will not issue a no-objection certificate unless he is assured that the motherwell of other karezes is not within 460 m. In Iran also a distance of 460 m (500 yards) is kept between two karezes (Gordon 1966: 480). It can thus be inferred that this practice entered Pakistan from Iran and possibly Iran accepted the Arab practice. It is also possible that the Arabs introduced this formula directly into Iran and Pakistan. The rule of spacing holds good only for the motherwell. As the karezes leave the alluvial fan and run towards their command areas, they can come close to each other. As a matter of fact there are karezes which criss-cross each other. The tunnel of one karez lies over that of the other like an aqueduct. Ginnah (Turbat District) is a village where five karezes and one kaurjo (diversion canal) irrigate a common command area. The karezes cross each other with the tunnel of one lying over that of the other.

In Central and North Balochistan no rule or practice exists for spacing of karezes. They are very closely spaced in Central Balochistan and widely spaced in North Balochistan. Their spacing is primarily governed by the terrain.

Land Development and Allocation

An estimate of water available in a new karez is made before a piece of land is developed. This acts as the

yardstick in estimating the land that can be irrigated. After which a piece of cultivable land is selected for the development of command area. Boulders and gravels are removed. Sometimes the land has to be dug sufficienty deep to allow the karez water to enter into the command area. The land is then levelled and is divided into plots. The plots are laid out laterally from the main water channel. Thereby all the plots are open ended. They can be extended if necessary towards the open end. The size of plots at the tail are usually larger than those at the head. This is done to compensate for the water loss that shareholders at the tail have to face. This practice works well when sufficient water is available. Each shareholder is allocated land in proportion to his share in the water which in its turn depends upon the investment made by him in developing the karez. The chief organizer and executive of the karez (sarishta) has the first choice to the land which he usually selects at the head of the main channel entering the command area. Other plots are divided among the shareholders by lot. Thus the location of one's plot at the head, middle or tail of the water channel depends upon chance and not upon quantum of share or the wealth or influence of the shareholders. A fair and judicious distribution of plots is thus achieved. But persons with power and money possessing land at the tail usually endeavour to move towards the head. Many of them succeed by application of some enticement and some coercion. A difference in price of land exists between the head and the tail. A moneyed landowner at the tail may exchange his plot with that of a poor farmer at the head after paying the difference of price. Sometimes the rich landowner purchases the land at the head if somebody sells his plot. He may either keep both the plots at the head and the tail or can sell the plot at the tail. The water share and land share can be sold separately. The two are not tied together. However, at the time of initial allotment every shareholder gets a share both in land and water.

Islamic law of inheritance is strictly observed in Makran. In all probability this is the result of long Muslim rule. According to Islamic law, both the girls and boys have a share. In most parts of Pakistan, particulary in farming families, the girls do not get any share. In Makran both the girls and boys get a share in father's property. The share of the boy is two times that of a girl. I fa piece of land is to be divided among two sons and one daughter, the land is divided into five plots of equal size. One plot goes to the girl and each son gets two plots. In dividing the land into plots all care is taken that none gets a disportionate share in the water. If the land to be divided faces an irrigation channel, the plots are demarcated laterally from the channel so that each plot faces the channel. In case the piece of land to be divided is not wide enough it is not divided lengthwise. It is divided into five plots along the breadth. In such a case the plot closest to the water channel has the most advantageous location and the one most distant has the most disadvantageous location. In such a situation the first plot is given to the shareholder by lottery and thereafter every alternate plot is allocated to the

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inheritors. Thus great pain and effort are taken to divide the land equitably. By inheritance fragmentation of holdings is inevitable and eventually the plots become too small to be cultivated. In such a circumstance they are either sold or abandoned. The same rule applies to water share. No water share less than 30 minutes can be subdivided in South Balochistan (Makran). Most o f this description relate to South Balochistan as no new karez has been dug recently in Central and North Balochistan. The land was allocated to the shareholder in the distant past.

Shareholders

In Balochistan the society is democratic and egalitarian. Yet kinship feeling is strongly exhibited among the tribes in Pathan area (North Balochistan). The feeling of kinship is transferred to karezes also and all efforts are made to keep the karezes unitribal. To achieve this the shareholders are pressurized not to sell the land and water share outside the tribe. To block the entry of other tribes the women are not ordinarily given share in the karez contrary to the Islamic law (Achakzai and Toor 1990). Since this is a common practice among the Pathans in Balochistan, the women and their husbands accept it without any ill will. However, some women insist, the share in the karez is given to them. That is how in some karezes members of other tribes have become shareholders. Multitribal karezes in Pathan area are not many. Most of the karezes are unitribal. In multitribal karezes only two or three tribes are involved. Temerak Karez is owned exclusively by Tareen, and Murdah by Ashayzars. Jamal Karez is owned by Tareens and Syeds, Inayatullah Karez by Achakzai and Syeds and Gulistan by Hamidzai, Kakar and Syeds. It must be stated that conflict and discord are least in unitribal karezes and more in multitribal karezes. In some karezes the conflict became so deep that two executives had to be appointed, one from each tribe.

In Balochi area (Central and South Balochistan) all the karezes are multitribal. Not only different tribes but also different social groups are allowed to have share in the karez. The exceptions are the karezes owned by an individual. Such karezes are not many.

The number of shareholders in karezes differ from one region to another. In Southern Balochistan, the average number o f shareholders in a karez is 29. In Central Balochistan, it is 144 and in Northern Balochistan, 72. In general, the larger the command area, the greater the number o f shareholders but there are many exceptions.

Water Distribution

The shareholders receive water in proportion to their share in karez. A rotation of water is fixed and every shareholder receives water according to that schedule. The rotation schedule is changed from time to time so that the advantages and disadvantages of receiving water at a particular time are shared by every one.

In South Balochistan weekly rotation cycle of water distribution is in practice. The week is divided into 14 hangams. Thus every hangam becomes equal to 12 hours. Hangam is the basic unit of duration for which water is received by different shareholders. Hangam is divided into smaller units, neem hangam (6 hours), tassu (3 hours), abba (1.5 hours) and tas (30 minutes). Tas is the smallest unit and no shareholder is allowed to hold water less than one tas.

Every shareholder gets water once in a week at the time when his turn comes. Since the water from karez flows continuously therefore the turn o f a shareholder can come at any time within 24 hours irrespective of the fact whether it is day or night. Therefore round the clock watch is required. Since this water distribution system creates problems for some, the rotation is changed from time to time. Usually this is done at the end or beginning of a cropping season.

Today water is distributed with the help of a clock. Not many years ago a water clock called tas-o-ab was used for this purpose in Makran (South Balochistan). It was a metal bowl, three inches in diameter and two in depth. It had a tiny hole at its base. It was allowed to float in a basin of water. The water would enter into the bowl through the hole and would eventually fill the bowl. The bowl would then sink. The time taken to fill the bowl was taken as a tas, the lowest unit of water share. 24 dips of the bowl was taken as one hangam. The shareholders used to take care of the water-clock by turn. They would get two tas of water free as remuneration.

In Central and North Balochistan also water distribution among the shareholders is done according to a fixed rotation called Daur and is worked out on the basis of a Shabana Roze meaning day and night. In other words the basic unit is 24 hours and not 12 hours (hangam) as in case of South Balochistan. Shabana Roze, is divided into smaller units. The smaller units are of various duration and carry different names in different places. In usual practice one Daur (cycle) is of 18 Shabana Roze but in some karezes it is different. In Ishkana Karez (Mastung Area) it is 26 Shabana Roze and in Gulsitan Karez (Pishin), 20 Shabana Roze.

The cycle of water distribution all over Balochistan is reduced by half in summer so that the turn of every shareholder comes more quickly when the plants need water more frequently. In that circumstance that time allotted in one cycle to the shareholder is also reduced by half so that the proportionate share of water remains unchanged.

Command Area and Karez Discharge

Command areas of karez are generally small. Among sample karezes, Ishkana Karez (Mustang District) has the largest command area (417 ha) and Hitani Karez (Turbat District) has the smallest (6 ha). The average size of command area in South Balochistan is smallest, 29 ha, and that of Central Balochistan is largest, 188 ha and that of North Balochistan it is 91 ha.

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The size of the command area is largely determined by the availability of water in the karez. An examination of karezes in the Kech-Nihing Valley brought out a highly significant positive correlation between size of command area (dependent variable) and discharge of the karezes (independent variable). The size of command area increases as the discharge of the karezes increases. The discharge of karezes of 10 ha or less is .33 cusecs. That increases to 1.14 cusecs for karezes with command area of 30-40 ha and 1.38 cusecs for 50-60 ha. A generalization can be made that for every 40 ha one cusec water is available. This is also true about Central and North Balochistan. However, there are exceptions. In South Balochistan the lowest discharge of.04 cusec has been recorded in a karez with a command area of 28 ha and highest discharge of 3.04 cusecs for a karez with a command area of 60 ha. In Central Balochistan Ishkana Karez with a command area of 410 ha has a discharge of 1.65 cusecs which works out to .16 cusec per 40 ha. In North Balochistan Balozai Karez has a discharge of .5 cusec for a command area of 250 ha.

The low discharge is further aggravated by water loss from day-light point to the command area which is on the average 360/0 per 100 m of the channel length (Kahlown, Khalil, and Munir 1987: 7.1).

The water flow in karezes varies from year to year because of variability in rainfall. In years of low rainfall the ~karezes are depleted. Condition becomes serious if dry spell countinues for several consecutive years. Nonmaintenance of karezes also causes depletion.

The most interesting aspect of the size of command area and the flow of karezes is that the size of command area which is developed is based upon an estimate of the likely discharge of the karez which is being dug. Now it is observed that there is a high correlation between the command area and the flow of the karez. It may be argued that the size of the command area may have been adjusted later after examining the discharge. The observation in the field brings out that usually no such adjustment is required except that in some cases extension of the cultivated area is done by the individual farm owners. This establishes that the folk technology developed by long experience going back to centuries deserves respect.

Farm Size

Marked regional variation in farm size exists in karez irrigated areas of Balochistan. The average size of farms in North Balochistan is 14.6 ha, in Central Balochistan 4.25 ha, and in South Balochistan 1.4 ha. In Pakistan a farm of 5 ha is considered a subsistence holding. Thus the average form size in Central and South Balochistan is smaller than the subsistence holding. North Balochistan seems to be in a happier position.

A scrutiny reveals that in North Balochistan 61.4% of the farms are smaller than 5 ha. About 38.6% of the farms are larger than 5 ha, of them 18.9% are larger than 40 ha. In case 40 ha farms are excluded, the average size of farms in North Balochistan becomes 4.17 ha.

Tab 1 Percentage of farms by size in karez irrigated area of Balochistan

In Central Balochistan 77.9% of the farms are smaller than 5 ha, while in South Balochistan the largest farm falls in group of 5-12 ha. Thus it is difficult to eke a living from such a small farm. No wonder that in karez irrigated farms of South Balochistan garden farming is practised.

Land Use

Command area of a karez in South Balochistan gives the look of a garden. The garden-look is imparted by the date-palms. They occupy the irrigated plots and also dot the water channels. Without date-palm the command area is considered incomplete. Date is a food, cash and prestige crop.

Date for a long period of time constituted the staple food in South Balochistan. It was eaten green, half-ripe and ripe. It was eaten with wheat, millets, rice and fish. Many poor persons lived exclusively on date for months. Date was given to the animals as feed and to the labourers as wage. It was not cereals but the date which made possible to make a living from small farms. With prosperity coming in the area and change in dietary habits date has lost some ground as food crop. But with improvement in road link with Karachi date is gaining importance as a cash crop since 1970.

Date is a prestige crop in Makran. To have a respectable position in the society one has to own a few date palms. I fa person does not own date-palm, it will be difficult for him to marry in a respectable family. Therefore, a person who loses interest in farm because of its fragmentation to an unmanageable small size or because of better earning from other sources, still keeps his share in land and water.

In Makran wheat, millets and rice are the field crops. Lucerne has emerged as a major cash crop recently because of the shortage of pasture and stall feeding of sheep and goats.

In North and Central Balochistan cereals (wheat) and fruits occupied dominant position in agricultural land use for long. Since 1970's vegetables have gained prominence with onion as the chief crop. Cereals occupy secondary position while the fruits particularly apples and grapes have gained prominence.

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Karez water is used for drinking and domestic purposes. For these purposes it is free for every body. Therefore the villages are located close to the karezes. In South Balochistan no dwelling is built within the command area. Therefore, the houses are agglomerated near the day-light point and they are also aligned along the karez for a short distance upto the day- light point. Houses located along the karez get water by a chute leading to the karez tunnel. Some of the chutes are within the houses so that women folk can clean dishes, wash clothes and take bath.

Recently the economy is getting diversified. Old roads are being improved and new roads are being built. The road between Karachi and Mund (Pak-Iran border) via Turbat has been greatly improved. Road traffic has greatly increased. Small shops, eating places, small workshops, petrol pumps etc. have emerged along the roads. Consequently linear settlements are coming along the roads and karez is losing attraction as a focal point of rural settlement.

In North and Central Balochistan houses, mosques, schools, shops and other associated features are located within the command area of the karezes. Clusters of houses are either surrounded by cultivated land or the houses occupy one part and the cultivated land the other part of the command area. The development of roads during the recent years has resulted in the realignments of the villages along the roads in a more pronounced manner than that of South Balochistan.

Management of Karez

The management of irrigation systems takes a number of forms. It can be a rigid bureaucratic management or a free community management. Between these two extremes there are a wide range of part-bureaucratic and part-community managed systems.

Karez is a community enterprise. It is managed by tribal tradition and not by any written laws or rules. Social control is the force which keeps the system running.

The management of irrigation systems involves three broads tasks: a) water delivery to the users via the conveyance system and

the maintenance of the system b) Water allocation and the water distribution to the users by

scheduling. c) Water use which means the application of irrigation water

for agricultural production. The chief executive of karez in South Balochistan is called

sarishta. His reponsibility is to deliver the water to the users by karez and to look after their maintenance. He is also responsible for the distribution of water to the shareholders. But the use of water is the responsibifity of the farmers.

Sarishta is usually the person who initiates the idea ofkarez. He is the one who makes the initial and largest investment on the project. He is a man who carries respect in the community and has money and influence. He also possesses qualities of leadership. But he is not necessarily the head of the village. In a village there is only one head but a village may possess several karezes and every karez has its own sarishta.

Sarishta makes major decisions with the help of a small executive committee of four or five members. These members are influential persons with large shares in the karez. They are supposed to be elected by the shareholders but in practice either they are self appointed or nominated by sarishta. The meeting of the executive committee rarely takes place. Sarishta consults them informally either individually or collectively. The council of all shareholders is the supreme body which rarely meets. In case of day to day working they are never consulted. In case of settlements of disputes they are usually ignored. It is only when the removal of the sarishta is on the agenda that the supreme council becomes active.

It is sarishta who obtains expert opinions where to dig the motherwell and how to lay out the karez from its source to the command area. It is his responsibility to dig the karez and to develop the command area. He demarcates the plots and divides them among the shareholders and keeps the system running. The sarishta organizes the labour force to work on the karez. He fixes the wages and makes payment. He collects funds and maintains account of the money collected for digging, repair and upkeep of karez.

The shareholder has to contribute to the cost and provide labour or work himself. In the event that an individual fails to carry out his obligation, he is penalised by the sarishta. The penalty includes fines, the forfeiture of produce or temporary forfeiture of water rights. In case the shareholder challenges the penalty imposed, he faces social boycott. The sarishta normally makes all decisions unilaterally but sometimes he obtains the consent of the committee members. A meeting of shareholders is rarely called.

In lieu of the service rendered by the sarishta, he gets one hangam (12 hrs) of water free of charge and also a parcel of land. The sarishta is seldom removed from office except on the basis of grave charges. Embezzlement and complete neglect of the karez are the usual charges on which he is removed. Recently the sarishta of Naukabad Karez was removed on the charge that he completely neglected the maintenance of the karez the point that it became dead. On the removal of the sarishta, the shareholders elected a new sarishta. The ex-sarishta continues to hold the water share but it is no longer free of charge. One h angam of water of the new sarishta there after becomes free. The office of the sarishta is hereditary. Usually the elder son becomes the sarishta. Sometimes all the sons hold the office by rotation. However, the land and water of the decreased sarishta are distributed among the inheritors according to Islamic law.

The sarishta is assisted by gazir. He is a person appointed by sarishta, paid by him and responsible to him. The sarishta makes decisions and the gazir implements them. The gazir therefore wields great influence and is known to indulge in malpractices which leads to discord and conflicts.

The influence of the sarishta kept a lid over the conflict for a long time. The weak and poor were the persons who suffered most. Unpleasant changes in water rotation,

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cutting the water supply before the expiry of time and other such malpractices come in the lot of the weak. The authority of the sarishta cannot be challenged. Recently some social changes have taken place. Since 1964-65 a large number of labour force migrated from Makran to the Gulf States. Remittances sent by them brought prosperity to the families. Their stay abroad has broadened their outlook. Their outlook on life has changed. They are no longer prepared to accept the traditional social order. In case they feel that any injustice has been done they are not prepared to accept it lying down. They challenge the authority ofsarishta and go to the court of law, if necessary.

The management of the karez in Central and North Balochistan are similar to that of South Balochistan with small differences. The chief executive of the karez in Central and North Balochistan are similar to that of South Balochistan with small differences. The chief executive of the karez in Central Balochistan is called Raees and in North Balochistan, Meerab. Raees and Meerab are appointed by the shareholders and the position is not hereditary. However, a Raees or Meerab appointed is rarely removed from office except in case of grave charge like embezzlement, water theft, gross neglect etc. A small executive committee helps him in running day to day affairs of the karez. There is a general body comprising all the shareholders. Unlike South Balochistan, the executive committee meets regularly and the general body also sits at least twice in a year. In lieu of the services, meerab, raees and sarishta receive free water. The quantum of free water that sarishta gets is one hangam (12 hours). In Central and Northern Balochistan it is not fixed.

It differs from one karez to another. In Inayatullah Karez (Pishin, North Balochistan) it is 3 hours, in Karak Karez (Mastung, Central Balochistan), 24 hours and in Temerak Karez (Pishin), 48 hours. In Southern Balochistan every sarishta has an assistant called gazir. In Central and North Balochistan many meerab and raees have an assistant called hisabgar but every karez does not have a hisabgar. In South Balochistan every karez has only one sarishta but in Central and North Balochistan in some karezes there are more than one Merrab/ Raees. Inayatullah Karez (Pishin) has two Meerabs.

Depletion of Karezes

The karez depletes and may ultimately die, if water from the aquifer is drained out or watertable drops below the depth of the motherwell. Karezes which tap perched aquifer, spring or infiltration gallery may dry up permanently. But the story of karez drawing water from unconfined aquifer is different. It fails to supply water, if it is not recharged. Dry-spell may create this situation which is common in Balochistan. This is a temporary condition. Once rainfall takes place, aquifer is recharged and karez starts flowing. That is why some karezes have been suppling water for hundreds of years. Thus depletion and death of karezes is a normal phenomenon and not a matter of concern. However, since 1960's karezes have been

depleting and dying at an alarming rate for which tubewell is commonly blamed. TubeweU is held responsible on two counts. Firstly, the proliferation of tubewell coincided with the depletion of karezes. Secondly both tubewell and karez tap groundwater. Therefore it is assumed that the installation of a large number oftubewells led to the fall in watertable and karezes were starved of water. However, some facts negate this general belief.

The main source of karez water is the motherwell which is located at the foot hill usually in the alluvial fans. Most of the piedmont area of Balochistan is gravelly and is therefore not arable. Hence only a small number of tubewells have been installed in the alluvial fans. Consequently, most of the motherwells remain unaffected by the installation of tubewells. Most of the tubewells have been installed to bring into plough new arable lands. These tubewells tap deepseated groundwater and do not disturb the water flowing into the karez tunnel. The shallow wells are likely to adversely affect the karez and not the tubewells. But the number of wells is relatively small and their intake is also small. Futhermore, depletion and death of karezes are also taking place in those areas where are no tubewells. In some parts of Kech-Nihing Valley (South Balochistan) installation of tubewells has been prohibited and if some person attempts to put a tubewell, he is forcibly stopped. This is done to safeguard the karez. But the decline and death of karezes are taking place in those areas also. Therefore, tubewell does not directly affect the karezes. The explanation of karez depletion and death lies somewhere else.

Karez tunnel has to be cleaned preferably every year or at least every 2-3 years. This is necessary because the debris falling from tunnel roof and wall and sand, gravels, and other materials dropping through tunnel shafts may choke the karez and eventually kill it. For the last 25-30 years, a marked neglect in the maintenance of the karez has taken place.

The main reason behind negligence of karez is the socio- economic changes taking place in Balochistan. Recently, Balochistan has witnessed marked economic prosperity by earnings from the Gulf States and other parts of Pakistan. This has resulted in the diversification of economy. More and more investment is taking place in business and transport and the dependence on agriculture has decreased. This is particularly true of the wealthy class. Their interest to run the karez, a community enterprize, has waned. They are also the people who have installed tubewells and have thus become largely independent of karezes. They are also the ones who have large share in the karez water and also wield great influence on karez affairs. If they do not take interest in the karez and do not pay their share in the maintenance, no body can force them to do so. Some of the small shareholders have also lost interest in the karez. By fragmentation their share has become too small and is not of economic significance. Some of them have sold their shares which have been purchased by the large shareholders who are themselves not interested in the karez. Another development has been that karez shareholders are depending more and more on the

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financial help given by government and other agencies for maintenance of karez. This help is usually inadequate, is not easily available, does not come in proper time and a fair proportion of this money is misused. Consequently, the karez suffers. Most of the small shareholders are still interested in maintaining the karez but the large shareholders have lost the enthusiasm. Therefore, the running karezes are depleting and dying and no new karez is being dug. This is largely the condition prevailing in North and Central Balochistan. In South Balochistan the situation is somewhat different.

Around 1965, there was a heavy demand of labour force in the Middle East. South Balochistan (Makran) of all the parts of Pakistan is nearest to the Gulf States. A small number of persons from Makran were already working in that area particularly in Muscat. This link made it easier for them to seek jobs in the Middle East. Waves of migrants went there from all classes of the society. But the less privileged and poor were more attracted. There was hardly any family which had no member working in the Middle East. Consequently, an acute labour shortage was experienced. The wages shot high but more serious was the problem that not many labourers were available even at a high wage. The local affluence gained through remittance further aggravated the situation. Even the available labour force was not prepared to work in the field in the hot blazing sun and to repair, clean and dig karezes. In a situation like this the small shareholders lost interest in the land and the karez. Such shareholders have either refused to contribute the cost of maintenance of the karez or sometimes they pay reluctantly after coaxing and goading. This disturbs the smooth working of the karez and hinders its maintenance.

Sarishta wielded great power in the past. He could impose fines on a defaulter. He could cut part of his standing crop. He could stop the supply of water temporarily. He wielded the authority through social control. Tradition in a tribal society has to be obeyed and not abused. Therefore, even unwilling shareholders would carry out his orders. The earnings in the Gulf not only improved their economic condition but their social attitude also changed. They are no longer prepared to accept all decisions made by sarishta. Economically they are sound and mentally they are prepared to face the social pressure. The social condition has greatly changed.

Some of the large shareholders have also started to neglect the farms and the karez. They have good income from other sources. They feel that the farm requires much labour and time and the return they get is relatively less. They do not whole-heartedly participate in karez maintenance. They either do not pay their share in the cost of maintenance or pay reluctantly and untimely. Thus the work suffers and karez suffers.

The situation is aggravated by the fact that the disinterested shareholders are not willing to part with their share. Most of them hang on it. They take it below dignity to sell the family property. They do not want to be classed as landless. Another important reason for keeping the farm

and the share in karez water is that they want to be in possession of some date palms. It is a prestige crop in the region. Possession of the palm is a symbol of social status.

However, only a small percentage of farm-owners have lost interest in farming. Their half-hearted and reluctant participation unhinges the working of the karez and the majority suffers. The majority wants to keep the farm and the karez in good running condition. It is evident from a number of facts. In spite of the fact that there is a general complaint that karezes have depleted, the cultivated acreage has increased by 10% from 1970 to 1990. This also shows that depletion has not been that serious as clamoured. This also signifies that water is more thinly spread. As such water shortage will naturally be felt. The extension of cultivated acreage shows that the interest in farm continues and that people are prepared to make investment.

A detailed study of 16 villages of the Kech Valley reveals that out of total 51 karezes, 23 are less than 20 years old. Sixteen were excavated within the last 10 years. At present four new karezes are being dug. Thus a continuing interest in karezes is evident. Some of the money earned in the Middle East and other areas is being invested on karezes.

It can therefore be concluded that non-maintenance is the main cause of depletion of karezes in Balochistan. It seems that in North and Central Balochistan karezes are neglected more and no new karez is being dug. But in South Balochistan the majority is still interested in karezes. This is evident from the fact that the new karezes are being dug. It is largely the small shareholders who have lost interest in karez.

Rehabilitation of the Karezes

Rehabilitation of many karezes is possible. The first step to augment the flow is to clean the karezes thoroughly. In case cleaning does not restore the flow, boring of the motherwell can be undertaken with the hope that the aquifer which may be present at some depth may be punctured and the water in the motherwell may rise up by artesian effect. The dead karezes may also undergo through the same operations, if the water in the motherwell is present. If the motherwell is dry, the boring should precede the cleaning. If the motherwell is not rejuvented, the karez should be taken as dead and no cleaning is required.

Hand-boring and in some cases mechanical boring of the motherwell has been undertaken. Both the methods have succeeded in some case and failed in others. The failure can be attributed to nonexistence of aquifer or not boring upto the required depth or boring at a point where artesian effect was not present. Until now all the borings have been executed on the running but failing wells. The dead wells can also be brought to life by this method. At Um al Dabadib in the Libyan desert a karez after a lapse of 1000 years was cleaned. It came back to life and started to flow (Fox 1949). Temerak Karez in Pishin was brought back to life after 80 years (Achakzai and Toor 1990, 31).

GeoJourna! 3Z 1/1995 99

The karez may be rejuvenated by boring a new motherwell upslope from the existing motherwell. This has been done at Serikan, Challo, Miri, Kaisak and Uget-abad in Kech-Nihing Valley. The flow has been augmented by 5 to 20%.

It is a common practice to tap two or three motherwells falling in a row within the tunnel at its upper part. Attempts should be made to locate some artesian wells in the middle part of the tunnel also. If this succeeds, it will increase the depleted flow of the karez.

It is through the shafts that sand, gravel and filth enter the karez tunnel. These shafts are not capped. It is argued that the shaft mouth being not of an uniform size, it will be very expensive and difficult to cap them. The karezes in the Libyan Desert and some karezes in North Balochistan have been capped by flat slabs of stones. This can be done with other karezes also. Concrete slabs for this purpose can also be used. The plan of WAPDA to cap the karez shafts with steel lids is theoretically sound but practically it is plagued with many difficulties. The chief problem is heavy cost. Karez shaft is a mini-crater. The holes in the karez-tunnel are neither of uniform size nor of uniform shape. The first step in capping will be of converting the holes into uniform size and shape which is theoretically possible but it cannot be done with thousands of holes. Besides its upkeep, repair and danger of theft are other problems.

A number of delay action dams have been constructed in various parts of Balochistan. This is to recharge the aquifer which supply water to the karezes. The idea is that the rain water which flows through the various tributary hill torrents in great speed drain eventually in the main stream and from there into the sea. Most of the water thus goes waste. By building dams across some of these streams, a proportion of water will be stored behind the dam. This water will infiltrate in the subsoil and from their it will percolate into aquifer and the aquifer will be recharged. After the building of the dam rainfall in substantial quantity took place in late 1989 and early 1990. The result obtained is encouraging. In several places the watertable has risen. However, it is too early to come to a definite conclusion.

Lining of the karez is difficult and expensive. But the open channel from the day-light point upto the outlet can be easily lined. This will arrest seepage of water and make more water available for irrigation.

Deepening of the tunnel helps in restoring the karez. The dead Naukabad Karez in Kech-Nihing Valley was brought to life by deepening. This measure is met with one difficulty by deepening of the tunnel the command area is now at a higher elevation than the karez. Therefore, the command area has to be excavated to bring it at an elevation lower than that of the karez. This entails added cost and labour.

Water in the karezes flows non-stop. Therefore a considerable quantity of water goes waste when irrigation is not required. To conserve the water it is suggested that an artificial lake may be developed at the day-point where the surplus water can be stored. The suggestions made for the rehabilitation of the karezes will only be helpful if the water users are interested in maintaining the karez.

Conclusion

Karez is a community-enterprize. It can run only if the community wants it. In North and Central Balochistan the interest in karez is fading. The large shareholders in particular earn much more from sources other than agriculture. Those who are still interested in farming are switching to tubewell which is a more efficient method of irrigation. He can work the tubewell whenever it is required. He does not have to depend for his turn to come. Small shareholders in general are interested in karez but they cannot force the large shareholders to participate in its maintenance. With diminishing water supply from the karezes the small shareholders have also started to look out for other means of sustenance. Karez which once acted as a focal point of community life is becoming weak as an institution. As such karez is likely to die out from Northern and Central Balochistan. The government may keep it alive for some time but it seems destined to die. Therefore, no new karez has been added. However, one possibility cannot be ruled out. With the proliferation oftubewell the ground water is bound to be adversely affected and the increase in population may force people to tap all the water resources. In that case the age-old karezes may again be revitalised.

In South Balochistan the situation is somewhat different. The majority of the shareholders are still interested in karez. In spite of labour problems efforts are being made to maintain the karezes and to keep them running. The dead karez is being brought to life. New karezes are being dug. Tubewell is discouraged but it has been introduced in the command area of some karezes. Tubewell is also bringing under plough the cultivable waste. In South Balochistan electricity for farming is not yet available, which is expected to come soon. It will then be time to see how far karez competes with tubewell. At the present moment karez is still playing an important role in the farming system of South Balochistan.

Acknowledgement

The authors thank Pakistan Council of Research in Water Resource for a grant to study the Irrigation and Land Use in the Kech Valley. Part of this paper is based upon that study.

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The Association of @ Muslim Social

Scientists , ' A non-profit, non-political, educational organization " ,( ,~ '~ *

The Twenty-Fourth Annual Conference Chicago, Illinois, October 27-29, 1995

Announcement The AMSS 24th Annual Conference will be held at the East-

West University located at 816 S. Michigan Avenue, Chicago. IL 60605, during the weekend of October 27-29, 1995 (Friday- Sunday).

In the interest of focus, the theme of the conference will be "Islam and Muslims in the 20th Century: A Multi-Disciplinary Perspective" This is not to preclude other proposals, especially in the form'of panels. The AMSS Executive Board encourages all scholars, Muslims and non-Muslims, with expertise on Islam and Muslim societies to submit proposals of their papers.

The deadline for submissions of abstracts (250-300 words only) is June 30, 1995. Final papers must be postmarked on or before August 31, 1995. Abstracts of all accepted presentations will be printed and distributed of participants at the conference. The AMSS plans to include completed papers in the proceedings of the conference.

Participants of the conference are urged to emphasize the scholary standards of a professional convention. The AMSS will incur the board and lodging expenses for all presenters. Papers of the three best students will be selected for recognition awards and subsequent inclusion in the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences (AJISS).

All correspondence in this regard should be addressed to: Dr. Salahuddin Malik AMSS Program Chairman 8 Leeward Lane Rochester, NY 14618

We await your submissions! Wassalam.