INT-0482

INTERNATIONAL RESEARCH AND TRAINING INSTITUTE FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN

UNITED NATIONS STATISTICAL OFFICE and ECONOMIC COMMISSION FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN

18 March 1986

ORIGINAL: SPANISH

WOMEN IN THE INFORMAL SECTOR IN LATIN AMERICA METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS

*This is a translation of the document prepared by the Consultant, Mr. Arturo Leon, with financing from INSTRAW and by Ms Irma Arriagada of ECLAC's Social Development Division. A previous dreft of this paper was reviewed by the Expert Group on Measurement of Women's Income and Their Participation and Production in the Informal Sector, which met at Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, from 13 to 17 October 1986. The report of the meeting has been issued as ESA/STAT/AC.29/8 - INSTRAW/AC,3 / 8 .

INDEX

I . INTRODUCTION AND PRINCIPAL CONCLUSIONS

r i . THE SPECIFICITY OF WOMEN'S WORK

Page

A. The d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r by g e n d e r 4 B. Women i n t h e l a b o u r f o r c e 6 C. V/omen i n t h e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r of t h e economy

T h e i r i m p o r t a n c e i n t h e d e s i g n of p o l i c i e s I I

I I I . INVISIBILITY OF THE WORK PERFORMED BY WOMEN IN THE INF0RÍ1AL SECTOR 14

A. Concep t s and d e f i n i t i o n s of t h e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r 14

B. Assessment of women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r 15 C. Typology of women's I n f o r m a l s e c t o r

v i s i b i l i t y and i n v i s i b i l i t y 18

IV. POTENTIALITIES OF CENSUSES AND SURVEYS 21

A. P o p u l a t i o n Censuse s 21 ( a ) Measurement of t he i n f o r m a l s e c t o r wi th

c e n s u s - b a s e d d a t a 22 ( b ) R e l a t i o n s h i p be tween i n d i v i d u a l

v a r i a b l e s and h o u s e h o l d v a r i a b l e s C o n s t r u c t i o n of h o u s e h o l d r e c o r d s 24

( c ) E x p l o i t a t i o n of c e n s u s d a t a c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o s m a l l g e o g r a p h i c a r e a s 26

(d ) U t i l i s a t i o n of t h e "Census O p e r a t i o n " t o conduc t e x p e r i m e n t a l c e n s u s e s 27

B. U t i l i s a t i o n of h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s : The c o n s t r u c t i o n of h o u s e h o l d v a r i a b l e s and t a b u l a t i o n s f o r t h e a n a l y s i s of women's I n f o r m a l s e c t o r 29 ( a ) C o n s t r u c t i o n of h o u s e h o l d t y p o l o g i e s and

t h e a n a l y s i s of f a m i l y income l e v e l s 30 (b ) R e l a t i o n s h i p s be tween women's employment

v a r i a b l e s and f a m i l y s i t u a t i o n s 32 ( c ) R e l a t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of members of t h e

same h o u s e h o l d 36 ( d ) E s t i m a t i o n of n o n - r e g i s t e r e d income

g e n e r a t e d by women 36

i i

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE MEASUREMENT OF THE WOMEN'S INFORMAL SECTOR THROUGH HOUSEHOLD SURVEYS 40

B.

C.

T y p o l o g y o f w o m e n ' s i n f o r m a l s e c t o r ; s u g g e s t i o n s f o r i t s m e a s u r e m e n t ( a ) V i s i b l e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r ( b ) I n v i s i b l e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r ( c ) P e d d l i n g ( d ) D o m e s t i c s e r v i c e

S p e c i f i c R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s d e r i v e d f r o m e x p e r i e n c e w i t h h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s D i f f i c u l t i e s i n t h e m e a s u r e m e n t o f i n c o m e i n h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s

40 41 42 43 44

44

49

VI. ANNEX 52

A. Household surveys 52 A.l Household surveys incorporated to ECLAC'S 52

data bank A.2 Variables included in selected household 53

survey questionnaires A.3 Income variables studied in selected

household surveys 54

B. Latin America. Economically active population 55 within the formal and informal sector by sex. 1970-1980

B.l Definition of the labour market segments 55 according to category of employment, occupa-tion and sector of activity

B.2 Percentage distribution of economically 56 active population by sex and labour market segment. Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador Panama and Paraguay

C. 1983 Experimental Census of Costa Rica 62 C.l Questionnaire 63

C.2 Activities of women who declare themselves inactive in accordance with usual census measurement. 65

D. ILO/DGEC. Methodological survey for the measurementof employment, unemployment and underemployment Costa Rica 1983.

D.1 Questionnaire D.2 Operational Definition of urban informal sector

in ILO/DGEC Methodological survey in Costa Rica 1983

69

70

I . INTRODUCTION AND PRINCIPAL CONCLUSIONS

The momentum a t t a i n e d by t h e a c t i v i t i e s d e v e l o p e d w i t h t h e i n c e p t i o n of t he Women's I n t e r n a t i o n a l Year and d u r i n g t h e decade b e a r i n g t h e same name, r e s u l t e d i n c o n s i d e r a b l e advancement of t h e s t u d i e s c a r r i e d ou t on women i n L a t i n Amer ica . On t h e o t h e r hand , s t a r t i n g 1970, ILO ' s L a t i n American and C a r i b b e a n Employment Programme (PREALC) d e v e l o p e d a p i o n e e r i n g l i n e of s t u d i e ? on t h e s e g m e n t a t i o n of l a b o u r m a r k e t s and t h e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r i n t h e r e g i o n . However, an a b s e n c e of s p e c i f i c s t u d i e s r e l a t i n g bo th t y p e s of a n a l y s i s i s e v i d e n t . There a r e v e r y few s t u d i e s of women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r i n L a t i n America and none which d e a l w i t h t h e s u b j e c t f rom a m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . Th i s paper i s a compendium of t h e e x p e r i e n c e a c c u m u l a t e d by ECLAC r e g a r d i n g bo th t o p i c s i n t h e r e g i o n .

Th i s p a p e r ' s o u t l o o k s t ems f rom t h e e x p e r i e n c e g a i n e d by t h e r e s e a r c h e r s on t h e t o p i c of women's work . I t i s , t h e r e f o r e , t h e o u t l o o k of the u s e r d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e a v a i l a b l e s t a t i s t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n -who has e v i d e n c e d t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s t o measure women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r - and not t h e o u t l o o k of a s t a t i s t i c i a n .

T h i s pape r s y s t e m a t i c a l l y g a t h e r s t h e l a t e s t a v a i l a b l e d a t a on women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r i n L a t i n Amer ica . Moreover , f rom a m e t h o d o l o g i c a l v i e w p o i n t , i t p r o v i d e s some s u g g e s t i o n s on how t o t r e a t s e e m i n g l y u s e f u l i n f o r m a t i o n f o r both s t a t i s t i c i a n s and a n a l y i s t s of t h e s u b j e c t .

The document c o m p r i s e s t h e f o l l o w i n g p a r t s : C h a p t e r 1 i s a summary of t he main c o n c l u s i o n s and r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s ; C h a p t e r 2 o u t l i n e s s p e c i f i c i t i e s of women's work which t end to t r a n s f o r m i t i n t o non-work a n d , t h e r e f o r e , in h a r d - t o - m e a s u r e work, h i g h l i g h t i n g t h e g r e a t e r i n v i s i b i l i t y of women's i n f o r m a l work. Th i s s e c t i o n p o s e s t h e i m p o r t a n c e which an a d e q u a t e measurement of t h i s s e c t o r has f rom t h e p e r s p e c t i v e of t h e d e s i g n of s o c i a l and economic p o l i c i e s .

The t h i r d c h a p t e r a n a l y s e s t h e i n v i s i b i l i t y of women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r d e s c r i b i n g t h e p r i n c i p a l forms i n which t h e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r has been d e f i n e d , and c o n t i n u e s to p o i n t out d i f f i c u l t i e s c o n f r o n t e d in i t s measuremen t . In a d d i t i o n , i t p r o v i d e s a t y p o l o g y of women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r , c o v e r i n g t h e v a r i o u s s u b - s e c t o r s of t h e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r , i n c l u d i n g bo th t h e v i s i b l e and i n v i s i b l e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r .

The f o u r t h c h a p t e r e x p l o r e s t h e p o t e n t i a l i t i e s of p o p u l a t i o n c e n s u s e s and househo ld s u r v e y s , s t a t i n g t h a t a more e x h a u s t i v e u t i l i z a t i o n of such i n f o r m a t i o n a l l o w s f o r a r e l a t i v e l y a d e q u a t e c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n and a n a l y s i s of women's v i s i b l e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r . S p e c i a l emphas i s i s g i v e n t o t h e a n a l y t i c a l u s e f u l n e s s p r o v i d e d by t h e d e s i g n of h o u s e h o l d r e c o r d s i n c e n s u s e s a s w e l l a s i n h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s , b e s i d e s o t h e r ways of e x p l o i t i n g such s o u r c e s of i n f o r m a t i o n which a l l o w a b e t t e r a p p r o x i m a t i o n t o t h e s u b j e c t .

The l a s t c h a p t e r i n c l u d e s r ecommenda t ions made f o r t h e measurement of women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r t h r o u g h h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s . C o n c r e t e s u g g e s t i o n s a r e

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g i v e n t o Improve measurement of t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n and income of women i n t h e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r , a c c o r d i n g to t h e t y p o l o g y d e s c r i b e d i n C h a p t e r I I I . The same c h a p t e r f o c u s e s on t h e e x p e r i e n c e in work ing w i t h h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o ECLAC's d a t a bank , w i t h an i n d i c a t i o n of t h e p r i n c i p a l l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s t y p e of i n f o r m a t i o n , t o g e t h e r w i t h a s e t of s p e c i f i c r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s .

The main c o n c l u s i o n s t o be e x t r a c t e d f rom t h i s pape r a r e a s f o l l o w s .

1 . An a n a l y t i c a l c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n s e p a r a t i n g s u b - s e c t o r s w i t h i n t h e g r e a t h e t e r o g e n e i t y of t h e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r , e s p e c i a l l y t h a t of women 's , must n e c e s s a r i l y p r e c e e d an a d e q u a t e measurement of women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r . T h e r e f o r e , t h e pape r p r o v i d e s a t y p o l o g y of women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r based on t h e f o l l o w i n g d i m e n s i o n s : p l a c e of work, d e g r e e t o which t h e a c t i v i t y r e s e m b l e s t h a t of d o m e s t i c c h o r e s , d e s t i n a t i o n of t h e goods and s e r v i c e s p r o d u c e d , l e g a l i t y and d e g r e e of s o c i a l a c c e p t a n c e of t h e a c t i v i t i e s , d e g r e e of invo91vement w i t h t h e f o r m a l s e c t o r , t h e d e g r e e of t e c h n i c a l and s o c i a l c o m p l e x i t y , t h e a c t i v i t y and i t s s t a b i l i t y over t i m e . These d i m e n s i o n s b a s i c a l l y p e r m i t d i s t i n g u i s h i n g t h e f o l l o w i n g t y p e s of i n f o r m a l i t y , ( a ) v i s i b l e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r , ( b ) p e d d l i n g , ( c ) i n v i s i b l e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r , and ( d ) d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e .

2. The manner i n which c e n s u s e s and h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s measure t h e v a r i o u s s u b - s e c t o r s w i t h i n t h e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r may be e v a l u a t e d u s i n g t h i s t y p o l o g y . I t may be c o n c l u d e d t h a t b o t h t h e c e n s u s e s and h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s p e r m i t a r e l a t i v e l y p r e c i s e form of m e a s u r i n g t h e v i s i b l e women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r , t hough t h e l a t t e r show c e r t a i n a d v a n t a g e s a s opposed t o c e n s u s e s . Household s u r v e y s a r e most u s e f u l a s sample measurement s c a r r i e d out a t l e a s t once a y e a r by t r a i n e d i n t e r v i e w e r s and whose d e s i g n s p e c i f i c a l l y c o n t e m p l a t e s t h e most e x h a u s t i v e r e s e a r c h of t h e r e l e v a n t employment v a r i a b l e s .

3 . A s u b s t a n t i a l improvement i n t h e measurement of women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r u s i n g h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s i s p o s s i b l e by i n v e s t i g a t i n g some a d d i t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s , such a s t h e s i z e of t h e economic u n i t s and t h e p l a c e of work.

Su rveys can a d d i t i o n a l l y c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e measurement of women's i n f o r m a l s e c t o r w i t h much more p r e c i s i o n t h r o u g h t h e d e s i g n of h o u s e h o l d r e c o r d s which p e r m i t t h e a n a l y s i s of t h e f a m i l y u n i t , e s s e n t i a l t o t h e s t u d y of women's work.

4 . The i n v i s i b l e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r p o s e s g r e a t e r p rob lems f o r measu remen t , t h r o u g h h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s . The main p rob lems s tem f rom f a i l u r e t o a s c e r t a i n t h e economic a c t i v i t i e s a c t u a l l y p e r f o r m e d by women, a s w e l l a s n o n - a p p r a i s a l of t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n t h e y make t o Gross Domest ic P r o d u c t and of t h e income they p roduced f o r t h e h o u s e h o l d . Even g r e a t e r d i f f i c u l t i e s a r i s e when t r y i n g t o measure women's i n f o r m a l i n v i s i b l e s e c t o r i n a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r s xíhere an a b s e n c e of any c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n between d o m e s t i c a c t i v i t i e s and p r o d u c t i v e ones makes more d i f f i c u l t t h e t a s k of c o u n t i n g t h e e c o n o m i c a l l y a c t i v e p o p u l a t i o n and t h e p r o d u c t g e n e r a t e d by women.

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T a k i n g t h i s i n t o a c c o u n t , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o make t h e f o l l o w i n g s p e c i f i c r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s .

1. To include in household surveys a special module containing questions geared towards the population which declares itself inactive. It is very important that this module Include a detailed breakdown of the various activities that women perform. This facilitates the identification and recognition of the economic activities which are most frequently considered as being domestic work. In surveys covering rural areas, the module should consider a special listing of agricultural activities. It should also include own-account as well as peddling activities performed by women.

2. The identification of the Informal visible activities may substantially improve by incorporating to household surveys some questions directed to ascertaining the work performed in small family enterprises established within or outside the household. The two basic variables are the size of the establishment and the place where the job is performed.

3. It is important to improve Information collected with regard to other variables which are already incorporated into the majority of the household surveys of the region. In this respect it is also necessary to perform a detailed register of the parental relationships of the members of the household, separating the "indoor" domestic service. It is also necessary to investigate all the activities performed by unpaid family members, recording the number of hours dedicated to each of such activities.

4. It is suggested that in the process of coding information activities be recorded with the utmost detail allowing separation of women's occupations.

5. A number of specific recommendations are made in order to improve the measurement of income through household surveys, especially of income obtained by the self-employed. The problems detected refer to; high margins of understatement of profits and benefits; difficulties in ascertaining the normal income obtained by family enterprises; failure to record the value of production for own consumption, in the household and difficulties in estimating net earnings i.e. discounting the value of inputs.

A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e o f p r o b l e m s i n m e a s u r i n g i n c o m e g e n e r a t e d b y women c o n c e r n s t h e a c c u r a t e e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e e c o n o m i c c o n t r i b u t i o n made by u n p a i d f a m i l y w o r k e r s t o t h e home w i t h o u t m o n e t a r y c o m p e n s a t i o n .

Finally, in some surveys, failure to separate the income derived from the principal and secondary occupations, makes it difficult to analyze income for each activity.

I n l i g h t o f t h e s e p r o b l e m s , t h e f o l l o w i n g s u g g e s t i o n s a r e m a d e .

1 . I n v e s t i g a t e t h e i n c o m e d e r i v e d f r o m o w n - a c c o u n t a c t i v i t i e s o v e r a w i d e r p e r i o d o f r e f e r e n c e . F o r c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s , a t i m e l a p s e of t w e l v e m o n t h s i s a d e q u a t e .

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2. Register, separately, the value of goods produced and sold from the cost of the inputs used in its production.

3. Record the quantity and the value of goods and services produced and consumed within the household.

4. Separate the income derived from the principal occupation from that of secondary activities, especially sporadic ones.

This paper evidences that the measurement of income is one of the areas which presents the greatest difficulty, especially as it concerns self-employment and unpaid economic activities. Undoubtedly, a more precise knowledge of women's activity in the informal sector will result in a better assessment of their contribution, the production and to income generated for the household.

II. THE SPECIFICITY OF WOMEN'S WORK

A. The division of labour by gender

From a societal perspective, the work performed by women is of essential importance for the maintenance and survival of society. Women are socially assigned two types of work: one, the most important is the reproductive domestic work performed in the household which is essential to the socialization of future generations, the daily reproduction of the population and the generational reproduction of the labour force. The other is social work, which is carried out in the extra-domestic sphere, in the labour market, and which allows them to generate (though not always) an income and to be part of the so-called economically active population. This division into two spheres of work: domestic and social is present in every known society. However, the definition of tasks considered as being domestic or social varies from one society to another as well as with the social and economic development, but the primary obligation which is assigned women is the performance of domestic work.

Consequently, in the region, the daily and generational production and reproduction of the population's life is carried out by women and in their domestic units. Society, as a whole, assigns to women and to domestic units the responsibility for the production and reproduction of the life of the population. This responsibility does not imply In every case the direct execution of these tasks on the part of all women, though a majority of them directly executes such tasks. In general, the tasks accomplished through domestic work may be grouped as follows:

(a) management and distribution of the family budget or of the production in own-consumption economies,

(b) buying or producing goods and services for processing and consumption, and

(c) transforming purchased goods for consumption and the production of services directly for consumption. Upbringing and socialization of children should be mentioned here, in view of the magnitude of the work and the time involved in performing such tasks.

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As p e n e t r a t i o n of t h e marke t economy c o n t i n u e s , t h e s e t a s k s a r e d e l e g a t e d t o s e r v i c e s which a r e bought i n t h e marke t or which a r e r e n d e r e d v i a p u b l i c and p r i v a t e o r g a n i s m s . In t h i s manner , i n s u b s i s t e n c e e c o n o m i e s , where t h e l e v e l of t e c h n o l o g y i s v e r y low, t h e d o m e s t i c u n i t combines b o t h p r o d u c t i v e as w e l l a s r e p r o d u c t i v e t a s k s , and d i s t i n c t i o n be tween women's and m e n ' s work grows even b r o a d e r ^ / even when i t i s men who assume t h e p r o d u c t i v e t a s k s , f i l l i n g i n - t o a l e s s e r d e g r e e - f o r women i n t h e d o m e s t i c t a s k s , w h i l e women p e r f o r m p r o d u c t i v e and r e p r o d u c t i v e t a s k s . L i k e w i s e , a s t h e r e i s a c c e s s t o h i g h e r income, t h e d i s t i n c t i o n be tween b o t h t y p e s of work becomes s h a r p e r and t h e q u a n t i t y of goods and s e r v i c e s bought i n t h e marke t g rows , t h e r e b y d i m i n i s h i n g goods and s e r v i c e s p roduced by d o m e s t i c work. F u r t h e r m o r e , economic and s o c i a l deve lopmen t h a s promoted t h e m a j o r t r e n d i n eve ry c o u n t r y t o s o c i a l i z e goods and s e r v i c e s f o r consumpt ion and t o d i m i n i s h t h e a c t i v i t y of t r a n s f o r m i n g i n p u t s f o r p r i v a t e h o u s e h o l d c o n s u m p t i o n . An example of t h e s e changes I s p r e - s c h o o l e d u c a t i o n . F o r m e r l y , e a r l y s o c i a l i z a t i o n , up t o s i x or seven y e a r s of age was p e r f o r m e d i n t h e h o u s e h o l d . P r e s e n t l y i n t h e u rban a r e a s of t h e r e l a t i v e l y more d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s and e s p e c i a l l y f o r t h e m i d d l e and uppe r c l a s s e s , t h e s e t a s k s a r e ma in ly pe r fo rmed by s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . In o t h e r words , t h e r e a r e g r e a t d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e amounts of d o m e s t i c work which h o u s e h o l d s must p e r f o r m a s a f u n c t i o n of t h e d e g r e e of deve lopment of t h e c o u n t r y , and of t h e s o c i a l c l a s s i n q u e s t i o n .

However, d e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t t h e t r e n d on a long r u n i s t h e g rowth of goods and s e r v i c e s which a r e bought i n t h e marke t and a c o n s e q u e n t d r o p i n t h e a c t i v i t i e s which a r e e x e c u t e d w i t h i n t h e h o u s e h o l d f o r c o n s u m p t i o n , i n p e r i o d s of c r i s i s such as t h e p r e s e n t one t h i s t r e n d i s r e v e r s e d and t h e f a m i l y u n i t s must c o v e r a b r o a d e r s p e c t r u m of a c t i v i t i e s . In t h e c a s e of women t h i s s p e c i f i c a l l y means t h a t t h e y must i n c r e a s e t h e i r s o c i a l and d o m e s t i c work. In t h i s manner , f o r women i n t h e more d e p r i v e d a r e a s t h e t r e n d w i l l be t o maximize t h e r e p l a c e m e n t of p u r c h a s e d goods f o r t h o s e which can be p e r f o r m e d w i t h i n t h e h o u s e h o l d and t o d e v e l o p v a r i o u s t y p e s of s t r a t e g i e s t o i n c r e a s e f a m i l y income, becoming i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o p a i d a c t i v i t i e s i n t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t . Th i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t i n a c o n t e x t of c r i s i s which f o r c e s t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n of women i n i n f o r m a l a c t i v i t i e s p a i d i n c a s h , b u t a l s o in k ind or s e r v i c e s . In t h i s manner , women w i l l e x e c u t e a c t i v i t i e s such a s doing o t h e r p e o p l e ' s l a u n d r y , t a k i n g c a r e of c h i l d r e n , c o o k i n g , e t c . , a c t i v i t i e s which when done f o r h o u s e h o l d s of o t h e r s o c i a l c l a s s e s a r e p a i d whereas when p e r f o r m e d f o r r e l a t i v e s w i t h i n t h e i r own env i r onm en t a r e c o n s i d e r e d a s i n t e r c h a n g e s of s e r v i c e s and which no t even women t h e m s e l v e s c o n s i d e r a s b e i n g work, t h i s i s an i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e of under s t a t e m e n t of women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e l a b o u r f o r c e i n c e n s u s e s and s u r v e y s .

!_/ See C.D. D e e r e . "The a g r i c u l t u r a d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r by s e x . Myths and f a c t s and c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n t h e N o r t h e r n P e r u v i a n S i e r r a " . Pape r p r e s e n t e d a t t h e m e e t i n g . The New m a r g i n a l s in t h e deve lopmen t p r o c e s s , H o u s t o n , T e x a s , 1977,

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Nevertheless, the primary concentration of women in the area of reproduction converts them into secondary workers in the area of social production. In consequence, women constitute a very specific labour force. The division of labour by gender not only produces the subordination of women in the domestic sphere, -where their work is underestimated because it does not produce any exchange value- but also reinforces in the labour market.

However, the dividing line which separates domestic and social activities is not clear-cut, since it refers to ideological appraisals which differ according to the country and the levels of development, and which, therefore, displays a series of ambiguities.

These ambiguities which are due to lack of clarity in defining work and which respond to various ideological conceptions become more evident when the topic of the informal sector is discussed. This is so, because when one refers to the informal sector, in most cases, one is refering to a series of activities which are rooted in this diffuse separation between domestic and social spheres.

B. Women in the labour force

The concept of labour force that emerges with the changes introduced by the North American census of 1940, which included the unemployed for the first time, conforms a new way of assessing the labour force, which is defined as the population available for work. This definition which was elaborated and is suited for a capitalist society in the midst of development was transposed to countries which are not totally integrated to the market and where different modes of production are co-existant. The consideration of a population of workers which is different from the general population implies a production system in which work is differentiated from other activities that satisfy life itself. This differentiation is not so clear-cut in pre-capitalist modes of production.

In fact, what defines the concept of the labour force, as Reicher Madeira statesj./ is the advancement of capitalism, that is, how many individuals have already been incorporated to its growing trend of comercialization and monetization of social relations whose prototype is the sale of the labour force transformed into merchandise. In the meantime, market and money fetishism transforms individuals employed in activities which involve commercialization of the product and remuneration into the single factors responsible for social production, placing all others, in opposition, as dependent on these, that is to say - most women.

On the other hand, the definition of an economically active population used in surveys and censuses poses a series of difficulties to adequately measure the woman's activity and which is related to various aspects.

y Felicia Reicher Madeira. "El trabajo de la mujer en Fortaleza," Demografía y Economía, Vol. XII, No 1 (34) 1978, p. 57.

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(a) Definition of the boundaries of what is considered the production of goods and services. In general, work which produces goods and services is culturally defined as that which corresponds to social activities, which are paid, continuous and full time. In this way, most of women's work is not adequately recorded to the extent that is basic characteristics are those of discontinuity, linked to family life cycles, seasonality, especially in the rural area, performed part-time in the traditional sectors of the economy, in family enterprises or through self-eraplo3TnentThis wasy the characteristics of women's work have a greater relationship to the informal sector of the economy.

(b) The operalization of the definition does not contemplate non-unpaid domestic work carried out within the household as being work. This entails not recording an important number of activities which serve to reproduce the labour force and society as a whole. An ILO study indicates that for every eight (8) countries in Latin America a day's work within the household exceeds that of the active population performed outside the same. In terms of value, measurements suggest that domestic work may be equal to proportions which range between one third and one half of the families' monetary income. This figure is even greater in the case of poorer families.

(c) The definition used thus far is a poor indicator of the work which produces goods and services for own-consumption. In general, the activities which are not destined for the market may be one of three types, (i) direct production for own-consumption, (li) processing of products for own-consumption (grain grinding, preparation and preservation of food, processing of cheese, butter, etc.), and (iii) activities of own-consumption which include augmenting the fixed investment, especially in the area of self-construction and repair of housing. According to international recommendations all people involved in own-consumption activities should be considered active "if such production comprises an important contribution to the total consumption of the famlly".^^.

Zulma Recchini and Catalina Wainerman. El trabajo femenino en el banquillo de los acusados., La medición censal en America Latina , Editorial Terra Nova, Population Council, 1981

V ILO. Mujeres en sus casas. Estudio sobre el trabajo no remunerado en el hogar. Lima, 1984.

_5/ Farhad Mehran. The concept and boundary of economic activity for the measurement of the economically active population. ILO Bureau of Statistics Draft 2, May 1986

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In most of t h e economies of t h e r e g i o n , howeve r , p r o d u c t i o n f o r own-consumpt ion i s v e r y h i g h . T h i s p r o d u c t i o n f o r own-consumpt ion i s n o t o n l y a r u r a l phenomenon, a s E l i z a b e t h J e l i n i n d i c a t e s , i t a c q u i r e s i m p o r t a n t d i m e n s i o n s i n t h e u rban z o n e s . ( I n L a t i n A m e r i c a ) . . . t h e u r b a n - r u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a l s i n t h e e x t e n s i o n s of m o n e t a r y t r a n s a c t i o n s a r e not so e x t r e m e , and t h e v a r i e t y of t h e s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s which can be pe r fo rmed i n t h e c i t i e s i s even more c o n s i d e r a b l e . U n d o u b t e d l y , t h e p e r f o r m i n g of numerous t a s k s such a s p r o d u c t i v e d o m e s t i c a c t i v i t i e s i s a mechanism of a d a p t a t i o n of t h e low-income f a m i l i e s i n u r b a n a r e a s t o t h e low d a i l y minimum wage r e c e i v e d by t h e f a m i l y members w i t h r e m u n e r a t e d j o b s . Given a l e v e l of income, c l e a n i n g t h e h o u s e , k e e p i n g t h e c h i l d r e n , and p r e p a r i n g t h e f o o d , a r e no t t h e o n l y d o m e s t i c t a s k s t h a t u r b a n women p e r f o r m . They may a l s o d e v o t e t h e m s e l v e s t o mending c l o t h e s , t e n d i n g a n i m a l s and c u l t i v a t i n g v e g e t a b l e s , g a t h e r i n g f i r e w o o d and f e t c h i n g w a t e r , e t c . T h i s scope of a c t i v i t i e s of t h e u r b a n h o u s e w i f e , i s p o s s i b l y n a r r o w e r t h a n t h a t of t h e fa rm h o u s e w i f e . But I f t h e v a l u e of t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s a r e measured i n compar i son t o t h e mone ta ry v a l u e of t h e s e same s e r v i c e s a c q u i r e d i n t h e m a r k e t , t h e I m p o r t a n c e of t h e d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t i o n i n u r b a n a r e a s becomes u n m i s t a k e a b l e É . / .

I n L a t i n American economies where t h e p r o d u c t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n of women i s v e r y l a r g e , b e c a u s e t h e y r e p r e s e n t economies where t h e marke t has no t y e t had a s t r o n g i m p a c t , n e i t h e r t h e d e s t i n a t i o n of t h e p r o d u c t ( c o n s u m p t i o n / s a l e ) no r t h e s e p a r a t i o n be tween p r o d u c t i v e and d o m e s t i c work i s a b s o l u t e l y c l e a r c u t .

T h i s f a c t p r e v e n t s c e n s u s e s and s u r v e y s f rom a d e q u a t e l y m e a s u r i n g women's economic c o n t r i b u t i o n , s i n c e p r o d u c t i o n f o r own-consumpt ion p e r f o r m e d by women i s n o t d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e , by women t h e m s e l v e s no r by i n t e r v i e w e r s , f rom d o m e s t i c a c t i v i t i e s which have been d e f i n e d as n o n - e c o n o m i c .

The p r e c e d i n g d i s c u s s i o n of c o n c e p t s and of t h e d e f i n i t i o n of l a b o u r f o r c e s and t h e e c o n o m i c a l l y a c t i v e p o p u l a t i o n r e f e r s t o t h e v a l i d i t y of i n f o r m a t i o n g a t h e r e d by c e n s u s e s and s u r v e y s . Now, emphas i s w i l l be p l a c e d on a s p e c t s of o p e r a t i o n a l i z i n g t h e s e d e f i n i t i o n s and t h e p r o c e s s i n g of i n f o r m a t i o n .

( d ) The c e n s u s i n f o r m a t i o n i s p r o c e s s e d a c c o r d i n g t o i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a b l e s and n o t h o u s e h o l d v a r i a b l e s . T h i s means t h a t b a s i c d i m e n s i o n s which a f f e c t t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women's l a b o u r such a s t h e l i f e c y c l e a r e no t c o n s i d e r e d . The s t a g e of t h e l i f e c y c l e i n which t h e f a m i l y f i n d s I t s e l f d e t e r m i n e s , f o r women, t h e maximum and minimum amount of work t o be c a r r i e d o u t , and f rom t h e p o i n t of v iew of t h e l a b o u r f o r c e c o n c e p t , t h e g r e a t e r o r l e s s e r e x t e n t of " a v a i l a b i l i t y " f o r t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t . In summary, i t may be

Elizabeth Jelin. Migration and Labour Force Participation of Latin American Women. The domestic servants in the cities. CEDES, Centro de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad, Buenos Aires, December 1976.

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polnted out that In the region women's "availability" for participating in the formal labour market is typically highest when they are under 35 years old, single or separated, divorced or widowed, or highly educated (more than 10 years of study), to which could be added v/hen they have no children. All of these variables of an individual nature could be related to the family life cycle, which is defined in terms of turning points in the development of the family unit. These turning points may be grouped into three rough periods; (i) formation of couples and birth of first children, (ii) stage of couples with school-aged children, and (iii) finally the stage of couples living alone in which the children have married, have established other family units or have become financially independent by entering the labour market. These three stages (which can, in turn, be sub-divided into others) are not necessarily fulfilled in each family unit, as some families divorce (heads of household are women) or do not have children or the children do not become independent even after becoming of age. This diversity of situations allows us to determine that in each stage of the household life cycle the amount of domestic and social work required will be different and will determine, to a large degree, the possibility of women becoming incorporated to the formal labour market. The consideration of the life cycle in which the family finds itself is very important in the search for meaningful relationships accounting for the participation of women in the labour market.

(e) On the other hand, censuses and surveys of the region consider that 10-15 years is the age limit to be considered economically active. This means that important groups of children and young people who work in subsistence economies in both rural and urban areas remain uncounted.

Likewise, the period of reference in which the activity is investigated in censuses and surveys - which generally corresponds to the week prior to the interview- fails to include many activities performed by women, activities which are of a seasonal or sporadic nature.

Finally, the minimum time of work required for a person to be considered active and which in the region varies from country to country leaves -in those countries where the limit is high, 15 hours or more- many unpaid family members, out of the measurement, especially women and children. This omission was evident by the methodological survey conducted by the International Labour Office in Costa Rica in 1983. This survey included in the questionnaire a special module designed to investigate "marginal activities" performed by women. The data showed that these women work an average of less than 15 hours a week. The number of women in this condition was four times the number of those who declared themselves as being own-account workers and who had been detected in the main part of the questionnaireZ/. This means that an important group of women is left out of the economically active population and their economic contribution to the household or to the social product is unrecorded, also deforming measurement of the magnitud of the under-employed population.

7/ ILO/DGEC. Encuesta metodológica sobre el empleo, desempleo y subempleo en Costa Rica, 1983.

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Analysis of the activities declared by these women, in the Costa Rican survey showed that most of them could be classified within the informal sector, which points to the fact that in household surveys and censuses undercounting of women in informal activities is very high.

This confirms PREALC'sl/ view and that of other research institutions which coincide in pointing out that the characteristics of labour employed in the informal sector corresponds to the opposite found for the formal sector, in such a way that the majority of the workers of the informal sector are women (inclusive when the measurement excludes domestic employees), the very young or old of both sexes, heads of households (especially women), the less-educated and the migrants. In summary, what the studies show regarding the composition of the informal sector is that this sector is a clear complement of the formal one in the sense that the former overcome the difficulties of incorporating labour into the latter.

Assigning women the work of reproduction, as a whole, and as a primary task to fulfill, strongly limits their participation in the labour market, especially women from poorer sectors. For these women it is difficult to handle occupations requiring them to keep a set schedule, to leave the household and not to be related to the domestic work as a principal task. For this reason women have a more important role in the Informal labour market. A study conducted by PREALC for 8 countries of the region based on census samples (see annex) demonstrates that towards 1980, excluding domestic service from the informal sector, the proportion of women employed in the urban informal sector fluctuated between 6% (Panamá) and 26% (Paraguay). These magnitudes can be considerably higher if we consider the participation of women in the invisible informal sector, in other words, that which is not measured in censuses and surveys!./. This sub-registry is due both to the form in which the labour force has been defined and to problems involved in the measurement of the economically active population.

In comparing the two main sources of information so as to categorise the labour force, censuses and household surveys, one has to conclude that although the census allows for universality and simultaneity of the information which is much greater than that provided by household surveys, the latter lend greater depth and precision to the measurement.

J T PREALC. Sector Informal: funcionamiento y políticas, Santiago, 1978. Dagmar Raczynsky.. Characteristicas del empleo informal urbano en Chile Estudios CIEPLAN, April 23, 1978.

9/ In the following sections this is analysed further

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As concerns the study of the informal sector, household surveys are more useful instruments than censuses. This greater usefulness of household surveys responds to the fact they scrutinize more carefully the characteristics of the activity and of employment and unemplo3Tnent, interviewers are trained, the study of the secondary activities (which the census does not incorporate) is Included, they create broader possibilities to use the household as a unit of analysis and, finally, that in most countries they are conducted at least once a year, permits better follow-up of the condition of activity of the population over various periods. However, the specificities of women's work, detailed in this section, show that household surveys also have strong limitations for an adequate registry of the female population employed in the informal sector. This is a result of the invisibility of women's work and, especially, of those inserted in the informal sector of the economy.

C. Women in the informal sector of the economy Their importance in the design of policies.

One of the central aspects which an adequate characterization and measurement of the informal sector offers both from the viewpoint of people involved in the sector as well as that of the product or income generated, is associated with the need of designing social and economic policies which may effectively reach the target groups.

The "welfarism" approach to planning in which important sectors of the population appear only as recipients of goods and services granted by the g o v e r n m e n t f a i l s to consider -to the extent in which it follows the labour force approach- that large sectors of the population, —usually considered as inactive,- contribute an important magnitude of household goods and services and also of the social product.

For this reason, measurement of women's informal sector will make it possible from the perspective of social and economic planning, to overcome a series of deficiencies which have not allowed women to benefit from these policies.

10/ See, United Nations, UNICEF. Aspectos metodológicos de las políticas de desarrollo social, ILPES-UNICEF studies on Social Policies, Santiago, Chile, 1984.

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Among the aspects which are usually not incorporated into the diagnosis for the design of policies are the following.

(a) Recognition of women's economic contribution through productive work and household work.

(b) A more through knowledge of the existing division of labour within the household, determining economic as well as extra economic contributions of each member. Policies designed for household heads do not necessarily mean an improvement for all the members of the household.

(c) Recognition of the fact that urban informal sectors tend to concentrate spacially in "pockets of Informality". This information would allow concentrating efforts on planning and social services in such specific areas.

Moreover, an adequate knowledge of women's visible informal sector would permit specific policies geared towards:

(a) generating technical assistance and financing for women employed in the informal sector. When credit is granted, the general trend is to assign these to the owner of the land, in the case of small agricultural producers, and to the owner of the family enterprise where other members of the household work. To the extent that recognition is given to the fact that groups of women who work in the informal sector, are also household heads, it would be possible to design policies which would allow them access to .credit lines to improve equipment or purchase raw materials.

(b) Train Women employed in this sector to augment their productivity and efficiency, which would mean increasing their income.

(c) Implement policies related to commercialization, purchase of production inputs, sub-contracting, etc. These policies would be of special importance for women who work in activities such as food processing and sales, especially those without a fixed working location.

(d) Develop policies and programmes related to technological improvement, oriented towards improving ways of organizing production, production techniques and providing technical assistance. This type of policies is very important for the group of artisan women.

(e) Implement policies related to legal aspects referring to salary standards, social security and working standards. In this line emphasis is placed on the entire putting out system and "maquila".

Another special group worth mentioning here for which specific policies need to be designed is that of domestic service. The extent of exploitation of these workers stems from the type of labour relationship

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specially in the case of workers living in the householdM./. This is because, despite the relatively high degree of formalization within the sector -since it is governed in most cases by a working contract, a minimum salary and social security- the salaries which they accept are the lowest in the registered labour sectorl^/.

Taking into account its magnitude, improving a measurement of the invisible informal sector can make the largest contribution to the design of adequate policies considering the possibility of acting on some aspects which would permit women to work less strenuously and more efficiently in their productive chores.

(a) Implementing policies to alleviate domestic chores would allow women more time to carry out their paid activities in the informal sector. Making daycare centers and schools available is essential to this purpose.

(b) Designing occupational policies geared towards women who appear as being inactive (housewives) but who are employed in the informal sector. Traditional employment and salary policies do not reach them to the extent that they derive their income as a own account workers. Knowledge and measurement of the invisible informal sector is of utmost importance in the design of income and emplojnnent-generating policies.

On the other hand, the design of policies geared towards households is difficult to Implement. This poses the need to plan from the viewpoint of the social actors themselves. In this sense, a very important aspect to bear in mind is the need to increase their potential as a group, by increasing their knowledge, as well as their organization. These policies are difficult to implement given the highly competitive nature of these occupations. However, it is possible to identify areas in which an adequate organization could enable these households to negotiate with government agencies to obtain credits. Inputs, training, etc. which none of them can achieve on an individual basis.

11/ Corresponds to the case of domestic employees residing in the same household they work in.

12/ See Thelma Gálvez and Rosalba Todaro. La especificidad del trabajo doméstico asalariado y la organización de las trabajadoras (Chile) in ECLAC, La Mujer en el sector popular urbano. LC/G.1326, Santiago, October 1984.

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III. INVISIBILITY OF THE WORK PERFORMED BY WOMEN IN THE INFORMAL SECTOR

A. Concepts and definitions of the Informal sector

The magnitude of the informal sector and that of the different segments of the labour market in general, depend on the definitions adopted and the measurement possibilities provided by censuses and surveys. There are three main perspectives or approaches which it is convenient to distinguish to the extent that they pose different measurement problemsi:2/. The first of these emphasizes the heterogeneity of the economic system starting with the productive units, the type of activities which they perform and their growth potential. From this point of view, characterization of the informal sector focusses on the differences existing between the enterprises or economic units of this sector as compared to those of the formal sector. Dimensions highlighted in this perspective are the size, organisation, type of technology and human resources predominant in both sectors. According to this approach, the main characteristics of the productive units within the informal sector are; being small (the limit normally stated does not exceed four persons), intensive utilization of the labour force and a small amount of capital, use of simple technologies, ease of access to such units by workers and of the former to the market; predominance of the family-owned property system; use of unqualified labour force, lack of organisation and of formal contractual work, and frequent use of payments in kind.

In general, this conceptualization of the informal sector from the viewpoint of the productive units cannot be done with information about the characteristics of the households; in fact, it could only be done on the basis of economic censuses and surveys. Despite this fact, some variables researched in household surveys have allowed to identify part of the labour force of this sector. For instance, regarding the size of the economic units, data can be used on the number of workers employed in the establishments where they declare to work. Depending on how this variable is studied, it may be considered that employees working in economic units with less than five workers belong to the Informal sector.

Another example is the use of data collected in some household surveys regarding social security. Among the paid workers, lack of contributions to the social security system may be used as an indicator of the informality of contractual relationships.

The second perspective takes into account the characteristics of the labour markets and focusses attention on "...the employment issue , absorr*"ion of labour force distribution of occupational opportunities and education, together with the factors determining the supply demand of labour" 14/. In this latter case, segmentation of the labour market can be analysed by means

13/ Patricio Villagrán, Sector Informal urbano, Editorial Universitaria, Santiago de Chile, 1985.

14/ Villagrán, o£. cit., p. 53

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of the individual characteristics which define the incorporation of the active population into the production: status in employment sector of activity and occupation. The criterion used to separate the formal sector from the informal one is the existence or not of salaried workers. The formal or modern sector is Integrated by those employed in productive units in which the salary relationship of work is predominant. Residually, the informal sector is that in which individuals are not subject to this relationship. In a formal sense, this distinction is established for all the members of the labour force, regardless of the size of the productive unit and the sector of activity.

In this second approach the key variables to define the informal sector are the conditions of activity which allows identification of the active population employed and the status in employment or occupational category which establishes the type of work relationship; paid or unpaid.

The third perspective attempts to establish the differences in the levels of the population's income and welfare. The informal sector in this case is conformed by those individuals or families whose income is lower than a certain predetermined level "considered indispensable with regards to social welfare¿l/. In this approach, the unit of analysis we are concerned with, it is the household or the family and not the individuals considered separately. The emphasis is placed on survival strategies adopted by lower-income households as to the distribution of the family labour force and, in general, as to the distribution of the different roles among household members. Studies on poverty which have quantified its magnitude and characteristics can be considered as being typical within this perspective. While their purpose is not to identify the informal sector, most of these studies have shown that the majority of the people living in poor households work in this sector.

B. Assessment of women's informal sector

All the available evidence stemming from household surveys as to the magnitude of women's participation rates indicate. i) that the definition of the informal sector currently used -the perspective of the labour markets which basically takes into account the occupational category and the condition of activity- underestimates the size of this sector, ii) that this sector is an heterogeneous one as to qualification and income levels. It is then appropriate to pose the question of which type of activities of the informal sector which can be better identified with household surveys. In other wc"ds, which 3r6 thG inost 'visiblG*' own—account 3.nd unpaid occupations in surveys.

15/ Villagrán, cit., p. 55

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which sectors of the economic activity concentrate women registered as being in the informal sector and, finally, what are the main problems of the measurement procedures which are based on household surveysi^./.

It can be said that the economic activities of the informal sector registered in surveys correspond basically to the small production units and established commerce which could be called the "invisible informal sector". Why are these activities visible in the statistical sense? In other words, why are these activities the ones better registered by the household surveys conducted in most Latin American countries?.

Obviously the answer to this question cannot be found in the surveys themselves, but some hypotheses can be made using some indirect, empirical support provided by such surveys. The first consideration is that the informal sector detected is determined by the manner in which the condition of the activity is investigated. This is the key variable which defines who belongs to the active population and, within it, who are the employed persons. From this classification one goes on to define the informal sector with the data obtained on the category of employment, occupation and other variables such as sector of activity, size of the establishment, income, education, etc., according to the operational criterion adopted to define it. The hypothesis is that the method used to assess the condition of the activity in household surveys, -based on the labour force framework,-underenumerates, in a higher proportion, women which carry out activities typical of the informal sector as compared with those working in the formal sector of the economy.

As stated in the preceeding section, a limitation in assessing the condition of the activity of women is the short reference period used to investigate it, generally a week. If one of the characteristics of informal occupations is instability, with frequent turnovers, surveys will tend to register the most stable activities of the informal sector small established commerce, and work done in small enterprises and artisan workshops, whose production and demand are not subject to seasonal fluctuations.

There are other difficulties associated with the manner in which the condition of activity is researched, accounting for the understatement of women's work, and which have a bearing on the measurement of the informal sector. In the first place, the wording of questions or items used in questionnaires to classify the population as being active or inactive. The cultural pattern which allows identifying work with paid activities performed outside the household, in institutions or firms, is evident in the answers given by women with the ensuing underenumeration of the female active

16/ We refer to household surveys which make up part of the continuous programmes and not to other special surveys which have researched this subject in depth with other methodologies and ad-hoc questionnaires.

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populatlon. To the extent that women performing economic activities within the household, -activities which are often difficult to separate from domestic work- declare that their main activity in the week of reference is "domestic chores" will be classified as inactive and, consequently, excluded from the sector. The same is true for women and for young and aged persons who declare themselves as being students, retired or in other inactive categories.

There is, therefore, a "hazy area" comprising economic activities which should lead to the classification of women who carry out such activities in the informal sector. These are unpaid jobs carried out by own-account workers or family members who collaborate in small family enterprises.

Other difficulties in measuring the informal sector deal with the nature of the activities. Regardless of how the condition of the activity is studied, jobs which are legally banned or those which have no social acceptance are generally not declared in censuses and household surveys and the persons who perform them appear as inactive or as performing some other activity. Such is the case of work performed on the streets by unlicensed peddlers, trash scavengers, prostitutes and other activities which are considered illegal. According to the system of National Accounts (SNA), all these are economic activities which, if registered, would also make up part of the informal sector.

Other activities of the informal sector are not recorded for similar reasons, such as those carried out in small enterprises and workshops established within the households. Usually these are not declared because they pay no municipal taxes or because they do not meet legal requirements. This is another example of the economic activities of small scale production and trade termed as "invisible".

Finally, international occupational classifications (COTA, ISCO) pose limitations when attempting to use them to describe a great number of activities carried out in the informal sector, and which are not contemplated in such classifications. For instance. Greater Santiago (Chile) has experienced the appearance of the so-called "frequency controllers" (commonly referred to as "mutes") -generally constituted by young men- who inform bus drivers as to the distance and the approximate time span between the vehicle in question and the proceeding one on the same route. This information, used to make decisions as to increasing or slowing down transportation speed in order to get a larger number of passengers, is given in exchange for a fixed tariff. It is a paid service and those who provide it are informal workers. Classifications in use do not contemplate this activity and if it were declared, in a survey it would be very difficult to classify it in one of ISCO categories and would possibly be considered an unidentified occupation or "no , included within another group". In this respect the inclusion of this residual group within the informal sector does not seem inappropriate.

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C. Typology of women's Informal sector visibility and invisibility

If the conceptual framework of the United Nations system of National Accounts (SNA) which gives a definition of economic and non-economic activities is adopted, various criteria can be established to determine which of these activities constitute part of the informal sector. In preceding chapters emphasis has been placed on the definition of the Informal sector based on the category of employment, and on the limitation of this definition.

It is, therefore, necessary to make a prior typology of the informal sector, indicating the activities and individuals included in each category, to detect the main difficulties of measurement in each case, in view of the fact that they do not all pose the same problems. On this basis it is possible to indicate how attempts can be made to overcome them.

The typology suggested in this paper assumes that the economic activities of the informal sector can be characterized according to various dimensions. The characteristics of each sub-sector (or type) are more or less distant from the polar or extreme situations within each dimension, while they combine themselves in a specific manner in each individual activity. We are, therefore, dealing with an analytical distinction to ascertain the different forms in which the activities of the informal sector take place in reality. Dimensions considered are the following:

(a) Physical place or location of work

The distance between the dwelling or household and the place where the activity is normally performed. To one extreme are the activities carried out inside the household (example, the work of own-account tailors, done at home and, opposing these, small enterprises and services located outside the dwelling or household (example, a fruit stand at the market). This dimension is particularly important for the analysis of women's work in general and the participation of women in the informal sector.

(b) Extent to which the activity resembles domestic chores

Polar situations are the activities which are indistinguishable from domestic chores (taking care of children, food preparation, washing and ironing, etc.) and (at the other extreme) those which are typically deemed as being "work", in other words, the production and sale of goods and services for the market, or paid work done outside the household. This dimension stresses the degree of statistical invisibility of work which women do in their own household or outside these and which, according to SNA, should be considered economic activity when done in exchange for compensation whether in cash or kind.

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( c ) D e s t i n a t i o n of t h e goods and s e r v i c e s p roduced

The e x t r e m e s i t u a t i o n s a r e p r o c e s s i n g of p r i m a r y goods and t h e p r o d u c t i o n f o r own c o n s u m p t i o n , on t h e one h a n d , and marke t p r o d u c t i o n , on t h e o t h e r . The SNA c o n s i d e r s b o t h unde r t h e c o n c e p t of economic a c t i v i t y , w h e t h e r or no t an exchange of goods or s e r v i c e s t a k e s p l a c e i n t h e m a r k e t . T h i s d imens ion i s i m p o r t a n t s i n c e t h e p r o d u c t i o n of goods i n t h e h o u s e h o l d , when c a r r i e d o u t by women, t e n d s n o t t o be r e c o r d e d i n s u r v e y s o r c e n s u s e s , even i n t h e most o b v i o u s c a s e s where p a r t of t h e p r o d u c t i o n i s s o l d i n t h e marke t ( example : f a b r i c f o r c h i l d r e n ' s w e a r , p a r t of which i s s o l d ) .

(d) L e g a l i t y and d e g r e e of s o c i a l a c c e p t a n c e of a c t i v i t i e s

T h i s d i m e n s i o n n o t o n l y p l a c e s emphas i s on w h e t h e r a c t i v i t i e s a r e i l l i c i t o r n o t , a d i s t i n c t i o n made by SNA, and f o r vrfiose t r e a t m e n t s p e c i f i c r ecommenda t ions a r e made b u t a l s o on t h e d i f f i c u l t y c o n f r o n t e d by h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s t o r e c o r d c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s wh ich , b e c a u s e t h e y a r e i l l e g a l or deemed i n d i g n a n t o r d e g r a d i n g , a r e n o r m a l l y n o t d e c l a r e d .

( e ) S t r e n g t h of l i n k s w i t h f o r m a l s e c t o r a c t i v i t i e s

T h i s d i m e n s i o n r e f e r s t o t h e e x t e n t t o which a c t i v i t i e s c o n s t i t u t e p a r t of t h e p r o d u c t i o n c i r c u i t of economic u n i t s p e r t a i n i n g t o t h e f o r m a l s e c t o r of t h e economy. I n t h e e x t r e m e of maximum l i n k a g e , a r e a c t i v i t i e s such a s " m a q u i l a " a n d , i n g e n e r a l , t h e p r e v a i l i n g p r a c t i s e i n some e n t e r p r i s e s which c a r r y ou t t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s o u t s i d e f a c t o r i e s and which i s p e r f o r m e d i n h o u s e h o l d s on t h e b a s i s of t h e p u t t i n g o u t s y s t e m . At t h e o t h e r e x t r e m e a r e t h o s e a c t i v i t i e s which have no economic l i n k s w i t h t h e f o r m a l s e c t o r and f o r id i i ch e s t i m a t i o n of t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e g r o s s d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t p o s e s p r o b l e m s . Examples : c a r e of m i n o r s by women who do n o t r e s i d e i n t h e same h o u s e h o l d , o r t h e p r o c e s s i n g of p r i m a r y goods f o r own-consumpt ion i n t h e h o u s e h o l d .

( f ) The d e g r e e of t e c h n i c a l and s o c i a l c o m p l e x i t y of t h e a c t i v i t y

T h i s d i m e n s i o n I n c l u d e s t h e d e g r e e of c o m p l e x i t y of t h e c h o r e s p e r f o r m e d and t h e e x t e n t t o which t h e s e p r e s u p p o s e t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of I n d i v i d u a l s i n s t r u c t u r e d a c t i v i t i e s i n which t h e r e i s a t e c h n i c a l and s o c i a l d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r . To one e x t r e m e t h e r e i s , f o r example , t r a d i n g done on t h e s t r e e t s by s e l f - e m p l o y e d p e d d l e r s , t h o s e who manage t h e i r own r e s o u r c e s and l a b o u r f o r c e w i t h o u t b e i n g s u b j e c t t o s t r i c t l a b o u r norms and s t a n d a r d s such as work ing s c h e d u l e , q u a l i t y c o n t r o l e t c . At t h e o t h e r e x t r e m e i s work done i n s m a l l workshops and m i c r o - e n t e r p r i s e s where a c t i v i t i e s a r e c a r r i e d ou t w i t h i n t h e f ramework of o r g a n i z e d l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s h i p s .

( g ) S t a b i l i t y of a c t i v i t i e s o v e r t i m e

T h i s f i n a l d i m e n s i o n c o n s i d e r s w h e t h e r t h e a c t i v i t y p e r f o r m e d I s s u b j e c t t o v a r i a t i o n s ove r t ime a s a r e s u l t of marke t c o n d i t i o n s o r t h e v e r y n a t u r e of t h e a c t i v i t y i t s e l f . I t s p u r p o s e i s t o d i s t i n g u i s h t h o s e t y p e s of

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activities whose instability overtime makes it more probable for a person to be classified as economically Inactive as a result of short reference periods, the month of the year the survey is taken, or the manner in which questions are asked.

For instance, the sale of products in fairs or markets only on weekends. If during five of the seven days of the week the person performed "domestic chores", it is highly probable that this person will declare himsalf or herself as economically inactive, in keeping with the criterion of principal activity performed. If the questionnaire does not contemplate all the activities performed during the reference week, the work done on the remaining two days will not be considered, nor will the contribution this person makes to the national product and to household income.

On the basis of these dimensions the following typology of women's informal sector can be elaborated.

A. Visible informal sector

A.l Private employers and employees in small industrial enterprises, commercial establishments and repair workshops.

A. 2 Own-account workers and all family members involved in industrial, commercial and service activities for the market, working outside the home at fixed premises.

A.3 Own-account workers and unpaid family workers producing and selling goods for the market and working at home.

A.4 Economic activities carried out on behalf of firms in the formal sector and performed at home without salaried workers being hired formally. This subsector includes "magulla", and putting out jobs carried out by household members, working as own-account workers or unpaid family helpers.

B. Own-account street workers without fixed premises

This subsector Includes peddlers and both legal and illegal economic activities.

B.l Street vendors of food and other manufactured goods purchased for resale or sold on behalf of firms. B.2 Personal services offered by own-account workers. This includes shoe-shine boys, unlicensed parking attendants and night watchmen hired by private individuals.

B.3 Activities involving the salvaging of goods for resale: collection of newspapers, bottles and other similar "door to door" activities, and searching for items on the streets in order to sell them.

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B.4 Prostitution, mendicity and illegal acquisition of goods by theft or robbery for subsequent sale.

C. Invisible informal sector

This subsector includes economic activities which are normally performed by women and which do not appear In the statistics produced by surveys and censuses for three main reasons:

C.l Firstly, failure to declare economic activities which resemble domestic tasks, due to the cultural tendency of Interviewers and respondents to associate work with full-time paid activities outside the home.

C.2 Secondly, failure to record economic activities as a result of incorrect application of the precedence rule according to which activity status has priority over inactive status. This rule establishes that whatever the duration of the work carried out during the reference period, the individual must be counted as part of the labour force. If the survey does not investigate other activities performed by individuals declaring themselves to be inactive they will not be recorded.

C.3 Thirdly, failure to record economic activities performed outside the reference period.

D. The fourth, and final subsector is that of Domestic Service which includes:

D.l Resident domestic employees, i.e., those performing domestic tasks and usually living in the household they serve, in exchange for a wage, and

D.2 Non-resident domestic employees. I.e., those women who provide paid services on own account basis in one or more households not living in them.

IV. POTENTIALITIES OF CENSUSES AND SURVEYS

A. Population Censuses

The preceding sections mention the4 main constraints posed by population censuses and household surveys to measure participation of women in the economic activity and the even greater difficulties which poses measuring their participation. Income and contribution to production in the informal sector. With these limitations in mind, this chapter points out the

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potentialities of these two basic sources of information to study the participation of women in the informal sector. Various recommendations are also made in order to improve measurement and analysis of the informal sector with data on household surveys and censuses which allow better identification of target groups for the design and implementation of economic and social policies geared towards improving conditions of life and work in the sector.

(a) Measurement of the informal sector with census-based data

Latin American population censuses -especially those taken in the 70's and 80's- have served as a basic source of information to a great many studies on different demographic and economic phenomena. With varying analytical and methodological approaches as well as with different objectives, research has been conducted on fertility, mortality, migrations, participation in the economic activity, social structure, educational levels of populations, quantification and description of poverty etc. The profusion of studies based on censuses has been closely linked to an increase in the capacity for processing the information of censuses or census samples in countries throughout the region. This greater capacity has been augmented by the introduction of computarlzed systems for the exploitation of data bases in statistical offices and institutes, a circumstance which has given researchers more access to the data collected by censuses, while expediting publication of preliminary data based on census samples.

The Latin American Demographic Center (CELADE) has had a very Important role in this field since the early 70's with the creation of a data bank. This data bank has census samples and. In some cases, complete censuses of the majority of the countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. These data are available to the users whether on magnetic tapes or from special tabulations which can be obtained on request from CELADEÍZ./.

In spite of the existence of these data bases and the rapid access to census information at relatively low costs, it has not been extensively used to measure and analyse the informal sector. It was only starting in 1986 that ILO's Regional Employment Programme for Latin American and the Caribbean (PREALC) -taking advantage of the availability of census-based microdata for a significant number of countries in the region- requested special tabulations with the purpose of analysing the evolution of the different segments of the labour market over the 1960-1980 period and of exploring the relationships between the informal sector of the economy and a series of variables at the individual level which characterize labour market segmentation as a function of labour supply. It could be said that this represents the first detailed analysis of the informal sector with disaggregated census data in the perspective of an International comparison of the changes which have taken place over the last two decades in various Latin American countries.

TTT A detailed description of census information available in micro data and on the procedures to obtain new tabulations and other services provided by CELADE are found in CELADE, Boletín del Banco de Datos No. 11 LC/DEM/G.39, Centro Latinoamericano de Demografía, Santiago Chile.

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Though this Is not the occasion to give a detailed description of the main conclusions of this research, mention has been made because it constitutes a good example of the uses which can be made of census microdata and because it also serves as a reference framework for highlighting the usefulness of census data available in the region and show also the possibilities of measuring the informal sector with census-based data.

The Chart in Annex B.l indicates how the segments of the labour market were delimited according to the definition of the economically active population (EAP) made by the censuses. The same Chart shows that access to microdata and the possibility of making special cross-tabulations allows several distinctions to be made within the EAP; this is not possible when working with published census data. Economic variables in the censuses of the 6 countries considered allowed the use of a common definition for the informal sector. The definition is the one used by most studies when there is no information available on the characteristics of the economic units or on income levels of the population. Moreover, it was possible to classify the population employed in the formal and Informal sectors by industry and to separate domestic service from the remaining activities.

Finally, the population employed in agriculture was divided into two subsectors -traditional and modern- and the classification of the EAP was completed with the inclusion of the unemployed persons.

Tables B.2 through B.7 in the Annex show the relative magnitude of each of the segments defined and its composition by sex. Data correspond to expanded sample figures from censuses of six Latin American countries taken in the 70's and the 80's.

It must be pointed out that regardless of the measurement problems of the condition of activity which population censuses pose -more serious in the cases of women, of informal activities and in the agricultural sector- such an information source continues to be irreplaceable for making international comparisons and examining long run trends.

The PREALC study illustrates the potentialities of census data when there is access to microdata and three or more variables can be according to specific research or policy design purposes. In general, these tabulations are not available in the census publications provided by statistical offices. In the above-mentioned study, a uniform set of tabulations permitted a very detailed analysis of the different sectors of the labour market. Variables considered were; zones of residence of the population (metropolitan areas capital cities, urban and rural areas); age (various age groups were distinguished allowing identification of the youngest and oldest population in the informal sector); sex; relation to the head of household (it was possible to establish participation of head of household, spouse, children and other relatives and non-relatives of the head of household in the different sectors and to show the participation of the secondary labour force in the informal sector), education (various educational levels were established on the basis of the number of years of attendance at the primary, secondary and university levels, to analyze the relative qualification of labour force in the formal and informal sectors).

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Some of the cross tabulations Included four variables: zone, sex, age and relation to the head of household. Thus, it was possible to analyse, for instance, how the informal sector changed over the last decade in the metropolitan areas of the six countries under consideration, with an indication of women's participation in secondary labour force in specific age groups. This type of information is particularly important in assessing the characteristics of this sector and its significance as a target group of economic and social policies.

In the following paragraphs other forms of census use of particular interest to the study of women's participation in the informal sector are described.

(b) Relationship between individual variables and household variables: Construction of household records

Most of the research based on census data -including that utilizing data bases- has analysed the personal characteristics of the population under study without establishing relations between such variables and the variables describing household characteristics. Very few attempts have been made to link members living in the same household. To some extent, this is due to the fact that conceptual frameworks have privileged the analysis of individual behaviour in the labour market. However, it has been increasingly recognized that the household is the relevant unit of analysis for the study of the female labour force and for the design of employment policies. The decision of whether or not to participate In the labour market and the possibilities of satisfying the needs of its different members depend on the decisions adopted in the household as a function of its resources number of persons of working age education levels and skills; capital resources and its expectations. Decisions, with regard to which members of the family participate In the labour market and how and when they do so, have come to be considered as a part of the survival strategies, particularly in lower income strata.

Regarding participation of women in the informal sector, the need to establish relationships between their individual characteristics and those of the other household members is even clearer. Numerous studies have demonstrated that from the point of view of labour force, supply women's participation in economic activity is strongly conditioned by their obligation to performing domestic choresi®/. In addition, studies have emphasized that

18/ See. CEPAL, Análisis Estadístico de la Situación de la Mujer en Países de América Latina a través de las Encuestas de Hogares, LC/R.418 (Sem. 24/2) and Add.l

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the participation of women in the informal sector is closely linked to the characteristics of the insertion of household heads or of the main economic provider, which may facilitate participation of spouses and daughters as own-account workers or as unpaid family members if the head of the household is already in the informal sector, or promote the participation of women in this sector if the main household provider is unemployed. The latter situation characterizes the behavior of the secondary labour force in periods of crisis during which there is an increase of unemployment in the formal sector.

Census data bases permit the creation of computational records of households which permit the incorporation, for each of the individuals of the population, of variables corresponding to household and housing characteristics. In this way, it is possible to cross-tabulate both types of variables, thereby significantly enriching the analysis. Two examples illustrate this point:

(a) Participation of women in the urban informal sector is closely linked to the presence of other household members in that sector; there is evidence that when the head of household carries out activity in the informal sector, the women of the household tend to participate in the same sector. In this case the household records make it possible to analyze the relationship between the economic activities of heads of household and of spouses. A possible conclusion is that any design of policies geared towards improving the situation of women participating in the Informal sector must take into account the intrafamiliar situations, and the contribution made by women to total household Income.

(b) It has been pointed out that assessment of activity in rural areas, through censuses, does not adequately detect the economic participation of women in activities related to the production of goods and the processing of primary products for own-consumption. This is reflected in the low-female participation rates reported by censuses and in the small number of rural women classified as unpaid compensated family members. The construction of a household record permits estimating the number of women of working age residing in households where the head and other active members are rural workers in the traditional agricultural sector. Based on this information estimates can be made of women who declare themselves inactive but who participate in the production of goods for own-consumption.

It should be noted that one of the reasons that this type of analysis of census data was not previously made was the difficulty of access to the appropriate data bases for computerized processing. Presently, the existence of data banks such as CELADE's and the availability of statistical "packages" suited for the construction of household records permits making this type of analysis at relatively low costs. Widely available statistical programmes, such as SAS and SPSS, contemplate among their routines, the aggregation of those individuals who live in the same household. This permits the users to create files suited for their analyses. The experience accumulated by CELADE

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and by ECLAC's Statistics Division in processing census and household surveys in the region, indicates that when microdata is available, complex tabulations may be made which Include four or more simultaneous variables, combining the individual characteristics of those interviewed with aggregate household variables. Limitations of this type of analysis basically result from the size of the samples and the restrictions imposed by a small number of cases when making generalizations for the entire population.

(c) The exploitation of census data corresponding to small geographic areas

Recently the Latin American Demographic Center (CELADE) initiated a project geared towards facilitating the obtention of census tabulations involving small previously delimited geographic areas within each country. This project is based on a study carried out in 1983 with the support of Canada's IDRC which "demonstrated that many national statistics agencies of Latin America and the Caribbean confronted great difficulties in supplying governmental and private organizations with geographically disaggregated population data required for infrastructure planning for the provision of social services"Í2./. To facilitate users' access to disaggregated census data, CELADE implemented a micro-computer-based approach for producing small area tabulations from census microdata, rapidly at low cost and without programmer assistance^®./.

The system called (REDATAM), offers a series of advantages and opens new possibilities to the exploitation of population censuses. It is envisaged to process complete census information for predetermined areas or census zones according to users' needs. Given the purpose of the analysis, a selection can be made of the geographic units of interest to proceed in obtaining tabulations. Besides the reduction in costs and processing time, REDATAM poses a double advantage. On the one hand, it permits conducting studies centered on complete description, avoiding the limitations of census samples , which generally pose serious problems because of the small number of cases for the analysis. On the other hand, it permits centering studies on the demographic and economic characteristics of the population one is Interested in without need of processing the complete census.

The REDATAM system is designed in such a manner as to permit the user to define the context of studies based on census cartography and on the definition of census areas used in the execution of the census. In this

19/ See: Arthur Conning, Información Censal Geográfisicamente Desagregada para la planificación en los países en Desarrollo, in Notas de Población, Año XIII, No. 3, CELADE, San José, Costa Rica, Dec, 1985, LC/DEM/CR/G.11, p.9 to 24.

^ y Ibld, p.9 manner, special tabulations of individual household or housing variables can be made for a set of census areas which offer certain common traits which define, for instance, a neighborhood within a specific or district of the country. To the degree that areas of interest do not normally correspond to administrative or political limits, the system allows the users to construct the "real zone of interest by disaggregating the census information

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corr es ponding to small areas, such as the segments of census enumeration"^/.

The study on the participation of women in informal sectors may be substantially improved with micro-computer access to the data base of the REDATAM system. For instance, it is possible to think of in-depth studies of households located in rural and urban areas in which the agricultural activity is linked to the different types of crops or in which specific types of land holdings structures exist. In defining these specific areas, agricultural and livestock censuses or surveys can be used, providing data on the characteristics of agricultural premises. In this manner, census data can be related to data from other sources of information. The comparative study of women's labour force participation as a function of the characteristics of the households where they reside, together with the particularities of agricultural and livestock activity (for instance, whether salaried labour or the presence of temporary workers is predominant or not), can shed some light on the ways women participate in agricultural activity. Likewise, it is possible to establish relationships between women's participation in the production for own-consumption and estimates of the value of agricultural production reported in agricultural surveys or censuses. This type of studies may serve to improve the evaluation of the quality of census data when these are compared with data from other sources.

In urban or metropolitan areas, access to disaggregated data and the definition of a¿ hoc geographic areas would permit focusing on the use of census data corresponding to neighborhoods or city districts in which the lower-income population is concentrated and on those where it is more likely that women are inserted in the informal sector of the economy. The enormous spatial segregation of the population in Latin America metropolis facilitate the identification of those city zones where the population resides in poverty conditions, the target groups of social policies which the countries of the region presently carry out.

These focused studies can also serve to design experimental surveys and the application of special questionnaires geared towards ascertaining information on women in the informal sector, avoiding costly sample designs which are frequently insufficient to study the characteristics of the population which lives in specific geographic areas.

(d) Utilisation of the "Census Operation" to conduct experimental censuses

The carrying out of censuses and all the related activities that a census operation entails constitute a good opportunity for statistical offices to plan and execute experimental censuses and surveys to collect information about certain topics in some specific geographic areas or to test new questions or items designed to collect information already contemplated in

21/ Arthur Conning, op. cit. p. 16

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census questionnaires in a different manner. Resources invested in the census operation, preparation of interviewers the massive campaigns which are generally carried out in order to obtain collaboration of the population, as well as its compulsory nature, are all conditions which make the census data favourable occasion to perform experimental censuses and surveys.

An example worth mentioning here is the potentiality of censuses, thvi Experimental Population and Household Census of Costa Rica conducted in 1983 in the district of San Juan as a preparatory activity of the 1984 National Census. On that occasion it "was decided to study in more detail those activities performed by women considered inactive (according to definitions normally used) and who contribute to personal and household income and well-being." The purpose was to determine to what extent the typical census questionnaire does not ascertain economic activity performed by women who declare themselves to be inactive. A special questionnaire was prepared and applied to all women twelve years old and over within the District of San Juan and who, "had previously declared dedicating themselves to domestic chores, students, retired women and other economically active women^/. "These women were asked if they had performed during that week and during the previous 12 months..., one or more of a list of 21 agricultural, artisan, commercial or services activities which were indicated on the questionnaire, the number of hours dedicated to them and whether the job had been performed within or outside the household"^/.

The main conclusions of the study are:

- the consideration of economic activities carried out by women classified "inactive" according to the usual measurement significantly increases participation rates; the comparison of rates according to the usual and modified computations shows an increment from 38.2% to 48.3% in urban areas and 22.5% to 45.3% in the rural areas of the district of San Juan.

- most of the activities declared are performed within the household or farm when the previous week is considered as the reference period, while these are carried out in very similar proportions within and outside the household when the reference period is the previous year. This can be explained in terms of the participation of women in coffee harvesting, an activity which is limited to a specific period of the year.

22/ A detailed description of the results of this Experimental Census is found in Rodolfo Pisoni L., El Trabajo de las Mujeres Usualmente Consideradas como Económicamente Inactivas, presented at the Eighth National Demographic Seminar, San Jose, Costa Rica, Sept. 1983.

23/ Rodolfo Pisoni L., op. cit. p. 1

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- the average number of hours worked by these women was 18 hours a week, in urban areas and 12 in rural areas which indicates the importance of the contribution that women make to household income. If not included in National Accounts this might represent a significant percentage under-estimation of the National Product.

- the activities declared by "inactive" women can all be classifiea in the urban informal sector (artisanry and family industry, commerce and services) or in the traditional agricultural sector, except for participation in the harvesting coffee and other agricultural products which they perform as paid workers, in which case they could be classified within the modern agricultural sector.

Rather than going into a more detailed description of the results obtained in the Experimental Census of Costa Rica a set of tables which summarize the main characteristics of women researched has been included in the Annex. The questionnaire used is also attached.

In general, utilization of census taking is suggested to conduct in-depth research of topics such as women's participation in the urban informal sector and in the so-called traditional agricultural sector. Researching these topics through the application of special questionnaires to the population which resides in pre-selected urban and rural areas permits making comparisons between responses to questions applied to the entire population and those coming from special questionnaires. If the selection of geographic areas for these studies is done taking into account such criteria as representativity and coverage, results could serve to make generalizations at the country level.

B. Utilization of household surveys; The construction of household variables and tabulations for the analysis of the

This section mentions some of the potentialities of household surveys to measure women's participation and income in the informal sector. The presentation is based on four examples which Illustrate the construction of new variables using survey information and the elaboration of some tabulations for their analysis.

In all cases access to survey microdata, is assumed as these examples consist of variables, and tabulations x hich are not available in publications normally provided by statistical offices.

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(a) Constructton of household typologies and the analysis of family income levels

The following example illustrates a way of approaching the topic of women as household heads and the participation of women in occupations typical of the formal and informal sector in different income strata. It has been indicated that the "lack of detailed data on the characteristics of women and of female headed households reduces the efficiency of censuses and of most surveys to answer questions concerning the level of income of households under female heads and of women who assume such household headship"^/. Although household surveys do not study household headship according to adequate, previously established definitions, and the former is only registered in the "relation to the head of household" variable, it is possible to identify households where no male spouse exists and consequently where effective headship is exercised by a woman.

A way of identifying these households is by means of a household typology which allows classifying households according to the presence (absence) of the various household members (spouse of head, children, other relatives and non-related members of head) as follows:

Table 1 Household Typology

Spouse Children Other members Types of Household

no no no (1) "Heads Alone" no no yes (2) "Heads w/other members" no yes no (3) "Heads w/children" no yes yes (4) "Heads w/children" and

other members" yes no no (5) "Couples/no children" yes no yes (6) "Couples w/other members" yes yes no (7) "Nuclear households" yes yes yes (8) "Extended & compound

households"

24/ United Nations, Mejoramiento de los conceptos y métodos para las estadísticas y los indicadores de la situación de la mujer. Estudios de los métodos, Series F., No. 33, , ST/ESA/STAT/SER/F/33, , pg. 44-45

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Obviously, the women headed households are concentrated in the first four household types where there is no spouse. Data resulting from the Gran Buenos Aires Survey (October 1980) showed the following household distribution according to this typology.

Table 2 Distribution of Households

Type of household % of households % of women heads of households (1) 10.4 66.2 (2) 8.1 80.8 (3) 4.9 47.0 (4) 1.4 81.0 (5) 16,8 0.9 (6) 2.5 3.5 (7) 47,2 0,8 (8) 8,7 1.8

TOTAL 100.0 17.7

Thousands of households (2 .647.4)

A typology such as this one permits identification of women headed households and analyse their Internal composition according to its members, their activity condition and participation in the formal and informal sector.

It has frequently been stated that female headed households are an important target group, since differences between households under the headship of men and women are being increasingly recognized. This is a relevant aspect for social policy design, especially those differences refering to the levels of family income and well-being, and which can be analyzed using total family income to classify households. This variable can be constructed adding primary income, property income and current transfers obtained by all household members. Family income can then be dealt with as an additional individual variable referred to all the persons, whether or not they are recipients of income. In the present example households were classified into five groups, according to the levels of family income to compare the types of occupations of women non-heads of households pertaining to the poorest 20% and the richest 20% of the households.

Occupations were classified into formal and Informal as they correspond to typical activities from each sector. Table 2 shows the differences in the percentage of women non-heads of households employed in the informal sector (owners of retail businesses, peddlers, artisans in manufacturing Industries, tailors and seamstresses, oxirn-account workers in

- 32 -

personal services, cooks, laundresses) according to the income strata of the household where they reside. In the three cities considered (Bogota, Lima, Caracas) no less than 75% of the women non-heads of households pertaining to the poorest 20% declare having occupations typical of the informal sector while the proportion which performs these occupationsAl/ in the richest 20% varies between 13.3% and 19.1%.

On the other hand, this example shows that family income as an indicator of the socio-economic status of the household strongly conditions the access of women to occupations in the formal sector, occupations which are better paid and the performance of which requires relying on certain household services which facilitate working outside the household.

(b) Relationships between women's employment variables and family situations

The following example shows the possibility of linking individual variables (the type of women's participation in the labour market with household variables which describe different family situations. The example refers to the construction of variables which indicate that women's status in employment is very frequently conditioned by family situations which make it difficult to perform full-time paid jobs, outside the households as salaried workers.

Information on marital status and the construction of a household typology make it possible to identify married women with or without children!^/ and to distinguish family situations which pose different degrees of difficulty for the performance of both domestic chores and work outside the household is very frequently conditioned by family situations which make it difficult to perform full-time paid jobs, outside the households as salaried workers.

Information on marital status and the construction of a household typology make it possible to identify married women with or without childrenJZ./ and to distinguish family situations which pose different degrees of difficulty for the performance of both domestic chores and work outside the household.

25/ See classification at the bottom of Table 2

26/ Since household surveys do not usually investigate fertility (number and age of the children of each woman), this variable can be constructed after Identifying household members and the family relationship with the head of the household.

27/ Since household surveys do not usually investigate fertility (number and age of the children of each woman), this variable can be constructed after identifying household members and the family relationship with the head of the household.

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- 34 -

Table 3 shows data on a household survey from Argentina (Gran Buenos Aires, 1980). Three extreme family situations are considered: single women without children residing in any of the household types defined in the first example; married women who live in households without children, and married women who live in households with children. In these two latter groups only those women living in "nuclear households" (type 7) were considered. These are households with no other adult women who can help with domestic chores facilitating the participation of other women in economic activities outside the household.

As can be seen in Table 3 the type of labour participation of women varies in the three family situations. As family situations changed to those which requiring a greater amount of domestic work -from single to married women and from married women with no children to married women with children the proportion of those who participate in economic activity decreases sharply (from 84.5% among single women to 27.9% among those married with children), and among those who declare being economically active the percentage of self-employed increases, while the proportion among single women is one out of ten than that for married women with children in the household amounts to four out of ten. Self-employment is largely carried out by women who have to cope with family situations which make remunerated work outside the household difficult.

The same table shows that problems in measuring participation of women in the labour force are precisely concentrated among married women with children, a group in which only one out of every four women was counted as being active in the survey. It is this group that attention should be focused on to improve the assessment of woman's participation in the labour force by studying the economic activities of those who declare themselves as being "inactive".

The tabulation which has been used as an example can be supplemented for a more adequate analysis of the informal sector, by including information about average family income, number and age of the children, access to domestic services, etc.

-35-

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- 36 -

(c) Relating characteristics of members of the same household

Highlighted below are the possibilities which household surveys offer for the analysis of women's participation in the informal sector as based on the construction of variables which relate characteristics of different members within the same household.

The design of economic and social policies geared towards supporting activities of those who participate in the informal sector means identifying the type of family members who participate in it. Relevant information in the case of women is that which refers to the position occupied within the household and which could be analyzed in terms of their family relationship with regards to the head of the household.

Table 4 shows that most of the women who work in the informal sector (own account workers and unpaid family members, except professionals and technicians) are heads of household (22.2%) or spouses of the head (55.4%), while the highest proportion of those who work in the formal sector are daughters of the household heads (41.2%). This raises the question as to what extent does the work of women in the informal sector takes place in the same activities performed by the heads of household. In order to make this type of analysis, it is necessary to relate, within each household, the activity of the head to that corresponding to other members. Table 4 also took into account the status in employment of the heads of household - 80% of which are men - and the sector where women work, except women heads of household. The data referring to urban areas In Chile show that two out of every three women in the Informal sector live in households in which the head works on his own account, while in the formal sector only one out of every six women fall in that situation. Women tend to participate In informal economic activities in households where the head works in that sector.

This type of tabulation may be completed with information on Income by sex, and through a more exhaustive examination of the occupations of women in households in which the head or other active members form part of the Informal sector.

(d) Estimation of non-registered incomes generated by women

This section describes a procedure to measure the underestimation of income generated by women in typically Informal activities generally not declared in household surveys. It attempts to demonstrate that measurement of the "currently active population" (labour force approach) used in household surveys underenumerates a very high proportion of the economic activities performed by women, which is translated into a considerable underestimation of the income that they generate and of their contribution to the gross product.

The data comes from ILO's Methodological Survey (Costa Rica, June-Oct. 1 9 8 3 I t provides information on the status of employment and

28/ See Survey questionnaire in Annex D

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Table 5

OCCUPIED WOMEN 15 YEARS AND OVER BY SECTOR AND RELATION TO THE HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD

(Chile, urban areas, 1984)

Sector of employment Informal a/ Formal

Relation to the head of household

Head of household 22.2 12.0 Spouse 55.4 22.8 Daughter 13.4 41,2 Other relatives 7.8 9.1 Non-relatives 1.2 14.9

TOTAL 100.0 100.0

OCCUPIED WOMEN 15 YEARS AND OVER BY SECTOR AND STATUS IN EMPLOYMENT OF THE HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD

(Chile, urban areas, 1984)

Sector of employment Informal a/ Formal

Status in employment of head of household

Employers 3.9 4.2 Employees 24.8 60.4 Own-account workers 61.5 17.2 Unemployed 9.8 18.2

TOTAL b/ 100.0 100.0

1984) Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Chile.

a/ Includes own-account and unpaid family workers, except own-account professionals and technicians.

b/ Women head of households (22.2%) not included.

-38-

the number of hours worked per week by currently active women. The survey also registered the number of women who declared "marginal" economic activities and the average number of weekly hours dedicated to those jobs.

Table 5 shows that in the four periods during which information was collected, a very high proportion of these activities correspond to agricultural work and that practically all of them are carried out on an own-account basis. Using the relationship between the average number of hours put in by own-account workers and those occupied in marginal activities, the number of "equivalent occupied own-account workers" can be calculated. This number represents between 52% (information for the September-October 1983 period) and 88% (June, July 1983) of the total number of occupied women in this category of employment.

The methodological survey does not provide data on population income, therefore, computation of income underestimation attributable to marginal activities should be made by resorting to some type of assumption on the relationship between the income averages for both groups of women. The three final items on Table 5 indicate the percentages of underestimation taking three different hypotheses into account. These percentages vary between 33.7% (simple average of the four survey periods) assuming that income from marginal activities is equal to half the income generated by own-account women workers and 67.4% when assuming that there are no income differences between the two groups. The average percentage of underestimation of all measurements totals 50% of the income obtained by own-account women. These estimates indicate the need for surveys to research more throughly the activity of "inactive" women, incorporating to the questionnaire items especially geared to ascertain the type of tasks performed and the number of hours put into such activity.

The same method can be used to make a monetary appraisal of the work performed by unpaid family workers when information is available to assign values by means of the input method (using the salary of an equivalent worker) or according to outputs (using the market price for equivalent goods and services obtained).

In this case, the income contributed by working family members could be estimated by making reference to income declared by own-account workers, but linking such activities to the income generated by family enterprises within the same household. To this end,, research must be conducted on the number of weekly hours which unpaid family members work and this information registered in the survey even when the number of hours worked is fewer than the minimum time working limit employed to merit the designation of "active".

- 39 -

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-AO-

V. RECOMENDATIONS FOR THE MEASUREMENT OF THE WOMEN'S INFORMAL SECTOR THROUGH HOUSEHOLD SURVEYS

A. Typology of women's informal sector; suggestions for its measurement

This section makes some general suggestions on how to improve the measurement of the informal sector through information from household surveys.

These considerations -based on the typology described in Chapter Ill-are within the framework of what seems feasible to achieve through surveys which form part of continuous programmes of the countries of the region. In other words, through surveys whose main objectives are researching the situation of the population in a particular moment in terms of levels of employment, unemployment and income.

It is not, however, a matter of suggesting how to research the informal sector in a survey especially designed for such purposes.

Keeping this in mind, the type of suggestions will vary depending on whether it is a matter of:

(a) Including additional questions directed to some sub-sector of persons of the potentially active population or of the labour force, without introducing greater modifications to the design of the survey and to the questionnaires currently used. For example, new questions to research the size of the establishments or economic units or to determine whether the activity declared is performed within or outside the household.

(b) Modifying the formulation and sequence of the questions which determine the condition of activity of the population, hence changing the measurement of the labour force. For instance, conducting research among the women who declare being "housewives" whether or not they may have performed economic activities, to the end of including them in the occupied population or researching activities performed in a wider period of time, that is a month or a year, instead of a week.

(c) Including in some of the rounds of the permanent household survey a special module to conduct an in-depth research of the informal sector, alike that conducted on other topics such as health and qualifications of labour force in some surveys, similar to PNAD in BraziXli/.

29/ Pesquisa Nacional por Muestra de Domicilio

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Under the present conditions, the recommendatioas which would perhaps confront fewer problems would be a combination of (a) and (c), which do not entail changes in the manner of measuring employment and unemployment, averting loss of comparability of data over time, and which do not require previous and very thorough studies or experimental surveys requiring additional resources.

(a) Measurement of the visible informal sector. This can be conducted without modifying the process of ascertaining the currently active population which is used in mostly all household surveys. It is assumed that people who form part of this sector are well registered in the sequence of questions on the condition of activity during the reference week, so that identification can be achieved with questions on the characteristics of the establishments where these women work.

These questions will depend on the definition adopted to research this sector and will be made to people who declared having worked in the reference period and those who declaring not having worked, stated having had some type of emplojnnent, or enterprise or business. Consequently, both paid and unpaid workers are Included, This will allow subsequently distinguishing among the paid workers, those who work in the formal sector from those who integrate the visible Informal sector o

With household surveys of national coverage it is convenient to separate the urban informal sector from the economic activities of the traditional agricultural sector whose treatment should be made with specific questions within a module especially designed to that end. In such cases, questions on the characteristics of establishments require an additional "filter" to select those employed outside agriculture, -ISIC's divisions 1 and 2- to continue with the identification of the non-agricultural urban and rural labour force in each sector.

This process was used by the Methodological Survey on the measurement of Employment, Unemployment and Underemployment sponsored by ILO and conducted by the National Statistics and Census Office of Costa Rica in 1983^/. This survey makes a distinction between the formal and informal sector on the basis of the following criteria.

(i) The condition of whether or not the establishment has compiled with the legal registration needed to operate, registers differing from the permits issued by local authorities.

30/ The methodology used and the results obtained in this survey are found in Rafael Trigueros M., La encuesta metodológica de la PIT para la medición del empleo, del desempleo y del subempleo en Costa Rica, ILO Bulletin on Job Statistics, 1986, 1

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(il) the levels of organizations of the economic units such as reglstrating workers in the Social Security and billing the goods and services provided by them.

(ill) the size of the economic unit in terms of the number of persons occupied, and

(iv) the levels of technology considering the type of energy used . 31/

Those criteria which were translated into five questions within a special blockl^/ allow classifying workers into formal and informal sectors and within the latter, in the registered informal sector, the non-registered one and a combined sub-sector^/. The advantage of the procedure is that it does not require a radical change in the design of the questionnaires, except for questions pertaining to the additional module which are made to those found to be occupied during the reference week.

Some countries of the region already have experience researching some variables which should be included in this special module. Surveys conducted by Argentina and Brazil, for example, have researched the size of the establishment and registry in social security institutions.

(b) Measurement of the invisible informal sector. It has already been indicated that activities within this sector are chiefly performed by women whose "statistical invisibility" stems from the difficulties posed by their identification within the economically active population. The appropriate form to treat this sector in household surveys consists, therefore, in introducing modifications in that part of the questionnaire which researches the condition of activity of the potentially active population.

The procedure consists in asking a set of questions to people who declare not having worked in the week of reference and those who not having worked declare, furthermore, nor having had a paid job, enterprise or business. Within the module questions are made in terms of whether or not the person performed one or more activities from an extensive, previously established list^M./. The greater or lesser probability of detecting these

31/ Rafael Trigueros M., op. cit, p. 14. 32/ See the questionnaire in Annex D. 33/ Annex D includes a diagram with the definition of these sub-sectors. 34/ See block 40 in the questionnaire of ILO/DGEG Methodological survey in Annex D.

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activities essentially depends on this list which the interviewer reads to the people being surveyed, therefore, it is very important that such list be based on the knowledge of which activities are most frequently performed by the people, especially the economic activities that women perform In their household. This may require previous small surveys to elaborate listings of activities or the use of studies which may have conducted research on specific sectors of the population where these types of situations are frequently found, for instance, studies on women in popular sectors.

It's necessary to keep in mind that the location of a module of this type within the questionnaire determines the population segment which can be researched. In the methodological survey of Costa Rica, these activities were investigated among the currently inactive as well as among the unemployed.

On the other hand, researching the number of hours dedicated to the tasks which people perform is important. The above mentioned survey inquired as to the total number of hours per week, dedicated to each activity, as well as the destination of goods produced: all or a portion for sale or entirely for household consumption.

The module which is geared towards researching the informal sector admits the possibility of investigating a broader spectrum of jobs performed by women within the households which are less distinguishable from the typical domestic tasks: the care of minors for other people who are not household members, preparation of food for others, laundering and ironing outside the household, etc. In these cases, however, additional information is required in order to establish whether the activities in question may or may not be classified as economic according to the SNA and it's appraisal in terms of its contribution to gross domestic product may pose additional problems requiring another type of information^/.

The results of Costa Rica's experimental survey indicated that four out of every five people who declared performing "marginal" economic activities were women and that most of the tasks performed were centered in agricultural activity, in the clothes industry and in the construction sector. The average number of weekly hours worked by these women was 7.3 hoursli/.

(c) The possibilities of identifying peddlers, without fixed premises through household surveys depends on the particular conditions that this type of activity poses in each country. This sector deserves special attention because of its growing importance within urban employment, especially in metropolis of some countries (Mexico City, Lima, Santiago de Chile, Sao Paulo, etc.) and because it represents a labour insertion relatively distinguishable from the two preceeding ones. The statistical invisibility of these workers

35/ See section 2.D in the preceding Chapter 36/ Data corresponding to the period June-July, 1983,

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is partly due to variability of the occupations, their instability over time, to the fact that they are not generally declared when dealing with illegal activities, and in many cases, to difficulties in classifying them. In this sense, it represents an intermediate situation between the visible and invisible informal sectors.

Recent household surveys such as the one conducted in 1984 in urban areas in Mexico City have included in the questionnaire a set of questions designed to identify own-account workers without fixed premises on the streets. This is done in a manner similar to that suggested to research marginal or "invisible" activities, that is, on the basis of an extensive list of specific occupations. The design of the questionnaire would depend on whether investigating only these activities within the occupied population or also considering necessary to investigate it among the population which was not occupied during the reference week, in the same manner as with "marginal" activities in the methodological survey of Costa Rica. In the first case, pertinent questions may circumscribe to occupied persons, whether paid or unpaid and declaring that their activity has no fixed location.

(d) Domestic service. The specific characteristics of the domestic service in the region make it advisable that they be treated as a separate sub-sector within the informal sector.

The specificity of the domestic service sector stems from: (a) it is the main occupation among occupied women, (b) the nature of the labour relationship close to servitude, which derives from living in the same household where the work is peformed, (c) as opposed to the remaining occupations, "modernization" of the activity is accompanied by a reduction of salaried persons. That is, going from live-in (salaried) to daily works (own account).

As regards to assessment of domestic service it is important to separate the two types of domestic jobs: "live-in" and "own-account". When researching the family relationship, it is important to separate domestic workers to distinguish those households which have paid, live-in domestic service.

B. Specific recommendations derived from experience with household surveys

ECLAC's Statistics Division has a Household Census Data Bank available which has permitted the development of a considerable number of research studies on different topics in various countries throughout the region. This bank presently has 69 surveys available which are part of continuous programs carried out in ten Latin American countries. Surveys cover a period of between ten and fifteen years and include an ample set of variables^/.

37/ See Chart A.l of the Annex.

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A comparative analysis of nine surveys available reveals a series of problems and deficiencies in the identification and measurement of women's participation in the informal sector. The detailed evaluation of the information and the listing of variables researche

d38/ in such surveys allows detecting the main problems and making some suggestions to overcome them,

(a) In five of the nine countries considered survey programmes only reveal information on urban areas. In these countries it would be advisable for the program to cover rural areas at least once a year, taking into account the specific conditions in which the agricultural activity develops. The manner of researching women's activity in these cases would be through questionnaires that:

(i) include activities carried out in reference periods exceeding that of a week, for instance, the preceeding twelve months;

(ii) inquire about the activities carried out by women declared "inactive", according to the usual definition used by surveys per International recommendations. (See previous Section 5).

(lii) research activities performed by women within the household, especially in agricultural sectors where own-consumption activities constitutes an important part of the production for the support of its members.

(b) Even when all surveys conduct research on the family relationship of the members of the household with the household head none of these adequately researches the condition of household headship. In some cases, the family relationships are not researched neither is the position occupied by all the members within the household. In such cases, it is not possible to identify the presence of domestic employees who live in the household or the existence of secondary family groups which live as relatives in the same home. In low-income sectors this is a frequent situation and the presence of these relatives is accompanied by rendering of services which correspond to an economic activity. The following suggestions can be made in this regard;

(i) inquire on the condition of effective headship in the homes beginning with the identification of the largest income contributor to same or by means of another criteria, especially when there are members who work in the informal sector, as women in those households tend to participate in the same activities carried out by the head. (See point 2.C of Chapter IV)

38/ See Chart A.2 of the Annex

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(il) research the family relationship with the household head in the most detailed manner possible and do not encompass those who habitually reside in the household in a single category such as "other relatives" or "non-related members of the household head. This information permits making a household typology and research those characteristics where there are women who work in the informal sector. Given that surveys do not research fertility, the information relative to the family relationship with the household head is the only one which allows for approximation to the stage of the family life cycle. Therefore, a good record of this variable is central.

(c) Two of the nine surveys analysed did not research the marital status of the population. It is recommendable to include the corresponding question in the questionnaire and inquire the marital situation of all the women who reside in the household. In addition, it would be convenient to detect those situations in which the male spouse abandons the household or is absent for relatively long periods of time due to, for example, carrying out agricultural activities outside the residence zone. In such cases it is the women who support the household, participating in typically informal activities.

With regards to the variables which investigate the economic characteristics of the population various deficiencies can be mentioned which pose difficulties in the analysis of the informal sector.

(iv) None of the surveys provide information with regards to the physical location of the job with regards to the household. Both in urban as well as rural areas the work of women is frequently carried out within (or near) the household. The Methodological Survey of Costa Rica researched this variable through the following questionü/.

Indicate whether the job is located in the household itself, located outside the household itself, without a fixed location.

The analysis of data of this survey revealed that 38.5% of the non-agricultural labour force in the informal sector was located within the household and that 48% of those occupied in this sector were women. It is, therefore recommendable that surveys include this question and that in those cases where the household head states he performs his activity within the household it be investigated whether other members collaborate with him. In such a manner women who perform economic activities such as unpaid family members and who declare themselves inactive, could be identified.

39/ See questionnaire in Annex D.

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(v) Three of the nine surveys analysed do not research the size of the establishment or the economic unit. It is known that employment characteristics are closely related with the size of the economic units (existence of social security for employees, formality of contractual relationships, occuupational stability, technology used, etc.). This variable can then serve as proxy for other variables researched. Though it is known that the reliability of the data on the size of the establishment decreases as the number of those occupied increases, it would be recommendable to include it in the questionnaires, with the purpose of depending on a criterion to identify those occupied in small enterprises when other criteria are not available to define the informal sector more precisely^®./. This would allow identifying households which have access to domestic service in which it is more probable that women carry out activity outside their households.

Some surveys pose difficulties for the analysis of women's occupations owing to the high degree of aggregation to the classifications used. This makes comparability between such classifications and those of ISCO or COTA difficult, as well as comparisons between countries. Very often this is due to the fact that when recording the information in magnetic tapes use is made of a classification at the level of large groups and occupations such as domestic employment, peddlers or tailors and seamstresses are not distinguished. To this respect, it is suggested that information on occupations is recorded at a high level of disaggregation while keeping the comparability with international classifications.

Wlien the classification of sectors of activity (ISIC) is presented in an aggregate manner, it does not suffice to have an idea of the characteristics of the establishments where the workers of the informal sector are employed. The National Urban Employment Survey of Mexico (1984) incorporated a question to the questionnaire, on an experimental basis, which permits the individualization of the type of establishment or economic unit which provides very useful information to identify the informal sector. The question was included after the one used to research the sector of activity and presented a list of 21 types of establishments or places where the activity can be carried out, classified in accordance with the broad divisions of ISIC.

40/ The Methodological Survey of Costa Rica observed that the employment in the non-agricultural informal sector in very small economic units is predominant. 55% of those employed in the informal sector work on their own, in the absence of other people of the activity, 35% in establishments between 2 and 5 employees and only 10% in establishments where 6 or more persons are occupied.

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AGRICULTURAL, LIVESTOCK AND FISHING SECTOR

ships, fish farms.

Worker's, employer's or client's domicile Workshops and other small scale establishment or artisan shops Engineers', architects' and other professionals' offices related to the industry Factories, constructing and freezing, mines and other medium and large-scale establishments

Installation improvised on the street from door to door Worker's, employer's and clients' domicile Services rendered on vehicles Transportation line or route Independent professionals establishments Guests houses, eating houses and other establishments of the same size and nature Automibile or household appliances repair shops, laundromats and beauty shops which are not part of a chain Vulcanizers, footwear repair shops, locksmiths and similar Municipal, state or federal Government offices and dependencies Other medium and large-scale service establishments

Floor stands or street peddlers Workers', employers' or clients' domicile Trading on vehicles Grocery stores, permanent stands on the street, market places and other sales in similar barrios. Other medium and large-sized supermarkets and other commercial centers

It would be recommendable that the surveys include a classification such as this one to complement information on the sector of activity as the latter does not explicitly contemplate the most frequent types of establishments of the informal sector.

1 / / 2 J

INDUSTRIAL .

3 / / 4 J J

5 J J

6 J J

SERVICES AN;

7 / / 8 / / 9 / / 10 / / 11 / / 12 J J

13 J J

14 / / 15 / / 16 / /

COMMERCIAL ;

17 / / 18 / / 19 / / 20 _/ J

21 / /

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C. Difficulties In the measurement of Income in household surveys

With regards to measurement of income, household surveys analysed offer a great variety. The type of information covered in selected household surveys Is summarized in Table A.3 of the Annex. The importance assigned to the topic can be appreciated in the number of questions relative to income contained in the questionnaires. Extremes are represented by the surveys in which only primary cash income is investigated in the main occupation and those obtained in other occupations - Bolivia, Costa Rica^i/ and Venezuela -and those household surveys such as Brazil's PNAD which research all income flows (in cash and kind) of all recipients (active and passive) and in all occupations. This is not a general assessment of the quality of the measurement of income in the permanent household surveysit^/: but simply to underline some limitations of the data in order to analyse women's income levels their contribution to the family income, especially in the informal households.

In the document "Improving concepts and methods for statistics and indicators on women" four special income-measuring areas of interest have been pointed out: (a) estimation of individual income of women in absolute terms, (b) Importance of women's contribution to economy (Income) and household welfare, (c) measurement of income levels of women heads of households, and (d) measurement of production Income for own-consumption. Income flows normally researched in continuous household surveys pose different problems in all these areas.

If the levels of income in different occupations are to be measured, it is necessary to research separately Income from work from remaining income and to distinguish income obtained in the main occupation from those of other occupations.

The first requisite is met in the nine household surveys analyzed; these cover questions made on primary income obtained in the activity (as salaried, on own account workers and employers) and on flows of remaining income (from property, transfers and other income). As for the second requisite, three of the nine surveys (Argentina, Colombia and Venezuela) pose difficulty as they inquire about monetary income obtained in all occupations.

Al/ The Costa Rican Survey (July 1982) questionnaire includes a question on payment in kind (housing, meals, others), but does not establish its equivalent in cash. 42/ A general evaluation of this type is found in Oscar Altimir. "Income Distribution Statistics in Latin America and their Reliability", paper prepared for the lARIW 18th Conference, Luxembourg, August 1983.

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In the latter cases, the problem may be averted resorting to information on the number of occupations and limiting the analysis to the entire employed population which stated having worked in one occupation during the period of referenceAl/. In this case there is a loss of information equivalent to the percentage of the total employed persons who stated having more than one paid occupations^.

It is, therefore, recommendable that questions on income be made in a manner that income obtained from work in the main occupation can be separated from those obtained in the secondary occupations(s).

The second aspect refers to measurement of primary income for profits and benefits made by employers and works on their own account. Estimations on the understatement of this source of income obtained from the compatibilizations with the date of national accounts Indicate these fluctuate between 40% and 60% A2/. This fact renders less reliable estimations of income obtained in activities carried out on own account basis and in the informal sector, in general.

One of the reasons given to explain these high margins of understatement is the more sporadic and fluctuating nature of income obtained by own account workers on their which in the case of women is increased due to the higher frequence of turnovers in the labour force. To this respect, it can be indicated that the quality of the data may improve if questions are made so as to obtain information on the income which unpaid workers "normally" obtain, taking into consideration a period of reference more ample than that of the "previous week".

Finally, as refers to transfer income (retirements, pensions, widow's pensions and other types of transfers) it is worth mentioning that when dealing with cash income obtained on a regular basis (retirements, for

43/ Of the three surveys mentioned, only that of Colombia lacks information on the number of occupations. 44/ It is worth mentioning that percentages of employed persons who state having more than one job are relatively small. 45/ The order of the magnitude of understatements of income from salaries are of 10% to 20% of the value calculated on national accounts. In the case of property income, these figures highly exceed and fluctuate between 70% and 90% of understatement. See, 0. Altimir, "Income distribution statistics " o£. cit., table 4, p. 46.

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instance) understatement margins are quite low and similar to those of salaries and wages. Household surveys allow making relatively reliable estimations of the levels of monetary Income Aá./ of the inactive population.

In synthesis, it can be pointed out that continuous employment surveys permit to analyse in a relatively reliable manner, cash income from salaries and wages obtained in the occupation. Since this is not the main source of primary income in the Informal sector, there are serious difficulties to measure the contribution of this sector to the product, especially as regards own-consumption.

The high levels of understatement in other sources of primary income -profits and benefits earned by the self-employed- seriously limits the analysis of the contribution women make to the family Income and the measurement of Income generated by women heads of household.

General recommendations to improve household information collected with household surveys are; (i) to separate primary income (salary and wages) from the main occupation, from those earned in secondary occupations; (11) investigate the primary income of the self-employed so as to reduce understatements by considering a more extended period of reference; (ill) separately research Income transfers and in the entire active and inactive population having attained a specific age.

46/ Surveys do not measure other type of transfers in kind as goods and services freely delivered (or subsidized) by the Government. Consequently, there are no possibilities of obtaining information to evaluate benefits of government social programmes which have been increasingly becoming important such as food distribution and primary health care programmes, and which may represent an important fraction of the household income.

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« 3 a cn O <u •rH tí XI c ^ o CO 0 )H •rH 4J iH o 3 •H T3 c TJ a) o C •H o O 0 4-1 C4H CJ rH CO ex 3 -C3 00 a 4J a) c aJ •H cn •H c cn 3 cn 3 3 4H OJ o C4H a 00 x: O 0) B CO (U cn B 4-1 o o 3 CO •H •H a 00 4-1 D. •H •H w B a 4-1 •r4 0) •H <n M s cu 0) 4-1 > 4J c a) a O aj 4-1 •H CO VH CO 1-1 u cn CO 3 •H x: CJ -a OJ CJ a > o •H CJ 4-1 3 •H tn cn 0 cn V4 O M a) a) c a) XI B o C4H a o u OJ 3 CO w OS z: a}lx>l ul

- 54 -

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O n o c •o tu rt H-O 3 tn

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tn 3 rt rt H -tn 0

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3 rt H M-R) tn 0 ^ 0 0 C > H 0

1 sa H-l VD > 00 0 a

-56-

Table B.2

PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF LABOUR FORCE BY SEX AND SECTOR OF EMPLOYMENT

ARGENTINA

SEGMENTS

1970 1980

Male Female Male

1980

Female X

Females

1970

X Females

A. FOMIAL 59.1 53.6 60.6 59.3 28.6 27.0

A.l Manufacturing 8.2 18.6 19.1 12.1 20.3 19.A A.2 Construction 8.2 0.5 8.5 0.8 2.0 0.2 A.3 Trade 8.5 8.6 9.9 10.8 25.8 29.8 A.A Transport 5.8 0.5 8.9 0.6 3.3 5.5 A.5 Personal Serv. 2.7 2.6 2.6 1.2 2U.2 1A.9 . A. 6 Other 16.2 27.7 16.6 33.8 36.8 A8.5

B. INFORMAL 11.6 10.0 16.0 9.7 22. 7 18.6

B.l Manufacturing 1.6 ¿1.1 2.0 3.3 A7.0 38.2 B.2 Construction 2.0 .0 ¿1.9 .0 0.3 O.A B.3 Trade A.9 5.2 A.8 22.1 26.0 B.'f Transport 1.2 .0 1.1 0.1 1.2 2.0 B.5 Personal serv. 1.5 l.A 2.1 0.9 2A.6 13.9 B.6 Otlier 0.5 0.4 0.7 0.5 20. A 23. A

C. DOMESTIC SERVICE 0.2 23.0 0.1 20.5 97.9 98.3 D. MODERN AGRICULTURE 11.7 1.7 9.5 1.5 A.R 5.6 E. TRADITIONAL AGRIC. 6.8 1.9 6.0 1.3 8.8 7.6 F. MINING 0.6 0.1 0.6 0.1 3.6 7.1 G. SEEKvING 1st. JOB 0.6 1.2 0.6 0.6 AO. 8 36.3 H. NOT STATED 9.A 8.5 6.8 7.1 28.5 28. A

TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 25.A 27.5

Source: Special Tabulations of Census Samples CELADE's DATA DANK Reproduced with permission of PREALC

-57-

Table B.5

PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF LABOUR FORCE BY SEX AND SECTOR OF EMPLOYMENT

BRASIL

Male

1970

Female

1980

Male Female

1970 % Females

1980 % Females

A. FORMAL

A.l Manufacturing A.2 Construction A.3 Trade A.4 Transport A.5 Personal Serv. A.6 Other

B. INFORMAL

B.l Manufacturing B.2 Construction B.3 Trade B.4 Transport B.5 Personal serv. B.6 Other

C. DOMESTIC SERVICE

D. MODERN AGRICULTURE

E. TRADITIONAL AGRIC.

F. MINING

G. SEEKING 1st. JOB

H. NOT STATED

36.9

11.7 5.8 5.0 3.2 0 . 2

10.9

9.2

1 . 8 1.4 4.2 1.1 0. 2 0.5

0.2

14.2

36.5

0 . 6

0 . 6

9.4

39.5

1 0 . 1 0 . 2 5.5 0.2 0.8

2 2 . 6

1 1 . 6

8 . 2 .0

1.9 .0

0.6 0.9

2 6 . 6

3.6

1 6 . 8

0.1

1.2

8.5

49.6

15.2 7.1 6 . 2 3.2 3.1

14.7

10.9

1 . 0 2.6 3.1 1.5 1 . 6 1.1 0.4

15. 2

20.6

0.6

0.4

6 . 8

53.4

13.0 0.5 7.4 0.6 2.5 29.3

10.3

0.9 . 0

2 . 2 . 0

6.0 1.1

18.9

4.8

9.6

0 . 1

0.6

7.1

2 2 . 0

1 8 . 6 1.1 22.4

1 . 6 52.0 35.3

24.8

54.4 0.2

10.6 0. 1 39.3 32. 2

97.7

6.3

1 0 . 8

3.6

40.8

28.5

29.0

24.4 1.1 31.4

6 . 6 23.4 43.0

26.4

25.1 0 . 1 21.5 0.2 59.1 27.8

95.2

10.7

15.0

7.1

36.3

28.4

TOTAL 100.0 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 25.4 27.5

Source: Special Tabulations of Census Samples CELADE's DATA BANK Reproduced with permission of PREALC

-58-

Table B.5

PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF LABOUR FORCE BY SEX AND SECTOR OF EMPLOYMENT

CHILE

Male

1970

Female

1982

Male Female

1970 % Females

1982 % Females

A. FORMAL 47.5 44.4 52.0 52.1 21.9 26.7

A.l Manufacturing 13.4 11.0 13.1 7.9 19.7 18.0 A.2 Construction 6.6 0.3 7.6 0.4 1.5 2.1 A.3 Trade 4.8 5.6 7.3 8.9 25.8 30.7 A.4 Transportation 5.2 • 0.5 4.9 0.8 2.5 5.4 A.5 Personal Serv. 3.1 2.3 3.2 1.9 18.1 17.7 A.6 Other 14.3 24.7 16.0 32.2 34.1 ' 42.3

B. ; INFORMAL 11.0 15.9 11.6 10.2 30.4 24.2

B.l Manufacturing 1.4 6.2 1.3 2.9 57.0 45.1 B.2 Construction 0.5 .0 0.7 .0 0.2 0.5 B.3 Trade 4.4 5.8 4.4 5.1 28.5 29.7 B./» Transport 1.3 0.1 1.8 0.1 1.8 1.9 B.5 Personal serv. 2.9 2.9 2.8 1.3 23.0 14.5 B.6 Other 0.4 0.9 0.5 0.7 40.5 31.9

C. DOMESTIC SERVICE 0.6 26.9 0.2 24.5 93.4 97.4

D. MODERN AGRICULTURE 17.4 1.6 15.0 1.5 2.7 3.6

E. TRADITIONAL AGRIC. 9.2 1.2 8.4 0.7 3.9 3.0

F. MINING 2.5 0.2 2.6 0.2 1.9 3.0

G. SEEKING 1st. JOB 0.7 0.8 2.6 4.1 24.9 36.8

H. NOT STATED 11.0 9.0 7.6 6.6 19.6 24.0

TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 23.1 26.6

Source: Special Tabulations of Census Samples CELADE's DATA BANK Reproduced with permission of PREALC

-59-

Table B.5

PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF LABOUR FORCE BY SEX AND SECTOR OF EMPLOYMENT

ECUADOR

Male

197^ Female

1982

Male Female

197A % Females

1982 % Fpmales

A. FORMAL

A.l Manufacturing A.2 Construction A. 3 Trade A.A Transportation A.5 Personal Serv. A.6 Other

B. INFORMAL

B.l Manufacturing B.2 Construction

Trade Transport Personal serv.

B.3 B.A B.5 B.6 Other

C. DOMESTIC SERVICE

D. MODERN AGRICULTURE

E. TRADITIONAL AGRIC.

F. MINING

G. SEEKING 1st. JOB

H. NOT STATED

27.1

6.3 4.2 2 . 8 2.1 2.7 8.9

12.2

3.3 0.9 4.6 1 . 1 1.9 0.4

0.4

20.0

33.1

0.4

1 . 6

5.4

34.1

7.8 0.5 4.9 0.4 2.4

1 8 . 1

23.7

12.5 0 . 1 8.5

. 0 2.0 0.7

2 0 . 1

4.0

9.1

0 . 1

1.4

7.4

33.9

7.0 5.5 3.1 2.5 2 . 6

13.3

1 6 . 8

4.0 2.5 5.6 2.4 1 . 8 0.4

0.3

16.4

22.1

0.3

2 . 2

8.0

41.7

7.6 0.5 5.7 0.4 1 . 8 25.6

17.8

6.4 0 . 1 8.9

.0 1.2 1 . 1

14.5

0.4

11.3

0 . 1

3.6

10.5

20.7

20.4 2.3 26.4 3.8

15.3 29.6

28.7

43.9 1.4

27.5 0.3 17.9

27.4

91.9

4.0

5.4

4.3

15.6

22.3

24.4

22.4 2 . 6

32.8 4.4 15.0 33.6

21.9

29.6 1.5 29.5 0.4 15.6 39.2

93.7

0.7

1 1 . 8

7.3

30.5

25.7

TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 17.1 20.8

Source: Special Tabulations of Census Samples CELADE's DATA BANK Reproduced with permission of PREALC

-60-

Table B.6

PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF LABOUR FORCE BY SEX AND SECTOR OF EMPLOYMENT

PANAMA

Male

1970

Female

1980

Male Female

1970 % Females

1980 % Females

A. FORMAL 34.7 46.1 44.0 61.1 31.3 34.6

A.l Manufacturing 6.4 5.1 9.3 6.2 21.4 20.4 A.2 Construction 5.9 0.6 5.6 0.8 3.3 5.4 A.3 Trade 6.4 8.9 6.9 9.8 32.2 35.1 A.4 Transport 1.9 1.2 1.2 0.3 • 17.7 7.8 A. 5 Personal Serv. 1.3 1.9 1.6 2.1 32.8 33.3 A. 6 Other 12.8 28.5 19.4 41.9 43.4 45.1

B. INFORÍ-IAL 7.7 11.8 7.8 5.9 34.4 22.3

B.l Manufacturing 0.9 4.4 1.0 2.0 63.0 44.0 B.2 Construction 1.6 .0 1.8 .0 0.6 0.2 B.3 Trade 2.2 2.5 2.0 2.0 28.1 28.0 B.A Transport 1.9 .0 2.0 0.1 0.1 1.0 B.5 Personal serv. 0.8 3.9 0.8 1.4 61.8 38.2 B.6 Other 0.5 0.9 1.1 1.1 32.2 27.8

C. DOMESTIC SERVICE 0.6 24.2 0.8 16.1 93.3 88.7

D. MODERN AGRICULTURE 10.8 1.2 10.7 1.9 3.5 6.3

E. TRADITIONAL AGRIC. 38.4 6.0 27.5 3.3 5.1 4.4

F. MINING 0.1 .0 0.2 .0 7.8 5.9

G. SEEKING 1st. JOB 2.2 7.4 2.9 5.8 53.2 43.6

H. NOT STATED 5.4 3.2 6.2 5.8 17.0 26.2

TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 25.6 27.6

Source; Special Tabulations of Census Samples CELADE's DATA BANK Reproduced witVi permission of PREALC

-61-

Table B.6

PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF LABOUR FORCE BY SEX AND SECTOR OF EMPLOYMENT

PARAGUAY

Male

1972

Female

1982 1972 %

Male Female Females

1982 % Females

A. FORMAL

A.l Manufacturing A.2 Construction A. 3 Trade A.4 Transportation A.5 Personal Serv. A.6 Other

B. INFORMAL

B.l Manufacturing B.2 Construction B.3 Trade B.A Transport J5.5 Personal serv. B.6 Other

C. DOMESTIC SERVICE

D. MODERN AGRICULTURE

E. TRADITIONAL AGRIC.

F. MINING

G. SEEKING 1st. JOB

H. NOT STATED

2 6 . 8

7.8 3.2 2.5 2.5 1.4 9.3 9.5 2.6 1.6 3.2 0.7 1.1 0.2

0.2 1 2 . 0

47.3 0 . 2

1,2

2 . 8

2 8 . 2

7.3 .0

4.2 0.3 1.2

15.2 32.9 20.7

.0 9.5 0.0 2.4 0.3

23.0 1.6

11.4 0 . 0

1 . 1

1.9

28.2

7.1 5.6 2.5 1.3 1.9 9.6

1 1 . 0

2.7 2 . 6 3.4 0.7 1.2 0.4 0 . 1

8 . 2

44.5 0 . 1

0 . 6

7.'4

32.9 5.6 0.2 5.2 0.2 1.7

2 0 . 0

25.7 14.7

0 . 1 8.5

. 0 1.9 0.6

21.1

1 . 6

1 0 . 0

. 0

0.4 8.3

2 2 . 6

20.4 0.3

31.3 3.1

20.2 31.1 48.9 68.4

0 . 1 45.0 0.0 37.8 29.9 97.4 3.6 6 . 2

0.0

20.2

15.4

23.1 16.9 0.8

34.6 2.8

19.0 34.9 37.7 58.8 0.6

39.3 0.5 28.7 2 8 . 8

99.0 4.8 5.5 0.9

15.5 22.4

TOTAL 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 100.0 21.7 20.5

Source: Special Tabulations of Census Samples CELADE's DATA BANK Reproduced with permission of PREALC

-62-

ANNEX C,

EXPERIMENTAL CENSUS, COSTA RICA, 1983

Questionnaire

Economic activities declared by women classified "inactives" according to usual census measurement of labour force.

Source; Rodolfo Pisoni L. El trabajo de las mujeres usualmente consideradas como económicamente inactivas. Trabajo presentado en el Octavo Seminario Nacional de Demografía. Dirección General de Estadísticas y Censos, San José, Costa Rica, Septiembre de 1983.

P O B L A C I O N

PERSONA Mo. N O M B R E Y A P E L L I D O :

RtLAClON CON IL Itfí MATRICULA ESCOLAR 19 RAMA OI ACTIVIDAD

€ipau (o) o comoft sTQ (oI...„ Hmo IÍI YífOO o OvJO«6 H'wlo (al Pft<lf»l o oje roi Olfot («mtharai S«rv»cto domántco Omoi rto femiliorol

malrlnulcdo on oifpjn eantra de úntaAanxa fV lEtl t

S, O ' N o O '

¿Ou¿ M Kficd prirtcipelrrnia sn el lugar d* Woba|0 o (>ond« |fBbA|6 U última «at?

Nivet 0£ ÍNSTnUCCSON

S S X o Wui« o

iC\si\ 01 el último eAo d Qrcvdo quo Bpfot>¿ en !b e.iii t r«gotiir ? Niftgún af tdo.._ O PtifnoMfl O '

Soojndwio Unrocfiiur ÍD O 3

TAMAÑO DEL LUGAR Dt TRABAJO ll kigtf 4Cti^jl O VCuinta» p«r»or>«i lriU«iait ( doiMjg irsb«j6 lo última vol/

M rioi d« S ..O' i..... O ' Corrofa :

£ O A D IJ ÍSTUDIO EXTRA ESCOLAR 21 LOCALIZACION DEL LUGAR DE TRABAJO

Manos 1 O 00 98 ftAoi y mJi... A/\oi cumphdoi

nostus o ha roolliodo oitudloi do en-»Afirus datío rfruUf {aat/a otcolcr)

LtKlAn DE NACIMIENTO Sf No... 0 ° °

JOónd« oitj ubic4>do «I iu f ds trabqo «crjBl o donds tf Abajó U íiltimj teiT Aflu/... O »

Oimiio

Aqu(. OÍKrlto Csnlón

O Eípsd'iquti:.

SOLO PARA PCfíSONAS Di W AÑOS Y kiAS ProvÍAcio_ ALFABETISMO

PtOvtr>ct8 . SI O ' No O ' I&r ^TTo" al '

AÑO DE LA LLEGADA AL PAIS ESTADO CONYLWAL PRINCIPAL MEDIO DE TRANSPORTE QUE UTILIZA

H <M<bJo* 01 ««Vor^arol

PECHA Dt NACIMIENTO 0/e_

A/ki.

Unido O ' Scps'sdo O ' Clnído O 3 Viudo.. O ^

O & Sohofo.. O a

Bu. O ' Ap« T,.n 0 = Otro m«dio.. O ' Cefro... O3 Nin^no.,

SOLOfAfíA PCRSONAS DE 12 AÑOS Y UAS S0i0PA/)A PCÑSONAS oe nA;}os Y uas

ÍNCONDICIOH Di "TftABAjd"

NACIONALIDAD 18 CONDICION DE ACTIVIDAD 23 CoitirricanM po<: Nacimianlo.... O .

0 = Gil» nedori«|>cl»i

CONOJCIOH 0£ OnFANOAO

•9' AAo f«llfCÍmi«nto

hiio >8 6«m&a3 de) 6 oi 16 dfi mayo? ^ TíotMÍÓ O '

. O O a

O e O

HORAS TRA0AJADA5

Butcó traijo i>ct primera Estuvo <í«Mfnp<M(Jo Oficio* domíiticoí Eitudiontif Ponnoí edo o r®ntiita

Cuintst Koraf trabajó an la MmtoA dtl O ti 15 d« m«YO?

24 INGRESOS

Olio. Psí/rt: Muerto Vivo Qs IS i>r<irfa3w«l

iOjil fud ot por BU trsbojo? C po'

SEGURO SOCIAL o I

S«io «IUMI* IIVUI O '

O j

.... O .

.... O s

SOLO f ARA FERSONAS DE 13 A/iOS Y UAS EN CONDICION DE -TRABAJO - O

ESrVVO "DESEMPLEAOO" SOLOPARA HUJERESOE ISAÑOS Y MAS

17 OCUPACION PRINCIPAL HIXJS TENIDOS NACIOOS VIVOS Ninq^jno

SOLOf*AnA PfPSO^AS Oí 5 AfJOS y MAS 10 LUGAR 0£ RESIDENCIA HACE 5 ANOS

¿Ou OGjpaci6n o ciato ds irabajo á««nipoñ6 Lc> temsna d«l B al IS do meyo. o en pj úittrrto ompko? . HíjO!

20 ¿Oóndo raiidia habitual nMnta Kio» 6 aAoif

FECHA OE NACIMIENTO OEL ULTIMO MIJO NACIDO VIVO (Y| J®S QUflOiii *i»o o haya mu«rto)

At|uí Ou UMO Cím6n

PiOíincil

CATEGORIA OCUPACtONAL No he lenKÍo l I

O Ü,| M<t M<| AAo AllLítiii? No velori&do Gotjicj no.., O - Cuenta prop'8.... ALiiónomai O ^ Pot.ono O s ScCtot privarlo. (3) 3 f om Itn luptclo ... O e

HIJOS VIVOS ACTUALMENTE Ning jno , ,.o

v

o« coftTA aiCA MmtSTCAlO Of CCOMOMIA V coMcncio OlAKCCIONaiNfUAi. OI CtTADOTlCA V ClNftOA

C K N S O E X P K R I M K N T A l . O E S A N RAMOiN

M a y o tic 1903

C u « l t o n a r i o «oKce «cl ivulad r c o n ó m i c * de Ifi mujer

IHH t • Crntrnana ilr In - /

Par* lodit mu »erct d« 13 t ot V mit Qut tn pf»-qunta lOb't Cfwdi-cion dt «ctiv«d*iJ ret pom) ••ron' o'tcio» dome»!iCO». «studianiet. p«ntio-rvftdoi. rentíin» u Oiroi

Srqmenio | | M I Barf lo o Cjverio:

I 1 V...r"<JíM"[

P«f«on« No. Nombre-Apellido!;

Pr iggunui SI NO

ran*,«da uMITt* Mttet Trab«i*dot en «! último «Ao

Apart* óo lot cuidadot de la c«a o dé estudiar realiza alguno O varios dé los tiguier tes trabdjot ilvntro tic su (uui n ji

1. ¿ Lava , p lancha o acregla usted ropa a ieoa?

f 2. ¿Hace u5ted ropa, cojturas o tejido» para o U í S pemona i ?

S. O 01

s. 0 _ N o Q 02

3 ¿Cu i da o atiende n iños ajenoi percibiendo por ello algún ingreso?

s. O -0 3

4. ¿Hace usted anesanías para vender? S ' O No O 04

5. ¿Hace usted comidas o bebidas para vender ? Si O -ÍÍ2O

0 5

6. ¿ V e n d e usted comida o alquila habitación a parsonas ((Jensionistasl

7. ¿ V e n d e usted algún ot ro tipo de p roducto o serv ic io?

CtperifiQue: -f

S( O -06

8. ¿ A t i ende usted o ayuda en la atención de algún n e g o c i o ^

familiar ub i cado dentro o ala par de su casa de hab i tac ión?

EtpectfíQw císse dt negocio:

sf o -HD

9. ¿ S e dedica usted o ayuda en la cr ia o cu idado da anima íes de flfanja tales c o m o «ves, cerdos o conejos ?

S ' O 20

10. ¿ S a dedica usted o ayuda en el ordeño, pastoreo o 'arreoJ de animales tales c o m o vsc8s, cabra i o ' c a b a l l o s ?

11. ¿ Trabaja usted en su (inca o huerta familiar an tar«as d a f preptaración de tierra, siembra, abono, riego o cosecha da productos agrícolas? p

12. ¿ V u n d e hortalizas, leche, huevos o a lgún ot ro p roducto j

S ' O -2 1

Sí O 22

de lo l inca o huerta famil iar? 2 3

13. ¿O t ra s tareas?

En alguna época del año sala usted a trabajar/iirra Je su ra.u para hacer una o varias de las siguientes actividades? M J

14. ¿ Lavar, planchar, cocinar o hacer la l impieia en otras casas o establec imientos?

-f 15. ¿ C u i d a o atiende n iños ajenos percibiendo por ello algún

ingreso?

D E M

51

16. ¿Rea l i za venta ambulante de algún t ipo de productos ^

tales c o m o (rutas, comidas, lotería, ropa.artesanía u o t ro ?

ts(>rcifkiu* producto: r-

S ' O -N ° 0 52

s ' C H

17. ¿ A t i ende usted o ayuda en la atención de algún negocio familiar ub icado (uera de su casa?

Si(J*ctfiQut cimm tie nr^ccfo: i N o Q

10 ¿ H a trabajado cog iendo calé en la últ ima cosecha?

f 19. ¿ Ha trabajado en el cult ivo del tabaco durante el ú l t imo

a n o ?

S ' O l 70

S. O -71

20. ¿ H a trabajado en al^ún otro cultivo durante el ú l t imo a ñ o ? EsoecifÍQue:

21. ¿ H a trjbajado en alguna otra tarca (uera de su casa du-rante el ú l t imo a ñ o ? EspecitiQue:

s ' C H

siQ-^ N O

OBSERVACIONES: Nonibffl (leí Enumerador Fifm* df! Enumefaclo'

Fecha d« Gnumcfación Firn)a del R«»í40»

- 65 -

Table C.l

SAN RAMON: WOMEN CLASSIFIED AS INACTIVE FROM SAN JUAN DISTRICT WHO PERFORMED ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES ACCORDING TO SECTOR OF EMPLOYMENT, BY AREA

RESIDENCE AND REFERENCE PERIOD MAY 1983.

Inactive Women

San Juan District Total

Ref.Week Ref.Year

San Juan - Urban San Juan - Rural

Ref.Week Ref.Year Ref.Week Ref.Year

Total of inactive women 1476 Inactive who didn't work 1033 Inactive who worked 370 659

Inside their home/farm 314 220 Outside their home 44 308 In & outside their home 12 132

Unknown 73 73

714 534 146 112

26

8 34

269 93

139 37 34

762 499 224 202

18 • 4 39

390 126 169 95 39

Average worked hours 16 18 14

Source: Rodolfo Pisoni L. El trabajo de las mujeres usualmente consideradas como económicamente inactivas. Trabajo presentado en el Octavo Seminario Nacional de Demografía. Dirección General de Estadísticas y Censos, San José, Costa Rica, Septiembre de 1983.

-66-

Table C.2

SAN RAMON: ACTIVITIES PERFORMED BY WOMEN CLASSIFIED AS INACTIVE FROM SAN JUAN DISTRICT ACCORDING TO AREA, AND REFERENCE PERIOD BY

ECONOMIC ACTIVITY SECTOR MAYO 1983.

San Juan - Urban San Juan - Rural Area and Activity Sector

San Juan District Total

Ref.Week Ref.Year Ref.Week Ref.Year Ref.Week Ref.Year

Total of activity 100 100 100 100 100 100

Activities inside the house or farm 87.1 46.4 79.9 41.5 91.7 49.5

Agriculture & Livestock 39.5 19.7 20.8 10.6 51-1 25.4 Craft & family industry 23.9 14.2 27.2 16.1 21.7 13.0 Trade 10.1 5.3 13.0 5.9 8.3 4.9 Services 12.1 6.2 17.1 8.1 9.1 5.1 Other activities 1.5 1.0 1.8 0.8 1.4 1.1

Activities outside the house 12.8 53.6 20.1 58.5 8.3 50.5

Agriculture & Livestock 0.7 42.7 0.5 40.4 0.7 44.2 Trade 3.6 2.8 6.5 5.3 1.8 1.2 Services 7.6 5.4 10.7 8.6 5.8 3.3 Other activities 0.3 2.7 2.3 4.2 1.8

Source; Rodolfo Pisoni L. El trabajo de las mujeres usualmente consideradas como económicamente inactivas. Trabajo presentado en el Octavo Seminario Nacional de Demografía. Dirección General de Estadísticas y Censos, San José, Costa Rica, Septiembre de 1983.

-67-Table C.3

SAN RAMON: ECONOMIC ACTIVITY PERFORMED BY WOMEN CLASSIFIED AS INACTIVE FROM SAN JUAN DISTRICT, ACCORDING TO AREA,

REFERENCE PERIOD, SECTOR AND ACTIVITIES May 1983.

San Juan District San Juan - Urban San Juan - Rural Activities Ref.Week Ref.Year Ref.Week Ref.Year Ref.Week Ref.Year

All activities 445 929 169 359 276 570 Activities in or outside the house or farm 388 431 135 149 253 282

Agricultural tasks on the farm or family plot 26 29 8 9 18 20

Care and milking of cows 19 20 4 4 15 16 Livestock raising 131 134 23 25 108 109 Dressmaking and weaving 50 66 25 30 25 36 Cigars manufacturing 35 37 7 8 28 29 Craft manufacturing 4 8 1 3 3 5 Processing of food & drinks to sell 17 21 13 17 14 11 Care of family business 28 28 17 14 11 Sale of agrie, products

and others from plots 17 21 5 7 12 14 Laundry for non-household

members 25 24 13 9 12 15 Babysitting outside the home 24 28 12 15 12 13 Food selling or room-letting to boarders 5 6 4 5 1 1 Other activities 7 9 3 3 4 6

Activities outside the home 57 498 34 210 23 288

Coffee harvest _ 389 - 143 - 246 Cultivation of tobacco or others 3 8 1 2 2 6

Care of family business 12 18 7 12 5 6 Vendors 4 8 4 7 - 1 Domestic service 20 31 10 18 10 13 Children care 6 11 4 9 2 2 Community Work 8 8 4 4 4 4 Other activities 4 25 4 15 - 10

Source: Rodolfo Pisonl L. El trabajo de las mujeres usualmente consideradas como económicamente inactivas. Trabajo presentado en el Octavo

Seminarlo Nacional de Demografía. Dirección General de Estadísticas y Censos, San José, Costa Rica, Septiembre de 1983.

-68-

Table C.4

SAN RAMON: Modified and usual estimate of female population of the District of San Juan according to zone by activities conditions

and participation rates, ocupation and open unemployment. May 1983.

Total Urban Rural Total Urban Rural

Total of female Population 2883 1532 1351 2883 1532 1351

Women in non-active age 745 377 368 745 377 368 Women in active age 2138 1155 983 2138 1155 983 Inactive women 1476 714 762 1106 568 538

Worked 370 146 224 - - -

Did not work 1106 568 538 - - -

Female economically active 662 441 221 1032 587 445 Worked 630 419 211 1000 565 435 Didn't work 32 22 10 32 22 10

Specific gross rate of 23.0 participation % 23.0 28.8 16.4 35.8 38.3 32.9

Global specific rate of participation % 31.0 38.2 22.5 48.3 50.8 45.3

Occupation rate % 29.5 36.3 21.5 46.8 48.9 44.2 Open unemployment rate % 4.8 5.0 4.5 3.1 3.7 2.2

Source: Rodolfo Pisoni L, El trabajo de las mujeres usualmente consideradas como económicamente inactivas. Trabajo presentado en el Octavo Seminarlo Nacional de Demografía, Dirección General de Estadísticas y Censos, San José, Costa Rica, Septiembre de 1983.

- 69 -

ANNEX D

ILO/DGEC METHODOLOGICAL SURVEY ON THE MEASUREMENT OF EMPLOYMENT, UNEMPLOYMENT AND UNDEREMPLOYMENT

COSTA RICA, 1983

QUESTIONNAIRE C

Bloque 10

Información «obra los 365 dfa* preesdantea

10 Actividid dufínt» l« «rwyo» p*M» <Jt loí 365 d i n pf»cedent«

HibiluilfncnK uiiv* (trabiiindo. butcui-do iribaio o ditpont' bk- p>/< InbMiá/l

O ' Hibiiutlmin-u inictr»

O '

11. «I L i mayor partt dt t>tt titmpo ettibi

O ^ « Buuwido tnbaio <c o diiponibk pait llabaj»

11. bl Er» ptincipílmentt

Eiiuduni»

Ami de c iu ...... O 2

nsoiudo O 3 RtntBli O *

OtTO.„ O s

H» 15

13. Dctcrib* I I tciividid dt l« tmpreu o iMgocio principal «n dond; (ratxii la periona

13. Dcicriba la clat* d« trabajo (ocupación) que haca la p«ftona

14. Indica> caiagon'a da ocupación

Trabajador indapandienta:

Emplaado aulartado:

fiirano - O .

rw cucnu propia C D '

Funitir no rcminerulo O '

Aulaiiada pciiramnte O *

Axluiado temporal... O s

Oto O ' 15. ¿Estuvo ocupado sn alguna actividad (tecundaria) ramunarada an

lot 365 dial pracadantai?

N c O ^ 20

16. Oaicriba la actividad (ucundaria) da la emprasa o noocio «n f<.->nd» trabaiaba la parlona.

17. Describa la claia da tralMio (ocupación) gut hact la pattoru tn ttta amptata o ncgocio.

18. Indicar catagorfa d« o c u p x

(Uní los ródiiosda 14) n 20

Bloque 20 o

20. Indicar ti la tamaña patada trabajó

No O ' "

21. ¿Trabaió la semana paisOj en más de un tmpleo, cmprMS o rwqoC'O propio? S i O ' No O ^

22. ¿Cuintat horas trabajó etactivarTMnia la itmana patada (tn uno o mis ampiaos o negocios propios)?

Lunes

Mutes Müfcolei Jueni Viernes Sábado Dominio

horas hotis horas horas horas hons horas

Tom.

Si al total as dt 30 horas o mis

SI ti total t t de mtnos d« 30 ht.

- hons

70

Y 23. ¿Cuántas horas trabaja habitualmente por tamaña?

Menos de )0 hs. ^ ' }0 hi. o mas ^ ^

24. a) iPor qué razón tratMja ha-bitualmente menos de 30 horas por semana?

24. b) ¿Por qué razón trabajó rtte-not de 30 horas la ttmana pasada?

Enfermedtd o acndenle

Dial fesiivoi o vicíbones -

Huelfi 0 paro

Iteducdón de la actividad económicf -

Mal tiempo

ObUfadones penonaks o ramiliatei

Solo enconiró tnbiuo > tiempo paical

No quería tnbaio a tiempo completo Trabajó a tiempo completo menos de 30 horas

Otros -

70. Describa la actividad da la tmpreti o negocio prin-cipal en donde trabajaba la p«r>ona.

71. Oeicrib* la data de trabajo (ocupación) que hact la ptriona.

72. Indicar categoría de ocupación:

Trabajador independienu: Patrono Por cuenta propia

Familiar no remunerado Empleado asalariado:

Asalariado peimtnenit Asalarüdo lemporal — Oifo

8 ; o^

O »

Bloque 30 Bloque 40

30. Aunque no haya trabajado la i«mana patada jTtni'a algún empleo o empreu/ne^ocio propio?

SI. tenia un empleo «lelariedo —

SI', lem'a una empresa o negocio O —

31. ^Por qu< no trabajó la semana patada?

Irfctmcdul o tccidtntt Diii fciDrot o >acai.'ionri Huílga o puo Rf ducción de l> actmdid cconóntKt Detorfi/iízactón Icmporai del tnbajo Mal tiempo -ObUgacionc» pcrtonskto famüurct Ltocncu de niudiot -Lioencu por OMItrnidid Otro»

8 ; 0 3

0 6 O t

8: O o

32. iCuántas temanai ha estado autenu del trabajo?

imiuiu

33. «Cuantas horai por semana trabaja habitualmcnte?

Menoi de 10 h». ' 30 hi o mi» Q ^ 35 34. <Por qué trabaja habitualnwnte menos de 30 hs. por temaru'

lUie loi códifoi de U prefunii 241 CZ

3S. Control para el enumerador

SI en pregunu }0 mircó códi|0 2 paie i 70

S en presunta JO tnircó cód^o I piir < Ij nfuirntc j

36. «Percibe salario por el tiempo no trabajado la semana pasada?

S' O ' N» O '

'40

37. ¿Tiene segundad de regresar al trabajo o algún acuerdo sobre la fecha de regreso?

S r - Q l 70 N o O ^ 70

40. ¿Realiió algunaís) de las siguientes actividades la semana pasada? Preparar la tierra, sembrar/plantar, cultivar (desyerbar, regar, etc.l.ocosechar, en relación con cafla de azúcar, p . café, frijoles, vuca, otros, frutas, hortalizas W ' '

Criar y cuidar ganado, a»ei, etc., y producir leche, hue-vos. etc

Otras actividades de agricultura, minería, también caza, pesca, silvicultura.

O 1? o 13

Trabajar en procesos o tratamientos industríale» de pro- p . ductos alimenticios ^ Fabricar canastos, alfombras/esteras, otras artesanías ... Q 37

Hacer hilados, tejidos, veitidot de mujer/hombre O 3 8

Otras actividades manufactureras O 3 9

Trabajar en la construcción, reparación, mantenimiento de:

Cas» de granja ; Q g j

Casa/vivienda propia Q 52

Otras actividades relativas a laxonsirucción Q 53

Ayudar en lugares de venta/distribución de comidas/ be- — bidas - ( J 61

Ayudar en ventas de productos agrícola» y otro» estable-cimientos de ventas por menor Q 62

Transportar cargas par» mercadeo/almacenamiento Q 7j

Otra» actividades relativas a transporte O 7 2

Reparar herramientas, zapatos, etc Q g2

Recoger lefls, ir poi agua, owo» servicio» Q 93

41. Control f»ra el enumerador

Si »e anotó poí lo , Si no se anotó menos una actividad ( K t i vdad 50

42. Anotar códigoslhasta 4 actividades), marcar el círculo apro-piado y anotar núrnero total de horas-luego paso a la 50.

códian ® P * " * Numero de i.oaigo vender sumo del hojar horas

J J J U

O i O í O í O í

0 2 02 0 2 0 2

Bloques 50 y 60

50. ¿ E l mea pasado estuvo buscando emp leo asalariado o tratando de establecer su pro pía empresa o negoc io?

s.- c p ' No O

51. ¿ Q u é h izo el mes pasado para buscar trabajo o establecer su p rop io negoc io o empresa ?

Etubleció eonttcto con oficin* d« empito

Gci l iond diracumcnte anta empleadoras

Gastionó an lugaras da trabajo, granjai, ate....

Gestionó vafiéndow da amigos y familiares Puso avisos o respondió a ofertas aparecidas en los periódicos.

Buscó terrenos, edificios, etc., para establecer su propio negocio o empresa

Gestionó para obtener recursos firtancieros V establecer su propio negocio o empresa

Solició permiso o licencia para establecer su propio negocio o empresa

Otros:.

Nada _ O :

Sí N o

O t 0 2

0 ' o ^

O ' 0 2

O ' 0 2

O ' 0 2

O ' 0 2

O ' 0 2

O ' 0 2

0 2

60

52 . ¿ P o d í a haber e m p e z a d o a trabajar la semana pasada?

S I O ' No. porque

Asistía al centro da tnteñsnzt..._ Q 2

Tenia obligaciones personales o familiares 3

Tenia otras ratones C j *

53 . ¿ H a trabajado antes?

Si. en al transcurso del aAo precedente

Si, fiace de uno a cinco aAos Q j

Sí, hace más de cinco artos Q s

No. nurtca ha trabajado O *

70

' 0 0

60. ¿Desea trabajar ahora m i smo por sueldo/talario o ganancia/ benef ic io en la casa o fuera de ella?

Sí, en la casa O '

Sí, fuer» d« la caso Q '

No O ^

No sabe

61. ¿ Q u é t ipo de trabajo desea?

Empleo íMlarudo permanente a tiempo completo Q 1

Empleo asalariado permanente a tiempo parcial Q 2

Trabajo independiente O 3

Otro O * Desea trabajar _ _ _ hs. por semana

62. [>escriba la clase de trabajo (ocupación) que desea.

63. Indicar razones por n o haber buscado trabajo ni hecho na da para establecer negocio/empresa propia la semana pasada.

Enfermedad o accidenta personal Q i

Asistió a le escuela, colegio, ate

Tuvo obligaciones personales o familiares.

Espera ser reintegrado a su trabajo

Espera respuesta de empleadores

Espera el periodo de gran actividad agrícola

Habla encontrado nuevo tratujo

Creía que no había trabajadodisp. án la región

No sabía cómo proceder s buscar trabajo O '

Otras Q l

64.a) ¿Por qué n o p u d o tomar un trabajo la semana pa-sada?

64.b) (Preguntar solo si marcó 3 en 60)

¿Por qué no desea trab. ahora

Porque «sist» al centro de anseAanza Q l

Porque tiene obligacionn personales o familiares 0 2

Otros 0 3

65. ¿ H a trabajado antes?

(Utilizar los códigos de 53)

Si marcó 1.2 ó 3 _ _ 70

^ SI no 80

Bloque 70

70. Düicriba Is aclividcd d« la empress o negocio prin-cipal en don^y uabaiubí Is penoiM.

71. Oeicribi I® íissa de tfsb«|o (ocupación) qu» haco U pefsong.

72. Indicar esttfon'e ds ocupcción:

Trstujtcior indcpandtsnts:

Psirono E^ cwsnu pro^ FsroiUai eo r<RiU!»rado

Empleado etalsfisiio:

Aíolanaóo ptimii»fH« ..._ — Auliru^ temporti Oiro

73. Control p.3rs «I emjtmrsOor. SI en 10 íasicó i ) «n 20 msicó i Si en 70 mírcó ! ¡r su 30 merco I Ó 3

S) no

O' O ' O '

80

74. Oate de tnstitución en qua t t u lM emplsedo Coburno (Cefiirat. auionoosu. efimi-<auiono(Mi fiSunici- /^i * pilidídeii v j Hnada |> >«gitlr«d£ duptnurto. hoipitil.cuueia. colegio — fi/ms de íbc adoi. dt ui|<-nwio«. «mprcio umibt íe proís-fíonsks tjrdepcniííefítfs Bincoí. arguiOT. eiKisdadej. coo¡>«Iílwa o v No tats EsiobbcimKtnoii leguuadot IrorapaAís, fo™. íobnco. 7 pn»ídí o públic») ^ W Oiru • njuuadat O ' O ^ Norejmisdai O^ O '

75. si Est«tM cubisrto por «Igún iistem* de pensiones u otro de Seguridad Social pagado por su empresa.

SI O ' NoO^No..brO'

75. b! ¿Su ernpiess íacturt la ven-ta de bienes o servicios?

Si O ' NoO'No«b.O'

76. ¿Cuántas personas estaban ocupadas en el establow, o empresa?

1 Dial o más O ^ — _

77. E l principa) equ ipo de traba/o del e s t a b l í d m í e n t o , em-presa o negocio es operado:

P,íanu3*tnenie O í Con combustible ( J ) 3

Con el«ctficid«d Q 3

OTFOJ O ^

78. Indicar si el lugsr d» trabajo esté

Situado en el (^opio h ^ r _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ W '

Situado tuor» <>9l propio ho^ar _ _ _ _ _ _ _ W 3 Sin esionio tijo _ _ _ _ _ _ O 3

79. IrKlicar ®l p r o m e d i o de ingreso mansus i proveniente del emp leo :

„ Colones pos met 80

Bloque 80

80. Condición de «crividsd diaria de este issnona áuranta la semans

Anotar: 2 por un dis completo ds actividad 1 por medio día de aetividsd

L U N E S

y A R T E S

^ 5 E R C O L E S

J y g V E S

V ! i B N E S

S A B A 0 0

D 0 IM 6 N G O

T 0 T A L

E n «1 trabajo

C o n empleo o ne^ocio/empreia propia pero no en el trabajo.

S i n trabajo y ditponible (buscando o no) para trabajar.

S i n trabajo y no disponible para trabajar

Tatel 2 2 2 2 2 2 U