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The informal sector in K ingston, Jamaica: A description o f literacy, educational attainm ent, and occupational skills

Jalloul, Janet Terrell, Ph.D.

The American University, 1988

Copyright © 1988 by Jalloul, Janet Terrell. A ll rights reserved.

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THE INFORMAL SECTOR IN KINGSTON, JAMAICA:A DESCRIPTION OF LITERACY, EDUCATIONAL

ATTAINMENT, AND OCCUPATIONAL SKILLSby

Janet T. Jalloul submitted to the

Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of

The Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy in

Educational Administration

Signatures of Committee Chair:

fean of* the CollegeMarch 22, 1988______

Date1988

The American University Washington, D.C. 20016

THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY


© COPYRIGHT BY

JANET T. JALLOUL 1988

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED


DEDICATIONThis dissertation is dedicated to Dr. Fantu Cheru.

It was Dr. Cheru who first showed me the possibilities of the informal sector as a part of the economic solution for developing countries, rather than as merely another part of the problem. More importantly, however, by his own personal example, he has come to represent to me the best of those who are not only involved in the process of development , but also deeply concerned by the consequences it has produced in the last three decades.

I will always be grateful to him for destroying the myths of development while sharpening the realities, and for emphasizing the importance of people over projects and compassion over policy.


THE INFORMAL SECTOR IN KINGSTON, JAMAICA:A DESCRIPTION OF LITERACY, EDUCATIONAL

ATTAINMENT, AND OCCUPATIONAL SKILLSby

Janet T. Jalloul ABSTRACT

The purpose of this study was to describe the degree of functional literacy, educational attainment levels, and the variety of occupational skills of a sample population working in the informal sector in Kingston, Jamaica. The study provided an educational/skills profile of the sample population and an examination of related policy issues.The methodology used was non-intrusive and designed specifically for persons engaged in informal sector economic activities.

An interview guide, functional literacy tests, and observations of occupational skills were used to gather quantitative and qualitative information from two hundred participants in four informal sector activities: streetfoods, handicrafts, fruits and vegetables, and small-scale services. Twenty-five men and twenty-five women were interviewed in each of the four economic groups. The researcher contacted participants while they were working at their business sites.

ii


A survey instrument developed by the researcher was administered through personal interviews. To test functional literacy participants responded to information or questions written on a card about their particular economic activity. Each participant in the study was contacted a minimum of two times and a maximum of three times.

The findings showed that ninety percent of those in the sample were functionally literate, and all but 35 had completed at least through the primary school level. The majority of those in the sample had three or more occupational skills. Forty-five percent of the sample kept written records or ledgers of business activities, and had formulated plans for expansion of their businesses.

Data were also collected through ten interviews with government officials, Agency for International Development staff, and voluntary organization staff, focusing on policies toward and attitudes about the informal sector population in Kingston.

Results of the research suggest that those in the Kingston informal sector are not expecting to enter the formal economy, nor are they seeking additional training. The most often expressed need was for small-scale loans to expand stock and enlarge the businesses; none of those in the study was able to meet that need. New directions in government policies to promote the development of the informal sector have been suggested by the researcher.

iii


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS While every dissertation is ultimately presented as

the work of one individual, it is never a solitary pursuit. So many people combine to make its completion possible. I would like to acknowledge the support, guidance, and cooperation of some of those people.

My doctoral committee from The American University has given freely of both time and expertise. Thank you to Dr. Donald Bowles, Department of Economics, Dr. Ann Ferren, School of Education, and Dr. Millidge Walker, School of International Service. Special mention must be made of the chair of my committee, Dr. Lee Knefelkamp, Dean of the School of Education. She encouraged my research in the informal sector from the very beginning, and consistently offered valuable insights which flowed from her own personal commitment to those who are voiceless, powerless, and often forgotten. Dean Knefelkamp has been a facilitator in the finest sense of that word, and her influence will always be felt in the future work I do in education and international development.

Other special people I wish to acknowledge are my mother, Margaret Hodges, and good friends including Carol Leary, Bob Harrison, Mary Mutchler, and Bette and Don Land. Robin Carter's patience and expertise in the technical

iv


aspects of preparing this dissertation were invaluable.For sharing perceptions of the development process, both its prospects and problems, I will never forget Raj Chawla For advice and technical assistance in Kingston, Jamaica, my thanks to Beulah Edoo and Roy Lurch.

Ultimately, however, the completion of this disserta tion has depended upon the Jamaicans of the Kingston informal sector who shared their time, problems, and dreams with "the research lady." Each one was cooperative and incredibly patient. I have developed great admiration for their tenacity, and increased respect for their survival strategies against difficult odds. Considering what those in the informal sector have achieved without assistance, it is tempting to speculate the magnitude of what they might achieve with even a little assistance.


TABLE OF CONTENTSABSTRACT.............................................. iiACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..................................... ivLIST OF TABLES........................................ ixCHAPTER

I. THE PROBLEM AND ITS S E T T I N G ................. 1Introduction ............................... 1Significance of the Study ................. 6Purpose of the Study....................... 8Research Questions ......................... 9Definitions of Terms ....................... 12Assumptions............................... 15Salient Characteristics of the Study . . . . 16

II. LITERATURE R E V I E W ........................... 19Introduction ............................... 19Definitional Confusions or Concerns . . . . 21Pioneer Studies ........................... 24Development of Common Perceptions of the

Informal Sector ......................... 28Challenges to the Common Perceptions:New Empirical Studies ................... 31

Current Policies Toward the InformalSector................................... 35

The Need for a New Framework.............. 43The Jamaican Informal Sector ............... 46Chapter Summary ........................... 50

III. METHODOLOGY................................. 54Design of the S t u d y ....................... 54Sample Population ......................... 55Instrumentation........................... 58

Literacy Tests ......................... 59Observation of Skills ................... 59Interview G u i d e......................... 60

M a t e r i a l s................................. 63Ethical Considerations ................... 64Research Design ........................... 65Data A n a l y s i s ............................. 66The Pilot S t u d y ........................... 67

vi


Procedure................................ 67Summary of Findings..................... 68Changes in Methodology ................. 70

Conclusions................................ 72IV. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION..................... 73

Introduction ............................. 73Research Questions and Results .......... 74

L i t e r a c y ............................. 75Occupational Skills ................... 75Educational Attainment ............... 91Education and Training Issues ........ 100

Supplemental Findings ................... IllSummary of F i n d i n g s ....................... 112

Findings from Research of Two HundredInformal Sector Workers .......... 116

Findings from Research Interview withPersonnel and Officials .......... 118

V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, ANDRECOMMENDATIONS ....................... 120

S u m m a r y .................................... 120Conclusions................................ 123Recommendations for Further Research . . . 127

Research Recommendations ............ 127Education/Training Recommendations . . 129Development Recommendations .......... 129

Policy Issues ........................... 130Policy Recommendations ................... 136

APPENDIXA. Map of J a m a i c a ..................................140B. Chart of Jamaican Society and Economy ......... 142C. Map of Research S i t e ........................... 144D. List of Interviews with Officials and On Site

V i s i t s ......................................... 146E. Functional Literacy Tests for Informal Sector

Participants .................................. 149F. Samples of Literacy Tests from Jamaican

Movement for the Advancement of Literacy(JAMAL)......................................... 153

G. Observation Check Sheet for OccupationalS k i l l s .......................... : .............162

H. Interview G u i d e ..................................164I. List of Occupational Skills of Participants

in S t u d y ....................................... 170J. School Examination Passes of Sample

Participants .................................. 172

vii


K. Jamaican Education System ..................... 174L. Diagram of Jamaican Education System ........ 180

BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................... 182


LIST OF TABLES AND GRAPHS

Table 1. Gross Domestic Product and Distribution . . . 3Table 2. Functional Literacy of Males and Females . . 76Table 3. Functional Literacy by Age Groups............76Table 4. Sources of Skills Attainment for Sample

Population in the Informal Sector . . . 79Table 5. The Apprenticeship System by Kinship

P a t t e r n s .................................81Table 6. The Apprenticeship System by Payment

Relationships ........................... 81Table 7. Preferred Attainment Methods of Participants

Who Wanted New Skills.................... 84Table 8. Interest of Males and Females in Sample to

Learn New S k i l l s ........................ 86Graph 1. Survey Participants with Dependent

C h i l d r e n .................................88Table 9. Male and Female Survey Participants with

Dependent Children ..................... 89Graph 2. Children Working with Parents in the Informal

Sector and Those Learning New Skills from Parents...................................90

Table 10. Education Levels Completed by SampleParticipants ........................... 93

Table 11. Reasons for Educational Wastage of SampleParticipants ........................... 94

Table 12. Hopes Expressed for Children by InformalSector Parents ......................... 97

Table 13. Employment Expectations for Childrenby Informal Sector Parents ............ 98

Table 14. Proposed Uses of a Gift of $250 and $500J a m a i c a n ................................102

ix


Table 15. Benefits of Informal Sector EmploymentExpressed by Participants ............... 104

Table 16. Summary of Most Significant ProblemExperienced by Workers in the Kingston Informal Sector (Males and Females) . . . 105

Graph 3. Stated Needs of Kingston Informal SectorParticipants ........................... 107

Table 17. Composite Profile of the Informal SectorWorker, Kingston, Jamaica * ............. 110

Table 18. Functional Literacy Attainment Among Participants in Four Economic Activities . . . 113

Table 19. Educational Attainment (Primary and Secondary) Among Participants in Four Economic Activities................................ 114

Table 20. Occupational Skills Among Participants inFour Economic Activities ............... 115

x


CHAPTER I

THE PROBLEM AND ITS SETTING

Introduc t ion One of the most dramatic developments in newly-

emerging countries in the last twenty years has been the tremendous growth of the informal sector of their economies. The urban self-employed, often operating without official sanction or assistance, have become an economic force in cities throughout Asia, Africa, and South America. As employment opportunities in the formal sector of national economies have declined or remained stagnant, a large segment of the world’s population has become involved in a variety of income-generating activities in the informal sector.

In spite of the growing number of individuals working wholly or partially within the informal sector, information about them in many countries has remained not only scarce, but often contradictory. There have simply been too few empirical studies of participants in the informal sector of developing countries. This lack of data, however, has not prevented some government planners from viewing the informal sector pessimistically, as a manifestation of a maladjustment in macro-economic policy (Sethuraman, 1977).


2Policies have been aimed at reducing the size and activities of the informal sector. Traders without licenses have been arrested and shanty town settlements cleared away, but they have returned with alacrity and persistence. The informal sector is "alive and well" in developing countries throughout the world. In fact, it appears to represent a source of real economic growth in many national economies.

Jamaica, the setting for this study, typifies the macro and micro economic problems facing many developing countries. The informal sector in Kingston has been estimated to have doubled in the last ten years. An estimated 60 percent of the urban Kingston population is employed in the informal sector of the economy (Urban Development Corporation, Kingston, 1987). How this came to be and what it means for the future economic development of Jamaica in general, and Kingston in particular, is significant for both national planning and international donor programs.

Jamaica, a Caribbean island of approximately 2.3 million people (see Appendix A), is a country in economic crisis. The average annual growth rate (percent) of GNP per capita during 1965-1985 was -0.7 percent (World Development Report, 1987, p. 202). The data in Table 1 reflect the slow growth or actual decline in growth in some sectors experienced by the economy. There has been only a small overall gain in GNP per capita in the last six


3TABLE 1

GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT AND DISTRIBUTION

Average Annual Growth Rate in Percent

1965 - 1980 1.5%1980 - 1985 .5%

Distribution by Sector of Origin (Percent)

1965 1985Agriculture 10% 6%Industry 37% 36%Manufacturing 17% 20%Services 53% 58%

(World Development Report, 1987, p. 206)

years. The period 1982-85 actually saw a reversal in GNP growth (Latin America and Caribbean Review. 1985).

Annual inflation as measured by the Consumer Price Index averaged about 13 percent from 1965-1980 and 18 percent from 1980-1985 (World Development Report, 1987, p. 202). Increased prices of domestic food have been significant. The main categories which have contributed to higher prices were food and drink, personal clothing, and personal expenses (Economic and Social Survey of Jamaica,


1986). Lower import prices for petroleum was the major contributor to lower inflation rates in Jamaica for 1986. Nevertheless, Jamaica's 1986 inflation rate was significantly higher than that of its trading partners or many other Caribbean nations. Trinidad and Tobago had a 7 percent inflation rate for 1986 and Barbados had a 2 percent rate (Economic and Social Survey of Jamaica, 1986)

Devaluation of the Jamaican dollar has compounded the effects of inflation by raising the costs of imports. While the Jamaican dollar has now become relatively stable at an exchange rate of $5.50 Jamaican per $1.00 U.S.(1987), further devaluations may continue. (To provide some basis of comparison, the exchange rate in the mid- 1970*s was $1.75 Jamaican per $1.00 U.S.)

Unemployment continues to be a chronic problem in Jamaica. By 1982, 27.9 percent of the population was "officially" unemployed, and 27 percent has remained as a fairly constant unemployment figure until 1986. The average unemployment level for 1986 was 23.7 percent (Planning Institute of Jamaica, 1986). It is estimated that in areas of West Kingston (Trench Town, Tivoli Gardens, and Arnett Town) the unemployment rate can be as high as 80 percent (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1986). As Hopkins (1983) has indicated in his article on employment trends in developing countries, individual geographic regions have varied as to the degree they have been


5affected by the world recession in the early 1980's. Latin America and the Caribbean were more affected in terms of rising unemployment because of the closer integration of their economies into the world economy. For middle income Latin America and Caribbean countries, the unemployment indices for 1982 were 104.2 and for 1985 they were 110.3 when 1980 = 100 (Hopkins, 1983, p. 471). Jamaica is not the only country in the region to manifest high unemployment rates, but it typifies the problems of a small island economy.

Personal savings rates have declined by 20 percent during the 1983-86 period. This trend will probably continue because of the dual pressures of inflation and devaluation on savings.

Jamaica’s external debt increased by $20.7 million U.S. in 1985 to reach $3.52 billion by the end of 1985 (Planning Institute of Jamaica, 1986). The servicing of this debt and the conditionalities imposed by the International Monetary Fund have affected the Jamaican population through devaluation and inflation.

The picture which emerges, then, is of a country with an economy which is not growing sufficiently, unemployment continuing at high levels fueled by a population growth rate of 2.5 percent, and a large number of school leavers and graduates unable to find jobs in the formal sector of the Jamaican economy.


6Given the tightening of the Jamaican formal sector,

and no real network of government assistance for the unemployed, the real possibility exists that the only alternative for the educated, skilled, and semi-skilled is employment in the informal sector (see Appendix B).

There are no reliable estimates of per capita earnings in the informal sector because the informal sector falls outside the net of government statistical collection. Clearly, some in the informal sector have higher incomes than others, but for all employed within it, the informal sector provides income for survival.

The profile of the Jamaican in the informal sector in 1987 may be, as a result of the economic situation in the country, quite different from the stereotypical profile presented in much of the literature on the informal sector. If the profile is different, then policies and programs for those in the informal sector should be modified to meet the needs and changing nature of the population.

Significance of the StudyResearch on the informal sector in developing

countries reached a peak in the 1970's. During the 1980's considerably less research, both theoretical and specific country studies, has been undertaken. The number of workers in the informal sector, however, has continued to grow in urban areas throughout the developing world. The contribution of the informal sector to labor absorption in


7urban centers has increased while at the same time there has been a failure of national governments to appreciate and respond to that contribution. There is a critical need for new research initiatives.

Part of this failure has stemmed from the lack of information about participants in the informal sector.This study fills part of this gap in terms of providing information about education and information about issues concerning children of those working in informal activities. Few questions have been asked of those in the informal sector, and when asked, they have often been inappropriate and incomplete. These gaps and inadequacies are evident from a review of informal sector literature. Consequently, what those in the informal sector need and want in terms of literacy skills, training, and development assistance has often been misperceived and poorly allocated.

Studies previously done in the informal sector have utilized one of three methodological approaches: cross-sectional surveys, detailed research of individual entrepreneurs, or an anthropological research approach of in- depth observations of informal sector businesses. The methodology of this study has combined an anthropological observation of participants with an interview guide. The methodology was designed to be non-intrusive, considering the situation and schedules of those working in the


8informal sector. The urban informal sector is a unique environment, and any effective research methodology must be designed with careful consideration of the features of that environment. This methodological approach facilitated the collection of information in the Kingston, Jamaican informal sector, and with cultural-specific adaptations, it would very likely facilitate research in the informal sectors of other countries.

In-depth interviews concerning common themes of financial assistance and training for those in the informal sector as well as perceptions of the informal sector were completed with ten Jamaican and American officials to provide additional data. Five training and voluntary assistance programs in Kingston were visited for first-hand observation of these projects.

Information was specifically not sought concerning incomes and finances of the participants in this study, but if they volunteered such information, which some did, it was recorded. Not seeking information about incomes reduced suspicions and removed the researcher from the possibility of government association or collaboration.

Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study was two-fold: to provide a

detailed description of Kingston, Jamaican informal sector participants working in four different types of economic activities in the areas of functional literacy, educational


attainment, and occupational skills; and also to suggest policy implications that should result from being responsive to the informal sector population.

The development of an "informal sector methodology," specifically designed to collect data from those in the informal sector, and not previously used by researchers in Jamaica, was critical to the success of this research. The description of those working in the informal sector of the economy as well as the implications for policy issues came directly from questioning informal sector participants about their histories, problems, and needs. The people working on a day-to-day basis in the Inner Kingston informal sector were, therefore, the starting point of both theoretical and practical considerations of education, training, and development programs as it is only by understanding where people are now, and where they would like to be that sustained development can be achieved.

Research QuestionsThe following research questions were considered in

this study:

Literacy1. What percentage of the population of the informal

sector is functionally literate?2: Do men and women differ proportionately in terms

of functional literacy attainment?


10Occupational Skills

1. How did participants in the informal sector decide to become involved in their present occupations?

2. Where did informal sector participants get the skills to do their present occupations? Was it from formal education, non-formal education, informal education, apprenticeships, or on-the-job training?

3. What range of skills do informal sector participants possess?

4. Have informal sector participants offered any apprenticeships to others? Were the apprentices related or not related to those giving the apprenticeships? Were the apprentices paid or not paid?

5. What skills would informal sector participants like to develop and what do they think would be the most accessible and feasible way to obtain those skills?

6. Do men and women differ proportionately in terms of nonformal education/training they have received? In terms of skills/training they want to receive?

7. Are children working with their parents/relatives in the informal sector? How many hours per week? What skills are the children performing? What skills are they learning?

Educational Attainment1. What is the range of the formal educational

levels of those in the informal sector?


11a. Did informal sector participants drop-out or

graduate at the primary, secondary, or post-secondary levels?

b. Why did informal sector participants dropout?

c. What examinations did informal sector participants pass and at what level?

2. What educational aspirations do parents in the informal sector have for their children? What economic/ employment expectations do they have?

Education and Training Issues1. How many participants of the informal sector were

previously in the formal sector of the economy? When did they enter the informal sector? How many expect to enter the formal sector? (When? How?)

2. How many participants work in both the formal and informal sectors?

3. How would participants in the informal sector use a gift of $50 U.S.? a gift of $100 U.S.?

4. What do informal sector participants consider to be the advantages of working in the informal sector? Disadvantages? Do migrants and non-migrants differ in terms of the disadvantages they have experienced?

5. What policies or government actions could mitigate the disadvantages? What current policies or practices inhibit the operation of the informal sector?


126. What institutions within the informal sector

itself are facilitating the economic survival of participants?

7. To what extent does a representative sample from the informal sector in Kingston correspond to the descriptors "illiterate, unskilled, and poor" (Todaro, 1985) commonly used to describe those in the informal sector?

8. What changes in direction or emphasis of AID/Jamaican government programs are indicated by the data from the Kingston informal sector?

Definition of Terms1. Apprenticeships - a period of learning, usually

one to three years, by practical experience and observation of a skilled worker by the unskilled. Apprenticeships may be paid for by the apprentice, involve an exchange of apprentice labor for knowledge of the trade, or provide wages to the apprentice while training.

2. Educational Attainment Level - the last year of formal schooling completed by an individual. The general categorical breakdown is as follows: Illiterate (no formalschooling), 1-5 years of schooling, 6-11 years of schooling, and over 12 years of schooling (Bairoch, 1973).

3. Formal Education - education and skills training which take place in a definite educational setting with a set curriculum and with students generally evaluated by examinations (Srinivasan, 1983).


134. Formal Sector of the Economy - the modern,

capitalist, or government sector of a country’s economywhich is characterized by capital-intensive, large-scale

>

production (Todaro, 1985). Working conditions, wages, and production are subject to governmental controls or influence.

5. Functional Literacy - the degree of literacy as measured by UNESCO and defined as follows: "A person is literate who can, with understanding, both read and write a short simple sentence on his/her everyday life". Functional literacy should allow an individual to accomplish simple, everyday tasks such as read instructions and signs which require literacy skills.

6. Informal Education - learning which takes place outside of any institutional framework or structured program with set objectives. It is culturally defined, and is characterized by being generally gender and role-differentiated (Gillis, Perkins, Roemer, and Snodgrass, 1983). Being family or community centered, it is a part of the general socialization process. Learning takes place by observation. An example of informal education would be young girls learning how to cook by observing their mothers or other female relatives.

7. Informal Sector of the Economy - the sector of a country's economy which is characterized by labor-intensive, small-scale production (Todaro, 1985). It is also


14termed as the traditional economy, bazaar-type economy, unenumerated, unprotected, and unorganized sector. Characteristics of the informal sector as described by the International Labor Organization include: ease of entry by newparticipants, reliance on indigenous resources, use of adapted technology, fewer than ten workers per informal sector business enterprise, and the acquisition of skills by participants outside the formal education system (Sethuraman, 1976). The ILO definition has been used as the working definition for the informal sector throughout this study, with adaptations for the Jamaican setting.

For the purposes of this study, the sample was selected from certain subsectors within the informal sector (handicraft producers, fruit and vegetable sellers, small- scale service providers, and street food vendors). These economic activities were clearly within the parameters of the informal sector, and those engaged in these activities have been identified by previous ILO studies as informal sector participants.

Other economically important informal sector activities such as the trade in marijuana (qania in the Jamaican vernacular) were not included in this study though it might be argued that the economic significance is substantial. While any informal sector activity can be classified by the national government as "illegal" due to the fact that few informal sector participants have permits or licenses and


15do not conform to government regulations, it is also true that informal sector activities lie along a continuum of illegality, at least a governmental perception of illegality. Drug dealing and prostitution, for example, are at one extreme of the continuum. This study, therefore, has focused on what might be termed as "quasi-legal" informal sector activities of four distinct types.

8. Nonformal Education - An organized program of learning that takes place outside of an educational institution, but with the presence of a teacher or facilitator. There are definite goals and objectives to be met, and the emphasis is on problem-solving, improving occupational skills, and particularized subjects such as family planning, functional literacy, or citizenship (Gillis, Perkins, Roemer, & Snodgrass, 1983; Srinivasan, 1983).

9. Occupational Skills - Any observable or measurable skill which a worker or employee exhibits or could exhibit under the appropriate circumstances. Typing, use of machinery, accounting, and the mental operations of mathematical skills are all occupational skills.

Assumptions1. The subjects in the study were willing to provide

accurate and complete information about themselves and their economic enterprises to an outsider, a researcher from a different cultural and ethnic background.

2. The data collected from the sample population in


16four clusters of economic activities was representative of the Kingston informal sector.

3. The methodology of this study was compatible with the setting and nature of the economic activities of the participants, and would, by the nature of its design, facilitate the participants of the informal sector in providing answers to the interview questions.

Salient Characteristics of the Study1. The major limitation of this study was that the

methodology was new, and though preliminarily tested through a pilot test procedure, lacked previous application in the Jamaican context or any other. The research design was based on the conditions and constraints inherent in the culture of the informal sector, and adapted to those as much as possible. Conducting research on the streets of an urban center while participants were working and involved in other activities was a difficult situation in terms of control. Exogenous variables (everything from weather to police harassment) could have affected the study and collection of data.

2. The subjects were limited to a sample of 200 Jamaicans in only four economic activities of the informal sector in a relatively compact geographic area.

Selection of the four economic clusters of handicraft producers; fruit and vegetable sellers; service- oriented businesses such as tailoring, hairdressing, and


shoe repair; and street food vendors was made because of the high visibility of these four activities in the Inner Kingston area and because they represent a range of informal sector businesses from the totally mobile to those of a fixed location, from those operating on the main sidewalks and streets to those on side streets and in buildings. The geographic location of the research (an eight square-block area adjacent to and south of the Parade Area in Inner Kingston) was selected because it represented the heart of economic activity in downtown Kingston, excluding the market sites. Not only does this geographic area manifest a great quantity of informal sector activities, but also a wide spectrum of activities (See Appendix C).

3. Government officials and those perceived as "outsiders" are mistrusted by those in the informal sector. An inability to establish bonds of trust and openness with the participants could have severely limited the collection of data.

4. The timing of this study also contributes to its significance. Official Jamaican government policy (Urban Development Corporation, 1987) is to have the streets of Inner Kingston cleared of informal sector vendors by 1990.A series of new markets are to be built to house all of the vendors currently selling on the downtown streets. Among those working in the informal sector, there is a great deal


18of opposition to this proposal. This research study may provide some additional information about those working in the Inner Kingston informal sector, and contribute to a reassessment by the national government and donor agencies of education, training, and development policies.


CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction The term informal sector first appeared in the

literature of anthropology, economics, and sociology in 1968 as a result of Keith Hart's research in Accra, Ghana. From 1968 to the present, it has become usual to discuss the urban labor market in developing countries within a simple dichotomous framework - the formal sector and the informal sector; however, the existing literature has never reached a consensus as to the definitional characteristics of the informal sector nor a clear demarcation line between the two sectors.

If Hart was the originator of the term, it was certainly the International Labour Organization which put the term informal sector firmly in the lexicon of development studies. A set of seven characteristics was postulated for the identification of informal sectors in developing economies (reliance on indigenous resources, family ownership, small-scale in size, labor-intensive with adapted technology, skills of workers acquired outside the formal education system, ease of entry, and operation in unregulated, competitive markets), but the ILO studies

19


20never made clear whether all seven characteristics were necessary for economic activities to be classified as informal. Sethuraman (ILO, 1973), in fact, has come to define the informal sector by what it is not rather than by what it is. He has suggested that researchers use a practical definition for the informal sector and its participants, and that observation of informal economic enterprises is usually sufficient to characterize and classify them. "It is the enterprises and not the individuals in the urban economy that are classified into formal and informal sectors" (Sethuraman, 1976, p. 71).

While the debate as to the existence of the informal sector in the economies of developing countries was resolved for most soon after Hart’s study, the definitional ambiguities have continued to be associated with the study of the informal sector. A lack of in-depth analysis of those working in the informal sector has, in part, been the by-product of this academic preoccupation with structural issues of the sector. Seventeen years after the informal sector was officially identified, the existing literature still suggests little about who the participants in the informal sector really are, what they can accomplish, and almost nothing concerning their aspirations for themselves and their children.

Myths and stereotypes have been perpetuated about those who work in the informal sector, and only a few


21empirical studies have presented data to the contrary. As a result, policy issues affecting those working in the informal sector have often been formulated using incorrect or incomplete information. Furthermore, the informal sector has been cast in the mold of a problem for developing countries rather than as a bank of individuals with skills and abilities to be utilized as a creative solution to formal economies which manifest little growth and very few employment opportunities. This negative perception of the informal sector by governments and planners has often produced an attitude of neglect, and sometimes one of harassesat.

Definitional Confusions or Concerns As previously mentioned, informal sector research has

been concerned with and often constrained by definitional considerations. After over seventeen years of being recognized, the informal sector has not been unanimously defined. Richardson (1984) has suggested that there is no satisfactory method of defining the informal sector, either empirically or analytically. Most of the definitions which are reflected in the literature are essentially dualistic in nature (formal versus informal, legal versus illegal, independent or dependent, benign or exploitative), and are often based on the size of the informal sector business, characteristics of workers in the sector, or perhaps a combination of both.


22Mosner (1978) has characterized the definitional

debate as "complete confusion” and summarized:For instance it has, at different times, been regarded as synonymous with the urban poor, or with people living in slums or squatter settlements, or with the immigrant populations of cities. In addition certain kinds of occupations have been treated as belonging to the informal sector, while at times those concerned with housing tend to regard the development of the informal sector as synonymous with the improvement of housing in informal areas (Mosner, 1978, p. 1051).

Mosner rightly emphasizes the importance of distinguishing among these different groups because policy issues and recommendations will differ depending upon who is included in the informal sector. Mosner rejects the two-sector division of economies in favor of focusing on "the relationship between the different elements of the ensemble"(p. 1055) and prefers the term petty commodity production. This term has been used by others in studies of informal sectors (King, 1974, and Bienefeld, 1975) and small-scale industries.

The definitional debate was further magnified by the introduction of the term intermediate sector. It was suggested that the clear-cut dichotomy between formal and informal sectors was too simplistic, and the intermediate sector was needed to signify a market which was more difficult to enter than the informal sector because more capital and more highly developed skills were required. House (Nairobi studies, 1972) concurs that the informal sector should be divided into two subsectors: An


23intermediate sector where the participants are d y n a m i c

entrepreneurs and a section where they are the community of the poor. This distinction seems rather artificial for clearly both groups face similar difficulties and problems in their informal sector activities such as lack of access to credit and acceptance by the formal economic structures.

Other foci which have been given to the definitional problem include that of the informal sector's relationship to the state (Uzzell, 1980) and the aspect of illegality attached to the economic activities of the informal sector (Bromley and Gerry, 1979). As Beverly Lozano has noted, a distinction between formal and informal work that rests on the degree of the workers' compliance with government regulations and requirements tends to criminalize the entire informal sector and, by extension, unemployment itself.The lack of government regulation in the informal sector (Portes and Walton, 1981) has also been developed as the main distinguishing characteristic of the informal sector. Mazumdar (1981) based his framework on the urban labor market rather than on specific economic enterprises and differentiated between "the protected" and the "unprotected" sectors.

The real significance of the definitional debate over the informal sector lies in the fact that it has served to underline that lack of homogeneity in the informal sector and obscured the consensus of researchers on certain


24informal sector issues (Mathur and Moser, 1984). It has underscored a value judgment that only the formal sector of the economy can be productive and rational. Consequently, the debate has also reduced the opportunities for confronting policy issues, and this has had serious consequences for those in the informal sector.

Pioneer StudiesThree pioneer researchers in the informal sector who

also had to deal with definitional ambiguities, but produced early ground-breaking studies were R. Hart, S. Mintz, and S.V. Sethuraman. Their research was pioneering in two ways: for the important issues about the informal sectorwhich they first raised, and for the methodologies they used for research in the informal sector.

Before Hart's research in Ghana, the informal sector was not delineated and was generally referred to as "the urban poor." Hart's typology for analysis of "the economic activities of the low-income section of the labour force in Accra, the urban sub-proletariat" (Hart, 1973, p. 61) was a division of formal sector from informal based on the distinction between wage earners and the self-employed with an important factor being the issue of rationalization of work. The informal sector was further divided into legitimate and illegitimate activities. While the waters of the informal sector were more murky than Hart conceptualized, and he has been criticized by others for lack of


25clarification (see Moser, 1984), Hart's contribution to informal sector literature was substantial in terms of methodology and his original conceptualization of the informal sector.

Methodologically, Hart went beyond government reports and statistics to develop case studies of Ghanians working in the informal sector. As real people and real situations emerged from this approach, so did Hart's perspective that the informal sector was a buffer against unemployment and that it could provide opportunities for improving real incomes. He also concluded that the overt ignoring of the informal sector was a mistake being made by economists and national governments. The most significant question posed by Hart remains whether or not the informal sector was necessarily a problem, and if so, on what grounds. Furthermore, he set the stage for cross-cultural studies of informal sectors when he stated:

One thing is certain: Accra is not unique, and ahistorical, cross-cultural comparison of urban economies in the development process must grant a place to the analysis of informal as well as formal structures. It is time that the language and approach of development economics took this into account (Hart, 1973, p. 89).

The work of Mintz in his research on West African and Haitian markets was fundamentally important for his development of an ethnographic methodology to study market places. He examined the activities of Haitian markets in a broad cultural context, and concluded:


26In distinguishing the various pathways of trade, some insight into the structure of the society of whole is afforded, and particularly into the relationships between members of rural groups and representatives of outside forces. In the case of a peasant society, these relationships are themselves basic to an understanding of the national social and economic structure (Mintz, 1960, p. 56).

Another pioneering aspect of Mintz’s research was hisexamination of the role of women in informal sectoractivities, both in West Africa and Haiti. Mintzinvestigated the fact that most of the distribution inmarkets is conducted by women who carry on their activitiesmore or less independently of their husbands or other malefamily members.

A particularly fruitful line of investigation openedby Mintz was his consideration of motivational factorsamong women traders in developing countries. He concluded:

It appears that women traders in these societies may be inclined to shift their interest from increasing their commerce to increasing the opportunities for their children. Such opportunities are clearly bought in so- called undeveloped societies, and they rest mainly upon the use of education as a mobility device (Mintz, 1971, p. 265).

The role of women in the informal sector as the providers of school fees for their children is a theme that was later to be developed by others (Hansen, 1980) .

In many ways, however, the International Labour Organization studies of the 1970's and, in particular, the work of Sethuraman represent a watershed of early work in the informal sector. If Hart was the originator of the term informal sector, then it was the ILO which made it


popular and developed the revisionist view of the sector. Beginning with the ILO's mission to Kenya in 1971, continuing with Sethuraman's work in Indonesia, and that of others in the ILO, the informal sector became characterized as a sector of thriving economic growth. While not yet focusing on who these workers in the informal sector really were, but rather on their output, it was clear, nevertheless, that the informal sector offered a potential "gift" to developing countries. It could generate more jobs than the formal sector in most countries and generate them faster. The ILO prescription of the endorsement of informal sector activities became popular in the 1970's, but as Bromley and other have argued, this popularity may have been based in part on the possibility that paying at least some attention to the informal sector meant helping the poor without fundamentally disturbing the rich in developing countries. The recognition of the informal sector’s value did not automatically result in policy changes.

Sethuraman's personal contribution to informal sector research methodology is significant. The focus of his inquiry was on the specific informal sector enterprises (manufacturing, construction, transport, trade and services) rather than on identifying whether a particular individual was employed within the formal or informal sectors. He recommended that researchers follow practical parameters for the informal sector, and identify it by what


28it is not rather than by what it is. He was also concerned about what type of assistance informal sector participants needed and included questions pertaining to that issue in his surveys (Sethuraman, 1976).

Taken collectively, the pioneer studies of Hart, Mintz, and Sethuraman (ILO), deserve the prominent place they have in the body of informal sector literature. As with pioneer studies in other fields, their work formulated questions more than it offered solutions. The lines for future research were given a sharper perspective, however, and income generation, gender, and government policies toward the informal sector emerged as issues to be researched and debated by others.

Development of Perceptions of the Informal Sector

After the pioneer studies of the early 1970's established areas for inquiry within the informal sector, perceptions about workers in the informal sector became more solidified— both through empirical research and the development of economic models. Both advocates and adversaries of the informal sector conducted research and compiled statistics, but with very different interpretations of the role of the sector.

The "waiting room" hypothesis (also known as the Harris-Todaro model) characterized the informal sector as a waiting area for rural migrants who came to urban areas in


29search of employment. Eventually, perhaps after a wait of several years, they would move into the formal sector, making room for more migrants. As the migrants were often illiterate and unskilled, perceptions of all participants in the informal sector as being the same developed (Todaro, 1969). The sector was pictured as a vast reservoir of cheap, but largely unskilled labor (Richardson, 1984).

Chana and Morrison's study of Nairobi's informal economic sector (1975) supported the Todaro thesis and concluded:

The informal sector is likely to continue performing the useful social function of a holding ground as long as the formal sector is unable to provide sufficient employment for those seeking work. The qualities that characterize informal firms - low capital requirements, rudimentary skills, and a limited range of products and markets - allow the job seeker easy access to work which will provide him with sufficient income to sustain him in the city while he waits for a more permanent and higher paying position to appear (Chana and Morrison, 1975, p. 122).

With the "waiting room" hypothesis, the informal sector clearly became perceived as a part of the economic problem of developing countries or "less a distinct and potentially viable economic unity then a byproduct of the present development process . . ." (Chana and Morrison, 1975, p. 130).

Survey research which asked informal sector participants about employment preferences, however, offered challenges to the Todaro model. Mazumdar's research in Malaysia offered clear-cut evidence that not only did many informal sector workers prefer informal to formal sector


30employment, but that there were some actual shifts from formal sector employment to informal. Mazumdar suggested that far from being a jumping-off point for early job seekers, the informal sector, may represent upward mobility, especially in terms of family-owned businesses (Mazumdar, 1981).

Cole and Sander (1985) offered a revised paradigm ofthe Todaro model as they perceived that the large numbersof migrants to urban areas could not be explained by theTodaro model. They sought to expand Todaro's theory toexplain why masses of unschooled and unskilled people moveto urban areas and what the impact of their arrival was.They concluded:

Although the Todaro model is unidimensional while migration is a dual phenomenon, that model generally has been found consistent with the data. Consistency with the data, however, is not sufficient if the theory is inappropriate. It is the theory that informs policy. If the focus is growth of the I-S sector labor force, the Todaro model has yielded the correct prediction, but has failed to provide a satisfactory explanation (Cole and Sander, 1985, p. 492).

The challenges to the perceptions and the developing myths were to come from new empirical studies and new models. These challenges were particularly important for considerations of educational and skills issues such as literacy levels, educational attainment, and types of skills of people working in the informal sector.


31Challenges to the Myths:New Empirical Studies

The descriptions of the informal sector in developing countries in the 1980's is different from the descriptions of informal sectors in the 1970's. As Perlman attacked the "myths of marginality" in her study of the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, so other researchers have begun to attack the myths of the informal sector. While most general economic analyses of the informal sector saw the sector as a problem, the empirical research has suggested positive aspects of the informal sector in developing countries. Evidence is being discovered that reinforces the view of the informal sector as a part of the economic solution for developing countries rather than as a part of the problem. Individuals in the informal sector are rational decisionmakers and often economically astute. They do not merely survive from day to day, but formulate plans to expand and promote their individual business, even if the capital to do so is lacking. Participants in the informal sector in a variety of countries are not conforming to the "myths” about them.

In contrast to the Harris-Todaro model. House's research in Nairobi (1984) and Waldorf's research in Bangkok (1978) showed that the majority of informal sector workers are urban-born rather than rural migrants. The same two studies have also shown that informal sector participants are not underemployed. Most are working full-time


32and some have more than one job which would involve fifty to sixty hours of work per week. The amount of capital required to start an informal sector business is not negligible, thus it does not appear true in some informal sectors, at least, that anyone can work in the informal sector (Effron, 1980).

One of the more fruitful lines of inquiry, considerations of the affective domain, has been suggested by several studies. Are informal sector participants satisfied with their work and their lives? Certainly some participants stay in the informal sector even though their profitability may be low (Waldorf, 1978). One study in the informal sector in Accra (Hills, 1985) found that 70.2 percent of those in the informal sector said they wanted to stay there rather than enter the formal sector in any capacity. Lozano (1983) has also reported on the perceived benefits of informal sector employment.

Out of this research emerges an image of the informal sector as a thriving, dynamic alternative to unemployment and an unresponsive state mechanism. This image has been made more vivid by De Soto in his recent book El Otro Sendero [The Other Path], 1986). De Soto has suggested after an analysis of the bureaucratic hassles of or by the Peruvian government that the informal market is the solution to the problem of an unresponsive and uncaring state structure. While the state cannot satisfy the basic needs


33of Lima's poor, the informal sector can. While De Soto does not idealize the informal sector, his research revealed that unless a major restructuring of government institutions took place, the informal sector is the only viable alternative for the people's survival.

Most survey research which has been done on the informal sector has included some data about literacy and educational attainment levels. In a study of street food vendors in The Philippines (Barth, 1981) it was found that one-third of the sample had attended high school, and one- fifth had been to college. Even in the early 1970's Hart found the majority of his sample in Accra, Ghana had completed seven years of schooling, and ten percent had completed eleven years. A study done by Cobbah in Ghana ten years later showed that only fourteen percent of those in his sample had no formal education, and almost fifty percent had completed middle school (Cobbah, 1985).

Several new empirical studies strongly reveal that the majority of the participants in the informal sector are functionally literate and that educational attainment levels are higher than analyses of the sector have stated that were not based on empirical data. It seems feasible that it is not that participants in the informal sector are there because they have a low level of educational attainment, but rather, because even with their educational


34attainment, they could not initially find employment in the formal sector.

The issue of occupational skills is two-fold: wherethe skills were obtained, and what specific skills the informal participants possess. The International Labour Organization has suggested that one characteristics of the informal sector is that workers have learned skills outside the formal educational system. However, with high percentages having received a number of years of formal education, this characteristic has been challenged by other empirical studies (Barth, 1983).

The assumption that the informal sector participants are unskilled is also quite questionable. Effron (1980) found in the Ivory Coast informal sector that almost all of her sample of tailors, carpenters, and mechanics had completed apprenticeships of one to three years. House's research in Nairobi (1977) showed that many jobs in the informal sector are skill-intensive, and because competition is as manifest in the informal sector as in the formal, participants in the informal sector work to improve their skills. While Waldorf’s study of the self-employed in Thailand did not really stress examination of informal sector participants' skills, she did find bookkeeping skills and an accurate awareness of market prices and competitors’ prices were well-developed. No study has specifically addressed the skills of those in the informal


35sector in the categories of operating machines and tools, mental calculation skills, language skills, or other categories of relevant occupationally-related skills.

Current Policies Toward the Informal SectorCurrent individual policies toward the informal

sector lack integration, resulting in programs with contradictory objectives. This lack of integration stems from the reality that the policies themselves are formed from an entwining of the policy process and misperceptions concerning the nature of the informal sector. The in- accessability of policy makers to those working in the informal sector has resulted in a policy process that has been developed without understanding the people it affects. Policies made in isolation both from the people and accurate data about them (see Chapter I) correctly describes the present situation in Jamaica.

There are also internal and external influences on policies toward the informal sector. The internal influences include the political actors and interests in Jamaican politics, the businesses of the formal economy, and internal economic conditions. External influences include the important roles of the U.S. government and the Agency for International Development. It is accurate to assume that AID will have a continued presence in Jamaica, and its own agenda will have to receive at least some attention from the Jamaican government. Currently, the


36informal sector does not have a place on the AID list of priorities in Jamaica.

It is also often difficult to review specific literature on the topic of national government policy toward the informal sector in developing countries because such policies are generally politically sensitive and often controversial. Complete details of the policies may not even be released to the public. This proved to be the case in Jamaica, and, therefore, to obtain specific information about current policies toward the informal sector in that country, interviews with ten individuals working directly with programs affecting informal sector participants were conducted by the researcher. A complete list of the individuals interviewed appears in Appendix D.

In order to understand the present policy process in Jamaica, as well as the effect of the policies, interviews were completed with three groups of individuals: Agencyfor International Development and banking personnel, government ministries, voluntary agencies; also five specific project sites were visited. The visits reinforced information gained from the ten interviews. The themes which emerged from the interviews and visits represented the main policy issues which surround the current relationship between the government and the informal sector in Jamaica, particularly in Kingston. (See Appendix D for a listing of themes.)


Official policy toward the informal sector in most countries, as in Jamaica, lies along a continuum from benign neglect to active harassment and planned dismantlement. As sparse data is collected from the informal sector, these official policies, irrespective of intention, are formulated without accurate information concerning the nature of the sector. Perceptions and assumptions, therefore, tend to distort realities, and the negative aspects of the informal sector are those most often stressed. As Richardson (1984) has indicated in his article on the role of the urban informal sector, the three commonly emphasized issues are the effect of the informal sector on the undermeasurement of GNP; tax evasion by those working in the informal sector; and the extent of illegal activities, such as drug dealing. The policy environment, in response to the perception of the informal sector as a problem, becomes lacking in assistance or even repressive.

The policy response of each of the three groups of individuals interviewed varied considerably. The U.S. Agency for International Development has ignored the existence of the informal sector in its current Inner Kingston Development Project (no. 5320120) and loans for those in the informal sector have been deemed "difficult to administer and largely unnecessary." Bank officials at the Mutual Security Bank in downtown Kingston expressed a similar view.


38Government programs, on the other hand, have been

mixed in their signals, but "consistently inappropriate" (Personal interview, Sadie Campbell, Caribbean Food and Nutrition Program, 1987). The official policy line of the Seaga government, as implemented by the Urban Development Corporation, is to have all informal sector vendors off the streets of Kingston by 1990 (Personal interview, Carl Binger, Urban Development Corporation, July 27, 1987). The policy is to be phased in as new markets are constructed to accommodate the vendors. Presently, there are four markets in Kingston: Coronation Market, Redemption Grounds Market,Jubilee Market, and Queens Market. It is estimated that approximately 3,000 vendors are selling in these four market areas (Personal interview, Carl Binger). There has been substantial resistance to the market policy among informal sector participants, but the resistance has not been well-organized. The Development Support Communications Program is the arm of the Urban Development Corporation that has been doing public relations work in the informal sector to generate support for the changes and policies. The main inducement used is that vendors will make more money if they sell in market sites.

A contradiction in Jamaica government policy exists, however. While the government is moving informal sector participants from the streets to markets, there is also a government program to place new informal sector workers on


39the streets. The Solidarity Program (part of the H.E.A.R.T. system of government training programs) provides training for young people between 18 and 25 years of age, and 14,000 of them became self-employed after training.The occupations they entered included fruit and vegetable selling, and the vending of sno-cones, ice cream, cooked meats, fish, and handicraft items. The young people have sponsors (from the formal sector of the economy usually) and are eligible for small loans to get their businesses started (On-Site Project Visit, Solidarity Headquarters, Kingston, July, 1987). The inconsistency inherent in the objectives of the Solidarity program has, of course, been another source of frustration for those already working in the Kingston informal sector, and was expressed by participants during the interview sessions.

Voluntary agencies in Kingston working with informal sector participants have adopted training or re-training policies toward the informal sector workers. The researcher visited the Olympic Gardens Project, the Brother of the Poor Faith Center, the Hanover Street Training Center, and the Holy Family School Training Center, the last three of which are church-affiliated. The concept behind these projects is to give people marketable skills, and also to assist them with housing problems and other social problems. While some of these programs offer a variety of skills training, others like the Brother of the Poor Faith


Center concentrate on one skill, weaving in this case.Some of the participants in these programs, however, complained that "training does not mean employment" and the hope of meaningful employment was still elusive after training because they had no access to small loans to get a business started. At least ten participants currently being trained in these projects said they had learned three or four different skills in the last three years and "still had no job."

One notable exception to the frustration of training without employment is the Grace Kennedy Staff Foundation, a voluntary program run by Frances Madden in Kingston. Informal sector workers can receive small loans to buy supplies, expand businesses, or even pay personal bills.The program offers a rare opportunity for those in the informal sector to have access to credit. Interestingly, the experience of this program is in direct contrast to that of bank personnel at the Mutual Security Bank (Anonymous personal interview, Mutual Security Bank, July 23, 1987). The view expressed by bank personnel was that loans are often not repaid, and because informal sector workers are not permanently located in a business site, the bank cannot find them to request repayment. Frances Madden, however, stated that repayment of loans is not a factor as 75 percent are repaid promptly and all that informal sector participants really need to make a difference in their


41lives is a loan of $1,000 Jamaican for one year (Personal interview, Frances Madden).

The issue of perceptions of the informal sector is critical to an understanding of policy issues, as the previous example of the Grace Kennedy Foundation and Mutual Security Bank illustrates. At the present time in Kingston the issue of aesthetics is taking precedence over economic realities (Personal interview, Sadie Campbell). The middle-class and upper-middle class have negative perceptions of the informal sector and those who work in it. The informal sector is seen as "dirty, disorganized, and illegal;" informal sector workers are seen as "unproductive and often lazy.” The market concentration policy stems from these perceptions rather than from an appreciation of Jamaican employment and the obstacles facing the informal sector.

There is also a difference in how the economic condition of those working in the informal sector is perceived (Personal interview, Blossom Stokes, National Development Foundation of Jamaica, July 23, 1987). Some policy makers feel that those in the informal sector do quite well economically and have no need of any assistance. (This view was expressed, for example, by Jim Lowe, Agency for International Development, Kingston Mission, July 21, 1987.) When economic conditions are difficult generally in Jamaica for all socio-economic classes, the need to assist


42the informal sector workers in particular lessens even more. There is an attitude that somehow those in the informal sector will survive, simply because they always have and policies of benign neglect are the result. Quite a different perception is held by those who work closely with those in the informal sector, mostly voluntary agency personnel. The informal sector is a hard economic environment which necessitates long hours of work for uncertain incomes. Strong entrepreneurial skills have allowed those in the informal sector to survive and those skills should be encouraged and assisted (Personal interview, Frances Madden). Except for a few voluntary programs, this is not presently happening in the Kingston informal sector.

As early as the 1970's, the International Labour Organization developed a list of policy recommendations for governments with respect to the informal sector (Richardson, 1984). The list included the suggestions that government harassment and unnecessary regulation of the informal sector be terminated, licensing should be considerably reduced or even phased out, strategies on product design and improvement for goods which would be appropriate for informal sector business should be developed, and government purchases should be made from the informal sector as well as the formal. There was a consensus among all individuals interviewed about policy issues that none of the ILO suggestions had been implemented in Jamaica, but no


43definite explanations were offered as to why.

The situation that continues to exist in Jamaica in terms of policies toward the informal sector manifests "considerable complexities and contradictions" (Personal interview, Blossom Stokes). The reality of the two hundred informal sector participants interviewed in this study presented in Chapter IV and the reality of what government policy issues are doing in the informal sector reveal a substantial gap. The gap exists for historical, social, and economic reasons that while not unique to Jamaica, are quite persistent in the Jamaican policy environment.

The Need for a New Framework While researchers have not agreed on the theoretical

and operational definitions of the informal sector, they have been more cohesive in terms of the focus of research. The vast majority of studies have concentrated on wage distribution and income generation in the informal sector (House, 1972 and Kuruneri, 1981). Other issues which have been examined include gender and equity (Hansen, 1980), efficiency issues (Effron, 1980), and migration associated with the growth of the informal sector (Todaro, 1980). Education and training issues have not been exclusively addressed in informal sector studies. Economics, anthropology, and sociology have continued to be the main disciplinary approaches to research on the informal sector.

While questions of education and training have been


44included in most research studies (Hart, 1973; Sethuraman, 1977 and Effron, 1980), they have been generally confined to the presence or absence of literacy and the number of years of schooling completed. An educational profile of those in the informal sector is an important prerequisite to policy formulation which has been notably neglected.All too often national governments have given the blanket prescription of "more education - more training" not only to those in the informal sector, but to other segments of society as well. An examination of national budgets indicates the ever-increasing portion alloted to education and training.

It is estimated that, on the average, 16 percent of the national budgets of developing countries are now being spent on education. Between 1960 and 1970, the annual growth rate in educational expenditure was 13 percent in Asia, 16 percent in Africa, and 20 percent in Latin America. Many countries, including Kenya, allocate as high as 30 percent of their government's recurrent expenditure for education (Cheru, 1987, p. 7).

The recurrent expenditure for education in Jamaica is 14.8percent of the national recurrent budget (1985/86),compared to 14.3 percent in 1984/85 (Planning Institute ofJamaica, 1986) .

Though there are three ways in which individuals can learn skills (formally, nonformally, and informally), governments generally give emphasis to and funding for only formal skills acquisition. Those who select nonformal methods of learning skills such as apprenticeships or informal acquisition from family members or friends often


45find that the formal economy does not recognize or accept their training without the certificates and documents from formal education institutions. So not only is the prescription given for "more education - more training", but the brand of the prescription is clearly specified - formal education and training is better if one is to enter the formal economy. The dichotomy is again reinforced of formal is good and informal is bad.

The issue, however, goes beyond whether to educate or not to educate, to train or to re-train. Part of the development of a new framework to analyze the problems and contributions of the informal sector of developing countries has to be a total reassessment of conventional development models and Western-generated development strategies. The graduate unemployment problem in Kenya, for example, has been analyzed as one of the direct consequences of the relationship between Kenya’s educational system and the country's export-led economic growth policies.

Kenya's economic difficulties came to a head in the late 1970's, then spilled over into the 1980's as real growth lost pace with the country's soaring population increase, causing a decline in per capita gross domestic product (GDP). The principal factors leading up to the economic stagnation are: high-priced,import-intensive industrial sector; low world prices for coffee and tea; continued bottlenecks in the agricultural sector; and rapidly increasing prices for manufactured imports . . . . These economic problems diminish the aspirations of school graduates in obtaining attractive modern sector jobs (Cheru, 1987, p. 74).

In many developing countries, exemplified by Jamaica,


46the informal sector is absorbing school leavers who cannot: find employment in the formal sector. It is also absorbing experienced, skilled workers who have lost employment in the formal sector as it has contracted under economic pressures. A new framework for informal sector studies, therefore, has the dual requirement of focusing on the positions, needs, and problems of those at the micro level and the national and international economic issues at the macro level.

The Jamaican Informal SectorAs was previously mentioned, empirical studies of the

informal sector have been concentrated geographically in West Africa, East Africa, and Asia. In spite of growing urban informal sectors throughout the Caribbean islands, the region is notable for a lack of empirical studies. Jamaica's informal sector manifests this same lack of attention, though the historical roots of the sector go back to the days of slavery.

Simmonds (1987) has documented the system cf slave higglering (trading) in urban areas of colonial Jamaica as early as the 1790's. Slaves hawked a variety of goods on the streets for the economic profit of their masters and mistresses. The slaveowners, in fact, as Simmonds states ". . . derived a double benefit: the procurement of steadyincome, and release from the obligations of providing for the material needs of the slaves" (Simmonds, 1987, p. 33).


47By the 1820's the informal sector was "a deeply embedded social and economic institution and laws became regulatory rather than suppressive" (Simmonds, 1987, p. 38). The same cannot be said of present government policies toward the informal sector which are suppressive and control-oriented such as forced movement of informal sector businesses to markets.

The major extensive study of the informal sector in Jamaica was completed in 1977 under the auspices of the Ministry of Agriculture. The Higgler Survey (Smikle & Taylor) presents data collected from 961 higglers throughout the island, urban and rural, who sold in markets. Approximately 1,300 "curbside" higglers, those selling on the streets and sidewalks, were also surveyed. The focus of the survey research, however, was on the system of agricultural distribution and not on the individual higglers. their characteristics, and their problems.

Significant findings of The Higgler Survey which reinforce findings in this research study are as follows:

• Curbside markets offered less competition and hence better business for those selling in the informal sector than enclosed market sites.

• Females make up the overwhelming majority of higglers.

• The majority of higglers have been working in the informal sector for over fifteen years.


4 8

• Higglering was selected as an occupation because of the unavailability of other means of employment.

• Of those higglers who were able to obtain loans for their businesses, only about 2 percent obtained loans from commercial banks or small business loans from the government.

Smikle and Taylor did not find a higgler population that was well-educated or skilled. They found that "curbside higglers lack other occupational skills. Higglering is consequently the only form of occupation for the vast majority of these traders" (Smikle & Taylor, 1977, p. 51). The profile of the typical higgler in their survey is that of a middle-aged or older woman, unskilled and with low levels of education, but the survey also acknowledges that "the 17 percent male higglers are equally unskilled and of low educational standards" (Smikle & Taylor, 1977, p. 92).

The differences between the findings in the present study and the research conducted by Smikle and Taylor (in 1977) are largely explained by the worsening economic situation in Jamaica during the last ten-year period. The researchers acknowledged in their survey that trends in the Jamaican economy will influence the influx of individuals into the higgler trade. They were not interested in addressing the issue of the quality of skills and education of the higglers surveyed, but rather focused on the quantity of higglers on the island.


49In fact, it seems quite clear that high levels of unemployment in the economy will have a positive influence on the numbers of higglers, as members of the unemployed will seek to eke out a means of livelihood by trading in agricultural products (Smikle & Taylor, 1977, p. 38).

Beckford and Witter (1980) in their book assessing economic struggles and changes in Jamaica also comment on the "waves of internal migration to towns and cities" and the creation of a rural proletariat lacking in skills.Their framework places the petty traders and hustlers of the informal sector at the bottom of the social stratification pyramid in Jamaican society, but they also acknowledge that "the masses of our unemployed could not survive without the myriad of petty trading and hustling activities (legal and illegal)" (Beckford and Witter, 1980, p. 81).

Kannappan (1979) acknowledged the lack of datacollected from those in the informal sector in Jamaica, butshowed that information which had been collected revealedthe efforts of those in the informal sector to create aportfolio of jobs and skills, however basic those skillsmight be. He concluded:

It is patently unsatisfactory to look at occupational statistics and conclude, as many observers do, that such-and-such a percentage of the workforce is Tin- skilled, such-and-such semi-skilled, and so on" (Kannapan, 1979, p. 45).The informal sector as a necessity, but not quite a

desirable economic solution in Jamaica, was described even earlier by Eyre (1972) in his study of the shantytowns of Montego Bay. His research indicated that the poor of


50Montego Bay had only three possible economic channels to pursue: intermittent employment (usually in the construction or service sectors), subsistence agriculture, and petty commerce. He also found a wide-range of skills among the inhabitants of the Glendevon and Flanken sections of the city. These skills included jewelry making, sign making, tailoring, auto repairs, and dressmaking. Many more people pursued economic activities irregularly in their homes.

As the informal sector continues to grow in size and diversity of occupations in both Jamaican urban and rural areas, the gaps in current information about those working in the informal sector have become more obvious and critical. The ten-year period since the Smikle & Taylor research has seen major changes in the Jamaican informal sector and its participants. New empirical studies, however, have not been undertaken to verify and illuminate the changes.

Chapter SummaryThe literature about the informal sector, when taken

collectively, reveals that arbitrary assumptions have been made about the sector and its participants. The assumptions have been made because a) the data, or at least sufficient data, have not been available, and b) governments and official agencies have done little to contribute to a more accurate analysis of the informal sector within


51individual countries. These assumptions can only be addressed if the informal sector is regarded as more than aholding pattern for those on their way to employment in theformal sector. More empirical studies need to be done to ascertain a clear profile of who the informal sector participants are, what economic activities and survivalstrategies they are engaged in, and what they identify as their needs in terms of training and non-formal education. The development and utilization of a new framework to better understand the participants in the informal sector, their challenges and opportunities, is essential for this process to take place.

Training programs, grass roots development projects, and non-formal education policies have not and, indeed, cannot meet the needs of the population of the informal sector until the culture of the informal sector is recognized and considered on its own terms. Millions of people are not only surviving, but in some cases, prospering in the informal sectors or urban centers throughout the world. Those who are prospering can serve as models for those who are merely surviving. Recent literature (Paul, 1985, and Lozano, 1983) has suggested the feasibility of this approach.

While a need for small-scale loans is often identified as a major requirement by those working in the informal sector, such loans are rarely available. As House


52(1984) discovered in his research in Nairobi's informal sector, less than 1 percent of those in his sample had successfully obtained a bank loan. Another 1 percent had managed to obtain a loan from a government lending agency. Only three of the vendors in Barth's research (1983) in Iloilo City, the Philippines had been successful in getting bank loans. However, when a program of small-scale loans for those in the informal sector has been attempted, the results in terms of usage and repayment have been excellent. The loan scheme of the Grace Kennedy Foundation, Kingston, Jamaica is a notable example. The program provides "seed money" to people to start their own small business operations. The repayment rate has generally been 75 percent since the program began in 1979 (Personal interview, Frances Madden, Grace Kennedy Staff Foundation, July 27, 1987).

This literature review also revealed that relative declines in formal sector employment are going to continue to be inevitable due to the faster growth of productivity in manufacturing industries relative to the demand for manufactured products. Manufacturing productivity has been rising in Jamaica because of infusions of capital and the economic policies of Prime Minister Seaga's government to promote investment in Jamaica. On an annual basis, 1986 was the best year for industrial production since 1978 (Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 1986). Jamaica's


53traditional exports (bauxite, sugar, bananas and gypsum) showed some improvement during the 1985-86 period, but levels of trade were still below the trade levels of pervious years. The demand for Jamaica's manufactured products remains low. The export markets are simply not present as other Caribbean trading partners produce many of the same items as Jamaica, and the U.S. market has remained uninterested or inaccessable. This trend has been present in Jamaica for the last ten years. It would seem, therefore, to be a most appropriate time to re-examine the informal sector and those who work within it. In a rapidly changing macro economic environment, the descriptors of those in the informal sector of illiterate, poor, and unskilled have been proven to be incorrect as a generalization. The informal sector's ability to provide an alternative to formal sector employment is no longer speculative; it is a reality. The policy environment needs to change, however, to accomodate this reality.


CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Design of the Study This study was designed to survey a representative

sample of the informal sector in Kingston, Jamaica in four distinct economic activities to gather data concerning functional literacy levels, educational attainment levels, and occupational skills. Previous studies of the informal sector in developing countries have focused primarily on economic, anthropological, and sociological concerns rather than those of education and training.

Another consideration of this study was to examine the present government development policies and programs impacting on the workers in the informal sector in Kingston. These policies and programs were in the areas of nonformal education, literacy development, and vocational- technical training. Data was obtained through interviews with individuals in Kingston working on these policies and programs as well as on-site visits to projects by the researcher. The question this study has considered in this section of the research is the applicability, utility, and appropriateness of the policies and programs given the educational and economic needs of those in the informal

54


55sector in Kingston, Jamaica.

The Sample PopulationThe sample population was taken from participants

currently working in four economic activities within the informal sector: street-food vendors, handicraft sellers, fruit and vegetable sellers, and small-scale services which included tailoring, barbering, and shoe repair. All four of these clusters of economic activities have been identified by the International Labour Organization as economic activities clearly within the parameters of the informal sector. Therefore, it is the economic activity and not the individual which was the most significant criterion for the sample selection.

A total sample of 200 participants was used with stratification by not only the four economic activities, but also on the basis of gender and age. The consideration of women was critically important because they play a significant role in the informal economy of Jamaica as they are often the sole support of their children. The sample selection, however, was evenly divided between males and females because one aspect of the research was to compare educational characteristics and training of males and females. As the literature often suggests that the number of youths and elderly is disproportionately dominant in the informal sector, (Moser, 1984), it was important to include middle-aged subjects in the sample as well.


56The subjects were approached by the researcher and

given an explanation of who the researcher was and why this research was being done. All were willing to participate. All of the participants at the time of this study were actively involved in their economic enterprise within an eight block area south of and adjacent to William Grant Park in Inner Kingston. While informal sector activities can be found throughout Kingston, and indeed, the entire island of Jamaica, Inner Kingston manifests a high concentration and variety of informal sector activities.Within an eight block area there was no difficulty in finding 200 individuals employed in informal sector activities. The exact size of the informal sector is unknown, but estimates of the number of individuals working in the informal sector in the downtown section of Kingston range from 12,000-15,000 (Urban Development Corporation, 1987).

The nature of the informal sector and the mobility of those employed in its economic activities might have led to a loss of subjects. As the interview structure was a phased one, there was a possibility that the researcher would not be able to find all of the subjects over a three or four week period in the same location. Previous research in informal sectors, however, suggested that those who are self-employed tend to operate their businesses in the same geographic location unless sales take a downward trend and they move to find a better location. This


57proved to be the case in Kingston as not one of the 200 participants changed his or her business site during the course of the study.

Another source of sample bias could have been inherent in the fact that the sample contained participants in only four clusters of economic activities. The informal sector contains activities ranging from shining shoes to small factories employing ten workers or less. Previous empirical studies of informal sectors, however, have focused on only one type of economic activity (street food vendors, for example) or a range of activities within a division of the informal sector, such as several small manufacturing enterprises. The use of four economic activities produced a broader data base for this study.

Observer bias was limited because care was taken in the structuring and delivery of the interviews. The tone was casual, and contacts between researcher and participants proceeded according to the pace desired by the participants, not the researcher. While the researcher had specific information which needed to be collected, participants could give that information in their own way and time. In referring to the limitations of cross-sectional surveys, T.G. McGee and Rajesh Chandra stated that "all they do is give a photograph when what is needed is a life history." The intention of this research study was to provide more of a life history of participants,


58particularly with respect to education and skills. Though the time frame of the research was not as long as that of normal anthropological field studies, the principles of "bottom-up" research, and participant observation were the philosophical approach of the researcher.

No permission was needed to conduct this research in Jamaica except the procurement of a research visa from the Jamaican Embassy, Washington, D.C. As a part of the research study involved visiting Jamaican government and U.S. Agency for International Development projects now being implemented in Jamaica, contacts were established prior to arrival in Jamaica. Data obtained from five onsite project visits and ten interviews with government officials, Agency for International Development personnel, and individuals working in voluntary agencies have been included in Chapter IV.

Instrumentation The instrumentation used in this study was designed

specifically by the researcher for use with informal sector participants in Kingston, Jamaica. None of the literacy tests or interview sequences had been previously tested, but validity and reliability were ascertained by means of a pilot test which was conducted with 40 subjects prior to the collection of data. The rationale behind all of the instruments used in the study was that they were designed with the culture, setting, and economic activities of the


subjects being fully considered.59

Literacy TestsFunctional literacy was tested by asking the parti

cipants in each of the four types of economic activities to read and then either comment about or discuss a short written request or questions using vocabulary from their economic activities. The words literacy, literate, or illiterate were not used by the researcher. If the subjects could respond and/or discuss the information written on the card they received, then they were determined to be functionally literate. If they were unable to respond or seemed confused, they were determined to be illiterate. Not only did this method of testing for literacy prove to be quick and appropriate for the street setting where the research was undertaken, but also it demonstrated a sensitivity to the subject of illiteracy.The participants in this study were tested for literacy without being made to feel they were being formally tested.

The functional literacy tests for each economic activity group are included in Appendix E. Copies of the literacy tests used by the Jamaican Movement for the Advancement of Literacy have also been included for comparison (see Appendix F).

Observation of SkillsInformation about occupationally-related skills of


60subjects was collected in three ways:

• from the subjects themselves during the interview guide process

• from other participants in the informal sector who were asked about skills they saw others utilizing in their economic activities (record keeping, bookkeeping, mental math calculations, for example)

• by direct observations by the researcher over a period of three weeks

By collecting occupational skills data in these three ways, one method of collection served as a check on the other methods (see Appendix G). Furthermore, participant observations allowed the researcher to observe informal sector businesses in daily operation and gain a holistic perception of Inner Kingston activities and experiences.A wide variety of occupational skills were found among informal sector participants, and these are analyzed in Chapter IV.

Interview GuideWritten survey instruments have been used with

informal sector participants (Sethuraman, 1973, 1978), (House, 1972) (Waldorf, 1979) in other research studies. Sethuraman stressed the importance of writing questions for research surveys that were simple and clear; yet, an examination of research surveys for the informal sector commonly reveals the following characteristics: a) they


61are long, taking one to one and a half hours to administer, usually without a break; b) they contain few open- ended questions; c) they are often administered at the convenience of the researcher or at any time, but not specifically at a time convenient for the informal sector participants themselves.

The interview guide designed for this study has addressed all three of these characteristics (see Appendix H). The overall design of the interview guide was open-ended. Participants were asked by the researcher to explain how they became involved with the economic activity they were currently pursuing. As information relevant to the study emerged, it was recorded on the interview guide sheets. If necessary information was not given by the participant, then the researcher asked those specific questions. An effort was made by the researcher to keep the researcher-participant contact more in the mode of a conversation than an interview. The researcher's role as a listener assumed priority over the role of questioner (Chambers, 1980). This approach was beneficial as it assisted in the process of data collection and also provided types of information concerning attitudes and feelings which might not have been given using other approaches. As a result, each participant in this study became a mini-case study, giving a wide range of information to the researcher.


62Tine of year and time of day were both important

considerations for interviews with participants in the informal sector. While the informal sector is in operation 365 days of the year, the Christmas and Easter seasons are very active shopping/buying periods in Jamaica, and inappropriate for research. Furthermore, Independence Week, during the first part of August, is also a rather hectic period of activity and should be avoided. In this study, the pilot test was completed during the month of July and the main data collection during October.

The informal sector operates twenty-four hours a day. A crucial consideration, and indeed, a unique feature of this study was that the interviews were scheduled at times of the day or night when the participants would be less involved with economic activities, and, therefore, more likely to respond to questions.

The best times to interview subjects in each of the four economic clusters was determined after several days of observation by the researcher of peak and slack times of economic activity. It was apparent, for example, that sno-cone vendors were more receptive to being interviewed in the mornings rather than afternoons when the demand for sno-cones was greater. Tailoring, shoe repair, and barber shop activities were avoided by the researcher during the busy morning and evening hours when customers stopped in on their way to and from work. Not only did such an approach


63show respect for the economic endeavors of the participants, but the collection of data was facilitated as well.

Some previous studies of informal sector participants (Perlman and Waldorf) have included interviewing and completion of survey questionnaires in the participants’ homes. That approach was not utilized in this study for a number of reasons. Often the homes of those in the informal sector are far from the site of their economic activities, or, in some cases, they sleep under their stalls or stands. Some participants may be reluctant for social reasons to invite a foreign researcher into their homes. Most important, however, the study focused on what the informal sector participants were doing on a daily basis, and what skills they were utilizing in their economic activities. It was more informative and appropriate to have contacts with them on-site, on the streets or at their places of business.

MaterialsMaterials which were used for this study included

the following: maps of the Inner Kingston area, a map ofthe geographic location of the research site made by the researcher, the interview guide, functional literacy tests for the various economic activities to be sampled, and observation sheets for occupational skills. Slides were taken of the research site and some of the economic activities in the informal sector of Kingston. Tape recording


64the interview responses was rejected by the researcher as too inhibiting and threatening for the participants.

Ethical ConsiderationsThose in the informal sector have certain predisposi

tions to be suspicious of anyone who asks questions or is interested in their economic activities, especially income levels and profits. It was essential for the researcher to deal directly with suspicions and fears on the part of the participants. The researcher had to make clear from the initial research contact that she was not from the government and respected the participants rights to privacy. The researcher was careful not to impose herself on the informal sector community or individuals within the community. One factor which helped to relieve some suspicions in this particular study was that questions concerning income were not asked. If participants volunteered information about their incomes, the information was collected. It was not, however, a focus of this research.

Given the nature of the setting of the research and lack of access to subjects over a long period of time, it would be very difficult to eventually share the findings of the study with the subjects. The researcher strongly feels, however, that the findings should be shared with the Jamaican government, and copies of the completed study will be given to the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of


65Youth and Community Development, and the University of the West Indies.

Research DesignThe research design for this study involved the

collection of two separate types of data. The 200 informal sector workers were interviewed, tested for literacy, and observed for occupational skills using the same methodology and procedure. Ten individuals including government officials, voluntary organization staff members, university faculty, and American AID officials were interviewed differently from the 200 informal sector workers. They were asked questions about their programs, policies, and attitudes concerning the Kingston informal sector. These interviews were conducted in the offices of these individuals in Kingston. The interviews resulted in multiple interview case studies stressing several themes of the informal sector in Jamaica.

The structure of the reseach design for the 200 informal sector participants was a cluster sampling survey conducted through segmented interviews and multiple researcher-participant contacts. The researcher had a minimum of two contacts and a maximum of three with each participant in the study. The first contact was usually of one hour's duration or less and consisted of conducting the interview and, at the end of the interview, assessing literacy. The second and third contacts were periods of


66participant observation by the researcher for periods ranging from one hour to one and a half hours each. Twenty of the forty participants in the pilot test were approached by the researcher a fourth time to take photographs of their economic activities and locations.

Data AnalysisThis study was descriptive in nature, and tested the

general hypothesis that those in the informal sector would have higher rates of literacy, educational attainment, and occupational skills than previously assumed. Data collected which were appropriate and meaningful to the research questions posed in this study are presented in a series of tables and graphs in Chapter IV. Percentages, ranges, means, and standard deviations have been given for the responses in each category of the interview guide where relevant and appropriate. Particular interest has also been given to the degree of variation in certain question categories of responses given by participants in the four economic groups, of males versus females, and migrants to Kingston versus non-migrants.

A thematic analysis of the ten interviews conducted with government, voluntary, and United States Agency for International Development personnel is discussed in Chapter IV. The interviews were analyzed for the following major themes: small-scale loans for informal sector participants, realities versus perceptions of the informal sector,


67literacy in Jamaica, school examination system in Jamaica, and training programs for those in the informal sector.Five on-site project visits are also discussed as they reinforced the thematic analysis of the ten interviews.

The Pilot Study The pilot test for this research study was conducted

in Kingston, Jamaica between July 9-27, 1987. The research area is shown on the map in Appendix C. The sample size of the pilot study was forty, twenty males and twenty females. The range of male ages was twenty-two to sixty-four; the range of female ages from eighteen to sixty-two. The mean age for males was 36.0 and for females 37.65 years.

ProcedureThe first two days of the pilot study were spent

becoming familiar with the research site and the different types of informal economic activities. The four clusters of economic activities (street foods, handicrafts, fruit and vegetable sellers, and small-scale services such as hairdressing, tailoring, and shoe repair) which had been previously selected for the sample population of this study were observed by the researcher to determine peak and slow periods of economic activity. Slow periods of time were then selected as non-intrusive times to approach participants for information. Landmarks and streets were mapped during this two-day period.


6 8

The collection of information proceeded smoothly throughout the pilot study. Not one individual refused to participate fully. All forty individuals in the pilot study sample participated in all four phases of the information collection: interview guide, literacy tests, andtwo observation periods of occupational skills. The dropout rate for the pilot test was 0 percent.

Summary of FindingsLiteracy testing revealed that 95 percent of the

participants in the pilot test were functionally literate (19 out of 20 men and 19 out of 20 women). Educational attainment was quite high for the pilot test sample. Only one participant had not attended school. Twenty-one had completed primary school, nine had completed secondary school, and ten participants had some commercial/technical or college training. Occupational skills were found to be well-developed among those in the pilot test sample. Accounts or ledgers were actively being kept by 57.5 percent of those surveyed. Mental math skills were displayed by 97.5 percent and written math skills by 77.5 percent. Eighty percent of those in the pilot study were able to operate machines and tools, and most were able to operate more than one type of machine.

The majority of participants (62.5 percent) learned their skills at school, while 47.5 percent learned theirs through apprenticeships. No participants said they had


69learned skills through non-formal education programs. The same number responded that they had learned skills informally from family and friends as those who were self- taught (22.5 percent). Though almost half of those surveyed learned skills from apprenticeships, only 22.5 percent responded that they had trained others in apprenticeship programs. The majority of the apprentices were not related to those offering the apprenticeships, and two- thirds of the apprentices were paid some salary while training. Only three people of those interviewed had ever attended a formal training program after they left school.

When asked if they would like to work in the formal sector of the economy at anytime in the future, 70 percent responsed they would not like to work in the formal sector in any capacity. Ten percent responded positively and twenty percent responded perhaps.

The majority of those surveyed, 60 percent, wanted their children to complete as much education as they could. For their children to have a career was the second most- expressed aspiration. Sixty-five percent of those surveyed did not want their children to work in the informal sector, even though they themselves prefered to work in the informal rather than the formal sector of the economy. Even though those surveyed had high aspirations for their children, 35 percent responded that they believed at least some of their children would eventually do the same type of


70work as their parents. The reason most often given for this was the difficult economic situation in Jamaica. More than 70 percent of the participants said that their children did not help them in their economic activities. Older children remained at home unemployed and idle rather than assisting parents in their businesses.

The findings of the research study of 200 participants were consistent with the findings of the pilot study. Literacy rates for the pilot study group were 95 percent; for the larger sample they were 90 percent. Educational attainment for the pilot study groups included 52.5 percent completion of primary school and 22.5 percent completion of secondary school; in the larger sample group there was 59 percent completion of primary and 9 percent of secondary (including all-age school).

Changes in MethodologyAfter conducting the pilot test, the following

changes were made in the original methodology of the study;

1. The sequence for the gathering of information from participants became:

a. an initial contact to conduct the interview guide and test for literacy

b. two additional contacts to observe occupational skillsThe total number of researcher-participant contacts was


71reduced from five to three. The experience of the pilot study showed that testing for literacy was more appropriate at the end of the interview session once communication between researcher and participants had been established. Three observations of occupational skills proved to be unnecessary as skills were observable during two observations in all cases.

2. It was originally proposed that the interview session be conducted in two parts so that less time would be asked of participants at any one setting. After the pilot test, it was apparent that it was preferable to complete the interview guide and the literacy testing during one contact. Participants were found to be very enthusiastic about sharing their histories and problems. After fifteen minutes, most of them were just beginning to tell their stories and they wanted to continue to talk to the researcher. A key factor in their willingness to talk may have been the selection of slack business periods of the day by the researcher. If a customer arrived during the interview session, the interview was simply suspended for a few minutes and then resumed.

3. Some minor changes were made in the wording of the literacy tests when it was discovered that some words were not commonly used in Jamaica. (For example, the term heel caps in the shoe repair tests was changed to heel tips.)


72Conclusions

The methodology of the research study proved to be both workable and appropriate for a sample population of the informal sector in urban Jamaica. As a result of the pilot test, the instruments used in the research study were found to be valid and reliable for data collection in a Jamaican setting. The pilot test also proved to be critical for planning the entire research study. It allowed for an appropriate delineation of the research site, trust-establishing contacts with the people of the informal sector, and a chance to perfect the delivery of the interview questions. While the pilot study research can stand on its own merit, it also represents the first critical phase of the entire research study.

The changes indicated by the pilot test experience were incorporated in the research methodology for the October data collection, and no further changes were made. Not one individual who was approached refused to participate in the survey, and all of those surveyed were also observed for occupational skills on at least one occasion by the researcher. Those who were more highly skilled were observed twice.


CHAPTER IV

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

IntroductionThis study was designed to develop an educational and

occupational skills profile of a representative sample of informal sector workers in Kingston, Jamaica. The workers were involved in four distinct types of economic activities: street foods, handicrafts, fruits and vegetables,and various small-scale services. Another purpose of this study was to consider the present government programs and policies directed toward those in the Jamaican informal sector, and recommend new directions in policy. Policy issues are considered in more detail in Chapter V.

The data collection involved two distinct groups of participants:

1. 200 Jamaicans working in the Kingston informalsector

2. 10 Jamaicans and Americans working for the Jamaican government, the Agency for International Development, and private voluntary organizationsThe researcher also visited five development projects and training programs during the research period. The 200 informal sector participants were interviewed during

73


74October, 1987 with a pilot study of 40 participants having been conducted the previous July. Males and females were evenly divided in the total sample size, as they were in each of the four economic activities. The interviews with officials took place both in July and October, 1987.

Initial contact between researcher and participant was an interview of one to two hours, followed by an evaluation of functional literacy. During the three week period following the initial contact, the researcher observed the participants at work either once or twice for a period of at least one hour. If all of the stated occupational skills were observed by the researcher after one observation period, a second was not undertaken. The majority of the sample was observed twice, however. Additional qualitative data were gathered during the study by spontaneous conversations with the participants in the study. As the researcher spent long hours on the downtown streets (up to sixteen hours per day), the researcher became well-known in the downtown area, and participants often volunteered information about their activities and problems. Both quantitative and qualitative findings are presented in this chapter.

Research Questions and ResultsA total of 22 research questions in four categories

(literacy, occupational skills, educational attainment, and education/training issues) was considered in this study.


75Quantitative data were collected and presented in tables and graphs for 13 research questions.

LiteracyResearch questions 1 and 2 in this section asked:

What percentage of the population of the informal sector is functionally literate? Do men and women differ proportionally in terms of functional literacy attainment? Table 2 shows that 90 percent of the total sample was functionally literate with 1 percent more females having functional literacy than males. The Jamaican Movement for the Advancement of Literacy (JAMAL) currently projects that the national literacy rate in Jamaica is 76 percent so the percentages of functional literacy in the sample are significantly higher than the national average.

To determine whether there was any substantial variation in functional literacy for different age groups within the sample the data were grouped into three age levels: 16-29 years of age, 30-40 years of age, and 41-69years of age. The percentages of those functionally literate in each age group manifested few differences.Table 3 presents functional literacy rates according to age groups.

Occupational SkillsThe research questions in this section have addressed

the skills informal sector workers have, where those skills


76

TABLE 2FUNCTIONAL LITERACY OF HALES AND FEMALES

(n = 200)

Males Females Totaln % n % n %

FunctionallyLiterate 89 44.5 91 45.5 180 90FunctionallyIlliterate 11 5.5 9 4.5 20 10

Total 100 50 100 50 200 100

TABLE 3FUNCTIONAL LITERACY BY AGE GROUPS

(n = 200)

16-29 30-40 41-69 Totalyrs. yrs. yrs.

n % n % n % n %FunctionallyLiterate 58 29 59 29.5 63 31.5 180 90FunctionallyIlliterate 6 3 7 3.5 7 3.5 20 10

Total 64 32 66 33 70 35 200 100


77were obtained, and what skills they would like to obtain in the future. Data are presented under each of the seven related questions concerning the issue of occupational skills. Research question 1 in this section was used as the opening question for the first researcher-participant contact. Participants were asked: How did you decide tobecome involved in your present occupation? Most participants used this question to tell "their stories" and the researcher recorded their responses to form a mini-case study for each participant. Several significant findings emerged from their responses as to how they became involved in their present occupations:

• Approximately 60 percent of participants responded that they were doing their present job because they had no choice. The reasons given for this lack of choice included the unavailability of jobs in Kingston and the necessity to provide some income for themselves and their families.

• More than 30 percent of the sample participants had been laid off from other jobs (mostly in the formal sector) and had then turned to employment in the informal sector.

• Only 10 percent of participants responded that family connections or expectations had influenced their decisions to work in the informal sector. (Only 5 percent of the participants followed the economic activities of fathers or mothers, and the majority of those who did were


78barbers or hairdressers.)

Twenty-five percent of the total sample had no previous employment experience other than their present economic activity. This group also responded that lack of employment choices had determined the informal sector as a source of employment.

The second research question in this section was: Where did informal sector participants get the skills to do their present occupations? The sources of skills attainment are presented in Table 4. Formal education was overwhelmingly dominant as the source of skills attainment in this study. Only 27 participants from the total sample attained their skills without any input from the formal education system. Apprenticeships counted as the sole source of skills for only one participant. This low rating is consistent with the low rating given to family members and friends as sources of skills attainment for both are often a source for apprenticeships in developing countries (Srinivasan, 1977) . As more than half of the participants attained skills from formal education and other sources, this may suggest that the skills attained from formal education alone were either not appropriate for the employment eventually undertaken or perhaps not sufficient.

The third research question asked: What range ofskills do informal sector participants possess? A complete listing of these skills appears in Appendix I. Not one


79

TABLE 4SOURCES OF SKILLS ATTAINMENT

FOR SAMPLE POPULATION IN INFORMAL SECTOR(n = 200)

Sources Number of Responses % of SampleFormal Education Only 57 28.7Family Members Only 3 1.5Friends Only 0 0Apprenticeship Only 1 0.5Self-taught Only 13 6.5Formal Education andOther Sources 116 58Other Sources/Combinations of Sources 10 5.0

Total 200 100


participant was found to be totally without occupational skills, but 17 participants exhibited only one skill and that was mental math calculation. It was found that 45 percent of the participants had bookkeeping skills or the ability to keep some form of ledger, and 82 percent possessed written math skills. The existence of these skills was verified by the researcher during the observation of skills phase of the study. Not all skills which participants said they had could be verified by the researcher, but during the second and third researcher- participant contacts, the researcher checked information given during the interview guide. If there was any discrepancy between the skills stated by participants and those observed by the researcher, they were not included in the data.

Research question 4 in this section asked: Haveinformal sector participants offered any apprenticeships and to whom? Were apprentices paid or not paid? The total number of apprenticeships which participants had offered was 21. Sixteen apprenticeships were offered by males, and only five by females. The largest number of apprenticeships were given to apprentices not related to the trainers, and eleven of the twenty-one apprenticeships involved payment to the apprentices. Table 5 and Table 6 summarize information attained about apprenticeships given by informal sector workers in the study. Several informants


81TABLE 5

THE APPRENTICESHIP SYSTEM BY KINSHIP PATTERNS

(n = 21)

Apprentices Related to TrainerApprentices Not Related to Trainer

Males n %

6 28.6

8 38.1

Females n %

9.5

5 23.8

Total n %

8 38.1

13 61.9

Total 14 66.7 33.3 21 100

TABLE 6THE APPRENTICESHIP SYSTEM BY

PAYMENT RELATIONSHIPS (n = 21)

Males n %

Apprentices Paid DuringApprenticeship 7 33.3Apprentices Not Paid During Apprenticeship 7 33.3

Females n %

4 19.04

3 14.3

Total n %

11 52.4

10 47.6

Total 14 66.60 33.34 21 100


82who had given apprenticeships told the researcher that it was the practice in Jamaica not to pay apprentices who were related to the trainer because room and board was considered to be sufficient in such situations.

Reasons given for not offering more apprenticeships included lack of time, few young people in Jamaica today who wanted to be apprentices, and no cash to pay apprentices. Of the 16 participants in the study who had themselves completed apprenticeships, 15 of them also had offered apprenticeships to others. There was a perception on the part of most participants surveyed, however, that apprenticeships were valuable only for learning a few specific skills/trades such as welding, auto mechanics, and construction work. These are occupations traditionally held by males in Jamaica. Generally, however, formal education was regarded as the preferred means for the transfer of skills. Fourteen out of twenty-one apprentices were males, and there was a notable tendency for apprenticeships to be undertaken as well as given more frequently by males.

This apparent dominance of males in apprenticeships in Jamaica is explained by the attitude of Jamaican society that certain skills such as welding, auto mechanics and others which are traditionally male occupations are best learned through apprenticeships. Women do not participate in these apprenticeships because they have little if any


83chance of obtaining the jobs for which the apprenticeships would prepare them.

Research question 5 under occupational skills addressed the issue of new skills attainment, and asked: What skills would informal sector participants like to develop and what do they think would be the most accessible and feasible way to obtain those skills? Sixty-nine participants expressed no interest in learning any new skills, either because they were satisfied with the skills they already had or because they felt they were too old to learn new skills. Females most frequently mentioned a preference for learning hairdressing, dressmaking, and nursing while males responded with desires to learn auto mechanics, carpentry, and business management. Interestingly, only 2 percent of those wishing to acquire new skills mentioned agriculture or animal husbandry. It would appear that few participants in the study wished to return to or move to rural areas.

Table 7 presents the preferred methods of informal sector participants for learning new skills. Males expressed a preference to learn new skills by on-the-job training, government programs, or a combination of more than one method. Of the 33 combination responses to this question, 30 consisted of formal education and on-the-job training; 3 consisted of on-the-job training and government programs. Females expressed the same preferences but with


8 4

TABLE 7PREFERRED ATTAINMENT METHODS

OF PARTICIPANTS WHO WANTED NEW SKILLS (n = 131)*

Methods ofSkillsAttainment

Males n % Females n % Total n %

On-the-JobTraining 30 22.9 15 11.5 45 34Combination of More than One Method 20 15.3 13 9.9 33 25GovernmentPrograms 12 9.2 13 9.9 25 19FormalEducation 10 7.6 13 9.9 23 17,From Friends 2 1.5 2 1.5 4 3From Family 1 .8 0 0 1 1,

Total 75 57.3 56 42.7 131 100

* (Note: 69 participants in the study expressed no desireto learn any new skills.)


85a higher percentage of females preferring formal education than males. Learning new skills from family and friends was a low preference for both males and females because either family members or friends would not have the skills themselves, or they would not have the time to pass on the skills to others.

Table 8 shows the breakdown of interest in learning new skills by males and females in the study. While 75 males were interested in attaining new skills, only 56 females were interested. Male participants in the study often expressed the view that if they had learned different skills, their lives would have been different. The differences would have allowed them to move into formal sector employment or possibly make more money in the informal sector. The researcher found a generally higher degree of job satisfaction among females in the study than males.

The nearly 35 percent of the total sample which expressed no interest in learning new skills was not characterized by apathy or lack of motivation. Participants in this group stated they did not wish to learn new skills either because they were already skilled in several occupations, or because they felt they were too old to learn new skills at this stage in their lives. There was an often-expressed feeling that it would be more economically beneficial to perfect existing skills rather than attain new ones.


86TABLE 8

INTEREST OF MALES AND FEMALES IN SAMPLE TO LEARN NEW SKILLS

(n = 200)

Interest in Learning New SkillsNo Interest in Learning New Skills

Total

Research question 6 in this section asked: Do menand women differ proportionately in terms of nonformal education/training they have received? In terms of skills and training they want to receive? Only four men and four women from the sample of 200 had actually participated in any formal training programs. Two men completed an air conditioning repair program offered by the government; one man did a commercial training course? another started, but did not complete, a government-sponsored welding course.Two of the four women did secretarial training sponsored by their companies; one did hotel management training for five months, but had to withdraw from the program; one completed a six month home economics course sponsored by a church group. The remaining 192 participants in the study were

Males Females Total

75 56 131

25 44 69

100 100 200


87never offered any formal training program by the government or any other institution/organization. Two of the 192 had participated in nonformal education programs, both of which were conducted by the Catholic Church.

Research question 7 asked: Are children working withtheir parents/relatives in the informal sector? How many hours per week do they work? What skills are they performing and what skills are they learning? As Graph 1 indicates, a little over 25 percent of those in the sample (51 participants) either had no children or had children who were deceased at the time of the study.

Table 9 shows the number of children of males and females in the study. Eighty percent of participants had three children or less. The range of children was 0 to 10 with the mean being 2.06 children. This mean is below the national average which is estimated between 3.0 and 4.0 children per family (Economic and Social Survey of Jamaica, 1986) .

Few children were actively working with their parents in their informal sector activities at the time of the study. Graph 2 indicates that out of 149 participants with children, only 7 children worked full-time with their parents, and another 8 children worked occasionally. One hundred and thirty-four children were not working with their parents in any capacity. Those who were learning skills from their parents while working with them were


88

GRAPH 1 SURVEY PARTICIPANTS WITH

DEPENDENT CHILDREN (n = 200)

Number0 f1 n f0 r m a1

Sect0 rPart1 c i P a n t s

1501401301201101009080

70

6050403020100 7 9 10 More5 83 4 60 1 2

than10

Number of Children


TABLE 9MALE AND FEMALE SURVEY PARTICIPANTS

WITH DEPENDENT CHILDREN (n = 200)

Numer of Children

Males Females Total

0 28 23 511 12 16 282 25 27 523 12 18 304 11 12 235 7 2 96 4 1 57 0 0 08 0 0 09 0 1 1

10 1 0 1

Total 100 100 200

Range = 1 - 1 0 Mean = 2.06Standard Deviation = 1.798


90

GRAPH 2CHILDREN WORKING WITH PARENTS

IN THE INFORMAL SECTOR AND THOSE LEARNING NEW SKILLS FROM PARENTS

(n = 149)150140130

N Su e 120m cb t 110e or r 100o P 90f a

r 80I tn i 70f co i 60r Pm a 50a n1 t 40

s3020100 mm.

no child- child- childrenchild- ren ren not sometimesren work- work- working

ing ing

>&&<■ represents children learning new skills from parents while working


fewer; only three children from the full-time group and three from the part-time group. Clearly, there is very little transference of skills from parents to children in this sample. The skills which children were learning from their parents included bookkeeping, written math calculations, marketing, wood carving, and hairdressing. The main function of children who worked with parents was that of "minding the store" when parents had to go on errands. Informal sector sidewalk businesses have to be watched all the time for goods can seldom be locked up anywhere for safe keeping. The number of hours children worked with parents ranged from two hours per week to 40 hours with the mean being 10 hours per week.

Educational Attainment The first research question in this section was:

What is the range of the formal educational levels of those in the informal sector? Why did they drop out of school and at what level? What examinations did they pass? The minimum education attained was three years of primary and the maximum was ten years of education (primary and secondary completed) with an additional two years of commercial or technical school to make a total of twelve years of formal education. Thirty-five participants were at the lowest level of educational attainment with 3-5 years of primary education completed, while 165 participants had completed their primary education. Females in the study


92had higher educational attainment rates than males at the primary, all-age, and commercial/technical levels. Males, however, completed more apprenticeships than females. Secondary school attainment was the same for males and females (3 percent).

Although not one participant in this study completed college or university, it is important to note that four participants (3 females and 1 male) began college studies, but dropped out at or before the end of the first year. Financial pressures were cited in three cases as the reason for dropping out, and pregnancy was cited as the reason in the fourth case. Table 10 lists education levels completed by sample participants.

Table 11 summarizes the reasons participants gave for not continuing their education (educational wastage). Financial concerns were the major contributor to educational wastage for both males and females (17 percent and 16 percent respectively). Finances and family pressures combined were the second most frequent contributors for both males and females (12.5 percent and 10.5 percent respectively). The only two categories of contributors where males and females differed significantly in their responses were pregnancy/fatherhood related reasons and other reasons. While twelve females in the sample dropped out of school because of pregnancy, only four males dropped out because


93

Some PrimaryEducationBut Not CompletedCompleted Only PrimaryCompleted Only All-Age SchoolCompleted Secondary SchoolCommercial/ Technical School CompletedApprenticeship/ Other Training

TABLE 10 EDUCATION LEVELS COMPLETED

BY SAMPLE PARTICIPANTS (n * 200)

Males Females n % n %

20 10 15 7.5

57 28.5 61 30.5

4 2

6 3

10

2.5 8 4

6 3

Totals n %

35 17.5

118 59

6 3

12

13 6.5

16 8

TOTAL 100 50 100 50 200 100


94

TABLE 11 REASONS FOR EDUCATIONAL WASTAGE

OF SAMPLE PARTICIPANTS (n = 200)

Reasons Males Females Totaln % n % n %

Financial 34 17 32 16 66 33Family Pressures 9 4.5 10 5 19 9.5Wanted to Work 17 IT)•00 13 6.5 30 15Pregnancy/ Fatherhood Related Reasons 4 2 12 6 16 8Finances and Family Pressures 25 12.5 21 10.5 46 23Finances and Wanted to Work 8 4 8 4 16 8Family and Wanted To Work 3 1.5 2 1 5 in•03

Other Reasons 0 0 2 1 2 2Total 100 50 100 50 200 100


95of fatherhood. Given the socio-cultural norms in Jamaica concerning male responsibilities for children and child- rearing, it is not surprising that few males cited fatherhood as a reason for ending their education. Jamaican children are often raised only by mothers and/or grandmothers as illustrated in Edith Clarke's book My Mother Who Fathered Me. The two female participants who cited "other reasons" for dropping out of school said they did not feel comfortable in school and one continued by saying the school officials did not like her.

Research ernestion 1(c) examined the number and types of school examination passes by informal sector workers in the study. One hundred and sixty seven of the participants surveyed did not sit for nor pass any type of formal examination. This represented 83.5 percent of the total sample. The Grade 9 Achievement Test, given at the end of all-age school in Jamaica, showed the highest pass rate (5 percent). Other examinations passed by those in the study are listed in Appendix J.

The low pass rate of school examinations reflects several realities about not only the sample population of this study, but also about the nature of the Jamaican education system.

• Jamaican education is still an elitist system, based on the British model of education, though reforms have attempted to make it more egalitarian. Entry into


96certain prestigious schools on the island offers students an increased chance of passing examinations. The quality of teaching is higher and resources are better. Very few of those in this sample had access to such schools.

• Examinations such as the C.X.C. (Caribbean Examination Council) and the Cambridge A-Levels are often taken foradmission to colleges or the University of the West Indies. As previously mentioned, only four individuals in the sample began college.

• Over 75 percent of those in the sample did notreach an educational level in the formal school systemwhere external examinations would generally be given.

(Appendices K and L specify additional information about the education system of Jamaica.)

The second research question in this section asked: What educational, economic. and employment aspirations do informal sector parents have for their children? Table 12 and Table 13 present this data. The desire of parents interviewed not to have their children work in the informal sector is emphasized by the data in Table 12. The data in this table was not gender-differentiated because male and female parents gave very similar responses when asked about hopes for their children. When asked what they most hoped for their children's futures, more than 41.8 percent of participants responded with "complete their education".When coupled with 16 percent who responded with "have a


97

TABLE 12 HOPES EXPRESSED FOR CHILDREN BY INFORMAL SECTOR PARENTS

Expressed Hopes n %Complete Education 94 41.8Find a Job 40 17.8Have a Career 36 16Be Happy 30 13.3Marry 10 4.4Become Wealthy 7 3.1Have a Long Life 6 2.7Have Good Health 2 .9

Total 225 100

* (Note: This question was only asked of the 149 participants in the study who had children; 76 participants gave more than one response yielding a total of 225 responses.)


98

TABLE 13EMPLOYMENT EXPECTATIONS FOR CHILDREN

BY INFORMAL SECTOR PARENTS (n = 149)

Employment Males Females TotalExpectations n % n % n %Children Will Not Do SameWork as Parent 54 36 66 44.3 120 80.5

Children Will Do Same Workas Parents 16 10.7 10 6.7 26 17.4

Children May Do Same Workas Parents 2 1.3 1 .7 3 2.0

Total 72 48.3 77 51.7 149 100


99career", it is clear that parental expectations for children focused on formal education and formal sector economic opportunities. Parents, however, were also well aware of economic realities and the large gap between realities and expectations for 17.8 percent responded that they wished their children would just "be able to find job" — whether in the formal or informal sector of the economy.

Overwhelmingly, parents working in the informal sector did not desire their children to work in the informal sector (almost 80 percent). Twenty-six parents responded that they felt their children would do the same kind of work they did, or something similar in the informal sector of the economy. The most frequently stated reason for this was the condition of the economy in Jamaica. All participants were quite convinced that employment prospects in Jamaica were not going to improve, for them or for their children.

What one can see from this data is what may be termed as the "catch-22" of the informal sector. Parents, with education and skills, are now working at a variety of informal economic activities. Their children are not working with them, and neither are they learning skills from them. Parents are struggling to provide education and training for formal sector careers for their children, but simultaneously, they feel there is a good possibility that their children will eventually be forced to work in the


100informal sector. Another aspect of the "catch-22" situation is discussed in the next section of this chapter.

Education and Training IssuesThe first research question in this section was: How

many participants in the informal sector were previously working in the formal sector of the economy in Jamaica?What were the expectations in terms of working in the formal sector again? Eighty-one participants (40.5 percent) had previously worked in the formal sector, and for fifty participants (25 percent), the present informal sector activity was their first job. In the last ten year period (1977-87) one hundred seventy participants in the study first began working in the informal sector. This time period coincides with a major economic decline in the country, and when International Monetary Fund conditionalities were placed on Jamaica.

The majority of participants stated it was unlikely they would work in the formal sector of the economy. Sixty-four percent responded they would not while twenty- five percent said they hoped to one day. Another eleven percent were not sure if they would work in the formal sector or not. Those who wished to work in the formal sector acknowledged that finding jobs would be a difficult tasks, and they were pessimistic about their chances. No one could predict when he or she might be able to work in the formal sector.


101Of the 81 participants (46 females and 35 males) who

had previously worked in the formal sector, only 18 expressed a desire to return to formal sector employment (12 males and 6 females). Women preferred the independence they had in the informal sector, and also felt that the lower salaries paid to women in the formal sector compared to men made formal sector employment less attractive.

Research question 2 asked: How many participantswork in both the formal and informal sectors? With the combined impact of inflation and devaluation in Jamaica, many Jamaicans have to obtain a second job, and often turn to opportunities in the informal sector. This was not the case in the sample of this study. No one interviewed was also working in the formal sector; all were fully employed in the informal sector. The informal sector represented their sole means of support, and as responses to the following two questions indicate, those in the sample were committed to making their economic enterprises successful.

Research question 3 asked each participant the following two questions; How would you use a gift of $50 U.S.? a gift of S100 U.S.? Participants selected to buy goods and expand their businesses as the two top choices.As Table 14 indicates, the needs of the business came first, followed by debts and school fees that needed to be paid. Only six participants said they would spend the money on themselves. This strong entrepreneurial attitude of


102

Proposed Uses of Gift

Buy Goods for BusinessExpand the BusinessPay BillsPay School FeesInvest ItGive It To RelativesSpend ItGo Back To SchoolCombination of Uses

TABLE 14 PROPOSED USES OF GIFTS OF $250 AND $500 JAMAICAN

(n = 400)$250JamaicanGift

n

144

2215

73

22

2

3

$500Jamaican Gift____

123

2811

93

14

Total%

267 66.8

17

5026

166

36

6

20

12.56.5

4.01.5

.751.5

1.5

5.0

Total 200 200 400 100(Note: All participants answered the question for bothamounts of gifts; $250 Jamaican is approximately equal to $45 U.S. and $500 Jamaican to $90 U.S.)


103putting the business first was prevalent among informal sector participants and was frequently verbalized during interview sessions.

Research question 4 asked: What are the benefits oradvantages participants felt they had by working in the informal sector, and what are the problems? Table 15 summarizes the responses given by males and females. Providing some income was the most frequent response. As in most developing countries, the informal sector provides the only buffer between survival and starvation and the only avenue out of extreme poverty. The data also revealed, however, a value for the independence that work in the informal sector gave, particularly to women in the sample. During the interview session, participants stated a preference for being their own bosses and for being able to make decisions for themselves about business activities.

Table 16 illustrates the most commonly expressed problem of those working in the informal sector. Males and females were quite consistent in terms of their problems, except twice as many men as women complained about police harassment. (Police harassment was defined by the participants as being continually moved from their vending sites by police, being watched by police, having to produce papers and licenses several times a day, and having to give police samples of their products.) While lack of shelter from the weather was not a concern for women, six men


104

TABLE 15BENEFITS OF INFORMAL SECTOR EMPLOYMENT

EXPRESSED BY PARTICIPANTS

Benefits Male%

Provides SomeIncome 40 20Allows forIndependence 11 5.5Gets One OutWith People 11 5.5No Benefits 4 2Provides SteadyWork 5 2.5Allows forCreativity 8 4Enjoy Selling 1 .5Pleases MyFamily 0 0MultipleBenefits 4 2

Female n %

32 16

30 15

20 108 4

24

12

Total n %

72 36

41 20.5

31 15.512 6

11

105

5.5

52.5

12 16

Total 84 42 116 58 200 100

(Note: All two hundred participants were asked thisquestion; 16 females gave 2 distinct responses and 16 males gave no response.)


105

TABLE 16SUMMARY OF MOST SIGNIFICANT PROBLEM

EXPERIENCED BY WORKERS IN THE KINGSTON INFORMAL SECTOR (MALES AND FEMALES)

(n = 200)

Problems Male Female i

n % n *Slow Business 28 14 35 17.5 63Low Income 17 in•

00 17 in•

00 34PoliceHarassment 20 10 10 5 30Inflation 10 5 17 8.5 27Competition 8 4 9 in• 17PoorTransportation 6 3 4 2 10No Shelter 6 3 0 0 6Long Working Hours 1 .5 3 1.5 4No Problems 2 1 1 .5 3Other Problems 2 1 4 2 6Total 100 50 100 50 200

Total n %

31.5 17

1513.58.5

53

21.5 3

100


106mentioned it as their most severe problem. Women were more concerned than men about the long working hours, and lack of child care was cited as the reason £or that concern. The other problems stated by the two male participants were boredom and having to live in Kingston when he preferred country life. The other problems of the four females were separation from their children (three participants) and separation from parents (one participant).

Question 4 in the Education and Training Issues section also asked whether migrants and non-miarants differed in terms of the disadvantages they experienced working in the informal sector. Migrants are defined as those Jamaicans born outside of the Kingston area, no matter how long they may have lived in Kingston. Nonmigrants are those Jamaicans born in the Kingston area. Jamaicans generally consider the parish where they were born as home, no matter where they actually reside now. During the interview sessions, migrants often expressed higher expectations of economic success with their businesses than participants in the study who were born in Kingston. Failure to have their expectations realized may account for the higher percentage of responses of migrants over non-migrants in the problem areas of poor transportation (4.5 percent of migrants; .5 percent of non-migrants), slow business (21 percent of migrants; 10.5 percent of non-migrants), and inadequate shelter (2.5 percent of


107GRAPH 3

STATED NEEDS OF KINGSTON INFORMAL SECTOR PARTICIPANTS

(n = 200)150140130

N S 120u em c 110b te o 100r r

90o Pf a 80

rI t 70n if c 60o ir P 50m aa n 401 t

s 3020100

1 - Short Term Loans2 - Long Term Loans3 - Better Services4 - Less Inflation

3* 4 5 6Stated Needs

5 - More Tourism6 - Training and Jobs7 - Nothing

* (Note: Includes housing, transportation, and businesssites.)


108migrants; .5 percent of non-migrants). Police harassment was cited as a major problem by 9.5 percent of migrants and by only 5.5 percent of non-migrants.

Research question five in this section asked participants ; What policies or government actions could help your situation? What policies disturb your situation?Graph 3 illustrates the six top needs of those in the Kingston informal sector, with 16.5 percent responding that they had no needs. A need for training and jobs was expressed by 13 percent of the participants, but no one was interested in any training that was not associated with a definite employment opportunity. Forty percent of the participants expressed a need for short-term loans while only three percent wanted long-term loans. Short-term loans were favored over long-term because participants felt they would be easier to repay. Few people were willing to be in debt for an extended period of time. Twelve percent mentioned better services (housing, transportation, and business sites) as a need, and five and a half percent said less inflation was an important need. The need for increased tourism was mentioned by ten percent of the participants. As will be discussed in Chapter 5, the current practices and policies of the Jamaican government do little to meet the stated needs of those in the informal sector. The data presented in this study indicates the need for a change in direction, also discussed in Chapter 5.


109Research question 6 asked: What institutions within

the informal sector are facilitating the economic survival of participants? Small-scale loan systems were in operation, most notably in the Straw Craft Market where women handicraft sellers would loan each other money to pay stall fees when some were short of cash, and a group of fruit and vegetable sellers helped each other to pay school fees when necessary. Denied credit and loans from the formal economic system, people in the informal sector try to help one another. The problem is that there is very little capital to be circulated, and the demand is far greater than the resources available.

Research question 7 posed this question: To whatextent does the sample in this study correspond to the descriptors "illiterate, unskilled, and poor" often used to describe those working in the informal sector? Table 17 shows a composite profile of someone working in the Kingston informal sector, compiled by taking the means of the data in this study. As there were not appreciable differences between males and females in the study in these categories, a joint gender composite was made. While this study did not specifically address the issue of income levels, the researcher did find that participants working in the informal sector were poor certainly, but they were surviving. Illiterate and unskilled, however, are clearly not descriptors for this sample population.


n o

TABLE 17COMPOSITE PROFILE OF THE INFORMAL SECTOR

WORKER, KINGSTON, JAMAICA (Based on a Sample Size of 200)

Age - 36 years oldNumber of Children - 2Literacy Level - Functionally literatePlace of Birth - Rural Jamaica (60% - 40%, rural - urban)Number of Years in Kingston - 26 yearsPrevious Occupation - Formal Sector EmploymentNumber of Years in Informal Sector - 7 yearsNumber of Hours Working Per Day - 8.5Educational Attainment - Completed Primary SchoolSchool Exams Passed - NoneOccupational Skills - Mental math calculation skills

Written math calculation skills Skills with machines or tools

Source of Occupational Skills - Formal educationFormal Training Programs Attended - NoneNeeds and Future Expectations - Short-term loan to expand

business or increase goods;

Intention to continue working in the informal sector


IllSupplemental Findings

Supplemental findings in several areas were significant in terms of reassessing commonly held perceptions of those working in the informal sector:

• The Harris-Todaro model of the informal sector presented the urban informal sector as a waiting area for migrants from rural areas. In this sample, 82 of the 200 participants were born in Kingston (41 percent) while 118 were born in rural area (59 percent). What is noteworthy, however, is that the mean number of years of residency in Kingston was 21.6 so that it is clear that many migrants had been in Kingston for a substantial number of years; some for most of their lives.

• The informal sector businesses in this sample were rarely family enterprises, but rather tended to be one- person operations (73 percent). Two people were employed in 26.5 percent of the businesses, and three people in .5 percent of the businesses.

• Informal sector work is often viewed as "less than full-time'' economic activity. The participants in this sample worked in a range of 3 to 15 hours per day with the mean being 8.57 hours and a standard deviation of 1.42.The majority of those surveyed considered their employment in the informal sector to be full-time work, six or seven days a week. Reduced working hours were usually the result of old age or illness.


112• From this sample there was little substantiation

for the view that the informal sector is a holding area for people waiting to be employed in the formal sector (Todaro model); or, if it is, then the amount of holding time is substantial. The range of time participants had been working in the informal sector was 1 to 30 years with the mean being 7.3 years and a standard deviation of 5.76.

Additional findings concerning variations in functional literacy attainment, educational attainment at primary and secondary school levels, and occupational skills for participants in the four economic activities in this study are illustrated in Tables 18, 19 and 20. Street food vendors had the lowest functional literacy rates and educational attainment levels of the four groups. Those working in small-scale services had the highest rates in the same categories. In terms of occupational skills,Table 20 reveals the highest levels of skills belonged to the small-scale service participants, followed by handicraft sellers. Mental math calculations skills, however, were equally represented in all four groups.

Summary of FindingsThe summary of findings of the research in this study

is divided into two parts: findings from the research ofthe two hundred informal sector workers and findings from the interviews with various personnel and officials in Kingston.


113

TABLE 18FUNCTIONAL LITERACY ATTAINMENT AMONG

PARTICIPANTS IN FOUR ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES (n = 200)

Street Handi- Small- Fruit/Food craft Scale VegtableVendors Sellers Services Sellers

FunctionallyLiterate 40 46 49 45

Functionally Illiterate 10

Total 50 50 50 50

Total

n %

180 90

20 10

200 100


114

TABLE 19EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT (PRIMARY AND SECONDARY) AMONG PARTICIPANTS IN FOUR ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES

(n = 200)

EconomicActivity

Street Food Vendors (m = 50)

Primary School Secondary School Completed Completed

28

9s

56

%Total n %

30 60

Handicraft Sellers (n2 = 50) 43 86 46 92

Small-Scale Services (n3 = 50) 44 88 6 12 50 100

Fruit and Vegetable Sellers

= 50) 38 76 39 78


115

TABLE 20 OCCUPATIONAL SKILLS AMONG

PARTICIPANTS IN FOUR ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES(n = 200)

Street Handi- Small- Fruit/ TotalFood craft Scale VegtableVendors Sellers Services Sellers(m = 50) <n2 = 50) (n3 = 50) (n< = 50)

n n n n n %BookkeepingLedgers 20 20 30 20 90 45Mental Math CalculationSkills 50 50 50 50 200 100Written Math CalculationSkills 38 43 45 38 164 82SkillsWithMachines,Tools 30 28 45 26 129 64.5OtherSkills 2 3 2 3 10 5


116Findings from Research of Two

Hundred Informal Sector WorkersThe practical implications of the findings of this

research are that the informal sector participants in Kingston, Jamaica are literate, skilled, and possess well- developed work ethics and entrepreneurial attitudes. They may well be described as petty capitalists. Many of those surveyed in this study had built their small businesses from virtually nothing, $10 Jamaican or less. All but 25 percent of those interviewed had made a definite commitment to continuing to work in the informal sector. Given the high unemployment rates in Kingston, the logical course would be for the government to provide some economic assistance to increase income levels and/or productivity, or at least leave those in the informal sector alone to pursue their economic activities.

Other research studies in the informal sectors of developing countries support the literacy, educational attainment, and occupational skills found in the Kingston sample population. Barth (1981) found in the Philippines that educational attainment was quite high among those in his informal sector sample. Cobbah (1985) found the same to be true in Ghana. A variety of occupational skills of informal sector participants was prevalent in the Ivory Coast (Effron, 1980) and in Nairobi, Kenya (House, 1977).

The findings of this research study differ from the Harris-Todaro model and the "waiting room" hypothesis.


117Participants not only intended to stay in the informal sector, but a majority actually preferred informal sector employment to formal. Mazumdar (1981) found the same situation in Malaysia as did Mills in Ghana (1985) so it does not appear that this attitude is unique to Jamaica.The International Labour Organization's suggestion that informal sector workers have generally learned their skills outside the formal educational system was also not a finding from the data in Jamaica. Formal education was still the major avenue to skills acquisition in Kingston.

The theoretical implications of this study, ofcourse, go beyond what the government in Jamaica should orshould not do. The abilities and economic survival ofpeople working in the informal sector are crucial to widerissues of social justice, economic development, and somesense of equality in society. As Moser (1980) comments onthe market traders of Bogota", Colombia:

For the vast majority, however, no alternatives to independent selling exist. Some manage to survive by working harder and existing on less . . . while others are forced to augment their incomes by begging, prostitution, and theft. In both cases the process is one of further impoverishment and marginalization (Moser, 1980, p. 385).

The point that Moser is making is that people will surviveone way or another. Those in the Kingston informal sectorhave the skills and abilities to be economically viableeither with some small-scale assistance, or at leastwithout further obstacles being placed in their way.


118Their survival strategies and business skills should be viewed as assets to the economy of Jamaica and the main development tool of the country.

Findings From Research Interviews With Personnel and Officials

The interviews conducted by the researcher with ten individuals working in positions which had an impact on or contact with the informal sector revealed contradictory views and opinions. Even though specific data about participants in the Kingston informal sector was sparse, policies and programs had been initiated based on assumptions and previously held attitudes. The range of attitudes expressed during the interviews fell into three broad categories:

• Informal sector workers should basically be allowed to pursue their economic activities as they desire, and small-scale loans should be available where feasible and productive.

• Informal sector workers should be trained or retrained so they do not have to pursue their present occupations.

• Informal sector workers should be closely controlled and regulated, ideally in government market places.

The research findings from the surveys and conversations with informal sector participants themselves have shown the feasibility of the first category, the lack of


119necessity of the second category, and the economic dangers of the third category.

Though only research studies conducted with informal sector participants in other countries can add additional perspective to the findings in Kingston, Jamaica, it seems feasible that countries facing Jamaica's economic difficulties and with similar population growth will produce informal sector populations paralleling that found in Kingston.


CHAPTER V

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This chapter presents a summary of the findings, conclusions and specific recommendations related to the research study. The summary describes the purpose, methodology, and significant findings. The conclusion reviews what this research has revealed about participants in the informal sector. Relevant policy issues which have emerged are also discussed and specific policy recommendations as well as recommendations for future research are suggested.

SummaryAn examination of the literature as well as field

research tinder taken in Jamaica has revealed the use of scant data and persistent misconceptions to set policy toward the informal sector. When cross-cultural studies have been used, they have often been applied to the Jamaican context without important and necessary modification.

This study has gathered data from the informal sector population itself by asking twenty-two research questions in the following four categories: literacy, occupationalskills, educational attainment, and education and training

120


121issues. A consideration of these research questions produced an educational/skills profile of informal sector participants. Such a profile could then be used to understand current realities and problems of life in the urban informal sector. The nature of the methodology used in this study, however, also allowed the participants to "tell their stories", and, thus the study also produced a statement of aspirations, plans, and goals of not only the participants themselves, but also their children.

Data were obtained from a sample of two hundred informal sector participants working in the downtown area of Inner Kingston, Jamaica. Fifty participants, with equal numbers of men and women, were interviewed in four economic activities: street foods, handicrafts, small-scale services, and fruit and vegetables. Participants were approached by the researcher while they were engaged in their economic activity and asked if they would be willing to answer some question about themselves and their businesses. Not one of the two hundred people approached declined to participate.

The research was conducted during October, 1987, but was preceded by a pilot study with a sample size of 40 in July, 1987. The researcher made a minimum of two contacts and a maximum of three contacts with all of the participants. The first contact was an interview session at the business sites which generally took one hour. At the end


122of the interview, participants were tested for functional literacy. The second and third contacts were observation periods where the researcher assessed the occupational skills of participants. If all occupational skills were observed during the second contact, a third contact was not made.

An important feature of the methodology of this study was its design for the particular setting and conditions of the informal sector. The methodology was designed to be non-intrusive, and the research conducted at the convenience of the participants rather than the researcher. Prior to the research, the researcher observed those working in Inner Kingston to determine the slow and peak periods of their particular economic activities. Contacts were then made during the slow periods of each economic activity. This approach not only facilitated the collection of data, but also was appreciated by the participants. The open design of the methodology encouraged an atmosphere of trust and mutual respect between the researcher and participants in the study, and became an important contributor to the successful collection of data in a relatively short period of time.

Functional literacy was also tested in a manner which was appropriate for the informal sector setting, but also recognized the sensitivity of the population to the subject of illiteracy. Participants were given a small


123card at the end of the interview session and asked if they could comment on it or complete the information needed.Each card contained vocabulary related to the particular economic activity of the participant. Functional literacy was assessed on the basis of the responses. The words literacy, illiteracy, or test were never used during the process.

Another aspect of the research involved interviews with Jamaican government officials, church-related organizations, and Agency for International Development personnel in Jamaica. Representatives of private industry, commercial banks, and civic organizations were also contacted.The researcher was interested not only in what policies and projects affected the informal sector, but also commonly held perceptions of workers in the informal sector.

Data from the interview guide were summarized in a series of tables and graphs, with particular attention to differences between male and female responses, and migrant and non-migrant responses in some research questions. The data revealed informal sector participants who were 90 percent functionally literate and, with 82.5 percent having completed primary school. The sample population manifested a wide variety of occupational skills and entrepreneurial practices and attitudes.

ConclusionsThe composite profile of informal sector participants


124which has emerged from the data in this study reveals people who are literate, skilled, hard-working, and keenly interested in the economic expansion of their businesses. They possess well-defined strategies for their economic survival and proven business skills. Far from being a "refuge occupation which absorbs the labor surplus of the old, the young, and the unskilled" (Moser, 1980), the informal sector is rather a repository of individuals with talents, skills, and creativity. Maximizing their limited resources, they are surviving through difficult economic conditions because of those talents and skills.

In terms of education and training, the findings of this study suggest the following:

• There is little need for further literacy attainment unless it would be an advancement of present literacy skills. No one in the sample of this study, however, expressed a desire for improved literacy skills.

• The majority of occupational skills of those in the informal sector originated from formal education training or apprenticeships. No one in the sample had participated in non-formal education programs exclusively.

• While there was no lack of occupational skills among informal sector workers, there was a lack of opportunity to utilize the skills people already had. This produced a sense of frustration in some, and a


125determination to persevere in informal sector business activities in others.

• Education and training programs should be appropriate for middle-aged clientele who possess not only skills, but also experience, and not just for young school leavers. An examination of past education/training programs in the Inner Kingston area reveals an underestimation of both skills and experience of informal sector participants.

• In matters of education and training, men and women did not substantially differ in terms of educational attainment, though the educational attainment levels of women were slightly higher. Comparing workers in the four economic groups, educational attainment and skills levels were highest in the small-scale services group, followed by the handicraft group.

Another particularly significant finding was the expectations of parents in the informal sector with respect to their children. While informal sector parents desired to continue working in the informal sector, they fully expected their children to work in the formal sector. The single greatest hope for children was the completion of their educations, even though parents who had education and skills were unable to find work in the formal sector of the economy.

The "catch-22" of the informal sector which was


126referred to in Chapter IV is that parents are advocating the same prescription for their children that did not work for themselves. Skills the parents possess are not being passed on to their children, and the children may be less prepared for informal sector work should that eventually become necessary. Education does not automatically result in formal sector employment, but parents continue to pay school fees in the hope that education will lead to employment opportunities for their children. Education for their children actually remains as the only link most participants in the informal sector have to the state. The state provides few services to those in the informal sector (credit, water/sanitation, for example) and the relationship of those in the informal sector vis-a-vis the state can best be described as avoidance, avoidance of its rules and regulations as well as its taxes. The need to have access to the formal education system for their children, however, still remains as a priority and a necessity.

The other major priority for those in the informal sector revealed by this study is some access to credit in the form of small-scale loans. Government loans are generally targeted for larger business ventures than those of the informal sector. Banks demand types of collateral such as land which those in the informal sector do not have. International donor agencies find small-scale loans difficult to administer and as one AID employee in Kingston


127expressed it "not worth the trouble."

What this study has revealed is that those in the informal sector of Kingston are quite different from the myths perpetuated about participants in the informal sector in general, and that their needs for assistance have been largely met to date with either benign neglect or destructive harassment. As the informal sector was found in this study to be a permanent economic home rather than a temporary condition for most of the participants, the development and assistance of the informal sector is an important issue for both micro and macro economic policy in the future.

Recommendations for Further ResearchThe following recommendations for further research

are offered:

Research Recommendations1. It is suggested that there should be additional

studies undertaken in the Kingston, Jamaica informal sector with workers in economic activities other than the four used in this study. A broader sample base may produce notable variations or substantiation of these findings.

2. It is suggested that similar studies be undertaken not only in other urban centers of Jamaica (Montego Bay, Mandeville), but also in rural areas to assess differences and similarities of informal sector


128participants, their settings, and problems.

3. Cross-cultural studies of other informal sectors would contribute valuable insights as to the changes in informal sectors in the 1980's. Is the Kingston informal sector unique in terms of the nature of its participants and their educational attainment levels/and occupational skills? Research studies in other Caribbean countries as well as South America and Africa would generate important data for such comparisons and general trends in the economic position of the informal sector.

4. Other studies of informal sector participants need to be done, using a similiar participant-centered methodology such as the one used in this study. In-depth case studies of informal sector workers and their families would provide meaningful data about the economic realities of life in the informal sector.

5. Individuals can be trained to use the informal sector methodology employed in this study. Those selected to be trained should already have or be able to gain the trust of those working in the informal sector. They should also be knowledgeable of the general market conditions in the research area, and be comfortable with having direct contacts with people on urban streets. As this study found informal sector participants to be literate, often well- educated, and interested in improving their own economic prospects, it seems quite feasible that informal sector


129workers themselves could be trained to collect data about others in the informal sector.

Education/Training Recommendations1. It is suggested that the needs of informal sector

participants be researched carefully before education and training projects are undertaken. It cannot be assumed that training or re-training is always the answer to employment problems or development issues.

2. Methods for the facilitation of the transference of skills from parents to children should be researched, possibly by the Department of Education, The University of West Indies, Kingston, and a program of incentives to promote that transference should be developed. Small scale loans, for example, could be made available to informal sector participants who provide skills transference to youngsters. At the present time, valuable skills are being lost to young people who may eventually need them.

Development Recommendations1. Research should be undertaken to assess the

feasibility of small-scale loan programs for those in the informal sector. The Grace Kennedy Foundation, Kingston, has implemented a successful small-scale loan program which could be replicated by bilateral and multilateral agencies.

2. The best use of the findings of this study would be if it could serve as a catalyst for the serious


130rethinking of government policies toward the informal sector and its participants, hopefully before the 1990 deadline to move street vendors off the streets of Kingston and into market areas goes into effect.

Policy IssuesGiven the characteristics and abilities of Jamaican

informal sector participants and the policies established by the government towards them, the conflicts are inevitable. Indeed, the policy issues surrounding the operation of the informal sector in Kingston, Jamaica have a long history marked by ambivalence and controversy. The same ambiguities clouding the relationship today between the informal sector and the formal economy as well as the government itself were documented during the 1700's and 1800's in Jamaica (Simmons, 1987) when slaves dominated informal sector activities. Almost three hundred years later, the conflicts between the informal sector and the government in Jamaica are still present.

Recent government policy toward the informal sector has had a radical change in direction from Michael Manley's government in the 1970's to that of Edward Seaga’s in the 1980's. Manley's approach and that of his PNP (People's National Party) was to "live and let live" in terms of the informal sector. The informal sector grew rapidly during Manley's government as the Jamaican economy was hit by the world recession, the drop in bauxite prices to an all-time


131low, and a dramatic increase in Jamaica's foreign debt. Manley designated areas in central downtown Kingston along the King Street corridor (see Appendix C) for informal sector vendors to sell their products. Vendors were requested to keep the sidewalk areas clean, but other than that there were few regulations, and little police harassment.

When Edward Seaga was elected as prime minister in 1980, the informal sector was the largest in Jamaica's history. Despite Seaga's pronouncements that "the private sector was the engine of Jamaica's growth" (Massing, 1983), the informal sector was not included in that prescription. Police harassment of informal sector workers increased, and projects to "beautify" downtown Kingston were implemented. The main purpose of the Inner Kingston Development Project 1986-1989, (AID project number 5320120) was to renovate Inner Kingston to make it more attractive to both foreign and domestic investors. This in turn was supposed to bring down the extreme rates of urban unemployment.

In theory, the project may have seemed promising. Certainly Seaga's government committed to it wholeheartedly. A careful reading of the Agency for International Development Inner Kingston Development Project paper, however, reveals the following:

• The words informal sector do not appear at all in the project paper. Nothing is said about the estimated


13215,000 - 20,000 people employed in the informal sector in the heart of Kingston.

• The project concentrates on buildings and sidewalks — not people. The project focuses on the rehabilitation and construction of space for manufacturing and mixed commercial use. It is not apparent what should happen to those who sell on the sidewalks while the sidewalks beneath them are being repaired.

• While the Inner Kingston Development Project also has a component to assist "small entrepreneurs," nearly all informal sector participants would fall outside the AID definition of small entrepreneurs. The stated objective of encouraging entrepreneurship was to be accomplished by excluding a large segment of the population which consistently manifests entrepreneurial qualities and attitudes.

The final irony of this multi-million dollar project is perhaps best exemplified by the construction of William Grant Park located in the Parade area of downtown Kingston. The entire park is constructed of brick and concrete, and no vendors are allowed to sell in the park area. People do not use the park at all, but merely walk through it to get from one side of Parade to the other. Not only is the park unattractive and not very "Jamaican", it is totally useless for economic or social purposes. "The Concrete Jungle," as it is affectionately known in Kingston, is an apt symbol of


133development projects devoid of concern about people and the power of concrete contractors over the interests of the public.

Another aspect of the present government's policy toward the informal sector is really an extension of the goals of the Inner Kingston Development Project. Once downtown Kingston is "beautified," the government intends to keep it that way. As stated government policy is to have all informal sector businesses off the streets of downtown Kingston by 1990, markets are now being built to meet this objective. The market issue has produced much resentment and anger on the part of informal sector participants interviewed in this study. They oppose going into market areas to sell for the following reasons:

• Vendors selling in markets will be required to pay stall rental fees to the government as well as income taxes. They will be required to buy licenses as well.

• Vendors fear that selling in market areas will result in a loss of income because of the increased competition and the loss of old customers who always bought from the same vendors on the streets.

• Vendors do not feel that access to running water and bathroom facilities will compensate for 25 percent to 30 percent drop in income which they anticipate if they sell in markets.

The Kingston Straw Craft Market where 80 vendors,


134mostly women, sell handicrafts is a very good example of the fears informal sector participants have expressed.The Straw Market was built on the edge of downtown Kingston near the sea as it was once anticipated that cruise ships would stop in Kingston. The ships now go to the north coast, Montego Bay and Ocho Rios, and very few stop in Kingston. The women in the market, many of whom are the sole support of their families, pay monthly stall fees and license fees. Most of the women are selling the same craft items, mainly straw products and wood carvings. Business is extremely slow, and the Straw Market is a financial disaster for the vendors who are there. Similar economic hardships may face other vendors who are placed in markets.

The Kingston Straw Market example illustrates the imposition by the government of questionable market conditions on informal sector vendors. Making a number of businesses sell the same product in close physical proximity to one another is generally considered undesirable among formal sector businesses, though some businesses tend to cluster {the garment industry in New York, for example). It is now, however, recommended government policy for those businesses in the informal sector whether it is desirable or not.

Ultimately, however, the market policy issue is a control issue. Vendors who sell in markets can be controlled and regulated much more than their counterparts


135on the streets. As this study has shown that the independence of life in the informal sector is one of the main incentives for many working there, the control issue is a significant one. As there can never be enough markets to contain all of Kingston's informal sector vendors, it seems probable that a dual system will develop: vendors in themarkets with low incomes, and vendors still working on the streets with higher incomes, but facing increased police harassment and fines. Some vendors, therefore, will come under the full control of the government while others may partially elude it.

Training and education policy issues have recently focused on the efforts of the government’s H.E.A.R.T. program to train, re-train, and educate those Jamaicans, especially young people, who are unable to find employment and possess low levels of skills.

Solidarity, a part of H.E.A.R.T., illustrates very well the inconsistencies in government policy toward the informal sector because the program provides funds for young people to establish their own informal sector businesses, the very businesses being reduced or eliminated by other government policies. Solidarity seems to be suggesting that today’s solution to unemployment in Kingston is what the government said was the problem only yesterday. Politically, Solidarity may be valuable; economically, it seems to be inconsistent with other government policies.


136Vocational education has been the other pillar o£ the

Jamaican government policy with respect to the unemployment problem of Kingston. The Vocational Skills Training Project (Operation Friendship), using AID funding, is an example of this approach. Literacy development and skills training in the areas of auto mechanics, metal work, garment industry, air conditioning repair, electrical work, and small appliance repair were offered to 300 young people during the first year of operation. The results of this program indicate that people were being trained for jobs that did not really exist in the formal economy. The research of this study showed an abundance of participants with the same skills listed above who were laid off from their formal sector jobs or never found a formal sector job. But the vicious cycle of training and re-training continues, and the slogan of "Education and Training as the Answer” continues to be spread in Jamaica as in other developing countries.

Policy Recommendations Given the education/skills profile of the informal

sector participants in this study and the prospects for the Jamaican economy in the next decade, the following policy recommendations are made:

• Policy makers must recognize the permanence of the informal sector economy. It is unlikely to disappear or even shrink in the immediate future. Policies of benign


137neglect or outright hostilty have resulted from an acute lack of knowledge about the informal sector, its participants, and their problems. That lack of knowledge must be addressed.

• At the present time there are no guidelines in Kingston for the operation of businesses in the informal sector. Established guidelines such as how much sidewalk space vendors should have, what products can be sold in front of which commercial businesses, and responsibilities in terms of clean-up of the vending areas have worked well in other urban centers. Informal sector participants, however, should be involved in the process of establishing such guidelines. If such guidelines would enable people to sell on the streets where they have been for 20 or 30 years, rather than move to markets, they would probably be followed. Additionally, formal sector businesses may be less antagonistic if a system of guidelines were established.

• Government policy will only change toward the informal sector if long-held perceptions of the sector itself change. Often the informal sector is associated in the minds of the middle-class and government officials with the adjectives dirty, untidy, and chaotic. If these perceptions could be changed to the other end of the spectrum to include colorful. interesting, creative, and reflective of the culture, then policies may be eventually adjusted


138also. This adjustment will only come, however, if policy makers take the time to communicate with informal sector participants. Until that communication takes place, the negative associations will influence the formation of adverse policies for those in the informal sector.

• The existing talents and skills of those in the informal sector should be utilized by allowing them to be trainers of young people by offering apprenticeships. Solidarity and other similar programs which are costly in terms of administrative overhead should be disbanded. Using informal sector workers as trainers would allow for a transference of skills and also save money.

• More small-scale loans should be made available to those in the informal sector. The Grace Kennedy Foundation program, Kingston, is a model program in this area. Loans of $75 Jamaican to $1,000 Jamaican are available to groups or individuals for the purposes of starting or expanding a business. Repayment rates have been 75 percent since 1979 (Frances Madden, 1987). (While it may be necessary to differentiate loans for vendors and artisans who also produce the articles they sell, the vendors in this study were generally the producers of what they sold.)

The most urgent need is for policies that free the market, not restrict it; offer incentives, not harassment; help people to realize their goals rather than merely overcome obstacles. The choices are quite clear between


139recognition and invisibility, accomodation and disruption, assistance and neglect. It is hoped that an increased understanding o£ the nature of the informal sector and those who work within it will prompt policy makers to undertake new directions with beneficial results for both people and economies.


APPENDIX AMAP OF JAMAICA


141

Kurian, G. Encyclopedia of the ThirdWorld

1000


APPENDIX BCHART OF JAMAICAN SOCIETY AND ECONOMY


143

J A f A I C A N S O C I E

A N D E C O N O M Y

T Y

I D 0N I E PC N C PR R 0E S E I RA I A N TS Z S uI E I NN N IG G T

IES

INFORMAL SECTOR INCREASING FORMAL SECTOROF THE ECONOMY

IN SIZEOF THE ECONOMY

WORSENING ECONOMIC STRUCTURE AND CONDITIONS 1980-1987

A) DEVALUATIONB) INFLATIONC) INCREASE IN MEASURED UNEMPLOYMENT


APPENDIX C MAP OF RESEARCH SITE


145

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:Csrsmur

CM4»c»smEr

MAST STXtfT


APPENDIX D LIST OF INTERVIEWS WITH OFFICIALS

AND ON-SITE VISITS


147LIST OF INTERVIEWS WITH OFFICIALS IN KINGSTON AND ON-SITE VISITS

Group I. Agency for International Development and Financial Institutions

1.

Name

RobertDubinsky

Agency Date of Interview

2. Jim Lowe

AID, Kingston 7/21/87 Mission

AID, Kingston 7/21/87 Mission

3. Anonymous Mutual 7/23/87Personnel Security Bank

Themes Discussed

Inner KingstonDevelopmentProjectLoans for the Informal SectorLoans for the Informal Sector

Group II. Government Ministries and Agencies

1.

2.

3.

4.

Name

C.R.Smith

BlossomStokes

ElizabethPhillips

SadieCampbell

LeilaThomas

Agency

Ministry of Education

National Development Foundation of Jamaica

KingstonRestorationCompany

Date of Interview7/16/87

7/23/87

7/23/87

Caribbean 7/23/87Food and Nutrition Program (U.W.I.)Jamaican 7/27/87Movement for the Advancement of Literacy

Themes Discussed

School Examination System in JamaicaLoans for the Informal Sector; Attitudes Toward Informal Sector WorkersTraining Programs; Assistance for Kingston’s PoorRealities and Perceptions of the Informal SectorLiteracy in Jamaica


Name

6. Dorian Powell

Agency

Department of Sociology (U.W.I.)

Date of Interview10/10/87

148Themes Discussed

Perceptions of Informal Sector in Jamaica

Group III. Name

FrancesMadden

Voluntary Agencies Agency Date of

InterviewGrace Kennedy 7/27/87 StaffFoundation

Themes Discussed

Small-scale Loans for Informal Sector; Training Issues

On-Site Visits (July and October 1987)

1. Olympic Gardens Project (government sponored program)2. Brother of the Poor Faith Center (religiously

affiliated)3. Hanover Street Training Center (religiously affiliated)4. Holy Family School Training Center (religiously

affiliated)5. Solidarity Program (government sponsored program)


APPENDIX E FUNCTIONAL LITERACY TESTS

FOR INFORMAL SECTOR PARTICIPANTS


150Functional Literacy Test for Handicraft Sellers (Wood Items)Preliminary Explanation by Researcher:

I have a friend in the States who is lookingfor this handicraft item. Do you have onelike this or do you know where he can get one?

Test Written - I need a large wood carving of a Rastafarianon Paper/Card man. It should be about 1 1/2 feet to 2

feet high. It should stand and not hang on the wall. The color of the wood should be dark.

Functional Literacy Test for Fruit/Vegetable SellersPreliminary Explanation by Researcher:

I'm trying to get some information about prices of fruits and vegetables in Kingston for people who are coming to live here. Would you tell me what the normal price is for these fruits and vegetables? (Pass card and pencil to subject to fill in.)Pineapples

Large _________Small _________

Tomatoes (1 pound) __Potatoes (1 pound) __Bananas (large bunch) Yams (1 pound) ______Do you sell all of these fruits and vegetables?

Yes ____ No____

Functional Literacy Test for Shoe Repair Business Preliminary Explanation by Researcher:

Would you tell me how much it would cost to have these shoe repairs done?


151Test Written 1. One pair of lady's brown shoes with high on Paper/Card: heels - need new tips.

2. Two pairs of children's shoes - need tobe stitched on the machine.

3. New soles for three pairs of men's shoes.Functional Literacy Test for Tailoring/Dressmaking Business;Preliminary Explanation by Researcher:

Would you tell me how much it would cost to have these items made?

Test Written 1. Cost to make a lady's dress, short, withPaper/Card: no sleeves, six buttons down the front and a

cloth belt, round collar around the neck.2. Cost to make a child's dress just like the lady’s dress.

Functional Literacy Test for Barbers/HairdressersPreliminary Explanation by Researcher:

Would you please tell me if you do all of these services in your shop and what the charges are?haircut (man) ____________haircut (child) __________shave ____________trim a short beard ________straighten hair ___________creme rinse ___________permanent _____________Are you open days and evenings? Yes ___ NoAre you open on weekends? Yes ___ No

Functional Literacy Test for'Street Food Vendors Preliminary Explanation by Researcher:A) Sno-Cone Vendors


152I am trying to help a young Jamaican boy I know start a sno-cone (sky juice) business in the country. I want to find out what supplies/materials he will need. Would you look at this list and see what items should be added?

Test Written 1. a wooden cart or stand on Paper/Card: 2. block of ice (how much?)

3. flavors - cherry, orange, lime (others?)4. jars for flavors5. pumps for the jars6. coolers

B) Street Food Vendors (including cooked foods, packaged foods, sandwiches, and drinks such as milk, juice, soda.)Preliminary Explanation by Researcher:

Would you please tell me if you sell these items and how much they cost? (Note: Researcher should have several cards with different items listed, and the most appropriate list for the participant should be selected by the researcher.)

Item Cost Mints ______ Crackers ______ Biscuits ______ Milk ______ Orange Juice ______ Cheese Bun ______ Bun with Butter ______ Soup ______ Piece of Chicken

with Bread_____________ ______ Roti ______


APPENDIX F SAMPLES OF LITERACY TESTS FROM

JAMAICAN MOVEMENT FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF LITERACY (JAMAL)


154TEST 1

(FOR STUDENTS WITH 2 YEARS OF SCHOOLING)

INSTRUCTION SHEETTHIS TEST SHOULD BE DONE WITH EACH STUDENT ORALLY. IT CONSISTS OF SECTIONS A, B, AND C. THE STUDENT SHOULD DO ALL THREE SECTIONS.TWO SHEETS ARE PROVIDED: SHEET 1 FOR THE EXAMINER, SHEET 2FOR THE STUDENT.

SECTION ATHE STUDENT SHOULD CALL THE WORDS ON HIS SHEET (II) WHILE THE EXAMINER USES SHEET 1 AND PUTS A TICK ( ) IF CORRECT OR AN (X) IF INCORRECT IN THE APPROPRIATE COLUMN UNDER RESULT.

SECTION BLET THE STUDENT READ THE SENTENCES ON SHEET II. THE EXAMINER ON HIS SHEET (I) WILL UNDERLINE EACH WORD NOT KNOWN BY THE STUDENT.

SECTION CTHE EXAMINER WILL ASK THE STUDENT TO READ THESE AND STATE THE ANSWERS. IT THE STUDENT IS UNABLE TO DO SO, READ THEM TO HIM AND RECORD THE ANSWERS.

TOTAL MARKS = 100SECTION BSECTION A 10 WORDS, 3 MARKS EACH = 30SECTION D 3 SENTENCES, 10 MARKS EACH = 30SECTION C 4 QUESTIONS, 10 MARKS EACH = 40


155

TEST ISHEET I EXAMINER ONLYSTUDENT’S NAME _____________________________________AGE: ______________INSTITUTION _________________________________________

SECTION AKNOWN ( )

UNKNOWN ( )WORDS__________________________________ RESULTLOOK ______BOY ______AND ______MAN ______TO ______THE ______BOOK ______FOR ______SEE____________________________________ ______COME ______

SECTION BThe man is here.I will be at home. This is my book.


156TEST I

SHEET II FOR STUDENTS

STUDENT’S NAMEAGE:INSTITUTION

SECTION ALOOK THEBOY BOOKAND FORMAN SEETO

SECTION D

COME

THE MAN IS HERE.I WILL BE AT HOME THIS IS MY BOOK.

.

SECTION C1. Take 9 * from 20*2. $1.00 + 50 *3. Hew many pints are in 1 quart of milk?4. 12 eggs make 1 dozen?5. How many make 1 1/2 dozens?


157TEST II

(FOR STUDENTS WITH 3 1/2 TO 4 YEARS OF SCHOOLING)

INSTRUCTION SHEETThis test consists of Sections, A,B,C, and D. The student should attempt all four sections. Two sheets are provided: Sheet I for the Examiner, Sheet II for the students.

SECTION ATesting for this section (A) should be done with each student orally. The student should call the words on his Sheet (II) while the Examiner uses sheet I and puts a tick if correct or an (X) if incorrect in the appropriate column under 'Result'.

SECTION BThe student should read and fill in the blanks to make complete sentences. If the student is unable to read, assist him.

SECTION CExplain to the students that they are to rewrite the sentences on the lines provided, putting in capital letters and full stops.

SECTION DAssist the students if they are unable to read the questions.

SECTION A SECTION B SECTION C SECTION D

TOTAL MARKS = 100 10 words, 2 marks each = 204 sentences, 5 marks each = 20 3 sentences, 10 marks each = 305 questions, 6 marks each = 30


158

SHEET II STUDENT'S NAME: AGE: __________

ADULT LITERACY EDUCATION TEST II

FOR STUDENTS

INSTITUTION:

SECTION AMONEYPLACEJOBHASHCLOTHES

HOUSELANDPOLICEPAYREAD

SECTION BPut a word in each space to make a sentence.1. She goes to the ______.______ .2. We _____________ good food.3. It is a4. Mother

day.the cake.


SHEET I

159TEST II

EXAMINER ONLY

STUDENT’S NAME: _____________________________AGE: ________________________________________INSTITUTION: ________________________________

SECTION BWORDS RESULTMONEY ______PLACE__________________________________ ______JOB____________________________________ ______WASH ______CLOTHES ______HOUSE ______LAND ______POLICE ______PAY ______READ ______


SECTION CRewrite these sentences putting in capital letters and full stops.1. my father came home this morning2. i have a friend named john3. the boy went to kingston on monday

SECTION D1. How many groups of 5 can I get out of 45? ________2. Take 45 t from $1.00 ___________3. Share 4 cakes equally among 8 people.

How much would each get? ___________4. I have 3 dozen corns. How many more will I need to

make 45? ___________5. How many ^ are in 6 ^? ___________


ADULT LITERACY EDUCATION TEST IV

45 MINUTES - DO ALL QUESTIONS100 marks - 10 marks each

1. Of a class of 32 boys, 3/8 were late. How many boys were early?

2. N- = 5, find the value of N.3

3. Take 3 times 60 4 from 4 times $1.20.4. The product of two numbers if 87. One is 29, what is

the other?5. How much is 4 times a half of $5.00?6. If I spent 5 £ per day for sweets during the month of

March how much did I spend?7. What number should be divided by 9 to get 7?8. How many ninths are in 7 5/9?9. Write seven thousand and seventy in figures.10. How many 5 £ stamps can I buy with $1.20?


APPENDIX G OBSERVATION CHECK SHEET FOR OCCUPATIONAL SKILLS


163Observation Check Sheet for

Occupational SkillsName of Participant: No._____Sex:Age:Results of Literacy Assessment:Date of Interview Guide:Occupation of Participant:Location: (if different from previous location)

A. Skills stated by participant during interview guide session

B. Skills observed by researcher 1st observation:(Date _________ )

2nd observation:(Date _________ )

C. Skills observed by others in the informal sector or comments

(Date recorded ___________ )


APPENDIX H INTERVIEW GUIDE


165Location of Business:

Date of Interview: Time of Interview:

a.m./p.mInterview Guide

Literate: Yes No(Segment I) The following information should be collected.

2. Sex3. Age4. Place of birth5. Number of years in Kingston6. Number of children7. Type of informal activity (activities)

Number of people employed in economic enterprise /Number of working hours per day

8. Number of years, months, involved in this economic activity

9. Previous occupations and whether they were formal or informal sector activities

10. How did you decide to do the job you are doing now?(Open-ended question - record response.)

Note: If questions on education and skills are covered byparticipants' responses just record answers as they talk. Do not ask the questions again except for clarification.


1. Name (first name will be adequate) No.

16611. What education did you complete?

Completed Date Entered Yes No

Primary All-Age SecondaryCommercial/TechnicalCollegeOther

12. Why do you think you did not continue your education? Finances Family obligations Wanted to work Pregnancy or fatherhood Other (specify)13.What examinations did you pass in school? Common Entrance 0-Levels A-Levels 13+ Technical High School Common Entrance Exam Grade 9 Achievement Secondary School Certificate (S.S.C.) Jamaica School Certificate (J.S.C.) Caribbean Examinations Council Exams (C.X.C.) Others (Specify)At what level? Satisfactory DistinctionSegment II. The following questions should be asked unless participants have answered some of these questions in their responses to question 10.1. What occupational skills do you have? Bookkeeping Mental math calculations Written math calculations Skills with machines, tools (specify) others (specify)


167

2. Where did you learn these skills? in school apprenticeships from friends (informally) from family members (informally) non-formal education programs self-taught other (specify)3- Have you ever taught any apprentices?

Yes ___ NoWhat skills did you teach them? (specify)

Were the apprentices related to you? Yes ___ No

Were they paid? Yes ___ No

4. What skills would you like to learn? (specify)

5. How do you think you might learn those skills? go back to school from friends from family from government programs on the job training6. What formal training programs did you attend in the past?Where?Did you pay for the training?For how long?Did you complete the program?(Why not?)

7. Do you think that you might work in the formal economy someday?(explain as "have a job for regular wages" if necessary) When?What kind of job would you do?


168

Segment III. The following questions should be asked.1. (Questions 1-3 in this section are to be asked of participants who have children.)What are your hopes for your children? complete education have a career just be able to find a job marry become wealthy just be happy have good health long life

2. Do you think your children will do the same kind of work you do? Why or why not? Yes ___ NoDo you want them to? Yes ___ No

3. Do your children help you now in your work? Yes ___ No

How many hours a week?What jobs do they do?Are they learning skills from you? (specify)

4. What do you like about your work?

5. What are the problems you have in your work?

6. What could the government do to help you?


7. a) If you were given a gift of 250 Jamaican dollars, what would you do with it?

b) A gift of 500 Jamaican dollars?


APPENDIX I LIST OF OCCUPATIONAL SKILLS OF PARTICIPANTS IN STUDY


171LIST OF OCCUPATIONAL SKILLS OF

PARTICIPANTS IN STUDY

1. Bookkeeping/Accounting 28. Painting (houses2. Mental math calculations and pictures)3. Written math calculations 29. Cashiering4. Dressmaking 30. Jewelry making5. Tailoring 31. Cement mixing6. Carpentry 32. Operating*7 / • Farming telephone8. Construction work switchboard9. Welding 33. Driving (car,10. Hairdressing bus, tractor,11. Barbering truck and van)12. Knitting 34. Refrigerator13. Crocheting repairs14. Typing 35. Banking (teller)15. Sewing

(by hand and machine)36. Making ceramic

tiles16. Wood carving 37. Filing/office17. Straw weaving work18. Cooking/baking 38. Fire fighting19. Operating printing 39. Furniture making

machine 40. Gardening20. Operating garment

factory machine41. Operating ice

cutting machine21. Shoe repair 42. Plumbing22. Auto mechanics 43. Cabinet making23. Air conditioning repairs 44. Repairing auto24. Masonry work tires25. Maintenance work 45. Post office work26. Electrical repairs (clerk)27. Needlework/Embroidery 46. Taking care of

horses


APPENDIX J SCHOOL EXAMINATION PASSES OF SAMPLE PARTICIPANTS


173SCHOOL EXAMINATION PASSES OF

SAMPLE PARTICIPANTS

Type of ExaminationCommon EntranceCambridge Ordinary-LevelCambridge Advanced-Level13+ Technical High SchoolGrade 9 AchievementSecondary School CertificateJamaican School CertificateCaribbean Examinations CouncilOthers Not Listed AboveNo Examinations PassedMore Than One Exam Passed

(S.S.C. and C.X.C.)Total

Frequency of Passes 0 2 1 1

10 4 8

Exams 24

167

1200


APPENDIX K JAMAICAN EDUCATION SYSTEM


175The Jamaican Education System

The Jamaican education system offers a total of thirteen years of schooling in the following stages:

• Pre-primary (infant and basic schools) - ages fourto six

• Primary - ages six to eleven• Secondary (junior secondary and high schools) -

ages twelve to sixteenThe opportunities for education at the tertiary level

are offered by:• Teachers - training colleges• The College of Arts, Science, and Technology• The Jamaica School of Agriculture• Four community colleges• The University of the West Indies, Kingston

(See Appendix L)According to information released by the Ministry of

Education, Kingston, 1987, the Jamaican school system in 1985-86 included 29 infant schools, over 1,000 basic schools, 493 all-age schools, 290 primary schools, 45 comprehensive high schools, and 79 new secondary schools.

Infant and Basic SchoolsThese schools basically provide day care and some

basic rudiments of education. They are often village or church-sponsored, but receive some government subsidy. "In 1975 it is estimated that almost 60 percent of all Jamaican


176children in the four to six age range attended some type of basic school" (Kaplan, Blustein, Johnston, McMorris, 1976, p. 160). The Ministry of Education has been assuming more control over these schools, and the Five-Year Plan for Jamaican Education (1978-1983) proposed the complete transfer of these institutions to the public sector.

Primary EducationIn 1970 primary education was changed from a five-

year to a six-year program. It was also separated fromlower secondary which required that a large number ofprimary schools had to be built.

The In-Depth Study of Primary Education identified and documented the time-worn problems of overcrowding, poor and irregular attendance, inadequately trained teachers, lack of equipment, an impoverished and unstimulat- ing physical environment, all of which were featured in past inquiries of the educational system (Whyte, 1983, p. 121).

Primary education continues to be an area of Jamaican education which requires more attention and resources.

Secondary Education The most prestigious secondary schools on the island

are the old, purely academic institutions modeled on the British grammar schools. Places at these schools are highly coveted, but inadequate to meet all of the demand for secondary education in Jamaica. Junior secondary schools were introduced into the structure of education in the mid-1970's to meet the increased demand for secondary


177education. These schools cover grades seven through nine, and, upon completion, a student can then transfer to another school to complete secondary education.

Grades twelve and thirteen in Jamaica are designed specifically for those students who plan to attend university. They correspond to the old "A-level classes" under the British model when it was used exclusively in Jamaica.

The University of the West IndiesThere is only one university in Jamaica, the Univer

sity of the West Indies, Mona Campus, in Kingston. This university was established in 1948 and is sponsored by all Commonwealth Caribbean states except Guyana which maintains its own university. There are three other campuses of the university: Trinidad/Tobago, Barbados, and the Bahamas.

A variety of course programs are offered, and students enroll for programs of study ranging from one year to six years. It is important to mention, however, that because the university is a multi-national concern it cannot be structured to meet only the needs of Jamaica in terms of higher education. Many critics have cited this as a major liability in terms of manpower and development requirements.

CurriculumSince independence in Jamaica there has been a

movement toward making the curriculum more practical and


178more "Jamaican”. The British O-Level and A-Level based curriculum had little practical relevance for Jamaicans except for the fact that passing the examinations meant going up the educational ladder of success. The change in curriculum emphasis and structure has taken place at both primary and secondary levels. At the primary level there has been an increased emphasis on domestic arts and agriculture. At the secondary level there has been a change from studying French to Spanish, an increased emphasis on technical-vocational education, and scientific subjects. Since the establishment of the CaribbeanExamination Council twelve years ago, all schools inJamaica have been moving away from the British-based curriculum toward a Caribbean-based examination system.

Examination System The Jamaican education sequence is punctuated by a

series of examinations, both internal and external. TheCommon Entrance Examination (also known as the 11+) determines student entry into the forty-five most prestigious secondary schools on the island. In 1987, some 46,000 students took the exam to be eligible for 9,000 places (Ministry of Education data, Kingston, 1987). The 13+ Technical High School Common Entrance Examination allows students to compete for approximately 900 places in Jamaica's seven technical schools. These two examinations are the most prominent for gaining admission to secondary


179education in Jamaica.

Other internal examinations are the Grade 9 Achievement Examination (the All-Age School Exam) which gives those students who have attended all-age schools a second chance for entry into secondary schools; the Secondary School Certificate (S.S.C.) which is given in new secondary schools after grade 11, but only in practical and vocational subjects; and the Jamaica School Certificate (J.S.C.) which is an examination really designed for individuals no longer in the formal education system, but sometimes students take it in the IV Form as a "trial run" for 0- Level examinations.

The main external examinations were formally the Cambridge Ordinary-Level and Advanced-Level Examinations taken by students at the end of V Form and VI Form. The 0- Level exams have now been largely replaced by the C.X.C (Caribbean Examinations Council), but not the A-Levels. In Jamaican technical schools, the Associated Examination Board tests (A.E.B.) have also been replaced by C.X.C. at the 0-Level only.


APPENDIX L DIAGRAM OF JAMAICAN EDUCATION SYSTEM


181

University _ u.v.i —

GCE A levels

Jamaica School Certificate SecondarySchool

Certificate

GCE 0 levels

Technical Entrance Exara __l All-age schools

Grade 9 Achievene:Grades 7 -9

Common Entrance (11*) examination

Basic/nursery/kindergarten schools

Grades 7 - 1 1

Newsecondary

schoolsTechnical high

schools

Grades 8 - 1 1 )

Trade training and

vocational centres

K.E.A.P..T.

Grades 12 and 13 (sixth form)

Primary /preparatory schools

Grades 1 -6

Comprehensive high schools

Traditional high schools

Grades 7 - 11 (Forms 1 - 5 )

Schools

College of Arts, Science and Technology

Schools of art. drama, music and dance

.College of AgricultureTeacher training colleges

School of Physical Education Theological college

Conrunicy College i2 yrs.) schools of nursing

Business and commercial schools is r iv is e )______________

World Yearbook of Education. Women and Education, p. 124.

(1984)


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