From Popular Movements to Rebellion

From Popular Movements to Rebellion: The Naxalite Decade argues that without an understanding of the popular sources of the rebellion of that time, the age of the Naxalite revolt will remain beyond our understanding. Many of the chapters of the book bring out for the first time unknown peasant heroes and heroines of that era, analyses the nature of the urban revolt, and shows how the urban revolt of that time anticipated street protests and occupy movements that were to shake the world forty-fifty years later.

This is a moving and poignant book. Some of the essays are deeply reflective about why the movement failed and was at the end alienated. Ranabir Samaddar says that, the Naxalite Movement has been denied a history.

The book also carries six powerful short stories written during the Naxalite Decade and which are palpably true to life of the times. The book has some rare photographs and ends with newspaper clippings from the period.

As a study of rebellious politics in post-Independent India, this volume with its focus on West Bengal and Bihar will stand out as an exceptional history of contemporary times.

From Popular Movements to Rebellion: The Naxalite Decade will be of enormous relevance to students and scholars of history, politics, sociology and culture, and journalists and political and social activists at large.

Ranabir Samaddar holds the Distinguished Chair in Migration and Forced Migration Studies, Calcutta Research Group, and is a political thinker and one of the foremost theorists in the field of migration and forced migration studies. Author of several well known books and distinguished papers, his writings on migration, labour, colonialism, and the nation state have signalled a new turn in critical postcolonial thinking. To mention only two, Beyond Kolkata: Rajarhat and the Dystopia of Urban Imagination (Routledge, 2014) and his latest work, Karl Marx and the Postcolonial Age (Palgrave MacMillan, 2017) which discusses the relevance of Marx in the global age of postcolonialism and neoliberalism.

From Popular Movements To Rebellion

The Naxalite Decade

Edited by

Ranabir Samaddar

First published 2019by Routledge2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

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Contents

Preface and Acknowledgements ixNotes on Contributors xiii

1. From Popular Movements to Rebellion: Introducing 1 the Naxalite Decade Ranabir Samaddar

SECTION I PRELUDE TO THE STORM: BENGAL IN

THE FIFTIES AND SIXTIES

2. The Refugee Movement as a Founding Moment 19 of Popular Movements in Post-independent West Bengal Paula Banerjee and Sucharita Sengupta

3. Anti-Tram Fare Rise Movement and Teachers’ Movement in Calcutta, 1953–54 48 Answesha Sengupta

4. The Defining Moments of Left Popular Politics in West 85 Bengal: The Food Movements of 1959 and 1966 Sibaji Pratim Basu

SECTION II THE NAXALITE DECADE

5. The Artisans of Revolt: Peasant Activists of Naxalbari 121 Translation by Purna Banerjee

6. Repertoires and Politics in the Time of Naxalbari 152 Ranabir Samaddar

7. The Prairie Fire Spreads I: Medinipur 169 Anwesha Sengupta

vi CONTENTS

8. The Prairie Fire Spreads II: Birbhum 201 Atig Ghosh

9. Occupy College Street: Notes from the Sixties 230 Ranabir Samaddar

10. The Culture Battle 253 Subhoranjan Dasgupta 11. Spring Thunder and the Dialectic of Critique 277 Ranabir Samaddar 12. The Naxalite Decade Comes to a Close, but Land 307 Question Persists Atig Ghosh

SECTION III THE DECADE IN BIHAR

13. Bihar in 1974: Possibilities and Limits of a Popular 341 Movement Mithilesh Kumar

14. Bihar in the Sixties and Seventies: The Enigmatic 373 Figure of Karpoori Thakur Manish Kumar Jha

15. Reports: Rural Poor and the Armed Rebels of Bihar, 398 1960–70s

SECTION IV THE CULTURAL STRUGGLE:

A SMALL ANTHOLOGY

16. Introducing the Anthology 435 Sumanta Banerjee

17. The Palpable Reality of Fiction 441 Subhransu Maitra

18. Ani/Ani 445 By Ashim Ray Translated by Subhransu Maitra

19. Midnight Knock/Kapatey Karaghat 458 Tapabijoy Ghosh Translated by Subhransu Maitra

CONTENTS vii

20. Corpse Worship/Shabasadhana 471 Saibal Mitra Translated by Subhransu Maitra

21. Human Gems/Manushratan 480 Debesh Roy Translated by Subhransu Maitra

22. Homecoming/Ghare Phera 501 Ashim Ray Translated by Subhransu Maitra

23. Release Them/Mukti Chai 508 Tapabijoy Ghosh Translated by Subhransu Maitra

24. Reportage 527

Annexure 1: Report on the Peasant Movement in the 538 Terai Region

Kanu SanyalBibliography 561

http://taylorandfrancis.com

Preface and Acknowledgements

The last three centuries have famously demonstrated that revolutions are the locomotive of history. By the same token

revolts have impacted societies in an unprecedented manner. Today we can say that the Naxalite decade impacted Indian society and politics in an indelible way. Subsequent reforms such as agrarian reforms, administrative policies, the twenty-point programme, police reforms, political restructuring of the State – all these owe to a great extent to the decade of insurgency and revolts. As a real-life critique of Indian society, the decade produced a new kind of subjectivity that refuses to die and emerges periodically through various forms of political insubordination. It was a kind of singular metabolism which devoured the narratives of past revolts and threw them back at history in changed forms. It did not produce so much a definite structure of new politics, as a kind of direction to which radical politics must orient itself.

The Naxalite decade narrated in this book along with its genealogies has been loosely defined here. Readers will find in this chronicle the duration of the decade appearing variously as from 1967 to 1977, mid-1960s to mid-1970s, and at times from 1967 to the end of 1970s. In fact, in Bihar the Naxalite decade followed the one in Bengal. In Andhra Pradesh the decade began in late 1960s and continued up to early 1980s and then flowed into later insurgencies. Such is the plural temporality of a time, in this case a decade. Yet the justification of keeping the decade as the title notwithstanding its nebulousness is because it reflects the dense memory of ours of a time, a series of events, and of a period – marked with hopes, violence, massacres, forced disappearances, manifestos, awakenings,

x PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

and discords, plus the continuities and discontinuities with the earlier age of popular movements and popular politics. The Naxalite Decade tells us of the mysterious development of popular movements into an insurgency.

The book however came to be realised partly by chance and only partly by design. The Calcutta Research Group members were thinking for some years to write a history of the popular movements in the last sixty years in West Bengal and realised that there were very little writings except party literature authored as contemporary commentaries and analyses of the movements and some reminiscences. Yet, had it not been for the sudden request from Esha Béteille of the Social Science Press to think of making a book on the Naxalite decade, the entries in this book would have perhaps seen the light of the day as independent pieces in journals or entries in some disparate collections. Her request occasioned the final shape and tenor of this book, namely that the Naxalite decade was the time of popular rebellion which had plural forms, and whose ground had been laid by a decade and half of popular protests and movements. She also encouraged me to go ahead with the plan, setting at rest my internal doubts and misgivings. I am thankful to her for seeing this collection through to its final form. I am also similarly thankful to Radha Béteille for her editorial assistance.

Sibaji Pratim Basu first mooted the idea of a research on popular movements in post-independent West Bengal starting from the fifties of the last century. Colleagues at the Calcutta Research Group then thought through various possibilities of developing the trajectory of the research, and the present direction owes much to their thinking. Likewise, Anwesha Sengupta and Priya Singh managed the collective research steadfastly and with patience and that is how the papers could be initially produced.

The direction of the research is also indebted to the workshops organised by the Calcutta Research Group in the last two years where issues related to these papers and the main theme of popular movements and the Naxalite decade were repeatedly visited, the sources were cross checked, the opinions and suggestions of knowledgeable people and experts were sought and heeded to. The present collection is thus indebted to many, including scores of

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xi

activists and sympathisers who helped with providing documents, pamphlets, other tracts, and arrangements of interviews. As a result, we could get a bigger picture, elements of comparison, as well as a deeper understanding. Here I can only name a few of the scores of people who made this research possible: Abhijit Mazumdar, Achin Vanaik, Aishika Chakraborty, Akum Longchari, Amit Prakash, Anil Acharya, Anuradha Roy, Bharat Bhushan, Chitra Ahanthem, Dipankar Sinha, Dolly Kikon, Dwaipayan Bhattacharyya, Ilina Sen, Iman Mitra, Indu Agnihotri, Jishnu Dasgupta, Kautabh Mani Sengupta, Kumar Rana, Mallarika Sinha Roy, Manabi Majumdar, Manoj Kumar Jha, Meghna Guhathakurta, Nirban Basu, Panchali Roy, Prabhu Mahapatra, Prasanta Ray, Priyankar Upadhyaya, (late) Raghab Bandyopadhyay, Rajarshi Dasgupta, Rama Melkote, Ritajyoti Bandyopadhyay, Ruchira Goswami, Samata Biswas, Samita Sen, Sandip Bandyopadhyay, Sanjay Barbora, Siddhartha Guha Roy, Soibam Haripriya, Subhash Ranjan Chakraborty, Subhasree Ghosh, Sudeshna Banerjee, Sujata Bhadra, Tanika Sarkar, and Tongam Rina. The Department of Political Science, Bankura University and the School of Women’s Studies, Jadavpur University also helped us in organising workshops and participated in the deliberations. We are also like wise indebted to the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation, in particular its Darjeeling District Committee for allowing us to use the material presented in some of the chapters of this book.

Needless to say, the contributors to the volume are indebted to each other, and they helped me in giving shape to the final nature of the collective research. I must mention in particular three names who helped in an impossibly short time. Purna Banerjee translated the material of the fifth chapter at a short notice. The permission for translation came from Abhijit Mazumdar of Siliguri. And my debt is to Samata Biswas for helping me in ironing out many inconsistencies in the book.

Some of the material included in this volume was translated into Bengali and published as a part of the special issue of the Bengali journal Anushtup (special issue on popular movements, 2017). In the course of translation and publication we had to again visit the main theme. It was a self-clarifying exercise. Anil Acharya, the editor

xii PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

and publisher of the journal, and Anwesha Sengupta, who managed the entire process of planning the translations and making them a coherent collection deserve special thanks. Frontier and Wire also published some of the material in their first and synoptic forms. My thanks go to the editors of these two publications.

My thanks go to Sumanta Banerjee, a friend and well wisher for a long time, who has done us proud by contrbuting a prefatory note for the concluding section on short stories. Likwise my thanks are to the translator of these stories, Subhransu Maitra.

To Calcutta Research Group any formal acknowledgement of debt will be perhaps preposterous. To its Director, Anita Sengupta and its team of researchers and members this book owes everything. Some of its members have contributed to the volume, some helped it with framing and later refining the ideas, while others provided all kinds of research assistance. I am grateful to all of them.

For the photographs and newspaper reports, I am indebted to the collections of the Anandabazar Patrika, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta, CPI (ML) Liberation online archive, National Library, Nehru Memorial and Museum Library in New Delhi, and to Uponita Mukherjee.

Finally the book owes its existence to Rosa Luxumberg Stiftung, in particular Stefan Mentschel, for seeing merit in this research and helping us to implement the research plan. Their collaboration was indispensable. I hope they will be happy to see in print at least a weak version of our collective idea of what popular movements look like in a long trajectory that includes both short bursts and phases of insurgency, and an incredible variety of issues ranging from fare rise in public transport or relief and rehabilitaion, to food prices, to and we may not believe, social transformation.

Ranabir SamaddarKolkata

31 July 2018

Contributors

Ranabir Samaddar, the editor of this volume, is currently the Distinguished Chair in Migration and Forced Migration Studies, Calcutta Research Group. He is a political thinker, and is considered to be one of the foremost theorists in the field of migration and forced migration studies. Karl Marx and the Postcolonial Age (Palgrave MacMillan, 2017) is his latest work, which discusses the relevance of Marx in the global age of postcolonialism and neoliberalism.

Paula Banerjee works on the histories of borders, women, and conflicts. She is now the Vice-Chancellor of Sanskrit College & University and member of the Calcutta Research Group. She is also an expert on Indo-American relations and has authored Borders, Histories, and Existences: Gender and Beyond (2010) and When Ambitions Clash (2003). She has edited Unstable Populations, Anxious States (2013), Women in Peace Politics (2008), and (co-edited) The State of being Stateless (2016).

Sucharita Sengupta is a Doctoral Candidate at the Department of Anthropology and Sociology in the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva. Before this, she was working in the Calcutta Research Group on issues related to migration and forced migration studies. She is now researching on conditions of life under ‘Statelessness’, through the case study of Rohingya refugees in camps of Bangladesh and India.

Anwesha Sengupta teaches at the Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata. She has published papers on the theme of partition of India in the east, such as ‘Becoming a Minority Community: Calcutta’s Muslims after Partition’ (2018) and ‘Moveable Migrants, Labouring Lives: making Refugees “Useful in Post-Colonial India”’ (2017).

xiv CONTRIBUTORS

Sibaji Pratim Basu is Professor in the Department of Political Science with Rural Administration at Vidyasagar University, West Bengal and a member of the Calcutta Research Group. His book, The Poet and The Mahatma: Engagement with Nationalism and Internationalism (2009) has received critical acclaim. He is the editor of Forced Migration and Media Mirrors (2014) and The Fleeing People of South Asia: Selections from Refugee Watch (2009) and the co-editor of Politics in Hunger Regime (2011).

Purna Banerjee, Associate Professor of English in Presidency University, has published on Victorian novels, nineteenth century travel literature, periodicals, twentieth century displaced women’s narratives, and contemporary social-media-driven protest movements.

Atig Ghosh is Assistant Professor of History, Visva Bharati University (Santiniketan). He is a member of the Calcutta Research Group. He has edited Branding the Migrants (2013) and (co-edited) The State of Being Stateless (2015).

Subhoranjan Dasgupta is a former professor of Human Sciences at the Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata (IDSK). He has several publications to his credit in Bengali and English. His publications include The Tin Drummer’s Odyssey: Essays on Günter Grass (2002) and Elegy and Dream: Akhtaruzzaman Elias’s Creative Commitment (2000). He has co-edited, The Trauma and the Triumph: Gender and Partition in Eastern India (2008). He has recently received the prestigious Lila Roy Smarak Purashkar (Lila Roy Memorial Award) for essays, interviews and translations published in English and Bengali in journals, magazines and anthologies.

Mithilesh Kumar is a Research Fellow at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Patna. He has published numerous papers such as ‘Governing Flood, Migration and Conflict in North Bihar’ 2015), ‘Law, Statistics, Public–Private Partnership and the Emergence of a New Subject’ (2017).

Manish Kumar Jha is the Dean, School of Social Work at Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. He is also a member of the Calcutta

CONTRIBUTORS xv

Research Group. He is a recipient of numerous fellowships such as the Commonwealth fellowship at SOAS, London, Erasmus fellowship at UCD, Ireland, UKIERI Fellowship at Durham University, and Palme Professorship at Gothenburg University, Sweden.

Sumanta Banerjee is a journalist, columnist, and a cultural historian, and specialises in popular culture of the colonial period. His work focuses on the historical analysis and development of folk culture of Kolkata’s urban poor. He is the author of Memoirs of Roads: Calcutta from Colonial Urbanization to Global Modernization (2016), Dangerous Outcast (1998), and The Parlour and the Streets: Elite and Popular Culture in Nineteenth Century Calcutta (1989). He is the author of In the Wake of Naxalbari (1980), considered as one of the classics of contemporary revolutionary history.

Subhransu Maitra is Superintendent (Publications) at Netaji Subhas Open University, Calcutta. His works in translation include Gaandharva Poems of Sankha Ghosh, (Paschimbanga Bangla Akademi, 2004), Wrong Number and other Stories of Mahasweta Devi (Seagull, 2005), Education as Freedom (Niyogi Books, 2014), and Endless Night and Eternal Sunrise: Jibanananda’s World (Ekush Shatak, 2009).

http://taylorandfrancis.com

I

Can an insurgent movement be termed a popular movement? Or can we also find popular sources of insurgency? Insurgency in

the eyes of the State is supposedly a determined act by a minority, a group with resolve, and there is no ‘democratic’ basis to insurgent acts, if by democracy we mean votes, parliamentary confabulations, etc. Indeed, this was the unwritten and unacknowledged question that haunted the established Left as well as the Left-liberal intelligentsia and administrators in the late sixties and early seventies of the last century. They had termed the Naxalbari movement as extremist, anarchist, and sectarian. One can understand their point of view. Yet given that the movement spread so rapidly, engulfed large chunks of the country in that dangerous decade (1965–75), the Left remained silent with embarrassment to the question. What was beneath such a quick spread, what were the popular roots, and what were the historical and political resources that the Naxalites were drawing upon from the past? What gave them legitimacy as a movement of the people, who had perhaps gone wild, and in the eyes of the established Left were destructive, dangerous, and harmful for an orderly growth of politics? What was the nature of the dangerous decade? These are difficult questions. The answers are

oneCHAPTER

From Popular Movements to RebellionIntroducing the Naxalite DecadeRanabir Samaddar

2 FROM POPULAR MOVEMENTS TO REBELLION

as much historical as political. This book is only a partial answer to these enquiries.

Articles and some scholarly publications came out on particularly what came to be known as the long fifties valuable being the collection, Calcutta: The Stormy Decades (2015). Decolonisation and the Politics of Transition in South Asia (2016) also reflected among others the theme of popular politics in the fifties, and there were of course articles and books on the decade of the forties, and some reflections on the possible continuities and discontinuities of the popular movements in the post-independent era. But most articles and books heavily focused on the nationalist milieu and rightly so, but in the process did not throw much light on what constituted the particularly popular nature and the sources of the movements in the post-independent period. In any case, the reflections did not extend to the sixties – the dangerous decade which extended to the latter half of the seventies, till stability and normalcy returned to the relief of the rulers. By that time of course, liberal analysts had started saying that Calcutta’s and Bengal’s glory was gone forever due to the unrest. Apparently, shortly after Singapore became an independent country in 1965, its founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was said to have remarked that he wanted his city-state to be like Calcutta. And on the other hand, the Left began saying that with the installation of Left Front government in West Bengal in 1977 the goals of the popular movements in the fifties and sixties had been realised. Bengal was also assured that its long tradition of producing great figures in the arts, culture, and the sciences would now come back to life.

Population stabilisation of the city was cited as one major consequence of the restless decades. It was pointed out that in 1950 the city had a population of over 4.5 million, Bombay’s population stood at 2.6 million, and Delhi’s at 1.4 million. Bangalore had just 0.8 million people. By 2001, Bombay’s population was nearly 19 million, Delhi had 16.7 million, and Calcutta’s population was around 11 million. Other cities had become centres of economic opportunities and sites of upward mobility, while Calcutta, and Bengal, was now merely a shadow of its former self. Business and commerce had taken flight and West Bengal had become a wasteland. Singapore was now mentioned as the other destiny that Calcutta

RANABIR SAMADDAR 3

failed to pursue even though they had started their independent journey in an apparently similar situation.

This is not the book to deal with these images, aspirations of the moneyed classes, or the commentaries of prosperity and decline of the state of West Bengal and the city. All histories have their other possible versions, histories of fantasies, myths, and counter-narratives. These histories will be found in plenty in the prestigious periodicals, journals, and organs of chambers of commerce, and governmental literature of the parties of order. As distinct from them, this book focuses on what happened to the people in that period, what were the people doing, what were their actions in the sixties, and what made them mad? How did the years of fifties flow into those of sixties? For instance, the food movement in 1959 re-enacted itself on a grander scale in 1966. These questions are important because readers have to remember that even in the propaganda and agitation literature of the Left the unprecedented militancy of the late sixties and early seventies stands ignored. The madness is exceptional, and the legitimacy of the sixties has been denied. All nations in history own up their past including the past of failed insurgencies and revolts. Only in miserable Bengal that pride is denied, perhaps because the insurgent sixties and seventies are still not history. Perhaps our time is such that these still remain stories of our lives. After all, the owl of Minerva flies out only at dusk.

One of the reasons why the years of the sixties and early seventies seem exceptional and without a genealogy is because of a disinclination to study the modes of popular movements in the preceding years, at least in the preceding decade, of how popular politics may become violent, and politics can reach an acutely contentious form. Without that genealogical awareness, the ten years from mid-sixties to mid-seventies – the Naxalite decade – appears as a spirit, a ghost, in Marx’s famous language a ‘spectre’. The spectral nature of the time repeatedly surfaces today in commentaries and invocations precisely because rulers have only wanted to put a living experience to death. There is thus a radical temporality in linking the Naxalite decade to its own past and to its own time, because only by doing so we can appreciate its original energy to appear as an exceptional time within a time it was traversing.

4 FROM POPULAR MOVEMENTS TO REBELLION

The chapters in this book collectively aim to make sense of the spectral presence of the time of Naxalbari. As essays they stand independently as well. They are testimonies of popular protests, popular politics, collective claim-making, networks of activism, and how democracy expanded in the postcolonial setting of a newly independent country. However, a book like this is only partly by design, as the articles now parts of the book, were authored as tracts of the time of the fifties and early sixties. And only when they had been written, a pattern began to emerge as the research continued to extend to some of the aspects of the late sixties and early seventies – a pattern that tells us how popular movements can transform into an insurgency. That insurgency we all know opened up the politics of the country to new fault lines, new questions about the path of social transformation, nature of ruling regimes, the abiding relevance of street politics, peasant resistance, and many more ethical, political, and social issues. Most of those questions are still relevant and eating into the self-complacence of parliamentary Left politics. The ‘Naxalite decade’ throws light not only on the mode of politics of that time, but helps us to reflect on the evolving modes of popular politics of the past as well – including modes of assembly, mobilisation, protest, securing an area or a territory, burning land records, using handmade and other country weapons, ways of composing leaflets and manifestos, torching, occupying, staging plays on roads and open squares, and all other modes imagined and practised by a politics of confrontation.

Yet the Naxalite decade allows for more thought. The decade of 1965–75 known as the Naxalite decade was also the decade of other currents of popular movements and activism. One current played into another, exactly as in the anti-colonial age when the national mood swung from militant revolutionism to constitutional and peaceful mass protests. People giving support to revolutionary activities also were involved in the mass movements of non-cooperation. Indeed these periods often overlapped. In the decade we are narrating here, the great Railway Strike (1974) took place. It involved 1.5 million workers and had the support of thousands of others across towns, cities, factories, colonies, and yards, exceeding in intensity even the activities of the insurgents. The

RANABIR SAMADDAR 5

Railway Strike of 1974 did not happen suddenly. At least three to four years of movements, agitations, organisational preparations, new techniques, and new formations were required for the display of militancy exhibited by countless rank and file workers – perhaps without another precedent in the history of working class struggles and in general popular struggles in our country before or after. Without the general swing of the popular mood towards protest, non-conformism, and rebellion the Naxalite decade could not have come about. It is important to see therefore other reflections of that restlessness and new thinking in that time. The decade was not monochromatic as many think the period to be.

This book therefore has an important section on Bihar at that time. Three reasons: one, the revolutionary activities of the sixties and early seventies were not confined to West Bengal. In fact, after the initial three-four years in West Bengal, peasant insurgency flared up in greater intensity in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar, with Andhra Pradesh leading the way in spreading the Naxalite message of agrarian revolution. Second, the chapters on Bihar tell us how caste and issues of social justice active in mass mobilisations of that time, helped the formation of mass politics in a particular way, and threw up strong, exceptional leaders. Third, Bihar showed the way for an unprecedented uprising in the form of Jayaprakash Narayan’s movement (commonly known as the JP movement) that directly led along with the Railway Strike to the Emergency of 1975 and the turn of the State to authoritarianism. The suppression of these mass mobilisations along with the suppression of Naxalite movements in states like West Bengal, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh remind us of the fact that the Emergency had started in parts of the country several years before it was imposed on the entire country. The crisis of the order had started earlier; indeed, it was gathering steam for nearly a decade – evinced in the Naxalite uprising as much as in the installation of non-Congress governments in states like West Bengal and causing deep instability in the ruling party, the Congress. The situation of civil war was gathering storm for quite some years before the imposition of National Emergency, much like the situation in Germany where Walter Benjamin feared that the war would start much earlier than when it would be officially declared.

6 FROM POPULAR MOVEMENTS TO REBELLION

Without Bihar and Andhra Pradesh, the Naxalite decade thus remains an incomplete story. Unfortunately, we could not include in this book a section on Andhra Pradesh because of the limitations of our research capacity.

We must, however, spend few lines more on the crisis of that time to get a fuller sense of what happened in Bengal, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh in that decade. The crisis was not a one-way street. It was not of the ruling order alone, but also of the Left mode of doing politics, hence of the Left style of organising a party. Parties split, unions split, quarrels flared up, at times to the point of death and weakening of ranks. Ideologies, social and economic status, styles of organisation, personalities, and orientations – all these became occasions of mortal contention. The division of the erstwhile united Communist Party of India into CPI and CPI (M), and the subsequent split between the CPI (M) and the Naxalites are only two most well-known instances. However, split and the consequent ‘going one’s one way’ became the mode of articulating politics. Radicalism meant autonomy of existence. The resolution of the crisis in the organisational life of the Left came only after the National Emergency was over in 1977, after thousands of deaths, fragmentation of many totalities, the brutal suppression of a general strike, and the passage into history of a time that had been there only a decade ago, but now seemed unbelievable, and lost forever to the contemporary age that began with 1977. Chapter 11 in the second section also tries to portray this crisis as it was felt in the revolutionary ranks during that time. The crisis was thus much deeper than the economic level. Close relationships were torn apart. Activists became surly and unfriendly as allegiances began to be formed along the lines of politics. To many, the national temperament appeared to have become barbaric and violent in an incomprehensible way. The response of the liberal intelligentsia and the parliamentary Left in general was pacific or even ‘bourgeois’ in the sense that it saw the crisis as a catastrophe while people felt that things could not go on in the old way. Just as fire lays bare the foundations of a structure, crisis laid bare the habitual basis on which politics was conducted till that time. Never before was the country faced with such stark opposition between activism (acts

RANABIR SAMADDAR 7

of protest, literature, resistance, rebellion, organisation, etc.) and pacifism including submission to law and order.

At the same time, this crisis produced an aesthetic politics of radicalism. Oppression made the social order ugly, but the ugliness could be challenged by other aesthetic means, ranging from new styles of writing, new slogans, new theatres and songs, to new ways of leading life and courting death. Crucial to the crisis was how the people participated and how new writers, dramatists, singers, and poets were produced. Activism became participatory in such a way that it led to the construction of new spaces. The entries in this volume on art, literature, and styles of expression in that time of rebellion are intended to convey the restlessness in the aesthetic world of the people.

The first section of the book consisting of three chapters presents select movements in the fifties and the sixties in West Bengal with a focus on the metropolis of Calcutta – the refugee movement, the anti-tram fare rise movement (popularly known as the tram movement), the teachers’ movement, and the food movement of the late fifties and sixties. They show how certain patterns of agitation politics, mass mobilisations, street fighting, and the spread of movements, built up during this decade contributed to the radicalisation of the people, the organisers, and their modes of thinking.

These chapters also show the entry of lower middle classes in mass radical politics, and their growing alliance with workers and other sections of the working people. They also tell us of the crucial role of two elements in the spread of the trust network that acted as the backbone of politics: (a) dispossessed refugees, and (b) small towns and suburbs. The movements selected for the purpose of this section are milestones, though we have to admit that few more movements in the fifties were equally important in this regard, in particular the movement against benami land and the struggle for civil liberties in the background of nationwide suppression of dissent after the India-China border war of 1962.

The second section consisting of eight chapters engages with some of the core aspects of the ‘Naxalite decade’. Among these aspects are: the nature of popular participation in the Naxalbari peasant struggle, the nature of insurgency, the spread of the struggle

8 FROM POPULAR MOVEMENTS TO REBELLION

in villages and towns of Bengal (particularly in the erstwhile undivided districts of Medinipur and Birbhum), and the repertoire of the movements. The section also deals with two theoretical aspects: (a) how to look back at the history of such a revolutionary struggle; such an inquiry actually reminds us how Marx and Engels looked back at the revolutions in 1848 in which they had participated, critiqued, and drew lessons from later; and (b) the nature of the all-consuming culture of critique from which the revolution sprang and in which the revolution perished. We should also mention that we did not include any historical-analytical chapter on the Naxalbari peasant struggle, as the writings and reports by the leaders of Naxalbari movement are well-known and available, so are the commentaries. These are much discussed, especially the two reports by Kanu Sanyal (1968 and 1973). We chose in its place a chapter (Chapter 5) consisting of English translations of a few short narratives that throw light on less known actors of the Naxalbari peasant movement; these narratives are testimonies of the immensely popular nature of the Naxalbari revolt. Readers will get from the lives presented in this chapter a glimpse of the unbelievable radicalisation of peasant masses and cadres in that age, and the historical foundations of the struggle in North Bengal. We have included in this volume Kanu Sanyal’s first Terai report as annexure.

The third section is on Bihar. The three chapters in this section analyse the movements of that period around issues of caste oppression, nature of the politics of social justice, issue of corruption and legitimacy of rule, the interface of class and caste politics, and how the two personalities – Jayaprakash Narayan and Karpoori Thakur – represented the features and paradoxes of the popular movements in Bihar. In this context, the section ends with a valuable presentation of the early phase of the Naxalite movement in Bihar which retained its autonomy as a rebellion of the oppressed lower castes. It ran parallel to the urban movement led by JP with occasional interface with the latter.

Both second and third sections present chronicles, which throw in bold relief the problematic of continuity and discontinuity in popular movements, particularly when a movement suddenly accelerates and develops into an insurgency. Thus, say, in Bihar the Communist

RANABIR SAMADDAR 9

Party of India (CPI) was strong, while in West Bengal it was the Communist Party of India – Marxist (CPI-M). Yet these parties did not lead the insurgent movements. The insurgent movements drew on the popular struggles of the past, in many cases led by these parties or by the united CPI before 1964; and when these ‘new’ movements began in the late sixties they seemed to have removed like a tornado, for the time being, the established style of popular movements. One reason, as various chapters in this book try to argue, behind the upsurge there seemed to have emerged a new social composition consisting of indigenous communities, dalits, women, and lower stratum of the peasantry, particularly young sections of these groups, and the urban youth. The Naxalite decade for some time seemed to be primarily an urban youth revolt, but that impression was misleading. Never before in post-independent India had there been such a general commotion, in which finally when the workers also joined, the insubordination of the people turned into a national upsurge.

The question of continuity and discontinuity therefore lurks behind the story of popular movements to insurgency. If the Naxalite decade had continuity with past popular movements, and at the same time was a break from them, how did it end? Will not the same law of continuity and break be applicable to it? This will require a separate book. In any case the decade ended with the defeat of the insurgents. However, in states other than West Bengal such as Bihar the struggle continued. Andhra Pradesh took to its own road, partly similar to West Bengal, partly different. Splits, unities, debates, new fronts, and new attempts at struggles marked the post-Naxalite decade scenario. It is a difficult story of how it continued, and a difficult discussion of whether the struggles taking place today carry that spirit or scenario of upsurge. However, the book does engage with the question as to what happened with the land question with which Naxalbari and other peasant struggles, and the entire Naxalite decade were identified? Did the land question leave the political scene with the end of the Naxalite decade? Did the much-praised land reforms programme of the first Left Front government address and satisfy the land reforms agenda? Or, was the land question, indeed the peasant question, solved passively through certain administrative measures,

10 FROM POPULAR MOVEMENTS TO REBELLION

which could only selectively and that too marginally engage with the land question? Did ‘land to the tillers’ become an out-dated programme? Chapter 12 deals with this theme.

The fourth section, the last one, goes back to the question of acts of literature in the time of upsurge. Sumanta Banerjee has done this collection proud by writing a preface to this section. His In the Wake of Naxalbari (1980), a classic tract on the time, along with his edited Thema Book of Naxalite Poetry give us a rich idea of the varied sources of political activism and literary creativity by urban, rural and tribal activists, traditional folk singers, and established poets, some of whom later perished in the struggle. Recalling the literary dimension of the time, this book ends with a collection of short stories on that time. The section can be read along with Chapter 10 in the second section dealing with literary activism of the sixties.1

1 We may note here that more than in any other field the impact of the Naxalbari decade on art and literature has continued for long. Here is one report (by R. Madhavan Nair in The Hindu, 24 June 2011 – http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-kerala/the-blazing-course-of-a-naxalite-martyr/article2130967.ece (Accessed on 1 June 2018)

Yet another disturbing episode from the blood-stained history of the Naxalite movement that has left an indelible mark on the political conscience of the State has been captured on celluloid by Odessa Movies, the film society that often makes movies on radical social themes, in memory of its founder and filmmaker John Abraham.

Titled Agnirekha (the blazing course), the film focuses on an incident that happened in 1976, in Malappuram district. Balakrishnan, captured by the police for suspected involvement in the Naxalite movement, set himself ablaze in a police jeep. A police officer sitting next to him perished along with him in the fire that enveloped the vehicle.

Agnirekaha  is the fifth movie from Odessa and is being directed by C.V. Sathyan. ‘This film has a special relevance for all those who remember the Naxalite movement. I have attempted to highlight the martyrdom of Balakrishnan’, he said. The shooting of Agnirekha took the Odessa volunteers across Angadippuram, Perinthalmanna, Kongad, Tirunelli, Thrissilery, Kozhikode, and Kannur—all linked to Naxalism in Kerala. The movie features interviews with A. Vasu, Mundoor Ravunni, Karagal Kuzhikrishnan, K. Venu and P.T. Thomas who were once in the forefront of the movement. The cost of making the film was met from small donations from film lovers (earlier Odessa movies were also made that way). For director Sathyan, cameraman, Murali Panikker, and editor Ajith it was a labour of love.

RANABIR SAMADDAR 11

In short, we may say that the theme of continuity and discontinuity offers us a useful angle from which we can appreciate the Naxalite decade. In many ways the tide and ebb of the movement, the interface of popular movements and the phenomenon of rebellion, critiquing the past to which in many ways it firmly belonged – these and many other aspects become more understandable in the mirror of the anti-colonial struggle of the twentieth century India. The Naxalites may or may have agreed, they brought to popular mind the best of the anti-colonial tradition. A young martyr like Kajal Banerjee was the Khudiram of post-independent Bengal.2

II

I have tried to indicate in the previous pages the difficulties of trying to understand the Naxalite decade, because in order to appreciate its nature the decade must be put in the perspective of the history it grew from, the history it was part of, and the history it created. At the same time the difficulty is greater because the Naxalite decade appears as exceptional, as if it had wrenched its own existence from the past. It is this paradox of two contradictory phenomena from which the difficulty stems, namely the difficulty of interpreting the past that Naxalbari inherited and at the same time treating the Naxalite decade as a time of the past. As the political writings of the leaders of the insurgency openly admitted, the Naxalbari struggle and other peasant struggles in Bengal, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh in the sixties and early seventies consciously emulated many of struggles in the past, analysed past struggles, made explicit references to them, and drew analogies. Further, it put to discomfort the sense of surety, comfort, and complacence existing in Left party institutions of that time, namely that with the party existing and progressing, the struggle would be uninterrupted, and there should be no question of self-doubt among the leaders. The Naxalite struggle on the other hand, much like the practice of army generals, looked back on past successes and failures to know

2 Kajal Banerjee was shot dead by the police in Taltala area in Calcutta on 11 August 1970.

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why a battle failed, or, why one succeeded. Interpretation was thus important as a strategy in the formulation and mobilisation of the struggle. Leaders thus rewrote histories of the Telengana armed struggle, Tebhaga peasant struggle, reinterpreted them, and even reinterpreted the party history itself.

Interpretation had to be along certain motifs, signs, and axes of analyses. Thus, themes of renaissance, democracy, elections, class origins of combatants, weapons of struggle, the institution of family, gender, caste – nothing was left out of interpretation, even though, not every possible theme was subjected to interrogation and interpretation in the same way, and to the same measure. Yet interpretation can be only one of the many ways of responding to the present; and unbridled interpretation could only lead the political struggle into a labyrinth to the point of losing way and dying. Interpretation never clarifies, it is never complete. The struggle was interpreting a past that was already interpreted through a received history, and the struggles of the sixties and seventies were only trying to lay bare a present that was already appearing to them as interpreted through their interpretation of the past. The insurgents were caught in the violence of interpretations, which never ceased. The differences of interpretations soon expressed themselves in splits and disunities – the history of Naxalism after the Naxalite decade. How the insurgents have tried to come out of this malady is a separate theme, which this book does not undertake save to point out that this may be one way in which one can see the intractable relation between the task of interpretation and making sense of the present. And after all, engaging with the present and changing it is the goal of revolutionary politics, and not endless acts of interpretation.

Yet can we not say that the insurgency itself was an act of interpretation of Indian reality and the insurgents failed to see their own uniqueness? They discussed endlessly the relevance and the applicability of what was called in the revolutionary ranks the ‘Chinese path’ – the path of agrarian revolution, peasant struggles, encircling the cities from the countryside, guerrilla operations, base areas, Cultural Revolution, etc. But the impact they were having was different. The impact of insurgency on urban youth, forms of workers’ struggles, etc., was specific to the Indian situation. They

RANABIR SAMADDAR 13

upheld the ‘Chinese path’, ‘China’s Chairman as our Chairman’, and denounced nationalism, but the nation upheld them as an example of what could be the best in the heritage of sacrifice and struggle. They were ‘our sons and daughters’. They rebelled against the existing form of party organisation, and formed their own party, but their existence remained ‘unorganised’, ‘scattered’ and ‘autonomous’. They denounced Bengal renaissance, but they were acknowledged as having heralded a new beginning – a second renaissance – in attitude, culture, and style of thinking. One can notice few more paradoxes – specifically Indian in nature. They worked in the form of secret groups in the long tradition of secret societies, but their anonymity encouraged many more to join. They challenged the division of democratic-open-public sphere and the secret sphere of politics. Their power of sedition unsettled the political norms of running society.

It is that period of crisis, struggle, upsurge, paradoxes, and death to which this collection bears testimony. It consists of, to repeat, selective narratives – partly because the period was highly selective in political emphasis, interpretations, and pronouncements, and partly because we could only do this much. After all, the Naxalite upsurge was unique among political movements because while it drew from the past corpus of politics, it began with an event, an event of militant peasant struggle – from the event of Naxalbari – and remained identified with the event. And it is to the event it looked back as a guiding structure, a symbolic-historical field that not only suggested an alternative, but also a different form of appropriation of the past, and thus a new kind of totality. It was thus impossible for the event to disappear. On the other hand, as the past was thrown wide open by the event, there was a strong notion of justice in keeping the struggle on. The openness created the possibility of a new kind of subject based precisely on the temporal structure of an event that would pass into the future. All these lead us to something this book all along wanted to say, namely that the practice of rebellion is a special form of political existence outside the formal disciplines of knowledge known as the social sciences. It produces a kind of experience that does not die. This experience produces a subjectivity that lives after that particular rebellion has died to resurface at another time. This is perhaps what linked the

14 FROM POPULAR MOVEMENTS TO REBELLION

popular movements of the past with the Naxalite decade – say, the refugee militant in the early fifties to the peasant insurgent in late sixties and early seventies.

Nearly sixty years ago, Eric Hobsbawm made strenuous efforts to understand what he thought as the ‘pre-political’, ‘transitional phenomenon between the old and the new’, or how ‘primitive social movements’ adapt to ‘modern’ or changing ‘conditions’.3 Notwithstanding the historical material (anarchists, Millenarians, city mob, labour sects, etc.) he was discussing on that occasion, he was anxious to put them in a framework of evolutionary time. Thus, the questions he laboured with were: were these movements modern, political, and revolutionary? I think we can show on the basis of the studies of movements in the sixties and seventies the world over, and India in particular, these were misplaced concerns – at least if we were to understand political subjectivity. Hobsbawm was dealing with subjects of politics, but he ignored the vital question of the materiality of political subjectivity. In our solitary interludes between bouts of learned discussions on the trajectory of popular movements we shall perhaps think, what happened to the refugee boy who came forward in the early fifties of the last century to pelt a stone at a running police van, or the youth who had proudly put forward his/her chest from within the surging crowd in front of the police bayonet, or the one who had climbed the telegraph and electricity pole in a suburban town to cut the wire? What happened to the women who had rushed to a village to halt the march of a police contingent? Where did such people go after the events, after the embers of the movement had died down? This is the re-apparition of the revolutionary time, whose name we have given here the Naxalite decade. On this temporal reality history begins once again, revolutionary subjectivity penetrates reasoning about period, occupies political spaces, and unleashes dynamics not anticipated earlier. The time of the revolutionary subject is an absolute, it speaks of a will to power that builds itself up in the origin of politics.

3 E.J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels (Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 1959), ‘Introduction’, pp. 1–12.

RANABIR SAMADDAR 15

Thus, the subject did not vanish after the decade of fifties or early sixties. Or, it was a never a matter of uprooting politics from this world into another world. It was not as scholars say utopian. It was never a matter of freeing the self from this reality to arrive at a different reality. What happened was the movement of the subject carried out within the world, forcing towards the point at which a different form of politics would become at least partially visible, the highest point of the world, the political world. Until then we were trying to broaden the world of politics without necessarily going towards its peak. All we can say here is that our knowledge of the organic composition of the subject was woefully inadequate till then; our capacity to reflect (through both method and memory) was poor. Perhaps they still are. Perhaps we are still trapped by the false problematic of development of consciousness. The question of revolutionary self is linked to issues of political knowledge, experience, and practice of a different kind of politics. One of the questions therefore repeatedly raising head in discussions of subjectivity – and in this book – has been around death. It was so during the entire Naxalite decade. Not only political activists discussed and memorized the image of ‘death as heavier than the mountain’ made famous by Mao,4 they meditated on death. They trained for death.

Even though the radical activists of the fifties to seventies of the preceding century spoke in terms of developing consciousness of the people, they never meant by such mission any pedagogic task – except memorizing some ethical-political tracts – to recite or reproduce in posters, banners, or short campaign literature – be it in question the ageless Manifesto of the Communist Party or The State and Revolution or nearer to their time Mao’s Three Writings. The

4 Mao Tse-Tung, ‘All men must die, but death can vary in its significance. The ancient Chinese writer Szuma Chien said, “Though death befalls all men alike, it may be weightier than Mount Tai or lighter than a feather.” To die for the people is weightier than Mount Tai, but to work for the fascists and die for the exploiters and oppressors is lighter than a feather. Comrade Chang Szu-teh died for the people, and his death is indeed weightier than Mount Tai.’ – ‘Serve the People’, lecture given on 8 September 1944, Selected Works, Volume 3 – https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-3/mswv3_19.htm (Accessed on 1 June 2018).

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mission of the subject was to set examples, demonstrate models of revolutionary behaviour, and establish a framework of attitudes and gestures – in short, a higher form of existence, an ennoblement of life. The rebel of the sixties was not a philosophical hero, or sage who was determined to bring back to life some original virtue now dead. And even if many intellectuals in the succeeding decades had the luxury to turn the problematic of subjectivity into one of philosophy, here the problematic of subjectivity was around the history being created in those intense years – a history of forms, modes, styles of life as problems of revolution and social transformation – thus a question of form, mode, and style of both ethics and heroism.

To this famous question then – Who comes after the subject? – we can say, not the citizen, no one else, but the subject returns: the participants of popular movements and politics reappear as the subject of militant politics, of the radical urge of social transformation. And to the important question doing rounds today – Who comes after the citizen – the answer is, not the marginalised object of governance, but the subject claiming rights and justice by rewriting the conduct of politics. The fact that there was the promise of the age of emancipation5 was the great act of justice, of assuring the society that justice will be finally done and thereby ensuring justice. We may name this subject as, the political subject.

5 Recall the slogan, Shottor-er doshok muktir doshok (‘The decade of seventies will be the decade of liberation’) given by Charu Mazumder. His words were, ‘I do not indulge in day-dreaming when I say that by 1970–71, the People’s Liberation Army will march across a vast area of West Bengal. By and by, the vast masses of people will be inspired with Mao Tse-Tung Thought. Remaining loyal to the revolutionary committees, they will take part in the struggle by supplying wrong information to the enemy, and at a certain stage, they will feel the urge to snatch away rifles from the police and the military.’ - ‘March Onward, The Day of Victory is Near’, Liberation, September-December 1970 – http://cpiml.org/library/charu-mazumdar-collected-writings/formation-of-communist-party-of-india-marxist-leninist-22-april-1969/march-onward-day-of-victory-is-near/ (accessed on 1 June 2018); also the concluding line of his brief note, ‘Hate, Stamp, and Smash Centrism’ (May 1970) was ‘Comrades, let us march forward. The seventies will surely be the decade of liberation.’ – https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mazumdar/1970/05/x01.htm (Accessed on 1 June 2018).

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