English Interferences in Italian Journalism: the Use of Anglicisms in Il Fatto Quotidiano
Transcript of English Interferences in Italian Journalism: the Use of Anglicisms in Il Fatto Quotidiano
Massimiliano Demata*
English Interferences in Italian Journalism:
the Use of Anglicisms in Il Fatto Quotidiano
* Massimiliano Demata is Senior Lecturer in English Studies at the Dipartimentodi Lettere lingue arti. Italianistica e culture comparate, University of Bari.
Child: voglio la pasta e piselli.Mother: bene, mi piace questoelemento!(extract from a true dialogue taken placeat a grocery’s, August 2011, somewherenear Bari, Italy).
The influence of English in the Italian language has attracted the
attention of scholars for a long time. The growing presence of
English words can be noticed at an everyday level even by non-
specialists. The increase of anglicisms can be observed in many
Italian registers, from the most obvious fields, such as science and
economics, right to media and the language of very informal registers.
Conversations casually heard in shops, such as the one transcribed
in the epigraph, can be revealing of the pervasiveness of English
in spoken Italian: the “elemento” quoted by the mother during a
conversation with her child, is lifted directly from the language of
social networks: “mi piace questo elemento” is a calque, used in
the Italian version of Facebook, of the option “like this item” of
the English Facebook. This is evidence of a widespread phenomenon:
words coming from the language of the Internet, which is almost
entirely of English origins, have been borrowed by Italian and are
often used even in non-specialist spoken language.
Anglicisms in Italian can be observed mainly in two basic aspects
of lexis: calques and loan words. A set of questions naturally arises:
how deep has English influenced the Italian language? What are
the privileged avenues of access used by English in Italian? More
specifically, what are the most common anglicisms in Italian? And
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in what semantic fields are they employed? This essay looks at a
class of texts which has proved to be particularly exposed to the
influence and use of anglicisms: internet news. In particular, I will
look at the use of anglicisms in the Internet version of a popular
Italian newspaper, Il Fatto Quotidiano. The corpus of texts which
I have used as the basis of this paper – 150 articles published over
a period of one month – may appear limited, but its analysis does
reveal some very interesting issues which are the basis of a more
thorough research rather than the last word of an ever-evolving
phenomenon.
1. Anglicisms in the Italian language
The presence of English in Italian is not an unusual occurrence,
and is not exclusive to Italian either: at different levels and with
different degrees, languages have “welcomed” anglicisms from Great
Britain and, the United States of America, for a long time. Nowadays,
the use of English words in receiving languages all over the world
is seen as an indication of the social and cultural hegemony of the
American society and culture as well as of its vitality and appeal,
especially towards the younger generations. In Italy, this phenomenon
is felt to be even stronger: during the last twenty years or so, the
use of anglicisms has reached wide and, to many, disconcerting
proportions.
Anglicisms are so pervasive in Italian because as a language
Italian is seen as a “democratic language”, more open to the influx
of foreign (and specifically English) words than “introvert” languages1.
1 Cf. V. Pulcini, “Attitudes towards the Spread of English in Italy”, WorldEnglishes, 1997, 16/1, p. 81; and “Italian”, in M. Gorlach, English in Europe,Oxford University Press, Oxford 2002, p. 153.
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The general perception, or, as it has been called, a sort of “perceived
temperature” of language, is that in the early twenty-first century
we are witnessing an invasion of English words2. Attitudes amongst
both scholars and laymen towards the diffusion of anglicisms in Italy
vary greatly and they range from scholarly detachment to outright
(perhaps even, to a certain extent, nationalistic?) hostility3. Indeed,
some commentators have argued for the necessity to stop this influx
of new words, which they saw as a catastrophe for the “purity”
of the Italian language: Castellani even refers to what he sees as
the huge influx of English words into Italian as a “Morbus Anglicum”4.
Nowadays it can easily be observed that English words are
often used even when a suitable Italian option is available. This may
have various reasons or motivations, but it is generally believed that
English words are used so frequently because they are felt by
speakers to be more fashionable, prestigious or authoritative than
their otherwise available Italian alternatives5. Italiano claims that the
preference of English words over their available Italian equivalents
also has social implications: English words are chosen because
speakers want to differentiate themselves socially, as anglicisms are
used to mark group boundaries, and such social distinctions are
continually worked out at the pragmatic level6. On the other hand,
2 G. Antonelli (n.d.), “Fare i conti con gli anglicismi”, http://www.treccani.it/magazine/lingua_italiana/speciali/italiano_inglese/antonelli.html3 C. Furiassi, “Non adapted Anglicisms in Italian: Attitudes, Frequency
Counts, and Lexicographic Implications”, in R. Fischer and H. Pulaczewska(eds.), Anglicisms in Europe. Linguistic Diversity in a Global Context, Newcastleupon Tyne, Scholarly Publishing, Cambridge 2008; V. Pulcini, “Attitudestowards...”, cit.4 A. Castellani, “Morbus Anglicus”, Studi Linguistici Italiani, 10, 1987, pp.
137-53.5 G. Antonelli, L’italiano nella società della comunicazione, il Mulino, Bologna
2007, p. 15; G. Italiano, Parole a buon rendere. Ovvero l’invasione dei terminianglo-italiani, Cadmo, Fiesole 1999, pp. 18-22.6 G. Italiano, op. cit., p. 22.
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under certain circumstances many Italian speakers find English
somehow “easier”, more concrete and effective than Italian itself,
and therefore often prefer to use English words to express concepts
which, they feel, could not be communicated in Italian with the same
efficacy7. Indeed, English loans often have a stronger connotation
than their equivalent Italian word, with which they share a denotative
meaning. For instance, while the Italian equivalents of boss and fan
are, respectively, capo and sostenitore, there is no doubt that the
connotation of the two English terms when used in an Italian context
diverges quite significantly from their equivalent Italian words8.
However, the picture is more complex than it might appear.
Official figures and statistics reveal that the overall presence of
anglicisms in contemporary Italian is somewhat overestimated: while
increasingly higher numbers of English words enter Italian, it is also
true that they still represent a small percentage of the words used
in the actual language. This percentage is increasing, albeit at a very
slow rate: counts made in dictionaries show rather variable
percentages of English words used in the Italian language, with the
highest estimate being 2%9.
Despite these seemingly small figures, anglicisms are perceived
to be very pervasive in the Italian language, both written and
spoken. It is certainly true that many English words have been
imported into Italian in order to fill a lexical gap in some “trendy”
fields such as fashion, advertisement and youth slang. However, the
most extensive number of English words in Italian can be found
in specialised languages. The language of finance and that of
information technology are the two fields which traditionally have
7 M. Dardano, La lingua della nazione, Laterza, Bari 2011, pp. 22-24.8 L. Pinnavaia, “I prestiti inglesi nella stampa italiana: una riflessione
semantico-testuale”, Mots Palabras Words, 6, 2005, pp. 47-48.9 G. Antonelli, L’italiano nella società..., cit., pp. 16-20.
Massimiliano Demata – English Interferences in Italian Journalism... 143
been exposed to the influence of English due to the hegemony of
American economy and technology. The percentage of usage of
English words in these two areas is much higher than in “standard”
Italian. The usage of many English specialised words then has a
natural tendency to pass from the technical field of application to
the more general language, and this passage takes place mainly
through the media.
2. Anglicisms in Italian media and newspapers
The presence of anglicisms is especially evident in the Italian
media. Nowadays, there is virtually no Italian newspaper article,
news programme or website addressing any topic without a fair
share of words of English origin. It is not always obvious to think
of newspapers and journalistic texts in general as the favourite
vehicles of diffusion of anglicisms: in particular, political journalism,
and specifically the kind of journalism dealing with home affairs,
addresses specifically national issues and debates and might therefore
be expected to be using an “indigenous” register and to include only
a small number of anglicisms. However, the opposite is true: even
by taking a cursory, non-specialist look at any number of articles
on Italian politics published in Italian newspapers, one immediately
notices the pervasive presence of English words. Indeed, linguist
Manuel Carrera Diaz is struck by the massive use of English words
in Italian print journalism, a phenomenon which he views as rather
unique in the context of European journalism10.
10 M. Diaz, Forestierismi: norma italiana e norme europee, in SergeVanvolsem et al. (a c. di), L’italiano oltre frontiera, I, Cesati, Firenze 2000, pp.19-29.
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The strong presence of anglicisms in Italian journalism is a part
of a phenomenon which involves all Italian media. The general
perception is that Italian media are saturated with English words,
and because of the pre-eminent role played by the media in today’s
society, anglicisms usually spread in everyday language very
quickly11. Media are a favourite locus of language innovation, and
the impact of English on Italian (or on any national language, for
that matter) takes place almost exclusively through the media, as
opposed to direct interaction between speakers12. Indeed, in media
it is possible to collect and spread a mass of information very
quickly, thus contributing to the shaping of social behaviour and
practices – including language. Italian newspapers have always
been the main source of introduction of new words: in the post-
war period, important national newspapers such as Il Corriere
della Sera first used English words in Italian due to the necessity
to introduce new concepts, and a new terminology had to be used
to describe them13. The phenomenon has taken an even faster pace
with the birth of the Internet: the diffusion of new forms and styles
of language now has a privileged avenue which can potentially
make new words current and “fashionable” at a much greater
speed than in the past. Not surprisingly, then, newspapers provide
linguists with very reliable evidence of the evolution of a language,
and this includes the seemingly growing presence of anglicisms14.
The spread of anglicisms caused by printed and online news also
depend on the fact that newspapers (and journalistic language in
11 C. Giovanardi, R. Gualdo & A. Coco, Italiano-Inglese 1-1. Tradurre o nontradurre le parole inglesi?, Manni, Lecce 2004.12 A. Tosi, Language and Society in a Changing Italy, Multilingual Matters,
Clevedon 2001, p. 208.13 I. Bonomi, L’italiano giornalistico. Dall’inizio del ‘900 ai quotidiani
online, Cesati, Firenze 2002, p. 157.14 See Italiano, op. cit. and Pinnavaia, op. cit.
Massimiliano Demata – English Interferences in Italian Journalism... 145
general) tend to prefer the connotative power of English words as
a means to evoke certain concepts. As observed above, this is a
common trend among Italian speakers, who prefer to use an
English word even when there is an Italian alternative available
because the former seems to have a more fashionable connotation
than the latter. In journalism this tendency seems to be even stronger.
According to Dardano, the journalists’ preference for English,
together with the brevity of many English loan words, which can
suit the required conciseness of headlines, greatly contributes to the
spread of anglicisms15. From the sample studied by Pinnavaia it also
emerges that the majority of anglicisms (90%) are nouns16, which
tend to be perceived as both more concise and expressive than
Italian nouns in that they communicate a certain concept with a
better stylistic effect and with a more economical use of words.
When we speak of political journalism, we should look at the
discoursive relationship between journalism and its object of inquiry.
In this sense, political journalism is a kind of “secondary discourse”
which reflects, discusses and ultimately depends on the “primary
discourse” of politics, that is, the texts produced by politicians
themselves17. Political journalism reformulates political discourse in
its various textual articulations (public speeches, interviews, press
releases, parliamentary reports, etc.) and presents it to the public
in an accessible and sometimes glamorous way. Anglicisms play a
strong role in today’s political journalism, and this is a rather new
phenomenon: in the post-war period, Italian political language
developed a strong “indigenous” tradition, the so-called “politichese”,
which dominated Italian political language for well over four decades.
It was a language perceived by most Italians as obscure and difficult
15 Dardano, op. cit., pp. 488-89.16 Pinnavaia, op. cit., pp. 50-51.17 Dardano, op. cit.
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to understand, and totally remote from everyday life. The fall of
the so-called “Prima Repubblica” in 1988-89 and the rise of Silvio
Berlusconi on the political scene have brought with them a thorough
renewal of Italian political language, which within a few years
seemingly became more, accessible and modern. Not surprisingly,
part of this innovation has come through the introduction of many
English words. Indeed, politics has been identified by Rando as
one of the most fertile areas of growth of anglicisms in the Italian
language during the last few years18. Words such as “welfare”,
“governance”, “devolution” and “leader” are seen as a sign of
modernity and have quickly become very common, to the point
that they are used routinely in Italian political journalism.
3. The corpus
For the present analysis, the corpus consists of one hundred and
fifty articles published in the website of Il Fatto Quotidiano during
September 2011. Il Fatto Quotidiano is a daily newspaper, founded
in 2010, with a very radical (and, to some, even populist) slant,
its readership being mainly left-wing and well-educated. The analysis
of a corpus drawn from Il Fatto would therefore be a good test
to understand the relevance and impact of anglicisms in journalistic
language, and especially in its more radical versions. The articles
constituting the corpus come from the main section of the paper,
called “Politica & Palazzo”. This section consists of generally short
articles which analyse the current political affairs and discuss the
main political events of the day, especially in the light of the public
declarations and interviews given by major Italian politicians. The
18 G. Rando, Dizionario degli anglicismi nell’italiano postunitario, Olschki,Firenze 1987, p. xxii.
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articles therefore mainly include politicians’ words, either in the
form of direct quotation (rarely of direct interviews) or in the form
of summaries, together with comments and discussions by the
authors of the articles. Occasionally, the articles are intermixed with
video links, taken from the newspaper’s own Youtube channel,
which aim to give a full picture of the events discussed.
The corpus includes 90,538 tokens (overall number of words)
and 10,894 types (words appearing in the corpus but only counted
once). While the corpus may seem small in size, it does offer some
useful indications as to the current trends in the use of anglicisms
in contemporary Italian press. As it might be expected from
journalistic texts, the sample of texts contains a number of old
anglicisms, now well adapted into Italian (e.g. leader), alongside
a group of very recent anglicisms, whose introduction into Italian
in most cases responds to recent technological innovations (e.g.
those coming from the fields of information technology and the
Internet); finally, a smaller group includes certain words which
originate from, and are strictly connected with, very recent political
events. From the corpus I have eliminated place names (e.g. New
York, appearing twice), personal names (e.g. Clinton) and names
of newspapers and magazines (e.g. The Economist) as they are
largely irrelevant in an analysis of the use of English words in the
Italian language.
The most frequent anglicism in the corpus is premier, with 181
appearances, which total a percentage of 0,20% within the sample
of texts selected for analysis. The term is a very old anglicism,
appearing for the first time in Italian in 1844, and was originally
used, even in Italian, as the appellation of the British Prime Minister.
It is now well-established in the Italian political language as it refers
to the head of government of any nation with a cabinet structure.
In the corpus of texts under analysis, premier is used in reference
to Berlusconi in all but three of the 181 occurrences. In only one
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case is premier used in its plural form, i premier, which does not
follow the English suffixation (premiers) but remains in the singular
form, as it always happens to foreign words in Italian.
…per convocare e sentire i governatori di tutte le Banche
Centrali che poi avrebbero dovuto sentire i Premier di tutti
i Paesi… (10 September 2011)
…se arrivano spesso applausi dalla maggioranza quando
il premier promette di completare la Salerno-Reggio
Calabria entro il 2013… (29 September 2011)
…uomini vicini all’ex premier fanno sapere che il presidente
della commissione Affari esteri di Palazzo Madama… (30
September 2011)
In the corpus, premier is preferred to the official and institutional
Italian definition, Presidente del Consiglio, which appears 85
times. The reason for this preference may be the fact that the
English term is shorter and easier to write and has become more
common and “official” than its Italian equivalent. Interestingly, Primo
Ministro, a calque from the English Prime Minister, appears only
twice in the singular form, where it refers to the Italian premier, and
only once, in its plural form, referring instead to the European heads
of government.
…il Capo dello Stato che sprona l’esecutivo e i primi
ministri europei preoccupati per la situazione economica
in cui versa l’Italia… (12 September 2011)
Visita di Stato di Silvio Berlusconi, primo ministro italiano
e di Valter Lavitola, oggi latitante (24 September 2011)
The 88 occurrences of leader in the Italian political language
are evidence of the fact that it is a well established anglicism.
Leader refers to the head of a political party, movement or group.
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It may also refer, in its secondary meaning, to the team or individual
leading a race, for instance cycling. In the corpus, not surprisingly
given the topic of the articles selected for it, it is used exclusively
in the political sense:
Tremonti ha tentato di convincere Bossi a intervenire sulle
pensioni, ma il leader del Carroccio ha ribadito il suo secco
no. (5 September 2011)
Ma le parole del leader Idv non piacciono a tutti neanche
all’interno dell’opposizione (21 September 2011)
Leader is also used to denote the head of organizations of other
kinds, such as Confindustria or trade unions:
Analoga posizione è stata espressa dal leader della Cisl
Raffaele Bonanni… (6 September 2011)
As in the case of premier, the plural of leader is also unchanged
in Italian.
Per questo, mentre per la prima volta i leader di Idv, Sel,
e Pd riescono a salire sullo stesso palco… (18 September
2011)
Leader has no direct equivalent in the Italian political language
and is now very commonly used. The term segretario is often used
to denote the leader of a party, but the two offices, segretario and
leader, do not always coincide, as in the case of Berlusconi (leader)
and Alfano (segretario) for PdL, and Casini (leader) and Cesa
(segretario) for UdC. The derived noun leadership is also fairly
common with eight occurrences. It denotes the functions and role
of a leader, especially in political organizations. As in leader, this
word is so rooted in Italian that no indigenous word is available
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to express this concept. Unlike leader, leadership is always used
in the feminine.
La coalizione vive della sua leadership… (3 September
2011)
L’impressione è quella di un’incertezza di fondo che nessuno
è riuscito a spazzar via e che innanzitutto logora la
leadership. (7 September 2011)
Premier and leader are examples of well-established English
loan words in Italian which are used routinely in media. Their
prevalence in the corpus reflects the main themes addressed by Il
Fatto Quotidiano, that is, political news and comments. With
twenty-seven occurrences, the third most frequent anglicism in the
corpus analysed is escort. Escort is a relatively recent word which
in fact rarely appears in Italian dictionaries, and when it does it
appears with the meaning of tourist guide. It owes its “success”
to the specific political context of the time: by escort Italian media
mean a prostitute with a high-ranking clientele, and it has been
generally used to indicate the many women who allegedly had sex
for money with the then Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. The
scandal gained world resonance during 2011, and was a constant
feature in the articles of Il Fatto Quotidiano:
Berlusconi salta l’interrogatorio sulle escort (10 September
2011)
Il presidente del consiglio Silvio Berlusconi scrive a Il
Foglio di Giuliano Ferrara la sua verità sulle notizie che
trapelano dalle inchieste di Napoli e Bari sul caso escort.
(16 September 2011)
A number of anglicisms which appear less frequently in the
corpus are quite standardised in their use in the Italian language:
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slogan (9 times), film (6), meeting (6), stop (5), big (5), comment
(4), privacy (4), forfait (2), gap (2), gossip (2), record (2),
standard (2), steward (2) are “old” anglicisms which are now well
rooted in the common use. They are all nouns, with the exception
of big, which, while it is an adjective in English, it is typically used
as a noun in Italian, with an unchanged spelling in the plural.
…tutte personalità importanti, big del partito e ministri e
forse anche lui. (11 September 2011)
…in via Bellerio si sono riuniti i big del partito (13 September
2011)
L’Isa è il braccio economico del ministero retto da Saverio
Romano, big siciliano dei Responsabili… (15 September
2011)
Given the prevailing political theme of the articles included in the
corpus, it is not surprising to see that big is used with reference
to the leaders of a party or movement. However, big is used in
many other contexts, not only referring to individuals but also to
major companies operating in many disparate fields (banks,
insurances, etc.)19. On the other hand, comment is only found in
combination with no, in the locution no comment.
…il ministro della Difesa Ignazio La Russa sceglie la via
del no comment. (8 September 2011)
Bersani oppone uno sdegnato no comment. (14 September
2011)
Along these more common anglicisms, there are a few words
that have become rather common in recent times. In particular, an
19 D. Torretta, Aggettivi inglesi nel linguaggio economico italiano, Schena,Fasano 2006, pp. 48-49.
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affix, maxi, and a noun appearing in combination with other nouns,
day, appear quite frequently. Indeed, maxi is the fourth most
frequent anglicism in the corpus, appearing 12 times. It is a prefix
(as well as an adjective and an adverb) which, as in the case of
premier, has Latin origins. Maxi denotes dimensions or sizes which
are larger than normal. As a prefix, It was initially used in fashion
(e.g. maxigonna) but now occurs very commonly in journalism
(e.g. maxirissa, maxitamponamento). In the corpus, its identi-
fication was not easy: while it was considered as a word on its own
in 12 cases, often followed by the hyphen, a closer look reveals
more occurrences. In fact, the prefix is used most commonly in
conjunction with emendamento. In political language, a maxie-
mendamento is a cumulative bill of law which includes many (and
often disparate) items of legislation which are then voted by Par-
liament all at once. The compound of maxi and emendamento
appears twice as an open compound (maxi emendamento), five
times as a hyphenated compound (maxi-emendamento) and six
times as a solid form compound (maxiemendamento). The solid
form obviously cannot be distinguished into two separate words
by the search engine and has not been counted among the 12
occurrences of maxi, so its identification has not been easy. The
appearance of three different spellings in a series of articles pu-
blished by the same newspaper over a period of only a month
denotes linguistic uncertainty: a clear, univocal spelling has not been
fixed yet. There are four more examples of the combination of maxi
with other words (maxi diaria, maxi-evasori, maxi adesione,
maxi volantinaggio), which indicate the common proliferation of
new words with the prefix.
In contemporary Italian, day appears in combination with other
words to denote an appointed day when a public demonstration
of some kind in favour or against a certain issue takes place. While
an Italian equivalent does exist (giorno, giornata), as a suffix the
Massimiliano Demata – English Interferences in Italian Journalism... 153
use of day is becoming increasingly popular. This is because the
English word is shorter and perceived as more trendy than the
Italian one20. For example, family day has been used quite frequently
to indicate a series of demonstrations, organised by right-wing
Catholic groups, taking place all over Italy in defence of the
“traditional” idea of family. In the corpus, day collocates seven
times with cozza (literally mussel), becoming cozza day, the day
when Beppe Grillo, an Italian political blogger and founder of a
political movement, organised a demonstration against the privileges
of the politicians’ elite. Day appears once with V-, meaning V-day,
another demonstration organised by Grillo’s political movement as
a direct takeoff of the historically famous D-day.
…anche in memoria del V-day di tre anni fa (10 September
2011)
…per il ‘Cozza day’ Grillo chiede ai suoi di non lasciarlo
a “manganellare in solitudine” (9 September 2011)
Beppe Grillo porta in piazza il “cozza day” (10 September
2011)
Days only appears once in the corpus, and it is in relation to
one similar occasion, the happy family days, a three-day convention
organised by…
Il leader Udc, parlando durante l’Happy Family days a
Villa Borghese… (25 September 2011)
Interestingly, in this example, while days is in the (English) plural
form, in Italian it is used with the singular article l’. The writer of
the article may have totally ignored the English grammar inflection,
20 Giovanardi, Gualdi & Coco, op. cit., pp. 212-14.
154 Contacts
but this lack of number agreement may also derive from the fact
that happy family days is considered as a single event, and it would
therefore attract the singular article.
In the corpus under exam, there are many other anglicisms which
are less frequent but are no less pervasive than those related to
contemporary events (as was escort). In particular, anglicisms
related to the fields of economics, politics and information technology,
all used frequently in journalistic language. In the articles included
in the corpus there are several examples drawn from the language
of finance, as is the case with rating (10 times), spread (4), bond
(3), default (3), all words that have become highly standardised
in their use in Italian. Spread in particular has now become very
common, and there is no news broadcast in Italy without the word
appearing at least once. The corpus includes a few very common
words from the language of information technology and internet,
such as blog (5), online (5), file (4), internet (2), while political
anglicisms include bipartisan (5), welfare (5) and flash mob (4),
nowadays all quite common as well. Just like maxi emendamento,
the compound flash mob denotes a certain degree of uncertainty
and instability in the Italian spelling of English compounds. Flash
mob appears twice in its hyphenated form (flash-mob) and twice
as an open compound (flash mob). Flash and mob appear only
as a compound, and so do other anglicisms in the corpus, such
as green economy (2) and exit strategy (2).
4. Conclusions
The relatively small size of the corpus cannot obviously reveal
the full impact that the anglicisms included in it have on the Italian
language overall. However, the analysis has shown the specific
variety of English words featured in journalistic texts: alongside
Massimiliano Demata – English Interferences in Italian Journalism... 155
common and standardised English words, which are now well
acclimatised in Italian, there is a group of words which refer directly
to the field of politics and media and which contribute to the
specificity of the corpus within this context. Further research is
therefore needed to shed further light on a class of words which
is expanding continuously, especially within – and because of –
journalism and politics.
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Appendix
Anglicisms found in the corpus considered, by number of occurrences
Premier 181 (0,20%)Leader 89 (0,10%)Escort 27 (0,03%)Maxi 12 (0,01%)Rating 10 (0,01%)Leadership 9Slogan 9Day 8Deficit 8Van 8Facebook 6Film 6Meeting 6Big 5Bipartisan 5Blog 5Forum 5Online 5Stop 5Welfare 5Comment 4Flash 4Mob 4Poor 4Privacy 4Robot 4Spread 4Web 4Bond 3Default 3Devolution 3Economy 2Exit 2Forfait 2Gap 2Gossip 2Green 2Internet 2Out 2
Record 2Steward 2Strategy 2Air 1Airbag 1Baby 1Backstage 1Bar 1Benefit 1Billionaire 1Bluff 1Boom 1Bus 1Cd 1Clan 1Coming 1Copyright 1Days 1Dna 1End 1Endorsement 1Endorsment 1Family 1Fax 1Fiction 1Gadget 1Gay 1Governance 1Happy 1Holding 1Impasse 1Lady 1Line 1Lobby 1Marketing 1Meetup 1Mission 1On 1Outing 1
Ovation 1Premiership 1Radar 1Recordman 1Refrain 1Scoop 1Sit-in 1Sponsor 1Sprint 1Staff 1Stage 1Stand 1Standing 1Stock 1Style 1Summit 1Supporter 1Supporters 1Talk-show 1Test 1Thread 1Tilt 1Time 1T-Shirt 1Trader 1Trading 1Tram 1Tripartisan 1Tunnel 1Videogame 1Week end 1
Massimiliano Demata – English Interferences in Italian Journalism... 157
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