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Constructive-developmental theory : an application to Constructive-developmental theory : an application to

motherhood. motherhood.

Ellen, Doyle University of Massachusetts Amherst

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CONSTRUCTIVE-DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY: AN

APPLICATION TO MOTHERHOOD

A Dissertation Presented

by

ELLEN DOYLE

Submitted to the Graduate School of theUniversity of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of

the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

MAY 1993

School of Education

© Copyright by Ellen Doyle 1993All Rights Reserved

CONSTRUCTIVE-DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY: AN

APPLICATION TO MOTHERHOOD

A Dissertation Presented

by

ELLEN DOYLE

Approved as to style and content by

Y Carey

Maurianne Adams, Member

*

Susan Whitbourne, Member

-Bai ley W.Jacksoi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost, I would like to acknowledge the

contributions of Jay Carey to this work. His consistency,

editorial skill and unflappable confidence in my competence

has been a major source of support both in completing this

dissertation and in my studies in general.

Maurianne Adams and Gerry Weinstein encouraged my

interest in developmental theory by their teaching and

enthusiasm. Susan Whitbourne's support and interest in

women's development is also appreciated.

The many colleagues with whom I have shared research

groups have made contributions to this project along the

way. I would especially like to acknowledge Marcia Black,

Linda Pratt and Bonnie Alpert for discussion that helped me

clarify my thinking.

My husband Bob Bence has been my mainstay in this

project. His understanding and confidence in me, as well as

his ungrudging financial support, made it possible for me to

achieve. My son, John, whose birth changed me and whose

presence in my life is a constant challenge to development,

is also acknowledged.

I would like to thank my friend, Barclay Braden, not just

for her support in this research and in graduate school, but

mostly for her respectful insistence that I find a way to

earn a doctorate. She helped me get started and the rest has

iv

been easy in comparison! Teresa Mayo and Mary Pat Treutharthave also empathized with and supported my aspirations.

Finally, the new mothers who participated in this

research are very important to me. Their warmth and candor

in talking to me about deeply personal, sometimes difficult

and always joyous issues is acknowledged.

V

ABSTRACT

CONSTRUCTIVE-DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY: AN

APPLICATION TO MOTHERHOOD

MAY 1993

ELLEN DOYLE

B.S., BLOOMSBURG UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

M.A., STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK AT ALBANY

Ph.D., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS

Directed by: Jay Carey

This study examines the relationship between

developmental stage and psychological experience in the

transition to motherhood. Kegan's constructive-developmental

theory (1982) is used to divide new mothers into groups

according to developmemtal position. The issues and themes

that emerge as salient for women at different developmental

positions are then contrasted.

Constructive-developmental theory describes the evolution

of stages of cognitive making meaning. The theory focuses on

underlying structural change in subject-object balance, a

balance which influences the manner in which individuals

experience themself and their environments.

Two semi-structured interviews provided data about

women's experiences in the transition to motherhood. The

content interview elicited information about the changes in

a woman's identity, her relationships and the integration of

vi

motherhood into her life structure. The Subject-Object

interview was conducted and scored for developmental

position. Participants also completed a demographic

questionnaire, a projective instrument and the MAACL-R.

Twelve first time mothers between the ages of 25 and 33 with

infants between the ages of 2 months and one year

participated.

The women in the sample are in the Interpersonal (3)

balance in Kegan's model so that relationships are an

important source of identity for them. The evolution through

the constructive-developmental continuum is confirmed by the

differentiation of two developmental groupings combining

Imperial (2) and Institutional (4) structures with the

Interpersonal (3). These groups vary in: their ability to

take perspective, the source of their identity and the

meaning of relationships in their lives. One women for whom

the Imperial (2) dominated is discussed separately.

The results are discussed in terms of connections to

previous research on motherhood, specifically 1.) the

ability to express anger 2) the impact of motherhood on

self-esteem and 3) motherhood and employment. Implications

of the study for providing services to new mothers are

discussed • Also ^ the theoretical implications of Imperial

(2) structures in normal adults and the application of

constructive-developmental theory to women's lives are

discussed.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS....IV

ABSTRACTvi

LIST OF TABLES . . .

X

Chapter

!• INTRODUCTION^

Purpose of the Study .

Theoretical Background 1Significance of the Study 6Focused Research Questions 9Definition of Terms 10

2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE nResearch Using Constructive-Developmental Theory . . 11Research on the Transition to Motherhood 15

Identity 26

Symbiosis 25"Old" Feelings

. . . 18Self-esteem 21Autonomy 23

Relationships 24

Husbands 24Mothers Own Mothers 29Social Network 30

Integration of Motherhood 31

Social Context of Motherhood 31Motherhood and Employment 32Work/Family Decision-making 34

3. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS 46

The Content Interview 47The Subject-Object Interview 50The Sample 52Data Management 54Data Analysis 55

Limitations of Study 58

viii

The SampleDevelopmental Data . ! !

Themes Which Differentiate *Dev4lopmentaliy* [ [ \ , [ 65

IdentityRelationships n\Integration into Life I ', 70Open-ended Questions

. . 79Results of Instruments onSummary of Developmental Differences 81

Common and Descriptive Themes 32

IdentityRelationships !!!!!*** 87Integration into Life giOpen-ended

[ 95Results of Instruments 99Summary of Common and Descriptive Themes , . . . 102

The Imperial (2) Balance 106

5. DISCUSSION -^-^^

Evolution of the Interpersonal (3) Balance 116

Taking Perspective 119Identity and Relationships *

12

1

Understanding Women as Mothers 124Connections with Motherhood Research 126

Anger 126Self Esteem 128Motherhood and Employment 129

Implications 132

Practice 132Theory I35

Further Research 140

APPENDICES

A. CONTENT INTERVIEW PROTOCOL 143B. INSTRUMENTS 144C. CONSENT FORM 146

BIBLIOGRAPHY 147

ix

LIST OF TABLES

Table1. Summary of Motherhood Research-

^^^^

Identity

2. Summary of Motherhood Research-Relationships

4 "1^

3. Summary of Motherhood Research-Integration 43

4. Demographic Variables

5. Distribution of Developmental Positions .. 63

6. Demographic Variables x DevelopmentalPosition 54

7. MAACL-R Scores by Group 100

8. MAACL-R Scores for Individual 2/3 110

9. Themes which DifferentiateDevelopmental ly HI

10. Common Themes 113

11. Descriptive Themes 114

X

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Purpose of the Study

The research question in this project is: What is the

relationship between a woman's developmental stage and her

psychological experience in the transition to motherhood?

This study examined the relationship between developmental

stage and the transition to motherhood by first

differentiating among women using constructive-developmental

theory (Kegan, 1982), and then comparing the developmental

data to the issues and themes that emerged as salient for

women at different developmental positions.

Until recently, the study of this transition point in

women's lives has been characterized by a focus on the

mother as an instrument of infant development (Gerson,

Alpert, Richardson, 1984). While the mother's relational

capacities were stressed and her affective states measured,

the major dependent variable has been the infant's behavior

and well being. In contrast, the woman and her experience in

relating to an infant and in changing her life and

relationships to make room for the infant is at the center

of concern in this study.

Theoretical Background

Kegan's constructive-developmental theory (1982) is a

general model of adult development that describes the

evolution of stages of making meaning. A stage theory of

development, the model describes psychological structures

which underlie the development of the self. These structures

combine the cognitive and affective by describing

increasingly complex cognitive capacities to reflect on the

psychological experience of the self and relationships with

others. A general model of adult development, the theory

describes the stages through which these psychological

structures evolve by mapping underlying structural change.

Kegan describes this change in terms of subject-object

balance which influences the manner in which individuals

experience themselves and their environments.

Constructive-developmental theory is a stage theory in

the Piagetian tradition. Piaget ' s stages describe

children's increasing capacity to understand principles of

the physical world. This capacity is driven by the

development of underlying cognitive capacities. A group of

theorists, collectively referred to as neo-Piagetian, have

applied the logic of these stages to describe development

in a variety of domains. Selman (1980) describes perspective

taking and Perry (1970) and Belenkey, Clinchy, Goldberger

and Tarule (1986) describe intellectual development in men

and women respectively. Kohlberg (1984), Gilligan (1982) and

Lyons (1983) have described stages in the development of

moral reasoning.

2

Kegan's theory is somewhat akin to Loevinger's (1976)

theory of ego development in that both are attempting a

broader application of the stage paradigm. Rather than

focusing on a particular domain of human behavior, these

theories describe the organization of broad band concepts,

the "self" for Kegan and the "ego" for Loevinger. In

particular, Kegan integrates cognitive structures, best

described by Piaget, and the psychodynamic psychology of

object relations theory. His theory

describes five stages in the development, or evolution, of

subject-object relationships, which are the individual's

manner of understanding his or her interpersonal and

intrapersonal experience. Each stage refers to a particular

"balance" of subject-object relationship. Subject refers to

that in which the person is embedded and cannot take

perspective. Object refers to material that the person can

think about and manipulate. Development is seen as

increasing one's ability to take perspective and reflect on

aspects of the self, relationships and experiences. The

theory is constructive-developmental in that the meaning of

experience is construed by the individual.

In developmental theory, an important distinction is made

between stage models which describe underlying structural

organizations and phase models which describe maturation and

the accomplishment of life tasks. A third factor, referred

to alternately as style and orientation, describes enduring

personality characteristics which cut across both stages andphases (Noam, 1985). In the paradigm of stage developmental

theory, the focus is on the deeper level of psychological

structure which does develop and change over time as

differentiated from stylistic characteristics which do not

change, thereby providing continuity to the self. This

stylistic continuity rests on the tradition of trait

psychology which studies enduring dispositions in order to

describe and better understand individual differences. In

the stage developmental paradigm, these varying styles are

seen as independent of stage structure.

The distinctions among stage, phase and style can be

somewhat confounded in developmental theory. An important

example is in the work on gender differences in development.

Researchers have noted differences in the way in which men

and women approached moral dilemmas, men as a group being

oriented to abstract principles and women toward

relationships (Gilligan, 1982) and the acquisition of

knowledge (Belenky et al, 1986), in which a contrast between

"separate and connected knowing" is drawn. General models of

adult development tend to include these two orientations as

stylistic differences that may be correlated with gender but

are not definitive of either group. In Kegan's theory, the

five stages or "balances" alternate between two poles of

inclusion and independence, with one or the other being

relatively more important to people in a particular balance.

Many women, because of their socialization, may be morelikely to spend longer periods of their lives at the

positions at the pole of inclusion while men may favor the

independence pole. This difference can be conceptualized as

a stylistic differencewhich is interacting with stage

development but not subsumed by it. A person, man or woman,

can have a relational style at any developmental position in

this model.

The Kegan stages or balances which are likely to

characterize young women making the transition to motherhood

are Stage 2, the Imperial, Stage 3, the Interpersonal and

Stage 4, the Institutional. A person in the Imperial (2)

balance is subject to and embedded in his or her own needs,

wishes and interests. They understand other people's

perspectives but only in light of their own purposes. This

balance is at the pole of independence.

Individuals in the Interpersonal (3) are subject to and

embedded in relationships. While they are able to take their

needs, wishes and impulses as object by reflecting on

themselves, they are unable to hold a self perspective that

is separate from other's perspectives on them. They do not

independently develop ideas and standards but adopt the ways

of various "shared realities", or interpersonal contexts.

Conflict results from the pull of these relational contexts.

This balance is at the pole of inclusion.

5

Individuals in the Institutional (4) can take as objectthe relational world. They have developed a set of

standards, a "theory" about the world. People in this

balance are not as buffeted by the perspectives and

expectations of others. However, they often adhere quite

rigidly to their self generated standards which can be held

as the "right" way. (Kegan, 1982)

In addressing the issue of how people change or evolve

through this sequence, Kegan borrows from Winnicotfs (1965)

concept of the "holding" environment. The context in which

people live, their jobs, relationships and life tasks,

creates what he calls a "culture of embeddedness" . This

culture confirms, contradicts or provide continuity, thereby

promoting either evolution to a new balance or integration

at the current level of meaning making.

Significance of the Study

Historically, women's lives and experiences have been

under- represented or completely ignored during the

conceptualization of social cognitive developmental models.

Many of our models of adult development have either been

developed initially on a male sample (Gould, 1978; Levinson,

1978; Perry, 1970) or have stressed issues of separation and

autonomy (Kohlberg, 1984) over connection and relationships

(Gilligan, 1982). Recent work that has looked exclusively at

women has identified a relational focus as being more

typical of women (Miller, 1984; Lyons, 1983; Belenkey et.

al., 1986). It seems that removing men from samples alloweda perspective to emerge that, while more prominent in

women, also is present and heretofore undervalued in men as

well

.

Constructive-developmental theory has been criticized as

reinforcing the male bias in developmental theory

(Attanucci, 1984) since the Interpersonal (3) is positioned

before the Institutional (4) and adult women are more likely

to remain at the Interpersonal (3) than adult men (Kegan,

1982). Carlson (1988) suggests that the "tensions of

differentiation and embeddedness" are lived differently by

women and men because the culture has shaped them

differently. However, I have chosen to use Regan's theory

because it takes what I see as the next step in the

evolution of developmental theory, the integration of these

two perspectives. The self focused style of the Imperial

(2), the relational perspective of the Interpersonal (3) and

the more autonomous style of the Institutional (4) are

positions that both women and men experience. Constructive-

developmental theory describes the movement between the

poles of connection and separation as part of the pattern of

life for all adults. Applying this theory to a sample of

women in a uniquely womanly transition is an extension of

the theory that has the potential to both deepen our

understanding of this transition for women and judge the

adequacy of this model of general adult development for

capturing the issues in women's lives.

From the point of view of utility, I propose that Kegan'stheory is helpful in identifying constructs which will

describe important individual differences among women as

mothers. Focusing on the women's construction of the

experience and the meaning of motherhood in her life will

help those who deliver services to better understand and

design services to support these women. The work of

counselors, therapists and other helping professionals will

be assisted by having a deeper understanding of the

challenges that motherhood presents to women

psychologically. Descriptors of different dilemmas and

resolutions and their meanings for women will be developed.

Finally, the work of researchers on infant and family

development will potentially be enriched by having assess to

a fuller picture of salient developmental variables of

mothers

.

I have chosen to study the transition to motherhood as

an example of a moment of change in women's lives, change

that is both common and rather standard and cuts across a

number of domains. The magnitude of the change in this

transition is great and affects fundamental aspects of daily

life. The demands of physically caring for an infant are

enormous and are so unlike life before the birth of a child

that anticipation can only underestimate the change.

8

Socially, the transition to a new societal role is occurringas new mothers join the community of women who are mothers.

Relationships shift to make room for the new, intense

relationships with the baby. Psychologically, the mother

needs to integrate this new relationship and role into her

sense of self. Because of the magnitude of this change, I

see this particular moment in these women's lives as one

where the issues of development and change are more likely

to be in the forefront and available for study.

Focused Research Questions

The following focused research questions will be

addressed:

What themes emerge as new mothers talk about changes that

occur in their identity, relationships and life structure as

a result of the transition to first-time motherhood?

What themes emerge when new mothers respond to open-

ended questions about the most difficult, rewarding,

unexpected and important part of motherhood for them?

Of these themes, which differentiate between women who

utilize a combination of Kegan's Imperial (2) and

Interpersonal (3) balances and those for who Interpersonal

(3) is combined with Institutional (4) balances?

Of these themes, which do not differentiate between the

women in these developmental groups?

9

What general hypotheses are supported by this data to

describe the strengths and challenges for new mothers at

each of these developmental positions?

Definition of Terms

For the purposes of this study, the transition to

motherhood is defined as the time period from birth to the

infant's first birthday. However, I focus on women with

babies at least 2 months old, who have had some time to get

organized in their new life as mothers. I also limit myself

to talking about biological mothers since the transition

issues might be somewhat different for adoptive mothers who

have not had the pregnancy period to prepare themselves

psychologically.

In discussing the transition, I am referring to the

changes in a woman's life that she perceives as stemming

from having become a mother. These changes are biological,

social, psychological, emotional and environmental. Life

events which stem from the transition, for instance leaving

a job to stay home full-time, are also considered part of

the transition.

10

CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

In this chapter, I will first discuss the literature on

the application of constructive developmental theory to

issues in the lives of adults. I will then summarize

selected motherhood literature focusing on research results

that shed light on the experiences of non-clinical

populations of adult women. I will not review research on

teenage mothers since different psychosocial issues are

likely to shape their experience. I will also not review the

research on psychopathological reactions to childbirth since

the focus of this study is on a "normal" sample. The

research findings of the motherhood literature are the

basis of the content interview protocol in this study.

Building the interview on the results of previous motherhood

research will help assure that data on relevant issues is

generated.

Research Using Constructive-Developmental Theory

Kegan's constructive-developmental theory has been useful

in providing theoretical constructs that add to the

understanding of adult development and increasing

sophistication in working with adults in various contexts.

Carlson (1988) applies this theory to a model of

developmental therapy. She conceptualizes therapy as a

"holding environment" that facilitates development by

confirming, contradicting and allowing for the continuationof ways of making meaning. She also sees therapy as

facilitating subject-object transition, describing the

process of change in therapy as helping the client take new

perspective so that they experience "no longer being the

problem, but having the problem"

.

In the management field, Torbert (1987) uses the Kegan

stages as a rough template for describing managers

developmental stages as well as the developmental stages of

organizations. Kegan and Lahey (1984) have also studied

organizational leadership and describe how the interaction

of the employer and employees developmental stages of

meaning making shape the effectiveness of leadership. The

most effective leaders were able to provide support in

varying forms tailored to the developmental capacities of

each employee. Daloz (1986) uses constructive developmental

theory to describe the development of returning adult

students and the role of mentors in light of this theory.

Constructive-developmental theory has also been applied

to the study of family life. Kegan and Lahey (1984),

discussing parenting as a form of leadership, describe the

parental role of limit setting in terms of the strengths and

weaknesses of parents at different developmental positions.

They point out the Interpersonal (3) parent's potential

difficulty with setting limits and, conversely, the

Institutional (4) parents' tendency to expect the child to

12

"join" their system of meaning making without enough

opportunity for personal exploration. In a qualitative studyof mothers relationships with their adolescent daughters,

Repetto (1988) noted the role of the mothers' anger as

daughters break with parent/child mutuality in favor of the

peer culture. The experience of feeling and trying to

understand their anger seems to have provided a

developmental push for many of these women. In Kegan's

theory, beginning to experience anger is a hallmark of the

emergence from interpersonal embeddedness

.

Jacobs (1984) studied well functioning marriages

utilizing the concepts of "holding environments" and

developmental stages from constructive developmental theory.

She found that marital partners "recruit each other to enact

a role in their central psychic drama" and can provide

"holding" for "earlier selves" and/or current development.

In her research, relationships which spanned different

developmental positions. Interpersonal (3) and

Institutional (4), were more stressful than those in which

the couples were similar. When one partner was in

transition, the "stable" partner experienced that as

unsettling. Allison (cited in Carlson, 1988) found that

partners in the Interpersonal (3) balance want security and

protection in their marital relationship and those in the

Institutional (4) balance accept the dynamics of process

(change, growth, development and transitional pain) and so

13

are also able to acknowledge and accommodate their partner'sneeds. These research findings support Carlson's (1988)

conclusion that "Developmental differences in marital

partners contribute to some of the unique, contrasting

interpretations of the marital world and it's functions in

the lives of partners... those very contrasts .. .contribute to

marital tension and disruption."

Finally, constructive developmental theory is

increasingly applied to the study of psychopathology in

order to better understand the uses of this theory in

therapy. Rogers and Kegan (1990) studied the relationship

between psychiatric symptomatology and development. They

found a developmental continuum of symptoms from "immediate,

behaviorally expressed symptoms to more mediated symptoms of

ideational disturbances expressed in delusional thinking and

self deprecation" or from active to more thought oriented

symptoms. They did not find a relationship between

developmental position and diagnostic category. However,

within each diagnosis the form of disturbance was related to

development

.

The usefulness of constructive developmental theory in

better understanding the experiences of adults in various

life circumstances: marriage and parenting, work

environments and therapy is illustrated by the above

research. The application to women in the transition to

motherhood both builds on this previous research and

14

explores new dimensions of development since the work on

parenting to date has been with older children.

Research on the Transition to Motherhood

Previous research on the transition to motherhood has

documented many of the changes and challenges that women

experience as they become mothers. I will review the

literature on motherhood in order to build upon the issues

that have already been explored. My interview protocol on

the content of the transition to motherhood (Appendix A) was

developed based on the findings of the research I will cite.

Specifically, the literature on these changes are organized

into three areas. In the first section about changes in

identity, the concept of symbiosis, "old" feelings, self-

esteem and autonomy are discussed. The second section deals

with changes in women's relationships with their spouses,

mothers and other members of their social network. Finally,

research on how women integrate motherhood into the rest of

their life will be reviewed, focusing specifically on

motherhood, employment and work/ family decision-making. The

research populations, design, instrumentation and findings

of these studies are summarized in Tables 1 to 3 at the end

of the chapter.

15

Identity

Symbiosis. The human baby's utter helplessness and

dependency and total need of the mother or caretaker seems

to be the trigger for many of the emotions the women feel on

becoming mothers. Given the nature of an infant's needs, it

is often very difficult for woman to find room for her own

needs; they are subordinated to the greater neediness of the

infant (Heffner, 1978). The imbalance of this relationship

is inherent and unlike almost any other relationship we will

have

.

To put this another way, the woman must learn to cope

with the merging with and soon the separation from her

infant (Walter 1986). Some theorists describe late

pregnancy and very early motherhood as requiring a woman to

literally lose her self. Winnicott (1957) describes the

"primary maternal preoccupation" of this period as a

heightened sensitivity that would be thought of as an

illness or fugue state in another context and which allows a

mother to "provide a setting" for the infant's rudimentary

development. In this state, the woman lets go of many of

her ordinary ego functions and is totally preoccupied with

her baby. He stresses that a woman needs to be mentally

healthy in order to let go like this and sees it as a normal

process for the woman that is crucial for the child's

development

.

16

The symbiotic relationship between mother and infant hasbeen described as necessary for the development of the

infant. It is characterized by a sense of oneness for the

infant and is often captured by the image of mother and

child gazing at each other and seeing themselves reflected

in the others eyes (Mahler, Pine & Bergman, 1975).

Egan (1985) studied new mothers by conducting and

analyzing in depth, open-ended interviews. She writes about

the experience of symbiosis from the mother's perspective

saying that in this phase mothers are more interested in

their babies than anything else. She defines symbiosis as a

stage from two months to the end of the fourth month. Women

seem to vary in their emotional reaction to this stage, some

feel euphoric while others chafe under the demands. However,

in her observations of mothers and analysis of their

interviews, even those with negative feelings about the

symbiotic demands seemed to be able to engage with the baby

in this way.

The capacity of a mother to engage in this symbiotic

relationship with an infant is seen by Bowlby (1984) as

rooted in her own early experience. He says the mothers

care for their babies as they were cared for themselves.

Sadow (1984) proposes a model of the origins of parenthood

which encompasses three different developmental domains.

First, parents draw on their early sensory-motor memories of

being held, fed, handled which set the pattern for their own

17

care-taking behavior. Their identification with their own

parents as well as their ego ideal of the "good parent-

provide a second influence on the development of parenting.

Finally, people will conform in their parenting to practices

and beliefs endorsed by their social group in order to gain

approval and support. These three influences are all

coordinated within one person and are probably sometimes

contradictory

.

"Old" Feelings . Bringing very old experiences to bear on

the new challenges of parenthood not only relates to

resources and patterns of behavior, but also old emotions

and conflicts. According to psychodynamic models, children's

developmental issues spark in parents the memories of old

conflict and gives them a second chance to work them through

(Benedek 1959, Elson 1984). Being in touch with these

conflicts helps healthy parents understand better their own

childhood needs and also helps them to be empathic to their

child's needs. Touching on these conflicts in this way does

not necessarily imply psychological regression, but can

represent a "revisiting" and an opportunity for growth.

The emotions most frequently mentioned in the literature

pertaining to motherhood are overwhelming love, anger and

conflict about dependency and guilt. These feelings all

seem related in the present day to the infant's

helplessness and the push/pull of competing needs. They may

18

also be echoes of the same feelings from when the mother washerself the infant half of a couple. And, equally

important, they are related to women's self evaluations

about the extent to which they are living up to a societally

inspired view of the selfless ideal mother who is always

available.

Breen (1975) studied the change process in the transition

to motherhood in groups of well adjusted and ill-adjusted

mothers. The groups were formed using the results of a

doctor's report about the delivery, a postpartum depression

questionnaire by Pitts and the Neonatal Perception

Inventory. She found that when new mothers compare

themselves to their maternal "ideal", well adjusted mothers

seem to have changed the idealized descriptions they gave

during pregnancy (nurturing, warm) to include more

pragmatic qualities after the birth of their babies (hard

working, busy), thereby making their ideal more attainable.

The ill-adjusted mothers in her sample were less likely to

have shifted their ideal. Their difficulties with the

mothering experience may be in part related to their

perceived deficits as a result of not living up to their

less malleable ideal.

In a large scale study of couples, Grossman, Eichler &

Winickoff (1980) contrast "coping" styles. Some new parents

seem to have an overly optimistic approach, for instance,

saying everything is "perfect" and only mentioning fatigue

19

or other more negative aspects when probed. Women who deniedexperiencing anxiety and difficult moments in this way hadan easier time in the transition to motherhood according tomeasures of maternal adaption. Other mothers seemed to be

more acutely sensitive to the conflicts involved in becoming

a parent and they did indeed have a more difficult

transition as measured by both quantitative instruments and

qualitative and clinical analysis of interview data.

However, the authors conclude that the non-denier s had a

richer experience because they had access to all aspects of

the experience, including fears, doubts and conflicts.

Grossman, et al (1980) acknowledge that "deniers" may also

actually have different, more positive, experiences or may

label stress differently.

Walter (1986) conducted a group interview/discussion

study of older (age 30 to 41) and younger (age 19 to 25)

mothers. Shefound evidence that a more realistic self

assessment, such as being able to admit to feelings of

dependency, helps a woman feel more positively about herself

as a mother. The author differentiates this quality by age,

reporting that older mothers are able to balance personality

variables such as aggressive striving and dependency. They

seem to be able to live with these feelings and traits and

not see them as contradictory. Younger mothers were less

likely to talk about feelings of dependency and were more

reluctant to share feelings in group discussions and to ask

20

for help which she attributes to their not having a strongsense of self.

Self-esteein. Changes in self-esteem or feelings about the

self is another impact of motherhood which is discussed in

the literature . The data on self-esteem is variable.

Leifer (1980) reported an increase in self-esteem in new

mothers as measured by interview analysis and the Pearson

Self-Concept Instrument which compares actual self

descriptions with an "ideal". This change seemed to result

from a new sense of purpose generated by motherhood.

In contrast, Rossi (1968) hypothesized that women of

child-bearing age experience a depressed sense of self worth

and "losing ground in their twenties and thirties in

personal development and self-esteem" relative to men. While

she does not tie this to motherhood, it is interesting to

think about that result in relation to Mercer's (1986) large

study of maternal adaption in which she found that 64% of

her sample experienced a decrease in positive self concept

as measured by the Tennessee Self Concept Scale.

The decrease in self concept reported by Mercer (1986)

was correlated with increasing maternal age, the older the

mother, the likelier that she scored lower on a self concept

scale at 8 months postpartum than prior to giving birth.

Walter (1986) characterized older mothers as presenting a

mixed picture. While they experience joy and a sense of

enrichment as a result of nurturing their children, theyalso reported drops in self-esteem and in general had a moredifficult time with the transition to motherhood. Walterproposes that they may be experiencing a "transition in the

source of feedback for their self-esteem. " This transitionmay be triggered because of the lack of structure and

feedback in mothering compared to work roles but at a deeper

level may reflect learning to look at self-esteem as

something that emanates from within as opposed to being

attached to an external role.

In a study of the cognitive processes career women use in

adapting to motherhood, Pickens (1982) also noted

disequilibration resulting from discontinuity with the

woman's former attributes: "The competent self becomes the

incompetent self, the independent self becomes the dependant

self." Reactions to the "abrupt social discontinuity" of

the transition to motherhood (Leifer, 1980) may be at the

root of the self-esteem issue for new mothers.

On the other hand, Mercer (1986) noted a general trend of

younger mothers being more positively impacted by

motherhood in terms of self-esteem. She found a very high

correlation between age and increased self-esteem indicating

that the younger the woman, the more she feels that her

self-esteem has improved as a result of becoming a mother.

These young women feel more responsible and autonomous as

mothers than they had previously. In contrast to their

22

lives before the baby, motherhood has conferred adult statusfor the first time.

In a review article, Cowan and Cowan (1988) comment on

these contradictory results saying "it is not clear whether

this inconsistency is due to differences between cross-

sectional and longitudinal methods, cohort effects,

differences in measurement of self-esteem or sample

differences, including the age of the child when parents

were studied." They cite a study (Reilly, Entwisle and

Doering, 1987) reporting that drops in self ratings

characterize women in early postpartum, but self-esteem

returns to the normal level by the baby's first birthday.

Autonomy. Although much of the literature stresses the

importance of the emotional and affiliative capacities of

women in the transition to motherhood, autonomy is also

mentioned as an important pre-condition for mothering

because it helps the woman avoid the "submerging of self in

the needs of others" (Guttman, 1983). Fedele, Golding,

Grossman & Pollack (1988) analyzed interviews in a

longitudinal study, rating women and men's degree of

autonomy and affiliation prior to the birth of their child.

They found that high affiliation scores correlated with

positive maternal adjustment in the early months postpartum

and high autonomy scores with adjustment in the second half

of the child's first year. They conclude that both autonomy

23

and affiliation are important in order to accomplish thetasks inherent in the transition such as the woman coming toterms with a changing role and finding and accepting her

degree of motherliness

.

Changes in a sense of personal efficacy or the feeling of

being in control of one's life accompany the transition to

motherhood (Antonucci & Mikus, 1988). Mothers of young

children are less likely to report experiencing this feeling

than similar women without children (Mikus, 1981). This low

sense of personal efficacy was not correlated with low self-

esteem, depression or negative opinions of themselves,

however. In this study, a high sense of control of one's

life prior to motherhood predicted a more negative response

to motherhood. A moderate sense of personal efficacy prior

to motherhood seemed to predict the best adaption.

Relationships

Husbands. Many of the studies that have looked at overall

adjustment to motherhood conclude that the relationship to

the husband has a major impact on this adjustment. Grossman

et al, (1980) assessed marital quality using the Revised

Locke-Wallace Marital Adjustment Inventory, self reports of

sexual activity and satisfaction and a rating of marital

style. Marital quality was one of the two strongest

predictors of women's psychological adaption to motherhood

24

as measured by rating of emotional well-being and anxietyand depression scales.

In her large scale longitudinal study, Mercer (1986)

found that a "good relationship with mate buoyed women's

feelings about motherhood and the infant." This

relationship was characterized by emotional as well as

financial and practical support and positively impacted the

mother's attitudes, satisfaction with parenting and positive

mother/child interactions. She measured the women's

relationship with their husbands by an content analysis of

interviews about support which mothers receive and a

subscale of the Hobbs Checklist of Bothersome Factors which

relates to changes in the marital relationship.

Similarly, Shereshefsky , Leibenberg and Lockman (1973)

conducted a longitudinal study and analyzed interview data

using interview rating systems and factor analysis. They

found that husbands' responsiveness to wives correlated with

measures of the women's acceptance of the infants. Factors

concerned with the husband-wife relationship were

significantly related to ten of twelve scales measuring

maternal adaption which assesses a woman's ability to

integrate the role of mother and care for her baby.

The three studies cited above tend to have the maternal

role at their center and conclude that husbands are

important in supporting women in adapting to the maternal

role. Maternal adaption generally seems to be defined as a

woman's ability to feel positively about herself and takegood care of her baby. The following researchers put the

marital relationship more at the center of concern and

focuses on the interaction between the parents.

In a qualitative analysis of interviews with couples

(Daniels and Weingarten, 1982) found that they need to "make

room in the relationship" for the infant. The couples in

their sample accomplished this shift in two different ways.

Some preserved the intimacy of the marital dyad and made it

the focus of the emotional intensity in the family. For

these couples, becoming parents intensified their emotional

relationship. Other couples make the entire family unit the

focus of the intimacy and their marital relationship

sometimes suffered.

Robinson, Olmsted, Gardner and Gare (1988) reported a

decrease in marital intimacy across the transition to

parenthood as measured by the Social Intimacy Scale (SIS), a

self report measure of perceived intimacy with a significant

other. In a seeming contradiction, they also found an

increase in marital satisfaction in women postpartum on a

self report questionnaire. They hypothesized that while the

couple has less time for closeness, the addition of a new

member to the family enhances the marital relationship.

Belsky, Lang and Huston (1986) assessed new mothers for

stereotyped masculine and feminine personality attributes

and then assessed the marital relationship and division of

26

household labor and child care pre and postpartum. Theyfound that the more the division of labor shifted towardtraditionalism, meaning the wife does most of it, the

greater the decline in wives evaluation of positive aspectsof the marriage. They conclude that this effect is both

related to women having less time for spousal activities and

to the potential for conflict and dissatisfaction resulting

from the woman's disproportionate share of the work.

Ruble, Hackel. Fleming and Stagnor (1988) describe the

role of violated expectations regarding equal distribution

of parental and household tasks. Those women who reported

higher expectations of gender equality in division of

housework and child care during pregnancy were less

satisfied with their marriages postpartum than were women

who had low expectations of husband's participation in these

tasks. The authors stress, however, that the decrease in

marital satisfaction is generally moderate and most women

reported feeling close to their husbands both before and

after becoming parents together.

In a study to assess change in five domains of family

life across the transition to parenthood. Cowan and Cowan

(1988) conducted group and individual interviews and

administered questionnaires to new parent couples. In the

domain of the marital relationship, they report that labor

in the home is divided along more traditional sex role lines

after the birth of the first child regardless of whether

27

couples had egalitarian ideas in late pregnancy. Theirfinding is consistent with other research that indicatesthat women take on more housework as well as a greater

proportion of child care on becoming mothers. They found

that satisfaction with rather than the actual division of

labor correlated with marital satisfaction at 6 and 18

months postpartum. An increase in conflict was experienced

by 90% of the couples and the division of labor was the

number one issue. In their qualitative analysis, they note

that whether and how these issues were discussed was more

important than the actual division of labor in predicting

marital satisfaction.

Rossi (1968) hypothesizes that delayed child bearing and

women's continued employment after motherhood "presses for a

greater egalitarian relationship between husband and wife"

which strengthens the martial dyad in relation to the

children. A qualitative analysis of interviews by Walter

(1986) looked specifically at differences in maternal age

and found that marriages with an egalitarian supportive

marital relationship at the center of the family were much

more typical for older mothers. She describes the marital

relationship of her younger mothers as weak. The younger

mothers were primarily responsible for child care with

little support from their husbands. The marriages of these

younger parents was weak relative to the mother-child dyad.

28

The woman often took care of her husband but intimacybetween them as a couple was missing.

Mothers Own Mothers . The changes in the relationship witha woman's own mother is another often cited factor in the

transition to motherhood. The quality of the relationship

with parents appears to correlate with adaption to pregnancy

and parenthood for both men and women (Cowan and Cowan,

1988). Breen (1975) studied women who were well and ill-

adjusted after the birth of their child. This adjustment was

measured by scores on depression and infant perception

scales 2-3 months after birth. Using a Kelly Repertory Grid

in which participants generate descriptive constructs, she

found that the well adjusted group rated themselves as more

like their mothers after the birth while the ill-adjusted

group felt less like their own mothers after birth. She

suggests that one aspect of these women's adjustment was

their ability (or inability) to internalize their own

mothers as role models.

Walter (1986) reports that in her discussion groups,

older mothers talked about enhanced relationships with their

own mothers, which seemed to rest on a feeling of now

understanding their mothers better as they share the

mothering role. They tended to live further away from their

families of origin and to miss them after having a child.

Younger mothers reported relying on their own mothers and

29

other female relatives for both emotional support andconcrete assistance. However, since they are also in the

process of differentiating from their families of origin,

she concludes that in some ways having a child facilitates

that process since they achieve adult status through their

mothering role.

Social Network. In a synthesis of research on the

transition to parenthood. Power and Parke (1984) have

developed a social support model which predicts the ease of

this transition. Four important kinds of support are

described: relational, ideological, physical and

informational. Women's needs for support in their

relationships seem to be highest in early postpartum and, in

general, husband's support lowest in this period. The role

of others (relatives, friends and institutions) in providing

relational support has not been systematically studied.

Ideological support which confirms and supports the woman's

choices regarding balancing her roles seems to be important

in the transition. Physical support with the work of child

care is another important factor in the ease of transition.

This support is most likely to come from female relatives,

not husbands, friends or institutions. Finally,

informational support comes from both formal (books,

doctors) and informal (friends, relatives) sources.

30

Integration of MotherhonH

Having reviewed the immediate impact of motherhood on a

woman's intimate support network and her sense of who she

is, I will now look at how motherhood fits with other

aspects of women's lives, especially careers or paid

employment. The challenges of motherhood, especially caring

for an infant, are so time consuming and emotionally

compelling, that life as lived prior to the birth must be

shifted rather radically. A discussion of motherhood and

work outside the home serves to explicate the issues at the

edge between the old life and new for women.

Social Context of Motherhood . Cowan and Cowan (1988) note

that new parents "confront conflicting individual and

couple needs at a time in history when male-female and work-

family arrangements are lagging behind the new ideology".

They cite the lack of structural supports from business and

government that leaves young families dealing in isolation

with conflicts between the needs of each member of their

family, their work organization and their economic demands.

Despite the fact that only a small minority of U.S. families

have one spouse who is a full-time homemaker, flexible work

schedules and quality day care responsive to parents

schedules are often not readily available. Gerson (1987)

characterizes these decisions about work and family as

"dilemmas not choices" because the trade-offs that parents

31

make are difficult to resolve in a way that meets everyone'sneeds. In one study, the majority of men and women withyoung children report preferring themselves or their spousesto work fewer hours, even if it meant a lower salary (Moen &

Dempster-McClain, 1987).

Willard (1988) categorizes advice given to mothers in

U.S. society into two mutually exclusive "scripts". The

first, "Selfless Wife and Mother" focuses on the development

of the baby and sees the mothers as needing to be selfless,

or to give up their "self" to take on the role of mother. In

the second "script", Superwomen, the focus is on the

development of the mother but is most specifically focused

on her career, assuming that what is good for her career

advancement is good for her. The needs of the baby or the

needs of the woman as an individual are subordinated to the

needs of the work place. These conflicting scripts about

work and motherhood do not really address the life

circumstances of real women with infants and economic

reasons for employment.

Motherhood and Employment . Many studies of motherhood and

employment have been focused on women in their thirties

with professional careers having first children. These women

seem to experience internal conflict in trying to balance

careers and motherhood, especially those who work full-time.

They may be forced to make unforseen trade-offs which can be

32

the first time in their lives they have had to do so. Manyof these mothers express a sense of loss about missing timewith their children (Daniels and Weingarten 1986). m an in-depth interview study of professional women who were alsonew mothers, Comart (1983) found that women are surprised bythe intensity of their feelings for their children and the

resultant reprioritizing of their work life. When returning

to work, some decrease in enthusiasm, aggressiveness and

political activity was reported by these women.

Two prenatal factors seem to affect the choice to work

after the baby is born. First, a woman's work commitment

prior to the child's birth relates to returning to work

after the birth. Amstey & Whitbourne (1987) found that women

who worked full time after birth had shown a greater level

of work commitment, as measured by the Eyde Measure of Work

Values and Background Factors, than before their pregnancy.

The work status of women's own mothers seems to have some

interesting implications for new mothers. In the study

mentioned above, Amstey and Whitbourne (1987) note that 95%

of their sample who returned to work either full or part

time after the birth of their child had mothers who worked.

While only 44% of the full time homemakers had mothers who

worked, those who did were younger when their mothers did so

(by almost 10 years) than either of the employed groups.

Using the Job Satisfaction Index, Reisch (1984) found that

women whose own mothers had worked during their childhood

33

had a lower degree of occupational commitment which is

defined as involvement with and dedication to one's work.

She also notes that women who intended to return to workwithin 4 months had a lower quality interaction with their

infants, as measured by the Price Assessment of Mother-

Infant Sensitivity Scale, than those who did not intend to

return to work.

Egan (1985) reports that women who returned to work

before the symbiotic period with their baby began (6-8

weeks) experienced less difficulty, perhaps because both

mother and baby then accustomed themselves to a part-time

relationship. Mothers who went back to work, either full or

part-time, between two and six months generally found the

separation to be emotionally difficult for them- they

missed their babies. At the other end, women who remained

with their babies full-time reported a dawning desire for

other interests in life sometime around the 6th month.

Work/Family Decision-making . In an interesting study,

Willard (1988) looked at how women make the decision about

returning to work after the birth of a baby. She identified

some women who make the decision "in their own terms", which

means considering self as well as others in the decision.

Other women seem to make the decision "not in their own

terms", listening rather to others' ideas and opinions.

While the "others" that are listened to are sometimes

34

husbands, friends, childrearing "experts", etc, these voicesare also reflected in powerful cultural scripts that tellwomen what they "should" do. All of the women in this study

considered the needs of their infant, but those who also

listened primarily to "other voices" as opposed to

considering their own perspective were more likely to

experience depression. It is important to note that this

result was tied to the process the women used in coming to a

decision, not the outcome of whether or how much they worked

outside the home. Willard concludes that "cultural scripts

for mothering see the self of the mother and the self of the

child as competing forces", but women who are able to make

this decision in their own terms change the question to,

"How can I best care for my child and myself?" .

Hock and DeMeis (1990) studied the relationship

between depression in the mothers of infants and the role of

maternal employment. New mothers were divided into four

groups according to their employment preference/status.

Women who preferred employment but were home with their

infants were mildly depressed. Women who were congruent,

either staying home because they preferred to or working

outside the home because they preferred had no to minimal

levels of depression. The lowest levels of stress and

depression were reported by women who preferred to be home

but were working. Since this group also had the lowest

husband's income, the economic necessity of their

35

employment may allow them to see earning money as supportiveto their role as mothers. The employment preferred/home

mothers seem to have had a set of conflicting attitudes

having both high career salience and beliefs that babies

require a full time mothers. These conflicting attitudes

would "pull them in two directions at once" possibly leading

to their depression and stress levels.

The impact of women's belief systems on her choices about

and adjustment to work outside the home are examined in

other studies. McBride and Belsky (1988) have studied a

construct called maternal separation anxiety which is an

unpleasant emotional state evidenced by worry, sadness or

guilt in the mother on being separated from her baby. One of

the three dimensions included in the scale which measures

maternal separation anxiety involves the mother's perception

of the effects of separation on the child. Another relates

to the mother's thoughts and feelings about separation

related to the mother's employment. Level of anxiety is not

predicted by maternal age, income or ego strength. Pre-natal

work plans and actual post-natal employment status were

consistent with women with high maternal separation anxiety

being less likely to both plan to go back to work and to

actually do so. Maternal separation anxiety may be a useful

construct in further research to better delineate the impact

of women's beliefs about combining employment with

motherhood

.

36

Certainly the literature on the transition to motherhoodamply documents psychological changes and challenges for

women. Some of these changes are described in universal

terms, such as the psychodynamic perspective on symbiosis

(Benedek, 1959, Winnicott, 1957). Other changes seem to have

a differential effect such as women's variation in their

willingness or ability to express negative emotion

(Grossman, 1980; Walter, 1986) and in the impact of

motherhood on their self-esteem (Mercer, 1986; Rossi, 1968;

Leifer, 1980; Walter, 1986). Constructive-developmental

theory has the potential to deepen understanding of women's

experience in the transition to motherhood in two ways. By

providing explanatory constructs for the variation among

women as mothers, the theory can help clarify some of the

underlying reasons for the differences noted in previous

research. By describing the unique responses of women at

different developmental positions, constructive-

developmental theory can articulate, at the level of

cognitive and psychological structure, the changes in

identity, relationships and life structure as women become

mothers

.

37

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CHAPTER 3

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

This study used semi-structured interviews to gather dataabout women's experiences in the transition to motherhood.

Participants were interviewed on two different occasions

within a month. The first interview was structured around

eliciting information about the changes in a woman's

identity, her relationships and the integration of

motherhood into her life structure. At the time of this

interview, participants were also asked to answer a

demographic questionnaire as well as complete the "Pie", a

projective instrument in which a circle is divided into

wedges illustrating the most important areas of their life

currently (see Appendix B) . They were next asked to complete

the "Pie" as they would have before becoming pregnant. The

"Pie" has proven useful as a graphic measure of self-concept

in research on adult development (Whitbourne, 1986) and

parenthood (Cowan & Cowan, 1988). Participants also

completed the Multiple Affect Adjective Check List-Revised

(MAACL-R) . Women were informed of the purposes of this study

and the measures that would be taken to protect their

privacy (see Appendix C) . They were offered summaries of the

research results when available.

The second interview followed the methodology for the

Subject-Object interview and was designed to assess

participants developmental levels according to constructive-

46

developmental theory (Lahey, Souvaine, Kegan, Goodman &

Felix, 1988). The interviewer probed responses to assure

that participants demonstrated their thinking at the levelof depth which demonstrates their constructive-developmental

capacities

.

The Content Interview

The content interview protocol was developed around

categories that previous research, cited in the above

literature review, has identified as crucial to the

transition to motherhood. The first three sections of the

interview, changes in identity and relationships and

integration of motherhood into the life structure, were

developed to answer the following focused research question:

What themes emerge as new mothers talk about changes that

occur in their identitv. relationships and life structure as

a result of the transition to first time motherhood? The

specific areas are listed below in the first column with the

associated interview question in the second column.

Questions marked with an asterisk are from a study by

Whitbourne (1986) on adult identity.

RESEARCH AREA INTERVIEW QUESTION

IDENTITY

Self-Esteem *How does being a mother affect

the way you feel about yourself

as a person?

47

"Old" feelings

General Identity

RELATIONSHIPS

Husband

Mother

Support Network

General

Baby

What reactions or feelings about

your baby have surprised you?

*What is important to you about

being a mother?

*How do you feel about being a

mother? (Probe: What do you

especially like/dislike?)

*How does being a mother effect

the things you do in your

everyday life?

Has your relationship with

your husband changed since the

birth? How?

Has your relationship with your

mother changed since the birth?

How?

What changes have you noticed

in your friendships since the

birth?

Who provides the most support

for you as a mother?

Tell me about your baby.

48

LIFE STRUCTURE

Decision about work what did you consider in making

the decision about working/not

working outside the home?

What have been the costs and

benefits of your decision for

you?

A fourth section of the interview asked open-ended

questions in order to open the possibility of generating new

constructs of importance in this transition. The research

question being addressed was: What themes emerge as n^w

mothers respond to open-ended questions about the most

difficult, rewarding, unexpected and important part of

motherhood for them?

OPEN-ENDED

Change

No content specified

*How do you think you have

changed as a result to becoming a

mother? (Probe: How do you

think motherhood will change you

in the future?)

In thinking about this whole

experience. .

.

What has been the most

difficult part? The most

rewarding part? The most

unexpected part?

49

^"""""^y «hat haven't I asked that seems

important to help me understand

your experience as a new mother?

The Sub-iect-Obnect Intervif^w

The methodology for assessing constructive developmental

stages in Kegan ' s theory is an interview procedure, the

Subject-Object interview (Lahey et al. , 1988). Ten "stimulus

words" are presented to participants on cards on which they

write and then talk about their thoughts. The stimulus words

are: ANGRY, ANXIOUS /NERVOUS, SUCCESS, STRONG

STAND/CONVICTION, SAD, TORN, MOVED/TOUCHED, LOST SOMETHING,

CHANGE AND IMPORTANT. The purpose of providing these cues is

to generate material to help participants talk about areas

of their lives. In this study, women were told that they

might want to talk about issues related to motherhood or the

integration of motherhood into their lives. However, if they

had other issues that seemed to be more pressing for them,

then these became the content of the interview. This

flexibility was necessary in order to assure that "scorable"

material was generated since areas in which there is some

"heat" are often at the edge of development for people.

Letting the participant take the lead in choosing content

also keeps with the spirit of the Subject-Object interview

and adds to the validity of these interviews.

50

Once content had been generated and introduced by the

participant the interviewer asked questions which probed thestructure of their subject-object balance. These questionsare basically "why" questions but are asked in such a way

that they do not imply that the person is wrong ( "Why wouldyou think that way?), but rather coitmunicates interest in

the thought processes and meaning behind what they say and

why it is important or sad or angering to them. For

instance, if a participant described an incident that was

important to her she might next be asked "What was the most

important thing about that to you?", and later be asked

"What does that tell you about yourself as a person?" These

questions would challenge her to go to a deeper level of her

own process. If she consistently did not answer these

questions at a deeper level, the assumption that she was

demonstrating her highest developmental capacity would be

supported. This probing questioning continued until the

interviewer was certain that a determination of

developmental level could be made. The interviews were

scored using the Kegan system which identifies 21 different

developmental positions in 5 stages and 4 uniform transition

points between these stages.

Constructive-developmental theory is relatively new and

awaits the validation (or not) of longitudinal research.

Using highly trained raters, interrater reliability for the

Subject-Object Interview has been reported in the range of

51

82 to 100% to within one discrimination. Test-retest

reliability in one study was 81% to one discrimination, in

terms of construct validity, the S-0 interview shows

moderate correlations with other developmental measures suchas Kohlberg's Moral Judgement Interview and Loevinger's

Sentence Completion Test (Lahey et al., 1988).

The Sample

A sample of twelve first time mothers between the ages of

25 and 33 with infants between the ages of 2 months and one

year were recruited. The rationale for the minimum infant

age is to allow the women some time to "get organized" as a

mother. The maximum infant age was selected because the

first birthday seem to be a common marker for the end of the

transitional stage and a point when infant development

begins to demand different capacities from parents and

caretakers

.

The participants in this study were between the ages of

25 and 32. This range of age for mothers was chosen based on

considerations related to phase and stage theory of

development. Phase theories refer to both age and

"functional" psychosocial task as markers for movement

through life phases (Noam, 1986). The women in this sample

have chronological age in common. They are near the age 30

transition which Reineke (1985) confirms as occurring, at

least in her sample of United States women, in women's

52

lives between the ages of 27 and 30. From the perspectiveof psychosocial (functional) tasks, the transition to

motherhood is a "phase" that the women in this sample havein common by definition since they are taking on a new

social role and facing a fairly standard set of challenges.

So the phasic considerations of age and psychosocial tasks

are variables on which the women in this sample are alike.

A developmental stage is different from a phase in that

it is defined by internal cognitive and psychological

structures, not life events or maturation. The uniformity of

phasic development in this sample was designed to make the

delineation of stage differences more evident. Differences

are more readily attributable to stage differences because

the women in the sample are in the same phase from both an

age and psychosocial task perspective.

In the original research design I had planned to recruit a

sample with a stage distribution across Kegan Stage 3 and 4,

the Interpersonal and the Institutional. While

acknowledging that there is no completely accurate

selection criteria to assure this range a priori, I

monitored my developmental level distribution as I conducted

this study. I specifically recruited women with higher

educational credentials near the end of my sample selection

in an attempt to maximize the possibility of getting a wide

developmental distribution. This sampling decision was

based on the assumptions noted in other developmental

53

systems that higher education correlates with higher

developmental levels since higher education particularly

encourages the taking of multiple perspectives. For

instance, Kohlberg (1984) reports the necessity to control

for educational level when comparing subjects on measures of

moral development. The ultimate goal was to recruit twelve

woman who represent Kegan stages 3, 3/4 transition, and 4 in

this domain. The actual distribution of the sample is

reported in Chapter 4.

Participants were recruited through community play groups

in several Northern Berkshire County, Massachusetts towns

and through personal contacts with local childbirth

educators. Some of the participants were able to refer other

new mothers to the researcher.

Data Management

The interviews were transcribed and typed in Word Perfect

format. Each participant was given a number which was used

for filing data. Their demographic sheet, responses to the

"Pie", the MAACL-R and transcripts were filed by this

number. A list of names by number was kept in a separate

secure location. Duplicate copies of all data was stored on

a disk in a separate location.

The content interviews were later rearranged by question,

with each participant's answer to the same question

juxtaposed. At this stage of analysis, the order of

54

participants was scrambled and they were given a letter

designation by an independent person (the transcriber) so asto allow the researcher to be less aware of developmental

level. These files were also duplicated both in hard copy

and disk form.

Data Analysi s

The researcher learned the Kegan scoring system through

the detailed information, examples and practice exercises in

the developmental analysis of interviews outlined in The

Guide to the Subject-Object Interview (Lahey et al, 1988).

Scoring reliability was assessed through a process

administered by the Kegan research group at Harvard

University in which ten interviews were scored and assessed

for interrater reliability. The reliability criteria was

agreement to within one discrimination on eight of ten

interviews. The researcher missed reaching criteria in the

firstround (7 out of 10) but achieved interrater reliability

on the second round (8 out of 10).

The Subject-Object interviews from this study were then

scored by the researcher who analyzed transcripts of the

interviews using the Kegan methodology. "Bits" of the

interview in which participants revealed their underlying

logic or structure were identified. These bits were scored

using a hypothesis testing model in which a range of

potential scores is gradually narrowed using evidence from

55

the interview until a final score is reached. An OverallFormulation Sheet was then completed for each interview

which summarized the hypotheses considered, the reason for

rejection and justified the final score. A second reliablerater from the Harvard group independently scored three of

the Subject-Object interviews.

Interrater reliability was not achieved in the first

round but a consistent scoring error by the researcher, the

least experienced in the methodology, was identified. Since

the sample interview protocols used in training had only

presented children at the Imperial (2) balance, the adults

in this sample with that structure had been scored

incorrectly. With that point in mind, I rescored the

remaining nine Subject-Object interviews and achieved

interrater reliability with the same rater on four more

interviews. Agreement within one discrimination was achieved

on three of these interviews. A discrepancy on the scoring

of the fourth was resolved through a discussion which

reached consensus.

Next, a qualitative approach was taken to content

analysis of the first interview. The interviews were

rearranged, placing each participants answers to the same

question together. The order of participants was scrambled

by a person other than the researcher and each was assigned

a letter. This method allowed the researcher to approach the

material in a "fresher" manner without information on

56

developmental level being readily available. The answers toquestions were read repeatedly and descriptors of themesand/or patterns were developed. Using ETHNOGRAPH, a softwareprogram designed for qualitative research, each

participant's answers to each question was coded with thesethemes. The emphasis was on describing the women's

experience in the tradition of qualitative research. Thedata gathered in the demographic questionnaire, "the Pie"

and the MAACL-R were also summarized in this descriptive

manner.

Next, the cognitive developmental groupings were cross

referenced with the descriptors of the themes. The

developmental groupings were entered using ETHNOGRAPH and

themes which seemed to cluster according to a constructive-

developmental stage were identified. At this point a second

analysis was undertaken, especially of the answers to the

open-ended questions in the fourth section of the content

interview. The data was arranged by developmental group and

reread and analyzed for differences by group. The tendency

to making the content data "fit" the developmental groupings

or theory data was countered by rigorously searching for

negative cases and rival explanations. A logical analysis,

working back and forth between the developmental data and

content description was followed throughout the analysis.

(Fatten, 1980).

57

The dysphoria and positive affect factors from the MAACL-Rwere also cross referenced with developmental stage

groupings in order to ascertain if these results wererelated to developmental group. The data from the "PIE" wascross referenced with group membership as well.

Limitations of Study

One potential difficulty with applying a stage

development theory in research, especially when sample size

is small as in this study, is that individual stylistic

differences may be confounded with differences in

developmental stage. The process of learning the system for

scoring the Subject-Object Interview and checking for

interrater reliability is an attempt to focus as much as

possible on the level of psychological structure rather

than style. However, to the degree that the scoring system

mirrors the assumptions on which the theory is based, this

"objectivity" is open to question.

A second limitation of this study is that it is not

longitudinal so that differences between participants that

will be labeled developmental are based on the assumptions

of constructive-developmental theory rather than changes

noted over time in these particular women. Since Kegan's

model has been generated theoretically rather than emerging

from a longitudinal data base, the validity of the

developmental placement is softened.

58

The infants in this study are between 2 and 11 months.While that range may seem restricted and well controlled,there are numerous differences in the demands and needs ofinfants at the extremes of this range. To the extent thatthis variability impacts the woman's experience of

motherhood, infant's age is a potential confounding

variable. At least one qualitative study (Egan, 1985)

described consistent differences in women as they respond to

their baby's needs over the first year of life. The area of

the infant /mother symbiotic attachment seems like a

particularly important area that changes over this period.

On the other side of this coin, the results of this study

are limited to infancy and do not illuminate the experience

of women with older children.

The extent to which the results of this study are

generalizable is limited by the following characteristics of

the sample. First, this group of women were all white

Americans and primarily middle class. The applicability of

results to other races, classes and nationalities (or even

regions of the United States) should be done with caution.

The meaning and experience of motherhood is very tied to the

particular culture and circumstances in which a woman gives

birth. The sample for this study was recruited from women

living in Berkshire County, Massachusetts and southern

Vermont so is limited to reflecting the population and

social norms in that region.

59

s

se

Second, the women in this study were all between the ageof 25 and 33. Parallels between their experiences and thoof teenage mothers, for instance, cannot be assumed, giventhat the social issues of adolescents are likely to bequite different than those of the adults described here.Also, the experience of first time mothers who are olderthan these women may be different.

Finally, this study focuses on a non-clinical sample of

adult women and addresses normal developmental concerns.

Although not directly concerned with clinical populations,

the findings promote an understanding of the implications of

developmental position on the experience of women in the

transition to motherhood. This information will serve as a

useful baseline for those working with women with more

psychopathological reactions.

60

CHAPTER 4

RESULTS

The Samp le

The twelve women who participated in this study werebetween the ages of 25 and 32. Four were under 28, six were28 or 29 and two were over 30. in educational level, theyranged from high school graduates to a Ph.D. Four had highschool diplomas, two had Associate Degrees, four had

Bachelor's degrees and two had higher degrees (Master's and

doctorate). One was working class, four were middle

class/non-professional and seven were middle

class/professional. These women were the mothers of 5 girls

and 7 boys between the ages of 3 and 11 months old. These

demographic variables are summarized below.

Table 4: Demographic Variables

AGE 25-27 28-29 30-323 6 2

EDUCATION H.S. A.S. B.A. Master ' s/Ph .

D

4 2 4 2

Working Middle: Non-professional Professional1 4 7

Developmental Data

Participants Subject-Object Interviews were scored using

the Kegan methodology (Lahey et al, 1988). The resulting

developmental levels describes not only the "pure-

positions, in this group Imperial (2), Interpersonal( 3 ) and

Institutional (4), but the steps between these markers inwhich aspects of two positions are combined.

One notable characteristic of the women in this sample isthat all have a "full" Interpersonal (3) structure

operating. As such, they make meaning of their experiencesin relationships and are focused on inclusion rather than

independence. The variability in this sample is in the

combinations of Interpersonal (3) meaning making with eitheran Imperial (2) or an Institutional (4) structure.

The women were placed in two groups according to their

developmental level. Group 3-2 includes 5 women who scored

3(2), 3/2, 3/2, 3/2 and 3/2-3. Their Interpersonal (3)

structure dominates but is modified by an Imperial (2)

structure. Group 3-4 includes 5 women who combine

Interpersonal (3) and Institutional (4) structures in the

following ways: 3/4, 3/4, 3/4-4/3,4/3 and 4/3. Notice that

in this group some have Interpersonal (3) and some have

Institutional (4) as the dominant structure and in one we

were unable to determine which predominates. The results are

summarized in Table 5.

Two women did not fit in either group. The first has a

developmental level of 2/3 so that for her the Imperial (2)

structure dominates. This position is before the 3/2 level.

This woman's results will be presented separately and

62

contrasted with both groups. A second women was placedsquarely at the Interpersonal (3) position. An analysis ofher results will not be presented since they do not assistin differentiating among the women in the sample.

Table 5: Distribution of Developmental Positions

Group Developmental position N

3-2 3/2 33/2-3

1

3(2) 1

3-4 3/4 23/4-4/3 14/3 2

Note. Two additional woman were at position 2/3 and 3.

In constructive-developmental theory the transition to

Interpersonal (3) balance is generally conceptualized as

occurring in adolescence (Kegan, 1982). Although no

empirical data addresses the distribution of positions by

variables such as age or educational level, the implication

is that adults with Imperial (2) structures would have

difficulty with adult functions such as holding a job

(Kegan, 1982). The presence of normally functioning women in

this age range with Imperial (2) structures is therefore a

notable and somewhat surprising aspect of this study.

Demographic data by developmental group is presented in

Table 6. A mild but not statistically significant

63

relationship can be seen between age and developmental level(x2=l.6, p<.05= 3.84) in that the women in the Group 3-4 areslightly older than those in Group 3-2. A relationshipbetween education and developmental level is not

demonstrated since there are 3 college educated women in

Group 3-2. This lack of relationship between educationallevel and developmental position certainly counters anyconcern that higher developmental levels are a result of

higher education. Although it is not possible to generalizefrom this number of participants, one can conclude that in

this sample that developmental differences are not merely

reflective of different educational experiences.

Table 6: Demographic Variables X Developmental Position

Group Age

24-26 27-29 30-323-2 3 13-4 1 3

EDUCATIONAL LEVELH.S. A.S. B.A./B.S. Higher

3-2 2 2 13-4 2 2 1

SOCIOECONOMIC STATUSWorking Middle/Skilled Professional

3-2 1 133-4 2 3

In presenting the findings of this study, I will first

present the themes from the qualitative analysis and the

instruments which were different for each developmental

64

grouping, referred to as "themes which differentiatedevelopmentally", suimnarized in Table 9 at the end of thischapter. In order to provide a theoretical context, I willoutline what differences one would expect to find accordingto constructive-developmental theory. Next, I will summarizethe themes which did not break down along developmental

lines, the "common" and "descriptive" themes (Tables 10 and

11) and the remainder of the results of the instruments.

Finally, I will present the results of the one woman in thestudy for whom the Imperial (2) dominated.

Themes Which Dif fer^^ntiate Developmentan y

Identity

The questions in this section were designed to elicit

discussion of the changes the woman has experienced in her

own sense of self, her identity. Questions which directly

address issues of identity, such asking women to talk about

"themselves as a person" and to "describe" themselves as a

mother, were included. In addition, less direct questions

were asked with the intention of prompting discussion of

changes in the woman's internal sense of self. For instance,

women were asked to talk about feelings about their babies

that "surprised" them in order to invite them to discuss the

less stereotypical maternal feelings such as anger and lack

of control without "leading" them to this response.

Questions about their values ("what is important to you")

65

and use of time ("things you do in your everyday life", werealso intended to generate discussion of areas close toidentity.

From the perspective of constructive-developmental

theory, one would expect women at the Interpersonal (3)

level in their meaning making to base their sense of self intheir relationship with their babies and the reaction of

others to them in the mothering role. They would be

predicted to not experience anger at the disruption of theirprevious lives that becoming a mother entails. In a sense,

motherhood would be expected to "take over" their identity.

The combination of either an Imperial (2) or

Institutional (4) structure with this basic Interpersonal

(3) mode would add more "self", but in different ways. A

woman with an Imperial (2) and Interpersonal (3) combination

might be somewhat focused on her own needs and derive less

of her identity through her relationships with her baby or

others perceptions of her as a mother. She might emphasize

competence at tasks of motherhood rather than solely

focusing on interpersonal meaning and be somewhat focused on

motherhood as a social role. For a woman with an

Interpersonal (3) and Institutional (4) combination, the

addition of "self" would probably be shown in an awareness

of the conflict, at times, between her own and her baby's

needs. She should be able to simultaneously, or at least

consecutively, "hold" her child's and her own separate

66

perspective, while ix^ersed in the relationship with theirinfant, she would probably also articulate some of her ownstandards for the practice of her motherhood.

With these theoretical "expectations" as a frame, theresults will be presented. In answer to the question "Howdoes being a mother affect the way you feel about yourselfas a person?", 4 of the 5 women in Group 3-2 talked about

motherhood adding a positive new dimension to their lives in

the sense of being "more" on personality dimensions. One

woman said: "I have a lot more self-respect now that I do so

much for someone else. Someone needs me." Another said "It

makes it better. I think of myself as a stronger person who

can cope with more". They are also likely to talk about

motherhood as filling in g^ps in their lives. For instance

"I didn't have any purpose in life where now I do" and "it

(motherhood) has a lot more meaning to me than working".

In Group 3-4, two of the women were similar to the above,

but 3 spoke about changes in a core sense of how they feel

as people. Rather than adding aspects to their

personalities in the sense of quantity (being "more"), they

feel changed in fundamental ways. For instance:

Different, very different. It's allowed me to be moreopen or more feeling. It's a softer part of me that'sdifferent

.

In the following example, even though the participant talks

about feeling "more" on some dimensions and "filling in

gaps" like the women in Group 3-2, she put this together in

67

a larger perspective that seems to reflect a new fundamentalsense of self.

In some ways, I think it has made me feel more comoletemore well rounded. I think before I was a mother I wassorL^oHhinorr^ ' ^'^^^^ perspect^eS on ^therKof; i

^^^"9s I now have perspective on. I feel I amthat"^ d^dn'^K*.^^^ ' ^""^ f^lt challenged in ways?h^h.M •

I ^^sn't used to, before having

iitt^'qSirLsSer!^^'^-^^'^-^ -here I couldn't coL up

In response to the question "What reactions /feelings

about your baby have surprised you on becoming a mother?,

women in the Group 3-4 were more likely to mention being

surprised by the intensity of their feelings (4 of 5) than

were women in Group 3-2 (2 of 5). They say things like: "I

always knew I was going to love him and everything, but I

never realized it would be like my right arm, as if he's

attached to me." and "I knew I would love him but it just so

overwhelming the amount or the intensity of the emotion. I

never felt anything so intense before."

When answering the question "How does being a mother

affect the things you do in your everyday life?, women in

both groups talked about the tension between their own

priorities, desire to plan and "accomplish things" and their

babies' needs. The women in Group 3-2 tended to chose

between these competing claims. Two in this group maintain

their own standards and priorities as central:

I felt at the end of the day "What did I do?" and it washard for me to say "You took care of this baby and nursedhim". At the beginning that wasn't enough.

68

This woman claims to have "relaxed" about lists of tasks,but later says "it's easier now because he can play byhimself and I'm getting those other things done now.

"

leading to the impression that what has changed is not herpriorities but her 11 month old baby's needs compared tothose of an new-born infant. A second mother asserts aboutcleaning,

IZ ^"^^^9 d^y- That's the way Iwas brought up .....and that's the way I'm always going tobe. Nobody is going to change me. ^ ^

These women see their own sense of the necessary as fairly

independent of the additional burden of caring for an

infant.

For the remaining three women in Group 3-2, the baby's

needs seem to overwhelm the mother's own needs, which are

not addressed.

Before you do things you really have to decide. Do I wantto put this child in this car seat and go here and gothere and take him out and take him back and get thebottles ready and do this and do that or do I just wantto stay home and forget this? Definitely we don't go outlike we used to but I'd rather be with him right now. Imean it doesn't bother me not going out.

Another conceptualizes this choice of priority in terms of

tasks. "So probably from 6:30 in the morning to 8:30 at

night I would be pretty much locked into fulfilling certain

tasks. I have no free time."

In contrast, all the women in Group 3-4 conceptualize the

dilemmas of the time demands in their everyday lives as a

69

balancing act between the baby's needs and their own. Inanswering this question, they talk about both sides.

The days I'm home all day, we have a ar^.^^- 4-^™ t 4. ,

i:i?tirbi?^\^L:i^^ j'have\Tcur?:nUri L^f^

Probablv nAt^o^^^ ^ ^^'^^ "^P^ whatnot.T o^? kT- u^. ° advantage but to his mother's is thatI established a routine as to what time he naps.

This mother illustrates the balance where both the mother'sand baby's needs are at least addressed and compromises

reached.

Another woman in this group says:

J^.^r^'f "^^'^ everyday life, I feel less productive interms of getting chores done. I find that I have more ofthem to do, but what I tend to do is wait until he'sasleep and go like a mad women trying to get everythingtaken care of. I get very few things done during the day.But I also think I spend more time than I need. I findmyself drawn to just watching him and playing with him andthe Idea of well, he'll be perfectly happy just sittinghere and I'll go off and clean the dishwasher or somethinglike that- I find that sort of a low priority.

Again, this example illustrates a new mother thinking about

her own and her baby's needs and coming to a balance between

the two. She also articulates how her own needs are met in

her relationship with her baby.

The question "How would you describe yourself as a

mother? elicited different responses from woman in the two

groups. The women in Group 3-2 tended to describe themselves

on fewer dimensions and use more stereotypical concepts in

their description of themselves as a good mother. They also

seemed to have difficulty answering the question.

70

One woman reaches a tentative conclusion about hermothering by comparing herself to her husband.

I have more patience than he (husband) does whereknow^?^

''^^^ "^^^^^ f^^l goorb;cIuse t^ere I

iTdoing'gooI/ ' ^^^^^ ^'^ good.'Xe

Another new mother in Group 3-2 says "I think I'm a prettygood mother other than I don't stay home with

^^"^ Otherwise, I spend quality time with him." A third

woman in this group expressed some of the difficulty of

answering this question with:

Whew! That's hard. Boy, I don't know. In what way? Justadjectives that describe myself? I would say prettvcaring, pretty patient. ^

Three of these women said they were "good" mothers in a

mildly defensive manner and did not define the term "good

mother" further. This question may have been difficult to

answer because, societally, what makes a mother "good" are

vague "virtues", such as self-sacrificing and patient. So

asking for a self description seemed to leave the women in

this group struggling with definitions and falling back on

these familiar "virtues" generally attributed to mothering

as a social role.

Four of the five women in Group 3-4 answered this

question with a more detailed analysis which seemed to

demonstrate that they have a definition of motherhood on

which to compare and describe themselves. In contrast to

Group 3-2, they do not give the impression of having been

71

caught off guard by the question. They see. to have thoughtabout themselves as mothers prior to being asked for thisdescription.

One women in Group 3-4 said the following:

of^frustL?ior'rL^t^^^;;^\\^^-tainly have my momentsI ^ ^^^^^ I'"^ particularly creative inthinking of ways to entertain her or teach he?

''''^^^^^^

something.. Sometimes I am torn about where I need to b^

about'?har i?,^^^^-^ g-lity timS.

'l^runsSre'about that. I'm unsure about a lot of things .... I think I

^^t^^rv^^^^"*^^""^^ ^^"'^^ ^ith her. I try to let ?he

Ti^^"^^?o^^e out as much as possible to play with

^n?; Le a fairly strict mother though! l aminto the latest philosophies of setting limits with kids.

This response is a complex critique of this woman's

motherhood on a variety of dimensions including those which

are less stereotypical (creativity, sense of humor). At a

similar level of analysis, another women in Group 3-4 says:

I think I'm a good mother My house is baby proof so Idon't have to be saying no, don't touch, don't do this. Ican let her explore without worrying about what she'sgetting into for the most part, although they alwaysmanage to find something. We read together, we cuddletogether. I try to find time for me because I think thatmakes me a little bit better a mother, just that littlepsychological boost to allow me to focus back on her. Mybig focus has been trying to get her to become her ownperson and I try to do as much as I can to let her trythings on her own. But always there watching andguarding.

In describing themselves as a mother, these women are

representative of the 4 in Group 3-4 who responded at this

level of analysis. They give the impression of having

thought about the dimensions of motherhood before and are

therefore ready with a critical analysis of their own

72

performance. Although these women have different values andcriteria for their own success, they have in cormnon the factthat their criteria are not confined to the stereotypical(patient, caring), are idiosyncratic and more active in

describing what they do as mothers.

Relationships

The women were asked to talk about changes in their

relationships with their husbands, mothers and friends. In

addition, the question, "Tell me about your baby" was

intended to provide a sense of how they see that

relationship as well. One would expect women at the

Interpersonal (3) level to feel some "pulls" from the

competing demands of these relationships. Combination with

Imperial (2) might add a flavor of focusing on their own

needs more, others needs and perspectives, less while an

Institutional (4) balance might add the ability to talk

about relationships in a dynamic manner where multiple

perspectives can be held simultaneously.

In response to the question, "Has your relationship with

your husband changed since the birth? How?", four of the

five women in Group 3-4 use the word "closer" in describing

the changes in their marital relationship since becoming

parents together. For three of these women the closeness is

specifically evidenced through the shared relationship with

their infant. Some examples are:

73

and

Now we spend more time together and it's more evenrelaxed time. We might be in the same room and no?'talking, ^ust watching her, just kind of enjoying her.

These women see their infant as being in a fairly centralrole in their relationships with their husbands.

In terms of relationships with husbands, only two of the

five women in Group 3-2 mention being closer as a change in

their marital relationships. One talks about her life

becoming "more meaningful. It just seems like our bond is

closer". The seconds feels closer because she and her

husband are fighting less. In this group, there is a notable

lack of the dynamic description of the couple uniting

around their baby.

A second theme differentiated developmentally in the

responses to this question. I have called the theme "knowing

the baby" based on a concept borrowed from a qualitative

study by Rossiter (1988). The idea is that primary care

takers of an infant "learn" how to care for the particular

infant on such things as its preferential way to be held or

what food it likes or what rituals help the baby to nap.

When one person in a couple is the primary caretaker the

tendency is for them to then try to "teach" this knowledge

to the less involved parent. This "translator", usually the

mother, tends to get in the way of the less involved parent,

74

usually the father, developing his own "knowledge". Inresponding to the question about changes in the maritalrelationship, four of the five women in Group 3-4 referredto this dynamic in some way.

One woman, a almost full-time homemaker said:

I sometimes feel frustration with him (husband) that heIS not quite up on her needs or the best way to handle herproblem as I am. I have even expressed (frustration)sometimes and he's very good at deflecting it peacefullyand I try as hard as I can to say that he is notnecessarily taking care of her in a bad way, it's nustdifferent from the way I do it.-^t. s jusx.

In the above quote, this woman seems to have some

perspective on both sides of this issue (she feels "right"

but tries not to say the her husband "wrong"). Another new

mother says in a similar vein:

He'll (husband) be doing something with (son), it won'tbe what I want it to be, so I'll take over. I try not todo that because I think, "Well, on one hand you're tellinghim he's not being involved, on the other hand he's beinginvolved but he's not doing it my way." I'm getting betterat that, at backing off and letting them establish astrong relationship not based on my guidelines.

Another woman talks about her experience on the other

side of this dynamic. Her husband became the primary

caretaker in a period of unemployment. She says.

Our relationship changed quite a bit then because I had togive up mothering and let him take on the role and then thebaby would go to him or respond to him more. That was alittle difficult but I liked it too.

75

The fourth women in Group 3-4 to be coded with this themedescribes an egalitarian co-parenting relationship wherethey "learned" the baby together.

Things just evolved over time so we now have a routine in

q^tfuo flr^^ ins?ance?'whrthe baby

^^^^^ ^ ^^^^^ ^the^ watches

Of the women in Group 3-2, only one mentions the dynamics

around child care, but frames it quite differently. She

describes being preoccupied with the baby and her husband

feeling excluded.

He definitely probably feels second fiddle but he islately 3ust enjoying being with her so much that I thinkne s starting to understand how I felt all along Weare trying to share. I think I was trying to carry theburden, from cooking, to cleaning to taking care of her andhis trying to do more has helped me.

This excerpt sounds unidirectional compared to the women in

Group 3-4. She stays at the center and he is her assistant.

The remaining four women in Group 3-2 do not spontaneously

address this issue in talking about changes in their marital

relationship. Two seem to assume that they are central to

the baby and accept their husband as an assistant. The

remaining two women in Group 3-2 assume an equal partnership

with the husband. Unlike the women in Group 3-4, they do not

talk about the triadic nature of the mother-father-infant

relationship or their possible role in shaping the father-

child relationship.

76

The question, "Tell ™e about your baby. generated warmand animated responses. The women all gave the impressionthat it was a pleasure to be invited to talk about theirchild.

The women in Group 3-4 uniformly described their infantsin terms of the baby's personality and characteristics. Forinstance

:

He's been a good boy. He has a lot of his father's

hrw^n^i^""^* ^t'^ ^^^u^-""^'^ ^^1"^- °^ly ^^^eams whenhe wants something. When you meet his needs, he's happy.He's pretty easy going. '^Plr'y •

and:

She's very happy for the most part. ...because she doestlZt

personality, when she wants something, she

M^^^^inimediately. She's almost walking and she can sayMama. She loves all animals, she has to pet horses and^°9s She loves being home. She knows no

fear .she's very willing to explore on her own. I thinkshe s cute as a button personally.

These quotes are representative of the very differentiated

descriptions of their babies given by all the women in Group

3-4. They speak about their babies as separate individuals

with personalities and preferences.

In contrast, only two women in Group 3-2 gave a highly

differentiated description focused on personal qualities in

describing their babies. Instead, the descriptions (4 of 5)

tended to focus on how the baby made the mother feel. An

example is the following quote:

He's everything. I love it when he smiles. I love it whenhe cries. I love it when he does just anything. It's just,you know, you're a mother.

77

and

?^ V K^^'u^ ^ ^l^y* ^ i^st love him to pieces Tthink he has given me a better sense of sereni^v iLehelped me put things into perspective.^^^^"^^^^ ^^^^

While expressing a real sense of connection and love, thesewomen also focus on what they get from the relationship interms of their identity. In Group 3-4, only one woman refersto her feelings and she does it more in terms of pride in

the baby, a more separate perspective, than in terms of herown sense of who she is.

Integration into Life

The need to address conflicting demands of their infant,

social expectations, their own desires and the work world in

making decisions about working or not working outside the

home seems like it would be fertile ground for

developmental differences to emerge. Interpersonal (3) women

might feel internal conflict because of being "pulled" by

the competing demands of these varying relationships and

social contexts. Whether and how a woman considers her own

desires and self interest could be expected to vary with the

addition of either an Imperial (2) or Institutional (4)

system. Surprisingly, there were no themes that clearly

differentiated developmentally in this content area of

choices about work/family balance. The responses to these

questions will be presented in following sections under

common and descriptive themes.

78

Open-ended Ouf^al- i nno

The open-ended questions were included to allow for theopportunity for new content to be generated. The question,"In thinking about this whole experience, what has been themost rewarding part?" elicited a response that

differentiated developmentally . The women in Group 3-2

tended to talk about being with their babies in the physicalsense. "Just the absolute joy of having him", and "just

having her around and learning from her" are comments which

capture this idea. In addition to the

above, two women in Group 3-2 also talked about their own

feelings of being made "complete" by motherhood.

When he smiles at me. That's very rewarding for me. Tohave that empty space now filled. Things are a lotbetter I look foinvard to every morning.

and

His smiles, he gives me the best smiles when I rocksleep you just get that nice, warm feeling

Oh, he needs me, he really needs me. I have someone whoneeds me".

The responses of women in Group 3-4 focus on the rewards

of watching their babies' development. One woman says she

finds "just being with her and seeing her turn into a person

from an alien being" rewarding and another directly

comments

:

I can't believe that starting from single cells to beable to do the things he now does. I just marvel atdevelopment

.

79

The two women in Group 3-4 who talk about themselves do soin terms of the rewards they receive from their own sense of

competence. For instance:

I sort of thought that I could do it, but I never I knew

t^lTlLT ' TttT^'T'. '^^"^^ though^r^iuL'SrTinis good. It's hard for me to say that, but I feelcomfortable doing what I'm doing.

From the perspective of constructive-developmental

theory, this question is most similar to a "probe" for

structure in the Subject-Object interview. It elicited a

developmental theme in that it challenged women to focus on

the "whys" of their experience.

Results of Instruments

The "Pie" is an open-ended projective instrument in which

a circle is divided into wedges representing the importance

of various aspects of life to the individual (See Appendix

B).Women in this study completed two wedges, one current

and one retrospective to pre-pregnancy . The components of

the "Pie", the wedges, are developed by each individual. In

analyzing the responses to this instrument I looked at both

choice of subject matter (how the wedge was labeled) and the

level of importance of each label (size of the wedge). The

responses were organized into three general categories:

marriage/family, work, other activities. Only the third

category, other activities, had a pattern of responses which

varied by developmental group. The remainder of the findings

80

from the instruments will be presented in the following

section under Common and Descriptive Themes.

In developing the category of leisure or optional

activities I included everything mentioned that did not

pertain to family relationships (including the extended

family) or to work (paid employment or household labor).

Four of the 5 women in Group 3-4 included some kind of

independent activity (hobbies, free time, time alone, other

activities) in their wedge both before and after the birth

of their child. In contrast, only one women in Group 3-2 did

so. In other words, 4 of the 5 women in Group 3-2 mentioned

only relationships (family, husband, baby, friends) or their

work as important to them while the women in Group 3-4 (4 of

5) had independent interests as well.

Summary of Developmental Differences

In terms of their identity, the women in Group 3-2 refer

to adding to their sense or self or filling in the gaps in

their previous identity. The women in Group 3-4 talk about

changes in a core sense of who they are as people on

becoming mothers. They also mention being surprised by the

intensity of their feelings for their babies. In discussing

their use of time in their everyday life, women in Group 3-2

seemed to either put their own needs first or mention only

the babies needs while the women in Group 3-4 describe

trying to achieve balance between their own and their baby '

s

81

needs. In describing themselves as mothers, women in Group3-2 use few dimensions and more stereotyped concepts. Thewomen in Group 3-4 describe themselves against a set of

complex standards and values about themselves as mothers. In

the area of relationships, women in Group 3-4 talk about

feeling closer to their husbands through their shared

relationship with their babies. They also describe the

dynamics of their family relationships. The women in Group

3-2 mention feeling closer to their husbands without the

analysis of the relational dynamics. In describing their

babies, women in Group 3-4 elaborate on the babies'

personality while the women in Group 3-2 focus on their own

feelings generated in the relationship with the infant.

The most rewarding aspect of motherhood for the women in

Group 3-4 was physically caring for and holding their

babies. The women in Group 3-4 felt rewarded by watching

their infant's growth and development. In the graphic

illustration of the mother's pre and post natal lives, the

"Pie", women in Group 3-4 mentioned independent activities

such as hobbies or time alone as important to them both

before and after becoming mothers while women in Group 3-2

did not.

Common and Descriptive Themes

The themes from the qualitative analysis of the content

interview and the results of the instruments which do not

82

characterize just one of the developmental groups will nowbe presented. The "common" themes are those which

characterize most of the women in the sample, at least two-

thirds. Because of the lack of developmental range of the

women in this sample, these themes may be characteristic of

their common Interpersonal (3) structures. The descriptive

themes were mentioned by a substantial subgroup of the

women, at least one-third, but cannot be attributed to

either developmental commonality or variability. The data i

included for its intrinsic interest and because, by

clarifying what does not seem to be related to

constructive-developmental structure, understanding of the

theory can be expanded. In discussing these themes, I will

include the two women who were excluded from the

developmental groups because they both have 3 structures

operating.

Identity

In responding to the question, "What reactions /feelings

about your baby have surprised you on becoming a mother?",

of the 12 women mentioned some negative feelings. The most

common feeling was anger at a baby who wouldn't stop crying

"I was so surprised that I could feel so angry about her

making me loose sleep." and

I can remember days when I really just wanted to throwhim across the floor. Not that I really wanted to dothat, but when you can't stop them crying

83

These women also mentioned feeling scared, both by theirangry feelings and by the responsibility of motherhood.

"Scared, very scared. I'd check him every five minutes to

make sure he was breathing." One women talked about feeling

"left out" of her social group and yet guilty when she left

the baby. Another felt "cooped up" and a third used the word

"stressed" to describe her feelings while caring for a

colicky baby in the winter with no break.

No negative feelings were mentioned by 6 of the 12 women.

Three of these women were in Group 3-4 and had talked about

being surprised by the intensity of their feelings

(described above). A fourth woman said "everything came

naturally". The remaining two women (both members of Group

3-2) do not mention positive feelings but specifically deny

having negative ones.

It doesn't bother me that I can't pick up and go. I thinkthat was just getting used to. That wasn't a problem or aconcern or whatever, it was just a change.

Another was aware from her reading that difficult feelings

are possible but says "I have never felt resentment or

anguish I just really haven't experienced that." While

it is interesting that the two women who deny any negative

affect are in Group 3-2, the pattern isn't clear enough to

claim as a developmental difference.

The general response to the question "What is important

to you about being a mother?" was focused on their infants

rather than on themselves. Only two women talked about their

84

own gratification in being loved by the baby. The remaining

10 women were focused outward to their relationships andtheir place in the world.

For 7 of the 12 women, responses centered around their

child and what they want for him or her. They were future

oriented and generative. Such answers as "To help another

person discover what is best in life" and "helping her to

learn what is good and what is right" are characteristic.

The focus of these women is really on the child and the

child's long term development. "(I want) to give her

confidence so that she can branch out be her own

person.

"

The second most common theme, mentioned by 5 of the 12

women, had to do with the continuity of the generations

being important to them. One woman said: "I want her to have

the same kind of start that I did." Another says:

I felt like I would be good at it (being a mother). Ifelt like I should do it. I have a good relationship withmy parents and I just felt like... it was one of thethings I was put here for.

These women seem to see their work as parents as passing on

the connection from their parents generation to the

children's generation. One woman sums it up as follows:

The whole family concept, the whole family idea. Gettingback to what's really important in family and sustainingrelationships Maintaining that sense of identity, partof a family, an extended family.

The broad question, "How do you feel about being a

mother?" was probed by the question, "What do you especially

85

like and dislike?" These questions were answered mostcommonly with affectionate descriptions of their

relationship with their babies. Of the twelve women in thestudy, seven talked about the physically expressed affectionwith their infants. Representative comments are:

I love everything. I love the smile that he gives you.You get small, little rewards, they do those cute littlethings. -Lj-ui-xe

and:

^^i^'^^.^^^ h^gs, the smiles, the kisses, theaffection.

and:

I love the cuddling and I love the smiles and theaccomplishments. I just love taking care of her.

Another four women mentioned watching the growth and

development of their infant. "At each age there is some new

phenomenon that is very, very exciting." A final group of

three focused on the personal rewards for them: "They keep

you going" and "It gives me someone to be with".

In terms of their dislikes, five women used the

expression "tied down" to describe the constant demands on

them. The others mentioned a varied list of dislikes: no

time, no money, crying baby, disturbed sleep. However, all

de-emphasized these dislikes and focused more attention on

an animated description of their likes.

86

Relationships

The question, "Has your relationship with your husbandchanged since the birth of your baby?" elicited descriptionsof tensions between the new mother and her spouse from 6 ofthe 12 women in the study. The most common conflict was

about child care and how parental responsibility is shared.

Tensions around child care ranged from a couple in which the

father seemed to "take over" to another woman who was trying

to foster a relationship between father and child when her

husband had a very distant concept of fatherhood originating

in his own family experiences. At the more middle range,

nursing mothers described frustration about her mobility

being more constrained than their husbands. For example, "I

felt resentful that he could get away".

Only one woman mentioned tensions about the unequal

division of household labor and carefully stresses that the

situation is improving. She describes this scene:

I was trying to make dinner and do the wash and put herdown and I was just really angry he picked up on thatand has been trying to do more.

Five women specifically mention being pleased with the

division of household labor, although two talk of their

husband "helping", implying that they maintain the executive

role. Three women describe a more equal partnership with the

work load either divided equally or divided equitably on the

basis of time spent at home.

87

In responding to the question, "Has your relationshipwith your mother changed since the birth of your baby?

How?", eight of the twelve participants said "yes". The mostcommon change was in the amount of contact ranging from

women whose mothers live nearby, who now have daily rather

than weekly contact, to families that live further away whonow visit more frequently. Five women mentioned having a

better understanding of their own mothers' experiences in

mothering them. For instance, "I respect her a lot more. You

don't realize what they did for you. I mean, I had a really

good relationship with my mother but it got a lot better,

knowing that." Another woman who described some

disappointment with her mother's nervousness as a

grandparent said:

On the other hand, now that I know what it's like beinghome with a baby which she certainly was in the 50 's and60 's, I have more respect for her. It must have been hardfor her especially in that my father did not help hernearly as much as my husband helps me.

In general, these women speak positively about their

relationships with their mothers, describe some changes but

seem not to see their mothers as particularly central to

their experience.

The most common response to the question " What changes

have you noticed in your friendships since the birth?", 10

of the 12 women mention new or stronger relationships with

other parents.

88

With my friends who do have kids, I am much closer tn

ToTr ba^y^no^!'"''^^ ^^^^ ^^^^"^^V^Lt,

The increase in relationships with other parents also referto couples with children:

k?H^ °Ti-°''''f^i^^fs do have kids or have recently had

out^^^""^

H''^ ^ ^^"^ °^ P^°Pl^ ^^^d to hangout with as couples now have kids so we have beengoing through this adjustment together.

Five of the twelve women describe tensions in

relationships with friends who are not parents. One woman

describes a greater distance in these friendships and said

"I hopefully I'm not slighting them, I'm not doing this on

purpose but it happens, you know." This discomfort seems

related to contrasts in lifestyle which are deeper than not

having time. Four mention the potential envy and discomfort

of friends who are single or infertile. For example, "My

friend who is not able to have children has become much more

distant because she is probably not comfortable" and

Since I am getting to that age where some of the peoplearen't even married and maybe worried that they may notget married and knowing that they would probably like tohave a family. . .you feel bad complaining to someone whodoesn't have a child somehow.

For five of the twelve women in the sample this

question about friendships did not particularly strike a

cord. Even though they did mention an increase in

relationships with other parents, friendships did not seem

to be particularly central to them. One woman says that

friendship has become "a bit of a smaller section" in her

89

life. Another says "I don't have the sit down heart to

hearts with people that I used to have. I don't have thetime to, really, right now."

The answers to the question, "Who provides the most

support to you as a mother?" elicited the responses outlinedbelow. The most support is clearly provided by husbands

first and then mothers (three women mention both as

primary), it would have been interesting to use the Power

and Parke (1984) taxonomy of kinds of support (relational,

ideological, physical and informational) to see if the

category varied by the support provider. However, this

question "pulled" for women to talk about relationships

since the word "support" generally implies emotional

support. Only two mentioned physical support (money, and

baby sitting) and two informational support (good advice and

books )

.

Person

Husband

Mother

Sister

Friend

Grandparents

Self

Support Providers

# primary # secondary

4

1

0

0

1

1

1

3

1

0

90

Integration int.p Life

In this section of the interview, participants were askedto respond to two questions: "What did you consider in

making the decision about working or not working outside thehome? What have been the costs and benefits of your

decision to you?" The women's work status at the time of

the interview was as follows: five- working full time in

paid employment; four- working part time in paid employment

and three- at home full time. The last group includes one

woman who works for pay in her home. I made the decision to

include her in the full time homemaker group because she

seemed to identify most with that lifestyle.

In analyzing the responses to these questions, three

general dimensions emerged. First, each woman's core theme

summarizes overall response to the dilemmas inherent in this

life task. I will first present these core themes. Secondly,

I will outline the other two dimensions: the women's level

of internal conflict about her work/family balance and the

degree of choice she perceives herself as having.

The "core" themes, summarized on the following page,

characterize the responses of the women discussing the

work/family decision.

91

CORE THEMES#

Like doing both4

Working to guard against "atrophy"3

Surprising downward shift in career importance 2

Full time motherhood an important personal sacrifice 2

Both important but doing both difficult 1

Four women who liked doing both expressed satisfaction

with their ability to cope with the demands of work and home

life. "I enjoy having more responsibility. I definitely feel

that I can handle all these things." Another had carefully

planned a career change that would make part time work a

possibility and felt that the life style really worked for

her. A third woman simply said, "It (part time job) revives

me and makes me want to be with her."

The next largest group of women talked about their work

outside the home as helping them stay mentally alert. The

implication is that some mental "atrophy" would result in

being home full time with their baby. For instance, one

woman said it's "healthy to get out and do other things".

Another woman likes working because it "forces me to be out

and interested in stuff other than the baby."

A third core theme is noted by two women with

professional careers who have been surprised by the downward

shift of career in their priorities. One who continues to

work said:

92

I haven't been able to do it all t ri^r,.4- 4-u- i ^can do 100% career and 100% beiig'^^i^Lr it surprisesme given how gung-ho I was in a career ihat !t hastaken such a back seat.

Another describes her enjoyment of her lengthy maternity

leave: "It's just a complete change around for me."

Two women talked about their conflict in giving up jobs

for full time motherhood. Both believe that it is important

to their infants to have them home but feel some loss of

social contact ("I miss my friends") for one and social

status for another. She says " I just don't feel that I am

respected." Giving the best they can to their babies results

in a difficult personal sacrifice for them.

Finally, one woman described living with the tensions of

desiring to both work and be with her baby. She describes

her ideal solution: "If I could take (the baby) to work with

me on my back, I would work forty hours." This quote seems

to express the importance of both aspects of her life and

their irreconcilable nature. Her compromise has been part-

time work.

The responses to the questions were also coded for the

amount of internal conflict the woman seemed to experience

in making her decisions about work and family and in living

the chosen lifestyle. Eight of the twelve women experienced

very little conflict in finding balance in their lives. In

this group, 4 held full time jobs, three part-time jobs and

one was a full time homemaker. A full time worker said:

93

I just always knew and felt 1 would be a better oarent ifI worked. I would have a better sense of sllf and fSouldrchT?H?

with myself and I could provide

i wiu'brth;;;---"":"!^" ^°^"9^o need. That

A part-time worker said this:

^^001^°°'^^^°'' ^° realize that he can be with other

it^I nust r^^T^^' ^""^-^^ I ^^^^ I love

pe^fec^^hing! ^ '° '° ""'^

Not everyone had this degree of certainty about their

decision, however. Four women (two homemakers and one each

full and part-time worker) experienced inner conflict about

making and living with their decision. One part time worker

whose theme of irreconcilability was summarized above had

this to say about leaving her son at day care for the first

time

:

I sobbed and sobbed and sobbed because I felt I wasletting this kid down. He was born to me and I'm hismother and I'm letting him down.

However, she also talked about wanting to increase her hours

at work because she felt "less connected and I'm a real

control person at work. I hate to give up territory." She

lives with a high level of conflict because she feels

intensely about both her child and her work.

A full time homemaker talks about the financial

difficulty of living on one income and adds:

Now I have to depend on my husband so that makes me kindof upset too cause I wish I had my job.... I don't knowwhat I want to do with my life yet. I want to go back (towork) and I don't. I don't want a babysitter.

94

She is aware of all the trade-offs and is unable to find atruly comfortable balance.

In addition, the responses were also coded for the degreethat the woman perceived that decisions were either in hercontrol or driven by their family's financial needs. Eight

women felt that they had exercised personal choice in their

decisions and four felt that their families need for their

income had dictated their choices. These perceptions of

their motivation for working, however, did not interact

meaningfully with their level of internal conflict. For

instance, two of the three full time home makers had made a

personal choice to leave paid employment yet experienced a

high level of internal conflict about their decision. Also,

two of the four women who felt that they "had" to work were

in the low conflict group.

Open-ended

The question "How do you think you've changed as a result

of becoming a mother?" was probed with "How do you think

motherhood will change you in the future?" Six of the 12

women mention that they have become more responsible since

becoming mothers. They seemed to be referring to the fact

that caring for the babies needs come before their own

needs. One spoke of being "settled down" and others pointed

out the necessity of self denial. "You have no choice" and

"you just have to be" more responsible are typical comments

95

Five women mention having a new perspective on "whafsimportant" in life. One says "My goals and my focus havecompletely shifted. I'm not as career oriented but am farmore family oriented." Another said:

andTthtn^?'^;'"' ^ ^^^^^^ ^ ^^'^tain wayth»^

^"'^ ""''^ °* ^" °"ter focus....! also thinkthat the things I value now are better things to be

Three women mention a new awareness of the world around

them as a change they attribute to motherhood. Two talk

about impact of, for instance, education and politics and

war on their child and family. A third woman more

altruistically said,

I definitely feel more worried and upset about childrenin the world I get very emotional about it I wouldreally like to do some volunteer work to help kids andalso to help mothers.

Finally, two women described almost a new personality or at

least new personality characteristics that have been a

result of motherhood.

It's just made me more tolerant and softer a part (ofme) that I didn't know too well got tapped into again.

and

I've become calmer and not so neurotic. I mean I still ambut not so much so. I've just become happier, sort offuller.

These women seem to feel changed as a person as a result of

motherhood.

96

The women in this sample seemed to be slightly

overwhelmed in responding to the question about the future.The comment "I just try to take it day by day" seems to

capture the sense that it was enough to be handling the

baby's infancy and looking ahead would be too daunting. Onlyone woman responded as if she had thought of this before.

toH^/''-?ru'^*^ ^ ^^^""^ ^^°^t the problems that go ontoday with kids and drugs and I get really scared.don t know how I'll deal with it if he geL into trouble.

Most of the other new mothers (7) described some process

which will be gradually unfolding in which they assume that

they will continue to develop as parents. For instance, "I

think I will continue to get better at making decisions" and

I think (motherhood) will continue to lob me some curveballs m a way that is both exciting but kind of nerveracking... I can imagine some nail biting times ahead.

This same mother also anticipates that "my confidence will

ebb and flow over the next twenty years." Several specific

changes were anticipated as well: change in career, more

involvement in the community and having more children.

The questions, "In thinking about this whole experience,

what has been the most difficult and most unexpected parts?"

elicited responses that were idiosyncratic and not reducible

to themes. The responses of the twelve women are summarized

as follows:

97

MOST DIFFICULT

Pregnancy

Planning day

Crying baby

Never "getting away"

Marital tension-housework

No time alone

Making correct decisions

Torn between work/home

Colic

Change in marital relationship

Body "tied down"

Change in marital relationship

MOST UNEXPECTED

Caesarian section

Colic

Self crying for no reason

Being "on" 24 hours a day

Medical difficulty after

birth

How much I love her

Baby crying. Always rushed

Wanting another so soon

So time consuming, anger

Baby real person

Everything going so well

So consuming

Finally, only two women responded with new material when

asked "What haven't I asked that seems important to help me

understand your experience as a new mother?" Both responses

related to the actual birth experience. One woman had

experienced others as lacking interest in her experience of

giving birth and was disappointed that the interview didn't

cover that topic. She felt that labor had been "important

and wonderful" and that she got very little recognition.

Another woman mentioned her home birth which had been a very

positive experience and a "great start".

98

Results of Inst:rnTn,^n^-.=

The participants completed the Multiple Affect AdjectiveChecklist-Revised, State Form (MAACL-R) and the "Pie" beforethe first interview. The MAACL-R provides T scores on

anxiety, depression and hostility which combine in a

composite dysphoria score. Positive affect and sensation

seeking T scores merge to a composite score referred to as

PASS. The sample T scores were compared with the mean of 50

in the T distribution. One participant in Group 3-2 was not

included in the group comparisons because she had unusually

high scores on the anxiety, depression and especially

hostility subscores, leading to a T of 96 in the dysphoria

composite. Because of the extremely small group size (5),

her inclusion would have exaggerated group differences.

The group mean on each subscale was compared to the

normative mean of 50 using a t test. The group means were

also compared to each other. The mean T scores by group and

the t test statistics are summarized below.

99

Table 7: MAACL-R Scores by Group

Group 3-2 Group 3-4 ComparisonTV • a.

T t T t t

n""i!!?... 1} •? 45 1.1 2^053 .6 .6

Depression 51 .2Hostility 45.5 .9

Seeking 63 2.6PASS 63 2.6

48 .45 .8.67 .8

Dysphoria 49.5 .1 47

PositiveAffect 59 .8 64 3.1 2.OSensation

54 .9 3.062 2.7 .3

.05 p>=3.1 .05 p>.=2.7 .05 p>=2 .

3

Three comparisons were significant at the .05 but not at

the .01 level. Group 3-4 was found to be significantly

higher than the mean in both positive affect and the

composite PASS score. Group 3-2 had a non-significant trend

toward being higher in sensation seeking resulting in each

group having a composite in positive affect and sensation

seeking (PASS) that was greater than a standard deviation

above the mean. Group 3-2 was significantly higher on the

sensation seeking scale than Group 3-4. There were no

significant results for either group on the Dysphoria

subscales or composite. In spite of the stresses of new

motherhood, these women are well above the average in

experiencing positive affect and feelings of vigor in their

lives

.

The responses to the "Pie" instrument were organized into

three categories, marriage/family, work and other

activities. In the first area of analysis, marriage and

100

family, it seemed that for some women the infant integratedinto the holistic concept of family while others

conceptualize it more as the addition of a relationship.Five women labeled a large portion of their "Pie" with a

generalized "family" which included their extended families.For these women, the whole category grew in importance withthe addition of their infant to their lives. The other sevenwomen in the sample drew separate wedges for their infants

and husbands. One woman combined the two so that the husband

shared his wedge with the baby postpartum. In a second case,

the "husband" wedge remained constant and a third doubled

the importance of her husband. The remaining four women

decreased the husband/marriage portion by a mean of 36

degrees

.

The second area of analysis was labeled variously job,

work or career and showed a precipitous drop in importance

across the two points in time. The overall mean importance

of work prior to pregnancy was 98 degrees (out of 360),

after birth it was 38.3 for the whole group and 44 for the

group, minus the three mothers who were not working outside

the home. It is interesting to note that the three women who

would identify as full time mothers still allotted some

importance for this area in their division. Even though they

do not currently need to allot time to paid employment, the

image of themselves as a worker is still a part of their

wedge, implying its importance to them.

101

The final area, other activities, has been partiallypresented in the previous section, themes which

differentiate. In addition, some of the findings regardingthe importance of other activities is included here. The

pattern from before to after motherhood was for a

diminishment of the importance of these independent

activities. Eight women allocated space in their wedge for

friendships. Only one woman completely dropped a category in

this section by not including "travel" in her postpartum

division. As the women squeezed the baby into the 360

degrees of their circle, an average of 34 degrees was

"borrowed" from friends and leisure activities.

Summary of Common and Descriptive Themes

The connnon themes which characterize at least eight (two-

thirds) of the women in this sample will be summarized

first. These themes may represent a more universal aspect of

the transition to motherhood or may reflect the uniform

Interpersonal (3) structure of these women using the Kegan

theory.

Most of the women in this sample (10) focused on their

infants and their own place in the world as the most

important aspects of motherhood. Some focused solely on

fostering the life and future of their child in a generative

sense while others were more attuned to their own pivotal

role in connecting the generations. Most of the new mothers

102

(8) had experienced a change in their relationship withtheir own mothers, although the nature of the change variedIncreased contact with their mothers also characterized thegroup. As a group, these women (10) felt that their

friendships with other parents were enhanced by becoming a

mother. And all but one mentioned that their husband

provided their primary emotional support as mothers.

In making decisions about work and family life, most of

the women experienced a low level of internal conflict and

were pleased with the balance they had achieved in their

lives. Most felt that their decisions were a matter of

personal choice rather than economic necessity.

The following descriptive themes characterize some of the

women in the group but do not differentiate among

developmental groups. They are summarized as follows.

In talking about feelings about their infants that had

surprised them, half of the group mentioned some negative

affect, primarily anger or frustration but also fear,

anxiety and loneliness. The other half of the group either

mentioned only positive feelings and the intensity of their

feelings (as mentioned under Themes Which Differentiate

Developmentally) or specifically denied experiencing any

difficult, negative feelings.

The pleasures of physically relating to and caring for

their infants were mentioned by over half (seven) of the

group in talking about what they liked about motherhood. A

103

smaller (five) group talked about their interest in theirwatching their child's development. Five women mentioneddisliking their lack of freedom, referring to the

restrictions as being "tied down".

In terms of their relationships, half of the group

mention tension with their husbands around sharing child

care. Most seem not displeased about their husbands role in

household labor. Five women mentioned having a greater level

of empathy with their own mothers' experiences as mothers.

This empathy enhanced the mother-daughter relationship. Five

women also mentioned their mothers as an important source of

support, one placed her mother ahead of her husband on this

dimension. Five women experienced some tensions in

relationships with friends who were not parents and five did

not experience friendships as a particularly central aspect

of their lives at this point.

The decision making process about the balance of work

and family life were characterized by the following core

themes: Like doing both (four); Working to guard against

"atrophy" (three); Surprising downward shift in career

importance (two); Full time motherhood a personal sacrifice

(two); Career and mother both very important -irreconcilable

(one). Four women experienced a high level of internal

conflict both in making work/family decisions and adjusting

to the lifestyle their decision created. Four women felt

104

their decision to work reflected their family's need fortheir income rather than strictly personal preference.

Six women felt changed in that the need to care for andput their babies needs first had helped them become moreresponsible. Five women felt a shift in goals and prioritiesaway from more individual pursuits to valuing relationships

and their families as primary. Two women described a calmer

personality that they felt had been generated by their

motherhood. Seven women also anticipated that motherhood

will continue to provide challenges in their futures. The

women in this group responded idiosyncratically on being

questioned about the most difficult and unexpected aspects

of motherhood. These responses cover all aspects of

motherhood- identity, relationships and integration into

life, as well as medical issues. Two mothers mentioned their

birth experience when asked a final open-ended question.

On the MAACL-R, the means on the composite dysphoria

score which combines the anxiety, depression and hostility

scales, were very near the population mean of 50. The

composite of positive affect and sensation seeking was a

standard deviation above the mean for the whole sample.

The general pattern on the "Pie" from prior to pregnancy

to after birth was for space to be "borrowed" from the other

wedges to make a space for the baby. This instrument, of

course, creates a metaphor and a graphic illustration of the

changes that happen in women's lives on becoming mothers-

105

fitting the baby in is not an easy taskl Wedges representingwork and friendships and the marital relationship were"borrowed" from in order to make room for the baby. Five

women used the more global concept of "family" which

included the maternal and marital relationship and the

extended family in some cases.

The Imperial (2) Balance

As mentioned above, one woman's developmental score did

not warrant her inclusion in either developmental group.

With a Kegan level of 2/3, the Imperial (2) structure was

dominant in her meaning making. However, she had a full

Interpersonal (3) structure in common with the other women

in the sample as well. Some sense of a more "selfish"

approach might be expected since her sense of self is

subject to getting her needs met more than in interpersonal

mutuality. In this section, I will describe her unique

results and then compare and contrast her responses with

the remainder of the sample. The data will be organized as

follows: 1) unique themes, 2) themes shared with Group 3-2,

3) themes shared with Group 3-4.

In talking about her identity, this woman repeatedly

describes her feeling of motherhood being a "natural"

response:

I never was afraid. Everything just came naturally. Whenpeople saw me carrying her around two weeks after she was

106

then V^^^TlJ^t ? I- II--en

When asked, "How do you feel about being a mother, she

focused on the rewards for her, "they keep you going" ratherthan the more baby oriented responses of the remainder of

the sample.

In terms of her relationships, this new mother described

her relationship with her husband quite differently than the

other women. She outlines a day chronologically in which she

and her husband alternate child care and other tasks and

said:

I can't say we do things together. I cook supper, hecomes down and eats. Then he takes her (baby) because Ineed a break and I do more housework again. So we don'tdo much together. Even when we go out it's like thehusbands and fathers are all in one section and themothers and babies are off in another section.

One gets the sense of parallel lives only nominally

connected by the shared child care. While she did speak

warmly and describe her child in a differentiated way, she

also says "I'm not one to be down on the floor playing with

a baby", showing little conscious concern for the process of

relating.

Finally, this woman uniquely answered the open ended

question, "In thinking about this whole experience, what has

been the most difficult and unexpected parts?" She found

pregnancy to be the most difficult and delivering by

107

Cesarian section as the most unexpected part. While the

remainder of the women in the sample focused on some aspectof their sense of self, relationship or integration of

motherhood into their lives (see page 89), she was rooted in

the physical, and more separate experience of pregnancy and

birth.

The common factor in these themes unique to this

participant is a concreteness in talking about experience.

She does not orient herself strongly to connection and

relationships but rather focuses on the tasks and scheduling

of child care. In describing her relationship with her

husband, she also focused on their coordination of

schedules. The open-ended questions elicited discussion of

pregnancy and child birth. She seems to find meaning in the

physical experience, in the doing. At the same time, she

answered other questions in a similar manner to the women in

the both developmental groups.

Her response to the question, "How does being a mother

affect the way you feel about yourself as a person?" was

similar to those of the women in Group 3-2 who talk about

adding "more" to their personalities. She said: "I feel

more satisfied. I feel more sure of myself. I feel more

tired. More active." She also did not mention being

surprised by the intensity of her feelings for the baby.

Also like the women in Group 3-2, she strongly emphasizes

her own housework priorities in talking about the impact of

108

the baby on her everyday life. The baby seems to be a task,albeit a pleasant one, to be fit into her and her husband'sschedules. She found being with the baby physically to bethe most rewarding aspect of motherhood, emphasizing the

baby's smile.

Her commonality with the women in Group 3-4 was apparent

in the following contexts. Her description of her baby is

quite differentiated and focuses on the baby's

characteristics

.

She's very good natured, always happy, veryflexible..... She likes change. I don't think she likes tobe immobile too often. By Monday, she's ready for daycare. She needs more action around her.

In describing herself as a mother, she, like the women in

Group 3-4, has a set of values about raising children with

which she measures herself as a mother.

I think I'm a good mother. I doubt that she wants foranything emotionally or physically ... I 'm not as cautiousas (others) feel I should be... I believe in letting her doher own thing. I figure she does have to learn from herown mistakes.

Finally, her responses paralleled a women in Group 3-4 by

mentioning independent activities as important both before

and after birth.

Table 8 summarizes the individual MAACL-R scores which

are consistent with the remainder of the sample.

109

Table 8: MAACL-R Scores of Individual 2/3

^ ° H Dys p. A. S.S PASS

45 47 46 44 55 67 61

On the "Pie", she maintained the same level of importance

for her independent activities and work both pre and

postpartum. In order to "make room" for the baby, she

"borrowed" from her work and relationships, most notably

diminishing the wedge representing her husband.

In sum, this woman with a developmental score of 2/3 had

some unique themes and ones that were common with the two

developmental groups. She was unique in the strength of her

focus on the concrete, physical experience. She shared with

the women in Group 3-4 an ability to describe both herself

as a mother and her baby's personality and the inclusion of

independent activities on the "Pie".

110

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115

CHAPTER 5

DISCUSSION

The results of this study confirm Kegan's constructive

developmental theory by illustrating the evolution through

the Interpersonal (3) balance. The structural change noted

by the movement from subject to object from physical

experience, through taking relationships as the source of

the sense of self, to the beginning of a self-authored

"theory", can be identified in these women's experience in

the transition to motherhood. This evolution is highlighted

in two broad areas, the coordination of perspectives and

identity and relationships, which will be discussed in this

section. Next, the importance of a constructive-

developmental perspective to understanding the transition to

motherhood will be discussed by relating constructive-

developmental theory to previous research and assessing its

ability to support, supplement or better explain the

findings

.

Evolution of the Interpersonal (3) Balance

One of the most important factors which shape the results

of this research project is that the women in this sample

are all at some point in the evolution through the

Interpersonal (3) meaning making structure. As such, they

know themselves through their relationships which are the

source of their identity. The "common" themes which

116

characterized the responses of most of the women in thissample stress the central role of relationships and

community. This focus on the relational network is

indicative of the Interpersonal (3) balance.

In discussing their transition to motherhood, most of thewomen in this sample mentioned the importance to them of

generativity and continuity, concepts which refer to a

network of relationships, essentially unbreakable, that

exist over time. In addition, they stressed their

relationships in response to most of the questions,

seemingly indicating that they are a significant context.

For these Interpersonal (3) women, pleasure in the

relational context of the "work" of motherhood seems to be

rewarding as a way to know themselves. Generally, it seems

that they see motherhood as enhancing their relationships

and their community. This common theme of the relational

context certainly sounds like the heart of an Interpersonal

(3) system of meaning making.

However, it is also important to note that other

theorists see a focus on and development through

relationships with others as a general characteristic of

women's development (e.g. Miller, 1984). Because of women's

consistent relational style, the common themes of this study

could also represent a more universal aspect of motherhood,

and womanhood, rather than the Interpersonal (3) balance. A

constructive-developmental argument in response would

117

concede that women may have a more inclusive style in

general but that they still evolve through the various

subject-object balances. As a result, the meaning that theymake of their relationships will vary with their

development. Relationships will consistently be important to

them, but they will place themselves in gradually less

embedded positions vis a vis other people.

The developmental variance within this sample is also a

supporting argument for the constructive-developmental point

of view. The fact that two groups can be clearly

distinguished given the common Interpersonal (3) structure

is strong evidence in support of the claim of constructive-

developmental theory that structural change can be tracked

in fairly specific detail. The data from this study shows

the shift in the source of meaning from the more concrete,

physical Imperial (2) through the beginnings of an

Institutional (4) theory of self.

The evolution through subject-object balances is most

clearly illustrated in this study by the transition from

Imperial (2) to Interpersonal (3). Women in this transition

reflect somewhat negatively on their pre-motherhood self and

use metaphors for change, such as "filling in gaps", which

seem to show them taking perspective on a former way of

making meaning. They seem to be aware of their developmental

movement away from self focus, characteristic of the

Imperial (2) position, and toward mutuality in

118

relationships, the hallmark of the Interpersonal (3)

position.

In constructive -developmental theory, such evolution

through developmental positions is hypothesized to occur

because of contradictions and confirmations that come from

the person's environment. The interpersonal context is an

important "culture" that facilitates movement. The baby's

neediness and dependency could be a "culture" that

contradicts an Imperial (2) structure of self interest and

allows an Interpersonal (3) structure to evolve. From the

perspective of a "new" Interpersonal (3) structure, the

former way of making meaning would be seen as lacking. These

women do seem to be reveling in their capacity to derive a

sense of self in relationship. As one happily declared,

"Nothing is for me, everything is for him (baby)."

Taking Perspective

The transition from the Imperial (2) to the Interpersonal

(3) balance is partially distinguished by the content on

which one can take perspective. Because someone in the

Imperial (2) balance is subject to their own needs and

wishes, they are, in a sense, blind to those same needs and

wishes. Development toward the Interpersonal (3) allows

needs and wishes to be seen so that not getting my way is no

longer a threat to self. However, others are now the source

of identity, making it impossible to take perspective on

119

relationships in the "pure" Interpersonal (3) position. Onlymovement toward the self authorship of the Institutional (4)

allows one to "see" their relationships.

This developmental progression is illustrated by the

following either/or theme noted in the women who combine the

Imperial (2) with the Interpersonal (3) when they talk about

their use of time. Either the "selfish" Imperial (2)

priorities came to the fore and the child's needs were

subordinated to their own OR their own needs are not

expressed in a manner characteristic of the Interpersonal

(3) and the child's needs were ultimate. It is important to

note that the "selfishness" referred to here is not

reprehensible neglect of their child but a commitment to a

housekeeping schedule and standards! This combination of

selfishness and interpersonal embeddedness was also

illustrated by their description of their babies that

focused on the mother's pleasure in the relationship. While

attuned to the interpersonal pleasure of the symbiotic

relationship with their infant, they are still Imperial (2)

enough that they mainly focus on how the relationship

enhances their lives.

In contrast, the women who combine the Interpersonal (3)

with the Institutional (4) had the capacity to not only

hold two perspectives but to think about two sets of needs

simultaneously. Their term "balance" describes a beginning

Institutional (4) ability to not have their awareness of

120

their baby's needs block their awareness of their own needsThey could internally negotiate these perspectives

.

Identity and Relationships

In constructive-developmental theory, identity and

relationships are closely linked, especially in the various

combinations within the Interpersonal (3) balance.

Relationships with others are object only with the

emergence of the Institutional (4) balance. Prior to that,

in the Interpersonal (3) balance, one is subject to one's

relationships and therefore they are the identity. This

continuum in which identity gradually becomes linked to and

than unlinked from other people is illustrated by the

results of this study.

Women who combine the Imperial (2) with the Interpersonal

(3) had difficulty describing themselves as mothers

seemingly because mothering is their identity. They do not

seem to have a "space" between themselves and their

mothering role in which to ask the question, "What kind of

mother am I?", an example of Interpersonal (3) embeddedness

At the same time, the stereotyped self descriptions they

give as mothers seem to indicate that they "know" how to be

a mother because their society tells them, an Imperial (2)

role orientation. This role would be rewarding to their

Imperial (2) structure by engendering a sense of competence

and to their Interpersonal (3) structure due to the

121

interpersonal approval that comes with fulfilling a

significant social role. A role orientation is also evidentin their relationships with their husbands. They seem to

operate on assumptions about marital relations that are not

necessarily based on traditional sex roles but are probably

generated in relational contexts, such as their perceptions

of their husbands preferences, their own families or their

social groups.

These women also tend to stress the physical experience

of relating to their babies. For these women, the meaning is

in the doing. Asking them to talk about their experience

does not represent their strengths which might be more

apparent in a observation of them with their babies. The

actual physical holding and caring is at the core for these

women, marrying their Imperial (2) residuals of concreteness

and concern for competence with their Interpersonal (3)

reveling in relationship.

In contrast, women who combine the Interpersonal (3)

with the Institutional (4) discussed themselves and their

relationships with other people in a more distant,

analytical manner because other ' s reactions to them are no

longer the sole source of their identity. For instance they

describe their baby's unique personalities and enjoy

watching their baby's development. "Watching" implies a

distance and an awareness of the baby as a separate

individual. They talk about dynamics of their families

122

analytically and acknowledge their role in partially shapingthe father-child relationship. These examples illustrate thepossession of a self that stands outside the relational

context and can therefore reflect on their relationships.

Evidence that their sense of self is beginning to move

away from being solely generated in relationships toward

self authorship also exists in the way they conceptualize

their changes in the transition to motherhood. They describe

a transformation of self, a new core identity as a mother.

Because they hold their identity "inside", rather than

solely finding it reflected back from the interpersonal

context, they can risk the discontinuity of transformation.

Paradoxically, they also seem to have a greater sense of

continuity across the transition to motherhood, reporting

consistent independent activities both pre and postpartum on

the "Pie". Because they are "in charge" of their identity,

the self is both more malleable and more continuous than for

those whose identity is generated in their relationships.

Further evidence of this self authorship can be seen in

their self descriptions as a mother. They articulate

standards for a "good mother" and then compare their

performance to those standards.

Finally, their "surprise" at the intensity of their

feelings for their babies seems to be reflecting their

experience of their emotions as something they have rather

than something that happens to them. Because maternal

123

emotions are impossible to anticipate, the intensity of

feeling is somewhat of a threat to this self system andtherefore surprising to them.

The differentiating responses in the areas of taking

perspective and identity and relationships confirm the

constructive-developmental progression of constructive-

developmental theory. The impact of Imperial (2) and

Institutional (4) balance in combination with the

Interpersonal (3) on the experience of the transition to

motherhood are illustrated. In sum, these themes which

differentiate the two groups confirm the form of

constructive-developmental theory by illustrating the

evolution of meaning making that occurs in the transition to

motherhood. The way that subject-object differences shape

the manner in which different perspectives are coordinated

and one's identity and relationships can be seen in this

data about the transition to motherhood, confirming some of

the content of the theory as well. The fact that themes were

differentially expressed by these two groups, who shared

many demographic features and a common Interpersonal (3)

structure, is a powerful support for the concepts of

constructive-developmental theory

.

Understanding Women as Mothers

The primary contributions of this research to the

understanding of women's experience in the transition to

124

motherhood, described as follows, illustrates how the

experience of the transition to motherhood is shaped by thedevelopmental structures included in this study. This

description of some meaningful dimensions on which women as

mothers can vary can enrich our understanding of this

transition.

The women who combine an Imperial (2) with an

Interpersonal (3) structure are characterized by the

following experiences in the transition to motherhood. The

Imperial (2) flavors their transition to motherhood in their

pleasure with the concrete, the tasks of physically caring

for their baby. Hints of their transition to a fuller

Interpersonal (3) structure exist in their pleased

reflecting on their development beyond self interest. Their

Interpersonal (3) knowing the self through relationships is

demonstrated in their difficulty with reflecting on

themselves and their relationships with their husbands.

Focusing on the pleasure of their relationship with their

baby, rather than describing their babies as a separate

person is another example of Interpersonal (3) embeddedness

.

The experience of the women for whom the Interpersonal

(3) is combined with the Institutional (4) is summarized as

follows. The addition of an Institutional (4) structure to

the general Interpersonal (3) themes seems to allow these

women to talk more complex ways about themselves, their

relationships and their babies because they have a self that

125

can stand outside relational contexts and observe. They candescribe themselves as mothers in relation to a self

authored set of values. They have independent activities andcan internally negotiate the use of time in a way that

honors their own needs and desires. Their sense of self is

generated by themselves rather than solely in relational

contexts, so that they can conceptualize motherhood as a

transformation, a new self.

Connection s with Motherhood Research

Differences in constructive-developmental levels seems to

account for some, but not all, of the variation among women

as mothers which has been noted in previous research. The

expression of anger, self-esteem and motherhood and

employment are discussed here using constructive-

developmental theory and other constructs from the

motherhood literature.

Anger

One area of expected developmental differences that was

not clearly demonstrated in this study was the expression of

anger. Researchers on the transition to motherhood have

emphasized that acknowledging and managing difficult "old"

feelings are an important part of the transition. Women who

do not talk about them are seen as "denying" these difficult

emotions (Grossman et al, 1980), implying that they are a

126

universal part of the experience of motherhood. Walter

(1986) reports that the younger mothers in her study wereless likely to "admit" to such feelings.

An alternate explanation for not talking about anger andother negative emotions can be found in constructive-

developmental theory. Kegan (1984) states that anger can be

a threat to the sense of self for a person in the

Interpersonal (3) developmental position because anger is

perceived as a threat to relationship. As a result, anger

may not even be felt because the sense of self in so

involved in relationships and other people's reactions.

Being in the Interpersonal (3) balance might lead one to be

the "denier" mentioned in Grossman et al (1980).

In this study, about half the women mentioned negative

feelings. They talked about being angry or very frustrated

or feeling restricted and "tied down". The other half either

mentioned only positive feelings or specifically mentioned

not having negative feelings. This breakdown doesn't

correlate in a meaningful way with developmental levels.

Some women in both groups talked about their anger and

negative feelings toward their babies. The constructive-

developmental perspective on anger in the Interpersonal (3)

balance does not seem to be useful in understanding the

experience of regressive feelings in the transition to

motherhood.

127

However, an alternative constructive-developmental

explanation may have some utility. The ability to discussanger and other negative feelings may be related to the

importance of shared, social contexts to people in the

Interpersonal (3) balance. The woman in this study, when

mentioning negative feelings, "normalized" them in some way

They had expected to experience such feelings or had been

told that they were a natural part of the experience of

motherhood. The social context that endorsed these feelings

as normal and expected may have been an integral part of

allowing these feelings to be felt or expressed. Social

endorsement for feeling and expressing these more difficult

emotions may be the moderator that allows the expression of

anger in these women.

Self-Esteem

The results of research on the impact of becoming a

mother on women's self-esteem have been contradictory. A

general pattern of younger women being more positively

impacted than older new mothers has been reported (Walter,

1986; Mercer, 1986). If one thinks about the self

descriptions of women in this research study, some possible

parallels emerge. The women who combine the Imperial (2)

with the Interpersonal (3) generally talked about being

"more", used more stereotyped words and expressed a sense

of having their "gaps" filled. Given the general

128

relationship between constructive-developmental level andage, it is possible that these kinds of reflections are

characteristic of the younger mothers who completed the

self-esteem inventories in other studies. Their general

sense of having been enhanced by the experience of

motherhood may indeed be reflected in their responses on

instruments that measure feelings about the self.

The higher developmental grouping in this study talked

about themselves and their changes in more complex ways,

stressing their transformation and self-authored values

about motherhood. It is quite possible that when these women

complete a self-esteem inventory, the results sound less

"good" because more complexity is allowed in. One could

speculate that this developmental position is more common

among "older" mothers in previous studies. When self-esteem

is defined and measured as positive feelings about the self,

lower developmental structures may come out "better".

Motherhood and Employment

Conflict between work outside the home and family did not

show differences that can be clearly attributed to

developmental variation in this study. Previous research has

cited employed mothers' sense of loss at missing time with

their babies (Daniels and Weingarten, 1985) and a

restructuring of their priorities (Comart, 1983). This study

supports this finding in that these issues were mentioned by

129

several women, however, not in a pattern which

differentiated developmentally

.

The results of Willard (1988) which stressed the

importance of the women's considering her own needs in

making these decisions seemed to suggest potential

developmental differences in the ability to do so. It seems

plausible that women with an Interpersonal (3) structure

would have more difficulty considering her own needs and

therefore have more difficulty in managing decisions about

family and paid employment. For instance, the needs of the

baby, the mother's desires to be with the baby, an

employer's need for time commitment and the mother's need

for continued achievement in a job or career could all

generate internal conflict. However, the majority of the

women in this study did not mention experiencing internal

conflict in this situation and were pleased with the balance

between motherhood and other aspects of their lives.

In contrast to the pleased majority of women in this

study, a significant minority (4 women) experienced a high

level of conflict regarding their decisions about work and

employment. This conflict is not associated with their

developmental group (two are in Group 3-2 and two are in

Group 3-4), their employment status (two are full-time

homemakers, one each work part and full-time) or their

educational levels, ruling out a developmental or lifestyle

explanation for their distress. Why did these women have

130

such a difficult time while their cohorts were able to

resolve these dilemmas more happily?

The construct Maternal Separation Anxiety (MSA) (McBride

& Belsky,1988) is partially defined by the woman's belief

about child development, specifically the baby's need for

it's mother. These beliefs are an important underlying

factor in understanding the women who experience conflict in

the transition to motherhood. This concept seems descriptive

of the four high conflict women in this study. The two full

time homemakers are acting on a personal conviction that it

is important for them to be with their babies, a belief

shared by the two high conflict employed mothers. The loss

of income, social contact and status seems to generate

difficulty for these full time homemakers even though they

are acting on their beliefs. Conversely, the high conflict

employed mothers seemed to experience guilt because of not

acting in congruence with their beliefs.

In previous studies, incongruence between women's

preferences for working or not working outside the home and

their actual behavior have been studied (Hock and DeMeis,

1990). In the current study the two high conflict employed

women, in particular, seemed to experience this lack of

congruence because they would prefer to be at home full-

time, but continue to work for financial reasons. Although

maternal depression was not reported to correlate with this

particular pattern of incongruence, the high conflict women

131

in this study differ from the low conflict women who "have-to work in that they seem less convinced of the financial

necessity and therefore have less of a rationale for their

behavior, which is inconsistent with their preferences.

Since beliefs about the impact of maternal employment on

child development are generated in social contexts, a

developmental implication of this analysis would stress the

importance of social, even ideological support for the life

decisions women make. The two full-time homemakers seem to

be having the most difficult time finding the social support

for their lifestyle decision.

Implications

The findings of this study have implications for

practical applications for those interested in mothers and

for the development of constructive-developmental theory.

Practice

First of all, the analysis of these interviews

demonstrates that the capacity to reflect on and communicate

about experiences reflects developmental differences. While

professionals helping women make the transition to

motherhood may enjoy working with women who can talk about

their experiences in rich, reflective ways, it is important

that they understand the differing structure of women who do

not have the perspective to be reflective and analytical.

132

The core of the experiences for these women is in the

"doing". In describing the actual, concrete caretaking

tasks, these women are sharing their experience of

motherhood. This attaching meaning to doing is

characteristic of the women who combine Imperial (2) and

Interpersonal (3) structures.

The finding about the prevalence of Imperial (2) meaning

making also lends a cautionary note to making assumptions

about people's functional capacities based on their ability

to talk analytically about their lives. To the extent that

professionals, especially counselors and therapists, value

that ability and have no other source of information about a

person other than a self report, they are in danger of not

understanding the construction of meaning in some people's

lives. In this study, the mothers in Group 3-2 expressed

their connection to their babies more in the concrete doing

than in the more abstract talking about what they were

feeling or thinking. One stands in danger of unfairly

underestimating their capacities if one misses that point.

Health professionals who provide education and concrete

assistance with the mastery of tasks in the transition to

motherhood are probably more adept at meeting the needs of

women with Imperial (2) structures. They could enrich their

programs by making sure they also make explicit the value of

"just" spending time with and stimulating their children,

insight that these women might not come to on their own.

133

Counselors and therapists, on the other hand, are probablybest at meeting the needs of new mothers who are more

reflective since that capacity "fits" the therapy situation.

It is important for these professionals to recognize the

limits of, and/or modify their interventions with women at a

more concrete developmental level.

The task of motherhood would seem to be optimally

engaging to someone at the Interpersonal (3) level of

development. The Interpersonal (3) self's ability to be

actually generated in relationship seems particularly well

suited to the demands of symbiosis with an infant. Although

the purpose of this study was not to assess these women's

performance as mothers, all seemed to be empathic to their

children's experiences. A limitation of motherhood before

the Interpersonal (3) is hinted at by the one women in this

study for whom the Imperial (2) meaning making structure

dominated. Although seemingly a good caretaker, she seemed

to devalue emotional relating. The capacity to empathize

with a child, to have some Interpersonal (3) capacity, may

become increasing important as children age and physical

caring is no longer the primary mode of "paying attention".

While pleasure in completing concrete tasks has its

functions in this life role, it probably has its limitations

as well.

The social context was important to these women as source

of support. The "normalizing" of difficult aspects of the

134

transition seems to be especially crucial in giving womenpermission to feel and talk about their emotions.

Similarly, beliefs about child development seem important to

women's comfort with their decisions about paid employment.

Providing support and endorsement for women who choose to

work outside the home without undermining the confidence and

lifestyle choices of those who choose not to seems to be a

particular challenge to professionals in this field.

Finally, the work and research of those who focus on

infant development can be enriched by an understanding of

the findings of this research. A differentiation of women

who are mothers by constructive-developmental balance would

enrich the understanding of the interaction between mothers

and their infants. Including a focus on mothers as

multidimensional people will also help clarify family

systems studies of this transition.

Theory

The high incidence of Imperial (2) structures in well

functioning adults is an unexpected and significant aspect

of the findings of this research. Although no age norms are

delineated for movement through constructive-developmental

positions, the Imperial (2) to Interpersonal (3) transition

is consistently presented as an adolescent phenomenon by

Kegan (1982), who implies limited capacities of adults in

the Imperial (2) balance. Lack of mutuality is hypothesized

135

to make adult life and responsibility problematic for theseadults

.

Assessment and judgments about these women as mothers wasnot a goal of this study. However, the half of the sample

who had an Imperial (2) structure were indistinguishable in

their functioning as adults in society from the six women

who were in the Interpersonal( 3 ) to Institutional (4)

range, the developmental structure which would be more

expected. All had stable marriages, current or past

responsible jobs or careers and no obvious dysfunction.

Perhaps the combination with an Interpersonal (3) structure

provides the developmental capacity which allows the women

in this study to function fully as adults. A major

contribution of this research to constructive-

developmental theory is an elucidation and description of

the strengths of the Interpersonal ( 3) -Imperial (2)

combination.

The non-urban nature of this sample is the primary

variable on which these women may differ from the group on

which Kegan developed his theory. The unexpected

developmental distribution of the women in this sample

argues for geographic diversity in samples as constructive-

developmental theory is further elaborated and applied in

research.

The Interpersonal (3) position in constructive-

developmental theory has served as a useful framev/ork to

136

represent women's experience in the transition to

motherhood. In discussing the woman's development in the

context of constructive-developmental theory, Kegan (1982)

reports that women's focus on relationships and inclusion

results in them getting to the Interpersonal (3) position

earlier in adolescence and spending longer periods of time

there than men. He points out that

The interpersonalist balance .. .with its orientation tonurturance, affiliation and the organization of the selfaround the expectations of others, conforms to thetraditional stereotype of femininity.

"Good" mothers would certainly seem to be similarly

defined, leading to the caution that motherhood might serve

to "hold" woman at the Interpersonal (3).

Although without longitudinal data it isn't possible to

trace the evolutionary steps of these women through

developmental positions, there does seem to be some evidence

in this study that motherhood may have fostered and promoted

the development of an Interpersonal (3) structure for women

in Group 3-2. For example, their reflections on the changes

in their sense of self, feeling "more" responsible and

complete, can be interpreted as a "new" Interpersonal (3)

perspective on the Imperial (2) position. This study does

not provide strong evidence for the role of motherhood as a

challenge to an Interpersonal (3) structure fostering

movement toward the Institutional (4). Although the women in

Group 3-4 bring some Institutional (4) abilities to bear on

137

the challenges of motherhood, "balancing" needs for

instance, they do not reflect back on the Interpersonal (3)

as an former way of doing things. Research focusing on the

experiences of mothers with an Institutional (4) structure

would better elucidate the relationship between motherhood

and self-authorship.

Generalizability of the results of this study is limited

from a developmental perspective because of the restricted

developmental range. Because the women spanned only seven

(2/3, 3/2, 3(2), 3, 3(4), 3/4 and 4/3) of the twenty-one

possible developmental positions, this research in a sense

•specializes" in the Interpersonal (3) transitions. The

experience in the transition to motherhood of women with

Imperial (2) and Institutional (4) structures is only

addressed as these structures combine with the

Interpersonal (3). On the other hand, the fact that

developmental differences emerge, even within this

restricted range, add validity to the idea that the

evolution of developmental structures can be closely mapped

Indeed, not only does this research say that the mapping of

evolution is possible, but it also suggests that an

understanding of the combinations of structures contribute

meaningfully to the description of these women's experience

Another useful question to address would seem to be, "How

was constructive-developmental theory NOT useful in

understanding the experience of women in the transition to

138

motherhood?" Since the theory addresses the level of

psychological structure, some content areas were not

usefully addressed by this research. For instance,

constructs from other research studies were more useful in

understanding the experience of conflict between motherhood

and employment, than was the constructive-developmental

concept of being pulled by various shared contexts in the

Interpersonal (3) balance. Another question for the

development of this theory emerges from the lack of support

for the notion that women in the Interpersonal (3) balance

have difficulty feeling angry. The importance of social

endorsement of feelings, another point supported by these

interviews, may be the mediator that allows the feeling of

or just the expression of these feelings. The socially

provided information that such difficult feelings are a

normal part of the transition to motherhood seemed crucial

to the expression of these feelings for these women. Whether

this social permission was instrumental in allowing these

feelings to be felt or just expressed cannot be clarified by

this data. The question of whether women who report no anger

or negative feelings in the transition to motherhood are

denying these feelings or really just immune to them remains

open.

139

Further Research

This research project suggests further study is

necessary, both to extend the application of the

constructive-developmental paradigm to the transition to

motherhood and to advance the evolution and integration of

developmental theory. Studies in the first category would

address the limitations in scope of this study. The second

category suggests exploration of issues concerning the

relationship of gender differences and models of stage

development

.

One of the limitations in the scope of this study was the

restricted developmental range. An attempt was made in the

research design to extend the developmental range by

recruiting some women with higher educational credentials.

This strategy was not fruitful in the goal of adding women

who were not at some point in the evolution through the

Interpersonal (3) balance. However, the sample did vary in

the unexpected direction of the Imperial (2) balance. An

extension of the age range upward might be a corrective

strategy which would expand the range of developmental

variability. From the experience with this sample, it seems

that either a wider age range or larger sample would be

necessary to get more developmental variance,

A study which included a clearer contrast group of new

mothers at higher and lower developmental levels would help

illuminate how constructive-developmental level shapes the

140

experience in the transition to motherhood. Although

variance can be seen across the Interpersonal (3)

transitions, it is not possible to determine what is a

universal feature and what is unique to the Interpersonal

(3) balance. The inclusion of women with a more "pure"

Institutional (4) structure would allow one to assess the

impact of a change of this magnitude on women who had

already established a firm "theory" of self. Similarly, the

inclusion of younger women and those at the Imperial (2)

position would answer questions about the impact of a lack

of Interpersonal (3) capacity on the experience of

motherhood.

Additions to a similar study could be to include women

from a wider geographic area, varied social class and

cultural groups as well as single parents. Since any of

these demographic factors could have a strong impact on the

experience of the transition to motherhood, a more diverse

group would allow a fuller understanding of this important

transition in women's lives.

From the perspective of theory development, a second area

that would be useful to address further is the

applicability of constructive-developmental theory to

understanding women's lives. While its usefulness in

understanding the transition to motherhood certainly argues

for its utility with women, questions around the issue of

gender as style and gender differences in developmental

141

trajectories have not been addressed here. In order to

address these question, developmental instruments such as

Gilligan's gender-sensitive categorization of care and

justice orientations (Lyons, 1983) and the Subject-Object

interview could be given to a larger sample of women. The

scores in both systems could be cross-referenced to address

questions about the relationship between "caring" and

"justice" orientations and constructive-developmental

balance. With this data one could begin to separate gender

and developmental differences and answer questions such as:

Do men and women have different developmental trajectories

or just different life experiences which lead to different

rates of development? Are gender differences reflective of

stylistic variation or are they attributable to stage

differences?

142

APPENDIX A

CONTENT INTERVIEW PROTOCOLThe purpose of this interview is to talk about what theexperience of becoming a mother has been like for you. I am

th?rexpe?ienc:y''''^ ^""^ "^^^^^^ ^ a^esult of

IDENTITY*How does being a mother affect the way you feel aboutyourself as a person?What reactions/feelings about your baby have surprised youon becoming a mother?*What is important to you about being a mother?*How do you feel about being a mother? (Probe: What do youespecially like/dislike about being a mother?)*How does being a mother affect the things you do in youreveryday life?

How would you describe yourself as a mother?

RELATIONSHIPSHas your relationship with your husband changed since the

birth? How?Has your relationship with your mother changed since the

birth? How?What changes have you noticed in your friendships since the

birth?Who provides the most support for you as a mother?Tell me about your baby.

INTEGRATION INTO LIFE STRUCTUREWhat did you consider in making the decision about

working/not working outside the home?What have been the costs and benefits of your decision to

you?

OPEN ENDEDHow do you think you've changed as a result of becoming amother? (Probe: How do you think motherhood will changeyou in the future?)

In thinking about this whole experience...What has been the most difficult part?What has been the most rewarding part?What has been the most unexpected part?What haven ' t I asked that seems important to help meunderstand your experience as a new mother?

*(From Whitbourne, 1986)

143

APPENDIX B

INSTRUMENTS

Background Information

Your age: Baby's Age: Father's Age

Sex of baby: female male

What is your highest educational level?

What is the father's highest educational level:

What is the father's occupation?

How

Do you currently work outside the home?

If yes, how many hours per week do you work?

old was your baby when you went back to work?

What is your occupation?

If no, do you have plans to work outside the home?

When? What was your occupation prior

to the birth?

How many occasions per month do you spend non-working time

away from your baby?

How many occasions per month do you and your partner spend

time alone without the baby?

What are/were your parent's occupations? Mother

Father

144

The Pie

Here is a drawing of a circle. Please divide this circle

into sections as if it were a pie, with one section for each

area of your life that is important to you now. Draw the

size of each section according to how important the area is

to you. The largest section should be the area that is most

important to you, the second largest that which is second

most important to you, and so on. if all areas of your life

are of equal importance to you, make all the sections equal.

Label each section after you have drawn it in.

Next, I want you to repeat this drawing with a new circle,

this time dividing the circle into areas as you think you

would have before your pregnancy.

145

APPENDIX CCONSENT FORM

l"^^

tl'^'^l °^ meaning and experience of the transitionto motherhood:

Participant's Name:

clauthorize Ellen Doyle of Division IV, School ofEducation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst to gatherinformation from me on the topic of motherhood. I have

freely and voluntarily agreed to participate in thisdissertation study with no coercion, psychological orotherwise, used to elicit my cooperation. Myparticipation will involve taking part in two interviewswhich will focus on the research topic.

2. I understand that there is minimal psychological riskinvolved in this work. I understand that I am free torefuse to discuss any matters that cause me discomfort orthat I experience as an unwanted invasion of my privacy.

3.

I understand that I may terminate my participation inthis study at any time.

4. I understand that confidentiality will be maintained,that information I convey will not be shared with anyone,including members of my family. I understand that the taperecordings will be heard only by the researcher and atranscriber who will only hear first names. Allidentifying information will be deleted from thetranscripts and they will be seen only by the researcher,her Dissertation committee and colleagues who will servesecond readers. I understand further that the tapes willbe destroyed and the transcripts retained. My name andaddress will be coded and maintained by the researcher ona list to which only she will have access.

5. I have been advised that I can request a copy of thetranscript of my interview as well as final results ofthe study and my comments will be welcome.

6. The procedure and investigation listed above have beenexplained to me by Ellen Doyle.

Participant's Signature Date

146

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