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PERCEPŢIA PRE-ADOLESCENTULUI ASUPRA DIVERSITĂŢII ETNICE. O CERCETARE EMPIRICĂ ÎN ITALIA

THE PRE-ADOLESCENT’S PERCEPTION OF ETHNIC DIVERSITY. AN EMPIRICAL RESEARCH IN ITALY

MARRA Claudio

University of Salerno

Multe studii arată că pre-adolescenţa deţine o importanţă semnificativă în crearea şi stabilizarea atitudinilor faţă de diversitatea etnică. În această lucrare, sugerând, de asemenea, conceptul de atitudini etnice, voi ilustra mai întâi rezultatele unui sondaj administrat în 2001 unor 431 de pre-adolescenţi de la două şcoli mari de juniori din Modena (Italia). Un rezultat important al studiului se referă la criteriile adoptate de către respondenţi pentru a defini diversitatea etnică. În funcţie de contextul relaţional considerat (drum sau şcoală) de fapt, unele trăsături, cum ar fi culoarea pielii, primesc o altă reliefare. Într-un mod mai general, sondajul arată că respondenţii percep diversitatea prin intermediul sentimentului lor de afiliere la grup şi prin intermediul stereotipurilor etnice celor mai comune. Un rol important în acest proces este asumat de strategiile pe care ei le elaborează pentru a face faţă sarcinilor de dezvoltare, ce pregătesc intrarea lor viitoare în maturitate, în special sarcinile legate de deschiderea lor către societatea lărgită, precum şi sarcinile de diferenţiere de gen legate de tranziţia pubertăţii. În mod specific, observăm diferenţele de gen cu privire la diversitate. În cele din urmă, voi trece în revistă rezultatele cercetării, în contextul situaţiei actuale a oraşului Modena, caracterizat în prezent de o aşezare permanentă a imigranților, exploatând de asemenea şi rezultatele cercetării în curs, privind relaţiile etnice şi propunând câteva ipoteze de cercetare ulterioare.

Many studies show that preadolescence takes on a significant prominence in the making and

stabilization of attitudes towards the ethnic diversity. In this paper, suggesting also the concept of ethnic attitudes, I’ll illustrate first the results of a survey administered in 2001 to 431 preadolescents from two junior high schools in Modena, (Italy). An important outcome of the survey concerns the criteria adopted by the respondents order to define the ethnic diversity. Depending on the relational context referred to (road or school) in fact, some characters, such as the colour of skin, take on a different salience. More generally the survey shows that the respondents perceive diversity trough their sense of group affiliation and trough the ethnic stereotypes the most common in it. A significant role assume in this process the strategies they elaborate to cope with the development tasks preparing their future entry to adulthood, in particular the tasks related to their opening to the wider society and the gender differentiation tasks linked to the pubertal transition. Specifically, we notice gender differences towards the diversity. Finally, I’ll revisit the results of research in the context of the present situation of the city of Modena, characterized now by a permanent settlement of migrants, exploiting also the results of on-going research on ethnic relations, and proposing a few further research hypotheses.

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Introduction Studies on prejudice indicated that in order to understand the interaction between individuals

belonging to different social groups we need to analyze how these individuals perceive the differences between people and attribute them values (1) (6).

Subsequently, the European social psychology, through the “social identity theory”, analyzed the role of belonging in psychological processes (19). This theoretical strand in particular highlighted two theoretical processes anchoring the identity of the individual to the group. The first concerns the need by the individual to provide a positive image of himself to others. The second relates to the corresponding need to differentiate himself from others, which arises from the ingroup/outgroup comparison.

The latter is a need that find his own fulfillment in the perception of a positive image inside the group membership.

Within this approach the concept of stereotype has been reproposed and the forms of the socially shared attribution of certain characteristics to members of a particular group or social category have been highlighted.

The social influence on these social knowledges has been shown by identifying the perceptual salience as the basis of the categorization process. The greater attention that some individuals show towards certain characters, such as the skin color, is to be related to the emotional resonance resulting from the value (both positive and negative) that the social environment attaches to that character (18) (19).

From these theoretical premises results the concept of “ethnic attitude” that I propose in this article. The concept is defined as a cluster of three components: (i) knowledge, (ii) affective and emotional responses, (iii) trends towards action as well as the delivering of an evaluative judgment against an individual. This judgment takes place after the ego has perceived the alter as a member of a particular group defined, within the social context in which the individual is immersed, in terms of racial, religious, national or linguistic-cultural attributes.

The classical studies of the psychology of development had already shown the importance of social evaluations in the perception of differences among people. In particular, Piaget and Weil (16) observed in children of very early age, assessments on individuals belonging to certain ethnic and national groups or categories. Therefore, these processes are occurring even in the absence of cognitive resources allowing the child to place these categories in a more abstract and requiring a “part / whole” awareness context.

In more recent years, two important elements emerge from the detailed discussion by Brown (6) of extensive research in different national contexts on prejudice as an attitude of negative orientation towards diversity. The first element relates to the fact that prejudice develops through a dynamic process in which children, like adults, on the basis of their scarce cognitive resources try to learn on their own, assess and control the social world around them. The second one refers instead to the many results that show the occurrence in childhood of the evaluative orientation expressed in terms of in-group versus out-group. These assessments include, on one hand, the tendency to identify differences among social groups and, secondly, the preference for the primary reference groups and i positions adverse to the out-group.

If we start from these theoretical premises, the central question concerns the more general processes (psychological and social) that explain the spread of forms of social preconceived cognition as a stereotypes. To some scholars such as Tajfel and Forgas (20) it seemed plausible that the social classifications, in terms of gender, age, race, ethnicity, social class etc.., contribute forming the attitudes of individuals. Even in the processes of socialization categorizations are a necessary tool to simplify and bring order to the surrounding reality. Moreover numerous scholars observed in children an early sensitivity to perceive, from their social environment, emotional

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resonances associated with these cognitive activities and expressed in socially shared values. And it is just in the interaction between these emotional resonances and cognitive processes that have been observed the procedures of compliance by subjects in the developmental age, to cognitive forms based on stereotypes, especially those involving evaluative orientations expressed in terms of in-group versus out-group (6). Many studies conducted in Western societies, suggest pre-adolescent age (ranging from 9-10 to 13-14 years) as being particularly significant for the formation and structuring of attitudes. In this process a key role is played by strategies to cope with developmental tasks typical of this age group (17).

The importance of the social environment for the analysis of the processes so far described highlight also another aspect. Some researchers have emphasized that in the cognitive processes of categorization increase the anchors to the ethnic group (or to 'race', as a "physical" and immediately perceptible dimension to the latter) with the increase of heterogeneity of groups within a given society (14).

In this paper I’ll present the results of a survey conducted on a sample of preadolescents from an Italian city (Modena) at the time when the city was characterized by the early stages of immigration that affected the country.

Finally, I’ll review the results of the survey in light of the current situation, characterized by an immigration now firmly established and of the results of the latest research on race relations, identifying also further research pathways.

Methods The research presented here explores:

the issues which become perceptually salient in order to define differences among people both in ‘general’, i.e. apart from their categorial membership, and in a more specific sense, moving from people affiliations to groups ethnically and / or culturally different from their own;

the (positive / negative) “positions” that the subjects take through their own attitudes towards these groups or toward immigration; the attitudes towards the diversity i.e. the ‘immigrant’;

the social stereotypes (i.e, the socially shared/common stereotypes) that may be referable to the ethnic attitudes of preadolescents, and, more particularly, the degree of commitment they show about;

the impact of gender on these items. Taking account of the fact that the cognitive abilities of pre-teens do not always have

reached the threshold of formal thought, I constructed a mainly closed ended questionnaire, with a few open ended questions, best suited to discover some of the categorical criteria adopted by preadolescents. I planned also a face to face questionnaire administration to subjects belonging to each chosen class of the school. The questionnaire was divided into the different thematic areas outlined first.

The sample of the research, conducted in 2000, consists of 431 pre-adolescents (then approximately 11% of the total population of pupils attending junior high school in the municipal district of Modena. In the Modena’s province, the incidence of legal immigrants in the total population from 2000 to 2011 increased from 3% to 13%, with a growing ethnic and national diversity, showing more than a hundred nationalities.

This sample was constructed keeping as much as possible to balance the proportions of males and females, and that of students attending the three classes. The two junior high schools chosen, also, were characterized by a different socio-economic status of students' families: one corresponding to a medium-low socioeconomic status, typical of recent immigration neighborhoods,

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the second to “medium high” status. In this way, we tried to avoid eventual bias due to the salience factors of socioeconomic status.

As a result with respect to the sex, of the 431 pre-teens involved, 54.5% are male and 45.5% are female. Substantially balanced is also the student distribution in the three classes of the course of study: 34.8% attended in fact the first year class, 34.1% the second, and 31.1% the third. Even compared to the status of users, the sample is fairly balanced, 51.7% of people coming from medium-high status families and 48.3% of medium-low status.

Results The perception Because each type of attitude involves the intervention of some kind categorial distinction,

the first step to understand the trends emerging from the answers provided by respondents is to examine the criteria they have adopted to define diversity. The first area of the questionnaire was constructed precisely in order to identify indicators that pre-adolescents use to build (or not build) differences among people. In this regard, I asked subjects to imagine themselves in two typical situations, chosen for their different relational context: the more anonymous road, and the more “familial” school. Respondents were asked to indicate the top five features that, in their opinion, differentiate people among themselves with respect to each one of these contexts (Table 1).

When asked about people in general (“Imagine you are a street in your city. There are many people. Look carefully around. What makes the people you look at different from each other? Indicate the top five features that come to mind”), the characters through which respondents define diversity are referable to aspects that could be called "external", such as physical appearance (29.4%) and the way people dress (19.3%), while a relatively minor importance is attached to the personal and relational (10.2%). Then to be noted is the lack of importance attached to the color of the skin (4.2%), although present in the responses, given freely by the subjects. The gender distribution of responses show that are males to give higher priority to the personal and relational (11, 8% compared with 8, 4% for females). As for the other characters, however, does not seem to observe an effect of the genus. Males and females tend to be equal in the importance attached to color the skin.

Referring to an environment more familiar to them (the school), respondents provided a more articulated picture (the text of the question was: “Imagine being in school now. It’s recreation time. Look carefully around. In what do you think the boys / girls who attend your school are different from each other? indicate the top five features that come to mind”).

The boys said they distinguish their classmates first by the physical aspect (24.3%), followed in importance by way of dressing (18.6%), personal characteristics and relationships (18.5%), and behavior (11.5%). Finally, little importance is attached to color the skin (2.0%). Considering gender, the females give greater emphasis to the way of dressing (21.5% compared to 16.1% of the responses given by males). Males, on the other hand, they give greater emphasis to the personal and relational. Even in the school situation gender is found, with respect to the color of the skin, affecting almost nothing the choice.

The next question concerns the characterization of groups of foreigners, (“in what, in your opinion, people belonging to these groups of foreigners are distinguished from the citizens of Modena?”). The character mentioned in most answers as a criterion of definition of ethnic diversity (Table 2) is, not surprisingly, that relating to cultural, ethnic and national characters (28.2%), followed by skin color (15.0%) and socio-economic status (14.2%). The largest gender difference refers to the increased prominence given by females by ethnic and national cultural characteristics. From my results, then, we can’t hypothesize a gender impact on the perception of ethnic diversity.

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Tab. 1. Characteristic of diversity in two selected contexts (road and school), by gender. % values.

Diversity characteristic The road The school

M F Tot. M F Tot. Physical appearance 30.0 28.8 29.4 25.1 23.6 24.3 Style of dress (clothes) 19.1 19.3 19.3 16.1 21.5 18.6 Personal ad relational characteristics 11.8 8.4 10.2 19.7 17.2 18.5 Behaviour 6.9 7.6 7.2 10.9 11.8 11.5 Way of speaking 6.1 7.8 6.9 5.5 5.8 5.6 Age 6.2 7.8 6.9 4.7 4.1 4.4 Sex 4.8 4.8 4.8 3.9 4.1 4.0 Ethnic and cultural characteristics 4.8 3.7 4.3 3,8 2.5 3.3 Skin 4.1 4.3 4.2 2.0 1.9 2.0 Socioeconomic status 2.6 3.4 3.0 1.0 1.2 1.1 Other 2.4 2.3 2.3 6.1 5.1 5.6 Irrelevant 1.3 1.8 1.5 1.3 1.1 1.2 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 (N) (231) (195) (426) (231) (194) (425)

Tab. 2. Characteristic of diversity and ethnic differences, by gender, % values

Diversity characteristics Ethnic differences M F Tot.

Physical appearance 6.2 6.7 6.4 Way of speaking 8.6 9.4 9.0 Personal ad relational characteristics

8.1 6.9 7.5

Behaviour 8.3 8.5 8.4 Turn of phrase 4.2 3.4 3.8 Age 0.0 0.1 0.1 Sex 0.3 0.0 0.1 Ethnic and cultural characteristics

29.8 29.8 28.2

Skin 14.4 15.6 15.0 Socioeconomic status 14.0 14.0 14.2 Other 4.5 4.5 6.5 Irrelevant 1.0 1.0 0.8 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 (N) (231) (195) (426)

The subjects were asked to take a stand against a set of statements using an

agreement/disagreement scale ranging from 4 (“strongly agree”) to 1 (“strongly disagree”). A first group consisted of statements proposing possible explanations of the differences between the “people” in general.

In Table 3 the overall mean scores show a greater degree of agreement from respondents to the positive assessments of diversity. In particular, scores show a high degree of agreement with the idea that “if a person is different from another by no means must be considered better or worse” (3.6). Less agreement, however, demonstrated the respondents against those saying “it’s fair that in a society each person be different, because otherwise we would all be puppets”: (3.3). The latter it is

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also the statement that record the more marked difference with respect to gender and age (the latter as expressed by the different classroom levels): the highest degree of agreement is expressed by females (3.4 compared to 3.1 for males) and pre-adolescents attending the third year of junior high school (3.4 against 3.1 in the first year).

Tab. 3 – Specific attitudes towards diversity among by sex, average values

Sex Tot.

M F 1. If a person is different from another by no means must be considered better or worse

3.5 3.8 3.6

2. It’s fair that in a society each person be different, because otherwise we would all be puppets

3.1 3.4 3.3

3. If we all were similar, we would not be motivated to improve 3.1 3.3 3.2 4. Differences among individuals are fair because everyone shold have what deserves

3.2 3.0 3.1

5. All people are diverse and everybody can behave as he/she wants 3.0 3.1 3.1 6. If the people were all similar, the society would not work as everyone had the same tasks

3.0 3.1 3.0

7. People are diverse because they were born so 2.6 2.6 2.6 8. It is useful that in a society are people in charge and the people obeying

2.4 2.2 2.4

9. Differences are unfair and so they should not exist 2.3 2.5 2.4 10. All people are equal and there are no differences among them 2.1 2.3 2.2

(N) (234) (195) (429) A second group of statements related more specifically to immigration both in general and

as a specific condition, i.e. the diversity i.e. the ‘immigrant’ with whom one is to intertwine possible relationships (Table 4). The attitudes towards immigration are characterized by a high degree of agreement in respect of the following statements of positive value, “marry a person of color or white makes no difference” (3.4); “having friends in class extra-EU is a good thing” (3.1); “bothers me the hostile attitude towards immigrants” (2.9). But even negative phrases do register fairly high levels of agreement “before dealing with foreigners, we must solve the problems of poverty in Italy” (3.2); “immigrants contribute to increased crime in Italy” (2.8), “the non-EU selling on the street bother me because they are insistent” (2.8). It is also noteworthy the trend towards disagreement with sentences as “immigrants take jobs away from Italians” (2.3); “immigration from the Third World has led to our society more advantages than disadvantages” (2.2); “immigrant labor creates wealth for all” (2.1).

Respect to gender, there is a greater degree of agreement on the part of males to the statement “immigrants take jobs away from Italians” (with an average score of 2.4 for males and 2.2 for females). In the sentence on the discomfort caused by the great number of immigrants there is a greater degree of agreement of the males (2.8) than the females (2.5).

Again, the lowest level of agreement expressed by males towards those who deplore the hostile attitude towards immigrants (2.8 against 3.0) could be considered an element of consistency. The relatively more negative orientation shown by males is most noticeable when they express their positions on a possible relation with the diversity i.e. the ‘immigrant’. Less than females, in fact, males agree on a positive assessment on having non-EU companions in the classroom.

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Tab. 4. Attitudes towards the immigration and the diversity/immigrant among by sex, average values

Sex Total

M F Immigration: attitudes in general

1. Immigrants contribute to increased crime in Italy 2.9 2.8 2.8 2. Immigrants take jobs away from Italians 2.4 2.2 2.3 3. Immigration from the Third World has led to our society more advantages than disadvantages

2.2 2.3 2.2

4. Immigrant labor creates wealth for all 2.1 2.1 2.1 Diversity/immigrant: attitudes in general

5. Before dealing with foreigners, we must solve the problems of poverty in Italy

3.3 3.2 3.2

6. Bothers me the hostile attitude towards immigrants 2.8 3.0 2.9 7. The non-EU selling on the street bother me because they are insistent

2.9 2.7 2.8

8. It troubles me the fact that so many immigrants are in our country 2.8 2.5 2.7 Diversity/immigrant: possible relationships

9. Marry a person of color or white makes no difference 3.4 3.5 3.4 10. Having friends in class extra-EU is a good thing 3.0 3.3 3.1

(N) (234) (195) (429) Discussion and conclusion We have seen how the criteria used by respondents to define the diversity can change or take

a different salience depending on the relational context to which refers the categorization of diversity process (street and school).

In school, in the process of categorization of diversity enabled by pre-adolescents, the characteristics of personal and relational exhibit greater salience. On the road, instead, to have greater salience are characters more “external”, such as physical aspect and way they dress. This trend could be explained from the assumption that schoolmates are perceived as in-group. The direct relationships that characterize the school context make the personal characters more salient. The “class group” becomes for pre-adolescents a new benchmark in the construction of social identity and in the corresponding need for social integration (4).

We have also seen that the criteria adopted by the respondents in their diversity construction reflect the value connotation of certain characters. An example is given by the different salience of skin color depending on the context referred. The skin color was freely given by the preadolescents as a criterion for defining the difference between people who meet on the street, but it decreases in importance when the relational context is that of schoolmates.

Even this trend seems consistent with a perception of the class as an in-group. The manner in which respondents perceive diversity can also be interpreted taking into account a few researches regarding gender differences in the developmental tasks typical of pre-adolescence (4). As we have seen, the very fact that in drawing distinctions among their classmates, the females gave greater importance to the way they dress more often than males, seems to confirm the hypothesis that attributes to girls their own specific mode to address the developmental tasks associated with pubertal changes, focusing on aesthetic (“beauty”) of their self-image (11).

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With regard to the overall orientation of ethnic attitudes we detect the greater tendency of preadolescent girls to assume a positive orientation. This has been verified also in other studies conducted in other European countries (3). An explanation for this may lie in the greater openness to the outside world of preadolescent females, a character verified also in following researches on the peer group attendance (13). With respect to the more specific ethnic diversity, the overall trend in our sample outlines an ambivalent evaluative orientation, even if in fact there was a prevailing agreement for the negative statements.

In the latter case, however, assessments reproduce some of the stereotypes many studies indicate as the most widespread in the Italian society, such as the one suggesting that immigration leads to an increase of crime and unemployment (15).

Negative orientations contributing to delineate the emotional ambivalence emerge also when individuals express themselves on their eventual relationship with the different immigrant. A further indication of this comes, for example, from attitudes towards specific behaviors of immigrants (“the non-EU selling on the street annoy me because they are insistent”) and toward their quantitative presence (“disturbs me that in our country there are so many immigrants”).

As has been noted also by other studies, attitudes towards immigrants address the most visible aspects of immigration, often emphasized by the Italian media (10) (9). One could hypothesize that adherence to these stereotypes by preadolescents comes from the fact that they were easy to reach knowledges, in a time when immigration was still an unknown phenomenon for many Italian people who were scared of. But it is also important to consider that the social function of stereotypes is that of “overrepresentation” of bad behavior on the part of immigrants as they were a disadvantaged minority.

The construction of the barriers between “us” and “them” strengthens the mechanisms of social exclusion (5) (12). Positive orientations are to be seen when people declare themselves in favor to the idea of a possible friendship with immigrants (“you can be friends with people from ethnic groups other than their own”) and to have them as classmates. On the other hand, they also agree with those who argue that “to marry a people of color or white makes no difference” and that “the people from other ethnic groups are people like us even though they look different”.

As mentioned above, in time changes have occurred in the territorial context (Modena), such as a growth of the immigrant population and a permanent immigration. They resulted in a greater presence of foreign children in schools of all types and levels, now reaching 14% of the total enrollment. It’s therefore interesting to see if there have been changes in the structure or in the organization of the attitudes shared by preadolescents and adolescents because of their greater proximity to immigrants both as neighbors and as fellow students.

We must acknowledge that in Italy with the continuous growth of immigrants, increased the spread of attitudes and behaviors hostile to immigrants (8). But with regard to the description of the attitudes and behaviors among groups on the grounds of ethnic-national affiliation. Tajfel was to show the effectiveness of distinction of the degree of relationship between individuals along the continuum interpersonal- intergroup (19). Research conducted in 2006 in secondary schools in Modena sought to verify this aspect, with a sample of 770 adolescents with an average age of 16 years; among them 385 sons of migrants and 385 son of Italians. The objective was to analyze the type of experience of transition to adult life that could distinguish or bring together young people belonging to the dominant majority (the natives) or to the disadvantage one (immigrants). The first fact that emerges concerns the consolidation of the media stereotypes in adolescents’ attitudes about the phenomenon of immigration in general.

There is therefore a high adherence to the idea that there are too many immigrants, that the majority of immigrants carries out criminal activities , that they take out work to the unemployed Italians, and that they get more welfare benefits than the Italians. Not surprisingly, then, these

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stereotypes do not belong to the representations of the children of immigrants. Regarding the stereotypes concerning direct relations with immigrants, however, the approach taken by the sons of Italians becomes more positive: so there is greater spread of the idea that marrying a foreigner is a positive thing. Just as common is the idea that having foreign classmates is a good thing.

These are important results, some of which could confirm the “contact hypothesis” (1) (7). One of the conditions identified by Allport to diminish the weight of prejudice among ethnic groups and decrease their conflicts, in fact, was the setting of long-lasting forms of contact that would allow mutual understanding. Furthermore the research we are referring to also detected groups of teenagers, made on the basis of the neighborhood and composed both by Italians and foreigners activating exchanges of resources between children of different nationalities to address the path to adulthood. There were also widespread cases in which teenagers from Modena frequented the house of their foreign peers and vice versa.

Obviously, the results commented here, although useful for understanding the complex phenomenon of formation of inter-ethnic attitudes, should be considered just a starting point for further reflection opening the way to more focused investigations.

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