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EMERSON’S CORRESPONDENCE WITH PETER KAUFMANN

David Howard Sowd

A Dissertation

Submitted to the Graduate School of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of

the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

December 1973

BOWLING GIO'Wmic MVERSIÏÏ LIBRARY

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ABSTRACT

In February of 1857, Ralph Waldo Emerson received a letter from Peter Kaufmann of Canton, Ohio, initiating what was to become a rather intensive correspondence that led eventually to a meeting of the two men in New York, which Emerson recorded in his journal.In all, Kaufmann, a Hegelian philosopher and self-styled Reformer, wrote ten letters to Emerson, including a "lengthy Epistle" of some eighty pages, designed to introduce Emerson to his life and thought, and Emerson replied with five letters to Kaufmann,

In Emerson’s five brief responses, his large, uniformly generous nature Is exhibited; these letters to Kaufmann underscore Emerson’s Inimitable ability to fill the important and rather peculiar position of literary and philosophical midwife to nineteenth-century America, from which he never ceased to encourage the development of his contemporaries, from Thoreau and Alcott and Margaret Fuller to the likes of men such as Kaufmann,

But no less Important is the extremely fascinating portrait the letters paint of a little-known Midwestern philosopher holding forth on the frontier, vigorously asserting an affinity with Emerson’s thought that, in fact, was more perceived than actual, Kaufmann's is one of the "other minds" Emerson might have been more inclined to explore, had he been given half a chance, but Kaufmann instead revealed all of himself, and this revelation, perhaps, was simply too much, too soon.

However abortive the Emerson-Kaufmann correspondence may have been, it stands, nevertheless, irrespective of the Immediate concerns of either of the correspondents, as a link in the continuity of American Idealism, a way station in the gradual westward movement of a philosophical heritage that was to culminate after the Civil War with the succession of New England Transcendentalism by St,Louis Hegelianism,

This annotated edition of the correspondence of Emerson and Kaufmann is a transcription of the original manuscripts based upon photocopies and microfilms supplied by Columbia University Library and The Houghton Library at Harvard University, Within the limitations of typescript, the literal text is reproduced insofar as possible.The edition is prefaced with a critical introduction, tracing the development of the correspondence and discussing it in detail, and it is concluded with a comprehensive bibliography and appendices reprinting Emerson's letter to his brother William informing him of the forthcoming meeting with Kaufmann, and Emerson's two journal entries reflecting on Kaufmann,

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TABLE OF CONTENTSPage

INTRODUCTION ......................................................... 1

THE CORRESPONDENCE ..................................................

1. Kaufmann to Emerson (February 23, 1857) ..........

2. Emerson to Kaufmann (March 9, 1857)

3. Kaufmann to Emerson (March 16, 1857). ...........

4. Emerson to Kaufmann (March 24, 1857).......... ..

5. Kaufmann to Emerson (March 26, 1857). ...........

6. Kaufmann to Emerson (March 29, 1857). . •

7. Kaufmann to Emerson (April 27, 1857). ...........

8. Kaufmann to Emerson (January-April 26, 1857). .......

9. Emerson to Kaufmann (May 3, 1857) .............

10. Kaufmann to Emerson (May 4, 1857) .............

11. Emerson to Kaufmann (May 14, 1857).

12. Kaufmann to Emerson (June 17, 1857) ........ .......

13. Emerson to Kaufmann (October 18, 1858), , , ...... . ,

33

33

41

43

63

65

85

104

111

302

304

319

320

326

NOTES.................................................... ............ 328

BIBLIOGRAPHY.........................................................359

APPENDICES............................. .............................362

A, Letter from Emerson to his brother William (May 6, 1857). . 362

B, Entry from Emerson’s journal (May 19, 1857) ........ 364

C, Entry from Emerson’s journal (February, 1874) ........ , , 365

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INTRODUCTION

I.

Sometime during the last week of February, 1857, Ralph Waldo

Emerson received a rather long, four-page letter from a man he

had never met nor even heard of before—Peter Kaufmann, of Canton,

Ohio. Emerson had, of course, been beset with appreciative "fan

mail" ever since the publication of his Nature some twenty-one

years before, and had gotten more or less used to receiving the

adulations of strangers from all across the country. But few of

these "true believers" could have been as extravagant in their

enthusiasm and praise as this new correspondent from Ohio, "Mr,

W, Whitman—& no doubt numbers not known—to me—honor & revere

you," Kaufmann told his idol, "but to love you as I. do—God alone

can barely— surpass me." What made such love extraordinary was

that it was almost literally love at first sight: though Emerson's

literary reputation had been established long before 1857» Kaufmann

explained in his letter that it was "only but recently" that he

had "met the great good fortune of becoming acquainted" with Emerson's

writings, which struck him Immediately as if they had come from

his own pen. Kaufmann at once perceived an affinity between his

thought and Emerson's, which, he assured Emerson, was so strong

that it could only be accounted for in one of three ways: "a.)

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either I—unknowingly have robbed your ’thunder’;—or b.) you have

somehow—similarly—purloined ’mine,*—or—c.) we both have—from

one common source—Inherited it conjointly & legimately; which

latter hipothesis—is the more natural—as 'theft* presupposes

of necessity contact as opportunity," Describing himself as "A

Universe encased in a human form—now addressing another Universe

encased in like manner," Kaufmann promised his new Master "a lengthy

Epistle on the paramount subject of our hearts & lives," which

was now, he said, already "more than half finished," and the purpose

of the present introductory letter was merely, he told Emerson,

"to advise you first of my 'premeditated design' , , , & thereby

also priorily obtain your own formal assent—to my sending & your

receiving the epistle in question," Kaufmann urged Emerson to

reply with "a few speedy lines , , , annunciative of your Sovereign

pleasure in the premises," for, in his estimation, "hardly ever

before on earth—was there an answer to any question given that

enveloped greater results" than the response he hoped for from

Emerson, Closing, finally, with a rather pointed hint at a possible

"personal conference" with his new correspondent in the future,

Kaufmann promised to furnish Emerson with "the 'telescopic tubes'

to pierce into my 'depths' as profoundly as you please, as I shall—

•a willing witness'—give you all the 'aid & comfort' therein you

may desire."

What Emerson actually knew of Kaufmann from this first letter

amounted to very little. Nowhere, for example, had Kaufmann indicated

his age; nowhere had he mentioned a wife, or children, or friends;

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nowhere had he even alluded to any sort of occupation; nowhere, in

short, had he provided any sort of specific autobiographical information

that would allow Emerson to fix him more concretely in his imagination,

Kaufmann had not told Emerson (nor, Indeed, was he ever to tell him)

that, almost exactly ten years earlier, he had drafted a remarkably

similar introductory letter to a close friend of Emerson’s, William

Henry Channing (to whom, in fact, Emerson had inscribed his famous

"Ode"), proposing "if you see fit & agree,--to enter into such a

correspondence with you—that by the interchange of mutual truths

& convictions,—may prove beneficial to us both,—& in the end4

to the sacred cause we have at heart,—" (which, as Kaufmann perceived

it, through his reading of The Harbinger of Brook Farm, would involve

the establishment of a "Christian Church of Love" as a kind of

ultimate utopian community); nor had he related an even more recent

such attempt, in which he had drafted yet another introductory letter—

this one addressed in March of 185^, to Elizabeth Cady Stanton,

again offering "to initiate an Epistolary Correspondence between

us,—that—by a mutual exchange of 'lights & insights' might lead 2to more important & ultimate results,—" Had Emerson at the outset

been made aware of these previous overtures, he might have more

readily sympathized with Kaufmann's plaintive cry for intellectual

companionship, for a chance to participate in the larger world

of ideas that rarely penetrated through to his lonely Ohio outpost.

But Kaufmann was not interested in appealing to Emerson's sympathy;

he approached Emerson as an equal (never once, in spite of his

exaggerated profession of love, calling him "Master," as Whitman

had been able to do), and his appeal was an intellectual one, lofty

and decidedly Transcendental—one Idealist reaching out to another,

unhampered with biographical specifics that could only define and

limit the Self.

Yet, even If this initial letter was not explicitly autobiographical,

it nevertheless conveyed much that Emerson could have inferred about

its author, Kaufmann’s meticulous handwriting, for example, suggests

an order, discipline, and concern for appearances that probably 3

resulted in a considerable amount of revision. The numerous stylistic

quirks—the stilted diction, the bloated forms of address ("Dearest,

inexpressibly-esteemed Sir—"), the over-used dashes and quotation

marks—are those, it would seem, of a writer uncomfortable with

the language. But Kaufmann's Indulgence in name-dropping—his

impressive repertoire of references that encompasses, in the space

of a single letter, such diverse personages as Clvilis, Fulton,

Napoleon, and Sieyes, and such esoteric subjects as "Zertushtic

magic" and "Wedgwood’iheat"—testifies to a fairly wide-ranging

(if only, perhaps, superficial) knowledge, probably bom of extensive

reading! and the periodic quotes from Emerson’s writings indicate

that Kaufmann’s reading, of Emerson at least, was thorough-going.

These quotes also tend to underscore the tone of humility that

pervades Kaufmann’s letter of appeal, but this tone is balanced

throughout by an extremely strong sense of assertiveness that allows

Kaufmann to "trust" that Emerson will, from this single letter,

recognize him with the words: "verily—my troth—no hoax—here—

truly is man at last." Moreover, it is this very tension between

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Kaufmann’s exhibitions of ego and his attempts to control them

that marks the as-yet mysterious correspondent as an individual

of considerable complexity, enigmatic and highly fascinating,

Emerson seems to have been properly fascinated (even if he

was not ready to recognize Kaufmann as his "man at last"), for

he wrote to his admirer on March 9, acknowledging the "letter,

which breathes such enthusiastic good will," Emerson, as Granville

Hicks has noted, "was not a great, nor even most of the time a 4very good, letter writer," and Hicks’ estimate is born out in

this reply, which is anything but a very good letter. In it, Emerson

indulges in the "Confessions of coldness and restraint," that Ralph5

L, Rusk says "are common and are sometimes justified" in his letters,

complaining of "this cold day of obstruction with me," and the

"cold aphelion of trifles & tasks" that consume his time and make

him "slow to write letters," Warning Kaufmann of "the hurts you

would suffer in my churlish solitude," Emerson asks: ", , .do

you know that you run huge risks in venturing that great warm heart

of yours against my congelations of nearly fifty four years? ... I

must defend you from myself." The emphasis here on age suggests

that Emerson imagined himself to be older than his new correspondent

(who, after all, had not yet offered any indication of his age), and

the overall tone seems to be one of protestation, reflective of

Emerson’s reluctance to become involved in further time-consuming

correspondence. Nevertheless, Emerson lifted Kaufmann’s hopes

with the disclosure that "I may be prompted to write you again;"

and, more positively, he fed Kaufmann's notion that he and Emerson

6

were somehow "different" and special men, assuring him of the high

calling that they shared: "We, & that third & that fourth person,

though he were a son of God, must keep & show our loyalty to each

other & to ideas, by our truth to the poor betrayed imbruted America,

infested by rogues & hypocrites," The simplistic elitism of such

an analysis that stated the case in terms of "us" versus "them"

was not as significant for Kaufmann as the fact that he was included

in Emerson’s "we" and "our,"

This, it seems, was just what Kaufmann needed, and he answered

Emerson’s letter on March 16, only three days after he had received

it. Thanking Emerson for his "very kind lines," he assured him

"that, few—as they were & are—they are dearer to me—than any

gold or gems this earth can produce, & the spirit pervading them

causing feelings of gratification—that are as deep as they are

rare," In no less than eight densely-written pages, Kaufmann went

on to promise an epistolary "encounter of unusual Interest—ever

begetting new surprises," now that Emerson had "opened a reciprocal

ear," He reported on the progress of the "lengthy Epistle" that

he had promised Emerson in his initial letter, speculating that

"It may perhaps run up to—if not over—10 sheets," and he revealed,

for the first time, several important facts of his biography,

"I was bom," he told Emerson, "in the ever memorable year of *1800,’—

am therefore now perambulating within the cycle of my ’57 = ’ year,—

& hence—’par régie d’ancienneté’—the congelations of ’your nearly

54’—must this time 'knock under,”’ Kaufmann confessed that before

he had discovered Emerson, "Thomas Carlyle stood N= 1, in my affection,"

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and he related how, when he had defended Carlyle in an argument

with Horace Greeley, "Greely admitted the force of my reply,"

More importantly, Kaufmann described his discovery of Emerson through

his cousin, Johann Peter Preyer, who, in a letter written from

Germany "during the latter half of *56,*" had quoted some of Emerson’s

"vigorous passages" and urged Kaufmann to read the rest of the works

for himself. Somehow (perhaps similarly through Preyer) Kaufmann

had learned of Emerson’s congratulatory letter to Whitman, and had

obtained a copy of the 1856 edition of Leaves of Grass in which

he had read the letter, noting particularly, as he told Emerson,

"that the appearance of that strong book awakened such an interest

in your bosom, as to induce you—to undertaking a journey to its

author," Kaufmann explained that "in looking at that fact the

idea did occur to me, of a possibility that, after you shall have

read my forthcoming communication,--you might feel a similar interest—

& become desirous of a personal conference with myself," and he added,

moreover, that "An opportunity of this sort—will now soon present

itself," as he would have to be in New York City "during some of

the forepart of April" to meet Preyer, arriving from "Vaterland,"

More than just a private audience with Emerson, Kaufmann envisioned

a kind of fantastic summit meeting:

If Destiny, in one of her singular whims, should decree— that your noble Self, Mr. W, Whitman, Preyer & myself,— should, as four strangers, (yet a unit in one paramount idea) 3 of whom, & possibly all —(in case your personal interview with Mr. Wh. was not accomplished,) never before having seen one another (for I never have seen Preyer,) now—for the first time—meet one another—face to face: the romance would become still more romantic—from the fact— that—Preyer—the stranger thus just arriving—is identified—

8

with the incipient cause that led me to your discovery, & thence through my reading of your hooks, to our present correspondence,

Thus elated with the happy prospects of such a scheme, Kaufmann

closed hy asking Emerson "to state in a few lines merely,—in no

sense denoting a commital, but only Indicating the subscribing

of circumstances permitting the thought~of such a journey on your

part—to New York—to be entertained--as a possible one: I would

thank you very much."

In addition to clearing up several biographical mysteries

that had heretofore obscured its author, this second letter of

Kaufmann’s tends to reinforce the stylistic personality suggested

in his introductory letter. There is the continual indulgence in

almost obnoxiously excessive flattery (as evidenced in countless

references to Emerson’s "majestic presence," "keen ken," "experienced-

piercing eye," and "noble self"), and a humility so extreme that

it borders on masochism, as when Kaufmann implores his master to

"let your blows fall—thick, fast & hard,—countless as hail—if

you list, I will even submit—passively—to act the anvil—on

which the blows of your sledge shall fall , , , ," There are the

many quotes from Emerson’s writings, the extensive lists of names

that testify both to Kaufmann’s eclecticism and his incessant pedan-

ticlsm, the oddities of punctuation, and the exquisite, nearly

perfect script. There is, too, the persistent optimism that con­

sistently colors Kaufmann's reading of Emerson, and allows him,

when referring to Emerson's lukewarm reply, to speak of "The plaintive

minor key—on which the veiled love-rythm—of your few—much saying—

9

poetry-breathing lines are set , , , But Kaufmann, with this

letter, has given himself a canvas twice as large as his first,

and. in the extra space that he has not the slightest trouble filling,

he reveals two tendencies that he had not disclosed previously:

his habitual poeticizing, on the one hand, and his indefatigable

philosophizing, on the other. Indeed, Kaufmann alternates between

waxing poetic into flights of metaphor and conceit (as when, "assuming

another figure," he refers to Emerson as having yielded and pleaded

"¿guilty' to the 'soft impeachment'"), and plodding through wearying

philosophical discourse on matters of "men & systems" that Emerson was more inclined to transcendental!zej^ for Kaufmann, Emerson was

a Philosopher, and he seems to have been totally unaware of the

Emerson that Rusk describes:

Few great literary men have cared less than Emerson did for the systematic philosophers. He soon wearied of observing these incredibly patient workmen as they fitted their neat little intellectual bricks together, painstakingly filling every chink with the mortar of logic. This pedestrian exer­cise of what he was accustomed to call the Understanding in­terested him little more than the boresome and endless arguments of the religious controversialists, of which he had long since had his fill. The mature Emerson read for lusters, for gleams of Insight, A systematic, logical structure of thought seemed mainly a waste of energy. The idle times of the scholar were those when he failed to gain any light through his own intu­ition; and the books best for such times were the records of other men's intuitions, not mere exhibitions of Understanding, that subordinate faculty which was nearly always busy to some degree in all men. 7

That Emerson was not much interested in Kaufmann's "exhibitions

of Understanding" is rather evident from the reply he wrote on

March 24, in which any sort of specific response to them is noticeably

absent. Again protesting his "bad habit" of slowness, he told

10

Kaufmann that he was indeed awaiting "the larger letter you promise

me," but as for "the kind invitation" to a possible meeting in

New York, he remained noncommittal, explaining that "it has strong

attractions, but requires perhaps more courage than I have, to

accept. I am not sure that I can,—that I am not tied fast at

homej—but, if you will send me the date & place of your visit

in New York, I will keep it before me, till I learn if I have liberty."

Though he assured Kaufmann "that this time I have read your letter

with care," Emerson’s brief note contains nothing that would attest

to such a close reading. He does, however, indicate his awareness

of Kaufmann’s blatant flattery—the "vast exaggeration which temperament,

or solitude, or, is it theory,—gives to your personal estimates"—

and gently warns him against such excesses:

You & I, no doubt, are clever ingenious men, as the world goes; but, in the next street, unknown to you or to me, is probably or possibly a better man than either of us, as the chances of life every now & then convince us. Nature is a terrible leveller,& never bestows a fine talent, but she lames you with numb palsy on the other side. So that one is often fain to look upon his faculty as an indemnification for his cavernous defects.

The elitist stance of Emerson's first letter to Kaufmann is considerably

tempered here, but for Kaufmann it was enough that Emerson had

again spoken of "You & I."

Emerson's letter of the 24th had barely left Concord when

the mall brought a third letter from Kaufmann, dated March 26,

When he had written Emerson on the 16th, Kaufmann had supposed

that he would be in New York in early April, but since then, he

had received Preyer’s letter of March 23 and discovered that his

cousin would not be arriving from Germany until sometime "between

11

*th ththe 10= & 18= of May," Thus, Kaufmann had an excuse for writing,

explaining to Emerson that "it becomes my duty—to inform you thus

early of the change,—so that thereby,—no matter, whether circum­

stances & inclination shall permit you to take my proposition of

an insinuated meeting—into serious consideration—or not,—you

will have—at all events—thereby all the facts—governing the

case—under your cognizance & control." But where the situation

called for merely the briefest of notes, Kaufmann was not one to

let such an opportunity for further discourse pass without milking

it for all it was worth, and accordingly he announced early in

the resultant eight-page letter:

... I embrace therefore the present opportunity, besides imparting the change of time in Preyer’s arrival—above stated,— to disclose to your discerning eye some more "tangibilities" that will enable you—"to put me upon your scales," to some better advantage—& thus ascertain—how far I come "up to the mark," respecting the claims & character, which the words of my preceding letters,—expressly or impliedly—have for me assumed.—

The "tangibilities" disclosed in this letter, however, are philosophical

rather than autobiographical; instead of revealing new factual information

about his life, Kaufmann busies himself once again with the "pedestrian

exercise" of fitting "neat little intellectual bricks together,"

Dismissing "that set of pretenders—calling themselves ’materialists,«"

Kaufmann proceeds to expound upon his own brand of speculative

Idealism, sharing with Emerson the conclusions of his systematic

inquiry into the subject of "sensation":

, , , a.) that the normal impressions of the senses, ascertained with due attention, capacity & care—are of equal reliability— with the thoughts before the mind, because b.) they—through the process of the understanding—present by its attention

12

in the senses—during the process of the phenomena—are changed into conceptions thereof—& in this shape of spiritualized thought—are brought before the tribunal of the intellect— as naturalized mental phenomena, c.) by this simple process— the whole Universe—& every thing in it—is dissolved—before the intellect—into one vast mass of elementary conceptions— embracing all that is or may be—forming a base for a new class­ification—that never can be shaken,—because it is not merely a catholic—but an absolute one—doing justice to—& reconciling all parties.

Such conclusions illustrate the philosophic cast of Kaufmann’s

thinking, with its emphasis on precise definition and classification,

but Kaufmann’s fondness for this kind of analysis held little interest

for the intuitive Emerson, whose patience must have been sorely

tried, for he never answered this letter of the 26th, Kaufmann

was still certain, however, that "As soon as my dear Mr, Emmerson—

will & shall know as much of myself—as I know of him—’he will

understand me as much—as I understand him, which is: his whole

being, his inmost 'heart of hearts'—and will—then be—as much

mine—for all time to come—as I am now—irrevocably & inevitably

his—now and forever"; and to this end, he promised "my large Epistle,"

which was now, he said, "all carved out, but not yet in the shape—

I desire to see it in,"

Two days after mailing his third letter to Emerson, Kaufmann "tHreceived Emerson's "generous favor of the 24 = ," and lost no time

getting off an eight-page reply, dated March 29, Kaufmann outlined

the itinerary of his upcoming trip to New York, explaining that

he would go first to Pittsburgh and then to Philadelphia—where,

he told Emerson, "I have passed nearly 3 years of my life, when

first coming to this country , , . ,"—before arriving in New York

13

sometime around the tenth of May, and he added, hopefully, that

"The mere probability of a chance remaining to enjoy your noble

presence 'face to face' in New York—be it never so briefly,—fills

my bosom with expectations of delight of no ordinary sort} . , , ,"

Beyond this specific Information, this fourth letter is remarkable

chiefly for its revelation of Kaufmann's long-standing interest

in social reform generally, and utopian communal experiments in

particular, Kaufmann relates how he had been disappointed with

both Robert Owen, whom he had met in 1828, and Albert Brisbane,

with whom he had become acquainted "Sometime after 1840," because

these men were "well-meaning—but superficial," concerned only

with affecting "the outer surface" of society through the establishment

of communities that were mere aggregations of dissimilar individuals,

Kaufmann's disenchantment here is reminiscent of Emerson's own

misgivings regarding Brook Farm and Bronson Alcott's Fruitlands,

but Kaufmann boasts of what he imagines is rare foresight:

I might therefore easily have foretold Mf Brisbane & his sanguine friends, what I clearly foresaw,—as in the case of Owen,—that the numerous phalanx-enterprises of their's,— springing up in all directions—like mushrooms in the night,— numbering perhaps within all these states—over fully 50— would eventually all perish—& leave no traces behind, unless those of disappointed hopes—& sacrificed competencies,

Kaufmann offers no exposition of his own approach to reform, but

the implication is fairly clear: a thorough-going systematic philosophy

would change men before they banded together into new communities,

Emerson's fleeting intellectual interest in such communities, however,

had long since passed, and although he later acknowledged receiving

this letter, he never bothered to respond to its contents.

14

Undaunted, Kaufmann wrote again to Emerson, who had not yet

replied to either of his last two letters, on April 27, announcing

that "To day—at last,—I have been enabled—-to forward to your

Address—a small package," which, he said, contained "Twenty Sheets (!!J)

of Manuscript,—where originally—I had calculated—it would not

take over 8 or 10,— This will," he explained, ", , , in a good

measure—account for the delay in sending you—what, already at

the time of writing you my first letter,—I had supposed—could

be finished—by the labor of 3-4 more days,—" Kaufmann was dis­

appointed that he had been unable to get the manuscript to Emerson

"a little sooner," for he realized that now "a real impossibility

would exist—to read the 20 entire sheets through—in due time—

to enable your mind to come to a conclusion,—so far as their contents

may have an influence therein,—respecting the proposed visit'

to New York—of your noble Self,—" To offset "This possibly occurring

dlficulty," Kaufmann intended the present letter "as an explanatory

Key—to & of—the contents—of my 20 Sheets of Manuscript," and he

carefully specified which of the 20 sheets Emerson could read first,

"if the time is lacking," Kaufmann also explained that he was unable

to include two important matters in his "large Epistle" for "want

of time": namely, "the one constitutes the base & the other the

cap-stone, of what I may call my System." He promised, though,

that if Emerson could come to New York as he had suggested, "I

shall be prepared,—with utmost ease—to show you—the process—

in short hand—by which I arrive at the afomamed base & cap-stone,

in as much—as I shall bring some papers along—containing—the

15

worked, out details thereof.—" Kaufmann concluded his uncharacteris-

tically-brief, four-page letter by asking Emerson to write him

acknowledging the safe arrival of the manuscript, and "If, when

thus you write, it is also within your power,--to say whether there

is a prospect of enjoying your supremely prized presence,—during

my sojourn in New York,—no matter for how limited a time,—or

not,—you will confer an additional favor by stating so,—in as

much as it will influence my staying in Philadelphia—& my departure

from there for New York,"

Kaufmann’s twenty sheets of manuscript totalled eighty pages

of writing, which may constitute one of the longest single letters

ever recorded. It is the product of four full months of work, as

its heading indicates: "Commenced in January 1857» concluded oniu

April 26= ," Its purpose, as Kaufmann described it to Emerson in

his letter of the 27th, was essentially threefold:

, , . a,) To furnish you a correct conception of the schooling & training—and its versatile nature—through which destiny has conducted me; b.) That my life,—whilst I have experienced & gone through all the pains that the heart of man can experience,— has been one of incessant & most intense activity,—from boyhood up to this hour; c.) That the gifts bestowed upon me by God & nature,—have been taken notice of,—at various times—by all sorts of men,—& this their notice expressed—in their own way,—as will be seen in the sheets named.

After reiterating the "occurrence in itself a romance," by which

he was miraculously led to the discovery of Emerson, Kaufmann for

the first time specifies which of Emerson’s writings he has read:

. your 2 Vols. of Essays, first & second Series, , , , your

Vol, entitled: 'Nature, containing Addresses, & Lectures; , , , your

'English Traits' , . . Then, getting down to the business at

16

hand, he proceeds with his announced autobiography, in which he

sees himself as the man Emerson had hoped for in his lecture on

"The Conservative," when he hadespeculated that "one Reformer may

yet be bom" j Kaufmann interprets the fact that he was born on

"Reformation Day"—October 31 (1800)—as evidence that he is indeed

Emerson's long-awaited "universal Reformer!" Commencing with a

description of his birth "in France, in the newly conquered & annexed

German territory—forming the 'Departement du Rhin & de la Moselle,'

, , . in a country town—some 5 leagues from Coblenz on the Rhine,"

Kaufmann provides a section for each year of his life up to his

discovery of Emerson in 1856, He tells Emerson of his emigration

to America in 1820, and of settling in Philadelphia, where he established

the first Labor-for-Labor store in America, and wrote what might

best be classified as a work of philosophical anthropology, entitled

Betrachtung Vber den Menschen, published in German in 1825. In

1826, Kaufmann had removed to the Rappite utopian communal experiment

at Economy, Pennsylvania, where he served as professor of languages.

The following year, he founded his own community in Columbiana

County, Ohio, "The United Germans at Teutonia," and drafted the

"Constitution" of the new group, which was eventually published.

In 1831, Kaufmann was invited to come to Canton, in neighboring

Stark County, "to edit the 'Vaterlands freund,' the German paper—

lingering . . , between life & death," which he did, moving with

his wife and four children to the small industrial town that was

to remain his home from that time on, Kaufmann was extremely successful

at newspaper editing, and in 1832, he expanded his enterprise to

17

include the publishing of "Almanacs" in both German and English,

of which he was able to sell as many as 120,000 copies a year,

while attempting in them to bring "Hegelian philosophy to the peopleg

in popular form,"

Kaufmann played a leading role in the developing cultural

life of Canton, where he served as both postmaster and village

trustee. He was no less active on the national level as a delegate

to three national Democratic conventions and as a leader of the

General School Committee of Germans in the United States, in which

capacity he delivered an address before the State Education Convention

of Ohio, This address, published in 1839 as A Treatise on American

Popular Education, gave ¿rather wide! circulation», to his educational

views, and Kaufmann "designed, If found practicable," that it "be

sent to mT Emerson—when sending this present manuscript"; his

letter of April 27 verifies that the Treatise was indeed included

in the package sent to Emerson,

Kaufmann relates that in 1847, he participated in a "Convention

of Reformers" held at the Trumbull County Phalanx, a Fourierite

Association!st community near Warren, Ohio, and he reveals that

during that same year he experienced mystical visions, "resembling

in essence—the experiences of ’Swedenborg,’" about which he was

to address a convention of Spiritualists in Cleveland five years

later.

From what Kaufmann tells Emerson about himself in these eighty

pages, it is clear that his life had been as active as he had claimed

it to be. By the time he had found Emerson in 1856, Kaufmann had

18

fathered nine children (three of whom had died in childhood); he

had written and published books, pamphlets, almanacs, and newspapers;

he had been actively involved in a variety of the social reform

movements of his day; and, by his own account, he had met and become

a personal friend of such worthies as Henry Clay, President Van Buren,

John C, Calhoun, Governor Wilson Shannon, Robert Owen, Horace Greeley,

Albert Brisbane, George Rapp, Governor Kossuth, and Calvin E, Stowe,

to name only a few. Moreover, as the last several sheets indicate,

Kaufmann’s life had been an extremely introspective one as well;

he had developed a complex philosophical system closely akin to

Hegelianism, the precise details of which he tried to elaborate

for Emerson in unbelievably prolix and wearisome prose. As before,

nearly all of this systematic analysis was lost on Emerson, who

was never interested enough to take up the discussion of any of

it; yet, a single sentence from this letter struck Emerson so much

that he copied it into his journal. It is a statement of Kaufmann’s

faith in the future of Reform, and Emerson was attracted, no doubt,

by its inherent optimism: "For a thing that is Intellectually seen,

no matter how great or complicated," Kaufmann asserts, "is by that

very sight—already mentally accomplished, & requires but moderate

means, by the mind so seeing—to realize the thing externally—

visible to all eyes,—"

What is most interesting about this long autobiographical

letter, however, is Kaufmann’s delightful use of the conventions

of popular fiction to enliven his narrative, Kaufmann consistently

avoids "I" in favor of such third-person subjects as "our hero,"

19

and "Reformer"; he speaks of "his fleet horse always at command";

and his description of his arrival in Canton is virtually indistinguishable

from those of the Western dime novels of the periods "There was joy

In Canton—when the 2 men arrived,--«for the powers of the 'invited*—

were sufficiently known there,—to cause hope to the side—whose

auxilliary he was desired to become,—& the other side was corres­

pondingly apprehensive," With the abundance of such literary devices,

Kaufmann's autobiography reads like a very bad popular novel, but

it is the most highly entertaining of all the letters, and it no

doubt revealed to Emerson a humorous side to Kaufmann's personality

that had heretofore been stifled in dry formalism,

Emerson wrote to Kaufmann for the first time in over a month,

on May 3, acknowledging that he had received "your promised manuscript

in perfect order as it came from your hands" two days earlier.

He told Kaufmann that he had read "the entire biography," but "with

less care" had "glanced at the concluding pages," with their involved

philosophical arguments that were of little interest to him, Emerson's

evaluation, however, is anything but specifics

It is little to say that the story is full of interest & encour­agement, & bears the stamp of truth throughout, I look, of course, sharply to the power, & joyfully to the faith evinced,I am glad to see how this Franklin-like ability has been working all this while so effectually in Ohio;—glad at heart to see it combined with what is better than Franklin ever knew,—But I am not yet ready—I am far from ready yet—to give you my inference from the whole.

Once again, Emerson protests against Kaufmann's grand designs for

some kind of eventual psychic communion between them: . you

seem to forget," he admonished Kaufmann, "in your large faith the

20

immense odds that in actual nature exist against any two parties

understanding one another, . . , and I have long since learned,

that, in regard to friendship, the first & second parties are degraded

as it were into witnesses, merely; it is the Invisible Third Party

that comes in thither also as chief & only agent," Nevertheless,

Emerson went on to disclose the cheering news "that my present

wish Is to be in New York, if I can arrange it, about the 15 May,

where I will try to meet you," He added that he would try to drop

Kaufmann a line "a few days hence," and that his brother William

would be able to tell Kaufmann whether or not he was in town.

Although Kaufmann was undoubtedly elated at this surprising

and happy turn of events, the situation developed so quickly that

he did not have a chance to express his elation in a reply. Instead,

his next letter was dated May 4, and probably crossed Emerson's

of the 3rd somewhere along the mail route between Canton and Concord.

Writing here on the eve of his departure for the East, Kaufmann

is depressed because he has not heard from Preyer since March 30,

and thus has no verification of Preyer*s final intended arrival

time; unaware that Emerson has just agreed to the meeting in New

York, Kaufmann is afraid that if Preyer does not show up, he will

have made the trip for nothing. In this letter, he continues to

elaborate on his particular qualifications as a Reformer, and he

tells Emerson:

, , , destiny—by making me—for so long a time, sometimes almost an unwilling—apprentice of all the details—of the countless trades & conditions—by which she employs & rules men: she has accumulated within my memory, Insight & under­standing—an immensity of elementary material,—the like of

21

which—has, up to this day—from the dawn of history—perhaps never been found—in any other human being,

Kaufmann explains further that he is especially suited to the task

of Reform because his "personal & individual wants" are so "simple

& few," and because his unusual powers of endurance allow him to

labor long and hard; even though 57 years of age, he reveals that

he has "during the last 3 months ... no less than 3 times—without

any inconvenience , , , worked the 24 hours of a whole day and

night—uninterruptedly,—without rest & sleep,—at a mental labor-

requiring a fixed & close attention of thought,—permitting myself—

not over 15 minutes—for discussing the frugal meals—required—

not over twice—during the performance," The point of all this

is that Reform Is what makes life tolerable for Kaufmann, and it

is something for which he is willing to lay down that very life.

In what may well be the most poignant statement of the entire corres­

pondence (perhaps influenced by the mood of melancholy that pervades

this whole letter), Kaufmann confesses to Emerson that "If I had

not invariably felt the assurance, that I would yet on earth—eventually

find the sphere of action—within which I may run the heavenly

carrier for which I know myself qualified & destined,—I would—

ere this—have died of a broken heart;—for this world—as it is—

gives me no joy or pleasure—of any sort, & if it were to remain

as it is,—I would prefer to be out of it rather to day—than waiting

until to morrow," With this touching, almost pathetic revelation,

Kaufmann underscores the incessant optimism that seems to be his

dominant trait; all his life he has been working to make a better

world, and finally his discovery of Emerson leads him to believe

22

that working together, the two of them might actually affect change

in the world at last. He closes with a postscript, informing Emerson

that Preyer's long-awaited letter has just arrived, and that he <2+

expects Preyer’s ship to dock in New York "about the 21 = ,"

In the meantime, Emerson has written to his brother William

in New York, requesting of him, in a letter dated May 6, that "If

a Mr Kaufmann from Ohio comes to your office, on any day, asking

for me, please entertain him kindly, & say, that you are expecting

me in N.Y." One week later, he was certain of his departure, and

he wrote to Kaufmann on May 14, announcing that he would probably *fcharrive in New York "about 5 or 6 o clock P.M. on Monday, 18 instant,"

and that he was planning on taking a room at the Saint Denis House,

on Broadway. Explaining that he happened "to be building some

addition to my house in these days," and ordinarily under such

circumstances would not care "to make the journey to New York,"

Emerson allowed that "You have taken such a world of kind pains

for me, and you offer me such alliances, that I think I cannot

do less , , . ,"

Nowhere is there any indication exactly when or where the

meeting between Kaufmann and Emerson took place, but Emerson

had explained in his letter that he might leave his baggage at

the hotel upon his arrival in New York, and then go out to Staten

Island, "to pass the night with my brother. In that case," he

assured Kaufmann, "I shall be at the St Denis again, the next morning,

at 10. But if you choose to meet me at the St Denis, on the arrival

of the P.M, train from Boston, I will spend that night in N. Y,"

23

In any event, Emerson recorded, the meeting in his journal, and

dated the entry May 19. Describing Kaufmann as "a man of much

intellectual power, and of expansive moral sympathy and purposes,"

Emerson once again employed the analogy introduced in his letter

of May 3. referring to Kaufmann as "another Benjamin Franklin in

his practical skill and tastes." But where he had been glad, in

that letter, to see "this Franklin-like ability , , , combined

with what is better than Franklin ever knew," it was now evident

to Emerson from his face-to-face encounter that this combination

was, after all, lacking, and somewhat disparagingly he concluded

of Kaufmann: "Unhappily, he is without imagination,—the more to

be regretted, that his life has kept him invariably bourgeois.

His bonhommie and philanthropy occasionally changed his face to

a wonderful degree, as if a young man looked out of an old mask."

If the encounter had been less than satisfactory for Emerson,

however, it was even more disappointing to Kaufmann, whose hopes

had been higher at the outset and who, therefore, had more to lose,

Kaufmann wrote to Emerson on June 17, alluding to "a few lines—

from New York" by which he had advised Emerson of Preyer’s safeg+

arrival "on the 1= inst."; this note, however, is no longer extant.

The letter of the 17th is the shortest existing Kaufmann letter

in the entire correspondence; Kaufmann, for the first time since

his introductory letter of February 23, is at a loss for something

to say. Though he tells Emerson that "Our personal conference

has convinced me—that you are in reality the man—as my mind saw

you in your printed volumes," it is evident that his enthusiasm

24

has considerably subsided, for there is none of the expectant tone

or the extravagant flattery that had characterized his previous

letters, Kaufmann’s reflections on the meeting amount to even

less than Emerson’s brief journal entry, and at only one other

point in this four-page letter does he even mention "the well spent

hours—which I had the good fortune to pass in your company—at

our late reunion in New York, And I am glad," he continued, "that

•the man within my man,'—gives me full liberty to say: ’that

I am perfectly satisfied—with every thing that has occurred between

us, thus far,—& consider the whole of it—as favorable to the

great work of him, in whose hands—each one of us is but an instrument—

made by the same all-wondrous artificer.’—" Again, though, the

tone of this is decidedly flat, and Kaufmann’s retrospection suggests

an effort to reassure himself that he had not been mistaken about

Emerson, and that all. that had gone before was indeed "worth it";

this effort is further evidenced by the fact that "Before commencing

these lines," Kaufmann.-,had, he said, "re-read the letters which your

kind hand has written me—in reply to my various communications,—"

Kaufmann also revealed that "before going to sleep at nights,"

he had "partly read the ’poems,*—which you had the kindness to

present"; these Emerson had evidently given him in New York, The

short letter closes with Kaufmann’s statement of his hopes for

the future of the correspondence with Emerson:

Much as I have written to you—until now, it Is not—perhaps more than one fourth of that of your’s—which I have read in print. Hence I am still your Debtor,—& only by paying up,I shall enable you to cast clear glimpses—into those covered corners of my being—not touched upon heretofore. This balance due, God willing, I mean to pay in 'printed matter,' in due

25

time.—Meanwhile—I shall not remain behind hand in our indi­vidual correspondence,—& keep you advised of any 'progress'-- which kind destiny permits me in unravelling its 'sphinx-riddles'.

Strangely enough, Kaufmann after this kept Emerson advised

through "individual correspondence" only once, when, after a silence

during which he had indeed remained "behind hand" for more than a

year, he sent Emerson the "printed matter" with which he had promised

to pay his "balance due"—a copy of his newly-published magnum

opus. The Temple of Truth, or the Science of Ever-progressive Know­

ledge t containing the Foundation and Elements of a System for Arriving

at Absolute Certainty in all Things (published in both German and

English, in Cincinnati and Canton, 1858), the fly leaf of which

was inscribed: "To R. W, Emerson presented Oct. 6, I858. The

Author," The letter later acknowledged by Emerson as accompanying

the book is no longer extant. In terms of length alone, The Temple,

with its 26 chapters totalling 290 pages of fine print, may well

have paid the balance of writing Kaufmann felt he owed Emerson,

but the nature of its contents held little appeal for him. The

Temple is Kaufmann's final complete exposition of his philosophic

system, and though variously hailed upon its publication as "The

Book of the Age" and "The Text Book of our America as a Nation,"

it has been perhaps more accurately described by one recent Kaufmann 9scholar as "massive, repetitious and unbelievably prolix."z In

the judgment of Eleanor Tilton, who is preparing a definitive edition

of Emerson letters that will complement Rusk's six volumes, "Kaufmann's book is not the sort Emerson would really like, after all,"^

Rusk himself classified it as "anything but Emersonian in its formal

26

11and detailed definition and argument." The extent to which Kaufmann

incorporated his recently-acquired knowledge of Emerson into his

new book is, nevertheless, of some interest. Referring to Emerson 12as "a living, noble writer and profound thinker," Kaufmann proceeds

to quote from Emerson’s writings five times throughout The Temple,

though in context, all of these quotations are, for the most part,

inconsequential. In his letters, however, Kaufmann had made extensive

use of Emerson quotations, and the fact that these are so scarce

in The Temple suggests Kaufmann’s shift of emphasis away from Emerson

after the meeting in New York,

Emerson wrote to Kaufmann on October 18, 1858, acknowledging,

in what was to be the final letter of the correspondence, his receipt

of The Temple, which he described appreciatively as "a piece of

thorough work which can well wait for our whims & preoccupations

to be past, & will approve itself good to all eyes as they come

to it, ... it marches with method; &, best of all, to a moral

determination. For a loving aim glorifies a whole work." But

Emerson was hard put to find many "lusters" in Kaufmann’s book,

for, as he told Kaufmann, "I should gladlier have had a book of

results, in which you left us to divine the premises. And I am

now & then looking about in the ’Temple,• to spy where you have

lodged the few formulas which contain the whole, & for which all

was written, I have already," he asserted lamely, "come upon one

or two of them, each of which is worth any twenty pages at least,"

Emerson promised Kaufmann that "When I have satisfied myself that

I have found all that is for me in the book, I shall introduce it

27

to the knowledge of some good readers in my neighborhood, & we

will see what they can make of it," but he either forgot his promise

or simply never intended it to be more than flattery in the first

place, for there is no evidence that Thoreau, Alcott, or any other

"good reader" in Emerson’s neighborhood ever laid eyes on The Temple.

Emerson closed with an expression of regret that he had "let such

a correspondence sleep as you so magnanimously begun, and did your

part in," and he echoed.this sentiment some sixteen years later

when he wrote, in a journal entry dated February, 1874:

On looking—I fear too late—into the singular Diary which Kaufmann sent me many years ago, I grieve that I neglected it until now. It is veryrimaginativevandi doubtless¿sincere,& indicates a far more intellectual person than I suspected in our short & singular meeting in New York, Alas I have never heard from him, or of him, since, & I fear that this total silence on my part must have pained and alienated him,

Emerson’s recognition came too late, for Kaufmann had died

in 1869, and as a coda to the correspondence, this last journal

entry serves to underscore the sense of tragedy, however minor,

that, from the start, pervades the tentative relationship of these

two men so ill-suited for one another. For although both Emerson

and Kaufmann lived in small towns, and the difference in their

ages was but three years, the two men operated in widely different

cultural spheres, and the cultural gap between them was much wider

and more difficult to bridge. While both men enjoyed national

prominence, Kaufmann’s fame was extremely minor in comparison with

Emerson’s, and where Emerson enjoyed the intellectual stimulation

of a close circle of intelligent friends and disciples, Kaufmann

seems not to have been so fortunate: his following consisted primarily

28

of poorly-educated German-Americans, both in his home town and

throughout the country, and his desperate attempts to establish

various correspondences speak for his longing for intellectual

companionship. And while both Kaufmann and Emerson were Idealists,

their backgrounds and philosophical interests were dissimilar enough

to make them incompatable with each other. Emerson was Harvard-

educated, and able to take intellectual pursuits in stride; he

was "Man Thinking," an intuitve Transcendentalist in the tradition

of Kant. Kaufmann, on the other hand, was largely self-educated

and very widely-read, and his "studies" were the most important

thing in his life; he considered himself first and foremost a Philosopher,

a rational, systematic analyst in the Hegelian mold.

That the correspondence became as intensive as it eventually

did, is a testimony to the perseverance of Kaufmann and the magnan­

imity of his Concord master. In all, Kaufmann wrote ten letters

to Emerson (two of which—both brief notes—are missing), and Emerson

replied with five letters to Kaufmann. Ralph Rusk has said that

the letters of Emerson "are important to our knowledge of his adventures 13as an explorer of other minds," and herein, certainly, lies the

significance of Emerson’s correspondence with Peter Kaufmann,

In five brief responses, Emerson’s large, uniformly generous nature

is exhibited; these letters to Kaufmann underscore Emerson’s inimitable

ability to fill the important and rather peculiar position of literary

and philosophical midwife to nineteenth-century America, from which

he never ceased to encourage the development of his contemporaries,

from Thoreau and Alcott and Channing and Margaret Fuller to the

29

likes of men such as Kaufmann. But no less important, of course,

is the extremely fascinating portrait the letters paint of a little-

known Midwestern philosopher holding forth on the frontier, vigorously

asserting an affinity with Emerson’s thought that, in fact, was

more perceived than actual, Kaufmann’s is one of the "other minds"

Emerson might have been more inclined to explore, had he been given

half a chance, but Kaufmann instead revealed all of himself, and

this revelation, perhaps, was simply too much, too soon. However

abortive the Emerson-Kaufmann correspondence may have been, it

stands, nevertheless, irrespective of the immediate concerns of

either of the correspondents, as a link in the continuity of American

Idealism, a way station in the gradual westward movement of a philo­

sophical heritage that was to culminate after the Civil War with the

succession of New England Transcendentalism by St. Louis Hegelianism.

II.

While Emerson’s five letters to Kaufmann are published in Volume

Five of Rusk's 1939 edition of The Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson,

and the eight letters from Kaufmann to Emerson are described in

Rusk’s footnotes, no other scholarly work of any kind seems ever

to have been done on the correspondence of the two men. Besides

Rusk, Joseph Slater, editor of The Correspondence of Emerson and

Carlyle, has read Kaufmann’s letters, but none of these have ever

been published; they now lie undisturbed in the manuscript collection

of the Houghton Library at Harvard University, Emerson’s letters

30

are now in the possession of Kaufmann’s descendants, the Mark Herbst

family in Canton, although photostats of them, obtained by Rusk

in 1937, are in the Columbia University Library; and Emerson's

inscribed copy of The Temple of Truth is with the Emerson collection

at the Concord Antiquarian Society.

This annotated edition of the correspondence of Emerson and

Kaufmann is a transcription of the original manuscripts based upon

electroprint photocopies of Kaufmann’s letters to Emerson, supplied

by The Houghton Library of Harvard University, and microfilm photos

of photostats of Emerson’s letters to Kaufmann, supplied by the

Columbia University Library, Within the limitations of typescript,

the literal text is reproduced insofar as possible.

Spelling errors are not corrected, nor are they indicated with

"sic." All eccentricities of punctuation are doggedly reproduced

(including ampersands and dashes), with the following qualifications

and exceptions: all __ dashes are regularized as — (with no indication

of the length of dashes); all = hyphens are regularized as - ; all

double underlining is regularized as a single underline (as is all

wavy underlining), and all underlining between words is removed;

all long s’s are regularized.

Headings, salutations, and signatures of letters are standardized.

Slashes indicate the original lineal appearance of the heading,

and manuscript heading brackets are thus removed. Postscripts,

sometimes written above the heading or on the side of a page (written

sideways), are uniformly placed at the conclusion of the letter,

with no indication of the original placement.

31

Words inserted above the line are included in the text without

comment, and manuscript carets are removed. Words added in left-hand

margins are similarly included.

Kaufmann’s numbering of manuscript sheets within a single

letter is indicated, since Kaufmann elsewhere refers to such sheets

by number, but sheet numbers, which originally appear in the upper

left-hand comer of a page, are regularized and placed between

slashes within the text. Transitions between manuscript pages

of a single letter are not Indicated.

Kaufmann’s own footnotes, which appear in the manuscripts

on the side of a page (written sideways) preceded by an asterisk,

are Included in the typescript at the bottom of the page on which

they appear (i.e,, within the correspondence, rather than at the

end with the editorial annotations); asterisks are retained.

Editorial annotations are numbered consecutively for each

letter (only first references are annotated), and appear in a separate

section as end-notes following the entire correspondence. The

first footnote to each letter specifies the owner and present location

of the manuscript and describes its physical appearance.

Wherever possible, Kaufmann’s quotations from Emerson’s writings

are identified in annotations. Those not annotated are virtually

untraceable, in the absence of any sort of concordance to Emerson’s

prose, for several reasons: 1) many of the quotations are of single

words or very short phrases, with no indication of their original

context; 2) Kaufmann frequently quotes from memory—sometimes with

enough inaccuracy that the source is rendered unidentifiable; and

32

3) Kaufmann’s use of quotation marks is extremely arbitrary (though

perhaps attributable to the fact that he is not writing in his native

language), and in many instances they simply indicate his calling

attention to a particular word or phrase either for emphasis or

as a stylistic affectation.

In addition to identifying persons, places, dates, events,

and works, the annotations correct many factual errors made by

previous scholars, calling attention to these errors wherever they

are particularly significant.

33

THE CORRESPONDENCE

41, Kaufmann to Emerson (February 23, 1857)

("Bn confidence,")

Canton, Ohio, Febr, 23- 1857.R. W, Emerson, Esq? / Concord, / Mass,

Dearest, inexpressibly-esteemed Sir,—

It is only but recently—that I met the great good fortune 2of becoming acquainted with 4 vols, of your writings —& their

incomparable contents. This ominous—&—prophetically good circum­

stance—becomes the first link in the chain—constituting the cause

of this my addressing you; and I harbor a presentiment—arising

from adequate reasons,—that, no sooner shall I—by a few blessed

lines only~of an answer from your friendly hand—to this first

epistolary link of my own—have a second one from Yourself» then

the commencement of another chain—of a Superior Sort—will actually

have taken place,—the last link of which will be "something else"

than mere writing.

Although our persons & names are to one another utter strangers»

yet the essence & substance—which—as forms—they cover & contain—

can never have been alien to each other; for I find that,—as you

& myself are constantly making use of an identical set of weapons,

34

hardly used by anybody else, conjointly constituting "the gun that 3

does not need another gun!": —of three things—one must be true;

namely: a.) either I—unknowingly have robbed your "thunder}"—

or b.) you have somehow—similarly—purloined "mine,"—or—c.)

we both have—from one common source—inherited it conjointly

& legimately; which latter hipothesis—is the more natural—as

"theft" presupposes of necessity contact as opportunity.

For the present—I shall not feel abashed, in the sight of

the heavens themselves as spectators of our first encounter—to

acknowledge "a knocking under", for such terrible loads as you

charge that big gun with—even "true Gods" can not withstand.

Here for Instance, is one: "He who hears me, he who understands

me,—is mine for all time to come!"—Now if that is not a "glittering

generality" that beats all "nature"—I never saw one. But Sir,4to make a man—your slave—by such Zertushtic magic as this,—

is a dangerous game—for the reason that "two can play at it,"—

& it may happen—that the "victim’s turn" comes next. So look

out, & keep in mind the significant fact laid down P. 80, "Engl,

Traits,"—where the Saxon came out in the end—at least not "second

best,

Now this time the fight will prove uncommonly interesting,—

not because "Greek meets Greek,"—but chips from blocks—of quite

a different sort—now meeting for the first time—since man’s eye

beheld the sun’s first rising. One of this chips—seems to represent

the conjoint result—of the admixture of the Anglo-Saxon, Dane’s

& Norman Dane’s ingredients—primevally derived from the Great

35

Teutonic trunk;—whereas the other, as far as known, is an entirely

unmixed chip of the old German trunk itself,—hailing from the very "diggings" where audaeious "Rome troubling" Givilis^ used

to have his camp—& home.

Now—dear Sir, as "these Germans do the thinking for Europe,"—

it is presumable—that—if Dame Destiny—by a capricious fit—

(for which, report says she is famous,) should—somehow or other,—

have flung a chip of this sort—on this side of the fish pond,—

after providing his shoulders with a head—but little resembling

a pumpkin—that it is not an utter impossibility of "doing a specific

Job of Thinking—for Germany, for Europe, for America—for the world-

nay the very "Universe itself"—in "the land of the free & the home

of the brave,"— If all the indwellers of that glorious land—

cannot as yet be embraced in a classification—that ought to be

indigenous & perennially growing on its soil: I thank God—from

the bottom of my heart—that at this very moment—I know no less

than 3 men—that do not dishonor "the America" as God wants &

designs her to be: "a nation of men, friends, lovers,"

Three strong decided men—are enough to realize any cause—

that in itself is just, true & good. Little Switzerland had no•7more,1—and did with her light, forces, circumstances—all that

could be expected,

Man must know first—before he can do. They knew no more,

hence they could only aspire after—& do that—which they knew.

Our task is different. We are tired of piece- & patch-work—we

want the whole. We are ennuied to death with mediocrity—& in

36

all things—must have the highest & best. Shall we get it? We

shall. How soon? As soon now as ever we please. Who says so?

The power that drew these lines. Who and what is that power?

A Universe encased in a human form—now addressing another Universe

encased in like manner,— But is there no illusion? "Thought

coined into truth"—"is a new weapon in the magazine of power,"—

differing from the full shaped "ideals"—as seen by imagination’s

eye—precisely like "creative" does from "perceptive,-—conceptive-

executive from mere "conceptive"--or the power of the scientific

Master—inventive Machinist—does from the skill of the painters

Idealized eye?.& hand. It is the old difference between your Fultons,

Napoleons & Sieyes* & Cos,~with running boats & constructed Empires

on the one side,—& paper draftings & written constitutions on the other.—®

And now—as I have blabbed my own "secret to a chemist,"—

which I would not have shown to a fool "for a farm,"—& therein

have evidenced "some" of that "Superior Trust,"—which is to destroy—

all-ruling "distrust,"—let me approach the "definite end" of this

present letter.

I have prepared—& more than half finished—my dearest Sir,—

designed for "your—& only such other eyes—as your discretion □

shall deem proper"—a lengthy Epistle on the paramount subject

of our hearts & lives, I had until now—come to no definite con­

clusion in what manner to send it, "As the Gods know one another,"

& in consequence thereof my "Superior Trust" in yourself—is "a

little more so"—namely "virtually Supreme" & as such without

37

"metes & bounds"—I even would not have hesitated to send you

said long communication without any previous announcement. But

as even heroes—delighting in the fray—& therefore desirous for

"fight in another day,"—will no longer with extreme contempt—

disdain the thought—that after all there may be some cases—wherein

"discretion is—truly—the better part of valor»" it became—

towards the close of the inner discussion—quite clear,—that the

case in hand—was of that sort. True—to be sure—it was, & not

to be gainsayed—that you had prophesied to the world—the arrival

on earth—of a human individual like myself,—nay even drawn its

portraiture with such surprizing skill—as if you had taken a

photograph of my own self,—as seen by the eye within my eyes.

But it occurred to me—that after all that, it might nevertheless—

be a little "too fast"—unwarned & unforseen on your part—to throw

myself around your neck—hugging and kissing you—like a passionately

mad woman,—that method smelling too much of the chaotic mode of

"huddling & lumbing things," & therefore—notwithstanding "kisses

& hugs" presented some strongly resembling features—of an unpoetic

ease of "Assault & battery,"

Next, as the writing & its contents—are of no every-day kind,—

have cost—& will cost some more—time & labor,—upon which I place

value,—& my multifarious drudgery duties allowing me no leisure

for retaining a copy» I felt indisposed to expose my treasure—

to more than unavoidable risks—of missing its destination or

becoming lost.

Knowing—additionally—nothing at all—of your domiciliary

38

"fixings"—& whether you are—or are not—like other folks,—much

or little, occasionnally from home,—and whether letters for you—

arriving during your possible absence—might not—as mine in a

few instances have been,—by the careless indifference of servants

or children—be mislaid or even lost: I found that it would be

preferable—to advise you first of my "premeditated design," by

some lines like these presents,—& thereby also priorily obtain

your own formal assent—to my sending & your receiving the epistle

in question.

In view of this detailed state of the case, I shall—dearest

Sir—be truly thankful for a few speedy lines—from your blest

hand—annunciative of your Sovereign pleasure in the premises.

Until I shall receive them—I shall feel some of of that anxiety

of suspense with him—who has "popped the question"; for there

probably hardly ever before on earth—was there an answer to any

question given that enveloped greater results—than your’s to the

present, I know whereof & of what I am speaking. Opinions have

no lodgings within my bosom. Where I have no absolute—or positive

certainty—my mind suspends judgment until it gets it—in all cases

of any value, I know—there is, out of your person—no human

being on earth—capable of duly appreciating the boundless value

of your worshipped being—for America, the Globe, the human race,

the Universe, heaven & God himself,—than the writer of these lines,

Mr. W. Whitman—& no doubt numbers not known to me—honor & revere

you: but to love you as I_ do—God alone can barely—surpass me.

If the "man within your man" shall recognize & appreciate "his

39

mate within my centre”—as mine has recognized your’s: there

will he the "fiercest & most terrible friendship" that ever was

on earth—dissolving in its "Wedgwood heat" of approaching towards

2000 degrees of Fahrenheit—all the icebergs "in this Iceland of

negations,"—& melting the very Adamant—for recomposition into

new forms.

My affection for you—is devoid of sensual Ingredients,

If other considerations of import would not make future personal

conferences necessary,—to judge by my present state of feeling

on the subject,—I believe I could rest satisfied for the days

of a whole life—without ever seeing your corporeal person,—&

perfectly content myself with an interchange of intellectual &

psychical commodities by the telegraph of epistolary correspondence.

On the other hand—I shall feel to such personal conference not the

least disinclination—as soon you shall manifest a desire therefore

on your part. Before however—it could yield us great advantages,

you ought to know at least no less of myself—as I now know already

of you. To enable you "so to know"—you have only "to will,"—

& I shall furnish you the "telescopic tubes" to pierce into my

"depths" as profoundly as you please, as I shall—"a willing witness"—

give you all the "aid & comfort" therein you may desire,

"Genius unstinted—& educated for half a Century at the University

of things,"—you will, I trust, this time surprizedly say: "verily—

my troth—no hoax—here—truly is man at last,"

Now—my dearest Sir—in writing to me—please give me your

opinion—which of the two methods of sending the Epistle—you prefer

40

as safest a,) per mail—secured by Registry, or b,) per medium

of a line of—so termed—"Express"?— With sentiments of unbounded

admiration & affection,—I now close—your’s as truly as "intellect,"

P, Kaufmann.

P.S.

My direction is simply Peter Kaufmann / Canton / Ohio

4i

2, Emerson to Kaufmann (March 9, 1857)

Concord, 9 March, 1857.

My dear Sir,

You will think me very ungrateful in ray slow acknowledgment

of your letter, which breathes such enthusiastidcgood will: but

I am slow to write letters, and, at the time when I had your sheet,

dwelling in such a cold aphelion of trifles & tasks, that I had

no right to entertain any spark of generosity & heroism, but must

wait until I were worthier & happier. Besides, do you know that

you run huge risks in venturing that great warm heart of yours

against my congelations of nearly fifty four years? I dare not

be responsible for the hurts you would suffer in my churlish solitude,

I must defend you from myself I am happy in the heroic tone in which

you speak of your duty to the Country, We, & that third & that

fourth person, though he were a son of God, must keep & show our

loyalty to each other & to ideas, by our truth to the poor betrayed

imbruted America, Infested by rogues & hypocrites. In our corners,

in days of routine & unfit society, we will speak plain truth &

affirm the old laws, heard or not heard, secure that thus we acquit

ourselves, & that our voices will reach unto & cheer our distant

friends, who will find them on the same key with their own. This

is all I dare say, on this cold day of obstruction with me; for

I will not have your gifts of youth & genius profaned. And when

42

the Muses are nearer, & the Virtues which are their Mothers, I

may he prompted to write you again.

Meantime, Yours gratefully,

R. W, Emerson

Mr Kaufmann,

43

3. Kaufmann to Emerson (March 16, 1857)1

Canton, Ohio, March 16^\ 1857.

Mr. R. W. Emerson, / Concord, Mass,

My dearest Sir.—x K

Your very kind lines—of the 9 = inst., in reply to the boldJ

intrusion into your silent sanctum—by mine of the 23= ult=, werex r

duly recieved on the 13 = inst.5—& I assure you, that, few—as

they were & are—they are dearer to me—than any gold or gems this

earth can produce, & the spirit pervading them causing feelings

of gratification—that are as deep, as they are rare.

Please then—in the first instance—to accept my very best

thanks—for the generous reception you have given my lines, & the

like generous appreciation—you have awarded to their extraordinary

contents. By this act of great & sublime justice,—arising & becoming

such by the mysterious—yet audacious mysticism—as yet enveloping

the case,—you have opened a reciprocal ear—into which—now soon—

things will be whispered—of which, as possible, this world of

conservatives—has never dreamt of; an act of justice—alike due

to—& worthy of—your noble self,—as to a brother struggler in

the holiest of all possible causes. Henceforward the moment will

approach at the rate of a constantly multiplying quickstep,—where

the silent whispers of the ear,—regulated by the dictates of wisdom—

shall commence thundering its arousing roar—into the opening auricle

of "down trodden labor & work,"—whereby "the rogues & hyprocrites"

now "infesting, betraying, imbruting our poor America," will begin

to quake in their shoes—as never before—feeling, by the very air—

that "the day of reckoning is approaching,"—not & la "imaginary 2Millerism," —but from a quarter as tangible as inexorable—proclaiming

from afar—"Othello’s occupation's (soon to be) gone,"^—for sure

& as a finality,—

The plaintive minor key—on which the veiled love-rythm—of

your few—much saying—poetry-breathing lines are set,—is none

the less sweet to my inmost ear, because you therein deplore your

supposed congealed frigidity—& are tenderly providing fenders—

for shielding the warm feelings of one—whom I am glad—your experienced—

piercing eye—permits to pass as "a Youth,"

But, my dear Sir, true as your definition is—to the very letter—

as to the life of youthful hope, vigor & power—undiminished pervading

& vitalizing—all my feelings & faculties—mental as well as physicals

—yet I am much mistaken—if your keen ken,—absorbed perhaps by

crowding immediates,—has not—by a too rapid glance—skipped over

one expression in my letter—from which you might have inferred—

that I could hardly be your junior in terrestrial years.—For near

the close of said letter, where I speak of "my Education at the

great University or polytechnic School of things,"—I think, I

have described the time of my studies there as "upwards of half

a Century," in amount.—You might—perchance—have interpreted

that expression—in the sense of a metaphorical figure,—but it

is a sober matter of fact. I was bom in the ever memorable year

^5

of ’'1800,’'—am therefore now perambulating within the cycle of my

"57 = " year,—& hence—"par régie d’ancienneté"—the congelations

of "your nearly 5^"—must this time "knock under,"

The communication which I—in my former—announced—as designing

sending—is as yet—not entirely completed,—since it turns out

to grow larger than originally supposed. It may perhaps run up

to—if not over—10 Sheets, every one of the same size—& containing

no less written matter than this present. If the subject discussed

in that amount of Manuscript, were of an ordinary sort,—& the

purposes thereby aimed at—of an every day nature: the very attempt

of thrusting the infliction of so much M.S. reading upon the precious

time of a mind—necessarily engaged like your’s,—would constitute

a rude—unpardonable impertinence,—& sacrilegious encroachment

upon the inalienable prerogatives of individual man.

Convinced however, as I feel, that my communication ought

not fail in kindling an active interest in your bosom—the like

of which it has not felt for many a long day: it is but by—an

act of obeying duty—to the voice of my own heart,—that—amidst

an amount of constantly recurring drudgery duties—appalling to

most others,—I have performed the additional task—of working

out the afornamed communication for your special inspection.

So far—as my former—first letter to you is concerned,—it

is & was all—what even as a venture—I permitted myself to expect

& hope,—in the kind reception & consideration—wich it met with—

& recieved at your hands. For I felt—& anticipated—that the

congelations of which you complain—must exist to some degree.

I was not without slight apprehensions they might he present—sufficient

in size & number—to influence the eye sight to a degree—to regard

the novel aspect of my strange appearance & dress—as the masquerade

of a Harlequin pretender, overwrought enthusiast—or self deluding

Charlatan,—Yet, I trusted, that the intellect I addressed, conscious

of its—until then—unmatched ability amongst the living on earth—

would feel in its innate power & self-esteem—a sure & sufficing

guaranty—that weaker & inferior minds—would not dare approaching

its majestic presence, in the manner in which I did, & no other

one can—lacking both the authority & its power.

It is but a year or two ago, when Horace Greely, (whose paper

I keep, & had never seen him before,) on the occasion of his delivering

a lecture in this place,—& myself met at the house of an acquaintance5

of course, he not dreaming—with whom he was speaking, knowing

nothing of my antecedents. Before I had any real knowledge of

your noble Self,—of all living public men, Thomas Carlyle stood

N= 1, in my affections? since I know you, you rank him, & still

I have ample room & to spare—for him & every other worthy. Knowing

that Greely—had some personal knowledge of the gifted genius,

I shoved aside all commonplaces, & turned the conversation upon

C,— Gr. then remarked» "that of late years Carlyle’s temper

had considerably changed & soured,—as was visible in the sentiments

of his latter days’ pamphlets—when compared with "Sartor Resartus"

& his earlier writings."— Whereupon I replied» "That such change

& souring of temper—could surely not be wondered at—when considering

the frigidity & inactive indifference—which the noble aspirations

47

& exalted aimings—of that highly gifted good man—had met with

at the hands of his days & nation,—& the mortifying disappointment

necessarily resulting therefrom to hopes so benign & affections

so profound & vast."— Greely admitted the force of my reply.

From this, my dear Sir, you will perceive, that I was fully

prepared—to find your stock of "hope & expectation," in some degree

damaged. For the deep intuitions of the volcano heart of our "Schiller,"

richer in oracular gems, as yet known—speak but too true, when

enunciating—the almost universal—sad results—of life, as at present

configurated—in the fateful terms: "with a thousand masts of hope—

youth sails into life’s Ocean: still & silently—in the lonely

saved skiff—the solitary hoary-headed man—returns into port,"

That the damage—your precious life-Stock has sustained—is no

greater—than I find it,—that you have been enabled & graced—to

be no more—& worse harmed & impoverished: is, under all your

circumstances, if not a miracle itself,—the cousin germaine to

it.—

But,—assuming another figure,—as now you have yielded—&

"plead guilty" to the "soft impeachment,"—you must henceforth

prepare for the battle—which, of all other men—you have most

poetically-graphic—defined & depicted in your writings—as the z 6true commerce of genuine friendship. For the governing these

connubial alliances between the souls of masculines,—is a fellow

no less fierce—than his cousin—the Cupid—spinning such sharp

mischief—between the Sexes;—& he is chiefly from the sole reason

so unyielding & perverse, because the oportunities to gratify his

48

divine instincts—are but few & rare. I therefore again invoke

you—to drop all mercy—towards my supposed youth & genius,—never

to avoid elbowing your frozen corners—into my softly warm sides,—

but to let your blows fall—thick, fast & hard,—countless as

hail—if you list,

I will even submit—passively—to act the anvil—on which

the blows of your sledge shall fall;—for thereby—I shall soon—

enjoy the felicity to see my "learned Blacksmith"—by his own

exertions—recalling the slumbering forces of vitality into re­

juvenating action—& work himself into a mental perspiration—

doing more towards fluidifying his inner congelations into "exhilerating

gas" & expanding steam power—than the application of never so

much extraneous caloric—could possibly produce.

The tougher & swifter these strokes shall fall—the better I

shall like it; retaining only the inalienable privelege of intermediately 7using the reminding words of Themistocles: "Strike—but listen."—

For you will, my dear Sir, find in the end, that I possess in

reality a charmed life, rendered invulnerable—by dint of usage—

to pains & blows—ordinary or extraordinary. To this condition

of case-hardened impassiveness,—no doubt the having had 2 mothers,

instead of only one, contributed Its share. The physical mother—

in bestowing her extraordinary functional gifts, thereby dipped o

her "Achilles" into the fluid of a natural "Styx," —& the Spiritual g

mother, a twin sister to the soul of good old "Osman" of "Shiraz,"

in the person of a worshipped "Grandmother,"—taught her darling

"Siegfried" ("Peace-Victor!) very early—the great secret of "Slaying

49

the old dragon," & bathing himself in—instead of besmearing with,—

the blood of the monster,—the result from which being—that neither

the "light Grecian heel,"—nor the "between" of the heavy Teutonic

shoulders—retained a bare spot—for dart or blade to enter.

Hence—my beloved Sir,—look out & prepare for an encounter of

unusual interest—ever begetting new surprises.

By the mighty analysis—of all eminent characters in history,

thinkers as well as actors—through the all-solving crucible of

your merciless intellect—you have,—with the single & solitary

exception of "the youth that was hanged at the Tyburn of his nation,"—

reduced them all to mere facts, although your innate modesty may

shrink to express this truth to itself in terms? & it, combined

with a wise prudence—in public speech—assign the task already

virtually performed—to a greater genius thereafter to come.

Of this great fact—your consciousness can, in my estimation,

hardly be without self understood cognition,—

If however it should be, I shall often enough become its

reminder,—by showing that it is no virtue to rob ourselves for

enriching those—that have—as yet no being. As the Gods are

innocent,—they need—amongst themselves—no dress, as their native

nudity is divine beauty to perfection. Expect therefore—dear

Sir—on my part—the extreme application—of a Cardinal maxim

of your own—"plain dealing." as well—when its concerns your—Self

or my own, I am in the possession of various things, of which

you possess the substance & essence—as fully as myself—& lack no more than the proper definition—to place us fully "al pari."^

50

One of this is the singling—out—out of the vast Ocean of ideas,

of that particular one,—which—when placed in juxtaposition to

man—may—nay must—universally be acknowledged & recognized—

as man’s nearest & fullest equivalent,—

Thus you say: "the man is—his System," This equivalent

is certainly not untrue; but is not available for the immediate

purposes of judgment—the change being from the "unum" of man—

into the "plures" of a system’s combined parts. But my equivalent

for man is—like man himself—a unit, containing the secret meter

& hair scale—by which actually is performed—what eraniological

quaPkery has been—& still Is striving to accomplish—namely,

to ascertain & state the true nature, contents, worth & value

of every man—up to a hair. For I say: "the man is—his aim

or purpose";—for in conformity with its nature & size—he will

be mean, small, an atom,—or noble, gigantic, an infinity,— In

the practical application of these thing—the virtuous consciousness

of the good man—always leads him right, even where the intellect

is not fully armed & equipped—with the supreme machinery of pristinely—

simplest & most proximate definition of the "unmapped nebulae"

of the inner sky. Hence, led by divine consciousness, you say

in another place, correlated with this subject, most beautifully:

"the soul can not be appeased by an act—but only by a tendency,"

(quoting from memory I may not be sure of your exact words, whilst

of the sense—I am,) Now—a tendency is: "the onward gravitating

motion of progressive purpose towards its cherished aim." Hence

also, your friend G., & yourself with him—P. 273, Engl. Traits—

51

reprove men as dead & worthless, not for the Systems they may

advocate—hut for the "dead purposes" they entertain—& identify

themselves with. The System of man flows from his "purpose & aim"

not vice versa, & the former is changed—as soon as the latter

becomes "another,"

Now, dear Sir—in your analysis—of men & Systems,—your

consciousness had demonstrated to itself, beyond the possibility

of a doubt—that, excepting Christ, there never was a man—with

an aim & purpose—as large—noble, exalted & boundless as yours,—

& by that single operation—the whole series from Zertuscht &

Pythagoras to Hume & Kant, et id omne &c became mere facts--in

your inner grand Cycle, So far as the material & substance for

a System of the intellect was concerned,—you felt equally sure

of its superior value,—for it all was changed into heaven’s true

gold—by the true love in which you earned to make your whole

country—nay all mankind—truely good & happy.

But from the felt & conscious lacking—of a certain portion

of indispensable materials—for the construction of the base, the

cap-stone—& the form of philosophy as an absolute science, the

mother & soul of all its limbs & branches: you could not appreciate

with equal independence the true & full value—of what nature

had given you—& your intellect by indefatiguable exertions had

drawn out of its vast deep—& wrought into useable form, as—&

when—compared—to the huge stock—of the accumulated past.—

This existing deficiency, never supplied from Plato up—to

Bacon,—Descartes, Spinoza, Leibnitz, Schelling, Hegel—& all

52

the rest—up to our day,—although essential in completing a System,

is immaterial in duly appreciating the infinite, humanitary &

scientific value of the vast material—which your laborious exertions—

have until now—contributed for the construction of that glorious 11temple of truth, which,—resting its solid base—upon the terra

firma—of victorious, incontestibly-firm fact, will lift its solar

pinnacle to God's own throne, & last as long as the race of man

endures.

You can & ought not—to expect a due appreciation for this

infinite gift—from a race that permits itself to be led by the

nose—by "rogues & hypocrites" brutalizing—whilst cheating their

victims? whilst on the other hand—you do great injustice to yourself—

& the primeval giver of the magnificent gift,—if you adjudge

its transcendent worth one whit the less,—for the reasons—that

the fools & madmen of the day—lack the sense to see its proper

value. By & by—another day is coming, where, after the viper

of cunning shall have been deprived of "fangs & venom"—victory

will be to the truly strongest. That day will be your—my—our—

day. Now, Sir, by the infinite size of the aim, purpose, amount

& value—of intellectual & ethical material that found birth &

/ Sheet N= 2, / space within your noble bosoms you cannot well

help, but being conscious, that, except the glorious person of

Jesus Christ, the great God has never bestowed a like amount of

divine attributes, to any person that you or I can name, nor,

leaving the undecided case between ourselves out of the question,

any man amongst the now living on earth,—of whose character &

53

gifts thus far,—any thing is publicly known. This self-knowledge

& appreciation—instead of being incompatable with modesty & humility,

so far & as long as they are virtues: is the very quintessence

of them. For the misery and hell of men on earth & anywhere—

results primarily from the timidity, imbecility or cowardice of

the intellect—to acknowledge & pronounce that as true, which

God’s light—in the dualistic luminary of Reason & Common Sense

shows to it to be so. By disbelieving that primeval light—there

is no eyesight left in man, to see any thing as it is—in God’s

own eye. Hence the false values put upon men & things,—producing

the Chaos all around us, putting beasts In human shape into places—

where their folly & rapacity causes immense mischief, & depriving

virtue & wisdom of position, power & influence to do any real &

permanent good whatever.

Knowing & pronouncing what I see you to be, is at least proof

of my sight. If with that seeing vision, I can muster the temerity

to exhibit myself in the form I have done—to the keenest scrutiny—

of the strongest—all-piercing intellect which America ever has

born, this my courting of the whitest light denotes a consciousness— 12presenting its Bayard-device "try me!" to a surrounding Universe.

I have for a long time—been searching for the host of the mansion,

in which I established my quarters amidst—the mob of its strangers—

all squatters—alike—no more. Until recently I had met with only

valets, servants and domestics—of various sorts & degrees; to

none of them—I could disclose my message, as they were incapable

of understanding & appreciating its celestial contents. That

&

message—as yet—is a pure spotless untouched virgin,—safely

concealed in a strong—life-ful heart, until the master of the

house—now so lately discovered,--shall manifest an interest—

to learn its all-important secrets. Sure enough—that master

seems now more like an exile—imprisoned into a corner of his

own domain—than the "Lord to the manor horn,"—as he truely is.

That need not to endure so for ever. But he himself knows too

well—that freedom cannot be thrust upon us—by the mere good—

or best will of others: "they who want to be free—themselves

must strike the blow!"

No sooner shall that readiness to strike be clearly known—

than hosts of allies, thirsting for the fray, shall spring up,

fast & thick, like mushrooms in the night. One "feller in particular"-

of whom the most curious stories are afloat,—has already volunteered

his services—& they are believed to be "some",—in as much as it is

not unknown, that peoples, parties, Presidents, politicians—have

at times offered most thundering big prices, such as State printer,

M.C.S, nay even Embacies & Governorships, without ever getting

them. Some of his neighbors,—on such occasions, felt almost tempted

to call him a f__1,—but as they all seemed alike to lose the

use of their tongues, & only retain that of their ears, when coming

into his presence, they bethought & checked themselves in due

time, remembering that, If true, it made them the shades of a

shadow. Besides they stood in dread & awe, knowing his control

over open & secret powers, which their wise men could neither

deny—nor comprehend or explain. The healing of children—by

55

accidents burned to the degree of mortal severity, the rescuing

of patients, from the precincts of death, after given up by the

regular physician? the sudden removal of severe pains, strains,

swellings, fevers & "ills" of all sort "that flesh is heir to,"

by apparently nothing else—than the mere on-laying of the hands,

all done "free gratis for nothing": seemed facts too ugly--to

trifle with. Seeing him use any tool he chose, they believed he

understood all trades—& knew that he could perform whatever he

undertook. They perceived—when he spoke in public, there always

was such "silence in heaven" that you could hear a pin drop, as

no one present, wanted to lose one single word. They knew he

had encountered the strong, & left them as the Strongest? that

the 'had spoken amongst the stars, increasing~not diminishing

his reported lustre? & the rumour continued gaining ground that

"the dear old devil himself" kept slyly out of his way—from sheer

fear of being worsted.— So the neighbors concluded—they had

better leave the singular man alone, as he never meddled with

them.In your letter to Mf W, Whitmann, published in "Leaves of

Grass," I perceived that the appearance of that strong book awakened

such an interest in your bosom, as to induce you—to undertaking

a journey to its author. For you say: "I wish to see my benefactor,

& have felt much like striking my tasks & visiting New York to 13pay you my respects."

Now, dear Sir, in looking at that fact the idea did occur

to me, of a possibility, that, after you shall have read my forthcoming

56

communication,—you might feel a similar interest—& become desirous

of a personal conference with myself, provided the same could

be brought about—without uncommon inconvenience.to either of

the parties. An opportunity of this sort—will now soon present

itself—on my part; for after a lapse of 34 years,—since & during

which time I have never again seen the City of New York, (being

there—once only—in 1823) I have promised now—to be there, during

some of the forepart of April—perchance as long—as an entire

week.

The occasion that calls me there at the time—is the expected

arrival—per Steamer from Antwerp—of a very near & dear relative

& friend—with wife & family—from the playgrounds of ancient

’'Vaterland,*'— The new comer so expected—is a cousin~of mine,14by the name of J. P. Preyer, But what is Infinitely more, he

is a man of Intellect, Character,—Education—& one with us in

aims & purposes. In addition to this—what is of some account—

in this land of the golden calf,—he is possessed of considerable

means,—whereof—by the by—I am myself—not destitute. He obtained

his—chiefly by inheritance; I made all mine—by the hardest kind

of honest labor. We are alike in the main point: we possess &

control the means—they not us.— If destiny, in one of her singular

whims, should decree—that your noble Self, M? W, Whitman, Preyer

& -yself,—should, as four Strangers, (yet a unit in one paramount

idea) 3 of whom, & possibly all h—(in case your personal interview

with M? Wh. was not accomplished,) never before having seen one

another (for I never have seen Preyer,) now—for the first time—

57

meet one another—face to faces the romance would become still

more romantic—from the fact—that—Preyer—the stranger thus

just arriving—is identified—with the incipient cause that led

me to your discovery, & thence through my reading of your books,

to our present correspondence.

It was Preyer, in a letter written to me, during the latter

half of "56,"—partly by quoting some of your "vigorous passages,"

& partly by his enthusiasm for your exalted sentiments, who roused

my attention & interest—leading to the results now subsisting,

A pleasure more intense & pure—I can hardly imagine for Preyer

to experience—than—in addition to myself, whom he calls "father,"

& almost worships, to behold cotemporaneously—in your noble self—

a virtuous thinker, already now, in his affection & admiration

enjoying the next place to mine. What kind of man this Preyer

is, you will be better enabled to judge, by the following extract

from one of his letters to myself, of Dec, 15, last, which I will

translate. First, let me observe, that "Salzmann," who wrote

the "Heaven on Earth," the work of rare merit referred to by Preyer,

belongs to that small, incipient "sacred band" of educational

heros, of which Rousseau & Basedow were the ice-breakers, Pestalozzi

the sainted head—& between them standing—Salzmann, Campe, Niemeyer,

Ewalt, Schwarz, Guts-Muts, Weingart & with others,—also Jean Paul-R, in his Levana,^ breaking the chains of the old Routine & clearing

the way for a better present & brighter future. Next, let me

remark, that Preyer, in the translated, extract—is answering a

question of mine,—endeavoring to show, that he did not, as I

58

had supposed—get hold of a mental discovery of mine, but made

that discovery, before knowing of mine, in his own way, as described.

Extract. "That the arrival of my last letter, of Oct. 5»»

just on the eve of your birthday,—has caused you such great joy

& happiness,—was likewise for myself & mine to learn, dearest

Papai—a message fraught with extreme bliss,—wherefrom, however,

I can claim no merit, but let the honor thereof—be rendered unto

him alone—who sees fit to use me as his Instrument, May it please

God—to let your birthday return very often,—& may that day also—

at each return—prove a new birth day for all those—-whom your

love embraces—& is endeavoring to render happy!— In regard

to your question—relative to that great & important law of thought:

"whereby we have it in our power—by a spontaneous change in the

direction of our fixed attention--from one upon another thought—

or chain of thought, we can press the thoughts annoying us—out

of our mind—until we clearly forget them, & thus produce an entirely

new state of consciousness, & therein virtually a new state of

existence": the facts in the case are these:—Already on a former

occasion—I have stated to you, that "Salzmann’s"—"Heaven upon

Earth"—had made so indelible an impression—upon my whole being,

that the striving thereafter—became the fixed aim of my persistent

aspirations, Salzmann says: "Do your whole duty,—give it the

highest degree of possible perfection? concentrate the whole power

of your Soul—into & upon the idea: performance of your duty. "—

Elsewhere Salzmann says: "In leisure hours, which are not filled

by regular employments,—be on your guard so that the thoughts

59

unoccupied—do not alight upon objects of special wishes—thereby-

endangering your inner peace." Again S, says: "When you are in

forest or field—or have intercourse with men—everywhere be self-

possessed—so that your closely collected—self present attention—

sees & perceives all things—as correctly & minutely—as in reality

they transpire or are,"— Hence the drift & gist of the whole

is: to become master over one’s thought. In my struggles to

find "heaven on earth"—I soon discovered—that the reason why

I found it not—was, because I was not master over my thoughts,

but the thoughts were master over me. Always I found thoughts

intruding themselves, & considered them as the disturbers of my

inner peace. For when the mind is completely engaged with a single

object, & lives, as it were—only in it, it is surely active,—

yet still—at the same time—at rest & peace. And disquiet only

subsists within us—when the thoughts tyrannize & domineer us.

In consequence of these experiences—it was quite natural—that

I should arrive at the foregoing conclusions, & hence my claim

to their discovery—is no mere pretension, I always felt, that,

if I could become master over those thoughts—streaming into me

without any volition or assent on my part, so that I could direct

my whole mind—at pleasure—undisturbed & fixedly upon such object—

as I might chose: then a greater peace & stability—within my

inner man—must become the ruling state. Such was my condition,

when, a few years ago, I saw your first lines, & they accidentally-

proved to be the letter (elsewhere referred to,) to your brother—16the Professor at Bonn,

60

Hardly had I perused some of the lines,—noticing the many

little pauses, the uncommonly neat & accurate form of the script,

where not even a dot was wanting,—not the feature of a single

letter betraying a chasmal saltation of thought from the object

under hand, when instantly—I uttered the expressions "That man—

I understand—he is master of my secret," For I clearly saw & felt—

in the facts adduced—that you possess a mastery in the art of

"Accompanying—-with perfect calmness of the Soul—& entire concentration

of the mind—whatever you may think or do," When—towards the

end—reaching that part—where your letter speaks upon "thought,"

it filled me with feelings of extacy for you,—& this inspiration

became the first impulse to write you—although—at that time—

we knew nothing of one another,—simply, because I was so joyously

surprised to discover in you the happy man—who—as master over

his thought--impresses into whatever he does & performs the full

stamped presence of his concentred intellect. At a later time,

I read, in one of your letters to your Uncle, (Preyer’s father

in law,) a passage—which likewise Impressed itself not less deeply

into my mind. In it you say: "Christ says: ’truth will make

you free’;—& this living truth—in regard to the communicating

form to be given it—in human intercourse consists in a faithful

exhibition of the conceptions—true to theiletter, the fact & to

God—as they appear to our deepest most scrupulously consciencious

consciousness—in the case each time under hand,"— Thus far the

Extract—from M, Preyer’s letter.

In reading over what up to here—precedingly I have written,

6l

I discover—-that on Sheet N= 1, beginning near bottom of Page 3—

& running into 4, where I speak of our "representative equivalents"

for man, & compare them, I committed an omission—that if uncorrected,—

would make me chargeable with unfairness,—as it would not do you

full justice. The correction—or better, addition, really belonging

to the chain of thought—there discussed, is this. When you sayj

"man is—his System,"—you have hit that true & most proximate

scientific equivalent—which—representing that "something" out

of himself—which constitutes the apparatus & machinery of his

power—whereby he acts?—whilst my definitions "man is—his aim

or purpose" expresses the ethical & religious equivalent—representing

that "something" within himself—constituting the scale & meter—

which indicate his size, value, & the worth of his actions—for

himself, humanity & God,— If you call this crawfishing—& admitting

that—in speaking of one of 2 things—correlated but distinct—you

hit the white spot of the one, whilst I was looking at—& hitting

the other,—I will acknowledge "the corn,"— That the system

flows from the aim—& man & System are both controlled by the

"aim" remains however still true,—

Now, my, dearest Sir, I must begin to check my horses,—&

reserve the rest for the long Epistle,— If, after reflecting

upon the matter, you would feel at liberty—to state in a few lines

merely,—in no sense denoting a commital, but only Indicating

the subsisting of circumstances permitting the thought—of such

a journey on your part—to New York—to be entertained—as a possible

ones I would thank you very much. Because, if beforehand knowing—

62

the absence of any such possibility, I can arrange my incipient

measures correspondingly—& vice versa,— After I shall know

the answer to that question, & it should by a fortunate perchance—

turn up—a hopeful one, I would inform you—of the particulars

of my prospective "whereabouts" in the huge "Gotham," And if

you only denote your customary "quarters" there, I shall contrive

means—how & where & when to find you,—based, respecting time,

upon the data I would duly furnish you, when—& where—I calculate

to be myself in the City. My long communication—will furnish

you with intuitive & concrete conclusive evidence--that there

is no man upon the face of this Globe—however exalted in Character,

attainments or position—whose dignity would be compromised—by

a personal contact with me—regarded in merely the aspect—in

which the world beholds & adjudges me now,—which is the mere

reflex of the smallest portion of my inner reality, Your’s with

infinite admiring affection,

P, Kaufmann,

63

44, Emerson to Kaufmann (March 24, 1857)

Concord 24 March

1857

My dear Sir,

Your letter is in every way entitled to a faithful reply, and

to an immediate one,—and yet I am so slow. Whilst I am waiting

according to my had habit, for these vivacious ingredients which

you throw into the pot to crystallize in due order, that I may

well know what to say, I will not baulk your expectation wholly,

but inform you, that I have this, & shall await the larger letter

you promise me. Meantime I must add, that I know not what to do

with this vast exaggeration which temperament, or solitude, or,

is it theory,—gives to your personal estimates. You & I, no

doubt, are clever ingenious men, as the world goes; but, in the

next street, unknown to you or to me, is probably or possibly

a better man than either of us, as the chances of life every now

& then convince us. Nature is a terrible leveller, & never bestows

a fine talent, but she lames you with numb palsy on the other side.

So that one Is often fain to look upon his faculty as an indemni­

fication for his cavernous defects.

For the kind invitation which you give,—it has strong attractions,

but requires perhaps more courage than I have, to accept, I am

not sure that I can,—that I am not tied fast at home;—but, if

64

you will send me the date & place of your visit in New York, I

will keep it before me, till I learn if I have the liberty. Meantime,

be sure that this time I have read your letter with care. With

kindest respect,

R, W, Emerson

Mr Kaufmann

65

15. Kaufmann to Emerson (March 26, 1857)

Canton, Ohio, March 26 =h, 1857,

Mr, R, W, Emerson / Concord, Mass,

My dearest Sir.—+HSince dispatching my last to you of the 16 = inst,, I have

rec? another letter from my dear cousin Preyer, dated the 23^

ult?.— In it—now for the first time—he announces definitely

the period fixed for his departure for our shores,—which heretofore

he had been able to do—only approximatively. And as the time now

so fixed differs from that, which, in my last I communicated as

the probable—& then expected time—of Preyer’s arrivals it becomes

my duty—to inform you thus early of the change,—so that thereby,—

no matter, whether circumstances & inclination shall permit you

to take my proposition of an insinuated meeting—into serious

consideration—or not,—you will have—at all events—thereby

all the facts—governing the case—under your cognizance & control, rM, Preyer—appointed as Executor by—& of—-the last will

of the late Mrs, Peil—of Aix la Chapelle—to wind up & distribute

her large estate,—(deceased—being Mr, Pr’s aunt, & a lady distinguished

alike by character & attainments as beloved for her virtues &

benevolence,) had to postpone his final departure from the old

"Vaterland"—for several weeks longer—than expected,—because

the duties of the above appointment require his presence for a

66

few days—at the public sale of 2—very valuable edifices, belonging

to the estate, situate in choice localities in that City, which

the Court has ordered & advertised to be sold—on the 21 prox§,—

That matter over,--he will in a few days be ready—to move towards

the sea shore—& expects now—God willing,—to arrive in New York—¿t. XU

between the 10= & 18= of May, This margin of a week—arises

from a change—which Pr. wisely has made—in the Steamer line—

wherewith he designs crossing the Atlantic.

For Instead of coming by way of Antwerp—& its new line of

steam vessels (which would be his nearest sea-port—for Ocean-Steamers—

& in many other respects more convenient to him—having relatives

engaged in Shipping & Commerce in that City,) he will now come

by way of Hamburg—& its more safe & reliable Steamers, By the

extract from Preyer’s letter, contained in my last,—you have

no doubt noticed—that he is an orthodox believer in the oldest

of doctrines—that of "cause & effect,"—& that the puny quibbles

of a Hume about "copulas—& motions impartable by Billiard balls

to one another—or not,"—pass Preyer's solid brains entirely

unnoticed,—believing with You & myself~in the ancient faith

of "Civilis" & Napoleon—"that the Gods & Providence are on the

side of the strongest, favor the heaviest battalions"—& in brief—

that the supernatural operates upon~& for—"us humans"—, in the

main, by natural—discoverable causes,— Accordingly—Preyer's

keen ken—has taken notice of the much saying fact—that the 3

only trips, which the 3 Steamers of the new Antwerp line—have

as yet made,—have every one—turned out unlucky,— The first

67

Steamer sent out last fall—was much damaged during the voyage—

& reached port in a crippled State, The next one sent out thereafter—

consumed 24 full days—to cross from Antwerp to New York; & the d3= one, sent out but recently, disabled at Sea—not long after

starting,—had to run into the nearest port,—& is now—with its

imprisoned-like detained passengers—lying at Portsmouth—whilst

getting its broken machinery repaired.

Disaster—thus being—visibly the rule, Preyer came to the

sage conclusion, that defective construction of machinery,—or

inexperience & negligence in its working—or all combined—must

lie at the bottom of the unlucky phenomena; & rather than expose

himself & family to the riskful experiments thus made, he chose

to come by way of Hamburg—& its hitherto well working line,—

not minding the trifling increase in time & expense.

This postponement of nearly a month in Preyer’s departure,

& his later arrival depending & consequent thereon,—suits the

present condition of my affairs a good deal better—than if I

would have had to leave home, as formerly supposed. It affords

me besides—some additional leisure to unbosom myself somewhat

further to you; & I embrace therefore the present opportunity,

besides imparting the change of time in Preyer’s arrival—above

stated,—to disclose to your discerning eye some more "tangibilities"

that will enable you—"to put me upon your scales," to some better

advantage—& thus ascertain—how far I come "up to the mark,"

respecting the claims & character, which the words of my preceding

letters,—expressly or impliedly—have for me assumed,—

68

I am aware of the majestic picture which—with a master’s

hand—you have drawn of an ideal Character so energetic & imposing—

that the perception of its mere presence—"will convert judge,

jury, soldier, & king? which will rule animal & mineral virtues,

& blend with the courses of sap, of rivers, of winds, of stars,2& of moral agents,"

A realized Character of that description—in the form & flesh

of man—is seen as arriving upon earth—& described & defined—

by the seers & prophets of "Scripture" in various places, which

passages by their own contexts—clearly show—that therein they

speak not of the "divine person of Jesus" the youth of the "Tyburn"

tragedy. Thus Daniel ch, 7, v. 13 & 14—sayss "I saw in the

visions of night, & One like the son of man—came in the clouds

of heaven, & came to the Ancient of days, & they brought him near

before him." (14.) "And there was given him dominion & glpry,

& a kingdom, that all people & nations, & languages—should serve

him: his dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not

pass away, & his kingdom that—which shall not be destroyed,"

Our brother Carlyle, an inspiriting seer of our days—beholds

a human individual of that cast, when—in his "Miscellaneous Writings," Pag, 143, (nisi fallor^—in the sketch upon Voltaire) he sayss

"In what obscure corner & sequestered places may the head be medi­

tating &c . , . , it will rule not over but in all heads, & with

these—its solitary combinations of ideas—as with magic formulas4 *5bend the world to its will," — The love-filled seer of Patmos^—

in chap. 10 of his Apocalypse, in beautiful,—celestially simple

69

hieroglyphics—tells us the finishing & winding up secret—of

the same—i.e. Destiny's—hitherto so perplexing,—tear & trial-ful—

sublime—& comical, tragical & epic Story & drama—of man’s life

on earth. Translated & converted into the language of the "inspired

& divinely clairvoyant" man of our day,—the periphrased equivalent

of the 7 first verses of that great & surprizing chapter—will—

in essence read somewhat like this:

"v, 1,) I see a human child engendered—by forces so congenial,

endowed & adapted—as to render the becoming creature—a fit habitation

& instrument—for another Strong angel of heaven to descend into,

so that this pristine & pure portion of God's own essence—can

therein dwell—be & operate—according to its divine nature, impulses

& instincts, without meeting obstructions by defective machinery

or opposing ingredients. A cloud of humble circumstances—impenetrable

in design & import to the uninspired mob—shall hid his terrific

forces & all conquering energy—from their "not to be initiated

into"—unconsecrated—gaze. The Apex of his intellect is surrounded

by the rainbow of eternal peace; (The gun of guns,) on its face

beams the light & love of the eternal sun. His pedal force of

allsided locomotion & action—will in amount & endurance make

the electric ubiquity of Caesars & Napoleons—forever forgot,

v, 2.) In his hand—obedient to his will—he holds the "opened

little book of human nature"; with the right foot of "Reason"—

he stands upon & commands—intellect's infinite Spirit sea—of

thoughts & ideas,—& with the left foot of "Common Sense" he stands

upon the pinnacle of all earthly science & art, knowing & commanding

70

the sources of all power—as no one ever before him,

v. 3.) When his all-powerful thought shall assume shape

& utterance, it will—like the voice of a lion—move every human

creature;—& addressing the 7 elemental forces now imprisoned in

the being of man—by chains of Adamant (vizs self-esteem or Identity,—

need of means or property,—sexual impulse or conjugal necessity,—

social instinct or need of friendship,—extatic volition or passionate

purpose fixed upon a worthy aim, & alternation of rest, enjoyment

& comfort—after labor, deprivation & toil;)—the 7 prisoners—

panting for rational & harmonious freedom—will—with the thunder

of their conjoint voices—echoing throughout the Universe—respond

their comprehending the "Lion’s gentle roaring,"

v. 4.) The seer hears the thunders speak,—but is bidden

to keep the detailed import sealed, (in chap. 16. vs. 17 to 21,—

he however resumes the same subject & states its result to be

"an earthquake so great, such as was not—since man were upon

the earth,"—or a revolution so sweeping & radical—in all the

relations of men—that all history cannot show anything—approaching

its like.

v, 5.) The seer sees the Angel standing upon the "Ocean

of mind" & the "Island of matter"—lift up his hand—(motive—

active power—or will)—to heaven

v. 6.) And swear (or vow) by him that lives from Eternity

to Eternity, who did create the heavens, the earth, the seas—

(of all sort,) with their contents—that henceforth Time,—like

until now—"as a meter of duration by suffering—, despair,—pain,

71

disgust & ennui—shall he no more!’'?—

v, 7.) But that through the voice & in the days of the 7“

(or Sabhathic) Angel—God’s Secret Scheme, as revealed to his

servants—& prophets—shall be disclosed by its traneendingly

glorious fulfilment, as seen, felt & prophesied—announcing "the

best as being near"—amongst numberless others—by the following

terse & beautiful passages—in M. Emmerson’s own incomparable

works. Namely:

1. ) From lec. "Young American," page 383 ...... "we

shall quickly enough advance ..... into a new and more

excellent social State than history has recorded."—2. Ess. 2d, Ser, page 87. ". . the true romance which the

world exists to realize will be the transformation of genius

into practical power."

3. ) "Piercing the deep solitudes of absolute ability & worth"

(Nature p, 142) we shall have (ib. p, 375.) a "transparent

society,"—it being "the sea of glass mingled with—heaven’s

love—fire" Apoc. ch. 15.2,—in which the external man will

absolutely correspond to the inner?—therein the essence of

"a nation of men will for the first time exist" (Nature p. 111.)

& understanding the ways & means "to bring poverty & work

together"—Nature p. 370—they are & constitute the "true

stone"—Dan, 2.34,, "pulled from above upon earth" ungifted with

hands—or inherited earthly power—striking the fragile feet of

(crushed human) clay—& (toiling labor's) iron—of mankind’s Social

Statue, as seen constructed by Nebuchadnezzar—& enduring—with

72

slight coats of paint added—up to our own day. The fall of that

false, cruel Statue—of tormenting social mis-relations, is a

foretold, predestined fact. Whilst its human life-particles are

crumbling off,—the stone persisting to strike the feet—will

continue growing until it fills all earth, "The perverse (Transcendental-

lst) Antonys" (Nature p. 345.) will here—after their long rest,—

"find Universes enough rising (p. 340 ib.) & calling them to such

work," as even the Gods may not disdain as unworthy—& unpaying.

For after genius—shall—with utmost ease & simplicity—have solved

the preliminary question,—of the exterior relation of labor to

labor, whereby the bodies of famished Universes,—of 10, 100, 1000—

or one thousand millions of families—shall be placed within the

cycle of a "universal insurance Institution"—including in its strange innovations—a wonder—beating the "Submarine Telegraph"^

all to pieces,—being no less than "a true railroad to heaven"

itself: there is work for any number of "Pestalozzis,"—no longer

for gathering 2-300 of the worst vagabond beggar children—from

the highway of public depravity,—(& after infusing & diffusing

through them—for 2-3 years only—electric streams of light &

calorie from Source N= 1, (infinitely superior to those by which

Sir Andr, Gross—sometime ago—produced the Crystals & the new

insect, ) returning them all—as a clean gift to humanity—as

polished gems—unsurpassed in worth & value—by any from the holy

fireside of the best of families:) but repeat & apply this nobil-

itating process upon the infinite number of adult perverted children,

now for the first time placed in a condition—where thorough &

73

genuine culture—rising step by step—on the never ending scale—

has for them—become a possibility. They who thus reclaim this

comet-universes—into their natural orbit of pan-harmonic developing

action, do a work as great—as can be done by man; & thereby build

for themselves & their proteges "thrones of Gods & Angels,"

As soon as my dear Mr, Emmerson—will & shall know as much

of myself—as I know of him—"he will understand me as much—as

I understand him, which is: his whole being, his inmost "heart

of hearts"—and will—then be—as much mine—for all time to come—

as I am now—irrevocably & inevitably his—now and forever.—

You will then, my dearest Sir—clearly perceive, that each one

of us—is the proximatest half—of the other, made so by God himself

& that we thus now—once knowing of each other’s actual existence,

can no longer do without one another. Each one of us—will surprisedly

ascertain—that God presents to us in each other reciprocally

an actualized human being—surpassing the "ideal of a man & a

friend"—as in our tenderest moments & wishes we saw him possible

& yearned after. You will find me to represent & possess all—

what you long for—& what is requísete "to give your thought a

living & enduring body";—I recognize & see you as the representative

of the whole race of man—to myself,—in a shape so exactly like

my own—that—in you—my loving the whole race "like unto myself,"

becomes an extatic delight disclosing all the treasures of the

infinite heavens—which eternal goodness has crammed into me,—

so that my pouring out all my inmost heavens—into your own bosom—

& that of all men—becoming one with us in aim & pursuit: shall

74

& will give to my giving & action the same divine beatitude &

bliss—which the recipients therefrom experience.

My long communication, which you will receive in ample time—

previous to my starting for New York, will furnish you a sufficient

assortment of materials belonging to 1.) The theory of thought?2.) The galaxy of "aims,"—& 3^) The machinery whereby the 2 former

are—"from good dreams" to be transformed into materialized & living

entities,--that thereby—& the sketch of portions of my past life—

your piercing intellect can—in*a sufficient degree infer the shape

& form of the whole System—when—in due time—& all its detailed

parts—it will be placed before your eye,—

But there are two essential things—connected especially with

the theory of thought—& the Gallaxy of aims,—(which latter is

nothing else—than the showing & "naming" of / Sheet N= 2, / the

true innate—aim—of all men,) which I cannot cram into my long

epistle,—without doing injustice to their inherent importance.

The first is a perfect analysis of the phenomena of the senses

of man, heretofore, singularly enough, overlooked by nearly all

philosophical thinkers of the past,—& by them—as it were—turned

over—either as a gift of no great import,—or as a domain of

right belonging to that set of pretenders—calling themselves

"materialists".— Of the writers which I had an opportunity to

examine upon this special point, many years after my own inventive

discoveries in the premises had been made & matured, I found only

two men—that had some Inkling of the light which drew me on the

new & untrodden path. The first one was the great Plato—whose

75

keen eye—saw & defined—quite a number of these phenomena—& the

impressions therefrom derived. But the number by him seen was

hardly £ or third—of all which the senses so furnish for "elementary

science," & next—the use to which they eventually were to be

applied—seems never to have occured to Plato—or any other known

man—after him—except myself. For the next—saying something

in the premises, is M? Roget,—the (i think) still living author

of a "Physiology," & a prize-essay on that subject amongst the

"Bridgewater treatises," — In this latter—Roget hits—(perhaps

stumbles,) upon a small portion of what Plato had seen before

him,—but is—as unconscious of the terrific power concealed in

the humble things he indifferently handles—as his great predecessor—

of old Greece, No one of the great modern thinkers seem to have

had a perception—of the sublime order—resulting in the sphere

of the senses from laws as firm & fixed—as those of the intellect

itself. Long after my analysis was accomplished,—I learned that

Leibniz had intuitively perceived the possibility of the result—

to which my investigations have led.

For he says: "all our conceptions of matter must reduce

themselves eventually in mere conceptions of phenomena & attributes,"

The great thinker, however, never seems to have made the attempt—

to prove in the concrete—what he saw to be true in thought,

Kant, Fichte, Schelling & Hegel—have not one word upon the Q

subject. The prolix Locke—whose dwaddle upon many important

things, of which he knows no more than a schoolboy,—patiently

to read is almost pennance enough—for any sin committed against

76

"the holiest Ghost of philosophy,"—such as its leading Spirit

has been,—until You commenced "cleaning out its Augean Stables":

knows nothing about the subject—maugré his Self-Sufficiency.

But what is more wonderful still—the very man—who before

& above all others—ought to know the foundation upon which they

stand,—if foundation it were for them—upon what they have been

suffered to squat in fee simple—by the singular good-natured

oversight—& inconsiderate concession—of their idealist—opponents,—

I say the professed "materialists" ought to have known & shown—

how & in what manner—they obtained & retained philosophical possession

of all nature & its phenomenal manifestation.

But that famous string of glittering soap bubbles—Hollbach’s

"Système de la Nature" "par excellence,"—(for a while fathered

10upon Mirabeau, ) is, according to a German proverb, as innocent

of one single solid idea, upon which a conclusive argument of

intellectual science may be built, as it is of the sin or omission

"that the frogs have no tails."— After you deduct from the pages

of that cracked up volume the rhapsodic declamation, customary

in its days,—against the false institutions of the world—then

crumbling & tottering into chaotic heaps,—there will remain nothing

of the book—save the blanc paper & its cover,— There is not

a vestige in this poor text book—of a certain brainless class—

showing that its bungling scribbler~knew any thing—properly

appertaining to his text,11That Lord Brougham so recently—could persuade himself—

that yet in these our days scientific laurels were to be gathered—

77

by a labored refutation of a negative that refutes itself,—will

but poorly advance his claims to literary immortality—if he has

no better ones to proffer,12I see—that in one of your essays—you class Condillac amongst

the materialists, I have, as yet, had no opportunity—to peruse

any other of his writings—than a condensation of his logic—translated13& published by Jos, Neef—one of Pestalozzi’s scholars, — In

it—Condillac is extremely cautious, so that I can get no solid

hold—to classify him—as you do. If he shows his colours not

more definitely in his other writings—than in this logic, where,

as in its proper place—it ought to appear—I would have to call

him non-committal, I refer to him—in this connection—however

less—for—& upon that—than upon the point I am discussing, namely

the elementary anylisis of phenomenal impressions, which Condillac

ignores just as much & completely—as all the rest of the writers

already named. If there ever was a writer in the past qualified

by nature & habit—to pursue—by calm observation—& acute discrim­

ination—the investigation I have successfully accomplished to

a telling result: that man's name was "Etienne Bonnot de Condillac,"—

That his keen scent should omit to smell out a path—that lay

so preeminently within the domain he inhabited—& cultivated with

such fertilizing industry—borders as much upon the marvellous,~

as the correlated phenomenon in Zschokke,—who, after depicting—14 /with a master's hand—in his enchanting "Goldmacherdorf" (Gold-maker's

village,) the simplest process of metamorphozing a nasty hamlet

of repulsive lazy beggar-boors,—into a paradise of virtuous industry—

78

& wise, steady allsided progress,—has, apparently, no eye to

see—that the healing secret—that redeems a sunken village—will,

if proportionately applied—lift nations out of the slough of

their social, moral & political degradation; for you look in vain—

in all the rest of his writings—for another single word upon

this paramount subject of our—& all other days,—

Yourself—my dearest Sir, who are so mortal an ennemy to

all routine—& have left its sterile paths perhaps in all things—

will be somewhat—(more pleasantly than other wise) surprized

to be told & shown—that, as far as I have perceived,—you have—

in one only thing been misled,—passively—as it were, to follow

"the footsteps of your illustrious predecessors,& with all

the Idealists—before & of our time (Carlyle perhaps excepted,

who somewhere predicts—that the long protracted struggle—between

intellect & materialism—will finally & forever result in the

victory of the former,)—have surrendered a domain to our opponents—

that belongs to us no less than mind itself.

For after you state & define—in various places,—in language

as terse as beautiful the main phenomena of intellectual consciousness,—

you think to fortify our position—by repeating the old concession

to our foes "that we cannot tell—what the things are themselves, "—

¿¿giving up—as it were—the phenomana of the senses—as treacherous

& unreliable, you say—the Idealist—skeptically "then asks the

materialist for his ground of assurance that things are—as—his

senses represent them?— But, I, he says (continuing the same

thought—& framing it into an insinuation—that the senses play

79

us false,) affirm facts not affected by the illusions of sense &c &c" (Transcend p. 320.)—

Now my,—dear Sir—if it really were true—that the senses

necessarily must deceive man, & there was no way to guard himself

against such deceptions—it would,—on an enlarged scale—prove

that defectiveness in God's great Domain to be actual—which the

keen glance of Alphonse of Castile—at once perceived in the complex 15System of Ptolomy J—if it had been God's Own,

This idea or point of faith—in the preceding philosophical

creeds—that the senses deceive us,—is intellectually the same

thing, what the religious faith of original & universal depravity

of human nature imports—in Ethics, Both are unworthy of a God,

ruling—after creating—all things—whose two pristine attributes

are "infallible truth & absolute goodness,"—

By that calm & patiently persistent process—inherent in my

being—I have already 30 years ago, separated & mapped "the nebulous

specs" of the primary impressions of exterior things—upon the

senses of man, I tore them out of the "huddled & lumbed" state,

in which Condillac & similar minds—had—under the indefinite

term of "Sensation,"—& Kant under the no better of "vision" (Anschauung,)

brought them up to our day. And the result of my labors was—

the sight a.) that the normal impressions of the senses, ascertained

with due attention, capacity & care—are of equal reliability—

with the thoughts before the mind, because b.) they—through the

process of the understanding—present by its attention in the

senses—during the process of the phenomena—are changed into

80

conceptions thereof—& in this shape of spiritualized thought—

are brought before the tribunal of the intellect—as naturalized

mental phenomena; c.) by this simple process—the whole Universe—

& every thing in it—is dissolved—before the intellect—into

one vast mass—of elementary conceptions—embracing all that is

or may be—forming a base for a new classification—that never

can be shaken,—because it is not merely a catholic—but an absolute

one—doing justice to—& reconciling all parties.

The Idealist, however—proves the Victor in the proceding,—

for he retains not only all what he had before, but annihilating

all the other sects of thought & their edifices—appropriates

the vast materials to the construction of his everlasting temple 16of truth & humanity; whilst he takes the leaders of those sects—

& places them as subaltern officials—such as sentinels, sextons,

guards &c Into his new—forever remaining—universal Church.

Thus Skepticism—will be appointed "Assayer" of the new currency,

permitting no coin to circulate—unless stamped with its inherent

value. Dogmatism—after instructed by Professor "Largest Logic"—

will find employment as "Architect." And thus—by & by—all the

rest of mankind—will find their due & appropriate places.

In regard to the elimination of one identical universal—

"absolute aim"—embracing all other aims of man—as also all the

ends God had in view in the creating of every single human individual,—

& defining them by a term—that will stand as valid—when applied

to a whole nation—or the whole human race—as it is to every

private person,—at this moment—& for all time to come; I arrive

81

at the grand & glorious result—by a process that may strike you

no less by its original novelty in the use of old materials—than

the irrefutability—from any quarter whatever—of the positions—

finally thereby established.

I reduce by a very simple generalization the sources of all

actual & possible knowledge which man has, had, can & ever will

have—to the well known 3, viz: a.) Reason, b,) Nature & c.) Religion.

I then show—that each of the 3 is a revelation—flowing alike

from one & the same source, needing one another indispensably—

for their existence as well as proper Interpretation,—proving

that the 3 harmoniously understood, speak but one—God’s own-

language to man—& even exclude the possibility of error—where

they chyme in in one Statement,

Thus Reason, Nature & the Bible become exclusively ours,

each 2 of the 3, alternately explaining, entire-izing & correcting

the other one—so that in all things—the 3 accord,—* placing

our "glittering generalities" upon this solitary triune & all-embracing

basis—out of which there is no other: we take the very foundation

out from under the feet of bigotry & partial!sm & after coining

& showing our new (yet old—but new—because never used) "magic

pass words" that will electrify the world, as none others ever

did: Fanatical arrogance & ignorant presumption—will stand speechless

aghast—with opened mouth—seeing the bottomless abyss of non-entity

yawn under its feet—to engulph it—never more to rise.

If there is one man who will have reason to consider the

victory—sure to be initiated now—ere long,—as much peculiarly

82

his own—as any body else’s,—that man is your noble "Self."—

For what I shall—by the conquering form giving it—force to be

adopted by all men capable of thinking,—will embrace all the

great thoughts & aspirations—for which you have lived, toiled

& suffered. For remember, my dear Sir,—I am—as an ex-editor 17of a public sheet of many years duration, —& by other opportunities

of uncommon extent, too well posted up—upon all matters relating

to this our people—as not to know intuitively the great sacrifices

you have made to duty & conviction. Like others—the tempter

has approached you—asking: "Under which King B.? &c" And if

you could have found it in you to serve under "the composite King"

(in Goethe’s tale) now soon destined to crumble to pieces,—you

might as easily—instead of going to Great Britain as a private

lecturer, like our Everitts & Bancrofts—have gone there as MinisterA 18

to the Court of S, James —& shared with them & their like—places

in the Cabinet & other outward distinctions—believed to be high—

by the blind.

But you preferred the "inner good" to the "outward goods",—

like I did myself,—& if I had to do the thing over,—I would

repeat the same process—a thousand times in succession,—& I

entertain no doubts—in relation to yourself—what your action

would be—in the like case.

You complain of your congelations of "nearly 54 years", &

this very fact proves that they have been forced upon you—in

spite of your will & consent. There are forces lying latent in

man—of which the best of us in our "churlish solitude" do not

83

dream, for the simple reason that there is no adequate force near

us—to provoke them into action. Wood, soil, clay, slate, brick—

may strike the flint never so hard,—the igniting spark will not

appear—until—in flint or steel "Greek meets Greek."— All original

life consists in a joyous active force—hopeful by its conscious

power to bend the chances presented by destiny—into some sort

of a bower—enclosing a miniature paradise. Most men—know of

no other heaven than this small selfish one of their own. You

however—& myself—have disdained thus to act & aspire—for our

fractional & atomistic selves;—we have aspired—& do still aspire—

for the grand—whole man—constituting our race—in the past, the

present—& the endless future, thus acting in unison with the

whole Universe. You have said "the best Is near" & "we shall win

at last!"— I am extremely desirous therefore—to call into action,

those latent, slumbering forces—of your great being, thereby

to dissolve the congelations now impeding—your pristine flexible

agility. For the great "All-I"—ruling your life & mine—has

promised—"to make"—in due time—"all things new,"—which embraces

a rejuvenation of our forces & springs of action. As soon—as

your Intellect—shall convince itself, that—it has now the chance

offered—to begin realizing its glorious ideals, the heart will

begin to live de novo—& cast those perplexing congelations—into

such a convenient corner, to be out of the way,—until use shall

call for them. For the time is near—where the most materials—

will disclose qualities of high value—for specific purposes.

And if any man should live long enough to enjoy to fullest satisfaction

84

a better social state—gradually actualizing heaven upon earth

amongst men,—& opening a rational door of hope—for the whole

sunken race,—that man ought to be yourself—who has worked so

hard & faithfully—to bring this heaven about,

I have now, as I did in my last, again filled 2 full sheets.

In so doing—I abbreviate my large Epistle to that extent,—&

need therein not repeat what previously I say

Now my dear Sir, my space is drawing to a close. As yet

I cannot definitely say—when I shall be able to finish the Epistle,

but shall push on—to have it completed in due time. The matter

is all carved out, but not yet in the shape—I desire to see it

in. Meanwhile please accept my assurance of the best good will

& highest regard—

Your’s in truth

P. Kaufmann

85

6. Kaufmann to Emerson (March 29, 1857)^

Canton, 0, March 29=h 1857.

(Mailed the 30^)

R. W. Emerson, / Concord, Mass.

My dearest Sir,—

Your generous favor of the 24 = was rec . yesterday, & gives me great joy. Whilst writing this, I think my last of the 26^=

inst, will not be far out of your reach. Being called from home—

on Monday next, on business to Cleveland, for 3-4 days, it struck

me to write you these lines before leaving home; for whatever

I have now written you already—& may still yet in this way write

you in detached letters, will make my promised long epistle—so

much less bulky, than otherwise it would become.— Besides this, having in my named last—of the 26^, stated to you my~(God willing)

almost certain presence in the city of New York after the 10=^

of May—until my cousin Preyer's arrival,—& not yet mentioned

any of the places where I may be found,—I may supply that deficiency

just as well now—as at any time hereafter,—whilst still I design—

to apprize you—by a few lines—starting with me from here on my

Eastern trip, in the same train,—when—& at what precise day—

I then calculate to be in New York. For when so starting from

here in May, business & visiting some old friends—will consume

a few days in Pittsburgh, & fully as many—for the same purpose

86

in Philadelphia,—in which latter City—I have passed nearly 3

years of my life, when first coming to this country; & have now

not been there—since 1840,

The place where I shall board in the City of New York, is

as yet not definitely fixed upon, as I desire to be located as

near to the places of my operations as circumstances will permit.

But as early as practicable after my arrival in "Gotham," I shall

call upon the following 2—extensively known establishments in

the City, to Inform them of my presence, & leave my address—&

the place where I may be found. The first of these houses is

the firm of "Wright, Gillett & Rawson" Commission Merchants, N= 1,

Front Street, The second is the new building—of the "American

Transportation Company," at Pier N= 7, Coentes’ Slip, of which

firm—M. M. Caleb, & J. H. Malory—are the New York Agents.

This firm is acting as my con ignee for Preyer’s goods; hence

I shall have much intercourse with them. They have also an Office

at N= 64 Pearl-1 Courtland Street, where likewise I design reporting

my presence & leaving my card.— Whilst you can rely on the fixed

stability of the above points, I shall, as a matter of duty—keep

you duly posted—on additional particulars—as they shall turn up—

until the time of consumation—finally approaches,—

The mere probability of a chance remaining to enjoy your noble

presence "face to face" in New York—be it never so briefly,—fills

my bosom with expectations of delight of no ordinary sort;—yet

neither in kind nor degree—of that nature—which, if Providence

shall judge best—to leave them unfulfilled, would cause the feeling

87

of regret or disappointment—to assume its place. I am with yourself

& your noble friend, C. in London ("Traits" p. 278—, whom to find

out as being identical with Carlyle—would pleasantly corroborate

my "shrewd guessing",) too confirmed a believer—in "all-ruling"

destiny,—& have too long & multifariously been schooled by its

stern lessons—to permit my feelings—no matter how warm,—to

control & overcome me—in any psychical phenomena belonging to

this sphere.

I gratefully accept & thankfully enjoy these rare celes, ial

gifts when kind mother Providence occasionally sends them as specimens *

of the "choice golden fruit "—that grows in her "Hesperian Garden,"—

But since the kind mother has given me Preyer,—through Pr's singular

intervention given myself to you, and now holds out a fair prospect—

to give me "your noble self" as entirely—as I have surrendered

my own: I am growing a little more bold in my expectations of

the good & best,—whose’s "turn"—I think, now soon it will be—

to become "the rule,"—after it has—so very long consented—to

play "second fiddle," constituting the exception.

Before I had the good fortune of coming into correspondence

with Preyer, I had—on many & various occasions—found men—plenty

of them—to give apparently—a warm & hearty assent—to the great

ideas—that animate your & my heart,—as also to the grand "aim"—

embracing the realisation of them all—in one greatest single

idea,—* the concrete schemes—I demonstrated as practicable—

to transform the whole ideal world—by an infallible System—into

*Schiller'—Schnrucht.—

88

the actual.

But when the sober trial was to come off,—I found that I

never had got an entire individual, & the very ones believing

& professing--to be in toto for the great cause, turned out—at

best—to be only so—say 1/2, 2/3—3/4 or 7/8j—but what was worse,

the plagued missing l/8—when put on the opposite side of the

scales—with the 7/8 pretending to be present: they didn't happen

to be there—as the l/8 snapped the scales.

This brought me—for a while—almost in the same fix—with

poor "Hegel,” of whom a malicious wag—has spread the following

"bon-mot,"—which, probably not yet coursing out of Germany, may

be new to you. The story namely—runs thus: "Hegel, is—reported,—

as having—on his death-bed—made the statement—that amongst

the vast number of admirers—pretending to be followers & disciples

of his System there had been only one single one—that ever understood

him,—but that this very one—had—mis-understood him,"

In respect to the "vast exaggerations in my personal estimates,"

with which "you know not what to do, "—permit me—to make the

following explanatory comments. In the first instance, neither

yourself—nor any man who has had a glimpse "of the coming—which

is to cheer us,"—can any longer be interested by old worn out

"commonplaces" that tickle the mob; hence, you expressly have

invited men—"to address their papers to you"—if they have extraordinary

& apparently exaggerated statements to offer—on any subject whatever.

Next, so far as my own estimate—of your Character, value

& labors are concerned—I am the umpire in the premises—& shall

89

prove myself so—in due time—even to your own entire satisfaction,

I see your relation in this great field—far clearer, than your

modesty permits you to see it. And I must here confess to you

frankly—that I have shed more tears of most intense joy—at—&

since—my discovery of you in this land of the "golden calf"—

than I have ever shed in all my life together—on account of all

other causes for tears combined. Your single person, has reconciledg

me—with all America—on the spot, like Preyer has done—with

regard to my ancient "Vaterland,"

When you will have learnt the elements of power at my command

& in my possession, you will readily believe—that forces of that

sort—will not easily shed tears over any thing, but least over

"spoiled milk"—by outward fate, I never had expected—that "money

making—America,"—& shrewd "Yankeedom" even less than any other

of its parts—could possibly produce a Character & aims—aspiring

so divinely—as your’s.— If I happen to be the first—to do

you—& to God himself—in & through you—this act of sheer justice,—

I thank God—that I made the discovery—during—& not 70 years

after—your life, which period, if I recollect right, elapsed,

before anybody ever dreamt of the great power & beauty of Milton’s

Paradise Lost.— When using the expression "Yankeedom," I desire

to be understood—as fully knowing "Cromwell & the Puritans,"

with every good trait in them—together with their offsetting

foibles. There is not a trait of Heroism of any sort, find it—

wherever I may, which I do not appreciate as high—as it can be;

hence also I know the value of the "Pilgrims" landing on "Plymouth

90

rock. '•—

But that sentiments such as you have propagated—and purposes

so out of all routine--as you persistently advocated & pursued—2have found "perverse Antonys" —enough to listen to your words—

& numbers sufficient to buy them after published by the printer-

makes me look with "new eyes" on all New England,—& I feel as

If you had already performed nearly—if not quite—fully one half

of the great work—for the accomplishment of which I know myself

to have been—especially created.—

When thus—it might seem to you—that I place too high,an

estimate—both on yourself & my own,—you will—of course—a priori

therein understand me—to agree with your eloquent Methodist:

"a man can neither be praised nor insulted," Ess, 2 , Ser. p. 107.

This then reduces our estimates to intellectual & scientific statements

respecting the contents & forces of given objects or individuals—

which—in the case before us, happen to be our own selves.

Now I cheerfully grant you—that the Empire of probability

has some extent, & that the Domain of possibility is infinitely

larger; but when you suppose to find a better—that is a stronger

man than either your- or my self,—I hold—"the burden of the

proof to lie with the projector,"—until that unknown man is brought

out of the next street—& placed into visibility, "Possession

being 9 parts of the law"—I shall not surrender the claims I

have set up—for you & myself,—until driven out "vi & armis"—

stronger than mine own,— I will not here enlarge—upon the facts

already incorporated in my promised long epistle, but will merely

91

say, that I have reasons for believing, that, after you shall

have read that extensive document—you will feel Inclined & disposed—

to regard my estimates less as exaggerated—than they may appear

now.

The chances of life—to which you refer—as "now & then convincing

us" that we meet individuals" stronger in particular forces, than

our own,—as also the truth that "nature is a terrible leveller"—

& never bestows a fine talent—but she lames you with numb palsy

on the other side,"—I need not at all rebut,—but only remind

you—of that other truth—"that nature is Despotic, is arbitrary

in her gifts,—& that her resources are so boundless—& her laws—

as she knows, understands & applies them—so infinitely plastic

& flexible—(not in the least confined to the small cycle which

our beggarly experience thereof has furnished us with,) that,

whenever she sees fit—& has a particular object in view—it costs

her no more exertions to produce an "Emerson, a Carlyle, Napoleon,

admirable Crichton, Leibnitz, Fenelon, Mirandola, Ceasar, Epaminondas,

Isaiah, Con-fut-see—&c &c" than the most obscure single individual—

whose name we never hear. If therefore—I see in yourself & my

own—2 human individuals—of which there is—as yet—in all history—

no number—to begin a class with,—I, In my estimate "leave out,

not only the many—but the few," relying entirely upon the truth

of my own thought.— That truth is based on intuition & fact.

You know already—that I measure & weigh men—not by the gifts

of nature—which make them "clever & ingenious" & ripple life's

surface with some transient bubbles: but by the "aim" which—

92

as a last "end"—their self-fixed "purpose" pursues,—for in this

letter they have—& show—a hand,—hut in the former—no account

is taken of their assent by nature & destiny—in the primary fixings.

When therefore I look upon the "solitude"—that forms your & my

own "intellectual sanctuary,"—it proves, that—with the world—

as now constituted around us—"our aim, end & purpose" for which

we design to exist through the endless future—has not one particle

In Common,

I have reasons for assuming that this your intellectual "solitude,"

commenced to fix itself as a permanent entity—within your consciousness—

at a period as early—as early—as it did in my own. Hence our

enduring passive resistance—within our centre—to the aggregated

pressure of a whole world around us—proves the existance of forces

In our being—of which you say yourself, "Engl, Traits" p, 286,

"I have never seen in any country a man of sufficient valor to

stand for this truth." , , , the reason whereof—you well know

to be—that your "clever, ingenious" men of talents & partial

genius, are gradually swayed & eventually conquered—intellectually—

& ethico-religiously—by the world’s social & various alluring

seductions "to eat its death-apples & call them good"—or in sheer

despair seek refuge—in actual intellectual suicide with your

"Bronsons, Stollbergs, Schlegels, Werners &c" by re-entering the

Hades of the old Roman Hierarchy,— The simple fact then—of

men being able—to continue—standing proudly erect—"solitary

& alone" for the period of half a Century, with their native—divine

& unconquered consciousness, in a world of forces so tremendous

93

& venomously insidious—as that around uss proves them inly—3

to be more than Orlandos, Bayards, Coeur de Lions & Cids --in

Destiny's enduring encounter.

Those "clever & ingenious" gifts—used & applied to uphold

& perpetuate a corrupt & false state of things,—calculated to

change "man bom innocent"—as fast into a liar & practiser of

all manner of falsehoods—as years & necessity drive him into

its whirls,—when compared to the ends & aims to which the labors

of your & my life have incessantly been devoted,—become—like—

your every days' fanatical "holy causes"—not small & paltry—

merely—but actually "bitter & despicable things,"—

When therefore, in my judgment of men & things, I give you

a place—in the Centre of my consciousness & heart—along-side

with—& not subordinate to—the very best that I know as constituting

my identity,—even given you some preference—to mT Carlyle, the reason thereof is: that in you—that, which in C's noble soul—

is divine feeling & impulse—has in your's matured into conviction

& sight. And that same conviction & sight—as it exists in myself—

is in nature & essence—neither less—nor more—noble & divine—

than your own,—but in my being there are practically disciplined—

realizing forces added to "the pale cast of thought"—which infuse

into my ideas those "vivarious ingredients" making them appear as

livingly—real—as actual life itself.

To tell you—at once—the entire secret of this—lying at

the bottom of the whole, (although its very Statement, before you

have had a chance to read & survey the contents of my promised

94

Epistle, must appear as an exaggeration surpassing all others—

that you my opine as such, in my preceding letters:) it consist

in this my inner fact: Carlyle's keen eye—has mapped out—one

great ruling star—in destiny’s firmament, which even your own 4.

telescopic Lynx eye, —though noticing, has never as closely examined

(unless you have done it—In your "Representative men," where

in fact its analysis & detail—belongs, but which book—I have

as yet been unable to procure,) as the great painter of "Sartor

Resartus" has done. That star—of which presently I shall speak

in detail, is a quality—so essential in the constituency of man’s

character—that no amount nor degree of noblest heroism can compensate

& supplant its absence. For trades, handicrafts & external dexterities—

come not by "intuitions" & inspirations of the holy Ghosts" at

the Gods’s joy-feasts & banquetts of Pentecosts,—but by patient

& innumberable repetitions in a School of Gymnatics,—ruled by

the code dynamico-mechanical,— Now brother Carlyle—has clearly

seen—that there is an attribute in men—which / N= 2 / he denominates

"living wisdom," implying that in the individual possessing it—

the interior seeing—& the exterior doing of a certain thing—

like in the accomplished artist, have become one.— This "living

wisdom," to an extent never dreamt of—by any human being—knowing

my outward person—lies realized within me—as an unwritten vast

System of "science," knowing itself adequate,—with slender help

in men & means from without—to realize all ideas, & Ideals—now

slumbering as "good dreams"—in the intellects & wishes—of the

best men.

95

The possession of this realizing & creative System or faculty,—

which hy & by you will find has passed—the probing "experimentum

crucls"-'—victoriously—ina all matters of any import, places

my inner & exterior consciousness—upon a new & common plattform,

differing from that of all other men—in this particular: my

sublimest ideas—have for myself—the same proximate reality,

as the merest mechanical drudgery—which now—or the next hour—

necessity will call upon me—to attend to. The only difference

is this: if I mend my bugy wheel, harness, printing press, sole

my old shoes, make me a bedstead or table, cast my own types,

& a hundred other like things, I can do it with my own individual

hand; as soon as I need the help of one, 2, 3, 10, 100—or a million

of other men—to give my idea a body, my mere hand, will & inner

sight—no longer suffice,—but I must possess—in some shape or

other—the means to induce these other men—to assist me in the

"creative operation—of making a new—or repairing an old—material

body—of an idea,"

All things in the world made by man, before they had visibly

material—had mental existence in the thought of the head—that

first conceived them. Then that "Supernatural" thinking—spurred

the cunning hand to countless experiments—until the material

body was realized corresponding to its shape & uses—as seen by

thought. Beginning then with such smaller thoughts—which the

hand of one man can create a body for—or realize, we come to such—

as absolutely require 2, 3, 4, 10, 100, a million, or all the

Millions of the human race.

96

For the forces at the control of the human race combined,—

there is no idea that the intellect of man—within the sphere

of God’s reflected logic—can entertain—which would not be realizable

or capable of being provided with a suitable & corresponding body.—

But man, to make himself a heaven on earth, needs not at all to

look to that extreme end of human reconciliation, power & wisdom.

For no sooner are there half a dozen individuals found,—of which

only one need fully possess—the quality called "living wisdom,"—

& the rest only equal him In sincerity & love of truth—* loftiness

of aspiration, when heaven—in all its essential features—is

at once—as positively—nay absolutely realized—as any where in

God’s heavens—in other "mansions" of his vast domain. For "living

wisdom"—whilst it is a divine force—conquering—irrestisbly

all exterior obstructions, by seeing omnisciently—as it were,

through their whole woof, is in its inner nature & essence—as

humble, docile, tender, unassuming & benign—as God himself, permitting

every ray of light, come from what quarter it may, to make its

luminary still more perfect—by additions of all stray beams—

that belong to its focal centre.

No sooner therefore—are such small number of divinely clear­

sighted men—posted upon a common platform of aims, aspirations

& actions,—that embody the evergrowing principle of eternal & all-

sided progress: than the inner solitude of their theretofore

individually imprisoning heavens—is changed into that pentecost

joy of freedom & power, which becomes a divinely stem enthusiasm—

for the realization of the "greatest & best,"—as soon as the

97

hearts of men feel—that they are pervaded & hound together by

one all-glorious purpose,— Here then—for the first time—will

be society, friendship, love—& the germ of a "nation of men",

such as history has no knowledge of.— The whole fabric of human

things, as you have so clearly & eloquently shown, in multiform

instances, in its present attitude—instead of presenting any

features of durability & stability,—is so utterly fragile & vulnerable—

that the merest breath from destiny's nostrils may scatter it

like—the boy's house built of cards.— Should such a catastrophy

intervene—& sweep the palaces—& poverty cellars & garrets—of

the tottering now—pell-mell into one chaotic heap,—before the

creative spirit of the beginning brighter & heaven promising future,—

shall succeed in erecting its tents & squatter cabins upon the

"site"—destined for the everlasting City—of true relations between

man & man,—& mankind,—nature & God:—no perceptible good—&

greater harm—than any known until now—might be the result,—

I harbor no fears in this direction—knowing that God himself—

is no less interested—in bringing the old tragedy to a joyously—

glorious issue—than we, his living instruments & actors—are

ourselves.

But in regard to precedents guiding our course in the new

line of action,—history & nature furnish some samples,—but they

lie not upon the outer surface. Formerly Reformations & Revolutions—

were announced—like earthquakes & vomiting volcanoes—by flourish

of trumpets & thunder of canon. I am not aware that they have

brought man any nearer to the heaven of peace, virtue & joy,—

98

which his heart so incessantly craves. You say beautifully "the

course of things is silent"?—Webster, in the famous "Hulsemann"

letter—repeats the same maxim by quoting the french adage—expressive

thereof: "faire c'est dire!"—

I have great faith in this "modus operand!,"—I might perhaps

say—that I have faith in no other,— I am convinced that the

reconstruction of all things human,—& particularly in this our

own days—where & when—from day to day—more & more "seeing absorbs

believing"—& identifies the two into the first, that—like in

all other machinery—men require & demand—realized—well working

models—before they confide & buy.—

But then on the other hand—after you furnish this well working

models—in any line—on the smallest scale—reasonably tried &

probed:—you may as well attempt stopping the waters of Niagara-

rolling over the elongated table rock of goat island into the

foaming abyss below—than endeavor preventing the universal adoption

of any invention or discovery of superior advantages & results

over those of the past.— When somewhere about 1823-4, well-meaning—

but superficial Robert Owen, with a great flourish of Trumpets—

threatened the old System with a speedy downfall, I told his friends,

when perceiving the use of his means, that in less than 2 years,

it would be himself—that would be down, & in 18 months my words

were facts. In 1828, becoming acquainted with him—in person,

I found all my Intellectual perceptions of the man true to the

letter, & it was evident enough—why he had failed—& could not

succeed.

99

nSometime after 1840, I several times met Albert Brisbane, —

who by his translation & comments on Chs, Fourier’s System of 8the so called. "Phalansterie" —created the great "furore" amongst

our progress-desiring young people—of which you make—duly appreciating

mention—in several of your discourses,—depicting at the same

time the mere Copyist-Reformer—that I recognized him~by the

first strokes of your pencil.— I found Brisbane so completely

filled up—by Fourier—& Fourier alone—that he had no room—for

any other idea, so that, when you pressed such an one upon him,—

it made, while the pressure lasted—the same impressed forced

little cavity—made by the force of your finger—upon a full inflated

bladder. The depression is there, as long as your finger presses;

remove the finger—& there is no impress left.—

Mr, Brisbane had even the frank naivete,—though coupled

with something of the mien of the absurd dogmatist--to confess

to me openly: "That he had no ideas of his own, & therefore had

to take up those of other people,"

At the time of my thus coming into contact, with Brisbane,

the solving of that great "Social problem," upon which man’s entire

destiny hinges,—had been—for fully 20 years—the great object

of my intellect’s & heart’s solicitude, I was then already in

possession of materials belonging to the premises—of more value t 9than all—which Owen’s, Fourier’s, S, Simon’s, & Weidling’s theories—

10& Rapp's the Shaker’s, Moravians’s, & Baumler’s practice—had

combinedly ever contributed,— My researches were—besides—not

superficially one sided,—like the views of these pretended leaders

100

were, either by religious bigotry—or literary & scientific ignorance—

known to so be. For I felt convinced,—that before the great

riddle—could practically be solved—in a manner—alike thorough,

durable & satisfactory to the intellects of the strongest & best

men,—it never could become of universal applicability,—nor come

into ever extending application.I might therefore easily have foretold M? Brisbane & his

sanguine friends, what I clearly foresaw,—as in the case of Owen,—

that the numerous phalanx-enterprises of their's,—springing up

in all directions—like mushrooms in the night,—numbering perhaps

within all these States—over fully 50—would eventually all perish—

& leave no traces behind, unless those of disappointed hopes—&

sacrificed competencies.

But I found it to be none of my business to endeavor pressing

unasked for—& unacceptable counsel & advice upon men—who were

bent upon their schemes—with an earnestness approaching that 11of Peter the Hermit, & for whom the name of Chs, Fourier—was

tantamount not only to the "Canon of great Reason" itself,—but

stood as the personification of Inventive Science & wisdom—never

to be equalled—much less surpassed.

Well, I have lived to see the time to see all my predictions

verified in these premises, to the very letter. For although

it was not In my place—to foretell the fanaticised Fourierites—

what their final fate would be, I told numbers—of what we call

friends & acquaintances, & who had sagacity enough to "look before

they leaped,"—what my views of that conglomeration of facts &

101

imaginations—were, which Fourier himself—had the presumption—

to term a complete "System," & persuade himself & his followers—

would, as a work produced by inspiration—consúmate the unfulfilled

part—of Christ's religious System itself,

I am the last man in the world—to deprive any man of his

labor, or detract from its value. But then that man—in person—

or by proxy, must not come to me—& attempt palming off—his wares

at fictitious estimates, for then assuredly "he will waken up

the wrong passenger,"

If even it is admitted that the severe critiques of Harro

Harring & Jos, Mazzini—have done some injustice to Fourier &

his contributions, which the known'.over-zeal of his friends Hempel 12& Park Godwin could with difficulty repair: there are defects

in Fourier as yet left untouched—because unseen—by any of his

Critics—in a higher quarter—not visible to the every day eye.

Nowhere do his writings show—that his mind possessed that high

degree of culture—which knows & appreciates the best that others

before him—in their various spheres—have produced,—nor is there

any evidence—that he had any perception—of the highest aim,—

which man, & the race, after being placed into a position enabling

them to do so,—should pursue—forevermore—without interruption

or halt. There is, on the other hand, an undisguised feeling—

prevailing in his bosom,—to unnecessarily depreciate, belittle

& undervalue—the labors of great philosophical thinkers—as mere

theorizing sophisms,—all sinking, as he imagines, into utter

insignificance, when compared with what he supposes & claims—

102

as discoveries of his own—of transcending & enduring value.

Well, great mother destiny—has already clipped the poor

man's & his followers' overwrought, fanatical pretensions; she

will be sure—to do full justice to every atom of usable material—

contained in his contributions.

Returning from this long digression—again to myself—or

what you consider my exaggerated estimates—& probably my general

use of words & language—in a sense approaching the universal

& even absolute in significance—more than is the habit with other

men,—it proceeds from that nature of my consciousness—defined

on the first page of this sheet—as "living wisdom"—or the conscious

ability—of realizing, with moderate means—all those ideas,—

which, when realized, become & contain the means for gradually

realizing all the ideas—harbored by the intellect of combined

man—or the whole race.— It proceeds however no less—from the

two collateral sources in the intellect—a.) the having discovered

in the analysis of the senses (partly touched upon in my last +Hof the 26 =) the lowermost, broadest—& never-changing basis—

of a philosophy—soon becoming absolute—& never—in its primary

structure—again to be shaken; & b.) of a similar analysis—of

the main features of the intellect itself,—(nowhere yet mentioned

in any of my former letters to you,) by which demonstratively—

I fix the steps, capable now—of being taken hold of by science,—

used—as it were—as a ladder—by that thought called "I" to emerge—

from its deepest recess of abstract thought—step by step—upon

the "sliding scale" of dualistic consciousness—to touch spiritually

103

the phenomena of exterior nature—in the senses themselves. Then

the general wealth of my intellectual possessions,—always at

the control of a memory challenging its equal—in all directions,-

has no doubt—its additional influence, I have helped in making

myself what I now am,— But if the materials for doing so—had

not been furnished by the one that was before you & me,—that

help would in reality have been nowhere, & my present identity

its next door neighbor. Now I am earnestly admonished to "shut

up"

Your’s truly as heretofore

with sincerest affection

P. Kaufmann.

104

47. Kaufmann to Emerson (April 27, 1857)

Canton, Ohio, April 27-h, 1857.

R, W, Emerson, / Concord, Mass.

My dearest Sir,—

To day,—at last,—I have been enabled—to forward to your

Address—a small package—by the "Adams Express" Line,—prepaid

through—until delivered into your hands. Enclosed I send you

the receipt,—so that—in case the Agent of the line—at your end—

should attempt (as I am informed they sometimes do,) to make you

pay additional charges—to the $1,25—prepaid by myself,—you can

ward off his unfounded pretension—by showing him this voucher—

from the Agent here;—or if it should happen, that the package

per Express—reaches you—before you get this letter per mail,—

& not knowing of the receipt enclosed—you should pay such additional

demand of the Agent—the receipt will enable you—to make him refund—

as soon as he shall see it,—

The package sent—you will find to be very well secured,—

for after removing the outside paper wrapper,—you will find—an

envelope of muslin, (to be removed with some care, so as not to

injure—by cutting the papers inside,) comprising the following

contents:21. ) An English & a German pamphlet—on "Education,"

2, ) A half sheet of the "Stark Co,, Democrat—of July 6.,

105

1840, containing my Address—delivered at the printer's

Celebration, of the 4 - Centennial Anniversary of the

invention of printing, held in Canton—June 23, 1840,—

3.) Twenty Sheets (!!!) of Manuscript,—where originally—

I had calculated—it would not take over 8 or 10,— This

will,—my dear Sir—in a good measure—account for the delayy

in sending you—what, already at the time of writing you my

first letter,—I had supposed—could be finished—by the labor

of 3-4 more days.—

If regret would be of any use—in a destiny-ruled world like

our's—I would say—that I feel a little sorry,—that it was out

of my power—to forward you the M;S,, a little sooner,—so that

there would have been sufficient leisure allowed you—on your part,—

to look the entire Document through, before the time should arrive—

when I shall have to be in New York,

As matters now Stand—the package will hardly get into your

hands—before the first of May;—& it is not unlikely~that your

hands may be so well filled with tasks—not to be shoved off,—

so that a real impossibility would exist--to read the 20 entire

sheets through—in due time—to enable your mind to come to a con­

clusion,—so far as their contents may have an influence thereon,—

respecting the proposed visit to New York—of your noble Self.—

This possibly occurring dificulty, may, I think—measurably

be overcome,—by my giving you the following—as an explanatory

Key—to & of—the contents—of my 20 Sheets of Manuscript.—

1.) There is no absolute necessity,—in order to understand

106

what therein I aim at, to read the whole 20 Sheets of the

writing through—just now,—if the time is lacking. For if

You read 10 Sheets thereof, namely—the first 6, (numbered

from 1—to 6,) and the last 4, (numbered 17, 18, 19 & 20,)

You will fully understand the drift & tendency of my purpose

in all these papers,—

2.) The 10 Sheets—from N- 7—to 16 (incl,), containing the

rest of my biographical Chain (the first part of which commences

already on Sheet N- 4 or 5.,--) are designed a.) To furnish

you a correct conception of the Schooling & training—and

its versatile nature—through Which destiny has conducted

me; b.) That my life,—whilst I have experienced & gone through

all the pains that the heart of man can experience,—has been

one of incessant & most intense activity,—from boyhood up

to this hour; c.) That the gifts bestowed upon me by God &

nature,—have been taken notice of,—at various times—by

all sorts of men,—* this their notice expressed—in their

own way,—as will be seen in the sheets named.

There are however 2 matters—which it was out of my power—

to introduce into the M.S., for want of time. These 2 matters

are,—in one respect,—even more important—than any thing—which

the whole M.S., contains,—because the one constitutes the base

& the other the cap-stone, of what I may call my System, (though

it will really be eventually that of all men,) for the simple reason—

that my humble person—is the one—who has strung the chain of

reasoning together—out of which it is combined,—

10?

In case You should conclude—& your circumstances permit—to honor

us with your admired presence in the City of New York,—no matter

however briefly,—I shall be prepared,—with utmost ease—to show

you—the process—in short hand—by which I arrive at the afomamed

base & cap-stone, in as much—as I shall bring some papers along—

containing—the worked out details thereof,—

I look with confidence for the eventual arrival of the glorious

time,—for which you have worked, sighed & prayed so much, & of

which,—encouraging others—you say: "»-patience . , . . we shall

win (it) at last."

Were that time here now,—there would be men readily found,—

who would be satisfied—as a true verdict of the nature of the

individual—to take his own testimony,—that is—the testimony—

which the man’s inmost & deepest consciousness—will give in its

own case.

Applying that rule to my own self,—I would say,—that I feel

& know myself created—by God—for the specific purpose,—the special

great aim—for & after which I have now aspired & striven knownly

& consciously—nearly 37 years;—that I know myself in possession

of all the gifts, abilities & knowledge for its realization—so

far as the first—firm establishing—of the main working principles—

necessary to secure the great work—are concerned.— And that—

to achieve this great & most glorious work for the redemption of

our crushed race,—I am ready for any sacrifices, labors & exertions—

which may be demanded of me—as purchase price for the great boon.

When reading over the various statements in my biographical

108

Sketch,—I feel assured that you will not misunderstand the manifested

facts—all pointing to my individuality. Were I to tell these

things to the world at large, or to a weak man—for the purpose

that he should blazon them to the silly world: I would surely

be both a vain & a silly man,—

In telling these things however to you,—I show them only

as trinkets, & trifles—that have a certain value only—for & from

the reason—that they all point to one great—tremendous—living

fact—which I cannot myself—express—by mere words,—but must

find the chance of doing it by a deed.— If God wills it,—that

chance will arise—if you get as much of an understanding of myself—

as I now possess of you,—or—as I think—I possess of you,—

But that which thus will be an opportunity for me,—will be one—

no less—for your own self,--and every other noble Spirit—who

"worships Ideas"—& not adores Chaos & Mammon,

As I had no time whatever—to retain a copy of the 20 sheets

of M.S,—this day forwarded you—as above stated—by Express,—

I would kindly request you—to keep they under good care,—in as

much—as at some future day—I shall ask the privilege of you—

to take a copy of the same,—when I either shall get time for doing

so myself,—or find a confidential amanuensis—to do so in my place.

There is however no need—for any hurry in this matter, as I have—

as yet, my hands all full with plenty of other work,— If you could

have seen—all the other labor—which I had. to perform—* did perform—

contemporaneously with the working out of these 20 Sheets of M.S,

for your eye,—it would impress you that great interest & powerful

109

motives only—can stimulate to such uncommon exertions. Well who

knows,—hut the very paper that I have thus blackend—from January—

until now,—may perhaps prove the lucky ticket—destined to draw

the great final prize—in Fate's—long drawing Lottery of this

mysterious Universe?—

And if so: —I shall, consider all my labor as well bestowed—

as the 2 Guilders—upon Camp,—which you will find detailed in

my biographical Sketch,—In narrating my exciting scrape at Nimmuegen,—

on my trip to America—in 1820.— The cases themselves—have however

no analogy at all.—

I shall thank you very much, if—soon after you shall have

received the package per Express—& these lines per Mail,—you

will have the goodness—to inform me by a few lines—of the reception

of both.* These your answering lines however,—In order to reach

my hands,—must not be directed to me at Canton,—but to "Peter

Kaufmann" care of Benedict Dorsey & Sons, N- 125—North 37 Street,

Philadelphia, Pa.,"—where I expect to be—sometime next week,—

God willing.

If, when thus you write, it is also within your power,—to say

whether there is a prospect of enjoying your supremely prized presence,—

during my sojourn in New York,—no matter for how limited a time,—

or not,—you will confer an additional favor by stating so,—inasmuch

as it will influence my staying in Philadelphia—& my departure

from there for New York.

*fch*Please also to say—whether you did get my lines of the 29 - — mailed on the 31st of March.

110

At this moment~I can not specify yet the day on which I shall

be able to start from here, whether it will be next Saturday-May thor Monday—the 4 -,—as between now & Friday—I may get another

letter from Preyer, I shall however, as I told you in one of my

former letters, write you—once more—from here, informing you of

the latest stage of my arrangements. From all I now know,—I expect

Preyer to arrive per Steamer "Hammonia" from Hamburgh,—in New York—xu

on the 14, 15, 16 or 1?- of May, I will therefore have to be there­

at least one day before him (perhaps more,) & during all the other

days,—until we get ready to depart.

His next letter will perhaps enable me—to calculate still

closer; & inform you thereof,— Besides, if I find an answer from

you when coming to my friends in Philadelphia,—I can again drop

you a line from there without delay, I informed you before—that

I shall leave my address—with Messrs Wright, Gillett & Rawson, Commission Merchants, N^ 1, Front Street,—& Mf M. M. Caleb, Ag\

American Transportation Comp. Pier n2 7, Coentes Slip, N, Y,—But more in my next, Your’s with sentiments of sumpreme regard—

& kindest affection

P, Kaufmann,

Hi

8, Kaufmann to Emerson (January-April 26, 1857)^

(En confidence.)

Canton, Ohio, commenced in

January 1857, *fchconluded on April 26=,

R. W, Emerson, / Concord, Mass,

Inexpressibly esteemed Sir!—

If—in addressing to you—these my first lines,—I were to

follow the bent of my inclination,—I should write You—as somewhere

in your books You desire—in the most extravagant modes of expression,

without fear of anywise exaggerating—the importance of the subjects

on which I desire to commune with you. Trusting however that

the sequel to this beginning will present ample opportunities—

for making, in due time—& requisite proportions—a proper statement

of all things—which—the finger—on the Dial-plate of Destiny—

soon betokens to call for: a more simple use of language—will,—

to open with, much quicker secure my first aim,—as also satisfy

your unavoidable curiosity, namely—to learn how & from what cause

it happens—that you receive these lines from a man—of whose

existence & name—very probably, You never heard before.

It is one of those singularly rare incidents,—which—as

it were—controlling a whole chain of others—thereby making "Life—

a series of surprizes,"—by which the writer of this,—although

112

living in one & the same country with Yourself—for more than

the life-time of a generation past,—¿¿ although well informed

on—nay familiar with—every essential point relating to that

country, its people, public men, needs—wants & resources—& con­

strained to feel a paramount interest in the whole: that by an

exceedingly strange—yet surprizingly simple constellation of

things—he never became aware of the existence, labors, aspirations—

of your—by him now so highly admired person,—until, by an occurrence

in itself a romance,—was led to your discovery—some 3-4 months

ago.—

When—at that time—the glance of his mind’s eye—was interestedly

roused to direct its beam for a moment upon your being,—it felt

itself constrained to seek the means for satisfying an awakened

curiosity, which,—schooled for many years by life as it is,—

has firmly contracted the steady habit of not expecting Overmuch—

from any single event—in the Domain of Phenomena. My mind,—

thus led to procure your writings—for satisfying its kindled

curiosity, is yet—at this moment conscious, that, when first

opening your pages,—the thermometer of its expectations—did

not range over its common or usual average, & therefore had not

the least idea—of finding more than here ¿¿ there some plausible

good thought—constituting the faint life & sole merit—of the

cleverest & most cracked up books of our entire literature. In

this State of mind—I opened—& read—your 2 Vols. of Essays,2first & second Series, (Boston, 1854), I did not proceed far

in reading, when the gait, form & stringing together of the thought

113

convinced me—that this time—I had actually got—not only more—

hut quite a different article from what—in my expectations,—

I had been bargaining for. Suffice it to say~that with every

Page I progressed reading, my appetite to ascertain the tasting

of all the balance—became more keen,--* when occasionally pausing—

& pondering—upon what I had read,—I am quite sure—that "I rubbed

my eyes," a little longer, much harder—& a good deal oftener—

than Yourself did—when first perusing Walt Whitman’s "Leaves 3

of Grass,"—in order to convince myself—that the whole imagery

of the grand intellectual paintings hovering before my fascinated

eye—was this time no mere reflex of the inner—all-ruling dream—

of my own being & life: but the "bona-fide" heaven-dream—of

another man—outside of my own self,—just a really made up of

flesh & blood—bone & sinew & nerve~as that very Self—which,

for a lifetime had been hunting its mate, through dales & valleys,

hills & mountains,—but never before found more than its own shadow—

when shaving its beard—in the mirror.— That therefore the incipient

surfacial curiosity—should quickly make room,—& hustle & bustle

around—to clear up a commensurable space,—for a gigantic interest

springing up—the life of which being as intense & profound—as

its shape & proportions are heaven-towering,—will appear—as

quite a natural sequence of things, to that exceedingly small

number of eyes, whose telescopic vision—penetrate into the nebular-

regions of these intellectual astral constellations. Natural

it was therefore also, that—in quick succession—I should endeavor—

to place myself in possession of all your thoughts—contained in

114

the rest of your books, as soon as I could procure them. After

finishing—the 2 first Vols. already mentioned,—I succeeded in

finding your Vol. entitled: "Nature, containing Addresses, &Lectures; (Boston & Cambridge, 1849,);^ next I got your "English

Traits," (Boston, 1856,)'’ & finally—I obtained the reading of

"Leaves of Grass," to ascertain the tenor and contents of your

letter to Mr, Whitman,—as likewise those of that book itself,

of which--it was said,—you had expressed so exalted an opinion,—

Whilst reading these 5 Vols, I had made so many pencil marks

on the margin of their pages,—opposite passages designed as Extracts,

that their copying took me much longer—than the reading,—filling

up 138—closely written, large Cap Folio pages,—which in print

would make a volume—nearly as large—if not quite—as one of

the 4, of your above named own.

Finding that a very considerable portion of your books (as

likewise the most striking Ideas—in "Leaves of Grass,") had,

apparently by design,—(whether consciously or unconsciously by

their Authors—I do—as yet—not know,)—been expressly—coined

& penned—for the special use & behoof—of my individual Self,—

which could of course—not fail—to increase the interest already

engendered—& inspire its embryonic foetus—with fast growing vitality.

Natural it was next, that I should endeavor to ascertain—

as near as I could—from the means at my command—the various

times or dates—at which—"the nobly grand sentiments & superior

principles"—expressed by these prints—had first been born into

being—in the bosom, of their blessed author,—in order to ascertain—

115

If possible—by this process—whether—he had succeeded—up to

the present day—to preserve—the "sublime & divine convictions,"—

urged by him upon the world—with such powerful energy,—undamaged,

unharmed & undiminished—in their native heavenly glow—in his

own breast,—or whether—the numberless ice-bergs—covering nearly

the whole surface of life’s Ocean—had not—invisibly,—insidiously—

& to the possessor imperceptibly—by mere atmospheric touch &

suction—cooled down his heart’s innate heaven-glow—to a nearer

approach of their inherent polar frigidity?— No lover, mother,

wife, bride, friend—can follow the steps—of their bosom's worshipped

idol,—with more intense solicitude & concern,—than I endeavored

historically to trace "the rise & progress" of the great ideas

& vast subjects—which have expanded your being to a Titanic dimension

in a Universe of Pigmies,—but the sight & thought of which brilliant

& vast Ideas—at this very moment heave the bosom of humanity

with more anxious expectancy, ardent-earnest longing, & thrilling-

praying hope—than at any former period in the world's history.

The result of this my exciting research, could of course

not be expected to be reached by a "jump." For when a mind—itself

incomparably gifted,—stumbles a little—at its perception of

"cracks," "limitations" & "vexing" moods,"—in the best specimens

of the wonderful master's "noblest work" hitherto known: that

"stagger" to be sure—meant "something," but certainly was—in

itself not a "fall,"—which to perceive as a fact & chronicle—

would have caused a grief—to its "historian, "—of which—until

now—there has yet been no "Gibbon" possessed of a measure—to

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fathom its depth. The tabulated neat result—of your first 3

vols,, (read by me,) after deducting therefrom the full value

of the above "Stagger," still left the world-defying—all-daring

"Call upon the Universe itself—for proper employment & work,"

(Transcendentalist—P. 3^0,) triumphantly undiminished—in full

value—on the C= page of the Ledger, The letter to W. Whitman,

dated July 25, 1855, was conclusive evidence—that up to that

time—the "capital invested in (eternity’s) trade" remained still

undiminished—beheld from so vast a distance. Under this favorable

auspices—I opened the "English Traits,"—which, being published

as late as—1856,—(the very year—near the close of which—I was

reading them,) though the materials had been collected a number

of years ago, I felt authorized assuming—that the book must express

the views & convictions of its author—up to the period of publication.

With an interest more profound—than if world’s were at stake—

I commenced making the journey with you,—was present at all its

stages, saw every incident as it passed, and took—from beginning

to end—particular notice of every Idea—expressed or implied—

in that vastly interesting volume. The book being—a natural

daguérreotype of the "status quo—" as it exists—in a social

hive of human beings—placed by superlative artificiality in a

condition "powerless for supreme good,—but powerful for great

evil,"—could—of course—not be expected—to be the "Repository

of active hope & joy."— But—what curious kind of singular beings

we "humans"—are,—showed itself—in most glaring features on

this memorable occasion,—by the events then occurring within

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the bosom of the present writer. For—precisely like a "perverse Antony," (Transcend^ P, 345») the saddest occurrence in the whole

book,—causing deepest pain & anguish—to the "dramatis personae,"—

filled the bosom—of this writing man—with thrills of the most

piercing delight. For when—when on page 273» (Traits,)—instead

of one single American tourist—there stood 2 living human beings—

in the midst of golden England,—mentally personifying all Albion,—

with the sum total of its glittering glories—into the gigantic

figure of a gorgeously attired man, staggering like a galvanized

corpse—from the terrible load of putred—loathsome disease,—

the two men—filled with divinely scorning disgust—repelled the

nauseous intruder from their their inner presence—by—telling

him to his face: Sir,—"I. can build you a coffin—for such dead

persons as you are,—& for such dead purposes as you have." Again,

on P. 278,—I hear one friend say to another, & the recorder of

the saying—endorsing it thereby as—fully also his own: "In this

quite house of destiny—I plant cypresses, wherever I go,—& if

i. am IS search of pain—I cannot go wrong," When the writer of

this—thus perceived the two strongest & noblest Anglo-Saxon intellects,

which the 19 = century—thus far—knownly—has as. yet produced,—

mourn with divine sadness—their own & the cheerless destiny of man,—

he felt, & feels yet—the irresistible impulse—to shout from afar—

into the ears of his beloved 2 brothers: "Cheer up—my braves":

for—”Blessed are they that mourn,—for they shall be comforted!"

Matth, 5.4.—

Then again—I found my attention absorbed & rivetted by most

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intently listening to exciting discussions between the two—&

a few kindred spirits—that particularly concern myself,—my name

being: everybody. — They showed that I was a "free-agency—encased

into necessity,"—& could not do as I list—& wished—no matter

how powerful & gifted; they painted the meagre, uncertain & gloomy

prospects—presented to my vast—but badly knit limbs—in old

disspirited Europe,—as I there evidenced no sign—of still lingeringly

harboring a spark of that all-rousing sky-fire, which—making

me nimble, swift & strong—on many occasions in the gray past,

might—by breaking out anew—rejuvenate my lazy old limbs. After

silently & moodily declaring all around that the horizon was sombre

& brazen in all that quarter,—the ground was shifted & "the question

popped"—: "Whether there were any indigenous—bosom-stirring

thoughts,—any Ideas worthy of—commensurate with—its rude infathom-

able—present & future immensity—to be found In my own America?"

I heard the whole speech that answered that question;—I saw how

"the gun that does not need another gun,"—(P. 286, Traits,) was

pouring its all sweeping broadsides destructively upon the feeble

fenders of its opponents,—saw it mow to the ground whole redoubts

of doubts,—which—to say true—were but feebly defended by unwilling

combattants, who rather rejoiced to see demolished—what inly

they hated themselves,—& had—by main force been pressed—to

protect against their own will,

I was intensely moved,—yet provoked to a mirthful smile—

when perceiving the gigantic figure of huge C., prostrated to

the ground—by a single shot of that magic gun—grotesquely attempt

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to re-enact some of the pranks of his juvenile days,—in forms—

modified by the times—& the occasion, C,, when a little boy—

had a mother,—that mother had a heart,—in that heart was a something-

in which dwelt the great God of the heavens, with all his infinite

goodness. Little G, like all youngsters—had sharp—clear eyes,—

he visibly saw the god in his mother’s heart, it spoke to him

in sweet smiles, living glances, tender embraces, fond kisses,—

all-caring—all-loving action. C, knew—that this was Goodness—

& that Goodness & God are one. For him all beauty, truth & goodness—

in the wide Universe was centered in this mother. She was & is—

the sun of his life—& in his heart can never set. When at nights

the angel mother—put her young angel to his bed,—she leant a

little while over him—early—to give him lessons—in the "art of

arts,"—the Science of Angelss "prayer, worship, adoration,"

When a little older—she showed him—to do it "kneeling by her

side."— By & by—he learnt to practice it alone & on his own

hook. But whether praying in his little bed,—or on his knees—

leaning against a chair, or anywhere else & in any other way:

spirit-seers, who can see the invisible—perceived—that whenever

G, so prayed—the God image beheld by the eye of his adoring mind—

was a macrocosmic picture of his very mother—with the only difference—

that her beauty, faithful love & goodness,—as formerly by him / Sheet N° 2, / beheld inshrined—into—to him—the dearest &

beautifullest of human forms,—did gradually assume—worlds &

heavens filling—unlimited dimensions. Thus the love spirit of

the divine mother heart—became for him identical with omnipresence.

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Where he found people that thus prayed like him,—they had his

religion, with them—he could kneel & worship. Their number—

so worshipping—grew smaller & less—as his eyes grew older.

He finally found the whole world filled with idolatry,—& what

was most painful & grievous,—even discovered persons adoring

a fetish—who sincerely meant to worship God.— Thereby gradually

C.’s own object of adoration—had been forced back—deprived of

all outside association—into the solitary chamber of his own

heart; at the time of which forced burial he commenced "planting

Cypress trees"—as perpetual memorials of his immortal grief—

wherever he went. And where he thus went—his grief went with

him—still entertaining a silent hope—of being—by some occurring

miracle—re-changed—into its pristine all-joyous hope,— The

thunder of "the gun that needs no other gun,"—whatever its sound

might portend to other acoustics, to C.'s keen artist’s ear,—

they were—& chymed—like the magic voice of the divine mother.

His heart—seing for once again—its dearest inner life dream—

as an outside reality—lived for & aimed after—by bona fide flesh

& blood human beings,—fell inwardly with prayer-tears of intense

adoration—upon its spirit knees. Nay—that very heart constrained

him—to give those around him—some sort of token & proof thereof.

Hence—in the playful—yet sincere mock-attitude of the unworthy

sinner—leaning waitingly on the wall,—refusing to step into

a place—felt to belong & be due to higher worth,—we have the

visible acknowledgment—of tribute & worship due & actual homage

rendered—on the knee of the inner deep,—to the transcendent

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essence of "true purity & real sanctity,"—more potent & significant—

than any bending—of the pliant outside hinges could ever indicate,

Astoundingly bewildered—by the sight & hearing—of these

joyfully strange & rare things,—they made me fancy—as if I were—

in the fated "garden" of sorely-tried ineffable "Fair Lilly,"—

painted so enchantingly—by the pencil of "Faust’s" mighty bard,

I even imagined myself the "old man with the lanthem,"—on whom

all eyes—imploringly—looked up for help—out of their "sad fixings,"

And as the signs rose up—so closely strung together,—& more

portentous still, the "magic words"—came in resounding—all but

one: my heart leaped up in extacy—as knowing—that it was myself—

who possessed—the "one missing word" known to no one else—this

side the centre of infinity,—& whilst calming the vexed & troubled

spirits of the suffering hearts in "Lilly"s fated surroundings—

with a few words of hopeful cheer,—I did cooly hid my boundless

exaltation—from the eyes of all around me, but yet could neither

hinder my lips—as used—in days of "old lang syne,"—from pouting

themselves—towards whistling—nor prevent—my just re-awakening—

half dormant long-slumber!ng—inly inveterate "Singer,"—even

whilst "rubbing his eyes,"—to hum to himself—with a peculiar

emphazising intonation—improvised for & on—this special occasion

with strange accents of unusual energy; thunderlngly repeated by

an invisible chorus:"Allons enfans de la patrie— Le jour de gloire est arrive &c &c"^

My eye-opening singer—thus streching himself out again—

by the tones of his inner "humming" into the full sized consciousness

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of being,—though he uses as—a beginning—the first line of "Rouget

de Lille's" inspiriting hymn,—believes nevertheless—that the

world-thrilling "tune"—of his own—as yet unpublished inspiring

"Marseillaise," will deprive the former of its largest laurels.

He carries within the conviction,—vain as its utterance to ears

fractionally musical—may sound,—that on the same key—of "gentle

roaring"—of "the gun that does not need another gun," he can

compose a psalm for "David's Harp"—whose sky-like melody duly

performed—shall chase away not the vexing spirits from the presence

of our desponding "Saul" only,—but from the envirronings of all

troubled "souls" in the wide Universe; performed on the lyre~lt

shall additionally—in the baffled & despairing "Spartans" of

the day—command a heart rousing miracle more wonderful-triumphant,—

than ever did the fire-breathing Strains of a Tyrtaeus—operate

upon the discouraged Laconians of his time; nay shall electrify

the vast deep-sleeping Enthusiasm of powerful Teutonia's numerous

branches—into life—& to a pitch so lofty, towering & high,—7

so as to throw the keys of its patriot KCrners, Arndts, Uhlands—g

with all the battle-songs that foiled the "Corsican great Chief" —

forever after out of sight & sound;—which finally shall re-set—

& fill up—the originally soul-stirring simple—now somewhat discordantly

deranged—melody of the "Star Spangled banner,"—to its world-broadly

designed—panharmonic Orchestra—longed—sighed & prayed for—to

be heard & sung—by all heaven & all earth—attracting the wonder­

working galaxy of "Libra"—amidst & into the Stars of our flag,—

to fill its Office eternally decreed, & thereby—drawing every

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thing & being under heaven—into the place & function—«hereunto

by divine inborn propriety—it naturally belongs—& nowhere else,—

By a look of retrospection I find that I have led my promenading

listener—a little off from the track—originally mapped out,—

but it not taking place designedly—but more from accident & instinct,

I find the Incident corroborative of the wise counsel somewhere

given by yourself, "not to have too much of design in the doing

of any thing,"—for I see that the by-path which thus we have

instinctively selected—is not only somewhat richer in foliage

& scenery,—but leads also more straightway to the aim we want

to reach.

Returning then now—& in this place—again to the spot &

subject from which we started—suffice it in reference thereto—

briefly here to say:—that the law of Criticism—as it shows its

own form & application—expressly or impliedly on every page &

in every passage of the "Traits" will prove itself as part ofo

the Code of that "higher law"—used in a Court of "dernier resort"

where eventually the merits & demerits of all things earthly—

will be adjudicated & determined.

That point being satisfactorily to myself—settled, the next

question arising was: "In as much as the world,—had—through

its authorized voices—publicly expressed an opinion decidedly

favorable of your literary labors,—& thereby impliedly endorsed

the ideas you propagate—& the aims you pursue:—but that world—

& no man of force & means belonging to it—having—to my knowledge—

never—as yet moved one finger—essaying to metamorphoze your

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"divine dreams"—into tangible—outside realities!—now—it remained

to be seen, whether—that cheap—& not—on the world's part—quite

voluntary tendered "fame,"—(for—that world knowing your strength—

dares not ignore it,) will by you be regarded as "achievement

enough"—for the area of your terrestrial struggle,—& you feel

no further inclination—by practical & positive movements of your

own—to test the equipoise & try the equanimity of that huge—

imaginary monster—by disturbing its "undivine dreams" somewhat

more uncourteously,—than it feels Itself Incommoded—by the passive,—

though ineffective (for want of numbers & System)—no matter how

"divinely noble"—resistance of mere abstinent inaction,—which,

by necessity—you were induced & obliged to adopt—& until now—

to retain?

Or:—a chance—being now for the first time presented,—offering—

(as a responsive call of that Universe—to which with daring "trust"—

you had appealed,) a prospective realization of all the God-dreams

within you—& within all other mem—would—or would you not—

grasp it—with that tremendous energy—by which you have compressed

ideas into words like mountain rocks—hurling them—with a Titan's

arm—upon the walls of an infernal Olympus—usurping the place

of the eternally true? Or:—was there a possibility—that an

eagle mind—rising up—& building its very Eyrie in altitude so

lofty—that none around him dared follow:—should now conclude

to rest inactively content—on a small temporary couch in the

nether deep—though prettily made up of "Leaves of Laurel,"—yet

niggardly contributed—as a beggarly offset—of a boundless tribute—

125

known & felt to be justly due? Could it be in the breast of man—

that,—with claims so infinite & vast—he could passively and

unresistingly,—permit & suffer himself to be defrauded—& defrauded

to boot by idiots—so unmercifully?

Well—these queries—my heart answered to itself chiefly—

& provlsorically—by cruising its little yacht In the promising waters adjacent to the "Capo di bona Spiranza,"^—into the pleasant

latitude of which to enter—the small craft derived the breeze

to fill its sails—from the electric Zephyr-thoughts—so recently

& animatingly streaming upon the canvas of our friend Whitman—

by your letter printed in "Leaves of Grass,"

From the visible—unmistakably life-throbbing interest manifested

in those few—but for & to me—much-saying lines of yours,—I

rallied—strengthened & Invigorated—around my primary—original

impression,—(being almost as strong—as actual "conviction,) in

regard to the true nature & position—of your innermost Self,

I deemed it almost certain—that an intellect grasping & harboring

the ideas—& a heart burning for aims—like yours: could impossibly

rest satisfied—with a mere (no matter how large) fraction of a

theory,—when a prospect offered to achieve—by union with other

Champions—a full System,—embracing in addition to that—"essentially

unchanged large fraction" all the missing rest of the parts legit­

imately required—for making that fraction a complete & entire—

not merely theoretical "Whole,"—but—holding out—most reliable

assurance—to step out of mere mental—into "materialized existence,"—

whereby—upon the waves of outer being "walking the waters like

126

a thing of life."—

Considering—that about the time—when first I was led to

the discovery of your presence, doings & aspirings on earth,—

I was just engaged preparing myself for addressing the people

of this country upon the very subject—which so deeply you have

at heart,—& so fervently have urged upon their earnest consideration

for so long a time:—it must strike you—with what bewildering,

amazing—ineffable feelings of joy & hope—I discerned & discovered—

in your person—a man,—whom, I could recognize—as a "God-appointed

Representative of all America,"—not merely as—before God’s eye—

she really is,—but rather—as his heart—in all the coming future—

designs—& wants her to be.— For, by thus finding—in you—one

single man—capable, willing & prepared—to understand, appreciate

& accept—the light beyond all price—which intrusted with by

heaven—I am charged to bring to my fellowmen: my labors will

not merely be immeasurably simplified & abridged by showering

a whole firmament—of Ideas—into the vast space of your boundless

mind,—but by this process I shall also secure the absolute Certainty—

of never being misunderstood,—& obtaining for & upon every thought—

that actual consideration—to which by the size & kind of truth

it contains—it is per se—entitled.

And this—is perhaps as proper a place, as any other, before

proceeding to another branch of the subject, to make the following

explicit statement in regard to my own personal self—as connected

with the work assigned me. First: I am destitute—of any & all

other ambition—except the sole & only one—to to see God’s great

12?

& transcendingly glorious Will,—realized as a "heaven upon earth"—

for the benifit, redemption & salvation of the whole race of man.

Seeing & knowing—how—& in what manner—this greatest work of

God—can be accomplished—by human minds & hearts—willing to

be God's instruments "to save themselves by the very work & process

of saving others,"—I have this infinite object so immeasurably

deep at heart,—that, If there was but one only way—to realize

the boundless—ever enduring felicity—for my poor & crushed fellow

men—as like an Ocean of Solar light I carry it claivoyantly within,—

& that one way—or price of purchase—was not simply death,—but,

if such were possible—utter annihilation out of being forever«

—I would be prepared to pay that price,—& at any moment precipitate

myself as deliberately into the abyss without light & bounds,—11as glorious never-dying Curtius threw himself into the market

chasm—for his beloved Rome.

Hence, next, the mere theory—of any thing—however good

& perfect—can never give me satisfaction. And in order to realize

a theory—or System—that in its due time will ensconse Itself—

into all brains inhabited by any intellect,—I am prepared / Sheet

N= 3. / & absolutely prefer,—whilst giving freely & unreservedly—

up for the use & benefit of the holiest of causes—the boundless

treasures of my mind & heart,—that the name & person of the giver,—

shall forever remain unknown to the mass of the recipients, excepting

only such few,—to whom your own self deems the disclosure a benefit—

as well as an advantage to the great unlimited cause. This course,

whilst at all times—it secures to the cause,—unknown to the world—

128

the service of all the light—& all the means—treasured up in

my intellect—& Croesus-like experience, would leave my hands

perfectly—free—to work—like an unknown private—any- & every-whereA

in the line of the "rank & file,"—wherever such work for the

time being—would appear to promise most advantageous to the cause.

For protected thus against the silly sycophancy—of "man worship"

by people that do & cannot know yet—what man in reality is:

my hands would remain entirely untrammelled to strike their best

licks on all & every occasion,—whilst the infinitely great cause—

would remain clear of the risk—of being identified by brainless

heads—with the individual name of any human being,—which proceeding—

so common in history—as you well know,—has damaged—& often

cursed—causes—which intrinsically belonged to the better class,—

Besides these—there are quite a host of other considerations—

all conjoined proving one great point, namely: that the best,

truest, beautifullest, & most conscientious mode of doing anything—

proves itself also as the most prudential, wise & efficiently

sure to reach its end.—

Returning—dearest Sir,—to my untiring pursuit—in ascertaining

as well as I could—with the means at my command—the precise

position—upon which—your inmost self—for the time being stood,—

I found myself at the close of my Odyssean search—as sincere

your admirerer,—as ardently your friend & lover,—as desirous

of your best good will & friendship—as at any moment during my

first perusal of your great—superior truths,—during which—the

perception of your heroic attachment to divine ideas—& God-like

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aims—convulsed my heart with joy-tempests of heaven—driving

streams of tears of angelic emotion—amidst delight & prayer-thanks

over my glowing cheeks.

For I convincingly felt—that the mutual discovery, the nearing

proximity & the actual contact—of two such men—like yourself

& me,—in a country like this,—in an age of elements like the

present:—clearly indicated the turning over of a new Sybil-leaf—

& thereon—of a prime new chapter—in the (hitherto dread) records

of Destiny,— For no sooner will you perceive as much—of the

form & figure of myself,—as only already now—I see & know of

your own: than You at Once with me—will seriously begin to doubt—

whether at any hour—from the birth of time—up to this moment—

there ever have met—anywhere upon this globe—2 incarnate Spirits—

alike & equal to these presents. The sending of such forces,

armed * equipped as they are, upon one & the same errand, withholding

their mutual full knowledge thereof—up to the very moment—going

into the main battle: argues the evident design—now ruling the

day at "Head-Quarters, "—the word being: "to drop the old Guerilla

& bush-fighting Indian mode of warfare—& adopting—the "Napoleonic

System"—of main force vs. main force"—thus leaving the decision

to valor, skill & science."

There is meantime some sort of a squint—that the "Carnot

secret"—of "organizing victory"—beforehand by "head work" in

the War-bureaux—& then merely carry it out by simple hand-movings

on the outer Chess-board,—is now in Operation in the "Supreme

Department of War," Whether they got that Secret from the sturdy

130

inveterate Republican—since he got up mixing with the divinities

of the "upper tens" there,—or whether the "Old Magician," whilst

here below, by some legerdemain of witchery—clandestinely—abstracted

it—out of their "secret reciept books"—my reporter does not

say.—

Now, my dearest Sir, (whom to call "friend & brother"—in

the terms’ most exorbitant meaning—is my heart’s & mind’s intensest

desire, if you shall grant me that privilege,) you have seen &

truly defined the all-pervading disease to be a universal want

or absence of "confidence, faith & trust" of man in God, & man

in man. You have,—in terms as strong & energetic as language

can furnish,—expressed in various parts of your books—the fervent

longing of a loving—& love-yearning heart—for the arrival of

a man,—whom, amongst others various adjectives—you signalize by the following definitions: 1.) Ess. 2^ Ser, Page 31. on "The

poet"—you say: "his speech is thunder, his thought is law."

2.) On p. 40. ib, you call him "the timely man," (bringing) "the

new religion," "the reconciler whom all things await." 3.) On

p, 47, ib. the verses headed "Experience"—call him "darling"

& consolingly close with: "The founder thou! these are thy race!"

4) p. 57 ib, you say: ", , .1 never know, in addressing myself

to a new individual, what may befall me. I carry the keys of

my castle in my hand, ready to throw them at the feet of my lord,

whenever & in what disguise soever he shall appear, I know he is

in the neighborhood hidden among vagabonds."— 5«) On p. 60, ib.

you indicate in reversed phrase—that he must be a man of "adaptation

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or Universal applicability." 6.) In Ess. on "Character," pp,

101, 2 & 3, You touch him as: "the uncivil man" who "helps,"—

"puts America & Europe in the wrong;"—as: "The wise man (who)

not only leaves out of his thought the many but leaves out the

few;"—as "the Instant presence of supreme power", & as a "terribleJ

undemonstrated, genius". —7.) In the Vol. entit, "Nature" &c

p, 72, you denote him as "a faithful thinker, kindling science

with the fire of holiest affections"—that being "God’s going

forth anew into creation,"— 8.) On p. 264. ib. in "Lect, on

the Times," you compress "the hope, of which all other hopes are

parts,"—into the miniature of laconic beauty,—impliedly indicating—

that the expected artist—must practically possess the skill to

paint the lovely thought—with equal truth & beauty—on Nature

& lifes outer canvas. 9.) P. 278, ib, after showing your arrival

at the spring of all power, beauty, virtue, art & poetry, you

asks "Who shall tell us according to what law its inspirations

& informations are given or wlthholden?" being—an unmiskable

sigh—for the arrival of him—whom giant Whitman, pp. 80, & 82,

Leav, of Grass likewise Implores to come to the rescue, when ejaculating:

"Ever the vexer* s hoot! hoot! till we find where the Sly One hides,

and bring him forth!"—& "The fleet &c &c but (when) the craft

& pluck of the Admiral?"— And then his soul stirring—all-defyant—

triumphing exultation, after the confidently expected arrival

of the "one strong being,"—hurled into the haughty teeths of

"money-making, respectability, theology, tuition, society, traditions,

statute-books &c dumb-founding the whole helpless crew,—with

132

the simple quere: "Where are your Cavils about the soul now?"—

Whilst writing this, I cannot refrain, my expanding bosom—from—

hallooing out: "Great God, what times are these opening themselves—

to our ravished eyes, in the most proximate future, & thence forward—

forever & ever—to become more glorious & extatic as we advance

on their Stream!" 10, On p. 315. Lect, the "Conservative,"—you

close with: "It—(i.e, the fair child of the wrotten System)

predicts that amidst a planet peopled with conservatives, One

Reformer may yet be born."

Amongst other strange things in this queer world, until very

recently most orthodox—catholicly believed to be altogether inhabited

by non-entities termed impossibilities, that world most condescendingly,

as usually it does—where It cannot help it, permitted,—amongst

an Ocean—apparently its like,—one single event to take place,—

which, by the very name & meaning of the day—on which it occurred,—

would have scared the poor old world, had she known the full particulars

thereof,—clean out of the—not overly great measure of her native

wits, & beforehand—make her quake in her huge sabots with Incontinent

fear—for the safety of her most cherished inhabitants,—no matter

of whatever kind.

The reputation of old lady "Chance," (believed by people who

know the family,—to be a full blooded sister of rich Miss—"Fortune,"—

well known as the—actual but little younger twin-sister of the

ruling Sovereign,—Madame Victoria Destiny, II.) has, up to this

hour, stood so fair for "loyalty & true fealty"—to her gracious

Sister—the ruling Queen—that even ill-mannered Lady Suspicion

133

herself,—delighting in teasing every body, did never venture

to assail it—by charging that the Vestalic-looking divinity had

secret intrigues with those rebellious radicals that "plot & conspire".

No one believed that her apparently transparent bosom--could harbor

any such disloyal, treasonable—forbidden impropriety—as a premeditated,

maliciously-afor-thought "design"—for or against anybody—or

thing—in the mighty realm of her all-powerful Sister, But alas!

for the treachery of all external appearances; for It now turns

out that Miss Chance—is not near as much of an innocent & a virgin

as her blank-inexpressive countenance led all the world irresistibly

to believe, without a grain of doubt. Already a rumor Is beginning

to spread that the lady is the greatest Arch-intriguer that ever

was,—that the Macchiavellis, Talleyrands, Fouches, Mettemichs—

et id omne &c are but mere babes—compared to her in the "science

of secret plodding,"—nay that the gray diplomatists at the nether

Court of this sable Majesty "the dear old devil"—(as revealed

by Milton, Klinger 9 & other magicians,) are themselves but fools

that can "hold no candle" to—& shrink into mere phantoms when

confronted with—our transparent lady. The charges are of so

monstrous a magnitude—that the "few" to whom the first intimation

of their existence was "confidentially" revealed: stood aghast,

not daring to trust the sounds their ears heard,—from fear of

surprise—& the presentiment that—if defendant’s "treason" proved

a fact, poor "Othello's occupation"—would not only be "gone,"—

but the lucrative, long-pending, well-feeing case of "Truth vs.

Fiction"—also finally & forever—be disposed of.— What dumb-founded

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our amazed listeners even more than the terrible nature of the

charge—"High-treason"—itself, was the provokingly confident

manner & mien—with which their informant proceeded in assailing

their mute Incredulity—by driving it from post to pillar, until clfrom "sheer despair"—it op' its lips—to parry the assailants

thrusts—with* "impossible, gossip, Slander! We can & will not

believe—until we are compelled by specifications of the case,—

& proof that Its items & counts—are facts—not assertions^ fictions,"

—"That’s the way—to talk It, Gentlemen, (replies he,) I like

your pluck. And in order to draw your minds out of the cruel

state of torturing suspense, here I submit to your Lawyer-eye's

inspection—all the papers,—proving—by the unanimous testimony

of all witnesses in the case—on both sides,—beyond the possibility

contraction—that the "fair culprit" Is guilty of every item &

count as charged in the indictment? & was it worse—for those

constituting the plalntifs—when the case shall proceed to its

public trial in open court,—that Court will not condemn the act,

but justify the treason as the "true law" & hasten to participate

most lustily in its final consumation. Therefore, Gent3, of the

law—look out, "there's a lion in the way,"—"a—true Daniel's—

at last—come to judgment,"—so look out for your own necks, as

you know—there is such a thing as becoming—& making one's self—

by improper partiality—for one side or the other—in an undecided

case—by mere word or glance of the eye—"a particeps criminis"

of the party losing the case,"— "We will try to profit by your

advice, Sir,—but it seems to us—you have use for it yourself—

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as well—as we,—for whilst you seem decidedly in love with "the

treason,"—your appear hut partially so—with the "fair traitoress,"—

& if—as you intimate, she shall conquer the usual reward of "success,"

she may, when in power, not forgive you—that even at present—you

only venerate her with divided affections—& do not love her with

the whole. But that's a matter of your own, concerns you & not

us,—hut having our own share in the grand issue,—let us strike

a truce,--* the word beings "mum,"--as "the path of things is

silent,"—let us now jointly—and cooly—examine—annalitically—

the thrilling nature of this unprecedented case.— Let us open

the papers & learn its particulars," —Informant, "Well, Messieurs

de la loi—your proposition is seasonable. But remember, Queen

destiny—as far as known, has taken no notice yet—of any of the

facts concerned in the case. She may know or may not, at any

rate she has—thus far—made no formal accusation of the culprit.

But be that as it may, the following 5 specific acts have been

commited—in huge—overt form—& need no interpreter of their

meaning, purport & design,—they clearly being the upsetting &

overthrow—of the "status quo" in the culprit's Sister's realm.

Lady Chance did—or caused to be done,—by some of her unsuspecting

imps or instruments—in days of "old lang syne"—the insertion

into the Church feasts of "German Christendom" of three particular

"holidays",—which up to this moment—are religiously observed—

by the various parties, or fractions thereof,—whom they respectively

concern. These 3 holidays, standing in the succession—in which

they can be seen—In any "German"—or so called "Dutch-English"

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Almanac—speak a language so translucently clear, that no one—*but the most stupid fool—can fail to see its import & design.

Add to these 3, the 2 new facts, to be detailed as N= 4 & 5» and

we shall have the materials of a case~that shall walk to its own

conclusion, without the assistance of a lawyer’s crochets, / Sheet

N= 4, / Now let us specify, & like the Hebrew Bible, a book—

that by some witty librarian was labelled, as "a volume beginning

at the end,’’—let us, for reasons, begin—hind-end—foremost, s dFirst then, Gent,, look here at this 2, day of November, in the

name column of the aforsaid Almanac: "what do you see there?"

"Why there stands the name of "All souls." Next look at the day S"tpreceding, Nov, 1 , ,—"what do you see there?" "The feast of

All saints."—Now crawfish back to the foregoing day—being October s*t31 - —"What do you find there?" "Why—there stands "Reformation

day" or "Anniversary of the Reformation." Now let us keep in

mind, the the feasts of All Souls & All saints were instituted

by the old Latin Church, long before—what is now called "Protestantism"

had split off from it, & next—that the "Reformation Feast" was

established by the successors of the German Reformers, alone,~

as the Roman Catholic hierarchy was at swords’ ends—with all

their schemes & doings. Now then—let us place the 3 facts, originating

from sources so antagonistically opposed,—into the serial order—

in which Miss Chance—has seen proper to have them inserted into

*Mr. Emerson will assuredly take no offence—at the fictitious

dialogue of this imaginary entities, For we must suppose them to converse with one another—with the same earnestness—as we do ourselves,—

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the Almanac,—from the fixed customs of the people, 1.) Oct, 31,

Reformation day? 2.) Nov, 1=^ All Saints* day. 3.) Nov, 2& All

Souls' day.

"Now Gent, of the law, can you see or discover any meaning

or design—in the serial Sequence of these days—as they follow

one another?" "Not we? for we are not theosophers—or Soothsayers—

that speculate upon fancies—or deal in hidden magic?—our trade

is the handling of "stubborn facts,"—& of them—such as are self­

speaking, we see as yet—no more than before." "Very good Gent.,

you shall have a few more of them, that may have the power, to

give speech to the above, now considered by you—as—"Mutes,"—

"Here is a magic Stone, with the singular property—that, when

you put it to your eye, you can see—whether any thing—conversed

upon—If asserted as a fact having occured in time & space—is

truth or fiction, & ascertain—what the whole amounts to. Besides

this, the magic lense—has the singular quality that, if you let

the eye follow its motion passively, it will lead you from one

hour, day, week, month, year, Century, or Millenium to another,—

to point out the date—when the greatest & most important event

took place;—& when so finding the spot of time & space conjoined

with the event,—it will stand still,—& like the star over the

Stable of Bethlehem—hover over the same—to show the inquiring

"Kings of the East" (Rev, 12.16)—where a Jesus-babe—or other

great fact—is bom into the phenomenal world. Besides the stone,

here gents., are maps, & historical tables—curiously combined

by ingenious contrivance—where we soon can find ready answers

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to all our inquiries. Now let us—inquire of our Stones "Which

is the greatest amongst all the great events,—that have arisen—

since the days of "the Youth that was hanged at the Tyburn of his 14Nation?" "Now, gent,, look at the little stone; observe how

swiftly it glides along throught these 17—Centuries—into the

18= , still moving "on- & upwards" in it; but behold, it begins

to slacken its motion, as if to pick out—spot, moment & fact.

Here it stops. Let us look at the date, place & event signaled.

What are they? Well—it is the year "1800," of the Months the4 ti

10 = , & the date is in the then newly adopted "French Chronology"—

"le 9™= Brumaire, au 9» de la Republique,"— The spot is in France,

in the newly conquered & annexed German territory—forming the

"Departement du Rhin & de la Moselle," & seems to be in a country

town—some 5 leagues from Coblenz on the Rhine, What do you see

there? I see the birth of a man-child—early in the morning,

between 3 & O’clock, on that day,— And over the straw-thatched

cover—forming the heterogenous roof to the thick stony—massive

walls—that in years long past—constituted the mansion of a "Templar 16Knight," the stone hovers fixed like a polar Star, Well, what

can it mean?— Napoleon, having shortly before returned from

Egypt, about that time—was in Paris, where—9 days after theXV

birth of this Child, on the 18= of the same month,—he accomplished

the famous "coup d’Etat,"—resulting—in placing—as "first Consul"

the power In his hands, so ardently yearned for,— Can the obscure

birth of a humble babe—for a time in Destiny’s annals—have

greater weight—than the vast Genius of a Napoleon—sustained

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by all the power that force, prestige, intoxicated public opinion—

& the Leviathan power of a revolution subdued into the servile

harness of availability—can confer? What is the Christian—old

fashioned date—corresponding to that little boy’s birth day,—

maybe—it can throw some light on the subject? Let’s see. Why stGent,, wonderful, strange, look here, it is that very 31= or

last day of October,which we found set down in the Almanac

as "Reformation-day." Indeed—that must mean something; therefore

let us now take a somewhat closer look at the small chap, & see—

whether we can discover any imprint upon him—prognosticating

any thing of his coming future. Yes, I perceive he is covered

all over, inside as well as out—with an infinity of the most

full shaped letters & words I ever saw,—some of them—almost—

Infinitely small—yet as clearly & distinctly legible—as the

big shining types—labelling his very forehead. What say they?"A universal Reformer!" Well, my learned Gent?, before we classify

this new fact, let us elicit—the ingredients of another. There

Is—as you know, from the birth moment of that child up to the

present hour of his still living life, one. connected Chain or

line of moments—thickly studded with the various events—that

appertain to that vital fact, expressing in your language of "Stubborn

facts" the nature & reason of its incarnation. These events—

summed up together—constitute the "foreground of the Start,"—

at which, we now shall find our "Reformer," whatever that Start

be—much or little,— Now let your Stone, like the electric Spark

on the Telegraph-Wire—slide along on that line,—& bid it to

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stop a moment—at each most prominent or self-speaking incident,—

& at the end of our line—we shall know a little more—by the

voice of your "Stubborn facts" of our Reformer—& his start, than

by mere assertion, conjecture & guessing. Well—here goes the

Stone, fetching

Scraps, pertaining to the f ractlonally-outwrltten destiny

of a Reformer,

1.) The Stone stops at 1801; see—what it sees & says:—It sees

a majestic looking German man, aged between 28 & 30 years, dressed

in the Uniform of a French Cavalry Officer, who—when a mere lad,—

had deserted College—to fight—as a volunteer—the Revolutionary

battles for liberty. His frame—6 feet, harmoniously proportioned,

& knit with a strength "a la Richard Coeur de Lion," carries a

head on the strong chest & shoulders—on the countenance of which—

the consciousness of victorious Genius, manly beauty, innate nobility

of heart & aspiration—blend so wonderfully—into one Apollo-like

divinity, that, whoever sees that face once only, will never again

forget it,—feel irresistibly attracted to its proximity,—as it

is a public advertisement—promising protection & joy—to all

within its reach. Alongside stands a young woman, middle sized,

about 20 years old, in every respect as perfectly shaped a counterpart

to the man, as fancy can fashion an ideal. Minerva—has lend her

her intellect, Juno her dignity, Venus her graces, Diana her tough

strength & robustness of constitution & health,—& old ancestress

"Freya,"—has deposited into her bosom—a heart composed of the

very quint-essence of that romantic & faithful Teutonic love—

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boundless alike—in its tenderness & depth—as in its intensity

& power. She has just—with proud affection placed their little

smiling boy—into the strong arms of his carressing father, who

fondling & kissing him most tenderly,—casts a significant glance—

at the extatic happy mother, & prophetically says: "If this boy

is endowed with his father’s gifts—* his Mother’s wit, he will

become a General in France,"— The prophet spoke truth, but in

a higher sense, & like Daniel of old—not understood by himself

at the time. For France, means the Country of the Franks, or

"the land of Freemen," in which land, the boy was surely destined—

to become "a leader of the truly free,"—

2.)—1812-13, I see the boy, a fine looking lad. He has just

left the Common School, knows all that it can teach, & much—that

no school can. He speaks his German language, when addressing

educated people, as well as they, & besides—can converse very

well—for his age & opportunities—in French, He is put to a

trade, a tobacco manufactory, not from choice—but by necessity;

there being however a Store, some agriculture, & an Office of

drawing variegated writings—connected with the tobacco business,

the "tout ensemble" becomes a primary "école politechnique" for

the versatile gifts of our young hero.18His father, flung about by fate—much like a playball,—

though in the densest of the sanguinary melee, at Leipsic & elsewhere,

escapes unhurt,—but the boy has rarely—& for brief periods seen

him—whom he adores—since the days of childhood. The boy’s rare

gifts & intelligence, by this time are known far & near. He is

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beloved by God & men. Wherever placed—in a short time he is

at the head of every class, & in many things—runs away from his

teachers. In public examinations, he shows a memory taking all

by surprize; but an intuition—capable of answering all questions—

that have come to him—passing the ranks of young & old—unanswered,

so that on one of this occasions the delighted parson—publicly—

exclaimed in the Crowded church: "My little man, you have gifts—

that would make you a bishop,"— 3.) 1814, In autumn mother

& son go on a short journey to visit father, who is now a Major—

commanding a "bataillon" of infantry in the Prussian Army. This

was the first time that the boy saw his father—since he had awakened

to conscious reflection upon the condition of human affairs.

4.) 1816. The lad is now much of a man; there is a stem

courage in him—appalled by nothing, but is all hidden & swallowed

up—in the tenderest, lovely disposition of a harmless pet lamb.

Until now he has been much petted, but in no way spoiled,—feeling

his great future, but as yet not knowing its shape. Prominent

near him, until recently, of more influence than his beloved mother,

I see his old grandmother, the twin Sister, in richness of heart—

to old "Osman of Shiraz,"—where the boy sees before his eyes—

in the unsightly shape of an unlettered old woman—a full ideally

realized pattern—of unbounded divine kindness—& tender-heartest

sympathy for all beings in human shape, giving "aid & comfort"

to the most abject victims of a false social State, that could

find Shelter, roof & lodging nowhere else.

Fate begins now—to try the lad sorely. His aged grand parents

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¿Lie both within 48 hours, after a peaceable state of wedlock—

over half a Century, the issue being 9 daughters & no son,—the

grandfather living to 80, without an hour’s sickness during that

long life, & dying—without pain, just like a Candle expires—

after consuming all its oil,— The family property, yielding

theretofore no more than a bare competency—is much reduced by

an untoward incident. Added to this—the boy’s mother is thrown

upon the sick couch, for nearly a whole year, A hail storm destroys

their whole crop—of every kind; & the lad had, from his earnings,

(he got 40 cents per week whilst a prentice) to be a providing

housefather for a sick mother, & 5 other human beings—besides

himself,— Thinking people must have reflected—that such trials

for a lonely young, heart, no matter how strong,—might prove

too heavy; for a very sensible lady—herself a mother of a large

family,—with whom our young man theretofore had no further acquaintance,

than by mere sight, came to his shop, telling him—that she had

been impressed—& felt herself urged—to call upon him—for the

express purpose of "reminding him, to take the present dispensation

of Providence now afflicting him, & his,—not too—■& so—seriously—

at—& to heart, as to thereby inflict an injury—upon his own Self,—

in as much—as he must feel—that Providence had ulterior designs

with him—which must not be impaired by transient trying troubles—

no matter—however painful."— The young man is much affected—

not by the act of sympathy as if coming from the woman's individuality,—

but because it is a token that God urges men & people to see & express

unto him—the great treasure deposited within his bosom, & thus

144

strengthening his inner—by this outer voice. The afflictions

were all bom with a patient fortitude—& a living hope as only

a strong being can bear them; for out young hero knows, unknown

to the world, silently within himself—already God—& the extacies

of true religion as no one near him. When not ten years old, he

reads through—a neighbor’s big quarto volume of the "Legends of

the saints," 7 can distinguish therein "the kernel from the chaff,"

& in his childlike simplicity, in the dead of night, when all

around him is buried in deep sleep, he rises noiselessly out of

his little trundle bed, kneels with his naked knees on the hard

floor to pray to him—who is around & in him, or.feels;as if he

was enjoying too much—sleeping in a soft warm bed—whilst virtue

& sanctity so great as he visibly sees in reading—was cruelly

butchered in Martyrdom—or had only the cold ground for a bed

& a hard stone for a pillow; hence he often lays down upon the

plank of the floor, till he Is impressed by the feeling of cold—

to burrow again under the warm cover of his little couch. Being

a most insatiate reader, he has by this time read every thing—

Indiscriminately of every sort—that came in his way, commencing

with the mediaeval people’s stories, so much at vogue—amongst

the lower classes in Germany, & has now got up into the rich fields

of his nation's literature. All he reads, hears, sees, thinks,

is faithfully stored up into the boundless capacity—of a most

extraordinary memory—retentive of every thing once turned over

to it, no matter of what kind, holding it firm in its clutches

like a tied-screwed vice;—& always specifically recollected in

145

cases of emergency—to be brought into available use.

5. (1817.) Father sends word to the son—to meet him at Coblenz,

They meet, highly rejoicing to see & embrace one another. Father

examines the son’s progress, asks what books he has read, & is

reading; & on learning that the lad is just engaged reading "Herder's 20Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit," —the father

surprizedly looks at him, saying: "Do you understand that book?"

The son answers: "What thus far—I have read thereof—I think

I do." "Well" replies father, "that’s much for your age!" About

a week before, father—at last had got considerable of arrear-pay—

long due him by the French Government for hard services. He gives

the boy 1200 francs in gold, directing him to a Notary—an old

schoolmate, to assist the lad, securely putting it out on interest,

so that when the time should arrive going into some business of

his own, the young man might have something to begin on,—

6. ) (1819—towards Spring.) The youth has served out his 5

apprentice years. He is determined to see the outer world. With

knapsack on his back, he is commencing a pedestrian tour—of some

3000 miles through the largest part of Northern Germany,—holding

in Store—hard toil & severe hardships. His stock of travelling

money is but small; but trusting in God,—his great endurance—in

work & walking he fears nothing, is full of courage & hope, & has

a watchful eye—on every thing he meets, keeping a diary & noting

down every thing deemed worthy. Going down the Rhine in a boat

towards Cologne,—which boat carries "Swiss & German Recruits to

Holland—for the Dutch service," the youth has hardly seated

1A6

himself on a bench in the large flat, when his blooming countenance,

electric eye, & attractive appearance—seem to draw the eyes of

all on board upon his person, & they seem to whisper amongst one

another. Presently one of the boatmen approaches the Youth, saying:

"My young friend—I would ask you a question—if you will not

take it as an offence," "Well Sir, let us hear it,"— / Sheet

N° 5. I "Have you ever had any sexual intercourse with women?"

"I have not; but what makes you ask such a question?" "Why—your

whole external appearance—made that impression upon us all, &

we wanted to ascertain the fact in the case—from your own lips.

Your case, young man, at your years, with a constitution as vigorous

as your’s, is a rare one. Is that chastity all the result of

principle—or is chance concerned in it?"— "The amount of lucky

chance, therein concerned, fortifying a principle already then

adopted, is as follows, When between 13 & 14, at a place not *21expected, Chance threw the great "Hufeland’s Macrobiotik” into

my hands. That scientific sage—formed the convictions I already

entertained from intuition & ethical views into understood facts

of science; and the inspiring poetical effusion of "Bürger"—

on the great cause & dignity of "true manhood," which Hufeland

quotes in his work,—by their surpassing beauty, vigor & truth—

gave additional life & strength to a fixedly embraced maxim,"—

Arrived at Cologne, the Youth passes a few days pleasantly at

the house of relatives & then starts again on his grand tour.

From Spring—until the beginning of fall, he visits the following

*Hufeland's "Kunst das menschliche Leben zu verlängern."—

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States» starting from & through the Prussian Provinces on the

Rhine, he traverses the Grand Duchy of Cleve & Berg, Westphalia,

Hanover, the Hanseatic Cities, Holstein, Mecklenburg, part of

Swedish Pommerania, the larger Part of all Prussia, Brunswick,

Lippe-Detmold, Nassau-Siegen, Ussingen, & the whilom Electorates

of Mayence & Treves,—& on the trip sees the following Cities»

Dusseldorf, Munster, Wahrendorf, Osnabruck, Bremen, Stade, Hamburg,

Lubeck, Schwerin, Ludwigslust, Perleberg, Berlin, Potsdam, Brandenburg,

Magdeburg, Helmstadt, Brunswick, Hanover, Hildesheim, Pyrmont,

Horn, Paderborn, Hamm, Lippstadt, Dortmund—(the coronation place

of Charlemagne,) Werden, Elberfeld, Solingen, & passing through

Cologne & Bonn, returns home—for a short repose.

He is received at home on all hands, with joy & exultation,—

& stared at by young & old—for having dared to see so much—of

their unknown "Vaterland"—at one single dash.—

Already at that time—the Youth feels & knows that "Europe"

is not his place; for often when taking a silent meditative walk—

on a summer’s evening—through the beautiful fields all around

his native town,—he feels no longer at home there, his eye--&

mind sure attracted to the setting sun,—& he says—"yes, bright

luminary—your course I must follow,—& I will & shall as soon

as I can,"

7. (1820. Spring. Off "Westward Ho!"—) The youth prepares

for a final Start. His mother takes it very hard. His father

is still in the Army—now brevet-Colonel—at some distance off.

Madame Unger, a highly intellectual widow-matron, who pierces

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more—than other people—into our young man’s sealed bosom, having

lent him all the books she had, now—as a farewell—gives him some

linens—several crowns of money—& the following verse—written

(in German)—as a memorial—on a small cards (preserved to this

day,) "What are riches? Gilded glitter! —What high titles?

Nothing! —That which thou hast—& then thy God’s own favors

no more—I wish to thee!" In company with our Youth—travels

a locksmith several years older, to whom our youth had shown many

kindnesses; his name is Camp, born near Elberfeld, Camp has no

money, our young man pays all the travelling expenses, till they

reach Nimuegen, on Holland territory, where C, says, he is to

get some money.— Stopping at this place for a few days, our

young Reformer meets a German from his neighborhood—by the name

of Fuchs, whose family & brothers he knows, & has done business

with, Fuchs is glad to hear it & spends nearly a whole day with

the two travellers. In the middle of the afternoon though, Camp—

under pretense of getting his collegue's Prussian Money changed

by a broker known to him—into Holland coin—clandestinely runs

off—not with the money only—but taking some of the best clothes

of our young man with him,—

Although thus robbed, whilst not dreaming of its possibility,—

there are incarnated angels watching over the interests of our

innocent Trusting reformer, where he would not have looked for

them. The landlady, suspicious of Camp, sets he daughter in law

in motion—to watch all his steps, after he leaves her house—

with his velise, under the pretense—to get his linens washed.

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When therefore our Reformer—about souper time—comes to

the tavern,—he learns presently from the landlady what her daughter

in law had all seen & observed; whereby it was clear that Camp

had run off as a robber.— After a hurried souper, the kind landlady

went with the young man to Fuchs's lodging, whom they find already

in bed. F., on learning what had happened, at once jumps out of

bed, dresses, & goes with the injured party to see—what can be

done. Before returning to the tavern—they assure themselves

of a fact, reported by the watchful daughter in law of the hostess;

namely: that Camp had hired a man—by the name of Henry Roots—

to carry his velise—to Cleve, for the pay of 2 guilders. Fuchs,

like a true man—is ready to accompany our Young man in the nightly

pursuit. It is near 11 O'clock, when the soldier on guard—at

the gates of the fortress-City—at his peril,—sympathising with

the injured—& believing the words of his mouth—lets them pass

out—contrary to custom & orders—without a permit In writing

from the Officer in command. About halfway—at the Prussian frontier

town of Kronenburg—a perambulating Gens'd'armes—espies our travellers—

& inquires into their nightly business. They tell him. He is

not willing to let them pass on, for he thinks it presents him

with a chance to screw money out of those—who now have none,

but may, if they obtain that which was stolen. Willing or not—

they must follow to head-quarters—to have themselves & their

papers examined by the Captain, This Captain, differing from his

Sub-altern—like a man does from a brute, treated our travellers

with courteous kindness, & found their papers all right & believed

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their Story true. They begged, him to let them pursue their road,

as they had no time to lose. To this the afornamed brute—objected—

desirous of sharing in the pursuit. Before the Captain did give

his final decision, a soft voice of a tender woman, who listened

through a partially opened door—in a room adjoining to the whole

transaction, in the person of the Captain’s wife, advised her

said husband to let the young men go alone—as they wished, as

it was evident they stated nothing but what was true. Whereupon

the good officer permitted them—once more—to proceed on still

enigmatical errand—without further molestation.— When coming

within a league or 2 of Cleve, they met the returning Velise-Carrier—

Henry Roots—& were now made certain—not only of being on the

right track—but learned also the stopping place—where Camp had

taken lodging for the night—besides other particulars.—

Their feet already blistered—forgot pain & fatigue,—& moving

on at a rate as quick as a human body can stand—when simultaneously

impelled by all the motives combined—that could urge them to

speediest action» reached the house harboring the culprit—just

at the grey twilight of a German Spring’s early daybreak. After

a good deal of knocking at door’s & shutters, they are let in,

none suspecting—under their calm self controlling composure—

the true nature of their errand,—&—under the caption of "acquaintance­

ship—& urging business," (both surely too true) our Reformer is

shown into the very room—where the guilty one yet sleeps. Softly

the young man walks into the room—removes the chair with his

clothing from the thief’s bed, examines the pockets but the money

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is not there. This is just past, when Camp suddenly awakes, &

raises himself to a setting posture in the bed, when the unwelcome

sound greets his ears "Hold raskel, you are arrested!" The words

do not yet seem—to have a full effect upon him, to judge by his

unconcerned looks; but just at this very moment—Fuchs, who had

kept the landlady engaged—by giving him a bitters,—steps into

the room. And at the sight of the man—who was a living eye-witness

to the very root of Camp’s rascality: the thief falls back upon

his pillow, as if struck by a Cannon Shot, To the question:

"Where is the money?" He now subduedly—but readily replies:

"In my vest under the pillow,"—& dares not to move a finger to

oppose its removal; for he was told if he peaceably surrendered

the property he would not be prosecuted. But after restoring the

stolen—he had no money left, (as he had—from the beginning of

the journey, not had a copper of his own,) to pay his night's

bill. The Reformer paid the bill. Then in running off with his

friend’s new Sea-otter cap, the thief had left his old hat behind,

& was now bare-headed. He did not dare to look into the young

man’s face, nor directly appeal to him, but humbly remarked, with

a woe strlken countenance: "How am I to do with my bare head?"

"Here" says the young man, "handing him two guilders, "is money

to buy yourself a new hat,—but now go—& make yourself a new

& better man, but a friend like you had & flung away in me—you

never again will find in this world," That shot from "the gun

that does not need another gun,"—did an execution—that even

surprised Fuchs, For the fellow began to cry like a child—&

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the tears rolled thick & fast down his hard cheeks; he stammered

something—like having been overcome by the seductive appearance

of money, which the young Reformer did not in the least admit

as an excuse of any value, & telling him to make peace with his

wounded conscience, they parted,— Fuchs was displeased with

his new friend’s singular mode of terminating the ugly business,

& openly told him so, "That fellow," he said, "is not worthy

of the kindness, with which you have treated him. Actions & conduct

so utterly base as his—after the friendship you had lavished

upon him before,—stamp your leniency & generosity towards such

a villain—rather as a deed of weakness—than of virtue on your

part. Moreover your supply of money is little enough, & will not

last you, to where you design going—by a long shots why then—

part with it thus inconsiderately?"

"Well my friend," replies the Reformer, "before I will attempt—

answering your argument, let us listen—who it is that speaks

to us,—for I hear a human voice." "Sure enough" says Fuchs,

"that's the poor blind old woman—sitting in that little mud

hut there by the road side, begging alms of the by-passers,"

"Well"—remarks the Ref,, "the Lord has been gracious to me to day—

& filled my heart with gratitude & joy; let us make the poor old

soul—glad also," Thereupon the young men give the helpless blind

one a larger piece of silver coin--than she has handled for many

a long day,—knowing its amount instantly by touch—she thanks

them with visible emotion, and calls God's blessing upon their

heads for the gift, "Now," says the Ref,, "I will talk to you

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friend Fuchs."

"As God has sent you to me—in this my dire necessity—like

an Angel in time of need—to help one thereout, I owe you every

explanation that I can give—to make you understand my motives

correctly. For you have compelled me to esteem you too much &

too high—to leave it possible for me—to be indifferent to your

good opinion—respecting the principles upon which I act—& have

acted—on this trying occasion. Hence you will believe me, when

I say, that I could not easily bear the thought—to be looked

upon by you—in the light of either an idiot or a fool—in any

thing I may do. Now listen to the motives that have induced my

action. You & myself believe that there is & has been—such a

being—which we call Jesus Christ. Do we not? "Of course we

do." "Well then,—of him we read that—whilst suffering the terrific

tortures of the Cross, he prayed God for his very murderers:22"father forgive them, for they know not what they do!" Now,

you say, "this Camp is a detestable villain" which fact I will

not controvert, whilst I desire you—not to overlook that stupenduous

other fact—that even the most abject villain does not cease possessing

an immortal Soul—of absolutely infinite value. Now—do you think

that this man—in robbing my money—base & treacherous as the act

was,—has done me near as much of an injury—as the murderers

prayed for by Christ did to him?— "Oh no!" "Well then, if Christ

can forgive the greatest injury—done him by the greatest villains:

what sort of a believer in the truth of Christ's doctrines would

I be—if I could not forgive a minor offence, when he who must

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be my pattern, exemplar & ideal—can & did forgive the greatest?

But this is by no means the whole aspect & gist of the Story, as

soon you will see,

Christ’s & his System's divinity—consist not merely in teaching

& doing good actions, but in the tendency of the whole—not of

punishing the sinner for past offences,—but reclaiming him for

himself, virtue, humanity & heaven—by inducing him to become

another & a better man. Now you know—that men—when born as

children are innocent of vice & crime, & only become vicious when

succombing to temptations & bad examples. You know too much of

this world—to be ignorant of its terrible corruption—open &

hidden. Now this very Camp, after his heart got poisoned, may

perhaps never have seen a deed in any human being—which it was

out of his power to ascribe to hidden selfish motives, but was

forced to admit & regard as one of true & unflinching—Christian

Consistency, Hence, seeing base selfishness bear universal sway,—

he considered himself authorized & entitled—to be a beast of

prey—& as such watch his chances—as well as the rest. My refraining

to hand him over to the police, he would not ascribe to motives

of forbearance, because he knew—if prosecuted, you & myself—

must spend time & expense in being witnesses against him; which

delay, he also knows, might frustrate my entire journey.

But in conquering all my lacerated feelings, & giving him

money—a portion of that devil-god which seduced him—for supplying

a real necessity,—I have compelled him to believe in—& with

his eyes see—principles,—beyond the doubt of a peradventure,

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in the existence of which—he had no faith heretofore. He has

no choice left between belief & unbelief; my deed towards him—

has written an undying fact into his heart—so ponderous & heavy,

that its gravity outweighs the pernicious example of a whole world.

His time will come; his awakened conscience may work in him now—

to lead him to the path of rectitude & peace. For he now knows—

what great realities the heart of man may embrace & harbor. What

I have done towards him—he no longer can think or say—is impossible

for him to do. If then—my 2 guilders for his new hat—should

prove the incidentally main cause to raise his immortal soul—

from its degradation—to virtue & heaven’s nobility: Do you think—

I could ever have found an opportunity—for investing them to

a better & more profitable purpose?

And besides,—has not God—by your generous assistance—&

the visible good fortune—wherewith he favored our pursuit every-where—

leading—in the end to its happy termination—done a great deed

of uncommon favor towards myself—placing me under a load of obligation

and gratitude—that calls for & must have—its corresponding manifestation?

And how can I evince this my thankfulness better—than by showing

it in a forgiving kindness—towards my erring brethren, following

the example of him "who lets his rain & the sun's beams fall upon

the wicked—as well—as the good?"

Pausing with these words—the youthful Reformer looked at

his friend for a reply, on whose countenance he saw depicted delighted

admiration mixed with extatic surprise. F,, stretching out his

hand (which was cordially pressed,) said: "I have not one word

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to oppose,—it is all clear to me now. But now I want your advice

in a case of my own," Whereupon he disclosed secrets locked up

in his heart to his young friend,—which he would not have confessed

to a priest,— On the 2 young men’s arriving back at the tavern—

where the theft had been committed—the good landlady & her whole

house with her,—on learning the good result, was in a blaze of

joy,— After a few days of rest, bidding Adieu to friend Fuchs,

our youth leaves the friendly roof of the Inn, & amidst reciprocal

blessings from both sides, takes passage on board a Schooner for

Rotterdam,

/ Sheet N= 6. / Arriving & staying at Rotterdam—several

weeks—without finding a Vessel going to America, he makes a

trip—by the "Hague"—to Amsterdam--* here at last finds—what

he so ardently seeks for. Captain Visser, of the Hamburg Brig

"Enterprise," freighted with Immigrants to Philadelphia, wants

a few more passengers, to complete—as he says—his Cargo, & designs

weighing anchor in about a week. Engaging a passage—the young

man swiftly returns to Rotterdam, to get his effects, & then speeds

back to the Vessel—to make sure of his passage,— The passage

proves long, perilous, full of severe suffering—& hair-breadth—

escapes. Just when freezing & starvation lift up their horrible

ghastly visage to peep into the fear striken—floating community

of a hundred souls: the helping angel boards their craft in the

shape of a pilot, holding out—the now assured prospect that their

tortures are nearly ending,— In the last week of October, they

run safely into Delaware bay, at that very time—exhibiting in

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every direction some half dozen, still visible wrecks. In 3 days

more they are at Philadelphia, And the very day—on which destiny

contrives—to let our hero—for the first time plant his—still

elastic foot upon the "terra flrma" of American soil—proves to s*fcbe his birth day—the 31 “ day of October, the Youth being—on that

day—precisely 20 years old,—^3 Of the 120,000 Souls, at that

time inhabiting—the then largest City on the American Continent,—

he knew not a solitary one,—neither had he a line of introduction

from any quarter to any person—& was thus an utter stranger to

all. Kind chance however, at the very threshold, lets him come

across a Shoemaker—from his "Vaterlandic" neighborhood,—who

forthwith led him to a "Tobacconist," also from those parts.

This man, being some 16 years in the Country, was well off, &

carried on a lucrative business. He needed no help—at the moment,

but was still willing to let the new-comer work for his board

& lodging—until he should be able to find work elsewhere. The

offer standing alone, without another to choose between, it was

accepted as the best. In a week or 10 days however,—there was

another place found,—presenting a chance to make very good wages,—

8, (1821—in January.) Our young man is now employed—for

how long—he does not know. By dint of his uncommon skill, agility

& endurance, commencing work before daybreak, & often quitting

it at midnight, he makes, on the days when at it—by the spinning

the various kinds of tobacco—(being paid per pound,) from 2f to

$4,—per day—by the labor of his hand. That well paying work—

however—forms only the employment of about half of his time;

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the other half, he must either act "holliday"—or work at Cigar-Making,

a new branch to him, at which—even ordinary wages—demand much

& long previous practice. He sees by his wages at spinning—that

the country he Is in—offers greater chances to the laboring man

for making & saving property—than any—he ever was in. He knows

also—that freedom of conscience & religion, of speech & industry—

belong to its many blessings; he had not expected to find his ideals

actualized in the relations of its inhabitants—& the present

shape & degree of development of its various institutions. Does

he know—what he is to do here? Not yet fully & clearly. Are

his thoughts dwelling upon the flattering chances of making money?

Not they.

What does he engage them with then?— Like Archimedes when 24in the bath, or Keplar—whilst trundling—knapsack on his back—

through the country,—their mind being elsewhere: so our young

man whilst making Cigars—the smallest part of his attention—

Is in the fingers that rolls the leaf. For two entire weeks—

he is so deeply engaged in exploring the undefined "nebulae" of

his inner sky,—that, although not unwell—yet knowing that an

easy—unfelt Stomach is friendly to deep thought & profound Meditation,

he manages to subsist for 14 days—on 2 loaves of rye bread—&

the drinking of cold well water only,—each loaf costing a sixpence,

thus living, working—& at the same time thinking—at less expense

than a penny per day—for half the space of a month. What were

his thoughts?25He did not ask himself with d'Alembert: "Who & what am

159

I?" For his consciousness knew who & what it was; but that same

power put these other—more pertinent & definite questions: 1.)

What is the true end, purpose & object—of man’s existence on

earth—according to God’s own design? 2.) What is God’s particular

purpose in creating myself, constituting the aim I ought to pursue?

3.) Finding—that the rendering it possible to all—of reaching

their great end, must constitute the aspiration of my own particular

aim: What course—internal & external—must I pursue—for realizing

God’s will & purpose thus Indicated?

After obtaining definite answers—form the inner oracle to

these specific questions, (to be detailed at large, elsewhere)

our young hero is happy,—as now clearly knowing the fixed port—

towards which—forever to steer his Vessel, But he also sees—

that the work devolved upon him, is extraordinary beyond conception,

& will demand a Schooling corresponding therewith. He understands

how it came—that immediately after the spirit’s descending upon

the men—on the day of Pentecost, A,D, 3^» a change took place

in their social relations—& there was—within the Church—no longer

any other distinction between man & man—than that made by God’s

& nature’s own hand. He sees heaven—with all its infinite joys

& glories—now accessible—& within reach of man,—but hidden to

men’s eyes—by artificial ditches, covered with high thick brush—

& self made mountains of various sorts.

The first thing he now finds to himself as needful—is a

knowledge of the country, its people, & all their circumstances

& relations—as exact,—extensive & reliable—as the mind of man

l6o

can grasp & acquire. For it is no longer a mistery, that, if

anywhere—on the Glob—base—but real "Knowledge is power"—here

is the spot where the maxim is valid. Before he can with facility

gather that knowledge,—he must possess himself—of the ruling language

of the country. He knows his own language well, the french well

enough for all his purposes,—& by his transient passage through

Holland, & the discourses of some 20 Dutch fellow passengers on

board of the vessel across the Atlantic—his singular retentive

memory—has even appropriated that uncouth—aneuphonic Batavian

tongue—to understand its Speakers—& use its books. Of the English

language, however,—he knows on the day he lands—hardly any thing

more—than the new born babe—after the hour of its birth.—

That causes him no fear, as he knows his rare gifts for easy acqui­

sition of new languages. His keen etimological acumen teaches

him almost by intuition—that in his stock of German, Dutch &

French words—and the thoughts thereto attached—he already possesses—

if not all—at least most of the material—& the principal ingredients—

for a speedy mastery of the "King’s English,"—since to the requisite

qualities of the mind,—is joined a musical sharp ear, & a machinery

of enunciation as plastic & obediently flexible—which even desire

could not Improve, The existence of these favoring facilitations

is so palpable—that they are noticed even by outward observers.

For hardly over 5-6 weeks in the country, our young man, on a

Sabbath evening—visits his Countryman, the German Tobacconist,

(then over 16 years in America,) & there finds one of his neighbors,

a highly intelligent American, by the name of Sibley.— After

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interchanging some ideas with Sibley, which the young stranger—

on his part expresses in his frenchified incipient English: Sibley,

seemingly surprised thereat nevertheless,—suddenly turns to prophesy;—

for fixing his shining black eye—upon the by-sitting "Tobacconist"—

he tells him: "after this young man shall have been 6 months

in this country, he will speak the English language better than

you do now," Herrigues, the tobacconist, at that time—spoke

the English fluent enough for all his business intercourse & purposes.

The prophecy turned into a fact—even before the time of its limitation

had arrived.

Our youth had no time to go to school, & knew he did not

need it. Neither had he any leisure hours during the day time

of the 6 working days of the week. All the spare hours he could

scrape together, he must find in his evenings & on Sundays, Procuring

Bailey’s-Fahrenkruger's German Engl, & Engl, German Lexicon, Arnold’s 26ditto Grammar—& Tiedemann's Chrestomathy, he starts upon his

voyage of philology,—steering his own craft. A few occasional

explanatory directions—cheerfully tendered by the clerk in the

Store—in the rules of Spelling and pronounciation—is all the

external aid—used & applied. The learning of the French—in the

days of boyhood,—by showing the modus operand!—& the machinery

of language & grammar to the keen juvenile mind,—had divested

the task of all mystery and difficulty. The manual labor during

the day,—performed more by the mechanically habituated practice

of the limbs,—than close attention of the mind,—left ample liberty

to the intellect—to employ, unimpairing to the work of the hands,—

162

a sufficient portion of its thought—to fixing—by persistent

repetition the mechanism of declensions, conjugations &c indelibly

into the faithful memory—within a very brief time.

That part of the Job accomplished, the balance went on with

progressive velocity by the medium of writing translations from

one of the languages—into the other—until—by dint of practice

a Lexicon was hardly ever needed, & even the mouth could readily

read off English print in good grammatical German & vice versa.

His time being thus entirely absorbed between bodily & mental

labor—for the first 5-6 months, he has hardly any social intercourse

with the external world, visiting only—on Sundays—Herrigues

& Sibley, for an hour or 2, passing in discussions—always interesting

to both sides—& never without a spicy degree of warmth.

But now young people not bare of intellect begin to cast

their eye upon him & court his intercourse. They invite him to

become a member of their discussion- or debating society, possessing

a valuable German Library. The offer is accepted, proffering at

once two opportunities—never theretofore enjoyed. The best of

the books are devoured, with the voraciousness of an Ostrich,—

at one time 3 Octavo clever sized volumes—in a single day,--whilst

the calm piercing intellect stores every thing valuable in their

contents—into a safe shelf of the vast memory—with the cool

cupidity of a retail shop-keeper,—

The other advantage flowing from the discussions in the debating

club—secured to our young man, was, for his purposes & destiny—

beyond estimate, being a control over the always powerful stream

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of his thought, & the mastery & command over his language to express

himself upon all subjects with calmest deliberation—& at the same

time with precision, energy & power. For he had already noticed—

that the mere possession of vast ideas, knowledge & mental forces,

not yet—in their impetuous impulses—under the control of discipline

& cool command, were, when meeting the versatile dexterity of

the practised Dialectician—placed into the same disadvantage

with his ancient valorous & death-defying ancestors—the Cimbrians

& Teutonians—when meeting the cool, unterrified Marius, infusing

his conscious power—into the frightened, but well drilled Roman 27ranks, '

Whilst enjoying—& using to the best advantage—these opportunities,

another offer is made to our hero, to the following effect. One of

his new associates, by the name of Spath, the son of parents in

good circumstances, is a Student of Theology—under M? Van der Sloot,

the accomplished preacher of the German Reformed Church, in the

Northern Liberties, Spath being the only student, he feels lonesome,

& wants company. He conceives the Idea to induce our—to him

brilliant seeming—young man—to join him in studying. Knowing

that our Reformer has no means, lives by the labor of his hands,

& can for the moment neither pay for board or tuition, nor buy

books, in case he joins his friend's project, Spath first speaks

to his parents, who on learning—that their son—in such company—

will progress much faster in his own studies—than when lonesomely

alone, as now, agree to board the young man—on credit, till he

shall be able to pay. He next speaks to Van der Sloot, who already

16k

knows—the good Character & bright gifts of the youth, & embraces

the offer most readily. And not until now, having every thing

cut & dried, Spath discloses his scheme to his friend. The idea

of Studying Theology—to be afterwards used as a trade—for making

a living by,—his inner man—silently at once rejects, but tells

him the opportunity may be used—for acquiring a rudimental knowledge

of Latin & Greek, of which a need has already long been felt, partly

to get possession of the Key—for clearly understanding the "termini

technici" now in vogue in all modem branches of science, & partly

because a Reformer of our days & times~must of necessity be capable

of speaking to the "learned & scientific" just as well & readily—

as to the unlearned & artless. So he says to himself, this being

the first opportunity ever presented of the kind in his life "I

will accept & use it, to the best advantage, being evidently sent

me by Providence, & after that, can hang the theology connected

therewith, at any time upon the nail, before making practical *

use of it," Telling his friend Spath,—in accepting the kind

offer, only that portion of his above thoughts—which prudence

dictated, they next conversed upon the remaining difficulty of

procuring the necessary books. Spath says: "you may use my books,

until that difficulty can be overcome." The offer was gratefully

accepted, & both young men—with great alacrity commenced their

Although our Reformer—at this very period, knows the wide difference—experimentally—between Religion & Theology,—he was yet aware—that a familiar acquaintance with the mode & manner— in which—so called Theology—handles religious subjects—in its multiform sects, would be of great use to him—in reaching his high purposes & aims,—

165

now joint work,— A very short time after, a facility to obtain

all the necessary books, offered Itself to our young man in the

following manner. Herbst & Hennings, a German book firm, added

to that—a tobacco manufactory, and needing labor & hands, they

offered our hero any amount of books he choose to take, on the

condition that he should pay for them, by labor—at fixed rates,

in his leisure hours. He accepted the offer, & in a short time

he had—& had paid for—all the books—which he could make use

of—for a good while—to come.

Whilst thus studying, & making rapid progress—in all the

branches—newly commenced, & not leaving those behind wherein

theretofore he had been cultivating in his leisure hours, he becomes,

in the fall of the year, acquainted with 2 new individuals—which

were destined—to give shape & direction to the course of his

fate. The first was a retired German merchant, by the name of

Jacob Boiler, a man of some Capital, & an accomplished Piano &

Organ player. He seemed to become much attracted to our young

man,—befriended him on all offering occasions, & on learning

that his young friend thoroughly understood every branch of the

tobacco business, he advised him to establish himself in that

branch, offering at the same time to the young man to advance

a 1000 dols, of capital, & take some interest in the concern.

The other person was a young German Quaker woman, about of the

same age with our Reformer, having come to America one year before

& hailing from the beautiful little town of Niewid on the Rhine,

only 4 leagues distant from the birthplace of our hero. Having

crossed the Ocean under the protection of Doc, Riedesel, her father’s

friend, & being received—in Philadelphia—by another friend of

her father’s—the late John Cooke, renowned alike for his integrity,

wealth & benevolence,—she was at that time domiciled—in the

family of a wealthy Quaker merchant—the late Bartholmew tfistar.

This young woman was more than ordinarily gifted by kind nature

externally & internally. These gifts had been enhanced—by a

three years cultivation—at a private ladies School, kept at Eberfeld

by a lady teacher well qualified for the task undertaken, / Sheet

N= 7. / Catharine Wiltz, (the Quakeress’s name,) & our young

man—accidentally met—for the first time in their life, on a

Sunday afternoon, about the end of October, at the house of Doc,

Riedesel,—known to our hero—as a member of their "Germania"—

debating & Library Society,— The 2 young people, speaking each

with rare fluency and purity their own native German, as well

as—(for their short use thereof) very good English, made a favorable

Impression upon one another, which led to further & better acquaintance—

& finally to an engagement of marriage. About the time that this

engagement of marriage. About the time that this engagement was

entered Into, our young man had been studying about 8 or 9 months;

but by sticking too close, & particularly too much sitting—he

injured his otherwise strong chest, so that he commenced spitting

some blood. This admonished <& determined him to quit the silent

life of bodily inaction, & by embracing Boiler’s offer, to establish

his business,—although at all times feeling a repugnance to the

trade,—so that his constitution, by returning to its wonted habits

167

of hard & constant bodily labor, might regain its former tone

& Vigor,—& also to provide a home & assured support to the fair

one—who was to becoming his partner—on the customary entire

journey,— So studying was quit for the present,

9. (1822, In January,) With funds furnished by Boiler, tools

were bought of a tobacconist, retiring from the business;—one

single word from B, WIstar to Thos, P, Cope & Sons, furnished

as many hogsheads of tobacco leaf—on the customary Credit, as

our young manufacturer chose to take,—& engaging Storeroom, cellar, o d& a family room up Stairs, in house N= 88, North 2,, 3 doors North

of Callowhill Street, East Side,—he commenced the old—never loved

business, but this time on his own hook, sometime during February,

With the mere help of one boy, & some small girls—he soon got

a stock of the various sorts of Spun tobacco on hand,—whilst

several hands—employed in Cigar making—produced a headway In

that article. Boarding at Boiler’s—not far off,—he thus—single

handed carried on matters, until near the close of April, when—

he found that costumers were beginning to increase, & that—whilst

he was compelled to be absent at meal times—or unavoidable business,—

it was felt as real inconvenience—to have no trusty & reliable—

as well as properly skilled—person—to attend to the sales.

This Circumstance—& the now apparently promising prospect—

of doing at all events a living business—constituted parts of

the reasons, which determined to postpone the projected conjugal Union no further; which therefore was consumated on the 30^ of

April, in the evening, in the house of mT Boiler, in presence

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of Doc, Rledesel, the friend of the bride's father, whilst Rev,

M? Van der Sloot, the bride-groom’s recent "Professor"—performed

the costumary ceremony—constituting the external token & sanction

of "marriage,"—

The young couple now commenced "keeping house," But the

so called "honey moons," were hardly over, when an incident occurred

that brought pain, torture & years of severe suffering to the

male, & terror & consternation, bordering on despair—to the female

partner. This sad case—was the following. It was somewhere

near the Ides of July,when our hero, after working—in extreme

hot weather—in the cellar—for a couple of successive days—at

the always extremely hard work—of cutting so called "cut & dry"

smoking tobacco—by the old hand-power machine, inducing copious

perspirations—& at the same time drinking a good deal of cold

water, into the heated Stomach, that when through with the hard

job,—he thought the thorough purging of his intestines—would

do him no harm. For the purpose therefore of procuring a couple

of doses of Epsom Salts, he called upon Doc, Karsten, otherwise

a skilful German physician, & with whom he was well acquainted.

The Doctor inquiring whether it took a small or large dose to

operate inquirant, & being told—rather a strong than a weak,

he ordered the young man—attending his drug appartment—to weigh ,

off 2 separate doses—of the article, putting if ounce into each.

These packed up doses were handed the young husband, & walking

home, he gave them to his wife remarking,—that he designed taking

one to night—just before going to bed,—& the other one the night

169

thereafter.

In the evening—after souper, a friend came to visit, & bringing

his flute along—the two men played duetts—till a little past

10, when the visitor departed. Just at that moment—the wife

had dissolved the supposed dose of Salts in a Glass of cold water,

& handing it over to her husband. He drank the tumbler out In

one draft; but hardly had he done so, when he felt as if a Mill

Stone was pressing upon his heart & chest, almost depriving him

of breathing—so that he had to run out into the open air,—&

his condition not improving—he attempted to force himself to

vomit—but could not effect it. Running back towards the house,

agony of pain—made him throw himself on the cold marble platform

of the door-steps. Just then the young wife had closed shutters

& door of the store, & hastened to help the sick husband getting

up stairs into the bed room. A terrible night of vomiting ensued,

passed under excruciating pains, with stoic fortitude—without

a word of complaint—to give the fearfully alarmed young wife—

no additional cause of increasing her terror. At 4 O’clock next

morning—the Doctor was roused up; when learning the case, he

would not believe,—on being convinced by the remaining dose—

in presence of a neighbor Druggist—that the 2 doses given patient

as packages of Epsom Salts—were "genuine Salpeter,"—the Doctor

turned suddenly as pale—as the whitewashed wall of the room.

The sick one—saw the physician’s cheecks blanch with terror?

he heard the women in the background,—hastily run in from all

the neighborhood—audibly say to one another: "he never will

170

come down stairs again!’’— He felt by his pains—that his stomach

was corroding—as if filled with a mass of glass broken Into small

pieces; he could not help—of considering his condition critical,—

because he knew the physician—as a man of probed skill—& real

science—was not alarmed without cause. Though the accident was

the proximate work of the Doctor’s apprentice in the drug store,

occasioned by a sad mistake.

Yet of all the people in the chamber,—the sick man—was

the calmest in the lot; & why?— Simply—because on the one hand—

death had for him no terrors,—& next, because—he felt an assurance

destiny would not let him die—before fulfilling the mission—

which he knew he carried within.

The vomiting continued about 16 hours. After it stopped—

it returned only—by instantly ejecting every purgative which

the anxious physician offered—often 5-6 large doses of Castor

Oil—within 10-12 Minutes, to effect an evacuation of the Bowels,

The stomach refused to retain any purgative so-offered. It.however

accepted a small quantity of dissolved gum arable—to help the

suffering coats of its sides. But what saved Stomach & man—was

the drinking of a whole, large bucketfull of fresh sweet milk,—

kept fortunately for sale in the very house of the sick, by a

daughter of its owner,—he himself having a Dairy—near the City,—

No sooner did patient & physician find—that the milk eased the

pain, than the latter encouraged the former—to take it as copiously

& often as he could,—& as the patient had—during all his days

from Youth up—liked milk exceedingly—* used it—whenever he

171

could get it,—the dairy milk in the house—was all at once engaged—

& nearly 2 buckets full consumed during the 4 days & sleepless

nights after the beginning of the Catastrophe, The stomach admitted

no medicines to help evacuation. But the naturally strong constitution

of the patient—at last, on the day—effected it unassisted.

The terrible heat all the while active in the stomach while corroded

by the caustic of nitre—had burned the cheesy coagulation of the

milk, (after discharging its liquid parts quickly in the shape

of urine,) into a substance almost as hard & white as chalk. After

2 such chalk balls—had passed out—by causing much pain, the

balance of the discharge was about 1-f- quarts—mostly blood, but

copiously intermixed by tatters of the stomach’s tom coat,—from

f to li inches long,—looking like the scrapings of guts,—severed

from the latter by the butcher—when making his sausage,—

No sooner was this evacuation accomplished,—when the patient

collapsed into a state so weak, as never before experienced,—

Yet, although not reinforced by eating—because the stomach would

in its lacerated state stand nothing but broth,—not—for a week-

permitting even a crumb of bread to enter it, without causing

most acute pain: by & by—the latent forces of the System rallied,—XV

and on the 10 = day—the seemingly convalescent man—could leave

his bed—& again walk around.

But disordered & weakened nature was not to be appeased thus

easy. In less than two weeks she threw our patient on the sick

couch with an intermittent fever; which by the assistance & Skill—

of DocT Eberle & Parish,—& adding the great care of the Wife-nurse

172

to the abstemious diet of the patient, was at last got rid of—

in about 2 weeks more,—

But now—our partially recovering Reformer soon ascertained—

that medical art possessed no arcana—to rally the scattered forces

of his theretofore invincible vitality,—but must now depend for 30"sauve qu’il peut" on his own inner resources.

By dint of extreme abstince & control of diet—he found that

actual disease could be avoided. But as the digestive & correlated

functions of the stomach & intestines had been almost utterly destroyed,

the regaining of physical strength—to sustain bodily labor—was,

for the proximate present, out of the question. And hence also—

the tobacconist business, never embraced by free choice, became

a load upon his shoulders—heavier than ever before, which he

resolved to throw off,—as soon & quickly—as ever he could,—

To enable doing so, there must be another honest way discovered—

for making not only a living—for himself & family—but paying

off the debts yet unliquidated—hanging around his neck. Keeping

a sharp look out on every thing transpiring around him, his combinatory

genius seized the materials~for its new career—from the following

occurring incidents.

Amongst the nearly one hundred passengers crossing the Atlantic

with our Reformer, there was a printer, by the name of Peters,

a gentle, intelligent man, of much reading, a Saxon by birth, &

skillful & Ingenious in his craft. These 2 men became more Intimate—

& had much intercourse on the passage. Landing in America Peters

was joyously taken to Baltimore, by an elder brother settled there

173

years before, & known to be in prosperous circumstances. For

a long time our Reformer heard nothing of his quoundam friend,

when, quite unexpectedly, about the present period of our narrative,

Peters, the printer—stepped into Reformer tobacco Store, His

Story was, that his well doing brother, after treating him for

a while kindly, seemed to get tired of him, & sent him finally

off adrift—to shift in the new world—for himself, Peters was

not In the least discouraged thereat,—& knowing his good trade

well, he only wanted to find a place of employment to labor at

it.

Our Reformer gave him board & lodging—for the moment, &

then run through the City with him, to the various printing offices—

until at Rakestraw's book office the desired place was obtained,

Peters came then regularly to Reformer’s shop—to spend his evenings

with his protector. In the manifold matters then & there discussing—

Peters displayed his future plans of operation, & the grounds

& reasons upon which they were built & founded. He stated & named—

amongst matters collatteral therewith—the names of several Germans,

who, without any peculiar super abundance of brains—had got—

indifferent kinds of books printed, with no sort of special merit

attached to the work,—& by dint of collecting subscribers thereto—

amongst the native Germans of Pennsylvania, had actually made a

good deal of money, —Peters, after leaving Baltimore, & before

arriving at Reformer’s house in Philadelphia, having traversed

Pennsylvania, & worked in various inland towns, was an eye witness

to the transactions thus by him detailed,—& the facts put forth

174

were consequently of a reliable nature.

Our Reformer had never been in the interior of the State—

save 11 miles out of the City—once visiting a friend,—& an unhalting

stage trip to New York & back,— But he had a large number of

Pennsylvania Germans—as customers at his tobacco counter, giving

him their regular calls, at their visiting the City,—residing

in all directions & distances—in the various Counties—surrounding

the City—within 60 to 90 Miles & over.

Money—in itself—had never been an object—with our Reformer;

but—as the world goes, he found he needed it as much as others,

to preserve life & reputation. Though electrically quick in thought,

he had already acquired the habit—of being slow & steady in maturing

purposes, & firm—& persistent, in their execution, after once

taken. Silently he meditated upon the new idea—evoked by Peters's

statement. He told no one, not even his wife, what now constantly

engaged his thought. That thought, though its execution was still

surrounded with some obscurity & difficulty—in particular parts,

yet—he felt convinced possessing the power & energy requisite

for overcoming them all. This silently belabored idea—or scheme

was—"To publish a German book"—the sale of which was to be secured

by prior subscriptions.— After learning from the printer,—paper

maker & book binder's statements—what the entire amount of prime

cost—of about 3000 Octavo Vols,, (approaching 300 pages,) would

come to,—our hero found that even in a pecuniary point of view—

the contemplated Scheme held out better prospects of remuneration

than any position—into which—theretofore—destiny had ever placed

175

him. He,—at no time liking—the din & hustle of City life,—was

now more tired of it than ever before,—& desired to remove to

some rural retreat in the country,—where—rent & family expences

were but small,—& where, after attending—during a portion of

his time—to the projected "book business," he could devote the

rest—in sweet solitude—& close converse with sublime nature—

to his own developing culture—& get a clear vision of the path—

concretely leading to his "infinite aim."

The book then to be published was in reality not an object

in itself,—but merely "the means to an end;"—but even as such—

it was to indicate by its contents & tendency—its writer’s higher

aim & aspiration,—although only in such forms—as were understood

by its expected readers. After much reflection & meditation—upon

the book, & the contents to be embodied therein, the title of 31the book, was fixed to be named: "Meditation on Man"; . bearing,

as a motto, the well known quotation from Pope’s Essay: "The 32proper study of mankind—is man," —The work was divided in

6 chapters,—to wit: 1.) Man in physical,— 2.) in a political,

& 3.) in a moral point of view; 4.) his connexion with the Universe;

5.) the end of his existence, & 6= & lastly: Mode & manner to

reach this great end,"— A considerable.,port! on of the detailed

material—the young man had already collected,—parts of which

he found ready made—in several anonymous publications—issued

shortly before—from several presses in Germany, Blending them

with his own thoughts—the Manuscript became ready—for the hands of the printer (honest old Conrad Zentler, in Phil?) in Spring—

176

1823.-10, (1823—in June,)33—Our hero, in the 2& Week of this Month,

after having by several trips into the Country prepared therefore—

removes his small family (Wife, her Sister & self,) to Hinkletown,

a Village—north of Doylestown—in Bucks County, about 35 Miles sl thfrom Phi lad,, where, on the 12= of July—following—the young

couple—are made the happy parents—by the birth of Lydia, their

first born child, (who at this moment, is herself the mother of

f children living (l dead) being the wife of H, J, Nothnagel,—the

gifted Professor of Music—in the Asylum of the Blind, at Columbus,35\Ohio, -'j— The German population of Philadelphia, entertaining

a high opinion of our incipient author,—had largely subscribed—

to his forthcoming book,—its price being a dollar,—payable on

delivery. Hence when the book got ready for delivery towards

fall—that years,—the cash proceeds in the City,—after paying

printer, paper man & binder—each their stipulated first quota,—

left funds enough for buying horse, harness and light wagon—for

distributing the books to the subscribers—already copiously obtained

during several trips into the more proximate vicinity—of the

country.—

11, (1824, April 1.) The residing at Hinkletown—was rendered

somewhat unpleasant—by some people living near—whose intercourse

was undesirable,—& often would intrude their presence upon the

females—during the oft necessary absence from home—of the husband.

Four miles north, on the banks of the Delaware river, was a small—

thrifty Village—called "Point Pleasant;"—inhabited altogether

177

by people—whose society was—at least—-not repulsive. Its leading

owner, a Mf Staufer, proprietor of a Grist- & Saw Mill,—invited

our author to move there,—having a house, stable, garden, pasture

& every thing he needed,—at a very reasonable rent.

So the offer was accepted—& the removal effected on the first of April. On the 18^ of Oct,, following, Hermann, their

first son, was bom—to our young parents—in this place, (The

boy—uncommonly gifted & promising?—& strong, hale & hearty—

lived—a pride to his parents—until nearly 12 years / Sheet N=

8 / of age, when, in Aug, I836, he was attacked by the dissentery—

& after a struggle of over 3 weeks, was conquered by the fell

destroyer—on the 24= day of that month,—)

Our Reformer continued to reside at Point pleasant until

Spring 1826, The 2 years spent at this charming Spot, belong to

the most happy,—memorable & important—of his whole past life.

Already as early as ending of harvest 1825,—the book enterprise

had so successfully been pushed to a close—that the edition of

3000 volumes was entirely sold,—and after paying off all his

debts, our young hero had $1500 in cash money left, & several

hundred dollars worth of stock—in cigars & tobacco, left from

that business, which now, he found no difficulty—disposing of—

when travelling around with horse & waggon.

More than 3/5 of the entire time of these two years—were

devoted—to a Systematic Self training & culture by our Reformer—

in every branch he considered needful. In order to enable himself

to study—uninterruptedly—from 8 O’clock In the Morning—till

178

9 at night, allowing only £ hour for dinner & supper time,—he

had laid down a written plan,—embracing the whole labors of the

day,—chores, horse tending, wood chopping & all. Every morning—

from 5 to 6—the horse was taken care of, wood chopped for the

day &c,— From 6 to 7—the hour was consumed in a rigidly quick

trod~near the bank of the River,--making the first 30 Min., not

less than 3 Miles, just then stopping for a moment—at a well

of the best water—for a great distance, drinking from a Quart

to 3 pints of that pure liquid—every morning upon the empty stomach,

& then quickly resume the interrupted trod to finish off—in the

remaining half hour—the other 3 Miles,—so that this 6 Miles

dispatched every morning—gave motion & exercise enough to the

body to suffice for the whole day. At the end of the trod—the

wet Shirt was thrown off, the perspiring pores were wiped & rubbed

dry, a dry shirt put on, & after the blood had cooled down, a

moderate, well tasting breakfast was enjoyed; & giving the stomach

some 15 to 25 Minutes leisure, to devote to digestion, the hour

of 8, A.M. was at hand, & our Student ready to commence his operations.

In the early time—when our philosopher commenced to set into

regular practice these cursorial gymnastics of his, various old

ladies of the neighborhood, of both sexes, (as at a later period

he found out,)—were much exercised about the mental state—of 2^so strangely acting a man,—until a M, Black, a man of a good

deal of brains, who understood the design of the game—our hero

was playing at,—told his neighbors to be entirely at ease,—if

their own minds were as safe & sound as that of our runner—they

179

might he well satisfied & had nothing to fear. That settled the

question.

Between autumn of *'25" & Spring of "26,"—our author, for

the first time—attempted—to paint his inmost deepest feelings

& convictions—in a connected manner & chain outwardly upon paper,—

He designed calling the hook—which he soon found would grow out

thereof—by the title: "Heaven on Earth & In Eternity," —Whilst

engaged writing out some 10-12 Sheets of its manuscript,—every

word he wrote down, because a real entity for himself,—the portals

of his innermost heaven—seemed to have been opened ajar,—& a

Stream of celestial bliss streamed constantly into his heart &

entire consciousness—as to drive gushes of joy tears out of his

eyes—whilst writing upon the very paper he was writing on,—

His happiness, so far as it could be so—in a state of individualized

family solitude—was supremely great, & was shared—in a great

degree by his wife,—who became much penetrated by the great truths

flowing from her husband’s pen.— At first, our hero—had some

thought—of again publishing this new—entirely original book—

in design & execution—on subscription like his former one. He

did however not proceed far in writing, when he felt an irrestible

repugnance—to exposing these pearls of his heart & intellect,

to the stupidity & indifference ruling the day all around him,

merely for the purpose of making a few more dollars of money.

He felt the proceeding would be sacrilege,—as necessity was no

longer his unrelenting driver,— By dint of rigid, diet, abstemious

self control, vigorous gymnastics, & much travelling in the open

180

air,—the injured constitution—by the catastrophe occasioned by

that terrible dose of Salt-petre, now nearly 4 years ago,—had

in a measure been overcome,—so that our hero now was—physically—

at least about equal to 7/8 or 9/l0 of his former self, having

undergone quite a number of new probations—during his book disposing

expeditions.

When therefore engaged in the writing of "Heaven on Earth

&c" & feeling a deep religious want—of having people near & around

him—who were capable & willing to share the heaven he felt within:

he had no longer to be afraid to become himself again physically

Incapable of action & performance—where such were needed, for

realizing his great ideas—like he was shortly after—& for nearly

18 to 22 Months—after the Nitoic Martyrdom. For this reason,

he felt himself Impelled now—to remove to some other neighborhood,

where a prospect seemed to offer, to realize—with some kindred

souls,—in a common celestial aspiration, the heaven externally—

which is felt within as an absolute reality.

12, (1826—in April?) Removes to Reading, Berks County, Pa,, where

he knows a good many clever people, & thinks some of them prepared

for the reception of higher truth. In the latter point—he is however—

soon taught—that he had expected too much. But there are a number

of parties here, that desire to give our man employment—offering

him various amounts of pay, —Ritter, the German printer, wants

him as Editor for his paper the "Adler," & offers $500—& a good

dwelling house rent free—as the annual salary, Gen, Geo, D. B.

Keim, wants him as Factor—for one of his "Iron works,"—& offers

him $800—Salary—for the first year, & prospect of increase.

Miss Esther D. B. Keim (Sister to the preceding gentleman,) a

pious, philanthropic benevolent—very wealthy—old maiden lady—

advised the leading families of the place—to engage our hero—

to establish a true educational School—embodying the Principles

of Pestalozzi, That proposition found much favor with old Governor Heister,^ John—his son, Muhlenberg, his son in law, Doc, Heister,

his nephew, the various extensive branches—of the influential

Keim family,—& the leading citizens of the place, that, in as.much

as our Reformer liked that offer—as congenial with his tastes,

infinitely better, than either of the 2 preceding it probably

would have been embraced by him,—if Lady Destiny had not again

interfered—in the following—seemingly accidental manner,—

During the month of June—a young German, by the name of Jac, Henrici?? was introduced to our hero, Henrici, was from

Rhenish Bavaria, had received the education at one of the public

Seminaries there, qualifying him for Teacher of a Common School,

& as such had passed the examinations—& possessed the testifying

certificates. Being only a few years the junior of our Reformer,

of good address, much read,—& evidently gifted with a good share

of useful talents,—the confidence soon springing up between the

2 young men, rose to that degree—that our hero—entrusted to

the new comer—the reading of his M.S. of his "Heaven on Earth

& in Eternity," so far as the same had been carried out,—

No sooner had Henrici perused the first chapter of the writing,

when he appeared to be thereby thrown into an enthusiasm—of no

182

common degree, & by the time he got through with the whole—his

joy seemed almost to know no bounds;—& he expressed a desire

wishing that he could remain near—& enjoy the society & intercourse

of his new friend & benefactor,— From Henrici's statement it

appeared, that himself with parents had arrived from Germany—

something like a year before,—that they had settled in Baltimore,

where they—the parents—were located yet—at that time. He,

the School teacher,—understanding as yet no English, had thus

far been unable to procure employment in his own line. For the

purpose of finding such employment,—he had undertaken the journey

to the West—from which he was just then returning. The extremest

point West—to which he had been—was the new village of "Economy,"

on the Ohio River, 18 miles below Pittsburgh, recently built by

the famous Geo, Rapp, & his society of German Communists, after

selling their village of "New Harmony" Ind,, on the Wabash, with

its lands, to the renowned Scotchman—Robert Owen,

Henrici stated that Rapp & his people—had treated him very

well; that Rapp had offered to him the teachership of their common

school,—but that he, H, had neither accepted—nor rejected the

offer so made,—as he felt himself incompetent to form a proper

judgment—how far the singular reports in vogue amongst the public—

about Rapp—& his society—were well—or ill-founded,—& hence

he would not be over-hasty in closing in with Rapp's offer. —He

had however brought a printed pamphlets along, of which Rapp was

the reputed author. Our Reformer had not only heard all the disparaging

stories circulated about Rapp—amongst the Germans of the common

BOWLING GREER STATIUNIVERSITY LIBRARY

183

Class,—but he had met one man—that pronounced them unfounded}

this man was his quondam friend Boiler—in Philadelphia, who,

as long as he had been concerned in Mercantile business—had acted

as Rapp's agent & also sold the society many goods,— Boiler

maintained—that the ill reports spread about Rapp & his people—

were malicious slanders, chiefly without any foundation whatever,—

& where there was really a fact at the bottom, it was so distorted

or magnified—to remain no longer a truth, Rapp's pamphlet, brought

by Henrici, was read by our Reformer with great attention & interest.

Its tenor—was a good deal mystical,—but more so—from the circumstance

that its author lacked control of language—to express his ideas

correctly,—& quite as often using words of philosophical & abstract

import—entirely wrong,—as he used others right, so that it was—

with difficulty only—that the sense of the whole could be gathered.

One thing—was certain however, from the pamphlet as well,

as from the verbal statement of the order, regularity & thrift—

which Henrici had seen at Economy—namely: that Rapp must be

a good deal more of a Thinker—than the world had given him Credit

for until then. Our Reformer had, as yet, never got further West—

than Lebanon, in his book travels, hardly over some 20 Miles from

Reading,—hence the idea of Seeing the Country beyond the Alleghennies,

had much charm for him. He was in possession yet—of a fleet

young horse—& a nice—very light Dearborn waggon—with protecting

cover. The mystery hanging around Rapp—& his undoubted success

in an enterprize until then untried in that precise shape,—apparently

realizing the mode of life ascribed to the primitive Christians'

184

Era,—increased, the romance held, out by the contemplated journey—

where so much really new & interesting was to be seen & examined,

Henrici needed no coaxing—to undertake the journey in company

with his new friend. Before however commencing it, he had to

see his parents at Baltimore—& inform them—as well of the result

of his present pedestrian tramp—as of his new design to remake

the same journey over with his friend in the light waggon. Punctually

true to his time appointed—Henrici re-appeared in Reading, where

our hero is also ready & waiting for him, & the two forthwith

set out on the important trip.

Without any accident—they reach Pittsburgh, & then soon Economy—

somewhere in the last decade of July.— The two young men are

received by Rapp & all his people—with a surprising degree of

good will & cordiality, Rapp, during the first 3-4 days of their

presence—leads them into all the factories, shops, & establishments—

of the whole society,—& every where—order, neatness, cleanliness,

industry & thrift are the first—unmistakable tokens—that met—

their eye in every direction,—

Rapp—on learning from Henrici—the offer made by the people

of Reading to our Reformer, in relation to an Institute of education,—

tells the young men—that he also desires to have an institution

of that sort amongst them,—& would have had one long ago,—if

they had had amongst themselves any persons qualified to act as

teachers & conductors of such an establishment. He finally offers,

that if they will accept the position, our Reformer is to have

the entire management & perpetual control of such an institute—

185

& Henrici is to be one of the teachers—after they shall have

organized the same. The requisite buildings—& all other means,

materials & utensils required for the complete equipment of the

institution Rapp promises to furnish in due time—and in unlimited

abundance,— After thus spending about 7-8 days—in mutual explanations

& négociations,—the 2 young men agree—to accept Rapp's offer.

Henrici is forthwith engaged & employed to conduct the common

school—they have got in the place. The shafts of Reformer’s

light waggon are replaced by a tongue,—so that—taking one of

the society’s horses along with his own—he can travel back so

much swifter,—& after winding up his simple affairs in Reading—

he is enabled quickly to remove his family—by this 2 horse team,

without being necessitated to buy another horse—for so short

a trip—& no other purpose.

Well—all is accomplished,—in quick succession, & somewhere

13,,—1826—near the middle of August, on a Saturday evening— our Reformer—with his family, consisting of wife, her sister,^

2 children—& Self reach Economy in good condition & are received

with unmistakable friendship & joy—by every body,—

As the buildings for the education Institute—could not be

commenced erecting this fall for want of the necessary brick &

materials, not having had time for their preparation,—our Reformer

found satisfactory employment—temporarily— a.) in giving 2

french lessons every day—to Miss Gertrude, Rapp’s grand daughter,—

one in the forenoon, & the other after dinner—each of an hour’s

duration. Of both these lessons—his wife & sister in law—participated.

186

b.) In the evening he had a Class of young men—whom he instructed

in German Grammar—& several collateral branches,— c.) Then he

spent one hour at a plaining bench, making stands, bedsteads &cc

more for the sake of exercise & health,—& an incidental improvement

in a skilful use of the tools—than any other purpose, d,) Another

hour—he spent at the Woolen— & Cotton Manufactory—to inventory

the amount of finished goods—that had been completed the previous

day,— This last item of time was only employed until one of

the young men of the factory was duly instructed to perform that

species of booking—with sufficient accuracy himself.

All the balance of the time,—our Reformer had for his own

self culture and did employ—most rigidly—in his own perpetual

improvement. On the 23= of October, some months after their arrival—

our parents' family was increased—by the advent of their second

son, whom, friend Rapp—requested the privelege of endowing with

a name? which being conceded—he gave him the manly sounding name 41of "Walter," with which—the parents were highly pleased, —Rapp’s

daughter,—& the women belonging to his family—took so much delight—

in Lydia,—Reformer’s little daughter—that they got the / Sheet

N= 9. / old Man (Rapp) to ask it of her parents as a special favor—

to let the pretty intelligent little girl form one of the inmates

of Rapp’s family. Which was readily granted,—as the child could

come home as often & whenever she pleased}—& usually did come

once a day with Miss Gertrude—when coming for one of the french

lessons,—

14, 1827,—towards the end of Spring, Rapp & Frederic, his adopted

187

son, receive an invitation to be present in Pittsburgh—at a public

dinner, to be tendered to Henry Clay, by his friends, at tha time 42Premier in John Q. Adams's Cabinet. They accept the invitation—

& inform our hero—that they desire his company on the occasion,

as the old man (Geo. Rapp,) can speak no English at all, & needs

indispensably some one to interpret for him—if he wants to engage

in any English conversation. Frederic Rapp, the adopted son,

speaks some English,—but is too poor a Scholar in either language—

to attempt interpreting. Already in the forenoon—on the day—

before the public dinner is to come off,—the parties meet M, Clay—

at Brown's Hotel, (in Wood Street), & by the ready agency of the

interpreter they soon get to understand one another pretty well,2^At the first pause intervening, M, Clay fixes his eye upon the

interpreter, & asks him: "How long have you been in this Country—

Sir?"— "About 6j years; why mF Clay?"— "Well, You speak the

English language better—& have a greater command over it,—than

any foreigner 1^ ever met with!"— "Am I to regard this as a compliment—

or as a sober matter of fact—Sir?"— "It is the simple expression *

of my candid & full conviction, Sir."

In the afternoon—Major Churchill, commandant of the Garrison

in the adjoining barracks—has prepared a collation, in honor

of mF Clay—of which, in company with the Elite of the Iron City,

* / \Doc, Hiester, of Reading, (a nephew to Governor Jos, Hiester,)who understood & spoke the German language, had, about a year—or so—before told our Reformer, on a certain occasion: "I have never met a man, speaking the German language so purely, fluently, & with such perfect control over it, like you—Sir!"—

188

the Rapp's & their Interpreter—participate. Being seated closely

to M. Clay, & knowing him to have been a member—of the Commission— for concluding the peace at Ghent—the Reformer asks him:^ »whether

he spoke French?" "A little," answered M? Clay, By easily understood

& answered questions, our interpreter then, (whom M? Clay seemed

preferring to converse with—more than with any person present,)

enabled the renowned Statesman—to converse for 8-10 Minutes altogether

in French, whereby his abilities & fame—in the eyes of his friends

acquired additional lustre. The kindest glances—from M? Clay

& all his friends,—told our interpreter that he had done them

all an easy service—costing him no labor, & he saw on more than

one of these occasions—that the Interpreting stranger—was fully

as much "the observed of all observers" as the Eloquent Kentuckian

himself, —The public dinner, with a Speech from M, Clay, came

off next day, at Mr, Holdship’s paper Mill, M, Marks, then a U,S, Senator from Pa,, presiding, assisted by Gen, Lacock,^ an ex-U.S,

Senator of the Key stone, --Our hero was a very close listener,

to M? Clay’s Speech, & at its termination could almost have repeated

it verbatim, if needs had been for doing so,— His estimate of

M. Clay’s powers,—did not coincide with the boundless eulogies of his blind worshippers; though M? Clay was undoubtedly a man

of extraordinary abilities,— Politicians do not stand the test

of real Reformers,

By the time our hero was 3 months in Economy,—he understood

the System, if such it could be called—whereby the Genius of Rapp,

had succeeded in keeping his small flock together—where, all

189

around numberless inducements constantly arose—to scatter them

all to the 4 Winds.— These people, though none of them had enjoyed

the advantage of books or a literary education,—felt convinced—

by experience & common sense, that the social & commercial intercourse

amongst men, nay the entire fabric of so called civilized life,

were built upon—& interwoven with—principles so entirely false

& unjust, that misery for the great masses—& enduring happiness

for no part of the population—must be and remain their universal

& inevitable result,— They considered themselves hence—as God’s

true pioneers for a new & better social state of man; & so far

as the external condition & machinery of the physical man is concerned—

they were not alltogether mistaken,—no matter how fanatical the

rest of their expectations might be. Real & true enthusiasm—

these people did not possess,—but in its place they had a spiritual

pride—which Rapp’s preaching & religious promises had kindled

& awakened within them. That pride was of a kindred nature with

the monstrously overgrown old religious pride of the ancient Jews;

for precisely like them, Rapp's handful of ignorant people had

been indoctrinated by the old man—that every one of them—would

become a member of the Messiah's household & Court, when, visibly—

between 1831 and "37," he would reappear on earth—to establish

his Empire "the ever enduring Millennium."— This doctrine &

its kindred secret tenets, was not publicly preached by Rapp—

after our Reformer & Henrici came to the Society, for the simple

reason—that by his preaching it during 25 years before,—continually—

all its parts had become fixed ideas in the heads of his followers,—

190

& needed no longer any refreshment by external touches,—

When going with Henrici to Economy—in "26"—our Reformer

& his new friend had secretly agreed, in case they should conclude

to "try" Economy & its contents in good earnest,—they would, after

ascertaining—whether abuses existed or not,—& if so—& Reform

should appear feasable & practicable—they would stand by one

another—& jointly assist the injured part of the Society—to

obtain redress for its grievances, Henrici, however—was not

there one month—before his inner independence was crushed as

completely—as if he has been one of Rapp’s most abject slaves—

for 25 years past. No sooner did the Reformer—see H’s countenance—

when bringing his family—to Economy in August "26,"—when, at

once, he read upon it—part of the inner change,—& in a brief

time—he had occasion to read the whole rest—in plain figures.

Here then, our young "Reformer" stood not only "Solitary & alone"—

in a village of some 5-600 inhabitants—all dependant on their

"prophet Chief"—for every thing—& cemented to his interests—

by every motive known to their fanaticized—uncultured bosom;

but,—what was more—he had every reason for believing—that Henrici

had betrayed every word & scheme, relating to Rapp, which ever

had past—between the 2 young men, before reaching Economy together,—

for after that time, not a word—of that sort—had transpired

between them. One of the main motives that induced our Reformer

to join in with Rapp & his men—was the following: Shortly after

arriving with Henrici,—our hero read a portion of his M.S, "Heaven

on Earth & in Eternity" to Rapp & Frederic, his adopted Son; &

191

when coining to that part—which lays down & proves the Axiom "that

man is bound by reason, nature & religion to aspire & strive after

the perfection & happiness of the whole human race, "—both Rapp

& Frederic simultaneously exclaimed: "Why—that’s exactly our

doctrin, that's the very aim—we are constantly pursuing,"—

In the full Knowledge & sight of all these particulars—our

hero stood calm & firm as a rock—& pursued the even tenor of

his way. He soon found that Rapp's aim & practice were not his

own, & began to doubt whether they ever would be. Externally—

Rapp & every member of the society—treated our Reformer with

utmost consideration & esteem, and seemed bent on doing their

utmost to render his—& his family's situation pleasant & comfortable,—

But that was not the spot—where our hero's shoe pinched him.

Before 6 Months had elapsed—it was clear to our man—that

Rapp had actually hit upon the true discovery to harmonize—in

an important degree—the external relation of man to man, protecting

every one against extreme suffering, securing labor & its results—

at all times to all,—& requiring no single individual to be entirely

victimized—for the benefit of the rest.

But that was only a primary condition to true social happiness—

not yet happiness itself. In order to infuse true happiness into

the human machines which here,—at all points—performed the task

assigned them—with the regularity of clock work,—it was necessary

to inspire them with a Something—which they did not possess—

love to one another,—and a desire to extend the physical blessings

they enjoyed—to as many human beings—as were willing to embrace

192

the same,— Our Reformer, towards the time he had been about a

year in Economy,—had, as he conceived,—reached the clear & full

light—of what he was required to do & realize upon earth—as

the true object of his mission.

He had studied hard,—night & day,—& reached important &

definite results,—in a number of the most weighty matters—for

intellect & man, He saw a happiness in reach of man—so inexpressible

& infinite,—that his own heart could no longer keep it enclosed

within itself. One evening—he detailed parts thereof—to a young

man—capable to appreciate the great thoughts—better than the

rest of his companions, & concluded with the Sentence: "If I.

could purchase—all this beatitude for mankind—with my own annihilation

I am ready—at any moment—to do it."

Next morning—whilst working at the plaining bench, he was

in a deeply meditative mood, during which,—the following thought—

took a hold of his mind—with an energy so overpowering—as to

compel all the rest of the thoughts—to follow—obediently—in

its wake: "You think—you could submit to annihilation—to render

mankind as happy—as you perceive they can be made: now, if you

are honest in that thought,—remember,—that all the evils—which

a man may suffer on earth—by attempting to make mankind happy, —

are combinedly—infinitely less—in amount & severity—than what

annihilation would be: hence if you are sincere—no kind & amount

of suffering—that you will meet with in your opening career for

the salvation of mankind—can appal your self sacrificing love,"

Convinced of his inmost sincerity—the foregoing idea soon began

193

to fill the whole bosom of our hero—with a happiness & a strength—

that cast out all fear & hesitation,—& he looked around—to commence

a series of decisive action.

Old M, Rapp, manifested invariably such decisive favoritism

for our hero,—that every body in the society began to look upon

him as the certain successor of the old "prophet," when his time

should arrive,—as besides—there was no other person in the community—

qualified to fill Rapp’s place, after he should be gone,—

Under the plea that other buildings more indispensable than

that of the projected "institution of education"—required their

materials & attention—Rapp suffered the first 8 Months of 1827,

to pass—without making any preparation to carry out this idea.

Our hero—who knew not how long destiny would permit him—to remain

in his present—uncommonly fertile solitude,—felt little concern

about the postponement of the Seminary,—not knowing how long

it would remain under his control—feeling—at the same time—that

he would have "bigger irons in the fire" before long,—which—

duly to forge & strike, he must now fully prepare himself, whilst

yet Master of his time.

The question now is,—whether—Rapp—will admit wise counsel,—

whereby gradually his society can be made the focus—of a benificent—

extension—in every direction—and forming eventually the physical

basis—of social, moral, commercial—nay all-sided reform, on a

scale—so large, efficient & extensive—so as by it to conquer

the World almost—when the time should arrive—by mere surprize.

—This, as true progress—would save Rapp & his society.—

194

Our Reformer, had himself—no idea nor wish—to he Rapp's—

or any other body's successor—shortly—or at a later period,—

for he felt, & knew—that the work he had to do in this world—

could not be accomplished by the power & authority—conferred

by place and wealth—but by a power of quite a different sort,—

of which even then—he possessed ten thousand times more than

Rapp & all his men combined.—

By the beginning of October—our Reformer knew the first

steps of his course, out of which all the rest—will of themselves

follow. On a fine pleasant morning—he steps over to Rapp, &

reminding him—of the primary condition—that pristinely had brought

them together, viz: "the striving for the benefit of the whole

human race,"—he shows him a.) "the grounds & reasons—of his

communistic success—thus far; b.) next he shows—how these very

principles,—combined with a few simple others, would extent the

blessings of the little community over an ever extending area,—

& constantly Increasing numbers, whereby the power of doing good—

would continue to accumulate & progress to evolve itself, c.) And

the end & consequence of all this would be—that Rapp's name,—

as the first originator of this new social Order, improved as

still from time to time it would be, would stand—for all time

to come—as one of the greatest benefactors to the race of man,—

which the world's history had ever seen," But Rapp—in matters

contravening his fixed ideas, was no more moveable—than Phillip II, 46of Spain, by Marquis Posa, Casting his blue-grey little eyes—

piercingly upon our Reformer, he tells him: "You have got great

195

ideas & vast plans,—but here is not the place to carry them out,"

Rapp, when pronouncing this answer, as afterwards became evident,

had never expected—that it would operate upon,--* be taken by—

our Reformer—as it really turned out. For—when a few days thereafter-

our hero calling upon Rapp—for the purpose of effecting a settlement

in their pecuniary relations,—Rapp is taken altogether by surprise;

for it seems he cannot realize the idea, how any man can surrender

a position of such secure & various comforts, as our hero enjoys,—

from motives to improve the condition., of other men. Taking the

Reformer with him into Frederic’s (the adopted Son's) room, the

two men, evidently much concerned—ask him for the reasons—"Why

he wants to part? Did we (say they) not use yourself & family

always well?"— "You have used me & mine as well—as I could

have wished,—hence I have no complaints on that score. But you

have not used all the rest of your society-members equally well,—

* that is one thing which I can never approve!" "But these people

cannot be treated any better, they cannot appreciate it—& it

will do them no good!"— "That's your error, Gentlemen, where

you & I differ. My System is: that by the power of love—all

can be done—but by force & fear—only a very small part," "Well—

you will find it a mistake, if you make the trial!"— "That trial

I shall & will make,—& make it in the most ample way, before

I shall ever begin even dreaming it as possible that you might

be right—& I be in error. So—good bye—until our results shall

meet & compare notes,"—

15. 1827— Towards the end of October, after a pleasant, useful

196

& fertile sojourn to himself & family at Economy of between 14 &

15 Months, he departs from the pleasant place—for a country home,

in Springfield Township, Columbiana County, Ohio, about 30 Miles

West of Economy, in a German Settlement, chiefly composed of seceders

from Rappi

/ Sheet N= 10 / The new place where our Reformer now alighteth—

is on or near Bull Creek, about 4 miles from the little village

of Petersburgh—In a pleasant locality, good neighborhood & a

healthy circle of country. Most of the neighbors around—having47at one time or another—been members—of either Rapp’s—or Bimeler’s 1

similar Society at Zoar, Ohio, they all still entertain Communistic

& Social aspirations,—* even hardly a year before, a number of

them, led by Henry Kurz, the German Lutheran preacher at Pittsburg

(a year or 2 before) made an attempt to establish a society, which

failed—more from the lack of pecuniary means—than any other cause,—

Our hero was here received—by the leading men—with open

arms. Already on the next Sunday he had to address a crowded

School house full of listeners,—convened from near & far. He

did not speak one word about these external social relations of

man,—but of the heaven within man—& which men possess the power—

to draw out of—* impart to—one another by virtue, friendship

& love—so as to make one another more & more divine,— No sooner

were these meetings held—for a couple of Sundays in succession,—

than the School—though by no means a small one,—became too small

at all the subsequent meetings.— But what was of greater significance,

the words preached seemed—in most cases—to strike the heart

197

of the listeners, "K,," said Mrs, Muckenfuss, a pious old lady—

of much influence, good sense—& a regular reader of Ter Steegen's 48Mystics—one day—after meeting our Speaker—after such sermon:

"You conquer every body by main force!"— And in walking home

from the meeting house in company with John Meyer, J, J, Rattlinger

(a Swiss poet of parts & merit) & several others,—R?, says, pointing

to the Reforming walking in front of the Indian file: "There is

an enigmatical individual walking at our head!"

Induced by such—& several other—equally influential men—

respected by age, character & position—in the new vicinity now

around him,—who appear to desire a social co-operation with all

their heart,—our Reformer sets to work—& writes out a Constitution

for such a Union, which, after it is submitted to public inspection,—

receives the ready signature—of whomsoever, the first signing 6-7

members—deem it proper—to admit its acceptance,— The society

give themselves a very unassuming name—that can give offense

hardly to any. They call themselves: "The United Germans at

Teutonia," Amongst other objects of philanthropy,—they name

the following 3—in their Constitution: 1.) A universal—allsided

education for all men; 2.) Emancipation of the Negro—& 3.) Civilizing

Christianization of the Indian races, as soon—as the means for

these objects can be reached,— This Constitution was printed 4qboth in German & English—upon one & the same Sheet, 7

16,) 1828— Sometime in January—our Reformer—in company—with

2 other members (Jacob Shriver & So, Saia,) starts east—to propagate

the principles of a new social organization, In Pittsburgh our

198

hero delivers a lecture in the Courthouse, which, by an attentive

audience—is interestedly listened to,— After the close of the

lecture Mr, Conway—one of the Editors of the (then) Pittsburg

Manufacturer,—(who died as Secretary of Iowa territory—the year

before it was admitted as a State,) an acquaintance of the Lecturer—

stept up to him & said: "Friend K,, I have been your attentive

listener; I believe that all you have said—is true; but you are

one hundred years before your time; & I am afraid you will have

to find it out."— "I am prepared for all that comes," replies

our lecturer, "but remember, when truth once puts on her boots,

she makes 7 miles at one Stride,—so your 100 years—may perhaps

be reduced to a fourth of that amount,"

Arriving in Philadelphia, where he sojourns some weeks,—

our hero an invitation from "the Mechanics Library Association"—

to visit them at their rooms. He complies, & in verbally explaining—

the main features—of the new social System,—they want to hear

more thereof,—* wish him to deliver a public lecture, they engaging

to furnish the place. He agrees to the proposition,—& in a week

or so—a written lecture is delivered in the "Universailst Church,"—

in Callowhill Street, to a very large audience. That same lecture,

by that Mechanics Library Society, is soon afterwards published—

in the first numbers of their then establishing paper, "the Mechanics’

Free Press."— At this time—a German painter, by the name of

Franks is introduced to our Reformer; & after receiving full answer

to every quere he has put to him, he exclaims with astonished

surprise: "Why Sir; You really are a second Saviour!"— "Well

199

my friend, that is exactly what I wish to he—in truest reality."

In the summer of "28”—our Reformer—again returns to Philadelphia,

Here he delivers a series of lectures—on Education, Religion & thPhilosophy—in Commissioners Hall, 4 = Str., Northern Liberties.

On one of these occasions,—a day or two afterwards, the lecturer

inquires—of mF M= Allister, a highly gifted listener—"how he had liked the mode of treating the subject?" M° A’s reply was:

"I felt as if I were in heaven!

Towards the close of June—our hero received word—from the

two main Mechanics’ organizations—a.) The already named—"Mechanics’

Library Association," & b.) "The labor for labor Exchange Society,"— ththat, having agreed among themselves to celebrate the 4« of July

conjointly,—they invite our hero to deliver an Oration to them

on that occasion, He accepts the offer, prepares for the task,—

and when on the day appointed—the written Address is delivered

to a crowded audience: one over-powering sentiment of all-joyous

enthusiasm—seems to rule all hearts,—& the Speaker is toasted

in the following manner:

"The Orator of the day. May the principles laid down—* the Sentiments

by him advanced—in to day’s Address—become the "fac simile" of

all future 4= of July Orations!o csThe Address itself—was published in N= 27—of the the "Meeh ,

Free Press,"

The "labor for labor exchange Association"—which our Reformer 50assists in promoting, makes gigantic progress. Robert Smith —its

ostensible leader—is a man of considerable parts—but very opinionated,

200

self-willed & hasty,—& if there was no controlling check to his

irritable temper,—all the members of the society—before the lapse

of two weeks—would split off. Smith however—takes not only

a peculiar liking to our hero, but permits himself to be led by

his counsel to an uncommon degree. Abstaining—on one occasion—

to carry out a decision—known to have been formed by him, Smith

is asked—in the presence of the Reformer—by a friend—"when he

is a going to posecute his projected journey?” Smith replies:

"I have given it up all together; this here man (pointing to our

hero) with his superior judgment—has dlissuated me entirely from

it,"

About this time, Col, Napier, one of the Editors of the "Mechanics

free Press,"—was—one evening—listening to a lecture of our hero’s

in which an entirely new & novel argument was introduced—to prove

the indestructibility—of the human Soul by any forces known to

exist in nature,—& hence its necessary immortality,

Napier was highly delighted with this chain of reasoning,—

and said—as far as he could see,—he believed the argument was Irrefutable, (Shortly after this—M? Napier brought our hero the

invitation from Robert Owen, detailed in a former letter, with

the impressions resulting from the visit—to the renowned Scotchman,)

Whilst our Reformer was thus efficiently instrumental to

move the Ball of progress—amongst the laboring & middle classes—

visibly onward—in Philadelphia, he received word from his Western

home, stating that his immediate presence was required there.

Setting out without delay, he reached his family—in the

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beginning of fall, ("28'’) & found its members all well. But the

affairs of the new social enterprize—were progressing by no means—

with equal prospect of satisfactory results—to the hopes & interests

of its constructive projector. Our Reformer had placed all his

pecuniary means~at the disposal of the leaders chosen to manage

affairs during his absence. And when—within a few days—after

his return—the inventory of Goods on hand in the Store, & all

the rest of the accounts were completed,—the result showed the

fact—that his new friends—from incapacity or inattention—-had

not only sunk all the positive funds which he had advanced into

the concern, but also left a debt unpaid of $500—for which our

Reformer was responsible—as bail or security.—

Arranging matters speedily so—that they could get no worse—

& had—to remain at that point,—our hero swallows this "first

dose of the evils less than annihilation" with an uncommon degree

of Stoicism,—Knowing—that if forced to call them into action,

he possesses business capacities—calculated very soon—to remedy

his pecuniary defects.

Nay—Morris Longstreth (Son in law to the benevolent richQuaker, John Cook, dec^ ) for many years a wholesale Merchant—

in Market Street, Phil=,—(then retiring to his beautiful farm-

in Montgomery Co,, 8 miles from the City, where he is elected

one of the Judges of the Court, next is elected by the State as

a member of the board of Canal Commissioners, and finally in is 51run—as the Democratic Candidate for Governor—against Johnson,

& lacks only votes of an election to that station,) about this

202

very time, is counselling his friend "Peter,"—to do less for others

& more for himself & family—"for," says Morris, "amongst all

the men I know in this world,—if thyself choses to fully employ

thy abilities for pushing ahead & making property,—there is none

that that can compete with thee."

Morris however—has not only sense—but also fairness—to

duly appreciate his friends reply—when he tells him: "that the

very possession of gifts so uncommon—proved that they had been

bestowed for a higher purpose,—& not for desecration by base

uses."—

Necessity & opportunity combined—did however this time induce—

if not force—our hero—to call into action—some of his slumbering

business faculties. During his short absence—to settle his private affairs in Ohio,—his friend RobF Smith, in Philadelphia, having

no longer a checking force at his side,—causes the splitting

of the "Labor for Labor Organization," & the large Store—successfully

combined with its operations,—into four inefficient fragments,

all destined by degrees to pine away—until finally dying.

Our hero—has by this time made preparations—inviting his

Mother in law—to come with the rest of her family—from Germany—

to this Country,—& pledged himself—to be present at or near

Philadelphia, at the time of their arrival, —Our Reformer owns—

at this time yet—a very good horse,—which is near at hand, being

in use at Reading—by his friends Keim, After procuring waggon

& harness—the horse is sent him, & in a few days,—he is provided

with a Stock of Goods,—& these he readily sells, retail or wholesale,

203

as the case may be—in the surrounding counties. This processhe repeats, & by it—helps his new friend Rob]' Smith, out of his

main difficulties,—also selling many otherwise unsaleable goods—

for his friend Morris L,, until, he finds that it is about time,—

to make another visit home. After resting a week or two—his

family is increased on June 28, 1829, by the entrance into visibility—

of Peter Robert—the now 3. Son in succession—of our hero’s little 52flock. After Mother & child—were in a proper condition, the

Reformer returns speedily to the East with his Carriage—to resume

the business he had there initiated—for the purpose of mending

his broken fortune, and awaiting the arrival of the relatives expected

from Germany,— Continuing his trading & pedling excursions throughout

the Winter—& until the beginning of next Summer—the result of

his entire operations,—covering an actual space of time employed

of hardly over 18 months,—summed up to our hero’s—& his friends—

great satisfaction. For he was now—-not only—again out of debt,—

but had bought a home for his family, & paid for—of 12 acres

of land, with 2 log dwellings, alongside of his friend Ruttlinger’s,

And had,—all his effects counted together—property worth no less

than 1000 dollars.

But in addition thereto he was the proprietor of a patent

cheap cornsheller,—for the States of Pennsylvania & Delaware,

all paid for,—out of which he could realize every year, from 600

to 1200 dollars. These results—in such brief time—convinced

all those that knew him,—& every member of the "Teutonia Society,"

that a man of that description could not well either "be broke

204

nor Kept down,"—by any incidents whatever, as long as he enjoyed

health & liberty to use it,—

17.) One Sunday Morning—in Aug, I83O,—then awaiting at a friend’s

house in Philadelphia—the arrival of the expected new coiners,—

he receives word—that the Vessel is just running into port,—

but no one Knows, whether any of Reformer’s friends are aboard

of her—or none. With lightening speed—he hastens to the wharf,

and after a short inquiry—finds that he has not spent all his

waiting time—entirely in vain—for—the very young man he speaks

to is—(as Reformer suspects) Sebastian Wiltz the youngest

brother of his wife, being the only one of the relatives that

came over—in that Vessel,— With surpassing joy they embrace—

& then hasten to impart their felicity to the good people where

our hero is boarding. The whole house partakes gladly of the

joy—caused by the young Stranger’s arrival.

In a day or two they are ready to embark with bagage & all—

aboard of the Stage for Frankfort, only 5 Miles from the City,

in the vicinity of which—our Reformer’s horse—is in good pasture

with a farmer. In less than half an hour—their own team is ready,

every thing carefully stowed away—in the covered waggon, & off

they start "Westward Ho!" towards the fireside sheltering the

beloved flock.

On the evening of the 9 = day, (an unprecedently short journey

for one horse drawing nearly 1000 Weight,) they arrive at the

beloved home; & our Reformer, who this time, has been absent from

home—precisely 13 Months—in one string—is repaid—by the great

205

joy—which—not only his own—but the arrival of Sebastian—causes

to all the members of the family—young & grown, Peter R,, whom

his father left as a baby, now can straddle about—& comes in the

wake of his faster elder brothers—to greet & kiss a father—whom

consciously—he never as yet—before beheld,—

The joy at the Re-Union—of so many hearts—is still alive,

when, about a month after the men’s arrival at home--lt is, for

a considerable time—terribly interrupted—by the sudden sickness—

of Reformer's wife. The best medical skill in the vicinity—was—

for nearly 2 Months—attentively applied; but it alone could never

have saved a life—so terribly threatened—if not the most attentive

& careful nursing—all the time, day & night, in which husband,

brother & sister, alternated—for fixed periods,—had done its—

& surely as important a—parts—as medical science ever could

perform. The final restoration of the patient repaid the nursing

watchers—amply for all their trouble.

The sickness over,—our hero, owning 2 horses, was, with

Sebastian—engaged all Winter, hawling logs,—in part for a Shop,

(S. being Cabinet maker & Carpenter,) & in part to the saw mill—

to be cut for lumber, & similar labors required upon new premises.

I Sheet N= 11. / 18.) 1831;—towards the end of February,—

our hero is preparing for Starting East, to realize something

out of his corn Sheller, for re-vivifying the now slumbering "Teutonia.”

One afternoon—he drives with his wife from one friend to

another,—the visit being one of again a "temporary Farewell,"—

as our hero designs—& really is ready for— Starting on the

206

next morning—for the East. Reaching home in the dusk of evening,—

& putting his horse into the stable,—he is surprised to find

another & to him Strange horse—in one of the Stalls.

Going into the house—he learns—that the horse belongs to

a Gentleman from Canton, Ohio, who has already gone to bed}--stating

that he had been deputized "by the Democratic party of Stark County,"

(0.) to engage, if possible—our Reformer—to edit the "Vaterlands

freund," the German paper—lingering—since its birth—somewhat54over a year ago—in the town of Canton, between life & death.—

Going into the Sleeper’s Room—he awoke, & our hero at once recognized the man—as Sanders Van Ransselear (a cousin of the New York Patroon^),

at that time Post Master in Canton—& a practising Attorney,

He briefly repeated his message, and desired—if possible—an

early answer next morning,—

Next morning the messenger desires an answer,—& our Reformer,

who considers his arrival as a "token" sent by Providence—across

his path—at the very moment when ready for another Start east,—

feels it to be his duty to take a trip with him to Canton, for

the purpose of ascertaining—with his own eyes—what Providence

may "mean" in sending him—such an offer—at this precise moment,—

The messenger is glad on learning—that the Reformer consents

to ride with him to Canton, But before starting off—they visit

some of the neighbors—& hear a tune played on Reformer’s beautiful

Piano,—a Capital Instrument bought in Philadelphia, when moving

to Economy.

There was joy in Canton—when the 2 men arrived,—for the

powers of the "invited"—were sufficiently Known there,—to cause

20?

hope to the Side—whose auxiliary he was desired to become,—&

the other side was correspondingly apprehensive. After a full

Investigation lasting nearly a week, our hero clearly understood

what Providence meant by provoking him to the present trip, &

foresaw even almost literally—what would come out of it before

the lapse of six months. He made therefore a temporary engagementAU

of 3-4 Months; but just at the end of the 4= month,—the very

thing he had forseen—is taking place. Namely—for the purpose

of giving Stability & Character to the paper,—those who until

then had been the owners of the materials come & offer them &

the entire establishment—to our hero for sale—at such a prize—

& upon such conditions—that he took them up at once. During

the 4 Months preceding, he had—by merely occasionally amusing

himself in the Office—made himself—so much of a "practical printer,"

that, excepting speed in type setting (which requires—like Cigar­

making—long & much practice) our Reformer could beat the printer—

who until then had published the Sheet,—in every thing else appertaining

to the business,—

One of the reasons—determining our hero originally to work

for one dollar per day at a distance of only 50 Miles from his

home & family,—in preferance to earning from 2 to 5 dollars a

day in the eastern part of Pennsylvania,—because—if his wife

or other member of the family—happened to fall sick, he would,

at Canton, not only learn the fact Immediately, but, with his

fleet horse always at command, could reach home from there in

one day,—whereas—If pedling his comshellers in distant Pennsylvania,

208

he might even not learn the fact of any one near to him having

become sick, in due time for finding the individual alive, if

starting home on receiving—the first intelligence,— After the

printing establishment is bought,—our hero soon makes a trip

per Stage to Shellsburgh, Bedford County, Pa., & there purchases

of Mrs, Goeb,—the press & printing Materials—of the Almanac d56

establishment of the late Frederic Goeb, dec. Being personally

acquainted with the widow, our hero had to pay but 50 dols cash

on this purchase,—& gave his notes on time—say $400—as the

balance secured by mortgage on his 12 acre property. Thus he

is now in possession of a printing establishment—for the first

time provided with a good press—and ample & good materials.—

In the fall of the year—Reformer,—by numerous handbills spread

over a wide extent—secured a large attendance at a public sale—

held at his little place in Columbiana County, where selling off—

his Surplus goods, cattle, & also his Piano,—to use these funds

to better advantage in his new business,—

19.) 1832, a,) Takes a decisive stand against the Rechartering 57of the U.S, Bank^ and knowing now—by an intercourse of some

18 Months—the leading men—in the various townships of the County—

our hero convenes them in a public Convention, where they form

a ticket—to be supported at the fall election. The opposing

party—until then—since time immemorial—in undisturbed possession

of the supremacy in the county & its official places,—ridicule

& laugh at the idea—to be conquered by their assailants. But

after the election is over—they see nevertheless—that they are

209

so badly & totaly beaten—& the entire ticket of their opponents

elected—that they now snuff—"there is something in the Wind"

more than ordinary,

b. ) Next our hero—publishes—this year—his first edition

of "Almanacs,"—for "1833,"—which is disposed of—without difficulty—

to the last dozen, —

c. ) In the Spring of the year,—by medium of an epistolary

correspondence, he purchases—from its owner—living in the interior

of Pennsylvania, the house & lot in which the printing Office

had been located—with his family—until then,—thus securing—

at a cheap price—a fixed & stable home in the pleasant—healthy59village of Canton, situated in the South part of its best Street,

This—as also the purchases—of the two printing establishment—

the year before,—or rather the obligations therefrom remaining

undischarged,—are rendered easy by the proceeds of the piano

& other items of the public sale; & the profits from the Almanac

furnish the means to improve & extent business & operations—all

around. In Spring Sebastian Wiltz is sent back to Germany to

fetch in his Mother—& 2 remaining brothers. He returns safely

with Mother & one brother at the close of the year, to the infinite

joy of all concerned. The other—compelled to serve out his term

in the Army—arrives a year or so thereafter—when his time has

expired,— About this same time—our hero enables another family—

related to him on the mother side, consisting of a widowed father

& 3 promising children—to leave Germany—& settle in his neighborhood,-

where he enabled their steady Industry to secure homes & a competency.

The same course he pursued towards a number of helpless emigrants—

that called upon him for advice & directions, coming chiefly from

his juvenile neighborhood. All of them, without exception, who

followed his advice, as nearly all did, prospered—& still prosper

to this very day. Not finding himself—as yet—in the wished for

position—of at once benefitting every one around him,—he neglected

no opportunity of conferring benefits upon as many separate individuals-

as ever, calling for help, came within his reach.

The position In which he now found himself placed—he considered

as the finishing School,—presenting nearly all the rest of the

yet wanting materials—to complete & consumate his knowledge of

man & the world externally—to such a degree—as to constitute

its "toilt ensemble,"—after being duly digested & systematically

combined—"a perfect science of external realization,"

He had—already before—for a succession of 7 long years—

kept a regular diary, wherein, every evening, before going to

bed, he noted down—seriatim—a.) all the labors performed—&

incidents occuring—from Morning to night; & b.) also every new

& important thought arising in the mind—during the day—or whilst

posting the diary.— He was likewise confirmed In the habit, to

carry paper & pencil with him—wherever he went,—so that, even

whilst driving his team on the road, whenever an idea came before

his mind, of any peculiar importance, he instantly stopt his team,

& by a few sketching words—fastened the features of the idea

sufficiently enough on the paper—that, when in the evening after

supper, the time arrived for the hawling up of the day’s result

211

Into the diary, it was easy for the faithful memory—to paint the

idea—in all its details—as minutely—as it had been beheld originally

by the intellect,—

Although the "Vaterlandfreund" was looked upon as a "Democratic"

party paper—in general,—yet its tone & course had so little in

common—with party tactics generally,—that within a few years—

its influence throughout the State became such, that Judge Benj,60Tappan, then a Senator in the U.S, Senate, from Ohio, already

in 1834, (before he ever personally knew the present writer,)

told John R, Church, Post Master at Canfield, (then Trumbull—now

Mahoning County, Ohio,) "that there little Dutch paper at Canton

is doing the people more good—than all the English papers of the

State combined,"—

20.) 1833»--February 11.» Louisa, 5*=1 child—* 2= daughter—

is bom to our parents. Early in Summer—our Reformer is visited,J

by his quondam friend & Co-Reformer—the Rev; Henry Kurz,—who

commenced his carreer as German Lutheran preacher—in Easton, Pa,,

& then—next about the year "25" filled the same place, in the

City of Pittsburgh.— Dazzled by Rapp’s external prosperity,

Kurz sets to work to establish a similar Society on improved principles.

To help him therein he establishes a German "Monthly"—entitled:

"The Paradise re-found."— He finds some followers,—* they make

with him—a beginning at organizing a Society—early in "26," at

the very Spot, where, about 18 months afterwards, the "Teutonia

Society" Is commenced,— Kurz's enterprize quickly vanishes,

almost still bom. When our Reformer & Henrici were travelling

212

West & towards Economy, they were desirous of becoming personally

acquainted with Kurz, who then resided—at Greensburgh, Pa,—

They called at his house—when passing that place, but found him

absent from home. When our Reformer came back to Reading—to

take his family—he learnt with some surprise,—that,—just about

the time—when he called at Kurz’s house in Greensburgh,—Kurz—

on his part, for the same purpose—called at Reformer’s house

in Reading,— Thus the 2 Social Reformers missed becoming acquainted

in person with one another—at the very moment when such contact

could hardly have failed to give an entire different direction

to the individual destiny of each.

The 2 men, became for the first time acquainted in the Spring

of "27," when Kurz, in passing through Economy, calls in—& spends

several hours with our hero, expressing great regret—that they

had missed meeting one another—the year before. After failing

at Bull Greek (Teutonia,) Kurz, in the Summer of "27," had moved

to Canton, where he made a scanty living—by keeping School,—

and now & then delivered a Sermon to an irregular audience, of

whom—here & there—one or the other—brought him some contribution

of victuals—so as to enable the family—to subsist, Kurz is

a man of a strong mind, various accomplishments,—but much of

a Stickler—to "external forms,"— When coming to Canton—he

comes into much intercourse—with "the Dunkers"—a species of

"German Baptists,"—preaching up "immersion"—as the only path

to "Salvation." About the time when our Reformer organizes

"Teutonia," he pays, in Company with other members, a visit to

213

Kurz at Canton, & they invite him to take now—as fresh hold with

them,—for realizing—what all seem to wish so eagerly.— Without

telling them—that he will do so for certain, he accompanies them

to "Teutonia," assists in their public meetings,—participates

in their discussions, & manifests so decisive an interest—that

they take it for granted—he is with them heart & hand.

He consents to move down—shortly--* they therefore prepare

a house for him to move into. He however does not disguise his

leaning towards "immersion,"—& maintains that "it" is the "Ceremony,"—

which he thinks cannot be "dispensed with" if a logical doctrin

of the Bible is to be preserved,— Our hero—calmly, cooly &

mildly—adduces such a flood of facts & reasons—bearing upon

the point—& showing the insignificance & insufficiency—of all

external ceremonies—to the true Salvation of man,—that poor

Kurz, although unable to contradict,—is evidently—not converted

from his cherished dogma—tereby.

Returning to Canton,—for the purpose—as his friends suppose—

to remove his family to Teutonia,—the first news reaching the

latter place—about the time when Kurz with family—was himself

expected there—is: "that Kurz had joined the Dunkers—* been

immersed by Geo, Hoch—their bishop,"— The rumor proves not

only true, but by & bye—the Dunkers pay his debts, buy & present

him first—a small farm,—next a printing establishment (for printing

the Hymn- & other books of the Sect,) & then enable him to trade

off his small farm,—for a very large one,—

Kurz is aware—that the world at large—& most of his own

214

former friends—do not approve of his step, nay give him not even

Credit—for purity of motive—as they believe his head too clear—

to look upon "immersion"—in his own inmost conviction, as he

professes to do—& act out this profession.— By & bye not only

wealth—but also "honor"—is lavished upon Kurz—by his new friends,—

for they make him "Bishop"—of their congregation.

But with all this—it is evident—that Kurz is not only—

"not happy,” but is sorely vexed—that his "motive" is so much

suspected. Our Reformer has continued—to treat Kurz kindly—

during all their intercourse,—& never chymed in—with—or seconded

those—who ascribed mercenary motives to the man. Hence Kurz

always seemed to feel a kind of pleasant relief—when visiting

the Reformer,—whose powers he was by no means ignorant of, as—

on the occasion—of their meeting in Canton (in Dec, "27,")—at

Kurz's house, some of the "new glittering generalities"—of our

hero,—had—as it were—involuntarily forced the exclamation,—

quick & energetical as lightening—out of Kurz's mouth: "Das *

ist der Immanuel Kant!" But at the present visit of Kurz in

”33»"—they speak of their past life, & particularly—of the events

each of them has gone through—during his last 7-8 Years. Kurz

knows Reformer's latter history—very well,—knows that he sacrificed

his whole property, & permitted those that had engaged with him—

*Clergymen on other occasions, have evinced a readiness—

to classify our hero—with names of literary celebrity. In 1823, when collecting subscribers to his book, & calling for that purpose upon the Rev£ Mr, Rondthaler, Moravian preacher in Nazareth, Pa, he—after seeing some unprinted samples of poetry, of our hero— enthusiastically exclaimed: "Sie sind ein zweiter Schiller!"

215

not to lose a red copper,—whilst Reformer had it totally in his

power—to preserve not only all his own—hut enrich himself at

their expense. By thus assuming—& hearing all the losses—on

his own shoulders—our Reformer had stopped the mouth of all "maligners,"

& preserved the principle of "Reform" pure, unsullied & open, to

he recommenced—at any time—when the future should indicate an

opening. In addition to this—the social position & pecuniary

circumstances of the Reformer—were—within a few brief years—

so rapidly changed—from below the zero / Sheet N= 12, / point

of public estimation—to the higher grades of commanding influence,—

& this mainly & chiefly—by the rapid—versatile action of the man

himself,—that his "chain of consistency,"—look at it wherever

you chose—presented everywhere—one entire concotenation, without

a single broken link, Kurz deplored—that—apparently to the

world "indigence seemed to have forced him to take the step, of

joining the Dunkers,—& thus laying him open to the charge—of

sacrificing his consistency & independence;"—"but your case,"

said he, addressing the Reformer—"is altogether the reverse of

mine—because (Peine universelle Genialltat hl1ft dlr halt in

Allem duch!) "thy universal Genius helps thee out of every scrape!"—

indicating at the same time—that it made its possessor independent

of the world,

21.) in fall—1834, visits Cincinnati to purchase English

types, so that he is enabled to publish his Almanac—next year—

in 2 Editions, one in German and the other in English, making

the reading matter alike, whereby a copy of each, become a joint

216

auxilliary in learning the 2 languages, for those that thus wish

to use them.22. ) 1835» March 8,—Alfred their 4^ Son, & 6"=1 childis

born to the parents, A large edition of Almanacs—in both languages—

for 1836, is printed this year—* readily sold off.—

23. )—1836, in Aug,— Until now all the pains experienced

by our hero, wore off sometimes after 1, 2, 3—Months, The one—

that a year or two ago—oppressed him the longest & deepest, was,

when sending a man—out to Germany—to fetch in his intensely

beloved mother,—& at the very moment—when he expected to learn

the first news of his friend’s arrival at Mother’s home, & that

she soon would be here with her "beloved first born" in America;

he got a letter that that dear mother—was dead & buried—just

when the messenger arrived. That was a terrible shock—& for

6-8—Months—hung the entire Universe with black crape for a true

son’s weeping heart.— But this year, black destiny—had still

a more bitter cup in reserve for him,—which—In essence, in the

death of Hermann, his oldest son, is already stated—in the first

2 lines of Sheet N= 8,— But that event, is too important, to

be passed over without any comment, Hermann—had been born onthe 18^ of Oct,, (1824,) the anniversary of the day—on which

the great battle of Leipsic had been fought. He was named after

the great Cheruskian Chief—who broke Rome's power—in its terrible

defeat of "Varus"*s legions—in the "Teutoburg" forrest—about 64the year 9»—of the Christian era,—And the father entertained

some very sanguine hopes—that destiny herself—had made some

21?

sort of prophecy—in the hoy’s birth day & name conjointly—that

forbode—in a spiritual sense, great & good things—to Germany—

& all mankind—when the time should arrive.

But, independent even of any such higher vouchers,—there

was that—in the character & the gifts of the boy,—which warranted

the best & the highest expectations—when the time should come

that matured him into a full & self acting man, —Before he was

eleven years old, he was the fastest type setters—then known

In the County, & by diligent reading could converse on such such

subjects of importance—that men age & sense were delighted with

his conversation—& often did spent hours therein with him,—

His penetration & comprehension were quick—like electricity,—

& his heart & conduct were such,—that literally—he was beloved

not only by God—but by all men—that had any humanity about them.

This clearly showed Itself—when the child died & was buried;

for several men, between 35 & 45 years of age, no blood relatives

to the boy in any degree, who theretofore never were suspected

of any surplus degree of Sympathy, were observed to weep as bitterly—

as if the child had been their own.— The boy’s father—had another

for grief in addition to those already named. The loss of the

child's labor in the printing Office,—never received a passing

thought,—though in many respects—It was of much import at this

time. But as the boy was the oldest—& looked upon as their leader—

by his younger brothers,—the traits of a noble character,—of

the development of which—his whole being gave unmistakable indications,

promised to his father—that the boy would become his best auxilliary—

218

for educating the whole little flock—to wisdom, goodness & virtue.

For even already—when the divine features of some living or historical-

human virtuous character—were narrated or delineated to the hoy,—

the electrically flashing eye—& the sun-beaming—heavenly rejoiced

countenance—gave proof of what—even thus early—was living in

the child's heart.

All the medical skill of the neighborhood (at one occasion

6 physicians consulting on the case) was not only employed—to

save—if possible the precious life,—but for 3 entire weeks—

the father & the elder Sister, alternated day & night—in their

unremittingly assiduous care & attention—upon the 2 sick boys,—

for—a few days after Hermann—the oldest, also Peter R,, the d37 boy was thrown upon the sick couch—with the same—horrible

disease,—

Well, what God marks out for his own, no human skill or care

can prevent him from taking. Hermann, the Stronger, had to die,

& Peter—the weaker—recovered.— The death of Hermann was a

blow upon the father—that seemed to him as having not merely

stunned & blunted—but crushed—almost to annihilation his whole

vital being.

For fully one whole year—life had lost to him all attractions,—

& he did not know whether it ever would regain them. He knew he

loved the child whilst living,—but the extent & depth of that

love,—he only discovered when death had snatched him away. The

woe-struck man—made no attempt—to diminish his suffering—as

on former occasions—by exertions of reasoning—or inner action

219

of any sort; but silently, submissively, without murmuring—he

dragged the oppressing load along,—without permitting one thought—

to question destiny as to the why. The performance of external

duties—became burdensome, as the charm was gone—which heretofore

had rendered exertion & sacrifice easy. Yet habit, mechanism

& necessity—did for the space of a year act as a substitute for

inclination & spontaneity—as well as they could. Providence

had left—the suffering man—objects of affection enough—that

his bleeding heart did not need to starve. For—he knew & felt—

that Lydia, his oldest daughter,—was as noble and amiable a child—

in all the gifts of nature & Character—as her brother was in

his line. And he knew likewise—that he loved Lydia no less—than

her deceased brother. And besides—every one of the younger children,—

possessed traits of promise,—& were all amiable.— True—as all

this was,—It did not change the sufferer’s case in the least,—

nor did he feel at all desirous of having his load removed. He

felt—if at all to be restorable to his former joyous & hopeful

viewing of life & the world—the restoration must come by the

imperceptible action of time. So it did come, but took a full

year to do it.24,) 1837.—In fall,— Returning home from a joumey^^—our

Reformer learns—that at a very large meeting—held by the German-

Speaking Citizens of the County—he has been elected a Delegate,

to attend—with 2 others—a Grand Convention,—which the German

Citizens of the U, States generally, through their numerous public

prints, have announced to be held in Pittsburgh, Pa, in the first

220

half of October, Though the specific object of the Convention—

is as yet unknown to him,—yet being warmly urged all around to

attend,—he consents to do so,—& see what will come out of it,—

though the time so spent—is a clean sacrifice—of personal interests.

When coming together with the various delegates at Pittsburgh,—

the attendance is respectable & numerous, embracing the Editors

of the leading German prints—throughout the the Union and a good

deal of talent & genius in the walks of private life.—

Our hero has many friends amongst the Delegates, & they are

anxious to have him preside over the Convention, He does not

wish the post,—but has to permit his friends using his name.

And by the management of Mr, Meyer—his right-hand man—he accomplishes 66what he desires, namely: the election F, J, Grand—as Chairman,

by one vote of a majority over himself, but has no objection to

act as one of the Vice-Presidents.

After the Convention is thus organized,—the various Subjects

to be discussed—are brought before the body. They turn out to

be: 1.) Resistance against the pretensions—& the extending Spirit

of Nativisim, 2.) Measures of Protection for the Immigrant—against

his being defrauded in ports of the Continent when leaving Europe,—

and likewise after his landing on these our Shores,—as also insuring

his more human treatment—on board of the vessels—on which making

his passage across the Atlantic, 3.) Great necessity for a "teachers’

Seminary," for forming School-teachers, equally well qualified—to

teach & instruct—with equal perfection—in the German as well

as the English languages,—& to understand "Education"—Systematically—

221

so far as it has progressed to be "a System,"

These various topics, with many collateral branches—were

discussed with great animation during one entire week—& over.

Often the extremes were at the point of splitting asunder, & leave

the Convention for good & all. But there was a tangible interest in the 3? subject, incidentally coming in—just at this time—as

a materialized auxilliary—which helped a great deal to preserve

order & produce eventual harmony.

This matter is worth the following—detailed explanation.

After our Reformer—left Rapp & Economy—in Oct,, "27,"—the young

men whom he had continued to instruct as a Class, as long as he

remained there, became rather restless, & Rapp had much trouble—

to prevail upon them—to extent their patience—waiting for the

arrival of the "Millennium,"—until the time therefore fixed by

Rapp, namely between "1831" & "37."— Fearing that if the expectations

of his people,—thus fixed upon the time specified, were not realized

in some shape or other, they would all become rebellious & abandon

him: Rapp cast about to see if he could not discover the means

to avert the threatening danger,— Good look seemed to come to

his relief—in the following manner, which, as the sequel soon

will prove,—was only "a Seeming" leading directly to the very

catastrophe he was dreading.—

Sometime between 1823—& "28"—an adventurer who called himself

"Count Leon,"—but whose real name was asserted to be "Proli,"—

attracted much attention in the German Provinces of the Rhine.

This man was placed—in Nassau or Darmstadt—under the surveillance

222

of the police, so that at all times—a guard kept watch at his

house; yet his individual movements were permitted that degree

of liberty—as if acting upon "parole d'honneur," His wealth

seemed to be very great, but nobody knew—where it came from.

Those that were set to watch—he always supplied with a specified

amount of money, by which they could buy themselves a bottle of

wine & other knick-knacks, required for celebrating a German holliday.

Hence the belief gained credence—that Leon or Proli~was the illegit­

imate son—of some German Prince or Duke,—wherefore the Police

treated him with less rigor—& which hypothesis would also account

for his wealth & steady command of money.—

In some way or other Leon became acquainted with several

families—in Frankfort on the Main, such as the Zickwolfs & Heyers,—

being amongsts the wealthiest of the merchants of that City.

It was asserted—that by his mesmeric force—he had healed several

sick ladies,.members of those families, & towards the time above

named—all these people formed a kind of religious community around

him,—to which Doc. Goentgen—the very learned Librarian of the

famous "free City"—joined his forces—& became "Count Leon"'s

right hand man.—

By Goentgen’s very adroit pen—"Leon" placed himself into

Correspondence with Rapp,—& the latter believing that "Leon"

might be the man—idiom he could use as a tool to extricate himself

from the scrape which was approaching to threaten,—invited not

only "Leon" & his flock—to come over & "hitch teams" together,—

which for cunning "Proli" & cunninger "Goentgen"—was '"nough

223

said," & needed no repetition,—but Rapp also—beforehand—with

triumphing mien—informed his people—of the great acquisition—

which he & they—were soon to make—in the "wonderful Count" &

his wealthy flock.— Well "Leon & his flock" eventually came

over—& were jubilantly received at Economy, The glory however—

lasted hardly over a usual honey moon,—when the little village

was formally split into 2 hostile camps. The juvenile "progressistas"—

to the number—of nearly 240-50,—embracing.the laboring & artistic

strength & talent of the Society, all rallied around "Leon & Goentgen,"-

whereas the ultra Orthodox, embracing the women & imbeciles of

both sexes, remained on the side of "Rapp & Frederic, his adopted

son. The end of the matter—was a comprize, whereby Rapp’s paid

out to the 200 & some 30 Seceders the Sum of $105,000^2 in money,—

they relinquishing all the rest of their claims. This money now

became the stock—of the new hive--which was leaving the old house.

For about 8-9 Miles below Economy—on the South .bank of the Ohio

river, just opposite the Villages of Rochester, & Bridgewater,—

where the Beaver River mouthes into the Ohio,—lies the pretty

Village of Fhlllipsburgh. This village—"Leon" with the seceding

Economites—now bought,—& established their headquarters there.

But after Leon & Goentgen had the management of the new Society—

for about 18 months,—It still would’nt go—as people had—been

promised—& hoped; the "Millenium" "was’nt there," would not come,

& the "burned" Economites were afraid—something a great deal worse—

than even the unsatisfactory "Status quo,"—then existing—would

or might come—upon them. So without a momenta’s delay—they appointed

224

a very numerous committee to examine matters & things—& make

"Leon & Goentgen" render an account of their Stewardship,— The

result of the matter was—the discovery—that about 2/3 of the

money paid by Rapp, was already spent, & yet the amount that was

to have been paid for the Village of Phillipsburgh,—was hardly

more than one half cancelled. When thesenews got abroad amongst

the people "Poor Leon's & Goentgen*s occupation—was forever gone."

They had—with their innocent fine ladies—to cut sticks—between

2 days—in an open flat boat,—gliding down the Ohio River,—living

on boiled potatoes,—which the women paid for—in some article*

of surplus finery—now no longer in its place, Leon & Goentgen

left behind & surrendered—a very valuable library—& various

other personal property—to appease the wrothy committee & its

constituents. By the judicious management however—of this very

Committee, the skinned Economites were in so far saved—that to

every family—a home was secured—all paid for.

Whilst Leon's & Goentgen*s glory was in its Zenith—they had

built a beautiful Structure—facing on the South East—the Main

Street of the Village, whilst its opposite side faced the Ohio

River, & presented the most beautiful & enchanting view,—of some

5-6 Villages in the neighborhood (including Beaver—the County

*The eventual fate of Leon & his little fugitive flock—was

tragic. They glided down the Ohio & Mississippi—until they— somewhere, on "red River" in Arkansas, found a planter—leasing a certain tract of land to them? which, with their soft hands, they were to till for "a living." "Leon" soon fell a victim— to the climate, & "Goentgen" became the leader of the little flock. —Whether any of them now survive—is at present not known.

225

town,) & a panoramic lyrical picture of such transcending loveliness—

that its match may hardly be found.

When Leon had to decamp, this beautiful property was sold—

to make up his deficiency. The man who bought it then—to speculate

thereon,—in his turn again—very badly needed money,—at & about

the time—we are now speaking of,—namely—"1837," when the "first

German Convention" was held in Pittsburgh,—

The Delegates from Phillipsburgh & Beaver County,—informed

the Convention—1.) That the afornamed property—was now for sale,

at a very low rate, 2.) That no building—nor situation could

be found any where, answering better for the purpose of a School-

Teachers' Seminary—than it, 3.) That the building had originally

cost / Sheet N= 13. / over $5000—to erect; 4.) That Marcus T, Gould,

its present owner (in former years an appointed Stenographer to

the U.S. Senate,—& in "37"—the owner & principal of a "Ladies"

boarding School at New Brighton, In sight of Phillipsburgh,) had

paid himself over $3000—for the property—and was now willing

to sell it for 2500, & even give time for portions of that sum;

5.) That, in case the Convention would buy the property—for the

named public purpose, the inhabitants of Phillipsburgh—stood ready—

to raise themselves the first $500,—as a gratuitous contribution,

leaving only $2000 to be made up hereafter—by the labors of the

Convention.

Our hero—knew the beauty, cheapness—& adaptness of the

property—for the object in view;—he was also personally acquainted

with most of the people of Phillipsburgh, & knew—they still desired

o

226

to become again members—of some well regulated system of mutual—

co-operation, as soon as such an one—should start into life;

he knew likewise—that many of them looked to him—as the one—

competent to solve that problem,—& were awaiting to see him accomplish

it.—

Besides, there was a call everywhere in the West—in the

widely extended German Settlements—for teachers competent to

teach equally well—in each of the 2 languages most needed. Hence

there was a very reasonable prospect, that such an institution,—

founded upon such needs & wants of the people,—or a large proportion

thereof,—could hardly fail in being properly supported & duly

sustained,—

Then, after an institution of that sort was once flourishing,—

it could be made the focus & Centre—of an intellectual progress—

leading to such social improvements—for which the people of the

present hour—were as yet not duly prepared. Teachers thus instructed,

might in addition to English & German, be taught with ease—the

French & Spanish languages. And if charging no more for tuition

than the best class of common school teachers,—men thus qualified—

would receive the position of teacher any where in the country—

In preference to a man who only knew one language. For there is

no man so stupid—but can at once perceive that his child, in

being taught a language in addition to its vernacular, is placed

in possession of an inheritance—the secular & spiritual value *

of which is actually beyond computation, —The establishment

*Discussing this very point, in 1838, with the late "Sam.

227

of a Seminary of this Kind at beautiful Phillipsburgh—held out,

besides the above, quite a number of other splendid prospects

for human culture, not yet to be found at present--any where—

without corresponding drawbacks. In the first instance, the people

of Phillipsburgh, chiefly seceders from Rapp, in rejecting his

Fanaticism, did not adopt another in Its place, & were thus in

no manner & sense—religious sectarians,—but open for the impression

of universal truth,—as a community of men. This secured an important

local influence upon the becoming institution—in favor of untrammelled

religious & intellectual freedom. Next, the considerable population

of the Village—furnished quite a respectable number of children—

for the ordinary Common School. These children, the inhabitants

were willing,—nay desirous, should—ab initio—be taught in one

of the numerous rooms of the "Leon building,"—by a teacher belonging

to the Institute, This arrangement at once would furnish the

opportunity—to combine Theory & Practice—in the formation of

Teachers—into one,—in as much—as the Common School—offered

the actual sight & chance of theory made practical,—by permitting

each'5Candidate for teacher—to practice teaching in his turn—

& see all theoretical propositions—in their due time—practically

Illustrated and applied in the Com, School before his eyes. Our

Reformer beheld likewise—In this institute,—rendered successfull—

in the first instance—only so far—as to secure its stability

Lewis," dec? of Clncinatti, then "Superintendent of Com, Schools, in Ohio, & Professor M? Guffy, the renowned author of the School books, our Reformer proved for them "that a child, by being taught 2 languages—learns to understand each one better, than when learning only one thereof,"

228

& permanence,—a germ,—centre or foundation—upon which to graft—

or add—every species of facilitation to the culture of man—from

the infant School to the College or University,—from the Gymnasium

to the "école politechnique,"— He knew besides,—in as much

as all the Institutions of higher learning now in the world—were

under the thumb—either of Governmental or sectarian, hence everywhere—

"Conservative influence,"—the most gifted & freest minds could

no where feel really at home—in any of them;—& no sooner would

an opening offer, like the one here spoken of—than they would

hall its advent with jubilant delight—& be ready to lend their

best forces for raising it upwards.

Such & kindred considerations engaged the good will of our

Reformer—for the proposed Scheme,—which additionally—he looked

upon as "a movement of Providence" towards the very point—wherein

his highest aspirations & best affections were centered.

The convention,—by the influence of 3-4 men, calm, practical

& firm—like our hero, gradually becomes not only sedate & orderly,

but finally even harmoniously unanimous—upon a few great points,

& dropping all that were unessential,— They constituted themselves

a permanent body, to convene annually—if chosing,—but at any rate

once—biennially,— They elected Officers—to act as a "Central

Executive Committee" during vacation, & carry out the resolutions & designs of the Convention, Fr, J, Grund—was chosen Pres^, our

Reformer—Vice Pres]”, & a Mr, Speyerer—treasurer,—of this Committee,

& some minor Officers were added,—all elected unanimously,—

Immediately after this step, the Central Committee authorized

229

its treasurer to purchase the "Seminary building" in Phillipsburgh,

in accordance—with the propositions, above mentioned as made

by the Beaver Delegation. There was some cash needed to be advanced—

for carrying into effect this resolve,— The reformer made that

advance—to show to the rest—that he had faith in the scheme—

& thereby inspired them with his own faith,—

About a month or 6 weeks after the Conventlon~"Grund" went to Europe, & it became now the duty & place of Reformer, as Vice-PresF,

to see to the Interests of the new Organization & its designs,—

This matter was attended to with such a will & energy—all around—

& upon all occasions,—that the prospect of the enterprize in

a short time began to look very flattering.

When returning from the Convention at Pittsburgh, towards

the close of Oct., ("37,") our Reformer—proceeds by way of "Warren,"

TrumbullICo,, 0,—where he takes two good practical—printers,

Hy. Hawrecht & Chs, J. Wink, who are exposed there to the horrors

of ruin & starvation, by the hand—& offers them the partnership-

in his now extensive—& firmly founded establishment. The offer

is accepted with deepest gratitude,—& at once carried out;—for

when Reformer reaches home, he sends his>own team—from one of

his farms—to Warren—to hawl the new partners and their effects

to their new home at Canton, These partners gladly agree—to

take the care and charge of the practical part of the business—

altogether upon themselves; which gives our hero a liberty of

activity—the like of which he had as yet not enjoyed since his

connexion with the business of printing.—

230

25.) 1838;6?—April 28,—during father’s absence on a journey,

d *th 68Maria, 3. daughter—& 7= child—is bom to these parents, —In

a month or two afterwards—Reformer writes the little treatise

on "American Popular Education," —(of which a printed pamphlet

Copy—in German and in English—it is at present designed, if found practicable—to be sent to M? Emerson—when sending this

present Manuscript,) which was first delivered to a large German

audience, at a public meeting in Canton, & enthusiastically received. Next it was again delivered in German, in Oct,, to the 2? German

Convention—at Pittsburgh, submitted to their Criticism—& the work

offered to them—as a contribution—of its author—for the benefit

of the Seminary, The lecture & its gift was received with—& seemed

to engender—a most joyous & profound enthusiasm, as the report

of the Conv, Com., printed on the 3 page of the pamphlets cover,

clearly indicates,— The treatise was next delivered—as a "lecture

in English,"—at the largest & most influential "Educational Convention"

ever held in Ohio, namely at Columbus,—in Nov, "38," shortly after 69"Wilson Shannon"s first inauguration as Governor of the State,

he being selected as the presiding Officer,—and on which occasion—

Professor Stowe, (husband of the Lady—since then—become so renowned

by her pen,) who, some years before, under Governor Lucas—had been

appointed—to make a trip to Europe—for the purpose of examining 70the School Systems of Germany,—& especially that of Prussia,—

made his report.

The best talent of the State participated in that Convention,

and Reformer’s lecture was listened to with profound attention—

231

& seemed to create much of an impression,— By this time the

influence of Reformer in the State of Ohio, had become greater

than that of any individual in the State, a.) In his County &

District—his word was law, as it had been ascertained—that his

counsel—always proved best, b.) His paper,—by its lofty abstinence—

from all petty partizan manoeverings,—& advocacy of great & important

principles & measures only, had acquired not only a circulation

in all parts of the State—(& in many the States around & further

West,) but exercised an influence upon the Democratic party—that

was most benign & salutary, as a few facts—soon will indicate,

c.) Even before the question of the "School teachers’ Seminary"

had been started—our hero was the most popular man amongst this

Germans—throughout the Country, but since his energetical promotion

of that object,—cherished by them all—more or less,—they were

even proud of having such a man to boast of. The democratic knew

this, and knew therefore also,—that when Reformer spoke in its

Conventions, there was no other man present—backed by such numbers

like that Speaker, d.) But separate from all this party influence,

our hero, by the great principles propagated in his Almanac upon

& amongst the.whole people without distinction of & to—party,—

had a standing in the affections & esteem of the people—-of the

like of which, no other public or political man—had any share.

For all those thousands that read his Almanac, felt convinced—

that a man who entertained such exalted principles—could be no

further a political partizan—than merely because he had prospects

for using the party machinery to reach "some good aim," as a means

232

to "a higher,"—which he saw no way,—to secure equally soon in

another manner.

The opinions entertained hy the people of our hero & his

Almanac—may be Inferred from the following few samples: 1,) A

merchant, above Piqua, Miami Co, Ohio,—in purchasing about 3/4

Gross, (9 doz.) of Almanacs of Reformer—somewhere about this

time—remarked: "such an Almanac like your’s ought to be supported,—

every man ought to buy it,—for it is every man's best Interest—

to have such principles prevail—as you propagate."— 2.) Meeting—

a Methodist preacher—at the public house where they both were

stopping—at Uniontown, Stark Co., 9 Miles from Akron (now Summit Co,, 0.) the Rev^ Gentleman was desirous—of seeing the contents

of the Almanac which had become so boundlessly popular. He was

gratified. And after attentively reading—the Article contained

in that year’s issue, he handed the copy back to Reformer with the

remark: "All therein said is as true as holy writ.”

3.) Kitchen & Jordan—large merchants of Piqua—sold annually

great quantities of this Almanac, Supposing that Reformer’s adroit

urbanity—in accomodating Itself almost intuitively to the individuality

of all dealing men, & thereby getting them all—with ease to buy

his Almanac, was as much the cause of the Almanac's unprecedented rsuccess than any other: Well-meaning M, Kitchen, thinking to confer

a great—& well merited compliment thereby upon our hero,—Introduces

him—every year—when calling with his Almanacs—to the friends

that happen to be around him, regularly with these words: ”mF ---I make you acquainted with mF K,, the best business man in the

233

whole State of Ohio,” 4.) Somewhere about "38"---or 9"—our hero,

met—a Adelphi, Ohio, at the public house, Gen, Murphy, of Chillocothe,

appointed some years afterwards—by John Tyler, as Charge to Texas,

The General not knowing his person, but learning that he was selling

Almanacs, Inquired "What Almanac.he was selling?" The Reformer

handed him one of the "Canton" Almanacs," upon which, as soon as

Murphy saw it, he pointed to its Author’s name, saying (without

suspecting or ever learning to whom he was speaking): "That man

is one of the best informed men—in all these United States,"—

Such was the light in which our hero was regarded by the

people generally, when the following two opportunities arose to

test the strength of his political standing and influence in his

own party,— Under the Whig rule of Gov. Vance,from-'from Oct,

"36" to Oct. "38,"—that party had not only changed the old School

Law,—never very popular in the State, but by the innovation of

creating the new Office of "School Superintendent, with $1200

Salary attached to it,—had given cause to such deep hostility

to the whole System, that with great numbers—a desire prevailed—

to sweep the whole thing overboard.

Our Reformer was apprized that a powerful move was just at

the point to be made to this effect, & hence hastened to be on

the Spot, The leading & Strongest men in the party, including

Shannon, the Governor, laid great weight upon Reformer’s views

& counsel, & sought it therefore in this matter, before permitting

the legislature to drag It into public action. The counsel of

our hero, which was literally adopted & carried out, was as follows:

234

1.) The School Law—& System—itself—must he saved, otherwise—

you will break your own necks—sooner or later, 2ly.) to save

it, requires the following 2 measures: a,) You must throw the

Office of Superintendent overboard—as that will appease the most

clamorous of its ennemies, & receive the approbation of moderate

men, as the creation of the Office was untimely, & can as yet—

affect no real good, b.) Then you must amend the school law in

such manner, to do justice to German or other adopted Citizen’s

School districts, where in town’s or other localities“they are

closely settled In sufficient numbers—to avail themselves of the

law to secure their rights,— The counsel thus given for the time

being, & literally carried out by the subsequent action of the

legislature,—was communicated to hardly over half a dozen individuals,

& so privately—that the Counsellor never dreamed that any one

out of that small Cycle knew any thing about it.

He was therefore not a little, yet at the same time not unpleasantly

surprised, when Judge Wm, Johnston, who in the Session of ’'38-9'’—

was a member of the "Ohio Legislature" from the County of Carroll,—

& in was the Whig Nominee as Candidate for Governor, declared

at a Stump Speech held in Canton—to his friends that year,—"That

to their Democratic fellow Citizen Peter K,, the Credit was due—

of having saved the School System of the State, when no one else *

could have saved it!"

* \It is perhaps proper here to State: 1.) That when Judge Johnston made the Speech containing this declaration,—Reformer— knew nothing of his presence in town, was therefore not present at the meeting, & only learnt the preceding from those attending,

235

The next trial of Speed & bottom—occurred in the following

manner—at one of the public Conventions, usually held by the +HDemocratic party of Ohio, at Columbus, on the 8= of January.

Thomas Morris, one of the Senators—in the U.S. Senate, from Ohio,—

had,—some time before—introduced into the Senate—a String of

resolutions—directing the Judiciary Committee—of that body—to

investigate / Sheet N° 14 / the legality—under the Constitution—

of the "Domestic Slave trade,’’—carried on between the various

States of the South, & report thereupon. John C. Calhoun, mounted

these resolutions on the spot, declaring them as "Abolitionism

in disguise," but confessed & admitted at the Same time—"that

the present was the most philosophical form—in which that Spirit

had ever appeared,"— Calhoun—at that time, was acting with

the Whig—& against the Democratic party. Nevertheless there

were quite a number—of pretended zealous Democrat—who were ready

to punish Morris for his "temerity" in running ahead of his party,

and disgrace & brand him publicly as an Abolitionist.— This

was to be effected at the public Convention,—where Morris—claiming

a hearing—in defence of his course,—was not only to be denied

that privilege—but was to be "hustled out"—"sans ceremonie &

sans merci6."—

Accordingly—no sooner did Morris rise to address the Convention,

when no less a personage than Samuel Medary, Editor of the Stateman

some of whom—expressed an agreable surprise—at hearing the matter, 2.) Since "1841—or 2"—Reformer & Judge Johnston have personally never seen or spoken one another, nor had they communication in writing or any other way;—& at no time, before or after "41," did J,, learn this matter of our hero,—

236

& State-printer (recently appointed by Buchanan as Governor of

Minnosota,)^ with half a dozen of Assistant belchers—sprung

to their feet, vociferating: "hustle the Abolitionist out!"—

But when our hero rose to his feet—& in "calling the noise-makers

to order," addressed the chair—in a few calm—but firm remarks,—

vindicating the "great principle of free speech & discussion,"—

& the sacred duty of a true "Democrat" also "et audiri altera

pars" —there was not a man found in the vast assemblage~that

had the heart to oppose one word to what he said,—& Tom, Morris,

had at least the satisfaction, to vindicate & explain his course—

in his own way—undisturbedly—in a Speech of some 20 Minutes,

26,-) 1839. In February. Our hero takes his first tramp to "Washington"—

the "City of magnificent distances,"—not so much for "seeing the 77Elephant"'' on his own score, than laying the ground work for

pushing his "Teachers* Seminary*’ as quickly as possible—ahead

by some adroit movements.— He arrives at the Capital about 8

or 10 days—before the adjournment of the Congressional Short

Session, & has hence yet a fair chance to see & hear the "cracked

great guns" of the nation—in both houses,—fulminate their "discharges"

towards one another.— He finds hosts of friends—wherever he

goes,—who say "they're exceedingly glad to see him."— After

spending a few preliminary days in this manner, Col, Allen, one of

the U.S. Senators—from his State,' one evening took our hero

to the "White house,"—& introduced him to "President Van Buren,"

The Chief Magistrate of the great nation received his guest not

only with his usual gentle & urbane courtesy,—but it became evident—

237

before long—that he felt a particular pleasure in conversing

with the "new man,"—for he urged him—to let "him have as much

of his time, whilst staying in the City, as he could spare!"—

As the invitation was undisguisedly sincere,—a visit of an hour

or two was paid the President during most of the days—our hero

remained in the City, which was about 4-6 days after the adjourning

of Congress,

At these "tete a tete" meetings with the man who—by friend

& foe—was considered & called the greatest political "Magician"

of the day,—our hero soon discovered the man's simple secret of

success. It was not "cunningness," as had been charged—& generally

believed, but "Strong—sound Common Sense"--basing its operations

upon a "clear sighted perception of the world as it is,"—which

constituted the wand of the victorious "Wizard,"— Instead of

cunning & reserve—the President was as open hearted and cordial

towards his new guest—on all questions discussed, as if they had

been on terms of intimacy for years. Our hero had never expected

to find "worshippers of Ideas," amongst so called "politicians

or Statesmen," and therefore never measured these men,—by the

absolute scale of Reason, Hence he did not expect to find Van

Buren the solitary exception to the Uniform experience he until

then—had made amongst the great number of political men with

whom he had come In contact,-- But adjudged--by the law of Criticism,

so judiciously carried through in "English Traits,"—Van Buren

will, when compared with contemporary Statesmen, come out ahead

in such comparison, precisely like England carries the palm over

238

all other actual States of history. In which verdict, it is understood—

per se—that both fall short of the "ideal measure" in about the same—

or even a worse ratio,—as John the Baptist comes short of the

attributes appertaining to the least member of God’s Kingdom,

(Matth. 11,11, Luke 7.28.)

Mr, Van Buren seemed to find not only much pleasure in his

intercourse with our hero, but raised the interest of quite a

number of public men to a pitch high enough—to seek a nearer

acquaintance with the "interesting Stranger." For John C. Forsyth

(Seer, of State), Levi Woodbury (Seer, of the Treasury,), John D.Gilpin, (Attorney Gen}) & Count de Marechall, Austrian Ambassador,—

79pressed him urgently to visit them at their homes.1 Paulding

(Seer, of the Navy) he saw at the President's house,--* Amos Kendall,

(Post Master Gen.) at his Office,—Poinsett (the Seer, of War)

ROwas absent from the City. —Reformer had brought a few lines

from Columbus,—to John C, Calhoun, In delivering than one day— to the "great Nulllfier"^ at his dwelling on "Capitol Hill,"—

the South Carolina Senator received him with a cordiality—as if

he had been an old & intimate acquaintance. On compring Notes

afterwards—with others—who were acquainted with Calhoun—it

was found—that the man was very easy of access,—courteous to

all—* uncommonly open & frank in his intercourse,—

But no man was more rejoiced—to meet our hero at the Capital—

than his "ancient friend" Gen. Geo. M, Keim, M.C,, from Reading,

(the Berks Co., district, Pa.) who left no means unemployed,—to

render his brief stay as pleasant & agreable as it could be made.—

239

The incidental presence of another individual—very friendly

to our hero, rendered his hours additionally.agreable, This was• ft?Judge Jon, M, Woodside, at that time Charge d’Affaires to Denmark,

Woodside was a resident of Chillicothe, 0,, where Senator Allen—

also had his home, About 3-4 days—after our Reformer’s Introduction

to the President, Senator Allen & Judge Woodside—paid a Visit

to Van Buren,—& after some general conversation—the attention

of the 3 men became directed—towards the "new man from Ohio,"--

& on inquiring the President’s views—upon their fellow Citizen,

Van Buren told Allen & Woodside: "That there Kaufmann of your's—

is a man of most extraordinary abilities!"— On visiting Sen.

Allen next day, he said to our hero: "M, K,, the President seems

to entertain a highly favorable opinion of you!"— Several hours

afterwards Woodside came to Reformer, stating that he had something

to tell him. On inquiry—"what it was?" He replied—"I know

you too well—friend K,, to believe that any thing that people

may say of you can make you vain,—& therefore must tell you— what the President has said of you to M? Allen & myself;" whereupon

Woodside—stated the above—as the words used by M, Van Buren

on the aforsaid occasion.

In returning home from Washington, our hero went by Baltimore

& Philadelphia, spending some days—in each City—very pleasantly—

In the company—partly of new—& partly of old & "approved" friends,

which latter he had not seen since "1832,"—

27.) 1840.—A year marked variously—by the active impress

of our hero.—

240

The Spirit of Nativism began to make a "great Stir,"—and,

what was a new phenomenon in the political field, seemed to gain

as many proselytes—from the ranks—of the so called "Democratic

party,"—as from any of the various other political factions.

To the spreading of this narrow—detestable Spirit,—our Reformer—

conceived it his duty to prescribe "some bounds,"— The mode of

accomplishing It, was all "cut & dried" in his own head, & he

felt next to sure, beforehand, of realizing the thought—in every

main feature.

Besides,—several other matters, essential to the progress

of the favorite "Teacher’s Seminary," rendered another trip to

the "East"—almost a matter of necessity—this Spring; hence 3

different Items, conspired to favor one another. These were:

a.) The procuring of a Charter—for the Seminary, from the Legislature

of Pennsylvania, in order to enable the German Convention, as a

legal body, by medium of Trustees, to hold the property—necessary

for the existence and continuance—of the institution, b.) The

raising of funds for paying for the Seminary Building; & c.) The

aformentioned erection of a Dam—against the over flooding of

"Nativism."

Conformable to this Programme, our Reformer laid his groundworkAV

for its execution at the 8= of January Democratic State Convention,

at Columbus—1.) by introducing a strong and emphatic resolution

against "Nativism" into that body, & getting it adopted & passed—

"unanimously" by enthusiastic acclamation; 2.) he next had only—

to indicate his wish—to the delegation of his Congressional District,

241

to be "its Delegate" to the National Democratic Convention, to

be held—at Baltimore, on the approaching 4 = of May, prox., for

nominating Candidates for President & Vice-President of the U. States;—

for that was the place, where he designed of carrying the blow

against nativism, at which it should neither laugh,—nor very soon

forget its impression,— These preliminaries—all perfected,—

to a T, our hero, after providing himself—with all the papers—

in any wise necessary—for carrying either of the afornamed 3

Items,—he started for "Harrisburgh," somewhere about the middle

of March, & reached the place precisely "10 days" before the adjournment

of the Legislature,

Doc, Schmoele, Lawyer Keemlee, & Tobias Beehler, backed by

all the Germans of Philadelphia, & many men of influence of both

political parties—had been urging the Legislature of Pennsylvania—

all Winter, to give them the desired "Charter for the Teachers*

Seminary," But all—to no effect, & when our hero arrived at

the "Key-Stone Capital,"—the Bill was barely printed, but had

otherwise not progressed one step—in being matured into a law.

Now, there being but 10 days of the Session left, where & when—

as usual—matters are pressed & hurried—from every quarter: no

person, out of himself, had an idea—that our hero—by any possibility—

could get a mere bill passed into a law, requiring yet all the

technical pruning & formalities,—of 2 bodies of men—which usually

require considerable of time for their majorities to agree—upon

any subject whatever,—

But some men can do—what others cannot. Our Reformer—well

242

armed with letters from men of influence—of both parties--in favor of the measure,—having, besides the Governor (Porter,)^ quite a

number of influential men—at his command,—knew & understood

to ply all his forces so well and timely, that he got his bill

passed into a law—just the very afternoon, preceding the morning

when the Legislature adjourned,— Getting Francis R, Shuuk, then

Secretary of State (since: Governor & defunct,) to furnish him

a copy of the law—certified by the Seal of the Commonwealth, our

hero next morning started for Philadelphia, So little had success

been expected—by any friend of the measure in that City, that

when our hero—told his friend Doc, Schmoele—"that the Charter

was secured,"—he would not believe it at first, thinking Reformer

was joking, (though he never does,) not knowing him sufficiently,—

until the certified & sealed Copy was brought forth,—handed over,—

& with a wondrous stare—ascertained to be a sober reality. The

spreading of the fact caused quite a joyous sensation amongst

the Germans of Philadelphia,

After some little rest in the City of "brotherly love," our

hero started for Washington City, where he designed to accomplish

some pecuniary transactions—in favor of the now "incorporated

Seminary," He had, until then,—amongst his personal & political

friends, with his own personal subscription of $50, raised nearly

one thousand dollars cash money—for the institution. And—at

his present trip to Washington—he got about one hundred, with

the promise of getting a good deal more thereafter,— Calling

upon the President & members of the Cabinet—he was received with

243

the cordiality of an ancient friend,—& after a pleasant sojourn

of 10-12 days,—the time approached for the holding of the Convention

at Baltimore,

When that conspicuous body, held its first meeting to organize,—

our hero, of course, was present. But knowing—that such men as

Felix Grundy & Gen, Armstrong of Ten., R. J, Walker (recently

appointed Gov. of Kansas, by Buchanan,) & W, R. King, of Al?,A

(died after elected as Vice Pres, with Pierce,) Gov, Brown, of

Miss., 0. T. Butler, of Ky,—& Governors & Ex-Governors, M,C,S

s& Ex M.C. to any amount—constituted its members: his impression85at first was,—that such men generally knew "Jefferson’s Manual" 7

by rod; consequently the progress of organizing—would be as simple—

as speedy,—& no new, raw, green, "outside barbarian," could, amongst

such a Crew—Stand a chance "to shine," in an way, so far as "parliamentary

rules" were concerned.

Such were the impressions of our hero, when the body was about

to organize. All at once, after the temporary Officers had taken

their seats, some one in the crowd made a certain motion, which

was readily seconded & past. After it another motion followed

& passed equally quick,—& in the same manner two or three more.

Our hero had watched every one of these motions—as they arose;

for—he had expected that when the 3" was made, it would be quite *fch "fchanother—than it turned out, & so with the 4= & 5~,--f°r instead

of producing the looked for "organizing order,"—it now began

to be clear as day light to every body—that the Convention,—

by these motions had got itself into a most perfect "cul de sack,"—

244

& unless piloted out by some "shrewd driver,"—would be at a complete

"Stand-Still,"—until crawfished into clear space,—by the ridiculous

proceding—of undoing its steps—by various reconsiderations,—

When the last resolution was past, all seemed to look for some

one to bring forth something—that would lead them out of the scrape.

Our hero saw—that something, & addressing the chair, brought it forth

as his motion. His idea was caught—by 2 or 3» for his motion, as soon

as expressed—received that many seconders. No sooner—was that motion

adopted, when he followed it with another, the drift of which became so

clear to all—that it drew out a whole dozen of "I second the motion’s,"

and one single other move now remained, visible to all—how to make, &

then the entaglement was disentangled—& the path was smooth & clear.~

Thls apparently trifling incident—had this important effect, that

it drew the eyes of the Convention upon our Reformer, in a matter,—in

which—it never had entered his own mind,—that he could shine in such

a crowd. For although he had,—during some unemployed evenings, pending

his Almanac trips, several years before, gone to the instructive trouble

to translate "Jefferson’s Manual" into German,—whereby the leading

principles of the parliamentary law—fastened themselves into his memory:

yet he never had imagined—that his chiefly theoretical knowledge, could

or should ever be called into actual practice—in a body of men—that

had served in legislative organizations—from A to Z,

After the convention was duly organized, our hero, had no difficulty

of being placed—by his "Ohio Delegation," upon any Committee—in which

he chose to act. He was therefore appointed "the member" from his State

upon the "Committee on Resolutions,"—for It was here were "his labor"

245

was "to tell."—

When the various members of the Committee on Resolutions/ o / t* 86convened together, / Sheet N= 15. / M, Gillett, M.C, from New York,

acted as Chairman, After 5 Resolutions, has been adopted,—our

Reformer—proposed Resol, N= 6, "declaring a National Bank—unconsti­

tutional and inexpedient &c." This Resolution was somewhat opposed8*7by Judge Galbraith, the member from Pa,, but was, nevertheless— (

adopted,— After others had brought in Resolutions N==® 7 & 8,—

our hero, finally—brought out Resol, N° 9, designed—as his great

blow on narrowhearted Nativism, in the following words:

"Resolved—that the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson

in the Declaration of Independence,—& sanctioned in the Constitution,

which makes our's the land of liberty & the Asylum of the Oppressed

of every nation: have ever been Cardinal principles in the Democratic

faith; and that every attempt at curtailing the privilege—of becoming

Citizens and the owners of soil among us,—ought to be resisted

with the same spirit, which swept the alien & Sedition laws from

our Statute books."

When presenting this resolution to the Committee, its author

remarked: "that it was true,—that until now,—the Democratic

party had never—any where—expressed in terms—the principle

of the above resolution;—yet, on the other hand, it was equally

true—& clear—that that party—on all proper occasions, had acted

out,—that very same principle, & in justice to—& consistency

with—itself—it was bound to do so so hereafter. And that the

time had now arrived—where it was necessary to express that—

246

as an openly acknowledged rule of action, what until now, had been

only one of silent understanding & implied assent,"88Senator Nicholas, (U.S. Senate, recently dying,) the member

from Louisiana, opposed the resolution on the ground, "that many

Democrats of his State—were tainted with "Nativism," and—in

case we should adopt this principle openly, they would take offence—

& leave the party,"— Reformer replied: "that such men—did not

belong any longer to the party, & if permitted to stay in it would

do it infinite injury. For the adopted Citizens needed only to

see—that these their ennemies were courted & sheltered by the

party—that received its most reliable & enduring strength from

their unswerving support: than they would abandon it, en masse,

which would amount to a tenfold greater loss, than now to part

with the few grumblers—tainted with Nativism,"—

Several members of the Com,, the one from North Carolina,

& 2 from the West here arose—advocating the Resolution,—& its

timeliness;—whereupon—Nicholas,—dropt his opposition, & it

was unanimously adopted by the Committee,—and when reported with

the rest to the Convention, the whole was passed by acclamation.

There was much in the various transactions of that Convention—

in which our hero—participated, & participated so successfully—

that before the close of its labors, there was no man on its floor—

that commanded an equal influence in that body. A simple incident

will prove this a fact. Governor Hill of New Hampshire, (who had

been honored, by the appointment of temporary.Chairman, when theOn

Convention organized,) 7 & Samuel Medary—of (Columbus,) Ohio,

247

(the very man rebuked in Tom. Morris* case,) two men long before

known to the nation—as wielding each an extensive political influence

in the ranks of their party,—wanted 2 certain measures brought

before,—& if possible without disturbing its harmony—to be passed

by the Convention, The one was the appointment of a "U.S. Democr.

Central-Committee,"—(a measure then existing in all the Separate

States, but no such body being extant acting for the whole Union,)—

& the other was "a recommendation by the Convention of the (then)

weekly Globe—as a Campaign paper. Instead of bringing these

measures themselves before the Convention, most of whose members—

Knew their names,—if not persons,—as familiar ones—for years

past: they came to our hero—& besought him,—a man new in name

& person, to the large body of the Convention, to do the thing

for them. Oh his inquiry: "Why they did not do it themselves?"

They replied: "Their hands were not as unfettered as his!"—

Well, he brought the propositions before the Convention, & it

soon became visible—that he could get them passed—by an overwhelming

majority, though Gov. Brown, of Miss,, & several other Southern

men, opposed them. When Hill & Medary saw this Southern Opposition,

they came to Reformer—& desired him—to retreat, as they did not

want the measures passed—by force of numbers.— That retreat—

of withdrawing the measures from the action of the body—was effected

with such opportune adroitness, that its accomplishment drew a

shout of jubilant exclamation from the whole Convention, After

the Convention was over, Reformer proceeded to Philadelphia.

Arriving at that City, he was immediately waited upon, by

248

a Committee of the German Citizens of the place, headed by his

personal friend Doc. Wm, Schmoele,—informing him, "that they

desired his Company at a public meal,—giving them some small

opportunity—to express the regard they felt—for the unflinching

constancy—he displayed in pursuing to secure the great blessings

of an improving education to all his fellow Citizens."

Our hero told his friend & the Committee "that he felt disinclined

towards demonstrations of the Kind,—as his acceptance might give

cause to some—to misconstrue his motives."—

"If that is all the objection," replied his friend, "I will

take all the consequences of your acceptance upon myself,— For,—

do not dream—my good friend,—that your unheralded course in

doing good actions—is entirely unwatched!— For if no one observes

it—I do,— Why—here is your latest act in Baltimore alone,—

a matter so great & beneficent—so noble & humanitary—that not

only all the emigrants—from all countries—already in—& yet

hereafter to come, but the whole country Itself—is forever made

your debtor by engrafting that great measure—as an avowed principle—

upon the creed of—the real National party of this people."—

Whereupon Reformer replied: "It gave him joy to perceive—

that his friend understood the true value of the Resolution—which

he had induced the Convention to place In its platform. For the

act of publicly placing it there,—was, for an enduring political

party—the same thing,—as when a Church or religious Denomination—

publicly inserted—a certain dogma into its Cathechism or articles

of creed. For a principle thus adopted & expressed—becomes identical

249

with the life essence of the body avowing it,—& only ceases to

be, when the body is radically changed—that is—dissolved,—

Hence, the future will show, what he foresees now,—namely, that

every Democratic National Convention, hereafter held, will be

necessitated—to reassert the principle—by retaining the Resolution

as a permanent plank in its platform. And,--there was—moreover—

yet a possibility, though somewhat remote, that the Whig party—

either from rival competition for the foreign vote, or pressed

by the adopted Citizens now in its ranks, might be compelled—

to publicly adopt a similar resolution; & if so,--the Nativist

faction would be placed between 2 racking fires & could hardly

escape utter annihilation. If that consumation was accomplished—

it would fulfil the whole of his external expectations in the

premises; if not, he felt fully satisfied with that accomplished

portion, which it had been his good fortune to secure,—as he

had good reasons for considering & believing it—to be one of

the most important acts of his whole life. Seeing himself thus

correctly understood by his friend & fellow Citizens, he would

drop his objection, & be at their service—at any time—mutually

convenient,"xv

Accordingly on May 12 , , a Select Company of some 2-300 German

Citizens, with a goodly number of other guests, convened towards

evening—at Zimmermann’s Hotel—in Market Street, presided over— by Major Dan, M. Keim, assisted by Tobias Beehler, EsqJ,—& enlivened

by the German "Sanger-Chor,"— After a choice collation, Reformer

was toasted,—by the Company, whereupon he delivered an Address

250

in German, which was received with unbounded joy—& exuberant

enthusiasm, (it was afterwards printed in the papers, & is duly

preserved,—containing many useful thoughts.)At its close, Rev} Henry Ginal—arose, & addressed Reformer,—

thanking him in the name of community in most flattering expressions,—

protesting at the same time,—that his language was inadequate—

to duly express the sentiments of gratitude they all felt to be

due him.—

On the evening before his departure for home,—the "Sanger

Chor,"—brought our hero a beautiful serenade, at the house of

mF Feuring, Piano-Manufacturer, in Chesnut Street,—When arriving in Pittsburgh,—the Germans there—offered

similar demonstrations; he however declined every thing public,

& met them—in a circle of friends—privately convening.

After being a Short time at home, the printers of the place

informed him, that on the 237 of June, they designed celebrating

the 4= Centennial Anniversary of the invention of the Art of

printing,—& that—by a Committee, they would call upon him—to

deliver them an Address upon the occasion. That address was delivered,—

& a Copy thereof—is herewith enclosed,—in the Columns of the

"Stark Co,, Democrat" of July 6, 1840. —

At his return home, Reformer—found some trouble existing

in his family, which it took him a good deal of time & labor—

entirely to reconcile, as it was truly of a delicate nature.

Before leaving home,—Lydia, his oldest daughter,—between whom

& her Music Teacher, H. J. Nothnagel—an ardent affection had

251

mutually been contracted,—had with the consent & in presence

of—her parents—made to her said lover--* he to her—a formal

engagement—or mutual promise of marriage.— Reformer had agreed

to this arrangement—with the understanding,—that, as soon as

his daughter should have mastered certain branches of Knowledge,—

which he deemed essential to complete the necessary part of her

education, the solemnization of their marriage might take place,—

whereby—it was measurably made dependant on her own industry

& progress, how soon the desired event was to take place.

During her father’s absence to the East—Mother & daughter

fell out,—whereupon—advised & influenced by third parties,—

the impatient young people went into Pennsylvania, & got themselves

married there. The mother, for a good while, was unforgiving,

and at times—got excited to an uncommon degree of passion,—for

which however, as the sequel will show, she had to pay rather

dearly,— Patience, & imperturbable calmness on the father’s

part, finally brought mother & daughter again together.—

In the beginning of November, Reformer’s wife gave birthto their 8^ Child, a boy, their 5=h son;—being the first of

their children—entering the world in an enfeebled, if not diseased

State, as the visible & terrible consequence of its mother's excited

passions during pregnancy. Providence had the kindness—to take . 91the little sufferer away—after breathing merely 5-6 days.—z

28.) 1841, In Spring, Reformer buys out Hawrecht & Winks',—

his partners' interest in the printing establishment,—& places

Nothnagel, his son in law, in their place, Lydia gives birth

252

to Peter Kaufmann Nothnagel, her first born, making her father—

a grandfather,

29. ) 1842,—Aug, 12, Reformer transfers his German Newspaper

to Nothnagel's entire control; whereby he lessens the business

load on his own shoulders very materially.

When, as usual, he reaches Cinclnatti this Winter—with his

Almanacs,—his arrival there is hardly known—when Henry Roeder,

Editor of the Volksblatt, sends him a pressing invitation—to

give him a Gall—without delay. No sooner has.-Reformer:entered

his Office, than another Gentleman, (I think Emil Klaubrecht,),

also entered—who soon disclosed himself as being an expert "Lithographer,"

—"Now—friend K," says M, Roeder, "this Gentleman is a goingto take your picture, if you permit," "For what purpose, M? R.?"

"Why,—we have come to the conviction—that you are the most popular

man in the State, & must be our next Candidate for Governor;—for

to elect you—will cost hardly any labor,"— "But—my friend,—

I do not wish to be a Candidate; Judge Wellhouse, Th, Umbstaetter, Esq,

and numbers of others,—have besought me, like you; but I cannot

accept the Offer," "Indeed, you are a singular man; for thousands

would most greedily grasp at—what you so easily reject."— With

some difficulty our hero at last succeeded to pacify his friends,—

& got off from them without becoming "lithographed."

30. ) 1843.—Ultraists—in infidelity & bigotry combine & conspire—

to break down the Phillipsburgh "Teachers Seminary",—after it had

been several years—if not in flourishing, at least—in actual

operation. Our Reformer might prevent its fall—by some uncommon

253

exertions. But even if doing it, it would not remedy an evil-

connected with the enterprize,—which prevents him—of combining

his best ideas with the same, for which he must secure—"fair

play," non-interference & unbounded "sea-room." That, he feels

sure,—he will yet have,—sooner or later,~

31.) 1844, early in Spring. John Tyler—is desirous of being

re-elected to the Office, into which the death of Gen. Harrison

has thrown him. He therefore casts about—& wherever he finds

strong men amongst the Democratic party, yet at the same time

willing to accept Office from him,—he in that way entices them.

In this way—he appoints Gov, Wilson Shannon, Minister to Mexico,—

& poverty & family necessities induce if not compel—Shannon—

to accept the Offer, Tyler has a brother in law—in Columbus,

(0.) a Doctor Miller, Editor of a paper, whose brother is Post

Master of that City,—and these two—assisted by some others with

counsel & advice, manage Tyler's interests in the State, & sometimes

in other States,

These men, about this time, hold one of their conclaves,

in Columbus, at which, unknown to our hero, Judge Woodside, of Chillicothe, & Louis Schaefer, Esqf, of Canton—are present.

In discussing the merits of various public men, it would appear—

that Woodside must have spoken of his friend—(Reformer,) somewhat

in the same strain,—in which he had heard Van Buren, This portrait

thus drawn by Woodside, no doubt was pronounced by Schaefer—&

others present—knowing its original, as in no wise "exaggerated";

whereupon Tyler's brother in law—authoritatively—& indicatively—

to all present—exclaimed: "Why; —a man of that sort—may ask

for almost any thing!"

In consequence thereof, mT Schaefer was speedily dispatched to our hero,—to communicate the above, suggesting that the embassies

to Berlin, Vienna or Frankfort—were now "open & at his command,"

Reformer, thanking him—& all those that had manifested such concern

in his behalf,—very kindly,—told him—that his situation did not

permit him, to make use of the friendly Offer, Mf Schaefer, was

rather surprized—at such answer,—for he even supposes now—that

he could not easily find a second man,—whom it takes only half

a minute to reject a place of honor,—to which—at the same time—

an outfit & salary are attached,—amounting in one single year—

to a greater sum—than our Reformer could realize—by & from the

sale of his Almanacs—in the course of a great many years,—J

32. ) On the 31» of March, this year, Hermann (2.) Stanton,AV AV.9 = Child, & 6 = son,—is born to these parents, a boy of uncommon

q2vigor, (He still continues so, & is now, 13 years of age,)733. ) On the 25^ of Sept,, early in the morning, Walter,

our 2, Son, now a young man of nearly 18 years of age,—was attacked

by a hemorrhage of the intestines, & though medical aid was instantly

at hand, bled to death in less than 25 minutes,

/ Sheet N= 16, / 34.) 1845. In fall, Nothnagel (Reformer’s

Son in law,) is sent out with a lot of Almanacs, which very readily—

he not only sells off,—but in Hebron, Licking Co,, 0,, where he

has not stock enough on hand—to supply the demand of the place,—

the Store Keepers almost get a quarrelling—who is first to have

255

his share of the popular—always saleable Almanac.— Laying in

a new Stock at Columbus, he proceeds to Chillicothe, And here—

M, Miller, one of the first merchants of the place, in a conversation

about our hero, tells him: "that Kaufmann, your father in law—

has a more extensive & accurately precise knowledge of this country,

its institutions & people—than any other man amongst us, no matter

whether native or naturalized,—

Just about this time, 2 other men, in Stark County, made the

following—expressions, about Reformer, indicating the light—in

which people at home—look upon his abilities, a.) Christian Kramer

said: "There is but one Kaufmann, in all Ohio,"— b.) Geo, B. Haas,

said: "We all know that Peter Kaufmann is one of the most Intelligent

men—in these United States."

35.) 1846. Commencing early in Spring—a religious movement

is springing up—in Canton, beginning first amongst the Germans,

& then extending to others,—which at first—& by degrees, offers

great promises—of approaching eventually—the true Spirit of

pristine "Pentecost,"—as it discards all Sectarianism, and seems

to appreciate "the one thing needful."— Reformer—& Nothnagel

(also a species of a many gifted Genius,) make great exertions,

to give this kindled flame—profounder intensity & a proper direction.

But by the fall of the year,—Nothnagel tells his father in law

despondingly: "Father, our principles & aims are all right; but

these here men—we are working with now, are not the proper instruments

to carry them out."

The father feels the truth of the remark, but has as yet—

256

no power—to influence Destiny.

36. ) From the middle of September—until—the beginning of

Summer 184?,—Reformer, by a Special dispensation of Providence—

is made to experience Strange things, of which—he had no knowledge

whatever—before, resembling in essence—the experiences of "Swedenborg,"

but differing widely from them—in their Special nature. These

matters embrace too rich & extensive a field, to be entered upon

in detail here,—as there is now neither space nor time left, to 03

do them even the scantiest justice,—

37. ) 1847,—Aug, from 12, to the 19. There is a Convention

held—at the Trumbull Co,, Phalanx, a Fourierite Association,

where exciting religious, social & philosophical topics are discussed,—

resulting in bringing 13 individuals—to some—very important—

unanimous conclusions. Reformer was present—& if the fact must

be stated—was the Soul of the entire proceeding.— The results

of that manifestation of Sky-fire are still alive & growing,—

38. ) 1848.—August. Reformer was called upon by many good

Democrats & other good people to be present at the Buffalo "Free-Soil"

Convention,—as much of a hope was entertained by many—that that

great gathering might be induced to pronounce in favor of "Land-Reform"

& other kindred measures of radical Reformation.

When the leaders of the "Barnburners" & "Liberty Men,"hold

their primary meeting in the "Old Court House" in Buffalo—to discuss

the principles of mutual approximation,—& the adoption of a common

platform, our hero is there, & makes them a brief pithy Speech,

warning them earnestly against the procreation of "new Shams &

257

humbugs,"—as the people & the times are just beginning to call

for "realities,"—& very soon—with "Sternest voice"—will bid

every thing unreal "to vamose," The little harangue made the

blood Stir—in every bosom where It met the "true liquid,"—

Our Reformer had the listening ear--of B. F, Butler, (the

business head of the Convention,) Preston King, Geo, Rathbun,

Brinkerhoff, & all the Barnburners of any influence;^ he had

likewise many Strong men—amongst the "Liberty" branch--who paid

great deference to his counsel & admonition; yet there was such a

mass of "timid conservatism" prevailing in that body—that they

did not dare to go one step—beyond their old—worn out "Abolition

Commonplaces,"—hardly venturing to give "the homestead"--* every

other thing squinting to the benefit of the "northern laboring

man,"—a faint recommendation,—

Nevertheless the presence of Reformer at that Convention

was valued exceedingly high, especially by those men from Ohio,

who knew his position, station & sphere. Cooper K. Watson, Member

of the last Congress—from the Seneca District, Ohio,—& re-elected

to the next, (commencing its Session in Dec, "57,)’’ went, towards

the closing of the Convention, with Reformer—& another man—to

"Niagara Falls,"—& in Company with "Preston King," after roaming

over "Goat Island" & seeing the "sights" from the tower & other

spots, they return to the Village, & just in front of the Hotel,

they meet "Charles Francis Adams," (Chairman of the Conv., & its Nominee for Vice-Pres^,) and "Charles Sumner,"^ Mr, Watson after

introducing the gentlemen to one another, remarks in alluding

258

to Reformer—"that he preferred seeing him at this Convention,

on the present occasion—in preference to any 50 of the best men

in Ohio, which he were at liberty to pick," Adams & Sumner both

replied: "they had already learned something about him,—having

heard his speech at the old Court-House."—

39.) In "49" & "50," Reformer was much engaged in winding

up all his business matters, as already in "47," he suspended

the publication of the Almanac, or rather—printed in "47"—its

last Edition for "48,"—& then adjourned its continuation—to

a indefinite future.—

40. —1851.—In Spring. Nothnagel—with family—remove to "Cleveland,"—

uniting his paper with the German paper, then existing in that

City, Peter Robert,—Reformer’s oldest living son,—marries Ida

Jeanry, a Swiss young Frenchwoman—from "Neufchatel," immigrated

into this Country—with her father—some years before, & speaking good English,9?

41. ) 1852, In January,—Reformer takes a trip to Cleveland, travelling—

from Alliance in the same car—with "Louis Kossuth," his lady,98Count & Madame Pulsky,"—& the rest of the Magyar’s suite.

The whole party, each individual by turn, seem to take great interest

in conversing, sometime an hour or over—in succession—with Reformer—

in German, French or English, as their preferance may be,— Reformer

is received with unbounded joy—by the various members of his

family—at Cleveland, Remains there 3-4 weeks—& buys a house

on York Street, near Erie, for Nothnagel to move into.— On the ll^1 of Febr?, her 20^= birthday—Louisa, his 2? daughter, is,

259

in presence of her father, married to Chs. Behlen,—a highly gifted

German Refugee, who, having been actively engaged in the late

German Revolution in Rhenish Bavaria & Baden, had—after being

defeated by Prussian interference, to flee to Switzerland, & thence,

some years before the time of his marriage—had crossed over to

America, where, in Cleveland, he was carrying on, at the time— here spoken of—a Grocery Store, securing a fair living.—^9

There are 3 incidents springing up, by his presence at Cleveland,

touching our hero,—which deserve—being noted here: 1.) The

Spiritualists hold a public Convention at the Melodeon, attended

by hosts of people & so called "Mediums'’} (Media.) The gifted Joel R,

Tiffany, a man of uncommon abilities, is the principal Speaker,

Him our hero had personally known—since many years, often being

members together—at their Democr. State Conventions. The meeting

lasts 3-4 days. Reformer is present to hear "Tiffany,"—& "observe

things in Venice,"—without designing to take the least part, in

any of its transactions. Near the close of the 3. day—a "cute"

Scothman rises, whom some call a "Doctor," others a "Professor,"—

and in a reviewing resume of all the doings—of the 3 days meeting,—

charges every speaker's & individual's separate part—totally

to the account of "Tiffany," thereby placing him in a most ridiculous

& inconsistent light, doing the man cruel injustice. This Reformer

could not stand, for he felt—that he could defend Tiffany better,

& more efficiently—than the assailed man could do himself. And

although he stood entirely aloof from their new theory of "Spirit

rapping,"—there were principles concerned & mixed in the present

260

controversy, that were of the highest moment. Reformer therefore

rose to his feet, and had no sooner done, when he was invited to

the Platform, & in a few minutes, the whole vast meeting—was

as silent—that you could hear a pin drop. In a few masterly

touches, the speaker cleared innocent Tiffany of the charges alledged,-

and showed his "Scotch friend & the meeting"—by a novel application

of primary ingredients of perception & thought, that the time is

approaching—where "truth formed into science"—will show man,—

up to now—the victim of misery—"a bee line to heaven" itself,

A singularly benign feeling seemed to take hold of every individual

present in the meeting; even our "Scotch Doctor," had not one

word to oppose in reply, and when,—some hours afterwards—the "daily Herald" appeared, it stated: "This afternoon P, K,, Esqf,

of Canton, one of the most scientific Gentlemen In the West, made

a brief—but most beautiful speech at the Melodeon Convention.

It was indeed the Speech of that body,"—2.) A day or two

after Gov, Kossuth—had made his various Speeches in Cleveland,

our hero was coming down Superior Street, and at the comer of the "Weddell," found two acquaintances—Arnold Lynch, Esqf, (a

Director of the Ohio & Pa,, Rail Road, from Stark Co,,) & Wm, Herrick,

a Telegraph-Operator, engaged in discussing the claims of Kossuth—

as an Orator.— Herrick—maintained—that Kossuth was the "greatest

Orator in the World." To this Lynch replied: "he is only thus

great—in the single field—upon which he moves; take him away—

from his favorite topic of Hungary—upon any other, & we have

men amongst us—that surpass him greatly in true eloquence,"—

261

"But who are they?" inquired Herrick, "I need not go far," replied

Lynch, "to seek them,—for here is one just standing near us,—

our friend K,, who possesses all the qualities—to make good my

assertion; for on every topic—except the peculiar one of Kossuth,—

1^ claim Kaufmann to be a greater Orator than the Magyar."

3.) After coming home from this trip to Cleveland, our hero—

made a journey in the Country of his County, At the little villagej*

of Richville, he visited—M, Zimmerman, a distant relative, Mrs. Z,,

on learning of his trip to Cleveland—with Kossuth,—inquired:

"Well, what kind of a man is he?" Reformer replied: "People

say that he is the greatest Orator in this Country if not in the

world,"— Whereupon the Lady, with an arch smile looked into

Reformer eye—saying: "That might perhaps he true, if a certain

man, called Peter Kaufmann—was not now in this world!

42.) Connected with this matter—is the following incident.

A few evenings before the above trip to Cleveland, in company

with Kossuth,—2 Successive meetings—had been held by the Germans

of Canton, to promote the schemes for raising funds—then in progress 101by Kossuth—for Hungary—& Kinkel—for Germany, At both of

these meetings Reformer was called to the Chair, as also to address

the Audience. A day or two after the Kinkel meeting, Capt. James Allen,

one of the oldest—& best Journalists & Editors in Ohio, (at present

Editor & proprietor of the "Sacramento Transcript, in California,& in former years Ed?, of the "Massillon Gazette,"—"Cin,, Republican,"

& Columbus "State Journal,") successively,) came to our hero—& rinquired: "M, K,, what was the subject of the German Speech—

262

you made the other evening?" "Why—Mr, A,?"— "Well, the reason

why I inquire is this. There is a highly intelligent young German—

in one of the Massillon Drug-Stores, who came, as a political

exile, hut recently to this Country, He was present at the Meeting—

& heard your speech,—& at its close—came to me—inquiring:

"Who you were?"— Stating at the same time—that he had heard—

all the "crack Speakers" in Germany—during the late Revolution102Including "Lichnowsky & the famous—hut unfortunate Robert Blum,"

but that he never—& at no time—heard a Speaker—anywhere—impressing

him as deeply like You, "

42. ) 1853. In January. Visits Columbus, where a few months

before, after selling his Interest in the Cleveland "Germania,"—

Nothnagel had received the appointment as "Professor of Music in

the Blind Asylum,—

43. ) 1854, a.) In June there is a great convocation of the

western German "Glee Clubs" or "Gesang-Vereine," held at Canton,

embracing some 3-400 members from considerable distances. Reformer,—

months before the meetings, is called upon, by the "Canton Leiderstafel"

to write their "invitatory Address" to the "Singers & Artists of

the U.S., to participate in the Celebration, Next, the Singers

& Citizens of Canton conjointly—hold a meeting—appointing Reformer

as "President" of the day—during the festivity. The feast comes

off, & everything connected with it,—with such beautiful order &

general hilarity, that its participants declare,—that such a feast—

they have—as yet—seen nowhere else. It is no mistery—to the public,

nor the Glee Clubs, how, & by whom, this enjoyment, without any

263

drawbacks,—was chiefly brought about. For there is one eye somewhere,

directing the whole management, that seems to see every thing &

every point connected with the huge mass of material,—& however

losely strung together, brings as much order & regularity into

all its movements,—with an ease—as if the whole was only a juvenile

play at marbles.—*thb.) A few weeks later, on the 4 = of July,—the Mechanics

& laboring men of Canton & its environs, hold a Celebration—of

the great National day, at which—Reformer—was pressingly requested—

to deliver them an Oration. He complied cheerfully—with the

request,—& addressed a vast & deeply interested crowd—for about

an hour, whereby a spirit of hope & joy was diffused over the

extended assemblage,—that did not entirely evaporate up to this

very day,— The toasts & proceedings—of the occasion—were published

in the "Stark Co,, Transcript,"--* may raise some Interest at a "future day."10^

44.) 1855.—Reformer—has, for some years past, as often as

he came to Cleveland, had much intercourse—with the late German

political Refugees,—who,—although embracing some well informed

& adroit men—on a certain number of subjects,—yet—taking them

upon a whole—are one sided Ultraists, & as such—no less bigotted

than the ignorant Sectarian—whom they ridicule. Their strongest

men, until now, had to "Knuckle" when coming in contact with him,

a.) Thieme, their "Editor of the Waechter am Erie," after an earnest

discussion, had to acknowledge: "Although at war with all the past

and present, with the principles of this Gentleman (meaning Reformer,)

26b

we might make a compromise,11— b.) Colborn, one of their gun’s,

after getting the whole park of his Artillery—spiked,—remarked—

in an under tone,—to one of his chums: "This man (Ref,) seems

to know almost every thing," c.) Stoppel, a Bohemian, another

of their leaders,—being in a controversy with a so called Democrat—

upon a certain question, when, one day—our hero happened to come

in--& there being a numerous company—eager to hear the true State

of the case, both disputants call upon—Reformer, to act as Umpire,—

each before hand expressing his conviction that the Umpire will

do true justice to all sides. Whereupon the Umpire analyses the

priciples involved in the case—so clearly, but applies them so

unexpectedly to both parties, that Stoppel, overcome by surprise,

exclaims: "Whjr- -Mr, K,, you are / Sheet N° 17. / the greatest

Revolutionist amongst the whole of us!"— "Well—Mr. St." replied

he, "that is what I design—& always have designed—to be!"—

45.) I856, a) In Spring Reformer is desirous of finding a place

for Alfred (the middle of his 3 living sons,) in a Machine Shop

in Cleveland, in which business—the lad had been engaged in Columbus

& Massillon, for nearly 2 years, Levi Rawson, Esq, one of the first

merchants of the "Forrest City," who has known Reformer—for 25

years past, volunteers to drive him in his bugy to the "Cuyahogy

Machine Shop," & introduce him to its manager, a friend of his.

He performs this introduction in the following words & manner,

"Mr, .. I hereby, make you acquainted with M, K,, —every word

he will speak to you—you can rely upon; that is all IE have to

say."— b.) The epistolary correspondence with Preyer, in Germany,

265

is carried on, with great diligence—on both sides. Preyer’s whole

soul is gradually—filled up—by the heaven emanating from great

ideas & noblest aspirations. One day—he makes a deposit of 10,000

Thalers in Bank, receiving at the same moment—a letter from America,

at once perceived to be from Reformer. Whereupon he declares, to his by-standing brother in law, M? Schull of Cologne: "This

here letter of K,, is dearer to me—than all that money!" At

another time he declares: "Rather than permit myself—to distrust

one single word of Kaufmann’s,—I will lose every Copper I_ am

worth."

c.) Finally comes the grand fact—that in the last 3? or

quarter of this year, our Reformer becomes acquainted with the

books,—thoughts & labors—of the great Reformer, whom he is now

addressing,—which fact—has already become the cause,—of penning

down, besides the letters heretofore sent M, Emerson,—the present 17 (may run to 20)* * Sheets, containing the main essence, of a

Biography of 56 years and a half.—

Now it is believed, that our fictitious Gentlemen lawyers,—after

sifting all the facts presented in the biographical Sketch of

the Reformer born on Reformation day, looking calmly upon the

gifts originally bestowed upon him} next, upon the infinitely

diversified School,—in which Destiny developed & educated his

*I had—when writing this Sheet—supposed—it might take

a trifle over 19 Sheets,—& did not—even when beginning it—expect to fill the 20ti> over half or 3/4,—but towards the close—had to manage close—to get all in.

266

rich forces into universal applicability,—& then give due weight

to the fixed bent of his now fully trained volition,--which never—

for a moment has inwardly swerved from God’s revealed great aims

—It is believed, I say, that from all this, in connection with

the 3 facts of the holydays noted on P, 1, Sheet N= 4,, our Lawyers

will grant that Miss Chance—seems to have conspired against the

extant "Status quo" of "Warsovian order. For if our Reformer,

with the trained forces at his command, now only meets—a few

equally sincere & determined men like himself, the great work

is just as good as accomplished. For a thing that is Intellectually

seen, no matter how great or complicated, is by that very sight—

already mentally accomplished, & requires but moderate means, by

the mind so seeing—to realize the thing externally—visible to 104all eyes,—

Now to understand what mystically is prophesied—1.) by allJ

Souls’ day—on Nov. 2., 2.) By all Saints’ day on Nov, 1., 3.)

By Reformation day—on Oct. 31.. 4.) By the fact of a human being—

becoming bom on that very day,—whose innate impulses—are irreversibly

bent upon all-sided Reformation,—& 5.» & finally, that nature

bestowing not only all the great gifts necessary for the important

calling,—but that destiny developing them all to the proper degrees—

& fixing them firmly upon the predetermined aims—in the man so

prepared:—let us properly combine the elements hereby furnished—

into such a compound—as Reason shall be compelled to approve—

& desire to be realized,—

The great wish & aim of God, of Christ, of every good man—

267

is the redemption & happiness of all Souls, There is no redemption

& happiness for except in living a life of truth, which is one

& the same thing with a life of sanctity or purity; not however

such imaginary or "overpowering sanctity," as bigots, fanatics

& priests paint, who do not know what real sanctity is, but such

purity as is consistent with the voice of reason, nature & religion-

combined into one. To reach this aim of the redemption of all

souls, requires a means or force of corresponding power. That

power lies in holy men, or true Saints, whose will, wish and thought—

is one with God’s,— But strong as these men individually are,

& prove themselves so—by the patient power of resistance to the

world, when it presses upon them to conform to its rules:—they have

hardly any power whatever to induce the m"'n ruled & controlled

by the world—to act according to the heavenly precepts—that

constitute their hearts’,law,—

But no sooner will you bring these Saints together,—when

they will constitute the force that alone can & will conquer &

change the world. They alone constitute fit society for one another.

The more you bring of them together, in the same ratio you enhance

the power of every Individual one. The mystical progress of power—

represented in the squares of increasing numbers, is a prophecy

appertaining to the tree & divine Union of the Saints, Hence no

sooner are 2 Saints united, when their power is equal to 4 men;

where there are 3, their power is 9,—where 10,—their power is

100;—where a thousand—their power is a million, & so on,—

The eventual Union of the Saints—& their ruling the world

268

by virtue of that Union, is a prophesied fact in the old & new

Testament, Dan. 7.27, says—that they shall eventually get "the

power, & then keep it forever." This is all the same with the

"Transformation of Genius into practical power,"—for Genius, as

long as true to itself," is pure, sainted & divine. Next, we

find Apocal, 14,1, 144,000 Virgins or Saints gathered around "the

Lamb." A virgin as here understood, is a human spirit, who, like

your perverse Antonys, has cut loose from all human institutions,—

which, as societies of men, are in the Scriptures—denominated

"women"?—a "virgin then is a human spirit—true to its own inner

divine convictions,—& who has never defiled its inmost purity—

by embracing erroneous doctrines & false systems—with that sublimest

affection of the Soul—which ought to be devoted only to God &

his truth.

The principle, in Apo. 14,1, called "the Lamb" is one & the

same thing with "the gun—that does not need another gun,”—for

around that principle—all saints will, as soon as you give them

a chance for doing so,—flock together—like chickens under the

protecting wing of the hen. As soon as these Saints are thus

united,—no matter how small or large their number, you will have

a nation of lovers, of friends, of brothers, of true men. These

men will possess a power to assimilate the rest of the world to

themselves,—whereby gradually—all its souls—will be attracted

to them, become like themselves, that is—true saints & divinely

happy.

Now, if a Reformer fully understands,—first: what it is—

269

that Souls need to he redeemed; next, that he needs Saints, or

holy men,—to secure by their joint co-operation this redemption

of Souls;—thirdly,—that he must know the true mark & sign—that

distinguishes the true Saint from the pretender; fourthly,—that

he must know the ways & means to hunt up, find out and bring together

these Saints; and finally—have under his control all the inducements

required to keep active the motives, & have at command all the light—

necessary to secure a perpetual onward movement in this glorious

carreer: is there any other & further proof needed—that—in being

thus qualified & rigged out: he is divinely appointed & destined

for the great task, written in his Soul with letters of heaven’s

fire?

Within a Reformer thus formed & matured the whole Reformation

to come—may be said to lie ready for birth—successively in all105its separate parts in the same manner completed—in which Minerva,

the moment before her exit,—was supposed to have existed in Jove’s

brain. Hence such a Reformer has only to give external birth

to what lies in actual reality within him; and in attempting doing

so, it will show itself at once, that the order in which apparently

mere—undersigning Chance—has placed the 3 feasts of Reformation,

all Saints, & All-Souls* day—on the 31. of Oct, & 2= & 3= of

Nov=, contains & expresses the very law—under the operation of

which alone the great ultimate end—can & may be reached.

The redemption of mankind means nothing else—than the restoration

of all the broken fragments & tom off limbs—to one glorious &

harmoniously united grand body. Such Union is an actual impossibility

270

between Sinners & Sinners,—& Sinners & Saints, For impure elements

do neither produce an enduring compound by combinations among themselves,

nor does the pure permit them—to combine with it,—or has the

power to do so itself,—

Hence before the All-Souls’ day of man's universal redemption—

can become a possibility, it must be preceded by a force or power

that can effect it. That force or power is to be found in the combined

enduring Union of men aiming at & Striving after the above grand

purpose. Only holy men, or saints—constitute the pure elements

to enter into such a combinatory sacred Union, Children, as long

as uncorrupted, belong to this class of human beings,—fit for

enduring combinations—in celestial friendships & divine love,—*

Before however these Saints or holy men can be fished out —from

the infinite Ocean of impure human beings, where they are now—

as It were—drowned,—& hid from one another—so that hardly any

two of them—have the good fortune to discover one another, there

must be a man,—a Ref ormer,—charged by the powers from on high,—

with this very business—as especially his own. Hence he must

possess all the gifts—whereby he understands this his calling

not only as perfectly as all other craftsmen or artizans—of merit

understand theirs,—but he must be attached to it by love & affection—

so that he may pursue it with the never tiring joy of the amateur

and virtuoso,— As long as no man qualified in this manner—is

*This fishing of men is predicted Ezekiel ch, 4-7,10,—And

was also in express terms practised on former occasions, Marc—1,17,—Luke 5.10.—

271

found upon earth, the poor, suffering, persecuted Saints,—have

no weapon hut "patience, patience & again patience«"—& are told—

Apocal. 6,, 9-11,—"to wait—until the rest of their martyred

brethren—shall have been victimized like themselves." No sooner

however will a Reformer thus qualified appear on earth,—than

his very first thoughts must be directed upon the creation of

a Social Order amongst men—in Unison with Reason, Religion, Nature

& the nature of man. The very first Note of his trumpet—announcing

that he has discovered this great Secret so long sought after &

wished & prayed for,—constitutes the voice from heaven to the

Saints, Apocal. 18., 4, calling upon them: "Gome out of her—

(i.e. the Babylonish confusion now constituting the anarchical

Society of the world as it was & is) my people, that ye be not

partakers of her sins,—& that ye receive not of her plagues."

Hence—there must be—first—a Reformer, (Oct. 31,) next

he gathers the Saints, (Nov. 1,) & they with him assimilate, gather

& redeem all Souls (Nov, 2,) as the great final consumation, realizing

the heaven on Earth—sighed for by the divine prayer: (Matth. 6,10.)

"Thy Kingdom come;—thy will be done, in (Luther: upon)

earth—as it is in heaven."

It is however not sufficient that a man merely claims to be

such a Reformer, but he must also furnish the proof that he possesses

the Attributes indispensable to the Office. The first of this is

such a Knowledge of man’s nature & being—as pierces to its very

core. The following,—an extract from a communication designed

for Preyer, is believed—as being calculated—to afford a fair

272

sample of its nature & Kind,

Scraps—appertaining to a "Millennial Anthropology.(Translation.)

1. ) Man, the individual, is in himself, quite a different

being from that,—as in the outer image of his incarnated personality—

it appears to our Sense of Sight & touch. At the moment of the

Child’s birth—the man dwelling in it, is, as it were, a Spiritual

point of vitality,—which, from moment to moment—proceeds not

only in growth,—but also incessantly—with every thing thus accrueing

to it—moves onward in a line of time, so that at the second in which he reaches his 10^\ 20^, —iOO^1 or more—year: he

possesses within his inner concentrated unity—every thing—which

his Spiritual life-point, (as "a selecting principle,") has gathered

within itself—on its path,—bringing up the whole proceeds—of

the past passage of countable moments—from every preceding'moment

into the last,

2. ) As long as the youthful human being does not forfeit

its innate innocency of heart,—the line of its life point ("that

thought called I"—) as it proceeds "onward" with the Stream of

time,—ascends simultaneously in the same degree—also "upwards"

so that the perceptive & adjudging light within—suffices to lead

man forward in his selections from truth to truth, so long as

he faithfully adheres to this truth. This attribute—as indwelling

within uncorrupted youth—was not hidden from the profound piercing

eye of "Schiller,"—for he beautifully says: "Und was Kein Verstand *

der Verständigen sicht, das übet in Elnfelt ein Kindlich Gemuth!"—

*That—which no Sense of the Sensible (people) perceives,

273

3. ) The ethical line running from this position of juvenile

innocence "upwards"—reaches up to God's own throne,—& proceeds

with God--"eternally onwards & upwards," to ever increasing—more

gloriously outgrowing perfection. The higher man ascends in this

line,—the more he accumulates light, power & goodness. The State

of Innocency is the first, lowermost—or Incipient degree of the

positively-Good; the second degree consists in—& is reached—

when the individual—becoming intellectually of age—taking cognizance

of—& feeling the freedom & power of its will—resolves to aspire

after virtue, or doing God's Will;—& the third degree—sealing

man's destiny forever—isi—when God in his Grace—condescends

to bestow upon man—the indescribable fortune—not to make him

virtuous,—but to transfer the whole of virtue into him—& change

him entirely into virtue. Of this rare condition of being, nevertheless

always existing—here & there—in solitary individuals, (often

found hidden in deepest seclusion,),—where the soul literally

and actually "loves God above all things,"—the clear-sighted,

highly enlightened Taulerus, who was no stranger to this blessed

State, says: "If Lucifer & Adam had known the same, they would 106never have fallen off from God,"—

4. ) Like the setting of the Sun forms a line of demarcation

between positive & clear daylight,—& constant- gradually increasing

obscurity—into raven black darkness:—in the same manner—there

is a possitive demarcation between Good & Evil, which—commencing

with the Zero-Point of lost innocence—descends downwards into

is acted out in practice by the child’s simple heart

27k

such a terrible dark depth—whose undefinable horrors defy description

by language,—& upon which Schiller’s forceful words in the "Ballad

of the Diver"--"but in the deep there—it’s horrorful"—find a

most eminent application. He who meets the fearful misfortune

to sink himself into the tartarian depths of this black world

of terrors—experiences—by nameless tortures—breaking in—by

inevitable—natural-law-like operations upon his conscience &

being—that—"the most terrific of all terrors, is man wrapt up

in dark conceit;" —and doubts no longer Fiesco’s last words:

"Life is not the highest of boons,—but of evils all—the greatest

is guilt.

5.) Why & wherefore—amongst all possible evils—"the never

sleeping torture of a guilt-loaded conscience"—is & must be—

the most painfully excruciating, will—plainly and clearly be

understood, as soon as the sources are surveyed—out of which

it proceeds, a.) Man Knows himself as a being created by God,—

Knows that he owes himself & his all to God,—knows that surrounded

by omnipresence—he breathes, lives—& has his being in him,—&

that his own wonderful being only is, subsists & acts by, in &

through God,—

/ Sheet N= 18. / b.) Instead of thanking with tenderest love—

God for all this countless good,—& aspiring & striving by a wise

application of his forces, within the loveably-beautiful limits

of pan-harmonic laws—ruling God’s domestic estate—after the

great—all-embracing aim—which God himself has planted within

Schiller’s Lied von der Glocke."

275

him:—man recklessly—ungrateful—god forgetting,—in blind—deluded

craziness—dares to push God’s aim & law aside,—& by a self willed

rebellious volitidn to set up an aim of his own,—which—foreign—

alien & hostile to God—as "a fiendly revolted State within God’s

State,"—pursues in every direction its Separate ends, acting

everywhere against the welfare of the great whole, c.) In these

his aspirations, opposed to God & nature, after a selfish false

aim, the will of man—thus bent upon error,—usurps not only the

use of all the forces of his own being—& as far as he is able

of outward nature also,—all of which—singly—& sundry—are the

property of God: but he commits additionally—against God’s own

being,—(which on the one hand—is so intimately blended with

his own—& on the other surpasses—& forever outreaches it beyond

all conception & thought,) an act so frivolous,—the terribleness

of which he can only—in some measure—comprehend from its fearful

consequences,108Those who have read the works of Professor H, J, Stilling—

(the intimate friend of Goethe,) are aware—that this eminent

& enlightened man, in speaking of the Character, life, labors

& works of the truly Sainted Genius of Gerhard Ter Steegen, has

pronounced it as his deliberate judgment, that—since the times

of the Apostles—all Christendom—can show no man—who has done

as much for the Revival of true Christianity—& the correct understanding

of Its doctrines & aims—than this identical G, Ter Steegen,

Now—in relation to the inseparably intimate connection—

subsisting between God & every human Soul—this celestially clairvoyant

276

man, in a letter to a Spiritual Sister, Speaking upon this point,

expresses himself in the following—remarkable terms: "Be not

frightened—beloved Sister,—for it is the truth, God is connected

with man in a manner so inexpressibly close, so that when you Sin,

you compel God to sin with You."

6.) During the continuance of the State of youthful innocence—

God is,—unconscious to man,—so intimately blended into unity

with his interior—that therefrom gushes forth that joyously sweet

paradise—in which the God-free Soul of Childhood—without Knowing

regret from the past—or fear of the future,—reapes—in the gambols

with its mates—& from the possession of the most insignificant

trifles,—such a joy- & enjoyment-full entire presence, of which

at a later period—to repurchase merely its base Shadow,—Princes

& rulers upon glittering thrones—have sighingly acknowledged

their beggarly inability. The condition of the external Church—

from the time of Constantine up to near the beginning of the—

so called "Reformation"—contains an instructive picture for the

illustration of our Subject. The church, in those Centuries—went

through that period—commencing with those years—analogous to

boyhood when running & maturing into adolescence,—which the wittily

grand humor of great Jean Paul (Richter,)—so significantly has

termed "Flegel-Jahre," (Flail-years) Wanton, extravagant, hare-brained,

inconsiderate, rough-joking & wild—daring feats, with juvenile

bullying & wrestling—which at times occasion some bleeding—yet

fast healing heads, all of which, without engendering durable

grudge, are entirely squared up—to be forgotten—at the next

277

following common Ring-dance,—denote the effervescence, ebulition

& the becoming Self conscious fulness of rapidly maturing power,

Man & church—from within & without—are informed, warned,—admonished—

to moderate and bridle themselves,—& are shown—that the eruptions

of roughness, rudeness, & savagness—require—for stamping them

into crimes against holiness—only a clear conception & a formally

fixed purpose; & that both will necessarily follow—in case unbridled

power—proudly & self trusting—will reject & disdain the dominion

& guidance of the higher light innately inherent in the breast of

innocence, Man & Church,—still feeling themselves an unsplit

unity, realize—by presentiment—the possibility of Self-division

& its consequences. But urged on by the impulses to action, spured

by thirst for enjoyment, tired of the limiting leading Strings

of youth, burning after that imaginary—lawless liberty—which

regards all rule & law—only as fetters of its—as yet only dim—

& obscurely known volition: man does not listen to the voice of

his parents, teachers and intellect;—the Church does not hearken

to the admonitory sounds of its Rabaus, Taulers, Lusos, Wicklefs,109Huss’s, Savonarolas, Reuchlins—&c &c: 7 but both wishing "to

become like Gods,"—rush wildly into life’s fields,—in as much

as the mighty mass—of all assorted power—compressed into the

heaving bosom—Still feels undiminished the conviction—that its

unitary action can "remove mountains."

Dreaming that the fulness of power thus felt—is inherent

& indefeasible their property, both "sail with 1000 Masts of hope

into life's infinite Ocean,"—both acknowledging neither law,

278

interference—nor advice—from any quarter,—both setting up their

"Self"—& its rude "will,"—as supreme power & last aim,—to which

every thing it meets—is to bow and sacrifice—peaceably if obeying,~

forcibly if resisting. And in order that neither friend nor foe

may misunderstand or misconstrue the maxims & purposes thus born

into open daylight, the countenance of the young man assumes the

expression of bold defiance—& his forehead that of contemptuous

pride towards every thing which opposes his thus decisively determined 110direction of volition. And the Church sends out its Tetzels—

loudly preaching the new Gospel of chaotic anarchical dissoluteness

to all the world,—attempting with Infernal delusion—in denying

the everlasting law of causality—to tear God himself from the

throne of heaven, (Apocal. 13,4, 6 &c—) selling simonistically

to the wealthy Sinner—for a few groats impunity not only for

past offences, but even the privilege to commit them—without fear

of penalty in the coming future, "Quern diis vult perdiri—prius 111dementant." No sooner does our juvenile "power man"—commence

to sneer at—& show the cold shoulder to—that unknown Sky-light,—

which, during the days of his childhood—shielded,—guarded &

preserved him so protecting- & beatifyingly within the Paradise

fence of innocency: when already foolhardy—with a whole one

of his feet—he is standing on the highway of madness. The illusion

of the Church—Springs up—from the same soil. Maxims & purposes,

course & aims—of both—are now in theory Known & set up by both;

and the only thing yet required to realize the theory—Is the

living deed. From this deed,—which promises to become the first

279

tree beginning of a mighty carreer—both expect extraordinary

great things,—& from them—greater & greater. This expectation

has a very natural foundation, namely: in the Unity Still Subsisting

as a fact in man & the Church, Man & the Church—have, in spite

of warnings & gainsayings from without & within,—& with—as they

opine—a controlling power over all the forces they feel,—determined

in thought upon a carreer,—from which,—without however foreseeing

the actual consequences,—they expect each—an immeasurable increase

of power & enjoyment,— As yet—it would be in time—reflectively

to pause,—in order to supplant the erroneously conceived by correct

thoughts,—& thus to restore the merely mentally disturbed unity

of the Interior to original harmony—before the thought incorporated

Into action shall become a positive entity. But the apple of concu­

piscence & power—beckons to lust & ambition with such charming

smiles,—& whispers his seductive promise of "becoming like gods,"—

to the already baited ear—with apparently so reliably—truthful

a mien,—that humble pale thought is no longer favored with a look,—

but in a twinkling—enflamedly flaring will—stretches out its

creatively magical power-hand to the irrevocable deed. It is

done. No God calls it back; it consequences—thrive out of all

sight, "If,"—(in looking upon the all governing law of causality,)

says the great thinker Leibnitz,—"I stretch out my arm—the effect

must reach to Sirius,"

7.) No sooner had man,—had the Church—with premeditation

& Knowledge aforthought—committed the first knownly unlawful

act:—when—in a twinkling the infernal charm—deceptively deluding

280

them—at once dissolved,—not however so its consequences. The

God—slumbering in man's unity—& preserving its innocence—transformed

himself into correction!ng & punishing conscience, placing himself

as a fiery, upbraiding angel—before the entrance of Paradise Lost,—

denying his return into its blooming fields—with the flaming sword

of burning conscious guilt. The infinite wealth of self-reliance,

courage, faith, hope & confidence,—which God and Nature so lavishly

deposit in the simple, innocent, undivided bosom: vanished from

man so suddenly,—that he hardly comprehended—how it happened.

The power felt during the subsistence of unity,—& its expected

increase,—ranged itself after the soberness following the first

intoxication of sin—already below Zero; and in the place where

he had hoped to govern all things,—he was, by unrelenting necessity—

reduced upon the smallest minimum—of the forces inherent in his

isolated individuality—& to life preserving hard toil—with the112stem command: "in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat thy bread,"

The Church fared alike. No sooner had erroneous thought

become false action, when—instanter—its hale—inherent power of

Thinking—tore lose from the church, & as denouncing, protesting

conscience—armed with the flaming sword of truth—placing itself

in hostile attitude—for life & death—at once divided the inner

power & unity—& thus for ever tearing to pieces—the dreams of

solitary universal dominion. Faced by a power thus threatening,—

forsaken by the joyously inspiring light of heaven: the leaders

of the fallen—formed an Alliance with the powers of darkness.

Hell—to aid the sinking—sent up in the form of the Inquisition—

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its most horrifying machinery,—& in Jesuitism—the most desperately

daring & acute of its rebellious Systems of thought, (Apoc, 13.4.)

The terrible help hardly sufficed—to protect the fallen against

constantly threatening perils of sinking under.

Protestantism,—in its spiritual significance—representing—

as a type—the Office of ecclesiastical conscience,—has kept,

& continues to keep—the fallen & its allies—so long in the condition

of powerless check,—until the Eternal Master—from above—shall

terminate the game,—by a solution of his own—that even a Loyola—113will have to see—his terribly misunderstood "Ad majorem del gloria"—

realized in a manner—never dreamt of,—

8.) Now—we have got through—with the lifeless Church,—

but not yet with the single—immortal man;—who, undiminished,

though changed,—after lapsing deeper & deeper, still carries

within himself—a vitality forever alike endless—& eternally

indestructible. He who wants to judge man correctly--* truly,—

must—intuitively possess such clear elementary conceptions—of

the image, being & form of human nature, that in their simplicity

they need only to be expressed,—to find at once, at the hand of

every truth seeking thinker,—the most joyously thankful acceptance,

For Knowledge free from error—is increase of positively useful

& available power. Where the Phenomena of the external world—

fully chyme in with the thoughts entertained thereof by the intellect,

man possesses the truth in a conjoint corporeal & spiritual form—

similar to his own being,—& the correctness of which—he has—

therefore—no more reasons for questioning or doubting—than than

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the dualistic fact of his intellectual & sensual consciousness.

Now, in the manner as every thing perceived by man externally is

a limited finality swimming existingly—in a boundless infinity;—

in the manner in which every separate thought of the intellect—

is a drop coined into form—out of the infinite Ocean of thought—

that has banks & shore nowhere;—& finding this dualism—of material

& force, body & soul, matter & mind, Creation & God,—as conjoint

extremes—on all hands—tied unitarily to & into one another;—in

the same manner—the innermost being of man exhibits itself to

clearly comprehending Analysis as such a dualistic unity, resulting

out of the combination of two extremes—effected by God,— These

extremes are called Intelligence (Reason, intellect, Common Sense,

judgment, understanding &c are its names—when applying its thinking

faculty in certain specific directions,) & Will.

This Intelligence is a drop of—& stands connected with,—

God’s allknowing—unlimited wisdom;—the will is an Atom of—&

stands in connexion with—God’s almighty power. The Intelligence

finds joy & repose only in a Godlike eternally certain Knowing;

the Will finds peace & beatitude only—in a divinely—legalized

Creating. Working,—Doing. The sphere of action of the Intelligence-

in an upward direction—is without limits;—the will however, the

inmost, essence of the soul,—though living eternally through the

endless future, is,—as a smallest—primeval—elementary particle

of divine All-powerfulness—tied to the specifiedly limited measure

of power,—that Stamps it into an individual. The creating of

a man—is therefore the tieing of a connubial Knot,—by God's

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own hand—between these two extremes—of an Intelligence fastened to the

infinite Spiritual,--and of a Will-power—tied to the bounded—phenomenal

finite.— These two primeval forces of man, from whose combination—as

soon as it takes place, all his others—in accordance with law—Spring

& grow up, are termed by Christ, Marc 9.44,—the first "a fire that does

not extinguish,"—& the latter: "the worm that does not die," Thus

entirely configurated after the image of god,—as likewise, as a micro­

cosm—carrying all the forces of nature—concentredly within himself,—

man appears upon the Stage of life. In unseparated connection with the

wonder-being—called God,—who called him out of non-entity into

esse,—is and remains the Spirit of the child—& forthgrowing man—

conjoined in inmost love, friendship & harmony with God—until the

erring will of man—revolts against God,—& wants to use—& domineer

over—God, Nature, his own being—& all that exists—after his own blind,

wild, selfish, wicked—& arbitrary infatuated whims;—& as far as his

powers extend—actually in a manner—masters & despotizes—as if there

was no God,—& he—this crazy—deluded man—was his own—& virtually—

a God.— Before such rebellion—man enjoys a Godlike peace—a joyful—

inexpressible repose,—springing from the consciousness of harmony—not

only amongst the forces of his own being,—but also from the Pan-harmony

subsisting between himself & every thing else that exists. To this

comfortable, happy condition of man,—God, nature & all beings are con­

tributors. For as his will is Kindly & benificently disposed towards

all: the interior of all things is his friend & well wisher,—& each

pays cheerful tribute to swell his bosom with hopes,—the loveliness of

which is indescribable. Where this State of being in man—is not

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arbitrarily forfeited,—the blooming form of the body & its physical

force—by dint of the mul itude of years passed through— / Sheeto ,N= 19. / may gradually assume the appearance of age; but the

heart remains young, innocent, joyous, full of boundless—heavenly

hopes,—up to extreme age—& to the moment of its transition into

a higher sphere of action for its adchieved wisdom & goodness.

Post scriptively there is here yet to note & illustrate that

intelligence & will—are perfect antipodes in all things, Intel!

participates in & of—the eternal, infinite, primeval- & all-I

or Self (Ur-uuhd All-Ich), the will, on the other hand,—is the

separate or particular-I or Self (Sonder- Oder Particular-Ich,)

concentrated into one single point. Of & amongst all things &

essences in Creation—Intelligence is the smoothest, calmest, tamest,

most patient, peaceablest, coolest acting, meekest, most passive—

& lamb-like unirritablest; whereas the will, no sooner is its

naked being merely touched—proves itself as the most concentrated,

impatient, passionate, wildest, violently all waving, enraged,

untameable, lightening-quick-inflamably-excltable Sensitiveness

itself,—

Beheld in an external type—Intelligence appears similar to

the serene, silent ether of the Skies—as formless, all diffused—

& in & with all men, peoples & times—as to being—always & unchangeably

alike;—whereas the will, in each & every single individual—constitutes 114a positive elementary Original—"sui generis," closely & sternly

bound to form & composition of its own inhering temperment, &

being fully alike to no other will—that anywhere—at any time—

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ever was, is or will become.

The Intelligence Knows & represents the eternal code & law

of the whole;—the will feels & perceives the co- & in-nate particular

law—belonging to it individually,— The Intelligence shows to

the will'the only possible—but intirely infallible way—to reach

its highest & whole—all its forces—satisfying aim—cotemporaneously

in an aspiration—which coincides harmoniously—with the Striving

of the infinite All—after one supremely—glorious, all embracing

highest end-aim.— If now the will, particularly at the time—when

near the end of the Flegel-Jahre (flail- or Chur1-years,) at the

maturingly developing crisis into self relying—majority or independence

suffers itself to be persuaded & instructed by the Intelligence—that

its mighty aim—does not consist in the ephemeral enjoyment of

rushingly passing moments,—but in the endless incessant accumulation

& development of innately inherent power: then the will remains

in peaceable activity—even if at times—by Irritations—it perceives

within itself—the undulations of such mighty forces—like the

earth-quake preceding the irruption of a fire vomiting volcano.—

For the Intelligence teaches him that these mighty powers

are destined to quite other uses—than merely to render harmless

flies, wasps, spiders—& other vermin in human form—for the quickly

passing moment;—that they are much too dear, valuable, precious—

to sell them anywhere—at any time—at a price containing less

of inner value—& enduring worth—than they themselves. Should

the power thus constantly accumulating—from thirst for action

or enjoyment indicate Symptoms of premature ebulition: then Intelligence

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tells the confiding will: "Stop friend! abide your time,—your

time is not yet,—it will surely come!"

Obediently & pacified the will sinks back into itself, compre­

hending & feeling at the same time—that every such denial & renouncing

sacrifice—is for it—a victory—an increase of power—to which

in value, sweetness & importance—nothing can be equal—that may

be enjoyed, acquired or gained externally,—

Each single one of such self-conquests is in soberest reality

a victory over the whole world; in as much as thereby man’s trust

in God coincides & becomes one with his ever growing "Self trust";—

clearly comprehending the correctness of Goethe’s maxim in Faust:

"And if you only trust yourselves—the other souls will trust

you also!"— For Schiller’s one thousand masts of hope—of the

youthfully vigorous aspirant,—remain for the will of the energetical—

consistently—on-striving man—no longer mere thinkable possibilities,—

but this sum, multiplying itself by itself, becomes a whole Million

of slumbering realities, which, in the concentrated from of clearly

understood truths—& most intensely condensed force of purpose,

exist just as positive vitally in the high souled breast,—as the

oak—and the future entire oak forest in the single but living

& germinating acorn.

9.) Upon this path—thus led by intelligence, the will becomes

wise, good & Strong. The essence of the good it feels & experiences

within itself,—but the Knowledge of evil & wickedness—it gathers—

not by throwing itself Into its hellfire—in order to feel its

glow by self-burning, but like Plato demands of the Judges of his

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Republic: "by Study & wise observation of others," For not

he is prudent—who needs to be made so by loss of his own,—but

only he, for whom the damage of others constitutes a sufficiently

warning instruction for the uses of his own & proper Self, To

an Isaiah, Daniel, Socrates, Plato, S= John, Epictetus, Taulerus,

Catharine of Sienna, Fenelon, Herder, Ter Steegen, Jane Leade,

Jean Paul Richter z—& every other known & unknown noble soul

belonging to the Salt of the earth,—not a single one of their

1000 Masts of hope is lost; but rather—already here on earth—

with the protraction of the voyage—their Vessel becomes fire-bomb-

& tempest proof—against all the caliber of hostile powers,—becomes

part of that mighty fleet—which with a forest of masts & glittering

satin sails—swelled by the most favorable—ever obeying breeezes—

steers safely & infallibly—on the "Most" pacific Ocean—towards

that allbeatifying "Wonder-port"—the glory of which no language

defines.—

Like Christ never had any need—for minutely comprehending

the nature & entity of Evil & Wickedness—in others—to priorily

surrender himself—obeying & succumbingly to some tempting thought

of the nether deep—(Matth. 4.1-10,)—to find out by actual sensation

the proper condition of the fallen sinner:—but intuitively &

A priori—by his indwelling all-shining Heaven-Sun—pierced the

Murder-holes & death-graves of Pharisaical prey-beast’s hearts

to their very bottom: just as little needs the Intelligence in

every single man (being the innate —John 1.1-4. iO) to render

its incorrupt protege—the innocently pure obeying will—wise &

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prudent—to descend with it into the dark—suffocating dens of

abjectest degradation—for letting it behold—in touchable plague­

breathing proximity—the pemiciousness & hell-pains of vice—

in its most repulsive & loathsome forms. For it is the nature—

& God-indwelling prerogative of light,—that,—at the same time,

whilst it illuminates—it also penetrates darkness in all directions;—

whereas the owl-eye of darkness—blinded by the Splendor of the

light—is incapable of perceiving—what transpires within the

light itself.

Intelligence,—by lending to the Will its clairvoyant eye—

it perceives—like Swedenborg,—upon the surface of all forms—

their inner contents & being; for the whole history of their Past

has, by the fact of each individual case—been engraved thereon—

in indelible figures, A glance, word, sentence, trait, feature,

action, becomes for this Heaven-eye—suddenly a Teles- or- Micros-cope—

whereby—with accuracy & precision—to perceive the "Status quo"—

in distances & depths,—(the real Kantian "thing in itself,")

into which no unarmed eye—can penetrate. Wonderful & astonishing—

as this heavenly science (with its hair Splitting Knowledge,) of

the intelligence—beheld externally—appears to the non-possessing—

or merely partially initiated observer: just so simple & natural

he finds its form, as soon, as he comprehends its source & origin,—Malebranche—led by Paul (1 Cor, 8,6, Ephes, 4,5, 6 & elsewhere,)H?

saw already that "Man sees all things in God;"—one pace more

would have shown him with equal clearness, that he can Know, that

is, thinkably—spiritually—see & behold—the interior essence

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of things likewise only through God; in as much—as only infallibly

certain truth,—but not dreaming error—and fabling imagination—

contains a knowledge, a beholding, a sight of reality. All possible

or actual Knowledge—consists in the defined judgments of a beholding

Intelligence, These are no merely arbitrary,—but a legitimate

result of divine Logic itself, as the same—in the laws of thought—

is creatively—co- & in-nate—in the Interior of every Intelligence.

Where this judgment—in any Intelligence—is the pure result of

divine Logic, without any interference & admixture from creatural

individuality: there it is an absolute one—& as such—the judgment

of God’s understanding itself. Where this creatural admixture

prevails,—the judgment is a relative one,—& its form & contents

indicate the degree—in the scale descending from God to man~upon

which—for the time being—the judging Intelligence,—more or less

bound to the creature, stands nearer by—or more distant from—God.

—For Intelligence is necessitated (Knowing it or not—makes no

difference as to the fact,) to judge all things like God himself,

that is: like God does not—& cannot—make use of—the limited,

imperfect & finite things—out of himself—as measures, weights

& meters—of being & value—in his judgment & estimate of his own

wonderful Ineffable infinity: but just reversed: every finite

thing—receiving only value & significance, Step, place & degree—

by its relation to—& for—God: so God constitutes for the judging

Intelligence the necessary & Supreme Meter of all things.

The Intelligence & will—& the conjoint powers constituting

with them—the creature—Man—behold, feel, experience & Know God's

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being—in the measure—in which—the willing, aspiring, wishing,

aiming & striving of their inmost force has become a Unity with

the first Gause, (Matth, 5.8»—John—17,3.) For the creature

married to Intelligence—within the prescribed limits & harmony

of law, is—before God—no less holy,—pure, beloved & acceptable—

than (the enlightened Representative of God’s own light—) Intelligence

itself. The greater the distance of man—from an external object,—

the smaller—more indefinite & uncertain—appear to him Its figure,

size & form; the less capable is he—to form a reliable matter of

fact conclusion upon its parts, properties & adjectives. The more

dissimilar man is to God,—in willing, aiming & doing«, the further

he is distant from him: the more unclear & lifeless—-will his

thinkably conceived image—of God’s being, acting & attributes—

be,— But the man—Struggling ’’onwards & upwards"—is,—by the

mighty attraction of God’s love—drawn up to him—in a manner

so wonderful,—so lovely & easy,—& the whole creature—in such

near proximity to its source, feels such nameless comfort & well

being: whereby it, the creature, feels no longer inclined--to

interfere—-at the tribunal of the intellect—in any manner—in

its decisions. Thereby, as above indicated,—all the judgments

of the Intelligence—become absolute—or identical with the

decisions of God's own understanding. By these processes—intelligence

shoves the now»blindly obeying Will—so closely & nearly up to

God,—that the image of God shows itself to the Intelligence in

a dearness, greatness & glory: & God's being reveals itself

to the will—& the creature's sensitiveness—by feelings, sensations

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& emotions—so joyous, transcending & extatic: constituting conjointly:

a.) an absolute Knowledge of the whole God; b.) an absolute Science

of all the single of God's Attributes,—& c.) an equally primevally

certain comprehension of the relation—subsisting—between man,—

creation, & its individual beings,—& the Eternal—ineffably glorious

God.— The reception of such a positive & unerringly certain—

Knowledge of God—is for the entire man—precisely,—but in an

infinitely higher significance—the same thing—what the rising

& appearance of the Sun—is for the whole of external nature—

& all its creatures.— The falling from innocence into guilt—

is the setting of heaven’s Sun—in the soul of man. The night

then ensuing—becomes more hideous, darker,—& more rigidly death-cold

& Killing—for works of fertility, creating & being—in the same

proportion—as longer it lasts.— Its possible duration,—with

all its shuddering consequences,—transcends—out of sight—all

calculations of organized intelligence; because,—after the setting

of the God-Sun,—man remains no longer a planet, having a fixed

Centre for its Orbit,—but becomes a Comet—or erratic Stray-Star,—

who in wildest flight,—without a known Centre—flings itself

into a terrificly Strange—darkly cold infinity,—not merely beyond

the ice-bound polar regions—but leaving the extremest Known planets

of the whole System behind,—throws itself into such boundless

deserts—wherein the entire, starry-Sky—of truth in the mind—

beheld from there, assume so changed a position—that no one Galaxy

remains known & distinguishable from one another,—but all becoming

a chaotic—nebulous—feebly & coldly glittering mass—in which

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former Fix- & Polar-Stars—becoming equally unrecognized—disappear,—

& whereby the last instrument drops from the hand of the infatuated

navigator of the awful Ocean,—alone offering a remaining—remote

possibility—to find the course back to the lost home—in case

awakening home-sickness—should stimulate to its use,—

For when the God-Sun sets in the Soul—its intellectual image

in the mind—remains in its place,—but no longer illuminating

& warming,—back obscure & lifelessly merely filling the position

in the ideal—or intellectual firmament—where previously it Stood,

The living—beatifying God—is therefore—at such time himself—

no longer fully extant in man,—but merely the idea,—the fixed

thought, which in the cycle of the man’s conceptions—thereof

remains. As nothing in Creation can stand still,—this God-idea—

must increase or decrease. It can increase only by again becoming—

what it formerly was—an enlivening, warming—solar luminary,—

vitalizing all within & without. This however is a miracle of heaven,

capable of being wrought only by God & man conjointly,—even requiring

the co-operation of some external conditions, for which conjoint

reason—the appearance of this class of phenomena—belongs to the

rarer exceptions in this world. The darkened God-idea in fallen man—

the longer his orbit of error remains uninfluenced by outward

causes: must become weaker, smaller, darker,—of less life & influence

for & upon him—to that degree—until its size & form—(formerly

immeasurable—filling everything,) now—by & by—so shrinks—that—

like the far distant Planet Neptune,—the unarmed eye can no longer

discover it as an object of sight.

293

10.) As long as God. is—& remains a Sun in man,—man—in his

consciousness Knows himself—as a Spirit being—with thought &

volition,—& at home in a region—nowhere showing conceivable

limits—being the Realm of Supernatural power. It, as a region

within himself,—contains—as man feels & Knows—all the causes

& sources of those phenomena—which—as human inventions, feats,

deeds, works, knowledge,—capacity, modes of life—of extraordinary

utility, beauty, Eminence, greatness & goodness—press themselves

upon the universal attention of men—& command their acknowledgment,

admiration—& gratitude.— For, very early—the juvenile consciousness

of man—astonished at—& reflecting upon itself—soon discovers

the / Sheet N= 20 / important fact, that—whilst external—phenomenal

man—with all his appurtenances—as belonging to the Empire &

domain of nature—is subject & tributary to all her laws:—that

Secret silent process, that wonderful interior action Known to

him alone, which no eye sees, no ear hears, no contact touches,

no olfactory smells, no palate tastes, & no feel-sense of the

body can perceive—which man calls thinking: is a purely Spiritual

process—transcending all nature,—hence—constituting supernatural

power, whereby—man is superior to—& wherein—& by virtue of

which—he governs nature & its forces.—

For, whilst no one of man's senses—can efficiently be operative—

unless sustained by the conscious attention of mental presence:

the thinking power knows within & of itself—with equal indubitability—

that it—as a pure being of thought—can Know itself only—in the

thinkable process^—perceptibly transpiring within its present &

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self perceiving—thinking consciousness—& in no other way whatever.

As long as God remains supreme within man:—man’s thinking & willing

are free,—attached to nothing in an improper degree, Man's falling

from God—is—in the first instance, a lapse into Nature,—& if

falling deeper,—a precipitation out of Nature—into un-nature—

the Realm of monstrosities. In God's own domain—the entire man

enjoys a celestially—blissful freedom:—charmed by the enchantments—

of these or those objects of nature,—the whole man becomes their

servile drudge,—& obeys the command of their nod—as the duty now

binding & ruling him:—precipitated into the terrific—abysmal desert—

of wildly chaotic Un-Nature—man becomes the tortured slave—of

self invented & executed horrors,—which,—in enraged delusion,

breathing hatred & revenge—he incessantly is brooding,—which

lack of means & power only—prevent & hinder him—from carrying

into fullest execution;—and which—sundry & all—with a rage

of fury tenfoldly increased—finally fall back—tearing and vulnerating

like hell-furies—upon his own doomed being. Only he,—who has—

and enjoys God,—is by God also enabled—to enjoy—in wise moderation,—

the beautifullest, sweetest & best—what nature can offer man,—

thus drawing a higher enjoyment, an actual ennoblement, & a virtual

extension & prolongation of vitality therefrom;—whereas, the man—

who has become the slave of detached natural forces,—intoxicates

himself by its wine,—& surfeits his taste at its meals,—so that

its hidden poisons, its secret corroding fires, its countless

invisibly covered stings,—within a brief time,—consume the 1000

hope-masts—of the beautiful,—blooming—spiritually—& physically

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vigorous Youth—not only entirely up,—hut leave of the nimble,

elastic, active, angel-like—much promising form—nothing than

an unsightly—unwieldy—lump of chaotic—unwholsome flesh,—shaped

in a grimaced carricature of man’s form—devoid of life & hope,

of no use & joy to himself & others,—but a loathsome nuisance

& grievance—alike to himself—& all—with whom he comes in any

wise—into contact,—

11.) In accordance with the premises—contained in the preceding,—

it will follow,—that—before God—there are in this world—3

main classes of men, into one of which every man,—no matter where—

& whoever he be,—must, of necessity belong,— (These Classes—

have each—again a 3 fold subdivision,—which,—for the present,

we cannot enter upon—in detail,)—

a.) The first or highest of these 3 Classes,—counts the

smallest number of members. But as a compensation for this paucity

in numbers,—there is no doubt—that God himself—attaches a value

to every one of them, which surpasses all estimates, that are

known to all other men, not belonging to this chosen band. This

Class embraces those few & thinly scattered individuals—who—

aspiring after absolute goodness, have, by the grace of God—&

their own co-operation with it,—become truly good men—in such

degree,—that infinite goodness—delights to dwell in their hearts—

as its chosen tabernacle,—& they permit it to rule thus—& over

every power in the man—according to its Sovereign pleasure. These

men—therefore stand in direct connection—& uninterrupted intercourse

with God,— They are—from this reason—not only in the fullest

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possession—of all their own—but also in direct contact with

God’s living infinite powers. Their Knowledge of God, themselves—

& all things—constitutes a divine science, based upon a foundation—

so firm, solid, infallible,—that nothing in the Universe can

shake it. This foundation is nothing less—than absolute certainty,

as well in its intellectual & religious—as in its sensual or

phenomenal truths,—as far as they extent. The elementary conceptions—

forming the basis of these men’s convictions—they know to be the

same—by which God himself views, Knows, & judges all things;—

hence their confidence in God, themselves—& the eventual consequences

of their doubt-free—divinely-certain Knowledge,—is—without

limits & bounds. Free from all fear—& perplexing care,—appalled

by no difficulty—their inspired heart, reposing within God with

a child’s innocence & trust, they move "onwards & upwards" with

God, with the firm, steady steps of angelic giants. Knowing &

understanding God's inexpressibly glorious scheme & purpose—

with man & creation, & having made their own chief aim identical

therewith:—their silent, noiseless—but profoundly fervent love—

changes all their privations, toils & exertions into sources of

heavenly hope & joy,—

Possessing heaven & its beatitutes within themselves,—they

aspire & Strive to make it accessible to all men,—for they Know—

that this is God's own most intense desire & wish.— They therefore

Know—that the time is approaching—where salvation & Redemption—

on a divinely Gigantic Scale—will take hold of the classes b,

& c, of their unfortunate fellow men. Until that glorious Era

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breaks in—they are Instructed to exercise the "faith & patience

of the Saints.” This exercise requires the application of a power—

which surpasses that of combined millions in the lower classes.

When that power shall be inducted Into its proper—active arena,—

for the arrival of which it sighs, prays & pants: a victorious—

all conquering love will Show itself upon earth—the like of which—

the world never has seen—& does,—at this moment—not dream of

its possibility & effects,— The power of these men is as permanent

& deeply founded—as a mother’s love; and the same divine principle

of Self-Sacrifice, by which—in cases of emergency—the loving

heart of the mother—to save its dear child from harm & evil—can

pay up its own self—as the ransom of redemption,—belongs to these

men—God’s "real and true Saints" & by its almighty power—they

will—with God—redeem the world.

b.) The second class embraces the largest number of all men—

every where—and at all times.— The best of this Class—so closely

border on the lowest strata of Class a,, that,—like the twilight

of morning & evening—they mix—& partake of its light,—& aspire

& sigh after its full arrival & permanent possession. The lowest

strata of this class—in like manner—are the "Squatters" on the

borders of Class C,,—constituting the "border ruffians" of crime

or hell,—have a like familiar intercourse with the same,—& are

candidates & furnish recruits for its dreadful ranks. Thus standing—

as this whole Class does, between the extremes of good & evil

(a & c) of the race, it is ruled by the laws of socialism,—(affection,

friendship, love—as serving divinities) the gravitating force of

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sensual—animal enjoyment, public opinion—or reliance upon the

judgment of its crude mass,—& extreme attachment to life & existence

in all its exterior phases & forms. Its "maximum bonum"—is therefor

"Mammon,"—adored & worshipped for the power & sensual heaven—

its smiles confer upon its favorites. By the habitual gratification

of the senses,—making their body a slave to nature,—& knowing—

for a certainty—no higher enjoyment—than what it can confer:

—these men are entirely destitute & ignorant of the Knowledge

of that divine felicity—which man's intellect & heart—find in

the heaven of science, wisdom & virtue,—& dream not of the mighty

power, unbounded liberty & joy—therein experienced.

Timidity, interest, fear of human laws, the penalties of conscience,

& public opinion,—social ties,—habits of Industry enforced by

self love & necessity—& absence of over-powering temptations—

prevent this class—from fully sinking into the "Hell" of Un-Nature—

of the Criminals—in the terrific Class C.— To Class b,—who—as

conservatives—regularly attend to the rites of existing institutions—

religious & political—the aims of higher & diviner light—are

not utterly alien & unknown;—for by the visitation of noble impulses

of the heart—& the lightening flashes of godly truths illuming

the dark intellect at times:—they Know & feel full well—that

there is a Higher & a Better—than what they have got;—but they

Know likewise that the light, redemption & enduring peace—can

not come from below—where they stand,—but from above—where

they are not.

Singly—each one conscious of his foibles, there is little

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self reliance,—not more of confidence into one another,—& no

greater Share of faith & trust in God to be found in the whole

Class. For—Knowing God only in a second handed manner—they

are unable duly to understand & interpret—the endless acts of

his daily love & goodness—towards them. As the upper Strata

of this class—border (as above stated) upon the lowest Sub-Class

of a,, & comprehend the light & truth as there prevailing: —there

will be no difficulty—when the proper time shall come,—to infuse

heaven engendering ideas—into this mighty mass,—& gradually to

inspire it—without much difficulty—with so profoundly divine a

glow—that a new life,—with a changed—enlarged sphere of action—

& a new state of existence—so ineffably glorious—shall—as a

last result—realize—Schiller’s divinely magnanimously—noble

wish: "Allen Sundern soil vergeben,—und the Hoile nicht mehr *

seyn!" which, as a matter of course, would lift the "lost sons"

of Class C,, out of their outer—& more terrible "inner hell"—

again into the sunny life regions—of hope, joy & love,—C.) The 3} Class of men—are those deeply sunk degraded human

118fellow beings of our’s,—who—as "enfans perdus" of false social

institutions,—unwise laws, a misguiding public opinion & seductive

fashions & aims,—have,—by.their own reckless co-operation therewith—

brought themselves—into shapes & conditions, which—challenge the

commisseration with their dreadful destiny no less—than their

horrible state of being—rouses our utmost loathing abhorrence,—

For the elements of every thing eternal, divine & human—appear

*"To all Sinners be forgiven—& no hell shall further be!"

300

in them so utterly changed & subverted—that the horrors of a

hell—cease to be a merely imaginative possibility—are no longer

a f&bled myth,—but rise—a terrific reality—as gigantic monstrosities,

combining every element of infernal malignity—in dread materialized

devil-form—before our frightened eye. Well may—in beholding

this fearful army—Mephistopheles—inly chuckling—with taunting

sarcasm in Faust exclaim: "Den Bosen sind sie los:—Die Basen **

sind geblieben!"

The dread fact thus lying bare in barbaric hideousness before

our eyes—is so ugly In its aspect—that even the impassive eye

of the intellect—turns away its searching glance—& feels loath

to give us a proper definition of a phenomenon so ungodly,—

Destitute of all affection for God & their race—there is concentrated

in the will of the lower Strata of this Class—a wrath of such

condensed bitterness—& deadly sharp acidity,—that it has corrodingly

annihilated every thing tender—within their interior—with the

faith in its exterior existence—anywhere;—whereby error—most

horrorful—rules in the polar night of a spirit—setting upon the

furiously enraged throne—of a will—maddened to despair—by the

tortures of hell,—lacking only freedom & power—to instantly

essay the attempt of flinging itself & every thing surrounding

it—into the dreamed Abyss—of total annihilation,— Successful

experiments for the re-creation of these fearfully mangled mutilates—

can only be expected—after the elevation of Class b, whereby that

"The "Evil one"—they have got rid of,—"The Evil ones—are left,"—

301

"Welten-Leibesbrand,"+ will Spring up, called Apoc, 20,14, "the

fiery pool," which, as an Ocean of love-fire—will possess a dissolving

glow—wherein the cristallyzed Diamond of the hardest will—&

the Adamant of solidly frozen & fixated error—will melt like

wax in the Sun—& surrender themselves—with lamb-like trusting 119passiveness—like the robber on the Cross 7 to be re-generated—

by that palingenitive—primeval "All-I" (All-Ieh), which, setting

on the throne, Apocal, 21.5, says of itself: "Behold—I make

all things new!"

+Schiller—Phanthasie au Laura:"Burning worlds will form the nuptial torch— when eternity & time shall wed,"—

302

19, Emerson to Kaufmann (May 3» 1857)

Concord, 3 May, 1857

My dear Sir,

I received your letter of the 29 March, which had every claim

to an instant reply. And yet it is not my daily tasks,—though I

have abundance of writing, & reading, & going,—that I can charge

my slowness upon. But your letters are such in amount & in quality

that it would not be a compliment to answer in haste. Indeed,

I often think of friendship, & all high relations, that they are

tlmeous & secular things, hating hurry & despatch. And now I have,

the night before the last, your promised manuscript in perfect order

as it came from your hands, I read yesterday the entire biography,

and with less care glanced at the concluding pages. It is little

to say that the story is full of interest & encouragement, & bears

the stamp of truth throughout, I look, of course, sharply to the

power, & joyfully to the faith evinced, I am glad to see how this 2Franklin-like ability has been working all this while so effectually

in Ohio;—glad at heart to see it combined with what is better

than Franklin ever knew,— But I am not yet ready—I am far from 3

ready yet—to give you my inference from the whole. Meantime,

I must needs value at a very high rate the noble covenant you offer

me;—but you seem to forget in in your large faith the immense odds

that in actual nature exist against any two parties understanding

303

one another, I am very sure of shocking by my imbecility so formidable

a performer as yourself; and I have long since learned, that, in

regard to friendship, the first & second parties are degraded as

it were into witnesses, merely; it is the invisible Third Party

that comes in thither also as chief & only agent. However, of this,

as of all the rest, more in future:—I write now only to say, that

I have your papers; and to add, that my present wish is to be in

New York, if I can arrange it, about the 15^ May, where I will .

try to meet you, I have your address, & my brother Wm Emerson, h.

10 Wall Street, will tell you if I am in town; but I shall probably

send you a line, a few days henee. With great respect,

R, W, Emerson

¿Oli­

1lo. Kaufmann to Emerson (May 4, 1857)

Canton, 0,, May 4^, 1857.

R. W, Emerson, / Concord, Mass.

My dearest Sir,—Under date of the 27^= ult=, I forwarded to you a.) per Adams's

Express line—a package, prepaid with $1,25—up to your hands;

and b.) a letter, per Mail, containing the receipt for package

& payment, & noting the contents of the package, both of which—

I trust—will have safely reached you—ere this time.

In the letter I stated—that I designed once more to write

you, when on the eve of my departure for the East, That time

will arrive to morrow morning, when also these lines will take

their start with the mail, in the direction of their destination

to your cherished fireside. When writing my said last—I was

in hopes,—that between then & now—I would receive another letter

from Preyer,—reaffirming the statement in his last, or rather

giving the promised details of the name of the Steamer, Captain

&c, with which he would cross the Atlantic. This my expectation

has however not been realized, A I am therefore placed by Providence

in a position,—wherein I must act upon the best light I have

got in the premises,—& trust that my thus acting will be accompanied

by—the good consequences therefrom hoped.

For more than a year past the correspondence between Preyer

305

& myself—has been blessed—with uncommon good fortune; for not

only did not a single one of our numerous mutual letters get lost,—

but they arrived also at the places of their destination—in good,—

often in very short time—almost with the regularity of clockwork.

But now, almost at the point of our first cherished hope,—& at

moment too of some importance no letter, as yet has arrived—sinceAU AU

I got his last on the 30” of March, which was dated on the 5 =

of the same month. In it he states—that he will positively come stby Hamburgh, per Steamer, starting on the i = inst,, but also,

that he will continue to write me—several times more, of which

letters—now none has—as yet come. Goods & furniture—to the

value of nearly $1500—he sent per Sailing vessels from Antwerp,

already in the latter part of February, & I have already—some

time ago, been advised by the consignee, that the larger portion

thereof—had—safely arrived in New York by one Vessel, & the

smaller balance—was soon expected in another,— Under these

circumstances, as Preyer says he expects me to be in New York,

at his arrival, (which I had stated to him as my intention) &

as he states likewise that he expects to arrive there—about the

middle of this month,—I can not well otherwise—than assuming

that his first letter now due, was miscarried or lost,—whilst

the next one thereafter may arrive In a day or two & clear up

the mistery; yet I feel bound to act as if his arrival were a

certainty,—since his positive language—& all his other preparations

made for departure—throw a far greater weight on this side of

the inference—than on its opposite. Still I sun placed thereby

306

in the position—-which Schiller Indicates in his "Schnrucht."

(Longing.)

"Du must glauben—du must magen,—donn die Gotter leltin

kein Pfand,—*

"Nurein Wunder kann dich tragen,—in das Zchone Wunderland,"

So it seems—that by the exercise of faith & trust in God—

I must now undertake this journey;—not knowing beforehand for

a certainty—whether I shall be rewarded for the act—by meeting

the objects of my affections, as there is still a possibility

behind the unlifted curtain—that some occurrence or other—may

have necessitated my cousin to postpone his departure—from the

appointed—to a somewhat later time,—

If this possibility should,—by the arrival of the "Hammonia,"

(which I think is the name of the Hamburgh Steamer, destined to

arrive in this month,) without Preyer being a Passenger on her,

be turned into a fact,—I perhaps should feel no disappointment

at all,—if Kind Providence should Indemnify me—for missing Preyer

this time,—by putting it into your heart—to be present—for a

short time—on the occasion.—

For what my heart is after,—I presume—you may—by this

time, understand pretty clearly,—although I have not—as yet—

at all expressed myself to you—in the manner,—nor even upon

the most important topics—which I desire. In some parts of your

You must have faith—& dare to venture,—the Gods do never pledges hand;

By miracle alone your enter,—in Beauty’s fairy Wonder-land.

307

books—you say—-so truly & beautifully—"that man ought to endeavor—

to always speak from his inmost interior,—as Jesus speaks always

thus," (I quote your sense—from memory—your words may differ.)

I thank the Lord—that I can speak this—"his own” inner

language of the "interior";—and there would be no angel happier

around God's own eternal throne—than my humble self will be—when

the time arrives where I shall have an audience—who can understand

& appreciate "pearls" of that transcendant beauty & value. In

my writings to you—I have at least—here & there—scattered some

such gems;—but if I had confined myself altogether to exhibit

to you—what sort & amount I have got of them,—it would not have

answered the purpose & object I had in view,— These pearls & gems

will do—& are the very thing to exhibit,—when once we shall

have succeeded,—in getting some half dozen of your "perverse

Antonys"—together, who—as the "most terrible friends" of eternal

truth, do see the necessity of being—for the sake of that truth-

such "terrible friends" to one another."— In their Union lies

"the law—by which inspirations come & go";—for "Pentecost" was

nothing else—than an exemplification—that the great spirit of

God—being too powerful for the isolated individual, as also too

rich & many gifted, needs a human "magnetic battery," made one

from many—by the embracing conjointly one highest ultimate aim,—

before he can infuse his infinite heaven of bliss, joy, beatitude

& power into them,—whereby the supernatural—is at once made into

the natural;—for joy & true happiness are inseparable from absolute

goodness,—or god,—and—wherever human beings become one will—

308

to act out absolute goodness,—the climax of all ideas,—there

the open field for realizing all ideas—by the very power felt

in all—* made visible to all—by one another—is spread our—

with its infinite hopes & inspiring prospects,—& heart, will

& mind of all—are inspired by an impulse—that can no longer

be daunted—by any obstacles whatever.

You have spread before promiscuous audiences,—in your various

& manifold lectures & addresses,—a vast amount of the most Important

truths & ideas—which the intellect of man may ever contemplate.

And what is the result? Theoretically—within the minds of many

of your earnest & sincere listeners,—no doubt—a greater amount

of light,—a clearer perception of the fearful chaos—with its

terrific wrongs,—& a more ardent wish—that a better state of

things might prevail;—whilst the large mass of your listeners

could neither appreciate the possibility of a realization of your

divine Ideas & aspirations,—or looked,—from their bestialized

materiality—at once upon them—as mere chimeras of the imagination.

But—if those—that have embraced your truths & ideas,—get

never a chance to act them out into outside realities—they cannot

benefit the great cause of God’s truth much—as ’’good thoughts

(merely as such) are no better than good dreams,"—as you tersely

say.—

Your experience stands not alone. Every good thought in our

libraries—from Pythagoras & Plato up to our day, which as yet—

has no other existence than the "pale cast" of its sickly light,—

is a confirmation of your,—& to a great extent—my own experience.

309

Hence now—where joy & friendship should illume your carreer of

"infinite usefulness & benefaction," your reward consists in "those

congelations of 54 years"—& in "tasks" unfriendly to the muses"

& uncongenial to the "virtues that are their mothers," which former

would Instantly melt "in a fit society of half a dozen true men"

near one another, & which latter would most gratefully be taken

off your hands, by such who would consider it their & not the

business fit for a being like yourself; who ought—at all times

to be employed only according to the yearnings of his own intellect,—

Whatever is to be realized into this world,--assumes from

the very moment of its incipiency—the Character of a business

operation. Hence a more theoretical Reformation—will forever

remain a matter of moonshine. If the world is to be changed—

from its hellish—into a heavenly nature, it can only be accomplished—

by the Napoleonic method. By a superior Insight into Its whole

diversified machinery,—& by silent & electrically quick & efficient

motions—like those of the great Corsican in his sphere, we can

conquer it in less time,—than it took him to rule the Continent

of Europe. Your happiness & mine—& that of all inclined & disposed

like us, needs not to wait—till the whole world is really conquered

or reformed; it is secured to us—as soon as we shall have secured—

an active organization—of a sort to satisfy all our demands—

that shall evince the possession of the "ever growing.& Improving

principle,"—for "the soul is not appeased by a deed—but only

by a tendency."—

Hence, my dearest Sir,—destiny—at an early day, when she

310

disclosed to me—what was her object & purpose in creating me,—

showed me also the necessity of studying my great calling "like

a business operation"; for in its knowledge & science—lies &

consists the power—to produce the mightiest Reformation—which

the world ever saw, or the intellect can conceive, in spite of

that perverse world—& all it can do—against it, Plato, you

recollect—in the Banquet, gives a very wise & sagacious hint,

how Planning produces opulence, & how from its union with poverty—

love originates. Now my dear Sir—half a dozen of men of our

Stamp,—can, when I shall show them how,—create as much wealth

as they choose. Use it, to give the crushed adult & young victims—

of a hellish society: a.) a permanent home; b,) in that home

a permanent occupation—such as God designed by the gifts bestowed,—

& hence their own choice (-. attractive industry,)—c.) secure to

them the full value of their labor's produce; d.) give them all—

an enlarged polltechnic Pestalozzian education, & e.) bind them

together by an endless—all embracing principle of Universal insurance:

—& you will see a friendship, love, joy, happiness,—virtue & goodness— spring up before / Sheet N° 2, / your very eyes,—that shall surpass

that of Pentecost—in the same measure—as our developed science

gives us a greater power over external nature;—including man’s

own forces themselves,—

My task & object in addressing you—in all which until now

I have communicated, was therefore—naturally—no so much to speak

merely from the "interior,"—than to exhibit to your mind—as

many divers facts, incidents & thoughts as possible—all tending

311

to give your intellect an actual insight—that destiny had—by

its own education—qualified me for the great task it has placed

upon my shoulders,

For I can not doubt, that if you can convince yourself—that

there is neither self delusion,—nor an unworthy motive connected

with the character I claim—& feel & know to be;—that I am as

destitute of pride, vanity, selfishness & self-interest in my

aspirations—perhaps as much as you can wish me to bej—am—with

all my knowledge—as docile & unassuming—as—comparatively—I

was—when a child at schools—I say—when you can convince yourself—

that all this is absolute reality, & my science to make heaven upon

earth a practicable thing,—with me a matter as familiar—as to

a tradesman his handicrafts then you may again kindle up—into

your own former celestial joy & enthusiasm, & lend that mighty

hand of your powerful gifts—to Gods, humanity's—or your own—

eternal work.

That particular power in & of man,—which now rules the world—

more than any other,—& really has ruled it—through all history—

up to this day,—is so called "common Sense" or understanding.

This fact has, in different words—& in sundry places—of your

works—been noticed by yourself. For it is by understanding alone—

that the good & noble man,—or the selfish & base—can carry out

& realize into life—all their diversified wishes, aims, thoughts

& aspirations. In proportion as this understanding of any given

matter—is more or less full & complete,—is its success more or

less certain or doubtful. Hence the understanding is the "door

312

to men’s hearts or volition." The conquests made by understanding—

are lasting & enduring,—for it rouses—& admits of—no reaction,

as their results are finally of universal benefit, although their

first application may only have beneficed the few,—

When I look back upon the last "37" years of my existence,

& survey the singular spectacle,—how, on the one hand,—the infinite

motive within me—incessantly desired to employ the countless

forces of my being,—& on the other—how God’s destiny—seriatim—

kept me engaged quite differently—with tasks and occupations,

which, looked at detatchedly by themselves, did appear mean and

trifling for abilities like mines I almost wonder—how it was

possible—that I could so patiently & contentedly spend the minute

attention & indefatiguable diligence upon matters apparently so

small & insignificant—which, impelled by the very nature of my

whole being—I was impelled to bestow thereon.

For, when you will get a full insight into the construction

of my being, you will discover—that by the very law that constitutes

my identity,—I am prevented & prohibited—from doing any botchwork

whatever, be the task imployed at—infinite as Space,—or only

the smallest atom within the huge "Aristotelian Vessel."

Hence—destiny—by making me—for so long a time, sometimes

almost an unwilling—apprentice of all the details—of the countless

trades & conditions—by which she employs & rules mens she has

accumulated within my memory, insight & understanding—an immensity

of elementary material,—the like of which—has, up to this day—

from the dawn of history—perhaps never been found—in any other

313

human being.— By this boundless opulence of material,—ranging

with equal familiarity—from the cap-stone of thought & idealism—

down to all the details of practical life & phenomenal nature,—

I can, with perhaps greater truth—apply the maxim of Terence:2"homo sum—humani nihil a me allenum puto" to my self—than he

could to his own. By this wealth of intellectual material,—the

accomplishment of any thing I undertake—becomes comparatively

easy; for where I am not in the full possession of all the materials

already thereunto required,—my understanding—practised & disciplined

in all directions, knows the shortest & surest way—to the sources—

where they are to be found & acquired.

To this unlimited capacity—& adaptability—for all—assorted

action,—are added certain individual traits—that heighten their

efficiency. First: my personal & individual wants—are as simple

& few—as perhaps hardly to find their equal in any man—who commands

the means at my control. If needs be—& a great object could

thereby be realized—I would even not fear to enter the lists with 3any Diogenes,—to see—who could surpass me—in reducing human

wants to the smallest compass in number & amount.

Next, I am prepared—to challenge my equal amongst the dead

& the living, in that capacity—so beautifully defined by you—

as "modem majesty". namely "work."— For I hardly believe—that

either "Caesar, Frederic of Prussia— or Napoleon, "—or any other

man,—could, even in the days of their vigorous youth & manhood,—

have equalled—not to say surpassed—a feat,—which, in my (now—

(after my body underwent more hardships than their’s ever did—

314

which I can detailedly prove—at some other time & place,) running towards completion) "57-^" year,--have, during the last 3 months—

performed no less than 3 times—without any inconvenience. And

that feat is & was: "that I have worked the 24 hours of a whole

day and night—uninterruptedly,—without rest & sleep,—at a mental

labor—requiring a fixed & close attention of thought,—permitting

myself—not over 15 minutes—for discussing the frugal meals—

required—not over twice—during the performance,"

The performance being accomplished,—I laid down 2-3 hours

to doze—& rose again refreshed to my labor, as if nothing particularly

had happened,— If then—I can already now,—alternating—from

tasks of drudgery—to the more congenial occupation with thought

& ideas,—(yet still the whole performed in a transient & preparatory

sphere of action,—not giving that satisfaction which the heart

& intellect yearn after,) I am enabled to perform such an amount

of labor: what could I do—when all my forces were called into

joyous & conquering action—by the actual sight—of the infinite

aim,—once stimulating me into most intense exertion,—standing

in a small materialized body before my outer senses?— I feel

that I could, by merely showing others how & where to act,—peaceably

revolutionize the world within 25 years; and will demand for that

purpose—at the start—only from a half—to one dozen of true men,—

& will show them myself the infallible way—how to acquire all

the necessary means, as they become needed,—4Barbaroux "wanted 500 men—that knew how to die";—I only

want l/50 the number—of such—that have the inmost desire to

315

learn "how to live,"—& will engage to perform with them in a

shorter time—greater & infinitely better things—than his bronzed

sons of sunny southern France,—ever did,—no matter how inspired

they were—by de Lille’s "Marsailiaise."—

I am inspired all the time,—& carry the fire—immeasurable

as the Ocean within my bosom—of which Christ says;—Luke 12,49.

"I have come to kindle a fire upon earth, & Oh!—how do I long—

it were burning already!" (Luther* tr,)

But destiny has kept back my time—a purpose—that the enthusiasm

of the youthful burning heart—after God's heaven on earth,—should

be infused—into the all-cutting "Damascus blade"—of the matured

understanding,—whereby,—as soon as a chance of action is opened,—

the issue & victory—will remain no longer questionable.

Thus far,—I suppose—your life—as far as results are concerned,—

if nothing more & better were to follow yet on earth,—is no more

satisfactory to the hopes & wishes of your heart & intellect,—

than mine own Is in this request to myself,—

But—if God wills it—that we shall get a proper understanding

between us,—of what he wants & wishes us to do,—another & a better

time—will—at once spring into existence,—which will reward us

for all our past sufferings & sacrifices,—& change them all into

heaven's best coin,—

If I had not invariably felt the assurance, that I would

yet on earth—eventually find the sphere of action—within which

I may run the heavenly carrier for which I know myself qualified

& destined,—I would—ere this—have died of a broken heart;—

316

for this world—as it is—gives me no joy or pleasure—of any sort,

& if it were to remain as it is,—I would prefer to be out of it

rather to day—than waiting until to morrow. But before leaving,

I would of course, make one grand, concentrated, desparate effort,

to see—whether there was no way left to change it into something

better. This great effort, I have—until now,—by the "man within

my man,"—been prevented from making,--as he never yet before told *

me that the proper time for doing it—had arrived. And he has

sufficiently instructed me to understand—that the individual’s

exertion is futile, as long as "God’s own time is not at hand"—

in which he will use us as his tools. There are now—however,

a greater number of signs—on the sky of the "times," than I ever

observed—at any time heretofore,—indicating that the Lord's

own day is not far off.— Hence my hope & energy are roused to

greater vitality—than at any period heretofore.— Well—my dearest

Sir,—are not you & I brothers, created by the same Almighty hand—

out of substance—eternally belonging to the sane God? Does not

he constitute himself—the innermost essence of our life & being?—

Is it not himself actually—who illumes our mutual intellects—

with the great Ideas—which we cherish—as beacons & aims of eternal

duration,—& inspires our hearts with purposes & hopes—that are

impulses of his own divine Will?— If these thoughts are true,—

we ought to find no insuperable difficulty—to become one—in

I nevertheless treated the various occasions—which presented themselves heretofore,—as detailed in my biographical sketch,— with as much earnestness & energy—as if possibly they might be the great desideratum—each at its time, themselves.

317

our great Eternal Source & father,—& th that Unity find the power

to realize his great will on this blasted Planet—as in unspeakable

love—it is done—in the heavens where his absolute goodness reigns

supreme. Whatever is about & in me,—of good & divine,—belongs

to God,—& has been given me by his grace; the foibles & imperfections—

that may cling to me—or any of us,—are in part our work, or

weakness, which his wisdom may see fit, not prematurely to liberate

us from.— Hence, keep in mind, that when describing my original

gifts or acquired qualifications, I do it with the same full absence

of all vanity or selfishness,—as if I were speaking of your own,—

or those of any body else. For—what—of all the qualities—which

we have got,—is there—what in sober reality we can call our own?—

All this pretended ownership on our part—belongs to the silliest

imaginations,—that men are victims to.— Just at this point

of closing,—I receive the longed for letter of my cousin Preyer,"thdated—April 13., & mailed at Aix la Chapelle, on the 15= , thus

reaching me here on the 19= day, after leaving there,— I shall

use, the remaining blank margins of the 2 Sheets,—for filling s 6them with numbered P.S, , —for giving you the main points of

Pr’s letter bearing on the chief point in our case. Meanwhile

please accept the most cordial greetings, from one who loves &

respects you with highest regard,

P, Kaufmann,

P.S. 1.) The cause of the delay in Preyer’s writing, was the death

of a beloved Sister, who had been sickly mostly during a whole

year past. She died just at the moment—when the Rhine-Steamer

318

was running at the wharf in Cologne, So when he came to her bed,

she was a corpse,P.S. N° 2.) By the death of this Sister—his departure for Hamburgh,

was delayed,—so that he could not take the Steamer which started stfrom there—on the 1= inst,—

P.S. N° 3.) Not wishing to lose more time than absolutely unavoidable,—

Preyer then concluded, & already contracted—to come with the

Bremen Steamer "Indiana" Capt, Baker, commanding, which leaves thBremerhafen, the port of Bremen, on the 9= inst,, expecting to

streach New York, about the 21 , ,—which arrangement is now final—

as Preyer has secured his space—& paid money on the contract.

P.S. N= 4.) By this new & now abiding arrangement, I shall not

need to start from here, until about a week from hence; for if

I am 3-4 days in New York—before Preyer’s arrival on or about stthe 21= , it will suffice for attending to the business—I have

to take care of, as also visit the friends and places I may wish

to see,— This elongation of the time, gives you also—a little smore chance—to peruse my lengthy M.S. —

P.S, N= 5.) If you have written to me at Philadelphia, I shall

get your letter from my friends, when reaching there. If however

you have time & leisure, to drop me a line here, immediately when

receiving this, it will or may reach me yet—whilst I remain here,—

319

411. Emerson to Kaufmann (May 14, 1857)

Concord, 14 May

My dear Sir,

You have taken such a world of kind pains for me, and you

offer me such alliances, that I think I cannot do less than make

the journey to New York, which I should not otherwise make at this

time, I happen to be building some addition to my house in these

days, but my brother in N. Y. is coming to Concord with his family,

& I will bring him home with me. I shall probably take a room

at the Saint Denis House, Broadway, and I shall probably arrive there about 5 or 6 o clock P.M, on Monday, IS^ instant. Tis

possible, I may go out (after leaving ray baggage there,) to Staten

Island, to pass the night with my brother. In that case, I shall

be at the St Denis again, the next morning, at 10. But if you

choose to meet me at the St Denis, on the arrival of the P.M.

train from Boston, I will spend that night in N, Y.

Faithfully,

R, W. Emerson

Mr Kaufmann

320

12. Kaufmann to Emerson (June 17, 1857)1

Canton, Ohio, June 17^\ 1857.

37 IR, W, Emerson, Esq. / Concord, Mass,

My dearest Sir,—

Conformably to my promise, I advised you—by a few lines—2from New York, that my Cousin Preyer & family—did safely land

ston our shores—on the 1- inst.— By dint of indefatiguable exer­

tions—we succeeded in getting his goods passed through the Custom

house,—as also his other business arranged, so that we could depart

from the huge Modern—Cis-Atlantic "Babylon’'—with the Penn} Central

train, for our Western home—on Saturday—the 6^ inst. A journey

with women & a family of 6 children—for a distance of 6-700 miles—

upon a rail road,—is, even amidst the best of arrangements & accom­

odations,—by no means a child’s play. Hence you will believe me,—that we all felt very glad—when—on the evening of the lO^1,

(owing to overnight's stays on the route,) we at last reached our

journey’s end,—safe & sound—& in better spirits & condition—

than the fatigues passed through—might have led us—to expect,~

In my lines from New York, above referred to—I had promised

you—to write you these presents—as soon as—after reaching home,

I should obtain the control of sufficient leisure.— I hereby

discharge the obligation thus assumed, not knowing—if not doing

it now,—the press of business matters around me, will soon again

32i

offer me the same opportunity,— A word once given, I consider

as a debt contracted, & do no feel easy—until the obligation is

cancelled,—

Before commencing these lines, I have re-read the letters

which your kind hand has written me—in reply to my various com­

munications,— I have also recalled the well spent hours—which

I had the good fortune to pass in your company—at our late reunion

in New York, And I am glad—that "the man within my man, "—gives

me full liberty to say: "that I am perfectly satisfied—with every

thing that has occurred between us, thus far,—& consider the whole

of It—as favorable to the great work of him, in whose hands—each

one of us is but an instrument—made by the same all-wondrous arti­

ficer,"—

Men of uncommon gifts—are "Universes unexplored";—hence

when such meet—for the first time—face to face,—they do not

expect—to see the whole boundless infinity—of their respective

minds—as it were—displayed in the exterior nutshell of the bodily

organism,— Yet—it is doubtless true,—that they scan the impressions

which the "engraven traits" of that exterior make respectively

upon one another,—In order to be compared with the traits of that

intellectual image—which, theretofore—they had formed of one

another.

Whatever the impressions may be—which—from our brief personal

intercourse—my creatural man—has left upon your reminiscence:

I feel free & glad to confess—that those left upon my mind—by

your own person & mode of appearance—do in no manner conflict

322

with the mental image—I had formed of your individuality—by the

reading of your works, & the appreciation of your great ideas.—

I have—before going to sleep at nights,—partly read the

"poems,"—which you had the kindness to present. I have found

therein—amongst valuable others, at least "One Idea, "—which by

due application—may become uncommonly fertile—during my coming

course of life. After it shall—have produced such harvest,—I

shall feel bound—to give you the particulars. At present it would

be premature—& uninteresting,—

Preyer, my cousin, is a man of rare gifts, much energy,—ex­

perience, and a good education. But he has as yet no knowledge

of the English language whatever. The passage in his letter, which

became the cause on my part—to search for your writings—& therefrom

to desire a closer acquaintance—he had got from a work of "Frederika 3

Bremer,"-— I have advised—Preyer—to throw himself with good

earnest—upon the Study of the English language, as the only Key—

to become fully familiar with our country, its life & modes. He

feels this to be true,—& says he will pursue it—as the only correct

course. Being a good linguist—& particularly fully master of

the French,—the acquisition of the English,—so far at least as

understanding & writing it—are concerned,—he may encompass—by

ordinary diligence & perseverance.— Before?Pr. has made this

necessary conquest,—his sphere of action—for himself & others—

can of course be one—only more or less limited. The means at

his control—will assist him—to abbreviate these limits, & make

easy their duration—as long as they last,—

323

Having—by my Eastern trip—been one full month from home,—

my drudgery duties have thereby accumulated to a frowning altitude,—

so that for several weeks to come—they will really probe & test

the true force of him,—whom, in your lines of May 3.» (to Philadelphia) 4your have the kindness to style a "formidable performer,"

After that unpleasant job—shall have been accomplished,—

I shall concentrate all the forces under my control—beneath the

foot stool of the "Most High"—in order to be Instructed—of the

next Step then necessary,

I have, I think in one of your volumes—noted a Statement

made by you—in regard to the "act of thinking, "—wherein you assert­ed

that "thinking" is "the hardest kind of labor,"— The same Statement

I have heard from numberless others, when conversing upon that

subject heretofore. Hence I am bound to admit it as a fact—so

far as all those are concerned—making that Statement.—

But so far as my own individuality is concerned,—I form one

strange exception to this—apparently general—rule. "Thinking"

itself—is—& never has been—a real labor with me. I am always

thinking upon one thing or another—& never get tired of it, as

it is an exertion with me—not at all felt, & easier—than the

lightest play work. I never had any head ache from "Thinking";—

but if I feel a head ache at all—(which is very rare,) it indicates

a deranged stomach, that calls attention to Its State in that manner.—

When I desire to write or speak upon any subject whatever,—

I need not at all labor to call forth thoughts—thereupon;—but

thoughts press themselves from that moment—upon my mind’s attention—

324

in such crowds,—that the labor,—if there is labor at all,—consists

in making my selection—from the infinitude of thoughts—then crowding

upon my attention,—

In order therefore—of enabling my mind—to make the possibly

best selection in any given case,—of the thoughts thus crowding

upon it,—I first fully compose my mind—into perfect rest—by

placing my whole being—into God’s sublime presence,—* passively—

in his effulgent—all-piercing light,—permit all thoughts present

or near—to make such Impressions upon my intellect—as his wisdom

& goodness sees fit & best.

The result of this process—I have found to be ever the same.

Peace of mind—& a perfect resignation into his holy will—are

the Inevitable consequences,— For however ardent my wishes are—

to ameliorate the condition of our suffering race,—however great

& sure my perceptions are—that a real heaven on Earth—is possible—

for man,—if he places himself into its true conditions: yet—so

long as God sees fit—to withhold the means from me—upon which

depends my successful action,—I can resign my will into his—with

perfect—& loving resignation,—* thank him infinitely—for imparting

to me the docility—by which I am enabled doing so, until his appointed

time shall arrive.

That the act of ’¿thinking" is thus no labor to me,—may perhaps

be a new Phenomenon to you,—upon which, when leisure permits you,—

as also upon any other matter heretofore touched upon,—I shall

be very happy— to learn your views,—Your profound views—(in lines of May 3^) in relation to friendship-

325

& "the odds in nature—against any two parties understanding one

another,"—I shall not at this time discuss—for want of time &

space.— Our personal conference has convinced me—that you are

In reality the man—as my mind saw you in your printed volumes.

Much as I have written to you—until now, it is not—perhaps more

than one fourth of that of your’s—which I have read in print.

Hence I am still your Debtor,—& only by paying up, I shall enable

you to cast clear glimpses—into those covered corners of my being-

not touched upon heretofore. This balance due, God willing, I

mean to pay in "printed matter," in due time,— Meanwhile—I

shall not remain behind hand in our individual correspondence,—

& keep you advised of any "progress"—which kind destiny permits

in unravelling its "Sphinx-riddles".— Yours with immortal regard

& divine affection

P, Kaufmann.

326

413. Emerson to Kaufmann (October 18, 1858)

Concord Oct 18 1858

My dear Sir,2I received a few days ago your letter & book, and was very

glad to hear once more from you, & in so significant a manner,

A book which a man of your depth has considerately written & published,

I take for granted, is a piece of thorough work which can well

wait for our whims & preoccupations to be past, & will approve

itself good to all eyes as they come to it. But I should gladlier

have had a book of results, in which you left us to divine the

premises. And I am now & then looking about in the "Temple,’’ to

spy where you have lodged the few formulas which contain the whole,

& for which all was written. I have already come upon one or two

of them, each of which is worth any twenty pages at least. When

I have satisfied myself that I have found all that is for me in

the book, I shall introduce it to the knowledge of some good readers 3

in my neighborhood, & we will see what they can make of it. It

is a great comfortt that it comes from a precise mind which uses

language accurately; and that It marches with method; &, best of

all, to a moral determination. For a loving aim glorifies a whole

work. If I were younger, as I told you perhaps already, I should

not let such a correspondence sleep as you so magnanimously begun,4and did your part in; and I am always believing, that, if I once

327

get certain tasks well off my mind, I shall recover a heart of

youth again, & shall meet noble propositions & proposers nobly.

Meantime you must indulge me, & hope the best for me, as you will.

With thanks & best wishes,

Your debtor,

R, W. Emerson

Mr Kaufmann.

328

NOTES

INTRODUCTION

Letter to the Rev. Wm. R. £slc3 Channing, Boston, March, 1847, Peter Kaufmann Collection, Box 7, in The Ohio Historical Society at Columbus,

^Letter to Elizabeth Cady Stanton, March, 1854, Peter Kaufmann Collection, Society at Columbus,

Seneca Falls, New York,Box 8, in The Ohio Historical

3The drafts of the letters to both Channing and Stanton are

extremely sloppy by comparison, and suggest that Kaufmann made frequent mistakes during the actual composition.

4"The Emerson Letters," The Virginia Quarterly Review, 15»

No, 4 (Autumn 1939), P. 643,

'’"Introduction," The Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939), I, xvi.

z°Loyd D, Easton provides a thorough discussion of Kaufmann’s Hegelian philosophy in his chapter on Kaufmann, "Peter Kaufmann on Social Perfection and Dialectics," in his Hegel’s First American Followers: The Ohio Hegelians (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1966), pp. 95-122, See also Easton’s "Hegelianism in Nineteenth- Century Ohio" (Journal of the History of Ideas, 23, No, 3, July- Sept, 1962, 355-78), and Joseph L, Blau’s "Food for Middle Western Thought" (in The Heritage of the Middle West, ed, John J. Murray, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958, pp. 177-97), both of which contain concise analyses of Kaufmann’s thought.

?Rusk, I, liii-liv.

®Easton, Hegel’s First American Followers, p, 104,

Q7Easton, in a letter dated August 8, 1972.

329

10Letter dated October 28, 1972,

UrusR, V, p, 122n,l^Peter Kaufmann, The Temple of Truth, or the Science of Ever-

Progressive Knowledge (Cincinnatis Truman & Spofford, 1858), p, 278,

l^Rusk, lxiv.

THE CORRESPONDENCE

1. Kaufmann to Emerson (February 23, 1857)

The original manuscript, bMS Am 1280 (1737), is'owned by the Ralph Waldo Emerson Memorial Association and located in the Houghton Library at Harvard University; it consists of a single sheet folded once into four pages of writing (each measuring 30£ x 19if cm,). Although this is the first letter Kaufmann actually sent to Emerson, it is not the first one written: Kaufmann, as he explains here, had begun his "lengthy Epistle" the previous month, but it was not sent until its completion on April 26 (see letter 8).

2Kaufmann elaborates on his discovery of Emerson's writings in letter 3, explaining that his cousin, J, P, Preyer, had written him from Germany (where Emerson enjoyed a rather wide readerships cf, Julius Simon's Ralph Waldo Emerson in Deutschland) "during the latter half of '56,quoting some of Emerson's "vigorous passages." In letter 8, Kaufmann identifies the four volumes and specifies the editions as follows: Nature, Addresses, and Lectures (Boston and Cambridge: James Munroe and Company, 1849); English Traits (Boston: Phillips, Sampson, and Company, I856); and what he describes as "your 2 vols, of Essays, first & second Series, (Boston, 1854)"— the first of which Phillips, Sampson, and Company did indeed publish that year (as a "New Edition"), although their "Second Edition" of the Second Series was not issued until 1855 (and no other publisher brought out an edition of the Essays in 1854),

^The phrase is Emerson’s, from English Traits, p, 286 (of the I856 edition): "I can easily see the bankruptcy of the vulgar musket-worship,—though great men be musket-worshippers;—and 'tis certain, as God liveth, the gun that does not need another gun,

330

the law of love and justice alone, can effect a clean revolution,"

4"Zertusht" is a variant spelling of "Zarathustra" (or Zoroaster), Emerson, too, refers to Zertusht, in his essay on "Character" (Second Series),

'’Emerson reflects on the way in which the Saxon, though "formally conquered" by the Norman, "had managed to make the victor speak the language and accept the law and usage of the victim" (English Traits, p, 80 of the 1856 edition),

gJulius Civilis, Germanic leader of the Batavians in their war

against Rome (69-70 A.D.),

7Kaufmann is probably referring here to the fact that Switzerland

was formed when, in 1291, the men of the three forest cantons of Uri, Schwyz, and Nidwalden united into the "eternal alliance," or Everlasting League for self-defense against the Hapsburgs—the league which was the foundation of the Swiss Confederation,

Emmanuel Joseph Sieyes (1748-1836)—generally known as "Abbé Sieyès"—was a French Revolutionary leader, statesman, and publicist, indeed known for his "paper draftings & written constitutions": he became prominent with the publication of his pamphlet on the third estate, Qu’est-ce que le Tiers ¿tat? (1789), which furnished a program for the popular leaders in the initial steps of the Revolution; later, his draft of a new constitution was almost completely rewritten by Napoleon,

oThis is the letter Kaufmann began in January of 1857 and finally

sent to Emerson upon its completion nearly four months later, on April 26 (letter 8); it consists of eighty long pages of manuscript.

2. Emerson to Kaufmann (March 9, 1857)

The original manuscript was owned by the late Miss Mary E. Herbst of Canton, Ohio—Kaufmann's granddaughter—who discovered it, along with the four other letters from Emerson to Kaufmann, in 1936 at the urging of Ralph L. Rusk, in the attic of Kaufmann’s house (in which she was living) at 336 Market Avenue, South; it is now supposedly in the hands of another member of the Herbst family in Canton, and a photostat of the manuscript is owned by the Columbia University Libraries, The envelope that accompanies the manuscript is addressed simply to "Peter Kaufmann. / Canton, /

331

Ohio,," and although the postmark is illegible, Kaufmann noted at the top of the first page: "Rec& 13^." Rusk's transcription from the original manuscript appears in Volume 5 of his edition of Emerson's Letters, pp, 66-67,

3. Kaufmann to Emerson (March 16, 1857)

4The original manuscript, bMS Am 1280 (1738), is owned by

the Ralph Waldo Emerson Memorial Association and located in the Houghton Library at Harvard University; it consists of two sheets, each folded once into four pages of writing (each measuring 30^ x 19i cm.)—eight pages altogether.

^The doctrines of William Miller (1782-184-9), an American religious enthusiast and sectarian leader (his Millerite followers later became known as Seventh-Day Adventists), who interpreted the Scriptures as foretelling the early coming of Christ and the end of the world, and began lecturing on the millenium in 1831,In 184-3 and 1844-, the Millerites prepared for Christ's coming by neglecting worldly pursuits, donning ascension robes, and gathering at appointed times on hilltops and In cemeteries,

^This phrase, without the parenthetical material, which is added by Kaufmann, is from Shakespeare's Othello (ill, iii, 357), and is sometimes used to refer to one who is "laid on the shelf," no longer "the observed of all' observers."

4By rule of seniority.

-’Greeley (1811-1872), editor of the New York Tribune, lectured in Canton on Thursday evening, December 21, 1854, at Union School Hall, on the subject of "Education," Kaufmann seems not to have been aware that Emerson and Greeley had known each other for over a decade, but just nine months before this lecture (in a letter dated 11 March 1854), Emerson had written to Carlyle of Greeley's influence in the Midwest: "Greeley of the New York Tribune is the right spiritual father of all this region he prints & disperses 110 000 newspapers in one day, multitudes of them in these very parts. He had preceded me by a few days, & people had flocked together, coming 30 & 40 miles to hear him speak; as was right, for he does all their thinking & theory for them, for two dollars a year" (Slater, p, 499). Emerson had also experienced Greeley's popularity only two months previous to Kaufmann's present letter, when, on January 15, the lights went out during his lecture "Conduct of Life" in Rochester, New York, and "the audience called for Hon,

332

Horace Greeley, who occupied a seat on the platform, being casually in town, Mr, Greeley rose in the darkness and spoke a few words" (Rochester Dally American, January 16, 1857)—much to the consternation of Emerson, who wrote to his wife Lidian two days later: "Catch me carrying Greeley into my lecture again!" (Rusk, V, 56). Thus, in light of what Emerson already knew of Greeley, Kaufmann’s attempt to impress Emerson with this story appears ironic, although his description of the incident does characterize him as one Midwesterner and two-dollar Tribune subscriber who did not need Greeley to think and theorize for him.

Eros,

7These words were uttered in reply to Eurybiades, commander

of the Spartan fleet, when he raised his staff as though to strike Themistocles, who was disputing with him as to the best means of resisting Xerxes* attack, in 480 B.C.

^The river in Hades by which the gods swore their most solemn oaths,

%sman I (1259-1326), called Osman al-Ghazi (i.e,, the Conqueror), who founded the Ottoman Empire and conquered northwestern Asia Minor.

10At par; equal,

11Kaufmann’s use of this phrase here foreshadows the title of the book he was to publish the following year,

12"Bayard" is used in many proverbial sayings to refer to one who is blind to the light of knowledge, and who has the self-confidence and presumption of ignorance; Kaufmann’s usage here is consistent with this meaning,

^Emerson’s famous letter to Whitman was dated 21 July 1855» and it was reprinted in the I856 edition of Leaves of Grass in a section after the poems, entitled "Correspondence." This quote appears on p, 346 of that edition,

14Johann Peter Preyer, who was studying for a Ph.D, at the University of Bonn,

^•^rhese "educational heros" are: Christian Gotthilf Salzmann (1744-1811) and his associate, Johann Bernhard Basedow (17247-1790),Joachim Heinrich Campe (1746-1818), August Herman Niemeyer (1754-1828), and Johann Christoph Friedrich Guts Muths (1759-1839)» all of whom were

333

involved in German educational reform as teachers and authors of pioneering pedagogical works. Jean Paul Friedrich Richter (1763- 1825) is included with this group for his classic work on pedagogy, Levana Oder Erzi ehungslehre (1807),

16Kaufmann’s half-brother, Peter Kaufmann II (born in 1806), was a Doctor of Economics at the University of Bonn, where Preyer was a student.

4. Emerson to Kaufmann (March 24, 1857)

1The original manuscript, like those of the other four letters

from Emerson to Kaufmann, was discovered in 1936 by Miss Mary E, Herbst in the attic of Kaufmann’s house in Canton, Ohio, and was owned by her; it is now supposedly in the hands of another member of the Herbst family in Canton, and a photostat of the manuscript is owned by the Columbia University Libraries. The envelope that accompanies the manuscript is addressed to "Peter Kaufmann, Esq. / Canton. / Ohio,," and although the postmark is illegible, Kaufmann noted at the top of the first page: "Rec- March 28." Rusk’s transcription from the original manuscript appears in Volume 5 of his edition of Emerson’s Letters, pp. 68-69.

5. Kaufmann to Emerson (March 26, 1857)

4AThe original manuscript, bMS Am 1280 (1739), is owned by the Ralph Waldo Emerson Memorial Association and located in the Houghton Library at Harvard University; it consists of two sheets, each folded once into four pages of writing (each measuring 30| x 19$- cm.)—eight pages altogether.

^This quotation is from the last sentence of the next to the last paragraph of Emerson’s essay on "Character" (Second Series).

3^Unless I am mistaken,

4This quotation is indeed from Carlyle’s sketch on "Voltaire," but the correct title of the volume is Critical and Miscellaneous Essays.

33b

Kaufmann's reference is to John, author of the Book of Apocalypse, a Christian prophet who was exiled to the penal island of Patmos (in the Aegean Sea) for having borne witness to the word of God, probably for preaching Christianity and refusing to participate in the state religion,

gThe submarine cable was indeed a wonder at the time of this

letter, as no successful cable had yet been laid. The very first submarine attempt was the cable laid between England and France in 1850, which broke shortly after communication had been established.The first transatlantic attempt was made in 1857, but it failed when the cable broke during laying and could not be recovered.In 1854, Cyrus W, Field had founded the New York, Newfoundland & London Telegraph Company, to lay a transatlantic cable, so hopes for such a "strange innovation" had been high in America for three years at the time of Kaufmann's writing,

'Andrew Crosse (1784-1855), was an English electrician noted for his experiments in electro-crystallization (the formation of crystals under the influence of electricity). In 1837, while pursuing his experiments, Crosse for the first time observed the appearance of insect life In immediate connection with his voltaic arrangements. These insects were proved to belong to the genus Arcarus, and were observed in metallic solutions supposed to be destructive to organic life.

Speter Mark Roget (1779-1869), the English physician and scholar best known for his Thesaurus (1852), wrote On Animal and Vegetable Physiology, which was published in 1834 as one of the eight Bridgewater Treatises (a series of treatises published from 1833-1836, in accordance with the terms of the will of Francis Henry Egerton, 8th Earl of Bridgewater, who died in 1829, leaving 8,000 pounds for the author of the best treatise on "The Goodness of God as manifested in the Creation"),

qEaston, who is Professor of Philosophy at Ohio Wesleyan

University, writes, in a letter dated October 20, 1972, that Kaufmann here "is, however, quite wrong in saying there's 'not a word' on relation of conceptions to phenomena and sensations in Kant, Fichte, Hegel. Loose reading!"

l°Holbach's Le Système de la nature was published in 1770 under the name of Jean Baptiste de Mirabaud (1675-1760), the late secretary of the Académie Française,

11Henry Peter Brougham (1778-1868), British statesman, orator, and scientist, and one of the founders of the Edinburgh Review in 1802,

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l^Etienne Bonnot de Condillac (1715-1780), a French philosopher, was a leading advocate of the doctrine of sensationalism,

13̂Francis Joseph Nicholas Neef (1770-1854), was an educator who established the first Pestalozzian school in the United States (a post for which Pestalozzi himself had recommended him). He published The Logic of Condillac, Tr, by Joseph Neef, as an Illustration of the Plan of Education Established at His School near Philadelphia, in 1809.

^Johann Heinrich Daniel Zschokke (1771-1848), a German writer, published his story Das Goldmacherdorf in 1817} it was translated into English as The Goldmaker's Village in 1833.

^Alfonso X of Leon and Castile (1221-1284), known as "Alfonso the Astronomer," directed, in 1252, the revision of the Ptolemaic planetary tables; the Alphonsine tables were the astronomical obser­vations compiled at his command to correct those of Ptolemy. Alfonso is reported to have said of Ptolemy’s astronomy: "Had I been present at the creation, I would have given some useful hints for the better ordering of the universe."

16Again, Kaufmann employs the phrase that was to become the title of his magnum opus one year later.

17Kaufmann became editor of the German language newspaper published in Canton, Vaterlands Freund und Geist der Zelt, in August of 1831, and he continued in this position until 1842.

1REdward Everett (1794-1865) and George Bancroft (1800-1891) were both United States ministers to Great Britain—Everett from 1841-45 and Bancroft from 1846-49; the Court of St. James is the official name of the British court (named after what was the principal royal residence in London).

6. Kaufmann to Emerson (March 29, 1857)

4The original manuscript, bMS Am 1280 (1740), is owned by

the Ralph Waldo Emerson Memorial Association and located in the Houghton Library at Harvard University; it consists of two sheets, each folded once into four pages of writing (each measuring 30m x 19i cm.)—eight pages altogether.

336

^Kaufmann’s paraphrase is from Emerson's lecture, "The Transcenden­talist," pi 345 (of the 1849 edition of Nature, Addresses, and Lectures): "... these old guardians never change their minds;they have but one mood on the subject, namely, that Antony is very perverse,—that it is quite as much as Antony can do to assert his rights, abstain from what he thinks foolish, and keep his temper."

3̂"Orlando" is the Italian and Portugese form of "Roland," and it is probably to this medieval hero, the nephew of Charlemagne and most celebrated of the twelve paladins, that Kaufmann is here referring, as the other three are all famous heroes: Pierre Terrail, Seigneur de Bayard (1473?-1524), the French hero renowned for his knightly character, and known as "Chevalier sans peur et sans reproche"; King Richard I of England (1157-1199), sumamed Coeur de Lion (or Lion-Hearted); and the Cid (el Cid Campeador, 10407-1099), the soldier and ideal hero of Spanish literature,

4An eye as keen as that of a lynx, an animal noted for its quickness of sight; thus, keen-sightedness,

'’The experiment or trial of the cross; thus, a bold and dangerous experiment,

^To do is to say; or, if "faire sans dire": to act unostentatiously,

^Brisbane (1809-1890) was the most noted American advocate of Fourierism, on which he wrote in such expositions as the Social Destiny of Man (1840), and Association (1843).

Phalanstère was the term coined by Francois Marie Charles Fourier (1772-1837), French social scientist and reformer, to describe the common building provided for in his scheme of co-operative societal organization, which would house each "phalanx" (a co-operative community of approximately 400 families, of four members each—the optimum size, according to Fourier, to allow for the industrial and social needs of the group), Fourier’s proposed system is perhaps best advanced in his Théorie des Quatre Mouvements et des Destinées Générales (1808), and Brook Farm is probably the most famous of actual Fourieristic communal attempts,

^Claude Henri de Rouvroy, Comte de Saint-Simon (I76O-I825), the French philosopher and social scientist regarded as the founder of French socialism, developed his social theories (which were later expanded by his disciples into a system known as Saint-Simonianism) in a series of treatises, including L’Industrie ou Discussions Politiques, Morales et Philosophiques , , , (18177, Système Industriel (1820-23),and Nouveau Christianisme (1825).

337

10The religious leader Johann Georg Rapp (1757-184-7), headed a group of separatists who emigrated from Germany to the United States in 1803 and settled the town of Harmony, in Butler County, Pennsylvania—a religious communistic settlement. In 1814-, Rapp and his group moved to the Wabash Valley of Indiana and settled the town called New Harmony (which they sold to Robert Owen in 1824-), Rapp’s final move was to Beaver County, Pennsylvania, where he and his followers (called Harmonites, or sometimes Economites) settled the community of Economy, on the Ohio River, below Pittsburgh, in which they remained after 1825, Rapp’s doctrine that man was basically hermaphroditic and might regain this original state, where creation through self alone was possible, led to a rule of strict celibacy amongst his people,

11Peter the Hermit (1O5O?-1115), the French monk, was, of course, known for his earnestness as an indefatigable leader in the Crusades.

12Aside from Parke Godwin (1816-1904-), a journalist on the staff of the New York Evening Post who wrote A Popular View of the Doctrine of Fourier (1844-), Kaufmann’s references here are somewhat obscure, Mazzini is probably the Italian patriot and revolutionist, Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872), who repudiated socialism because it was for him too materialistic, too much concerned with rights instead of duties, putting too much stress on class division instead of the unifying virtues of nationalism, Hempel may be the Homeopathic physician Charles Julius Hempel (1811-1879), who may have become familiar with the writings of Fourier while in Paris at the College de France, assisting Jules Michelet in the preparation of his Histoire de France.

7. Kaufmann to Emerson (April 27, 1857)

The original manuscript, bMS Am 1280 (174-1), is owned by the Ralph Waldo Emerson Memorial Association and located in the Houghton Library at Harvard University; it consists of a single sheet, folded once into four pages of writing (each measuring 30| x 19i cm.).

2Kaufmann’s A Treatise on American Popular Education, a fifty-page pamphlet published in 1839, by his own printing firm in Canton,

^These twenty sheets (each of which equals four pages of writing) constitute the eighty-page Letter 8, which follows.

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8, Kaufmann to Emerson (January-April 26, 1857)

1The original manuscript, bMS Am 1280 (1736), is owned by the Ralph Waldo Emerson Memorial Association and located in the Houghton Library at Harvard University; it consists of twenty sheets, each folded once into four pages of writing (each measuring 30^ x 19^ cm.)—eighty pages altogether. As the dating of this letter indicates, this is the first letter Kaufmann wrote to Emerson, although it was not sent until after its completion on April 26; although its concluding date is the 26th, it is placed here after the previous letter (Letter 7» dated April 27), as this is the order in which the letters were received by Emerson,

Both of these volumes were published by Phillips, Sampson, and Company—the "New Edition" of the First Series in 1854, and the "Second Edition" of the Second Series in 1855 (thus Kaufmann’s dating of this second volume is inaccurate),

^In his well-known "Letter to Walt Whitman" of 21 July 1855 (reprinted on page 345 of the I856 edition of Leaves of Grass, in a special section entitled "Correspondence"), Emerson wrote: "I rubbed my eyes a little, to see if this sunbeam were no illusion; but the solid sense of the book is a sober certainty,"

4Published by James Munroe and Company,

^Published by Phillips, Sampson, and Company,

z"Come, children of our country! The day of glory ,as come!"

These are the first words of La Marseillaise, composed, both words and music, in 1792 by Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle (I76O-I836), a French army officer, and originally published under the title,Chant de Guerre pour l’Armée du Rhin.

7Karl Theodor Ktfmer (1791-1813), Ernst Moritz Arndt (1769-1860), and Johann Ludwig Uhland (1787-1862), were all composers of German patriotic songs in the campaign against Napoleon. Arndt fired the German spirit against oppressors with his song, Was 1st des Deutschen Vaterland?, as did KBrner, with his Das Schwertlied (composed on the battlefield), and Uhland, with his Schafers Sonntagslied, and many others.

^Napoleon.

9A last resource.

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îoThe Cape of Good Hope,

11Marcus or Mettus Curtius, legendary Roman hero of the fourth century B.C., who, according to legend, when a great crack was opened through the Forum by an earthquake and a soothsayer proclaimed it could be closed only by a sacrifice of Rome’s greatest treasure, leaped on his horse and in full armor rode into the chasm (which thereupon closed), believing that the city possessed no greater treasure to give than a brave man,

l^Like Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527), Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord, Prince de Bénévent (1754-1838), and Prince Klemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar von Mettemich (1773-1859), Joseph Fouché, Duc d'Otrante (1763-1820), was an extremely skillful statesman, Fouché, as French minister of police (1799-1802, 1804-10, and 1815), was famous for his unfeeling efficiency, his system of spies, and various political intrigues designed to save or benefit himself in any contingency; he advised Napoleon to abdicate after the battle of Waterloo, and then assumed leadership of the provisional government formed hastily to negotiate with the allies,

^Friedrich Maximilian von Klinger (1752-1831), the German dramatist and novelist whose dramatic work, Sturm und Drang (1776), gave its name to the Sturm und Drang period of German literature, of which he is representative, wrote, among many other novels and plays, Fausts Leben, Taten, und HBllenfahrt (1791).

14The reference, of course, is to Christ, from Emerson’s essay on "Character" (Second Series): "The ages have exulted in the manners of a youth who owed nothing to fortune, and who was hanged at the Tyburn of his nation, who, by the pure quality of his nature, shed an epic splendor around the facts of his death which has transfigured every particular into a universal symbol for the eyes of mankind,"

French Republican Calendar was adopted in 1793, during the Revolution, as a substitute for the Gregorian, Its purpose was to show not only that the establishment of the Republic in France marked the beginning of a new epoch for humanity, and to substitute a rational and scientific calendar for one less so, but also to destroy the Christian associations of the Gregorian System, Brumaire was the second month of this calendar, and "an 9" was Year IX of the Republic, which ran from September 21, 1800 to September 20, 1801; in that year, Brumaire began on October 23, so that Kaufmann, having been bom on the ninth day of that month, claims October 31 as his birthday.

16The Knights Templar were a military and religious order,

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founded around 1118, chiefly for the protection of the Holy Sepulchre and of Christian pilgrims visiting the Holy Land: so called from their occupation of a building on or contiguous to the site of the Temple of Solomon at Jerusalem; they were suppressed in 1312,

^Easton (p. 96), and William Coyle (Ohio Authors and Their Books, p, 348), cite October 3, 1800, as Kaufmann’s birthday, while Caroline Behlen Piercy (The Preyer-Andreae Family History, p, 66), names October 1, 1800, as the correct date; these various errors are probably due to some confusion with the newly-adopted French Republican Calendar. Kaufmann’s birthplace was the newly-annexed German territory of MUnster-maifeld, as all of his biographers correctly note (though with widely varying spellings).

18Kaufmann’s father, Johann Kaufmann (1774-1836), united first to Margarite Hulde Sisterhen (Kaufmann’s mother) and later (in 1805) married to Frau Carolina Kopp of Coblenz, was a career soldier, serving throughout three of Napoleon’s campaigns, in which he distinguished himself with brilliant military records, was raised to the rank of General, and placed on the Legion of Honor at the Battle of Lelpsig, During some of Kaufmann’s youth, his father served as Mayor or Burgomeister of Vimeburg,

19The title cited here by Kaufmann is imprecise; he is probably referring to either Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs, and Other Principal Saints (4 vois,, 1756-59), by Alban Butler, English Roman Catholic hagiographer (1711-73), Explication des Maximes des saints sur la vie intérieure (1697), by Francois de Salignac de La Mothe-Fénelon "(7651-1715), French prelate and writer, or Legenda Aurea (commonly known by its English title, The Golden Legend), the medieval collection of saints’ lives written in the thirteenth century by Jacobus de Voragine (1230-1298), Archbishop of Genoa—which, in translation, was one of the first books printed in English (by William Caxton, in 1483).

onuIdeen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit (4 vois,, 1784-91), a real landmark in the science of history, by Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744-1803), German philosopher, critic, and poet.

21Makrobiotik, oder die Kunst das menschliche Leben zu verlängern (1796), by Christoph Wilhelm Hufeland (1762-1836), German physician and medical writer,

99Luke 23:34.

^Piercy (p, 66) and John Danner (Old Landmarks of Canton and Stark County, Ohio, p. 1462) state the year of Kaufmann’s

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arrival in America as 1818, while John McGregor ("The Kaufmann Family," in Herbert T, 0, Blue’s History of Stark County Ohio, p, 948) says 1817; in fact, of course, the correct year is 1820,

24Given the problem of analyzing the gold content in the crown of Hiero II of Syracuse, Archimedes (c, 287 B.C,-212 B.C,) is supposed to have cried "Eureka!" ("I have found"), as, stepping into his bath, he discovered the relationship between weight and displacement of water, the principle now applied to determining the displacement of ships and specific gravity—the Archimedian principle: a body immersed in fluid loses In weight by an amount equal to the weight of the fluid displaced,

73 jean LeRond d’Alembert (17177-1783), French mathematician, physicist, and philosopher, who was an editor and co-founder with Diderot of the Encyclopédie.

26Bailey-Fahrenkrflger's wUrterbuch der englischen sprache (Jena: F. Fromann, 1822), by;Nathan (or Nathaniel) Bailey (d, 1742), the English lexicographer whose An Universal Etymological English Dictionary (1721) was greatly esteemed in its day, and was the basis of the English-German Dictionary of Theo, Arnold (3rd edition, 1761), "Arnold’s ditto Grammar" may, however, refer to the German grammar superintended by Thomas Kerchever Arnold (1800-1853), an English clergyman and writer of classical textbooks, although this Arnold may have been too young in 1821 to have undertaken such a project by that time, Dietrich Tiedemann (1748-1803), was a German philosopher.

27'Gaius Marius (1557-86 B.C,), Roman general and political leader, fought against the Cimbrl and Teutones (104-101 B.C,), winning decisive victories over the Teutones at Aix (102 B.C.), and over Cimbri near Vercellae (101 B.C.),

2R°Catharine emigrated to Philadelphia in 1818, after an ocean voyage of some six months, and married Kaufmann on March 1, 1822,She died in Canton in 1893, at the age of 94 years,

29In the ancient Roman calendar, the ides were the eighth day after the nones (i.e., the 15th of July),

30Save themselves who can.

^Kaufmann’s Betrachtung fiber den Menschen, published in Philadelphia by Conrad Zentler; although Kaufmann recollects that the manuscript was delivered to the printer in Spring of 1823, and claims furthermore that it was ready for distribution towards

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the Fall of that year, the date on the title-page is "1825,"

^TThe well-known quotation is from Pope’s An Essay on Man,Epistle II, line 2 (1733-34),

JJMcGregor (p. 950) records the following notation, written on the flyleaf of Kaufmann’s Bible: "June 11, 1823, I took possession of part of the house which I rented from Mr, Van Loovaney at the rate of $15 per annum, making my rent to April next exactly $12,"This house was the one in Hinkletown, here alluded to by Kaufmann,

34J Lydia Margarethe, who eventually bore seven children for Nothnagel,

^-’Henry J, Nothnagel, an excellent musician and composer, was instructor of the first brass band organized in Canton, the Canton Independent Band, which took a prominent part in the campaign of 1840, under the auspices of the Whig contingent in Stark County. After moving to Columbus (in 1853, according to Kaufmann’s later testimony, although McGregor—p, 951—mistakenly claims the date as "about I860 or 1861"), he held the position of music director in the blind asylum for more than 35 years, up to the time of his death, about 1886,

^Hermann Johann,

37J Gen, George DeBenneville Keim, major-general of the Sixth Division;of the Pennsylvania militia, who, with his brother and son (George M,, bom in 1805), founded the iron industry in Reading in 1836 (which eventually became the town's leading industry); he later became president of the Philadelphia & Reading Railroad,

^Joseph Hiester (1752-1832), Governor of Pennsylvania from 1820 to 1823.

39jakob Henrici (1803-1892) was bom at Gross Karlenbach and emigrated to America in 1823, joining Rapp’s Harmonist Society first at Harmony in Butler County, Pennsylvania, and afterward (1824) removed to the village of Economy. On the death of Rapp in 1868 he succeeded to the management of the community under the title of first trustee, which position he retained until his death,

40Kaufmann’s sister-in-law, who later became Mrs, Wilhelmina Jacobs, was also bom at Niewidt on the Rhine (In 1809); she emigrated to America in the 1820's ("1828," according to McGregor—p, 951—who is probably mistaken, if she was actually with Kaufmann and his wife as early as 1826), and her eventual husband, Mathias Jacobs, was

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drowned in the old Union dam at Canton in 1859.

41Walter died at the age of 18 years.

42Clay was United States Secretary of State from 1825 to 1829.

43The peace between England and the United States was concluded at Ghent in 1814, restoring the status quo at the end of the War of 1812.

^William Marks (1778-1858), was a Democratic Senator from 1825 to 1837.

^Abner Lacock (1770-1837), who obtained the title of General while serving as an officer in the Pennsylvania militia (having been made brigadier-general of that organization in 1807), was a U.S. Senator from 1813-to 1819.

UAPhillip II (1527-1598), King of Spain from 1556 until his death, was noted for his distrust of his advisers,

47The Separatist Society of Zoar was founded by the American religious leader, Joseph Michael Bimeler (c, 1778-1853), in 1819, and headed by him until his death.

^Probably Geistliches blumen-gartlein inniger seelen: oder, Kurze Schluss-reimen, betrachtungen und lieder ueber allerhand Wahrheiten des inwendigen Christentums , , , nebst der Frommen lotterie~T6 vols,; Germantown: Saur, 1773), by Gerhard Tersteegen (1697-I769), the German hymn writer.

49The "Constitution of the Society of the ’United Germans’ at Teutonia," was issued both as a separate handbill, with English and German versions printed side by side, and in the German newspaper,Per Westllche Beobachter und Stark und Wayne Counties Anzeiger (28 November 182?, page 1),

5°Smith, an itinerant reformer, was associated with Kaufmann in establishing the first Labor for Labor store in the United States at Philadelphia, In 1829 he carried on a rather extensive correspondence with Kaufmann, and joined him for a time at Teutonia.

^William Freame Johnston (1808-1872), the Whig candidate, won the Governorship of Pennsylvania and served from 1848 to I852,

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'refer was born in Columbiana County, Ohio (Danner—p, 926— mistakenly sites his birthdate as "June 26"), worked in his father’s printing office as a boy, then left and went to Cleveland (in 1854), where he was employed in the office of the Cleveland Herald and eventually with his father’s assistance established the Cleveland Journal (of which no copies are known to exist). After marrying and fathering five children, he entered the Union Army, where he attained the rank of Captain, and was killed in action during the siege of Vicksburg, on December 29, 1863.

53^ Wiltz located in Canton for a short time and purchased what was known as the Christman distillery. He started to convert the place into an amusement garden and recreation place, after the style of the old German gardens in Germany, but became discouraged before the conversion was completed, and sold out and moved to St. Louis, He finally died while en route to the Kansas territory.

54•'HDer Vaterlandsfreund, which was edited by Solomon Saia, was described by him as a "Jackson German paper." It was a continuation of the paper Saia had taken over from his father Johann around 1830, Der Westliche Beobachter und Stark und Wayne Counties Anzeiger (which the elder Saia had established in 1826),When Kaufmann took over the paper in 1831, he changed the title to Der Vaterlandsfreund und Geist der Zeit, The date of Kaufmann’s arrival in Canton is incorrectly Identified by Danner (p. 1462), Coyle (p, 348), and McGregor (p. 949), as "1828,"

^Stephen Van Rensselaer (1764-1839), widely known as "The Patroon," represented New York in the U.S. House of Representatives (1823-29), co-operated with DeWitt Clinton in promoting the Erie Canal (serving for 14 years as president of its board of Commissioners), and founded Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute at Troy, New York (incorporated in 1826), The manorialrprivileges of/thé landed, patroons, granted under the old Dutch government of New York to members of the West India Company, were finally abolished about 1850,

¿6-^Goeb was the pioneer printer of Shellsburgh; he published almanacs, and he printed the first Bible to be published west of the Alleghenies.

^7In 1832 Congress renewed the charter of the Second Bank of the U.S. (1816-36), which was to expire in I836, The "decisive stand" taken by Kaufmann, in company with both agrarians and speculative businessmen alike, was, however, not in vain, for President Jackson, behind whom opposition to the bank had centered since his election in 1829, vetoed the act and arranged to have the government’s funds deposited in banks incorporated under state law; practically speaking, this cut the bank’s operating contact with the government, and ended

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its performance of the central hank function. This hank war was one of the most bitterly controversial episodes in U.S. history.

5&Per Westliche Vaterlandsfreund und Gantoner Kalender, which Danner (p. 197) describes as "after the style of the old Lancaster almanacs, the same being about eight inches square and published in both the German and English languages." The English-language version, The Western Patriot and Canton Almanack, became widely known as "Peter Kaufmann’s Western Almanac," By 1839 Calvin E,Stowe reported that Kaufmann was publishing 60,000 almanacs annually; with the installation of a power press in the early 1840's, his output was greatly increased, to the extent that by 1847 Kaufmann was reportedly publishing 80,000 dozen German, and 40,000 dozen English almanacs. The largest collection of Kaufmann almanacs, in both German and English editions, is housed at the library of the Western Reserve Historical Society in Cleveland,

59 .Kaufmann had rented, for $15 a year, the house at the northeast corner of Market Avenue South (Canton’s "best Street") and Fourth Street S.E., on a lot of the original size (66 x 200 feet) as laid out by town founder Bezaleel Wells, from George and Isabel Wilson, from whom he bought the house on May 8, 1832, for $450,This house, which for many years was considered one of the best in Canton, was built in 1811 by John Nichols, a mill owner and one of the original three county commissioners (elected in 1809). Kaufmann’s descendants (most notably his granddaughters, Mary E. and Lillie K, Herbst, who discovered Emerson’s letters to Kaufmann) occupied the house (at 336 Market Ave, S.) until it was destroyed to make way for a parking lot in 1956, at which time it had the distinction of being the oldest building still standing within the limits of the original town site, and also of being the family residence lasting longer in the same family than any other within the original town limits, Edward Thornton Heald (The Stark County Story, I, p, 113) includes a photograph of the house, which he describes as "outwardly unchanged by the years"; see also Danner's chapter on "The Old Kaufman House" (pp, 197-98).

^Kaufmann is slightly confused here: Benjamin Tappan (1773-1857), judge of the Fifth Ohio Circuit Court of Common Pleas from 1816 to 1823, was indeed a U.S. Senator from Ohio (who, like Kaufmann, was opposed to the Bank of the United States), but his term of office ran from 1839 to 1845—so he could not have been a Senator in 1834, as Kaufmann asserts.

61Louisa M. later married Charles Behlen (who served in the Civil War), by whom she had seven children. She died in Cleveland on May 13, 1919.

e Dunkers, a body of German-American Baptists founded In

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1708 by Alexander Mack, migrated to the United States in 1719, settling first in Philadelphia’s Germantown section, then moving into Ohio and other states. They administer baptism only to adults, and by "trine immersion," each candidate for church membership being "dipped" three times as the names of the Holy Trinity are invoked.

¿Alfred married Mary McReynolds, and died at the age of 27 years (although McGregor—p. 950—mistakenly dates his death on April 23, 1856, which, if true, would have certainly been noted by Kaufmann later in this letter),

6^ / \Arminius (17 B,C.?-21 A.D.), the German national hero and chief of the Cherusci, organized the rebellion of the Cherusci against the Roman governor Publius Quintilius Varus. In the battle of Teutoburger Wald (9 A.D.), he cut off the outlying Roman forces and annihilated three Roman legions in a surprise attack, thus finally liberating the Germans from Roman rule. Seeing that his army was destroyed, Varus committed suicide by falling upon his sword,

65•’Such journeys were made rather frequently by Kaufmann, most often to Philadelphia, during the time that he was publishing and editing the almanac. He travelled in what were known as "Peddlers’ wagons," and took a goodly supply of his almanacs, which he exchanged for merchandise to be brought back to Canton and sold to the residents, McGregor (p. 949) reports that it usually took Kaufmann about three months to make the trip.

66rrancis Joseph Grund (1798-1863) was born in Germany and came to America in 1827, where he established his German newspaper, Pennsylvanischer Deutscher, in Philadelphia, and subsequently became the editor of several Whig papers. As a journalist, he is credited with being the father of the sensational style of journalism.

67'When Canton was reincorporated in 1838, Kaufmann was elected one of the eight trustees of the city,

^^Maria Margrette married Monroe M, Herbst on March 8, 1866, and by him had eight children, including Mary E, and Lillie B, who lived with their mother in the old Kaufmann house, looking after her welfare until she died, and remaining in the house their own eventual deaths. One of Maria’s sons, William R., still lives in Canton—the only remaining member of the family, and at 98 years of age (he was bora on May 30, 1875), the oldest native-born citizen in the city, William and his wife have two children: Mrs, James R, (Betty) Hollingsworth, of Jacksonville, North Carolina, and Dr, Mark Herbst of Canton, whose own son, Mark Jr., is the youngest descendant of the Kaufmann family.

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Zç̂Wilson Shannon (1802-1877), was the Democratic Governor of Ohio from 1838 to 1840, and again from 1842 to 1844; he resigned the governorship in 1844 to become minister to Mexico (until 1845),After serving in Congress (1853-55), he was commissioned Governor of the Kansas Territory in 1855.

^Harriet Beecher Stowe’s husband, Calvin Ellis Stowe (1802-1886), was Professor of Biblical Literature at Lane Theological Seminary in Cincinnati from 1833 to 1836, when the State of Ohio appointed him commissioner to investigate the public school systems of Europe, especially of Prussia; for this congenial task he was given every facility in England and on the Continent, and—returning in 1837— he published his famous Report on Elementary Instruction in Europe, a copy of which the legislature put into every school district of the state. At the time of Stowe’s appointment, Robert Lucas (1781-1853) was Governor of Ohio (serving two terms, from 1832 to 1836,.as a Democrat),

^William Sumter Murphy (1796?-!844), a brigadier-general in the militia (always known as "General Murphy"), was, by a recess appointment in .1843, made minister extraordinary to Central America and chargé'‘d ’affaires to Texas, by President Tyler,

^Joseph Vance (1786-1852), Whig Governor of Ohio (I836-38),

^Thomas Morris (1776-1844) served as U.S. Senator from Ohio from 1833 bo 1839. As a Unionist he denounced nullification and secession as revolutionary and destructive of American liberty; as an expansionist and abolitionist he boldly opposed the extension of slavery, which;he believed was a moral evil, a national calamity, and the greatest national sin. At a time when it was political suicide in Ohio to be an aggressive radical, he incurred the condemnation of the South and lost the support of tactful politicians in his own state by his introduction of petitions in the U.S, Senate to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia.

74Without ceremony and without mercy,

7^Samuel Medary (1801-1864) published (c, 1837-c. 1847) the Ohio Statesman, and was supervisor of public printing in Ohio from 1837 to 1847. In 1857 he was appointed by President Buchanan as Governor of the Minnesota Territory, which post he held until I858, when he became Governor of the Kansas Territory, Medary’s association with Morris was rather long-standing, as together they had founded the Ohio Sun in 1828 to support Jackson for President.

7^And hear the other side; i.e,, there are two sides to every question, and no man should be condemned unheard.

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77A phrase meaning "to see all there is to see,"

^William Allen (1803-1879). called "Earthquake Allen," "Petticoat Allen," and "the Ohio Gong," served as Democratic U.S, Senator from Ohio (1837-49).

?9john Forsyth (1780-1841) was Secretary of State from 1834 to 1841, the same years during which Levi Woodbury (1789-1851) served as Secretary of the Treasury, Henry (not "John," as Kaufmann mistakenly states) Dilworth Gilpin (1801-1860) was Attorney-General from 1840 to 1841.

80James Kirke Paulding (1778-1860), the American writer associated with Washington Irving in the publication of the humorous periodical Salmagundi (1807-08), served as Secretary of the Navy from I838 to 1841} Amos Kendall (1789-1869) was Postmaster General from 1835 to 1840, and Joel Roberts Poinsett (1779-1851), after whom the poinsettia plant is named, was Secretary of War (1837-41).

81Calhoun earned this nickname for his part in the Nullification Controversy (1828-32), in which he asserted and defended the power of a state to block the enforcement of an unconstitutional act within its own borders—the right of nullification.

^McGregor (pp. 949-50) relates that "Mr, Kaufman invited Mr. Woodside to visit him at his home in Canton which he did and Mr. Kaufman had a fine ’layout* in his honor, Mr. Woodside brought his valet de chambre along with him, all rigged out with brass buttons and gold lace, something the people of Canton had never seen, and when walking the streets they were ’observed of all observers. ”’

8-^David Rittenhouse Porter (I788-I867) was Democratic Governor of Pennsylvania from 1839 to 1845.

^Felix Grundy (1777-1840) was U.S. Senator (1829-38, and 1839-40), and U.S. Attorney-General (1838-39)5 Robert Armstrong (1792-1854) was appointed brigadier-general in command of two regiments of volunteers, by President Jackson, during the second Seminole War in 1836, after having served on Jackson’s staff at the battle of New Orleans, Robert John Walker (1801-1869) served as U.S. Senator from Mississippi from I836 to 1845, and was appointed by President Buchanan as Governor of the Kansas Territory in 1857 (which post he held until the following year, when Medary was appointed), William Rufus DeVane King (1786-1853), U.S. Senator from Alabama (1819-44, and 1848-53), was elected Vice-President of the United States in 1852 and took the oath of office at Havana in 1853, but

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died soon afterwards; Albert Gallatin Brown (1813-1880) was the thirteenth Governor of Mississippi (1844-48).

Oc-’Thomas Jefferson's A Manual of Parliamentary Practice (1801), which is still the foundation of parliamentary usage in the Senate,

86Ransom Hooker Gillet (1800-1876), Democratic U.S. Representative from New York (1833-37), who, as a member of this 1840 Democratic nominating convention, helped draw up resolutions used as the platform for every Democratic convention until 1864,

87john Galbraith (1794-1860), Democratic U.S, Representative from Pennsylvania (1833-37, and 1839-41), was later appointed presiding judge of the Sixth Judicial District, in which post he served from 1851 to I860,

ppRobert Carter Nicholas (1793-1857), Democratic U.S. Senator

from Louisiana (1836-41), did not die until December 24 of 1857, so Kaufmann’s report of his death here in this letter written in the early part of that year must have been based on rumor.

PQ7Isaac Hill (1789-1851) was Governor of New Hampshire from

1836 to 1839.

90The Stark County Democrat for Monday Evening, July 6, 1840 (Vol. 6, No, 52, Whole No, 303), in a story entitled "Printers’Festival" and evidently written by editor Daniel Gotshall (who was one of Kaufmann’s fellow town commisioners appointed with him in 1838) reports that Kaufmann’s address "was received with unbounded applause by the company," and quotes the following "volunteer toast" offered afterwards "By the Company,—Mr, Kaufmann, our orator—silence speaks what tongues cannot utter in thanks, for his very able and indefatigable Address on this occasion." Printed below this story (on page one) is a copy of the letter sent to Kaufmann by the Festival Committee of Arrangements, requesting him "to furnish them with a copy of your excellent address, which, being so replete with highly useful and important facts, is, in our estimation peculiarly calculated to be of essential service to the whole community," Kaufmann eagerly complied, and his entire Address was printed after this letter. Essentially, the Address is a philosophical discussion of the nature of language: Kaufmann first traces the historical development of the art of printing from Koster and Gutenberg and Caxton in the fifteenth century, listing scads of names, then examines the beneficial results of printing for history and biography, philosophy, poetry, drama, oratory, painting, sculpture, music, mathematics, astronomy, mechanics, chemistry, physics, natural history, medicine, architecture, and education—again listing numerous names. Finally, he asserts that the power of the press is responsible for the great American democracy:

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"Knowledge is power," says Kaufmann, and printing gives men knowledge. The Democrat, published in Canton, is now in the collection of The Ohio Historical' Society library in Columbus.

91The boy’s name was Herman, and he was born on November 5«

7 Hermann Stanton Kaufmann married Mary A, Williams of Massillon on 'October ?5, "1869—af ter. serving in the Civil War—and fathered four children: Mary Josephine, Alfred William, Charles Augustus, and Walter Herman, He worked for the Harter Bank in Canton, and died in the early summer of 1928.

^The Cleveland Daily Herald of Friday Evening, February 20,1852, reported Kaufmann’s appearance at the Afternoon Session of the "Spiritualists Convention" (which he discusses later in this same letter, In the section for the year 1852), and his relation of the "Strange things" he had experienced, as follows: "Mr, Kaufmann followed with some remarks in which he related rather a singular incident that he had witnessed but a few years since. Standing upon the banks of a beautiful lake near the village of Canton, he suddenly perceived a large city shoot up before his astonished vision, and was struck with surprise and wonder at the novel scene. Steamboats he saw plying to and fro across its beautiful and transparent waters, and often would he see the steam as it was ’let off,’ and hear the shrill whistle. It was sometime before he could convince himself that he was awake and in actual life. His horse being suddenly frightened he stepped into his wagon and drove off. The gentleman remarked, at length, upon the effect this vision.had upon his mind" (p. 2). This report, however, contained several inaccuracies, which Kaufmann tried to correct in a letter to the editor published the next evening In the Dally Herald of February 22, Specifying the date of his vision as "November, 1846," Kaufmann corrected three points: "1st, The place of the vision was not near Canton, but at the little Lake on the road from Cuyahoga Falls to Stow Corners. 2nd, The vision was altogether confined to perceptions impressed upon the sense of sight, and there was no hearing of ’steam let off and the shrill whistle,’ by sounds upon the ear, 3rd, I drove two horses in my vehicle at the time, and never had left my seat in the carriage, but occupied the same unchanged from the beginning to the end of the singular and unexplained apparation, as cooly, calmly and fully conscious of myself, as at any moment of an eventful life now bordering on 52 years."

^The Barnburners, originally known as the Radicals (and given the nickname "Barnburners" around 1843, after the tale of the farmer who burned his bam to rid it of rats, as they too were considered to be adopting methods of cure which might result in the destruction of the object under treatment), were an extreme or radical wing of the Democratic Party in New York state (1844-48) which opposed the

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conservative faction. In local affairs, they called for a direct state tax, a ceiling on state debt, and a termination of additional appropriations for canals; on the national scene, they were against the extension of slavery. In 1847, they broke away from the Democratic state convention, and in 1848 from the national convention, convening instead with the Liberty Party, an anti-slavery party founded in 1839 (and opposed to the annexation of Texas), in what constituted the first national convention of the Free-Soil Party, to which seventeen states sent delegates (among whom were anti-slavery Democrats and anti-slavery Whigs, as well as Barnburners and "Liberty-men"),The 1848 convention in Buffalo nominated Martin Van Buren as the Free-Soil candidate for President.

95Kaufmann is probably referring to Benjamin Franklin Butler (1795-1858), U.S, Attorney for the Southern District of New York (1833-41, and 1845-48) and Van Buren’s law partner from 1817 to 1821, who supported his old friend’s candidacy on the Free-Soil ticket in 1848 (though doing so meant veering from his usual loyalty to the Democratic Party); Preston King (1806-1865), was U.S, Representative from New York (1843-47, and 1849-53); George Oscar Rathbun (1803-1870) was also U.S. Representative from New York from 1843 to 1847; and Jacob Brinkerhoff (1810-1880) was U.S, Representative from Ohio (1843-47), who became affiliated with the Free-Soil Party because of his strong anti-slavery sentiments;

^Cooper KInderdine Watson (1810-1880) was a Free-Soiler U.S, Representative from 1855 to 1857; Charles Francis Adams (1807-1886), son of John Quincy Adams, was indeed the candidate for Vice-President on the Free-Soil ticket with Van Buren in 1848; and Charles Sumner (1811-1874), a founder of the Free-Soil Party, served in the U.S,Senate from I85I to 1874, where he was a leader among the opponents of slavery.

^Danner (p. 928) spells it—perhaps more accurately—"Jeanneret."She was born in La Chaud de Fond, Switzerland, on January 18, 1831, and brought to America at the age of 18 by her father, Ulysses Jeanneret, who engaged in the jewelry business in Canton, The marriage produced five children: Louis K,, Kate E,, Maria L,, Lillie, and Flora J, (Kaufmann).

9&Lajos (not "Louis") Kossuth (1802-1894), the Hungarian patriot, statesman, and orator who headed the Hungarian insurrection of 1848-49, resigned his newly-won dictatorial powers on August 11, 1849, as the insurrection was crushed, and fled into exile, touring the United States in 1851-52, He was accompanied on his American tour by the Hungarian politician and writer Ferencz Pulszky (1814-1897), who gave his account of the trip in his White, Red, and Black (I852),

^The Behlens lived for a time in Superior, Wisconsin, then

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returned to Cleveland; for a brief period they came to Canton, but finally returned to Cleveland, where they lived and died,

lOOjcaufmann may well have been quoting here from memory, but the actual story in the Daily Herald for Thursday Evening, February 19, 1852, entitled "Spiritualists Convention," described Kaufmann’s appearance at the "Wednesday, P,M, Session" as follows: "... Dr, Morton , , , objected that any analogy between spiritualism and the Bible was entitled to credit or respectful consideration,Peter Kaufmann, Esq,, of Canton, followed in one of the most conclusive and logical arguments during the session. He not only answered the objections of Dr, Morton, but every other argument against the theory, to which he referred, Mr, Kaufmann had never heard any rappings or witnessed physical manifestations, —His conclusions were drawn from various phenomena previous to the recent revelations, Mr, K, is well known as a man of extensive scientific acquirements.His argument was well received by the audience, as the enthusiastic cheering gave abundant evidence" (p. 2),

1^Gottfried Kinkel (1815-1882), German poet, art historian, and a professor at Bonn when the revolution of 1848 broke out, took part in the Baden uprising, was captured, and was condemned to life imprisonment, but was rescued in I85O by his former student and friend Carl Schurz, and taken to England,

O^Robert Blum (1807-1848), German political agitator, writer, and orator, leader of the Liberal Party of Saxony in the Revolution of 1848, was—unfortunately—sentenced to death and shot in 1848,

l^The Democratic Transcript, published in Canton by J, H. Kilppart and J. M, Webb, reported in its edition of Friday, July 7, 1854 (Vol. II, No, 14) on Kaufmann’s "Oration" in a story entitled "The Celebration of Fourth," as follows: "... Mr, Peter Kaufmann was invited to deliver an introductory address in English, which he did, by showing in a few striking features the importance of the great principles attached to the memory of this day, to the destiny of the whole race of man for all time to come, as likewise how befitting it was for the hard working man to celebrate and regard with especial reverence that day which bore in its lap the sure seeds of his future emancipation from all needless toil, . , , Mr,P, Kaufmann was called to deliver an address in German, which he did, by speaking about 20 minutes, and giving, as we understand from oral witnesses, general satisfaction to his audience" (p, 2), Kaufmann was an officer chosen for the occasion, "Reader of the Declaration of Independence in English and German," and after carrying out the duties of this office, he proceeded to read off, by request of Jacob Hane (President for the celebration), regular toasts on the following topics (in both English and German): i, "The day we celebrate"; 2, "The Presidency of the United States"; 3, "The Congress

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of the United States"; 4. "The Judiciary"; 5. "The Army and Navy";6. "Commerce and Manufacturing"; 7. "Ohio, the glorious State wecall our’s"; 8, "Education"; 9. "Legislation"; 10, "The Flag ofthe Union"; 11, "Washington, Jefferson, and the Heroes and Sagesof the Revolution"; 12, "The Signers of the Declaration of Independence";and 13. "Woman," The Democratic Transcript is now in the libraryof The Ohio Historical Society in Columbus,

104This underlined sentence was copied by Emerson into his manuscript journal (TO, p, 105), with the source listed as "P, Kaufmann: letter,"

lO^According to Greek mythology (in which Athene, the goddess of wisdom, is the counterpart of the Roman goddess Minerva), Zeus (Jove) swallowed his first wife, Metis, when she was in her first month of pregnancy (with Athene), because it had been predicted that she would give birth to a child destined to be greater and stronger than himself. At the proper time, with an ear-splitting war-shout, fully armed, Athene sprang from his head and immediately took her seat on her father’s right side in the council of the gods.

i nAJohannes Tauler (13007-1361), the German mystic and preacher known as "the Illuminated Doctor," who became intimately associated with the "Friends of God."

^O^Schiller's tragedy Fiesko (1782) popularized the Genoese conspirator against Andrea Doria, Giovanni Luigi Fiesco, Conte di Lavagna (15247-1547).

1 nAJohann Heinrich Jung-Stilling (1740-1817), the German mystic and writer, met Goethe at Strasbourg, He was Professor of Economics at Kaiserlauten (1778) and later at Marburg (1787-1803). Among his voluminous writings are his five-volume autobiography, mystical works, novels, and textbooks on finance.

lO^Kaufmann here is probably referring to Paul Rabaut (1718-1794), the French Protestant minister who succeeded Antoine Court as leader of the "Church of the desert"; John Wycliffe (13207-1384), the English religious reformer and theologian known as the "Morning Star of the Reformation," initiated the first complete translation of the Bible into English, in order to reach the people directly; John Huss (13697-1415), the martyred Bohemian religious reformer, was the author of 2®. Ecclesia; Girolamo Savonarola (1452-1498) was an Italian reformer, also martyred; and Johann Reuchlin (1455-1522), the German humanist, promoted Greek and Hebrew studies in Germany, and championed the modern (Reuchlinian) pronunciation of Greek, All of these men tried, in one way or another, to reform the established Church, and several of them, as a result, suffered excommunication and martyrdom.

35^

^Johann Tetzel (1465?-1519), German Dominican monk and inquisitor, was appointed by Archbishop Albert of Mainz in 151? to embark on a mission to sell indulgences (which subsequently aroused Luther to publish his 95 theses at Wittenberg later that same year). He was famous as a preacher whose picture of punishment avoidable by the purchase of indulgence brought much money into the coffers. Although he tried to answer Luther with 106 theses of his own, he was disowned and rebuked by the Catholics, and his career has been the subject of much partisan writing from both Protestants and Catholics,

111Whom God would ruin, he first drives mad (or deprives of reason).

112Genesis 3:19.

113A. M. D, G.: To the greater glory of God—motto and maxim of the Society of Jesus, founded by St. Ignatius Loyola (1491-1556).

114Of its own kind; belonging to a class of things peculiar to itself,

H^st, Catherine of Siena (1347-1380) was an Italian Catholic renowned for ecstatic visions and revelations; Jane Leade (1623-1704), was an English mystic, impressed by the revelations of Jakob BtJhme, who recorded her prophetic visions in A Fountain of Gardens (from 1670), and founded the Philadelphians, a Boehmenist sect, in 1697.

1.1.6word, which, as Kaufmann notes, is the subject of John 1:1:"In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God."

117The central doctrine of the French metaphysician Nicolas de Malebranche (1638-1715) is that the mind cannot have knowledge of anything external to itself except through its relation to God,

118°Lost children; or, a forlorn hope,

1197The phrase refers to one of the two thieves crucified with Christ, who was touched with awe at the meekness and forgiving spirit of Jesus, and with the fear of God in his heart, the confession of the sinfulness of his past life, the acknowledgment that Jesus had done nothing amiss and was the true King and would reign in power after the death on the cross, turned to Jesus for acceptance after death. This is recorded in Luke 23:39-43, particularly verses 42 and 43: "And he said, 'Jesus, remember me when you come in your kingly power'"(42). "And he said to him. 'Truly, I say to you, today you will be with me in Paradise’" (43).

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9. Emerson to Kaufmann (May 3» 1857)

1The original manuscript, like those of the other four letters

from Emerson to Kaufmann, was discovered in 1936 by Miss Mary E, Herbst in the attic of Kaufmann’s house in Canton, Ohio, and was owned by her; it is now supposedly in the hands of another member of the Herbst family in Canton, and a photostat of the manuscript is owned by the Columbia University Libraries, The envelope that accompanies the manuscript is addressed to "Peter Kaufmann / Care of Benedict Dorsey & Sons, / No 125 North 3d Street. / Philadelphia / Penn.," and is postmarked "Boston, May 4"; the Dorseys were a well known firm of Philadelphia crockery merchants, with the members of which Kaufmann remained on terms of intimacy throughout his life, carrying on a correspondence particularly with Stanton Dorsey, the son. Rusk’s transcription from the original manuscript appears in Volume 5 of his edition of Emerson’s Letters, pp. 73-74.

2In his journal entry of May 19 following his meeting with Kaufmann in New York, Emerson again refers to his correspondent from Canton—this time after observing him at first hand—as "another Benjamin Franklin" (see Appendix B, following),

3Emerson was never ready with a final estimate, a fact which

he regrets in a journal entry of February, 1874, indicating that he had, in fact, neglected Kaufmann’s "lengthy Epistle" for almost seventeen years (see Appendix C, following),

4Emerson alerted his brother William to Kaufmann’s imminent arrival in a letter to him dated May 6 (see Appendix A, following).

10, Kaufmann to Emerson (May 4, 1857)

The original manuscript, bMS Am 1280 (1742), is owned by the Ralph Waldo Emerson Memorial Association and located in the Houghton Library at Harvard University; it consists of two sheets, each folded once into four pages of writing (each measuring 30f x 19i cm.)—eight pages altogether,

2"I am a man: nothing human is alien to me." This is the speech of Chremes in Terence's play, Heautotimorumenos (163 B.C.), I.i.25, quoted by Cicero in De Officiis I, 30.

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^Diogenes (4127-323 B.C.), the Greek Cynic philosopher, was famous for his eccentricities and rejection of social conventions, particularly for his belief in an extreme of asceticism as a means of attaining truth and good,

^Charles Jean Marie Barbaroux (1767-1794), the French orator, politician, and revolutionist who led the Marseilles battalion in the attack on the Tuileries (August 10, 1792), opposed Robespierre and was proscribed as an enemy of the republic (May, 1793); he was guillotined on July 25, 1794,

5̂A sword made in the capital of Syria of Damascus steel, the metal ornamented with wavy patterns and noted for its hardness and elasticity,

^These numbered postscripts appear here at the end of the letter; in the original manuscript, however, "P.S. l£ appears in the margin of the first page of this letter, "P.S. N= 2" appears similarly on the second page, "P.S, N= 3" on the third page, "P.S, N= 4" on the fourth, and "P.S, N= 5" on the first page of "Sheet N= 2,"

11. Emerson to Kaufmann (May 14, 1857)

1The original manuscript, like those of the other four letters

from Emerson to Kaufmann, was discovered in 1936 by Miss Mary E. Herbst in the attic of Kaufmann’s house in Canton, Ohio, and was owned by her; it is now supposedly in the hands of another member of the Herbst family in Canton, and a photostat of the manuscript is owned by the Columbia University Libraries. The envelope that accompanies the manuscript is addressed to: "Peter Kaufmann, Esq, / Care of Wright, Gillett, and Rawson / Commission Merchants / No 1 Front Street / New York," but the postmark is illegible. Rusk’s transcription from the original manuscript appears in Volume 5 of his edition of Emerson’s Letters, p. 77.

12, Kaufmann to Emerson (June 17, 1857)

The original manuscript, bMS Am 1280 (1743), is owned by the Ralph Waldo Emerson Memorial Association and located in the Houghton Library at Harvard University; it consists of a single

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sheet, folded once into four pages of writing (each measuring 25 x 19 3/4 cm,—considerably shorter and slightly wider than the pages of Kaufmann's previous letters to Emerson),

^These "few lines—from New York" are missing; they are not with the other Kaufmann letters in the Emerson collection at the Houghton Library,

3The work referred to here is probably The Homes of the New

World: Impressions of America (2 vols,, published in Germany, 1854), by the Swedish novelist and feminist Fredrika Bremer (I8OI-I865), in which she describes her meeting with Emerson at his home in Concord on December 4, 1849, and proceeds to elaborate at some length on her impressions of him,

4Letter 9.

«5The "printed matter" with which Kaufmann paid what he perceived as his "balance due," was his 290-page magnum opus. The Temple of Truth, a copy of which he sent to Emerson upon its publication over a year later, in 1858 (see Letter 13),

13. Emerson to Kaufmann (October 18, 1858)

1The original manuscript, like those of the other four letters

from Emerson to Kaufmann, was discovered in 1936 by Miss Mary E, Herbst in the attic of Kaufmann’s house in Canton, Ohio, and was owned by her; it is now supposedly in the hands of another member of the Herbst family in Canton, and a photostat of the manuscript Is owned by the Columbia University Libraries, The envelope that accompanies the manuscript is addressed to: "Peter Kaufmann, Esq, / Care of Hills, O’Driscoll, & Co, / 141 Main Street / Cincinnati, / Ohio," and is postmarked "Concord, Oct. 18" (underneath which appears Kaufmann’s marking: "rec’d, Oct. 21"); Hills, O’Driscoll, & Co, are identified in Kaufmann’s The Temple of Truth (p, ii) as the firm of stereotypers employed in the production of his book.Rusk’s transcription from the original manuscript appears in Volume 5 of his edition of Emerson’s Letters, pp, 122-123,

^The cover letter Emerson refers to here is missing; it is not with the other Kaufmann letters in the Emerson collection at the Houghton Library, nor is it with the book—which, of course, is The Temple of Truth—now located in the Concord Antiquarian Society, Though Walter Harding, listing the book in his Emerson's Library

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(Charlottesville: The University Press of Virginia, 1967), describes it as containing "Inscription: 6 Oct, 1858, and notes," Lawrence C,Henry, Director of the Concord Antiquarian Society, explains (in a letter dated October 19, 1972) that ", , , it is in our collection because it contains no marginalia" (emphasis added); the inscription,"To R. W, Emerson presented Oct. 6, 1858. The Author," does, however, appear on the fly leaf. The book’s complete title, as it appears on the title-page, is as follows: "The Temple of Truth, or the Science of Ever-Progressive Knowledge, containing the Foundation and Elements of a System for Arriving at Absolute Certainty in All Things; being a Message of never-ending joy, and the abiding herald of better times to all men of good-will, or desirous of acquiring it,—Rev, xlv, 6,"

3Kenneth Walter Cameron, the Emerson scholar who, as editor of

the Emerson Society Quarterly, is undoubtedly the greatest authority on Emersoniana, suggests (in a letter dated September 23, 1972) that "The 'good readers’ would probably include, in the order of likelihood:(1) Thoreau, (2) Alcott, (3) George Heywood, (4) F, B. Sanborn , , .In considering Thoreau, Cameron mentions particularly his "later Fact Book (in manuscript)" which "lies still unedited in the New York Public Library. The excerpts inscribed in it are mostly philosophical, and something from Kaufmann’s book might appear," Unfortunately, however, a search in Thoreau's "Fact Book" (or "Commonplace Book"), located in the Berg Collection of the New York Public Library, did not show references to Kaufmann; and, moreover, Walter Harding, the Secretary of the Thoreau Society and similarly indefatigable collector of Thoreauviana, reports (in a letter dated September 18, 1972): "Although I would think that Emerson would have included Thoreau among the 'good readers' in his neighborhood, I know of no reference on Thoreau’s part to either Kaufmann or his Temple." As for Alcott, Richard L, Herrnstadt, the Alcott scholar who edited The Letters of A, Bronson Alcott, says (in a letter dated December 24, 1972) that although Alcott was home in Concord during the Autumn of 1858, and ", , , if Emerson did pass Kaufmann's book along, Alcott would have been a likely person, ... I don't recall any reference on Alcott's part to Kaufmann or his The Temple of Truth." In short, it seems that Emerson himself had very little interest in Kaufmann's book, since he made absolutely no annotations in its margins and since, moreover, he practically forgot Kaufmann altogether for many years (as is evidenced by his journal entry of February, 1874—see Appendix C), and he could hardly have recommended it—at least with any sort of enthusiasm—to any of his friends.

4Emerson reiterated this very sentiment sixteen years later in his journal entry of February, 1874 (see Appendix C, following).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Anon. Review of The Temple of Truth, by Peter Kaufmann. -The Ohio Statesman (Columbus), 2 March 1859.

Blau, Joseph L. "Food for Middle Western Thought." The Heritage of the Middle West. Ed. John J. Murray. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958. pp. 177-97.

"Book Notices," Daily Capital City Fact (Columbus), 1 March 1859.

"Book Notices," The Enquirer (Cincinnati), 20 September 1859.

"The Book of the Age." Stark County Democrat (Canton, Ohio),12 January 1859.

Carlyle, Thomas, "Voltaire." Critical and Miscellaneous Essays. Ed, Henry Duff Traill. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1900-01. I, 396-468.

"The Celebration of Fourth." Democratic Transcript (Canton, Ohio). 7 July 1854, p. 2.

Coyle, William, ed. "Kaufmann, Peter," Ohio Authors and Their Books, Cleveland and New York: The World Publishing Company, 1962? P. 348.

Danner, John, ed, and comp. Old Landmarks of Canton and Stark County, Ohio. Logansport, Indiana: B, F. Bowen, Publisher, 1904.

Easton, Loyd D. "Hegelianism in Nineteenth-Century Ohio." Journal of the History of Ideas. 23, No. 3 (July-Sept, 1962), 355-78.

. "Peter Kaufmann on Social Perfection and Dialectics." Hegel’s First American Followers: The Ohio Hegelians. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1966. pp, 95-122.

Emerson, Edward Waldo, and Forbes, Waldo Emerson, eds. Journals of Ralph Waldo Emerson. IX. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1913.

Emerson, Ralph Waldo. English Traits. Boston: Phillips, Sampson, and Company, I856.

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________ , Essays, First Series. New Edition, Boston: Phillips,Sampson, and Company, 1854,

________ , Essays, Second Series. Second Edition, Boston: Phillips,Sampson, and Company, 1855.

________ . Nature, Addresses, and Lectures. Boston and Cambridge:James Munroe and Company, 1849.

Heald, Edward Thornton. Bezaleel Wells: Founder of Canton andSteubenville, Ohio. Canton, Ohio: The Stark County Historical Society, 1948,

________ , The Stark County Story. 4 vols. Canton, Ohio: TheStark County Historical Society, 1949-59.

Hicks, Granville. "The Emerson Letters." The Virginia Quarterly 'Review. 15, No. 4 (Autumn 1939)» 640-45.

Kaufmann, Peter, Betrachtung Über den Menschen. Philadelphia:Conrad Zentler, 1825,

________ . Letter to the Editor, Daily Herald (Cleveland). 21February 1852.

________ , Letter to Elizabeth Cady Stanton. March, 1854.

________ . Letter to the Rev. Wm. R. [sic] Channing. March, 1847.

________ . The Temple of Truth, or the Science of Ever-ProgressiveKnowledge, Cincinnati: Truman & Spofford, I858,

________ . A Treatise on American Popular Education. Canton, Ohio:Peter Kaufmann and Co,, 1839.

________ , et al. "Constitution of the Society of the ’United Germans’at Teutonia." Der Westliche Beobachter und Stark und Wayne Counties Anzeiger. 28 November 1827, p, 1,

Körner, Gustav. Das Deutsche Element in den Verelngten Staatenvon Nordamerika, l8l8-l848. New York: G, Steiger & Co., 1884,

McGregor, John, "The Kaufmann Family," History of Stark County Ohio. Ed. Herbert T. 0, Blue. Chicago: The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1928. I, 948-53.

"New Book," Ohio State Journal (Columbus). 4 March 1859.

"New Books." The Columbus Gazette. 8 April 1859.

"New Books," Daily Commercial. 9 December I858,

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Perrin, William Henry, ed. History of Stark County, with an Outline Sketch of Ohio, Chicago: Baskin & Battey, Historical Publishers, 1881.

Peter Kaufmann: An Inventory of His Papers in the Ohio HistoricalSociety. Columbus, Ohio: Manuscripts Department, Ohio Historical Society Library, 1968.

"Peter Kaufmann Collection," Museum Echoes. 31, No, 2 (February 1958), 14-15.

Piercy, Caroline Behlen, The Preyer-Andreae Family History, n,p,, 1937.

"Printers’ Festival." Stark County Democrat (Canton, Ohio). 6 July 1840, p. 1.

Rochester (New York) Daily American. 16 January 1857.

Rusk, Ralph L,, ed. The Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson. 6 vols.New York: Columbia University Press, 1939.

Simon, Julius, Ralph Waldo Emerson in Deutschland (1851-1932).Berlin: Junker und Dtfnnhaupt, 1937.

Slater, Joseph, ed. The Correspondence of Emerson and Carlyle.New York: Columbia University Press, 1964.

"Spiritualists Convention," Daily Herald (Cleveland). 19 February 1852, p. 2.

"Spiritualists Convention." Dally Herald (Cleveland). 20 February 1852, p. 2.

"The Temple of Truth." The Ohio Repository (Canton). 19 January 1859.

"The Temple of Truth." The Stark County Republican (Canton, Ohio),21 January 1859.

Whitman, Walt. Leaves of Grass. Brooklyn, New York, 1856.

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX A, Letter from Emerson to his brother William (May 6, 1857)

The manuscript of the following letter is owned by the Harvard

College Library, and a photostat is located in the Columbia University

Library, The letter appears in The Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson,

ed. Ralph L. Rusk (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939),

V, 74-75.

Concord, May 6

Dear William

I heard with great pleasure—by Haven’s letter, I

believe,—that you & Susan were coming to see us in May.

I trust nothing will prevent you from putting your design

into act. But the children say, it was "about the fifteenth";

and thereon I may have somewhat to say. My long design

of making some effectual repairs of my roof to keep the

rain off the heads of my family & guests, is, at last,

to begin to take effect tomorrow morning, if the sun

shines; if not, the next day: and I suppose it will

be a fortnight before the house is in order. Meantime,

I have almost promised certain parties that I will be

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in New York some day in May, & the last letter from them *thseemed to fix the 16__ as the right one. So that I

propose that you shall, if you have no fixed day at

Portsmouth or Boston, set your watch a few days slower,& say the 20^ or 19^, & then I shall have the comfort

of accompanying you to Concord, But the young people

here, as the old, will give you a double welcome for

every one of the young people there you shall add to

your party. We are pretty wells Ellen very busy with

her sewing-machine, though a little febrile in habit,

& staying from school, I have your "account" fairly

on foot last night, & shall send or bring it. Affectionately,

Waldo

To my consternation I uncovered in a deep crypt

in my cabinet, a few days since, 7 or 8 livraisons of

your Life of Mme Sand, which I had fondly believed restored

long ago. It will come, if I come.

If a Mr Kaufmann from Ohio comes to your office,

on any day, asking for me, please entertain him kindly,

& say, that you are expecting me in N, Y, I will write

you soon more exactly of my when & where.

36b

APPENDIX B. Entry from Emerson’s journal (May 19» 1857)

The following entry appears in the Journals of Ralph Waldo

Emerson, ed, Edward Waldo Emerson and Waldo Emerson Forbes (Boston

and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1913)» IX, 93» Emerson

had met Kaufmann the previous day, May 18,

May 19,

I saw Peter Kaufmann in New York, a man of much

intellectual power, and of expansive moral sympathy and

purposes; another Benjamin Franklin in his practical

skill and tastes. Unhappily, he is without imagination,

—the more to be regretted, that his life has kept him

invariably bourgeois. His bonhommie and philanthropy

occasionally changed his face to a wonderful degree,

as if a young man looked out of an old mask.

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APPENDIX C. Entry from Emerson’s journal (February, 1874)

The following entry is from page 84 of Emerson’s manuscript

journal "VO," which is owned by the Ralph Waldo Emerson Memorial

Association and located in the Houghton Library at Harvard University,

It appears in the Journals of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed, Edward Waldo

Emerson and Waldo Emerson Forbes (Boston and New Yorks Houghton

Mifflin Company, 1913), IX, 93.

1874, February,

On looking—I fear too late—into the singular

Diary which Kaufmann sent me many years ago, I grieve

that I neglected it until now. It is very imaginative

and doubtless sincere, & indicates a far more intellectual

person than I suspected in our short & singular meeting

in New York, Alas I have never heard from him, or of

him, since, & I fear that this total silence on my part

must have pained and alienated him.