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SOMA 2011Proceedings of the 15th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, held at the University of Catania 3–5 March 2011
VOLUME I
Edited by
Pietro Maria MilitelloHakan Öniz
BAR International Series 2695 (I)2015
Università di Catania, Dipartimento di Scienze Umanistiche, Corso di laurea magistrale in
Archeologia, opzione internazionale Università di CataniaScuola di Specializzazione in
Beni Archeologici
Turkish Foundation for Underwater Archaeology
General Association of Mediterranean Archaeology
Published by
ArchaeopressPublishers of British Archaeological ReportsGordon House276 Banbury RoadOxford OX2 [email protected]
BAR S2695 (I)
SOMA 2011 Proceedings of the 15th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, held at the University of Catania 3–5 March 2011
© Archaeopress and the individual authors 2015
ISBN 978 1 4073 1342 9 (Volume I)ISBN 978 1 4073 1343 6 (Volume II)ISBN 978 1 4073 1344 3 (Set of both volumes)
Printed in England by Information Press, Oxford
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Hadrian Books Ltd122 Banbury RoadOxfordOX2 7BPEnglandwww.hadrianbooks.co.uk
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Table of Contents
Volume IPreface v
Part I – Prehistory and Protohistory of Europe and Anatolia 1
General Topics 3
Exchanges Between Paleolithic Hunter-gatherer Groups 3Neyir Kolankaya-Bostanci
Understanding Cross-cultural Communication in the European Bronze Age 11Paulina Suchowska-Ducke
Anatolia 21
Early Bronze Age (ca. 3000-2000 BC) Mining Activities in Central Anatolia, Turkey 21Derya Yilmaz
Observations on the Troy I Period in the Light of Recent Survey Finds from the Coastal Troad 27Derya Yilmaz
From the Middle Danube to Anatolia: Contacts During the Second Millennium BC. a Case Study 35Anca-Diana Popescu, Radu Băjenaru
Kitchen furniture in the second millennium BC: evidence from Salat Tepe 43Tuba A. Ökse, Ahmet Görmüş, Gamze Kaynak
Remnants of Incantation Rituals from the Middle Bronze Age Settlement at Salat Tepe: an Ethnoarchaeological Approach 51Tuba A. Ökse, Ahmet Görmüş, Tülin Bozkurt
Glass Trade in the Light of the Late Bronze Age Finds from Panaztepe 59Nazli Çinardali-Karaaslan
A Group of Urartian Metal Finds from the Karaman Archaeological Museum 65Makbule Ekici
Investigations in the Çaldiran Plain/Lake Van Basin: the Middle Iron Age 71Aynur Özfirat
Europe 81
Antique Bone and Antler Anvils Discovered in Romania 81Corneliu Beldiman, Diana-Maria Sztancs
A Joint Consideration of the Lithic Industries of Shell Middens in Muge, Portugal, and the Coastal Mediterranean Mesolithic Sites 89Anabela Joaquinito, Nuno Ribeiro
Daily Life and Social Reconstruction of an Argaric Settlement at Peñalosa (Baños de la Encina, Jaén) 93Juan Miguel Rivera Groennou, Eva Alarcón García
Greece 101
Archaeological Models and the Archaeology of Mesara (Crete) between the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age 101Rosario Maria Anzalone
Reconstructing the Landscape of the Dead. Some Observations on the Minoan Funerary Space in the Agiopharango Valley 111Sylviane Déderix
Some Eccentric Linear A Tablets from Ayia Triada 121Pietro Militello
Studying Grey Ceramics in the Adriatic Area. A Preliminary Report 127Eleonora Ballan
Protogeometric and Geometric Pottery from the Kos Early Iron Age Necropolis Revisited. Some Features of the Local Ceramic Production 135Maria Grazia Palmieri
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Italy 143
Settlement Strategies and Territorial Organization: a Methodological Approach to the Sardinian Bronze Age Context 143Francesca Cadeddu
Ceramic Ethnoarchaeometry in Western Sardinia: the Case of Oristano 155Evanthia Tsantini, Giuseppe Montana, Miguel Ángel Cau
Lyres in the Daunian Stelae: Towards a Better Understanding of Chordophones in the Mediterranean Iron Age 161Raquel Jiménez Pasalodos, Placido Scardina
Sicily 175
An Analytical Study of Neolithic Combustion Structures in the Province of Messina 175Francesca Cannizzaro, Maria Clara Martinelli
Material Culture and People. Some Methodological Remarks on the Study of Aeolian Middle Bronze Age Settlement Contexts 185Gianmarco Alberti
Oversea Lithic Exchanges Between the Aeolian Islands and Malta from an Inland Perspective: Preliminary Data from a Late Neolithic Site in Licodia Eubea, Catania - Sicily 197Damiano Bracchitta
Decorated Footed Bowls: Type, Distribution and Use 203Valeria Grasso, Carla Maria Caterina Cirino
Creating Boundaries: Elaborate Tombs and Trade Goods in the Early Bronze Age Necropolis at Castelluccio (Sicily, Italy) 211Anita Crispino, Massimo Cultraro
Dwelling in the Darkness: the Prehistoric Caves of the Hyblaean Mountains (Sicily) 217Dalma Cultrera
An Early Bronze Age Settlement Near Ragusa 227Francesco Cardinale, Giovanni Di Stefano, Milena Gusmano, Saverio Scerra
The Late Copper Age Phase in Rocchicella di Mineo: Preliminary Data 233Ivana Vacirca
Innovation and Tradition in the Technology of Large Storage Jars from the Sicilian Middle Bronze Age 239Carlo Veca
Piano dei Casazzi (Mineo, Catania). Data on the proto-historic inhabitation 249Francescaromana Alberghina
Ceramic ethnoarchaeometry in Sicily: recent traditional productions as a tool for understanding past manufactures 253Giuseppe Montana, Anna Maria Polito, Evanthia Tsantini
Use of Space in the Early Bronze Age on the Basis of Artefact Distribution: the Village of Coste Di Santa Febronia 259Roberta Mentesana
Archaeology and Sciences 265
Gis, Geographical Models and Archaeology: a Case Study for Late Prehistory Populations (5500-550 Bc) on the Ripoll River (Catalonia, Spain) 265Maria Yubero Gómez
Technical and Typological Approaches to Bronze Age Worked Bone from Central Iberia. The Settlement of Motilla del Azuer 273Manuel Altamirano García
Birch Resin Not Only As Climate Marker. Integration Between Chemical And Paleobotanical Analysis In Sicilian Prehistory 285Roberta Mentesana, Giuseppe De Benedetto, Girolamo Fiorentino
Part II – History and Archaeology of the Classical World I 291
Archaeology Greece and the Mediterranean 293
Seeing the Attic Vase: Mediterranean Shapes from 635 to 300 B.C. – The Beazley Data 293Filippo Giudice, Rossano Scicolone, Sebastiano Luca Tata
The Walled Towns of Thesprotia: from the Hellenistic Foundation to the Roman Destruction 313Marco Moderato
Ionian Sanctuaries and the Mediterranean World in the 7th Century B.C. 321Kenan Eren
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Stoa–bouleuterion? Some Observations on the Agora of Mantinea 329Oriana Silia Cannistraci
Archaeology The East 335
Two Fragmentary Sarcophagi from Aphrodisias in Caria: Imported Sculptors in the City of Sculpture? 335Esen Ogus
Hellenistic and Roman Pottery of Zengibar Kalesi (Isaura Nova?): from the South Necropolis Survey 349Zafer Korkmaz, Osman Doğanay
Some Archaeological Material from Seydişehir 361Asuman Baldiran
Archaeological Survey in Aksaray (Cappadocia): a Preliminary Report 379Mehmet Tekocak
Ancient Monuments between Research and Development: the Theatre of Kyme (Turkey) 391Stefania Mancuso
The Agora Basilica, Smyrna 399Burak Yolaçan
Archaeological Excavations at Istanbul’s Lake Kucukcekmece–2010 407Hakan Oniz, Sengul Aydingun, Emre Guldogan
Excavations in Ancient Smyrna 411Akin Ersoy, Gülten Çelik
The Cult of Zeus in Lykaonia 417Asuman Baldiran
‘Hierapolis of Phrygia’: a Roman imperial pottery deposit (US 274) found in the Northern Necropoli (Atlante di Hierapolis, foglio 18) 421Dario Sergio Corritore
Kyme of Aeolis. Excavations in the Necropolis (2007-2008): Preliminary Data 431Fabrizio Sudano
A Grave Dated to the Late- and Sub-Geometric Period at Mengefe 435Makbule Ekici
Archaeology The West and Africa 439
Beyond Aleria. Local Processes and Tyrrhenian Connections in the Early Corsican Iron Age (8Th–5Th Centuries Bc) 439Marine Lechenault
Genesis and Development of the First Complex Societies in the Northeastern Iberian Peninsula During the First Iron Age (7th-6th Centuries BC). The Sant Jaume Complex (Alcanar, Catalonia) 445David Garcia i Rubert, Isabel Moreno Martínez, Francisco Gracia Alonso, Laia Font Valentín, Marta Mateu
Sagué
Phoenicians in the Azores, Myth or Reality? 453Nuno Ribeiro, Anabela Joaquinito, Sérgio Pereira
The Roman uilla of Sa Mesquida: A rural settlement on the island of Mallorca (Balearic Islands, Spain) 461Catalina Mas Florit, Bartomeu Vallori Márquez, Patricia Murrieta Flore, María José Rivas Antequera,
Miguel Ángel Cau Ontivero
Lamps From the Anonymous Temple of the Main Decumanus at Leptis Magna 467Veronica Riso
New Data on the Roman Wall Paintings of Leptis Magna. A Preliminary Report 475Giuseppe Cinquemani
The Coin Hoard from Misurata: the Container 483Francesca Trapani
Archaeology Sicily and Italy 495
Francavilla Marittima: a Contextual Analysis of Male Burials in the Necropolis of Macchiabate (9Th-6Th Century BC) 495Claudia Speciale
The Fortified Settlement at Mura Pregne: an Indigenous Site Close to the Greek chora of Himera 507Calogero Maria Bongiorno
Licodia Eubea-Style: Some Remark 511Marco Camera
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Recent Discoveries at the Sanctuary of the Divine Palikoi 517Laura Maniscalco, Brian E. McConnell
Rock Architecture and Some Colonial and Indigenous Centres: the Case of Leontinoi and Montagna Di Ramacca (Ct) 523Maria Nicotra, Giuseppina Gisella Lidia Verde
The Necropoleis of Gela: Updated Researches and Topographical Observation 529Marina Congiu
A Sanctuary of Apollo (Re)discovered in Sicily? Archaeological Evidence, Topography and Historical Source 535Francesca Buscemi
Elite and Society in a Settlement in the Sicilian Hinterland: a New Interpretation of Some Funerary Assemblages from the Monte Castellazzo Necropolis Near Marianopoli 543Rosalba Panvini
A Female Clay Bust from the ‘Artemis Well’ in Syracuse 557Mario Cottonaro
Material Culture as an Indicator of Adoption and Resistance in the Cross-Craft and Cultural Interactions Among Greek and Indigenous Communities in Southern Italy: Loom Weights and Cooking Ware in Pre-Roman Lucania 563Alessandro Quercia, Lin Foxhall
Archaeological Analysis of Roman Naval Warfare in Iberia During the Second Punic War 575Eduard Ble Gimeno
Sailing Towards the West: Trade and Traders on the Routes Between the Iberian Peninsula and Campania Between the 2nd Century BC and the 1st Century AD 585Michele Stefanile
Roman Period Theatres in Sicily: a Structuralist Approach 593Zeynep Aktüre
A Fish-Processing Plant in Milazzo (ME) During the 1st Imperial Age 603Annunziata Ollà
Some Observations On The Road Network Through The Peloritani Region, North-Eastern Sicily 609Anna Lisa Palazzo
Volume II
Part III – History and Archaeology of the Classical World II 615
Iconography and Artistic Production 617
The ‘Mosaic of the Sages’ from Lyrbe / Seleukeia 617Nazlı Yildirim
Some Remarks on the Iconography of Hermes Kriophoros in Magna Graecia and Sicily in the 5th Century BC 627Ambra Pace
The Origins of the lorica segmentata 633Marco Conti
Handmade Terracotta Figurines: Subjects Of Daily Life 639Vanessa Chillemi
Hellenistic Plastic Vases in Sicily: Some Reflection 651Alessandra Granata
Between Myth and History: Mediterranean Funerary Monuments in the 4th Century BC 657Alessandro Poggio
Archaeology of Gesture and Relics: Early Signs of the Sacred In Veii 661Laura Maria Russo
History 677
The Dionysus Cult in Antioch 677İnanç Yamaç
Economy and Institutions in Ancient Greek Proverbs. A Contribution on Trade and Taxation 685Carmela Raccuia
Attic Weights and the Economy of Athen 691Mario Trabucco
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Sitodosia, euerghesia and emporia: Some Examples from Sicily 695Elena Santagati
Greeks and Sikels in the Hyblaean Area: an Historical Interpretation of the Epigraphic Evidence in the Chalcidian Hinterland 699Nella Sudano
Reconstructing Aspects of pre-Roman History, Political Organization, Religion and Trading Contacts of Greek Colonies of ‘Thracia Pontica’: the Case of Histria and Kallati 709Maria Girtzi
The Role of Professional Associations in the Romanization Process of the Western Provinces. A Study Proposal 717Ilenia Gradante
The Eastern Mediterranean in the Greek Anthroponymy of Roman Hispania: the Case of Aegyptu 723Pedro Marques
In the Land West of the Euphrates: the Parthians in the Roman Empire 731Leonardo Gregoratti
The Ecclesia Dei in Early Christian Inscriptions: Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons in Sicily 737Giuseppe Falzone
The Two Agorai of the Piraeus: Literary, Epigraphic and Archaeological Source 749Valentina Consoli
From Earthquake to Archaeological Rediscovery: Two Unpublished Epigraphs from the Aquila Province 757Carla Ciccozzi, Alessandra Granata, Walter Grossi
Numismatic 763
Water Fauna and Sicilian Coins from the Greek Period 763Mariangela Puglisi
Coinage and Indigenous Populations in Central Sicily 779Lavinia Sole
Greek and Hellenistic Coins in the Central Adriatic Apennines Between the 5th and 2nd Centuries BC 789Maria Cristina Mancini
Coins in Messapia: Research and New Perspective 793Valeria G. Camilleri, Paola d’Angela, Valeria R. Maci, Stefania Montanaro, Lorenzo Rinaudo,
Giuseppe Sarcinelli, Aldo Siciliano, Adriana Travaglini
The ‘Six Emperors’ Coin Hoard’ from the Bay of Camarina 805Giovanni Di Stefano, Giuseppe Guzzetta, Viviana Lo Monaco, Maria Agata Vicari Sottosanti
Archaeology and Sciences 809
Trapeza: A Computer Approach to the Study of Domestic Pottery in Greek Sicily 809Alessandra Cilio
Punic Amphorae from Entella (Sicily): Archaeometric Characterisation of This Possible Consumption Centre 815Giuseppe Montana, Anna Maria Polito, Mariella Quartararo
Physical And Chemical Causes of Deterioration in Excavated Gla 825Ceren Baykan
Some Archaeological and Archeometric Observations on Two Amphorae from the Venice Lagoon 837Iwona Modrzewska, Giancarlo Taroni, Franco Pianetti
Part IV – Byzantine and Medieval Archaeology and History, Museography, Historiography 847
Byzantine and Medieval Anatolia 849
Byzantine Bronze Coins Found in Anatolia and Their Circulation 849Zeliha Demirel Gökalp
An Early Byzantine Graveyard Area in Ankara 857Ayse Fatma Erol
Stoneworks with Animal Motifs Along the Mediterranean Coast of Anatolia During the Byzantine Period 865Ferda Önengüt, Pinar Serdar
The Usage of the Golden Ratio in East Mediterranean Early Byzantine Churche 871Sener Yildirim
The Contribution of Women in the Construction and Decoration of Churches in the Holy Land 881Lihi Habas
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The Beçin–Yelli Madrasah 895Kadir Pektaş
Taş (Stone) Madrasah – The Akşehir Archaeological Museum 901Melda Arca Yalçın
Some Medieval Glazed Wares Uncovered from the Archaeological Excavations at Alanya Castle, Southern Turkey 911Sema Bilici
The 18th-Century Saliha Sultan Tomb 915Bilge Karaöz
Mediterranean Ships in the Russian Medieval Written and Graphic Tradition 919Petr Sorokin
Some Seljukid Tiles Uncovered from the Archaeologıcal Excavatıons at Alâıyye Castle, Southern Turkey 925Leyla Yılmaz
Italy, Sicily and the Mediterranean 929
Urban Topography in the Adriatic Italic Area: the Cult of S. Lorenzo in the Middle Age 929Carmen Soria
Late Medieval Pilgrim Ampullae from Southern Apulia. An Indicator of Long-Distance Pilgrimage or Local Shrines? 937Marco Leo Imperiale
Typological Analysis of a Cooking Ware Vessel for the Dating of Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeological Contexts in Salento 941Patricia Caprino
The Serapieion and the Church of St. Pancratius in Taormina. The Building from Antiquity to the Middle Age 945Leonardo Fuduli
Importation and Trade of African Pottery in the Ancient Ecclesia Carinensis During the Late Roman Age 959Emma Vitale
Production and Circulation of Palermitan Amphorae in the Medieval Mediterranean 963Fabiola Ardizzone
Agrigento between Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Dynamics of Transformation in the Area of the Early Christian Cemetery from the 3rd to the 11th Centuries A.D. 975Giuseppina Cipriano
Vandals in the Mediterranean: a Problematical Presence 987Vincenzo Aiello
Vandals in the Mediterranean: Sicily and its Role 991Elena Caliri
Vandals in the Mediterranean: the Monetary System 997Daniele Castrizio
The Settlement in the District of Grammena-Valcorrente Near Belpasso (Ct) between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages 1001Elisa Bonacini, Maria Turco, Lucia Arcifa
Qui eadem aqua utuntur. A Late Antique and Early Byzantine Village in Rural Calamonaci (Agrigento, Sicily) 1011Maria Concetta Parello, Annalisa Amico
The Dump of Burgio: the Kiln Wastes of the First Pottery Workshops (16th-17th Centuries A.D.) in the Garella District 1019Maria Concetta Parello
Interdisciplinary Study of a Rupestrian Site Differently Utilized from 5Th-6th to 14th Centuries (South-East Sicily) 1025Noemi Billeci, Lorella Pellegrino, Giacomo Caruso, Francesco Paolo Mancuso, Franco Palla
Marble Production and Marble Trade Along the Mediterranean Coast in the Early Byzantine Period (5th-6th centuries AD): the Data from Quarries, Shipwrecks and Monument 1033Elena Flavia Castagnino Berlinghieri, Andrea Paribeni
Medieval Byzantine Shipwrecks in the Eastern Adriatic 1043Vesna Zmaić
Museums, Historiography, Enhancement 1051
The Archaeological Museum of Thassos: the New Permanent Exhibition 1051Dimitria Malamidou, Zisis Bonias, Konstantinos Galanaki
Ancient Sardinia on the Move 1063Barbara Costa
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From the Universal Museum to the Public Museum: the Role of Archaeological Finds in Palermo Between the 18th and 19th Century 1075Rosanna Equizzi
The Legend of Mount Nemrud: Commagene Kingdom 3D Reconstruction of the Archaeological Remains of the Holy Sanctuary on Mount Nemrud 1081Ahmet Denker, Hakan Onız
Some Examples of Traditional Housing from the Village of Eskikizilelma and the Aktopraklik Höyük Excavations, Bursa 1089Abdullah Deveci
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A Sanctuary of Apollo (Re)discovered in Sicily? Archaeological Evidence, Topography and Historical Source
Francesca BuscemiAssegnista di ricerca, DISUM, Università di Catania
As part of a wider reassessment of certain monuments and topics concerning ancient architecture in South-Eastern Sicily, the site of S. Lorenzo Vecchio near Pachino (SR) seemed particularly relevant to aspects of interest of scholars in this field: dynamics of territorial control, roads network, commercial and economic activities, problems of demography and, especially, the longevity of these settlements. Such aspects did indeed emerge as principal topics during the two conferences that proposed a systematic interpretation of the territory over these last ten years (BaLsamo–La rosa 2001; il territorio di Pachino).1
The S. Lorenzo complex constitutes a synthesis of all these topics, though we will only partially discuss them here. It was known to Tommaso Fazello (FaZeLLo 1558, lib. IV), and was “rediscovered” at the end of 40s by Giuseppe Agnello (agneLLo 1948) at the homonymous site a few meters from the provincial Noto-Pachino road (SP 19). The complex was part of an 18th-century farm (masseria), now in ruins (figs. 1-2). A church consecrated to S. Lorenzo was active here, and was still the destination of a pastoral visit in 1790 (riZZone 2005, 42). Its date of foundation is yet to be ascertained; however it is certainly far more ancient. The complex is composed of several parts: the most ancient nucleus is a building that Agnello interprets as a temple dating to the Greek period; a later building with a central plan and three apses was built very near it, but not quite in contact with it, as observed in the plan by R. Carta (agneLLo 1948, 64, fig. 2; agneLLo 1952, 132, dr. 18)2 (fig. 3). This and other aspects shall be discussed in a forthcoming study including new graphic documentation.
We shall now focus on the topographical value of the complex and propose an identity for it, referring particularly to its early phase. Indeed, some of the still visible structures can be associated with the Greek period because of the building technique (one row of blocks in a very well done pseudo-isodomic opus quadratum, without mortar) (figs. 4-5) and metrology (based on a “Doric foot” of cm 30.78).3 Analysis of the remains indicate a 16.3×9m building that was modified, perhaps in the Byzantine period, by the carving of doors and windows (fig. 6). These structures create a lot of exegetic problems and their dating is also difficult because of their gaps, the remarkable interment and the modern building above them, gradually collapsed. We do not aim to consider the monumental ancient structure or its chronology here, but shall rather focus on various topographical aspects and signs from
1 See also Guzzardi–Basile 1996.2 A few more details of the vault of the three apsidal building appear in the plan by G. Margani (2005, 52-54) and again in Margani 2005b.3 Dinsmoor considered a foot of 29.6cm directly coming from Greece and findable in monuments of all Sicily, from Archaic to Hellenistic period (Olympieion at Agrigento, Tempio della Vittoria at Himera, Altar of Hieron II at Syracuse) (Dinsmoor 1961, 359-360). De Waele, instead, proposed a “variable foot” between 29 and 33 cm, on which the Arcaic and Proto-Classic architecture of Sicily would be based (De Waele 1982, 24). In general, on the problem of the Doric foot, see De Waele 1985, 88 (with bibl).
ancient sources that could shed some light on the function of the building. It is indeed remarkable from a topographical point of view because of its proximity to the arterial road, known in the Classical period as Via Elorina, that winds south towards Pachino and Capo Passero.
Originally connecting Syracuse to Helorus, the road continued as far as joining with Via Selinuntina on the Southern coast of Sicily via a coastal route (itinerarium per maritima loca) revealed by Itinerarium Antonini (uggeri 2004, 163). The exact course of this stretch is fundamental to understanding the political and economic dynamics of most of south-eastern Sicily. The interpretation of the S. Lorenzo building, as an extra-urban monument, could therefore not be separated from the examination of its whole territorial context and the corresponding road network. Scholars have certainly focused on this topic in the past: G. Uggeri (uggeri 2004, 228-230) (fig. 7) considered the coastal route of Via Elorina departing the quagmire surrounding the Longarini, Portopalo, Pachino and Marzamemi ports from the East and heading towards Castellazzo della Marza on the South coast of Sicily. This site was identified in the statio of Apolline (di steFano 1982),4 one of the stops of the cursus publicus from the Late-Antique itinerary sources.
This topographical interpretation seems to paint a picture of isolation for the most of the south-eastern parts of the island that, however, seems to be in contrast with archaeological evidence. A multitude of settlements and commercial, productive and manufacturing interests from the Classical to the Hellenistic period endowed this area with high strategic value, and also because of its proximity to the town of Helorus and the frontiers of the territory controlled by Syracuse.
L. Arcifa (2001, 185-188, 199) actually proposed a continuation of Via Elorina across this area (fig. 8) towards the South, stressing the importance of productive activities on the coast between Vendicari and Porto Palo almost from the Late-Antique and Byzantine period. This launched a persuasive reconsideration of the territory, underlining its commercial dynamics and the extraordinary life span of the roads network from the late-antique to the medieval period.
Surveys and excavations of the Soprintendenza of Siracusa and of the Parco Archeologico di Eloro e Villa del Tellaro e delle aree archeologiche di Noto e dei Comuni limitrofi during the last years also went in that direction. These greatly increased the knowledge of this area and allowed the reconstruction of the picture of the beginning of a scattered settlement pattern during the Classical period, with small centres associated with soil exploitation (Burgio; Capo Passero). Some of these sites were probably important considering to the stone quarries found all along the coast south of Syracuse; a perfect example being the
4 This identification has been generally accepted; see e.g. Uggeri 2004, 226-228.
Copyright material: no unauthorized reproduction in any medium
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SOMA 2011
great quarries of Marzamemi (Lena–BasiLe 1986, 120; Lena – BasiLe – di steFano 1988, 15, 51-52) or those of the Cugni di Calafarina district (trapani forthcoming), perhaps linkable to the Greek buildings at S. Lorenzo. These quarrying activities, probably intended for limited-range usage serviced by short coastal transportation (Lena – BasiLe – di steFano 1988, p. 51), were joined by further and more extensive commercial interests like fishing and above all fish produce5 that stimulated an increase of settlements in the Hellenistic period, especially along the Pachino coast region (guZZardi forthcoming).6
In such a stimulating context, new possibilities for the interpretation of the building at S. Lorenzo arise from recent resumption of the proposal (trapani forthcoming)7 moving the plaga Apollinis from Castellazzo della Marza to the south-eastern coast of Sicily (Itinerarium Antonini 96, 4; uggeri 1970; id 2004, 214-215, 227). From a topographical point of view, it is a very well-grounded hypothesis. It could be successfully associated with what was noticed for the Byzantine period in the area south of Cittadella dei Maccari: a distribution of sites suggesting an extension towards the south of the magna via di Respensa during the Swabian period (XIII century A.D.), “in a layout largely traced by the current Noto-Pachino provincial road” (arCiFa 2001, 185-186 and footnote 143). The presence of the S. Lorenzo monumental complex along this road could confirm the vitality of this topographical axis as early as the Greek period. The road is identifiable, with high probability, with the route ab Apolline Syracusas of the already mentioned Itinerarium per maritima loca. Moreover, the aforementioned hypothesis of locating Apolline on the south-eastern coast of Sicily suggests the possibility of classifying the S. Lorenzo building in the sanctuary that gave the name statio itself; indeed we know from Macrobius (Sat. I,17,24) that the toponym “Apolline” derives from a cult to an Apollo Lybistinus.
The distance from Syracuse, indicated in the Itinerarium Antonini as 32 miles, also seems to fit with this hypothesis. Indeed, since 1 mile = m 1.609 and the distance between S. Lorenzo and Syracuse is about 51 km8, it works better than the identification of “Apolline” in the generally accepted site of Castellazzo della Marza, that would nevertheless require a correction of the distance from Syracuse to 34 miles instead of 32 (uggeri 2004, 228).
With respect to the testimony of Macrobius, some misunderstandings by modern scholars suggest a reconsideration of the entire passage: Hinc est quod apud Pachynum Siciliae promuntorium, Apollo Lybistinus eximia religione celebratur. Nam cum Lybies invasuri Siciliam classem adpulissent ad id promuntorium, Apollo, qui ibi colitur, invocatus ab incolis inmissa hostibus peste et paene cunctis subita morte interceptis Lybistinus cognominatus est.
Apart from the topographical information regarding the vicinity of the sanctuary to the cape of Pachino, it is evident that
5 Flourishing installations for salting the fish and for production of garum are known for the Hellenistic period at Portopalo and Vendicari (these ones have been working from IVth to Ist Century b.C.) (Basile 1992, 55-86).6 Guzzardi forthcoming7 So already Lena – Basile – Di Stefano 1988, 16: “In the roadstead of Portopalo the area of Marsa al bawalis (the “port of marsh” of El Idrisi) has to be placed, unless the same port clash with the centre of Apolline, now placed at Castellazzo della Marza”.8 From Marconi square to the little port of Marzamemi, along the provincial road 19.
Macrobius is not speaking about the institution of a new cult, but only about the new epiclesis (Libystinus cognominatus est) of a divinity already worshipped (ibi colitur). So, the source does not justify the reference to Semitic origins of the cult of Apollo Lybistinus proposed by some scholars (CoLumBa 1906, 349).9 Uggeri especially considered this cult “highly plausible in a port of call to Africa via Malta, where Apollo was also venerated. It should be noted that the epithet Archegetes occurs both at Malta and at Naxos of Sicily where, with respect to cults, a link with the Punic world was seen” (uggeri 2004, 227).10
Because of this inversion of cause and effect based on the misunderstanding of a presumed Semitic cult that was later Hellenized, Uggeri resorts to previous Punic cults of North-African origin rather than focusing on Syracuse, the closest, powerful centre propelling the cult of Apollo Archegetes. At most, if a link should be sought between this cult in Sicily and other ones in Africa, Hellenized Africa would be preferable to Punic Africa; and above all Cyrene which, like Syracuse, was founded after a Delphic response (herod., IV, 145-205; CaLLim., hymn. Ad Apoll., 66-67) and is home to a sanctuary to Apollo well-known in all the Mediterranean. Nevertheless, a reference to Cyrenaica is perhaps possible in the perspective of the circulation of a shared sanctuarial culture11 more than direct contacts, however difficult to specify, especially in the Arcaic and Classical periods12 before Agatokles and the focusing of political and economic influence of Syracuse and Cyrene against Carthage (ConsoLo-Langher 1998, 152-155).
Returning to Macrobius, with respect to the notion of identifying the Greek building at S. Lorenzo with the Apollonion of the homonymous statio, the late-antique source could give a contribution to the chronology of the structures. He does actually speak of an invasion of Lybies in Sicily that was halted by the divine intervention of Apollo, who struck the enemy with pestilence: as a consequence of these events the cognomen of Lybistinus was attributed to the divinity.
The polysemy of the word “Lybia” is well known from Herodotus to Procopius (roques 1987, 56-58; id. 1993-1994, 402-409; Laronde 1987, 45, n. 60): it indicates one of the three parts of the oikoumene, or all of Africa, now many smaller areas of it including present day Maghreb, the region of Marrakech, the oasis of Siwah or, more specifically, Tunisia and the Tripolitania,
9 “The ancient maritime itinerary notes a place named plagia, 32 miles far from Syracuse, called Apolline. A such distance conducts us exactly to the island of Cape Pachino and confirms the notice of an Apollo Libystinus here worshipped. Clearly it is a Semitic divinity, identified with the Greek Apollo”. 10 Against the Semitic interpretation of the cults of Aphrodite, Pugliese Carratelli 1980:17. 11 All the Cyrenaica is influenced by Phocaean culture, that is Delphic culture, since Phocaeans and Theraeans came immediately after the first Euboean colonization of the African West in the 7th century (Braccesi 1993-94, 200-204). The link between Delphi and Cyrene does not seem to have reduced neither in the Classical period, when Pindar celebrates the win of the last of the Battiad dynasty at the Pythian games (462 A.D.) (Marginesu 2000, 165).12 The notices by the historical sources allowed the reconstruction of contacts and routes between the two sides of the Mediterranean; particularly we know that one of the two North-South sea-ways reaching Sicily, the Eastern one controlled by Greeks, started from Syracuse to Cyrene, Naukratis and then Alexandria (Uggeri 2005: 192). Nevertheless, nothing is known from the period above mentioned; the two epigraphs coming respectively from the territory of Helorus (Guzzardi 2001: 97-98) and from that of Noto (Manganaro 2001, 80), firstly interpreted as funerary epigraphs showing anthroponyms of Doric form attested at Cyrene, more recently have been interpreted as boundary-stones (Vinci 2004).
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or simply the region of Carthage as in Chariton from Aphrodisias (III, 3, 8) (roques 1998, 491, 498).
Avoiding excessive simplification13 and bearing in mind this complexity, the last interpretation would be the most probable in our case. In other words, Macrobius is speaking of a Carthaginian invasion in Sicily stopped by the intervention of Apollo. We know from Diodorus two such episodes: the first one (Diod., XIII,114) referred to the Carthaginian advance towards Syracuse in 406 B.C., stopped by a terrible pestilence; and the second one (Diod., XIV,71,1) to the end of the II Punic War due to a pestilence. It is to be noted that the notices by the ancient source could only indicate a terminus post quem for the cult, and do not give us the precise chronology of the bulding. This could be constructed later or constitute a rebuilding of an earlier monument.
Under a pure historical perspective, the possible chronological span for the building is therefore very large: occasions for its building could be the 484 a.C., after the forced synecism of people from Camarina to Syracuse decided by Gelon (Herod.,7,156,1-2) coinciding with a strengthened territorial control by Syracuse (Manganaro 2001, 74-75); the ambitious project of a territorial state of Hiero I (478-467 b.C.); the restoration after the defeat of Ducetius (440); the age of Timoleon who enhanced the cult of Apollo or, finally, the period of Hiero II - altough the planning features of the temple seem to indicate an earlier chronology than the Hellenistic period.
Because of the lack of archaeological data regarding the original function and earliest chronology of the sanctuary itself, it is only possible to propose certain hypotheses on the basis of the dynamics of territorial control by the poleis in the south-eastern corner of Sicily.
The pre-eminent topographical position of the building, lying along an important road just south of the Helorus and the Tellaro rivers at the limit of the territory controlled by Syracuse, seems to indicate the promotional aspect of the sanctuary in the Doric colony. If this association with an Apollonion is correct, the precise intention would have been a dedication to Apollo, the most ancient and prestigious divinity of Syracuse itself, in reference to the origins of the polis and perhaps as a clear distinction to the poliades cult of Athena of Geloan origin, established in Camarina (Cordano 2006).
The S. Lorenzo building in this way could be interpreted with a political function of the border sanctuary.14 After all, Syracuse’s control of the south-eastern corner of Sicily was not assured, as demonstrated by hostilities with Camarina and its bold alliances (with Siculi, Geloans, Athenians) against Syracuse during all of the 6th century B.C. and a good part of the 5th, and by the resounding battle on the Tellaro river (492 A.D.). This demonstrated the capacity of the sub-colony to extend its influence along the eastern coast and the insatiable interest of Gela for this commercial front (Copani 2005).
The sanctuary of S. Lorenzo should therefore have symbolised the Syracusan presence at the South of Helorus, catalysing and serving the religiousness of the nearby rural settlements and at
13 Like a identification of the Libyes with Numidians of the areas at the West and at the South of Carthage (Manganaro 2004: 1183). 14 For a classification of the extra-urban sanctuaries see Leone 1998, p. 9, 32-33 (with bibl.).
the same time serving as admonition for people of Gela15 and Camarina.16
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Agnello, G. (1952) L’architettura bizantina in Sicilia, Firenze.Arcifa, L. (2001) Tra casale e feudo: dinamiche insediative nel
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Consolo-Langher, s.n. (1998) Cirene, Egitto e Sicilia nell’età di Agatocle. IN: Catani, E. and S.M. Marengo eds, La Cirenaica in età antica, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Macerata 18-20 maggio 1995, Macerata, 145-160.
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15 Regarding to the imposition of the cult of Athena at Syracuse by Gela in the 5th century B.C. see Pelagatti 2000, 174.16 According to the archaeological evidence the presence of Siculi in this period, instead, is limited to the hyblaean plateau (Guzzardi forthcoming), even if their conflict with Syracuse has been reshuffled very much by historians (see Di Vita 1999; Mafodda 1999; Copani 2005b).
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Guzzardi, L. and B. Basile (1996) Il Capo Pachino nell’antichità. IN: La Magna Grecia e il mare. Studi di storia marittima, (Magna Grecia, 10), Taranto, 189-225.
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Fig. 2) The ruined farm of S. Lorenzio Vecchio
Fig. 1) The farm of S. Lorenzo Vecchio near Pachino and the provincial road 19. (Satellite photograph)
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Fig. 4) S. Lorenzo Vecchio. North wall of the building of Greek period
Fig. 3) S. Lorenzo Vecchio. General plan of the complex (from: Agnello 1948, p. 64, fig. 2)
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Fig. 6) S. Lorenzo Vecchio. East wall of the building of Greek period. The door is a later addition
Fig. 5) S. Lorenzo Vecchio. South-eastern corner of the building of
Greek. The window is a later addition
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Fig. 8) Map of the Late Antique and Early Medieval sites in the south-easternmost part of Sicily (n. 20 = site of S.
Lorenzo Vecchio). The Via Elorina according to Arcifa (da: Arcifa 2008, p. 80)
Fig. 7) The Via Elorina according to Uggeri (2004, p. 229, fig. 71)
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