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ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UMENSIS Umeå Studies in the Humanities. 22
Björn Jernudd
THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN
The First Phase: A Questionnaire Survey in Schools
Umeå 1979
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UMENSIS Umeå Studies in the Humanities. 22
Björn Jernudd
THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN
The First Phase: A Questionnaire Survey in Schools
INAUGURAL DISSERTATION
by due permission of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Umeå
to be publicly discussed in lecture hall E, Humanisthuset, on February 2, 1979, at 10 A. M.,
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UMENSIS
Umeå Studies in the Humanities. 22
Bjtfrn H, Jernudd
The Language Survey of Sudani the First Phase
A Questionnaire Survey in Schools
Umeå, 1979. ISBN 91-717^022-8
Abstract
This is a report on a sociolinguistic survey of pupils in selected junior secondary schools and some primary schools in Northern Sudan, and in Malakal and Adong in Southern Sudan, conducted in 1972. This survey began the Language Survey of Sudan, which is a continuing project of the Institute of African and Asian Studies, Khartoum. The report describes in some detail how the survey was conducted. It adopted an approach intended to demonstrate the usefulness of sociolinguistic surveying to development and public policy in .Sudan and to bring out the needs for further, detailed work. The Language Survey of Sudan aims at describing and mapping knowledge and use of languages and dialects in Sudan, by (i) identifying languages and dialects and classifying them by linguistic method, (2) accounting for how many people know each language and dialect, and how well, and (3) studying for what purposes each language and dialect are used. This survey addressed primarily the last objective. As concerns the significance of findings, the characteristics of the respondents introduce severe constraints on interpretation. Although their ages are relatively uniform (around 14 or 15 years of age) with both sexes represented, born in the majority of cases in the same provinces as their schools are located in and showing a good spread of fathers' jobs, the respondents are not representative of the wider community. But the respondents are representative of the school population in Sudan in their age group. Results account for pupils* reports on parents* knowledge of Arabic and parents* literacy in Arabicj on pupils* own preferences for the use of classical or colloquial varieties of Arabic in the classroom; and on knowledge of other languages in addition to Arabic and patterns of use of these languages as well as Arabic. One major finding of this study is that, with very few exceptions, Arab respondents do not acquire another Sudanese language. Another major finding is that the data points to varying degrees of bilingualism among all other ethnic groups in at least Northern Sudan: Arabic and local vernaculars are used in complementary social situations, with AraMc assuming a lingua franca function and being associated mainly with national, public, official, 'modern* or often simply out-group communicative situations. But the report does not show that Arabic is replacing other languages. What it shows is acceptance of use of Arabic in many contexts. Another major finding is that girl respondents consistently say that they use more Arabic than boys say they do, and claim more Arabic knowledge and also literacy for their mothers than boys do.
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UMENSIS Umeå Studies in the Humanities. 22
Björn Jernudd
THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN
The First Phase: A Questionnaire Survey in Schools
Umeå 1979
© Björn Jernudd Umeå universitetsbibliotek, Box 718, S-901 10 Umeå, Sweden Tryckt hos Göteborgs Offsettryckeri AB, Kungälv
ISBN 91-7174-022-8
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements
1. Background to the first phase of the
Language Survey of Sudan
1.1 Basic facts about Sudan and the
language situation in Sudan
1.2 Objectives of the Language Survey
of Sudan
1.3 Planning of the Language Survey
2. Objectives of the first phase of the
Language Survey of Sudan
2.1 Terms of reference
2.2 Specific goals...
2.3 Details of choice of survey sites....
3. Administration of the first phase
3.1 Preparation of field work
3.2 Direct field contacts
3.3 Research assistance
3.4 Administering questionnaires in the
field
3.5 Coding, punching and tabulations of
questionnaire data
3.6 Editing a directory of scholars
3.7 The language information
questionnaire
3.8 Costs
4. Management and liaison of the Language
Survey of Sudan
4.1 Formal organization of liaison
9
13
14
15
18
22
22
24
28
31
31
31
32
33
34
36
37
38
39
39
5
4.2 Information and publicity 41
4.3 Daily routine of a field worker 43
4.4 Impact and implementation 45
5. The student questionnaire 48
5.1 Characterization of the student
questionnaire 48
5.2 The questions 48
5.3 Sources for the questionnaire 58
5.4 Comments on the questionnaire code...
5.5 Some severe constraints on
interpreting results 60
6. Results. Parents' knowledge of Arabic
and literacy. 62
6.1.1 Fathers' knowledge of spoken
Arabic 63
6.1.2 Mothers' knowledge of spoken
Arabic 64
6.2.1 Fathers' ability to read in Arabic.. 68
6.2.2 Mothers' ability to read in Arabic.. 72
6.2.3 Relationship between father's and
mother's ability to read 75
6.2.4 A note on the Haifa data 76
6.2.5 A note on Darfur 78
7. Results. Preference for Arabic variety
in the classroom 81
8. Results. Self-report on language
knowledge and language use by pupils in
Sudanese schools 87
8.1 A note on terminology 87
6
3.2 General observations on language
knowledge 90
8.3 A note on mixed marriages 94
8.4 Language use in Dongola 95
8.5 Language use in New Haifa 103
8.6 Language use in Sinkat Ill
8.7 Language use in El Fasher and Tina... 116
8.8 Language use in Dilling 123
8.9 Language use in Heiban 134
8.10 Language use in Sallara 142
8.11 Language use in El Obeid (Fellata
quarters ) 146
8.12 Language use in Malakal 153
8.13 Language use in Aaong 163
8.14 Language use in Kabushiya, Singa,
Dinder and Burri 170
9. Comparison of patterns of language use.... 172
10. Why do girls use Arabic more often
then boys? 176
11. Conclusion 184
Appendix 1. Student questionnaire in Arabic... 186
Appendix 2. Coding instructions for student
questionnaire 194
References 201
7
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It is truly amazing how many people are involved,
one way or other, in getting even a simple job like
this one done. First there are those people who got
the Language Survey of Sudan off the ground: foremost
among them Professor Yusuf Fadl Hasan and
Dr. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz. Then there are all those
people who so readily made themselves and their
institutions available in support of the travelling
survey team and for answering Survey questions:
headmasters, teachers and pupils in Sudanese schools,
and officers of the local councils. The field team
was overwhelmingly received everywhere;
Mr. Mirghani Omar al-Amin accommodated us and
accompanying family members in El Obeid, the late
Mr. Kodi al-Doma's family provided us with food in
Heiban, Mr. Adam Adam Saleh and his fellow bachelor
veterinarians accommodated us in El Fasher,
Mr. Salah al-Din al-Amin Saadalla invited us to stay
with his family as we disembarked from the bus in
New Haifa. There was always someone who took it
upon himself to look after our comforts even when we
stayed in resthouses or the Sudan Railways hotel in
Malakal!
Staff at the Institute of African and Asian
Studies in Khartoum did a good job of keeping the
field team in supplies, helping with communications
and turning out sufficient quantities of question
9
naires. In particular my thanks go to
Mr. Suliman Abdalla Adam and Mrs. Wahiba Bentu.
Mr. Muhammad al-Fatih Sharaf al-Din,
Mr. Awad Mursi Taha, Mr. Suliman Muhammad Radwan and
Mr. Elias, all from the third floor in the Ätbara
'BT hostel helped with coding the questionnaires.
Mr. Ron Savage of Monash University did a superb
job of introducing me to computer data processing and
factor analysis, a job which Mr. Vic Askman at the
Culture Learning Institute of the East-West Center,
Honolulu, equally admirably continued some years
later, when again I could turn to writing this
report. I had most of the raw tables (marginals)
printed at the Institute of Statistics and Research
and Scientific Computation Center in Cairo, a tabula
tion task the successful execution of which I owe to
Ms. Merwat Gheith and her colleague and programmer
Mr. Muhammad al-Nahass. Some preliminary tabulation
had also been done on the University of Khartoum
card tabulator, and I thank Mr. Muhammad al-Hasan in
the Statistical Laboratory for his kind supervision
of that job.
I did most of the writing in the summer of 1976
in Khartoum. I owe the opportunity to spend several
months on this and another research writing task to
Mr. Samuel Bunker, Ford Foundation representative for
the Middle East and North Africa. With his permis
sion I made Khartoum base of operations for three
summer months during my term as project specialist
in linguistics with the Foundation.
10
Professor Yusuf Fadl Hasan, Dean of the Faculty of
Arts, arranged to accommodate me in his Faculty at
the University of Khartoum and found me an office in
the Arabic Department where Dr. Muhammad Ali al-Raya
and Mr. Muhammad Ali Karar took good care of me.
Mr. Darius Jonathan Kenyi who kept me company at the
Staff Club during that summer was the first to read
and constructively criticise drafts of this report.
So did also Mr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud,
Professor Jiri V. Neustupny,
Professor Karl-Hampus Dahlstedt and
Dr. Jacques de Mare with the result that I rewrote
many drafts, added tables and finally decided to
print it all anyway.
Mr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud was my assistant during
the field work and coding; we were the field team.
He is now my brother and colleague, with whom I hope
to share much work on Sudanese languages, yet to be
done.
So far I haven't mentioned two very special
people: my wife, Dr. Mary Slaughter, and my son
Tor Ingemund. They both came with me to Sudan for
the field work, and they travelled with the field
team part of the way, and they let me spend a long
summer in Khartoum. I acknowledge their support and
patience.
I thank Professor Charles Ferguson and
Mr. Melvin Fox for their assistance in obtaining
a research grant.
11
The Ford Foundation and the Center for Applied
Linguistics, Washington, D.C., supported the first
phase of the Language Survey of Sudan with a field
work grant; the Ford Foundation also supported me
to write the report; Monash University, the Institute
of Statistics and Research and Scientific Computation
Centre in Cairo, and the Culture and Interactive
Process Project at the Culture Learning Institute of
the East-West Center absorbed data-processing costs,
all of which is greatly appreciated.
Mr. James Mack visualized the diagram that
appears inside the back cover and gave me the idea
to place the map up front.
To all, thanks.
12
CHAPTER 1. BACKGROUND TO THE FIRST PHASE OF THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN*
Since its start in 1964, the Sudan Research
Unit, now the Institute of African and Asian Studies,
has been concerned with language. The Director,
Professor Yusuf Fadl Hasan, from very early on in his
management of the Unit (Institute) made language a
central topic. In this he was strongly supported by
Dr. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz, a folklore specialist with
linguistic training and interest. When the author
attended the second conference on Language and
Literature in Sudan, in 1970, he entered a preliminary
agreement with the Unit on the possibility of starting
a language survey project sometime within the next
few years.
The opportunity came in 1972. A Ford Foundation
grant enabled the secondment of the author to the
Sudan Research Unit for the period from August 1972 to
to February 1973, "to work with the Sudan Research
Unit of the University of Khartoum in the development
of a socio-linguistic survey of the Sudan."
*The first chapter relies in part on a paper presenting the Language Survey of Sudan to a conference on sociolinguistic surveys at McGill University, Montreal, May 1975, by the author and Dr. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz.
13
1.1 Basic facts about Sudan and the language situation in Sudan.
There are some basic facts about Sudan and the
language situation that in a fundamental way affect
a language survey in the country, particularly as
concerns aims and methods of collecting language
data.
The first important fact is the size of the
country, about 1,000,000 square miles, and the second
the multiplicity of languages spoken in the country,
about 136 languages. (For a list of these languages,
see Bell in Hurreiz and Bell 1975). A nationwide
survey aims at eventually covering all regions and
languages. One may compare the scope of a survey
of languages in Sudan to the Phlippines Survey
involving a dozen languages (Sibayan in Rubin and
Jernudd 1971), or to the Jordan Survey which focuses
on English in an Arab(ic) setting. The complex
language situation which poses a challenge to the
Language Survey of Sudan offers a remarkable contrast
to "the relative simplicity of the language situation
in Jordan" (Harrison et al 1975: iv). For further
information on languages in Sudan the reader is
referred to Hair 1966, Stevenson in Hasan 1971
and in Hurreiz and Bell 1975, Stevenson 1962 (I and
II), Tucker and Bryan 1956 and 1966, rAwn al-Sharif
on Arabic varieties 1965 and in Hurreiz and Bell
1975, Abdelmagid (on English) 1972 and Dalby 1977.
Another important fact is that the language
situation is still ill-defined and constantly chang-
14
ing. Not only did African languages from neighbor
ing countries enter the country, and still do, to
affect the language map, but some of them have
even recently been used as media of instruction. For
instance, Lingala, one of the languages of Zaire,
is allegedly used as a language of education in some
location in Southern Sudan (personal communication
from the former Regional Ministry of Education, HE
Sayyid Michael Tawil). Yet, Lingala is usually not
found in lists of languages of Sudan. With the
instability outside the eastern, southern, and
western borders, the language situation is constantly
changing and will remain fluid for some time. Politi
cal refugees and immigrants afflicted by drought and
famine continue to pour into the country.
To make things more complex, statistics and
information on languages and language use are either
lacking or misleading. The First Population Census
of Sudan only contained one language question on
"the language spoken at home" (see Jernudd 1968
on McLoughlin 1964). In the second population
census conducted in 1973, questions on language
(and religion) were deliberately bypassed.
The Language Survey was launched against
this background, and accordingly its basic
objectives, scope and methodology are affected by
the above facts.
1.2 Objectives of the Language Survey in Sudan
The objectives of the Language Survey of Sudan
15
are best stated by quoting a document which was
prepared and circulated in 1972 by an advisory
committee on the Survey:
nThe Language Survey of Sudan aims at describing and mapping knowledge and use of languages and dialects in the Democratic Republic of Sudan. Specifically, it aims at :
(i) identifying languages and dialects in Sudan and classifying them by linguistic method
(ii) accounting for how many people know each language and dialect, and how well, in the various parts of Sudan
(iii) studying for what purposes each language and dialect are used.
This Survey will provide data on languages and dialects in Sudan necessary for the formulation and implementation of realistic and efficient policies regarding education, literacy, culture, regional development, etc., and for implementing and evaluating progress of the national language policy.":
The fundamental purpose of the Survey is to
provide the policy-maker, the educationalist, the
social worker et al with essential information on
language, each for his task, and at the same time
to inform the public.
The major means to these ends of the Language
Survey is in gross terms, the collection of basic
information about various languages in Sudan,
ie who speak what languages how well, where, when
and to whom? What are the relationships between
the many vernaculars and between vernaculars and
Arabic? etc. A mapping of language proficiency
and use which focuses on different areas at different
times, and which eventually aims at covering the
16
whole country, is a main objective.
In a country like Sudan where problems are
complex and sources of information very meager,
people tend to question the feasibility and
potential use of research projects before embarking
on them. We consider this a healthy sign because it
gives to research a sense of purpose. The Language
Survey of Sudan was no exception to this. Simul
taneously with meeting the purpose referred to above,
the Survey is deliberately seeking to create an
infrastructure for handling questions of language
in Sudan i as best it can with its limited resources
and from its mainly academic position in society.
From very early on some of the ministers who
could make good use of survey results were (and
still are) represented on the Council of the
Institute of African and Asian Studies (IAAS); for
instance, the Ministers of Education, Local Govern
ment, Culture and Religious Affairs are all members
of the Council. It is the Council that approves
and reviews projects of the Institute. Also, when
the Language Survey of Sudan was first inaugurated,
the Ministers of Education and Local Government
were approached with the special purpose of seeking
the support and cooperation of their ministries.
Thus, from the very beginning they were included; and
they endorsed the Survey and viewed it with great
expectations. The endorsement arose from the
awareness in some ministries of the need for a
language survey. In meetings with the Director of
Research and Director of Training in the Ministry
of Education both reiterated the need for the Survey.
The Director of Research stated that the Survey could
help solve some practical problems in the Ministry,
such as in the areas of preparation of textbooks and
allocation of teachers. While the Survey may not
have much data immediately available to help these
Directors, serious interaction between them and
the Survey will serve to heighten awareness of and
better define particular needs for language informa
tion and its use.
1.3 Planning of the Language Survey
The Institute of African and Asian Studies
where the Survey is housed and administered, use to
be the Sudan Research Unit from as early as 1964. As
such it possesses expertise in conducting and organi
zing research projects. It also had a folklore
survey which, although different from the Language
Survey, provided the Research Unit with some experience
in eliciting the help of temporary research workers
and conducting field work designed to acquire material
from different regions in the country. There were
also a handful of linguists with different levels of
training in the language sciences scattered in
university and government departments, most of whom
had some relationship with the Research Unit through
their interest in research on historical, anthropolo
gical, ethnographic, folkloric and linquistic topics.
The Director from very early in his management of
18
the Institute made language work a central topic.
As early as 1967, the Sudan Research Unit (SRÜ)
started acquiring, editing and publishing materials
pertaining to vernacular languages. A special
series (Linguistics Monograph Series) was solely
devoted to this objective. The African Studies
Seminar which was held regularly also provided a
suitable panel for the discussion of different
aspects of descriptive and applied linguistics.
In February 1968 the first International
Conference to be convened by the SRU focused on the
position of Sudan in Africa, and discussed, among
other things, the classification of Sudanese
languages and their relationships to other African
languages (Stevenson in Hasan 1971).
In December 1968, one of the research officers
at SRU, Dr. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz, attended a
conference on linguistics and language teaching
in Dar Es-Salaam. Besides contributing a paper
on "Linguistic Diversity and Language Planning in
the Sudan" (1968) he became acquainted with the
Language Survey of Eastern Africa. In 1969 the
author and Dr. Hurreiz began to exchange correspon
dence and ideas concerning language survey work in
Sudan.
The second conference on the SRU was held in
1970 and was devoted to "Language and Literature
in the Sudan." It paved the way for future
linguistic activities within the University of
Khartoum, and particularly a survey, as was stated
19
in the recommendations of the working group on
non-Arabic languages and applied linguistics.
In 1970 Hurreiz wrote to the Director of the
SRU indicating the shortcomings of the language
questions in the First Population Census and request
ing his help to convince the Census Department
that more substantial and meaningful questions need
be included in the forthcoming census. In spite
of the ensuing correspondence and contacts with the
Census Department no questions on language were
included in the recent Census.
Meanwhile, in 1971 the fifth Erkowit Conference
was held in Juba (in Southern Sudan) and focused
on the economic and social development of Southern
Sudan. Questions pertaining to language policy,
language and education and the need for a language
survey were discussed. It was argued that before
embarking on educational planning and social and
economic development, one needs to survey the
languages of the country and to find out what
the exact situation is. Since the fifth Erkowit
Conference was convened by the School of Extra-Mural
Studies of the University of Khartoum, the University
considered it its responsibility to study the
deliberations and recommendations of that conference.
The then Vice-Chancellor of the University of Khartoum
issued a directive that the SRU should form a
specialized committee to study the language question
in Southern Sudan. After some dialogue and exchange
of correspondence between the Vice-Chancellor and
20
the Director of the SRU a committee was formed.
It paved the way for future involvement of the
Institute in language surveying in Sudan.
The responsibility laid on the SRU by the
recommendations of the 1970 conference together with
the directive of the Vice-Chancellor concerning
the setting up of the 1971 committee, and the
unsuccessful attempts to involve the Census Depart
ment at that time, have committed the Institute
to do the job and to do it itself or under its own
auspices. This background indicates why the
author's request to conduct an initial survey of
language use in Sudan was approved.
21
CHAPTER 2: OBJECTIVES OF THE FIRST PHASE OF THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN
In April 1972, the author had approached
Professor Charles Ferguson at Stanford University
for support in finding finance to help the SRU
start a sociolinguistic survey in Sudan. Professor
Ferguson contacted Mr. Melvin Fox of the Ford
Foundation on his behalf. The Ford Foundation's
first reaction was positive. After an initial mis
understanding about the magnitude of the requested
amount of money, the Ford Foundation's internal
review and program network was set into motion and
a favorable decision was taken in June.
2.1 Terms of reference
The immediate question was, how could the five
to six months the author had available be put to
best use in order for the Institute to get a Survey
going? One goal for the first phase could have been
for the author to spend most of his time developing
questionnaires and analytical routines which the
Institute could implement in the field after he had
left. Another goal could be to carry out a select,
self-contained study that could perhaps be replicated,
altered or expanded after February 1973, in the light
of experience so gained.
22
To help in defining objectives of the first
phase, the Institute of African and Asian Studies set
up an Advisory Committee in October 1972. In
addition to the author, the following persons agreed
to serve:
Professor Yusuf Fadl Hasan, Director of the
Institute, now also Dean of the Faculty of
Arts, University of Khartoum;
Dr. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz, Associate Professor
and Head of the Department of Folklore at the
Institute ;
Dr. Yusuf al-Khalifa, Advisor to the Ministry
of Higher Education and Research, now Director
of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and
Endowments ;
Dr. Mustafa Abdelmagid, Head of the Department
of Linguistics at the University of Khartoum,
and
Dr. Rashid Abu Bakr, Specialist at the Khartoum
Institute for the Preparation of Specialists
in the Teaching of Arabic to Speakers of
Other Languages.
The advisory committee reacted to proposals by
the principal investigator (the author) on alterna
tive formulations of the Survey. It came to serve
as a panel from which the author could elicit prefer
ences and seek advice on the practicality of his
suggestions on whom to contact for research approval,
etc.
23
The first meeting of the committee resolved
that the Survey should start working on selected
topics only, because of limitations of time and funds.
Such an approach should enable the Institute to go
through all the processes of a Survey for the
chosen topic or topics, ie compiling question
naires and collecting data in the field, coding,
analysing the data and preparing data for publica
tion, all while the author was present; this would
constitute the first phase of the Language Survey
of Sudan. A similar procedure could be repeated for
other topics at later dates. It would train person
nel and establish work routines. As it came to pass,
there was only time to begin analysis of data in
Khartoum before the author's return to his regular
place of appointment; the bulk of analysis was
undertaken elsewhere.
2.2 Specific goals
The advisory committee also preferred that the
first phase should limit itself to studying language
use in and through educational populations, by
interviewing pupils in the junior secondary school
and by distributing questionnaires to teachers.
An early question was whether the first phase
would aim at studying several localities intensively
or whether the first phase should be spread over the
whole nation for generally descriptive and contrast
ive purposes—whether policy-makers' and laymen's
24
interest should be attracted with in-depth observa
tions from a couple of communities or with selected
major characteristics of the language situation
on a national scale. The Director of the Institute
decided together with the author on policy in this
regard: the first phase should adopt an approach
intended to demonstrate the usefulness of socio-
linguistic surveying and to bring out the many
needs for further detailed work.
Although national, the work did not extend to
Southern Sudan because of the unsettled circumstances
there (it was too soon after the Addis Ababa agree
ment; cf Beshir 1975), particularly because of the
continuing population movements during resettlement
of returnees. Also, very few schools were known to
be operating. Nevertheless, one locality was
included to underline the national aims of the
Survey and to provide a platform for discussion and
further work on the language situation in and the
problems of Southern Sudan. This community was
Malakal. While down south, the field team also
administered survey questionnaires to primary school
pupils in Adong on the Sobat river southeast of
Malakal.*
*The Summer Institute of Linguistics later undertook a rough but comprehensive language survey in Southern Sudan. This survey concentrated on 1) determining and enumerating languages, 2) estimating geographical extent of languages and collecting linguistic samples and 3) estimating bilingualism and mutual intelligibilities between neighboring speech communities. Bendor-Samuel 1975.
25
In Northern Sudan, localities to be visited
were selected to represent a series of most different
or contrasting language situations, and for reasons of
geographic spread.
Among possible choices of educational populations,
students of junior secondary schools and their
teachers were chosen as respondents because (1) they
were readily available as informants, (2) the
students and teachers were definitely Arabic-speaking
(a principal objective of the Language Survey of
Sudan is to study the relationship of Arabic to
vernacular usage because of national language policy,
Arabic is the national language; cf Hurreiz 1975)
and (3) they represented a selection from a larger
population to proceed to higher studies and could
therefore be said to constitute the future educated
work-force or 'elite' of the country. However,
socially and/or ethnically the students may not be
representative of their areas.
As a consequence of choice of survey localities
and respondent groups, there is therefore a deli
berate skewing in the first phase as to who it is
that is asked about language use: there is a bias in
favor of Arabic (both by choice of respondent group
and kind of questions) and there is a 'national'
rather than a local orientation, by choice of a
secondary-school respondent group. In order to
catch potential sex differences, both boys and
girls were selected, about 100 of each sex in each
school, because that number appeared statistically
26
sufficient given anticipated cross-tabulations and
at the same time practicable, particularly given the
fact that there might not be, as indeed proved to be
the case, more students on that grade level in a
given school.
A little over 4% of the total number of junior
secondary school pupils in the first grade or 1,973
pupils replied to the Survey questionnaire. Another
273 pupils in the 6th and final year of primary
school also replied to the questionnaire.
According to information acquired in 1973 from
the Ministry of Education, there were a total of 372
boys' and 130 girls' junior (sometimes called general)
government secondary schools in the school year 1972/
73 and 150 boys' and 61 girls' non-government junior
secondary schools. The total number of pupils was
estimated at about 47,000 distributed over 734 boys'
and 279 girls' classes in the first year. This gives
an average class size of 46 pupils; and an average
number of classes of less than one and a half
'average class' per school.
Also according to the Ministry, there were
3,750 teachers in government junior secondary schools
and 1,933 in non-government schools.
Enrollment in general secondary education
expressed as a percentage of the total number of
boys and girls in the relevant age groups of 13-15
years of age in 1972/73 was 10.3% for boys, and
3.5/0 for girls. The total school age population in
the relevant age groups was estimated to be 1,207,000
27
of whom 636,000 boys and 571,000 girls. (Economic
Survey 1973: appendix table 2.3).
2.3 Details of choice of survey sites
The two criteria for choice of survey sites,
ie of school locations,were : (1) spread across the
country and (2) such spread as to take in some
of the major regional language groups but (3) with
access, because of the limited travel time available
to the team. For reasons of time, no more than ten
different localities cojild be chosen. Even with
only ten sites to be chosen, geographically controlled
sampling might have been possible. Readers are
cautioned that the author's and the advisory
committee members' prejudices determined the choice
of sites instead. For any 'representative sampling'
to be done, a much more controlled effort would have
had to be made, possibly also involving differentia
tion of survey instruments and validity testing (cf
Abdulaziz 1975 : 22-3).
The sites are:
Dongola in the North (see map), situated in a
predominantly Nubian-speaking area (on the Nubian
language and on other languages mentioned below,
cf Tucker and Bryan 1956 and 1966);
Sinkat, inland from Port Sudan in a Beja-
speaking area;
New Haifa in the East, because of its special
interest as the place of resettlement of Nubians
from Wadi Haifa (cf Dafalla 1975);
28
Kabushiya, a short distance east of Shendi,
north of Khartoum, in a central Arabic-speaking area,
with a great historical past (cf Shinnie 1967);
Singa in the Southeast, because of its location
in an extended area of irrigated modern agriculture,
the presumed representation in school of an ethnic
ally mixed labour population, and its historical
interest (cf part one in 0?Fahey and Spaulding 1974);
Pilling and Heiban in the Nuba Mountains to
represent this linguistically very complex area (cf
Stevenson 1956, 1957), the former in the northern
parts of the Mountains, the latter more to the south,
to reflect a presumed historically determined
difference in intensity of Arabic influence (cf
Stevenson 1963);
El Fasher in the West, to represent Darfur
Province with its ethnic and linguistic variety;
some major groups are the For, the Zaghawa and the
Masalit. There are also many nomadic Arab tribes.
Zalingei, a town on the opposite side of Jebel Marra
(a mountain area) could have been chosen, were it
not for the fact that the advisory committee
considered it already preliminarily studied (Jernudd,
forthcoming); El Fasher is the major administrative
center in the province.
Malakal as a symbolic choice for the Southern
Region, even though it was assumed that the Arabic-
medium, national-pattern (as distinct from Southern
Region curriculum) schools in Malakal were dominated
by families who had immigrated from the North.
29
While travelling to the above places it also
became possible to include schools at Dinder near
Singa, Sallara near Dilling, Tina outside El Fasher,
Adong on the Sobat river southeast of Malakal and
El Obeid, the latter for its Fellata quarters, in
central Kordofan Province.
In Sinkat there was no girls' junior secondary
school so the field team chose to apply the question
naires in a girls' primary school instead. In Adong,
Tina and El Obeid only primary schools were investi
gated. In Heiban the field team visited a primary
school in addition to the boys' junior secondary
school. In primary schools, questionnaires were
presented to the highest grade only, the 6th.
All schools the field team visited cooperated.
30
CHAPTER 3: ADMINISTRATION OF THE FIRST PHASE
3.1 Preparation of Field Work
In late October 1972 an announcement was sent
to academic and government officers and offices that
were likely to be interested in knowing about lan
guage survey efforts. Separate communications rein
forced this circular at the Ministries of Local
Administration, and Education; and from each Ministry
circulars went out to rural councils and schools
informing about a survey team's intended visit. This
support from the Ministries was invaluable in that
we could state our purpose when in the field without
being met with prejudice or surprise.
3.2 Direct field contacts
Apart from the central announcements, all
selected schools were contacted in advance by letter
and cable or telephone to the principals,as were the
local councils or other representatives of the local
administration, before each place was scheduled for
a visit. This contacting v/as vital fo r the success
of the survey work. Permission to administer the
questionnaires was sought from the principal of a
school only after he had seen the questionnaires and
our letters of introduction. We took great care
to give the principal a set of all questionnaires
31
immediately on arrival. We did, however, not leave
copies of the students' questionnaire with anybody
else.
The field work team was itself responsible for
the travel schedule. Accommodation in the field
was handled as it happened (resthouses, teachers'
quarters, private homes, open-air beds, roadsides,
the Malakal Airport Grand Hotel...). Transportation
consisted of going by anything available: air, train,
bus, lorry, car, foot. The team returned to the
institute in Khartoum between visits to any one school
region, for following up on the continuous contacting
of rural councils and schools in the region of next
visit, for deposit of used and resupply of fresh
questionnaires. The field work was finished by the
first days of January 1973.
3.3 Research assistance
Mr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud was appointed as assis
tant to the author for the duration of the first
phase of the Survey. He was an honours graduate in
English from the University of Khartoum, and intend
ed to specialize in Linguistics. The two of us
constituted the field team. The advantages of such
an arrangement are obvious and many: principally
that the same two people did all the interviewing,
but also that they were extremely flexible in their
scheduling to meet constraints on time when flights
were unexpectedly cancelled and cars did not come.
Mr. Ushari Ahmed knows both Sudanese customs and
32
is a native Arabic speaker. (In 1973 after the
author's departure, Mr. Ushari Ahmed independently
and competently carried out a field survey in
Southern Sudan in the area of Deim Zubeir as part
of his MA program).
3.4 Administering questionnaires in the field
The students' questionnaire was read out in
Arabic to a group of students usually the size of
a class and in its normal composition and customary
room; questions were also paraphrased using casual,
colloquial expressions (both tasks usually by Mr.
Ushari Ahmed); the respondents answered on mimeo
graphed forms that the field team provided on which
the questions were also written, with spaces provid
ed for answers. The field team carried pencils which
were usually left with the students as a gift to be
sure that students could write the answers. In
primary schools, this was particularly essential.
One of the two team members, usually the author,
walked around the room in order to locate respondents
that had difficulties keeping up and to be available
for individual clarifications.
Teachers, as many of them as were around at the
time of the survey, had been given a teachers'
questionnaire before the field team entered a class
room. Some questionnaires with addressed envelopes
were left behind for other teachers and for those
who had not completed theirs when the field team
departed. The team gratefully accepted that the
33
Field work was conducted in Arabic, because
Arabic is the language of school education in Sudan,
it is an unchallenged lingua franca in Northern
Sudan, and it would be very rare, if it at all occurs,
to find an intermediate-level school class in which
all students share a language other than Arabic.
3.5 Coding, punching and tabulations of questionnaire
data
Immediately on the last return from the field in
January 1973, coding of questionnaires was begun.
Students of Economics were hired directly by the
author to act as coders. The coders worked under the
author's supervision. On several points of coding,
coders kept checking with each other and the author
during the first days of work by calling out loud,
for instance on how to allocate fathers' jobs to the
available coding categories, meaning of tribal la
bels, etc. The author took extra care to explain
the Survey and the questionnaire to the coders, and
to always work together with them. Mr. Ushari parti
cipated in the coding as well. As a result, work
was of good quality (as it was later confirmed).
Also, the coders volunteered to work the extra hours
necessary to complete coding in sufficient time to
have the cards punched before the author had to leave
Khartoum.
Punching done, tabulation was begun in late
January at the computer centre of the University of
Khartoum, using the tabulator. This work hkd to be
34
principal or a teacher introduced us to the students
but while the students were being interviewed, no
teachers were allowed to be present. Instead, teach
ers were busy with their own questionnaires, outside
the classroom. The fact that the teachers had their
own questionnaires to fill in both informed them about
the Survey (although teacher questionnaires were not
identical with the students') and kept them away from
the classroom while the students were giving their
answers. (Results of the teacher questionnaire survey
have been published by Jernudd in Hurreiz and Bell
1975).
When the team was alone with the students in
the classroom, Mr. Ushari Ahmed gave a standard intro
duction and explanation of the Survey which also con
tained a deliberate praise of vernaculars spoken in
Sudan so as to counteract any assumed reluctance on
the part of students in Arabic-medium schools to re
fer to their vernaculars. It was assumed that in the
case of no such reluctance, to mention the vernacular
positively should make no difference. Then the author
gave a brief additional talk in colloquial Arabic,
recapitulating the main purpose of the Survey which
should result in, it was said, a map of the use of
different languages in Sudan. After the question
naires had been completed, students were allowed to
ask questions for a couple of minutes. The whole
operation usually lasted between 45 minutes and one
hour.
35
interrupted as the author had to leave for his
regular place of appointment. Since all technical
questions had not been resolved between the author
and the computer centre staff, and since there was
some temporary confusion as to payment (should the
work have continued but with the author elsewhere)
this work was interrupted, to be resumed at Monash
University. Details of the manner in which the
researcher and programmers worked at Monash University
are probably paralleled by many a researcher-
programmer pair elsewhere. Suffice it to say that
the teachers' questionnaire data were treated by
various cross-tabulations of variables and the stu
dents' questionnaire data were factor-analyzed. In
Cairo, raw tables (marginals) were later produced
because, owing to an oversight, these tables had not
been printed out at Monash University. In Cairo
work was carried out by the Institute of Statistics
and Research and Scientific Computation Center.
Finally, at the University of Hawaii computer center
in Honolulu, some remaining cross-tabulations were
made as well as some new factor-analyses, and
previous factor-analyses were repeated with slightly
different analytical conditions.
3.6 Editing a directory of scholars
Another but different task was also endorsed
by the Institute and the advisory committee. The
author wanted to circularize scholars in the country
and abroad with an interest in Sudanese languages
36
concerning their work in order to compile a direct
ory of language research. The directory has been
edited and published by the author as number 5 of the
Sudan Research Information Bullet in (Jernudd 1975).
The directory of scholars of Sudanese languages
was compiled from the letters and forms that had been
returned to the Institute in Khartoum by the time
the author returned to Sudan in 1974.
3. 7 The language information questionnaire
Willing teachers and others whom we met at eg
rural councils or in government officers' quarters
were asked to fill in a language information question
naire and to return it when completed to the Institute
in an addressed envelope which was provided. It was
applied also for some time after the first phase
proper ended. This questionnaire was derived from
models in the Ethiopian component of the East Afri
can Language Survey.
The intention of the language information
questionnaire was to obtain information from one
or two people about a region in order to learn about
possibly interesting language situations indirectly
before dispatching a man to the field for in-depth
or particular study, and to 'fill the map' with
replies to relatively straight-forward questions
(thought the author) which could later be compiled
into rough mapping displays.
Data derived from this questionnaire have not
yet been written up.
37
3.8 Costs
The grant to the author covered --in addition
to his salary, airfare and some shipping costs for
personal effects— the following budget categories:
Local Transportation $1,000
Supplies etc 500
Research assistance 750
The Institute contributed housing for the author
and his family, a Landrover trip to Dilling and Singa,
clerical services, and Mr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud's
basic salary and, very generously, general services at
base for the field team. Even though the Institute's
costs most definitely exceeded the dollar grant
specified above, it must be emphasized that this
first phase survey was a low-cost, intensive enter
prise .
Monash University's Linguistics Department took
responsibility for costs for the factor-analyses
there (except for a smaller amount which remained from
the dollar grant and could be used) as an internal
charge within the University, the Cairo Statistics
Institute and Computation Centre granted the author
free use of its services; and the Culture Learning
Institute in Honolulu absorbed data-processing
charges (about $100) there.
38
CHAPTER 4: MANAGEMENT AND LIAISON OF THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN
4.1 Formal organization of liaison
The advisory committee of the Language Survey
of Sudan continues to serve several purposes, now
as it did during the first phase of the Survey:
1) to provide know-how about areas of
investigation
2) to provide liaison with ministries and
university departments
3) to elicit support and approvals within
the country and outside for the Survey and to
raise community consciousness about language
4) to get expert cooperation on academic
and procedural questions from colleagues.
The author believes that this form of coopera
tion and information-sharing cannot be stressed enough
in Sudan. For the principal investigator of a Survey
phase, the protection, colleguial advice, and know-
how of members of the advisory committee would appear
indispensable. It also provides a means for the
Director of the Institute to delegate some of his
responsibilities and also to keep an orderly record
of decisions taken and of the progress of the Survey,
as well as for dissemination of Institute policy.
39
Copies of minutes of committee meetings and
their distribution are important managerial means in
the Survey. The minutes provide a point of reference
when specific requests are made to ministries to
points made in the meetings (eg clearance of
questions in the questionnaires which anticipates
what kind of findings there will be later, and
therefore builds a basis for ministry or at least
individual staff use of future information and
findings) .
Some representation work has to be done on a
continuous basis in addition to getting an advisory
committee together. So for instance did the author
make a point in the first phase of seeing the Head
of the English Department at the University and the
British Council Representative. Specific permission
for research and cooperation towards the first phase
research was elicited from the Ministries of Educa
tion and Local Government. Also, letters of intro
duction were prepared for the first phase field
workers.
The other body which participates in the
organization and administration of the Language
Survey is the Council of the Institute. Since the
Survey is considered a fully fledged project of the
Institute of African and Asian Studies, its progress
has to be reported to the Council of the Institute
for review and approval. Again, the Council of the
Institute provides a good panel for the exposure
and involvement of different scholars and policy
40
makers to the Survey. Some of the ministers on the
Council have shown keen interest in the Survey.
4.2 Information and publicity
The Director of the IAAS wanted the "Language
Survey of Sudan" label to appear from the very
beginning as a project identification label on
letters, questionnaires, etc. This consolidated the
Survey as an Institute project which would be an
ongoing concern for the Institute for years to come.
And it made the point that the Institute was firmly
committed to this kind of work. The latter would be
particularly important to lay a foundation for ob
taining appropriations in future university budgets.
An example of focussed information work was a
circular letter that was sent to many ministries
and individuals in Khartoum informing them about
the first phase of the Survey.
Another example of publicity work by the
Institute was the organizing of a seminar on "The
Importance of Undertaking a Language Survey in Sudan"
on the 12th of December 1972 as part of the opening
week of the Institute of African and Asian Studies
(from previously being the Sudan Research Unit).
Yet another example is how in the summer of
1974 the Institute organized a workshop on social
science research methodology for employees in the
many ministries in Khartoum and one of the scheduled
lecture series (of three times two hours) was devoted
to sociolinguistic concepts and the Survey,
41
The language monograph series, book series, etc
have already been mentioned among the Institute's
publication ventures.
Continuous publicity and support-seeking cam
paigning by the Institute in favour of language work
are vital to the financing of the language work and
the Survey and of the ultimate use of and interest
in seeking information from its publications.
Keeping its work 'public' and 'open' ensures quick
issuing of research permits, of invitations to the
Institute to participate in committee work on
language issues of students coming to the Institute
for information on own study plans or for facts, or
foreign researchers being channelled unquestioningly
to the Institute as the locus of language data and
research. Plain publishing and quiet work by itself
wouldn't do.
Field work in Sudan is made very much easier
by advance notice to local authorities about the
field worker's arrival on the local scene, and if
'general publicity' has preceded notice to visit
a particular locality, success is guaranteed. In
the case of the first phase as has been mentioned
above, the Ministry of Local Government circula
rized its council officers in the country, and
the Institute routinely contacted each council office
before the field visit. The schools were of course
notified, too.
42
4.3 Daily routine of a field worker
Cables, cables and yet cables and the superb
hospitality of the Sudanese made first phase field
work quite efficient and it finished even before
schedule. No doubt, this remarkable circumstance
is partly explained by the fact that the team con
tinuously improvised its travel modes and times.
Once they had been thrown off their plans the first
day, they never seriously believed they knew how they
would travel next, or when. They used all modes
of mechanical transport and they travelled at all
times of night and day. Should a survey team not
be willing to conduct its work that way today in
Sudan then they will not finish its work. Flexibility
by the field workers, and a small budget of their
own and direct control by the field workers of
their travel schedule may be the generalizable ex
perience. Yet, they need a very alert and respon
sive back-up staff at home-base for the most
efficient functioning.
A field team needs a person specifically assigned
the task of keeping track of the survey team at home
base and whose responsibility it is to notify the
field sites to be visited of arrival dates and to
coordinate transport requirements.
The usual questionnaire drafting and typing for
the first phase was set in motion as early as could
be in the Institute and it took a while before its
workers had access to routine services in the Insti
tute without question. This was probably a matter
43
which could have been settled by executive orders
earlier than was the case, yet, by working to esta
blish their own legitimacy in this regard one comes
to appreciate much more the difficulties there are
for a typist whose typewriter only half functions
to produce the kind of copy some may be used to from
overseas experience of instant servicing of equipment
and dust-free, air-conditioned offices. A project
which has to be completed within a relatively short
period of time also puts pressure on services which
are unprecedented and unexpected by most service
staff in an academic department. Yet, personal good
humor and personal participation by senior staff in
the stencilling of questionnaires, carrying of
batches of paper and collating considerably helped
to elicit the necessary cooperation. Nevertheless,
it was unavoidable to pay for overtime to get things
done, which sometimes threatened to lessen the day
time efficiency of work, which probably simply
reflected only the team's own impatience and anxiety
to get the work done. Also, all university bureau
cracies require more time than a pressed task-orient
ed researcher normally is willing to allow for bills
to be paid or particula.rly for authorizations for
purchases of paper and tickets to be issued. In
project budgeting it is essential to allow for
many smaller costs to be met directly by the research
management at the operational level of day to day
work, perhaps to be reimbursed later by cooperating
44
university departments and bureaucracies but where
a bureaucratic insistence that the one shall pay
first whose ultimate responsibility it is to pay
last will severely hinder field operations and the
keeping to a successful project schedule. Also, to
have freedom to spend small amounts instantaneously
on sticky tape and a particular kind of paper or
even a smaller printing operation is absolutely
essential for a project in this kind of setting.
4.4 Impact and implementation
The Language Survey of Sudan uses various means
for interesting and involving people in its work.
Specialists and important personalities are contacted
on an individual basis. Occupational groups such as
teachers are approached officially through their
Ministry, privately through friends and colleagues,
and sometimes occupâtionally through their trade
union. Public seminars focusing on survey work are
organized. Also, newspaper articles are written and
reporters are invited to highlight some of the
Survey research projects. Moreover, different
ministries and departments are brought into the
picture through participation in the Language Survey
advisory committee as well as through special meet
ings aiming at probing the way for cooperative
arrangements.
The field team of the first phase felt that the
response from the students, teachers, administrators,
and others that they came into contact with during
45
their travels and to whom they had time to talk
about language enthusiastically endorsed what they
were doing and almost to a man demanded references
to where one could learn more about language, parti
cularly the situation in Sudan. The team felt at
times that talking to people about language during
field travel and the brief classroom exchanges with
the students may well have been the most lasting and
therefore the most valuable contribution that the
first phase made to Sudan.
Due to all this, the Language Survey may
succeed in making an impact by creating an awareness
of the relevance and significance of language work.
Many teachers who were reached by the Survey began
to think of certain issues they previously took for
granted or never thought to be worthy of attention;
some of the educationalists who were exposed to the
discussion of the advisory committee became more
positive about some issues they used to brush aside.
(Cf Abdulaziz' discussion of implementation of
sociolinguistic survey results in East African
countries 1975: 33-39).
The Institute is by its Language Survey creat
ing both the bank of knowledge about language and
the infrastructure that will make use of it. Long
term aims of a language survey and its sponsors could
therefore be to create:
1) public information about language
2) awareness by relevant people about language in critical contexts such as for instance education
46
3) availability of reference sources for the citizen and public servant or teacher
4) active interest among the population in their languages.
There should be access for those who need it,
when they need it, to language information of suffi
cient detail so as to make possible further policy
studies and formulation of questions.
47
CHAPTER 5. THE STUDENT QUESTIONNAIRE
5.1 Characterization of the student questionnaire
The questionnaire was written so as to explore
dimensions of language use and partly so as to guide
the construction of future questionnaires which would
aim at collecting quantitative information. It was
also written so as to give an indication of which
smaller set of questions might suffice for continued
surveying with equivalent goals. Its main aim was
to serve as a tool for starting the Language Survey
of Sudan by providing some information on language use
for one segment of the Sudanese population. In con
crete linguistic terms, it was particularly important
to learn about the extent of knowledge and use of Ara
bic both because of the traditional role of Arabic
as a lingua franca, because it has been declared the
national language, and because in Northern Sudan it
is the exclusive langauge of education and dominant
language of government.
5.2 The questions
The questionnaire is reproduced below in
English translation, and in appendix 1 in the Arabic
original. For the sake of economy, the translation
has been edited not to reproduce spaces for answers,
answer alternatives to be checked (e.g., nboy M)
48
etc, that of course appeared in the original
questionnaire.
Student1 s questionnaire
1. Date
2. Name
3. Age
4. Please check ( ) in front of the word 'boy'
if you are a boy and in front of the word 'girl'
if you are a girl :
5. Name of your father's tribe:
Name of your mother's tribe:
6. Where were you born?
7. Where did you first go to school?
8. Did you attend a khalwa?
Please check ( ) against the correct answer:
If you have been to a khalwa?
1. How old were you when you entered the khalwa?
2. How old were you when you finished the khalwa?
3. Where was this khalwa?
9. What is your- father's job?
Now we shall ask you some questions on the languages
you know and use.
10. What is the language you spoke most of the time
with your mother and father when you were very
young?
11. What is the language you speak now most of the
time with your mother or father?
12. What is the language that your father and mother
speak with each other most of the time?
49
13. What is the language you spoke first in your
life?
14. When did you start speaking Arabic? Please
check the appropriate answer:
1. Before I was four years old.
2. Before entering primary school.
3. After entering primary school.
15. How old were you when you started learning
English?
16. Which languages do you know well enough to
understand and communicate with people in the
market place?
17. Which languages do you know to write letters
or notes in if you want to?
18. Which languages do you use when speaking with
friends?
19. Now we would like to ask you about the languages
you use most of the time in your daily life:
(Please answer by writing the name of the
language)
1. When I speak with my father or mother,
- I speak most of the time in:
- but sometimes also in:
2. When I speak with my brothers at home,
(same two frequency subquestions to be
answered as also for 19.3-12 below)
3. When I speak with my sisters at home,
4. V/hen I spea k with my close friends,
5. When I speak to the officer at the local
council,
50
6. When I buy things from the shops in the
market place,
7. When I buy things in the sunsuq (open
market) here,
8. When I speak with my school-mates during
the breaks,
9. When I play football or other sports,
10. When we sit and chat in the evening in
the village.
11. When I write a personal letter or note,
12. When I read library books,
I most of the time read books written in:
but sometimes read books written in:
20. Now we would like to ask you about Arabic and
how well you know Arabic, how well your mother
knows Arabic, and how well your father knows
Arabic. Please check ( ) against the appropriate
answer :
1. Are you able to give directions in Arabic?
(yes/no)
2. Is your father able to give directions in
Arabic?
3. Is your mother able to give directions in
Arabic?
4. Are you able to chat along in Arabic?
5. Is your father able to chat along in Arabic?
6. Is your mother able to chat along in Arabic?
7. Are you able to write a personal letter in
Arabic?
51
8. Is your father able to write a personal
letter in Arabic?
9. Is your mother able to write a personal
letter in Arabic?
10. Are you able to read a simple text in Arabic?
11. Is your father able to read a simple text in
Arabic?
12. Is your mother able to read a simple text in
Arabic?
21. 1. Are you able to give directions in English?
2. Are you able to speak English?
3. Are you able to write a personal letter in
English?
4. Are you able to read a simple text in English?
22. Does your father know English sufficiently well
to chat along in English?
23. Does your mother know English sufficiently well
to chat along in English?
24. What is the kind of Arabic you prefer your
teacher to use in class so that you can under
stand the lesson easily? Please check against
correct answer.
1. The kind of Arabic that people in my
area speak (like for instance at home).
2. The kind of Arabic we hear on Omdurman radio.
3. The kind of Arabic we read in library books.
Thank you very much.
Questions 1 through 9 in the questionnaire
identify the pupil and attempt to provide some very
basic information about the respondent's social
background. The respondent's sex was included
to explore expected differences in language use
between boys and girls. Tribe, or ethnicity, is
vital to any study of social behavior in Sudan,
since one of the foremost characteristics of the
country is its ethnic diversity. This is not
limited to the Southern Region, but is fundamental
also to Northern Sudan. (On problems of interpre
tation of replies to questions on an individual's
tribe (in Arabic qabTla) cf Thelwall 1971:47 and
50-51 who surveyed secondary school students in
El Fasher; and for a very interesting discussion
of the meanings and change of meanings of t.ribal
self-labelling in contemporary Sudan, cf James
in Hasan 1971). Specifically, it is of interest
in a language survey to know which tribe an indivi
dual belongs to in order to assess the extent to
which languages have been adopted by individuals who
do not claim to belong to the tribe for which the
language is considered characteristic.
53
Questions 6, 7 and 8:3 were included to find out
if an individual had moved from one part of the count
ry to another, or had grown up outside his/her tribe's
usual sites. An individual's language behavior could
be different then. (This factor turned out to be
unimportant).
"Khalwa" in question 8 is the traditional
Qur'anic school (cf Trimingham 1949: 115-20).
Instilling ability to read and write the Qur'an
is one of the major aims of the khalwa. The quest
ion was included to explore if individuals who have
been to khalwa differ from those who have not in
their reported use of Arabic. (The author did not
discover any such correlation in the analysis).
Question 9 on father's job elicits information
which, like knowing respondent's sex, was expected
to relate to differences in language behavior,
particularly to the extent of use of Arabic.
Questions 10 through 13 attempt to elicit the
respondent's first and principal language(s). These
questions allow only one language in the answer, in
order for the respondent to have to make a choice
which the author assumes will reflect relative
importance of the language relative to the condi
tions specified in the question. We know the res
pondents all know Arabic, so the emphasis in these
questions is on exploring if the respondent is
proficient in a vernacular or not.
54
Questions on language always employed both the
Arabic word lugha and the Sudanese Arabic word rutäna,
for what is translated as "language" in the English
version of the questionnaire. This was done so as to
neutralize potential misunderstandings that could
arise from the exclusive use of the one or the other
Arabic word. Use of the former, lugha, often excludes
any other variety than (usually classical) Arabic,
and the latter, rutana, excludes Arabic although
occasionally a locally spoken variety of (colloquial)
Arabic may be included (cf Thelwall 1971:48).
In paraphrasing question 14, the fieldworkers
took care to emphasize that by Arabic they here meant
"any variety of Arabic." Question 14 need not be
predictable as a numerical residue by number of
respondents after counting the number of respondents
who answered that they speak a vernacular as a first
language or when they were very young; this is so
because there may well exist communities where
Arabic is acquired very early (maybe even before the
vernacular), ie communities with bilingualism
that starts early in an individual's life cycle
or with initial monolingualism in the 'second
language. '
We dropped question 15 after having visited
only a couple of schools. Barring exceptions, the
answer is: at the requisite level in school. In
schools in Northern Sudan, English is taught as a
subject beginning in the first year of junior second
ary school (the seventh year of schooling) for nine
55
periods a week for three years and continuing in
secondary school for six forty-minute periods a week
in the first, four periods a week in the second and
third years. (Gf Douglas 1977: chapter 1). In
Southern Sudan, while the educational system is now
differently designed, this study concerns schools
that followed the Northern Sudan curriculum.
For questions 16 and 18 replies list several
languages. Also, in the accompanying oral instruc
tions subjects were asked only to note vernacular
languages. This requirement confused some respond
ents. However, limited comments on the incidence of
Tmultilingualism' will be made below on the basis
of these two questions.
With regard to question 17, it appeared trivial
to be interested in the potential use of a language
for writing because pupils often individually apply
Arabic or English orthography and reinterpret spelling
rules to fit a vernacular language they know. Among
wholly indigenous languages other than Arabic in the
Northern Sudan there are no fully functioning written
languages at present.
Question 19 is a key question. Twelve situations
are specified with an attempt at contextual definition,
in each of which the respondent may use one or several
languages often or at least sometimes—provided of
course that he knows several. Nevertheless, the
fieldworkers took care in giving oral instructions
to point out that if somebody knows only one language,
that is the language he responds with in the question-
56
naire. If somebody knows several languages, he should
make a judgement as to whether he uses only one or
both in the specified situation; if one, write that
one on the first line (the most frequently used
language) and if several, the one he uses next most
often on the second line. When a respondent wanted
to know if he could write more languages than two,
the fieldworkers said he could, but he should write
the others after the first two most frequently used
languages. We did not code more than the first-
mentioned two.
Situations 6 and 7 in question 19 may require
an explanation. In many places in Sudan there were
both open-air fresh-produce markets and an area in
the market-place or village or town with regular-
looking covered shops that sell groceries, cloth,
etc. It is the latter that we refer to in alternative
6. The word used, dukkan (shop), is quite unambi
guous. The former is usually referred to as suq al-
shamis, the market in the sun, even though it is
almost without exception shaded by a big tree. It
did happen that we got questions on what was meant.
Clarification was quick and easy. If the shopping
area was called by some other name locally, that was
then clarified.
Question 20 refers to fathers' and mothers'
Arabic knowledge. By asking each proficiency quest
ion first of the respondent himself, the author
assumes that he introduced the respondent better to
the meaning of the question which was then repeated
57
for his/her father and then mother. This question
allows the respondent to report about somebody else—
this is normally understood to introduce some uncer
tainty as to the validity of the question above and
beyond self-reporting on equivalent behavior. Ex
pectations among the author's colleagues in Khartoum
are that fathers' Arabic knowledge would be somewhat
inflated, and that mothers', if any, would be under-
est imated.
Questions 21, 22 and 23 were dropped after visit
ing a couple of schools only. They were clearly in
appropriate: for the mothers the respondents thought
the possibility very funny, and for the father a
natural "of course" was often returned!
Question 24 assumes that respondents are aware
of differences between 'bookish' and casual, spoken
varieties of Arabic (between high, fusha and low,
darigi or 'amiya, Arabic). The author believes that
answers in favor of alternative 3 support 'correct'
use of Arabic in a traditional sense.
5.3 Sources for the questionnaire
The student questionnaire was inspired by
questionnaires used in a number of other projects:
three questionnaires that members of the Kenyan
team of the East African Language Survey used and
one from the Tanzania component of the Survey
(courtesy of the late Professor W. Whiteley), several
questionnaires on language use, grammar and distri
bution of varieties of language that the Ethiopian
58
team of the East African Language Survey used (cour
tesy of Dr. R.L. Cooper and Dr. M.L. Bender), the
language census questionnaires of the "Bilingualism
in the Barrio" project (Fishman et al 1971: chapters
7 and 8, and Appendix 1) and, particularly for
understanding data-processing and instructions for
key-punching and coding questionnaires, from the
Language Policy Survey in the Philippines conducted
by the Language Study Center of the Philippine
Normal College (courtesy of Dr. Bonifacio Sibayan
and Dr. Richard Tucker).
5.4 Comments on the questionnaire code
The code is reproduced in appendix 2. Judge
ment as to allocation of tribe to code number was
made by the coders without reference to any guide
book. In difficult cases, we looked up tribal
labels in Tucker and Bryan (1956 and 1966) and
in MacMichael (1922). It may be of interest to
mention that an attempt was made to code details of
Arab tribe, but that this was abandoned very early
in the coding work. Instead, all presumed Arabs
were assigned, simply, to the tribal category Arab
(cf Thelwall 1971:50-51). The category "other"
(code number 24) is a mixed lot, containing mainly
unresolved cases. There is a major vagueness
in the data between assigning a respondent to the
Nubian ethnic group (code number 07) or the Arab
group (01). This difficulty was partly overcome
by the fortunate fact that several of the coders
59
come from the North and have Nubian origins; they
could thus draw on local knowledge.
Language names correspond to Tucker and Bryan
(op cit).
5.5 Some severe constraints on interpreting results
As concerns the absolute, descriptive signi
ficance of findings, the characteristics of the
present group of respondents introduce severe
constraints. Although their ages are relatively
uniform, around 14 or 15 years of age, with both
sexes represented, born in the overwhelming majority
of cases in the same provinces as their present
schools are located in and showing a good spread
of fathers' jobs (although not proportionately so),
the respondents are not representative of the respect
ive communities of their schools. Yet, their
language use is inevitably a product of their places
in that wider community. What we do not have is
information on who it is that goes to school, and
what distinguishes him or her from those who do not.
We should expect a bias in favor of pupils coming
from better endowed families, having fathers with
more prestigious jobs in the modern sector perhaps,
parents with own education, parents who are literate,
etc. Such presumed family characteristics would
raise the probability of a child going on to inter
mediate school or even starting school. It could,
however, also be that there is a division in some
communities between those who have endorsed modern
60
education and those who adhere to traditional
values concerning women's upbringing in particular,
perhaps on religious grounds. The latter values
militate against a female child continuing her
education. Or it could be that school in some areas
is perceived as a receptor for a surplus of youngsters
who could not easily be fruitfully employed or other
wise fed. We do not know the extent of bias. We
shall have to be satisfied with what we got, and
be quite cautious when inferring from the present
data about how the community as a whole might use
language.
Even though these results may not be representa
tive for any particular community as a whole, we
can describe language knowledge and use among those
young Sudanese who will become teachers, clerks, civil
servants, businessmen or, after further education,
enter the 'professions', and who all depend on
knowing Arabic well, an absolute requirement for
success in Sudanese life.
61
CHAPTER 6: RESULTS: PARENTS' KNOWLEDGE OF ARABIC AND LITERACY
We shall accept the school pupils' reports on
parents' Arabic knowledge and literacy skills at
face value. Question 20, on which these comments
rely, is formulated as a sequence of sub-questions
to each of which a yes or a no answer is required.
The sub-questions distinguish between ability to
give simple directions in Arabic in reply to a
stranger who asks how to find a place, an address,
that he is looking for, ability to "chat along"
in Arabic, and ability to read and to write. This
set of sub-questions was first put to the pupil-
respondent about him/herself, then about the father
and the mother.
The author had expected that the sub-questions
could be used to form a scale of proficiency in
Arabic. But replies do not allow this. Replies
to the sub-questions on "giving directions" and
"chatting along" do not discriminate between respond
ents, nor do replies to the sub-questions on reading
versus writing abilities. We should also expect
inflated figures, because even a demonstrated minimal
skill to communicate in spoken Arabic by a parent
probably predisposes the child to give yes answers.
Since the two sub-questions did not discriminate
62
interestingly between respondents, this assumption
gains some strength. Yet, when there are differences
between the two sets of figures, fewer parents were
reported to know how to chat along than to give
directions which is what we expected. Claims that
the mother or father can read coincide in almost
all individual cases with claims that the father
or mother can also write. Therefore, the author has
chosen to account for reading ability only. Also,
replies to the sub-questions on spoken use of Arabic
will be accounted for separately from replies to
the sub-questions on written use of Arabic because
the two sets of sub-questions are not related in any
obvious manner.
6.1.1 Fathers' knowledge of spoken Arabic
Almost all fathers are said to know Arabic,
with a slight hesitation in Heiban (where approxi
mately 90% are said to know Arabic) and a distinct
ly lower level of ability in Adong in the Southern
Region (where about 40% are said to know Arabic).
Heiban is the southernmost point we visited in
Northern Sudan.
Taken at face value this finding seems to be
important: it should imply that Arabic is function
ing well as a lingua franca in at least Northern
Sudan. An incidental observation is that the lesser
influence of Arabic in the southern part of the Nuba
mountains, as speculated due to previous colonial
administrative separation of territories, may be
63
reflected with a very slight margin through the
lower Arabic figure for Heiban. The much lower
figure for Adong implies that Arabic may only be
used for limited communication with people who other
wise do not share languages. The northern part of
the Southern Sudan, the Upper Nile, is dominated by
Dinka, Shilluk and Nuer tribal groups. In their
societies, using a foreign tongue (Arabic in this
case) supposedly shames a tribal man. If a man
knows Arabic, he has acquired it for comprehending
others' speaking; his own speech should be in his
tribal tongue. (Personal communication from Mr.
Darius Jonathan Kenyi).
6.1.2 Mothers' knowledge of spoken Arabic
Mothers' knowledge of spoken Arabic varies
a little from school to school. It is at its
lowest in Adong (where approximately one quarter
of the mothers are said to know Arabic). The
following table summarizes the distribution of
replies (figures refer to non-Arab families):
(Table I)
64
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65
Apart from Adong, Sinkat in the Northeast also
shows a low figure for mothers' Arabic knowledge.
In central Kordofan and nothern Darfur (particularly
around El Fasher) Arabic is clearly well established
in households in some form or other. Studies by
the author in Jebel Marra and western Darfur have
shown that there is wide variabilitj^ in Arabic
knowledge, roughly corresponding to a geographical
factor of remoteness from local administrative
centers, and that women know proportionately less
Arabic than men (Jernudd 1968, and forthcoming;
cf also Kennedy 1977:66 writing about a Nubian
community in upper Egypt near Aswan). On the other
hand, Arabic has been replacing other vernaculars as
first languages in smaller tribes in eastern and
northern Darfur, eg among the Birgit and the
Berti, as the authors' own visits seem to indicate
and as informal communications from other travellers
confirm (personal communications from Dr. R. Thelwall
and Dr. K. Bell, among others).
A firm correlation between mothers' knowledge
of spoken Arabic and fathers' jobs appears only
in Haifa. There, while for boys' mothers there is
only a very weak relationship, the girls' mothers'
2 chi -correlation with fathers' jobs is significant
at the 0.02 level. (Data on fathers' jobs are
reproduced in tables in chapter 8 below).
It is striking how in general girls' mothers
consistently are said to know more Arabic than boys'
mothers, or expressed in a different way, how girls
66
claim that their mothers know spoken Arabic more
often than boys. A first thought would be that
girls' fathers and mothers come from different
social backgrounds than boys' parents, such that
fathers' jobs should reflect this. Yet, only in
Haifa is there a significant correlation between
fathers' jobs and mothers' Arabic scores. Could
it be, instead, that when mothers have a wider view
of the world through having communicated outside
the household and immediate local communicative
sphere (which would be limited by the local vernacu
lar) through their knowledge of Arabic (which they
have somehow acquired), then they influence the
family in such a way that it is much more likely
that their female children go to school and continue
going to school than if they did not know Arabic?
Maybe those mothers who have been to school them
selves are more likely to send their girls in turn
to school than mothers who have not? We lack data
to test this or similar hypotheses. Or do girls
who go to school teach their mothers Arabic?
Boys, it seems, would be sent off to school
anyway.
We should note, additionally, that girls'
fathers do hold better jobs, on the average, than
boys' fathers, as can be seen in table II below;
an # marks a significant difference.
67
6.2.1 Father's ability to read in Arabic
Families in which both parents are Arabic can
be assumed to know Arabic; therefore I account for
such families separately in Table 11:1 that follows.
I also offer two percentages of ability to read
Arabic, one based on the total number of families
from the dominant local tribe(s) regardless of
Arabic proficiency, and one based on the smaller
number of families for which the respondent has
declared that the father knows some Arabic, in
Table 11:2. (When all are said to know Arabic, only
that latter percentage is given). The tables that
follow also contain information on correlation of
father's ability to read Arabic with father's job.
If there is a significant positive correlation, an
asterisk follows the percentage. A question mark
means that the calculated significance is less im
pressive but there is still an apparent relation
ship, or that there is a decent calculated signifi
cance but for rather small numbers of respondents
overall, or in one or several of the job categories
making up the cross tabulation. Furthermore, an
# means that those girls' fathers to whom the
preceding figure refers hold better jobs on the
average than boys' fathers in that school district.
68
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69
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70
Low literacy rates characterize the boys'
fathers in the Nuba mountains and Adong. High liter
acy rates characterize girls1 fathers in all areas,
but particularly in the predominantly Arab (and
Arabic-speaking) areas (Kabushiya, Singa, Dinder,
Burri), in Darfur (El Fasher and Tina), in Haifa and
for Arab families in Malakal.
With the exception of Shilluk and Fellata families
in our sample, girls' fathers show the same or higher
literacy rates than boys' fathers. This may partly
be explained by the fact that in a majority of cases,
girls' fathers hold better jobs than boys' fathers.
This observation is statistically independent of
explanation of variability in Arabic literacy within
respondent groups. Yet, for girls' fathers there
is also a statistically demonstrated correlation
between fathers' job and ability to read, in Dongola,
Billing and--for Arab parents--in El Obeid. Literacy
rates are, however, astoundingly high for girls'
fathers in eg Haifa, El Fasher and Tina. An addition
al force will have to be inferred, hypothetically
and for simplicity's sake the same one as proposed in
section 6.1.2 above, namely that it is much more
likely that female children of enlightened, literate
fathers go to school and continue to go to school
than of non literate ones (and literate fathers do
not all have jobs that rate 'higher' in the classifi
cation that our analysis employs) and that this
is not so for boys.
71
6.2.2 Mothers' ability to read in Arabic
Tables 111:1 and 111:2 are constructed in
the same way as Tables 11:1 and 2, but accounts for
mothers' ability to read: (Tables 111:1 and 111:2)
72
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74
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As we should expect, the mothers' literacy
level is well below that of the fathers'; but girls'
mothers score higher than boys' mothers for all
studied groups except for families of Southern
tribal composition in Malakal and Nuba families in
Heiban.
Particularly high literacy rates characterize
girls' mothers in Haifa, in El Obeid, in predominant
ly Arab (and Arabic-speaking) areas, in Darfur and
for Arab families in Malakal. In El Obeid boys'
mothers score high also.
As was the case for fathers, mothers' ability
to read correlates with fathers' jobs in some groups,
as indicated in the tables; and the same girls in
many school districts come from families with
better jobs, thus biassing the mothers' literacy data
in the same way as fathers' literacy data. Yet,
the father's job variable cannot alone wholly account
for the differences between girls' and boys' mothers'
literacy rates, thus demanding other explanation.
6.2.3 Relationship between father's and mother '_s
ability to read
Y/ith very few exceptions, if the father cannot
read, then the mother cannot either and if the
mother can read, the father is among those who can,
too.
75
6.2.4 A note on the Haifa data
A preliminary report of the Work Oriented Adult
Literacy Project (1969) states:
"Literacy rates: The only available figures concerning literacy rates among the Haifa-wiyin are those shown in the studies carried out by the Department of Statistics in Wadi Haifa prior to the resettlement. The figures indicate that the literacy level is higher for the Halfawiyin than for the Sudan as a whole and that literacy among women is much lower than among men. The results also show a higher literacy level among the youngest age group and among the town inhabitants.
Literacy rates amongst the population of Wadi Haifa District
AGE GROUP TOWN RURAL AREA Male Female Male Female
6-15 75 45 75 39 16-20 74 38 76 26 21-30 63 22 57 13 Over 30 47 5 33 1
(Source: Department of Statistics, cited in Shaw report)
The available figures do not give, however, any indication concerning the semi-literate which constitute supposedly a high proportion of the population."
Our present findings confirm that literacy rates
for people in New Haifa to where the population of
Wadi Haifa was resettled are high compared to other
Sudanese populations and that literacy among women
is 'much lower' than among men.
A direct comparison of figures is problematical.
If we venture to compare with the "town 21-30 age
group" (who should now be at least five years older)
our report gives
1) much higher figures for girls' fathers
(a special phenomenon, as discussed above;
76
and because of the sample of intermediate
school respondent families)
2) figures comparable to the "16-20 age group"
for girls' mothers and boys' fathers
3) about the same figures for boys' mothers.
However, comparison of numbers or reliance on
absolute numbers is quite hazardous since we do
not know how the figures published in the project
report were obtained. Yet, an obvious source of
explanation of presumed difference could otherwise
be found in the selection of people who made the
move from Old to New Haifa; perhaps those who finally
settled in New Haifa had relatively higher education
or were at least relatively more literate.
As for regional variation within the Nubian-
speaking regions, both Nubian and Arab families in
New Haifa (and in Wadi Haifa, according to the
quoted figures, too) have radically higher literacy
rates than those in Dongola. It would be interesting
to learn why.
Since comparative information is so scarce, it
may be relevant to mention Kennedy's report (1977:
53-4) on men's and women's literacy rates in
Kanuba, a Nubian village near Aswan in upper Egypt:
"...the literacy rate of Kanuba men was almost 90 percent—only six adult men were illiterate. Ten men had completed secondary school or higher. Twelve of the older men had attended the traditional Koranic schools in Nubia in which only reading, counting, and Koran recitation were taught; but these—as well as fourteen men who had attended but not completed primary school-were functionally literate, having extended their reading and writing skills in the
77
course of their urban work... Women, on the other hand, were far less educated. Seventy-seven percent of them could neither read nor write, and none had gone beyond a primary school education.''
6.2.5 A note on Darfur
It is appropriate to supplement this survey's
data from the main center of Darfur, El Fasher, and
the neighboring village Tina, by some additional
information from an earlier survey in another, south
westerly part of Darfur. In this earlier survey
conducted in 1965 (Jernudd, forthcoming) the author
questioned school children in primary and intermediate
schools in Zalingei, the main administrative town
in Western Darfur, about parents' literacy. Those
data were obtained by direct questioning of children
in much the same fashion as in the present survey.
I reproduce the relevant sections from that report
here :
''LITERACY : Fathers . Literacy answers are likely to be inflated because of ''yes" answers when the father can read the Koran but hardly anything else, and because of a reluctance to answer "no" for prestige and religious reasons. And ability to read the Koran does not necessarily mean ability to read a newspaper.
Table 16. Percent literate fathers
CAN READ: CATEGORY: Yes No
Forawi 78 22 N = 134
Non-Forawi 84 16 N = 173
The non-Forawi group shows a higher literacy score than the Forawi. The girls' answers, particularly, show a higher male literacy score (95%). This may possibly depend on the fact that only educated parents send their daughters to (the
78
girls' school). If we remove girls' answers from the total, we obtain a 78% literacy score.
According to data from Nyertete, a Forawi village in the foothills of Jebel Marra, we need to adjust figures based on Koran-reading downwards by at least 15% to obtain a more correct literacy figure. This would give a literacy score of about 65% for this sample.
Mothers. Female literacy is considerably lower;
Table 17. Percent literate mothers
There is less difference between the Forawi and. the non~Forawi categories if we remove from the total the girls' answers that introduce an upwards bias:
Table 18. Percent literate mothers. Boys' answers only
CAN READ CATEGORY Yes No
Forawi 9 91 N = 113
Non-Forawi 15 85 N = 110
The data reveal that if (with one exception) the mother is said to be able to read, the father can read, too.''
For the rural areas of Western Darfur a
survey was undertaken by the author in a village
by the name of Nyertete in the foothills of Jebel
Marra. The survey used cards with Arabic sentences
written on them, and extracts from the Qur'an
were available in the local market; the writing was
presented to the adult respondents directly. These
are the findings (Jernudd 1968 :175-6):
Forawi
CATEGORY CAN READ: Yes No
10 90 N = 134
Non-Forawi 24 76 N = 173
79
"The following table shows the extent of reading and writing knowledge of Arabic among the male population in Nyertete. The men are split into two age groups:
Yes No Age (rei
Koran Reading 39 12 -35 25 17 36+
Sentence Reading 33 18 -35 13 29 36 +
Writing 35 16 -35 16 26 36 +
Number of men in Nyertete according to literacy and age. Chi^- tests show significances at the 0.01, 0.01 and 0,10 levels, respectively.
There is a statistically significant difference between the generations: the younger men can read and write, the older cannot. It should be noticed, however, that as much as one-third of the young men cannot read or write. The results are better when looking only at the Koran test. The schools (Koranic and state) have produced this knowledge. About half the same men can read and write on this test. Knowing the Koran does not mean that the person can read an ordinary text: the types are different and, also, it does not mean that he can correlate phones and printed types, for he cannot sort out the graphemes. . .
Furthermore, he does not necessarily know the meaning, although he can pronounce what he reads. My "can versus cannot" decision is entirely based on the ability to correlate phones and types. Prejudice against written—literary—Arabic may have influenced the results. The informants, were, however, encouraged to try hard.
The women are almost completely illiterate."
80
CHAPTER 7. RESULTS. PREFERENCE FOR ARABIC VARIETY IN THE CLASSROOM
Question 24—which variety of Arabic would
respondents prefer their teachers to use in the
classroom?--participated in odd ways in the
several factor analyses that the author undertook
for the entire set of questionnaire data. In a
few cases, it formed a one-variable factor, for
two schools (Dilling and El Fasher) it did form part
of a more complex factor, and in the remaining
majority of schools it was split up across a large
number of other dimensions with no clear affiliations.
The varieties are not any better defined
than the question is phrased. The question relies
on the assumed stereotype that Radio Omdurman (the
national domestic radio service) broadcasts in
varieties of Arabic that reflect Khartoum usage.
As a matter of fact, one hears a considerable
amount of distinctly colloquial Arabic speech
on that station. The bookish variety calls forth
grammatically correct and formal Arabic speech, ie
spoken 'classical Arabic.' Dialects of Arabic, local
Arabic, are quite distinct in Sudan (for an intro
duction to Sudanese Arabic cf 'Awn al-Sharif 1974
and in Hurreiz and Bell 1975).
81
It is difficult to discern any clear tendencies
in the data. If we rank order the percentages of re
plies to the variety alternatives within each school,
keeping boys' and girls' replies separate from each
other when they are distinctly different, then we
find that the local variety only captured one first
rank, whereas the bookish and radio varieties captured
about the same number of first and very few third
ranks. As a matter of fact, if for a given school
the bookish variety got first place, then the radio
variety got second, and vice versa (Table IV):
Variety
bookish radio local
School
2 1 3 Dongola 2 1 2 New Haifa 2 1 2 Sinkat 2 1 2 Malakal: boys 2 1 3 Malakal: girls 2 1 0 Adong 2 2 1 Dilling: boys 1 2 3 Dilling: girls 3 2 2 Heiban: Arab families 1 2 2 Heiban: Nuba families 2 2 2 Sallara 1 3 2 Kabushiya 1 2 3 Singa: boys 2 1 3 Singa: girls 2 2 2 Dinder: boys 2 1 3 Binder : girls 2 3 2 Burri 1 2 3 El Fasher: boys 2 2 2 El Fasher: girls 1 2 0 Tina 1 2 3 El Obeid
If two alternatives have the same percentage, a 2 was allocated to each one.
82
It is first when we add up the replies for
bookish and radio varieties (which in any case would
have to be assumed to be closer together in terms
of linguistic distance than most local varieties
to either) and compare this new category with
replies of local preference that some interesting
differences emerge: (Table V)
Table V. Percentages of variety preference per school
Variety
Bookish and radio combined
local
School
73 27 Dongola 75 25 New Haifa 70 30 Sinkat 75 25 Malakal: boys 80 20 Malakal: girls 100 0 Adong 60 40 Dilling: boys 83 17 Dilling: girls 63 37 Heiban: Arab families 75 25 Heiban: Nuba families 66 33 Sallara 70 30 Kabushiya 75 25 Singa: boys 95 5 Singa: girls 66 33 Dinder: boys 90 10 Dinder: girls 60 40 -Burri 75 25 El Fasher: : boys 68 32 El Fasher : girls 100 0 Tina 75 25 El Obeid
The local variety is particularly unpopular
in the following respondent groups:
girls in Malakal (20%) Adong (boys) ( 0%) girls in Dilling (17%) girls in Singa ( 5%) girls in Dinder (10%) Tina (mostly boys) ( 0%)
83
Although not all girls in the total sample
distinguish themselves in this fashion, it is
tempting to suggest that girls are more anxious
to speak 'correctly' ('good Arabic') than boys
(perhaps only or especially at this age). A further
reason and the one which I suggest operates at
Tina and Adong, could be the fact that the 'local'
variety of Arabic would be almost exclusively non-
native, a lingua franca without accompanying use
by a native-speaking group. The school-children
recognize it as such, and downgrade it. In Heiban
(where interviews were conducted also in primary
schools) there is a division of replies between
the ethnically Nuba and other respondents. The
latter include quite a few Arab families. This
division may weakly support the native-variety
notion. A very much simpler alternative interpreta
tion also suggests itself, namely that the children
are very eager to learn correct Arabic before they
leave primary school! Therefore they reject teachers'
potential use of anything but the best and demonstra
bly useful Arabic outside their own community, in
their view.
If we look more closely at the Dilling and El
Fasher replies (because these two schools were
singled out in the factor analyses) we are led to
yet another possible explanation. Sex and age
of learning Arabic enter the same factor as variety
preference in Dilling. Also, the Dilling girls
consistently give very Arabic-oriented answers to
84
questions on which language they use in different
speech situations. This is so even though they
know a Nuba Mountains language. More than four
fifths of the girls claim that they learned Arabic
when they were very young, in contrast to the Dilling
boys who learned Arabic, they say, later than so in
two thirds of the cases. Also, girls' fathers tend
to have better jobs. Could it be that it is improper
for girls going to school who come from socially
better families (or aspiring families) not to speak
'well' the Arabic which they have been encouraged to
learn (we assume) as early as possible in their
lives?
The results from El Fasher tempt me to retain
this speculation but with a different slant. Girls
there learn Arabic early. As the Dilling girls,
they answer strongly in favor of Arabic in
language use questions. Factor analyses suggest
that the following variables are related: sex of
respondent, father's job, mother's ability to read
and write, and variety preference. In El Fasher,
if the father has a better job, this implies a higher
likelihood of the mother being able to read and
write, and also a higher likelihood of choice of a
radio or local variety, in the preference question.
Boys' mothers, we find, are not literate, whereas
girls' mothers are. Girls come out evenly distribut
ed among the varieties, with a slight edge in favor
of radio Arabic, and the boys lean towards the
bookish variety but select radio Arabic as their
85
second choice, and lastly local. The girls who
have less vernacular skill anyway than the boys and
who definitely claim to use the vernacular they
may know less, are further removed from bookish
Arabic preference than the boys.
A tentative generalization suggest itself,
namely that the more secure in Arabic and in his/her
social position a respondent is, and I am perhaps
somewhat arbitrarily assuming that girls in El
Fasher are brought up with Arabic in homes where
Arabic is very comfortably and fluently used, the
less likely is it that respondents would explicitly
reply in favor of the bookish variety, ceteris
paribus. Yet, in Billing aspirations of social
mobility and of maintaining social position would,
for essentially the same reason, support bookish
Arabic also.
Clearly my speculations above are all very
tentative indeed, and I do recognize that the last
generalization badly fits girls in Dinder and
Singa, places which are dominated by natively
spoken Arabic. Several forces are undoubtedly
at play in each locale. The various suggestions
above may serve as hypothetical starting points
for further study. It would eg be most interesting
to apply Tucker's development of Lambert's speech
guise techniques for evaluation of Arabic speech
varieties in Sudan (cf El Dash and Tucker 1975).
86
CHAPTER 8. RESULTS. SELF-REPORT ON LANGUAGE KNOWLEDGE AND LANGUAGE USE BY PUPILS IN SUDANESE SCHOOLS
8.1 A note on terminology
Survey questions to pupils in junior secondary
schools and in the sixth grade of some primary
schools on own language use were formulated as
very broad descriptions of communicative situations.
The questions do not necessarily reflect any one
'sociolinguistic rule ' more directly than any
other. The pupils were, rather, given questions that
imperfectly describe classes of situations. These
classes of communicative situations can be thought
of as collections of cases of complex communicative
interaction. The respondents may be thought of
as managing these complex situations in their
attempts to reply by focussing, or weighing in, on
only one or a few communicative features that
characterize these situations among many possible
communicatively meaningful features, eg on those
which concern the role of the addressee, or the
place of the communicative event, etc. Which all
these features are and which ones respondents
relied on when answering the survey questions, we
cannot know for certain. The questionnaire
unfortunately allows considerable ambiguity by
87
being vastly underspecified in terms of both range
of communicative situations and features that
characterize these situations (eg addressee: sister,
place: at home). The author shall nevertheless
seek to discover which features are more likely to
combine with what language variety. (The language
variety is referred to as either "Arabic'' or
"vernacular" in this study, unless otherwise speci
fied). The feature of variety is of course made
explicit since it is actively provided by the respond
ent as the requested reply to the survey's self-
report questions on language use.
Sets of communicative features (including
variety) that can together define communicative
situations are referred to as ' dimensions ' of
language use. (For a model of variety selection
and coding rules in communicative situations which
is compatible with the author's terms, cf Neustupny,
forthcoming,1978 : 214-5). The author thus does not
label speech situations in order then to attribute
alternative varieties to them, but seeks the most
general expression for (classes of) communicative
situations that are defined by speaker's selection
of variety and whatever other features are necessary
to set it up, ie he seeks dimensions of language
use (cf Scotton 1972:105-8).
In order to elicit answers that pertain to
a realistically wide spectrum of communicative
situations in a speech community, it would be
necessary to use descriptions of situations of much
88
greater extension and each characterised by much
more detailed feature information in many different
combinations, if a questionnaire format is chosen.
We would also have to convey descriptions of these
situations vividly so that respondents are enabled
to respond in accordance with their likely behaviors.
It is questionable anyway whether questionnaires
are practicable or valid for such detailed inquiry.
Respondents1 fatigue alone would seriously impair
the usefulness of such lengthy questionnaires, should
we be bold enough to assume that respondents were
able to judge own language behavior in detail. (Other
devices of inquiry would have to be used; cf Abdulaziz
1975: 23, 31 and for discussion of measures from
"mini" to "maxi" kits of inquiry, Fishman et al 1971:
chapter 17).
Reporting on language use by self and others
sets limitations on interpretation of data. "Report
measures seem to tap the intuitive consistency of
individual self-concepts (or appraisal of others)"
whereas "Performance measures are seemingly superior
measures of the detailed variability in individual
behavior." (Fishman et al 1971:489). This study
used no performance measures; there are no other
studies of Sudanese speech communities on the basis
of which to judge validity of measures from reports
on language behavior by self and others (although
Ushari Ahmed, forthcoming, will offer some first
such insight). In this report the author is not
able to make a distinction between actual language
89
use, as it could be observed, or perhaps accurately
reported by respondents, and most desirable or
appropriate language use as respondents would judge
it. There is reason to doubt the extent to which
self-report on language use can reflect actual
language use. What we have here has been filtered
through the respondent's perception of own behavior.
Furthermore, each respondent may react differently
to such a task, for which we can provide no control
in our interpretation.
The author will simply have to assume that his
analytical inferences will have some interest,
particularly as a source to stimulate more specific
research. Nevertheless, we have here some data
against which we can test guesses about sociolinguis-
ticf rules.
8.2 General observations on language knowledge
Since the pupils who responded to the survey
questionnaire were all in either the first form of
junior secondary school or the sixth grade of
primary school, we assume that they all know Arabic
well. Otherwise they could not or ought not to be
where they are. It is interesting to find out
how many pupils claim to know a vernacular language.
(Cf Sara Yusuf's inventory of vernacular language
knowledge among students at the University of
Khartoum).
Table VI offers an overview of our data on the
basis of question 13: Which is the language you
90
spoke first in your life? It accounts for only
those families in which the father and mother come
from the same tribe which covers about 80% of the
total number of respondents.
It is very clear from Table VI that if a child
is brought up an Arab, he/she is brought up speaking
Arabic, and that if a person is brought up in any
other tribe, chances are very good that he/she
is brought up speaking Arabic, too (in addition to
whatever other languages), in perhaps half the
number of cases. There are two groups that seem to
behave differently, namely the Beja and Southerners
for whom their respective vernaculars outweigh
Arabic. Table VI does not tell us whether the
Beja and the Southerners acquire Arabic later, or
whether Arabs and other ethnic groups acquire
each other's languages later.
91
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•—i U Q) tn G C 5H V) 3 Q)
3 EH X m -P T5 M 3 fÖ c fö * a 3 O * -P fÖ Q a) fÖ i—1 LQ Q) fÖ •rH fÖ xa rH XI i—1 XI •r-i >i •H M •H >i •H rH 3 <D C U O X <D S CQ C -P Cm C/3 •5 -P ED
lo <9
<T> (M
<sP
lo cn r-in lo
lo i—i
LT) un
U Q) X -P O
o
o
00 \D
92
One major finding of this study is that with
very few exceptions, respondents from Arab tribes
do not acquire another Sudanese vernacular language.
Another major finding is that our data points to
varying degrees of bilingualism among all other
ethnic groups in at least Northern Sudan: Arabic
and local vernaculars are used in complementary
social situations, with Arabic assuming a lingua
franca function and being associated mainly with
national, public, official, 'modern' or often
simply out-group communicative situations.
Answers to the following questions that asked
for the single 'most important' language in several
roughly described contexts bear this out. Question
10 asks for the most important language during
the respondent's early youth, thus it is roughly
equivalent to question 13, question 12 for the
respondent's father's and mother's most frequently
used language among themselves, and question 11 for
the respondent's most frequently used language now.
Replies are accounted for in Table VII.
TABLE VII. Percentage Arabic replies to question 10 through
13, by tribe. Parents from the same tribe only.
Parent's tribe Arabic Arabic Arabic Arabic
when young now by parents first (Q10) (QU) (Q12) (013)
Arab 98 98 98 98 Nubian 46 47 32 45 Beja 15 26 17 17 Any Darfur tribe* 68 88 71 71 For and Tunjur 55 71 61 55 Shilluk 5 47 22 5 Any Southern tribe 14 53 24 14 Fellata 46 71 52 48 Nuba 37 66 31 42 Other 87 96 85 88 *except For, Tunjur and Shilluk
93
Replies to most frequently used language now are
consistently higher, ie more Arabic, than for the
other questions. Only for Nubians are the percentages
very stable, from one context to another. There is
less Arabic claimed by the Beja "now'', also from
Northern Sudan. This may reflect quite a stable bi
lingual situation, since both groups have co-existed
with Arabic-speaking peoples for a very long time.
First language and language when young parallel
each other very well, which is reassuring. Obviously
the pupils knew what they were replying to.
8.3 A note on mixed marriages
From a total of 372 couples among whom the
respondent's father and mother have been assigned to
different tribes, 324 of their children or (87%)
claim that Arabic is their first learnt language and
338 (or 91%) claim Arabic is the language that is most
frequently used at home. Only in Adong and Sinkat
were there proportionately more answers naming the
vernacular than Arabic: the Shilluk language according
to the six Shilluk fathers' tribe in Adong and Beja
for six Beja fathers and one other-tribe father in
Sinkat. (It may be of interest to note that only a
very few of the respondents from tribally mixed
marriages in our data were born or grew up outside the
province they resided in at the time of the survey).
94
8.4 Language use in Dongola
In Dongola, 105 boys and 116 girls answered
the questionnaire. They know Arabic and Nubian, and
in one case Bej a: (Table VIII)
95
G fö -H rQ 2 S
> Q)
1 1 •9 EH
Oi rH rd X •P ü O cd H <L> CD PQ
^ CO LO r* o ö> oo vo rH rH
ro rH ex 3 2
ÎH rf)
H CO N
iD v D CM
KÛ en
en r-
Oi O 2
w -p c Q) M rd ft
3 2 ro co i—I oo o
vD
CN ro LO
ro LO 00
'sf oo r-<3< rH VO
O 2
3 S OJ CN
CM m r- o o r o VD rH cr>
Q) tn fö 3 tn
0 i—i 01
O
o 2
3 2 UÌ >i O ' pq CM
CN
C LO
U rH -H ^ O
rH ro
00
Q) A
U H
Ö fö •H •§ £
O s
G fö •H •3 S
U <D -P O
96
Parents are attributed with more Nubian than
both the boys and the girls; and much fewer girls
than boys claim Nubian. There are relatively few
Nubian claims in the other tribal groups, but
those there are indicate either adoption of the
locally dominant vernacular, in a very few cases
though, or vagueness as to tribal classification.
Did everybody learn Arabic before they started
going to school in Dongola or not? (Table IX)
Table IX. When a respondent in Dongola claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. (No = no answer, a = when very small, b = before school but later than
a, c = after starting school)
Tribe Boys Girls
a b c No Total a b c No Total
No 1 2 1 3 7 1 1 2
Arab 12 3 15 5 2 7
Nubian 23 23 28 1 75 51 18 20 89
Other 5 2 1 8 16 2 18
Total 41 30 30 4 105 73 18 24 1 116
Nubian boys split about equally between the three
alternatives but more girls claim they acquired Arabic
at their earliest. Other boys' and girls' replies are
compatible with the language claims in Table VIII.
(This question does have a validity problem, however.
Among other respondent groups it happens that
respondents who answer Arabic to other questions and
only Arabic throughout occasionally claim that they
learnt Arabic first when they arrived at school. Data
for Kabushiya, Singa, Dinder and Burri are reproduced
in Table XLVIII to illustrate this phenomenon. It
97
must be that these 'deviant' respondents have in
mind different varieties of Arabic — that they got a
chance to start learning 'good' Arabic first after
they started going to school. But I am at a loss to
evaluate how systematic such misunderstanding may
be. Is it particularly strong among monolingual
Arabic speakers in relatively homogenous Arab communi
ties and perhaps less so among speakers of Arabic as
a second language?)
It appears that at least among boys both of
whose parents are Nubian there is a correlation
between age at which Arabic was said to have been
learnt and father's job. Since most girls learnt
Arabic early anyway, the issue does not arise with
them. Table X gives details:
Table X. Father's job by age of first learning Arabic, in
Dongola. Both parents Nubian. (a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c = after
starting school, w = farmer or shepherd, x = worker, y = merchant, driver, tailor, etc., z = civil servant,
teacher, professional, etc.
Father's job Boys Girls
a b c Total a b c Total
w 6 12 20 38 16 9 7 32
X 4 5 1 10 11 4 4 19
y 2 2 3 7 6 1 4 11
z 7 4 1 12 12 2 2 16
Total 19 23 25 67 45 16 17 78
Answers to the contextualized questions of
language use, in question 19, are accounted for in
Table XI. Since language is the focus of this report,
98
and language use in each community by those who know
a local vernacular, frequency tabulations of replies
to question 19 include all and only those respondents
who have answered with the locally relevant vernacu-
lar(s) in at least one of questions 10 through 13.
(This is the case for each school below unless
otherwise stated.) For Dongola, this means that
Table XI tabulates replies from those pupils who
answered Nubian at least once as reported in Table VIII.
99
>1 rH C 0 Ü
<1) -H ^ rQ -P f Ö
}H >1 < rH -P I I C 0) J H 3 C CT1 Q) -ÎH >H MH f Ö
rH II 3
ü U fö < C 1 u VO > Q) LO
> II
>i < 1) •H 2 C -P —' 0
in w U <D 1—l fö g Sh rH -H •H p -p O Ü Q) fÖ g C 0 >H W (1) > -
O II -H A
> fÖ — SH
< « > 1 X rH Q) -P W C
Q) >1 3 ^ D1
(1) - U fÖ mh rH 0 II ,—v CP vD c > r-0 1 Q U II c
C S •H - •—'
Ü 0 -H Ul rH jo >1 1 f Ö 0 rH M PQ •• < C OÏ rH m
Q) c: g 0 -rH •H -P -P Q) in E ^ Q) 0 U 3 m cu
S - U) 0 SH G -P f Ö f Ö
1—1 w 3 0 <u u c •H f Ö rH G II dl U 0 a) 0 C* > Z
XI.
Q)
<D tr> fö P tn C cd
0) tn fö 3 tn C fö
-P (ö \ O 4->
CT> G •H fÖ Q) O. M
m r o c M v O C O v D i n ^ r o r o r H C M C M r H r H C M r O ^ ^ L D
r- C M r H O v O O O C N C O r H r H r H r O C M C M r H r H
r ^ ^ r H r - v o r o i H c M CM rH CM CM
rO (N rH CM CM
o c M i - H c s j « X ) r - ^ ( T > L n < T > r — I r H i — I f H r H C M r O r O C M V D
r O < T > C M C y > C O O C O C N O v O rH rH rH ro r o C M C M
o < T > c o ^ r r ^ r » L n o ro CM ro ro ro rH i—I
C N v D O r H L O C M C M L O O CM CM CM CM •—I
U Q)
5 O g
!h Q) & -P fÖ
00
m CM 0 M • • ro 1—1 fö ». • • .. •• CD r-
m « ». }H •• KD ••
SH W m m •• *»
CD u CD rH Cfl *-
R£ Q) •H ö O -p w -P -P JH <D 0 iH a M 0 cn 0 •H Ä 0 0 G 5h •H -p 5H Ü 04 Ä 3 A m m MH m in Ü3 cn
U Q) O -H MH MH O
(Ö H
100
One dimension appears to underlie 19;1, 2, 3 and
10, and perhaps also 19:4. Both Arabic and Nubian are
said to be used, with Nubian in favour. While girls,
they say, use Nubian frequently, and also Arabic, they
use only Nubian less often than the boys. The girls
also give more Arabic only answers. Since we know that
most fathers and mothers know Arabic in Dongola, use
of both Arabic and Nubian in the home would seem
quite possible.
Incidentally, it is interesting to note the lack
of reciprocity of language when sisters speak to
brothers, and brothers to sisters. Boys to sisters
say they use much more Nubian than girls to brothers.
This dimension centers on family, neighbourhood
and perhaps local affairs. We can label it
ORIENTATION TO HOME or LOCAL ENVIRONMENT.
Another dimension clearly isolates 19:5, talking
to the council officer. It can happen that the council
officers all come from outside the region; yet, on the
other hand, there are always many employees around the
local council who know the local vernacular (s), and
during the field work we met many council officers who
were proud of having learnt to speak some of the local
languages. But throughout northern Sudan, the rural
councils are unambiguously viewed as part of the
central civil administration of the Republic, and
Arabic governs that administration today (with the
occasional help from English particularly in writing);
92% of the replies here say Arabic. We can label this
dimension ORIENTATION TO THE NATION.
101
The remaining 19;6-9 are doipinated by Arabic or
Arabic-with-Nubian-also replies; the girls with a
heavier leaning towards Arabic only than the boys.
In the open air market, the sunsuq, it is quite
reasonable to expect a few more Nubian answers which
is precisely what we get as a very local clientele
frequents it, and among whom many cannot know Arabic
much. Similarly, many shopkeepers must be related
by kin to many respondents. It might be difficult for
a Nubian boy to refuse to speak Nubian to his uncle
just because he happens to be in a shop buying all
those fancy things from far-away towns! Nevertheless,
peer communication at school and public intercourse
during commerce appear to take place through the
medium of Arabic with a fair but not overwhelming
amount of Nubian used as well. We could label this
dimension INTERACTION IN THE PUBLIC REALM (if we allow
ourselves to put the stress on the school setting
rather than the peer interaction for 19:8 and 9).
A very radical solution presents itself as an
alternative to distinguishing three dimensions: future
work might be directed at testing the hypothesis that
a straightforward dichotomous opposition can satisfac
torily express the social forces that combine with the
variety selection feature to provide the above pattern
of replies, namely one force for which selecting
Nubian charges the communicative situation with
LOCALLY-ORIENTED values and another force for which
selecting Arabic charges the communicative situation
with NATIONALLY- or MODERN-ORIENTED values. The
102
complexities of constraints of language knowledge, of
growing up together, kinship, etc , would account for
the fluctuations in replies particularly in what we
named the PUBLIC communicative situations above. It
still remains a fact that Arabic is very much part of
the local and even home scene in Dongola.
A summary of the dimensions of language use
which have been hypothesized above to explain variabi
lity in language use in Dongola appears on the inside
of the back cover.
8.5 Language use in New Haifa
In New Haifa, 99 boys and 111 girls answered
the questionnaire. They know Arabic and Nubian, and
in one case Beja; one respondent's parents uses an
Ethiopian language (which the pupil probably knows,
too, although it would be coded in the 'othër' cate
gory): (Table XII)
103
CA i—I fö & •p Ü O fö H w
. P CD s O A CM •H i—1 U ex 3 -P 2
W m - -P <u M c CQ 0 a)
P fÖ fö ft < m
ft
>i
" ÎH fö <1 ) M-l £ rH W fö c 53 fÖ
£ o rH 3 <D C rH 2 2 Ot
II —'
C •H O £ S 0 5-1
ro c «< rH *-
O) & tn t7» fÖ 3 O tr> U G £1 (Ö P P rH O
O H rH 0) o 3
i—i 2 0) P 0)
S G o tn 0 fö 0) •H II Cn CQ P tn C 01 P C 3 0 O fö 0 H
HI >i < tJ1 -
C o fö P -H
rQ co 3 O) 2 -•H (1) H II rQ ft -H 0) 3 U
EH
c* UD co r-
ro
O
CM
oo oo r-ro
ifi >i O CQ
•i a
(T> CT>
IH CM UD
00 (N lû
00 00
ro
LO LH
^ KD CM IH
0\
<y> CM ro
LO
CM r-«—i
rH ^ LO
Sm -H O
00
o CM ro
oo
5-1 i—i fö 5H rH fÖ CD fÖ •H fö 0) fÖ •o ,a p fö «m •n r£ P CL) p 0 0 SH <D P 0 PQ o EH 2 C 2 PQ O EH
X
Q) rH A fö Eh 104
Among the boys there seems to be some vagueness
as to tribal classification: there are propor
tionately many Nubian relies in the non-Nubian tribal
categories. The remarkable thing about these tables
is, however, that both for boys and girls more
respondents claim Nubian as their language now than
there are respondents who claim Nubian as a first
language and when young; and the figure for current
usage coincides with the parental proportion of
Nubian to Arabic. This remarkable fact could only
mean one thing, namely that there v/as a shift to
Nubian after the move by this group of people from
Wadi Haifa to New Haifa. A majority of respondents
participated in the resettlement of people from
Wadi Haifa north of Dongola on the Egyptian-Sudanese
border in the 1960ies.
On the other hand, we do not know when an
individual is considered to have acquired Nubian, nor
when acquisition in earnest began during his or her
upbringing. These data may therefore reflect both a
communal shift to Nubian and normally expect acquisi
tion of a vernacular during an individual's life cycle
to occur late in childhood (Ushari Ahmed, 1978:4).
The language proportions in questions 10 and 13
are approximately replicated in replies to question
14, on age of learning Arabic. Our suspicion that
indeed some Nubian first-language speakers who are
presumably also ethnically Nubian are classified as
105
Arab here seems to be confirmed because among the
Arab boys almost half are said to have acquired
Arabic after an earliest age. Details are found in
Table XIII:
Table XIII. When a respondent in New Haifa claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. (No = no answer, a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c = after starting school)
Tribe Boys Girls
a b c No Total a b c No Total
No 3 1 7 11 1 1 2
Arab 16 7 9 32 21 2 23
Nubian 11 16 23 50 32 10 36 78
Be ja 1 1 2 2 2
Other 2 2 4 6 6
Total 32 27 40 99 62 12 36 1 111
Both among boys and girls there is a weak
but apparent correlation between age of first
learning Arabic and father's job: the better the
father's job, the earlier the child learns Arabic:
(Table XIV)
Table XIV. Father's job by age of first learning Arabic in New Haifa. Both parents Nubian. (a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c = after starting school; w = farmer or shepherd, x = worker, y = merchant, driver, tailor etc , z = civil servant, teacher, professional etc )
Father's job Boys Girls Father's job
a b c Total a b c Total
w 1 6 15 22 5 4 10 19
X 2 4 3 9 3 0 9 12
y 3 4 1 8 5 1 9 15
z 4 2 4 10 12 1 4 17
Total 10 16 23 49 25 6 32 63
106
U cö »"H N P U Ü eu (d £ c ui >H Ö 0 fö > o 0) G -P II
>1 o rH 2 -P £ -<D >i 3 H CT1 G Q> O M 4H Ü
Il M fö 5-1 CN vD LO CN vD VD r- o r-
>H 5H C i—1 <N LO
C C 1
C
> II > 1 00 o r» LO VD i—i ro VD 00
- u 5-1 CN i—i CN ro ro CN rH
>i c < rH G -0 M 5-1
«Ö VD < 1
i—1 00 i—i VD i—1 ro 00 rH
M rH VD < 1 CN ro ro ro i—1
fö P > rH U II 3 fö Ü C 25 <D <Ö 5-1 tn > CN CN CN ro ro ro
C Q) fö i—i i—1 rH CN
M > CO 3 <D 1—i > Q) U £
-H fö 0 i—i i—1 rH rH
Il -P O A s
> Ul — <D
g
•H • -P X Q) <D g Ul 0 U VD 00 r- VD 00 00 ro 00 LO CN
ui < i—l CN ro LO LO
>1 rQ -
Ü > *» -H 1 VQ 00 00 00 ro vD 00
fö £1 5-1 rH CN CN CN 4-1 fö < rH 5-1 rö <3 ffi {H
>1 C ro CN cr> rH 00 CN 1—1
[5 rH ro 1 ro ro ro ro ro rH rH (Ü -P vD > 2 C
(1) II c: 3 Q) -rH tJ1 S Cn
<D fö > 00 ro LO o O <sT rH CN
O 5H P rH rH rH rH rH rH 4-1 Ul tn 1 >i C rH II 0 fö 0 1—1 CN rH II
CQ s <T> > rH 1
c ä o LO
•H «—1 ••
•P u • •
w -H * 00 d) ,Q -P U • • (V
3 fö fö Q) *» Ü (T1 ÎH \ Si CN Ul •H
C 0 -P • • o X 4H
0 •p O ro rH fö 4H •P ui g • • • t • • Q) <ri r- O
O) tr> Ul *• ». 5-1 • • VD • •
ui Ë C •» 5-t ui ui ui .Q ». • • »> i—1 a) -H •H 5-1 Q) 5-1 Q) n3 rH Ul K o1 •H •H -P Q) Si Q) •H d O 4-1 Ul p U i—i 0 CÖ Ä -P -P 5-1 QJ O u ft Ul C
ft 6 Q) -P O Ul O •H Si 0 O £ P <u 0 Oi fö 5h •iH 4-» 5-1 Ü ft si P O & ui CO m ui Ul 4-1 Ul Ul Ul Ul Ü
> X
A fö Eh 108
Although normally left out because answers are
nearly always uniformly Arabic, :11 and :12 deserve
comment in New Haifa. Astonishingly, in view of the
fact that Nubian supposedly has not been a 'written1
language for generations, there are three boys and
two girls who occasionally write letters in Nubian;
and the two girls apparently read others' Nubian
letters, too, addressed to them.
Speaking to an officer of the local council
brings out some Nubian, but Arabic very clearly is
the appropriate language to use in such encounters.
Language use in the open-air market is said to be
very similar to it, which is surprising. But could
the fact that so much less Nubian is claimed for the
open-air market (19:7) than for the shops (19:6) mean
that its function is mainly exchange between Arabs or
Beja selling milk products or itinerant merchants
selling smallgoods and Nubians providing agricultural
goods? If so, we would have a situation where Arabic
serves as a lingua franca between different ethnic
groups, to facilitate commercial transactions. Claims
for much Arabic use unite 19:5,6 and 7 into one
dimension. It is equivalent to the PUBLIC REALM
dimension in Dongola, but is more sharply set off
from the other dimensions. Replies to 19:5, talking
to the council officer, do not oppose it. The
corresponding dimension here covers commercial and
official transactions. It could be labelled STRESS
ON OUT-GROUP RELATIONS.
109
The author prefers to join 19:8 and 9, intro
ducing a dimension of SCHOOL INTERACTION. It cannot
account for 19:4, talking to friends, because its
emphasis is on Arabic or Arabic-with-some-Nubian
language use. Also, because it cannot account for
19:4, it cannot be labelled in terms of peer-inter-
action alone.
The remaining dimension is formed by 19:1
through 4 and 10, and can as in Dongola be labelled
ORIENTATION TO HOME or LOCAL ENVIRONMENT. Nubian
clearly dominates this dimension, but even so quite
a bit of Arabic is bilingually used.
There is one situation for which girls claim
more Nubian than boys, namely 19:10, story-telling,
but otherwise girls' answers are a bit more in favour
of Arabic. This bias is, however, not reflected in
the Arabic-only replies, but in the category
'frequently Arabic and sometimes Nubian'.
Boys and girls differ less in New Haifa than in
Dongola. This lesser difference, and the relative
strength of Nubian in New Haifa, as we have seen both
in the replies to questions 10 through 13 and in
question 19, may reflect an 'accentuated ethnic
awareness' as a reaction to the recent relocation,
thus lending strength to Sondra Hale's hypotheses to
this effect (Hale 1973:34-38).
A summary of the dimensions of language use
which have been hypothesized above to explain
variability in language use in New Haifa appears on
the inside of the back cover.
110
8.6 Language use in Sinkat
In Sinkat, 104 boys and 17 girls (the girls are
pupils in the sixth grade of a primary school)
answered the questionnaire. They know Arabic, Bej a
and some Nubian: (Table XVI)
111
ö fö •h A 3 23
> x
RQ fÖ Eh
Oi iH fÖ Ä -p u O fö EH (U
a)
ìh Eh
CX
I I OL
-P G (Ü fÖ QA
KD 'sT
m ro r o lo r» ^ lo
cm o r- ro <N -nT ro ^
U) >i O CQ
XI fö U <
ro r - H in
ro ro lo m r-> ^ m
(N (N (N OJ ro ^ ro h h ^ m rH
O lo
LO ro r - rh lo vO
lo
U •H o CM F - H LO L O
c C fÖ U rh fÖ M •—i -h fö Q) fÖ •H (Ö cu (Ö A •r-i A -P fÖ .Q •n A -p 3 0 -p 0 0 H 0) -p 0 s « O H 2 51 s CQ o En
o 3 •H fö > ÌJ1 c •H w w
112
Very few girls appear to go to school. Some
more could be found in a junior secondary school in
Port Sudan but we were unable to extend our study
also to include that school. The one Beja girl in
primary school in Sinkat we shall omit from our study.
There are replies for Beja in all tribal
categories above. This means that either there is
tribal vagueness which in this case would mean that
boys who descend from Beja parentage claim Arab tribe,
or some members of other tribes (it would be people
who have migrated into the Sinkat area) learn Beja.
The latter is more likely, since as we see from the
above table and as shall be evident from the language
use questions below, Beja has a very strong position
in Sinkat. In the above boys' table, very few Beja
boys claim Arabic; they answer with their own
vernacular.
Very few boys learnt Arabic when they were quite
small: (Table XVII)
Table XVII. When a respondent in Sinkat claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. (No = no answer, a = when.very - small, b = before school but later than a, c = after starting school)
Tribe Boys
a b c No Total
No 1 1 1 3
Arab 30 3 2 35
Nubian 4 5 2 1 12
Beja 4 13 30 47
Other 2 2 2 1 7
Total 41 24 37 2 104
113
Age of learning Arabic does not correlate with
father's job for the Beja boys. They all learnt
Arabic rather late.
Answers to the contextualized language use
questions are: (Table XVIII)
Table XVIII. Replies to question 19:1-10 in Sinkat. Boys. (V = vernacular only, V-Ar = frequently the vernacular, sometimes Arabic, Ar-V = frequently Arabic, sometimes the vernacular, Ar = Arabic only, No = no answer)
Boys (N = 61)
Speaking to/at Language
No V V-Ar Ar-V Ar
father, mother,:1 24 27 4 6
brothers,: 2 19 27 8 7
sisters,: 3 1 22 24 6 8
stories,:10 17 19 8 17
friends,:4 14 21 13 13
shops,:6* 1 1 20 20 19
schoolbreaks,:8 2 9 21 29
sports,: 9 1 6 20 34
council officer,:5 3 1 3 2 52
*there is no sunsuq in Sinkat
Although 19:10 (stories) and 4 (friends) have
obtained a few more Arabic replies than 19:1-3
(family members), they are all together clearly set
apart from the remaining speech situations. That
there should be a little more Arabic when talking to
friends, who probably are of the same age and also go
to school, is not surprising; and the author does not
have any other suggestion to explain the Arabic
replies for the story-telling than that respondents
must have had some particular (locally relevant)
feature in mind that characterizes their particular
114
kind of story-telling; eg if it is religiously
inspired, then Arabic would score because Arabic is
the language of Islam. This speech situation requires
further study. The dimension we can label STRESS ON
ORIGIN.
19:5, talking to the council officer, forms its
own dimension, and we can label it here as above
ORIENTATION TO THE NATION. Arabic is the only viable
language in the national context that this speech
situation represents.
19:6 (shops), 8 (schoolbreaks) and 9 (sports)
are grouped together by virtue of having obtained
almost no replies that claim only Beja, and few, with
the exception of 6, that claim Beja frequently rather
than Arabic. In the shops, these pupils have less of
an option of choosing language, both because shop
keepers may not know much Arabic, and because it may
not be up to the pupil to choose language of inter
action (cf above under Dongola). Arabic dominates
these situations, with a fair amount of Beja also
mixed in. For lack of a better term, we can label
this dimension, INTERACTION IN THE PUBLIC REALM.
We conclude that Beja is strong in Sinkat.
A summary of the dimensions of language use which
have been hypothesized above to explain variability
in language use in Sinkat appears on the inside of the
back cover.
115
8.7 Language use in El Fasher and Tina
In El Fasher 103 boys and 100 girls answered
the questionnaire. In Tina 41 boys and 3 girls
answered. El Fasher is an administrative center in
Darfur Province and it has the only secondary school
in a very large area. There is quite a mixture of
tribes in El Fasher and no one ethnic group dominates
the others. Tina is a small village outside El Fasher.
It has a small primary school. Tables XIX and XX
give information on the spread of ethnic groups and
languages in the two schools. Replies to questions
10 through 13 are almost identical, except for
question 11 (now) to which among the boys there are
two Hill Nubian replies, four For, three Zaghawa,
and one Berti mentioning their respective vernaculars,
among the girls two Hill Nubian replies only. All
the others replied Arabic, in El Fasher. In Tina,
seven boys claim For and one Zaghawa in question 11
(now), and the others answered Arabic. All girls'
replies claim Arabic except two in question 13 (first)
that claim For. The third girl is from the Berti
tribe.
In reply to question 16, Which languages (other
than Arabic) do you know well enough to understand
and communicate with people in the marketplace?,
however, as many as 19 respondents answered with the
For language in the first place in this open listing
of languages, another 6 in following places in their
lists. Zaghawa was listed by only a very few
respondents. (Also, neither For nor Zaghawa got many
116
replies in question 18, or by respondents in
El Fasher.) It would appear that For has a strong
lingua franca function in Tina.
(Table XIX)
Table XX. Replies to question 19, language when young, by father's tribe in Tina. Boys.
Father's tribe Language
Arabic Zaghawa For Tama, Mararit Total
No answer 1 1
Arab 12 3
For 2 9 11
Zaghawa 15 3 18
Other Darfur tribe 3 2 5
Other 2 1 3
Total 24 3 12 2 41
Approximately two thirds of the boys say they
learnt Arabic very early; and almost all girls said
the same. Details are: (Tables XXI and XXII)
117
U <D CO nJ fa
fi •H X <u CO >1
<1) ,3 •H U -P co Vi <l) 5 fö m >i 6
o >i
c: 0 Ü Q) tn OJ 3 U>
fi O •H -P CO S Ö1 O -P co <D •H i—I 04 «
in •H O
<u A •H U •P
0) •P fÖ fri
Q) tn (0 3 CT fi fö
CO >1 o CQ
<D S1
§ H-l
T oji
u^TqnN niH
oxqçjv
ja/ASUP OM
T oj,
çqn N
UT0UI0I,
jcoj:
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irexqiiN T ITH
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J9MSUÇ ON
VD r o r o ro
M Q) Z CO fi fö o Z
A fö
r o c M ^ D i H < J k r ^ o o Ol rH O
CM -sT ro
CM rH <T» r- O ro CM rH (Ti
< j N i n c n c n r o v £ > c M r o rH r H rH rH O
r o m r ^ < £ > r O k O C M C O rH rH rH r -
fi fö •H •§ z
•H K
<D A
Jh 4-1
fö •9 2
u MH 3 u •m fÖ fi fö Q fö 3 S -P EH fÖ •H 5H fö u rH A -P 0) rH Q) fÖ JH tp U A rH Xi -P 0 fÖ Q) -P <u •P O fa tq m O fa O H
X H X
•a E-»
118
o c II
z
<d xi •h u -p rH
o 0
— XI u o <u w X •p u 03 Q) 4-1 •p
>i fd xi h v II o u •h xi ». fd fd m < fi fd •p XI c -P fd vi <D <u rH •p fd Q) rH > fd -p X 3 XI 0 •p rH 0 •p 0 w X M O •H w
Q) w M S O *h m fd Q) rH xi Ü
ii
XI <1) X ». w rH fd rH PM fd
e rH œ W >i fi M •h o
> •p fi c Q) Q) T3 X C Z 0 ft 11 w 0) fd Vi fd u
Q) fi z <1) m
•fi fi S fd
h X X Q) rH rQ fd E-t
C 0 C N v £ > r H < ^ r - O O CM rH o
ro <N <T> <T> o
cy> Ln o o\
CM r-H CM ro ro
ro oo rH
vd v£) o lo 00 o rH KD
XI fd U <
Vi c 3 fd n m •H 3 •(—» c fd
Vi fd Q fd S -p
H id •H Vi fd Vi rH rH fd X! •p <D i—i <D fd rH X u H Cn Vi x: iH X -p •H 3 0 0 fd (1) •p 0) -p 0 K Z fe fe N CQ o fe o En
119
Table XXXII. When a respondent in Tina claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. Boys. (No = no answer, a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c = after starting school)
Tribe Boys Tribe
a b c No Total
No 1 1
Arab 1 1 1 3
For 5 2 3 1 11
Zaghawa 17 1 18
Other Darfur 5 5
Other 2 1 3
Total 31 4 5 1 41
For El Fasher and Tina taken together and
studying those pupils whose parents are both from a
Darfur tribe other than an Arab one, almost 90% of
the girls' fathers and 80% of the boys' fathers
are farmers or shepherds. There are so few fathers
in the other job categories that it is meaningless
to correlate age of learning Arabic with father's
job.
Answers to the contextualized language use
questions are: (Table XXIII)
120
<D rC -P >1 •H > 1 •P rH C C <L> O D1 U <1> - H H £1 m tö
U ii <
il
>1 M • fö c o U fd rH p O fö C _ M JZ (Ü -P >
UÌ II <u
> -H — 4-> CU
• I X W <u w -u >1 -H
fO - U fö c •H tH TJ C fO U Q)
>i i—I -P C <u 3 (U U
RC M -l U1 fö II ^ > •H I W M c
rQ fÖ
C o •H •P W Q)
& O -P
w g •rh -P <i) o Tt w CD £ » œ
M C fö fö M 3 CU u •H fÖ rH C O, U Q) <D & >
Q) Cn fö 3 tn G fö
in
0) Cr> fö 3 Cn G fö HL
cn ro r o r o
ro r o oj
V D v £ > C T > C r > r H r ^ C N u n c N O O i - H r H r H r H c N r o r o r o r o r o
o o r - L n c M ^ L O u D f N r o
m Lfi y} H oj
r O r H ^ r r o ^ D C M L D C s ]
rH " 00 5H -p M • • 0 fö 0 K o
\ w •H 0 -p CN O m -p 0 •• ro <sT i—1 fÖ m g • • t» • • [> CD <T> 0
tn w »• *• VD •• JH • •
C ». SH cn œ UÌ • • •» rQ •» «—i •H iH <D 5H Ti <1) ». 1 1 U) •H * Q; <D £ •H w P 0 -p U fö -p -p Q) SH Ci. en 0 >H G 0 -p 0 w •H 0 0 c 0 2 o. fÖ in -rH M -p 3 Ü 0 MH RQ W M-l w UÌ w c/1 CA Ü
X X
•8 eh
121
Replies to 19;1-4 and 10 can be joined under a
STRESS ON ORIGIN dimension, for which replies divide
between vernacular and Arabic answers, with, a bias in
favour of the latter. The other dimension which
joins the remaining situations could be labelled OUT-
GROUP RELATIONS (!) and is strongly dominated by
Arabic, mostly Arabic only. For this second dimension
practically all girls answer Arabic exclusively.
There is some bantering in an own vernacular
language during sports and school breaks as well as
even some note- and letter-writing in vernaculars.
Individual opportunity and convenience undoubtedly
determine such use. Otherwise Arabic is used.
Arabic's standing as a lingua franca in the
West is probably well aided by the benefit of being
the language of Islam in this rather strongly reli
gious region of Sudan (personal communication from
Mr. Darius Jonathan Kenyi). The reader may be
interested in looking up Thelwall's study of language
knowledge and use by school pupils in El Fasher
(Thelwall 1971), and descriptions of language use in
For territory in the Western District of Darfur
(Jernudd 1968, and forthcoming).
A summary of the dimensions of language use
which have been hypothesized above to explain
variability in language use in El Fasher and Tina
appears on the inside of the back cover.
122
S.8 Language use in Pilling
In Billing 104 boys and 155 girls answered the
questionnaires. Only about one third of the girls
claim they belong to a non-Arab Nuba tribe, as
compared to about 60% of the boys. Replies to
questions 10 through 13 are as follows:
(Tables XXIV:1 and 2)
123
-p o En
CN 0 0 H O ro ^ i—I CM O
4J O
ro i—I O*
-P w U
U <
00 CN <T> PH 1-0
LO ro
-p o Eh
o r—I
04 PH Oi
-p G 0 >H to CU
-P O
3 Z OÏ LO
-p o EH
o
-P O
3 2 CT» ITÌ
O Eh ro CN o
•P O
Q) A
U Eh
0 i—I 01
U <
(N CN (N
LO ro
<Ö Eh
0 Cn fö 3 tr> ö (Ö A
A fö Jh <
•H
•i z
o tn c 0 a 1 •H rH tr> 2 fÖ %
0 cn fö EH 1 A •rH rH fÖ S
cr> G fö fÖ fÖ rH S W
-P •H fÖ >i fÖ
0) P4 U Q) Xi
fÖ •B 2 •73 O •H m •H -p c o •H Ö D
124
-p
o Eh CN ro r o CN CN rH m m
-p
O
3 5 O rO rH rH pH V£>
CX
4J w U •H
U <
CN 00
r-oo
-p O Eh
CN M VO CM RO CM CN
in m
-p O
OI
3 £ <£>
U) •p C <D H fö Ph
M <
CM L O 00
-p O Eh
CN «3* CN CN CN in in
-p O
P 53
vû
< CN oo
-p
o Eh CN CN ro
LO m
-p
o
3 S <7i ro rH CM CM <X>
Q) A •H M Eh
Cn ö P O >ï
CN m oo r-co
d) CT> fö en G a
m <u £ œ §
ê
0 CT> c •H
Ö 0 0 fö H Oï •H S fö ;Q i EH
•H 1 S rH .Q Cn •H i—I 3 rH r—1 •n fÖ •H fö fö 0 K Û «
•p
s c <0 e •H >i s
fö rQ 3 Z fÖ -p
fÖ Q) rH •H rH m a) •H h •p
c fö JH Q) M rH U) a; Ti d) fÖ 3 -H rCj -p fö -p £ -p 0 s3 o D o EH 125
The Nyimang language is well represented in
Dil ling; other Nuba languages each trave only some
speakers represented, This would Cas in El Fasher)
make it less likely that the respondents use their
own vernaculars in school and in the surrounding
community. The schools draw pupils from a relatively
large area in the Nuba Mountains, so local bilingual-
ism will not help, either. Girls' replies stress
Arabic much more than boys'. For language spoken
most often now (Qll) there is an expected increase
in Arabic answers.
Only four girls claim they started learning
Arabic first after they got into school, whereas the
boys are about equally split between the three
alternatives; the problem of the respondents with
Arab fathers also saying that they learnt Arabic only
later unfortunately recurs here; (Table XXV)
126
o s
U1 rH w (ti ro r- <£> - tr> -P oo u C 0 a> - H EH X! -P -P n fO ( ti 0 CM m 4->
œ XI M
<D - 4-> o rH ro Ü M-l •H (ti 'S H U Si rH I rH C O w i—1 •H -p -C (ti *H
O (ti CN r- CNj (ti c r- ro 0> ( ti -H
•P Q) > M (ti Q) rC - P
(ti 0 rH -P
-P -P 3 rH w ,£) (ti m Cft
-P ro lo •H rH 0 14-1 0 H 0 W Ä S Ü 0 •H W 2 (ti H <D ü ^ 0 tn u-i Ü m o C O) CN •H ,Q •H rH II •H Si ro iH Q St rH (N
UÌ c - >i •H i-H 0 rH CQ (ti r» co +j ( ti iH iH c g a) c o T3 C >1 0 u
Q) W > <u n c: Q) (ti Ä S (U
G Si A fö a> II •H fti Si Ä M 0 U 3 5 fti EH 2 < Z
lD m r—i
rH -sT CO
si
O
X Û) i—I SI (ti En
127
Replies to question 16, Which languages (other
than Arabic) do you know well enough to understand
and communicate with people in the marketplace?,
sharpen our understanding of distribution of language
knowledge in Dilling: (Table XXVI)
Table XXVI. Replies to question 16, Which languages (other than Arabic) do you know well enough to understand and communicate with people in the marketplace? in Dilling. Only first four mentioned languages coded.
Language First Second Third Fourth mentioned mentioned mentioned mentioned
No answer 150 222 238 256
Nyimang 39 4 —
Hill Nubian 17 10
Kadugli-Krongo 10 3 21 3
Other Nuba 33 12
Other 10 8 _ _
Total 259 259 259 259
This table, although relative to language use in
the market-place, indicates that more respondents than
apparent from the preceding tables have some compe
tence in a language other than Arabic in Dilling, and
that there are some respondents who are bi- or
multilingual in vernacular languages. For instance,
109 respondents claim some knowledge of at least one
language other than Arabic, according to question 16,
compared to a maximum of 80 respondents according to
questions 10 through 13. It is particularly note
worthy that among the former are more Nyimang speakers
than among the latter.
128
The equivalent replies to question 18, Which
languages (other than Arabic) do you use when speaking
with friends? are: (Table XXVII)
Table XXVII. Replies to question 18, Which languages (other than Arabic) do you use when speaking with friends? in Dilling. Only first four mentioned languages coded.
Language First Second Third Fourth
mentioned mentioned mentioned mentioned
No answer 174 234
Nyimang 37 2
Hill Nubian 8 7
Kadugli-Krongo 4 3
Other Nuba 27 5
Other 9 5
Total 259 259
250 258
259 259
If we study those respondents a little closer
whose parents are both said to be Nuban, and not
from an Arab Nuba tribe, we find that father's job
and the age at which boys learnt Arabic correlate;
for girls, there is no apparent correlation because
they learnt Arabic early anyway: (Table XXVIII)
129
o 4-> Q)
<D X) -H U 4->
•H 4J •> XT 3 M fö X) 0) M > <î «H *H
O n tn 0 Tf C Ä •H o * C W 4J œ M C oj (1) fö O <D M ,C m rH O Ü
4-1 U •P (1) flJ «1 Ä ß M -H II II 4-1
b
y
m o - -
rH H <1) <H <ü CT» fö M fÖ g U
U) O >1 s XI >1
H II XI (ü xi O > X o •m •ro
C -to Q) n3 W - X! U •
U £ Q) H <D XI d) XI II 04 Ä •P CU •P <Ö fö RC fÖ PM w PM
fO -P O H
W rH >H O
(Ö -P O H
rH ^ vû 00 rH i—I PO
•H in oo
oo m in oi oo
cN m in rH ro ro h m
rH rH CN 00
cN o CN
(Ö •p o £ X >1 N H
x;
(D rH XI (ti ÉH 130
Girls' fathers have on the average better jobs
that boys' fathers among our Billing school respondents.
Girls answered much more Arabic to Q10 through 13,
They also answer a lot more Arabic to the situations
in question 19: (Table XXIX)
131
n U r—1 û)
0 s O w aJ c C «3 U Q) 0 > c: Q) ii -p 0
>i •h -p >i ö i—I 0 c
o tr* a u •H
•9 il U <
C ii
> U <
>i •* r-l U c «j 0 i—1 3
M C CM 1 CM > II 2 a) — tr> > <d cn 3 i—i tj> U c •H (Ö 0 O ^ 2
Ü) >1 O PQ
(ti
O -p
Cn G •H M fd Q) CU M
r » r o i n c N ^ o o c N i H o a < N H r H r H r H r H ( N ( N C N ( N
cN r - V D r - VÛ ^
r-i
en V Û rH cm
CM cm
ct» cm ro ro
vo cm
CO ro cm
a; -p o ß
w a; •H O -p U)
w M <u JZ -p o M
w M <u -p w •H w
m "
00 n • • o K o UÌ •rH M U-l rd 4-1 a) Gï 0 r-U • t VO ••
XX •k r—1 ••
rH W •H »- t?1 0 •p Ü CO 3 0 U c cm V1 £! 0 3 0 s Ü dl 0 A 3 œ w Ü M œ
x h x x
•s TRI
132
Should one select a two-dimensional solution, the
first dimension would subsume 19:1-4 and 10, the
second dimension all the remaining situations. How
ever, the fact that, for boys, language use with
fathers and mothers and in storytelling situations
differ somewhat from language use with brothers,
sisters and friends, the latter with more Arabic,
makes the author suggest instead that more dimensions
are appropriate. For girls it also seems justified
to separate out speaking with parents, if not
storytelling. There is such a marked difference in
replies between boys and girls with so many more
vernacular-language answers by the former that the
author also intends to keep them apart in suggesting
dimensions of language use.
We then obtain a dimension which could be labelled
STRESS ON ORIGIN combining 19:1 and 19:10, parents and
storytelling, for the boys, the former only for the
girls; and another closely related dimension which
could be labelled PEER INTERACTION accounting for
situations 19:2 through 4 for the boys, and also
19:10 for the girls. We note that although the
local vernaculars dominate the boys' replies, there
are also many claims in favour of Arabic, but mostly
'bilingually.'
A third dimension with a prevalence of Arabic
could then be called INTERACTION IN THE PUBLIC REALM
accounting for the remaining situations, yet with
separation of an ORIENTATION TO THE NATION dimension
on the strength of boys' replies to 19:5 for the
133
boys. The latter two dimensions are strongly
Arabic; in fact, for girls there might be reason to
postulate the latter-mentioned NATIONAL ORIENTATION
dimension also, although the feature of selection of
language variety which is our main criterion In this
discussion could not separate it from INTERACTION IN
THE PUBLIC REALM for girls since both dimensions
assume the almost exclusive use of Arabic. Other
communicative features might, subject to further
study, demonstrate the usefulness of making such a
distinction.
A summary of the dimensions of language use which
have been hypothesized above to explain variability
in language use in Dilling appears on the inside of
the back cover.
8 . 9 Language use in Ileiban
In Heiban 45 boys from the junior secondary
school, 41 boys from the 6th grade of a primary
school and 32 girls from the 6th grade of a primary
school answered the questionnaires. Most of the
respondents come from Nuba non-Arab families. We
were unfortunately unable to allocate language names
given by the respondents to categories in our refer
ences for the coding, Tucker & Bryan, for many of the
languages. We assume they are Nuba Mountain languages.
The fact that the "unidentified Nuba language" cate
gory is large makes no difference for the socio-
linguistic analysis that follows. Replies to questions
10 through 13 are as follows: (Tables XXX:1 and 2)
134
o ir» rH m fH r- rH O CN &
(N 00
r-l CM r-H ( Ti
3 Z
1 0 r—i r—I r -CN
a -p CO n
<
O z
-p o En
CT» rH CN 00
-p O
P Z
ro (Tv rH "31
(0 -p G a> iH ni ft
J-1 <
O z
-p o E-i
CN C N VD 00
3 z
ro 0 0 C N ro
OJ U <
O z
-p o En
C N C N L O r H v D C N i — l U O C N V O CN 00
-p O
P z
CN C N ^
<D A
U Eh
Oi
Ö 3 O > 1
>H <
O z
a) u> (Ü 3 Cn C 3
U Q) 2 W G <d o z
u •H •3 a
o t7> c •h
§ o h
o cp
•h 3 (fl
xi 1 Eh 3 •h 1 Cr» z rH
Ut 43 -H §
1—1 3 3 rH e f—1 •n TJ (0 •H •h aJ <d O >1 ä q « « z
(Ö ,Q p z 73 0) •H •H <tî -p
-P C «J a) H rH rH T5 a) (d rH •H •P a) Ö -p 0 PM d o EH
135
•P CM rH CM r» CM 0 cm ro EH Q)
EH XI •H U -P CM CM -P O CM CM
fO XI 3 3 «H \D CM r * & 2 ,—* S rH CM ro II •—1
Oi 3 —' ÎH ro ro ss *C -P *• co (D u XI •H 0 rH rH •H m S
-P XI fö -P H vO C M r o CM u 0 rH rH rO < II
EH rH rH rO
II u -P CN CM O %—' • CN 3 rH CM rO tsO <D rH z r—1 rH CM XI CX •H
-P co SH ro ro 4-» < CO G — CD iH U (U fd 0 rH rH X! a s -P a fd M-l
-p CM Vû rH ro C M XI o cm ro EH £ fd xi -P CM CM -H O CD ÌU — M c cu 3 rH rH rH ro VD •H £ S CM CM
m ro G y i> i—i fd rH rH M ro ro x: o CA < tn £ —'
< 3 0 II S u 0 0 rH rH xi o c S -P s o •-rH rH fd -p rh cm ro ^ cm 10 -P 0 cm ro G O EH O EH •H -P II CO -P CM CM Q) 4-) O 3 0 EH 0 » 3 ro U3 v û -P CU , -s. S rH CM
XI o W -H rH CU M <D Oi •H -P Cn —' u ro ro rH fd < Ol H 3 tr> < Q) CU tn Ö u x: ö 3 -p fd 0 0 rH i—1 - o >i s co H II n fd -H -P Xj O O
Z . •H T J CM 0 (1) •• Cn - H X U fd M H X <D EH -H X £ 1 -P CO O XI Ö CU <U C -H - H CU rH r—1 Xi (d X) rH rö fd Xi -H fd fd -H -P fd M 0 U O C 0 EH EH S <C U 4 D EH 136
The respondents say their parents use a
vernacular more often than they do themselves (Q12
compared to the other questions); and the girls
claim more Arabic than the boys, proportionately,
throughout.
In reply to question 16, Which languages (other
than Arabic) do you know well enough to understand
and communicate with people in the marketplace? as
many as 19 respondents list a Koalib-Tagoi language as
a first-mentioned, 12 as a second-mentioned, and 5 as
a third-mentioned language. This adds up to 36
respondents who claim some knowledge of a Koalib-
Tagoi language. Other Nuba languages (all included)
are listed in the first position by 44 respondents.
In reply to question 18, Which languages (other than
Arabic) do you use when speaking with friends? a
total of 29 respondents claim some use of a Koalib-
Tagoi language. This indicates bi- and multi-
lingualism in Nuba languages in Heiban, particularly
in Koalib-Tagoi languages.
Father's job does not correlate with age of
learning Arabic; but then again about half the Nuba
girls' fathers have 'better' jobs whereas four fifths
of the boys' fathers are found in job categories w
(farmer/shepherd) and x (worker). Details on age
of learning Arabic are: (Table XXXI)
137
X X X
XI <ö Eh 138
fÜ -p o H
ro V D C M C N CN ro
O Z
w r-H U •H O
fÖ •P O H
un H vD rH KD 00
o 2 <vT
ro
w >i O CQ
<N (N O rH CN
ro KO ^ rH C N
(U rQ M Eh
M Q)
Girls say they learnt Arabic earlier than the
boys do; and a little over 40% of the Nuba boys learnt
Arabic, they claim, when they were very small.
Details of question 19 on contextualized language
use are given in Table XXXII. The number of girls
that makes up the statistics is quite low, because
of the selection of girls claiming a vernacular at
least once in questions 10 through 13 so reliability
is in doubt for purposes of sex comparisons. There
are only 16 girls represented in the following
table.
139
140
U C ro o o i n
> i U <
vo vD
<
& «—I
0 tJ» fö .3 Cn C fö
< i/i n (ji ( ji
ro r-m
U C <t> vo lo
> LO in VX ) ro r o CN CM
>i O m
Q) Cn <Ö 3 &i C fö
-p fö \ o -p Cr> ö •H fö <D O, CO
•» 00 U • • OJ <D •t u w •H -P O CN M-l
Q f—1 • • ro ro M-l g • • «» • • • t <D CTi 0 W *• M • • ^0 •• ». W M w w ,Q •» • • K PH U Q) (1) M T5 rH w K O1 •H Q) •H rC Q) c: 0 -p w 3 u rC M •P -P Q) 0 n a M c: -P 0 0 W •H 0 0 C 3 fÖ -p U •H Ü Û4 4: 3 0 M-l Œ £} U) M-l Ü) CO w U) u
One dimension, following the Dilling solution,
would be STRESS ON ORIGIN to account for 19t; 1.
Storytelling, 19:10, gets subsumed under another
dimension, PEER COMMUNICATION, accounting also for
situations 19:2-4. Both these dimensions show some
use of the vernacular, the former more than the
latter. Arabic dominates the third dimension,
INTERACTION IN THE PUBLIC REALM, for situations
19:6,7 and 9.
Boys and girls differ with regard to how to
assign the 'schoolbreaks' situation, 19:8. For the
girls it ought rather to be seen as an example of
PEER COMMUNICATION whereas for the boys it appears
better accounted for by the INTERACTION IN THE PUBLIC
REALM dimension because of the relative prominence
of Arabic.
Because of somewhat higher Arabic claims by
boys for 19:5, talking to the council officer, and
the curious avoidance of answering it by girls, yet
exclusively Arabic claims by those who do answer,
an ORIENTATION TO THE NATION dimension would also
seem justified.
Boys in Heiban claim more Arabic than boys in
Dilling. But for girls, the reverse is true.
Rather fewer girls constitute our sample for analyzing
replies to question 19 in Heiban. This, the sheer
complexity of the vernacular first-language mix of
pupils in Heiban and the fact that the average
respondent is younger in Heiban may account for the
difference in Arabic claims. The suggestion could
141
be made that younger pupils, particularly boys,
compared to male adolescents, are readier to express
such values as they know school to represent in
replies to a questionnaire. (This may also be a
reason for the consistently stronger Arabic answers
by girls.) Male adolescents instead more accurately
perceive and express own characteristics. Tribal and
vernacular mix would favour Arabic in any case
through its then frequent use as a lingua franca.
Differential spread of Islam cannot be used to
explain differences in Arabic use today. Islamization
was well under way in the 1940ies in Heiban and, if it
were to have exerted — although its spread was a
complex social process — influence on Arabic usage,
Arabic ought, rather, to be generally stronger in
Dilling. Dilling is easily accessible, located in
the northern part of the Nuba Mountains on a 'trunk
road' from El Obeid, whereas Heiban is located to the
south and is both smaller and remote. (Cf Stevenson
1963 :11 and 16.)
A summary of the dimensions of language use which
have been hypothesized above to explain variability
in language use in Heiban appears on the inside of
the back cover.
8.10 Language use in Sallara
In Sallara 51 boys in the junior secondary school
answered the questionnaire. The largest vernacular
group is Nyimang-speaking: (Table XXXIII)
142
ro PH o<
U •H *4-1
ex
c <1) U fö Q*
Q) A •H U FRI
Ol
Cn ß 3 o >1
0) ff g-tì fÖ
r o r O r H r o r o c N k O r H «H CM LO
ro ro CN <£> CN
ro \o H cN in
ro v O LO ^ CN
ro (N
r* r o rH
ro i n L O r H i—I LO
ro m m ^ rH ^
ro r o CN KO CN
fi •s fö s 5H •H Q) A *
S 3 -p w ü z •H C •H rH fö fö A rH fÖ rH fÖ rH W •P 0 U •H fÖ <Ö 2 < m S «
Cn § e •rH I?
(Ö •§ a T5 <u
143
A minority, about 20%, of the non-Arab Nuba boys
learnt Arabic when they were very young. The rest say
they learnt Arabic later, some before and some after
starting school: CTable XXXIV)
Table XXXIV. When a respondent in Sallara claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. (No = no answer, a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c = after starting school)
Tribe Boys
a b c No Total
No 1 1
Arab 3 1 4
Nuba 9 15 18 2 44
Other 2 2
Total 13 16 20 2 51
All but one father are farmers, shepherds or
workers.
Answers to the contextualized language use
questions are; (Table XXXV)
Table XXXV. Replies to question 19:1-10 in Sallara, by sex. (V = vernacular only, ^-Ar = frequently the vernacular, sometimes Arabic, Ar-V = frequently Arabic, sometimes the vernacular, Ar = Arabic only, No = no answer)
Boys (N = 40) Speaking to/at Language
No V V-Ar Ar-V Ar
father, mother,:1 11 23 4 2
stories,:10 10 19 9 2
brothers,: 2 5 20 13 2
sisters,: 3 1 5 19 14 1
friends,: 4 1 10 24 5
shops,: 6 1 4 22 13
sunsuq,: 7 4 7 15 14
schoolbreaks,: 8 1 20 19
sports,: 9 15 25
council officer,:5 2 38
144
It may seem highly arbitrary to project discrete
dimensions on this set of communicative situations, few
as they are, ordered in quite smooth progression from
vernacular via both vernacular and Arabic use to more
Arabic use. But, in accord with our model and termino
logy, "we can permit the natural overlap of linguistic
behaviour from one class of situations to another --
which is what makes categorizing situations difficult
in the first place." CScotton 1972:108) Indeed, we
are encouraged by the fact that it is possible to
arrange the communicative situations in question 19 in
a progression of increasing Arabic claims and that
there are close similarities between the progressions
from one respondent group to the next.
Staying close to the data in Table XXXV one
might maximally suggest an ORIENTATION TO THE NATION
dimension to account for 19:5 as opposed to the other
situations, a SCHOOL dimension to account for 19:8 and
9, a COMMERCE dimension to account for 19:6 and the
replies for which are slightly different from the other
situations, a PEER INTERACTION dimension to account for
19:4 and the intermediate position of 19:2 and 3
between the friends situation and talking to parents,
and a STRESS ON ORIGIN dimension to account for
situations 19:1 and 10.
To suggest five dimensions for an array of ten
communicative situations seems somewhat excessive. It
certainly is not simple. Storytelling got answers
that groups it with language use to fathers and mothers
into a dimension of STRESS ON ORIGIN versus PEER
145
COMMUNICATION (19;2-4). Vernacular use in the local
markets arises out of necessity and kin encounters -—
Sallara is quite a small place. But the author
groups 19:7 with 6, 8 and 9 into an INTERACTION IN
THE PUBLIC REALM dimension because of the higher
Arabic claims, and marks the uniqueness of the
NATIONAL ORIENTATION dimension (19:5) although it
could be argued for Sallara as well as for other
places that there is probably little choice but to
speak Arabic to the council officer when the inter
locutors have no other tongue in common. Officers
in local councils most often hail from other parts of
the country (as do teachers). This circumstance, and
our finding that Arabic is indeed the almost exclu
sively claimed language in speaking with council
officer, together foster an expectation of use of
Arabic in situations that are characterized by its
features, in general terms, ORIENTATION TO THE NATION.
We should note that the vernacular end of the
scale in Sallara is more sharply vernacular than
for the other two Nuba towns, and the opposite
extreme also almost exclusively Arabic.
A summary of the dimensions of language use
which have been hypothesized above to explain variabi
lity in language use in Sallara appears on the inside
of the back cover.
8.11 Language use in El Obeid (Fellata quarters)
In El Obeid, we studied a boys' and a girls'
primary school in the Fellata ('West African', cf
146
Hurreiz and Bell 1975;29) quarters, out of interest in
this group. Unfortunately, not very many schools-
children said they were Fellata in these schools. A
total of 69 boys and 56 girls answered the question
naires; (Tables XXXVI : 1 and 2)
147
Ol
fö Ä -p u o fö En Q)
(Ti CN in vX) (N rH rH Ln
è
o PQ
rH Oi
-P w U
U <
o z
<y» vo m o CM rH in
Cm o
o PQ
w -p c O) M (Ö ft
<
o 2
oo r- <j\ CM rH
o
o PQ
Ol
U <
<T> CT> Ln ro (N rH m
o
Cm o
o PQ
Q) en fö P en Ö (Ö
ex
c 3 O >i
M C
o s
o r* m CN rH
Q) A
U Eh
•3
fÖ -p fÖ
0) Cm
U a) Xi -P O
fö •p o £H
149
A majority learnt Arabic quite early:
(Table XXXVII)
Answers to the contextualized language use
questions are: (Table XXXVIII)
150
> x X X
fd -p o
CT» CN ^0 LT)
O s
U) i—I U •H O
ro fi iD M
vo CO CT> ro CM ^
fd •p O Eh
r- vo 00 CD CTi I—I C N r H k D
O 2
n co p> w
U) >i O PQ VÛ CO LO rH LO .Hi—I rH ^
<ü •H Jq &H O 2
cd -p fd u 1—1
x) i—1 0) fd rd i—1 JZ -p m 0) -p o
•S Eh 151
5-1 <
(N fM n
? U <
U c I >
<D 8" 3 £ <d
C
> I 00 L O r o
< I >
vD v D v D
>i O m
0) en fö P tn
O 2
LO CO LT) <nT CN CM CM CN
-P AS \ O •P tn C •H fö 0 ft M
U Q) XI -P O B
U Q) XI -P rö
CM O m ro r—1 <sT fö m ». • • • • • • r- CD <Ti 0 C/3 •». •» ». •• U • •
03 03 03 • • •» rQ •> rH 0) M <D T3 ». er1 rH 03 -H 0) •H C 03 3 0 -P Ü 4J -P U <D ft 03 0 U c 0 M O o ö x: O 3 U -H -p M 3 Ü ft O rQ 03 03 m 03 03 03 03 Ü 152
Numbers are so small that we cannot suggest
dimensions with- any confidence. Only three dimensions
seem justified: tentatively the author proposes a
STRESS ON ORIGIN dimension for situations 19;1-4 and
10. The other two could be labelled the INTERACTION
IN THE PUBLIC REALM (;6-9) and ORIENTATION TO THE
NATION (;5) dimensions. Arabic dominates the latter
dimensions but is claimed in about half the cases
otherwise, too.
The author suspects Con the strength of a
suggestion by Mr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud who grew up in
and around El Obeid) that most of the respondents in
this school in fact are Fellata. This school is
known to be an exclusively Fellata school in the
Fellata quarters of El Obeid. What we would like to
know is why some respondents do (or can) reveal their
true tribal belonging when others don't (can't).
Respondents have assumed 'Arab' as their ethnic,
tribal, label and consequently claim the exclusive
use of Arabic.
The Fellata are met with suspicion, even
persecution, in many parts of Sudan. One response for
the Fellata is to claim identity with another ethnic
group, preferably a 'safe' (superordinate, dominant)
one, an Arab one particularly.
8.12 Language use in Malakal
In Malakal 91 boys and 111 girls answered the
questionnaire. Most of the respondents are Arab (and
153
Nubian) but among them the majority is locally
born. Among the Southerners, Shilluk is the largest
group; and among their languages, Shilluk has the
most speakers; (Table XXXIX:1 and 2)
154
O cö H Q)
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155
U II Q)
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156
The Shilluk and the Nuer use their tribal
languages to a large extent. Relatively many more
girls than boys answer Arabic to questions 10
through 13.
Shilluk and Nuer boy respondents are also those
who claim that they learnt Arabic later than at a
very earliest age; and more girls claim that they
learnt Arabic at their earliest age than boys:
(Table XL)
157
>1 U G) >
£ <U S
Q) XI U -P
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Ü •rH XI i—I fö O M o < x; o
Q) 4H rH -P in Q) fö fti U) XI
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fd •p o &+
U •h O
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co c\j 01 o
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c N G ^ r O L n v D c o v û r H c o c o CO r H CO
w -£ fö •h fö £ rh f Ö Ü .£ -P I 1 fö îh M O) fö -P rh f Ö (ö r—i S -p ö 3 •h x}
•P rh Ö o Q) O •ö x: c o O U) CM IFI a ) Q) U u o M-) fÖ 0
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x
XI fö
158
Two thirds of the boys1 fathers and almost
all girls' fathers (among those respondents whose
parents both belong to a Southern tribe) are said
to have a 'better ' job (in the job categories y
and z), and most among them in the 'best' category.
Correlating with age of learning Arabic is therefore
meaningless.
Malakal is remarkable in that 22 (out of 91)
boys and 15 (out of 111) girls claim they use also
another language than Arabic to write letters. The
coding tells us that at least 8 girls and 9 boys
do so in Shilluk and 2 boys in Dinka.
Answers to the contextualized language use
questions are: (Table XLI)
159
U fö in r—1 Q) s Z o u) fÖ C c rd ÎH <1> 0 > c <D ii rC -P 0 !s >1 r—1 -P >i G rH Û) a 3 0 tr1 <D o 5H •h m A fö il il <
ÎH C II > U
< v.
rH ÎH c fÖ 0 rH
3
cm
UÌ >1 O PQ
h t-3 X
-M fö O -P 0> Ö -H tö O) ft UÌ
C N C N C O r O O L O C M ^ f C F »
CM r o L O C M »x» oo r- r- CM
lo ^ cm ^j1 cm cm cm
ra cm cm rh
o CM
CM VD CM O rH rH (N CM
LO
T! ». 00 U
ÎH • • Q) Q) "» Ü
U) •H
-P O CM M m
0 rH ro • • fö m g • • • • •• <D <T> 0 k W ». VD •• U • • » M W 5H CO • * ». & ». i—i
5H Q) 5H (D T! •» tr1 rH cn •H
0 •H Q) rC C cn 3 0 -P Ü
M -P -P Q) CK cn O U £ -P 0 cn 0 •H 0 C Ä O 3 fö -P •rH ÎH M rC 3 Ü a. O MH 10 W .Q 4H cn U1 cn cn o
rQ fÖ Eh
160
The author groups 19:4, friends, with
19:1-3 and 10, labelling the dimension that accounts
for these situations STRESS ON ORIGIN. Situations
19:7-9 can be grouped under a PUBLIC REALM dimension,
in which both Arabic and the local languages have their
uses. Talking to the council officer, 19:5, demon
strates a separate dimension, labelled ORIENTATION TO
THE NATION because its frame of reference is that of
the regional or national administration and, since
interestingly shops, 19:6, can be subsumed under
this dimension, too, of a wider commercial network
linked through family and friendship to people and
transactions in the administration. For our educated
respondents from the Northern system schools in
Malakal, the kind of merchants, merchandise and
customers encountered in the regular built-up shops
to a large extent overlap with those who figure in
administrative life. Discussions and encounters in
the offices shade over into discussions and encounters
over a cup of coffee or a cold drink in the major
shops. The language df these latter foutT oriented
communicative situations is Arabic, but we should
note that some use is also reported of Southern
languages. The field team met several civil servants
from the Northern Sudan who were quite proud of
their knowledge of Southern languages; we overheard
their use.
Our group of respondents in Malakal appear to
come from families that are commercially well
established or among whom many fathers hold adminis
161
trative jobs. We noted, in the sections on parents'
Arabic ability and literacy, high proficiency rates.
What is particularly noteworthy in Malakal is
therefore not so much the dominance of Arabic but
instead the relative prominence of Shilluk. Arabic
and Shilluk together appear to adopt speakers from
other vernacular groups: (Table XLII)
Table XLII. Number of respondents in Malakal by father's tribe claiming the use of Shilluk at least sometimes in reply to the contextualized language use questions in Q19.
Tribe Question 19, situation: Total
1 10 3 2 4 6 7 8 9 5
Boys :
Shilluk 18 16 16 17 16 9 14 17 15 4 19
All other 33 20 28 27 30 14 33 24 20 9 72
Girls :
Shilluk 8 9 7 5 6 2 6 8 4 0 10
All other 23 17 28 24 35 6 24 26 12 6 101
The major local vernacular language, Shilluk,
has a strong standing even outside its own ethnic,
native-speaking group.
This is brought out very convincingly by the
replies to question 16, Which languages (other than
Arabic) do you know well enough to understand and
communicate with people in the marketplace? and
question 18, Which languages (other than Arabic) do
you use when speaking with friends?. Almost 80% of
all Malakal respondents list Shilluk in reply to the
former question, among whom 70% or 142 respondents
162
list it first; not quite 74% list Shilluk in reply
to the latter question, among whom 137 respondents
or 68% list it first,
8•13 Language use in Adong
In Adong 81 boys in the primary school
answered the questionnaire. They all belong to a
Southern tribe and speak Shilluk (the majority),
Dinka or in a few cases Nuer: (Table XLIII)
163
fö
c •H Q
II
•H p ex
u pH -H föX CN C7> CN XI •P U CN fÖ 0 nJ u En CU < II u < -P I—1
O
o! XI X •H Uì CN u -p
10 -~» - u a; ro u cu <1) £ x: to -P c rö f ö m •H rH CN
0 Q rH >1 C XI
II tP 0 I—1 U rH CN rH rO rH C SS rH < rH CN 0 Oi TI - —' C w
<u s C tn 0 0 CN •h fö
r3 c £
ro tn rH C
fÖ X! rH tn 3 ^ o cu n x x: -p -P CM -P o O o II i—i
-p w O X rH r-c œ 0 -•h 4-) 3 CO «H (1) rH CU 3 -H z tJ1 X
uì 0 -P II
*h rH "sT co X q CN (1) U) •h I—1 «* ft M o CU CU CU r—1 H >H 3 tn ex C
S3 fÖ "— 3 tn
CO II tn £ >1 ß P 0 Q) fö 0 0 CN pq 2 2
h X h -p h 0 j 0 x X m
3 CU CU <Ö rH U rH XI ^ >H rH O) X •rH C CU -H X fö }H 0 -H P x -P Eh Eh s q 52 Uì O
164
rH CN CN rH 00 CN 00
rH CN CN
rH 00 cr> CN
ro CN CN
PO rH ro iH CN CN
co rH
00 Of rH rH m
•p !
w U
CN •H CN rH ro MH
CN CN CN
00 G> <T> CO ro
sr
in rH G\ O CN s rH CN
CN rH ex
rH LO O KD 10 rH rH -p
c a)
CN fd
ft
X •p
3 0 UÌ
3 «H <d rH >H rH fÖ U rH eu fÖ •p C CU •H X -p
0 0 •H 0 x: •p 0 EH z Q z w o EH
Very few should have learnt Arabic very early,
which is precisely what we find: (Table XLIV)
Table XLIV. When a respondent in Adong claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. Boys. (a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c =
after starting school)
Tribe Boys
a b c Total
No answer 1 1 2
Dinka 1 6 17 24
Nuer 4 4
Shilluk 2 11 36 49
Other Southern 2 2
Total 3 18 60 81
Adong is a very small rural village. It does not
really have any 'shops' although its 'sunsuq' is
important. There is a small police station, and
there is the school.
Answers to the contextualized language use
questions are: (Table XLV)
165
<1> fi Ä o -P O >1 -H rH Ì3 -P tö s ä & » CD U U m < ii -
u rC fö •P rH P 01 O <D fö e c •H •P Q) Q) > e 0 II oi > o •H
XI • fO X M Q) c 01 >1 >1 H RQ -p
c k. <D tn C! B1 0 Q) T* U < 4-1 C II •H > O 1 rH U 1 C rH
CT> Ü rH •H C! 'S 0 U •H < -P 01 oi Q) <D P £j Ö1 •H -P 0 <u -P e 0 01 oi (1) H M ft rd (L) rH M P
Ü - f Ö 01 Ö >1 H O d) pq >
M ro rH VD VO ro O -31 r-» CN <C rH rH CN ro LO LO KD
> 1 KD KD rH O 00 O ty» CN 00 rH CN ro ro rH C
U < A\ r- O vo r- ro CN 1 rH CM CN CN «H >
rH
II > VO 00 00 in 00 ro rH m iH 0 ro ro g tn <Ö
P oi Cn >i C 0 fö 0 rH CQ 53
U0 rH "
" 00 n •P u •• Q) 0) fö <u Ü £ \ 01 •H cn O •p CN O X 4-1 ö -p 0 • • ro rH fÖ 4-1 <ö s * •• •• <• <D Oï 0 cn 01 *. » U • • •• KD 0 ö oi 0) 01 -Q •k » «• rH 2; •H M O) <u rH 01 er v •H M <ü r£ <D C •H 0 •P p 01 u ii fÖ rc •P -P <1) h 0 n 01 ft c <D -P 0 01 •H 0 ä 0 G 0 p 0 ft <d M •H m -P ü ft P rC 0 s CA 4-1 rq 01 4-j 01 01 01 01 01 Ü
5 x
•8 Eh 166
The author accounts for 19:1-3 by hypothesizing
a dimension of FAMILY INTERACTION; then 19:4, friends
and 19:10, storytelling could be accounted for by a
dimension of PEER INTERACTION, implying that story
telling does not refer to a social activity that
unites all ages in the home or village in the Adong
area, but rather to conversation within the age group.
The two commercial communicative situations and the
council officer situation represent OUT-GROUP INTER
ACTION. Replies to 19:8 and 9 stand intermediate
between PEER and OUT-GROUP INTERACTION and could
therefore either be accounted for by the overlapping
influence of these two dimensions or by a separate
dimension, a SCHOOL dimension. For the sake of
staying close to the data, the author prefers the
latter solution.
Vernacular languages dominate the FAMILY situa
tions; among PEERS vernacular languages and Arabic
are used by virtue of the fact that the language of
the outer world is Arabic and that vernacular languages
are not necessarily shared; the language of SCHOOL is
Arabic and these respondents have the privilege of
attending school; and for situations of OUT-GROUP
INTERACTION Arabic dominates, both because people from
different language backgrounds interact, for commerce
and civil affairs, and because Arabic is the language
of national administration. (It is perhaps curious
that Arabic has been so dominatingly attributed to
communication at the open air market (sunsuq)).
167
Adong is a mainly vernacular-speaking village,
but communicative necessities accumulate to support
convenient use of Arabic: because of different native
tongues among peers, because of different tribal and
linguistic background of people who come to the
markets, because of the necessity to use Arabic at
school and by administrative decree in local
administration and beyond. (V/ritten administrative
communications are now in English in the Southern
Region, but in 1972 and earlier the situation must
have been different; cf Yusuf al-Khalifa in Hurreiz
and Bell, 1975, Ushari Ahmed Mahmud, forthcoming, and
Nhial in Hurreiz and Bell, 1975:92.) This way of
looking at the language situation in Adong stresses the
utility of Arabic as a lingua franca between speakers
of different vernacular languages among whom there is
a limited degree of mutual bilingualism but whose
respective vernacular languages dominate daily
interaction otherwise.
In this properly Southern Sudanese group of
respondents who use three of the major languages of
the Sudan, Shilluk, Dinka and Nuer, there is a very
high number of respondents who claim they read (34)
at least sometimes in another language than Arabic
and write (29) at least sometimes in another language
than Arabic.
While in Malakal Shilluk dominates among
vernacular languages, and serves as a lingua franca
together with Arabic, in Adong there appears to be
168
quite significant bi- and multilingualism in all
three major Southern languages, Tables XLVI and
XLVII illustrate this:
Table XLVI. Replies to question 16, Which languages (other than Arabic do you know well enough to understand and communicate with people in the marketplace? in Adong.
Language First mentioned
Second mentioned
Third mentioned
Fourth mentioned
Total
No answer 1 26 51 80
Dinka 49 7 3 59
Nuer 5 33 38
Shilluk 24 15 22 1 62
Other 2 5 7
Total 81 81 81 81
Table XLVII Replies to question than Arabic) do you friends? in Adong.
18, Which languages (other use when speaking with
Language First mentioned
Second i mentioned
Third Fourth mentioned mentioned
Total
No answer 7 37 62 79 —
Dinka 42 6 2 50
Nuer 4 24 28
Shilluk 27 12 15 54
Other 1 2 2 2 7
Total 81 81 81 81 —
Dinka and Nuer, but also Shilluk although the
largest single tribal group represented among our
respondents in Adong is Shilluk, are well known
and apparently also well used beyond their
native speaking groups.
169
8.14 Language use in Kabushiya, Singa, Dinder
and Burri
Almost all respondents are Arabs and Arabic-
speaking. Replies to questions on language
knowledge and language use are almost
exclusively Arabic.
(Concerning Table XLVIII cf section 8.4
above.)
170
fö -p o H
o s
00 CN CM
U •H O 00 H 00
O Eh
O S
•K VD
W O PQ
<D rQ 5-1 EH 0
S3
O
oo cm
ro cm
cn cm
lo i—i ro ^ ro
ro O H ro r* cm <n
(T) r - CM VD i—I ro
^ H r- KD 00 ro rh cm r-cm cn
fö U •P <D <ö U rH A
A «—i <U fÖ -P fö rH ,C •P fÖ n <U •P O m <C fe O EH *
U U 3 PQ U O
XI fö rH •H fö > fÖ -P o c OJ rQ •H U -p
•S Eh
171
CHAPTER 9. COMPARISON OF PATTERNS OF LANGUAGE USE
This data is biassed in favor of Arabic and in
favor of communicative behaviors that rather charac
terize people who seek to participate in wider
national communicative networks than traditional
ones. This sample can only be regarded as represent
ative of a school population. Our findings can at
best serve as an approximate guide to language use
in the wider community.
The author has deliberately used same terms
to name dimensions of language use in different speech
communities. He believes that communicative behaviors
that they label are comparable in ways which a theory
of social communication for Sudan should express,
and because of sharing of particular social and
communicative properties in the various local
communities. If one so wishes, these labels (ORIENTA
TION TO THE NATION, etc) can also be understood only
as unique or even arbitrary labellings for each
community. In any case and without ethnographical
study of speaking in some depth in Sudan, one shall
not now know further the meaning of labels chosen
to name dimensions of language use. For now they
remain hypothetical both in number, interrelationship
and content.
172
In the following Table IL the ten situations
reflected in discussion of question 19 have been
reassigned each to its dimension for each school
district. What Table IL expresses are the facts
of opposition of a particular number of dimensions
in each place; and each dimension is expressed by
its set of communicative situations. In these con
crete terms, some comparisons can be made.
At most four dimensions have been postulated to
account for variability in data. An essential divi
sion separates communicative situations that belong
to the realm of home and family etc from communicative
situations that belong to the realm of commerce—even
in local markets—and school, administrative authority
or, it seems, just interaction with other people than
one's own.
Within the latter set of situations some
communities apparently communicate almost exclusively
through the medium of Arabic, although a fair amount
of local vernacular language use would be quite
possible. Within the former set of situations,
vernacular languages dominate usage, but do not
exclude the use of Arabic.
In the Nuba Mountains we have evidence, in the
allocation of situations 19:1 and 10 and 19:2-4
to two dimensions, of either a generational difference:
younger people use more Arabic, or a structuring of
society into age groups (Faris 1972, Nadel 1947)
with consequence for communicative behavior: speaking
among peers differs from speaking in wider family
173
settings or both.
In Adong, this same division may reflect the
influence of schooling on the children. Those who
go to school may well be classified as a special
age-set (Deng 1972: 154-5), that of the educated,
who are friends in situation 19:4, and who use more
Arabic among themselves in the village than when
among kin. In overtly physical school settings,
even more Arabic would be used. What it does not
necessarily mean, is that these people use any less
vernacular language than any other person in family
settings and the like.
The three towns in Northern and Eastern Sudan
demonstrate a wider role for the local vernacular
languages than is the case in El Fasher, Tina and
El Obeid in Western Sudan. Alternatively, we could
say that the role of Arabic is more sharply delimited
(for national, official etc communication) in the
Northern and Eastern towns. In the West, inclusive
of the Nuba Mountains, any one local vernacular
does not possess a very much larger number of
speakers than other vernacular languages, nor does
any one local vernacular language distinctly dominate
a larger area around a major town (with the exception
of Zalingei and some other administrative centers
in the Western District of Darfur, cf Jernudd 1968,
and forthcoming). Both circumstances reinforce the
use of Arabic for communication in local networks
that are not composed of individuals speaking the
same native language. Whatever the relationship
174
of Arabic to local vernaculars may be, the latter
are, however, firmly entrenched in the homes and for
communication on local affairs. Also, some vernacu
lars may serve each as a local lingua franca for
use in these latter situations in a limited area,
such as eg the Nyimang language in Dilling.
In Adong, bi- and limited multilingualism in
Shilluk, Nuer and Dinka facilitate local inter
communication. The strength of Shilluk in Malakal
makes it possible for that vernacular to compete
with Arabic as a local lingua franca but not as a
language for wider communication beyond Malakal or
immediate vicinity. Thus, Arabic remains a necessity
for regional or national communication.
Table IL. Summary of dimensions of language use for situations 1 through 10 in question 19, by school district. (The dimension with the strongest vernacular feature is marked by black squares, with more than 90 percent Arabic by black circles, blank squares for further dividing situations 1-4 and 10, blank circles for further dividing situations 5-9, and if black circles do not oppose blank circles.)
Schools in Question 19:
1 10 2 3 4 8 9 7 6 5
Dongola O o o o • New Haifa • • • • • O o • • • Sinkat • • • • • o o o • El Fasher, Tina m • • • • o o o o o Dilling • B • • • o o o o • Reiban • • • • • 0 o o o • Sallara • • • • • 0 o o o • El Obeid • • • • • o o o o • Malakal • • • • • o o o • • Adong • • • • • o o • • •
175
CHAPTER 10. WHY DO GIRLS USE ARABIC MORE OFTEN THAN BOYS?
We have found that girls' mothers consistently
are said to know more Arabic than boys' mothers
or at least how girls claim that their mothers
know Arabic more often than do boys. We have found
that high literacy rates characterize girls'
fathers in almost all areas. And we have found
that mothers' literacy level is well below that of
fathers' but girls' mothers generally score higher
than boys' mothers.
An equivalent difference recurs in the language
use data: girls consistently say that they use
(much) more Arabic than boys say they do. In the
case of eg Dilling 68 percent of the boys say
they use a vernacular language only or frequently
talking to their parents but only 14 percent of
the girls say they do. The girls say they talk
Arabic to their parents!
Some explanation has been attempted above.
Although I am reluctant to invite comparison with
studies of sex differences in language use else
where on the meager analytical basis of this report,
the reader may yet excuse the author's indulgence
in suggesting points of contact between our data
and some apparently universal and also foreign
176
insights. This is done to hint at relationships
that could be explored in future studies to explain
this survey's data.
Elert 1977 states that reasons for differences
between male and female language behavior can be
universal or culture dependent. Commenting on
Swedish and English speech communities he says
that it would appear that :
"Kvinnor har förr uppfostrats och uppfostras annu att i mycket högre grad än män följa normerna. Man tillåts att ha en mycket vidare variation i alla beteenden." (Women have been brought up and are still brought up to follow norms to a much greater extent than men. Men are allowed to display a much wider variation in all behaviors. Author's translation).
He also points to girls' better fluency and ability
to learn foreign languages during childhood and to
attempts to explain such findings.
Differential and developmental psychology
texts (cf eg Anastasi 1958) appear to emphasize
the "greater social orientation of women" and "the
developmental acceleration of girls" each of which
may be an important factor in their more rapid
acquisition of language and may give them a head
start in verbal development as a whole. Although
these texts refer to both biological and
cultural differences between the sexes as sources
of differences in aptitudes, interests, and other
psychological traits, they are also careful to
underline that most of the material that their
generalizations derive from is culturally specific—
to Western nations. However, the Northern Sudan
177
in its generally Islamic cultural fold would
display even sharper prescriptions concerning how
males and females can and cannot behave and what
they can and cannot do than Twentieth Century
Western countries.
Girls' stronger social and norm orientation
when in school would favor Arabic, as the language
through which adaptation to values of education,
of their present and immediate environment, is
expressed and values communicated through education.
Their supposedly better verbal abilities (or adapta
bilities) would equally favor acquisition, therefore
fluency and use of Arabic. That, if true also
for Sudan, "girls are consistently more successful
than boys" with regard to school progress (op cit:493)
just reinforces Arabic further.
According to the above comments we can expect
to find explanations for differences in Arabic
claiming by girls and boys in (1) maturationally
dependent sex differences, ie age groups may differ
not only in degree but kind of sex difference, and
(2) sex-typing (roles and stereotypes) in Sudanese
speech communities. Future study will also have
to determine to what extent our findings are
determined by (3) sex differentials in reporting on
self and others: "the admission of particular
attributes or behaviors may have different value
and may lead to different consequences as a function
of the individual's sex." (Mischel in Müssen:13).
178
One of the very few sources the author
has managed to find which deals with the issue of
women in education in Sudan says (Sanderson 1963:26)
about the situation ten years before the Survey:
nMuslim traditions for women and the suspicion
that education might interfere with their traditional
role in Society" (and in paraphrase:) have blocked
girl's education; this prejudice must have
even greater force concerning continuing education
to junior secondary school because girls are then
older, more useful for the family, and they are
in or just about to begin puberty.
Sha'aban (1970:150) says that Hadendawa
girls marry early, between 14 and 18 years of age,
and are required in the household. According to
Cunnison (1966:40-41) hardly any boys or girls
had gone to school at all among the nomadic Baggara
Humr Arabs as late as in the late 1950's because:
"....education would interfere. Men are reluctant to send their children to school because they would lose their services as herders, and also because a child who spends more than about two years away from the cattle and the nomadic life becomes softened by urban manners and unable to readapt himself to the demands of nomadic cattle-husbandry; for he does not learn the skills, and loses the hardiness required of him. In the same way, girls who are educated are not acceptable as nomad wives. The skills and the hardiness required of them are just as great. So far, those children who have been to school have been for the most part children of nazirs and omdas of the tribe.
Accordingly Humr fear the results of education, from which, they clearly see, cattle herding, and hence the family stock, would suffer. Their aim is still to own cattle
179
and increase their herds, and to gain through the possession of cattle the opportunity of leading a life of material comfort and of winning influence and power among their own people."
Kennedy (1977) interviews a modern Nubian
man who has returned to Kanuba to live who has
this to say about his children's education (131):
"Now I believe girls and boys are equal... But if someone wants to marry her, I will stop her schooling. I believe that girls should be educated, but it costs much and it is more important that they get married. Actually, education is more important for boys."
Kennedy observes (54):
"That the Nubians have maintained their own languages and traditions over centuries of close contact with dominating foreign cultures is partly attributable to their zealous attempts to keep intact their traditional rules governing marriage."
and (64):
"Parents normally begin directing children to associate with members of their own sex between the ages of four and six. As they grow older, boys are permitted greater freedom of movement, even outside the immediate peripheries of the village, while girls are increasingly confined to the home. At school, boys and girls are segregated on opposite sides of the classroom, and most girls are not permitted to continue their formal education after primary school. During the period of our study, only two girls from Kanuba were to be found in the upper grades of the Daraw intermediate and secondary schools. As they approach maturity, young men and women separate into still more mutually exclusive roles. The majority of men work outside the village at clerical, mechanical, or service jobs, while Kanuba women confine their economic activities almost exclusively to the household."
Milne's report on the Amarar of the Beja
(1976:104 and 146) agrees entirely with Kennedy's
observations as do also Hoyle's notes on biasses held
180
by the nomads in the Khasm-al-Girba area (1976:
274, 279, 282, and 284). Barclay in his book on
Buurri-al-Lamaab, a suburb of Khartoum, comments
on the slow acceptance of girls' education. Al
though the author believes that by the late 1970's
most girls attend primary school in Buurri,
realizing a genuine wish by their parents, their
acceptance of girls' education may still be (Barclay
1964:233)
"coupled with a reluctance to send young daughters outside the village to school."
In the Beja region it was difficult to find
girls who go to junior secondary school at all. Our
difficulty is not accidental. Sha'abän reports that
(170:112):
"Mädchen aber besuchen die Schule nur ungern" (girls, however, go to school only unwillingly)
although
"Im Norden des Landes findet man die T? M
grosste Zahl von Hadendawa-Schulerinnen in Sinkat" (in the North one finds the larger number of Hadendawa school-girls in Sinkat)
But, is the implied resistance general or does it
apply less to already educated or socio-economically
better off people? Maybe more important factors for
determining if a girl will go to or continue in school
are mothers' opinions on the value of education for
her daughter, mothers' own education or missed
opportunities for education etc which may or may not
be related to the fathers' socio-economic position
or education.
Reading of census data for the 1955-56 census
181
and its commentaries suggest a compulsory link between
socio-economic standing of the household and education
al level of its income earning members; but that
for females only particularly high standing implies
elementary education for the female (United Nations:
115). Also (UN : 111):
"In every province, boys have more elementary education than men, girls have nearly as much education as adult men and adult women have the least education. Comparison of the figures for boys and men, and for girls and women, implies that education has progressed most in the north-east and least in the south, with the effect that regional differences in educational level are tending to become wider. Likewise, the education of males has progressed more rapidly than that of females, with the exception of Khartoum province where, with already widespread elementary education of men, that of females has begun to catch up. In the north-west, including Northern Province where the spread of education has become considerable, progress of education of females has lagged behind that of males."
The report continues (UN:120):
"Education above the elementary level is far more wide-spread in cities than in smaller towns, and though the difference is greater for males than for females, it is to be noted that in small towns females with more than an elementary education are still exceedingly few."
If that were true in 1964, how about the situa
tion now?
Our entire data may be biassed in such a way
that junior secondary school pupils represent
families which send children to school because
the parents have had an education, if not the
mother then the father. These families would
on the whole know more Arabic, use it and be
comfortably literate, at least much more so than
182
the Sudanese population at large. We need
information on who it is that goes to school.
Sanderson concludes in another article (1961):
"Girls are desperate to reach the university in order to demonstrate their ability to profit from the highest level of education"
once they have begun school. Thus, contrasts within
female society between those with and without
education, and from without female society about the
advisability to continued education for girls, push
the girls, drive them, to demonstrate that they have
made the right decision—of going to school and
continuing their education--by working very hard, or
at least tenaciously. Such a chain of relationships
would entail a strong use of Arabic among girls
because Arabic is the language of school and of
success in school, of educated society, of business
and government.
183
CHAPTER 11. CONCLUSION
This report does not show that Arabic Is
replacing other languages. What it shows is
acceptance of use of Arabic in certain contexts,
From this evidence, it would be wrong to think that
the use of 'local' languages would diminish with
modernization. More people may become more fluent
in Arabic, but more people will also become more
aware of what their own characteristics are relative
to others in Sudan. To speak the language of one's
own group in its appropriate contexts is one
characteristic that will remain. Sudan will be a
vernacularly multilingual country beyond a period
that it is possible to plan for. (Cf Lieberson and
Hansen 1974.) Policy guiding culture, education,
communication etc in North Sudan will have to take
into account these facts if it aspires to be rational.
The best policies would, in my opinion, incor
porate treatment and use of all Sudanese languages,
in approximate accordance with current facts of usage,
with prominence given to Arabic as the important
lingua franca and language of the nation, and with
recognition given to the many other languages and also
dialects of Arabic. In particular, cultural policy,
public information programs such as eg agricultural
extension services that are meant to significantly
affect local routines of production and therefore
living, and school curricula ought to reflect the
division of labour between the vernacular languages
and Arabic. School texts could for instance incor-
184
porate information about the kinds of Sudanese
languages there are, their relationships and uses;
even use of vernacular languages could be incor
porated in school schedules to accompany the
teaching of local history and the environment, the
arts and music, while Arabic remains the principal
medium of instruction. But for such policies to be
initiated and to function well, there is an urgent
need for more information on Sudanese languages. This,
the Language Survey of Sudan attempts to provide.
185
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193
APPENDIX TWO
CODING INSTRUCTIONS Card I
1-2 school number
3-5 individual number
6 Q3 age
7 Q4 sex
8-9 Q5-1 father's tribe
impossible answer no answer
on questionnaire
on questionnaire
0 ' s
10-11 Q5-2 mother's tribe
12 Q6 place of birth
-14 1 15- 2
boy 1 girl 2
Arab 01 Nubian 07 Hill Nubian 08 Bej a 09 Nuba tribes 10 For 11 For Tunjur 12 Zaghawa 13 Berti 14 Other Darfur
Tribes 15 Daju 16 Dinka 17 Nuer 18 Shilluk 19 Other Southern
Tribes 20 Fellata tribes 21 Egyptian 22 Other Foreign 23 Other 24
Same as coding above
Northern province 1 Kassala 2 Khartoum 3 Blue Nile 4 Kordofan 5 Darfur 6 Upper Nile 7 Bahr el Ghazal/
Equat. 8 Other 9
194
13 Q7 place of first school
14 Q8-1-2 Khalwa
15 Q8-3 place of first khalwa
16-17 Q9 fathers'job
18-19 Q10 lg when young
20-21 Qll lg new
22-23 Q12 parents' lg
24-25 Q13 first lg
26 Q14 first learnt Arabic
Northern Province 1 Kassala 2 Khartoum 3 Blue Nile 4 Kordofan 5 Darfur 6 Upper Nile 7 Bahr el Ghazal/
Equat. 8 Other 9
went for one year or less 1
for two years 2 for three years 3 for four years
or more 4 not 5
Northern province 1 Kassala 2 Khartoum 3 Blue Nile 4 Kordofan 5 Darfur 6 Upper Nile 7 Bahr el Ghazal/
Equat. 8 Other 9
farmer 01 merchant 02 shepherd 03 driver 04 worker 05 policeman, soldier 06
07 08 09 10 11 12
skilled worker tailor, carpenter clerk medic teacher senior, pro
fessional other
see language list
when small before school after school
13
1 2 3
195
27-28 Q16 1st suq lg see language list
29-30 cont. 2nd suq lg
31-32 3rd suq lg
33-34 4th suq lg
35-36 Q17 1st friends lg
37-38 cont. 2nd friends lg
39-40 3rd friends lg
41-42 4th friends lg
43-44 Q18 1st written lg see language list
45-46 cont. 2nd written lg
47-48 Q19-1 father/mother frequently: one language (see language list)
49-50 some of the time: another language (ditto)
51-52 Q19-2 brothers frequently
53-54 some
55-56 Q19-3 sisters frequently
57-58 some
59-60 Q19-4 friends frequently
61-62 some
63-64 Q19-5 council officer frequently
65-66 some
67-68 Q19-6 shops frequently
69-70 some
71-72 Q19-7 sunsuq frequently
73-74 some
75-76 Q19-8 schoolbreak frequently
77-78 some
196
Card II
1-2
3-4-5
6-7
8-9
10-11
12-13
14-15
16-17
18-19
20-21
22
impossible answer 0's no answer
school number on questionnaire
individual number on questionnaire
Q19-9 sports frequently
some
Q19-10 stories frequently
some
Q19-11 letters frequently
Q19-12 read
Q20-1 directions in Arabic
some
frequently
some
yes 1 no 2
23 Q20-2 father directions in Arabic yes 1
no 2
24 Q20-3 mother directions in Arabic
25 Q20-4 chat in Arabic
26 Q20-5 father chat in Arabic
yes 1 no 2
yes 1 no 2
yes 1 no 2
27 Q20-6 mother chat in Arabic yes 1
no 2
28 Q20-7 write Arabic yes 1 no 2
197
29 Q20-8 father write Arabic yes 1 no 2
30 Q20-9 mother write Arabic yes 1 no 2
31 Q20-10 read Arabic yes 1 no 2
32 Q20-11 father read Arabic yes 1 no 2
33 Q20-12 mother read Arabic yes 1 no 2
34 Q22 Father's English yes 1 no 2
35 Q23 Mother's English yes 1 no 2
36 Q24 prefer which Arabic local 1 radio 2 books 3
LANGUAGE LIST
Arabic 01
Amharic, Tigre 02
Beja 03
Nubian 04
Hill Nubian 05
Meidob, Birgit
Zaghawa 06
For 07
Masalit, Kaba 08
Daju 09
Tama, Mararit 10
Kadulgi-Krongo 11
Koalib-Tagoi 12
Katla 13
Temein 14
Nyimang 15
Dinka 16
Nuer 17
Shilluk 18
Hausa 19
Bornu 20
198
Language List (Continued)
Borgu
Other Fellata
Other
Unidentified Nuba
21
22
23
24
JOBS
01 Farmer :
02 Merchant :
Merchant, restaurant owner, shop owner,
general merchant, travelling merchant, sells
goods, bookshop owner, hotel owner, butcher,
free worker.
03 Shepherd :
04 Driver :
any driver, truck owner, boatsman
05 Worker :
unskilled paid labor, worker, worker in
irrigation dept., worker in S.R., ghafir;
gardener, water attendant, laundry worker,
cook
06 Policeman, soldier
prison guard
07 Skilled worker;
mekaniki, builder, bashmuhandis
08 Tailor, carpenter
shoemaker, blacksmith, barber
09 Clerk:
irrigation officer, accountant, court-clerk,
factory employee (if clerical), inspector of
gardens, inspector of S.R., inspector,
officer of plant-protection, officer of health
10 Medic :
medical assistant, nurse, veterinary assistant
11 Teacher :
all teachers, headmasters, inspectors of
education
199
Jobs (Continued)
12 Senior or professional:
council officers, magistrate, engineer (if
not "skilled worker" category), lawyer,
doctor
13 Other :
retired, head of people's court, land owner,
no work
200
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206
DONGOLA Home orientation 1,2,3,10,(4) Public interaction 6,7,8,9 National orientation 5
NEW HALFA Home orientation 1,2,3,4,10 School interaction 8.9 Out-group relations 5,6,7
SINKAT Stress on origin 1,2,3,4,10 Public interaction 6,8,9 National orientation 5
EL FASHER, TINA Stress on origin 1,2,3,4,10 Out-group relations 5.6.7.8.9
DILLING Stress on origin 1,(boys 10) Peer interaction 2,3,4,(girls lo) Public interaction 6,7,8,9 National orientation 5
HEIBAN Stress on origin 1 Peer communication 2,3,4,10, (girls 8) Public interaction 6,7,9, (boys 8) National orientation 5
SALLARA Stress on origin 1 . 1 0 Peer communication 2,3,4 Public interaction 6,7,8,9 National orientation
EL OBEID Stress on origin 1.2.3.4.10 Public interaction 6,7,8,9 National orientation 5
MALAKAL Stress on origin 1,2,3,4,10 Public interaction 7,8,9 National orientation 5,6
ADONG Family interaction 1,2,3 Peer interaction 4,10 School interaction 8,9 Out-group interaction
5,6,7
THE SUDÀN
Q 150
DONGOLA« SINKAT«
KABUSHIYA
;HARTOUM •NEW HALFA
• EL FASHER SÌNGA>D,NDEI TINA«
DILLING ÄÄLLARA
• HEIBAI
LAALAKAL •ADONG,
The length of each column is proportionate to the average percentage of Arabic replies, per dimension per school district. Situations in question 19 assigned each to its dimension and enumerated. Boys upper, girls lower column for each dimension; or boys only.
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UMENSIS Umeå Studies in the Humanities
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15 Gunnar Eriksson. Kartläggarna. Naturvetenskapens tillväxt och tillämpningar i det industriella genombrottets Sverige. 1870-1914. 1978.
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Summaries in English or German
Umeå Universitetsbibliotek Box 718,
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Printed in Sweden, Gotab, Kungälv
1979
ISBN 91-7174-022-8