ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UMENSIS Umeå Studies in the Humanities. 22

Björn Jernudd

THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN

The First Phase: A Questionnaire Survey in Schools

Umeå 1979

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UMENSIS Umeå Studies in the Humanities. 22

Björn Jernudd

THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN

The First Phase: A Questionnaire Survey in Schools

INAUGURAL DISSERTATION

by due permission of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Umeå

to be publicly discussed in lecture hall E, Humanisthuset, on February 2, 1979, at 10 A. M.,

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UMENSIS

Umeå Studies in the Humanities. 22

Bjtfrn H, Jernudd

The Language Survey of Sudani the First Phase

A Questionnaire Survey in Schools

Umeå, 1979. ISBN 91-717^022-8

Abstract

This is a report on a sociolinguistic survey of pupils in selected junior secondary schools and some primary schools in Northern Sudan, and in Malakal and Adong in Southern Sudan, conducted in 1972. This survey began the Language Survey of Sudan, which is a continuing project of the Institute of African and Asian Studies, Khartoum. The report describes in some detail how the survey was conducted. It adopted an approach intended to demonstrate the use­fulness of sociolinguistic surveying to development and public po­licy in .Sudan and to bring out the needs for further, detailed work. The Language Survey of Sudan aims at describing and mapping knowledge and use of languages and dialects in Sudan, by (i) iden­tifying languages and dialects and classifying them by linguistic method, (2) accounting for how many people know each language and dialect, and how well, and (3) studying for what purposes each language and dialect are used. This survey addressed primarily the last objective. As concerns the significance of findings, the char­acteristics of the respondents introduce severe constraints on interpretation. Although their ages are relatively uniform (around 14 or 15 years of age) with both sexes represented, born in the majority of cases in the same provinces as their schools are lo­cated in and showing a good spread of fathers' jobs, the respon­dents are not representative of the wider community. But the respondents are representative of the school population in Sudan in their age group. Results account for pupils* reports on parents* knowledge of Arabic and parents* literacy in Arabicj on pupils* own preferences for the use of classical or colloquial varieties of Arabic in the classroom; and on knowledge of other languages in addition to Arabic and patterns of use of these languages as well as Arabic. One major finding of this study is that, with very few exceptions, Arab respondents do not acquire another Sudanese lan­guage. Another major finding is that the data points to varying degrees of bilingualism among all other ethnic groups in at least Northern Sudan: Arabic and local vernaculars are used in comple­mentary social situations, with AraMc assuming a lingua franca function and being associated mainly with national, public, offi­cial, 'modern* or often simply out-group communicative situations. But the report does not show that Arabic is replacing other langua­ges. What it shows is acceptance of use of Arabic in many contexts. Another major finding is that girl respondents consistently say that they use more Arabic than boys say they do, and claim more Arabic knowledge and also literacy for their mothers than boys do.

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UMENSIS Umeå Studies in the Humanities. 22

Björn Jernudd

THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN

The First Phase: A Questionnaire Survey in Schools

Umeå 1979

© Björn Jernudd Umeå universitetsbibliotek, Box 718, S-901 10 Umeå, Sweden Tryckt hos Göteborgs Offsettryckeri AB, Kungälv

ISBN 91-7174-022-8

TO MY MOTHER

3

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements

1. Background to the first phase of the

Language Survey of Sudan

1.1 Basic facts about Sudan and the

language situation in Sudan

1.2 Objectives of the Language Survey

of Sudan

1.3 Planning of the Language Survey

2. Objectives of the first phase of the

Language Survey of Sudan

2.1 Terms of reference

2.2 Specific goals...

2.3 Details of choice of survey sites....

3. Administration of the first phase

3.1 Preparation of field work

3.2 Direct field contacts

3.3 Research assistance

3.4 Administering questionnaires in the

field

3.5 Coding, punching and tabulations of

questionnaire data

3.6 Editing a directory of scholars

3.7 The language information

questionnaire

3.8 Costs

4. Management and liaison of the Language

Survey of Sudan

4.1 Formal organization of liaison

9

13

14

15

18

22

22

24

28

31

31

31

32

33

34

36

37

38

39

39

5

4.2 Information and publicity 41

4.3 Daily routine of a field worker 43

4.4 Impact and implementation 45

5. The student questionnaire 48

5.1 Characterization of the student

questionnaire 48

5.2 The questions 48

5.3 Sources for the questionnaire 58

5.4 Comments on the questionnaire code...

5.5 Some severe constraints on

interpreting results 60

6. Results. Parents' knowledge of Arabic

and literacy. 62

6.1.1 Fathers' knowledge of spoken

Arabic 63

6.1.2 Mothers' knowledge of spoken

Arabic 64

6.2.1 Fathers' ability to read in Arabic.. 68

6.2.2 Mothers' ability to read in Arabic.. 72

6.2.3 Relationship between father's and

mother's ability to read 75

6.2.4 A note on the Haifa data 76

6.2.5 A note on Darfur 78

7. Results. Preference for Arabic variety

in the classroom 81

8. Results. Self-report on language

knowledge and language use by pupils in

Sudanese schools 87

8.1 A note on terminology 87

6

3.2 General observations on language

knowledge 90

8.3 A note on mixed marriages 94

8.4 Language use in Dongola 95

8.5 Language use in New Haifa 103

8.6 Language use in Sinkat Ill

8.7 Language use in El Fasher and Tina... 116

8.8 Language use in Dilling 123

8.9 Language use in Heiban 134

8.10 Language use in Sallara 142

8.11 Language use in El Obeid (Fellata

quarters ) 146

8.12 Language use in Malakal 153

8.13 Language use in Aaong 163

8.14 Language use in Kabushiya, Singa,

Dinder and Burri 170

9. Comparison of patterns of language use.... 172

10. Why do girls use Arabic more often

then boys? 176

11. Conclusion 184

Appendix 1. Student questionnaire in Arabic... 186

Appendix 2. Coding instructions for student

questionnaire 194

References 201

7

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It is truly amazing how many people are involved,

one way or other, in getting even a simple job like

this one done. First there are those people who got

the Language Survey of Sudan off the ground: foremost

among them Professor Yusuf Fadl Hasan and

Dr. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz. Then there are all those

people who so readily made themselves and their

institutions available in support of the travelling

survey team and for answering Survey questions:

headmasters, teachers and pupils in Sudanese schools,

and officers of the local councils. The field team

was overwhelmingly received everywhere;

Mr. Mirghani Omar al-Amin accommodated us and

accompanying family members in El Obeid, the late

Mr. Kodi al-Doma's family provided us with food in

Heiban, Mr. Adam Adam Saleh and his fellow bachelor

veterinarians accommodated us in El Fasher,

Mr. Salah al-Din al-Amin Saadalla invited us to stay

with his family as we disembarked from the bus in

New Haifa. There was always someone who took it

upon himself to look after our comforts even when we

stayed in resthouses or the Sudan Railways hotel in

Malakal!

Staff at the Institute of African and Asian

Studies in Khartoum did a good job of keeping the

field team in supplies, helping with communications

and turning out sufficient quantities of question­

9

naires. In particular my thanks go to

Mr. Suliman Abdalla Adam and Mrs. Wahiba Bentu.

Mr. Muhammad al-Fatih Sharaf al-Din,

Mr. Awad Mursi Taha, Mr. Suliman Muhammad Radwan and

Mr. Elias, all from the third floor in the Ätbara

'BT hostel helped with coding the questionnaires.

Mr. Ron Savage of Monash University did a superb

job of introducing me to computer data processing and

factor analysis, a job which Mr. Vic Askman at the

Culture Learning Institute of the East-West Center,

Honolulu, equally admirably continued some years

later, when again I could turn to writing this

report. I had most of the raw tables (marginals)

printed at the Institute of Statistics and Research

and Scientific Computation Center in Cairo, a tabula­

tion task the successful execution of which I owe to

Ms. Merwat Gheith and her colleague and programmer

Mr. Muhammad al-Nahass. Some preliminary tabulation

had also been done on the University of Khartoum

card tabulator, and I thank Mr. Muhammad al-Hasan in

the Statistical Laboratory for his kind supervision

of that job.

I did most of the writing in the summer of 1976

in Khartoum. I owe the opportunity to spend several

months on this and another research writing task to

Mr. Samuel Bunker, Ford Foundation representative for

the Middle East and North Africa. With his permis­

sion I made Khartoum base of operations for three

summer months during my term as project specialist

in linguistics with the Foundation.

10

Professor Yusuf Fadl Hasan, Dean of the Faculty of

Arts, arranged to accommodate me in his Faculty at

the University of Khartoum and found me an office in

the Arabic Department where Dr. Muhammad Ali al-Raya

and Mr. Muhammad Ali Karar took good care of me.

Mr. Darius Jonathan Kenyi who kept me company at the

Staff Club during that summer was the first to read

and constructively criticise drafts of this report.

So did also Mr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud,

Professor Jiri V. Neustupny,

Professor Karl-Hampus Dahlstedt and

Dr. Jacques de Mare with the result that I rewrote

many drafts, added tables and finally decided to

print it all anyway.

Mr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud was my assistant during

the field work and coding; we were the field team.

He is now my brother and colleague, with whom I hope

to share much work on Sudanese languages, yet to be

done.

So far I haven't mentioned two very special

people: my wife, Dr. Mary Slaughter, and my son

Tor Ingemund. They both came with me to Sudan for

the field work, and they travelled with the field

team part of the way, and they let me spend a long

summer in Khartoum. I acknowledge their support and

patience.

I thank Professor Charles Ferguson and

Mr. Melvin Fox for their assistance in obtaining

a research grant.

11

The Ford Foundation and the Center for Applied

Linguistics, Washington, D.C., supported the first

phase of the Language Survey of Sudan with a field

work grant; the Ford Foundation also supported me

to write the report; Monash University, the Institute

of Statistics and Research and Scientific Computation

Centre in Cairo, and the Culture and Interactive

Process Project at the Culture Learning Institute of

the East-West Center absorbed data-processing costs,

all of which is greatly appreciated.

Mr. James Mack visualized the diagram that

appears inside the back cover and gave me the idea

to place the map up front.

To all, thanks.

12

CHAPTER 1. BACKGROUND TO THE FIRST PHASE OF THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN*

Since its start in 1964, the Sudan Research

Unit, now the Institute of African and Asian Studies,

has been concerned with language. The Director,

Professor Yusuf Fadl Hasan, from very early on in his

management of the Unit (Institute) made language a

central topic. In this he was strongly supported by

Dr. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz, a folklore specialist with

linguistic training and interest. When the author

attended the second conference on Language and

Literature in Sudan, in 1970, he entered a preliminary

agreement with the Unit on the possibility of starting

a language survey project sometime within the next

few years.

The opportunity came in 1972. A Ford Foundation

grant enabled the secondment of the author to the

Sudan Research Unit for the period from August 1972 to

to February 1973, "to work with the Sudan Research

Unit of the University of Khartoum in the development

of a socio-linguistic survey of the Sudan."

*The first chapter relies in part on a paper pre­senting the Language Survey of Sudan to a conference on sociolinguistic surveys at McGill University, Montreal, May 1975, by the author and Dr. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz.

13

1.1 Basic facts about Sudan and the language situation in Sudan.

There are some basic facts about Sudan and the

language situation that in a fundamental way affect

a language survey in the country, particularly as

concerns aims and methods of collecting language

data.

The first important fact is the size of the

country, about 1,000,000 square miles, and the second

the multiplicity of languages spoken in the country,

about 136 languages. (For a list of these languages,

see Bell in Hurreiz and Bell 1975). A nationwide

survey aims at eventually covering all regions and

languages. One may compare the scope of a survey

of languages in Sudan to the Phlippines Survey

involving a dozen languages (Sibayan in Rubin and

Jernudd 1971), or to the Jordan Survey which focuses

on English in an Arab(ic) setting. The complex

language situation which poses a challenge to the

Language Survey of Sudan offers a remarkable contrast

to "the relative simplicity of the language situation

in Jordan" (Harrison et al 1975: iv). For further

information on languages in Sudan the reader is

referred to Hair 1966, Stevenson in Hasan 1971

and in Hurreiz and Bell 1975, Stevenson 1962 (I and

II), Tucker and Bryan 1956 and 1966, rAwn al-Sharif

on Arabic varieties 1965 and in Hurreiz and Bell

1975, Abdelmagid (on English) 1972 and Dalby 1977.

Another important fact is that the language

situation is still ill-defined and constantly chang-

14

ing. Not only did African languages from neighbor­

ing countries enter the country, and still do, to

affect the language map, but some of them have

even recently been used as media of instruction. For

instance, Lingala, one of the languages of Zaire,

is allegedly used as a language of education in some

location in Southern Sudan (personal communication

from the former Regional Ministry of Education, HE

Sayyid Michael Tawil). Yet, Lingala is usually not

found in lists of languages of Sudan. With the

instability outside the eastern, southern, and

western borders, the language situation is constantly

changing and will remain fluid for some time. Politi­

cal refugees and immigrants afflicted by drought and

famine continue to pour into the country.

To make things more complex, statistics and

information on languages and language use are either

lacking or misleading. The First Population Census

of Sudan only contained one language question on

"the language spoken at home" (see Jernudd 1968

on McLoughlin 1964). In the second population

census conducted in 1973, questions on language

(and religion) were deliberately bypassed.

The Language Survey was launched against

this background, and accordingly its basic

objectives, scope and methodology are affected by

the above facts.

1.2 Objectives of the Language Survey in Sudan

The objectives of the Language Survey of Sudan

15

are best stated by quoting a document which was

prepared and circulated in 1972 by an advisory

committee on the Survey:

nThe Language Survey of Sudan aims at describing and mapping knowledge and use of languages and dialects in the Democratic Republic of Sudan. Specifically, it aims at :

(i) identifying languages and dialects in Sudan and classifying them by linguistic method

(ii) accounting for how many people know each language and dialect, and how well, in the various parts of Sudan

(iii) studying for what purposes each language and dialect are used.

This Survey will provide data on languages and dialects in Sudan necessary for the formulation and implementation of realistic and efficient policies regarding education, literacy, culture, regional development, etc., and for implementing and evaluating progress of the national language policy.":

The fundamental purpose of the Survey is to

provide the policy-maker, the educationalist, the

social worker et al with essential information on

language, each for his task, and at the same time

to inform the public.

The major means to these ends of the Language

Survey is in gross terms, the collection of basic

information about various languages in Sudan,

ie who speak what languages how well, where, when

and to whom? What are the relationships between

the many vernaculars and between vernaculars and

Arabic? etc. A mapping of language proficiency

and use which focuses on different areas at different

times, and which eventually aims at covering the

16

whole country, is a main objective.

In a country like Sudan where problems are

complex and sources of information very meager,

people tend to question the feasibility and

potential use of research projects before embarking

on them. We consider this a healthy sign because it

gives to research a sense of purpose. The Language

Survey of Sudan was no exception to this. Simul­

taneously with meeting the purpose referred to above,

the Survey is deliberately seeking to create an

infrastructure for handling questions of language

in Sudan i as best it can with its limited resources

and from its mainly academic position in society.

From very early on some of the ministers who

could make good use of survey results were (and

still are) represented on the Council of the

Institute of African and Asian Studies (IAAS); for

instance, the Ministers of Education, Local Govern­

ment, Culture and Religious Affairs are all members

of the Council. It is the Council that approves

and reviews projects of the Institute. Also, when

the Language Survey of Sudan was first inaugurated,

the Ministers of Education and Local Government

were approached with the special purpose of seeking

the support and cooperation of their ministries.

Thus, from the very beginning they were included; and

they endorsed the Survey and viewed it with great

expectations. The endorsement arose from the

awareness in some ministries of the need for a

language survey. In meetings with the Director of

Research and Director of Training in the Ministry

of Education both reiterated the need for the Survey.

The Director of Research stated that the Survey could

help solve some practical problems in the Ministry,

such as in the areas of preparation of textbooks and

allocation of teachers. While the Survey may not

have much data immediately available to help these

Directors, serious interaction between them and

the Survey will serve to heighten awareness of and

better define particular needs for language informa­

tion and its use.

1.3 Planning of the Language Survey

The Institute of African and Asian Studies

where the Survey is housed and administered, use to

be the Sudan Research Unit from as early as 1964. As

such it possesses expertise in conducting and organi­

zing research projects. It also had a folklore

survey which, although different from the Language

Survey, provided the Research Unit with some experience

in eliciting the help of temporary research workers

and conducting field work designed to acquire material

from different regions in the country. There were

also a handful of linguists with different levels of

training in the language sciences scattered in

university and government departments, most of whom

had some relationship with the Research Unit through

their interest in research on historical, anthropolo­

gical, ethnographic, folkloric and linquistic topics.

The Director from very early in his management of

18

the Institute made language work a central topic.

As early as 1967, the Sudan Research Unit (SRÜ)

started acquiring, editing and publishing materials

pertaining to vernacular languages. A special

series (Linguistics Monograph Series) was solely

devoted to this objective. The African Studies

Seminar which was held regularly also provided a

suitable panel for the discussion of different

aspects of descriptive and applied linguistics.

In February 1968 the first International

Conference to be convened by the SRU focused on the

position of Sudan in Africa, and discussed, among

other things, the classification of Sudanese

languages and their relationships to other African

languages (Stevenson in Hasan 1971).

In December 1968, one of the research officers

at SRU, Dr. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz, attended a

conference on linguistics and language teaching

in Dar Es-Salaam. Besides contributing a paper

on "Linguistic Diversity and Language Planning in

the Sudan" (1968) he became acquainted with the

Language Survey of Eastern Africa. In 1969 the

author and Dr. Hurreiz began to exchange correspon­

dence and ideas concerning language survey work in

Sudan.

The second conference on the SRU was held in

1970 and was devoted to "Language and Literature

in the Sudan." It paved the way for future

linguistic activities within the University of

Khartoum, and particularly a survey, as was stated

19

in the recommendations of the working group on

non-Arabic languages and applied linguistics.

In 1970 Hurreiz wrote to the Director of the

SRU indicating the shortcomings of the language

questions in the First Population Census and request­

ing his help to convince the Census Department

that more substantial and meaningful questions need

be included in the forthcoming census. In spite

of the ensuing correspondence and contacts with the

Census Department no questions on language were

included in the recent Census.

Meanwhile, in 1971 the fifth Erkowit Conference

was held in Juba (in Southern Sudan) and focused

on the economic and social development of Southern

Sudan. Questions pertaining to language policy,

language and education and the need for a language

survey were discussed. It was argued that before

embarking on educational planning and social and

economic development, one needs to survey the

languages of the country and to find out what

the exact situation is. Since the fifth Erkowit

Conference was convened by the School of Extra-Mural

Studies of the University of Khartoum, the University

considered it its responsibility to study the

deliberations and recommendations of that conference.

The then Vice-Chancellor of the University of Khartoum

issued a directive that the SRU should form a

specialized committee to study the language question

in Southern Sudan. After some dialogue and exchange

of correspondence between the Vice-Chancellor and

20

the Director of the SRU a committee was formed.

It paved the way for future involvement of the

Institute in language surveying in Sudan.

The responsibility laid on the SRU by the

recommendations of the 1970 conference together with

the directive of the Vice-Chancellor concerning

the setting up of the 1971 committee, and the

unsuccessful attempts to involve the Census Depart­

ment at that time, have committed the Institute

to do the job and to do it itself or under its own

auspices. This background indicates why the

author's request to conduct an initial survey of

language use in Sudan was approved.

21

CHAPTER 2: OBJECTIVES OF THE FIRST PHASE OF THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN

In April 1972, the author had approached

Professor Charles Ferguson at Stanford University

for support in finding finance to help the SRU

start a sociolinguistic survey in Sudan. Professor

Ferguson contacted Mr. Melvin Fox of the Ford

Foundation on his behalf. The Ford Foundation's

first reaction was positive. After an initial mis­

understanding about the magnitude of the requested

amount of money, the Ford Foundation's internal

review and program network was set into motion and

a favorable decision was taken in June.

2.1 Terms of reference

The immediate question was, how could the five

to six months the author had available be put to

best use in order for the Institute to get a Survey

going? One goal for the first phase could have been

for the author to spend most of his time developing

questionnaires and analytical routines which the

Institute could implement in the field after he had

left. Another goal could be to carry out a select,

self-contained study that could perhaps be replicated,

altered or expanded after February 1973, in the light

of experience so gained.

22

To help in defining objectives of the first

phase, the Institute of African and Asian Studies set

up an Advisory Committee in October 1972. In

addition to the author, the following persons agreed

to serve:

Professor Yusuf Fadl Hasan, Director of the

Institute, now also Dean of the Faculty of

Arts, University of Khartoum;

Dr. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz, Associate Professor

and Head of the Department of Folklore at the

Institute ;

Dr. Yusuf al-Khalifa, Advisor to the Ministry

of Higher Education and Research, now Director

of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and

Endowments ;

Dr. Mustafa Abdelmagid, Head of the Department

of Linguistics at the University of Khartoum,

and

Dr. Rashid Abu Bakr, Specialist at the Khartoum

Institute for the Preparation of Specialists

in the Teaching of Arabic to Speakers of

Other Languages.

The advisory committee reacted to proposals by

the principal investigator (the author) on alterna­

tive formulations of the Survey. It came to serve

as a panel from which the author could elicit prefer­

ences and seek advice on the practicality of his

suggestions on whom to contact for research approval,

etc.

23

The first meeting of the committee resolved

that the Survey should start working on selected

topics only, because of limitations of time and funds.

Such an approach should enable the Institute to go

through all the processes of a Survey for the

chosen topic or topics, ie compiling question­

naires and collecting data in the field, coding,

analysing the data and preparing data for publica­

tion, all while the author was present; this would

constitute the first phase of the Language Survey

of Sudan. A similar procedure could be repeated for

other topics at later dates. It would train person­

nel and establish work routines. As it came to pass,

there was only time to begin analysis of data in

Khartoum before the author's return to his regular

place of appointment; the bulk of analysis was

undertaken elsewhere.

2.2 Specific goals

The advisory committee also preferred that the

first phase should limit itself to studying language

use in and through educational populations, by

interviewing pupils in the junior secondary school

and by distributing questionnaires to teachers.

An early question was whether the first phase

would aim at studying several localities intensively

or whether the first phase should be spread over the

whole nation for generally descriptive and contrast­

ive purposes—whether policy-makers' and laymen's

24

interest should be attracted with in-depth observa­

tions from a couple of communities or with selected

major characteristics of the language situation

on a national scale. The Director of the Institute

decided together with the author on policy in this

regard: the first phase should adopt an approach

intended to demonstrate the usefulness of socio-

linguistic surveying and to bring out the many

needs for further detailed work.

Although national, the work did not extend to

Southern Sudan because of the unsettled circumstances

there (it was too soon after the Addis Ababa agree­

ment; cf Beshir 1975), particularly because of the

continuing population movements during resettlement

of returnees. Also, very few schools were known to

be operating. Nevertheless, one locality was

included to underline the national aims of the

Survey and to provide a platform for discussion and

further work on the language situation in and the

problems of Southern Sudan. This community was

Malakal. While down south, the field team also

administered survey questionnaires to primary school

pupils in Adong on the Sobat river southeast of

Malakal.*

*The Summer Institute of Linguistics later undertook a rough but comprehensive language survey in Southern Sudan. This survey concentrated on 1) determining and enumerating languages, 2) estimating geographic­al extent of languages and collecting linguistic samples and 3) estimating bilingualism and mutual intelligibilities between neighboring speech commu­nities. Bendor-Samuel 1975.

25

In Northern Sudan, localities to be visited

were selected to represent a series of most different

or contrasting language situations, and for reasons of

geographic spread.

Among possible choices of educational populations,

students of junior secondary schools and their

teachers were chosen as respondents because (1) they

were readily available as informants, (2) the

students and teachers were definitely Arabic-speaking

(a principal objective of the Language Survey of

Sudan is to study the relationship of Arabic to

vernacular usage because of national language policy,

Arabic is the national language; cf Hurreiz 1975)

and (3) they represented a selection from a larger

population to proceed to higher studies and could

therefore be said to constitute the future educated

work-force or 'elite' of the country. However,

socially and/or ethnically the students may not be

representative of their areas.

As a consequence of choice of survey localities

and respondent groups, there is therefore a deli­

berate skewing in the first phase as to who it is

that is asked about language use: there is a bias in

favor of Arabic (both by choice of respondent group

and kind of questions) and there is a 'national'

rather than a local orientation, by choice of a

secondary-school respondent group. In order to

catch potential sex differences, both boys and

girls were selected, about 100 of each sex in each

school, because that number appeared statistically

26

sufficient given anticipated cross-tabulations and

at the same time practicable, particularly given the

fact that there might not be, as indeed proved to be

the case, more students on that grade level in a

given school.

A little over 4% of the total number of junior

secondary school pupils in the first grade or 1,973

pupils replied to the Survey questionnaire. Another

273 pupils in the 6th and final year of primary

school also replied to the questionnaire.

According to information acquired in 1973 from

the Ministry of Education, there were a total of 372

boys' and 130 girls' junior (sometimes called general)

government secondary schools in the school year 1972/

73 and 150 boys' and 61 girls' non-government junior

secondary schools. The total number of pupils was

estimated at about 47,000 distributed over 734 boys'

and 279 girls' classes in the first year. This gives

an average class size of 46 pupils; and an average

number of classes of less than one and a half

'average class' per school.

Also according to the Ministry, there were

3,750 teachers in government junior secondary schools

and 1,933 in non-government schools.

Enrollment in general secondary education

expressed as a percentage of the total number of

boys and girls in the relevant age groups of 13-15

years of age in 1972/73 was 10.3% for boys, and

3.5/0 for girls. The total school age population in

the relevant age groups was estimated to be 1,207,000

27

of whom 636,000 boys and 571,000 girls. (Economic

Survey 1973: appendix table 2.3).

2.3 Details of choice of survey sites

The two criteria for choice of survey sites,

ie of school locations,were : (1) spread across the

country and (2) such spread as to take in some

of the major regional language groups but (3) with

access, because of the limited travel time available

to the team. For reasons of time, no more than ten

different localities cojild be chosen. Even with

only ten sites to be chosen, geographically controlled

sampling might have been possible. Readers are

cautioned that the author's and the advisory

committee members' prejudices determined the choice

of sites instead. For any 'representative sampling'

to be done, a much more controlled effort would have

had to be made, possibly also involving differentia­

tion of survey instruments and validity testing (cf

Abdulaziz 1975 : 22-3).

The sites are:

Dongola in the North (see map), situated in a

predominantly Nubian-speaking area (on the Nubian

language and on other languages mentioned below,

cf Tucker and Bryan 1956 and 1966);

Sinkat, inland from Port Sudan in a Beja-

speaking area;

New Haifa in the East, because of its special

interest as the place of resettlement of Nubians

from Wadi Haifa (cf Dafalla 1975);

28

Kabushiya, a short distance east of Shendi,

north of Khartoum, in a central Arabic-speaking area,

with a great historical past (cf Shinnie 1967);

Singa in the Southeast, because of its location

in an extended area of irrigated modern agriculture,

the presumed representation in school of an ethnic­

ally mixed labour population, and its historical

interest (cf part one in 0?Fahey and Spaulding 1974);

Pilling and Heiban in the Nuba Mountains to

represent this linguistically very complex area (cf

Stevenson 1956, 1957), the former in the northern

parts of the Mountains, the latter more to the south,

to reflect a presumed historically determined

difference in intensity of Arabic influence (cf

Stevenson 1963);

El Fasher in the West, to represent Darfur

Province with its ethnic and linguistic variety;

some major groups are the For, the Zaghawa and the

Masalit. There are also many nomadic Arab tribes.

Zalingei, a town on the opposite side of Jebel Marra

(a mountain area) could have been chosen, were it

not for the fact that the advisory committee

considered it already preliminarily studied (Jernudd,

forthcoming); El Fasher is the major administrative

center in the province.

Malakal as a symbolic choice for the Southern

Region, even though it was assumed that the Arabic-

medium, national-pattern (as distinct from Southern

Region curriculum) schools in Malakal were dominated

by families who had immigrated from the North.

29

While travelling to the above places it also

became possible to include schools at Dinder near

Singa, Sallara near Dilling, Tina outside El Fasher,

Adong on the Sobat river southeast of Malakal and

El Obeid, the latter for its Fellata quarters, in

central Kordofan Province.

In Sinkat there was no girls' junior secondary

school so the field team chose to apply the question­

naires in a girls' primary school instead. In Adong,

Tina and El Obeid only primary schools were investi­

gated. In Heiban the field team visited a primary

school in addition to the boys' junior secondary

school. In primary schools, questionnaires were

presented to the highest grade only, the 6th.

All schools the field team visited cooperated.

30

CHAPTER 3: ADMINISTRATION OF THE FIRST PHASE

3.1 Preparation of Field Work

In late October 1972 an announcement was sent

to academic and government officers and offices that

were likely to be interested in knowing about lan­

guage survey efforts. Separate communications rein­

forced this circular at the Ministries of Local

Administration, and Education; and from each Ministry

circulars went out to rural councils and schools

informing about a survey team's intended visit. This

support from the Ministries was invaluable in that

we could state our purpose when in the field without

being met with prejudice or surprise.

3.2 Direct field contacts

Apart from the central announcements, all

selected schools were contacted in advance by letter

and cable or telephone to the principals,as were the

local councils or other representatives of the local

administration, before each place was scheduled for

a visit. This contacting v/as vital fo r the success

of the survey work. Permission to administer the

questionnaires was sought from the principal of a

school only after he had seen the questionnaires and

our letters of introduction. We took great care

to give the principal a set of all questionnaires

31

immediately on arrival. We did, however, not leave

copies of the students' questionnaire with anybody

else.

The field work team was itself responsible for

the travel schedule. Accommodation in the field

was handled as it happened (resthouses, teachers'

quarters, private homes, open-air beds, roadsides,

the Malakal Airport Grand Hotel...). Transportation

consisted of going by anything available: air, train,

bus, lorry, car, foot. The team returned to the

institute in Khartoum between visits to any one school

region, for following up on the continuous contacting

of rural councils and schools in the region of next

visit, for deposit of used and resupply of fresh

questionnaires. The field work was finished by the

first days of January 1973.

3.3 Research assistance

Mr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud was appointed as assis­

tant to the author for the duration of the first

phase of the Survey. He was an honours graduate in

English from the University of Khartoum, and intend­

ed to specialize in Linguistics. The two of us

constituted the field team. The advantages of such

an arrangement are obvious and many: principally

that the same two people did all the interviewing,

but also that they were extremely flexible in their

scheduling to meet constraints on time when flights

were unexpectedly cancelled and cars did not come.

Mr. Ushari Ahmed knows both Sudanese customs and

32

is a native Arabic speaker. (In 1973 after the

author's departure, Mr. Ushari Ahmed independently

and competently carried out a field survey in

Southern Sudan in the area of Deim Zubeir as part

of his MA program).

3.4 Administering questionnaires in the field

The students' questionnaire was read out in

Arabic to a group of students usually the size of

a class and in its normal composition and customary

room; questions were also paraphrased using casual,

colloquial expressions (both tasks usually by Mr.

Ushari Ahmed); the respondents answered on mimeo­

graphed forms that the field team provided on which

the questions were also written, with spaces provid­

ed for answers. The field team carried pencils which

were usually left with the students as a gift to be

sure that students could write the answers. In

primary schools, this was particularly essential.

One of the two team members, usually the author,

walked around the room in order to locate respondents

that had difficulties keeping up and to be available

for individual clarifications.

Teachers, as many of them as were around at the

time of the survey, had been given a teachers'

questionnaire before the field team entered a class­

room. Some questionnaires with addressed envelopes

were left behind for other teachers and for those

who had not completed theirs when the field team

departed. The team gratefully accepted that the

33

Field work was conducted in Arabic, because

Arabic is the language of school education in Sudan,

it is an unchallenged lingua franca in Northern

Sudan, and it would be very rare, if it at all occurs,

to find an intermediate-level school class in which

all students share a language other than Arabic.

3.5 Coding, punching and tabulations of questionnaire

data

Immediately on the last return from the field in

January 1973, coding of questionnaires was begun.

Students of Economics were hired directly by the

author to act as coders. The coders worked under the

author's supervision. On several points of coding,

coders kept checking with each other and the author

during the first days of work by calling out loud,

for instance on how to allocate fathers' jobs to the

available coding categories, meaning of tribal la­

bels, etc. The author took extra care to explain

the Survey and the questionnaire to the coders, and

to always work together with them. Mr. Ushari parti­

cipated in the coding as well. As a result, work

was of good quality (as it was later confirmed).

Also, the coders volunteered to work the extra hours

necessary to complete coding in sufficient time to

have the cards punched before the author had to leave

Khartoum.

Punching done, tabulation was begun in late

January at the computer centre of the University of

Khartoum, using the tabulator. This work hkd to be

34

principal or a teacher introduced us to the students

but while the students were being interviewed, no

teachers were allowed to be present. Instead, teach­

ers were busy with their own questionnaires, outside

the classroom. The fact that the teachers had their

own questionnaires to fill in both informed them about

the Survey (although teacher questionnaires were not

identical with the students') and kept them away from

the classroom while the students were giving their

answers. (Results of the teacher questionnaire survey

have been published by Jernudd in Hurreiz and Bell

1975).

When the team was alone with the students in

the classroom, Mr. Ushari Ahmed gave a standard intro­

duction and explanation of the Survey which also con­

tained a deliberate praise of vernaculars spoken in

Sudan so as to counteract any assumed reluctance on

the part of students in Arabic-medium schools to re­

fer to their vernaculars. It was assumed that in the

case of no such reluctance, to mention the vernacular

positively should make no difference. Then the author

gave a brief additional talk in colloquial Arabic,

recapitulating the main purpose of the Survey which

should result in, it was said, a map of the use of

different languages in Sudan. After the question­

naires had been completed, students were allowed to

ask questions for a couple of minutes. The whole

operation usually lasted between 45 minutes and one

hour.

35

interrupted as the author had to leave for his

regular place of appointment. Since all technical

questions had not been resolved between the author

and the computer centre staff, and since there was

some temporary confusion as to payment (should the

work have continued but with the author elsewhere)

this work was interrupted, to be resumed at Monash

University. Details of the manner in which the

researcher and programmers worked at Monash University

are probably paralleled by many a researcher-

programmer pair elsewhere. Suffice it to say that

the teachers' questionnaire data were treated by

various cross-tabulations of variables and the stu­

dents' questionnaire data were factor-analyzed. In

Cairo, raw tables (marginals) were later produced

because, owing to an oversight, these tables had not

been printed out at Monash University. In Cairo

work was carried out by the Institute of Statistics

and Research and Scientific Computation Center.

Finally, at the University of Hawaii computer center

in Honolulu, some remaining cross-tabulations were

made as well as some new factor-analyses, and

previous factor-analyses were repeated with slightly

different analytical conditions.

3.6 Editing a directory of scholars

Another but different task was also endorsed

by the Institute and the advisory committee. The

author wanted to circularize scholars in the country

and abroad with an interest in Sudanese languages

36

concerning their work in order to compile a direct­

ory of language research. The directory has been

edited and published by the author as number 5 of the

Sudan Research Information Bullet in (Jernudd 1975).

The directory of scholars of Sudanese languages

was compiled from the letters and forms that had been

returned to the Institute in Khartoum by the time

the author returned to Sudan in 1974.

3. 7 The language information questionnaire

Willing teachers and others whom we met at eg

rural councils or in government officers' quarters

were asked to fill in a language information question­

naire and to return it when completed to the Institute

in an addressed envelope which was provided. It was

applied also for some time after the first phase

proper ended. This questionnaire was derived from

models in the Ethiopian component of the East Afri­

can Language Survey.

The intention of the language information

questionnaire was to obtain information from one

or two people about a region in order to learn about

possibly interesting language situations indirectly

before dispatching a man to the field for in-depth

or particular study, and to 'fill the map' with

replies to relatively straight-forward questions

(thought the author) which could later be compiled

into rough mapping displays.

Data derived from this questionnaire have not

yet been written up.

37

3.8 Costs

The grant to the author covered --in addition

to his salary, airfare and some shipping costs for

personal effects— the following budget categories:

Local Transportation $1,000

Supplies etc 500

Research assistance 750

The Institute contributed housing for the author

and his family, a Landrover trip to Dilling and Singa,

clerical services, and Mr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud's

basic salary and, very generously, general services at

base for the field team. Even though the Institute's

costs most definitely exceeded the dollar grant

specified above, it must be emphasized that this

first phase survey was a low-cost, intensive enter­

prise .

Monash University's Linguistics Department took

responsibility for costs for the factor-analyses

there (except for a smaller amount which remained from

the dollar grant and could be used) as an internal

charge within the University, the Cairo Statistics

Institute and Computation Centre granted the author

free use of its services; and the Culture Learning

Institute in Honolulu absorbed data-processing

charges (about $100) there.

38

CHAPTER 4: MANAGEMENT AND LIAISON OF THE LANGUAGE SURVEY OF SUDAN

4.1 Formal organization of liaison

The advisory committee of the Language Survey

of Sudan continues to serve several purposes, now

as it did during the first phase of the Survey:

1) to provide know-how about areas of

investigation

2) to provide liaison with ministries and

university departments

3) to elicit support and approvals within

the country and outside for the Survey and to

raise community consciousness about language

4) to get expert cooperation on academic

and procedural questions from colleagues.

The author believes that this form of coopera­

tion and information-sharing cannot be stressed enough

in Sudan. For the principal investigator of a Survey

phase, the protection, colleguial advice, and know-

how of members of the advisory committee would appear

indispensable. It also provides a means for the

Director of the Institute to delegate some of his

responsibilities and also to keep an orderly record

of decisions taken and of the progress of the Survey,

as well as for dissemination of Institute policy.

39

Copies of minutes of committee meetings and

their distribution are important managerial means in

the Survey. The minutes provide a point of reference

when specific requests are made to ministries to

points made in the meetings (eg clearance of

questions in the questionnaires which anticipates

what kind of findings there will be later, and

therefore builds a basis for ministry or at least

individual staff use of future information and

findings) .

Some representation work has to be done on a

continuous basis in addition to getting an advisory

committee together. So for instance did the author

make a point in the first phase of seeing the Head

of the English Department at the University and the

British Council Representative. Specific permission

for research and cooperation towards the first phase

research was elicited from the Ministries of Educa­

tion and Local Government. Also, letters of intro­

duction were prepared for the first phase field

workers.

The other body which participates in the

organization and administration of the Language

Survey is the Council of the Institute. Since the

Survey is considered a fully fledged project of the

Institute of African and Asian Studies, its progress

has to be reported to the Council of the Institute

for review and approval. Again, the Council of the

Institute provides a good panel for the exposure

and involvement of different scholars and policy

40

makers to the Survey. Some of the ministers on the

Council have shown keen interest in the Survey.

4.2 Information and publicity

The Director of the IAAS wanted the "Language

Survey of Sudan" label to appear from the very

beginning as a project identification label on

letters, questionnaires, etc. This consolidated the

Survey as an Institute project which would be an

ongoing concern for the Institute for years to come.

And it made the point that the Institute was firmly

committed to this kind of work. The latter would be

particularly important to lay a foundation for ob­

taining appropriations in future university budgets.

An example of focussed information work was a

circular letter that was sent to many ministries

and individuals in Khartoum informing them about

the first phase of the Survey.

Another example of publicity work by the

Institute was the organizing of a seminar on "The

Importance of Undertaking a Language Survey in Sudan"

on the 12th of December 1972 as part of the opening

week of the Institute of African and Asian Studies

(from previously being the Sudan Research Unit).

Yet another example is how in the summer of

1974 the Institute organized a workshop on social

science research methodology for employees in the

many ministries in Khartoum and one of the scheduled

lecture series (of three times two hours) was devoted

to sociolinguistic concepts and the Survey,

41

The language monograph series, book series, etc

have already been mentioned among the Institute's

publication ventures.

Continuous publicity and support-seeking cam­

paigning by the Institute in favour of language work

are vital to the financing of the language work and

the Survey and of the ultimate use of and interest

in seeking information from its publications.

Keeping its work 'public' and 'open' ensures quick

issuing of research permits, of invitations to the

Institute to participate in committee work on

language issues of students coming to the Institute

for information on own study plans or for facts, or

foreign researchers being channelled unquestioningly

to the Institute as the locus of language data and

research. Plain publishing and quiet work by itself

wouldn't do.

Field work in Sudan is made very much easier

by advance notice to local authorities about the

field worker's arrival on the local scene, and if

'general publicity' has preceded notice to visit

a particular locality, success is guaranteed. In

the case of the first phase as has been mentioned

above, the Ministry of Local Government circula­

rized its council officers in the country, and

the Institute routinely contacted each council office

before the field visit. The schools were of course

notified, too.

42

4.3 Daily routine of a field worker

Cables, cables and yet cables and the superb

hospitality of the Sudanese made first phase field

work quite efficient and it finished even before

schedule. No doubt, this remarkable circumstance

is partly explained by the fact that the team con­

tinuously improvised its travel modes and times.

Once they had been thrown off their plans the first

day, they never seriously believed they knew how they

would travel next, or when. They used all modes

of mechanical transport and they travelled at all

times of night and day. Should a survey team not

be willing to conduct its work that way today in

Sudan then they will not finish its work. Flexibility

by the field workers, and a small budget of their

own and direct control by the field workers of

their travel schedule may be the generalizable ex­

perience. Yet, they need a very alert and respon­

sive back-up staff at home-base for the most

efficient functioning.

A field team needs a person specifically assigned

the task of keeping track of the survey team at home

base and whose responsibility it is to notify the

field sites to be visited of arrival dates and to

coordinate transport requirements.

The usual questionnaire drafting and typing for

the first phase was set in motion as early as could

be in the Institute and it took a while before its

workers had access to routine services in the Insti­

tute without question. This was probably a matter

43

which could have been settled by executive orders

earlier than was the case, yet, by working to esta­

blish their own legitimacy in this regard one comes

to appreciate much more the difficulties there are

for a typist whose typewriter only half functions

to produce the kind of copy some may be used to from

overseas experience of instant servicing of equipment

and dust-free, air-conditioned offices. A project

which has to be completed within a relatively short

period of time also puts pressure on services which

are unprecedented and unexpected by most service

staff in an academic department. Yet, personal good

humor and personal participation by senior staff in

the stencilling of questionnaires, carrying of

batches of paper and collating considerably helped

to elicit the necessary cooperation. Nevertheless,

it was unavoidable to pay for overtime to get things

done, which sometimes threatened to lessen the day­

time efficiency of work, which probably simply

reflected only the team's own impatience and anxiety

to get the work done. Also, all university bureau­

cracies require more time than a pressed task-orient­

ed researcher normally is willing to allow for bills

to be paid or particula.rly for authorizations for

purchases of paper and tickets to be issued. In

project budgeting it is essential to allow for

many smaller costs to be met directly by the research

management at the operational level of day to day

work, perhaps to be reimbursed later by cooperating

44

university departments and bureaucracies but where

a bureaucratic insistence that the one shall pay

first whose ultimate responsibility it is to pay

last will severely hinder field operations and the

keeping to a successful project schedule. Also, to

have freedom to spend small amounts instantaneously

on sticky tape and a particular kind of paper or

even a smaller printing operation is absolutely

essential for a project in this kind of setting.

4.4 Impact and implementation

The Language Survey of Sudan uses various means

for interesting and involving people in its work.

Specialists and important personalities are contacted

on an individual basis. Occupational groups such as

teachers are approached officially through their

Ministry, privately through friends and colleagues,

and sometimes occupâtionally through their trade

union. Public seminars focusing on survey work are

organized. Also, newspaper articles are written and

reporters are invited to highlight some of the

Survey research projects. Moreover, different

ministries and departments are brought into the

picture through participation in the Language Survey

advisory committee as well as through special meet­

ings aiming at probing the way for cooperative

arrangements.

The field team of the first phase felt that the

response from the students, teachers, administrators,

and others that they came into contact with during

45

their travels and to whom they had time to talk

about language enthusiastically endorsed what they

were doing and almost to a man demanded references

to where one could learn more about language, parti­

cularly the situation in Sudan. The team felt at

times that talking to people about language during

field travel and the brief classroom exchanges with

the students may well have been the most lasting and

therefore the most valuable contribution that the

first phase made to Sudan.

Due to all this, the Language Survey may

succeed in making an impact by creating an awareness

of the relevance and significance of language work.

Many teachers who were reached by the Survey began

to think of certain issues they previously took for

granted or never thought to be worthy of attention;

some of the educationalists who were exposed to the

discussion of the advisory committee became more

positive about some issues they used to brush aside.

(Cf Abdulaziz' discussion of implementation of

sociolinguistic survey results in East African

countries 1975: 33-39).

The Institute is by its Language Survey creat­

ing both the bank of knowledge about language and

the infrastructure that will make use of it. Long

term aims of a language survey and its sponsors could

therefore be to create:

1) public information about language

2) awareness by relevant people about language in critical contexts such as for instance education

46

3) availability of reference sources for the citizen and public servant or teacher

4) active interest among the population in their languages.

There should be access for those who need it,

when they need it, to language information of suffi­

cient detail so as to make possible further policy

studies and formulation of questions.

47

CHAPTER 5. THE STUDENT QUESTIONNAIRE

5.1 Characterization of the student questionnaire

The questionnaire was written so as to explore

dimensions of language use and partly so as to guide

the construction of future questionnaires which would

aim at collecting quantitative information. It was

also written so as to give an indication of which

smaller set of questions might suffice for continued

surveying with equivalent goals. Its main aim was

to serve as a tool for starting the Language Survey

of Sudan by providing some information on language use

for one segment of the Sudanese population. In con­

crete linguistic terms, it was particularly important

to learn about the extent of knowledge and use of Ara­

bic both because of the traditional role of Arabic

as a lingua franca, because it has been declared the

national language, and because in Northern Sudan it

is the exclusive langauge of education and dominant

language of government.

5.2 The questions

The questionnaire is reproduced below in

English translation, and in appendix 1 in the Arabic

original. For the sake of economy, the translation

has been edited not to reproduce spaces for answers,

answer alternatives to be checked (e.g., nboy M)

48

etc, that of course appeared in the original

questionnaire.

Student1 s questionnaire

1. Date

2. Name

3. Age

4. Please check ( ) in front of the word 'boy'

if you are a boy and in front of the word 'girl'

if you are a girl :

5. Name of your father's tribe:

Name of your mother's tribe:

6. Where were you born?

7. Where did you first go to school?

8. Did you attend a khalwa?

Please check ( ) against the correct answer:

If you have been to a khalwa?

1. How old were you when you entered the khalwa?

2. How old were you when you finished the khalwa?

3. Where was this khalwa?

9. What is your- father's job?

Now we shall ask you some questions on the languages

you know and use.

10. What is the language you spoke most of the time

with your mother and father when you were very

young?

11. What is the language you speak now most of the

time with your mother or father?

12. What is the language that your father and mother

speak with each other most of the time?

49

13. What is the language you spoke first in your

life?

14. When did you start speaking Arabic? Please

check the appropriate answer:

1. Before I was four years old.

2. Before entering primary school.

3. After entering primary school.

15. How old were you when you started learning

English?

16. Which languages do you know well enough to

understand and communicate with people in the

market place?

17. Which languages do you know to write letters

or notes in if you want to?

18. Which languages do you use when speaking with

friends?

19. Now we would like to ask you about the languages

you use most of the time in your daily life:

(Please answer by writing the name of the

language)

1. When I speak with my father or mother,

- I speak most of the time in:

- but sometimes also in:

2. When I speak with my brothers at home,

(same two frequency subquestions to be

answered as also for 19.3-12 below)

3. When I speak with my sisters at home,

4. V/hen I spea k with my close friends,

5. When I speak to the officer at the local

council,

50

6. When I buy things from the shops in the

market place,

7. When I buy things in the sunsuq (open

market) here,

8. When I speak with my school-mates during

the breaks,

9. When I play football or other sports,

10. When we sit and chat in the evening in

the village.

11. When I write a personal letter or note,

12. When I read library books,

I most of the time read books written in:

but sometimes read books written in:

20. Now we would like to ask you about Arabic and

how well you know Arabic, how well your mother

knows Arabic, and how well your father knows

Arabic. Please check ( ) against the appropriate

answer :

1. Are you able to give directions in Arabic?

(yes/no)

2. Is your father able to give directions in

Arabic?

3. Is your mother able to give directions in

Arabic?

4. Are you able to chat along in Arabic?

5. Is your father able to chat along in Arabic?

6. Is your mother able to chat along in Arabic?

7. Are you able to write a personal letter in

Arabic?

51

8. Is your father able to write a personal

letter in Arabic?

9. Is your mother able to write a personal

letter in Arabic?

10. Are you able to read a simple text in Arabic?

11. Is your father able to read a simple text in

Arabic?

12. Is your mother able to read a simple text in

Arabic?

21. 1. Are you able to give directions in English?

2. Are you able to speak English?

3. Are you able to write a personal letter in

English?

4. Are you able to read a simple text in English?

22. Does your father know English sufficiently well

to chat along in English?

23. Does your mother know English sufficiently well

to chat along in English?

24. What is the kind of Arabic you prefer your

teacher to use in class so that you can under­

stand the lesson easily? Please check against

correct answer.

1. The kind of Arabic that people in my

area speak (like for instance at home).

2. The kind of Arabic we hear on Omdurman radio.

3. The kind of Arabic we read in library books.

Thank you very much.

Questions 1 through 9 in the questionnaire

identify the pupil and attempt to provide some very

basic information about the respondent's social

background. The respondent's sex was included

to explore expected differences in language use

between boys and girls. Tribe, or ethnicity, is

vital to any study of social behavior in Sudan,

since one of the foremost characteristics of the

country is its ethnic diversity. This is not

limited to the Southern Region, but is fundamental

also to Northern Sudan. (On problems of interpre­

tation of replies to questions on an individual's

tribe (in Arabic qabTla) cf Thelwall 1971:47 and

50-51 who surveyed secondary school students in

El Fasher; and for a very interesting discussion

of the meanings and change of meanings of t.ribal

self-labelling in contemporary Sudan, cf James

in Hasan 1971). Specifically, it is of interest

in a language survey to know which tribe an indivi­

dual belongs to in order to assess the extent to

which languages have been adopted by individuals who

do not claim to belong to the tribe for which the

language is considered characteristic.

53

Questions 6, 7 and 8:3 were included to find out

if an individual had moved from one part of the count­

ry to another, or had grown up outside his/her tribe's

usual sites. An individual's language behavior could

be different then. (This factor turned out to be

unimportant).

"Khalwa" in question 8 is the traditional

Qur'anic school (cf Trimingham 1949: 115-20).

Instilling ability to read and write the Qur'an

is one of the major aims of the khalwa. The quest­

ion was included to explore if individuals who have

been to khalwa differ from those who have not in

their reported use of Arabic. (The author did not

discover any such correlation in the analysis).

Question 9 on father's job elicits information

which, like knowing respondent's sex, was expected

to relate to differences in language behavior,

particularly to the extent of use of Arabic.

Questions 10 through 13 attempt to elicit the

respondent's first and principal language(s). These

questions allow only one language in the answer, in

order for the respondent to have to make a choice

which the author assumes will reflect relative

importance of the language relative to the condi­

tions specified in the question. We know the res­

pondents all know Arabic, so the emphasis in these

questions is on exploring if the respondent is

proficient in a vernacular or not.

54

Questions on language always employed both the

Arabic word lugha and the Sudanese Arabic word rutäna,

for what is translated as "language" in the English

version of the questionnaire. This was done so as to

neutralize potential misunderstandings that could

arise from the exclusive use of the one or the other

Arabic word. Use of the former, lugha, often excludes

any other variety than (usually classical) Arabic,

and the latter, rutana, excludes Arabic although

occasionally a locally spoken variety of (colloquial)

Arabic may be included (cf Thelwall 1971:48).

In paraphrasing question 14, the fieldworkers

took care to emphasize that by Arabic they here meant

"any variety of Arabic." Question 14 need not be

predictable as a numerical residue by number of

respondents after counting the number of respondents

who answered that they speak a vernacular as a first

language or when they were very young; this is so

because there may well exist communities where

Arabic is acquired very early (maybe even before the

vernacular), ie communities with bilingualism

that starts early in an individual's life cycle

or with initial monolingualism in the 'second

language. '

We dropped question 15 after having visited

only a couple of schools. Barring exceptions, the

answer is: at the requisite level in school. In

schools in Northern Sudan, English is taught as a

subject beginning in the first year of junior second­

ary school (the seventh year of schooling) for nine

55

periods a week for three years and continuing in

secondary school for six forty-minute periods a week

in the first, four periods a week in the second and

third years. (Gf Douglas 1977: chapter 1). In

Southern Sudan, while the educational system is now

differently designed, this study concerns schools

that followed the Northern Sudan curriculum.

For questions 16 and 18 replies list several

languages. Also, in the accompanying oral instruc­

tions subjects were asked only to note vernacular

languages. This requirement confused some respond­

ents. However, limited comments on the incidence of

Tmultilingualism' will be made below on the basis

of these two questions.

With regard to question 17, it appeared trivial

to be interested in the potential use of a language

for writing because pupils often individually apply

Arabic or English orthography and reinterpret spelling

rules to fit a vernacular language they know. Among

wholly indigenous languages other than Arabic in the

Northern Sudan there are no fully functioning written

languages at present.

Question 19 is a key question. Twelve situations

are specified with an attempt at contextual definition,

in each of which the respondent may use one or several

languages often or at least sometimes—provided of

course that he knows several. Nevertheless, the

fieldworkers took care in giving oral instructions

to point out that if somebody knows only one language,

that is the language he responds with in the question-

56

naire. If somebody knows several languages, he should

make a judgement as to whether he uses only one or

both in the specified situation; if one, write that

one on the first line (the most frequently used

language) and if several, the one he uses next most

often on the second line. When a respondent wanted

to know if he could write more languages than two,

the fieldworkers said he could, but he should write

the others after the first two most frequently used

languages. We did not code more than the first-

mentioned two.

Situations 6 and 7 in question 19 may require

an explanation. In many places in Sudan there were

both open-air fresh-produce markets and an area in

the market-place or village or town with regular-

looking covered shops that sell groceries, cloth,

etc. It is the latter that we refer to in alternative

6. The word used, dukkan (shop), is quite unambi­

guous. The former is usually referred to as suq al-

shamis, the market in the sun, even though it is

almost without exception shaded by a big tree. It

did happen that we got questions on what was meant.

Clarification was quick and easy. If the shopping

area was called by some other name locally, that was

then clarified.

Question 20 refers to fathers' and mothers'

Arabic knowledge. By asking each proficiency quest­

ion first of the respondent himself, the author

assumes that he introduced the respondent better to

the meaning of the question which was then repeated

57

for his/her father and then mother. This question

allows the respondent to report about somebody else—

this is normally understood to introduce some uncer­

tainty as to the validity of the question above and

beyond self-reporting on equivalent behavior. Ex­

pectations among the author's colleagues in Khartoum

are that fathers' Arabic knowledge would be somewhat

inflated, and that mothers', if any, would be under-

est imated.

Questions 21, 22 and 23 were dropped after visit­

ing a couple of schools only. They were clearly in­

appropriate: for the mothers the respondents thought

the possibility very funny, and for the father a

natural "of course" was often returned!

Question 24 assumes that respondents are aware

of differences between 'bookish' and casual, spoken

varieties of Arabic (between high, fusha and low,

darigi or 'amiya, Arabic). The author believes that

answers in favor of alternative 3 support 'correct'

use of Arabic in a traditional sense.

5.3 Sources for the questionnaire

The student questionnaire was inspired by

questionnaires used in a number of other projects:

three questionnaires that members of the Kenyan

team of the East African Language Survey used and

one from the Tanzania component of the Survey

(courtesy of the late Professor W. Whiteley), several

questionnaires on language use, grammar and distri­

bution of varieties of language that the Ethiopian

58

team of the East African Language Survey used (cour­

tesy of Dr. R.L. Cooper and Dr. M.L. Bender), the

language census questionnaires of the "Bilingualism

in the Barrio" project (Fishman et al 1971: chapters

7 and 8, and Appendix 1) and, particularly for

understanding data-processing and instructions for

key-punching and coding questionnaires, from the

Language Policy Survey in the Philippines conducted

by the Language Study Center of the Philippine

Normal College (courtesy of Dr. Bonifacio Sibayan

and Dr. Richard Tucker).

5.4 Comments on the questionnaire code

The code is reproduced in appendix 2. Judge­

ment as to allocation of tribe to code number was

made by the coders without reference to any guide­

book. In difficult cases, we looked up tribal

labels in Tucker and Bryan (1956 and 1966) and

in MacMichael (1922). It may be of interest to

mention that an attempt was made to code details of

Arab tribe, but that this was abandoned very early

in the coding work. Instead, all presumed Arabs

were assigned, simply, to the tribal category Arab

(cf Thelwall 1971:50-51). The category "other"

(code number 24) is a mixed lot, containing mainly

unresolved cases. There is a major vagueness

in the data between assigning a respondent to the

Nubian ethnic group (code number 07) or the Arab

group (01). This difficulty was partly overcome

by the fortunate fact that several of the coders

59

come from the North and have Nubian origins; they

could thus draw on local knowledge.

Language names correspond to Tucker and Bryan

(op cit).

5.5 Some severe constraints on interpreting results

As concerns the absolute, descriptive signi­

ficance of findings, the characteristics of the

present group of respondents introduce severe

constraints. Although their ages are relatively

uniform, around 14 or 15 years of age, with both

sexes represented, born in the overwhelming majority

of cases in the same provinces as their present

schools are located in and showing a good spread

of fathers' jobs (although not proportionately so),

the respondents are not representative of the respect­

ive communities of their schools. Yet, their

language use is inevitably a product of their places

in that wider community. What we do not have is

information on who it is that goes to school, and

what distinguishes him or her from those who do not.

We should expect a bias in favor of pupils coming

from better endowed families, having fathers with

more prestigious jobs in the modern sector perhaps,

parents with own education, parents who are literate,

etc. Such presumed family characteristics would

raise the probability of a child going on to inter­

mediate school or even starting school. It could,

however, also be that there is a division in some

communities between those who have endorsed modern

60

education and those who adhere to traditional

values concerning women's upbringing in particular,

perhaps on religious grounds. The latter values

militate against a female child continuing her

education. Or it could be that school in some areas

is perceived as a receptor for a surplus of youngsters

who could not easily be fruitfully employed or other­

wise fed. We do not know the extent of bias. We

shall have to be satisfied with what we got, and

be quite cautious when inferring from the present

data about how the community as a whole might use

language.

Even though these results may not be representa­

tive for any particular community as a whole, we

can describe language knowledge and use among those

young Sudanese who will become teachers, clerks, civil

servants, businessmen or, after further education,

enter the 'professions', and who all depend on

knowing Arabic well, an absolute requirement for

success in Sudanese life.

61

CHAPTER 6: RESULTS: PARENTS' KNOWLEDGE OF ARABIC AND LITERACY

We shall accept the school pupils' reports on

parents' Arabic knowledge and literacy skills at

face value. Question 20, on which these comments

rely, is formulated as a sequence of sub-questions

to each of which a yes or a no answer is required.

The sub-questions distinguish between ability to

give simple directions in Arabic in reply to a

stranger who asks how to find a place, an address,

that he is looking for, ability to "chat along"

in Arabic, and ability to read and to write. This

set of sub-questions was first put to the pupil-

respondent about him/herself, then about the father

and the mother.

The author had expected that the sub-questions

could be used to form a scale of proficiency in

Arabic. But replies do not allow this. Replies

to the sub-questions on "giving directions" and

"chatting along" do not discriminate between respond­

ents, nor do replies to the sub-questions on reading

versus writing abilities. We should also expect

inflated figures, because even a demonstrated minimal

skill to communicate in spoken Arabic by a parent

probably predisposes the child to give yes answers.

Since the two sub-questions did not discriminate

62

interestingly between respondents, this assumption

gains some strength. Yet, when there are differences

between the two sets of figures, fewer parents were

reported to know how to chat along than to give

directions which is what we expected. Claims that

the mother or father can read coincide in almost

all individual cases with claims that the father

or mother can also write. Therefore, the author has

chosen to account for reading ability only. Also,

replies to the sub-questions on spoken use of Arabic

will be accounted for separately from replies to

the sub-questions on written use of Arabic because

the two sets of sub-questions are not related in any

obvious manner.

6.1.1 Fathers' knowledge of spoken Arabic

Almost all fathers are said to know Arabic,

with a slight hesitation in Heiban (where approxi­

mately 90% are said to know Arabic) and a distinct­

ly lower level of ability in Adong in the Southern

Region (where about 40% are said to know Arabic).

Heiban is the southernmost point we visited in

Northern Sudan.

Taken at face value this finding seems to be

important: it should imply that Arabic is function­

ing well as a lingua franca in at least Northern

Sudan. An incidental observation is that the lesser

influence of Arabic in the southern part of the Nuba

mountains, as speculated due to previous colonial

administrative separation of territories, may be

63

reflected with a very slight margin through the

lower Arabic figure for Heiban. The much lower

figure for Adong implies that Arabic may only be

used for limited communication with people who other­

wise do not share languages. The northern part of

the Southern Sudan, the Upper Nile, is dominated by

Dinka, Shilluk and Nuer tribal groups. In their

societies, using a foreign tongue (Arabic in this

case) supposedly shames a tribal man. If a man

knows Arabic, he has acquired it for comprehending

others' speaking; his own speech should be in his

tribal tongue. (Personal communication from Mr.

Darius Jonathan Kenyi).

6.1.2 Mothers' knowledge of spoken Arabic

Mothers' knowledge of spoken Arabic varies

a little from school to school. It is at its

lowest in Adong (where approximately one quarter

of the mothers are said to know Arabic). The

following table summarizes the distribution of

replies (figures refer to non-Arab families):

(Table I)

64

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65

Apart from Adong, Sinkat in the Northeast also

shows a low figure for mothers' Arabic knowledge.

In central Kordofan and nothern Darfur (particularly

around El Fasher) Arabic is clearly well established

in households in some form or other. Studies by

the author in Jebel Marra and western Darfur have

shown that there is wide variabilitj^ in Arabic

knowledge, roughly corresponding to a geographical

factor of remoteness from local administrative

centers, and that women know proportionately less

Arabic than men (Jernudd 1968, and forthcoming;

cf also Kennedy 1977:66 writing about a Nubian

community in upper Egypt near Aswan). On the other

hand, Arabic has been replacing other vernaculars as

first languages in smaller tribes in eastern and

northern Darfur, eg among the Birgit and the

Berti, as the authors' own visits seem to indicate

and as informal communications from other travellers

confirm (personal communications from Dr. R. Thelwall

and Dr. K. Bell, among others).

A firm correlation between mothers' knowledge

of spoken Arabic and fathers' jobs appears only

in Haifa. There, while for boys' mothers there is

only a very weak relationship, the girls' mothers'

2 chi -correlation with fathers' jobs is significant

at the 0.02 level. (Data on fathers' jobs are

reproduced in tables in chapter 8 below).

It is striking how in general girls' mothers

consistently are said to know more Arabic than boys'

mothers, or expressed in a different way, how girls

66

claim that their mothers know spoken Arabic more

often than boys. A first thought would be that

girls' fathers and mothers come from different

social backgrounds than boys' parents, such that

fathers' jobs should reflect this. Yet, only in

Haifa is there a significant correlation between

fathers' jobs and mothers' Arabic scores. Could

it be, instead, that when mothers have a wider view

of the world through having communicated outside

the household and immediate local communicative

sphere (which would be limited by the local vernacu­

lar) through their knowledge of Arabic (which they

have somehow acquired), then they influence the

family in such a way that it is much more likely

that their female children go to school and continue

going to school than if they did not know Arabic?

Maybe those mothers who have been to school them­

selves are more likely to send their girls in turn

to school than mothers who have not? We lack data

to test this or similar hypotheses. Or do girls

who go to school teach their mothers Arabic?

Boys, it seems, would be sent off to school

anyway.

We should note, additionally, that girls'

fathers do hold better jobs, on the average, than

boys' fathers, as can be seen in table II below;

an # marks a significant difference.

67

6.2.1 Father's ability to read in Arabic

Families in which both parents are Arabic can

be assumed to know Arabic; therefore I account for

such families separately in Table 11:1 that follows.

I also offer two percentages of ability to read

Arabic, one based on the total number of families

from the dominant local tribe(s) regardless of

Arabic proficiency, and one based on the smaller

number of families for which the respondent has

declared that the father knows some Arabic, in

Table 11:2. (When all are said to know Arabic, only

that latter percentage is given). The tables that

follow also contain information on correlation of

father's ability to read Arabic with father's job.

If there is a significant positive correlation, an

asterisk follows the percentage. A question mark

means that the calculated significance is less im­

pressive but there is still an apparent relation­

ship, or that there is a decent calculated signifi­

cance but for rather small numbers of respondents

overall, or in one or several of the job categories

making up the cross tabulation. Furthermore, an

# means that those girls' fathers to whom the

preceding figure refers hold better jobs on the

average than boys' fathers in that school district.

68

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70

Low literacy rates characterize the boys'

fathers in the Nuba mountains and Adong. High liter­

acy rates characterize girls1 fathers in all areas,

but particularly in the predominantly Arab (and

Arabic-speaking) areas (Kabushiya, Singa, Dinder,

Burri), in Darfur (El Fasher and Tina), in Haifa and

for Arab families in Malakal.

With the exception of Shilluk and Fellata families

in our sample, girls' fathers show the same or higher

literacy rates than boys' fathers. This may partly

be explained by the fact that in a majority of cases,

girls' fathers hold better jobs than boys' fathers.

This observation is statistically independent of

explanation of variability in Arabic literacy within

respondent groups. Yet, for girls' fathers there

is also a statistically demonstrated correlation

between fathers' job and ability to read, in Dongola,

Billing and--for Arab parents--in El Obeid. Literacy

rates are, however, astoundingly high for girls'

fathers in eg Haifa, El Fasher and Tina. An addition­

al force will have to be inferred, hypothetically

and for simplicity's sake the same one as proposed in

section 6.1.2 above, namely that it is much more

likely that female children of enlightened, literate

fathers go to school and continue to go to school

than of non literate ones (and literate fathers do

not all have jobs that rate 'higher' in the classifi­

cation that our analysis employs) and that this

is not so for boys.

71

6.2.2 Mothers' ability to read in Arabic

Tables 111:1 and 111:2 are constructed in

the same way as Tables 11:1 and 2, but accounts for

mothers' ability to read: (Tables 111:1 and 111:2)

72

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74

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As we should expect, the mothers' literacy

level is well below that of the fathers'; but girls'

mothers score higher than boys' mothers for all

studied groups except for families of Southern

tribal composition in Malakal and Nuba families in

Heiban.

Particularly high literacy rates characterize

girls' mothers in Haifa, in El Obeid, in predominant­

ly Arab (and Arabic-speaking) areas, in Darfur and

for Arab families in Malakal. In El Obeid boys'

mothers score high also.

As was the case for fathers, mothers' ability

to read correlates with fathers' jobs in some groups,

as indicated in the tables; and the same girls in

many school districts come from families with

better jobs, thus biassing the mothers' literacy data

in the same way as fathers' literacy data. Yet,

the father's job variable cannot alone wholly account

for the differences between girls' and boys' mothers'

literacy rates, thus demanding other explanation.

6.2.3 Relationship between father's and mother '_s

ability to read

Y/ith very few exceptions, if the father cannot

read, then the mother cannot either and if the

mother can read, the father is among those who can,

too.

75

6.2.4 A note on the Haifa data

A preliminary report of the Work Oriented Adult

Literacy Project (1969) states:

"Literacy rates: The only available figures concerning literacy rates among the Haifa-wiyin are those shown in the studies carried out by the Department of Statistics in Wadi Haifa prior to the resettlement. The figures indicate that the literacy level is higher for the Halfawiyin than for the Sudan as a whole and that literacy among women is much lower than among men. The results also show a higher literacy level among the young­est age group and among the town inhabitants.

Literacy rates amongst the population of Wadi Haifa District

AGE GROUP TOWN RURAL AREA Male Female Male Female

6-15 75 45 75 39 16-20 74 38 76 26 21-30 63 22 57 13 Over 30 47 5 33 1

(Source: Department of Statistics, cited in Shaw report)

The available figures do not give, however, any indication concerning the semi-literate which constitute supposedly a high proportion of the population."

Our present findings confirm that literacy rates

for people in New Haifa to where the population of

Wadi Haifa was resettled are high compared to other

Sudanese populations and that literacy among women

is 'much lower' than among men.

A direct comparison of figures is problematical.

If we venture to compare with the "town 21-30 age

group" (who should now be at least five years older)

our report gives

1) much higher figures for girls' fathers

(a special phenomenon, as discussed above;

76

and because of the sample of intermediate

school respondent families)

2) figures comparable to the "16-20 age group"

for girls' mothers and boys' fathers

3) about the same figures for boys' mothers.

However, comparison of numbers or reliance on

absolute numbers is quite hazardous since we do

not know how the figures published in the project

report were obtained. Yet, an obvious source of

explanation of presumed difference could otherwise

be found in the selection of people who made the

move from Old to New Haifa; perhaps those who finally

settled in New Haifa had relatively higher education

or were at least relatively more literate.

As for regional variation within the Nubian-

speaking regions, both Nubian and Arab families in

New Haifa (and in Wadi Haifa, according to the

quoted figures, too) have radically higher literacy

rates than those in Dongola. It would be interesting

to learn why.

Since comparative information is so scarce, it

may be relevant to mention Kennedy's report (1977:

53-4) on men's and women's literacy rates in

Kanuba, a Nubian village near Aswan in upper Egypt:

"...the literacy rate of Kanuba men was almost 90 percent—only six adult men were illiterate. Ten men had completed second­ary school or higher. Twelve of the older men had attended the traditional Koranic schools in Nubia in which only reading, counting, and Koran recitation were taught; but these—as well as fourteen men who had attended but not completed primary school-were functionally literate, having extended their reading and writing skills in the

77

course of their urban work... Women, on the other hand, were far less educated. Seventy-seven percent of them could neither read nor write, and none had gone beyond a primary school education.''

6.2.5 A note on Darfur

It is appropriate to supplement this survey's

data from the main center of Darfur, El Fasher, and

the neighboring village Tina, by some additional

information from an earlier survey in another, south­

westerly part of Darfur. In this earlier survey

conducted in 1965 (Jernudd, forthcoming) the author

questioned school children in primary and intermediate

schools in Zalingei, the main administrative town

in Western Darfur, about parents' literacy. Those

data were obtained by direct questioning of children

in much the same fashion as in the present survey.

I reproduce the relevant sections from that report

here :

''LITERACY : Fathers . Literacy answers are likely to be inflated because of ''yes" answers when the father can read the Koran but hardly anything else, and because of a reluctance to answer "no" for prestige and religious reasons. And ability to read the Koran does not necessarily mean ability to read a newspaper.

Table 16. Percent literate fathers

CAN READ: CATEGORY: Yes No

Forawi 78 22 N = 134

Non-Forawi 84 16 N = 173

The non-Forawi group shows a higher literacy score than the Forawi. The girls' answers, particularly, show a higher male literacy score (95%). This may possibly depend on the fact that only educated parents send their daughters to (the

78

girls' school). If we remove girls' answers from the total, we obtain a 78% literacy score.

According to data from Nyertete, a Forawi village in the foothills of Jebel Marra, we need to adjust figures based on Koran-reading downwards by at least 15% to obtain a more correct literacy figure. This would give a literacy score of about 65% for this sample.

Mothers. Female literacy is considerably lower;

Table 17. Percent literate mothers

There is less difference between the Forawi and. the non~Forawi categories if we remove from the total the girls' answers that introduce an upwards bias:

Table 18. Percent literate mothers. Boys' answers only

CAN READ CATEGORY Yes No

Forawi 9 91 N = 113

Non-Forawi 15 85 N = 110

The data reveal that if (with one exception) the mother is said to be able to read, the father can read, too.''

For the rural areas of Western Darfur a

survey was undertaken by the author in a village

by the name of Nyertete in the foothills of Jebel

Marra. The survey used cards with Arabic sentences

written on them, and extracts from the Qur'an

were available in the local market; the writing was

presented to the adult respondents directly. These

are the findings (Jernudd 1968 :175-6):

Forawi

CATEGORY CAN READ: Yes No

10 90 N = 134

Non-Forawi 24 76 N = 173

79

"The following table shows the extent of reading and writing knowledge of Arabic among the male population in Nyertete. The men are split into two age groups:

Yes No Age (rei

Koran Reading 39 12 -35 25 17 36+

Sentence Reading 33 18 -35 13 29 36 +

Writing 35 16 -35 16 26 36 +

Number of men in Nyertete according to literacy and age. Chi^- tests show significances at the 0.01, 0.01 and 0,10 levels, respectively.

There is a statistically significant difference between the generations: the younger men can read and write, the older cannot. It should be noticed, however, that as much as one-third of the young men cannot read or write. The results are better when looking only at the Koran test. The schools (Koranic and state) have produced this knowledge. About half the same men can read and write on this test. Knowing the Koran does not mean that the person can read an ordinary text: the types are different and, also, it does not mean that he can correlate phones and printed types, for he cannot sort out the graphemes. . .

Furthermore, he does not necessarily know the meaning, although he can pronounce what he reads. My "can versus cannot" decision is entirely based on the ability to correlate phones and types. Prejudice against written—literary—Arabic may have influenced the results. The informants, were, however, encouraged to try hard.

The women are almost completely illiterate."

80

CHAPTER 7. RESULTS. PREFERENCE FOR ARABIC VARIETY IN THE CLASSROOM

Question 24—which variety of Arabic would

respondents prefer their teachers to use in the

classroom?--participated in odd ways in the

several factor analyses that the author undertook

for the entire set of questionnaire data. In a

few cases, it formed a one-variable factor, for

two schools (Dilling and El Fasher) it did form part

of a more complex factor, and in the remaining

majority of schools it was split up across a large

number of other dimensions with no clear affiliations.

The varieties are not any better defined

than the question is phrased. The question relies

on the assumed stereotype that Radio Omdurman (the

national domestic radio service) broadcasts in

varieties of Arabic that reflect Khartoum usage.

As a matter of fact, one hears a considerable

amount of distinctly colloquial Arabic speech

on that station. The bookish variety calls forth

grammatically correct and formal Arabic speech, ie

spoken 'classical Arabic.' Dialects of Arabic, local

Arabic, are quite distinct in Sudan (for an intro­

duction to Sudanese Arabic cf 'Awn al-Sharif 1974

and in Hurreiz and Bell 1975).

81

It is difficult to discern any clear tendencies

in the data. If we rank order the percentages of re­

plies to the variety alternatives within each school,

keeping boys' and girls' replies separate from each

other when they are distinctly different, then we

find that the local variety only captured one first

rank, whereas the bookish and radio varieties captured

about the same number of first and very few third

ranks. As a matter of fact, if for a given school

the bookish variety got first place, then the radio

variety got second, and vice versa (Table IV):

Variety

bookish radio local

School

2 1 3 Dongola 2 1 2 New Haifa 2 1 2 Sinkat 2 1 2 Malakal: boys 2 1 3 Malakal: girls 2 1 0 Adong 2 2 1 Dilling: boys 1 2 3 Dilling: girls 3 2 2 Heiban: Arab families 1 2 2 Heiban: Nuba families 2 2 2 Sallara 1 3 2 Kabushiya 1 2 3 Singa: boys 2 1 3 Singa: girls 2 2 2 Dinder: boys 2 1 3 Binder : girls 2 3 2 Burri 1 2 3 El Fasher: boys 2 2 2 El Fasher: girls 1 2 0 Tina 1 2 3 El Obeid

If two alternatives have the same percentage, a 2 was allocated to each one.

82

It is first when we add up the replies for

bookish and radio varieties (which in any case would

have to be assumed to be closer together in terms

of linguistic distance than most local varieties

to either) and compare this new category with

replies of local preference that some interesting

differences emerge: (Table V)

Table V. Percentages of variety preference per school

Variety

Bookish and radio combined

local

School

73 27 Dongola 75 25 New Haifa 70 30 Sinkat 75 25 Malakal: boys 80 20 Malakal: girls 100 0 Adong 60 40 Dilling: boys 83 17 Dilling: girls 63 37 Heiban: Arab families 75 25 Heiban: Nuba families 66 33 Sallara 70 30 Kabushiya 75 25 Singa: boys 95 5 Singa: girls 66 33 Dinder: boys 90 10 Dinder: girls 60 40 -Burri 75 25 El Fasher: : boys 68 32 El Fasher : girls 100 0 Tina 75 25 El Obeid

The local variety is particularly unpopular

in the following respondent groups:

girls in Malakal (20%) Adong (boys) ( 0%) girls in Dilling (17%) girls in Singa ( 5%) girls in Dinder (10%) Tina (mostly boys) ( 0%)

83

Although not all girls in the total sample

distinguish themselves in this fashion, it is

tempting to suggest that girls are more anxious

to speak 'correctly' ('good Arabic') than boys

(perhaps only or especially at this age). A further

reason and the one which I suggest operates at

Tina and Adong, could be the fact that the 'local'

variety of Arabic would be almost exclusively non-

native, a lingua franca without accompanying use

by a native-speaking group. The school-children

recognize it as such, and downgrade it. In Heiban

(where interviews were conducted also in primary

schools) there is a division of replies between

the ethnically Nuba and other respondents. The

latter include quite a few Arab families. This

division may weakly support the native-variety

notion. A very much simpler alternative interpreta­

tion also suggests itself, namely that the children

are very eager to learn correct Arabic before they

leave primary school! Therefore they reject teachers'

potential use of anything but the best and demonstra­

bly useful Arabic outside their own community, in

their view.

If we look more closely at the Dilling and El

Fasher replies (because these two schools were

singled out in the factor analyses) we are led to

yet another possible explanation. Sex and age

of learning Arabic enter the same factor as variety

preference in Dilling. Also, the Dilling girls

consistently give very Arabic-oriented answers to

84

questions on which language they use in different

speech situations. This is so even though they

know a Nuba Mountains language. More than four

fifths of the girls claim that they learned Arabic

when they were very young, in contrast to the Dilling

boys who learned Arabic, they say, later than so in

two thirds of the cases. Also, girls' fathers tend

to have better jobs. Could it be that it is improper

for girls going to school who come from socially

better families (or aspiring families) not to speak

'well' the Arabic which they have been encouraged to

learn (we assume) as early as possible in their

lives?

The results from El Fasher tempt me to retain

this speculation but with a different slant. Girls

there learn Arabic early. As the Dilling girls,

they answer strongly in favor of Arabic in

language use questions. Factor analyses suggest

that the following variables are related: sex of

respondent, father's job, mother's ability to read

and write, and variety preference. In El Fasher,

if the father has a better job, this implies a higher

likelihood of the mother being able to read and

write, and also a higher likelihood of choice of a

radio or local variety, in the preference question.

Boys' mothers, we find, are not literate, whereas

girls' mothers are. Girls come out evenly distribut­

ed among the varieties, with a slight edge in favor

of radio Arabic, and the boys lean towards the

bookish variety but select radio Arabic as their

85

second choice, and lastly local. The girls who

have less vernacular skill anyway than the boys and

who definitely claim to use the vernacular they

may know less, are further removed from bookish

Arabic preference than the boys.

A tentative generalization suggest itself,

namely that the more secure in Arabic and in his/her

social position a respondent is, and I am perhaps

somewhat arbitrarily assuming that girls in El

Fasher are brought up with Arabic in homes where

Arabic is very comfortably and fluently used, the

less likely is it that respondents would explicitly

reply in favor of the bookish variety, ceteris

paribus. Yet, in Billing aspirations of social

mobility and of maintaining social position would,

for essentially the same reason, support bookish

Arabic also.

Clearly my speculations above are all very

tentative indeed, and I do recognize that the last

generalization badly fits girls in Dinder and

Singa, places which are dominated by natively

spoken Arabic. Several forces are undoubtedly

at play in each locale. The various suggestions

above may serve as hypothetical starting points

for further study. It would eg be most interesting

to apply Tucker's development of Lambert's speech

guise techniques for evaluation of Arabic speech

varieties in Sudan (cf El Dash and Tucker 1975).

86

CHAPTER 8. RESULTS. SELF-REPORT ON LANGUAGE KNOW­LEDGE AND LANGUAGE USE BY PUPILS IN SUDANESE SCHOOLS

8.1 A note on terminology

Survey questions to pupils in junior secondary

schools and in the sixth grade of some primary

schools on own language use were formulated as

very broad descriptions of communicative situations.

The questions do not necessarily reflect any one

'sociolinguistic rule ' more directly than any

other. The pupils were, rather, given questions that

imperfectly describe classes of situations. These

classes of communicative situations can be thought

of as collections of cases of complex communicative

interaction. The respondents may be thought of

as managing these complex situations in their

attempts to reply by focussing, or weighing in, on

only one or a few communicative features that

characterize these situations among many possible

communicatively meaningful features, eg on those

which concern the role of the addressee, or the

place of the communicative event, etc. Which all

these features are and which ones respondents

relied on when answering the survey questions, we

cannot know for certain. The questionnaire

unfortunately allows considerable ambiguity by

87

being vastly underspecified in terms of both range

of communicative situations and features that

characterize these situations (eg addressee: sister,

place: at home). The author shall nevertheless

seek to discover which features are more likely to

combine with what language variety. (The language

variety is referred to as either "Arabic'' or

"vernacular" in this study, unless otherwise speci­

fied). The feature of variety is of course made

explicit since it is actively provided by the respond­

ent as the requested reply to the survey's self-

report questions on language use.

Sets of communicative features (including

variety) that can together define communicative

situations are referred to as ' dimensions ' of

language use. (For a model of variety selection

and coding rules in communicative situations which

is compatible with the author's terms, cf Neustupny,

forthcoming,1978 : 214-5). The author thus does not

label speech situations in order then to attribute

alternative varieties to them, but seeks the most

general expression for (classes of) communicative

situations that are defined by speaker's selection

of variety and whatever other features are necessary

to set it up, ie he seeks dimensions of language

use (cf Scotton 1972:105-8).

In order to elicit answers that pertain to

a realistically wide spectrum of communicative

situations in a speech community, it would be

necessary to use descriptions of situations of much

88

greater extension and each characterised by much

more detailed feature information in many different

combinations, if a questionnaire format is chosen.

We would also have to convey descriptions of these

situations vividly so that respondents are enabled

to respond in accordance with their likely behaviors.

It is questionable anyway whether questionnaires

are practicable or valid for such detailed inquiry.

Respondents1 fatigue alone would seriously impair

the usefulness of such lengthy questionnaires, should

we be bold enough to assume that respondents were

able to judge own language behavior in detail. (Other

devices of inquiry would have to be used; cf Abdulaziz

1975: 23, 31 and for discussion of measures from

"mini" to "maxi" kits of inquiry, Fishman et al 1971:

chapter 17).

Reporting on language use by self and others

sets limitations on interpretation of data. "Report

measures seem to tap the intuitive consistency of

individual self-concepts (or appraisal of others)"

whereas "Performance measures are seemingly superior

measures of the detailed variability in individual

behavior." (Fishman et al 1971:489). This study

used no performance measures; there are no other

studies of Sudanese speech communities on the basis

of which to judge validity of measures from reports

on language behavior by self and others (although

Ushari Ahmed, forthcoming, will offer some first

such insight). In this report the author is not

able to make a distinction between actual language

89

use, as it could be observed, or perhaps accurately

reported by respondents, and most desirable or

appropriate language use as respondents would judge

it. There is reason to doubt the extent to which

self-report on language use can reflect actual

language use. What we have here has been filtered

through the respondent's perception of own behavior.

Furthermore, each respondent may react differently

to such a task, for which we can provide no control

in our interpretation.

The author will simply have to assume that his

analytical inferences will have some interest,

particularly as a source to stimulate more specific

research. Nevertheless, we have here some data

against which we can test guesses about sociolinguis-

ticf rules.

8.2 General observations on language knowledge

Since the pupils who responded to the survey

questionnaire were all in either the first form of

junior secondary school or the sixth grade of

primary school, we assume that they all know Arabic

well. Otherwise they could not or ought not to be

where they are. It is interesting to find out

how many pupils claim to know a vernacular language.

(Cf Sara Yusuf's inventory of vernacular language

knowledge among students at the University of

Khartoum).

Table VI offers an overview of our data on the

basis of question 13: Which is the language you

90

spoke first in your life? It accounts for only

those families in which the father and mother come

from the same tribe which covers about 80% of the

total number of respondents.

It is very clear from Table VI that if a child

is brought up an Arab, he/she is brought up speaking

Arabic, and that if a person is brought up in any

other tribe, chances are very good that he/she

is brought up speaking Arabic, too (in addition to

whatever other languages), in perhaps half the

number of cases. There are two groups that seem to

behave differently, namely the Beja and Southerners

for whom their respective vernaculars outweigh

Arabic. Table VI does not tell us whether the

Beja and the Southerners acquire Arabic later, or

whether Arabs and other ethnic groups acquire

each other's languages later.

91

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cr> oo ro r- o <vP co vo oo

<T> CO r- co r- i—i CN

•—i U Q) tn G C 5H V) 3 Q)

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lo <9

<T> (M

<sP

lo cn r-in lo

lo i—i

LT) un

U Q) X -P O

o

o

00 \D

92

One major finding of this study is that with

very few exceptions, respondents from Arab tribes

do not acquire another Sudanese vernacular language.

Another major finding is that our data points to

varying degrees of bilingualism among all other

ethnic groups in at least Northern Sudan: Arabic

and local vernaculars are used in complementary

social situations, with Arabic assuming a lingua

franca function and being associated mainly with

national, public, official, 'modern' or often

simply out-group communicative situations.

Answers to the following questions that asked

for the single 'most important' language in several

roughly described contexts bear this out. Question

10 asks for the most important language during

the respondent's early youth, thus it is roughly

equivalent to question 13, question 12 for the

respondent's father's and mother's most frequently

used language among themselves, and question 11 for

the respondent's most frequently used language now.

Replies are accounted for in Table VII.

TABLE VII. Percentage Arabic replies to question 10 through

13, by tribe. Parents from the same tribe only.

Parent's tribe Arabic Arabic Arabic Arabic

when young now by parents first (Q10) (QU) (Q12) (013)

Arab 98 98 98 98 Nubian 46 47 32 45 Beja 15 26 17 17 Any Darfur tribe* 68 88 71 71 For and Tunjur 55 71 61 55 Shilluk 5 47 22 5 Any Southern tribe 14 53 24 14 Fellata 46 71 52 48 Nuba 37 66 31 42 Other 87 96 85 88 *except For, Tunjur and Shilluk

93

Replies to most frequently used language now are

consistently higher, ie more Arabic, than for the

other questions. Only for Nubians are the percentages

very stable, from one context to another. There is

less Arabic claimed by the Beja "now'', also from

Northern Sudan. This may reflect quite a stable bi­

lingual situation, since both groups have co-existed

with Arabic-speaking peoples for a very long time.

First language and language when young parallel

each other very well, which is reassuring. Obviously

the pupils knew what they were replying to.

8.3 A note on mixed marriages

From a total of 372 couples among whom the

respondent's father and mother have been assigned to

different tribes, 324 of their children or (87%)

claim that Arabic is their first learnt language and

338 (or 91%) claim Arabic is the language that is most

frequently used at home. Only in Adong and Sinkat

were there proportionately more answers naming the

vernacular than Arabic: the Shilluk language according

to the six Shilluk fathers' tribe in Adong and Beja

for six Beja fathers and one other-tribe father in

Sinkat. (It may be of interest to note that only a

very few of the respondents from tribally mixed

marriages in our data were born or grew up outside the

province they resided in at the time of the survey).

94

8.4 Language use in Dongola

In Dongola, 105 boys and 116 girls answered

the questionnaire. They know Arabic and Nubian, and

in one case Bej a: (Table VIII)

95

G fö -H rQ 2 S

> Q)

1 1 •9 EH

Oi rH rd X •P ü O cd H <L> CD PQ

^ CO LO r* o ö> oo vo rH rH

ro rH ex 3 2

ÎH rf)

H CO N

iD v D CM

KÛ en

en r-

Oi O 2

w -p c Q) M rd ft

3 2 ro co i—I oo o

vD

CN ro LO

ro LO 00

'sf oo r-<3< rH VO

O 2

3 S OJ CN

CM m r- o o r o VD rH cr>

Q) tn fö 3 tn

0 i—i 01

O

o 2

3 2 UÌ >i O ' pq CM

CN

C LO

U rH -H ^ O

rH ro

00

Q) A

U H

Ö fö •H •§ £

O s

G fö •H •3 S

U <D -P O

96

Parents are attributed with more Nubian than

both the boys and the girls; and much fewer girls

than boys claim Nubian. There are relatively few

Nubian claims in the other tribal groups, but

those there are indicate either adoption of the

locally dominant vernacular, in a very few cases

though, or vagueness as to tribal classification.

Did everybody learn Arabic before they started

going to school in Dongola or not? (Table IX)

Table IX. When a respondent in Dongola claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. (No = no answer, a = when very small, b = before school but later than

a, c = after starting school)

Tribe Boys Girls

a b c No Total a b c No Total

No 1 2 1 3 7 1 1 2

Arab 12 3 15 5 2 7

Nubian 23 23 28 1 75 51 18 20 89

Other 5 2 1 8 16 2 18

Total 41 30 30 4 105 73 18 24 1 116

Nubian boys split about equally between the three

alternatives but more girls claim they acquired Arabic

at their earliest. Other boys' and girls' replies are

compatible with the language claims in Table VIII.

(This question does have a validity problem, however.

Among other respondent groups it happens that

respondents who answer Arabic to other questions and

only Arabic throughout occasionally claim that they

learnt Arabic first when they arrived at school. Data

for Kabushiya, Singa, Dinder and Burri are reproduced

in Table XLVIII to illustrate this phenomenon. It

97

must be that these 'deviant' respondents have in

mind different varieties of Arabic — that they got a

chance to start learning 'good' Arabic first after

they started going to school. But I am at a loss to

evaluate how systematic such misunderstanding may

be. Is it particularly strong among monolingual

Arabic speakers in relatively homogenous Arab communi­

ties and perhaps less so among speakers of Arabic as

a second language?)

It appears that at least among boys both of

whose parents are Nubian there is a correlation

between age at which Arabic was said to have been

learnt and father's job. Since most girls learnt

Arabic early anyway, the issue does not arise with

them. Table X gives details:

Table X. Father's job by age of first learning Arabic, in

Dongola. Both parents Nubian. (a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c = after

starting school, w = farmer or shepherd, x = worker, y = merchant, driver, tailor, etc., z = civil servant,

teacher, professional, etc.

Father's job Boys Girls

a b c Total a b c Total

w 6 12 20 38 16 9 7 32

X 4 5 1 10 11 4 4 19

y 2 2 3 7 6 1 4 11

z 7 4 1 12 12 2 2 16

Total 19 23 25 67 45 16 17 78

Answers to the contextualized questions of

language use, in question 19, are accounted for in

Table XI. Since language is the focus of this report,

98

and language use in each community by those who know

a local vernacular, frequency tabulations of replies

to question 19 include all and only those respondents

who have answered with the locally relevant vernacu-

lar(s) in at least one of questions 10 through 13.

(This is the case for each school below unless

otherwise stated.) For Dongola, this means that

Table XI tabulates replies from those pupils who

answered Nubian at least once as reported in Table VIII.

99

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rH II 3

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> II

>i < 1) •H 2 C -P —' 0

in w U <D 1—l fö g Sh rH -H •H p -p O Ü Q) fÖ g C 0 >H W (1) > -

O II -H A

> fÖ — SH

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C S •H - •—'

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Q) c: g 0 -rH •H -P -P Q) in E ^ Q) 0 U 3 m cu

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1—1 w 3 0 <u u c •H f Ö rH G II dl U 0 a) 0 C* > Z

XI.

Q)

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0) tn fö 3 tn C fö

-P (ö \ O 4->

CT> G •H fÖ Q) O. M

m r o c M v O C O v D i n ^ r o r o r H C M C M r H r H C M r O ^ ^ L D

r- C M r H O v O O O C N C O r H r H r H r O C M C M r H r H

r ^ ^ r H r - v o r o i H c M CM rH CM CM

rO (N rH CM CM

o c M i - H c s j « X ) r - ^ ( T > L n < T > r — I r H i — I f H r H C M r O r O C M V D

r O < T > C M C y > C O O C O C N O v O rH rH rH ro r o C M C M

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C N v D O r H L O C M C M L O O CM CM CM CM •—I

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00

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m « ». }H •• KD ••

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CD u CD rH Cfl *-

R£ Q) •H ö O -p w -P -P JH <D 0 iH a M 0 cn 0 •H Ä 0 0 G 5h •H -p 5H Ü 04 Ä 3 A m m MH m in Ü3 cn

U Q) O -H MH MH O

(Ö H

100

One dimension appears to underlie 19;1, 2, 3 and

10, and perhaps also 19:4. Both Arabic and Nubian are

said to be used, with Nubian in favour. While girls,

they say, use Nubian frequently, and also Arabic, they

use only Nubian less often than the boys. The girls

also give more Arabic only answers. Since we know that

most fathers and mothers know Arabic in Dongola, use

of both Arabic and Nubian in the home would seem

quite possible.

Incidentally, it is interesting to note the lack

of reciprocity of language when sisters speak to

brothers, and brothers to sisters. Boys to sisters

say they use much more Nubian than girls to brothers.

This dimension centers on family, neighbourhood

and perhaps local affairs. We can label it

ORIENTATION TO HOME or LOCAL ENVIRONMENT.

Another dimension clearly isolates 19:5, talking

to the council officer. It can happen that the council

officers all come from outside the region; yet, on the

other hand, there are always many employees around the

local council who know the local vernacular (s), and

during the field work we met many council officers who

were proud of having learnt to speak some of the local

languages. But throughout northern Sudan, the rural

councils are unambiguously viewed as part of the

central civil administration of the Republic, and

Arabic governs that administration today (with the

occasional help from English particularly in writing);

92% of the replies here say Arabic. We can label this

dimension ORIENTATION TO THE NATION.

101

The remaining 19;6-9 are doipinated by Arabic or

Arabic-with-Nubian-also replies; the girls with a

heavier leaning towards Arabic only than the boys.

In the open air market, the sunsuq, it is quite

reasonable to expect a few more Nubian answers which

is precisely what we get as a very local clientele

frequents it, and among whom many cannot know Arabic

much. Similarly, many shopkeepers must be related

by kin to many respondents. It might be difficult for

a Nubian boy to refuse to speak Nubian to his uncle

just because he happens to be in a shop buying all

those fancy things from far-away towns! Nevertheless,

peer communication at school and public intercourse

during commerce appear to take place through the

medium of Arabic with a fair but not overwhelming

amount of Nubian used as well. We could label this

dimension INTERACTION IN THE PUBLIC REALM (if we allow

ourselves to put the stress on the school setting

rather than the peer interaction for 19:8 and 9).

A very radical solution presents itself as an

alternative to distinguishing three dimensions: future

work might be directed at testing the hypothesis that

a straightforward dichotomous opposition can satisfac­

torily express the social forces that combine with the

variety selection feature to provide the above pattern

of replies, namely one force for which selecting

Nubian charges the communicative situation with

LOCALLY-ORIENTED values and another force for which

selecting Arabic charges the communicative situation

with NATIONALLY- or MODERN-ORIENTED values. The

102

complexities of constraints of language knowledge, of

growing up together, kinship, etc , would account for

the fluctuations in replies particularly in what we

named the PUBLIC communicative situations above. It

still remains a fact that Arabic is very much part of

the local and even home scene in Dongola.

A summary of the dimensions of language use

which have been hypothesized above to explain variabi­

lity in language use in Dongola appears on the inside

of the back cover.

8.5 Language use in New Haifa

In New Haifa, 99 boys and 111 girls answered

the questionnaire. They know Arabic and Nubian, and

in one case Beja; one respondent's parents uses an

Ethiopian language (which the pupil probably knows,

too, although it would be coded in the 'othër' cate­

gory): (Table XII)

103

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. P CD s O A CM •H i—1 U ex 3 -P 2

W m - -P <u M c CQ 0 a)

P fÖ fö ft < m

ft

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" ÎH fö <1 ) M-l £ rH W fö c 53 fÖ

£ o rH 3 <D C rH 2 2 Ot

II —'

C •H O £ S 0 5-1

ro c «< rH *-

O) & tn t7» fÖ 3 O tr> U G £1 (Ö P P rH O

O H rH 0) o 3

i—i 2 0) P 0)

S G o tn 0 fö 0) •H II Cn CQ P tn C 01 P C 3 0 O fö 0 H

HI >i < tJ1 -

C o fö P -H

rQ co 3 O) 2 -•H (1) H II rQ ft -H 0) 3 U

EH

c* UD co r-

ro

O

CM

oo oo r-ro

ifi >i O CQ

•i a

(T> CT>

IH CM UD

00 (N lû

00 00

ro

LO LH

^ KD CM IH

0\

<y> CM ro

LO

CM r-«—i

rH ^ LO

Sm -H O

00

o CM ro

oo

5-1 i—i fö 5H rH fÖ CD fÖ •H fö 0) fÖ •o ,a p fö «m •n r£ P CL) p 0 0 SH <D P 0 PQ o EH 2 C 2 PQ O EH

X

Q) rH A fö Eh 104

Among the boys there seems to be some vagueness

as to tribal classification: there are propor­

tionately many Nubian relies in the non-Nubian tribal

categories. The remarkable thing about these tables

is, however, that both for boys and girls more

respondents claim Nubian as their language now than

there are respondents who claim Nubian as a first

language and when young; and the figure for current

usage coincides with the parental proportion of

Nubian to Arabic. This remarkable fact could only

mean one thing, namely that there v/as a shift to

Nubian after the move by this group of people from

Wadi Haifa to New Haifa. A majority of respondents

participated in the resettlement of people from

Wadi Haifa north of Dongola on the Egyptian-Sudanese

border in the 1960ies.

On the other hand, we do not know when an

individual is considered to have acquired Nubian, nor

when acquisition in earnest began during his or her

upbringing. These data may therefore reflect both a

communal shift to Nubian and normally expect acquisi­

tion of a vernacular during an individual's life cycle

to occur late in childhood (Ushari Ahmed, 1978:4).

The language proportions in questions 10 and 13

are approximately replicated in replies to question

14, on age of learning Arabic. Our suspicion that

indeed some Nubian first-language speakers who are

presumably also ethnically Nubian are classified as

105

Arab here seems to be confirmed because among the

Arab boys almost half are said to have acquired

Arabic after an earliest age. Details are found in

Table XIII:

Table XIII. When a respondent in New Haifa claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. (No = no answer, a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c = after starting school)

Tribe Boys Girls

a b c No Total a b c No Total

No 3 1 7 11 1 1 2

Arab 16 7 9 32 21 2 23

Nubian 11 16 23 50 32 10 36 78

Be ja 1 1 2 2 2

Other 2 2 4 6 6

Total 32 27 40 99 62 12 36 1 111

Both among boys and girls there is a weak

but apparent correlation between age of first

learning Arabic and father's job: the better the

father's job, the earlier the child learns Arabic:

(Table XIV)

Table XIV. Father's job by age of first learning Arabic in New Haifa. Both parents Nubian. (a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c = after starting school; w = farmer or shepherd, x = worker, y = merchant, driver, tailor etc , z = civil servant, teacher, professional etc )

Father's job Boys Girls Father's job

a b c Total a b c Total

w 1 6 15 22 5 4 10 19

X 2 4 3 9 3 0 9 12

y 3 4 1 8 5 1 9 15

z 4 2 4 10 12 1 4 17

Total 10 16 23 49 25 6 32 63

106

Answers to the contextualized language use questions,

19:1-10, are: (Table XV)

107

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C C 1

C

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>i c < rH G -0 M 5-1

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i—1 00 i—i VD i—1 ro 00 rH

M rH VD < 1 CN ro ro ro i—1

fö P > rH U II 3 fö Ü C 25 <D <Ö 5-1 tn > CN CN CN ro ro ro

C Q) fö i—i i—1 rH CN

M > CO 3 <D 1—i > Q) U £

-H fö 0 i—i i—1 rH rH

Il -P O A s

> Ul — <D

g

•H • -P X Q) <D g Ul 0 U VD 00 r- VD 00 00 ro 00 LO CN

ui < i—l CN ro LO LO

>1 rQ -

Ü > *» -H 1 VQ 00 00 00 ro vD 00

fö £1 5-1 rH CN CN CN 4-1 fö < rH 5-1 rö <3 ffi {H

>1 C ro CN cr> rH 00 CN 1—1

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(1) II c: 3 Q) -rH tJ1 S Cn

<D fö > 00 ro LO o O <sT rH CN

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CQ s <T> > rH 1

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C 0 -P • • o X 4H

0 •p O ro rH fö 4H •P ui g • • • t • • Q) <ri r- O

O) tr> Ul *• ». 5-1 • • VD • •

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ft 6 Q) -P O Ul O •H Si 0 O £ P <u 0 Oi fö 5h •iH 4-» 5-1 Ü ft si P O & ui CO m ui Ul 4-1 Ul Ul Ul Ul Ü

> X

A fö Eh 108

Although normally left out because answers are

nearly always uniformly Arabic, :11 and :12 deserve

comment in New Haifa. Astonishingly, in view of the

fact that Nubian supposedly has not been a 'written1

language for generations, there are three boys and

two girls who occasionally write letters in Nubian;

and the two girls apparently read others' Nubian

letters, too, addressed to them.

Speaking to an officer of the local council

brings out some Nubian, but Arabic very clearly is

the appropriate language to use in such encounters.

Language use in the open-air market is said to be

very similar to it, which is surprising. But could

the fact that so much less Nubian is claimed for the

open-air market (19:7) than for the shops (19:6) mean

that its function is mainly exchange between Arabs or

Beja selling milk products or itinerant merchants

selling smallgoods and Nubians providing agricultural

goods? If so, we would have a situation where Arabic

serves as a lingua franca between different ethnic

groups, to facilitate commercial transactions. Claims

for much Arabic use unite 19:5,6 and 7 into one

dimension. It is equivalent to the PUBLIC REALM

dimension in Dongola, but is more sharply set off

from the other dimensions. Replies to 19:5, talking

to the council officer, do not oppose it. The

corresponding dimension here covers commercial and

official transactions. It could be labelled STRESS

ON OUT-GROUP RELATIONS.

109

The author prefers to join 19:8 and 9, intro­

ducing a dimension of SCHOOL INTERACTION. It cannot

account for 19:4, talking to friends, because its

emphasis is on Arabic or Arabic-with-some-Nubian

language use. Also, because it cannot account for

19:4, it cannot be labelled in terms of peer-inter-

action alone.

The remaining dimension is formed by 19:1

through 4 and 10, and can as in Dongola be labelled

ORIENTATION TO HOME or LOCAL ENVIRONMENT. Nubian

clearly dominates this dimension, but even so quite

a bit of Arabic is bilingually used.

There is one situation for which girls claim

more Nubian than boys, namely 19:10, story-telling,

but otherwise girls' answers are a bit more in favour

of Arabic. This bias is, however, not reflected in

the Arabic-only replies, but in the category

'frequently Arabic and sometimes Nubian'.

Boys and girls differ less in New Haifa than in

Dongola. This lesser difference, and the relative

strength of Nubian in New Haifa, as we have seen both

in the replies to questions 10 through 13 and in

question 19, may reflect an 'accentuated ethnic

awareness' as a reaction to the recent relocation,

thus lending strength to Sondra Hale's hypotheses to

this effect (Hale 1973:34-38).

A summary of the dimensions of language use

which have been hypothesized above to explain

variability in language use in New Haifa appears on

the inside of the back cover.

110

8.6 Language use in Sinkat

In Sinkat, 104 boys and 17 girls (the girls are

pupils in the sixth grade of a primary school)

answered the questionnaire. They know Arabic, Bej a

and some Nubian: (Table XVI)

111

ö fö •h A 3 23

> x

RQ fÖ Eh

Oi iH fÖ Ä -p u O fö EH (U

a)

ìh Eh

CX

I I OL

-P G (Ü fÖ QA

KD 'sT

m ro r o lo r» ^ lo

cm o r- ro <N -nT ro ^

U) >i O CQ

XI fö U <

ro r - H in

ro ro lo m r-> ^ m

(N (N (N OJ ro ^ ro h h ^ m rH

O lo

LO ro r - rh lo vO

lo

U •H o CM F - H LO L O

c C fÖ U rh fÖ M •—i -h fö Q) fÖ •H (Ö cu (Ö A •r-i A -P fÖ .Q •n A -p 3 0 -p 0 0 H 0) -p 0 s « O H 2 51 s CQ o En

o 3 •H fö > ÌJ1 c •H w w

112

Very few girls appear to go to school. Some

more could be found in a junior secondary school in

Port Sudan but we were unable to extend our study

also to include that school. The one Beja girl in

primary school in Sinkat we shall omit from our study.

There are replies for Beja in all tribal

categories above. This means that either there is

tribal vagueness which in this case would mean that

boys who descend from Beja parentage claim Arab tribe,

or some members of other tribes (it would be people

who have migrated into the Sinkat area) learn Beja.

The latter is more likely, since as we see from the

above table and as shall be evident from the language

use questions below, Beja has a very strong position

in Sinkat. In the above boys' table, very few Beja

boys claim Arabic; they answer with their own

vernacular.

Very few boys learnt Arabic when they were quite

small: (Table XVII)

Table XVII. When a respondent in Sinkat claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. (No = no answer, a = when.very - small, b = before school but later than a, c = after starting school)

Tribe Boys

a b c No Total

No 1 1 1 3

Arab 30 3 2 35

Nubian 4 5 2 1 12

Beja 4 13 30 47

Other 2 2 2 1 7

Total 41 24 37 2 104

113

Age of learning Arabic does not correlate with

father's job for the Beja boys. They all learnt

Arabic rather late.

Answers to the contextualized language use

questions are: (Table XVIII)

Table XVIII. Replies to question 19:1-10 in Sinkat. Boys. (V = vernacular only, V-Ar = frequently the vernacular, sometimes Arabic, Ar-V = frequently Arabic, sometimes the vernacular, Ar = Arabic only, No = no answer)

Boys (N = 61)

Speaking to/at Language

No V V-Ar Ar-V Ar

father, mother,:1 24 27 4 6

brothers,: 2 19 27 8 7

sisters,: 3 1 22 24 6 8

stories,:10 17 19 8 17

friends,:4 14 21 13 13

shops,:6* 1 1 20 20 19

schoolbreaks,:8 2 9 21 29

sports,: 9 1 6 20 34

council officer,:5 3 1 3 2 52

*there is no sunsuq in Sinkat

Although 19:10 (stories) and 4 (friends) have

obtained a few more Arabic replies than 19:1-3

(family members), they are all together clearly set

apart from the remaining speech situations. That

there should be a little more Arabic when talking to

friends, who probably are of the same age and also go

to school, is not surprising; and the author does not

have any other suggestion to explain the Arabic

replies for the story-telling than that respondents

must have had some particular (locally relevant)

feature in mind that characterizes their particular

114

kind of story-telling; eg if it is religiously

inspired, then Arabic would score because Arabic is

the language of Islam. This speech situation requires

further study. The dimension we can label STRESS ON

ORIGIN.

19:5, talking to the council officer, forms its

own dimension, and we can label it here as above

ORIENTATION TO THE NATION. Arabic is the only viable

language in the national context that this speech

situation represents.

19:6 (shops), 8 (schoolbreaks) and 9 (sports)

are grouped together by virtue of having obtained

almost no replies that claim only Beja, and few, with

the exception of 6, that claim Beja frequently rather

than Arabic. In the shops, these pupils have less of

an option of choosing language, both because shop­

keepers may not know much Arabic, and because it may

not be up to the pupil to choose language of inter­

action (cf above under Dongola). Arabic dominates

these situations, with a fair amount of Beja also

mixed in. For lack of a better term, we can label

this dimension, INTERACTION IN THE PUBLIC REALM.

We conclude that Beja is strong in Sinkat.

A summary of the dimensions of language use which

have been hypothesized above to explain variability

in language use in Sinkat appears on the inside of the

back cover.

115

8.7 Language use in El Fasher and Tina

In El Fasher 103 boys and 100 girls answered

the questionnaire. In Tina 41 boys and 3 girls

answered. El Fasher is an administrative center in

Darfur Province and it has the only secondary school

in a very large area. There is quite a mixture of

tribes in El Fasher and no one ethnic group dominates

the others. Tina is a small village outside El Fasher.

It has a small primary school. Tables XIX and XX

give information on the spread of ethnic groups and

languages in the two schools. Replies to questions

10 through 13 are almost identical, except for

question 11 (now) to which among the boys there are

two Hill Nubian replies, four For, three Zaghawa,

and one Berti mentioning their respective vernaculars,

among the girls two Hill Nubian replies only. All

the others replied Arabic, in El Fasher. In Tina,

seven boys claim For and one Zaghawa in question 11

(now), and the others answered Arabic. All girls'

replies claim Arabic except two in question 13 (first)

that claim For. The third girl is from the Berti

tribe.

In reply to question 16, Which languages (other

than Arabic) do you know well enough to understand

and communicate with people in the marketplace?,

however, as many as 19 respondents answered with the

For language in the first place in this open listing

of languages, another 6 in following places in their

lists. Zaghawa was listed by only a very few

respondents. (Also, neither For nor Zaghawa got many

116

replies in question 18, or by respondents in

El Fasher.) It would appear that For has a strong

lingua franca function in Tina.

(Table XIX)

Table XX. Replies to question 19, language when young, by father's tribe in Tina. Boys.

Father's tribe Language

Arabic Zaghawa For Tama, Mararit Total

No answer 1 1

Arab 12 3

For 2 9 11

Zaghawa 15 3 18

Other Darfur tribe 3 2 5

Other 2 1 3

Total 24 3 12 2 41

Approximately two thirds of the boys say they

learnt Arabic very early; and almost all girls said

the same. Details are: (Tables XXI and XXII)

117

U <D CO nJ fa

fi •H X <u CO >1

<1) ,3 •H U -P co Vi <l) 5 fö m >i 6

o >i

c: 0 Ü Q) tn OJ 3 U>

fi O •H -P CO S Ö1 O -P co <D •H i—I 04 «

in •H O

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Q) tn (0 3 CT fi fö

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T oj,

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VD r o r o ro

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A fö

r o c M ^ D i H < J k r ^ o o Ol rH O

CM -sT ro

CM rH <T» r- O ro CM rH (Ti

< j N i n c n c n r o v £ > c M r o rH r H rH rH O

r o m r ^ < £ > r O k O C M C O rH rH rH r -

fi fö •H •§ z

•H K

<D A

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fö •9 2

u MH 3 u •m fÖ fi fö Q fö 3 S -P EH fÖ •H 5H fö u rH A -P 0) rH Q) fÖ JH tp U A rH Xi -P 0 fÖ Q) -P <u •P O fa tq m O fa O H

X H X

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118

o c II

z

<d xi •h u -p rH

o 0

— XI u o <u w X •p u 03 Q) 4-1 •p

>i fd xi h v II o u •h xi ». fd fd m < fi fd •p XI c -P fd vi <D <u rH •p fd Q) rH > fd -p X 3 XI 0 •p rH 0 •p 0 w X M O •H w

Q) w M S O *h m fd Q) rH xi Ü

ii

XI <1) X ». w rH fd rH PM fd

e rH œ W >i fi M •h o

> •p fi c Q) Q) T3 X C Z 0 ft 11 w 0) fd Vi fd u

Q) fi z <1) m

•fi fi S fd

h X X Q) rH rQ fd E-t

C 0 C N v £ > r H < ^ r - O O CM rH o

ro <N <T> <T> o

cy> Ln o o\

CM r-H CM ro ro

ro oo rH

vd v£) o lo 00 o rH KD

XI fd U <

Vi c 3 fd n m •H 3 •(—» c fd

Vi fd Q fd S -p

H id •H Vi fd Vi rH rH fd X! •p <D i—i <D fd rH X u H Cn Vi x: iH X -p •H 3 0 0 fd (1) •p 0) -p 0 K Z fe fe N CQ o fe o En

119

Table XXXII. When a respondent in Tina claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. Boys. (No = no answer, a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c = after starting school)

Tribe Boys Tribe

a b c No Total

No 1 1

Arab 1 1 1 3

For 5 2 3 1 11

Zaghawa 17 1 18

Other Darfur 5 5

Other 2 1 3

Total 31 4 5 1 41

For El Fasher and Tina taken together and

studying those pupils whose parents are both from a

Darfur tribe other than an Arab one, almost 90% of

the girls' fathers and 80% of the boys' fathers

are farmers or shepherds. There are so few fathers

in the other job categories that it is meaningless

to correlate age of learning Arabic with father's

job.

Answers to the contextualized language use

questions are: (Table XXIII)

120

<D rC -P >1 •H > 1 •P rH C C <L> O D1 U <1> - H H £1 m tö

U ii <

il

>1 M • fö c o U fd rH p O fö C _ M JZ (Ü -P >

UÌ II <u

> -H — 4-> CU

• I X W <u w -u >1 -H

fO - U fö c •H tH TJ C fO U Q)

>i i—I -P C <u 3 (U U

RC M -l U1 fö II ^ > •H I W M c

rQ fÖ

C o •H •P W Q)

& O -P

w g •rh -P <i) o Tt w CD £ » œ

M C fö fö M 3 CU u •H fÖ rH C O, U Q) <D & >

Q) Cn fö 3 tn G fö

in

0) Cr> fö 3 Cn G fö HL

cn ro r o r o

ro r o oj

V D v £ > C T > C r > r H r ^ C N u n c N O O i - H r H r H r H c N r o r o r o r o r o

o o r - L n c M ^ L O u D f N r o

m Lfi y} H oj

r O r H ^ r r o ^ D C M L D C s ]

rH " 00 5H -p M • • 0 fö 0 K o

\ w •H 0 -p CN O m -p 0 •• ro <sT i—1 fÖ m g • • t» • • [> CD <T> 0

tn w »• *• VD •• JH • •

C ». SH cn œ UÌ • • •» rQ •» «—i •H iH <D 5H Ti <1) ». 1 1 U) •H * Q; <D £ •H w P 0 -p U fö -p -p Q) SH Ci. en 0 >H G 0 -p 0 w •H 0 0 c 0 2 o. fÖ in -rH M -p 3 Ü 0 MH RQ W M-l w UÌ w c/1 CA Ü

X X

•8 eh

121

Replies to 19;1-4 and 10 can be joined under a

STRESS ON ORIGIN dimension, for which replies divide

between vernacular and Arabic answers, with, a bias in

favour of the latter. The other dimension which

joins the remaining situations could be labelled OUT-

GROUP RELATIONS (!) and is strongly dominated by

Arabic, mostly Arabic only. For this second dimension

practically all girls answer Arabic exclusively.

There is some bantering in an own vernacular

language during sports and school breaks as well as

even some note- and letter-writing in vernaculars.

Individual opportunity and convenience undoubtedly

determine such use. Otherwise Arabic is used.

Arabic's standing as a lingua franca in the

West is probably well aided by the benefit of being

the language of Islam in this rather strongly reli­

gious region of Sudan (personal communication from

Mr. Darius Jonathan Kenyi). The reader may be

interested in looking up Thelwall's study of language

knowledge and use by school pupils in El Fasher

(Thelwall 1971), and descriptions of language use in

For territory in the Western District of Darfur

(Jernudd 1968, and forthcoming).

A summary of the dimensions of language use

which have been hypothesized above to explain

variability in language use in El Fasher and Tina

appears on the inside of the back cover.

122

S.8 Language use in Pilling

In Billing 104 boys and 155 girls answered the

questionnaires. Only about one third of the girls

claim they belong to a non-Arab Nuba tribe, as

compared to about 60% of the boys. Replies to

questions 10 through 13 are as follows:

(Tables XXIV:1 and 2)

123

-p o En

CN 0 0 H O ro ^ i—I CM O

4J O

ro i—I O*

-P w U

U <

00 CN <T> PH 1-0

LO ro

-p o Eh

o r—I

04 PH Oi

-p G 0 >H to CU

-P O

3 Z OÏ LO

-p o EH

o

-P O

3 2 CT» ITÌ

O Eh ro CN o

•P O

Q) A

U Eh

0 i—I 01

U <

(N CN (N

LO ro

<Ö Eh

0 Cn fö 3 tr> ö (Ö A

A fö Jh <

•H

•i z

o tn c 0 a 1 •H rH tr> 2 fÖ %

0 cn fö EH 1 A •rH rH fÖ S

cr> G fö fÖ fÖ rH S W

-P •H fÖ >i fÖ

0) P4 U Q) Xi

fÖ •B 2 •73 O •H m •H -p c o •H Ö D

124

-p

o Eh CN ro r o CN CN rH m m

-p

O

3 5 O rO rH rH pH V£>

CX

4J w U •H

U <

CN 00

r-oo

-p O Eh

CN M VO CM RO CM CN

in m

-p O

OI

3 £ <£>

U) •p C <D H fö Ph

M <

CM L O 00

-p O Eh

CN «3* CN CN CN in in

-p O

P 53

vû

< CN oo

-p

o Eh CN CN ro

LO m

-p

o

3 S <7i ro rH CM CM <X>

Q) A •H M Eh

Cn ö P O >ï

CN m oo r-co

d) CT> fö en G a

m <u £ œ §

ê

0 CT> c •H

Ö 0 0 fö H Oï •H S fö ;Q i EH

•H 1 S rH .Q Cn •H i—I 3 rH r—1 •n fÖ •H fö fö 0 K Û «

•p

s c <0 e •H >i s

fö rQ 3 Z fÖ -p

fÖ Q) rH •H rH m a) •H h •p

c fö JH Q) M rH U) a; Ti d) fÖ 3 -H rCj -p fö -p £ -p 0 s3 o D o EH 125

The Nyimang language is well represented in

Dil ling; other Nuba languages each trave only some

speakers represented, This would Cas in El Fasher)

make it less likely that the respondents use their

own vernaculars in school and in the surrounding

community. The schools draw pupils from a relatively

large area in the Nuba Mountains, so local bilingual-

ism will not help, either. Girls' replies stress

Arabic much more than boys'. For language spoken

most often now (Qll) there is an expected increase

in Arabic answers.

Only four girls claim they started learning

Arabic first after they got into school, whereas the

boys are about equally split between the three

alternatives; the problem of the respondents with

Arab fathers also saying that they learnt Arabic only

later unfortunately recurs here; (Table XXV)

126

o s

U1 rH w (ti ro r- <£> - tr> -P oo u C 0 a> - H EH X! -P -P n fO ( ti 0 CM m 4->

œ XI M

<D - 4-> o rH ro Ü M-l •H (ti 'S H U Si rH I rH C O w i—1 •H -p -C (ti *H

O (ti CN r- CNj (ti c r- ro 0> ( ti -H

•P Q) > M (ti Q) rC - P

(ti 0 rH -P

-P -P 3 rH w ,£) (ti m Cft

-P ro lo •H rH 0 14-1 0 H 0 W Ä S Ü 0 •H W 2 (ti H <D ü ^ 0 tn u-i Ü m o C O) CN •H ,Q •H rH II •H Si ro iH Q St rH (N

UÌ c - >i •H i-H 0 rH CQ (ti r» co +j ( ti iH iH c g a) c o T3 C >1 0 u

Q) W > <u n c: Q) (ti Ä S (U

G Si A fö a> II •H fti Si Ä M 0 U 3 5 fti EH 2 < Z

lD m r—i

rH -sT CO

si

O

X Û) i—I SI (ti En

127

Replies to question 16, Which languages (other

than Arabic) do you know well enough to understand

and communicate with people in the marketplace?,

sharpen our understanding of distribution of language

knowledge in Dilling: (Table XXVI)

Table XXVI. Replies to question 16, Which languages (other than Arabic) do you know well enough to understand and communicate with people in the marketplace? in Dilling. Only first four mentioned languages coded.

Language First Second Third Fourth mentioned mentioned mentioned mentioned

No answer 150 222 238 256

Nyimang 39 4 —

Hill Nubian 17 10

Kadugli-Krongo 10 3 21 3

Other Nuba 33 12

Other 10 8 _ _

Total 259 259 259 259

This table, although relative to language use in

the market-place, indicates that more respondents than

apparent from the preceding tables have some compe­

tence in a language other than Arabic in Dilling, and

that there are some respondents who are bi- or

multilingual in vernacular languages. For instance,

109 respondents claim some knowledge of at least one

language other than Arabic, according to question 16,

compared to a maximum of 80 respondents according to

questions 10 through 13. It is particularly note­

worthy that among the former are more Nyimang speakers

than among the latter.

128

The equivalent replies to question 18, Which

languages (other than Arabic) do you use when speaking

with friends? are: (Table XXVII)

Table XXVII. Replies to question 18, Which languages (other than Arabic) do you use when speaking with friends? in Dilling. Only first four mentioned languages coded.

Language First Second Third Fourth

mentioned mentioned mentioned mentioned

No answer 174 234

Nyimang 37 2

Hill Nubian 8 7

Kadugli-Krongo 4 3

Other Nuba 27 5

Other 9 5

Total 259 259

250 258

259 259

If we study those respondents a little closer

whose parents are both said to be Nuban, and not

from an Arab Nuba tribe, we find that father's job

and the age at which boys learnt Arabic correlate;

for girls, there is no apparent correlation because

they learnt Arabic early anyway: (Table XXVIII)

129

o 4-> Q)

<D X) -H U 4->

•H 4J •> XT 3 M fö X) 0) M > <î «H *H

O n tn 0 Tf C Ä •H o * C W 4J œ M C oj (1) fö O <D M ,C m rH O Ü

4-1 U •P (1) flJ «1 Ä ß M -H II II 4-1

b

y

m o - -

rH H <1) <H <ü CT» fö M fÖ g U

U) O >1 s XI >1

H II XI (ü xi O > X o •m •ro

C -to Q) n3 W - X! U •

U £ Q) H <D XI d) XI II 04 Ä •P CU •P <Ö fö RC fÖ PM w PM

fO -P O H

W rH >H O

(Ö -P O H

rH ^ vû 00 rH i—I PO

•H in oo

oo m in oi oo

cN m in rH ro ro h m

rH rH CN 00

cN o CN

(Ö •p o £ X >1 N H

x;

(D rH XI (ti ÉH 130

Girls' fathers have on the average better jobs

that boys' fathers among our Billing school respondents.

Girls answered much more Arabic to Q10 through 13,

They also answer a lot more Arabic to the situations

in question 19: (Table XXIX)

131

n U r—1 û)

0 s O w aJ c C «3 U Q) 0 > c: Q) ii -p 0

>i •h -p >i ö i—I 0 c

o tr* a u •H

•9 il U <

C ii

> U <

>i •* r-l U c «j 0 i—1 3

M C CM 1 CM > II 2 a) — tr> > <d cn 3 i—i tj> U c •H (Ö 0 O ^ 2

Ü) >1 O PQ

(ti

O -p

Cn G •H M fd Q) CU M

r » r o i n c N ^ o o c N i H o a < N H r H r H r H r H ( N ( N C N ( N

cN r - V D r - VÛ ^

r-i

en V Û rH cm

CM cm

ct» cm ro ro

vo cm

CO ro cm

a; -p o ß

w a; •H O -p U)

w M <u JZ -p o M

w M <u -p w •H w

m "

00 n • • o K o UÌ •rH M U-l rd 4-1 a) Gï 0 r-U • t VO ••

XX •k r—1 ••

rH W •H »- t?1 0 •p Ü CO 3 0 U c cm V1 £! 0 3 0 s Ü dl 0 A 3 œ w Ü M œ

x h x x

•s TRI

132

Should one select a two-dimensional solution, the

first dimension would subsume 19:1-4 and 10, the

second dimension all the remaining situations. How­

ever, the fact that, for boys, language use with

fathers and mothers and in storytelling situations

differ somewhat from language use with brothers,

sisters and friends, the latter with more Arabic,

makes the author suggest instead that more dimensions

are appropriate. For girls it also seems justified

to separate out speaking with parents, if not

storytelling. There is such a marked difference in

replies between boys and girls with so many more

vernacular-language answers by the former that the

author also intends to keep them apart in suggesting

dimensions of language use.

We then obtain a dimension which could be labelled

STRESS ON ORIGIN combining 19:1 and 19:10, parents and

storytelling, for the boys, the former only for the

girls; and another closely related dimension which

could be labelled PEER INTERACTION accounting for

situations 19:2 through 4 for the boys, and also

19:10 for the girls. We note that although the

local vernaculars dominate the boys' replies, there

are also many claims in favour of Arabic, but mostly

'bilingually.'

A third dimension with a prevalence of Arabic

could then be called INTERACTION IN THE PUBLIC REALM

accounting for the remaining situations, yet with

separation of an ORIENTATION TO THE NATION dimension

on the strength of boys' replies to 19:5 for the

133

boys. The latter two dimensions are strongly

Arabic; in fact, for girls there might be reason to

postulate the latter-mentioned NATIONAL ORIENTATION

dimension also, although the feature of selection of

language variety which is our main criterion In this

discussion could not separate it from INTERACTION IN

THE PUBLIC REALM for girls since both dimensions

assume the almost exclusive use of Arabic. Other

communicative features might, subject to further

study, demonstrate the usefulness of making such a

distinction.

A summary of the dimensions of language use which

have been hypothesized above to explain variability

in language use in Dilling appears on the inside of

the back cover.

8 . 9 Language use in Ileiban

In Heiban 45 boys from the junior secondary

school, 41 boys from the 6th grade of a primary

school and 32 girls from the 6th grade of a primary

school answered the questionnaires. Most of the

respondents come from Nuba non-Arab families. We

were unfortunately unable to allocate language names

given by the respondents to categories in our refer­

ences for the coding, Tucker & Bryan, for many of the

languages. We assume they are Nuba Mountain languages.

The fact that the "unidentified Nuba language" cate­

gory is large makes no difference for the socio-

linguistic analysis that follows. Replies to questions

10 through 13 are as follows: (Tables XXX:1 and 2)

134

o ir» rH m fH r- rH O CN &

(N 00

r-l CM r-H ( Ti

3 Z

1 0 r—i r—I r -CN

a -p CO n

<

O z

-p o En

CT» rH CN 00

-p O

P Z

ro (Tv rH "31

(0 -p G a> iH ni ft

J-1 <

O z

-p o E-i

CN C N VD 00

3 z

ro 0 0 C N ro

OJ U <

O z

-p o En

C N C N L O r H v D C N i — l U O C N V O CN 00

-p O

P z

CN C N ^

<D A

U Eh

Oi

Ö 3 O > 1

>H <

O z

a) u> (Ü 3 Cn C 3

U Q) 2 W G <d o z

u •H •3 a

o t7> c •h

§ o h

o cp

•h 3 (fl

xi 1 Eh 3 •h 1 Cr» z rH

Ut 43 -H §

1—1 3 3 rH e f—1 •n TJ (0 •H •h aJ <d O >1 ä q « « z

(Ö ,Q p z 73 0) •H •H <tî -p

-P C «J a) H rH rH T5 a) (d rH •H •P a) Ö -p 0 PM d o EH

135

•P CM rH CM r» CM 0 cm ro EH Q)

EH XI •H U -P CM CM -P O CM CM

fO XI 3 3 «H \D CM r * & 2 ,—* S rH CM ro II •—1

Oi 3 —' ÎH ro ro ss *C -P *• co (D u XI •H 0 rH rH •H m S

-P XI fö -P H vO C M r o CM u 0 rH rH rO < II

EH rH rH rO

II u -P CN CM O %—' • CN 3 rH CM rO tsO <D rH z r—1 rH CM XI CX •H

-P co SH ro ro 4-» < CO G — CD iH U (U fd 0 rH rH X! a s -P a fd M-l

-p CM Vû rH ro C M XI o cm ro EH £ fd xi -P CM CM -H O CD ÌU — M c cu 3 rH rH rH ro VD •H £ S CM CM

m ro G y i> i—i fd rH rH M ro ro x: o CA < tn £ —'

< 3 0 II S u 0 0 rH rH xi o c S -P s o •-rH rH fd -p rh cm ro ^ cm 10 -P 0 cm ro G O EH O EH •H -P II CO -P CM CM Q) 4-) O 3 0 EH 0 » 3 ro U3 v û -P CU , -s. S rH CM

XI o W -H rH CU M <D Oi •H -P Cn —' u ro ro rH fd < Ol H 3 tr> < Q) CU tn Ö u x: ö 3 -p fd 0 0 rH i—1 - o >i s co H II n fd -H -P Xj O O

Z . •H T J CM 0 (1) •• Cn - H X U fd M H X <D EH -H X £ 1 -P CO O XI Ö CU <U C -H - H CU rH r—1 Xi (d X) rH rö fd Xi -H fd fd -H -P fd M 0 U O C 0 EH EH S <C U 4 D EH 136

The respondents say their parents use a

vernacular more often than they do themselves (Q12

compared to the other questions); and the girls

claim more Arabic than the boys, proportionately,

throughout.

In reply to question 16, Which languages (other

than Arabic) do you know well enough to understand

and communicate with people in the marketplace? as

many as 19 respondents list a Koalib-Tagoi language as

a first-mentioned, 12 as a second-mentioned, and 5 as

a third-mentioned language. This adds up to 36

respondents who claim some knowledge of a Koalib-

Tagoi language. Other Nuba languages (all included)

are listed in the first position by 44 respondents.

In reply to question 18, Which languages (other than

Arabic) do you use when speaking with friends? a

total of 29 respondents claim some use of a Koalib-

Tagoi language. This indicates bi- and multi-

lingualism in Nuba languages in Heiban, particularly

in Koalib-Tagoi languages.

Father's job does not correlate with age of

learning Arabic; but then again about half the Nuba

girls' fathers have 'better' jobs whereas four fifths

of the boys' fathers are found in job categories w

(farmer/shepherd) and x (worker). Details on age

of learning Arabic are: (Table XXXI)

137

X X X

XI <ö Eh 138

fÜ -p o H

ro V D C M C N CN ro

O Z

w r-H U •H O

fÖ •P O H

un H vD rH KD 00

o 2 <vT

ro

w >i O CQ

<N (N O rH CN

ro KO ^ rH C N

(U rQ M Eh

M Q)

Girls say they learnt Arabic earlier than the

boys do; and a little over 40% of the Nuba boys learnt

Arabic, they claim, when they were very small.

Details of question 19 on contextualized language

use are given in Table XXXII. The number of girls

that makes up the statistics is quite low, because

of the selection of girls claiming a vernacular at

least once in questions 10 through 13 so reliability

is in doubt for purposes of sex comparisons. There

are only 16 girls represented in the following

table.

139

140

U C ro o o i n

> i U <

vo vD

<

& «—I

0 tJ» fö .3 Cn C fö

< i/i n (ji ( ji

ro r-m

U C <t> vo lo

> LO in VX ) ro r o CN CM

>i O m

Q) Cn <Ö 3 &i C fö

-p fö \ o -p Cr> ö •H fö <D O, CO

•» 00 U • • OJ <D •t u w •H -P O CN M-l

Q f—1 • • ro ro M-l g • • «» • • • t <D CTi 0 W *• M • • ^0 •• ». W M w w ,Q •» • • K PH U Q) (1) M T5 rH w K O1 •H Q) •H rC Q) c: 0 -p w 3 u rC M •P -P Q) 0 n a M c: -P 0 0 W •H 0 0 C 3 fÖ -p U •H Ü Û4 4: 3 0 M-l Œ £} U) M-l Ü) CO w U) u

One dimension, following the Dilling solution,

would be STRESS ON ORIGIN to account for 19t; 1.

Storytelling, 19:10, gets subsumed under another

dimension, PEER COMMUNICATION, accounting also for

situations 19:2-4. Both these dimensions show some

use of the vernacular, the former more than the

latter. Arabic dominates the third dimension,

INTERACTION IN THE PUBLIC REALM, for situations

19:6,7 and 9.

Boys and girls differ with regard to how to

assign the 'schoolbreaks' situation, 19:8. For the

girls it ought rather to be seen as an example of

PEER COMMUNICATION whereas for the boys it appears

better accounted for by the INTERACTION IN THE PUBLIC

REALM dimension because of the relative prominence

of Arabic.

Because of somewhat higher Arabic claims by

boys for 19:5, talking to the council officer, and

the curious avoidance of answering it by girls, yet

exclusively Arabic claims by those who do answer,

an ORIENTATION TO THE NATION dimension would also

seem justified.

Boys in Heiban claim more Arabic than boys in

Dilling. But for girls, the reverse is true.

Rather fewer girls constitute our sample for analyzing

replies to question 19 in Heiban. This, the sheer

complexity of the vernacular first-language mix of

pupils in Heiban and the fact that the average

respondent is younger in Heiban may account for the

difference in Arabic claims. The suggestion could

141

be made that younger pupils, particularly boys,

compared to male adolescents, are readier to express

such values as they know school to represent in

replies to a questionnaire. (This may also be a

reason for the consistently stronger Arabic answers

by girls.) Male adolescents instead more accurately

perceive and express own characteristics. Tribal and

vernacular mix would favour Arabic in any case

through its then frequent use as a lingua franca.

Differential spread of Islam cannot be used to

explain differences in Arabic use today. Islamization

was well under way in the 1940ies in Heiban and, if it

were to have exerted — although its spread was a

complex social process — influence on Arabic usage,

Arabic ought, rather, to be generally stronger in

Dilling. Dilling is easily accessible, located in

the northern part of the Nuba Mountains on a 'trunk

road' from El Obeid, whereas Heiban is located to the

south and is both smaller and remote. (Cf Stevenson

1963 :11 and 16.)

A summary of the dimensions of language use which

have been hypothesized above to explain variability

in language use in Heiban appears on the inside of

the back cover.

8.10 Language use in Sallara

In Sallara 51 boys in the junior secondary school

answered the questionnaire. The largest vernacular

group is Nyimang-speaking: (Table XXXIII)

142

ro PH o<

U •H *4-1

ex

c <1) U fö Q*

Q) A •H U FRI

Ol

Cn ß 3 o >1

0) ff g-tì fÖ

r o r O r H r o r o c N k O r H «H CM LO

ro ro CN <£> CN

ro \o H cN in

ro v O LO ^ CN

ro (N

r* r o rH

ro i n L O r H i—I LO

ro m m ^ rH ^

ro r o CN KO CN

fi •s fö s 5H •H Q) A *

S 3 -p w ü z •H C •H rH fö fö A rH fÖ rH fÖ rH W •P 0 U •H fÖ <Ö 2 < m S «

Cn § e •rH I?

(Ö •§ a T5 <u

143

A minority, about 20%, of the non-Arab Nuba boys

learnt Arabic when they were very young. The rest say

they learnt Arabic later, some before and some after

starting school: CTable XXXIV)

Table XXXIV. When a respondent in Sallara claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. (No = no answer, a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c = after starting school)

Tribe Boys

a b c No Total

No 1 1

Arab 3 1 4

Nuba 9 15 18 2 44

Other 2 2

Total 13 16 20 2 51

All but one father are farmers, shepherds or

workers.

Answers to the contextualized language use

questions are; (Table XXXV)

Table XXXV. Replies to question 19:1-10 in Sallara, by sex. (V = vernacular only, ^-Ar = frequently the vernacular, sometimes Arabic, Ar-V = frequently Arabic, sometimes the vernacular, Ar = Arabic only, No = no answer)

Boys (N = 40) Speaking to/at Language

No V V-Ar Ar-V Ar

father, mother,:1 11 23 4 2

stories,:10 10 19 9 2

brothers,: 2 5 20 13 2

sisters,: 3 1 5 19 14 1

friends,: 4 1 10 24 5

shops,: 6 1 4 22 13

sunsuq,: 7 4 7 15 14

schoolbreaks,: 8 1 20 19

sports,: 9 15 25

council officer,:5 2 38

144

It may seem highly arbitrary to project discrete

dimensions on this set of communicative situations, few

as they are, ordered in quite smooth progression from

vernacular via both vernacular and Arabic use to more

Arabic use. But, in accord with our model and termino­

logy, "we can permit the natural overlap of linguistic

behaviour from one class of situations to another --

which is what makes categorizing situations difficult

in the first place." CScotton 1972:108) Indeed, we

are encouraged by the fact that it is possible to

arrange the communicative situations in question 19 in

a progression of increasing Arabic claims and that

there are close similarities between the progressions

from one respondent group to the next.

Staying close to the data in Table XXXV one

might maximally suggest an ORIENTATION TO THE NATION

dimension to account for 19:5 as opposed to the other

situations, a SCHOOL dimension to account for 19:8 and

9, a COMMERCE dimension to account for 19:6 and the

replies for which are slightly different from the other

situations, a PEER INTERACTION dimension to account for

19:4 and the intermediate position of 19:2 and 3

between the friends situation and talking to parents,

and a STRESS ON ORIGIN dimension to account for

situations 19:1 and 10.

To suggest five dimensions for an array of ten

communicative situations seems somewhat excessive. It

certainly is not simple. Storytelling got answers

that groups it with language use to fathers and mothers

into a dimension of STRESS ON ORIGIN versus PEER

145

COMMUNICATION (19;2-4). Vernacular use in the local

markets arises out of necessity and kin encounters -—

Sallara is quite a small place. But the author

groups 19:7 with 6, 8 and 9 into an INTERACTION IN

THE PUBLIC REALM dimension because of the higher

Arabic claims, and marks the uniqueness of the

NATIONAL ORIENTATION dimension (19:5) although it

could be argued for Sallara as well as for other

places that there is probably little choice but to

speak Arabic to the council officer when the inter­

locutors have no other tongue in common. Officers

in local councils most often hail from other parts of

the country (as do teachers). This circumstance, and

our finding that Arabic is indeed the almost exclu­

sively claimed language in speaking with council

officer, together foster an expectation of use of

Arabic in situations that are characterized by its

features, in general terms, ORIENTATION TO THE NATION.

We should note that the vernacular end of the

scale in Sallara is more sharply vernacular than

for the other two Nuba towns, and the opposite

extreme also almost exclusively Arabic.

A summary of the dimensions of language use

which have been hypothesized above to explain variabi­

lity in language use in Sallara appears on the inside

of the back cover.

8.11 Language use in El Obeid (Fellata quarters)

In El Obeid, we studied a boys' and a girls'

primary school in the Fellata ('West African', cf

146

Hurreiz and Bell 1975;29) quarters, out of interest in

this group. Unfortunately, not very many schools-

children said they were Fellata in these schools. A

total of 69 boys and 56 girls answered the question­

naires; (Tables XXXVI : 1 and 2)

147

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csi ca

o co c o

N tO ^ ^

CO H ^

O CD C i

CD r H t >

148

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fö Ä -p u o fö En Q)

(Ti CN in vX) (N rH rH Ln

è

o PQ

rH Oi

-P w U

U <

o z

<y» vo m o CM rH in

Cm o

o PQ

w -p c O) M (Ö ft

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o 2

oo r- <j\ CM rH

o

o PQ

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<T> CT> Ln ro (N rH m

o

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o PQ

Q) en fö P en Ö (Ö

ex

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o s

o r* m CN rH

Q) A

U Eh

•3

fÖ -p fÖ

0) Cm

U a) Xi -P O

fö •p o £H

149

A majority learnt Arabic quite early:

(Table XXXVII)

Answers to the contextualized language use

questions are: (Table XXXVIII)

150

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U) i—I U •H O

ro fi iD M

vo CO CT> ro CM ^

fd •p O Eh

r- vo 00 CD CTi I—I C N r H k D

O 2

n co p> w

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<ü •H Jq &H O 2

cd -p fd u 1—1

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•S Eh 151

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Numbers are so small that we cannot suggest

dimensions with- any confidence. Only three dimensions

seem justified: tentatively the author proposes a

STRESS ON ORIGIN dimension for situations 19;1-4 and

10. The other two could be labelled the INTERACTION

IN THE PUBLIC REALM (;6-9) and ORIENTATION TO THE

NATION (;5) dimensions. Arabic dominates the latter

dimensions but is claimed in about half the cases

otherwise, too.

The author suspects Con the strength of a

suggestion by Mr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud who grew up in

and around El Obeid) that most of the respondents in

this school in fact are Fellata. This school is

known to be an exclusively Fellata school in the

Fellata quarters of El Obeid. What we would like to

know is why some respondents do (or can) reveal their

true tribal belonging when others don't (can't).

Respondents have assumed 'Arab' as their ethnic,

tribal, label and consequently claim the exclusive

use of Arabic.

The Fellata are met with suspicion, even

persecution, in many parts of Sudan. One response for

the Fellata is to claim identity with another ethnic

group, preferably a 'safe' (superordinate, dominant)

one, an Arab one particularly.

8.12 Language use in Malakal

In Malakal 91 boys and 111 girls answered the

questionnaire. Most of the respondents are Arab (and

153

Nubian) but among them the majority is locally

born. Among the Southerners, Shilluk is the largest

group; and among their languages, Shilluk has the

most speakers; (Table XXXIX:1 and 2)

154

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155

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156

The Shilluk and the Nuer use their tribal

languages to a large extent. Relatively many more

girls than boys answer Arabic to questions 10

through 13.

Shilluk and Nuer boy respondents are also those

who claim that they learnt Arabic later than at a

very earliest age; and more girls claim that they

learnt Arabic at their earliest age than boys:

(Table XL)

157

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x

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158

Two thirds of the boys1 fathers and almost

all girls' fathers (among those respondents whose

parents both belong to a Southern tribe) are said

to have a 'better ' job (in the job categories y

and z), and most among them in the 'best' category.

Correlating with age of learning Arabic is therefore

meaningless.

Malakal is remarkable in that 22 (out of 91)

boys and 15 (out of 111) girls claim they use also

another language than Arabic to write letters. The

coding tells us that at least 8 girls and 9 boys

do so in Shilluk and 2 boys in Dinka.

Answers to the contextualized language use

questions are: (Table XLI)

159

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ÎH C II > U

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rH ÎH c fÖ 0 rH

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-M fö O -P 0> Ö -H tö O) ft UÌ

C N C N C O r O O L O C M ^ f C F »

CM r o L O C M »x» oo r- r- CM

lo ^ cm ^j1 cm cm cm

ra cm cm rh

o CM

CM VD CM O rH rH (N CM

LO

T! ». 00 U

ÎH • • Q) Q) "» Ü

U) •H

-P O CM M m

0 rH ro • • fö m g • • • • •• <D <T> 0 k W ». VD •• U • • » M W 5H CO • * ». & ». i—i

5H Q) 5H (D T! •» tr1 rH cn •H

0 •H Q) rC C cn 3 0 -P Ü

M -P -P Q) CK cn O U £ -P 0 cn 0 •H 0 C Ä O 3 fö -P •rH ÎH M rC 3 Ü a. O MH 10 W .Q 4H cn U1 cn cn o

rQ fÖ Eh

160

The author groups 19:4, friends, with

19:1-3 and 10, labelling the dimension that accounts

for these situations STRESS ON ORIGIN. Situations

19:7-9 can be grouped under a PUBLIC REALM dimension,

in which both Arabic and the local languages have their

uses. Talking to the council officer, 19:5, demon­

strates a separate dimension, labelled ORIENTATION TO

THE NATION because its frame of reference is that of

the regional or national administration and, since

interestingly shops, 19:6, can be subsumed under

this dimension, too, of a wider commercial network

linked through family and friendship to people and

transactions in the administration. For our educated

respondents from the Northern system schools in

Malakal, the kind of merchants, merchandise and

customers encountered in the regular built-up shops

to a large extent overlap with those who figure in

administrative life. Discussions and encounters in

the offices shade over into discussions and encounters

over a cup of coffee or a cold drink in the major

shops. The language df these latter foutT oriented

communicative situations is Arabic, but we should

note that some use is also reported of Southern

languages. The field team met several civil servants

from the Northern Sudan who were quite proud of

their knowledge of Southern languages; we overheard

their use.

Our group of respondents in Malakal appear to

come from families that are commercially well

established or among whom many fathers hold adminis­

161

trative jobs. We noted, in the sections on parents'

Arabic ability and literacy, high proficiency rates.

What is particularly noteworthy in Malakal is

therefore not so much the dominance of Arabic but

instead the relative prominence of Shilluk. Arabic

and Shilluk together appear to adopt speakers from

other vernacular groups: (Table XLII)

Table XLII. Number of respondents in Malakal by father's tribe claiming the use of Shilluk at least sometimes in reply to the contextualized language use questions in Q19.

Tribe Question 19, situation: Total

1 10 3 2 4 6 7 8 9 5

Boys :

Shilluk 18 16 16 17 16 9 14 17 15 4 19

All other 33 20 28 27 30 14 33 24 20 9 72

Girls :

Shilluk 8 9 7 5 6 2 6 8 4 0 10

All other 23 17 28 24 35 6 24 26 12 6 101

The major local vernacular language, Shilluk,

has a strong standing even outside its own ethnic,

native-speaking group.

This is brought out very convincingly by the

replies to question 16, Which languages (other than

Arabic) do you know well enough to understand and

communicate with people in the marketplace? and

question 18, Which languages (other than Arabic) do

you use when speaking with friends?. Almost 80% of

all Malakal respondents list Shilluk in reply to the

former question, among whom 70% or 142 respondents

162

list it first; not quite 74% list Shilluk in reply

to the latter question, among whom 137 respondents

or 68% list it first,

8•13 Language use in Adong

In Adong 81 boys in the primary school

answered the questionnaire. They all belong to a

Southern tribe and speak Shilluk (the majority),

Dinka or in a few cases Nuer: (Table XLIII)

163

fö

c •H Q

II

•H p ex

u pH -H föX CN C7> CN XI •P U CN fÖ 0 nJ u En CU < II u < -P I—1

O

o! XI X •H Uì CN u -p

10 -~» - u a; ro u cu <1) £ x: to -P c rö f ö m •H rH CN

0 Q rH >1 C XI

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<u s C tn 0 0 CN •h fö

r3 c £

ro tn rH C

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uì 0 -P II

*h rH "sT co X q CN (1) U) •h I—1 «* ft M o CU CU CU r—1 H >H 3 tn ex C

S3 fÖ "— 3 tn

CO II tn £ >1 ß P 0 Q) fö 0 0 CN pq 2 2

h X h -p h 0 j 0 x X m

3 CU CU <Ö rH U rH XI ^ >H rH O) X •rH C CU -H X fö }H 0 -H P x -P Eh Eh s q 52 Uì O

164

rH CN CN rH 00 CN 00

rH CN CN

rH 00 cr> CN

ro CN CN

PO rH ro iH CN CN

co rH

00 Of rH rH m

•p !

w U

CN •H CN rH ro MH

CN CN CN

00 G> <T> CO ro

sr

in rH G\ O CN s rH CN

CN rH ex

rH LO O KD 10 rH rH -p

c a)

CN fd

ft

X •p

3 0 UÌ

3 «H <d rH >H rH fÖ U rH eu fÖ •p C CU •H X -p

0 0 •H 0 x: •p 0 EH z Q z w o EH

Very few should have learnt Arabic very early,

which is precisely what we find: (Table XLIV)

Table XLIV. When a respondent in Adong claims first to have learnt Arabic, by father's tribe. Boys. (a = when very small, b = before school but later than a, c =

after starting school)

Tribe Boys

a b c Total

No answer 1 1 2

Dinka 1 6 17 24

Nuer 4 4

Shilluk 2 11 36 49

Other Southern 2 2

Total 3 18 60 81

Adong is a very small rural village. It does not

really have any 'shops' although its 'sunsuq' is

important. There is a small police station, and

there is the school.

Answers to the contextualized language use

questions are: (Table XLV)

165

<1> fi Ä o -P O >1 -H rH Ì3 -P tö s ä & » CD U U m < ii -

u rC fö •P rH P 01 O <D fö e c •H •P Q) Q) > e 0 II oi > o •H

XI • fO X M Q) c 01 >1 >1 H RQ -p

c k. <D tn C! B1 0 Q) T* U < 4-1 C II •H > O 1 rH U 1 C rH

CT> Ü rH •H C! 'S 0 U •H < -P 01 oi Q) <D P £j Ö1 •H -P 0 <u -P e 0 01 oi (1) H M ft rd (L) rH M P

Ü - f Ö 01 Ö >1 H O d) pq >

M ro rH VD VO ro O -31 r-» CN <C rH rH CN ro LO LO KD

> 1 KD KD rH O 00 O ty» CN 00 rH CN ro ro rH C

U < A\ r- O vo r- ro CN 1 rH CM CN CN «H >

rH

II > VO 00 00 in 00 ro rH m iH 0 ro ro g tn <Ö

P oi Cn >i C 0 fö 0 rH CQ 53

U0 rH "

" 00 n •P u •• Q) 0) fö <u Ü £ \ 01 •H cn O •p CN O X 4-1 ö -p 0 • • ro rH fÖ 4-1 <ö s * •• •• <• <D Oï 0 cn 01 *. » U • • •• KD 0 ö oi 0) 01 -Q •k » «• rH 2; •H M O) <u rH 01 er v •H M <ü r£ <D C •H 0 •P p 01 u ii fÖ rc •P -P <1) h 0 n 01 ft c <D -P 0 01 •H 0 ä 0 G 0 p 0 ft <d M •H m -P ü ft P rC 0 s CA 4-1 rq 01 4-j 01 01 01 01 01 Ü

5 x

•8 Eh 166

The author accounts for 19:1-3 by hypothesizing

a dimension of FAMILY INTERACTION; then 19:4, friends

and 19:10, storytelling could be accounted for by a

dimension of PEER INTERACTION, implying that story­

telling does not refer to a social activity that

unites all ages in the home or village in the Adong

area, but rather to conversation within the age group.

The two commercial communicative situations and the

council officer situation represent OUT-GROUP INTER­

ACTION. Replies to 19:8 and 9 stand intermediate

between PEER and OUT-GROUP INTERACTION and could

therefore either be accounted for by the overlapping

influence of these two dimensions or by a separate

dimension, a SCHOOL dimension. For the sake of

staying close to the data, the author prefers the

latter solution.

Vernacular languages dominate the FAMILY situa­

tions; among PEERS vernacular languages and Arabic

are used by virtue of the fact that the language of

the outer world is Arabic and that vernacular languages

are not necessarily shared; the language of SCHOOL is

Arabic and these respondents have the privilege of

attending school; and for situations of OUT-GROUP

INTERACTION Arabic dominates, both because people from

different language backgrounds interact, for commerce

and civil affairs, and because Arabic is the language

of national administration. (It is perhaps curious

that Arabic has been so dominatingly attributed to

communication at the open air market (sunsuq)).

167

Adong is a mainly vernacular-speaking village,

but communicative necessities accumulate to support

convenient use of Arabic: because of different native

tongues among peers, because of different tribal and

linguistic background of people who come to the

markets, because of the necessity to use Arabic at

school and by administrative decree in local

administration and beyond. (V/ritten administrative

communications are now in English in the Southern

Region, but in 1972 and earlier the situation must

have been different; cf Yusuf al-Khalifa in Hurreiz

and Bell, 1975, Ushari Ahmed Mahmud, forthcoming, and

Nhial in Hurreiz and Bell, 1975:92.) This way of

looking at the language situation in Adong stresses the

utility of Arabic as a lingua franca between speakers

of different vernacular languages among whom there is

a limited degree of mutual bilingualism but whose

respective vernacular languages dominate daily

interaction otherwise.

In this properly Southern Sudanese group of

respondents who use three of the major languages of

the Sudan, Shilluk, Dinka and Nuer, there is a very

high number of respondents who claim they read (34)

at least sometimes in another language than Arabic

and write (29) at least sometimes in another language

than Arabic.

While in Malakal Shilluk dominates among

vernacular languages, and serves as a lingua franca

together with Arabic, in Adong there appears to be

168

quite significant bi- and multilingualism in all

three major Southern languages, Tables XLVI and

XLVII illustrate this:

Table XLVI. Replies to question 16, Which languages (other than Arabic do you know well enough to understand and communicate with people in the marketplace? in Adong.

Language First mentioned

Second mentioned

Third mentioned

Fourth mentioned

Total

No answer 1 26 51 80

Dinka 49 7 3 59

Nuer 5 33 38

Shilluk 24 15 22 1 62

Other 2 5 7

Total 81 81 81 81

Table XLVII Replies to question than Arabic) do you friends? in Adong.

18, Which languages (other use when speaking with

Language First mentioned

Second i mentioned

Third Fourth mentioned mentioned

Total

No answer 7 37 62 79 —

Dinka 42 6 2 50

Nuer 4 24 28

Shilluk 27 12 15 54

Other 1 2 2 2 7

Total 81 81 81 81 —

Dinka and Nuer, but also Shilluk although the

largest single tribal group represented among our

respondents in Adong is Shilluk, are well known

and apparently also well used beyond their

native speaking groups.

169

8.14 Language use in Kabushiya, Singa, Dinder

and Burri

Almost all respondents are Arabs and Arabic-

speaking. Replies to questions on language

knowledge and language use are almost

exclusively Arabic.

(Concerning Table XLVIII cf section 8.4

above.)

170

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o s

00 CN CM

U •H O 00 H 00

O Eh

O S

•K VD

W O PQ

<D rQ 5-1 EH 0

S3

O

oo cm

ro cm

cn cm

lo i—i ro ^ ro

ro O H ro r* cm <n

(T) r - CM VD i—I ro

^ H r- KD 00 ro rh cm r-cm cn

fö U •P <D <ö U rH A

A «—i <U fÖ -P fö rH ,C •P fÖ n <U •P O m <C fe O EH *

U U 3 PQ U O

XI fö rH •H fö > fÖ -P o c OJ rQ •H U -p

•S Eh

171

CHAPTER 9. COMPARISON OF PATTERNS OF LANGUAGE USE

This data is biassed in favor of Arabic and in

favor of communicative behaviors that rather charac­

terize people who seek to participate in wider

national communicative networks than traditional

ones. This sample can only be regarded as represent­

ative of a school population. Our findings can at

best serve as an approximate guide to language use

in the wider community.

The author has deliberately used same terms

to name dimensions of language use in different speech

communities. He believes that communicative behaviors

that they label are comparable in ways which a theory

of social communication for Sudan should express,

and because of sharing of particular social and

communicative properties in the various local

communities. If one so wishes, these labels (ORIENTA­

TION TO THE NATION, etc) can also be understood only

as unique or even arbitrary labellings for each

community. In any case and without ethnographical

study of speaking in some depth in Sudan, one shall

not now know further the meaning of labels chosen

to name dimensions of language use. For now they

remain hypothetical both in number, interrelationship

and content.

172

In the following Table IL the ten situations

reflected in discussion of question 19 have been

reassigned each to its dimension for each school

district. What Table IL expresses are the facts

of opposition of a particular number of dimensions

in each place; and each dimension is expressed by

its set of communicative situations. In these con­

crete terms, some comparisons can be made.

At most four dimensions have been postulated to

account for variability in data. An essential divi­

sion separates communicative situations that belong

to the realm of home and family etc from communicative

situations that belong to the realm of commerce—even

in local markets—and school, administrative authority

or, it seems, just interaction with other people than

one's own.

Within the latter set of situations some

communities apparently communicate almost exclusively

through the medium of Arabic, although a fair amount

of local vernacular language use would be quite

possible. Within the former set of situations,

vernacular languages dominate usage, but do not

exclude the use of Arabic.

In the Nuba Mountains we have evidence, in the

allocation of situations 19:1 and 10 and 19:2-4

to two dimensions, of either a generational difference:

younger people use more Arabic, or a structuring of

society into age groups (Faris 1972, Nadel 1947)

with consequence for communicative behavior: speaking

among peers differs from speaking in wider family

173

settings or both.

In Adong, this same division may reflect the

influence of schooling on the children. Those who

go to school may well be classified as a special

age-set (Deng 1972: 154-5), that of the educated,

who are friends in situation 19:4, and who use more

Arabic among themselves in the village than when

among kin. In overtly physical school settings,

even more Arabic would be used. What it does not

necessarily mean, is that these people use any less

vernacular language than any other person in family

settings and the like.

The three towns in Northern and Eastern Sudan

demonstrate a wider role for the local vernacular

languages than is the case in El Fasher, Tina and

El Obeid in Western Sudan. Alternatively, we could

say that the role of Arabic is more sharply delimited

(for national, official etc communication) in the

Northern and Eastern towns. In the West, inclusive

of the Nuba Mountains, any one local vernacular

does not possess a very much larger number of

speakers than other vernacular languages, nor does

any one local vernacular language distinctly dominate

a larger area around a major town (with the exception

of Zalingei and some other administrative centers

in the Western District of Darfur, cf Jernudd 1968,

and forthcoming). Both circumstances reinforce the

use of Arabic for communication in local networks

that are not composed of individuals speaking the

same native language. Whatever the relationship

174

of Arabic to local vernaculars may be, the latter

are, however, firmly entrenched in the homes and for

communication on local affairs. Also, some vernacu­

lars may serve each as a local lingua franca for

use in these latter situations in a limited area,

such as eg the Nyimang language in Dilling.

In Adong, bi- and limited multilingualism in

Shilluk, Nuer and Dinka facilitate local inter­

communication. The strength of Shilluk in Malakal

makes it possible for that vernacular to compete

with Arabic as a local lingua franca but not as a

language for wider communication beyond Malakal or

immediate vicinity. Thus, Arabic remains a necessity

for regional or national communication.

Table IL. Summary of dimensions of language use for situations 1 through 10 in question 19, by school district. (The dimension with the strongest verna­cular feature is marked by black squares, with more than 90 percent Arabic by black circles, blank squares for further dividing situations 1-4 and 10, blank circles for further dividing situations 5-9, and if black circles do not oppose blank circles.)

Schools in Question 19:

1 10 2 3 4 8 9 7 6 5

Dongola O o o o • New Haifa • • • • • O o • • • Sinkat • • • • • o o o • El Fasher, Tina m • • • • o o o o o Dilling • B • • • o o o o • Reiban • • • • • 0 o o o • Sallara • • • • • 0 o o o • El Obeid • • • • • o o o o • Malakal • • • • • o o o • • Adong • • • • • o o • • •

175

CHAPTER 10. WHY DO GIRLS USE ARABIC MORE OFTEN THAN BOYS?

We have found that girls' mothers consistently

are said to know more Arabic than boys' mothers

or at least how girls claim that their mothers

know Arabic more often than do boys. We have found

that high literacy rates characterize girls'

fathers in almost all areas. And we have found

that mothers' literacy level is well below that of

fathers' but girls' mothers generally score higher

than boys' mothers.

An equivalent difference recurs in the language

use data: girls consistently say that they use

(much) more Arabic than boys say they do. In the

case of eg Dilling 68 percent of the boys say

they use a vernacular language only or frequently

talking to their parents but only 14 percent of

the girls say they do. The girls say they talk

Arabic to their parents!

Some explanation has been attempted above.

Although I am reluctant to invite comparison with

studies of sex differences in language use else­

where on the meager analytical basis of this report,

the reader may yet excuse the author's indulgence

in suggesting points of contact between our data

and some apparently universal and also foreign

176

insights. This is done to hint at relationships

that could be explored in future studies to explain

this survey's data.

Elert 1977 states that reasons for differences

between male and female language behavior can be

universal or culture dependent. Commenting on

Swedish and English speech communities he says

that it would appear that :

"Kvinnor har förr uppfostrats och uppfostras annu att i mycket högre grad än män följa normerna. Man tillåts att ha en mycket vidare variation i alla beteenden." (Women have been brought up and are still brought up to follow norms to a much greater extent than men. Men are allowed to display a much wider variation in all behaviors. Author's translation).

He also points to girls' better fluency and ability

to learn foreign languages during childhood and to

attempts to explain such findings.

Differential and developmental psychology

texts (cf eg Anastasi 1958) appear to emphasize

the "greater social orientation of women" and "the

developmental acceleration of girls" each of which

may be an important factor in their more rapid

acquisition of language and may give them a head

start in verbal development as a whole. Although

these texts refer to both biological and

cultural differences between the sexes as sources

of differences in aptitudes, interests, and other

psychological traits, they are also careful to

underline that most of the material that their

generalizations derive from is culturally specific—

to Western nations. However, the Northern Sudan

177

in its generally Islamic cultural fold would

display even sharper prescriptions concerning how

males and females can and cannot behave and what

they can and cannot do than Twentieth Century

Western countries.

Girls' stronger social and norm orientation

when in school would favor Arabic, as the language

through which adaptation to values of education,

of their present and immediate environment, is

expressed and values communicated through education.

Their supposedly better verbal abilities (or adapta­

bilities) would equally favor acquisition, therefore

fluency and use of Arabic. That, if true also

for Sudan, "girls are consistently more successful

than boys" with regard to school progress (op cit:493)

just reinforces Arabic further.

According to the above comments we can expect

to find explanations for differences in Arabic

claiming by girls and boys in (1) maturationally

dependent sex differences, ie age groups may differ

not only in degree but kind of sex difference, and

(2) sex-typing (roles and stereotypes) in Sudanese

speech communities. Future study will also have

to determine to what extent our findings are

determined by (3) sex differentials in reporting on

self and others: "the admission of particular

attributes or behaviors may have different value

and may lead to different consequences as a function

of the individual's sex." (Mischel in Müssen:13).

178

One of the very few sources the author

has managed to find which deals with the issue of

women in education in Sudan says (Sanderson 1963:26)

about the situation ten years before the Survey:

nMuslim traditions for women and the suspicion

that education might interfere with their traditional

role in Society" (and in paraphrase:) have blocked

girl's education; this prejudice must have

even greater force concerning continuing education

to junior secondary school because girls are then

older, more useful for the family, and they are

in or just about to begin puberty.

Sha'aban (1970:150) says that Hadendawa

girls marry early, between 14 and 18 years of age,

and are required in the household. According to

Cunnison (1966:40-41) hardly any boys or girls

had gone to school at all among the nomadic Baggara

Humr Arabs as late as in the late 1950's because:

"....education would interfere. Men are reluctant to send their children to school because they would lose their services as herders, and also because a child who spends more than about two years away from the cattle and the nomadic life be­comes softened by urban manners and unable to readapt himself to the demands of nomadic cattle-husbandry; for he does not learn the skills, and loses the hardi­ness required of him. In the same way, girls who are educated are not acceptable as nomad wives. The skills and the hardi­ness required of them are just as great. So far, those children who have been to school have been for the most part children of nazirs and omdas of the tribe.

Accordingly Humr fear the results of edu­cation, from which, they clearly see, cattle herding, and hence the family stock, would suffer. Their aim is still to own cattle

179

and increase their herds, and to gain through the possession of cattle the opportunity of leading a life of material comfort and of winning influence and power among their own people."

Kennedy (1977) interviews a modern Nubian

man who has returned to Kanuba to live who has

this to say about his children's education (131):

"Now I believe girls and boys are equal... But if someone wants to marry her, I will stop her schooling. I believe that girls should be educated, but it costs much and it is more important that they get married. Actually, education is more important for boys."

Kennedy observes (54):

"That the Nubians have maintained their own languages and traditions over centuries of close contact with dominating foreign cultures is partly attributable to their zealous attempts to keep intact their traditional rules governing marriage."

and (64):

"Parents normally begin directing children to associate with members of their own sex between the ages of four and six. As they grow older, boys are permitted greater freedom of movement, even outside the immediate peripheries of the village, while girls are increasingly confined to the home. At school, boys and girls are segregated on opposite sides of the class­room, and most girls are not permitted to continue their formal education after primary school. During the period of our study, only two girls from Kanuba were to be found in the upper grades of the Daraw intermediate and secondary schools. As they approach maturity, young men and women separate into still more mutually exclusive roles. The majority of men work outside the village at clerical, mechanical, or service jobs, while Kanuba women confine their economic activities almost exclusively to the household."

Milne's report on the Amarar of the Beja

(1976:104 and 146) agrees entirely with Kennedy's

observations as do also Hoyle's notes on biasses held

180

by the nomads in the Khasm-al-Girba area (1976:

274, 279, 282, and 284). Barclay in his book on

Buurri-al-Lamaab, a suburb of Khartoum, comments

on the slow acceptance of girls' education. Al­

though the author believes that by the late 1970's

most girls attend primary school in Buurri,

realizing a genuine wish by their parents, their

acceptance of girls' education may still be (Barclay

1964:233)

"coupled with a reluctance to send young daughters outside the village to school."

In the Beja region it was difficult to find

girls who go to junior secondary school at all. Our

difficulty is not accidental. Sha'abän reports that

(170:112):

"Mädchen aber besuchen die Schule nur ungern" (girls, however, go to school only unwillingly)

although

"Im Norden des Landes findet man die T? M

grosste Zahl von Hadendawa-Schulerinnen in Sinkat" (in the North one finds the larger number of Hadendawa school-girls in Sinkat)

But, is the implied resistance general or does it

apply less to already educated or socio-economically

better off people? Maybe more important factors for

determining if a girl will go to or continue in school

are mothers' opinions on the value of education for

her daughter, mothers' own education or missed

opportunities for education etc which may or may not

be related to the fathers' socio-economic position

or education.

Reading of census data for the 1955-56 census

181

and its commentaries suggest a compulsory link between

socio-economic standing of the household and education­

al level of its income earning members; but that

for females only particularly high standing implies

elementary education for the female (United Nations:

115). Also (UN : 111):

"In every province, boys have more elemen­tary education than men, girls have nearly as much education as adult men and adult women have the least education. Comparison of the figures for boys and men, and for girls and women, implies that education has progressed most in the north-east and least in the south, with the effect that regional differences in educational level are tending to become wider. Likewise, the education of males has progressed more rapidly than that of females, with the exception of Khartoum province where, with already widespread elementary education of men, that of females has begun to catch up. In the north-west, including Northern Province where the spread of education has become considerable, progress of education of females has lagged behind that of males."

The report continues (UN:120):

"Education above the elementary level is far more wide-spread in cities than in smaller towns, and though the difference is greater for males than for females, it is to be noted that in small towns females with more than an elementary education are still exceedingly few."

If that were true in 1964, how about the situa­

tion now?

Our entire data may be biassed in such a way

that junior secondary school pupils represent

families which send children to school because

the parents have had an education, if not the

mother then the father. These families would

on the whole know more Arabic, use it and be

comfortably literate, at least much more so than

182

the Sudanese population at large. We need

information on who it is that goes to school.

Sanderson concludes in another article (1961):

"Girls are desperate to reach the university in order to demonstrate their ability to profit from the highest level of education"

once they have begun school. Thus, contrasts within

female society between those with and without

education, and from without female society about the

advisability to continued education for girls, push

the girls, drive them, to demonstrate that they have

made the right decision—of going to school and

continuing their education--by working very hard, or

at least tenaciously. Such a chain of relationships

would entail a strong use of Arabic among girls

because Arabic is the language of school and of

success in school, of educated society, of business

and government.

183

CHAPTER 11. CONCLUSION

This report does not show that Arabic Is

replacing other languages. What it shows is

acceptance of use of Arabic in certain contexts,

From this evidence, it would be wrong to think that

the use of 'local' languages would diminish with

modernization. More people may become more fluent

in Arabic, but more people will also become more

aware of what their own characteristics are relative

to others in Sudan. To speak the language of one's

own group in its appropriate contexts is one

characteristic that will remain. Sudan will be a

vernacularly multilingual country beyond a period

that it is possible to plan for. (Cf Lieberson and

Hansen 1974.) Policy guiding culture, education,

communication etc in North Sudan will have to take

into account these facts if it aspires to be rational.

The best policies would, in my opinion, incor­

porate treatment and use of all Sudanese languages,

in approximate accordance with current facts of usage,

with prominence given to Arabic as the important

lingua franca and language of the nation, and with

recognition given to the many other languages and also

dialects of Arabic. In particular, cultural policy,

public information programs such as eg agricultural

extension services that are meant to significantly

affect local routines of production and therefore

living, and school curricula ought to reflect the

division of labour between the vernacular languages

and Arabic. School texts could for instance incor-

184

porate information about the kinds of Sudanese

languages there are, their relationships and uses;

even use of vernacular languages could be incor­

porated in school schedules to accompany the

teaching of local history and the environment, the

arts and music, while Arabic remains the principal

medium of instruction. But for such policies to be

initiated and to function well, there is an urgent

need for more information on Sudanese languages. This,

the Language Survey of Sudan attempts to provide.

185

APPENDIX ONE

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APPENDIX TWO

CODING INSTRUCTIONS Card I

1-2 school number

3-5 individual number

6 Q3 age

7 Q4 sex

8-9 Q5-1 father's tribe

impossible answer no answer

on questionnaire

on questionnaire

0 ' s

10-11 Q5-2 mother's tribe

12 Q6 place of birth

-14 1 15- 2

boy 1 girl 2

Arab 01 Nubian 07 Hill Nubian 08 Bej a 09 Nuba tribes 10 For 11 For Tunjur 12 Zaghawa 13 Berti 14 Other Darfur

Tribes 15 Daju 16 Dinka 17 Nuer 18 Shilluk 19 Other Southern

Tribes 20 Fellata tribes 21 Egyptian 22 Other Foreign 23 Other 24

Same as coding above

Northern province 1 Kassala 2 Khartoum 3 Blue Nile 4 Kordofan 5 Darfur 6 Upper Nile 7 Bahr el Ghazal/

Equat. 8 Other 9

194

13 Q7 place of first school

14 Q8-1-2 Khalwa

15 Q8-3 place of first khalwa

16-17 Q9 fathers'job

18-19 Q10 lg when young

20-21 Qll lg new

22-23 Q12 parents' lg

24-25 Q13 first lg

26 Q14 first learnt Arabic

Northern Province 1 Kassala 2 Khartoum 3 Blue Nile 4 Kordofan 5 Darfur 6 Upper Nile 7 Bahr el Ghazal/

Equat. 8 Other 9

went for one year or less 1

for two years 2 for three years 3 for four years

or more 4 not 5

Northern province 1 Kassala 2 Khartoum 3 Blue Nile 4 Kordofan 5 Darfur 6 Upper Nile 7 Bahr el Ghazal/

Equat. 8 Other 9

farmer 01 merchant 02 shepherd 03 driver 04 worker 05 policeman, soldier 06

07 08 09 10 11 12

skilled worker tailor, carpenter clerk medic teacher senior, pro­

fessional other

see language list

when small before school after school

13

1 2 3

195

27-28 Q16 1st suq lg see language list

29-30 cont. 2nd suq lg

31-32 3rd suq lg

33-34 4th suq lg

35-36 Q17 1st friends lg

37-38 cont. 2nd friends lg

39-40 3rd friends lg

41-42 4th friends lg

43-44 Q18 1st written lg see language list

45-46 cont. 2nd written lg

47-48 Q19-1 father/mother frequently: one language (see language list)

49-50 some of the time: another language (ditto)

51-52 Q19-2 brothers frequently

53-54 some

55-56 Q19-3 sisters frequently

57-58 some

59-60 Q19-4 friends frequently

61-62 some

63-64 Q19-5 council officer frequently

65-66 some

67-68 Q19-6 shops frequently

69-70 some

71-72 Q19-7 sunsuq frequently

73-74 some

75-76 Q19-8 schoolbreak frequently

77-78 some

196

Card II

1-2

3-4-5

6-7

8-9

10-11

12-13

14-15

16-17

18-19

20-21

22

impossible answer 0's no answer

school number on questionnaire

individual number on questionnaire

Q19-9 sports frequently

some

Q19-10 stories frequently

some

Q19-11 letters frequently

Q19-12 read

Q20-1 directions in Arabic

some

frequently

some

yes 1 no 2

23 Q20-2 father directions in Arabic yes 1

no 2

24 Q20-3 mother directions in Arabic

25 Q20-4 chat in Arabic

26 Q20-5 father chat in Arabic

yes 1 no 2

yes 1 no 2

yes 1 no 2

27 Q20-6 mother chat in Arabic yes 1

no 2

28 Q20-7 write Arabic yes 1 no 2

197

29 Q20-8 father write Arabic yes 1 no 2

30 Q20-9 mother write Arabic yes 1 no 2

31 Q20-10 read Arabic yes 1 no 2

32 Q20-11 father read Arabic yes 1 no 2

33 Q20-12 mother read Arabic yes 1 no 2

34 Q22 Father's English yes 1 no 2

35 Q23 Mother's English yes 1 no 2

36 Q24 prefer which Arabic local 1 radio 2 books 3

LANGUAGE LIST

Arabic 01

Amharic, Tigre 02

Beja 03

Nubian 04

Hill Nubian 05

Meidob, Birgit

Zaghawa 06

For 07

Masalit, Kaba 08

Daju 09

Tama, Mararit 10

Kadulgi-Krongo 11

Koalib-Tagoi 12

Katla 13

Temein 14

Nyimang 15

Dinka 16

Nuer 17

Shilluk 18

Hausa 19

Bornu 20

198

Language List (Continued)

Borgu

Other Fellata

Other

Unidentified Nuba

21

22

23

24

JOBS

01 Farmer :

02 Merchant :

Merchant, restaurant owner, shop owner,

general merchant, travelling merchant, sells

goods, bookshop owner, hotel owner, butcher,

free worker.

03 Shepherd :

04 Driver :

any driver, truck owner, boatsman

05 Worker :

unskilled paid labor, worker, worker in

irrigation dept., worker in S.R., ghafir;

gardener, water attendant, laundry worker,

cook

06 Policeman, soldier

prison guard

07 Skilled worker;

mekaniki, builder, bashmuhandis

08 Tailor, carpenter

shoemaker, blacksmith, barber

09 Clerk:

irrigation officer, accountant, court-clerk,

factory employee (if clerical), inspector of

gardens, inspector of S.R., inspector,

officer of plant-protection, officer of health

10 Medic :

medical assistant, nurse, veterinary assistant

11 Teacher :

all teachers, headmasters, inspectors of

education

199

Jobs (Continued)

12 Senior or professional:

council officers, magistrate, engineer (if

not "skilled worker" category), lawyer,

doctor

13 Other :

retired, head of people's court, land owner,

no work

200

REFERENCES

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Anastasi, Anne: Differential Psychology. Individual and Group Differences in Behavior, 3rd edition, Macmillan, New York, 1958.

fAwn al-Sharif Qasim: Some Aspects of Sudanese Colloquial Arabic. Sudan Notes and Records 46:40-49. 1965

TAwn al-Sharif Qasim: Dirasat fi al-'ammiya. Khartoum, 1974. (Studies on the Colloquial Language).

?Awn al-Sharif Qasim: Sudanese Colloquial Arabic in Social and Historial Perspective. In Hurreiz and Bell, editors, 1975, pages 94-101.

Barclay, Harold B.: Buurri-al-Lamaab. A Suburban Village in. the Sudan. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York, 1964.

Bedri, Yousif, editor: Education in the Sudan. Philosophical Society of the Sudan, Khartoum, 1963.

Bell, Herman: A Data Bank for Sudanese Languages. In Hurreiz and Bell, editors, 1975, pages 155-172.

Bendor-Samuel, J.: A Language Survey of Southern Sudan. Report presented to the Ministry of Education in Southern Sudan, April 25, 1975, by the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Typewritten.

Beshir, Mohamed Omer: The Southern Sudan. From Conflict to Peace. Hurst, London, 1975.

Cunnison, Ian: Baggara Arabs. Power and the Lineage in a Sudanese Nomad Tribe. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1966.

Cunnison, Ian and Wendy James, editors: Essays in Sudan Ethnography. Hurst, London 1972.

Dafalla, Hasan: The Nubian Exodus. Hurst, London 1975.

Dalby, David: Language Map of Africa and the Adjacent Islands. Provisional edition, International African Institute, London, 1977.

201

Deng, Francis Mading: The Dinka of the Sudan. Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1972.

Douglas, Dan: From School to University. The Study Habits Research Project Final Report. University of Khartoum Students' Affairs Section, Khartoum, 1977.

Economic Survey 1973. The Democratic Republic of the Sudan. General Planning and Economic Studies Administration, The National Planning Commission, Khartoum, August 1974.

El-Dash, L. and G. R. Tucker: Subjective Reactions to Various Speech Styles in Egypt. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 6:33-54. 1975.

Elert, Claes-Christian:n Universella och kultur­beroende orsaker till könsskillnader i språket. In könsroller i språk. FUMS Rapport Nr. 49, Uppsala, 1977, pages 17-19.

Faris, James C.: Southeastern Nuba Age Organization. In Cunnison and James, editors, 1972, pages 1-30.

Fishman, Joshua A., C.A. Ferguson and J. Das Gupta, editors: Language Problems of Developing Nations. Wiley, 1968.

Fishman, Joshua A., Robert L. Cooper, Roxana Ma et al: Bilingualism in the Barrio. Indiana University, Bloomington, 1971.

Hair, P.E.H.: A Layman's Guide to the Languages of the Sudan Republic. Sudan Notes and Records 47:65-78, 1966.

Hale, Sondra: Nubians: A Study in Ethnic Identity. African and Asian Studies Seminar Series No. 16, Institute of African and Asian Studies, Khartoum, July 1973.

Harrison, William, Clifford Prator and G. Richard Tucker, editors: English Language Policy Survey of Jordan. A Case Study in Language Planning. With an introductory essay by Thomas P. Gorman. Center for Applied Linguistics, 1975.

Hasan, Yusuf Fadl, editor: Sudan in Africa. Proceed­ings of the First International Conference, February 1968. Khartoum University Press, 1971.

Hoyle, Stephen Geoffrey: The Settlement of Nomads in the Sudan: The Case of Khasm-el-Girba Agricultural Scheme. Ph.D. Dissertation, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, October 1976.

202

Hurreiz, Sayyid Hamid: Linguistic Diversity and Language Planning in the Sudan. African and Asian Studies Seminar Series No. 5, Institute of African and Asian Studies, Khartoum, 1968.

Hurreiz, Sayyid Hamid: Arabic in the Sudan. Current Problems and Future Needs. Language Planning News­letter 1:4:1, 3-4, November 1975.

Hurreiz, Sayyid Hamid and Herman Bell, editors: Directions in Sudanese Linguistics and Folkore. Khartoum University Press, 1975.

James, Wendy R.: Social Assimilation and Changing Identity in the Southern Funj . In Hasan, editor, 1971, pages 197-211.

Jernudd, Björn H.: Linguistic Integration and Nation­al Development : A Case Study of the Jebel Marra Area, Sudan. In Fishman, Ferguson and Das Gupta, editors, 1968, pages 167-181.

Jernudd, Björn H.: Review of McLoughlin, 1964. The Middle East Journal 22:2:233-234. 1968.

Jernudd, Björn H.: Teachers and Language in Sudan, a Questionnaire Survey of Teachers in Junior Secondary Schools. In Hurreiz and Bell, editors, 1975, pages 19-25. Revised version in Arabic in The Teacher's Journal (Khartoum), September, pages 48-55. 1977.

Jernudd, Björn H.: A Preliminary List of People Working on Languages of Sudan. Issue Number 5 of Sudan Research Information Bulletin. April 1975.

Jernudd, Björn H.: For/Arabic Bilingualism in the Zalingei Area. Journal of Arabic Linguistics (Khartoum) forthcoming. Preprint in Linguistic Communications 1:1-16. 1970.

Jernudd, Björn H. and Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz: The Language Survey of Sudan. Paper presented to the International Conference on the Methodology of Socio-linguistic Surveys, Montreal, Quebec, May 19-21, 1975. Mimeographed.

Kennedy, John G. (with the assistance of Hussein M. Fahim): Struggle for Change in a Nubian Community. An Individual in Society and History. Explorations in World Ethnology Series, Mayfield Publishing Company 1977.

Kim, J.O.: Factor Analysis. In Nie, Hull et al, 1975, pages 468-514.

Lieberson, Stanley and Lynn K. Hansen: National Development, Mother Tongue Diversity, and the Comparative Study of Nations. American Sociological Review 39:523-41, 1974.

203

MacMichael, Sir Harold Alfred: A History of the Arabs in the Sudan, and some account of the people who preceeded them and of the tribes inhabiting Darfur. University Press, Cambridge, 1922.

McLoughlin, Peter F.M.: Language-Switching as an Index of Socialization in the Republic of the Sudan. University of California Press, Berkeley, 1964.

Milne,Janet C.M.: The Changing Pattern of Mobility and Migration of the Amarar Tribe of Eastern Sudan. M.Phil. Thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, January 1976.

Minami, F., editor: Speech behavior (in Japanese). Forthcoming.

Mischel, Walter: Sex-Typing and Socialization. In Müssen, editor, volume 2, 1970, chapter 20, pages 3-72.

Müssen, Paul H., editor: Carmichael's Manual of Child Psychology. 3rd edition, Wiley, 1970.

Nadel. S.F.: The Nuba. Oxford University Press, 1947.

Neustupny, Jiri V.: Post-Structural Approaches to Language. Language Theory in a Japanese Context. University of Tokyo Press, 1978.

Neustupny, Jiri V.: Models of Language Behavior (in Japanese). In Minami, editor, forthcoming.

Nhial, Abdon Agaw Jok: Ki-Nubi and Juba Arabic: a Comparative Study. In Hurreiz and Bell, 1975, pages 81-93.

Nie, N.H., C.H. Hull et al: SPSS. Statistical Package for the Social Sciences. 2nd edition, McGraw-Hill 1975.

O'Fahey, R.S. and J.L. Spaulding: Kingdoms of the Sudan. Methuen, London, 1974.

Rubin, Joan and Bjorn K. Jernudd, editors: Can Lan­guage be Planned? Sociolinguistic Theory and Practice for Developing Nations. The University Press of Hawaii, Honolulu, 1971.

Sanderson, L.M.: Some Aspects of the Development of Girls' Education in the Northern Sudan. Sudan Notes and Records 42:91-101. 1961.

Sanderson, L.M.: Women's Education in the Sudan with Special Reference to the Social Role it can play in Community Development. In Bedri, editor, 1963, pages 25-33 in Part II.

204

Scotton, Carol Myers: Choosing a Lingua Franca in an African Capital. Linguistic Research Inc., Edmonton-Champaign, 1972.

Sha'aban, SoTad: Die Hadandawa-Bedscha. Inaugural-Dissertation ... zu Bonn, Bonn, 1970.

Shinnie, Peter L.: Meroe: A Civilization of the Sudan. Thames and Hudson, London, 1967.

Sibayan, Bonifacio P.: Language-Planning Processes and the Language-Policy Survey in the Philippines. In Rubin and Jernudd, editors, 1971, pages 123-140.

Sarah Yusuf: (Inventory of vernacular language knowledge among students at the University of Khartoum). Institute of African and Asian Studies, Khartoum, n.d. Manuscript.

Stevenson, R.C.: A Survey of the Phonetics and GrammaticalfStructure of the Nuba Mountains Languages. Afrika und Übersee 40:73-84. 1956. 41:27-67, 117-152, 171-196. 1957

Stevenson, R.C.: Linguistic Research in the Nuba Mountains I, II. Sudan Notes and Records 43:79-102, 118-130, 1962.

Stevenson, R.C.: Some Aspects of the Spread of Islam in the Nuba Mountains. Sudan Notes and Records 44:9-20. 1963.

Stevenson, R.C.: The Significance of the Sudan in Linguistic Research, Past, Present and Future. In Hasan, editor, 1971, pages 10-25.

Stevenson, R.C.: The Present Position of Research in the Nuba Mountain Languages. In Hurreiz and Bell, editors, 1975, pages 58-62.

Thelwall, Robin: A Linguistic Survey in El Fasher Secondary School. Sudan Notes and Records 52:46-55. 1971.

Trimingham, J. Spencer: Islam in the Sudan. Frank Cass, London and Liverpool, 1965 (1949).

Tucker, Archibald N. and Margaret A. Bryan: The Non-Bantu Languages of North-Eastern Africa. Hand­book of African Languages, volume 3. Oxford Univer­sity Press for the International African Institute, London, 1956.

Tucker, Archibald N. and Margaret A. Bryan: Linguis­tic Analyses: The Non-Bantu Languages of North-Eastern Africa. Handbook of African Languages, volume 3. Oxford University Press for the Interna­tional African Institute, London, 1966.

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United Nations: Population Growth and Manpower in the Sudan. Population Studies No. 37. New York, 1964.

Ushari Ahmed Mahmud: Language Spread as a Wave-like Diffusion Process: Arabic in the Southern Sudan. Paper presented for the Conference on Language Spread, Aberystwyth, Wales, September 12-14, 1978.

Ushari Ahmed Mahmud: Forthcoming Ph.D. Dissertation on Language in Southern Sudan, at Georgetown University.

Work Oriented Adult Literacy Project. Sudan: Khasm-el-Girba. General Preliminary Report. Sud. 27/EV/SP/ GEN/SN2. June 1969.

Yusuf al-Khalifa Abu Bakr: Language and Education in the Southern Sudan. In Hurreiz and Bell, editors, 1975, pages 13-18.

206

DONGOLA Home orientation 1,2,3,10,(4) Public interaction 6,7,8,9 National orientation 5

NEW HALFA Home orientation 1,2,3,4,10 School interaction 8.9 Out-group relations 5,6,7

SINKAT Stress on origin 1,2,3,4,10 Public interaction 6,8,9 National orientation 5

EL FASHER, TINA Stress on origin 1,2,3,4,10 Out-group relations 5.6.7.8.9

DILLING Stress on origin 1,(boys 10) Peer interaction 2,3,4,(girls lo) Public interaction 6,7,8,9 National orientation 5

HEIBAN Stress on origin 1 Peer communication 2,3,4,10, (girls 8) Public interaction 6,7,9, (boys 8) National orientation 5

SALLARA Stress on origin 1 . 1 0 Peer communication 2,3,4 Public interaction 6,7,8,9 National orientation

EL OBEID Stress on origin 1.2.3.4.10 Public interaction 6,7,8,9 National orientation 5

MALAKAL Stress on origin 1,2,3,4,10 Public interaction 7,8,9 National orientation 5,6

ADONG Family interaction 1,2,3 Peer interaction 4,10 School interaction 8,9 Out-group interaction

5,6,7

THE SUDÀN

Q 150

DONGOLA« SINKAT«

KABUSHIYA

;HARTOUM •NEW HALFA

• EL FASHER SÌNGA>D,NDEI TINA«

DILLING ÄÄLLARA

• HEIBAI

LAALAKAL •ADONG,

The length of each column is proportionate to the average percentage of Arabic replies, per dimension per school district. Situations in question 19 assigned each to its dimension and enumerated. Boys upper, girls lower column for each dimension; or boys only.

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UMENSIS Umeå Studies in the Humanities

1 Bertil Malmbergs skolpojksbrev. Utgivna av Sven Vallmark. 1975. 2 Saga-Marianne Norlén & Teut Wallner. Skriftatias för datering av Birger

Sjöbergs manuskript. 1974. 3 Karin Eriksson. St udier i U meå stads byggnadshistoria. Från 1621 till om­

kring 1895. Diss. 1975. 4 Sylvia Danielson. Läroboksspråk. En undersökning av språket i vissa lä­

roböcker för högstadium och gymnasium. Diss. 1975. 5 Sigurd Fries. Svenska växtnamn i riksspråk och dialekt. 1975. 6 Folke Nordström. Mediaeval baptismal fonts. An iconographical study. Ut­

kommer 1979. 7 Sven-Bertil Jansson. Folket, de bildade och landsmålslitteraturen. Svensk

dialektdikt 1875-1900. 1975. 8 Jan Nilsson. Plurala ortnamn på Island. Morfologiska iakttagelser. Diss.

1975. 9 Sylvia Danielson. Samuel Columbus1 språkprogram i En Swensk Orde­

skötsel. 1976. 10 Birger Liljestrand. Strindbergs Mäster Olof-dramer. En studie i 18 00-talets

dramaspråk. I. Diss. 1976. 11 Gudrun Utterström. Tillnamn i den karolinska tidens Stockholm. 1976. 12 Dialectology and Sociolinguistics. Essays in honor of Karl-Hampus Dahlstedt

19 April 1977. Edited by C .-C. Elert, S. Eliasson, S. F ries and S. U reland. 1977.

13 Ann-Maria Ullsten. Umeå-pressen 1917-1922. En studie i lokalpre ss. Diss. 1977.

14 Gustaf Utterström. Fattig och föräldralös i S tockholm på 1600- och 1700-talen. 1978.

15 Gunnar Eriksson. Kartläggarna. Naturvetenskapens tillväxt och tillämp­ningar i det industriella genombrottets Sverige. 1870-1914. 1978.

16 Iréne Johansson. Funktionella aspekter på satsintonationen i svens ka. Diss. 1978.

17 Inger Nilsson. Grönlandsfrågan 1929-1933. En studie i småstatsimperialism. Diss. 1978.

18 Tom Ericsson. I f osterlandets tjänst. En studie i de n svenska arméunder-befälskårens fackliga strävanden 1901-1922. Diss. 1978.

19 Brit Uppman. Samhället och samerna 1870-1925. Diss. 1978. 20 Teater i Göteborg 1910-1975. I-III. 1978. 21 Dag Nordmark. Samhället på scenen. En studie i Rudolf Värnlunds drama

Den heliga familjen dess litterära oc h sociala förutsättningar. Diss. 1978.

Summaries in English or German

Umeå Universitetsbibliotek Box 718,

S-901 10 Umeå, Sweden

Printed in Sweden, Gotab, Kungälv

1979

ISBN 91-7174-022-8