Post on 11-Mar-2023
ETHICSOFACTIVITY:SOUTHASIANSHIAWORKINGLIFEINDUBAI
byBrianTilley
AdissertationsubmittedtoJohnsHopkinsUniversityinconformitywiththerequirementsforthedegreeofDoctorofPhilosophy
Baltimore,MarylandOctober2016
©2016BrianTilleyAllRightsReserved
ii
Abstract
Thisdissertationexplainshowenvironmentalconditionsfosterethicsof
behaviorcommontovariousspheresoflife-activity:leisure,work,andreligious
practice,forinstance.Theresearchconceivespresent-dayDubai—thesiteof
research—asaworkenvironment(populated90%byworkingexpatriates).The
city’sparticularorientationtolaborisanaspectofitsimmersioninregionaland
globalflows:economicandnatural.Dubaihasgrowna)asatradeentrepôtanda
nodeinglobalsupplychains,andb)byproducingmanufacturedlandscapesthat
overcomeharshenvironmentalconditions.
Toevaluatethephenomenonofnatural-materialandenvironmentalforces
thatfosterethicscommontovariouslifeactivities,theresearchfollowsmembersof
Dubai’sShiaMuslimcommunityofIndo-Pakistaniheritage,astheymovethrough
varioussitesofdailyactivity.Indoingso,thedatanotehowdispositionsof
memberstranscendacrossexperiences.ConstrainedinDubai,butglobally
connectedthroughkinshiptiesandsectarianidentity,memberstransformthe
experienceofreligiouspracticeanddowntimeactivitieswithqualitiesparticularto
worklife.DespiteavarietyoflimitationsonactivityinDubaithatmembers
characterizeasmajbūrī(compulsion),particularexperiencesofworkandqualities
oftheenvironmentmagnifyethicsofbothexcessandefficiencygermanetoShia
practice.
Theconstructedenvironmentalsohelpsmanifestarangeofaspirationsand
anxietiesthatareexpressedinleisure-timeactivities.Urbanarchitectureshereare
bothprojectionsofdesireandobjectsofconcealment—obscuringfearedrealities—
iii
especiallyforthoseemployedinconstructionfirmsorwhoprovideconstruction-
relatedservices.Thesearethusformsofimaginationattunedtoethicsoftheoften-
precariouspursuitofwork.Finally,theresearchsees“constraint”asanethicof
migrantlivingandspacemanagementinDubai,whichfostersaformof“disciplined
creativity”inreligiousexpressionandpoeticperformance,inthespaceofaudio
recordingstudios.
ThedissertationcommitteememberswereAnandPandian(primary
advisor),VeenaDas,StevenCaton,EricaSchoenberger,andRyanCalder.
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NoteonTransliteration
ThetextofthisdissertationincludesavarietyofUrdu,Arabic,Persian,and
Pashtowords.IhavetransliteratedthemintoRomanscriptusingtheALA-LC
Romanizationsystem,apopularstandardizedmethod.Inafewcases,forbetter
readability,IhaveslightlymodifiedtheALA-LCguidetomorecloselyhuetothe
systemadoptedinthePlattsDictionaryofUrdū,ClassicalHindī,andEnglish(see
Platts1884).
v
Acknowledgements
Theroadtoanyachievementisbesetwithdebts.Thisdissertationwasthe
culminationofamixoftrainingandresearchthatIbeganasanundergraduate
studentatHamiltonCollegeinNewYorkStateintheearly2000s.There,Iwrotemy
seniorhonorsthesisinAsianStudiesadvisedbythepoliticalscientistChengLiand
byAnandPandian.DrawntowhatItookasAnand’ssensibilityforphilosophicaland
activistanthropology,IjoinedtheanthropologyPh.D.programatJohnsHopkins
Universitythesameyearhejoinedthedepartment’sfaculty,andhehasbeena
guidingforceinmyacademicdevelopmenteversince.Hehasbeenanespecially
dedicatedprimaryadvisoranddissertationcommitteememberthroughmy
dissertationresearchandwritingphases,dedicatingcountlesshourstoresponding
tomywritingasittookform.Hishighstandards,attentiontonuanceandsubtletyof
argument,andcommitmenttopushingtheboundariesoftraditional
anthropologicalinquiryhavemademeabettercriticalandcreativethinker,andI
oweAnandadebtforhisguidanceandcommitmenttome.
TheJohnsHopkinsAnthropologyDepartment,inthetimeofmymost-direct
involvementinday-to-dayactivitiesfrom2007-2011,wasasstimulatingand
nurturinganintellectualenvironmentasIcouldhavehoped.Manyfacultywere
generousguidestome.Inparticular,myrelationshipwithVeenaDas—whoserved
onmydissertationcommittee—developedfirstincoursework,anddeepenedinmy
dissertationresearchandwritingphases.Morethananyotheranthropologist,Ifeel
themarkofherwork—onformsofstruggleandeverydaylife—onmyownthinking
inthisdissertation,andIhopethepagesbelowconveysomeofthatimpact,andmy
vi
gratitudeforthegiftofherscholarshipandguidance.NiloofarHaeriwasalsoan
importantadvisorandadvocateformeduringmygraduatecareer,andguidetothe
anthropologyoftheMiddleEast.NaveedaKhanwasalsoanearlyadvisorinmy
graduatecareerandguidedmethroughliteratureintheanthropologyofIslam
especially.Strandsofherworkalsocruciallyrunthroughthisdissertation,and
helpedmeformulatemyarguments.Otherdepartmentfacultymemberswhowere
influentialatvariousstagesofmydevelopmentincludeJaneGuyer,Pamela
Reynolds,JuanObarrio,andAaronGoodfellow.Manyofmyfellowgraduatestudents
inanthropologywerestimulatingcolleaguesandgavemegenerousfeedback,
structuredandunstructured,throughmycareeratJohnsHopkins,including
especiallyChitraVenkatarami,MayaRatnam,AditiSaraf,CarolineBlock,Andrew
Bush,SylvainPerdigon,BhrigupatiSingh,andBicanPolat.AndJamesWilliamswasa
generousfriendandsoundingboardformyideasinthemidstofmyfieldresearch
phaseinDubai.
Outsideofanthropology,Imustthanktwoothermembersofmydissertation
committee,EricaSchoenbergerandRyanCalder.Theirreactionsandgenerous
advicewillhelpmeascontinuetodevelopthismanuscript.ElsewhereatJohns
Hopkins,IwishtothankChrisNealonandHentdeVrieswhowereguidestomein
mycourseworkphase.AtHamiltonCollege,IwishtothankDouglasRaybeckand
ChrisChekuri,whohelpedsparkmyinterestinanthropologyandinthestudyof
SouthAsiarespectively,atanearlystage.
Duringmydissertationwrite-up,Ihadthegoodfortuneintegratemyselfinto
theanthropologydepartmentatHarvardUniversityasavisitingfellow,thanksto
vii
thecommitmentandgenerosityofSteveCaton,whoservedasmyadvisorthereand
ultimatelyasamemberofmydissertationcommittee.Steve’sinfluentialwork
initiallycompelledmyinterestintheanthropologicalstudyofpoetry,andIwas
fortunatetohavehisguidanceinmywritingphase,especiallyrelatedtoscholarship
ontheArabianGulfregion.HarvardAnthropologywasverywelcomingtome,andI
benefittedespeciallyfromadissertationwritinggroupwithEsra-GökçeSahinand
JaredMcCormick.IalsoenjoyedsustainedinteractionswithNamitaDharia,
FedericoPerez,PeterMcMurray,andGeorgePaulMeiu.TheeconomistIshacDiwan
helpedexpandmythinkingonthepoliticaleconomyanddevelopmentofthe
ArabianGulfregion.Iwasgratefulfortheopportunitytoparticipateinandpresent
apaperwiththePoliticalAnthropologyWorkingGroup,andtopresentapaperata
workshopontheGulfregionattheCenterforMiddleEasternStudiesatHarvard.
IntheUnitedArabEmirates,IthankJaneBristol-Rhys,aU.A.E.-based
anthropologistwhohelpedmegetmybearingsthereearlyon.IalsothankRavi
SriramachandranandAminTejpar,scholarsbasedinthecountrywhooffered
generousfeedbacktomeattimes.Sankar,afamilyfriend,providedveryhelpful
logisticalsupportattimes.Itishardtobegintothankallofthepeoplewho
participatedinthisresearch,inrolesbigandsmall.Inmanyways,thisdissertation
mustbededicatedtothemandtotheirformsofstruggle,bigandsmall,thatI
observed.Toprotecttheirprivacy—andinkeepingwithethnographic
conventions—Idonotnamethemhereorinthedissertationtextitself.Itrustthat
theyknowwhotheyare.Mydebttothemisinmanywaysmylargest,andIhope
thatthisdissertationstandsasatestimonialtotheirexperienceinDubaiandthe
viii
spacewesharedthereoverfifteenmonthsin2010-2012.Thisdissertationisafirst
steptowardrepayingmydebttothem.Ihopethattheycanseethemselvesinit.
ThestudyofUrdulanguagewasanimportantentrypointformeintothe
studyofSouthAsiagenerally—andtothestudyofIndo-Pakistanimigrantworkin
Dubai.RobertPhillipswasapatientinitialUrduinstructor,attheUniversityof
Wisconsin.AsaPashtolanguagestudentatWisconsinyearslater,MarkKenoyer
tookapersonalinterestinmydevelopmentatacrucialmoment.Mostespecially,
AftabAhmadandWafadarHusainattheAmericanInstituteofIndianStudiesin
Lucknowin2005-2006wereexcellentteachers,whohelpedguidemethroughthe
subtletiesofUrdupoeticexpression.AndinwritingChapter5especially,Ihadthe
benefitoffeedbackandassistancefromAmyBardatHarvard,whoseworkonSouth
AsianShiapoeticperformancehelpedsparkmyinitialinterestintheseexpressive
traditions.
Iwasfortunatelytoreceivegenerousfinancialsupportforresearchand
studythroughmyacademiccareer.MyinitialUrdutrainingwasfundedbythe
UniversityofWisconsin’sCenterforSouthAsiaandbyaBerkeleyUrduLanguage
FellowshipadministeredbytheUniversityofCalifornia.Asagraduatestudent,my
languagetraininginPunjabiwassupportedbyaCriticalLanguageScholarshipfrom
theU.S.DepartmentofState,mytraininginPersianwasgenerouslyfundedbya
languagegrantfromtheAndrewW.MellonFoundation,whilemystudyofArabic,
Pashto,andcontinuedstudyofHindiwerefundedbyseparateForeignLanguage
andAreaStudies(FLAS)grants,administeredbytheUniversityofPennsylvania,the
UniversityofWisconsin,andJohnsHopkinsUniversityrespectively.Ialsoreceived
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thesupportofanIslamicStudiesLanguageTrainingGrantinArabicfromJohns
Hopkins.
Mypre-dissertationresearchinIndiawasfundedgenerouslybyaFulbright
StudentGrantin2006andbyaresearchgrantfromtheProgramfortheStudyof
Women,Gender,andSexualityatJohnsHopkins.Mypre-dissertationresearchinthe
UnitedArabEmirateswasfundedbyaJ.BrienKeygrantfromJohnsHopkins,anda
graduateresearchgrantfromtheNationalScienceFoundation.Mydissertation
researchwasgenerouslyfundedbyapre-doctoralgrantfromAmericanInstituteof
PakistanStudies,andaDoctoralDissertationResearchAbroadgrantfromJohns
Hopkins.Iamgratefultoalltheseorganizationswhichinvestedinmyresearchand
development.
Ofcourse,amongmybiggestdebtsaretomyfamily.Ithankmyparents,John
andMarilynTilley,whoI’msurehavebeenmyearliestchampion!Theirloveand
supportthroughmylifeandespeciallythroughmygraduatecareerhassustained
me,andIamindebtedtothem.IalsothankmyveryverypatientwifeMerawho
enduredmysometimesseeminglyendlessprocessofdissertationrevisions!Sheis
myfierceadvocateandsourceofgreatemotionalsupport,andmyguideforwhat
trulymattersinlife.Ilookforwardtowhatourfutureholdstogether.Mybrother
Alanwaspresentandinvolvedespeciallyinmyfinalyearofwriting,andhelpedout
atcrucialtimes.Ialsothankmywife’sfamilyfortheirsupport.Mydaughter
JumerahwasbornshortlyaftermywifeandIreturnedfromDubai,andtoherIgive
theworld.Ialsodedicatethisdissertationtoher.Ihopethatsheknowssomeday
howmuchofherspiritandtenacityinfusesit,andsustainsme.
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TableofContents
Abstract..........................................................................................................................................................ii
NoteonTransliteration.........................................................................................................................ivAcknowledgements...................................................................................................................................v
Introduction.................................................................................................................................................11.Efficiency................................................................................................................................................49
2.Excess....................................................................................................................................................106
3.Aspiration............................................................................................................................................1474.Anxiety..................................................................................................................................................197
5.Constraint............................................................................................................................................243Conclusion...............................................................................................................................................299
GlossaryofKeyUrduandArabicTerms.....................................................................................303
Bibliography...........................................................................................................................................307CurriculumVitae...................................................................................................................................318
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ListofTablesTable2.1:DescriptionofFacebookposts…………………………………………………………..139
Table4.1:NumericalreferencesinTalibanabductionstory……………………………….219
Table4.2:Keywordsrelatedtostruggle/oppressionincontext………………………….225
Table4.3:Breakdownofcrimestories………………………………………………………………234
xii
ListofImages
Image1.1:Photofromwaterserviceareaatanimāmbārgāh……………………………….67
Image1.2:Photoofmobilebloodcollectionunit………………………………………………….71
Image1.3:Promotionalposterforsabīldonationcampaign…………………………………73
Image1.4:Informationalposteraboutnāma-e-aʻmāl…………………………………………...75
Image1.5:PromotionalposterforMuharramblooddonationdrive……………………..77
Image1.6:PhotoofphotocopyofSayyidfamilytree…………………………………………….83
Image1.7:PhotoofphotocopyofSayyidfamilytree…………………………………………….84
Image1.8:PhotoofpagefromhandwrittenSayyidgenealogy………………………………85
Image1.9:PhotoofpagefromhandwrittenSayyidgenealogy………………………………86
Image1.10:PromotionalposterforRamadanblooddonationdrive……………………..89
Image1.11:Photoofblooddonationcentermissionstatement……………………………90
Image2.1:PhotoofmakingofapalmislandinDubai………………………………………...117
Image2.2:Screenshotimagefromamātamvideo……………………………………………..128
Image2.3:Screenshotimagefromamātamvideo……………………………………………..130
Image2.4:Screenshotimagefromamātamvideo……………………………………………..133
Image2.5:Romantic“Facebookwallpaper”image……………………………………………..140
Image2.6:Romantic“Facebookwallpaper”image……………………………………………..140
Image3.1:Photoofnewly-constructedAbuDhabihotel…………………………………….170
Image3.2:PhotoofmonorailtrackinDubai……………………………………………………...172
Image3.3:Photoofworkersfinishingmodelapartment…………………………………….174
Image3.4:Photoofworkerfinishingmodelapartment……………………………………...175
Image3.5:Photoofworkersfinishingmodelapartment…………………………………….176
Image3.6:Photoofgypsumpiecesondisplayatsupplystore……………………………179
Image3.7:Photoofgypsum-makingmaterialsatsupplystore…………………………...180
Image3.8:Photoofrawgypsuminstackedbagsatsupplystore………………………..181
1
Introduction
Onalatespringmorningthatgrewhot—discouragingunnecessaryoutside
activity—Isatwithseveralinformantsandfriendsinasmallair-conditionedroom:
alivingspacetogethersharedbysix.Whilemostsatidly,one—whoI’llcallTamir—
turnedtowardmefromthecomputerwherehewasseated,andannouncedwith
mildfrustrationandamusementthathehadbeenlockedoutofhisFacebook
account.Tamir’saccounthadbeen“temporarilysuspended”thescreeninfrontof
himconveyed.Joininghimtoconfrontthepuzzle,weclickedthrougha“reclaim
youraccount”process.Anewscreenflashed,andonitafamiliarimage:areligious
textinArabicwithvagueformsagainstablackbackground,asIremembereditlater
innotes.ItookitasoneofavarietyofimagesthatmembersinthisShiaMuslim
communityengageonline:abstractimagesoftenfeaturingahorseorfaceless
humanfigureframedbymessagesofinspirationorprotest.
Thedetailswouldproveunhelpfultothechallengebeforeus,itseemed.A
multiplechoicequestionaskedTamirtoidentifythe“person”whoappearsinthe
photo.Thiswasanexerciseinlinkingtheprofilephotowiththeprofiledperson.
Sincetheimagewasnotanauthenticpersonalrepresentation,wewerehard-
pressedtoanswer.
Submittingaguess,wemovedthroughsuccessivemultiple-choicetest
screens.Afewcontainedimagesofpeople.TheproblemforTamirwasmultiple:a)
hedidnotknoweveryonewhohewasfriendswith;b)manyfriendsinhisnetwork
didnotuseanactualself-imageastheirprofilephoto;andc)someofhis“friends”
werenotpeoplebutorganizations.Suchpatternsofusageamounttoaproblemfor
2
Facebook,itwouldseem.InchallengingTamirtomatchprofilephotostousers’
identifications,Facebookconveysitspreferenceforauthenticaccountslinkedtolive
humanusers.Therestorationprocessincludestheexpectationthatusersknow
theirfriendsbyfaceandbyname,eventhoughbothareself-submittedbythe
person(ornon-person).
Afterseveralminutesofsuccessiveguesses,ascreenannouncedthatwehad
failed:hisaccountremainedlocked,andhisauthenticityinFacebook’suniverse
remaineduncertain.Facebookofferedanalternativemethodtorestoretheaccount:
sendaphotocopyofavalidphotoIDindicatingthenameofthepersononthe
account.(Indeedhehadusedhisrealnameandanauthenticself-photoonhisown
accountprofile.)Withamixofsomeembarrassment,frustration,amusementand
boredom,heseemedtogiveup.Theattentionsofothersshiftedbacktootherforms
ofwork,downtime,internet-use,andidleconversation.
IamnotsurewhatTamirmighthavedoneafterIleftthatday.Wemet
elsewherethereafter.Monthslater,Ifoundhimbackinthesameroomseatedin
frontofthesamecomputer,againusingFacebook.Iaskedabouthisaccount’s
status,andheconfirmedonlythathehadrestoredit.Heflashedagrinandchuckled,
atonceseemingtodownplaytheinitialproblemandfailure,andtoconveysome
assuranceandsatisfaction.Then,intheflowofthedowntimeactivity,withhis
friendsandcoworkersgatheredintheroomaswell,hisattentionandmineagain
shifted.Ineverlearnedhowheunlockedit.
Energyandinstabilityofmigrantlife
3
Ibeginwiththesceneofanimpasse:onethatIbelieveappearsfromone
angleasaconfrontationbetweenboundariesandmigrantlife.Migrantworkoften
occupiesspaceatthelimitsofsociety(Jackson2011)andpushesthelimitofhuman
endurance(Jackson2008,58).Tobeamigrant,amemberoftheeconomic
underclass,1isoftentobe“lockedout:”tobebufferedbyboundaries(Casas-Cortes
etal.2015).Kafāla—thesystembywhichforeignlaborintheArabianGulfis
managedbycitizens—configuresonetypeofboundary.Asgar,likeTamir,wasakey
figurefrommycorefieldresearchgroupinDubai:malelaborersbelongingtoa
broadShiaMuslimexpatriatecommunityofSouthAsianheritage.Hedescribedto
mehowhislocalemployerdeniedhimpermissiontotakeadrivingcourseandgeta
driver’slicense—partofhisefforttolandabetterjob.Professionaladvancement
opportunitiesforforeignworkers,includingentryintodriver’strainingcourses,
requiretheemployer’spermission,reflectingpaternalisticcontrolmechanismsbuilt
intokafāla.Lackofcashresources,urbansoundordinances,anddeviantsocial
mediausageeachalsogeneratetheirownboundaries.
Multipleinteractionsfrommyresearchcapturedformeacentralpuzzle
abouthowmigrantlifeinDubaienduresinthefaceofstructuresdesignedto
containandconstrainit.Tobegintobreakdownthispuzzle,Ifirstconsiderthetwo
entitiesofthisencounter.Ononesideismigrantlife,andontheothersideisthe
“life”ofboundaries.Eventsoftransgression—theachievementofunlockingan
1Onthecentralroleofmargins,exclusion,andisolationinconformingmyriadexperiencesofeconomicprecarityinavarietyofanthropologicalliterature,seeDasandPoole2004,Biehl2013,Allison2013,Lucht2011.
4
onlineaccount,forinstance—maybetheoutcomeofthestrengthorweaknessof
oneortheotherentity.
Thepropellantenergyofmigrantlifedrawsinpartonthetransitoryand
unsettlednatureofthecategory,andonthehighstakesinvolved.Avarietyof
literatureonmigrancyexploreshowlifeitselfisoftenatstakeinmigrantactivities
(ComaroffandComaroff2001;Sandell2010;Holmes2013).Ihighlightafew
instancesfrommyfieldworkthataffirmboththehighstakesandthespecterof
deathorradicalinterruption.Nadim,forinstance,workedinalargecentrally-
locatedindustrialareainDubai.Heoncedescribedtome—withsomeexcitement
andnervouspride—thespecterofdeaththatfollowshimandhiscoworkerswhile
workingwith,onandaroundheavybuildingmaterialssuchasoildrillingrisers.Ina
closecall,heoncesustainedseveralbrokenfingersinanaccidentwhenan
unsecuredriserrolledoverhishand,hetoldmeoneday,withsomebravado.
Furthermore,asIdescribeinChapter5below,theactivityofShiamigrant
communitymembersrecordingreligioussungpoetryinrecordingstudiosinvolved
asenseofdeathanddeadness.Onenight,workinglateinthehighlysound-
containedandpartitionedinteriorspaceofthestudio,asmallgroupofsingers
becamelockedinafterthedoorknobonastudiodoorbrokeoff.Beforetheywere
“rescued”byarecordingengineerwhostumbledinhourslater,theyhadsaidtheir
waṣiyyats(statementsofbequethmentsupondeath)toeachother.
Alternatively,Asgar,anaccountantworkingforasmallconstruction
company,wastheonlyproviderforalargefamilybackhomeinKarachi,following
thedeathofhisfatheronlytwoyearsprior.Increasinglyfeelingthefailureofhis
5
relativelymeagerearnings-profitstomeethisfamily’sfinancialneeds,hetussled
withhisemployerforapromotion,butindoingsoriskedthesecurityofthejobhe
had.“ButwhatcanIdo?,”hewouldaskme.Heworriedabouthismotherand
sisters’long-termhealthandwellbeingifhecouldnotimprovethefamily’sfinancial
situation.
Tamirwasalsopropelledbysomework-relatedurgency.Ifollowedhis
Facebookstruggleduringwhatwasotherwiseafairlydesperatetimeforhim.The
smallcompanyhebelongedtoinDubai—aconstruction“finishing”services
companycomposedoftightknitkintiedtoaspecificNorthIndianlocality—
struggledtoturnaprofit.Debtsfrompreviousprojectshadlonggoneunpaid;the
leaderpursuednewloansfromfriendsandkininDubaiinordertorepayolder
ones.Meanwhileopportunitiesfornewprojectswerebountifulyetpersistently
hardtowin:seeminglyalwaysjustoutofreach.Thegroup’sfinancialtroubles
createdanatmosphereofdesperationthataffectedtheirinteractionsamongst
themselvesandwithoutsiders,includingme,asIexplorefurtherinChapter3.
Atthesametime,Tamirhadseemedtorecentlydevelopamysterious
ailmentaffectinghisknee,inhibitinghisabilitytoperformadequatelyatwork.His
employerdiscussedwithmehisintentiontosendTamirbacktoIndia,toMumbai,
fortreatment,asmedicalcostsweremuchhigherinDubai.Later,Iheardthrough
otheracquaintancesthathehadreturnedtoIndiafortreatmentandtovisithis
family.Manymonthsafterthat,hiscoworkertoldmethathehadreceivedtreatment
thereandreturnedtoDubai,andwasagainworkingforthecompany.Thedemands
ofworkcreatedsomeurgencyforTamir—adeterminationtokeephisjobthat
6
affectedhisdeterminedeffortsoutsideofwork.Theimperativetoworkis
ultimatelyanimperativetoact.Thisimperativedrivescertainqualitiesofwork—a
tempo,asenseofurgency,aforceofactivity—intoactionsoutsideofitself:intothe
mundaneefforttomaintainasocialmediaaccount,forinstance.
OverthecourseofmanyresearchmonthsinDubaitrackingformsofmigrant
life,Icametosee“ethics”ofactivitycommonacrossvariousdomainsoflife.WhileI
accompaniedmanymembersofthiscommunitytotheirworkplaces,whereI
observedthemandsometimeshelpedthemwiththeirworkprocesses,Ialso
accessedarichworldofdowntimeactivityandsocializationinthisdiversereligious
Shiacommunity.WhileTamirseemedtoprojectassuredconfidenceathis
achievementovercomingFacebook’sregulatoryapparatus,Iobservedothersbusily
engagethemselvesinserviceandbenefit-(fāʼida/s̤awāb)seekingactivities.AsI
explorefurtherinChapter1below,Nadimwouldregularlyleaveworkinthe
industrialareaafteralongdayshiftandwalktwentyminutestothemosquefor
eveningprayers,wherehealsoassumedaninformalcaretakerrole,servingsnacks
andteatotheassembledfaithful(mōminīn).Hewasubiquitous;everyoneseemedto
knowhim,whichmadehisabruptannouncementonedaythathewasreturningto
Indiaallthemoreconspicuousandsurprising.
SimilarlySaad—amaincharacterinChapter5below—workedasa
salespersonatasmallcosmeticaccessoriesshopinSharjah.Afterhisshiftendedat
9pminRamadan,hewouldmakehiswaytoarecordingstudioandrecord
overnight,sometimesendinghissessionaround6am,justbeforethefajrpre-dawn
prayers.Hewouldthensometimesreturntohisshoptosleepforafewhoursbefore
7
openingtime,ratherthanreturningtohisroominDubai.“Al-ḥamdulillāh(praise
God)Iambusy,”hewouldsaytome.
Asoneaspectofmyinformantscultivatingethicscommonacrosslife
activities,inotherwords,Ibegantonoticehowtheenergyandintensityofworkin
Dubaicametoinfuseandorientdowntimeorafterwork-timeactivities.Onethread
runningthroughthestoriesofNadim,Asgar,andTamiraboveisthesenseofbeing
diminishedbymightyforcesthatappeartoeludeunderstandingormastery.Though
profits,materialaccumulations,andknowledgeofmarketsandsystemsareelusive,
Ifoundthatpeopledrawonarepertoireofactionsrelatedtowork,inordertolend
energyandmeaningtonon-workactivities.Iconsiderthisthepersistenceof
migrantlifeinside(orinpositiverelationto)systemsthatareotherwisedesigned
foritsexclusion.
Mostbroadly,thisdissertationconsidershowmembersofthismigrant
communityalignexperiencesacrossdifferentdomainsoflife:betweenreligious
activities,leisureactivities,andworkplaceactivities,forinstance.Toevaluatethis
phenomenoninoneway—i.e.thewayinwhichworkethicsimpactandconform
non-workactivities—Idevelopatheoryandconceptof“worklife”asacategoryand
conditionofmigrantlifeinDubai.Dubai’seconomyorientedtowarddiversification
(awayfromenergyproduction)feedsahighdemandforforeignlaborandsustainsa
largemigrantpopulation,andthisprovidesonesenseofmyinterpretationoflifein
Dubaias“worklife.”Butmorespecifically,Iseeworklifeasasensibilityandethicof
actionofforeignworkersrelativetospatial“gaps”intheenvironment,spaceswhich
arethemselvestheoutcomesandproductionsofforcesofgrowthandregulationin
8
Dubai.Thesespacesof“absence”includetheausterespacesofaudiorecording
studiosandbloodclinics.Theyincludethevacantandunfinishedpropertiestiedto
thecollapseoftherealestatemarket.Andtheyincludearangeofeerilyquietand
orderlypublicspacesinDubai,maintainedbyaheavystatesecurityand
enforcementapparatus.Inmyformulation,“worklife”inDubainotonlydenotesa
spiritofproductivityparticulartorapideconomicgrowth,butmorespecifically,a
spiritofmigrantactivitythatinfusesspacescharacterizedbyausterityand
inactivity:spacesthatarebyproductsofeconomicdevelopmentprocesses.
Spiritofworkimmanenttolife
Thinkingbeyondthe“force”particulartomigrantworkandlife—thatis,the
energyrootedintheparticularprecarity,highstakes,instability,orimpermanence
ofthecategory—Ialsoexplorethe(re-)spatializationoflaborinrelationtoits
objectsofproductioninDubai:areconfigurationbywhichboundariesbecome
diminished.Workisoftenseenasaproductionprocess:onethatbringsproducts,
livelihoods,andwaysoflifeintobeinginawiderworld.Iexplorebelowhow
migrantlaboringeffectivelyrearrangestherelationshipofvariousdomainsoflifeto
eachother,andtotheworld.Howmightworklifeenfoldthespaceoccupiedbyits
product-outcomes?Howmightaspiritoractivityofworkbecome“immanent”to—
thatis,embeddedacross—variousdomainsoflife?Idrawontheconceptofan
ethicsofactivity“immanent”toeverydaylifefromMichaelLambek’srecentwork
(2015,1),whichIfurtherdevelopinthenextsectionbelow.
9
Theorientationoflaborprocesstolabor’sproductsdependsinpart,I
propose,ontheworker’sorientationtoplace.MarshallSahlinshascalledour
attentiontotheevolutionoflabor’sproximitytothesiteofitsprimary
accumulation:thehousehold.In“domesticmodesofproduction,”forinstance,labor
andhouseholdarestructuredtogether:thehouseholdis“chargedwithproduction,
withthedeploymentanduseoflabor-power.”Laborinthiscaseisa“primitive”
modeofproduction.Then,underindustrialization,productionandlaborpower
becomedetachedandarealienatedfromthe“familialcircle,”whilethehousehold
becomesmerelyasiteofconsumption(Sahlins1972,76-77).Contextsof
industrializedor“extra-domestic”laborpremiseaworkerwhoregularlynavigates
betweenlaboranddomesticspheresarrayeddistinctlyintheenvironment.The
industrialmodelprojectslaborasspatiallydelimited.
Arrangementsofmigrantworkfurtherextendthealienationoflaborfrom
thehome.Here,object-outcomesofworkareconfiguredatadistantremovefrom
thelaborprocess.FormigrantsinDubai,evenfinancialresourcesdonotaccumulate
locally,asworkersremittheirearnings’profitsandareunabletoopenlocalbank
accounts.Littleaccumulatesbeyondwhatisnecessaryforbasicandefficient
livelihoodinDubai.WhileworkispresentinDubai,theexternaloutcomes—the
livelihoodsofdependents,materialandmonetaryaccumulations—ofthelabor
processarelargelyabsent.
OfcourseparallelexamplestothesituationofmigrantworkinDubaiexistin
industrialand“primitive”domesticmodesoflaboraswell,wherelaborreworks,
infuses,orcooptsotherspheresoflife.Avarietyofethnographicstudiesfocuson
10
howcertainlaborpracticesdisrupttraditionalkinrelations,andreworkdomestic
spaces.AihwaOngoffersthecaseoffemalefactoryworkersinMalaysiawho
cultivateself-disciplinethroughindustrializedlabor,andthusupsettraditional
domesticsocialrolesintheircommunitybydefyingtheneedformaleauthority.
Industriallaborprovidesalinkagetobroadercapitalistmarketsandstate
structures,andthusdiminishesthecohesionoftraditionalkinandfamilystructures.
(Ong2010,6-7).Othersexplorehowdomesticworkactivitiessuchasweavinghelp
structurekinship.BrinkleyMessick,forinstance,describeshowtheritualactionsof
weavingunderscoresthebirthingprocess(Messick1987,212-213).DeepakMehta
similarlyshowshowtheweavingprocessdefinesandeffectsgenderroleswithin
thefamilywhileit“marksoutthespaceandtimeofthehousehold”(Mehta1997,
66).
Labor’shegemonyoverlifeinDubaimayberegisteredinavarietyofways.
Laborissynonymouswith“being”inDubaiforworkingforeigners,whocomprise
89%ofthetotalpopulation,halfofwhomareSouthAsian.Workdisruption
promptstheworker’sswiftdepartureviadeportation,oritsthreat.Naturalized
citizenshipisextremelyrare,evenforlong-termforeignresidents.Oneparticipant
activeinthelocalShiacommunityinDubaiemigratedfromTanzaniain1976,but
continuedtorenewhistemporaryworkvisainDubaieverythreeyears,allthe
whilemaintaininghisTanzaniancitizenship.ThetouristvisacategoryintheU.A.E.
skewstowardWesternvisitors,manyofwhomqualifyforfreeon-arrivalvisas,
whileAsianvisitorspaynearly$200USDforthesameprivilege.Thereislittleroom
foridlenon-Westernbodies.
11
Employment’sinsecuritycreatesanenvironmentofurgency.AsArabianGulf
stateshavepursuedeconomicdiversificationawayfromdependenceonoil
production,manyhavenurturedthedevelopmentofacademicinstitutionswith
UnitedStatesaccreditations,forinstance.Still,fewsuchacademicinstitutionsoffer
thetypesofjobsecuritystructures,suchastenure,typicaltoWesternuniversities.
Thetrendmirrorsthetemporalityofotherformsofemployment,andalsothesense
ofuncertaintyaboutDubai’ssurvivalinthenearfuture,especiallygivenitsmeteoric
rise.Theenduringimageofabandonedcars—evenluxurysportscars—ontheroad
totheairportisanemblematicreminderofabruptdeparturesandchangesof
fortunesforexpatriateresidents.Peopleworryaboutthenextmarketcrash.
MyinformantsconceivedworkandlifeinDubaiasconditionedby
compulsionandconstraint,usingthewordmajbūrī.AvarietyofUrduspeakers
outsideofmyresearchcontextdescribedmajbūrīasakindof“fatefulcompulsion:”a
conditionofbeingcompelledtodosomethingintheabsenceofanyalternative.
GiventhecontextsinDubaiinwhichmyinformantsspokeofworkandlifeas
majbūrī,andgiventheword’sderivation,Iofferaslightlymoregeneral
understandingofmajbūrīasaconditionofbeingcompelledtodosomethingby
externalforces.AclassicUrdutoEnglishdictionaryconnotestherootwordjabr
(fromtheArabicrootj-b-r)as“compulsion,constraint,”“force,power,”or“violence,
oppression.”2Grammatically,Majbūrīistheabstractnounconstructedfromthe
passiveparticiple(majbūr)ofjabr.Itthusconnotestheconditionofthebeingthe
objectofjabr,initsmyriadmeanings.Thisbroaderunderstandingofmajbūrī2Platts,JohnT.2003.“Jabr.”InADictionaryofUrdū,ClassicalHindī,andEnglish,375.Delhi:UrduAcademy.
12
capturesthewiderangeofmigrantexperienceinDubai,whichIobservedmy
informantstoglossandaligntogetherinusingthisterm.
Onesoft-spokenPakistanimanuseditinaconversationwithmeinwhichI
probedhisexperiencesandbackgroundinDubai.Heexplainedhowhehadbeen
hiredbythelocaljamā‘tboard(Shiacommunity’sreligiousleadership)asa
caretakerofthelocalimāmbārgāh3manyyearsprior,whenhehadlosthisprevious
jobasadriverforaprivatecompany.Westoodinthecourtyardareaofthe
imāmbārgāhashespoke,intheshadowofalightedannouncementboarddedicated
tojob-seekingadvertisements,whichwasoverflowingwiththeone-pageresumesof
menofvariousagesfromthecommunity.Mosthadasmallpassport-stylephoto
affixedtotheresume’supperrightcorner.Thebackdropframedourconversation,
providingareminderofthecentralityofworkforindividualsinthiscommunity,
andoftheearnestaspirationsofjob-seekers.Hepausedafterdescribinghow
fortunatehewastogetthejobwiththeShiajamā‘t,andthenremarked,Dubaibaṛī
majbūrīhē(Dubaiisverymajbūrī),bywhichItookhimtomean“lifeinDubaiisvery
constrainedandoppressed”
AsIoutlinefurtherinChapter1,avarietyofmyresearchexperiencesrelate
totimespentdrivingaroundDubai,andoccasionallytootherneighboringemirates,
forvariousparticipants’workandleisure-relatedactivities.Conversationsturned
towardaconsiderationofmajbūrīhereaswell.OnoneoccasionIrodeasa
passengerinacarwiththreelaborerswhowereroommatesinoneofDubai’s
3AnimāmbārgāhfunctionsasaShiacommunitygatheringcenterespeciallyusedforcommemorativefunctionsandweeklyThursdaynightgatherings,thoughtherangeofusescanbediverse.Thenameliterallytranslatesas“placeoftheImams.”InSouthAsianShiatraditions,suchacenterisalsosometimescalledaḥussainiyaor‘āshūrḵẖāna.
13
outlyingresidentialareas.Atonemoment,aswedroveatnightonmajorhighway,
ouroncomingviewoftheroadbecameframedbyaclusterofroadsigns—one
markingspeedlimits,anotherinstructingdriverstostayinlanes,andthenjust
beyond,anupcomingautomatedoverheadtollcollectiongate.Onefellowpassenger
gesturedtowardthearrayofsignage,andmadethesamecommenttheimāmbārgāh
caretakerhadmade,aboutDubaibeingverymajbūrī(Dubaibaṛīmajbūrīhē).Itook
himtomean,again,thatlifeisDubaiisveryconstrained,thoughinthiscaseby
virtueofstrictrulesandregulatoryforces:anaspectofthecompulsiononefeelsvis-
à-vismigrantworkinDubai.
RoadnetworksintheGulfarecentralinfrastructuresandsitesofboth
aggressivestatecontrolandsurveillanceaswellassubversiveactivities(Menoret
2014,12).Membersofmytargetcommunityregularlyconformedtostrictly
enforcedspeedlimitsandotherconventionsofroadusedissimilartotheirtypical
drivingexperiencesinIndiaandPakistan.Usingmajbūrīinthiscontextlinksthe
compulsiontoworkwiththe“oppression”ofrulesasbothcentraltotheexperience
oflifeinDubai.
Labor:beyondpowerrelationsandmateriality
AstrandofFrenchsocialtheoryinthetwentiethcenturyturnedtowardthe
bodyanditsactions,activities,andmovements,inordertounderstandthe
operationofpoliticalpowerandauthorityoversocieties.MarcelMaussshowshow
abroadcross-sectionof“assembledactions”—whichhecalls“techniquesofthe
body”—arelearned,primarilythroughimitation.Assuch,theyare“collective”
14
actions:moresocialthan“psychological.”Theyareimposedontheindividualfrom
without:often“fromabove,”byanotherwhohasauthorityoverhim(Mauss1973,
73,76).
WhereMaussseestheworkofsocialauthorityoverbodilytechniques,
MichelFoucaultfocusesinsteadontheworkofpoliticalpower(ofstatepower,for
instance).Suchpoweroperatesthroughandbecomesvestedinthevariousmicro-
movements,comportments,and“functionings”ofindividualbodies.Foucault’s
analysisalsoprivilegestheroleoflaboractivitiestomediatepoliticalpower:“itis
largelyasaforceofproductionthatthebodyisinvestedwithrelationsofpowerand
domination.”Laboristhenthecatalystdrivingthis“politicaltechnologization”of
thebody:theprocesscreatingthebody’s“multiforminstrumentation”(Foucault
1979,26).ItakeFoucault’sformation,inotherwords,asawaytoseethe
imbricationofpoliticalandlaborpowerintheformulationofvariousbodilyactions.
Keyanthropologicalstudiesonthetransformationoflifebylaborhave
drawnespeciallyontheworkofFoucaulttoseehowpowerandhegemonydrive
thistransformation.Thesestudiesretainaverticalunderstandingofhowbodily
activitiesareconstituted.ReflectingFoucault’sconcerns,AihwaOngexploreshow
bureaucraticmechanismsappropriatecapitalistworkplacedisciplinetodriveshifts
inpractices,behaviors,andrelationsacrosseverydaylife(Ong2010,2-4).Daromir
Rudnyckyjexploreswhathecallsthetechnologiesdeployedbythecompaniesand
NGOsthatprepareIndonesianout-migrantsforworkabroad.These“technologiesof
servitude”substituteforthetechnologiesofstatesinorderto“producesubjects
capableofdomesticlabortransnationally”(Rudnyckyj2004,412).
15
Inmypresentstudy,Idonotseektodisavowverticalpowerasa“technology
ofdomination”centraltobothpoliticalpowerandthe“managementofindividuals”
(Foucault1988,18-19).Indeedpatron-clientrelationsparticulartotheGulfstates
andother“patrimonial”statesocietieshelpshapeandlimitmigrantlifeandwork.
Nonetheless,Iammoreinterestedintracingthepervadingspreadandoutward
radiationofworklifeintootherforms,functions,andactivitiesofeverydaylife.In
thisway,Iseethetransformationoflifeformsasdrivennotbyverticalpower
relationsassuch,butbytheparticularenergy,form,andcharacterofworkitself.
Thisisalateral-horizontalmovementthatdrawsonthedestructiveenergyofglobal
systemsgearedtowardendlessexpansionandboundaryerasure.Itreflects
Foucault’snotionofcapillarypower:atypeofomnipresentdisciplinarypower
typifiedforFoucaultbythepanopticon(Foucault1979,198).
Focusingonworkasenergyandactivity,Ialsocontrastwithotherstudies
thatseetheoperationofworkonlifeasamaterialor“instrumental”process.Ina
memorabletributetotheanthropologistLouisDumont,Jean-ClaudeGaley(1981,4)
hasdescribedtheartisanashewhoworksonhimselfashedoeshiscraft.Anand
Pandian(2009,50-51)describeshowlow-incomefarmersinSouthIndiacometo
seethemselvesasextensionsoftheirtools:thequalitativestateofthetooleffects
thequalitativestateoftheindividual.Similarly,DeepakMehtadescribeshowthe
quintessentialexperienceofwork—pain—isrootedforAnsariweaversinNorth
Indiainanoriginalpainfulexperience,whichmalefamilymembers“inscribe”onto
themalechild:thecircumcision.Thisactisalignedwiththeconditionofbeinga
16
“skillfulweaver”and“goodMuslim,”inwhichtheenduranceofpainiscentralto
eachexperience(Mehta1997,32).
Thisdissertationexploreswork’simpactonlifenotasaphysicaltrace,bodily
comportment,ormanifestationofpowerrelations.Rather,Iseework’simpactasa
kindofenergy,atempo,arepertoireofdisciplinedactions,andawayof
communication;inshort,awayoflife.Likeotheranthropologistsworkinginsimilar
milieustomine(Hirschkind2006),IfindWalterBenjamin’smodelparticularly
helpful,inwhichhesuggeststhattherhythmsofrepetitiveworkenablepatternsof
listening,remembering,andcommunicationthatareotherwiselostandforeclosed.4
Iarguethatthecombinationintheindividualoftheimperativetoworkandthe
imperativetofollowDubairulesandregulationsaffectstheurgencyandintensityof
non-workactivities.
Environmentalforces,worklife,andethicsofactivity
Thisdissertationattemptstotraceagermofethicalactionsacrossvarious
domainsoflife.Assuch,itaccountsforhowreligiousactionsaretransformedby
worklifeimperatives,forinstance.InChapter1,Idescribehowanimperativeto
makemoneyandworkwithinrulesconformsanethicofefficiencythatShia
migrantsinDubaidrewuponastheyadaptedtheirperformanceofcommemorative
religiousritualstonon-religiousenvironments.Similarly,inChapter5,Iexplore
howordinancesandenforcementsdesignedtocontainconstructionnoiseandthe
enclosureofreligiousactivitiesinspireamodeofdisciplinedcreativityparticularto
4See“TheStoryteller”inBenjamin(1968,83-110).
17
formsofreligiouspoeticexpression.AndinChapter2,Iexaminehowbloated
housingmarketsawashwithvacantpropertiescreatespaceandenablenewmodes
ofengagingreligiousmaterialintheworkplace,foronerealtor.Ingeneral,thatis,I
exploreacrossthesechaptershowtheactivityofworkandconditionsofwork
environmentsconformethicalapproachestoreligiousrituals.
Abenchmarkforconsideringtherelationshipbetweenreligiousethicsand
laborethicswassetbyMaxWeberinhisstudy,originallypublishedin1905,of
asceticism,puritanism,andthe“spirit”ofcapitalisticwealthaccumulation(Weber
1992).Thetemptationtowardtheenjoymentofidleworldlypleasuresdisruptsthe
endeavorsofthePuritanChristianasceticandthecapitalist,hewrites(104,112).
BothcapitalismandChristianasceticismdemandanethicofendlesslaborinpursuit
ofusefulprofit(xxxi-xxxii).Thecapitalisticritualofhardworkparticulartoone’s
“calling”isthusalsoareligiousritual,totheextentthatitallowstheascetictouse
hisbody—thatis,God’sgift—inthemostgainfulway(108).
Inasimilarfashion,CharlesHirschkinddescribesthepracticeamongtaxi
driversinCairooflisteningtosermonsasa“distractionfromtoil,”orparaphrased
otherwise,mindfulnessintoil(Hirschkind2006,22).AtaxidriverinHirschkind’s
ethnographysuggeststhatlisteningtosermonswhiledrivingallowshimtobetter
performhisjob:tonot“getupset”and“shoutatotherdrivers”(72).Atthesame
time,thedullmonotonousrhythmsoftaxidrivingcreateasensoriumdisposedto
theapprehensionofreligiousexpressivecontent.Workitselfthuscontributesto
ethicallivingandthepursuitofpiety,Hirschkindargues(27).
18
EspeciallyinChapter1Itracethistypeofideal—inwhichworkandreligious
activitiesbecome“rationalized”together—throughanethicofefficientworklifeand
religiousactionamongmembersofthisShiacommunityinDubai.Butmystudy
deemphasizesafocusontoilandinvestigatesawiderrangeofactivities.
Specifically,Iinvestigatehowdowntime—themundanetextureandrhythmof
everydaylife—istransformedbytheethicsofreligiouspracticeandofwork.Put
differently,Iexaminethemodebywhichethicsofmundanelife,worklife,and
religiouslifearealigned.ExpandingonWeber,Iconceiveworklifeasanenterprise
broaderthanthatdelimitedbyone’scallingoremployment,orbywell-defined
workplacesorworkdays.
Thismoreholisticviewofworklifeandethicscommonacrosslifeactivities
buildsontherecentinterestamonganthropologiststoconceiveandstudyethics
neitherasaclusterofframeworksandrules,norasamatterofcontemplatinggood
behaviorataremovefromritualpractices,butratherasembeddedinthepractice
ofeverydaylifeitself(seeforinstancePandianandAli2010,2).Inimportantways,
MichaelLambekhasheraldedaturntowardthinkingof“ordinaryethics”(2010)as
those“immanent”and“intrinsic”tolifeitself:“withintheordinaryratherthan
exemplifyinganattempttoescapeitormakingapurchaseoutsideit”(2015,1,27,
emphasisoriginal).InamodewithwhichLambekfindssympathy,VeenaDashas
alsoarguedfor:
…ashiftinperspectivefromthinkingofethicsasmadeupofjudgmentswearriveatwhenwestandawayfromourordinarypracticestothatofthinkingoftheethicalasadimensionofeverydaylifeinwhichwearenotaspiringtoescapetheordinarybutrathertodescendintoitasawayofbecomingmoralsubjects.(Das2012,134)
19
Crucially,Das’sanalysisaimstointerrogatethelinkagebetweeneverydayactsand
widerworldevents.ThechallengeforDasishoweverydayethicalactionsand
expressionsendureinthefaceofpervasive“world-annihilating”violenceandhate
(Das2015,54-55).
Iconceive“ethicsofactivity”asanethicsofbodilymovementand
comportmentcontinuousacrosssocialcontextsandthepunctuatedtimeofsocial
events.ItthusbuildsonPierreBourdieu’s(1990)andMarcelMauss’(1973)
theoriesof“habitus,”whichseesactionsasoutcomesoflearnedandinternalized
habitsandroutines.EthicsofactivityalsobuildsonDas’snotionof“ethicsasan
expressionoflifetakenasawhole”(Das2015,56).SimilartoDas’sformulation,an
ethicsofactivityisnotdelimitedtoparticulareventsorparticularcontexts,though
suchactivitiesmaybe“shadowedbydoubts”aboutpotentialfuturecalamities.In
Chapter4,Iinvestigatehowagenreofcrimestorytellingbuildsonimperativesto
represent,identifyand“pindown”nebulousfears,aspartofmigranteffortsto
reclaimemptyspace.Storytellingherepullsthepastexperiencesofviolenceintothe
everyday,andisstructuredbyanethicsparticulartoexperiencesandstrategiesof
migrantlifeinDubai.
EssentialtotheethicsofactivityIexploreinChapter4andelsewhereisless
amodeofdetached“reflection”thanitisaqualityofvacatedspace.Qualitiesof
vacant,austere,andcontrolledspaces—livingspacepartitions,emptypubliclots,
vacantresidentialproperties,unfinishedconstructions,medicalclinics—allowfor
particularmigrantformsofactivityandthusthecultivationofethicalmodesof
being,whicharecommonacrossworklife,religiouslife,andleisuretime.Ontheone
20
hand,thiscounterscertainotherrecentanthropologicalformulationsaboutthe
necessaryroleof“reflection”inthepracticeofeverydayethics(Faubion2011,20;
Laidlaw2013,44).Butfurthermore,myapproachextendsupontheworkofDasand
Lambektoseehowenvironmentalqualitiesandforcesimpingeoneverydaylifeand
structureethicsofactivity.
Mystudythusallowsmetothinkbetweentherecentworkon“ordinary
ethics”andotherworkonenvironmentalethics.AnandPandianhascharteda
colonialhistoryinTamilNaduinwhichqualitiesofagriculturallandaccountforthe
cultivationofworkethicsandmoralbeingamongmembersofa“criminal”caste.
Administratorslinked“arid,rockyandinfertile”landstoidleness,andthustoa
criminalnature.Toaddressthelatterproblem,andtoencourageproductivetoil,
administratorsdevelopedprogramstoofferlandtofarmers,whichtheydescribed
as“gooddryland,redsoil,goodrain-fall,healthycountry”(Pandian2009,148-149).
AndJamesLaidlawhasexploredhowmembersoftheglobalJaincommunity
preserveaconservationistspiritattheheartofJainideology.Whileanenvironment
fullofperilspromptsasceticJainsinIndiatoassiduouslyavoidharmingliving
things,layJainsoutsideIndiaalsocompelledtobe“green”sensitive,replacing
traditionalvegetarianismwiththestricterethicofveganism,forinstance(Laidlaw
2010,64).Thisdissertationbuildsonthisliteraturetoshowhowqualitiesof
environmentscruciallyinfusethecultivationofeverydayethicsacrossdomainsof
lifeactivity.
MultipleConceptionsofEnvironment
21
Thisdissertationcarefullyconsiderstheroleofnaturalenvironmentsto
conformactivitiesformembersofthismigrantcommunity,andtoallowmembers
toalignexperiencesacrossdomainsoflife.InChapter1,forinstance,Ishowhow
theimperativetoconservewater,asanethicofdesertlife,alignswiththe
commemorationofHussain’sordealatKarbala,inwhichheandhisfactionwere
deniedpotablewaterbytheirenemy.Still,Iwishtoclarifythatmyconcernabout
“environmentalforces”extendsbeyondthecorrelationofenvironmentwith
“nature.”Inparticular,Ibuildonnotionsinthescholarshiponurbanbuilt
environments,andonmediascapes,thatexploretheroleofthoseenvironmentsin
thecultivationandconformationofethicalactions.
Asetofinterrogationsintourbanbuiltenvironmentsnoteshow
infrastructuresfunctiontomultipletherangeofactivitiesinurbanlife.NigelThrift
andAshAmindescribedaprocessthattheyterm“theurbanengineeringof
passions,”wheretheaestheticsandinfrastructuresofbuiltenvironments“produce”
“ritualsofdesire,love,greed,andwant.”ThriftandAminconsiderhowurbanspaces
“spark”passionatedrives:“thedesireforcertaintypesoffoodortheurgetorelaxin
theopenspacesofthecity”(AminandThrift2007,155-156,myemphasis).Nikhil
AnandexploreshowtheinfrastructuresofpressurizedwaterinMumbaienable
formsof“hydrauliccitizenship”andallowformaking“politicalclaimsthatexceed
theframeworkofliberal,moderncitizenship”(Anand2011,545).
BrianLarkindescribeshowinfrastructures“mediateandshapethenatureof
economicandculturalflowsandthefabricofurbanlife”(Larkin2008,6-7).
Narratingtheevolutionofcinemaasanurbaninstitutionandinfrastructurein
22
Nigeria,BrianLarkinacknowledgesthecoloniallegacyofinfrastructural
developmentto“createspecificsortsofsocialsubjects.”Hecitesradionetworksand
cinemas,forinstance,asconstructionsgearedto“educatinganddeveloping
Nigeriansinto‘modern’colonialcitizens”(3).Still,inpostcolonialKano,he
illustrateshowcinema-goers“reimagine”andre-appropriatethesetechnologiesof
colonialgovernance(12).Totraceinfrastructuraleffectsbeyondregulationand
discipline,Larkinexploreshow“materialstructuresproduceimmaterialformsof
urbanism—thesensesofexcitement,danger,orstimulationthatsuffusedifferent
spacesinthecityandcreatetheexperienceofwhaturbanismis”(13).Hedevelopsa
notionofurbansensoryexperiencethatcorrelateswithThriftandAmin’snotionin
the“urbanengineeringofpassions.”
LikeLarkin,Iconsidertheroleofinfrastructures,ofroadsforinstancein
Chapter1,tobothregulateandconstrainactivitieswhilealsoallowingawider
rangeofethicalandbeneficialactivitiestobeperformedbymembersofthis
community.AndinChapter3Iexaminehowlandmarkandgrandiosearchitectures
structuretheaspirationsoflaborersintheconstructionandinteriordesign
industries,bothpropellingtheirworkinDubaianddestabilizingtheirsocial
relations.Ihighlight,inotherwords,thediminishingandenablingeffectsofurban
infrastructuresonmodesofurbanworkandlife.
InArjunAppadurai’sinfluentialformationofmediascapes,imagesand
narrativesserveto“mediate”reality.Theseformsprovideconsumers—i.e.those
whoinhabitthemedialandscape—a“material”basisuponwhichtobuild“scripts”
forlife.Appaduraiespeciallysupposesthatthesemediatedformsallowconsumers
23
toscript“imaged”lives,ofthemselvesorofothers.BuildingonAppadurai’s
formulation,asetofstudieshavedescribedtheroleofmediatoamplifyand
proliferatespiritualpractices(forinstance,seetheeditedvolume,MeyerandMoors
2005).RosalindMorrisforinstancedescribeshowtheproliferationofmassmedia
inThailandallowed“mediumship”practicestobe“reborn,”andthatthe
“displacement”inherenttomediatedrepresentationsresonateswith,andprovidesa
metaphorfor,thespiritualdisplacementofthemedium’sbody(Morris2000,460,
465).ThoughbuildingonadifferentphilosophicaltraditionthanAppaduraidoes,
throughDerridaandLevinas,HentdeVriesfurtherextendsthishomologybetween
publicreligiousformsandmedia,arguingforthealwaysalready-mediatednatureof
religionas“manifest”intheworld(DeVries2001,28;seealsoHirschkind2011).
Theseformulationsontheresonanceofreligiousandspiritualformsinand
throughmediaishelpfultomyaccountofreligiousimageryinChapter2,asIargue
thatthepervasionofcellphones,andtheeaseofreligiousvideoandimageviewing
inspacesandtimesofleisure,allowworkingShiainDubaitheopportunityto
immersethemselvesinthecommemorationofKarbalaandHussain’smartyrdom.
EasyaccesstocellphonesandcomputersallowShiastoimmersethemselvesin
religiousmaterialsinworkandleisurespaces,andtobetterconductthemselvesas
Shiasineverydaylife.
Multipleoverlappingsystemsofinstability
Thephenomenonwherequalitiesofworklifecometodominatemigrantlife
inDubaireflectsother“totalizing”formsofstatecontrolandregulation.AsIdevelop
24
furtherinChapter5,thesecurityapparatusinDubaiworkstoprotectmaterialsin
theenvironmentthataredeemed“sensitive:”mosquesandhospitals,forinstance.
The“becoming-sensitive”ofmaterialsinDubaireflectsthematerialityandintimacy
oftherecordingstudio.IargueinChapter5howstudiospacesbecomecentralto
religiousproductionactivitiesinDubai,whereregulationsagainstpublicnoiseforce
performancesindoors.Comparabletothepresenceofthemicrophoneinthestudio,
publicspaceinDubaiisstrewnwithsensitivereceptorsofvariouskinds:static
fixturesintheenvironmentincludingpolicesurveillancecamerasandinstitutions
suchasmosques.Thesematerialsvibrateandbecomeagitatedastheyreceive
informationandimpulsesfromthepublicactivityofeverydaylife.Theirpresencein
theenvironmentfunctionstodisciplineactions,justasrecordingdevicesforce
disciplinedcontroloversoundproductiontechniquesinstudios.Theproliferation
ofintimateindoorspacesforreligiousactivityacrossandaroundDubai,especially
ofstudios,mirrorsthetransformationofpublicoutdoorspaceintoanenvironment
ofsensitivereception.
Secondly,considerthecentralmechanismbywhichkafālaoperatesinDubai.
Thissocial/laborregulatorysystemcapacitatescitizenstoregulateforeignlabor.
Thesecitizensaretherebyincorporatedintothebroadrentierclassandclientelist
frameworkofgovernancethatextendsfromtherulingfamily.Theexpansionofthe
rulingclasstoencompassothergroupsinthegeneralpopulationhasbeencalledthe
“clientizationofsociety”(Cammettetal.2015,329).Here,therulingclassstandsin
forandencompassessociety.
25
NehaVorahasarguedfortheexpansionoftheseclientelistwebsintothe
foreign(non-citizen)managerialclassaswell,inwhichsuchforeign-bornmanagers
standinandactfornativecitizensponsors,whothemselvesactforthestate(Vora
2013,14-15).Non-nativebusinessmanagersaregrantedrightstocontroltheirnon-
nativeemployeesviameanssuchasholdingpassportsandrefusingtotransfertheir
workrightstootherEmirates-basedemployers(93,110-111).Inexploringthe
experienceofmiddle-andmerchant-classIndiansinpresent-dayDubai,Vorathus
arguesforthefluidityandporosityofthecategoriesthatvanguardnational
belonging,aconditionbroadlyapplicabletotheGulfregion(6).Bydisavowing
identitytothenationinthejuridico-legalsense—whileperforming“citizenship”in
otherways—Vorasuggeststhatmembersofthemanagerialforeignresident
communityblurtheboundariesthatvanguardcitizenship(3).5
ThepatternsofgrowthparticulartoDubaiIhavethusfaroutlined,where
partsencompasswholes—theclientizationofsociety,the“studioization”ofpublic
space,andthebecomingworklifeoflife—reflectdevelopmentstrategiesparticular
toDubaiaimedatmanagingthethreatofbroadexternalglobalforcesof
destabilization.Dubai’scultivationofanenvironmentaroundworkandwealth-
seekingactivities,forinstance,functionstodelimitthefloweringofdisruptive
activities—politicalprotest,criminality,terrorism,forinstance—thatmaytakeroot
inconditionsofidlenessandboredom.Clientizationandstudioizationbothfunction
5ExcludedfromVora’smodelof“imaginedcitizenship,”assheacknowledges,isthevastnon-managerialforeignworkingclass,towhichthemajorityofmyresearchparticipantsbelong.WhileIbelievemyinformantswerelittleconcernedwith“nationalbelonging”perse,Iexplore,inthenextsubsectionbelowandinsubsequentchapters,sometheofpowerfulexternalforcesthatfunctiontofurtherdiminishthesalienceofclassboundaries.
26
tocontrolthecultural-criminalthreatassociatedwiththetrans-regionalmigrant
labormarket(Vora2013;Lori2011).IconsiderDubaianodeinasystemof
multipleoverlappingglobalforcesofdisruption.Theseforcesincludethe
transregionalflowoflaborandmoney,terrornetworksandthe“criminality”of
foreigners,andthedisruptiveforceofnaturalerosionparticulartodesert
environments.Iexploretheseforcesfurtherbelow,inlatersectionsofthis
introduction.Letmefirstconsider,however,howdestabilizingsystemsarethought
tointerconnectinaworldofrapidcapitalistexpansion.
Immanenceandglobalfragility
Voraexplainshowaneoliberalstate-projectlikeDubaiisnecessarilyone
whereparticipationintheeconomydoesnotguaranteeentryintoorprotectionsby
thestate.Wrestedfromstateregulations,“neoliberal”economiesarethusmore
alignedwiththenaturaldynamismandunpredictabilityofotheropensystems
seeminglybeyondhumancontrol.WilliamConnollydeemsthisacentralaspectof
“thecontemporaryfragilityofthings:”thealignmentandinteractionofvariousnon-
humansystems,suchasneoliberaleconomiesandtectonicplateactivity,for
instance.Evocatively,Connollyinvitesustoconsiderachainofconsequences.
Appreciatingfragilityintheworldleadsone—thepoliticaltheorist,forexample—to
rejectthenotionoftheworldasdesignedforhumans.Thisinturnallowsoneto
appreciatethe“impingement”ofnon-economicsystemsoneconomicandsociallife.
The“shocks”thatmarksuchinstancesofimpingementthengeneratenewwaysof
thinking,interpreting,andinterveningintheworld(Connolly2013,26,28-29).
27
Above,Idescriedthemultiplemodesbywhichmyresearchparticipants
ascribedmajbūrītoaspectsoftheirlifeexperiencesinDubai.Theconfluenceof
variousprecariousforces—ofinsidiouscriminalbehaviorandovercrowdedlabor
markets,forinstance—functionstodiminishbeliefinthepowerofdesigninnature,
orofman’smasteryovernature,Iargue.Inotedavarietyoffieldworkinteractions
inwhichinformantsappearedtohumblethemselvesinrelationtomightyforces
outsideoftheircontrol.Somewouldfancifullyorwhimsicallydescribedplansand
desirestoamassgreatwealth.Othersdiscussedandmarveledovertheluriddetails
ofrumoredcriminalevents.Oneguidedmethroughhislivingenvironmentwhile
bemoaningitsconstantstateofdisrepairandstructuralbreakdown,asituationtied
tothenefariouseffectsofsewagebasinsnearby,whosenoxiousfumes,when
windborne,delugedthehabitations.
Theorientationofmigrantstoglobalsystemsrecallsthefindingsofother
anthropologicalstudiesinpost-colonial“neoliberal”contexts,inwhichalienation
frommarketscreatesmysticalrelationsbetweenthelaborprocessandmodesof
accumulation(ComaroffandComaroff1999;Morris2000).Morespecifically,the
referentsofmyinformant’simaginativemusingshereareembeddedin
transregionalandglobalsystemsofinstability:thedevelopmenteconomy,thewar
onterror,themovementofgoodsandpeopleacrossnavigablewaterways,the
dynamicmovementofwindsweptsands.Ultimately,thecontemporaryconditionof
multipleforce-fieldsthatdefymasteryhastheeffectoflevelingtheplayingfield.
Givenradicaluncertaintyaboutthefuture—especiallyinplaceslikeDubai—the
28
manager,theoilexecutive,theroyalfamilymembers,allfaceadiminishedcapacity
tobeplannersor“masters.”
Ruptures,crashes,shocks,anddisruptionsinthesesystems,eitheractualor
potential,createnewsocialities—modesofthinkingandacting—withinShiaand
migrantexperience,Iargue.Furthermore,Ifindthatgiventhesharedhelplessness
commontoalllevelsintheeconomic/socialhierarchy,thedistinctionbetween
managersandnon-managerslosesitssalienceandfixity,andthuseffectsamore
radicaldiminishmentofboundariesthanthatwhichVoraproposes,Ifind.Thevast
wealthdisparityintheEmirateitselfrestsonsurrealdesignsandemblemsof
excess—fantasticconstructionprojects,forinstance(Davis2006).Thedrivefor
wealth,asrendereduponthecityscapeitself,isextraordinary,unstable,anddefies
mastery.Rapidcyclesofboomandbustmakeclassboundariesfluid,fosteringthe
optimismandaspirationofmanylow-incomeSouthAsianworkersIencounteredin
fieldresearch,thattheymightsoonandrapidlygaingreatwealth.
Precariouslife/molecularmovements
Takentogether,arangeofethnographicliteratureonprecarityrevealhow
precariouslivesareboundbyanunstableenergy:bycyclesofwaxingandwaning.
Accountsdepictprecariousexistencesthattendalternatelytowardactionor
inaction,movementorstasis,enduranceorexhaustion,accelerationordeceleration,
lifeordeath.AnnAllisonhasprovidedadetailedethnographicaccountofthe
“sociallywithdrawn”inJapan:oftheirexperiencesofeconomicprecarityas
diminishmentandinaction,tendingtowarddeath(Allison2013,2-3).LikeConnolly,
29
andmyownperspectiveonlifeinDubai,Allisonsupposesthatprecarityinonearea
oflife—forinstanceinuncertainworkarrangements—producesprecarity
elsewhere.Iteffectsthediminishmentofone’sability,forinstance,toprovidefor
one’sfamily,orto“findtheenergytokeepgoing”(9).JoaoBiehlhasalsodescribed
theexperienceofthoseinterredin“zonesofsocialabandonment”inBrazil,awaiting
death.Biehltrackshowmanyengagelanguageandthematerialworldasformsof
actioninthefaceofdeath,topreservetiestolifeoutside,to“dosomethingwith
whatisleftoftheirexistence”(Biehl2013,42,myemphasis).
ElizabethPovinellihighlightstheoscillationbetweenenduranceand
exhaustioninprecariousexperiences.InherEconomiesofAbandonment,for
instance,shereferencesafilm,KillerofSheep,andthethemeoftheenduranceof
African-Americanlifeinthefaceofeconomicstrifeandmechanicalbreak-down.
Here,Povinellihighlightshowlabor—thereconstructionofacarfromparts,for
instance—effectsatransformationofabodyintosomething“lessexhausted,
alienated,andnumb,”overcominginstitutionalobstaclestothemobilityofvarious
economicunderclasses(Povinelli2011,102).Similarly,inKathleenStewart’s
OrdinaryAffects,onereclusiveandimpoverishedruralfamilyisdrawnoutby
tauntingyouthsfromthemore-affluentsurroundingcommunity,inaconfrontation
thatthreatensviolence.Here,anoutwardlysedentarylifebecomesquicklycharged
withanimus,illustratingforStewarthowordinaryaffectsarebothunstableand
active,siteswhereforcesmaysuddenlygainpotency(Stewart2007,13-14).
Livesunderconditionsofeconomicprecarity,ill-health,orviolenceoften
embraceactivitywhilebeinghauntedbythespecterofimminentdeathorrupture.
30
InDubai,forinstance,employmentsecurestherighttoreside,whileitsdisruption
maylikelyforceone’ssuddendeparture—viadeportationoritsthreat.WhileI
arguethattheformsofmigrantlifeIobservedinDubaiarenot“bare”inthe
Agambaniansense(Agamben1998)—akeyreferencepointinPovinelli’s
formulationsofprecariouslife—theyareoftenhauntedbytheenduringthreatof
beingundone.Asdescribedintheopeningsectionsabove,Iseetheseconditions
underscoringtheactivitiesofNabil,Saad,andTamir.
Myownethnographythusreflectsthequalityofinstabilityinprecariouslife
reflectedinliteratureIhighlight.Ialsoexpandonthisliteraturebyconsidering
moreholisticallythemutualimbricationofindividualpreciouslivesandunstable
systems.Inote,forinstance,thatprecariousmigrantlifeinDubaiismicrocosmicthe
“life”oftheEmirateitself:caughtbetweenrapidtemposofgrowthandthe
imminentthreatofcollapse,onthevergeofsuddenaccelerationsand
disintegrations.6BrianMassumihascalledattentiontothemutuallyimpacting
energyofindividualsandsystems,followingAlfredNorthWhitehead.Theindividual
takes“somethingoftheworld’sgeneralactivityintoitsownspecialactivity”
(Massumi2011,28).
Strongsecuritystatesareunderminedbymolecularinsecuritieswhich
“thwartandbreakthrough”theboundariesofthestate,aswellasthoseinternalto
theorganization:classcategories,forinstance.Here,DeleuzeandGuattariinviteus
toconsidertheroleoftheindividualterrorist—“thereisalwaysaPalestinian,
6Thishasbeenformulated,forinstance,withrespecttothe“skyscraperindex”theory,oftheimpactofmassiveurbanconstructionprojectsontheperformanceofeconomicmarkets,asIdescribefurtherinChapter3below.
31
Basque,orCorsican”—whowouldeffectadestabilizationof“regionalsecurity”
(DeleuzeandGuattari2004,216).Further,thelinesthatsegment“molar”society
internallyarereplacedbyvariousquantumflows:thecirculationofmoneyfor
instance—whichbreakthroughandcutacrossdemarcatedclasscategories.
Ordinaryaffectsaresimilarlymolecular,itseems:thingsthatoscillateinandoutof
established“wholes,”butarethemselvesfragmentary(Stewart2007,6).
AdoptingtheperspectiveofMassumiandDeleuzeandGuattari,then,we
acceptthatprecariousexistencehasthecharacterofmolecular(ormicropolitical)
activity.Molecularmicroactivitycrystalizesandalsoreshapesandexceeds
segmentarymolarstructures.Thisdissertationtracesavarietyofindividual
activitiesthatdrawontheenergyofsystemswhilebeingexternaltothem.Itrack
movement—ofwork,leisureactivity,rumors—thatisbothcreativeandprecarious:
onthevergeofbeinginterrupted.
Dubai:Nodeofglobaluncertainty
Dubai’sstateregulatoryapparatusalternatelyfunctionstobothguard
againstandprofitfromthedestabilizingeffectsofglobalandtrans-regionalflows.A
varietyofscholarlyliteratureonDubaiidentifythetensionbetweensecuritization,
militarization,andlaissezfaireeconomicsasanenduringaspectoftheEmirate’s
historicaldevelopmentandpresent-dayidentity(Davidson2008b;Kanna2011;
Vora2013).TheDubaiport’searlydevelopmentoccurred,forinstance,inatimeof
greatcompetitionwithnorthernrimGulfportssuchasBanderAbbasinIran,
around1900.Dubai’srulersoptedforaninformalandlightlyregulatedsystemof
32
tradingbasedontheconceptofhawāla,inwhichtransactionsrelyon“personal
connections”(Davidson2008a,149)—asystemtypicaltoIndianOceantrading
practicesatthetime(Martin2009,914-915).Inthetwenty-firstcentury,hawālais
oftenassociated,especiallythroughpressreports,withthescourgeoframpant
moneylaunderingintheGulfregion,includingfundslinkedtoterrorist
organizations.ReformsenactedshortlyafterSeptember11,2001haveledtosome
highprofilearrestsandinterventions,buthavelittleaffectedDubai’scultureof
informallending(Davidson2008a,149-151).Thisresearchseestheinformal
lendingpracticesinsidethisIndo-PakistanimigrantcommunityinDubaiasanother
legacyofhawālaintheregion.InChapter3below,Iexplorehowmembersofthe
immigrantShiacommunityinDubaiusemeansofinformalagreementtotransact
loansamongthemselves.
Inparttocounteractthethreatofterroristactivity—financialandnot—
U.A.E.investsheavilyindefense.Itiscurrentlyoneofeightcountriesgloballyto
exceedtheUnitedStatesindefensespendingasapercentageofGDP.(FellowGulf
CooperationCouncilmemberstatesOmanandSaudiArabiaarealsointhis
category.)7Sincethe“ArabSpring”seriesofpopularuprisingsintheMiddleEast,
Gulfstateshaveincreasinglyinvestedmilitarilytomaintainregionalstability.A
varietyofpolicingpracticesaimtocontainaculturalandcriminalforeignthreat.
7WorldBank.2012.Availableonline[accessedMay12,2016]:http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.GD.ZS
33
That“threat”ispartlyregisteredbymagnitude:thenon-nationalpopulation
comprises89%ofthetotalU.A.E.population.8
Dubainodalstatusrelatestoitsroleintheglobaleconomyasanentrepôt,
beingapointofconversionforgoodsandcapitalflowingespeciallyfromAsiatothe
Americas.InChapter3IdescribeameetingIoncehadwithabusinessmanwho
describedhisplantodevelopatransnationalgoods-shippingbusinessbetween
IndiaandtheUnitedStates,usingDubaiasawaystationinthemanufacturingand
shippingprocess.Dubaihaspositioneditselfasare-exportentrepôtsincetheearly
twentiethcentury,whenPersiantradersoperatinginsouthernIransuddenlyfaced
newincreasedcustomstaxes(Davidson2007,34-35).Aconvergenceofcrippling
UnitedStatessanctionsonIranandwarmingpoliticalrelationswithGulfcountries
ingeneralhasrecentlyledtoDubai’sprominentroleinre-exportinggoodsfrom
WesterncountriestoIran(Habibi2010,1-2).
SuchanarrangementhighlightsoneexampleofhowDubaiisthoughtto
profitfromregionalpoliticalinstabilities.Additionally,Gulfstates,includingthe
U.A.E.,haveservedasaspringboardforoperationsoftheAmerican-ledWaron
TerrorintheMiddleEastregion(Davis2006,58).Also,thoughDubaiproducesfar
lessoilthanitsneighborsAbuDhabi,Oman,andSaudiArabia,itbenefitsfrom
investmentsinconstructionandotherdevelopmentinitiativesfromitsregional
partners,andthereforebenefitsfromuncertaintiesinglobaloilproductionand
occasionaloilshocksthatsendpriceshigh.Inthisway,Dubai’seconomyisnot
8GulfResearchCenter.2015.Demography,Migration,andtheLabourMarketintheU.A.E.,pg.8.Availableonline[accessedMay12,2016]:http://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream/handle/1814/36375/GLMM_ExpNote_07_2015.pdf
34
merelyconnectedtoglobaltradeandtrends,butisspecificallyattunedtoglobal
disruptions.
Forcesparticulartotheregion’sdesertecologyarealsodisruptive.Dubai
constructionoperatesinrelationtotheimpermanenceandfluidityofsandinthe
landscape.AsMikeDavisnotes,largeDubaiconstructionprojectsareoften
measuredintermsofthetotalcubicfeetofsandtheydisplace(Davis2006,55).The
Emirateinvestsinthewide-scaleregularremovalofsandfromstreetsand
sidewalk.9Thelandscape’sfluidity,tiedpartlytowindsthatbuildovertheArabian
Sea,makesitmorecloselyresembleseascape.Thedissolutionoflandandseacasts
Dubaiasanislandinanarchipelagoofcities,adominantimageintheconfiguration
ofpre-19thcenturyvisionsoftheglobaleconomy(Braudel1984,30;Abu-Lughod
1991,353).
KeyanthropologicalstudiesoftribalandBedouinpoetictraditionsinthe
MiddleEastrevealametaphoricsofthedesertasexpansiveandindefinite.LilaAbu
LughodmemorablyarrivedinthecoastregionofEgypt’sWesternDesertonlyyears
afterherresearchcommunityofBedouinnomadsdiscontinuedtheirannual
seasonalmigrationintothedesert.Still,theyspoketotheanthropologistfondly
abouttheplace,configuredthroughmemoriesastherelativelyformless“inland‘up-
country:’”ofdryfoods,game,and“grassessodelectabletothegazelle”(Abu-Lughod
92015.“Bee’ah’sStreetFleet.”CleanMiddleEast,October:30-34.Availableonline[accessedMarch28,2016]:http://www.cleanmiddleeast.ae/articles/692/bee-ah-s-street-fleet.htmlRao,Shreenivasa.“Road/StreetCleaning:LoadsOfPressureStirsUpChallengingEnvironment.”CleanMiddleEast.Availableonline[accessedMarch28,2016]:http://www.cleanmiddleeast.ae/articles/578/road-street-cleaning-loads-of-pressure-stirs-up-challenging-environment.htmlKazmi,Aftab.2012.“Clean-upunderwayaftersandstormhitsUAE.”GulfNews,February28.Availableonline[accessedMarch28,2016].
35
1999,40).Exploringspatialmetaphorsandpoliticalrhetoricinthepoetictraditions
oftribalHighlandYemen,StevenCatonhighlightsavarietyofversesthatreference
thedesert’svastness.Oneconfiguresthetraveler’sviewofadistantseascape,which
oncloserinspectionisrevealedtobeamirage:ametaphor,Catonexplains,forthe
people’slackofpoliticalstaminainwar(Caton1990,202).Theconvergenceof
imagesofseaanddesertreflectsametaphoricsofexpansivenesscommontothem.
Inshort,Dubaiisalternatelydestabilizedandenrichedbytheenergyof
cross-cuttingtrans-regionalandglobalsystems.Totheextentthattheseforcesare
cultivatedandharnessedbylaissezfairepolicies,theyunderlietheproductsof
deregulation:institutionssuchasinformallending,andpervasivetechnologiessuch
asvideo-streamingmobilephones.Manifestedthroughtheseproducts,theseglobal
forcesshapemigrantlifeandhelpfacilitatetheintegrationofworkroutinesand
rhythmsintonon-workactivitiesandstructures:reorientingengagementwith
religiousritualsandreconfiguringkinandfriendrelationsviathequalitative
experienceofwork,forinstance.Theseglobalforcesconformindividualactivitiesas
anextensionofthesaturationofmarketsandphysicalenvironments,notasatop-
downmanifestationofpoliticalorsocialpower.Iexplorethesemechanismsand
outcomesmorefullyinthechaptersthatfollow.
Anintroductiontothecoreresearchcommunity
Thechaptersthatfollowrepresentaseriesofinterrogationsinto
configurationsofwork,religious,andsocialactivityforaminorityMuslim
communityinDubai.Roughlytwodozencharacterspopulatetheethnographythat
36
formsthecenterofthisdissertation.Amongthemaresomeofmyclosestcontacts
frommycoreresearchinDubai,overfifteenmonthsbetween2010-2012.I
recordedoverfiftypseudonymsinmyfieldnotebook.Allareapartofadiverse
Urdu-speakingShiacommunityinDubai,someofwhommigratedasearlyasforty
yearsago.TheycametoDubaifromEastAfrica,Afghanistan,Pakistan,andIndia:
placessuchasDar-es-Salaam,Mombasa,Karachi,Parachinar,Islamabad,
Rawalpindi,Bombay,Bangalore,Lucknow,Hallaur,andAllahabad.Indeedsomeof
theseplacesarefiguresintheethnographyaswell.
Throughthisdissertationandresearch,Iconceivemyselfconstructingan
ethnographyofaplace—ofaphysical“nexus”ofShiaactivityinDubai—andthe
peoplewhopassthroughit.Myethnographyilluminateshowpeopleexperiencethis
place,andtracesrelatedpersonalexperiencesoftheseindividualsoutwardfrom
there,intootherdomainsandspacesoftheirlives.ThisnexusofShiaactivityis
situatednearthephysicalcenterofDubaicity:asprawlingurbanareathatoccupies
approximatelyone-thirdofthetotalareaoftheEmirate’s1500squaremiles.By
comparisonNewYorkCity’stotallandareais303squaremiles.Thelocalityatthe
centerofmyresearchisanchoredaroundadimly-litcommercialsidestreet.The
streetiscappedatoneendbyadividedmainroadwithupmarketshopsanda
luxuryhotel,andattheotherbyonopenunlitsandlot.Socialandreligiousactivities
formembersoftheShiacommunityweresituatedaroundoneShiamosqueandan
adjacentimāmbārgāh:acommunitygatheringandreligiousworshipcenter.
Ihaveinmindamapofthestreet:ononecorneracrossfromthe
imāmbārgāhwasatailor’sshop,andthereayoungPakistanitailor’sapprenticewho
37
sometimesaccompaniedmeandothersoncharityfooddeliverydrives.Acrossfrom
themosqueabarbershop,wherepoetswouldsometimesplaytheirnewDVDsof
dramaticpoeticrecitationsinUrduforfriends,onthewall-mountedTV.(Atmost
othertimes,theTVtypicallyplayedanendlessseriesofPakistanisoapoperasand
comedyshows.)AChaistalloperatedbyyoungBanglamenalsoacrossfromthe
mosque,andaPakistanirestaurantfurtheruptheroad.Thismixedcommercial-
residentlow-riselocalewascosmopolitan.Publicandcommercialspacewasshared
mostlybetweenthosefrequentedSouthAsianSunniestablishments—includinga
Sunnimosqueclosertotheupmarketendofthestreet,aswellasFilipino-occupied
homesandbusinesses,suchasbeautysalons.Someinmyresearchcommunity
describedformetheirillicitsexualrelationshipswithFilipinawomen,commenting
quietlytoeachotherwhenyoungFilipinomenandwomenpassed.Othersdescribed
aprocessoffindingaFilipinawillingtoconverttoIslam,andthenmarryingher,all
whilemaintaininganotherwifeandfamilybackhomeinPakistan.
Inthisdissertation,IconstructanimageofDubaithatIhopewouldbe
familiartomyresearchparticipants.Iplacethisimpressioninrelationtoother
impressionsofDubaithathaveemergedfromotherrecentresearchstudies,
particularlythosethatconsidermigrantexperiences.Myaccountbothreinforces
andreshapessomedominantthematicunderstandingsofDubai—forinstance,
Dubaiasneoliberal“dreamworld”(Davis2006)orsiteofneoliberal“exception”
(Kanna2011;Vora2013)—thatemergethroughotherstudies.Iconsidervarious
assessmentsofDubaias“neoliberal”morefullyinadiscussioninChapter5.Irecast
centralcontradictionsofmigranteconomiclifeinDubai—betweenexperiences
38
conformedthroughthe“repression”ofthestrongstatesecurityapparatusand
through“access”tofreemarkets—whileunderscoringthecentralitytothat
experienceoflifein“post-boom”post-2009Dubai.
Crucialtothedefinitionofmyresearchsubjectandtargetcommunity,then,
isafreedomofmovement.Peoplewhoattendprayerandmajlisgatheringsatthe
imāmbārgāhandmosqueIdescribeareabletodosogivensufficiently-favorable
logisticalrealities,termsofemployment,andpersonalresources.Thefewworkers
housedincompanyaccommodationwhoIchroniclehere—forinstance,Nadimand
Imran—areabletoattendgatheringsbyvirtueoftheircamp’scloseproximitytothe
imāmbārgāhandmosque.Mystudy,inotherwords,doesnotandcannotspeakin
first-handdetailtotheexperienceofthelargepopulationofSouthAsianmigrant
workershousedatdistantlaborcamps.Membersofthiscategoryhavebeen
chronicledinotherstudiesthathaveemphasizeddifferentaspectsofmigrant
experience.MichelleBuckley,forinstance,haschronicledaseriesofworkers’
protests—bothinpublicandinthecampsthemselves—inreactiontowithheld
wagesandpoorcampinfrastructure(Buckley2013,265).ThemigrantexperiencesI
followedinthisresearchwerestructuredbydifferentconfigurationsoflife.The
migrantworkerswhocomprisemyethnographyenjoyedagreaterautonomyof
movementandflexibilityoutsideofthelaborcamp-worksitedyad.
WhilesomeworkedforlargeemployersinDubai,insectorssuchasmaritime
tradeandinternationalbanking,manyothersworkedforsmallbusinesses.Asgar
forinstancewasaclericalassistantforasmallaccountingfirm,whileSaadwasa
salesmanatasmallcosmeticsshop.Stillothers—forinstanceKadirandLatif—ran
39
theirownbusinesses,inconstructionandtechnicalservicesrespectively.MembersI
encounteredinresearchwereemployedinawiderangeofoccupationsacrossa
varietyofindustries,including:taxidriver,privatecardriver,lighttruckoperator,
tailor’sapprentice,barber,restaurantmanager,environmentalsafetyofficer,car
salesman,airportmaintenancecrew,medicaltechnician,realestateagent,
informationtechnologyspecialist,andindustrialmachinist.
Situatingmyselfatthisphysicalcenterofsocialgatheringandreligious
activity,formemberswhotogethercomprisedasubsetoftheDubai’sShia
community,Ifollowedamethodofbuildingoninitialcontactstoexpandmy
networkofresearchparticipantsoutward.Thismethodmostcloselyresembles
“snowballsampling,”morefamiliarinthedisciplineofsociology,asawayofusing
informants’ownsocialnetworkstorecruitnewparticipants.Asmynetworkof
researchparticipantsgrewoverthecourseoffifteenmonthsinDubai,Idevelopeda
pictorialrepresentationofthewebofrelationsononepageofmyresearch
notebook.AtthecenteroftherepresentationwasNadimandSaad,throughwhose
introductionsIestablishednumerousadditionalresearchparticipants.
OverthecourseofmyresearchamongthiscommunityinDubai,Icounted
onewomanasaresearchparticipant.AsaconservativeMuslimcommunity,Ihad
littlechancetomeetwomen:thewivesandadultdaughtersofthemenI
interviewedandspenttimewith.AsIdescribeingreaterdetailinthenextchapter,
manyintheKhojacommunitywerelong-term(10-40year)residentslivedwith
theirfullfamilies—spousesandchildren—inDubai.Sharif,aworkerinhismid-
thirtiesfromIslamabad,hadalsobroughthiswifeandtwodaughterstoDubai,
40
wheretheyalllivedtogetherinarentedroomneartheimāmbārgāh.Latifhadawife
backhomeinhisvillageinPakistan’stribalregion(FATA).10Nadimwasalsoinhis
earlythirtiesbutunmarried.Hecitedhisparents’desiretoarrangehismarriageas
onereasoncompellinghimtoreturnhometohisnorthIndiancityinSeptember
2012.
AsIhavestressed,thisresearchfocusesonadiverseShiamigrant/
immigrantcommunityofSouthAsianheritage.Withinthisgroup,Inotedthrough
myresearchthatamajorityofmykeyparticipantsfellintooneofthreemainethnic
“categories”orcommunalidentities.ThefirstwasthecommunityofSayyidShias:
thosewhoclaimlinealdescentfromtheProphetMuhammadthroughoneofthe
twelveShiaImams.Manydescribedtomewrittengenealogiesthattheykeptin
theirhomesinPakistanandIndia.Onedisplayedhisshajara,or“familytree,”forme
duringoneinterviewinDubai.IdescribethisepisodeingreaterdetailinChapter1.
TheSayyidShiasImetinDubaiwerenativetoawiderangeoflocalities
acrossbothIndiaandPakistan.TheytypicallyspokeUrduoraHindi-Urdudialectas
theirfirstlanguage.AsIdescribefurtherinChapters1and3,SayyidsintheShia
communityholdanelitestatus,whichoccasionallyregisteredassenseof
superiorityastheybuiltbusinessandsocialrelationshipsinthisdiverseSouth
AsianShiacommunityinDubai.ManytookthenameoftheparticularShiaImam
throughwhichtheirgenealogicallinedescendedastheirownsurname.
Asecondcategorywerethoseparticipantswhodescribedthemselvesas
Pathan,andmostofwhomspokePashtoinadditiontoUrdu,andhadvarying
10FATAisanacronymthatstandsforFederallyAdministeredTribalAreas.
41
degreesofEnglishproficiency.Pathans—sometimesAnglicizedas“Pashtuns”from
thePashtowordPaṣhtūn11—areanethicgroupnativetoregionsofeastern
AfghanistanandwesternandnorthwesternPakistan.SimilartotheSayyid
community,PathansassumeshareddescentthroughacommonancestorQais,a
descentwhichthecolonialadministrator-turned-historianOlafCaroedescribesas
“mythical”incharacter(Caroe1958,9).InChapter4Idescribefurtherhow
individualinformantsbelongtotribesandgroupswhoseidentitiesareattachedto
specificdescendantsofQais.Ialsodescribehowthecontemporarymigrationof
PathanstoDubaibuildsonalongerhistoryofout-migrationofpeopleespecially
fromunfarmableanddryregionsofWesternPakistanandEasternAfghanistan,
seekingworkintheurbancentersofSouthAsiaandtheMiddleEast(seefurther
Nichols2008).
ThethirdethniccategoryistheKhojacommunity,whosemembersoperated
thepopularimāmbārgāhatthecenterofmyresearch.Historically,theKhojashave
beenpopularlyknownforhaving“syncretic”(Asani2001,159)and“heterodox”
(Solanki2011,292-293)religioustraditions;theyareacommunitythathistorian
FaisalDevjihascalled“aVaishnavpanth,aSufiorder,atrader’sguildandacaste”
(Devji1987,49).Mosthistoriespointtotheirgradualconversiontoa“Persian
(Ismaeli)varietyofIslam”beginninginthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies,
havingbeenpriortothat“anestablishedHindutradingcommunityinWestern
India”(Mallampalli2010,1057;seealsoAsani2011,97-98).Asaconsequenceof
11Etymologically,thecolonialadministrator-turned-historianOlafCaroeremarks“theappellationPathanistheIndianvariantofPukhtanah,thepluralofPakhtun”(Caroe1958,xv).TheUrduspellingPaṭhān,withtheadditionoftheretroflex“te,”suggeststheHindi-izationoftheloanword.InPashtoorthography,theequivalentwordisRomanizedbyALA-LCconventionsasPaṣhtūn
42
theirheterodoxpast,manyinthecommunitywhomImetinDubaihadsurnames
associatedwithHinducastes,asInoteinChapter1.Furthermore,asahistorically
wealthyitinerantmerchantcommunity,12andgiventheprominenceoftheDubai
imāmbārgāhthatthecommunityoperates,InotedthatKhojasoccupyelitestatusin
theSouthAsianShiacommunityinDubai.Iexplorethisespeciallyinthefinal
sectionofChapter5.
Focusingcloselyonthissiteofreligiousactivity,asanexusforotherformsof
activitythatmyresearchsubjectsengagedinthroughtheireverydaylivesinDubai,
IhavedevelopedthroughthisresearchapictureofShiaexperiencemoregenerally
inDubai.InChapter5Itracesomeofthehistoryofthiscommunityinrelationto,
andintensionwith,thedominantconservativeformofSunniIslampracticedinthe
region,especiallyinSaudiArabia.ThisformisalternatelyknownasWahhabismor
Salafism,andoftenglossedas“fundamentalist”Islam.TheoverallShiacommunityis
diverse,andinternalbreaksdownbetweensub-factions(Ithnā‘ashariandIsmāʿīlī,
Arabic,Farsi,Urdu,English-speaking).Onecommunitygatheringsiteincentral
Dubaifunctionedtohostlargespecialevents—especiallymarriagesand
funeral/remembranceservicesinthecommunity—andthusfosteredintermixing
betweensub-factionsinthecommunity.SincetheShiapopulationoverallisina
minority—andmarginalizedinwaysIdescribefurtherinChapter5—someofmy
analysisabouttheinteriorizationofcommunityactivitiescanbeascribedtoShia
experiencegenerallyinDubai.
12Idiscussthishistoryofmigration,especiallyintheIndianOceanregion,inChapter1.Seefurther(Markovits2008).
43
TheoverallsizeoftheShiacommunityinDubai,andthesubsetofSouth
Asianheritage,isdifficulttoestimate.Officialreligiousdemographiccensusfigures
arenotmadepublicbytheU.A.E.government,thoughsomeestimatesindicateShias
comprise15%ofthenativepopulation.13ThecombinedIndianandPakistani
populationoftheU.A.E.totalapproximatelyhalfofthetotalpopulation,or4.1
million.14Subtractingtheroughly500,000Hindupopulation15largelyfromthe
Indiandiaspora,weestimate3.6millionareIndianorPakistaniMuslim.Assuming
theShia/Sunniratiowithinthisdemographicapproximatestheratiothatexistsin
bothIndiaandPakistan(10-15%and85-90%),16Ipresumethatroughly450,000
IndianandPakistaniShiasliveinU.A.E.
Toquantifythecommunityinanotherway,duringmytimeinDubaiforthis
research,communitymemberswouldbeturnedawayattheimāmbārgāh’sdooron
thenightsʻĀshūrāandĆehlum,andImām‘AlīShahādat(Imām‘Alī’smartyrdom
anniversary)oncecapacityinsidewasreached.InSouthAsianvenues,overflow
crowdsareusuallyaccommodatedinopenspaceoutdoorareas,oftenwiththe
ceremonyeventsprojectedandamplifiedviaclosedcircuittelevisionandspeakers.
Thetraditionofaccommodatinglargecrowdsformajoreventsinthereligious
calendaryearextendsfromthegeneralIslamicinstitutionofthe‘ĪdgahinSouth
Asia,forinstance—thatis,alargeopenareareservedforonce-yearlymorning
prayersontheoccasionof‘Īdal-Fitr̤.ThelimitationsonShiasintheGulfreflectsthe
13U.S.DepartmentofState,2011,“UnitedArabEmirates,”InternationalReligiousFreedomReport.14EncyclopediaBritannica,2014,“UnitedArabEmirates,”WorldData.15PewResearchCenter’sReligion&PublicLifeProject,2012,“Table:ReligiousCompositionbyCountry,inNumbers.”16PewResearchCenter’sForumonReligion&PublicLife,2009,“EstimatedPercentageRangeofShiabyCountry,”MappingtheGlobalMuslimPopulation.
44
dominanceofSunniheritageinthenativepopulation,andanxietyaboutpresumed
politicalloyaltiesofGulfShiatothereligiousleadershipinIran(Louër2008,4).The
overflowcrowdsalsospeaktothechallengecommunityleadersfacetoexpand
indoorspacestoaccommodatethegrowingcommunity.
Anoutlinetothisdissertation
Thechaptersbeloweachaimtotellastorythatfeaturesa)auniquesubsetof
keycharactersfromthecommunity,andb)aparticularconfigurationofinnovative
socialorreligiousaction.Eachchapterfocusesonauniquequalityofdowntime
experiencethatiseffectedbytheethicsofworklifeandreligiouspractice,whichI
glossas“efficiency”(Chapter1),“excess”(Chapter2),“aspiration”(Chapter3),
“anxiety”(Chapter4),and“constraint”(Chapter5).
Chapter1focusesonthepreoccupationamongafewresearchparticipants
toinvestactionsandmaterialsineverydaylifeanddowntimewithfāʼida(“benefit”)
ors̤awāb(“spiritualbenefit”).Whiletheseethicsarealignedwiththeendeavortobe
agoodMuslim,theyalsochannelenergyfromtheimperativesandrhythmsofwork.
Onekeyparticipant—Nadim—workedadangerousindustrialjobandoftenbragged
abouttheriskshefaced.Theoutdoordaytimeworkrequiredvigilanceandphysical
poise,andexhaustedhim.StillhehelpedleadavarietyofinitiativeswithintheShia
communitytooutreachtothebroaderDubaicommunity,includingblooddonation
drivesandfooddistributiontoworkersatoutlyinglaborcamps.Iexploreinthis
chapterhowactions—regardlessoftheirsizeandcoordination—maybemade
beneficial,andhowthisspiritofdowntimeactivitydrawsontheactivityofwork.
45
Chapter2focusesontheactivitiesofagroupofyoungworkingPakistani
menwhopursuevisceralreligiousexperiencesprimarilythroughimages,and
secondarilyatpublicenclosedgatherings.Iexaminehowrestrictionsonthesize
andnoiselevelsofpublicgatheringslimitpractitioners’abilitytorituallyperform
mātam17inDubai.Nonetheless,thereadilyavailableandaccessible
telecommunicationtechnologiesandinfrastructures—aswellastherhythms,
imperatives,andtechnologiesofcertainkindsofofficework—allowformore
pervasivepresenceandseamlessintegrationofvisceralimagesineverydaylifeand
worklife,ascomparedtoPakistan,wherelivegatheringsarepopular,frequent,and
widespread.Thecheapavailabilityofmobilephoneandinternetconnectivityarea
legacyoftheflowofglobalproductionforcesthroughDubai,andreflectitsentrepôt
status.SimilartoathemeIdevelopinChapter5aroundsoundproduction,“tastes”
inbodilyritualperformancecorrelatetoassumptionsaboutthesocialandclass
identitiesofindividuals.InthepolyglotSouthAsianShiacommunityInavigatedin
Dubai,somesoughttolimittheircontactwiththeseindividuals,referencingtheir
inabilitytocontroltheircompulsions—forbothmātamandmoney.Thechapter
featuresportraitsoftwokeyindividualswhocultivateanethicof“managedexcess”
toengagewithworklifestrugglesandwithvisceralreligiousimageryonline.
Chapter3followsthequestforwealthamongmembersofonesmall
business.Ifocusonhowmembersaccountfortheirbusinessneedsandgoals
monetarily,andexaminethesenseofdesperationthatpervadestheirdowntime
activitiesastheirbusinessperpetuallystrugglestoturnaprofit.Inparticular,I
17AShiapoeticformassociatedwithrhythmicchest-beating.
46
examinehowthegroup’sleaderdrawsonawidenetworkofkinandfriendsto
securevarioussumsofmoneyvialoans:aquestthatoftendestabilizesthose
relations.Giventheclimateofdesperatestrivingtosucceedinthemigrant
community,coupledwithDubai’s“entrepreneurial”workethicandhistoryof
informallendingstructures,IexplorehowkinrelationsaremonetizedinDubai,in
waysthatareseentocorrupttheethicalstandardsofthecommunityparticularto
IndiaandPakistan.Theethicof“striving”theycultivateintheirwork,inother
words,conformsdowntimeactivitiesaswell,andreworksandsometimesimperils
kinandfriendrelations.
Chapters4and5focusontheformsofdowntimeexpressionshapedbyan
environmentofurgency.InChapter4,Itracevariousexpressionsofanxieties
relatedtolifeinPakistan,viastoriestiedtocriminalandterroristactivities.Stories
heredrawtogetherachorusofanxieties—aboutlurkingsecuritythreatsand
invisibleregulatoryforces—andtakerootintheemptiedspacesofnon-work.One
latemiddle-ageunemployedjobseekernarratedformeinvividdetailatraumatic
abductionexperienceinPakistan’sunstablefrontierregion.Inanother
conversation,situatedagainsttheforegroundofavacantsandylotthatservedas
overflowparkingforamosque,twolow-wageworkersconsideredparallelsinthe
luriddetailsofunusualcriminaleventsinDubaiandPakistan.Inoneway,Isuggest
thatthestoriesaregroundedinvividandverifiabledetailsthatbuildsonthe
imperativetoobeyrulesinDubai.Moregenerally,Iexplorehowtheevacuationof
spaceandslowedrhythmoflifeallowsforanethicofexplorativeruminationon
painfulexperiencesviastorytelling.Throughcrimestorytelling,Ishowhowmigrant
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workersprojectanxietiesaboutconcealedcrimesinDubaiontomemoriesofpast
first-experiencesofviolenceinPakistan.
Chapter5partlyfeaturestheeffortsofonereligiouspoetryreciter—Saad—
toadaptthestylesandconventionsofliveperformancetothedemandsofstudio
recording.Ifocusespeciallyonhisinteractionsinthestudiowithavarietyofaudio
productionengineers,or“recordists,”andwithotherreciters.Thedemandsof
reciters’andrecordists’dayjobsleaveverylittletimeforstudiowork.Still,the
abilitytoschedulerecordingtimesonoccasionaldaysoffandovernightmakes
recordingamoreaccessibleandflexibleactivitythanpublicperformance.Aswith
themātamperformancesexploredinChapter2,civicregulationsinDubailimit
publicgatheringswherenōḥē18areperformed.Iexplorehowworkdemandsand
civicregulationsinDubaiforcereligiouspoetryperformanceexperiencesinto
tightly-definedtimeframesandcontainedinteriorstudiospaces.Iseeanethicof
“constraint”hereasaparticularmigrantmodeofmanagingspaceandconducting
one’slifeinlightofregulationsofspaceinDubai.Inmyanalysis,thedriveto
partitionspaceisamigrantstrategyofcreativityandresourcefulnessconsistent
withimperativestocontainandisolatebothformsofnoiseandShiareligious
activities,percivicregulationsandpoliceenforcementpractices.Similarly,Iexplore
howparticipantsintherecordingstudiocultivatedanethicofdisciplinedcreativity
throughtherecordingprocess.ThisincludedinstancesInotedwhereparticipantsa)
“riffed”onsungpoeticslines,b)workedtoensurethatrecitationsremained“non-
18Singular,nōḥa.ApopulargenreofelegiacShiapoetryinUrduandPersian.NōḥēcommemoratethelivesanddeathsofthemajorShiaImams.ElegiescommemoratingImamHussainandthemajorfiguresatKarbalamayalsobedesignatedasnōḥē,thoughmars̤iyaisthemorespecificgenricdesignationandsubsetforthis).
48
musical,”andc)improvisationally“partitioned”spacesdesignedforresidential
living,inordertocreatethestudioitself.
Atthecenterofeachchapterisanefforttoidentifyethicsofactivitycommon
acrossdomainsoflife.Occasionallymyinformantsdirectlydescribedtometheir
motivationstoactincertainways.Still,thecultivationofsuchcommonethicsin
eachcase,Iargue,reliedlittleonmodesandspacesof“reflection.”Rather,Ifound
thatgapsintheenvironmentallowedthemtoactinwaysconsistentwithother
projectsandstrugglesinlife.Takentogether,thechaptersaimtoshowthecentral
importanceofemptied,austere,andhighly-disciplinedspacesforthecultivationof
anethicsofactivityembeddedineverydaylife.
49
1.Efficiencybenefit,intention,fāʼida,s̤awāb,nīyat
IndeedAllahdoesnotwronganyoneevenbyajot:ifonedoesagooddeed,Hedoublesit,andthenfromHimselfbestowsarichreward.(Qur’an4:40)Ibeginthisdiscussiononformsofworkandnon-workefficiencybysetting
anotherscenefromfieldwork.OnahotnightinAugust,Nadim,Saad,AsgarandIsat
inmycarparkedbehindacentralShiamosqueinDubai,afterFridayevening’s
prayer.WiththeengineidlingandtheA/Cchurning,ourconversationturnedtothe
globalgeographyofShiapracticetoday,consideringimportantand“beneficial”
placesofShiapilgrimage:
Saad:[listingplaces]“Karbala,Kufa;Iraq,Iran…“Nadim:“fāʼida,fāʼida,fāʼida.”(Benefit,benefit,benefit.)Brian:“Fāʼida”Nadim:“Youwanttoseefāʼida,no?Betterfāʼida.”
AsNadimtalked,Ipulledawayfrommyparkingspot,turningontoasideroad.The
enginerevvedupslightly,andNadimcontinued:
Nadim:“fāʼidasiyāra(benefit/profitcar)no?Yoursiyāraisfāʼida(profitable/beneficial)no?”Brian:“YaIthinkso.”
Drivingabitfasterandturningontothemainroadnow,andtheconversation
shiftedabit:
Nadim:Kōnjārahāhē,Sharifkō(WhoisgoingtohelpShariftonight?)[Sharifisananothermutualfriend]Saad:MaiṅaōrBrianjārahāhaiṅ.(BrianandI)Nadim:Asgarnahīṅ?(NotAsgar?)Saad:Asgarziādakarchukā,shāmkī,hēna?Ziādanahīṅkiā,tumkī?(Asgardidalotofworklastnight,didn’tyou?Didn’tyoudoalotofworkforhim?)
50
TheycontinuedtodiscussthesituationofAsgarhavinghelpedwithafood
distributioneffort,withsomeothermembersoftheimāmbārgāhcommunity,the
nightbefore.Nadimsuddenlyinterjectedamockingreferencetothepersonthey
helped.Asgarlaughed,andthenpersisted,toNadim:
Asgar:“Vowālēkō…tumkōgāyēthēna?Vowālē…(Thatguy…youwentthereno?Thatguy…).”
Nadimcontinuedtodenyknowingthemantheyreferredto,andhisinterestagain
seemedtodriftaway,lookingoutthewindowintotheresidentialneighborhood.
JustthenSaad—aprominentpoetryreciterinDubai’sUrdu-speakingShia
community—wasperhapsalsodrifting,andstartedrecitingasungpoem.Icaught
thefirstwords:
Saad:“Mōlādasht-egalān….Yāmōlādasht-egalān(Ohmaster,thedesertflowers).”
AsSaadcontinuedthepoeticline,andwecontinuednowdownabusiercommercial
stretchofsideroadintheneighborhoodnearthemosqueandimāmbārgāh,Nadim
suddenlygriped:
Nadim:“humsēpatanahī,siyaravag̠ẖēraghūmnāziādaachhānahīṅlagtā(Idon’tknow–Idon’tlikethisaimlessdrivingonandoninthecar.)”
Afterapauseinthechatteringconversation,Asgarspottedateashopandaskedme
tostop.Parkinginfront,andturningofftheengine,Saadabruptlyexcusedhimself,
walkedofftowardhishouse.Nadimgotoutandstoodoutsidethecartosmokea
cigarette.Laterafewmorefriendsstoppedbytheteastall;NadimandAsgar
engagedtheminshortconversationswiththem.Afterroughlyfifteenminutesof
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chatting,Nadimsuggestedhewouldwalkhome,andstartedoffinthedirectionof
hiscompanyaccommodation.IdroveAsgartohisroominanearbyneighborhood.
Ibeginwiththisanecdoteaboutacentralcharacter,Nadim,andaboutthe
downtimepracticeofdrivingforyoungmeninthiscommunity,asanopeningto
considerhowNadimandothersconceiveofthe“beneficial”characterofthings,
actions,time,andexperiencesinDubai.Inanticipationofmyownimpending
departureneartheendoffieldwork,Iretainedarentalcarforafewmonths,in
hopesofcompletingavarietyofresearchinquiries.Recognizingitsvalue,Nadim
begantoregularlyrefertomycaras“fāʼida-siyāra.”Theplayfullocution—anUrdu-
Arabicmixturethattranslatesas“benefit-car”or“profitable-car”—ontheonehand
affirmsthecar’simportance.Intheteasingcontextoftheconversation,thelocution
alsonotedthatwhiletransportedthemaroundDubai,Ididnotearnmoneylikea
taxidriverwould.
Butmorespecifically,Icametonoticethroughlong-terminteractionswith
Nadimandhisfriends,thatwhenascribedtoathingoraction,fāʼidausuallyimplied
itsmultipleoverlappingbeneficialfunctionality.Inthefinalsectionsofthischapter
below,Ireflectfurtheronourdiscussionsaboutfāʼida-thingsthatoccurred,likethe
exampleabove,duringthe“downtime”orafter-workactivitiesthatIparticipatedin.
InreferencetothecarthatIretained,itsdualfunctionlayinitsbenefittome—to
allowmetoconductresearchmorequicklyandefficiently—anditsbenefitto
others—whoIhelpedwiththeireverydaytasksandobligations.Ofcourse,lending
assistancetothemultimatelybenefittedmyownlearningandresearchprocessas
well.
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ForNadimandothermembersoftheShiacommunityworkinginDubai,the
pursuitoffāʼida(benefit)wasentwinedwithpursuitofs̤awāb(spiritualbenefit).
NadimworkedaregularshiftathiscompanyincentralDubai,inindustrialservices,
fromearlymorningthroughmid-afternoon.Hehadanetworkoffriendsamongthe
otherworkerswithwhomhesharedthecompanycampaccommodation,including
anumberoffellowIndo-PakistaniShia.Thecampwasdirectlyconnectedtothe
worksiteviaanundergroundtunnel.Betweenhomeandwork,workersneednot
evensetfootoutsideofthework-livingenvironment.Yetdespitetheheatin
summerandhislabor-intensiveoutdoorworkactivities,heregularlymadethetrip
(roughlya20minutewalk)fromhisworksiteaccommodationtoaShiamosqueina
nearbyneighborhoodfornightlyprayers,unlikemostofhisfriends.“Godwillgive
thes̤awāb,”hedeclaredtome,inEnglish,aswewalkedonenightfromthemain
roadtothemosque.Hisclaimreferstothegreaterbenefitthataccruestothe
individualwhoexertstheefforttoattendeveningprayerinpubliccongregationat
themosque.
Inthischapter,Iexplorehowmembersofthiscommunityseekbeneficial
experiences,andhowtheyvaluatethingsandactionsonthebasisofthefāʼidaor
s̤awābthattheyconferontheindividual.Thepushtomaximizebenefitispartlya
reactiontoaparticularsenseoftimeandfinitudeinDubai,Iargue:thetimelinessof
industrialworkroutinesandthegeneralsenseofimpendingdisruptions,especially
thepotentiallossofworkandvisa.Investingcoordinatedorpurposefulactionswith
theenergytobearmultipleoutcomes,criticallyevaluatingchoicesonthebasesof
fāʼidaands̤awāb,andforegoingandabandoninguselessthingsandactions,are
53
constitutiveofastrategyofefficiency.Itracetheimpactoftheimperativetolabor
efficientlyonthenon-workandreligiousactivitiesofworkingShiainDubai.
Indoingso,Ibuildonavarietyofstudiesthatconsidertheimpactof
“neoliberal”marketforcesonthepracticeofreligion,andviceversa.Inparticular,
somestudiesengagewhatJoelRobbinshasobservedasthe“religious
encompassmentofdevelopment”(Robbins2004,100),toconsiderhowavarietyof
religiouspracticesbecome“rational,”modern,efficient,andorientedtoward
utopianends(Rudnyckyj2010,4;Bornstein2005,2-5;Ferguson1999,5;Meyer
1999,214).Relatedly,ethnographicstudiesonMuslimentrepreneursand
merchantshavesoughttoshowhowIslamandeconomicenterpriseare
“rationalized”together(OsellaandOsella2009;Sloane1999;Stone1974).Max
Weber’sperspectiveontheoverlappingrationalityofworkandreligiousactivity
stilldominatesformulationsinthisfield.Inanattempttofindtherootsof
expandingbourgeoiscapitalisminEurope,hediscoveredanethicparticularto
Calvinism—anasceticformofChristianity—compellingfollowerstoworkhardand
accumulatefor“divineglory.”FortheCalvinist,Weberfound,“LabourandIndustry
istheirdutytowardsGod”(Weber1992:106,122).
InhisintroductiontoTheProtestantEthicandtheSpiritofCapitalism,Weber
atteststoafocusontheinfluenceof“religiousideasonthedevelopmentofan
economicspirit,”andthusto“onlyonesideofthecausalchain”(Weber1992,xxxix).
Myownapproachinthischapterexploresethicsofefficiencygermanetoboth
domainsofworkandreligion.Iaminterestedintheirconvergenceandimpacton
theleisure-timeactivitiesofforeignworkersinDubai,butIdonotsupposeasimple
54
causallinkbetweenethicsofreligiouslifeandefficientactionsofworklife,orvice
versa.Theintermixinganddiffusionofethicsofefficiencyintotheenvironmentof
leisure-timesupportsmyefforttoseetheforcesthatworkonandthrough
individualslessastop-downformsofpowerbutaspervasiveandlateral:asaform
ofcapillarypowerinthesensedevelopedbyFoucault(1979,198).
Key,then,tounderstandingthedrivetowardefficiencythatIfoundamong
membersofthisworkingShiacommunityinDubaiareafew“environmental”
aspectsoutsideofthedomainofworkorreligiouslife.Iseeefficientactivityin
DubaiasrootedintheparticularausterityofDubai’senvironment.Aphysicaldesert,
theenvironmentofDubaiforforeignersisalsooftenoneevacuatedofimmediate
kin.Furthermore,theorderlinessofroadsandtheausterityofthehospitalclinicare
keyqualitiesofspacethatfosterthecultivationofefficientactivities,Iargue.Eachin
theirownways,thecentralstoriesInarratebelowdrawonthesequalitiesofspatial
austerityandorganization.
Industrialwork:Highstakesandmechanicalefficiency
NadimworkedatasprawlingindustrialsiteontheArabianSeaincentral
Dubai.Alargecranestoodalofthighoverthesite,anomnipresenceforthoselived,
worked,ortraveledaroundit.Thesitewasflankedononesidebyaseriesofvillas,a
clusterofnightclubsandhigh-endrestaurants,andthenapublicbeach:alarge
engineeredexpansethatcutasweepingcrescentintothecoastline.Aswebade
Nadimfarewellonthatbeachonthenightbeforehisdepartureandrepatriationto
India,wediscussedhisfuture,andthevariouscomfortsofhomethatbelongto
55
anothershoreadjoiningtheseainfrontofus.Toourright,illuminatedatnight,was
thecranehighaloftinthebackground:amanifestationandreminderofwhathewas
leavingbehind.
Nadimhadbeenperhapsmyclosestguideandoccasionalassistantin
fieldworkinDubai.HehadcometoDubaifiveyearsearlier,initiallyonathree-year
workvisa,renewedforanadditionaltwoyears.LikemanyImetintheUrdu-
speakingIndo-PakistaniShiacommunityinDubai,hewasaSayyidShia.Onofficial
documentsandonhissocialmediaaccounts,heusedashissurnamethenameofthe
ShiaImamandProphetMuhammaddescendentthroughwhomhisfamilytraced
theirgenealogicalheritage.HehadagingparentsathomeinAllahabad,India—a
medium-sizedcityandhistoricalseatofUrdu-languagecultureinnorthIndia—to
whomhesentmoney.Hesometimesdescribedtheiranxietyathisbeing
unmarried—asituationforwhichhisotheryoungerandmarriedfriendsinDubai
wouldalsooccasionallyteasehim.
Onourfirstmeeting,inNovember2011,heofferedwhatItookasanearly
indicationofhisperceptiveness,andperhapsalsofeistiness.AsIdescribedthe
stakesofmyresearchinthemosquecourtyard,mentioningthatitwaspartofmy
degreeprogram,heinterjected,“butwhatisthebenefitforus”(āpkēli’ē,kyā
fāʼida?).Later,asIwrotethisdissertationandconsideredourinteractionsmore
holistically,Icametoseethisexpressionaspartofhisconcernthatactionsbe
beneficialinmultipleoverlappingways.
NadimwasemployedbytheDubaigovernmentatalargepublic-private
industrialservicessite.MidwaythroughmyresearchtenureinDubai,hemadean
56
attempttotransfertoapositionwithaprivatecompanyoperatingatthesite,
drawingonhisnetworkoffriendsinthecamptopursuetheposition.Suchpositions
wereoftencovetedamongthecampworkers,onewhichwouldconferNadima
higherwage,fewerhoursofworkperday,andgreaterflexibilitytotaketimeoff.He
complainedalsoofneverhavingbeenpromotedinhiscurrentorganization,inspite
ofhisrecordofhardworkandfavorablereviewsgivenbyhissupervisorsand
foremen.Heviewedthejobattheprivatecompanyasamodestandreasonable
promotioninlightofhisexperienceaccumulatedoverfouryearsinhiscurrent
position.Hewasultimately,however,deniedthepositionattheprivatecompany,an
outcomereflectingexperiencesofothersinthebroadermigrantcommunitythatI
observed,whofailedinsimilarattemptstogainadvancementopportunities.Asa
partialconsequence,itseemed,hedecidedandabruptlyannouncedthreemonths
laterthathewouldreturntoIndiaafterfiveyearsworkinginDubai.
ThroughconversationswithNadimandhisfriends,Ibegantodrawapicture
ofthesite’semphasisonefficiencyandsafety.Onefriend,Imran,workedasa
complianceofficerinthe“environmentalimpacts”section.AcharacterwhoIdiscuss
furtherinthechaptersbelow,especiallyinChapter4,Imranwasnativeto
Islamabad,andalsoclaimedtobeaSayyid.Inoneconversationneartheendofmy
fieldworktenure,hedescribedhisfamily’sbackgroundinlaw:hisfatherandhis
sisterwerelawyers,andhisgrandfatherhadbeenajudgeintheearlydaysafter
Pakistan’sindependence.
Toillustratethecongruencebetweenwastemanagementandprofiteering,
Imrangavemethisdescriptionofhissection:“Thisenvironment[the
57
environmentalimpactssection]asarulefollowstheDubaimunicipality.Andithas
verymanycontracts.AndthisenvironmentalsohasabusinessintheGulf:scraps
selling,waste-ironselling,grid-selling.Verymuchselling.”Theimperativeofhis
sectiontonotmerelyproperlyprocessanddisposeofwaste—andtonotmerely
followDubairulesorinternationalstandardsforenvironmentalprotection—but
alsotoprofitfromthesaleofwastesuggestsanethicofproductivityandofefficient
useofresourcesinternaltotheiroperations,andanaversiontowastefulness.
Waste-processingisfrequentlyacomponentof“development”ideologies.In
Westernthought-systems,VinayGidwaniandRajyashreeReddyremindushow
waste-processingispartofeffortstoimposeorderovernature,buildingonasense
developedbyJohnLockethatnatureiswasteful.Theyexploretheaversionof
colonialmanagersinIndiatowaste,andtheethicagainst“wastage”takenupby
Nehru.Asaninheritanceofpost-colonialdevelopmentimperatives,Gidwaniand
Reddyalsodocumentarecenttrendwhereby“waste-picking”inDelhihasbecome
increasinglystructuredandconstrainedbycorporatizedandmechanical“waste-
management”enterprises:anetworkofgarbagecollectionmachines.Therecent
supremacyoftheprivatecompaniesowespartlytonewremunerationstructures
forwastecreatedbythemunicipalgovernment:onethatpayscollectioncompanies
perpoundoftrash,regardlessofits“use”value.Thesysteminpresent-dayDelhi
diminishesincentivesforpickerstooperateand“segregate”usefulitemsfrom
uselesstrash(GidwaniandReddy2011:1635-1637).Byreducingthelaborand
timerequirementsforcollection,theturntobulkwastesellingandmechanized
collectionalignswithdevelopmentwaste-managementimperatives.
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InDubai,“bincats”bothregulatetrashandprovokepublicscorn.The
problemofstraycatsinDubairelatestotheproblemofabandonedcars:theleft-
behindtrappingsofhastilyabandonedlives.Inoticedfarfeweroftheseanimalsin
2012thanIhadinapre-dissertationfieldworktripin2010,whenIsawthem
regularlycongregatearoundandinsidepublic-usestreet-sidegarbagebins.AsI
passedanoverflowingbininmyneighborhoodonedayinJuly2012,withafriend
fromtheShiacommunity,henotedthatthestraycatswhichhadbeenaregular
fixtureinneighborhoodsandfirst-lineregulatoryforceinwasteprocessing,were
nowbeing“removed”ingreatnumbersbytheDubaiauthorities.Icouldn’tverify
hasexactclaim,thoughIfoundadescriptionofoneofficialprogramthatinvolved
capturingtheanimals,neuteringthem,andthenreturningthemtostreets.Itake
thisasanexampleofthegovernmentemployingefficientmachinestocontain
naturalforces.Italsodemonstratesthelinkbetweenefficientworkpracticesand
theausterityoftheenvironment:aformofmechanicalefficiencywhichalsoaimsto
limitbiodiversity.
Imranagainreferredto“waste”inaseparateconversationabouthiscareer
goals.HedescribedhowhehadcometoDubaitenyearspriortoworkatthe
industrialsite,inordertosupporthisfamily.Belongingtoafamilywithmany
lawyersinPakistan,heexplainedtome,heaspiredtoworkinlegalaffairsor
environmentalregulation.Howeverhewasonlyabletosecureajobinthe
environmentalsectionafternineyearsworkingotherjobsatthesite.“Iwastedthe
time,”hetoldme,asheworriedabouthisfutureandslowcareerdevelopment.
WhenhefurtherexplainedthathewasuninterestedinpracticinglawinPakistan,I
59
askedwhetherhecouldpursuealawdegreeinDubai,buthesaidhehad“notime
andnomoney.”
BothNadimandImrandiscussedsafetywithme.Nadimdescribedhowsafe
workingimpliedcoordinatingmachinesasefficientlyaspossible.Machinesenabled
theprocessofliftingandmovingheavyconstructionmaterials,butonlyasan
extensionofdeliberateandefficienthumanactions.Workersworebrightorange
jumpsuitsontheworksiteatalltimes,andaccessedtheworksitefromthecamp
accommodationbuildingsviaundergroundtunnelstoavoidthepublicstreetthat
separatedthetwolocations,heexplained.Inthisway,dayafterday,aworkerwould
neverhavetoleavethesite.Leisureactivitiesweredirectlyincorporatedintoand
structuredbytheworksiteenvironment.Theworksitewas“home,”andthe
environmentwasstructuredfortheefficientmanagementoflabor.
IvisitedtheaccommodationcamponthreeoccasionsasaguestofImran.A
posteronawallleadingtowardthetunnel,withaphotodepictingaforemanin
hardhatandwhitejumpsuitapparentlygivingdirectionstoavarietyofworkersin
orangejumpsuitsandhardhats,read“SafetyisyourHighestPriority.”Onanother
occasion,Nadimdescribedthesituationofbeingaccountableforhiscoworkerson
thejob,andthesystemofcommunicatingwithothersinordertosafelycoordinate
tasks,forinstance,ofkeepingyourcoworkers“alwaysinlineofsight”(hamēsha
sāmnēmēṅ)whilemovingaroundheavyequipment.Themantrasofsafework-
environmentpracticesaimedtochargeindividualswithvigilanceandresponsibility
forthesafeandefficientfunctioningoftheworkenvironment.
60
Service,conservation,efficiency
ThroughkeyresearchcontactsIdevelopedintheimmigrantcommunity,I
alsoexploredethicsofwork-efficiencyrelatedtoDubai’sserviceeconomy.Sajdali
wasaprominentmemberoftheShiacommunitywhohadpursuedhiscareer
managingarestaurantinDubai.UnlikeNadim,whosekinrelationsalllivedinNorth
India,SajdalihadasmallfamilyandlonghistoryinDubai.Aging,andretired—
thoughstillanactiveleaderandorganizerinthecommunity—helivedwithhis
workingdaughterinasmallandmodestapartmentinadesirablecentralDubai
location.HiswifeandmotherwereburiedinanearbyShiacemetery,whereIvisited
withhimoneday,toleavesweetsandgiveremembrances.
SajdalibelongedtotheKhojaShiacommunity,whosemembersformedthe
leadershipatthelargeandprominentimāmbārgāhincentralDubai,thelocational
nexusofmyownresearch.Hissurnameindicateshishistorical/ancestralaffiliation
withaHinduthakkurcastenativetoSindh.Throughengaginghiminconversations
aboutthehistoryofblooddonationcampsintheShiacommunity,Icametolearn
moreabouthisownbackgroundinDubai,andabouttheearlyIndo-Pakistaniand
KhojaShiacommunity.HavingimmigratedtoDubaiin1976,Sajdaliwasamongthe
earliestemigrantsIknewinfieldwork.Still,hedescribedhowthe“original”Khoja
ShiashadarrivedfromTanzaniainDubaiin1967,andhadintegratedthemselves
withotherIndo-PakistaniShiasinDubai—mostlyPunjabis—whohadalready
establishedanimāmbārgāhandwereholdingweeklymajlisprograms.19Bythe
19ThemajlisinSouthAsianShiaIslamreferstoprogramsorganizedweekly,andonspecialoccasionssuchasImambirthanddeathanniversaries,whichusuallyfeaturepresentationssuchasQur’an,du‘ā(blessings),andpoetryrecitations,andanexegeticalsermondeliveredbyanImamorotherreligious
61
early1970s,theexpandingbaseofKhojafamiliesbeganholdingtheirown
programsintheirhomes,andrentingothersharedgatheringspacesforspecial
events.
TheKhojasareahistoricaltradingcasteandcommunitynativetotheareas
ofIndia’swesterncoast,Sind,andGujarat.Theyoriginatedinthefifteenthcentury
asasub-communityofthe“Satpathi”tradition:ahighly“pliable”andhybrid
communitywhich“employedtermsandideasfromavarietyofIndicreligiousand
philosophicalcurrents,suchasBhakti,Sant,Sufi,Vaishnavite,andyogictraditions”
(Asani2011,95-96;seealsoDevji1987)Beginninginthecolonialera,theKhoja
communitygainedprominenceasahighlyitinerantMuslimmerchantcommunityin
theIndianOceanarea(Markovits2008,78).DespitebeingidentifiedasIsmaili
communityinthecolonialera,inmanycasestheyfollowedHindupersonallaw—a
legacyoftheir“syncretic”traditions(Mallampalli2010,1057).Amidheightened
Hindu-Muslimtensionswhichanimatedthelatecolonialperiod,thehistorically-
diverseKhojacommunity“graduallytransformed”withamore-cohesiveShia
Muslimpopulation,astheybecamepressuredconformtheiridentitytocommunal
norms(Asani2011,97).AsInotedinthecaseofSajdali,theheritageofKhoja’s
HinduandSatpathipastisevidentinthenumeroussurnamesamongcommunity
membersinDubaiwhichareassociatedwithHinducastesandsubcastes.
ManyofthemembersImetinDubaispokeKutchiorSindhiathome,despite
havingleftIndiafiveorsixgenerationsprior,inadditiontospeakingGujarati,Urdu,
Swahili,Arabic,andEnglish.TheyoungergenerationwhohadbeenborninDubaileader.InArabic,majlisalsoreferstotheplaceofgathering,thoughinUrduitistypicallyusedtorefertothegatheringitself.
62
generallyspokeEnglishasafirstlanguage,andhadattendedEnglishschoolsin
Dubai,thoughpridingthemselvesinknowingmultiplelanguages.MostoftheShia
KhojasImethadimmigratedtoDubaifromEastAfrica.MostheldTanzanian
citizenshipforinstance,whileafewheldKenyancitizenship.
SajdaliimmigratedtoDubaiwiththeintentiontoopenhisownrestaurant,
whichhemanagedwithhiswifeuntiltheyretiredinthelate2000s.ThoughIdid
notobservehiminthatworkenvironment,manyofourotherinteractions
suggestedtometheroleofarestaurant-workethic—inparticular,onetiedto
serviceandefficiency—inhisvariousnon-workactivities.Inavarietyofways,for
instance,hedemonstratedasincerecommitmenttofooddistributionascommunity
service.LikeNadimandHamdan(anotherprominentcommunitymemberI
introduceasakeyblooddonationcamporganizerbelow)Sajdaliwasafrequent
serverofniyāzattheimāmbārgāh:acommunalsnackorlightmealserved
immediatelyfollowingafullmajlisprogram.20Especiallyduringthehigh-traffic
mourningperiodsofMuharramandRamadan,niyāz-serviceroleswerekeenly
soughtandsometimeshardtosecure,asindividualshopedtoaccruegreaterbenefit
(s̤awāb)throughthepracticeofservingothersinthecommunity.
SomeofSajdali’sotherserviceeffortsseemedaimedtocultivatestrict
efficiency.Heextendedhiscommitmenttoserviceattheimāmbārgāhtoother
assemblyfunctionsinthebroaderDubaicommunity.AthisinvitationIonce
20InmanyShiacommunities,niyāzisservedandconsumedasan“offering”totheImamsasatypeofremembrance(D’Souza2004,198).Forthiscommunity,evenasmallniyāzisservedaftereachweeklymajlisprogram.Asareferencepoint,Plattsdictionaryoffers“supplication,”“inclination,”“offering,”or“dedication”asconnotationsofniyāz,whileitdefinesniyāz-ě-rasūlas“offeringoffoodoralmsinthenameoftheprophetMohammad.”Platts,JohnT.2003.“Niyaz.”InADictionaryofUrdū,ClassicalHindī,andEnglish,1164.Delhi:UrduAcademy.
63
accompaniedhimtoadinneratalargeShiaprivateeventsvenue,onethatcatered
toeventsforShiaofvariousbackgroundsinDubai.Theeventmarkedthefortieth
dayofmourningfollowingthedeathofaprominentelderArabShiabusinessmanin
Dubai.Wearrivedearlyattheevent,andweremetatthefrontofalarge,visually-
opulentgatheringhallbytheclosestsurvivingmalefamilymembersofthe
deceased,whowereassembledinarow.Sajdali,dressedinasimplebusinesssuit,
shookhandswitheach,proceedingdowntheline,offeringcondolences.Congenial
withall,heseemedtoknowsomebetterthanothers:hehuggedandhadalonger
conversationwithtwomenattheend.IfollowedSajdaliandofferedcondolencesto
thefamilymembers,thentalkedtoafewotherguestsintheroom,whohadlivedin
EnglandandvisitedtheUnitedStates.Sajdaliintroducedmetoafewmoreguestshe
knew.
Aswepassedahalfanhouroftalkingandminglingwithguestsandfamily
members,theroomgraduallyfilledwithmen.Then,uponmakingabrief
announcementofthanks,thedeceased’sbrotherledgueststoanadjoiningbanquet
hall.AtthistimetwootheryoungmenfromtheIndo-Pakistanicommunity,who
Sajdalihadinvited,appearedandjoinedus.Weallthenjoinedtheothersinthe
banquetroom,wherewewereseatedaroundlargecirculartables.Eachtablewas
overloadedwithlargeplattersofavarietyofArabandIndian-influenceddishes
typicaltotheregion’sculinaryidentity.Aswesatandate,Italkedtoothersabout
lifeinDubaiandagainabouttravelintheWest.
Peopleatequicklyandmostlylimitedthemselvestosmalltalk.Asthey
finished,menmostlydressedinwhitekandūrahsbeganfilingtowardthedoor,
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leavingbehindtablesstillpiledhighwithfood.IfexcessisafeaturetypicaltoArab
foodpresentationandservice,Sajdalisawthissituationasanopportunity.
Appearinginvigorated,heseemedtoproducefromnowhereavarietyofplasticbags
andcontainers,whichheinstructedmeandhisothergueststousetocollectthe
remainingfood.Aswedid,weweresoonracingagainstthevenuestaff,whowere
themselveschargedwithcleaningup:disposingoftheleft-oversastrashand
collectingthedishes.Sajdaliaskediftheycouldgiveusmoretimetocollectthefood,
thoughtheywereconstrained:theirworkschedulesdictatedtheneedforaswift
cleanup.
Havingcollectedasmuchleftoverfoodaswecouldintheremainingtime,we
lefttheroomcarryinglargetrashbagsfilledwithpreservedleftovers,loadingthem
andourselvesontoabackserviceelevator.Sajdaliseemedgratified.Wewalked
fromtheelevatordownadarkcorridorandthenoutontoaloadingdockonthe
backsideofthebuilding.WethenhelpedSajdaliloadthefoodontoasmallwhitevan
waitingforusthere.Asweloaded,heenthusiasticallydescribedhishabitof
attendingeventssuchastheseandcollectingleftoverfood.“Theythrowitaway!We
putittogooduse.”
AnArabwomandressedinablack‘abāyahalsojoinedus;herwornand
partiallytornclothingmadeherappeardestitutetome.Shesortedthroughsomeof
ourbags,andseemedtoretainsomeitemsforherself,speakingloudlyand
authoritativelytoSajdali,inArabic.Inturn,Sajdaligavehercurtinstructions,but
seemedtolethercollectwhatshewanted.Asshewalkedoffwithafewlargebags,
afterwefinishedloadingthevan,Sajdaliexplainedtomethatsheworkeda
65
resourcecenterinSharjahforhomelessandabusedwomen,andwouldtakethe
foodthere.Thedriverofthewhitevanwasalsostoodby,silently.Itookhimtobe
anothercontactinSajdali’scommunityservicecircle;hegavethedriver
instructions,afterwhichhedroveoffwithoneoftheyoungmenwhohadjoinedus
intheevent.SajdaliexplainedthefoodwouldbedeliveredtotheSonapurlabor
camps:anoutlyingDubaidistricthousingmanyisolatedlaborcampsforworkers
busseddailytoconstructionandindustrialsitesthroughouttheEmirate.
Sajdalithengrabbedthetworemainingbags,andbroughtthemtohiscar.He
explainedthatwewouldtakethesebacktotheimāmbārgāhandmosque.Wedrove
off,andhedescribedwithsatisfactionhowhewouldalsosavesomeforhimselfto
eatinthecomingweek.Sajdaliappearedtorelishhisrolemanagingtherecovery
anddistributionofleftoverfood,andtheopportunitytoexploithisclose
connectionswitheliteandpowerfulfamiliesinthiscommunityinordertoserve
others,to“efficiently”utilizetheexcessofothers,andreceiveabenefit.Hisdefault
roleinthiscontext,asinthecontextofniyāzatthemajlisgatherings,wasservice.
Oneotherinstance,embeddedintheroutinetextureofourinteractionsin
everydaylife,furtherconveyedtomeSajdali’scommitmenttostrictefficiency.After
tryingforweekstoarrangeameetingwithhimtodiscusshisfamilyhistoryinDubai
andTanzania,hefinallyagreedtomeetmeinhishouse.Aswechattedinhis
kitchen,heturnedtoattendtoastackofunwasheddishesinthesink.Heaskedme,
“Doyouknowhowtouseonlyonehandfulofwatertowashanentiresinkof
dishes?”Todemonstrate,hefilledthetopbowlwithwaterandcarefullyscrubbedit,
thenletthewaterfromitfallintothenextcup,thenscrubbedthatandletthewater
66
falltothenextdish,etc.Headdedabitmorewatertoafewothercupsand
continuedtheprocess.Iwatched,andhecontinuedtowash,aswecontinuedour
conversation.
Concernforconservingwaterrelates,insomeobviousways,todesert
ecologicalrealities,andalsotiestoformsofdesertexperienceregisteredinboth
generalIslamicpracticeandinShiatraditions.Forrequiredablutions(wuḍūʼ)—
performedbeforeprayer,forinstance—manyresearchparticipantsapprovingly
citedḥadīth21guidingMuslimsnottowastewater.Onedayagroupofmen
marveledastheyshowedmeaYouTubevideofeaturingayoungmanperforming
wuḍūʼinwhatappearedtobeadesertlocation,usingjustahandfulofwater.The
deprivationofwaterisaprominentaspectoftheordealthatImamHussainandhis
factionfacedatKarbala,in680AD—somuchsothatpiyās-e-Hussain(“thethirstof
Hussain”)isarallyingcryatmodern-dayimāmbārgāhs.Thewaterserviceareain
theKhojaimāmbārgāhcourtyardinDubaiisframedbyalargebannerwhichreads,
inblood-soakedlettering:PAANIPIYOTOYAADKAROPYAASHUSSAINKI(“Drink
water,andrememberthethirstofHussain”)whichpartlyservestoremindpeople
togenerallyconservewaterresources(seeImage1.1).Sabīl—aroadside“shedin
whichwateriskeptforthirstytravelers”especially“duringthefestivalof
Moharram”22—isalsoacommonmalenameintheShiacommunity.
Variousanthropologicalaccountsofgiftingdescribethediversewaysthat
surpluswealth—suchasleftoverfood—maybe“valued.”The“potlatch”traditionof
21SayingsattributedoftheProphetMuhammad,takenasguidancedistinctfrom—attimesamplifyingorconflictingwith—themessageoftheQur’an.22Platts,JohnT.2003.“Sabīl.”InADictionaryofUrdū,ClassicalHindī,andEnglish,634.Delhi:UrduAcademy.
67
Image1.1:PhotofromthewaterserviceareaofaDubaiimāmbārgāh,September2012.Photobyauthor
NorthwestcoastNativeAmericancommunitieshasbeenwelldocumentedby
anthropologists,mostfamouslybyFranzBoasandfurtherdevelopedbyMarcel
Mauss(2000).Inthesecommunities,Boasargues,wealth(especiallysurplus
wealth)isdesirableinsofarasitallowsmemberstoorganizefestivalswhere
wealthisgivenawaytoothermembers,latertobereturnedwithinterest:the
systemknownas“potlatch”(Boas1897:341-344).InGeorgeBataille’s
interpretation,thebenefitreceivedbythegiverisnotthe“inevitableincreaseof
returngifts”butthe“rank”conferredviatheritualitself:i.e.thepublicdestruction
ofwealth.(Bataille1988,71).
68
IarguethatSajdali’sactofgivingawaysurplusfoodisatypeofaʻmāl:agood
deedthat“enriches”thedoer,andthatmaybequantified.23Nadim,whoregularly
assistedSajdaliinhisfooddistributioneffortsinDubai,onceremarkedonthe
occasionofana’mālprogramattheimāmbārgāhthathehadnointerestin
attending.“Mya‘mālisgood,”heexplainedtomeinjustification.Iarguethatacts
suchasthedistributionofexcessfoodareatypeofa‘māl,andarestructurally
similartopotlatch,inthatabenefitaccruestothegiverwhichmaybemeasuredasa
personalrankorstatus.
Onthebenefitofgivingawaysurplus,BillMaurerhasalsodescribedhow
Musliminvestorsandportfoliomanagersmayuseinterest-earningsfrom
investmentstomakerequiredyearlyzakāt24contributions(Maurer2005,107-108).
Sinceinterest(ribā)isotherwisenotallowedinIslamicfinance,thisistheonlyway
thatinvestorsmayreapitsbenefit,protecttheirwealth,andbenefitothersinthe
communitywhoreceivezakātdistributions.IseeSajdali’sefforttoconserveand
efficientlyusefoodandwateraspartofabroaderattempttoalignthepursuitof
personalbenefitwiththegreaterbenefitofthecommunity.Hisapproachtowashing
dishesandgatheringfoodarebotha)rootedinIslamicvaluesandb)buildonskills
accumulatedthroughyearsofmundanerestaurantworkandmanagement,Iargue.
23AsIdescribefurtherinthissection,a‘māltranslatesasactionsordeedsandcomesfromtheArabicroot‘amlmeaningwork.InIslamicpractice,a‘mālactivitiesareusuallyformalizedritualsinvolvingtherepeatedrecitationofQur’anicversesorothershortphrases.DianeD’Souzacomparesa‘māltoẕikrinadetaileddescriptionofthepracticeamongSouthIndianShia.Shealsoemphasizestheimportanceof“accounting”recitationstowardachievingthedesired“blessings”fromGod(D'Souza2014,173-186).24AnobligatorytaxforallMuslimsonincomeoveracertainminimum,proceedsfromwhichgoprimarilytothefinancialneedy.
69
Donationcampdesign:religiousduty,communityservice,medicalcare
Participationinblooddonation,atsitesorganizedbytheShiareligious
communityleadershipcommittee(thejamā‘tboard),encapsulatedformethe
notionofaccruingamplifiedandmultiplebenefitfromasingularorsimpleaction.
Theriseof“religious”-orientedparticipationinblooddonationefforts25hasbeen
notedtocoincidedwiththedeclineandgrowingdisfavortowardremunerated
blooddonation,especiallyfollowingtheWorldHealthOrganization’sdeclarationto
achieve“100%voluntarynon–remunerateddonationofbloodandblood
components”worldwideby2020.26For“religious”donors—asanthropologicaland
publichealthresearchreflects,andasIexploreingreaterdetailbelow—benefitcan
beconstruedinreligiousterms(seeCopeman2009,Martinezetal.2014).Sajdali
discussedwithmetheproblemofblooddonors’motivationinDubai,explaining
howthestatehospitalsformerlypaidblooddonors,inordertoretainadequate
supplies.Would-bedonorswhoseekorexpectmonetarycompensationremainsa
lingeringproblemfordonationcampsorganizedbythejamā‘t,heexplained.The
jamā‘tappearedtotakethisintoaccountintheirpromotionofoneblooddonation
eventin2012.Anemailcontaininginformationandapromotionalposterforthe
eventwascaptionedatthebottomwithanintimationtoprospectivedonors:“the
factthatyou’rehealthyandcandoitisitsownreward.”
25SeeSusieTurner,2013,“Christiansaskedtogiveblood,”ChristianToday,June11,http://www.christiantoday.com/article/christians.asked.to.give.blood/32838.htm;and“CallforRamadanBloodDonation,”IranDaily,August29,2010,http://old.iran-daily.com/1389/6/7/MainPaper/3764/Page/7/MainPaper_3764_7.pdf.26WorldHealthOrganization,2010,“Towards100%voluntaryblooddonation:aglobalframeworkforaction,”Geneva:WHOPress,http://www.who.int/bloodsafety/publications/9789241599696_eng.pdf.
70
SajdalidescribedtometheearlyeffortsofblooddonationamongtheShia
communityinDubai.Onedoctor,heexplained,hadorganizedafewcampsinthe
late1980s.Priortothat,aprominentKhojaShiareligiousscholarinTanzaniahad
organizedoccasionalblooddonationsinMombasa,sincethe1970s.Thecurrently-
ongoingblooddonationprogramswerebegunin1998byanotherkeymemberof
thecommunityandtheKhojaleadershipattheimāmbārgāh.
Sajdaliintroducedmetothisman,Hamdan,earlyinmyfieldwork.Afellow
memberoftheKhojacommunity,whohadimmigratedtoDubaifromTanzania,
Hamdan’ssurnameindicateshisfamily’soriginalancestralmembershipinthe
DaivadnyaBrahmincommunitynativetoGoa,India.Hamdanwasinhismid-forties,
andlivedwithhiswife(alsofromTanzanianKhojacommunity)andtwoyoung
sons.Hewasemployedasamedicaltechnicianatalocalgovernmenthospital.By
2004heorganizeddonationcampsduringRamadangatheringtimesaswell
Muharram,andafewyearslater—afterthehospital’sacquisitionofamobileblood
collectionunit(seeImage1.2)—heshiftedthecampstospacesnearthereligious
gatheringsitesthemselves,incentralDubai.Overmyresearchtenure,Idevelopeda
relationshipwithHamdan,especiallyaroundtheseevents.Iattendedtwothathe
hadorganized:oneatMuharraminearlyDecember2011,andoneatRamadanin
lateJuly2012.Theseeventsoverlappedwiththetwobiggestreligiousgathering
eventsintheShiacalendar:theoccasionsofcommemoratingthemartyrdomof
ImamHussainandImamAli.
Inthissection,IexamineespeciallyhowHamdandesignedand“marketed”
theeventstothecommunity,employingalanguageandlogicofa)calculationand
71
Image1.2:DubaiHeathAuthority’smobilebloodcollectionunit,parkedinfrontofabloodclinicinDubai,July2012.Photobyauthor
equivalence,b)religiousservicetothebroadercommunity,andc)theworkof
deliveringmedicalcare.LikeSajdali,IfoundthatHamdanwasfrequentlybusyand
hardtomeet,withbothworkobligationsandsignificantafter-work“service”
activities.HeoperatedanemaillistservforthemembersoftheShiacommunityand
postedaregulardigestofcommunitynewsupdates,eventannouncements,forsale
items,andadsforemploymentandhousing.Hemaintainedahighprofileinthe
communitybyorganizingandcoordinatingavarietyofoutreachcampaigns,
particularlythosetoservethebroaderworldwideShiacommunity.
Oneinitiative,forinstance,mirroredSajdali’sefforttocollectandrepurpose
leftoverbanquetfood.Hamdandevelopedaservicetocollectpeople’sunwanted
left-overfoodfromprivatereligiousevents,inordertobringthosesuppliesto
peopleinneed,forinstance,laborers.AlistinginoneofHamdan’semailnewsletters
72
advertisedanddescribedtheservice.Adonatorcouldcallthehotlineanytime,and
“dependingonthequantity”offoodonhand,within“30-60minutes”ateamof
volunteerswouldarrivetocollectit.Itwasthenimmediatelydistributedto“poor
andneedypeople”inDubai,especiallythoseatlaborcamps.Ilaterobserved
multipleoccasionsonwhichHamdanandNadim,andoccasionallySajdaliaswell,
wouldcoordinatelateatnighttocollectfoodanddrivetothelaborcampsonthe
edgeofthecitylikeSonapur—thosepredominatelypopulatedbySouthAsian
industrialworkingmen.
Hamdan’semaildigestseachendedwiththesamebenedictionrelatedto
service:“mayAllah(swt)blessuswithalongandhealthylifetoserveothers.”Each
wasalsoframedbyadifferentquotationfromtheQur’an,Ḥadīth,orasayingofone
oftheShiaImams.Oneemail,forinstance,featuredanextendedadvertisementfor
Shiacommunitymemberstogivemoneytoaziyāratsabīlcampaign:tosupportthe
provisionoffoodandblanketstopilgrims,whocommemorateImamHussain’s
marchtoKarbalainIraqeveryMuharram(seethepromotionalposter,Image1.3).
TheadvertisementendedwithaquoteattributedtothesixthShiaImam,Jafar
Sadiq:“ifsomeonegoesforziyāratonfoot,foreverystephetakes,onevirtuewillbe
recordedinhisname,onesinwillbeforgiven,andhislevelwillberaisedone
degree.”Thestatementimpliestheconcernforefficiencyandintentioninziyārat,
whichunderliestheaccrualofbenefit.Somethingasroutineandthoughtlessas
walkingmaybeorientedtowardreceivingareward—stepbystep—whenthe
requisiteintentionisgiven.
73
Image1.3:PromotionalposterforsabīldonationcampaignforKarbalaziyārat,circulatedinDubaiviaemail,December2012.
74
ThestatementattributedtothesixthShiaImamabovealsocorrelateswitha
varietyofversesintheQur’anattestingtotheoutsizedbenefitofagoodaction.For
instance,theImam’saccountingthateachstepachievesbothasinglebenefitandthe
erasureofasinglesinreflectsa“doubling”logicsuggestedbyaversefromtheSurat
An-Nisa(“TheWomen”):“IndeedAllahdoesnotwronganyoneevenbyajot:ifone
doesagooddeed[hasanati],Hedoublesit,andthenfromHimselfbestowsarich
reward”(Qur’an4:40)AverseintheSuratAl-Ana’am(“TheCattle”)presentsa
differentaccountingscale:whileeachgooddeedgeneratesatenfoldreward,each
baddeed(sayyati)generatesasingle“recompense”(jazā’)(Qur’an6:160).Saba
Mahmoodalsoconsidersvariousaccountinglogicsbywhichactionsorritualsare
evaluatedasvirtuous,aspartofabroaderdiscussionontheroleofdoctrineandto
informeverydaypiouspracticeamongMuslimwomeninCairo(Mahmood2005:
96).Withsimilarlogic,oneelderleaderintheShiacommunitycommentedtome
thatthelessonofIslamisnottoavoidsin,butrathertobeawareofthesin,andto
counterthatactionwithgooddeeds:alogicheused,inthecontextofour
conversation,tojustifytransgressivesexualexperiences.
Allactions—a‘māl—maybeimplicitlyvaluedasconferring“merits”or
“detriments.”A‘mālalsoconnotesasthesumofgooddeeds(khīrān)figured
againstbad(shirān),aretherewardsthatGodwillgivethefollower,bothinthis
lifeandthenext.Forinstance,Platt’sUrduDictionarydefinesaʻmāl-nāmaasthe
registerofone'sdoingsorconduct;theregisterinwhichthedeedsofmenare
supposedtoberecorded(Platts1884,61).Inmydataanalysisforthis
dissertationIdiscoveredanimagepostedonanIslamiconlinedigestthatserved
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76
Thelogicthatgoodactionsineverydaylife—likegivingblood—willhavean
outsizedbenefitorreward(inthenextlife)isfurthersuggestedinthepromotional
materialforblooddonationcamps.Ienteredfieldworkinlate2011unawareofthe
roleofblooddonationasaformofreligiousservice.Threemonthsintomyresearch,
whileattendingamajlisontheeighthnightofMuharraminDubai,Istumbledupon
acampthatwasset-upinavacantlotadjacenttotheimāmbārgāh.Approaching,I
noticedthelargevehiclespeciallydesignedformobilebloodcollection,thatbore
theDubaiHealthAuthority’sbrandingonitsside.Thesideoftheunitwasalso
adornedwithaninspirationalmessage:“onedropofyourbloodcansavealife”(see
Image1.2).ThoughIdidnotattendtheMuharramblooddrivethefollowingyear,
Hamdanemailedmetheposterheused(seeImage1.5).Theemailhehadcirculated
tohislistservecontainedanotherreferenceaimedtoconveytheoutsizedbenefit
attachedtotheact:“Itmeansafewminutestoyoubutalifetimeforsomebodyelse.”
Iwalkeduptothesign-uptable,whereafewyoungmenwereaddingbasic
identificationinformationonaform,whichhadbeenpreparedbythejamā‘tin
ordertotallyparticipants.Thetopoftheformwascaptionedwithanotherphraseof
inspiration,attributedtotheQur’an.ThemetonymiclogicfitthatoftheDubai
HealthAuthority’spromotionallanguage,whileexpandingthescale:“tosaveone
lifeistosaveallofhumanity.”Inthesemessages,onedropofbloodanda“few
minutes”ofyourtimeareweightedwithgreatpurposeandutility.TheQur’anic
referenceaimedtofurtherpersuadethepotentialdonorofhisorherimpact,with
thereminderthatasmallactcansavehumanity.
77
Image1.5:PromotionalposterforMuharram2012blooddonationdriveinDubai,circulatedviaemailDecember2012.
78
Inadditiontotheseeffortstoconfigureblooddonationasareligiousduty,I
arguethatthepromotionalmaterialsaimedtodrawthedonorintoarelationship
withrecipient,andthusintoanactofmedicalcare.Iseethisasanefforttoconnect
blooddonationwithbloodtransfusion,aspartofasingularprocess.Asamedical
technician,Hamdan’shospitalworkdrewhimregularly,thoughindirectly,intothe
processofadministeringmedicalcaretopatients.Heleveragedhisconnections
withintheDubaiHealthAuthorityandhismedical-technicalexpertiseindesigning
andleadingtheblooddonationcampeffortsforthecommunity:organizingthestaff
andreservingthemobileunit,forinstance.Furthermore,thepromotionalemailhe
postedtohislistservcontainsanoteaboutthevarioususesanddestinationsforthe
bankedblood:“Thalassemiapatients…roadaccidentandburnvictims…patients
withneonatesandmaternityhealthcomplications…casesdiagnosedwithcanceror
scheduledforopenheartoperations.”Byinvitingpotentialdonorstoreflecton
specificpatientstypes,andevenonparticularaccidentscenarios,Hamdan
effectivelyalignswould-bedonorsandthepotentialrecipientsoftheirbodily“gift,”
configuringthedonorasaparticipantintheadministrationofcare.Intheseways,I
seeHamdan’sinterestinaligningreligiousservicewithmedicalcareaspartofhis
owncomprehensivecommitmentto“service,”whichbuildsonaspectsand
imperativesofhisemploymentinmedicaltechnicalservices.
Intentionunderlyingbenefit
TocriticallyevaluatetheparticularbenefitsometimesascribedtoShiaswho
donateblood,beyondthegeneralvaluesofreligiousandcivicservicethatIoutlined
79
inthesectionabove,Imustfirstdiscussingreaterdetailtheprocessbywhichsuch
benefitsaresecured.Ingeneral,inIslamicpractice,nīyat(intention)iscloselytied
totheaccrualofs̤awāb(spiritualbenefit).Specifically,theextenttowhichthe
practitionerreceivesspiritualbenefitfromanyactionislargelytheextenttowhich
theyestablish“intention”priortotheaction.Nīyat,forinstance,includesthe
requirementthatthepractitionerorganizestheirheartormindpriortoengaging
theQur’an,viatextorrecitation.Shias,suchasmembersofthiscommunity,then
extendthisrequirementtothehandling,recitationorauditionofkalām:a
shorthandreferencetoalltypesofShiareligiouspoetry.Kalāmtranslatesas
“speech,”“language,”or“words,”whilekalamatAllahmeans“thewordofGod,”or
“HolyScriptures.”27
Giventhesaturationoftheenvironmentwiththingsandutterancesthatmay
containkalāmorQur’anictext,encounteringthemwithouthavinggiventhe
necessaryintentionisanabidingproblem.Oneevening,whilesittinginmycarwith
Asgarinfrontofateashop,aswewaitedforotherfriendstojoinus,Iturnedonthe
car’sradio.IttunedinachannelplayingcontinuousQur’anicrecitation.Aftera
minuteoflistening,AsgarsuggestedthatIturnoffthestation,indicatingthatitis
notgoodtolistentoQur’anrecitationwhiledistracted.Inotherwords,itis
impropertoencounterthewordswithouthavinggiventherequisiteintentionand
performedtherequisitebodypurifications(wuḍūʼ).Onanotheroccasion,Irodeina
carwithafriend,Muhammad,fromthecommunityshortlyaftertheconclusionof
eveningprayer.SunnimosquesperformtheprayerslightlylaterthanShiamosques,27Wehr,Hans.1994.“Kalm.”InArabic-EnglishDictionary,981-982.Urbana:SpokenLanguageServices.
80
andalongtherouteafewprayerleaderswerestillrecitingQur’analoudto
membersoftheircongregation,havingfinishedtherequiredpartsoftheprayer.As
wepassedonesuchmosquethatstillhadit’sspeakeropen,broadcastingthe
recitationtothepublicareasoutside,thedriverturnedtome,exclaiming,“Iwish
thesemosqueswouldnotkeeptheirmicrophonesopenfortheprayerand
recitation.Wedon’tknowwhattodowhenwehearthis—shouldwestop?”
Ofcourse,actsofwaitingandofdrivingarethemselvesintentional,
functioningtoachievetheoutcomesofreunitingwithfriendsandreachinga
destination.However,encounteringorhearingthewordsoftheQur’anwithout
activelylistening(i.e.without“intending”tolisten;withoutgivingnīyat)introduces
aquotientofinattentiveaction.Uponhearingthewords,theunderlyingaction—
drivingorwaiting—issuddenlynolongerfullyintentional.Someexpenditure
associatedwithbeinginandsensingtheworld,andundertakingamundaneactivity,
isnowwasted.Inthisway,theefficacyoftheactionisalignedwithitsefficiency.If
inefficient,itisnolongereffective:henceMuhammad’ssuggestionthatperhapswe
oughttostopandlistentotheQur’anrecitationwaftingoutfromthemosque,before
continuingourjourney.Thisconceptionofefficiencyreliesagainonthe
understandingthatmundaneactionsareoftencentralcomponentofthepursuitof
spiritualbenefit,asdemonstratedinthenotionofziyāratdescribedintheprevious
section.
Shiaparticipation:blooddonationasreligiousperformativeact
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AsIaimedtodescribeinrelationtodonationcampdesignabove,Ibelieve
thatHamdanencouragedparticipationinblooddonationasageneralformof
Islamicservicetothebroadercommunity,andasaformofparticipationinmedical
caregiving.WhenIaskedhimdirectly,hedeniedandexpressedsomediscomfort
withafurther“valuation”oftheblooddonationritualasasubstitute—materially
andcorporeally—forotherformsof“blood-letting”viaself-injurythatmanyShia
engageintocommemorateImamHussain’smartyrdom,torememberandfeelhis
pain.YetexamplesaboundworldwidethatattesttotheparticipationofShiain
blooddonationassynchronouswiththeprimarytimesofcommemorationinthe
Shiacalendar,andattesttoindividualsandorganizationsevenurgingfellowShiato
“substitute”blooddonationforactsofinflictingself-injury.28Inthisway,blood
donationfitsintothewidercritiqueofblood-lettinginShiarituals,inpartasa
consequenceofAyatollahKhamenai’sinfluential1994fatwathatdescribesthe
practiceasanti-Islamic.29Often,andimportantlyforthestakesofthischapter,the
calltoforegoritualizedselfinjuryencouragesindividualstoinsteadmake“useful”
28Schubel(1993),Zahab(2008),andMadsenandHassan(2008)describetheorganizationofblooddonationcampsinKarachiinthe1980sand1990s,partlyinstigatedbyaShiastudentorganizationencouragingfellowShiastodonatebloodasasubstitutionforflagellation.SchubelandZahabbothstressthatthecampparticipationdidlittletodiminishparticipationinritualself-injury.Norton(2005)andDeeb(2005)bothdescribehowHezbullahencouragedandhelpedorganizelargebloodbanksontheoccasionofʻĀshūrāinLebanon,beginninginthe1990s.A2013-2014medicalcasestudybasedinSrinagar,Indiaexplorestheunderrepresentationoffemalesatvoluntarybloodbanks,butnonethelessnotestheoutsizedcontributionofShias,particularlyonʻĀshūrā,suggestingthat“theseareuniqueopportunitiesavailableforlimitedbloodbanksthroughouttheworld”(Bala,Handoo,andJallu2015,188).OthersdescribeinstancesofflagellationcriticsinLadakhencouragingShiastodonateblood(Pinault2001),theIranianBloodTransfusionOrganizationdispatchingcollectorsthroughoutthecountryonʻĀshūrā,andultimatelycollecting3.5timesmorebloodnationwideonthatdaythanthenationaldailyaverage(Abohghasemietal.2011),andarecentbloodbankorganizedinNewYork(MadsenandHassan2008).29ForabroaderdiscussionaboutthedebatesovertheseritualsinsideShi’ism,seethechapter“SpurtingBloodandAttemptstoRegulateRitual”inPinault(2008).
82
(Pinault2001)andnot“waste”a“scarce”bodilyresource(MadsenandHassan
2008).
TheenduringcentralityofpaininmodernShiaexperiencerelatestothereal
connectionShiasfeel,effect,andrepresenttotheAhlal-Bayt,andthustothepivotal
experienceofHussainatKarbala.NamessuchasGulamAli—meaning“slaveofAli”
inUrdu—andBandeAbbas—meaning“friendofAbbas30”—arecommoninthe
SouthAsianShiaheritagecommunity.TheclaimsofcertainShiastogenealogical
descentthroughoneormoreoftheoriginalTwelveImamsreflectsthecloseness
ShiasfeeltotheProphet’sfamilyandprogeny.SayyidShiasoftenkeepdetailed
recordsoftheirgenealogies—asashajaraor“familytree”—intheirhomes.Onewho
ImetwithinDubaicarefullykeptacopyofhiswithhim,whileleavingtheoriginal
inhishomeinPakistan.Hedisplayeditformeonedaywhenwemet(seeImages
1.6-1.9).
ForShiasthen—amongotherMuslims,andamonganyonewhohearsthe
story—thebarefactsofHussain’streatmentatKarbala,andthedeathsofinnocents
suchasmanyyoungboysandHussain’sowninfantsonAbbas,ascommemoratedin
oratoricalsermonsandoralpoetryperformancesinSouthAsianShiatraditions,
elicitpain.Weeping,strikingone’schestorheadwithhands,andstrikingone’sback
withblades,lieonacontinuumofemotionalandsorrowfulresponsetohearing
poetryevocativeoftheexperienceofHussainandhisfaction.Woundsontheflesh
ofthemodernShiabodyareapointoftransference,linkingthedestructionofthe
30AbbaswastheinfantsonofHussain,struckbyanarrowandkilledatKarbala.
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Image1.6:PhotocopyofSayyidshajra(genealogy)fromapublishedsource,displayedbyresearchparticipantinDubai,August2012.Photobyauthor.Thetreetracesmaledescentonly.Thetitleattopofthepagereads,“Genealogy,VillageKahetry,DistrictMuzaffarnagar”.
84
Image1.7:Anotherpagefromthesamepublication,throughwhichtheresearchparticipantalsotracedhisgenealogicaldescent.DisplayedinDubai,August2012,photobyauthor.Thetitlereads:“EndVportiongenealogy,villageChitwara,districtMuzaffarnagar.”
85
Image1.8:Thefirstpage(offourtotalpages)ofparticipant’shandwrittengenealogy,andextentionofthepublishedgenealogicaltree.Thefirstline(obscuredforprivacy)beginswithhisownname,thenhisfather’sname,andcontinuesthroughmalerelatives.DisplayedinDubaiinAugust2012,photobyauthor.
86
Image1.9:Thefinalpageoftheparticipant’sgenealogicalnotebook.Thefinalentryinthelonglinearchainofmalenames,circledintheaboverecord,is“HazratImamAliNaqi:”thenameofthetenthImamrecognizedinthisbranchofShiaIslam.Thegenealogyestablishesinwrittenrecordtheparticipant’sSayyididentity.DisplayedinDubai,August2012,photobyauthor.
87
“Hussainīyat”31bodiesonthebattlefieldatKarbalawiththefeelingofpainconjured
byitsrecollectioninthepresent-day.32IthussupposethatthediscomfortforShias
whowoulddonatebloodasa“substitute”forareligiousactliesnotwithmaking
blood-lettingefficient—i.e.,productiveinmultipleways—butratherwithmaking
commemorationrestrained.
Hamdan’sdiscomfortwiththevaluationofblooddonationasanexpression
ofprotestofthefateoftheImamsmayseemincongruouswithhisbroader
commitmenttoefficiency,andfurthermorewithother“efficient”Shiapracticessuch
astheconservationofwaterinthenameofHussain,andthecommunity’s
organizationofa‘mālprograms.Still,Iproposethatsuchincongruityinfactreflects
acentraltensionwithinShi’ismpracticetodaybroadlybetweentheethicsof
conservationandexcess.Effortstoconservewateratimāmbārgāhs,organizea‘māl
programs,andtoalignblooddonationwiththecommemorationofmartyrdom,
clashwithformsof“excessive”self-injuriousactivityandthepursuitofvisceral
imagesandexperiences(asIdescribefurtherinChapter2),andwithaspectsof
religiouspoetryperformance,includingtheoverproductionofsound(asIdescribe
furtherinChapter5).ThetensionbetweenShiapracticesthattendtoward
conservationandthosethattendtowardexcessservesinparttodividepeopleon
thebasisof“tastes,”intosubgroupswithinthediverseShiacommunityinDubai—
divisionsIexplorefurtherinthenextchapter.HoweverIarguethatthetensionalso31AlocutionimplyingthecultofpersonalitysurroundingHussain.32Othershavestressedthatself-injuriousformsofmātamareessentiallynot“painful”experiences,asparticipantsattesttofeelingnopainwhileperformingit.WhilemembersoftheDubaiShiacommunitymadesimilarclaimstome,mātamcannotbeseparatedfromthebroaderrangeofmajālisperformancesinwhichtheyareimmersed,whichincludecollectiveweeping,loudwailing,andnon-rhythmiccheststriking.ThesevocalizationsandbodilyactionsexpressgriefattherecollectionofdetailsoftheHussainīyatexperienceatKarbala,duringmars̤iyaandsermonperformances.
88
manifestsasmultiplecompetingimpulsesinternaltomanyindividualmembers,
suchasHamdanandSajdali,whoontheonehandapplyastandardofstrict
efficiencytoeverydayactions—suchthatthoseactionsbearmultipleoutcomes—
butalsoactivelyorganizeandparticipateinmourningprograms,wheretheyweep
openlyandrecitepoetry.
Visualsymbolismcontainedintheblooddonationmaterialsandinthe
mosqueenvironmentalsosuggestthetension.Consider,forinstance,the
presentationofthemessage“Drinkwater,andrememberthethirstofHussain,”in
thesigninImage1.1.Theblood-redlettersseemtooozeblood,conjuringtheimage
Hussain’sbleedingonthebattlefield,andofparticipantsinself-injuriousmātam.In
contrast,considerthepurecontainmentsuggestedbytheimageoftheoversized
dropofblood,intheblooddonationpromotionalandinformationalmaterials,in
Images1.10and1.11below.Here,thetensionbetweenconservationandexcessis
renderedindiscretepropertiesofaliquid,toeitherspillorconformasdroplets.
Asafurtherspatialmanifestationofthistension,Inotedthe“emotional”
disconnectbetweentheblooddonationcampandtheimāmbārgāhinlate2011
Muharramgatherings.Thejamā‘t’sdonationcampsatadjacenttothecentralDubai
imāmbārgāhinthecornerofavacantsandylot,frequentlyusedatothertimesby
migrantmenandboysforimpromptucricketgames,andongatheringnightsfor
overflowparking.AsIdescribedabove,thedonationcampspacewasmarkedas
religiouswithuseofQur’anicpassagesasinspirationalslogansonthesign-upforms.
Themetonymicsofthesingularcontribution—onedropofblood,onemoment,one
life—alignedtheQur’anicmessagewiththeHealthAuthority’spromotional
90
Image1.11:MissionstatementplaqueonthewallofthewaitingroomintheDubaiBloodDonationCentre,July2012.Photobyauthor
message.Still,thecampwasabsorbedintotheambientspaceandenergyof
downtimeactivities.Mensharedjokeswitheachother.ItalkedtooneBritish-Indian
emigrantworkinginDubaiwhodescribedblooddonationsbackhomein
Manchester,butourconversationalsoturnedtomundaneaspectsofworkandlife
inDubai.Theemotionalenergyofthemātamperformances,andthepoeticlanguage
ofKarbala,pain,andsacrifice,werecontainedintheenclosedareasofthe
imāmbārgāhnearby,whereperformanceswereongoing.Despitetheproximity,
aspectsoftheemotionalritualexperienceofmātamperformancewereforeclosed
fromthedonationsite.
91
VernonSchubel,ascholarofSouthAsianIslam,hasgivenanalternative
ethnographicaccountofMuharram-linkedblooddonation,describinganearlycamp
organizedbytheHussainiBloodBankinKarachiin1983:
OnthetenthofMuharram,abloodbankissetupintheimāmbārgāh.Thebloodisdrawnandtypedrightattheimāmbārgāh.Infact,itisdrawnintheghuslkhanah[washroom]andthentypedinthesamefieldwherethezanjirkamatam[self-flagellationritual]isperformed.ThetypedbloodisthendistributedfreetoShi’ihospitalsinPakistan…(Schubel1993,150)
Themoreobviousspatialmixingofmātamandblooddonationactivitiesinthis
examplesuggestsanattempttoassociatethetwoactivities,Schubelsuggests.Yethe
goesontoquestionthesuccessfulsubstitutionofoneactionfortheother.Though
thecamphadrecorded200donorsbynoononʻĀshūrā,heexplains,thoseactivities
wereoffsetbythe600-700peoplewhohadcompletedinjuriousmātamatthe
imāmbārgāh(Schubel1993,150).
InRamadan2012,theKhojaShiajamā‘tboardaskedHamdantoshiftthe
donationeffortfurtherawayfromtheimāmbārgāharea.(Ilaterfoundoutthatin
Muharram2012,thedonationcampwasagainorganizedadjacenttothe
imāmbārgāh.)Theyexplainedthatitdrewtoomuchfoottrafficaroundthe
gatheringcenter,anareathatwasregularlypatrolledbytheDubaiPolicefornoise
andotherpublicnuisancedisruptions.HamdanorganizedtheRamadanblood
donationeffortatthebloodcollectioncenteratthepublichospitalwherehe
worked,about5milesawayfromtheimāmbārgāhviaaseriesofhighways.Nadim
offeredtohelpHamdanorganizeridestothecenterwithvariousothercommunity
memberswhohadcars(seealsothepromotionalposter,Image1.10).
92
Thoughthesamemobileunitsatidleoutsidethebloodclinic,theblood
extractionswereundertakeninsidetheclinicitself.InotedaprominentMission
Statementdisplayedononewall,whichemphasizedattributesparticulartothe
medicalprocessingofblood,forinstance:“service,”“care,”“safety,”and“timeliness”
(seeImage1.11).Iarrivedbeforeanyothers,andwatchedasaslowflowofmostly
menbegantoarriveincars,emerginginsmallgroups.NadimandAsgararrived
togetherlater,comingfromtheMajlis.Theyexplainedthat,despitetheirefforts,
theyhadfoundfewrecruitsfortheblooddrive.Bytheendofthenight,Icounted
twenty-sixnamesonHamdan’ssign-uplist.
TheblooddrivewasorganizedonthetwelfthofRamadan,exactlyoneweek
beforethefirstShab-e-QadrnightrecognizedbyShias:anightwhichcommemorates
thefirstrevelationofQur’anicversestotheProphetMuhammad,andonwhich
ShiasalsocommemoratethemomentwhenImamAliwasfatallystruckbyasword
inKufa,Iraq,whileprayinginamosque.Iaskedtwooftheinitialblooddonorsat
thehospitalwhytheydonated,andbothmentionedḵẖidmātor“service.”WhenI
askedifImamAli’sdeathcommemorationwasamotivator,theysmiledbutshook
theirheads,denyinganassociationwiththeiractofserviceandAli.Theyseemeda
bituncomfortablewiththesuggestion.
Nadimdeclinedtogiveblood,butheandIandafewotherswalkedbackin
theclinic’scollectionareawithAsgar,ashewasadmittedinbyanurse.Nadim
seemeduncomfortablewithprospectofgivingblood,butAsgar,atallandsoft-
spokenmaninhisearlytwenties,satconfidentlyandcalmlyinthechairasthe
nursepreparedfortheextraction,confirmedhismedicaldetailsandasked
93
questionsabouthishealth.Nadimaskedthenursequestionsabouttheprocedure,
andteasedAsgarabit,askingifhewasanxious.Asgarreactedlittleastheextraction
proceeded;hesqueezedaballtoaidtheprocess,andsmiledandjokedwithusaswe
waited.
Aftertheprocedurefinished,andwereturnedtothelobby,wechattedina
smallgroup.IaskedAsgarabouthismotivationfordonating.Healsomentioned
ḵẖidmātandaboutreceivings̤awābforhisactfromGod,whichtheothersaffirmed.
WhenIaskedabouttherelevanceofAli’smartyrdom,healsosmiledashepausedto
considerthequestion,andthenconcededthatyes,hewasalsothinkingaboutAli.
Anotherspokeup:“somepeoplewillgivenīyattoAli,beforetheinjection…They
willsay‘yaAli,’likethat.”Intentioncouldbeconveyedverballyornon-verbally,
anotheroffered.“Bas,yādrakhnāissufficient.‘IthinkofAli…’”Nadimadded,
demonstratingwaysthatnīyatcouldbereasonablyestablished.Asgarthenclarified
tomethathehadgivennīyattoAlibythinkingofAli,thoughheandtheothers
downplayedthesingularityoruniquenessofthisopportunitytolendintentionto
action.Thisattemptatnīyat,then,isimmersedinthecontextofeverydayactions:
donatingbloodmaybeoutsideofone’sdailyroutine,buttheopportunityto
establishbenefitisoneamongvariousothereverydayactions,theysuggested.
Specifically,avocalizednīyatisoftenrequiredinthecontextsofmoreformal
publicgatherings,rituals,performances,andmodesofaddress.Qur’anrecitation
requiresit,forinstance.ThiswasunderscoredformeaweekaftertheRamadan
blooddrive,whenIjoinedameetingofaQur’anreadingclassorganizedatthe
imāmbārgāh.TheleaderoftheQur’anclassmatchedme,andmyabilitytoread
94
Qur’anicArabic,withagroupofmostlyeightandnineyearoldboys.AsIlistenedto
theothersslowlyandcarefullypronouncethewordsinmostly-correctdictionand
varyingdegreesoffluency,Itriedtodiscernandrecallpatternsforconjoining
wordsanddroppingconsonantsinspokenfuṣḥaArabic.Thechallengeso
preoccupiedmeasIlistened,thatwhenmyturncametoreciteIforgottobeginwith
myownnīyat,anintonationofthebismillāh,andthegroupleaderpolitelystopped
me.Thefullphrase—bismillāhir-raḥmānir-raḥīm,meaning“InthenameofGod,
mostgracious,mostmerciful”—whenrecitedatthebeginningofarecitation,
impliesanintentiontodevotetheactofreadingQur’antoGod.Thebismillāhis
writtenatthebeginningofalmosteverysūrah(chapter)oftheQur’an,thoughthe
recitationgroupextendedtherequirementtoincludethisexpressionofone’snīyat
atthebeginningofeachnewspeaker’sturn.
Monthsafterthat,inSeptember,Ihadthegoodfortunetobeinvitedtosit
withAsgarandanIndianpoet,Adil,asheundertookaprocessof“giving”Asgara
poemtorecite,line-by-line.AsgarhadcaughttheattentionofAdilmonthsearlier,
whenhehadrecitedanotherpoematamajlis.Livingpoetsoftenenterinto
exclusiverelationshipswithrecitersforthepermissiontopublicallyrecite
particularpoems.AsgarintroducedmetoAdilaftermajlisoneevening,andIhelped
facilitatedtheirmeetinglaterthatnight.Wesatinmycar,withthepoetinthefront
passengerseatandAsgarsittinginback.AshereadthepoemaloudtoAsgar,line-
by-line,hewouldoccasionallyshowAsgarhisownpage,toclarifythespellingofan
esotericword,forinstance.Intheend,healsogaveAsgarasenseofthe“tune”by
singingtheverseoutloud.Theprocesswasinteractive:aftermirroringthepoet’s
95
tuneonaline,Asgaronceasked“hereitispossibletogohigh?”(“idharhighćelsaktē
haiṅ?”).Afterconsideringforafewmoments,AdilagreeditwasAsgar’schoice
(“āpkīmerẓī”).
Astheyproceededlikethis,InoticedaninscriptionatthetopofAdil’spage
thathehadnotreadouttoAsgaraloud,andaskedaboutit.Heshowedittomeand
explaineditwasatwo-foldnīyatthatheappendedasaprefacetoallhispoems.The
firstlinereadbismillāhir-raḥmānir-raḥīm,andthesecondlinereadya‘Alīmolāhaq
(“OhAli,masteroftruth”).IaskedAsgarifhewouldreciteitaswell.Hementioned
thathewouldbeginwithanīyattoAli,mostlylikesimply“YaAli,”hesuggested.
TheShiaIworkedwithinDubaiunderscoredthebasicnecessitytoorient
one’shearttoAllah,ortooneoftheinfallibles,inordertoinvestactionswithadded
benefit.Whiletheyattestedtotheequalvalueofeithervocalizingorthinkingone’s
intention,vocalizednīyatitselfhasthecharacterofritual,andoftenattachesto
ritualperformativeactions.GivingnīyatbythinkingofImamAliatablooddonation
intheweekpriortohismartyrdomissufficient,Asgarandhisfriendstoldme,to
lendtheactionanaddedbenefit.Buttovocalizeone’sintentioninblooddonation—
theysuggestedsomedonorsdo—moreclearlyplacestheactintothecategoryof
ritualizedactions,includingtheperformanceofShiamourningpoetry,forinstance.
Tovocalizenīyatinblooddonation,inotherwords,moreclearlyalignstheactwith
theritualofself-injurythatmanyShiainthiscommunityaspiretoenact.Ina
contextinDubaiwhereself-injuriousmātamisnotallowedbythestate,duetoits
graphicnatureandcontroversialstatusasan“excessive”andpoliticalShiaritual,
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blooddonationundernīyatisperhapstheonlytypeof“bloodletting”religious
ritualthatisalsoencouragedbythestate.
Fāʼida-paradigm
IendthischapterbyreturningtotheworldofDubaiasconstitutedbythe
movementandmomentumofnon-worklife.Here,Iconsideraspectsandqualitiesof
roadsnetworksandofvehiclesthatenablesomeofthekeyfāʼidaactivitiesIhave
alreadydescribed,suchasthedistributionofleftoverfoodtodistantlaborcamps.
Butasaconverseaffect,Iexplorethetemptationtopleasureassociatedwithdriving
thatposeaproblemforthosemostcommittedtothepursuitoffāʼida.Asastarting
pointIreturntotheworldofdowntimedriving,andtheinstanceinwhichNadim
reactedwithfrustrationanighttimedrivemorphedintoidleconversationand
aimlessroamingabouttheneighborhoodsofcentralDubai.
Avarietyofstudiesseecarsastoolsenablingthesubversionofnormative
classandpowerstructures.EndaDuffyhasdescribedhow,throughdrivingcars,
individualsreappropriatequalitiesofmechanicalspeedandefficiency,germaneto
the“Taylorist”ethicsofworkenvironments,asaformofpersonalpleasure(Duffy
2009,4-5).ElizabethPovinellihasdescribedthecarasaforceenablingnotmerely
mobilitybutalsothetransformationofbodiesmade“numb”and“exhausted”by
work,and“alienated”bypovertyandracism.IntheparablefromthefilmTheKiller
Sheepthatshedrawson,however,theexhaustionfromhumanworkonthecar,ina
conditionofeconomicdepletion,overcomestheprotagonist,andhisattemptat
makingitfunctionalfails(Povinelli2011,101-103).PascalMenorethighlightsthe
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practiceofjoyridinginRiyadhasaformofanti-establishmentprotestbyayouth
underclass,enabledbytheinfrastructureofroads.Itisapracticethat“unbuilds”the
city,invertingthesecuritystructurethatpervadesthecityattimesoutsideof
predawnhours,whenjoyridingispracticed(Menoret2014,12,133-134).Ascars
co-optanincreasingrangeandproportionoflifeexperiences,thespatiallogicofthe
city—i.e.oftightlyintegratedzonesofhome,work,business,andleisure—isfurther
“unbundled”(Urry2005,28).
KathleenStewartrendersthecollapsetogetherofstillimagesparticularto
thelandscape,inanaccountshegivesofdrivinginthecoalcountryhillsofWest
Virginia.ShealsogoesastepfurtherthanMenoret,renderingthedesireshe
observesinherselfandothercarefuldriverstoabandononeselftothe“thingin
motion,”andtothesurroundingtextureof“dizzying”densityofthingscollapsing
together.Inthisway,shereferencesLevinastodefinethemountainroadasaspace
ofalterity:“astateofbeinginbetweenwherethingsareneitherfullypresentnor
absent”(Stewart1996,67-69).Whileshedoesnotmentionit,Ibelieveher
referencetothisparticularexperienceofdrivingalsoresonateswiththenotionof
observer’s“coincidence”withamovingobjectdevelopedbyphilosopherHenri
Bergson(2007,1-4)inhisIntroductiontoMetaphysics.
ThecommunityIworkedwithinDubaihadabaselinemobilitythatallowed
them,forinstance,toattendmajlisgatherings:thatis,toenterintothe“community”
ofShiapractitionersaroundparticularimāmbārgāhs.Assuchtheyhadnotablymore
freedomofmovementthanthoselaborerswhosecompaniesaccommodatedthem
atisolatedcamps.Still,theyweremoreconservativeintheirmovements,especially
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ontheroad,thanmore“free-wheeling”youngEmiratis.Manyquietlycritiquedthe
practicesofnativeEmiratistome,associatingthemwithbothworklazinessand
recklessroad-behavior.Insomeimportantways,theforeignworkersIinteracted
withconfiguredthemselvesoppositely:hardworkingbutrestrainedintheirroad
movements.
Thecarhasthecharacterofanenclosedprivatespaceengagingothermobile
machinesandpeopleintheverypublicsettingsofroads.Roadsas“free-use”spaces
accommodatingallusersarebeliedbythehierarchies,strictconventionsandrules
ofuse,andbythesecuredprivacyofcars.Mostinthecommunityfearedpolice
surveillanceandpunishmentsfortransgressions,andalsoavoidedconfrontation
withlocalsandArabsgenerally.Ontheroad,someofmyresearchparticipants
wouldcharacterizecarelessdriversas“Egyptian,”whilefurtherassumingspeeding
driversinblackwindow-tintedSUVstobelocals.Still,theydeferredandavoided
anyconfrontationwitheithergroup.
Thiscontrastedwithoneparticular(andinsomewaysminorandsemi-
serious)“roadrage”episodeIwasinvolvedin,whiledrivingmycaratnightintheal
RashadiaareaofDubai.MypassengerswerethreePakistaniPathanmembersofthe
Shiacommunity,allwhoworkedastaxidriversinDubai.Whilegoingthrougha
tunnel,Ifailedtoyieldwaytoacarwhowantedtopass,wholoudlyblasteditshorn
andflasheditslights.Preparingforaconfrontation,andabitnervousandagitated,I
watchedasthecarspeduponawidenedstretchofroadontheothersideofthe
tunnel,andthecarcameupbesideus.Theoccupantsmaderaucoustaunting
gestures,towhichmyparticipantsplayfullyrespondedinkind,whileseeming
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amusedandmostly-feigningoutrage.Inotedtheothercar’soccupantswerealso
SouthAsianyoungmen,thoughnotPathan.Myinformantsidentifiedthemas
“Malwari,”aderogatorytermappliedgenerallytoSouthIndiansinDubai,and
specificallytothemanyKeraliteworkersespeciallyassociatedwiththe“Malabar”
coastalarea.
Ontheonehand,thecar’sprivacyallowsforexpressionsofangerdirectedat
othersthatwouldnotbepossibleinotherpublicencounters.Buttheinhibition,
playfulness,anddistractionthatcar-drivingcreates,asexhibitedinthisepisode,
posesaproblemforthosewhovalueandseekproductivityandefficiencyinnon-
workexperiences.Therapidcrushofimages,thestatusofeasymobility,thedrone
andvibrationofanengine(buildingonthenotionsaboutdrivingthatStewart
presents),conspiretolulldriversandpassengersintodistraction.Furthermore,the
smoothconcreteroadsurfacesallowsforbothfastdrivingandpleasurable
experience:temptationsofwhichNadimwasfrequentlycritical.Still,Nadimwas
amongthemostenthusiasticaboutmydecisiontoretainarentedcarinthelate
summermonthsof2012,andhewasperhapsmymostfrequentcompanionin
variousafterworkactivities.Thisunderscoredhisalternativeviewofthecarasa
usefultool,orinhisplayfullocution,asa“fāʼida-siyara.”
Nadim’sconcernformakingactionsandthingsbeneficialwascaptured
throughfrequentandcreativereferencestofāʼida.AsImentionedatthebeginning
ofthischapter,Nadimusedlocutionssuchasfāʼida-phone.Whileheownedasimple
cellphone,whichheusedfortextingandvoicecalls,heappliedthephrasetomy
phone—athird-generationiPhone—todescribeitsmultiplebenefit.Iwould
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occasionallyusemyphonetoplayvideos,suchasmātamvideos,forthosewho
askedforit.Iwoulduseittotakephotosandtorecordmajlisesandinterviews.
Nadimandotherswouldasktouseittomakelow-costinternet-basedcallstoIndia
andPakistan.Inanotherinstanceandcontext,Nadimjokedwithmewhenone
friendaskedmeabouttheprocedureforsecuringavisatovisittheUnitedStates.
WhenIansweredthatIwasunsure,Nadimturnedtome,presumingIwas
intentionallywithholdingvaluableinformation,teasing:“youwanttotakesome
fāʼida,no?”
Nadim’sconcernforfāʼida-actions,andformycar,alsorelatedtoadesireto
notwastetime.Heregularlyadvisedmetoavoidconversingwithcertainpeople,
wonderingwhatthebenefitwastome,andsuggestingthatInotwastemytime.He
alsoadvisedmeagainstgivingaridetoanyonewhomightrequestit,predictingthat
manypeoplewouldtrytobecomemyfriendinordertoavailthebenefitofan
occasionalride.Perhapstolendhisappeallegitimacy,heoftendeclinedorcutshort
rideswithmeinthecar,describinganaversiontoaimlessorwanderingtravel:
whichheoftendenotedusingtheHindiverbghūmnāortheEnglishword
“rounding.”
Inanotherrelatedepisode,inearlySeptember,NadimandIsatintheback
seatofacarbelongingtoanothermutualfriend,Datu,ashedroveandSaadsatin
thepassenger’sseat.Distractedly,DatuandSaaddiscussedthetechnicaldetailsof
recordingDatu’snōḥarecitationinastudio,whileSaadalsofrequentlyburstinto
sungrecitation.Nadimidlyshowedmeabruiseonhislegandtoldmeaboutfalling
atwork,inbrokenEnglish:“myintentionisnot:tez,falldownonplatform–thisis
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g̠ẖaltī̤[mistake].”LaterheaskedwhetherIhadbeen“rounding”33(drivingaround)
thepreviousnightinanearbyneighborhoodwithothercommunitymembers.Isaid
Ihadnot.
Aboutfourminutesintoour“rounding”withDatuinhiscar,Nadimspokeup
tocutshorthisparticipation,aswehappenedtodriveneartohislaborcamp
accommodation:
Nadim:Datubhai,mērīkōidharī,agarāputārdēngētōachhārahēgā.(Datu,ifyoucouldletmegetouthere,thatwouldbenice.)Datu:[surprised]Abhī?(Now?)Nadim:Hāṅjī.Kyoṅkīmērīṣubaḥdutyhē.(Yesyes.Ihavetoworkinthemorning.)Datu:Ohhh…Surehō?(Areyousure?)Nadim:Jījī.’inshā’Allāhkalshāmkōmulāqāthōgī(Yesyes,inshallahwe’llmeettomorrow…)Datu:Āpkīmerẓī.Humnēsōchāthākiāphumārēsāthinkāćhōṛkēphirā’ēṅgē?(Asyoulike.Ithoughtyouwouldcomewithustodrophimoff[dropSaadathisfriend’splace],thencomeback?)Nadim:Nahīṅnahīṅ,bahutdērhōjā’ēṅgī.Kamsēkamēkganṭalagēṅgē.(Nono,itwillgetwaytoolate.Itwilltakeatleastanhour.)Datu:Ah.Ārāmsē…(Ohok,don’tworry…)
ThissecondepisodeinSeptembermirrorsthefirstIrelatedabovefromlateAugust,
intheopeningsectionofthischapter.ThenotionofghūmnāinUrduissometimes
casuallytranslatedas“rounding”inEnglish,andalsomeans“toturn,”butinthis
contextimplieswanderingoraimlesstravel.Inadditiontothenotionofwasted
time,IseeNadim’sstatementofhisdispleasureatour“aimlessdriving,”inthebrief
excursioninlateAugust,relatestothewanderingandincreasinglydistractednature
oftheconversationatthetime.
Hisaversiontotheseformsofdistractionandaimlessdriving,inthese
examples,wasalsorootedinwhatIconsideredhisgreaterreligiousconservatism,33AwordoftenusedbyUrduspeakersinEnglishspeech,asasubstituteforghūmnā.
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andinparticular,hisdisinterestinShiareligiouspoetry.Onsomecar-rides,he
openlymockedandteasedSaadashesangpoeticlines.Aftertakingtimetolearna
fewversesmyself,duringmysessionswithAsgarandthepoetAdil,Ipresented
themtoNadimoneevening,andshowedhimmysheetwhereIhadtranscribed
them.Helistenedandreadbeforecommenting,“kalāmachhāhe”(“thewordsare
good”),andthenaskedmetostopsinging.Heenjoyedreadingpoetrybutnot
listening,hetoldme.WhenIpushedhimonhisrationale,headmittedbeingunsure
whetherrecitingwithtuneswasmustaḥabb(virtuous)inIslam.Hepreferredto
readorlistentounsungpoetry,andpreferredthereciterstorecitewithoutsinging.
Hewonderedwhatvaluelayinsungperformances.Hisaversiontopoetryaudition
andtoaimlessformsofdrivingwasrootedinasenseofefficientactionsandagainst
thewastefuloruselessexpenditureofenergy.
Conclusion
MuslimsregularlydrawonaframeworkinIslambywhichallactionsmaybe
categorizedaccordingtotheirvalueorpermissibility.Whilemanybasicactionsare
widelyacceptedinparticularcategories—forinstance,thefive-dailyprayersare
wājib(mandatory)whiletheworshipofmultipleGodsisḥarām(forbidden)—many
otheractions,suchasthetonefulrecitationofpoetry,mayrequireapractitioner’s
everydayadjudicationtobestdetermineappropriateparticipation.Shouldsung
poetrybeavoided,pursued,ormerelytolerated?Thesalienceoftheframework,and
itsapplicabilitytoallactions,helpsexplainNadim’sabidingconcerntoidentifyand
avoidwastefulactions.
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Still,Iarguethatthemotivationtomaximizebenefitandtobeefficient—as
exemplifiedinthecasesofNadim,Sajdali,andHamdan—doesnotfollowfrom
religiousidealsalone.Rather,thisisrootedinanethicofwork,particulartoservice
inSajdaliandHamdan’scases,andtophysicallaborinNadim’scase.Inotherwords,
theworkbackgroundsofthesepeoplehelpexplaintheirleadershiprolesinservice-
orientedprojectsinthecommunity,andtheirstrictaversiontowastefulness.
Drawingonparticularaspectsoftheirworkexperience,theyextendthelogicof
theircommitmenttoreligiousserviceandtothepursuitofspiritualbenefit(s̤awāb),
intothepursuitofeverydaybenefit(fāʼida)andtheefficientmanagementoftheir
non-workexperienceandtime.Inthisway,theethicofworklifeefficiencyhelps
alignthepursuitofs̤awābandfāʼidaaskeyaspectsofthelivesofworkingShiain
Dubai.
Sotooqualitiesofenvironmentshelpconformthepracticesofefficiency,
reflectedthroughtheurgencyofworklife,thatthischapterhastraced.Inclosing,I
wishtoreflectontwokeyenvironments—roadnetworksandmedicalclinics—tied
tothe“beneficial”practicesIhaveoutlinedinthischapter.Withrespecttothe
importanceofroadinfrastructure,recallforinstanceHamdan’sleftoverfood
distributionservice.Thepropositionoftheenterprise—tocollectpreparedfoodin
shortandwell-definedtimeframes,anddeliverittofall-flunglaborcamp
populationsbeforethefoodperishes—dependsonthereliableinfrastructureand
smoothconcretematerialityoftheroadnetwork.Thedistributionofexcessfoodto
theneedyisoneamongmultipleformsofexperienceenabledbytheorderlinessof
trafficandsmoothqualityofroadsasunencumbered,reliable,andfree-flowing.
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Sotootheenvironmentofthemedicalclinicisoftencharacterizedasorderly
andaustere.Foucaulttracesahistoryofhospitalsthroughanimpulseineighteenth-
centuryEuropeansocietyto“createforthesickdifferentiated,distinctspace”
(Foucault2012,21).Inanethnographyofadolescentdrugrehabilitationin
Baltimore,Maryland,ToddMeyersdescribesonedrugtreatmentclinicasan
“austere”environmentdesignedtofoster“seclusion”fromthecityanddisrupt
“patternsofdruguseandviolence”germanetolifeoutside.The“order”ofthe
treatmentcenterhelpedonepatient“maintainhisownfeltorder”intreatment,
Meyerswrites(2013,37,40).
Reflectingthesespatiallogics,Iarguethatthespaceoftheblooddonation
clinicinDubaiallowsthedonor,the“patient,”toprojectformsofexperienceby
virtueoftheclinic’squalitiesofausterity,orderliness,andcompartmentalization
fromthecity.ThequalitiesoftheclinicalspaceenableShiapractitionerstoproject
aspectsofcommemorativereligiousritualsintotheactivityofblooddonation.The
abilityofparticipantstoprojectthosereligiousexperiences,inotherwords,
overcomesthephysicaldistancebetweenimāmbārgāhandblooddonationsite.Like
thesmoothandunencumberedsurfacesofroads,thesequalitiesofspacefunctionto
multiplytherangeofpossibleexperiencesfortheparticipant.
Smooth,orderlyroadsallowforfree-flowingmovement,andarethus
consistentwiththeimperativesoffoodwastedistribution.Austereclinical
environmentsallowfortheprojectionofexperiences,andthusfosteractivitiesthat
yieldmultipleoverlappingbenefits.Theseenvironmentsarethusproductiveof
“efficiency”inthewaysIhavedefinedsuchformsofefficientactivityinthischapter.
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Ifindthattheurgencyofworklife,andthesmoothandausterematerialityofthese
environments,conformanethicofefficiencyformembersofthismigrant
communityinDubai.
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2.ExcessViscerality,war,visualShiaculture,mātam
OnedayinApril,onaroutetothemosqueIhadfrequentlytraveled,I
transferredatametro-railstopontoasurface-roadbusandwasgreetedbyaman
I’dnevermetbefore.Theman,whoI’llcallFiroz,hadseenmeinthemosqueand
imāmbārgāhseveraltimesbefore,hesaid.Aswegotoffatabusstopnearthe
mosque,heinvitedmetohishouse.AnativeofSouthIndia,thoughworkingin
Dubaiforalmosttwentyyears,Firozlivedwithhisfamilyinamoderntownhouse-
typeresidencenearthemosque,inamiddle-classneighborhood.Hisfather,he
explained,hadbegunasmallbusinessinDubaidecadesearlier,whichhehadtaken
overanddevelopedintoasmallchain,withfiveotherDubailocations.
Firozdescribedhisenthusiasmforhisbusiness,inspiteofthechallengeof
highrentcostsandlowsalesmargins.HefeltafamilialcommitmenttoDubai—his
agingfatherstilloperatedtheoriginallocation,andhistwochildrenwerebornhere.
Aproudparent,heseemedmosteagertointroducethemtomeanddemonstrate
theiraccomplishments.Hisdaughter,theoldest—Iestimatedhertobeperhaps5
yearsold—hadmadesomepaintings,hesaid,aidedbyhermother.Hebroughtout
twotheyhadrecentlycompleted.
Thefirstpaintingthatheunfoldeddepictedascenefromthefamiliar
fairytaleCinderella.ACinderellafiguresatintheforeground,againstamostlyblue
background,whileaPrincekneltbeforeher,holdingaslipperinhishand.The
outlineofthescenehadbeenpre-drawnonthepage,asinacoloringbook.Firoz
showedittomeapprovingly,thenflippeditovertorevealthesecondone,whichby
contrastdepictedaclimaticscenefromthebattlefieldatKarbala.Init,Hussain
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appearstolieonhisbackontheground.Streaksofredandorangearoundhisbody
appeartodepictflowingblood.Severalarrowsstickupintotheairfromhisbody.
Otherbodiesarelyingonotherpartsofthebattlefieldinsimilarstates.The
backgroundisalsopredominantlyorangeandred.
Firozdisplayedthemformeinsequence,thenlaidthemside-by-sideonthe
coffeetableaswecontinuedtotalk.Heonlyaddressedthemasdistinctimagesby
commentingthathewishedhisdaughterwoulddrawmoreliketheKarbalaimage.
Thetwowereotherwiseassociated,asifpartofacollection:ofachild’sdrawings,of
depictionsoficoniclegendaryscenes.Ourattentionshiftedasthetwodaughters
andthemother,whoworeḥijāb,appearedandgreetedme.Thegirlsshowedme
theirbikesandplayedonthemarblefloors,beforetheirmotheraskedthemfor
help.Wecontinuedinthisroutineuntilitwasprayertime,atwhichtimeFirozandI
stoodandleftinthedirectionofthemosque,leavingbehindthetwopaintingson
thecoffeetable,togetherwithafewotherpiecesofmailandemptyteacupsfrom
whichwehaddrunk.
Ontheonehand,Ibeginwiththisstoryasawaytofurtherconveysomeof
thetextureofeverydaylifeasIobserveditforShiaexpatriatesworkinginDubai.In
anotherway,thedetailsofthisepisodesurviveinmymemoryandtextgiventhe
“starkness”oftheKarbalaimageinparticular,asIexperienceditthen,andlatervia
notesandrecollections.Ononelevel,asIdevelopfurtherinasectionbelow,my
surpriseatencounteringtheimageinthiscontextreflectsaconceptualizationof
“children”and“war”asmutually“repelling”categories(Trawick2007,6).The
puzzleformethen,atanotherlevel,relatestohowparticularconditionsmake
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particularimageseitherordinaryorextraordinary,asanaspectofcontextand
everydayexperience.
ThischapterconsidershowvisceralimagesparticulartoShi’ismbecome
embedded,routine,and“ordinary”ineverydaylifeinDubaiasexperiencedby
membersofthisexpatriateworkingcommunity.Inthesectionsthatfollow,I
explorehowengagingwithavarietyofimagery(stillimagesandvideo)allows
memberstoreadilyaccessvisceralexperience,andoffsetsthelackofopportunities
toexperience“real‘azādārī”34inDubai.ThelifeofcontrarianimagesinDubai
mirrorsthehistorical“impermanence”ofmaterialsintheEmirate’s“austere”
naturalandcommercialre-exportenvironment.Inote,forinstance,thatthechild’s
drawingsFirozshowedmewerenotdisplayedinhishouse,butwererather
uncoveredanddisplayedforme:anoccasionofshowingthemtoaguest.
Meanwhile,imagesonlineandonphonesanimatethephysicalenvironmentsin
whichtheyareviewed,butonlyfleetingly.Intheexamplesthatfollow,Itake
seriouslythesurroundingenvironmentinwhichmobilevideoorimageviewing
occurs:asifcertainmomentscouldbefreeze-framedintheirthree-dimensional
existence,andconsideredfromdifferentlinesofsight.
Still,fleetingimageslikethesearenot“of”theseviewingenvironments,and
arethusofelsewhere:forinstance,oftheenvironmentsinwhichtheyarecaptured,
framed,edited,produced,uploaded,orstored.Likere-exportgoodsandthewind-
blowndetritusofsandlots,imagesinDubaiareofelsewhereanddonotinherein,
34‘Azādārī,aPersian-originword,collectivelyreferstothepublicmourningritualsthatShiasengageinaroundMuharram(seeforinstanceQureshi1981,63;Zahab2008,105).“Real‘azādārī,”inthelocutionthatmembersofthegroupfromRawalpindiused,impliedtheuseofforcefulmātamintheserituals.
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butrather“pass”through,over,andaroundmaterialsinthebuiltenvironment.
Trangressiveimages,likeillicitcapital,areimmersedandconcealedinthepowerful
transregionalflows,naturalandeconomic,thatconstituteDubai’sdynamic
environment.Jumpyvideoimagesflashacrossbobbingcellphonescreens,soaked
againsttheabundantsunlightoftheDubaiside-street,asagroupofmen
spontaneouslygatheraroundoutsidetheimāmbārgāhtoviewamātamvideo
recordedinIndiaorPakistan.TheimagesthemselvesshakewithintheYouTube
videoframeastherecorder’sowncellphonejostlesinandoutofsyncwiththe
mātamperformanceitself.Asherecords,hecapturesotheronlookers’cellphones
extendedtowardtheunfoldingevent.Thesevideoimagesarewovenintoan
environmentinDubaiofaubiquityofvideo-readysmartphones,andremain
inconspicuous.
Technologiesareinstrumentalinthisprocessofanenvironmentalenfolding
ofimages.Economicpolicieshavecreatedeasymarketsforbothmobiledevice
technologiesandinternetservices:infrastructuresthatenableaccesstoimages.
Boththemediaandmediatedcontentaretransient:madeelsewhereandquickly
consumed.SomeofmyresearchparticipantsinDubai“re-exported”theirdevices
withthemwhentheyreturnedhome,whileothers“recycled”theminDubai.For
instance,asectionofHamdan’semailnewsdigests(analyzedintheprevious
chapter)functionedasamarketplaceforthesaleandpurchaseofusedgoods,
includingmobilephones.Onelistingadvertisedausedmobilephoneavailable“free
ofcost,”requiringinterestedrecipientstojustifywhythephone“shouldbegivento
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you.”Insuchcaseswheretechnologyisleftbehind,theybecomeapartofDubai’s
“re-use”environment,rootedinausterity,materialefficiency,andworkefficiency.
Ofcourse,phonesandcomputersarecentraltomanyformsofworkinglife.
Thattheirworthismeasuredintermsoftheirutilityratherthanasmonetaryvalue
suggeststheessentialwork-relatedfunctionstheyperform,includingfacilitatingthe
searchforemployment.Inthefinalsectionbelow,Iexplorehowthemediationof
visceralandreligiousimagesthroughworkdevices,andtheirconsumptioninwork
environments,changeshowindividualsexperience“religious”visceralityingeneral.
Ilookathowcertainexcessesofworkliferoutineshelptransformandground
religiousexperiences,andenfoldtheseactivitiesintoeverydaylife.“Screen”-media
conformanethicof“crisismanagement”or“managedexcess”inworklifeand
religiousexperience,Iargue.Excessiveexperiencesbecometransfusedacrossthe
hyper-technologizedenvironmentsofworkingofficespacesandpublicstreets.The
dualcrisesofjoblessnessandofHussain’sfateatKarbalaare“mediated”together
throughthesepracticesofengagingimageryinDubai.
KeycharactersinthischapterincludeagroupofPakistaniShias—Punjabis
fromRawalpindi—whoIgottoknowinDubai,andwhodistinguishedthemselves
fromvariouscharactersfeaturedinthepreviouschapter,forinstance,fortheir
pursuitofforcefulself-injuriousmātamactivitiesviamartyrdomcommemorations
atimāmbārgāhs,andonline.Thischapterthusexpandsonacentraltensionin
contemporaryShi’ism,aspracticedinDubai,thatIbegantoexploreintheprevious
chapter.Thatis,thoughavarietyofactivitiesarestructuredbyanethicsof
conservationandefficiency(exploredindetailinthepreviouschapter),arangeof
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othersproduceexcess,especiallythosethatseekinsomewaytorepresent,mimic,
reveal,andenact—asaformofprotest—actsofextraordinaryandunjustviolence
enduredinbattlebymembersoftheProphetMuhammad’sdirectprogeny,over
1300yearsago.
GeorgesBataillehasdescribedwarasa“catastrophic”and“profitless”
destructionofexcess(Bataille1988,23-26).Whilethetensionbetweenefficientand
“wasteful”activityproducesfractureswithintheSouthAsianShiacommunityin
Dubai,basedinparton“taste”preferences,Ifindthatextraordinaryformsof
religiousritualaremade“ordinary”astheyareintegratedintothetextureof
everydaylifethroughthepervasionofmobiletechnologies.Iarguethatvideoand
imageviewingviamobilephonesisa“haptic”experience(Deleuze2003,122-143)
forShiainDubai,andkeysubstituteforthecommemorativeenactmentofpainvia
actualmātamperformances.Theyintegratevisceralfeltexperienceintothe
mundaneandroutineformsofeverydaylife.
Visceralimageryandthetextureofeverydaylife
Letmebeginwithanextendedethnographicaccountthatconsiderssomeof
thesequestionsoftheenvironmentalenfoldingofvisceralimages.Theyear2012—
myprimaryfieldworkyearinDubai—featuredamid-summer,July-August
Ramadan.Summersgenerallyheraldashift,inthisArabiandesertclimate,toward
late-nightsocialandworkactivities.BeginninginJune,sportsleaguesforadultsand
childrenaresponsoredbytheShiaKhojajamā‘tleadershipboard,withsessions
oftenbeginningaround11pmormidnight,duetoexcessivedaytimeheat.Many
112
businesses,shutteredduringdaylighthoursindeferencetofasters,openandclose
late.Manycompaniescurtaildailyworkdayschedules,partlyacknowledgingthat
fasters—whoabstainfromfoodandwaterfrompre-dawnuntilearlyevening—
experiencereducedproductivity,especiallylateintheday.Unemployedorflexibly-
employedmembersofthecommunitymightsleepduringthedayfrompre-dawn
untilmid-afternoon.Thoughthesemembersfulfillthefastingrequirement,they
foregothesenseofsacrificeMuslimsaimtoexperienceinthismonth.Inthis
category,ItalkedtoavarietyofyoungKhojaswhoattendedcollegeabroadbutwere
homeforthesummer,andsleptduringtheday.
Giventhesetrends,myownscheduleshiftedinthisseason,toadjusttothe
mostlynocturnalfieldofactivityIwasnowengaging.Still,researchdemands
sometimespulledmeblinkingintothewhitewashedoutdoorlandscapeofmidday
mid-summerDubai.OnemorninginJune,Iawokeearlytohelpafriendwhohad
requestedmyassistance.IpackedanoldMacBookintomybag—mysecondary
laptopwhichIsometimesusedtofacilitatefieldexperienceswithmyparticipants—
andmadethemetro-trainjourneyintocentralDubai.Arriving,Iwalkedthesun-
soakedandmostlydesolatestreetsoftheresidentialneighborhoodwhereherented
hisroom.ThoughnotRamadan,thiswasaSaturday:typicallytheseconddayofthe
weekendespeciallyforthoseworkingin“whitecollar”jobs.Thefollowingday,a
Sunday,alsocoincidedwithanationalholiday,Leylatal-Mi‘rāj,literally“theNightof
theLadder,”whichmarksMuhammad’sascensionintoheaven.Thusformany
workersinDubai,thiswasthemiddleofalongweekend.
113
Asifwasatthetimeunemployed,buthadafewdaysearliersecuredanew
temporaryjobcontractasasmalltruckdriverforaretailmanufacturer.Hewas
awaitinghisnewsponsorshippaperwork,heexplainedtome.Onthatmorning,he
wasawakeandanticipatingmyarrivalintheroomherented:partofastructure
designedasaservantsquarters,behindalargesingle-familybungalowonaleafy
palm-linedresidentialblock.Tomysurprisehisroommateandtheirotherfriend
werenotthere:atwork,Asifexplained.Allthreehadcalledmetocomebythat
morninginordertohelpthemsetupavideofeedtoaparticular‘azādārīprogram
beingheldinPakistanthatday,broadcastonline.Thedaymarkedtheshahādat
(martyrdom-deathanniversary)oftheseventhImam,MusaKhadim.Theprogram
promisedtoprovideexamplesof“real”‘azādārī,theytoldme.Theywereanxiousto
showmesomethingthatwasotherwiseunavailableinDubai,butwerealso
themselvesnostalgicfortheexperienceof‘azādārīinprogramslikethat.
Asifwasinhislatetwenties,unmarried,andhadcometoDubaitwoyears
prioronaworkvisawithaconstructionservicescompany.Heandhisroommates
wereallShiaswithnon-Sayyidbackgrounds,andhadfamilytiestoavillage
approximatelyonehour’sdrivesouthofRawalpindiinPunjab,Pakistan.My
relationshipwiththisgrouphadgrownoutofsometensionwiththegroupthatI
chronicledinthepreviouschapter—Saad,Asgar,Nadim,andSharif—inpartover
thisgroup’spreferenceformore-forcefulmātamrituals.TheRawalpindigroupalso
includedanactivenōḥareciter,Bashir,whosharedAsif’sroom.Thoughtheylived
neartheKhojaimāmbārgāhincentralDubai,theyregularlyattendedanother
Thursdaynightmajlisprograminamoredenselyurbanandcommercialareaofold
114
Dubai,neartheDubaicreek.Iattendedthemajliswiththemonafewoccasions,
laterofferingtodrivethemthereandbackwithmyrentedcar.Theimāmbārgāh
wasolderthantheKhojacenter,andofpoorerconstruction.Itfeaturedaverysmall
indoorhall,andbycontrast,alargecourtyardareawithahighwall.The
constructionwasthusconducivetotherigorousformsofopen-airmātam
performedthere,whichthesemensought.
Asthetimeapproached11am,AsifandIopenedmylaptop,thenstruggleda
bittoconnecttotheinternet.Onceonline,wenavigatedtothewebsiteoperatedby
animāmbārgāhintheirnativevillage.Unfortunatelyforus,thelivefeedonthepage
appearedtobedown.Abitfurtherdownthewebpage,wefoundsomevideo
recordingsofpreviousmajlises,includingafewfeaturing‘azādārīfromthisyear’s
Muharramgatherings.Wewatchedforabit,thenAsifaskedmetofindafewmore
onYouTube.Hegavemethreesearchterms:thenameofthevillage,andthename
ofaprominentnōḥaḵẖawān(nōḥareciter)and“zanjir.”Theresultsproduceda
varietyofvideos;Irecognizedone.Wewatchedforabitasthemenvigorously
whippedthemselveswithblades.Afterafewminutes,weagainreturnedtothe
websiteofthevillageimāmbārgāh.Thefeedwasstilldown.Wesearchedforagain
onYouTube,andafterafewminutesAsifselectedanotherzanjīr35video,whichwe
watched.Afterthat,weagainreturnedtotheimāmbārgāh’swebpage.Itwasstill
down.
Wegaveup,andasitwasthenapproachingtimeforẓuhrnamāz(midday
prayer),andagreedtowalkbacktogethertothenearbyShiamosqueinthe35ZanjīristheUrduwordfor“sword,”andinthiscontextdenotesformsofmātaminwhichparticipantsself-flagellatewithswords.
115
neighborhood.Wewalkedoutontothestreet,whichwasstillquietandemptyof
peopleortraffic.Ifeltthecontrastbetweenthethreeenvironments:a)theSpartan
anddarkenedroomwherewehadcrouchedaroundthezanjīrmātamvideos
enlargedonmylaptopscreen,b)theimaginarysceneinRawalpindi—perhapslike
othersIhadobservedinpersoninIndiaandinonlinevideos,withthrongsofblack-
clothedandbare-backedmenwhippingthemselvesinthedaylightgathering(itwas
mid-afternooninPakistan),andc)thevacantmid-summer,mid-weekend,white-
washedstreetscapeinDubai.IamnotsurewhatAsiffeltinthatmoment,butour
conversationquicklytransitionedbacktotheworldwewereactuallyin,andto
work.Heimmediatelybegantoagaindiscusswithmethedetailsofhisnewjob,
whileearnestlyconfidinglingeringanxietiesabouthislong-termprospectsinDubai.
“Kāsh,me…”(“alas…”)hesaidatonepoint,histhoughtseemingtotrailoffbefore
hecouldarticulateittome.
Violenceineverydaylife
Inthepreviouschapter,Ibegantodevelopanargumentaboutpainasa
centralaspectandaffectofmodernShiaexperience.Iexploredmyinformants’tacit
effortstolend“intention”toeverydayactions,andthustosubtlyinfusepainful
memoriesofhistoricalmartyrdomexperiencesintoeverydaylife.Theseefforts
drawonanethicsofefficiencyrootedina)theparticularworkroutinesinwhichmy
informantsengaged,andb)variousShiaandIslamictraditionsthattheyreferenced,
Iargued.Theexamplesindicatehowcertainritualactionssignificantlyreduceand
condensetheoriginaldestructiveactionsthattheycommemorate.Forexample,
116
mouthingorthinkingthewords“yaHussain”importsthephysicalmemoryof
extraordinarypainandinjusticefromKarbalatowardorientingamundanemodern-
dayaction.ForthekeyparticipantsIfollowedinthatchapter,suchcondensed
commemorativeactionssubstitutedforothermorevisceralformsofexpressionI
exploreinthischapter,andinoneway,indicateda“taste”preference.
Inthecurrentchapter,Ialsoexplorethemeansbywhichpainfulrituals,and
historicalmemoriesofpain,arewovenineverydaylife.Yetinthischapter,I
highlightadifferentaspectoftheDubaienvironmentinrelationtothe
commemorativeactivitiesandrepresentationsItrace.Ratherthanthequalitiesof
efficiencyandrestraint,thatis,IfindvisceralimageconsumptionreflectsDubai’s
environmentofmaterialfluidityandimpermanence.Furthermore,inimageand
videoviewing,Ifindthatrepresentationsofpainareconcealedandmore-effectively
managed,ratherthanreducedorcondensed.Visceralimagesarethusproductiveof
anethicofexcessinDubailife:onethatbuildsonanenvironmentalmaterial
impermanenceandalignsaspectsofShiaexperiencewiththesometimesseemingly
perpetualstruggleforemployment.
JustastherampantflowofillicitcapitalandgoodsbeliesDubai’sstrict
securityculture,36andnaturalforcesimperilextraordinaryartificial“built”-
environmentprojects,37visceralimagescontrastwiththeenvironmentalcalmthat
surroundsmanyShiasitesinDubai:apointIdevelopfurtherinthenextsection
36Onwide-scalesmuggling,moneylaundering,andcontrabandtradepracticesinDubai,seeDavidson(2008a).37Forsomepre-marketdownturnassessmentsofthisphenomenon,seeMikeDavis(2008)andYasserElsheshtawy(2008).Forthetensionbetweenconstructionprojectsanddestructivenaturalforces,includingtheambitiousWorldIslandsarchipelagoproject,seeHawco(2013),andapictorialrepresentationinImage2.1.
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118
repeatedinvariousconversationsandinstancesinfieldworkinDubai—thatShias
oughttolive“asifeveryplaceisKarbala,andeverydayisʻĀshūrā.”
Whatstrategiesarenecessaryinordertotransitionbetweenepicand
mundanestruggles?Orputdifferently,ifeverydayisʻĀshūrāandeveryplaceis
Karbala,howdoShiasgoaboutmundanelaborindailylife?Howdoimagessuchas
achild’sdrawingofKarbalaandofaCinderellastorycometositcomfortablyside-
by-side,andrelatedly,howdorepresentationsofextremesufferingandgraphicself-
violencebecomeimmersedinstrictlyregulatedenvironmentslikethatofDubai?
ToreadthejuxtapositionofscenesfromKarbalaandCinderellaasjarring
mightreflectaviewoftheassociationbetweenchildrenandwaras“repellant:”a
view,inotherwords,thatthephenomenonofchildreninwarisadevastating
excess.Theviewpointpartlyreliesona“cosmopolitan,universalist,and
fundamentallyWesternmind-set”MargaretTrawicksuggests,inherethnographic
studyofTamilliberationsoldiersinSriLanka,setintheearly2000s(Trawick2007,
6).Forthisperspective,Hussainissometimescriticizedforhavingbroughthis
familyintothebattlesocloselywithhim.Nonetheless,giventhecentralroleof
childrenintheKarbalaepisode,itisnotsurprisingthatShiaparentsinDubai
presenttheirchildrenincommemorationritualsasextensionsoftheidentityand
experiencesofthechildrenatKarbala.
Hussain’sinfantsonAliAsgarwaskilledinKarbala,asthemytho-historical
narrativegoes,byanarrowthatpiercedhisneck.Variousaccountssuggestthatthe
infantwastryingtoprotecthisfatheratthetime.Hussain’sdaughterSakina
survivedKarbala,thoughwascapturedbyYazid’sforces,alongwithmostother
119
womenandchildreninHussain’sparty.Shewasmistreatedbyhercaptors—the
epicaccountsuggestsshewasslappedandhadherearringssnatchedfromherears,
causingthemtobleed—anddiedincaptivityinDamascusapproximatelyonemonth
afterHussain’sdemiseatKarbala.Oneethnographicaccountdescribeshow
present-daymournersinIrandressyoungboysinclothesthatmimictheimagesof
AliAsgarcirculatedonpostersandothervisualrepresentations,andbringthemto
marchinthepublicprocessionals(Flaskerud2010,138-139).Anotherdescribes
howparentsofyounggirlsdressthemlikeSakinaatwomen’smourningmajlisesin
Pakistan(Abbas2009,142).
Inmyownpre-dissertationfieldworkinIndiain2006,Iwatchedfromahigh
balcony,onecoolnightinFebruary,asasmallgroupofmenperformedaMuharram
mourningritualinthemaincourtyardofLucknow’sBaṛāImāmbārgāh,surrounded
byalargecrowdofmajlisparticipants.Themenlineduptotaketheirturnwalking
overhotcoals:atrialofenduranceandself-inflictedpain,intendedtocommemorate
thepainfulexperienceofHussain’spartyatKarbala.One-by-one,themenslowly
approachedthecoals,arrangedinarectangularspaceaboutsixfeetacross.They
thenquicklybutdeliberatelywalkedovertheembers.Onemanapproachedslowly
holdingatoddler-agedchild.Justashewasabouttowalkacross,heputthechild’s
feetdownintothecoalsalongwithhis,andwalkedwithhischildacrossthem.With
someevidentdisapproval,afewmennearbyquicklyleanedintotrytograbthe
man’sarm,toforcehimtoliftthebaby.Heaggressivelyresistedtheirattemptsand
continuedtocompletetheritual,thenpickingupthechildandquicklywalking
away.Aswiththeself-flagellationritual,Shiasattesttofeelingnopain(Schubel
120
1993,146)astheycompletetheseactionswithsincerefocusand“intention,”ina
statethatDavidPinaulthascomparedtoecstaticstatesofselflessnesstheSufi
practitionersfeel,inwhichself-injurynolongerregistersaspain(Pinault2001,33-
37).38
TheattemptofthemaninLucknowtoengagehischildintheritual,andthe
mixedreactionofvisualdismayanddispassionateconcessionfromthemostly-
admiringcrowd,demonstratesthecomplexrangeofbeliefsandpractices,withina
community,onpropersocialrolesforchildren.PamelaReynoldshasworkedto
elucidatethemixofuniversalvalues(“childrenareseldom,ifever,treatedequally
[toadults]”),particularclassandculturalvalues,andevenindividualvalues(“we
seechildrenthroughtheeyesofthepast.Ourwaysofseeingaredefined,inpart,in
[ourown]childhood”),whichunderlieconceptionsoftheplaceofchildrenamong
adults(Reynolds2000,145-146).Andinthecontextofchildreninwar,VeenaDas
andReynoldscautionthatacritiqueofthenotionthat“Westernmodelsof
childhood”applycross-culturallymustalsonotassumethatnon-Westernersare
unconcernedornot“sorrowful”atseeingtheirchildrenbecome“embodiments”of
violence(seeHart2006,8).Theseaccounts,andtheritualIobservedinLucknow,
suggesttheindeterminacywithwhichtherelationshipbetweenchildrenandwaris
adjudicatedbyindividualsandsub-factionswithinspecificcommunities.
TheparticularcoordinatesofFiroz’sdaughter’srelationshipwithKarbala,
then,area)embeddedinaprocessofadjudicatingthatplaysoutintheShia
38Schubeloffersacontrastinginterpretation,describingtheabsencefrommātamritualsofaspectsassociatedwithothertypesofecstaticperformances,suchasthoseperformedby“Hindufaqirs”(Schubel1993,146).
121
communitybroadly,andb)anaspectofparentingingeneralthatbuildsona
multifocalsystemofbeliefs.ForthecommunityinDubai,then,andforFirozin
particular,thechallengeisnotoneofreconcilingaWesternrestraintwith
indigenousexcess,butratheroneofstitchingtogetherthingsandimagesfromthe
environmentandthosefromhistoricalmemory.Herethequestionofhowthe
extraordinarybecomesimmersedintheordinaryoverlapswithhowabsence
becomespresent.
WorkingamongPartitionsurvivorsinDelhi1973and1974,anthropologist
VeenaDasfoundthattheextraordinaryaspectsofpastarewoveninsideeveryday
language.Shetracksthepainfulmemoriesofviolencenotasarepressedpastbutas
a“surface”qualityoflanguage,presentinthesilencesbetweenwordsandthe
“gestures”oflanguage.Partlytomakeherpoint,sheexaminesashortstoryinUrdu
ofSaadatHasanManto.ThesceneisaPartition-erahospital.Inthecourseofwhat
mightbeconsideredeverydaycare,adoctorhasamundanereactiontothe
environment.Feelinghot,hesays,“kholdo:”arequesttoopenthewindow.Ayoung
femalepatientinhiscare—inastatethatDasdescribesas“livingdeath”—responds
tothecallbyuntyingherpants(Das2007,10-11,46).Thereaderunderstandsthat
theordinarylanguageofthecallevokesamemoryofpasttrauma—mostlikelya
rape—forthepatient,promptingapartial“reenactment”oftheexperience.The
doctorisapparentlyshockedbyherreaction.Thatordinarylanguagecanprompt
bothanordinaryactionandanalternativeaction—onelinkedtoatraumaticpast
experience—helpsrelatehowapastextraordinaryeventcanbewovenintothe
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present.Thesurplusenergyofwarandviolenttraumaisdefusedintotheeveryday
present:itbecomesconstitutiveofawayofliving.
Religiousemotion/religiousenvironment
TobetterunderstandhowmobileimagesfunctiontoenableShiasto
integratevisceralcommemorativeexperienceintoeverydaylifeinDubai,letme
firsttrytofurtherdrawoutthetensionbetweenthevisceralityinShialife
experienceandtheShiapublicenvironmentinDubai.Basedinpartonthe
importanceofritualweepingandotherformsof“painful”expression—suchasthe
passionatetonefulrecitationofelegies—atShiapublicgatheringeventsinmany
partsoftheworld,ShiaMuslimsareoftenreputedamongnon-ShiaMuslimsas
being(excessively)emotionalaboutearlyIslamicfigures.JamesWilcehasnotedthe
historicalconnectionbetweenlamentationandmadness,includingoutsiders’
perceptionsofShiamourningpractices(Wilce2009,53).ManyYouTubevideosthat
featurenōḥaandmars̤iyaperformancesincludeexchanges,sometimeshostile,
betweenprofessedShiasandnon-Shiacritics.Onenōḥarecitationvideo39containsa
comment,representativeofmanycritiquesintheYouTubecommentforums,
thoughinmoremeasuredandconciliatorythansome:“IloveHussaintoobutwhat's
thepointofWHIPPINGyourself?Wouldhehavewantedyoutodothat?Getonwith
yourlifeanddon'tbeOBSESSEDwiththepast.LOGIC???”ForceswithintheShia
community,includingavarietyofclerics,alsoexpressconcernaboutsuchemotional
practices,whentheyare“takentoextremes”(Pinault2008,96).LauraDeebcites,39Availableonline[AccessedNovember10,2015]:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jx765ERxe2A.
123
forinstance,oneShialeaderwhocriticizedas“backward”themotivationofsome
reciterstoelicitasmuchcryingaspossiblefromlisteners(Deeb2011,142).Among
theIran-basedShiaclericalorder,theconcernagainstexcessivepublicemotionalor
self-injuriousdisplaysrelatesinparttothepotentialharmitcouldcauseShiaIslam,
andIslamingeneral,tooutsideviewersaroundtheworld(Pinault1999,299).
Amulti-sensory,full-bodied,orvisceralresponsetolinguistictriggers—
poeticormundane—wasevidenttomeineventhemostinitialandtentativeofmy
fieldworkencounters.Inpre-dissertationfieldworkinAbuDhabi,in2009,Itooka
rideoneeveningfromanopenairMuharramgatheringsitetoasmallinformalniyāz
gatheringataparticipant’shouse.IsatinthefrontseatasayoungPathandroveus
tothebungalowinhistaxi.AswetalkedaboutmymotivationforcomingtoAbu
Dhabi,IexplainedmyinterestinShi’ismandearlyIslamichistory.Tosubstantiate
myinterest,IdescribedafewstoriesIhadrecentlyheardaboutthelifeofFatima
Zahra(theProphet’sonlydaughter,wifeofAliibnAbuTalib,andmotherof
Hussain).AtthementionoftheFatima’sname,tearsbegantofillhiseyes,andhe
remarkedthathealsogreatlyadmiredFatima.Theresponserepresentsforme,in
part,thekeyroleoftheAhlal-Baytfamilymembersunderlyingemotional
expressionsinShiaexperience.
EmbodiedandexternalrepresentationsofShiaidentityarehiddeninthe
publicenvironmentofDubai.Suppose,forinstance,anoutsidepedestrianor
travelermovingupthenarrowtwo-laneroadincentralDubai,oneithersideof
whichistheKhojaimāmbārgāhandapopularShiamosque—andwhichalso
featuresaSunnimosque,manysmallshops,andfinallyendsatamajormarketroad
124
andcommercialarea.Theywouldlikelynotrealizetheyhavetraveledthrougha
majornexusofShiacultureandpracticeinDubai.Ioncehadataxidropmeatthe
mosqueinmidday.Ihadgivenhimturn-by-turndirectionsfromthenearestmajor
landmark:ahotelinthemarketsquareinseveralblocksaway.Aswearrivedatthe
dustycorner,thedriveraskedcuriouslywhyIhadcometovisitthisplace.
TheShiamosqueandimāmbārgāhareunassuming.Aplaquerestsonthe
mosque’sboundarywall,atitsfrontcourtyardgate,identifyingitslinktoanother
Gulfcountry,thoughnotidentifyingitssectarianaffiliation.Thecharacteristichand
symbol,usedtorepresentthefiveoriginalfamilymembersimportantinShia
commemorationpractices,includingtheProphethimself,sitsaloftonapoleabove
theimāmbārgāh.
Beyondthesetwosigns,themostsignificantvisualmarkersofShiapractice
inthepublicareasaroundthemosqueandgatheringcenter,appearonvideo
screens.TwoShiabarbers—whoseshopsitsacrossfromthemosque,andwhichI
describeinmoredetailinalaterchapter—didlittletoadornthephysicalspace.The
shopfeaturedlargemirrors,withafewIslamicsymbolsaffixedtothem,suchasa
calendarinonecorner,andaphotooftheKaʿbah(thesmallbuildingatthephysical
centerofMecca)pastedononewall.Themostprominentfeaturewasalargeflat
screenTV,mountedhighononewall.ThoughtheTVmostoftenplayedPakistani
serials,comedies,andrealityshows,itwasalsoamediumonwhichpoets,who
droppedbytheshop,wouldplaytheirlatestpoetryvideos.
Theshop,includinganarrowcurbsideareaalongitsfront,wasontheone
handaninformalmeetingcenterforyoungmembersactiveintheShiagathering
125
community,andalsoakeysiteforthetransmissionofcreativeexpressiveforms.
Nearthewindow,thescreenwasframedforviewers,sittinginsidetheshop,bythe
surroundingstreetscape,includingthemosqueontheotherside.VividTVimages
grabbedtheattentionofthebarbers,theircustomers,andotherfriendswhosatina
lineofchairsalongtheshop’ssidewall.Poetryrecitationvideostypicallyfeatured
thepoet,gesturingwithhishandsasherecitesthepoem,ascut-sequencesfadein
andout,depictingbattlescenes,swords,fires,horses,shadowyfigures,and
recognizableShiasitessuchasHussain’stombinKarbala.Thesuggestivelyviolent
imagescommandedtheattentionsofviewersinthisotherwise“non-religious”
barbershopenvironmentofworkandsocialization.
Unlikemonumentsandotherstationarypublicarchitectures,imagesareof
course“flat”two-dimensionalrepresentations,aqualitywhichallowsforone-
directionalforward-facingviewing.Theirdirectionalitylimitstheimpactoftheir
attention-grabbingvibranceandflashintheenvironment.Imagesarealsohighly
transient,asIhavenotedinmydiscussionofotherreligiousimagesinDubaiin
general,thusfar.Theaggregationofmenaroundscreens,inthevicinityofthe
gatheringandworshipsites,constitutethemostprominentvisual“symbols”of
publicShiacultureinDubai,Iargue.
Mobiletechnologies:theframingandcontentofvisceralimages
Whilehighlyvibrant,videoimagesonhand-heldmobilephonesareeasier
forviewerstocontrol,andIfoundthat“visceral”videosweremostoftenviewedon
thesedevices.ThetypesofvideosthatIviewedwithyoungmalemembersofthe
126
Shiacommunitycouldbeglossedprimarilyas“injury”videos,andsecondarily
classifiedas“visceral”and“religious”aswell.Aswiththemātamvideosplayedon
thebarbershopTVscreens,Iconsidertheseimageshapticinthattheydrawthe
viewerintoaclosephysicalsensuouscontactwiththevisualcontent(Marks2002).
ManyofthevideosIobservedcommunitymemberstoplayonmobile
phonesfeaturedzanjīrmātamandtalwārmātamimagery,mostoftenrecordings
fromlivegatheringsfromSouthAsian—orsometimesEuropean—localities.ThusI
wassurprisedonedaywhenafriendandI,walkingonthesidewalknearthe
mosque,cameuponasmallgroupofyoungShiamenwatchingadifferenttypeof
video,withraptattention.Thevideofeaturedacompilationofstillimagesfrom
whatappearedtobeskateboardingandotherroadaccidents.Later,sittingwith
AsadandanotherfriendinAsad’sroomonalaptop,scrollingthroughthefriend’s
Facebookfeed,weencounteredafewimagesofgrotesqueaccidents.Inthefeed,
theseimagesweremixedinwithavarietyofothers:linkstonōḥavideoswith
thumbnailimagesofnōḥaḵẖawān(describedfurtherinChapter5),imageswith
abstractshapeandcolorsframinginspirationaltext,inEnglish,Urdu,andArabic(as
Idescribefurtherinthischapterbelow).
Inbothcases,myinformantsseemedtomarvelattheimages.Theyinduced
cringingreactions:Inotedarangeofcontortionsonmyinformants’faces.By
aligningzanjīrmātammourningvideoswiththegenreof“random-accident”videos,
viewersimporttheexperienceofself-injuriousmātam—andthusthememories,
experience,andfeelingsofKarbala—intotheenvironmentofDubai.Road,bicycle,
andskateboardingaccidents,asadepictionofvisceralpainparticulartourban
127
environmentsdissociatedwiththetraumasofwar,echointheeveryday
environmentofDubai.Accidentimagesclingtospeedingcars,busyintersections,
andcrowdedshared-usespaces.
InwritingabouttheconnectionbetweenShiamātamritualsandSufiecstatic
rituals,DavidPinaultdescribeshowSufidervisheswillsometimesengageinatype
ofgroupcompetitiontoseewhocanachieveagreater“degreeofdivinerapture”
(Pinault2001,37).Viewersengagedwithinjuryvideosinawaythatsimilarly
soughtever-moreextraordinarydepictionsofpain,Iobserved.Ionceencountereda
groupofmenassembledaroundamobilephonealongtheroadinfrontofthe
imāmbārgāhincentralDubai.Laterinfieldwork,againencounteringthisYouTube
videoonaninformant’scomputer,Ilearnedfromthetitlethattheplaceisattested
tobeMumbai.Thisvideobeginswithaheavy-setmiddle-agedmanwavingalong
swordinfrontofhimself(seeImage2.2).Heslowlyrockstheswordandhisbodyin
aslowrhythm,asatightlypackedgroupofmenwatch,someholdinguptheirown
camerasandphones.Hethenforcefullywhipshisbackwithswordtwice,incurring
deepopenwounds.Thelivevideopausesforamomentandstillimagesdepictthe
graphicextentofhiswounds,whichoozeblood.Asthevideoresumes,menaround
themātamdārtrytograbhimandswordtostophim.Heisabletoachieveonemore
blowtohisbackbeforeheisfinallystopped,andthementakehisswordandwalk
himofftoawaitingambulance,whileapplyingpressuretohisopenbackwound.
Similartotheaccidentcompilationvideos,themengatheredinDubaitowatchthis
unfoldonacellphonereactwithamixofamazement,amusement,andsome
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129
UnitedStates,andEastAfrica,aswellasIndia,Pakistan,andDubaiitself.Inthis
globalconfigurationofShiapractice,manypeoplerepeatedtheassertiontomethat
Shiapracticeisfreer(i.e.freefrom“pābandī,”or“restraint”)anywhereintheworld
outsideoftheArabianGulf.ThisispartlyduetoGulfleaders’historicalfearofthe
politicalorganizationofShias,withtiestothereligiousleadershipinIraqandIran,
giventheregion’sproximitytothosestates.Infact,aftertheIranianrevolution,Gulf
stateswereamongthose“targeted”byShiagroupsoperatingunderwelāyat-e-faqīh,
theframeworkofreligious-politicalgovernancethatKhomeinipromotedand
installed.InDubai,historicdistrustoftheShiacommunityiscompoundedbythe
state’scultivationofanenvironmentfriendlytoWesternbusinessenterprisesand
tourism.Assuch,publicareasarepolicedandgatheringsforcedindoorsand
subdued(whichIexploreingreaterdetailinChapter5).
WhileIarguethathand-heldmobilevideosintegratewellintothe
environmentofsecurityandrestraintinDubai,giventheirportabilityand
concealability,theyalsopreserveakeyaspectofthelive-viewingexperience.Inthe
backgroundsofmanyextrememātamvideosinSouthAsianlocalities,includingthe
videocapturedinImage2.3,mensurroundthemātamdār,holdingtheirowncell
phonesaloft,capturingtheexperience.In“realtime,”then,theexperienceof
viewingtheseritualsisalreadyoftenmediatedthroughamobilephonescreen,as
themendirecttheirgazetotheirphones,framingtheshot.Thewidescaleuseof
phonesasmediaforviewingclimacticmomentsofself-injuriousactionsuggeststhe
valueplacedonrecordingtheseevents,andretainingthemforlaterviewingand
sharing.Sincetheoriginaleventismediatedintheformofamobilecamera-view,
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131
Morespecifically,theU.A.E.hasthehighestsmartphonepenetrationrateinthe
worldat73.8%in2013,accordingtoGoogle’sOurMobilePlanetstudy.41
TheUnitedArabEmirates’strongperformanceinthesemetricsowesinpart
toDubai’slongcommitmenttoeconomicdiversification.HistorianChristopher
DavishasevennotedhowthecentraltensionandrivalrybetweenDubaiandAbu
Dhabiaidedtheoverallfederation’sgrowth.Dubai’shistoricalcommitmenttofree
tradebeganasabidtocapturemarketshareinshippingcommercefromIraninthe
early1900s—atimewhentariffsontradeatIranianportswerehigh—by
developingitsownportasanappealingalternative.ThoughDubainurtureditsown
domesticoilproductionasamaindriverofitseconomicdevelopmentfrom1970to
1990,leaderswereperpetuallyawareofitslagbehindproductionlevelsofAbu
Dhabi.GiventhehistoricalopennessofDubai’seconomy,manyforeignoil
companiesoperatinginAbuDhabiatthebeginningofitsoilboomin1960
outsourceditssupplychaintoDubai(Davidson2007,34-36).Andinthespiritof
freetrade,in1999Dubai’sCrownPrinceSheikhMuhammadestablishedfreetrade
zonesformediaandinternetcompanies,inaattempttobe“attheforefront”of
some“niche”developingindustriesintheArabworld.By2000,companiesin
InternetCity(a“free-zone”ofDubai)haddevelopedITinfrastructure,includinga
submarineinternetcable,andprovidedinternetservicesforavarietyofDubai
companies(Davidson2008b,116-117).Whilearangeofpro-businesseconomic
policiescreateanenvironmentthatlimitstheorganizationofShiareligious
41Fox,Zoe,2013,“The15CountrieswiththeHighestSmartphonePenetration,”Mashable,Aug27.Online[accessedNovember10,2015]:http://mashable.com/2013/08/27/global-smartphone-penetration/
132
practices,especiallyinpublic,thesepracticessurviveviamobilephoneand
computer-basedstreamingvideos:itselfalegacyoftechnologysaturationinDubai’s
free-tradeenvironment.
Workstrugglesandvisceral-expressivereligiousritual
AsImentioned,myinteractionswiththegroupthatcomprisedAsad
(describedabove)andhisthreefriendsincludedoccasionswhenIlentthemmy
iPhoneoroccasionallymylaptop,duringtheirnon-worktimes,sothattheycould
accessvisceralmātamvideocontentonline.Onotheroccasions,Idrovethemon
ThursdayeveningstomajlisgatheringsatanimāmbārgāhincentralDubaithat
featuredmoreforcefulmātamperformances.Whilezanjīrmātamwasdisallowedin
Dubai,andwhichIneversawoverfifteenmonthsofresearch,mātamatthissite
wasloudlyamplifiedandorganizedinanoutdoorcourtyard(seeImage2.4).AsI
argueinChapter5,Isupposethatthislevelofsoundwastoleratedbypolicegiven
thevisually-confinedlocation,nestledalongatightlypackedcommercial/urbanside
streetarea,andonethathadahigherlevelofambientnoise.
Asad’sroommateBashirwasapoetryreciter,thoughhewasalsothemost
gainfullyemployedamongthegroupandhemetmeandtheothersinfrequently.I
hadmore-sustainedinteractionswiththetwoothermembers,particularlyasI
observedthempursuemātamexperiencesandencounterreligiousimagery,
especiallyincontextsofworklife,orofthestruggletosecureworkandbe
productive.Toillustratetheconvergenceofimageryandvisceralitywithworklife
andjobseeking,letmerelatetwostoriesofmyrespectiveinteractionswiththem.
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134
fleet.Hewasinuniform:hehadcometothemosqueabitlatetocompletehis
prayers.
WajdandmyPathanfriendstruckupaconversationabouttaxidriving,
thoughmyfrienddiscouragedit.Hesaiditwasgruelingwork,twelvehourshifts
andmonthlyearningsquotas,whichoftennecessitateseven-dayworkweeks.Wajd
howeverdescribedhowhewasdesperate,andmyfriendsaidthathewouldinquire
withhisbosseswhetherthecompanyiscurrentlyhiring.AsWajdandIleftandwalk
towardacommercialareanearthemosque,heseemedabitmorediscouraged.I
offeredtobuyhimateaandsnacksaswepassanareaofcafeterias,andwestopat
one,ashecontinuedtodescribehissearch.Fortunately,hesaid,hehasscheduleda
jobinterviewhehadscheduledinSharjahforthefollowingday.Attheendofthe
meal,Ipaidforthefood;hethankedme,andaskedfor100durham($27USD)loan
sothathecouldpayforacabtohisinterview.Igavehim40durhams,andsuggested
thathetakeitasagiftratherthanaloan.Ialsonotedtohimthatitwillbeenough
forasharedtaxiorbustoSharjah.Heagreedandtookthegift.
Laterthatweek,onThursday,ImetAsadandtheothersaftermajlis.Iasked
aboutWajd,theysaidheisattheotherimāmbārgāh,knownforforcefulmātamin
centralDubai.WeekslaterIagainsawAsadandhisfriendswithoutWajd,andthey
saidthathewasstillsearchingforajob,andbecomingincreasinglydesperatenow,
asthegraceperiodonhisvisawasabouttoexpire.Hethusdidnotmeetwiththem
asfrequently.HewasinvolvedinaninterviewprocesswithamajorDubaitaxi
company,theytoldme.Also,hehasbeenregularlyattendingtheothermajlisin
centralDubai,withadifferentsetoffriends.
135
Alittleoveramonthlater,Isawhimagainbrieflyatateastallnearapopular
mosque.Hewasmuchmorerelaxedthen,andexplainedtomethathehadfounda
jobasadriverforalocalEmiratifamily.Hewasreturningtohisduty,heexplained,
andrushedoff.Iaskedoneofhisfriendsabouthisothertaxijob,andhesaidhehad
failedtheEnglishtest,andwasabouttoreturntoPakistan.Butatthelastmoment,
anothermemberoftheShiacommunityrecommendedhimfortheprivatedriver
job—oneforwhichhewaswellsuitedforgivenhisdriver’slicense.Ineversawhim
againthereafter.Inotehowhisincreasinglydesperatesearchforajobforcedhimto
disconnectfromhisusualfriendnetworkinDubai.Healsoincreasedhis
participationinmātamactivities,accordingtopeoplehisfriendswerestillintouch
with,whilehesharplycurtailedhisotherleisureordowntimeactivities.
IsupposethatmātamparticipationisanoutletforWajdtoexpresssomeof
hiswork-relatedfrustrations,giventheheightenedemotionalitycommontoboth
theconditionofjoblessnessandthesegenresofcommemorativeperformance.A
widebodyofethnographicworkexploresthemutually-enhancingrelationship
betweenformsofexpressionandformsoflabor.InherstudyofWolofgriotpoets,
JudithIrvineshowshowhighlyemotionalsungpoeticperformances“arouse”
laborerstowork“moreenergeticallyandenthusiastically”(Irvine1989,260).Erik
Mueggler’sstudyonpoeticmourninggenresinYunnan,Chinashowshow
“mournersexplicitlyassociatetheworkofgrievingwiththelaborofmaking
hempencloth”(Mueggler1998,981).Avarietyofstudiesexplorehowworksong
traditionsemotionallyexpressthe“aspirations”ofmigrantlaborers(Coplan1987,
418;Erlmann1996,109)andhowpopularreligiouspoeticgenresexpressaffectsof
136
aspirationandregretinrurallaborexperiences(Miller2007,274;Pandian2010,
70).Asagenrecharacterizedbytheperformanceofvisceralexcess,Iarguethat
mātamisparticularlywell-suitedtoexpresstheaffectsofworklifedesperationin
Dubai,asthisstoryofWajd’semploymentstrugglesuggests.
Realestateexcesses,workplacedowntime,andreligiousimagery
InthefriendgroupthroughwhichIpursuedrelationshipswithAsadand
Wajd,Ihadmoresustainedinteractionswithanothermember.Zakirwasunmarried
andinhislatetwenties,andworkedatasmallrealestateandpropertymanagement
officelocatedinanewdevelopmentontheedgeofDubai’ssouthwesternsprawl,on
theroadthatleadstoAbuDhabi.MyrelationshipwithZakirdeepenedasheallowed
metojoinhimandobservehiminhisofficeduringtheworkday.Givenmyinterest
inworklife,Iwaseagerforthechance.
Hewouldgenerallyinvitemetomeethimneartheendoftheday,aftermost
ofhiscolleaguesandsuperiorsinthesmallfirmhadgonehome.Theofficewas
nestledonalowfloorofamodernglass-and-marbleofficeandresidentialbuilding.
Hisworkarea—whichhesharedwithtwootherjunioragentsatthefirm—looked
outontoalargeoutdoorswimmingpool,thatwasalwayseithervacantorsparsely
usedbyresidentsofthebuilding.Beyondweremanyotherbuildingsinthelarge
growingdevelopmentarea,whichwerethemselvesnestledaroundtwomanmade
“lakes.”
Inmytimespentwithhiminhislate-daywork,hewouldoccasionallytake
workrelatedcallsonhiscellphone:arrangingdetailsforashowingwitha
137
prospectivetenant,ortakinginformationfromacurrenttenantabouta
maintenanceissue.Afterhegotonesuchcall,heexplainedtomehisproblemofthe
marketslumping.Tenantswereincreasinglyexpectinglowerprices,andfinding
betterdealsinotherareasofthecity,butmeanwhileownerswereloathetodrop
prices.Theresidentialdevelopmentareawasonly50%occupied,Zakirexplained.
Inoneofourlasteveningmeetingsatwork,IaccompaniedZakirandhelped
himfacilitateafewapartmentshowingsforsomeyoungprospectiveArabbuyers:a
groupofyoungfriendswhoaimedtoshareaspacetogether.Thetwoapartments
wereonoppositeendsofthenewdevelopmentareaaroundthelakes,andIdrove
Zakirwhiletheprospectivebuyersfollowedus,fromonesitetoanother.Afterthe
firsttwoshowings,Zakirseemedincreasinglygloomy.Thebuyerswerecriticalof
thespacesanddemandingofinformation,andInoticedthatZakircouldnotanswer
alltheirquestions.Whenaskedaboutroomdimensions,Zakircouldnotprovide
specificmeasurements.Atthefinalstop,Zakircouldnotgetthekeyfromthe
doormantoshowtheapartment.ToZakir’ssurprise,thedoormanexplainedthatit
wasstilloccupied.
ThepotentialbuyersthankedZakirbutleftseemingunderwhelmedbywhat
theyhadseen.Zakirturnedtomeaswewalkedbacktowardmycar,andadmitted
thathewouldprobablyneverseethemagain.Heeludedtohisownfinancial
strugglesandsaidhewasdesperatetocloseasaleorrentaldeal.Whilehewaspaid
asmallsalary,thebulkofhisearningscamefromcommissionspaidonsuccessful
closures,heexplainedtome.
138
Whennotshowingproperties,IoftenjoinedZakirinthelate-workdayinhis
office,observingasheusedhisworkcomputertobrowsehispersonalemailand
Facebookaccounts.Ononevisit,heaskedformyhelptoimprovethelookofhis
Facebook“wall:”themixofimagesandtextthatappearedasaseriesofposts,
connectedtohispublicprofile.Thisincludedbothitemshepostedandthosewhich
his“friends”hadpostedonhisbehalf.Ihadengagedwithanothergroupinasimilar
wayinthemonthsprior:thosewhowantedtheirwalltoreflecta“bettermix”of
images.AftermyfirstmeetingwithZakirinhisoffice,Irecordedthefollowinginmy
notes:
Hewantedtomakesurethathiswalllookedgood.ForhimthatmeantaseriesofratherseriouspostswithtextaboutIslam.Ihelpedhimunsubscribefrom,andthenhideafewpostsfrom,afriendofhis,whohedidnotknowanddidnotwanttobefriendswithanymore.Hewasconcernedabouthisprofilebeingsulliedwithimagesofwomenscantilyclad,forinstance.
OntheoccasionofthefailedshowingtothegroupofyoungArabs,wespentsome
moretimewithhisFacebookfeed.Iaskedhimaboutafewspecificposts,totryto
understandwhatcontenthelikedandwhathepreferredtoavoid.Aswediscusseda
fewselectedposts,Itriedtotakedetailednotes,andfoundafewimageslater
online,thathadbeenpostedinhisfeed.
InotedthatroughlyhalfofthepostsZakirandIexaminedcloselywereofa
“genre”ofpoststhatIhadbrieflyencounteredearlier,inasessionwithAsadandhis
friend(describedabove).Imagesinthisgenrehadthesentimentalqualityof
Hallmarkcards,andfeaturedabstractimages,oftenofpeopleorthingslikeflowers,
framedwithtextualmessagesthatwereofteninspirational,religious,orromantic.
Suchimagesareoftendesignatedas“Facebookwallpapers”online,Idiscovered
139
later.Belowisalistingofafewofthesewallpaperimagesweexaminedtogether,in
theorderastheappearedinhisfeed,asadescendingscrollingstreamofimagesof
text:
Table2.1
Typeof“friend”posting
Descriptionofpost:
female Animageofacoupleembracingwhilereadingabook,withthewordsinEnglishpastedoverthetop:“TogetherForever”(seeImage2.5)
female AnimagefeaturingwhiteArabictextagainstablackbackground,reading“ThereisnopowerbutfromGod.”
female AnimageofImamHussain’stombinKarbala,withtheareasurroundingthetombblurred,suggestingmovement.
male Abstractshadowyimagesofminaretsandachild’sface,withtextinUrdu,includingintransliteration:LabbaikyaaHussain(“IamatyourserviceHussain”).
female Acompositeimage:ononesideayoungwomansmellingaflower,ontheothersideshadowyhumanfiguresstandinginthebleaklandscape,withafieryredskyinthebackground.ThetextisanUrducouplet(inUrduscript):Tujhsēmansūbhūyētōyeḥaẓrathīrahī/humbhīkabhīapnēhawālēsēpakaṛējātē[Ifyoumakeaconnectionandthenimmediatelyfeelregret/Youwillneversummonit].
organization BannerwithUrdulanguagecallfamiliaratmajlisgatherings—Na‘reḤaiderī—writteninUrduscript,meaning“theroaroftheHaideris.”
female Animageofarosealongashoreline,asawavegentlywashesaroundit,andpartlyerodesaheartshapetracedoutinthesand.Captionedwiththewords“imissyou”inEnglish(seeImage2.6).
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141
Wecontinuedtoconsiderthepostsashetookacallonhiscellphone,andlater
chattedwithamalefriendinFacebook’schatfeature.WhileDubai’ssecurity
environmentforeclosestheopportunitytoengagemātam,anditsconservative
socialenvironmentdiscouragescontactbetweenthesexes,Zakir’saffinityfor
mātammadethevarietyofseriousreligiousimagesonhisFacebookfeedfamiliarto
him:anaffinitythatbringsthemintotheambitofhisordinarylife.
StillIarguemorespecificallythattheurgencyofhisworkdemandsalign
withthestruggleofKarbala(signifiedbytheimageofHussain’stomb,andthe“nare
haidari”image)andguidehimtoviewandcultivatetheseimagesinhisexperience
ofhisFacebookfeed.Thescaleoftheconstructedenvironmentinthissectionof
“new”Dubaiislarge,andtheopportunityisequallygrandscale.Onadailybasis,
Zakirentersthisenvironmentofsoaringtowers—mostofwhichexceed50stories
andhavelessthan50%occupancy—asasalesman.AsIcontinuetodevelopinthe
nextchapter,thescalelendstheworkadistinctlyaspirationalspirit.Ashesitsathis
workdesk,extendinghisworkdayashiscoworkershaveallleftworkandreturned
home,hecarefullyscrollsthroughFacebookpostingsandsingsnōḥētohimself,the
wordsechoinginthehallsofthesmallmarbleandglassofficesuite.
Excesstimeallowshimtomorefullyengagethevisceralandcommemorative
religiouscontentthatheotherwisemissesinDubai,asheuseshisworkcomputer
after-hours.Aswecontinuetotalkidlyabouttheeventsoftheday,healsosingsa
nōḥatohimself,chatswithhismalefriendsonline,andtakesaphonecallfromhis
friendonhiscellphone.Inthisway,theanxietyoverthefailedsale,andurgencyof
completingadeal,areenfoldedintotheactivityofengagingreligiouscontentonline.
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CensoringExcess
Ibeganthischapterwithadiscussionoftwochildren’sdrawings,asthey
werepresentedtomebyafriend.Centrally,Isoughttobetterunderstandthe
conditionsbywhichimages,spatialarrayedtogether,cometoappearcontrastingor
repellant,oralternatively,coherent.ThepopularinjunctiononShiastolivelife“asif
everydayisʻĀshūrā,andeveryplaceisKarbala,”andtheroleofHussain’sown
childrenintheKarbalabattle,guideFiroztoacceptandcelebratehisdaughter’s
renderingsofCinderellaandKarbalaasequallyuncontroversial,Iargue.Thelogicof
parentalandstatecensorshipofviolence,inordertoprotecttheinnocenceof
childhood,doesnotappeartoapplytotheseparticularimages.
MuchrecentwritingonFacebookusehasemphasizedtheimportanceofthe
requirementthatuserssupplyauthenticnames,incontrasttovariousonlineforain
whichusersshieldtheiridentity.AsaconsequenceofFacebook’sauthenticity
policy,studieshavefocusedonFacebook’sroletofoster“social”connections,a
senseofcommunityandbelonging(Hillewaert2015),andevensympathy(Miller
2013;Stout2016).Thesestudieshavebeenlessinterestedinformsof“non-social”
participationinFacebook.Iarguethatthealgorithmthatproducesaendlessstream
ofvariableimagesallowsZakirtoregularlyengagenewreligiousimagery,butposes
newproblemswithrespecttotheundesirablearrangementandintermixing
togetherofreligiousandnon-religiousimagery.Icontendstraightforwardlythat
Facebook’salgorithmisdesignedtoarrayimagestogethercoherently,asanaspect
oftheuser’sactivityonFacebook,hisexpressedpreferences,theactivitiesofhis
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friendsonFacebook,andsoon.Zakir’sat-timesassiduousefforttoadjudicate
imagesinhisFacebookfeed,andscreenoutundesirableones,atonelevelsuggests
afailureinthedesign(e.g.afailuretobesufficientlyflexible)ofFacebook’s“post”-
curationalgorithm,Iargue.Thatis,whileitappearslittleis“censored”outinthe
children’sdrawingsFirozshowedme,censorshipiseffectivelyinsufficientinthe
caseoftheFacebookimagesthatZakirengages.
Specifically,IarguethatZakir’sefforttofilteroutcertainunwantedimagesin
relationtodesirableonesisrootedinthesenseandlogicofḥalāl,bothasageneral
Islamicprinciple,andasIcametoobserveitoperateinDubai.Zakir’staskis
particularlyurgentgivenhispersonalimplicationintothearrayofimages,asthey
descendinanendlesschainfromhisuserprofile,bywhichheisauthentically
identifiedinFacebook’suniverse.Initsbasicsense,thelogicofḥalālisoneofpurity:
aguidetoconventionsbywhichoneoughttointeractwith,touch,orconsume
thingsintheworld.IexploretheḥalālframeworkfurtherinChapter5below,in
relationtothehybridsoundscapesofDubai.Inoneexample,whiledrivinginDubai
withagroupoffriendsandinformantsonenight,thedriverreactstotheintrusion
ofaprayerrecitationbroadcastoveraloudspeakeraswedrovebyamosque.The
clashofthereligiouslanguageoverourbanalandidleconversationposeda
problemforhim,asheremarks:“howarewetoknowwhattodo?Shouldwestop
andlisten?”Onotheroccasions,informantsdiscouragedmefromplayingQur’an
recitationsoverthecarradio,lesttherecitedwordsminglewithandbecome
ambientnoiseintheenvironment:integratedwithidleconversationsandidle
thoughts.
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Similarly,therangeofimagespresentedintheFacebookfeedistoogreat:
romanticimagesandreligiousimagesdonotsitcomfortablytogether,asZakir’s
reactionimplies.IftheendlesswhirlofdiverseimagesintheFacebookfeedaimsto
grabtheattentionofusersattunedto(ornumbedby)ahypermediatedlandscapeof
burgeoningnewmedia—aconditionsometimesassociatedwithmodernlife(Bolter
andGrusin2000)—Zakirrejectsthisformofexperience.Hispositionhighlightsa
paradoxcentraltotheincreasinglysalienceof“mediated”religiousexperiences
notedinreligiouspublicsingeneral(Meyer2011;Larkin2008;DeVriesandWeber
2001),andIslamicpublicinparticular(Hirschkind2006;Miller2007).
Particulartothestakesofthecurrentchapter,thechallengeZakirfacesin
engagingimagesisareminderthatthecultivationofexcess,viaimagesthat
commemorateabattlekeytothehistorical-mythicalmemoryofacommunity,for
instance,inthiscasealsocruciallyreliesonone’sexerciseofrestraintand
restriction.Similarlyparadoxical:Zakir’sproblemisa“side-effect”ofthesame
technologythatallowshimtoexperiencevisceralimageryinDubai’senvironment
inthefirstplace.Itisa“cost”associatedwithengagingthetechnology:an
undesirableexcess.Ifurthergeneralizethisethic—i.e.thecultivationofexcessasan
exerciseinexclusion—vianotionsof“intensity”and“purity”inChapter5below.
Conclusion
Ibeginandendinthischapterbyconsideringhowapparentlycontrasting
images—religious,non-religious,violent,romantic—becomeconstruedorarrayed
together.Putdifferently,Iconsiderhowstarklyandsuggestivelyviolentimagesare
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"normalized"throughaprocessofminglingwithothers,integratingintoa
patchworkorflowofeverydayimages.Ithelpsmeconsiderhowextraordinary
eventsandaffectsareenfoldedintotheeveryday,askeyethnographicstudiesof
violenceandmemoryhavesuggested(Das2007;Trawick2007).
InZakir’sstory,Iconsiderhowtheinflatedhousingmarketcreatedanexcess
ofresidentialspace.Anticipatinganongoingboom,developersfannedoutwardto
thecity'sfrontier,andprojectsliketheonearoundthemanmadelakesbegan.But
therealestatemarketcrashin2009createdaglutofunoccupiedresidentialreal
estatethatZakirstruggledtofill.Meanwhilehisofficeitselfwasbuilttoanticipatea
continuinghousingmarketboom.Intheafter-businesshoursofearlyevening,inthe
emptyspaceofhisofficesuite,ZakirspentidletimeengaginghisFacebookfeed
whereheencounteredvariousShiareligiousimagery,suchasthe“wallpaper”
encouragingloyaltytoHussain,captionedwith“LabbaikyaaHussain.”
Iarguethattheexperienceofengagingcommemorativereligiousimageryon
Facebooksubstitutesforthefirst-handexperienceofforcefulmātam.Iconsiderthis
anexampleofhowextraordinaryaffectsbecomeintegratedintoordinarylife.The
processwherereligiousimagesarereadilyintermixedwithothersforcesZakir,
Firoz,andotherstocriticallyevaluatetheplaceandcontentofnon-religious
imagery.ThisincludestheburdenforZakir,asaShiaandaMuslim,tocensorhis
feedandprotectreligiousmaterialfromthecorruptingeffectofprofanematerial.
Ultimately,Itracehowenvironmentalandmarketforcescreateempty
spacesandidlemachinery—theworkcomputerforinstance—throughwhichZakir
recuperatessomeformofparticipationinadisallowedShiaritual.Hisfrustration
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overnotlandingthecondominiumsaleiscounterbalancedbytheopportunityto
“unwind”—intheworkspace,andafterhours—andengagesomeofthisimagery,
andto“curate”hisfeed.
Theenvironment,inotherwords,conformsanethicof“crisismanagement”
or“managedexcess”particulartotheactivityofviewingreligiousimageryboth
insideandoutsideworkplaceenvironments.Thisethicallowscommunitymembers
likeZakirtoaligntheenduringandepicstrugglesa)ofmigrantworkinDubaiand
b)ofHussaininKarbala.ForShiasmigrantworkersinDubai,therequirementto
rememberKarbalaandtomaintaingainfulemploymentareparamountobligations.
Throughanethicof“managedexcess”particulartoviewingreligiousimagery,Zakir
andothersintegratetheireffortstomeettheseobligationsintothemundanework
ofeverydaylife.
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3.AspirationCreditanddebt,materiality,imagination,precarity,majbūrī
Ibeginwithanepisodethatinsomewaysresemblestheonethatbeganthe
previouschapter,butwithcuesleadingindifferentdirections.Isatoneeveningina
smallsingle-roomlivingspacesharedbyfiveworkers,whotogetherformedasmall
constructionservicescompanyinDubai.Oneofthem,Hamid,wouldbecomeakey
months-longrelationshipinmyresearch.Ashesatwithmeonthecarpetedfloorof
theirnearly-windowlessroom,hedescribedindetailsomeoftheirrecentprojects.
Ashetalked,andasIobservedinthecomingmonths,theypursuedcontractsto
sourceandinstallgypsum-workandwoodworkforhomeinteriorsandprovide
woodwork-finishingandinteriorpaintinginhomes.HamidhopedIcouldhelpthem
promotetheirbusinessinDubai,andhegavemeabusinesscardadvertisingthe
servicesheandanothermemberofthegroupprovided.TheEnglishprintonthe
carddescribedtheirbusinessas“paintsanddecor”services,thoughtheArabicprint
moremodestlyreadla‘amālalaṣbāgh(“paint-work”).Takingthecard,Icautioned
HamidthatmynetworkinDubaiwassmall,andImightnotbeofmuchhelpin
promotingthem.
Tofurtherhighlighttheirwork,Hamidretrievedabinder,whichheopened
onthefloor,revealingaseriesofphotossealedinplasticlaminate.Itookittobe
theirworkbook.Hedescribedthephotosasrepresentativeoftheirwork:oneshe
oftenpresentedtopotentialclients.Attemptingtoconceivewaysthattheycould
attractmorecustomers,Iaskedifhehadconsideredmakingawebsiteforthe
business—orevenaFacebookpage—wherehecouldpostthephotos.Hamid
wincedabitandshookhishead:“nahīṅkarsaktā,agarhēdūsrīkisīkōādmīchōrī
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karsaktā.”(“can’tdoit,ifwedid,otherguyscouldstealthem”)—whichIinterpreted
asadesiretoprotectthedesignsastheirintellectualproperty.
Weflippedthroughthebook.Avarietyofimagesdepictedinteriorscenes
fromwhatappearedtobehomes,featuringmarbleandwhitewashedwallstypical
ofvillasIencounteredintheGulfregion.Mixedinwereafewotherphotosthat
stoodout:oneoftheArcdeTriompheinParis,andanotherwhichIlaterrecognized
astheceilingdetailandfrescooftheUnitedStatesCapitalrotundadomein
Washington.Iglancedupathimaswepassedthoseimages,awaitinganyreaction
orasuggestionthathiscasualattempttoclaimthemashisownmightstrain
credulity.Heappearedtoscarcelyreact,however,andwecontinuedonthrough
variousotherphotos,mostlyofdecorativeinteriorhomedesigns.
Tobeanentrepreneuristoaspire.Yetwhatstruckmeaboutthisgroup—
andothersthatIobservedworkingtoenternearthebottomofDubai’sdynamic
developmenteconomy—wastheirsoaringself-promotionandambitiondespitean
apparentlymodestprojecttrack-recordandcycleofmountingdebt.Overthree
months,IworkedtoapprenticemyselfwithHamid’sbossKadir—theleaderofthe
business—andintheprocessalsobecameclosewiththejuniormembersofhis
team.Ijoinedthemattheirwork-sitesandinwork-timeactivities,oncontract
negotiations,andonsupplytrips.Iparticipatedinextensive“downtime”
interactionswiththemandobservedthemdiscusstheirwork,theircontracts,and
theirdebts,amongthemselvesandwithotherpartnersinthelocalShiacommunity.
Finally,Ialsojoinedastheyorganizedsmallmajlisgatheringsintheirroom,
especiallyonlateThursdayafternoons,whenHamidandothersrecitedversesof
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mars̤iyapoetryandsectionsfromtheQur’an.Forperhapstwomonthsinearly2012
thesmallroominwhichtheyalllivedtogether—inavilladirectlybehindamain
Shiamosque—servedasanexusformeasIchronicledtheirwork/lifeactivities.
Overtime,certainpatternsoftheirworklifeprocessemergedtome.For
instance,Iobservedthemcompeteformassivecontracts—onesthattheysaid
wouldyieldprofitsintherangeofa“hundred-thousand”Dirhams(1USDollar=
3.67UAEDirhams)andrequirerecruitingmanycontractlaborersfromIndia—but
laterwatchedthemreturntotheirroomwhennegotiationsstalledorfallenthrough
andsoberlydiscusstheburdenofoldunresolveddebts.Kadirandothersfashioned
themselvesas“master”designers,or“design-masters,”yetInotedhowtheysourced
theirdecorativegypsum-workpiecesfromwholesalesuppliers.Asaneldermember
oftheShiacommunity,Kadircommandedrespectfrommanyyoungermembers,
andyetIsawhimharshlytreatedandverballyridiculedinvariousbusiness
negotiations.
Myrelationshipwiththemunfoldedaroundaspiritofgiving.Kadir,Hamid,
andtheothersweregeneroustome:Ioftenjoinedthematmealsandinreturn
offeredhelppromotingtheirbusinessandnegotiatingdeals,someofwhichthey
acceptedandappreciated.Yetourrelationshipendedamidtheirexpressionsof
disappointmentwhen,inthefaceofacuterepaymentpressurefromothermembers
intheShiacommunity,Ideclinedtoextendthemasimilarlylargecashloan.My
relationshipwiththem,inotherwords,followedanarcseeminglysimilartomanyof
theirotherrelationships:onesbuiltonhighstakesandgrand-scaleambition,but
whichdevolvedintoformsofbitterdisappointment.Overavarietyofclose
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interactions,Inotedapersistentgapbetweena)theirhighexpectationsandinflated
self-promotion,andb)theirbusiness’spoorperformanceandthemundanereality
oftheirworkactivities.
Thischapterseeksinparttodrawoutthespaceinwhichtheyoperated:
oscillatingbetweenimaginedprosperity,virtualprofits,andgrimreality.Indoing
so,Iaimtoshowhowtheiraspirationalapproachtoself-promotiondrawson
grandioseandlarge-scalematerialsinthebuiltenvironment:bothactual
constructionsinDubaiandiconsofelsewherethatservedtoinspirethem.Inmy
analysisofvariouseffortstowinworkcontracts,forinstance,Ifocusonthequality
ofcertainmaterialsattheirworksites.Forinstance,intwokeycasesbelow,Inote
howKadir,asthegroup’sleaderandvisionary,wasdrawntoqualitywoodworks
andthechallengetoexpertlyfinishthemand,inparticular,tocorrectmistakesthat
areoutcomesandside-effectsofthe“blunt”processesthatdrivelarge-scale
constructionprojects.
Kadiraspired,inotherwords,toperformhigh-qualitywood-workthatbefits
thehigh-qualityofthematerialsthemselves.Forhimandhisgroupthelureofthe
opportunityto“finish”vacantandunfinishedconstructions,andtoworkwithhigh-
qualitymaterials,conformedtoanethicofstrivingthataffectsworkactivities,social
interactions,andreligiouspractices.Theirethicofstrivingperpetuatedamodeof
beingthatwasconstantlydisrupted.Theethicdestabilizedtheirsocialrelationships
inthecommunityandledthemtolimittheirparticipationingroupreligiousrituals.
ItledKadirtoprojecttime-framesthatexceededtheexpectationsofthecontracting
sitemanagers,forinstance.Ultimately,Ishowbelowhowthisstrivingethicled
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Kadirtooverlookpotential“quickfix”solutionsandtomissdeadlines,andthuslose
contracts.
Astheopeningscenetothischaptersuggests,membersofthisgroupoffset
andintermixedtheiradmirationofarchitecturaldesignsparticulartoDubaiwith
globalarchitecturaliconselsewhere.InanotherearlymeetingwithHamidinhis
sharedroomIsatwithhimatthedesktopcomputerthatthegroupshared,ashe
workedonhisFacebookfeed,andheshowedmeanimageoftheSydneyOpera
House.InwhatItookasanearnestandaspirationalappeal,heaskedmetohelp
himfindsimilarimagesoffamousAmericanarchitecture.Isearchedbrieflyand
foundafewsuggestions:photosoftheEmpireStatebuildingandtheGuggenheim
Museum.Withevidentsatisfaction,hepostedthemtohispage.
ResearchershavenotedthatWesternarchitecturalicons,particularly
skyscrapers,inspireurbandesignsinDubai(Turan2013,98-101;Elsheshtawy
2010,152-154;seealsoChewandSchmitt2000).AhmedKanna,forinstance,
quotesanofficialinRasalKhaimah,anearbyEmirate,whorefersto
NeuschwansteinCastle,Versailles,andtheEiffelTower,anddeclares,“Ithinkyou
cancreatemorethanthis…thisisacostlystructure,withthesamecost,youcan
makesomethingmuchmoregrandiose”(Kanna2011,89).IbelievethatHamid,in
assistinghissmallcompanyinbiddingforcontractsatmajorconstructionsites
aroundtheEmiratesofDubaiandAbuDhabi,isconverselyoriented.Thatis,his
interestinWesternarchitectureflowedfromhisorientationtoEmiratiarchitecture
inhisownworkacrossthecountry.
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Iaimtoshowinthischapterthatthroughtheirwork—andinparticular,
throughtheirattractiontobotha)high-qualitymaterialsintheworksite
environmentsinDubai,andb)thegrand-scaleofglobalarchitecturalicons—Kadir
andmembersofhisgroupbecamealienatedfromtheirsenseoftheirown
craftsmanship.Unrealizedaspiration,inotherwords,devolvedtodesperation,
whichalsocausedsocialisolation.Itdroveacycleofmountingdebt,astheysought
newmonetary“gifts”orinformalloansfromfriendsandrelativesinDubai,usually
withapromiseofasetrepaymenttimeframe,withastatedmonetaryneedrelated
toaworkcontract.Inotedhowtheyalsosoughtnewloansfromnewfriendssimply
inordertorepayoldandoverduedebtstoothers.
Theiraspirationalapproachtotheirworklifediminishedtheirsocial
relationshipsandtheirreputationinthiscommunity.Inavarietyofconversations,
othersincommunitywhoknewthemderidedthemfortheirdishonesty—attributed
totheirdisregardfortheirpromisesofrepayment—andtheirexcessivedesireto
accumulatewealth.Theirsituationparallelsakeynarrativeaboutpovertyand
sociallife,andthestereotypeofthe“grasping,dishonestpoor,”inJamesScott’s
celebratedstudyofclassconflictinruralMalaysia.Scottchroniclesamannamed
Razakwhofleecesotherswithunfulfilledpromisestoprovidegoodsinexchangefor
money.InScott’sanalysis,thetendencytowardunscrupulousbehaviorisnaturalto
“immediatematerialinterest”andthusiscommontolivedconditionsofbothwealth
andpoverty.Ultimately,suchtendenciesarecheckedvia“socialsanctions”against
deviantbehavior.Whatdishonestschemesrisk,inotherwords,whether
perpetratedbytherichorpoor,issocialisolationandscorn(Scott2008,23-24).
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Fatefully,despiteconcertedeffortstoaccumulatemoney,Razakremainsmiredin
extremepoverty.Kadir’seffortsatwealthaccumulationsimilarlyappearto
perpetuateacycleofdebt.
“Imagination,”stimulatedbygrand-scaleiconsandhigh-qualitymaterialsin
thebuiltenvironments,iskeytomyinquiryinthischapter,andcontinuesto
underscoremyanalysisinthenextchapter.Thequalityandscaleofmaterialsin
Dubai’sworklifeinspirepowerfulimaginingsthatsustainlifeforKadirandhis
group.But,whileJamesScotthighlightsmutualbitternessbetweenRazakand
membersofhiscommunity,KadirandHamidoftenseemedblithelyunawareofor
unconcernedwiththeirrupturingsocialrelationshipsandmountingdebts.The
prominentplaceofimaginationineverydaylifeforKadir’sgroupechoesAmira
Mittermaier’sargumentabouttheprominentroleofdreamingin“modern”lifein
Egypt.SheobserveshowpeopleconceivedreaminterpretationasaformofIslamic
practice,butalsonoteshow,moreprosaically,“dreaming”isregisteredincertain
extravagantlybuiltspacesinEgypt,suchasamusementparksandseasidetourist
destinations(Mittermaier2010,8-9).Variousanalysesofconstructionsand
engineeredlandscapesinDubaialsoemphasizefantasyanddreaminessasan
centralelementofarchitecturalstyles(Davis2008;Barrett2010;Elsheshtawy
2010).
InMittermaier’sanalysis,imaginationsfueledbygrandiosearchitecture
servesinpartto“counterbalance”the“bleakrealityof‘reallife’”(8).Thischapter
tracestheparticularchallengesofKadir’sgrouptotraverseandreconcilethegap
betweenaspirationalidealsandgrimreality.Attemptingtoredeemtheirstruggling
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company,Itracehowformsofimaginationtiedtoworklifesometimesmorphedinto
creativeattemptsatattribution(aswiththephotosintheworkbook)andother
formsofdeception.Ahallmarkofprecariouslife—andalso,Isuggest,ofthedriveof
urbanplannersandarchitectstobuildskyscrapers42—thepotentialforthe
realizationofgreatwealthisconjoinedtothepotentialforgreatcalamity:boomand
bust.
Imagination,extravagantaccounting,entrepreneurialdrive.
Inotedatendencytowardextravagantquantificationinmanyofmyresearch
interactions.OnenightinSeptemberIsatwithNadimandAsgar(featuredin
Chapter1)inaparkneartheneighborhood’smainShiamosque.Wehad,inthe
monthsprior,conversedaboutwealthaccumulationandworkinDubai,and
tensionsbetweencapitalismandIslam.AsgarandIsatidlyonabench,aswe
lookedoutoverthesmallpark,watchingcarsspeedbyonthebusyroadonthe
otherside.Nadimpacednearby,tryingtorecoversomelostdataonhisphone.We
discussedbusinessideas.Topokefunattheseeminglyendlessdriveforprofits
projectedbysomeworkinginDubai,Asgarwrylyannounced,“Ineed1crore43
dirhamstobehappy.”Nadimextendedthehyperbole:“Ineed1croredollarstobe
happy,”hedeclared.
42EconomistAndrewLawrence’s“skyscraperindex”theorynoteshowtheinceptionofrecord-breakingskyscraperprojectsoftenprecedeor“coincide”withmajoreconomicmarketcrashes,notingthelinkbetweentheconstructionoftheChryslerBuildinginNewYorkandthe1929StockMarketCrash,forinstance(Thornton2005,52).U.A.E.-basedurbantheoristYasserElshestawy(2010,155)extendsthemodeltoincludethelinkbetweentheconstructionoftheBurjKhalifaandthe2009marketcrashinDubai.43I.e.tenmillion.
155
InarelatedepisodelaterthatmonthImetoneeveningwithalong-term
acquaintance,Nafeez,aPakistanibarberfromashopneartheShiamosqueand
imāmbārgāh.Whileothersinthiscommunityhadaskedmeforrelativelylargeloans
inthepast,hisrequestseemedtoexceedthem.Ididnotfullyunderstandhisplea,
butheseemedtosolicitmyparticipationinafriend’sbusinessventure,wheremy
investment,andreturn,wouldbe“millions.”Nafeez’srequestflaggedformehis
perceptionofDubai’sextremescaleofwealthinthecontextofpost-boomeconomic
uncertainty.
Myinteractionswiththegroupofthedesignersalsofeaturedsome“grand-
scale”estimationsofwealthandprofitfromtheirbusinessactivities.Isatlateone
nightwithKadirintheroomhesharedtogetherwithhisfourworkers:partofa
multi-occupancysingle-story“villa”typicaltothelow-riselandscapeof“middle”
Dubai.44WewerejoinedthatnightbyJunaid,Kadir’sPakistanibusinesspartner,
financialbackerandagent-assistantindeal-making.Iobservedthemastheywent
overbudgetdetailsonpaper,beforeanegotiationtheyanticipatedthenextday.
Havingfinished,Junaidclosedhisaccountingbook,andwesatandengagedinmore
idleconversation.
Musingopenly,Kadirbegantotalkabouthisplantomovehisgroupoutofits
currentrentedroomintoamorespaciousnearbyflat.HisvisionincludedJunaidand
I.Hesuggestedwecouldalllivetheretogether,eachwithourownbedroom,while
44Anareadominatedbymostlyone-andtwo-storywhite-washed(andsand-swept)residentialvillas,geographicallybetweenthenarrowwindingalleysandtightmulti-storymixedresidential/street-levelcommercialbuildingsoftheCreekarea—thehistoriclocationoftheearliestDubaisettlement—andthenewerconstructionsbeginningatBurjKhalifainthe“downtown”area,andextendingsouthalongtheseacoastlinefromthere.
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theotherworkerscontinuedtosharetheirownroomseparately.Continuingto
muse,helaughedabitasheconsideredotherbusinessprojectswecouldplanand
launchtogether.Hisvoicefilledwithclimacticenthusiasm,ashedeclaredthatwe
couldallbecome“veryrich.”Inanefforttotampdownhisexpectations,I
emphasizedmyongoingeducationandmymotivationtolearninDubai,nottostart
businessesperse.Junaidalsodemurred,sayinghewasonlymotivatedbytheneed
tohave“enoughtogetby.”45
DiscoursesandpopularunderstandingsofwealthaccumulationinDubai
reflecttheEmirate’shistoryofmarketderegulation.Inthemid19thcentury
MakhtumfamilyrulerseliminatedtaxesontradetoshoreupDubai’sstatusasa
regionalcommercialhub,inparttocounterbalanceAbuDhabi’sgrowingpolitical
andmilitaryprominence.AsChristopherDavidsonhasablynarrated,trafficthrough
Dubai’sportincreaseddramaticallyintheyearsfollowingderegulation,an
advantageDubaihasretainedanddefendedthroughlaterphasesofdevelopmentin
thetwentiethcentury(Davidson2007,34-35).
ScholarsstudyingsociallifeandurbandesigninDubai’sdevelopment
(Kanna2013;Elsheshtawy2013)havefoundusefulaliteratureonspectaclein
worldcities(Short2004)andonspectacleinMarxistcritiquesofcapitalistic
production(Debord1983;Davis2008).Debordrouteshiscritiqueofspectacle
throughMarx’stheoryoflaboralienation,wheresocietyproducesspectaclesthat
thenservetorepresentthesociety,forinstanceasobjectsof“gazing”and
45Byexpressingrestrainthere,IinterpretJunaidtoalignhimselfwithbasicIslamicinjunctions(especiallyShia)againsthording,rootedforinstanceinthespiritofkhums,ayearlytaxonsurpluswealthfromworkandbusinessearningsthatShiaspay.
157
“contemplation.”Butbyvirtueoftheirmateriality,separation,andinaccessibility,
spectaclescometorepresenta“falseconsciousness,”heighteningthedisplacement
oftheobserverfromthemateriallandscapeofthecity(Debord1983,2).David
Harveyechoesthisconcernindescribingtheeffectofalienationanddissociationon
life(especiallyinAmerica)incontextsofurbandevelopment,asking“havewe
becomemeremonadstossedaroundinanurbansea”(Harvey2015,272).
TowersbecomespectaclesofDubai’smaterialdevelopmentandcultureof
wealthaccumulation:objectsofaspirationforexpatriateworkersandespeciallyfor
designers.IarguethattheShia’scommunity’saspirationalparticipationinfree
marketeconomiesoflarge-scalewealthaccumulation—exhibitedbyHamidandhis
groupofdesigners—ontheonehand“dispossesses”themoftheiroriginaltoolsof
ethicalvaluation(Elyachar2005,7-10),asIdevelopfurtherbelow.Ialsoseesuch
aspirationasaformofvirtualparticipation—aperpetualstrivingforunattainable
andoutlandishendsrootedinunrealandprecariousmodesofaggrandizement.I
supposethereisakinshipbetweentheplanofmybarberfriendNafeezandtheget-
rich-quickpyramidschemesthatproliferatedinpost-apartheidsouthernAfrica
“thatflowfromapromiscuousmixofscarcityandderegulation”(Comaroffand
Comaroff1999,281).Whatsuchstrivingssharearetheirvirtualvaluations,which,
duetotheirperpetualunrealizationareprecariousandunstable.Thespacebetween
thelossoftraditionalethicalvaluationsandexclusionfromcapitalist
aggrandizementistheproductivespaceofavirtualstriving,itselfaproductofa
precariousvitality.
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Texturesofaspirationallife.
MyinitialinteractionswithHamid,Tamir,andtheotherjuniordesignersin
Kadir’screw—aswithnearlyallmyrelationshipswithmembersofthisShia
community—werebasedonasenseofgenerosityandsharing.Theywerealso
gearedtowardfunleisure-timeexperiencesinDubai.Allfourjuniormembersofthe
groupwereunmarried,andinagewewereallroughlypeers:Hamidwasinhisearly
thirties,Tamirinhislatethirties,andtheothertwointheirlatetwenties.They
invitedmetojointhemonoccasionalshoppingtripsinnearbycentralDubai
shoppingdistricts,forinstance.Ononedaytimetrip,wesnappedcellphone-photos
framedagainstthebackdropofDubaiCreekhigh-risebuildings,andonanother
late-nightmarkettrip,againstthebackgroundofasleekglass-and-metalsurface-
levelentrywaytoaDubaiMetrostation.TheywerekeentoenjoyDubai’spublic
spaces.
Inmixed-socialinteractionsatreligiousgatheringsites,Inoticedtheir
tendencytomakeexaggeratedstatementsandconductthemselvesmoreformally.
Whiletheseinteractionscontrastedwithformsoffree-wheelingenjoymentinpublic
commercialspacesinDubai,Iconsiderbothtobeaspectsoftheiraspirational
modesineverydaylife.Theyoccasionallyjoinedmeaftermag̠ẖrib(evening)prayers
inthecourtyardofthemainShiamosque,anenvironmentthatencouraged
socialization,chancemeetings,andnetworking.Myconversationstherecovereda
wide-rangeofsubjects,butInotedthesitewastargetedbyjobseekers.Onafew
159
occasions,individualmenwouldstartconversationswithme,beforeofferingme
theirresumeandhumblyrequestingmyhelpintheirjob-search.
Once,HamidandIstruckupaconversationwithtwomennearus,who
explainedtheywererecentlyoutofwork.Oneofferedmehisresume.Lookingatit,I
notedtoHamidthathehadworkedasapainterinhispreviousjob.Hamidquickly
ranthroughtherangeofprojectsthatKadir’sgroupwasworkingon,andthen
startedtodescribehisworkataluxuryapartmentsite,ononeofDubai’sinfamous
“palm-shaped”islands.Inthisinstance,andinotherinteractionsIhadwithHamid
andTamirinKadir’sabsence,InoticedhowHamidprojectedhimselfasifhewere
thegroup’sleader.ThoughHamidandTamirreceivedasalaryfromKadirandwere
reliantonhimfortheircontracts,includingtheoneatthepalmisland,they
maintainedaseparateidentityasapartnershipofindependentcontractors.Their
businesscard,forinstance,listedtheirnamesandcontactinformationprominently,
butnowheregaveKadir’sinformation.
WhileHamid’songoingworkatthepalmislandwaspartofabidthatlooked
increasinglyunlikelytosucceed—asIdescribeinfurtherdetailbelow—hetalkedto
themeninthecourtyardthatnightasifithadbeenwon.Hefalselydescribedhow
hemanagedacrewoftwenty,andsuggestedvaguelythathemightneedmoresoon.
ThatsuggestionseemedtocorrelatewithanassessmentKadirexpressedtomedays
earlier,abouttheworkershewouldneedtorecruitforthepalmislandprojectif
theywonthecontract.Hamidendedbyreferringtovariouspartnersheknewinthe
project,whichseemedpartofanefforttopromotehimselfaswell-connected.While
160
Hamidstressedthathisgroupcurrentlydidnotneedassistance,thetwomenasked
himtorememberthemandcontactthemifheneededtohireworkersinthefuture.
IinterpretHamid’smostly-dismissiveattitudetowardthementhatnightasa
desiretoprojecthispersonalcontroloverthebusiness.ButIarguethathisattitude
alsoreflectedaselectivepreference,andafeelingofsuperiorityamongKadir’s
groupingeneral,basedonthegroup’sparticularcommunalidentity.Allfive
memberswerepartofthesameSayyidlineage,46havingtracedtheirdescent
throughthesameShiaImam,andwerenativetothesamenorthIndiavillage.On
thisoccasioninthemosquecourtyard,andinothermeetingswithmembersofthe
broaderdiverseShiacommunityinDubai,Hamidseemedtoattempttodefendthe
group’sparticularSayyididentity.Moregenerally,theirself-assuredand
exaggeratedassessmentsoftheirworkperformanceaimedtoprojectasenseoffelt
“superiority”befittingtheirSayyidstatus.47
Inanotherexamplefrommonthsearlier,IbroughtanotherfriendLatif,a
non-SayyidPathanfromPakistan’sFATAtribalregiontomeetKadir’sgroup.Latif
operatedasmall“technicalservices”groupinDubai—providingservicestorepair
in-homemachineryandappliances—andIsuggestedthathemighttryto
collaboratewithKadirandhisgroup.Latifandtheothersinhisgroupwerepolite
butdistrustful.Atonepoint,LatifaskedifHamidandhisfriendswereBihari:
46InIslam,aSayyidlineageisonetracedbackthroughmalerelativestotheProphet’smalegrandchildren(andtotheProphethimselfthroughhisdaughterFatimah).TwelverShiaSayyidsoftendistinguishamonglineagesbasedontheImamfromwhomtheirdescentbegins;manythenadoptthenameofthatImamastheirsurname.SayyidswhoacknowledgedescentfromaparticularImamoftenclustertogetherincommunitiesinparticularvillagesandlocalitiesinIndiaandPakistan.Toprotectmyinformants’identities,Idonotnametheirparticularlineagehere.47ForainvestigationintotheplaceofSayyididentitiesacrossvariousMuslimcommunity,historicallyandinthepresent-day,seethevolumeeditedbyKazuoMorimoto(2012).
161
referencinganIndianstateoftenreputedforitsunderdevelopment,alabelthat
impliedunrefinementintheexpatriatecommunity.Theyindignantlyrepliedthat
theywereSayyid,andtofurtherconveythequalityandhigh-standardsoftheirwork
theyopenedthebookofdesignsandshowedhimafewrepresentativeimages—
thoughasIdescribedinthebeginningsectionofthechapter,thosedesignsbore
littleresemblancetotheworkIobservedthemtoactuallyperform.
Aspirationandtheimaginativetelosofdevelopment.
Recentanthropologicalworkon“cosmopolitanism”andaspirationdonot
projecta“worldwithoutborders”somuchasa“worldfullofborders”that
individualsstriveto“overcome”(Schielke2012,30;seealsoLeal2011;Majumder
2012).Theroleofimaginationasanimportantdimensionofmodernlife(Appadurai
1996,2-11),itinerantlife(Pandolfo1997,182-185;Crapanzano2004,13-18),and
intheconstructedspaceofmodernnations(Anderson2006;VanDerVeer1995)
hasalsobeenarguedfor.Twosignificantethnographically-basedaccountsinpost-
colonialspacesofSouthAsiaprovidevisionsofimaginationandaspirationas
processesofbecoming(intheBergsoniansense).Drawingontheagrarianlivesofa
criminalcasteinTamilNadu,AnandPandiancontraststhemoralperfectionism
internaltocolonialmodelsofdevelopment—modelsbasedonateleologicalviewof
historyandprogress—withpeasantmodesofreimaginingmodernityandprogress
asvestedinthemateriality(forinstance,agingmachinery)ofpeasantlife(Pandian
2009,8,17-23).Pandianfindsresonancebetweenthetypeofdevelopmental
imaginingheobservesinsouthernIndiaandBenjamin’ssenseofexperienceasa
162
“processofunfolding,”aswellasBergson’ssenseofmaturationasaprocessof
“creatingoneselfendlessly”(Pandian2011,169).SimilarlyNaveedaKhandrawson
aBergsoniansenseof“timeasbecoming”tounderstandtheformationofPakistan
asaperpetualcomingintobeing—apartofoverlappingself,social,andstate
projectsof“becomingMuslim”(Khan2012,5-10).InbothPandian’snotionof
developmentandKhan’sofaspiration,“process”andmovementareforegrounded.
Theideaofreimaginingdevelopmentprocessesintermsgermanetopeasant
experienceresonateswithmyunderstandingofhowcertainUrdu-speaking
expatriatesinDubaiappropriateandvestdevelopmentprocessesinaspectsofwhat
Icallminorityexperience.Astheaboveexamplesfrommyfieldworksuggest,
businessmeninthiscommunityinavarietyofwaysareexcludedfromparticipation
inDubai’slarge-scaleeconomiesofremunerativeaggrandizement,andthusforgea
virtualsenseofparticipationthatrunsastridetheformal/dominanteconomyand
gainsgroundintheworkofimagination.Thisvirtualeconomyforgesrealfinancial
relationshipsamongmembersofthecommunity,mostmateriallybytheinformal
exchangeofcredit.Butitalsolimitsparticipants’abilityto“deal”withothersinthe
formal/mainstreameconomy.Ihopetoshowhowbusinessdealsareaffectedby
participationintheseaspirational/virtualeconomies,bydrawingonmyexperience
withthisgroupofinteriordesigners.
Generally,Iseesuchregimesofaspirationasinhibitedanddrivenbyinternal
instabilities.Khanidentifiesskepticismasbothabyproductandcounterforceto
aspirationinlayMuslimeverydaylife.Khandescribesananxietyamongsome
MuslimleadersthatwhenlayMuslimsindulgeexcessivelyindeliberative
163
disputationanddebatetheywillshirktheirsocialandreligiousdutiesandritual
obligations(Khan2012,12-14).SkepticismintheworkofVeenaDas(2007)(on
whichKhandraws),isinonewaythedoubtthatonecanknowthepainofanother,a
problemwhichtheritualsandlanguagesofmourninghelpovercome,returning
remoteexperiencesofpainandviolencetotheeverydayworld,bridgingbetween
“thedistantshoreandtheeverydayshoreinwhichviolenceandgriefaremet”(Das
2007,57-58).
Thenotionofadestabilizingforceconjoinedtostriving/development,which
KhandevelopstotheorizelifeinPakistan,addsdepthtohowIunderstandeconomic
aspirationinDubai.Ratherthanalossofritualactioncausedbyexcessiveimagining
and“abstractthinking,”participantsandobserversItalkedtointhisShia
communitymournedthelossofanoriginalformofsociality—asenseofhowto
correctlyengagemateriallywithothers—whichisforfeitedbyparticipatinginthis
virtual/aspirationaleconomy.Thisisakintothelossoflocalformsofvaluationthat
JuliaElyacharidentifiesinCairowhenworkingclasscommunitiesenterthefree
marketplace(Elyachar2005,8).InthefearsofPakistan’s‘ulamā’48andthe
observersandparticipantsofDubai’svirtualeconomy,aspirationimperilsone’s
socialandsensorialrelationstotheworld.Adeclineineverydaysocialrelations,if
notinthesensorialityofritualpracticeitself,isatstake.
Toexaminethedisconnectionsachievedcausedbyparticipationinthe
virtualeconomyIoutlineinthesectionbelowaseriesofpursuedbusinessdealsI
48(sg.alim),traditionallythosetrainedasIslamiclegalscholars.InPakistanandIndia,theyareconventionallyknownasrespectedpreachersfromelitefamilieswhohavefinishedtheirseminaryeducation,contrasted(andsometimesinconflictwith)lesseducatedpreachers,oftenfromlowersocioeconomicbackgrounds,popularlyknownasmullahs.
164
observed.Inthesectionfollowing,Idetailhowarobustcycleofcreditanddebt
withinthecommunity(inwhichIbecameimplicated)isanaspectofaspirational
modesofbeing,inwhich,asvariouspeopleattested,promisesofrepayment
frequentlygounmet.ItisinthiscontextofparticipatinginunmetpromisesthatI
latercametoseeHamid’screativeattributioninhisphotoportfolioasanexpression
ofbothaspirationanddesperation.
Highexpectations,faileddeals:partone.
KadirwaslatemiddleagedandhadbeenworkinginDubaiforover20years.
InfiveyearshehadrecruitedHamidandtheotherworkersallfromhisnative
villageinIndia,throughfriendandkinconnections.KadirhasafamilyinIndia,
includingawifeandson,whomheoftentalkedtofromhisroom’scomputerby
Skype,andonafewoccasionsalsointroducedtome.Whenmytwootherclose
contactsfromIndiafirstintroducedmetohiminJanuary2012,theyaskedmeto
prayforhim,asthegrouphadenduredasustainedperiodoffinancialwoe,that
stemmedfromadearthofnewwork,andalso,asIfoundoutlater,fromlargedebts
owedtoothersintheUrdu(andlikelyUrduShia)communityinDubai.
Whileourrelationshipwasbasedonsomemutualadmiration,bylate
February2012Iwastryingtofindwaystomakemyselfusefultothegrouptogain
accesstoobservethemontheircontractjobs.Whentheopportunityforanewdeal
forthemaroseatalargeconstructionsiteinAbuDhabi,Iofferedmyassistanceto
helptranslateinthenegotiation(Kadir’sEnglishwaspoor)andtogenerally
advocateforhim,inexchangeforaccompanyinghimonthesitevisit.Heaccepted,
165
butmadeotherstatementsinthecomingdaysthatseemedtoenvisionagreater
roleforme.Hesaidononeoccasionthathewantedmetomanagetheworkers,in
exchangeforwhichhewouldpaymeapercentageofprofits.Iagainexpressedmy
commitmenttomyongoingeducationintheUnitedStates,andmyresearchin
Dubai.
InMarch,IaccompaniedKadirandJunaidontheirvisittoAbuDhabiforthe
negotiation.Alittleoveranhourintothecarjourneytothesite,Kadirstoppedusat
aroadsideḍhābā,orIndo-Pakistanirestaurant,whereheorderedandpaidforan
expensivelunch.Theworksiteforwhichtheyhadbeenrecruitedwasanearly-
finishednewconstructionontheoutskirtsofAbuDhabicity,alonganartificially
constructedcanal.Thedustyroadgavewaytothewidewaterwayandthentothe
imposingconstruction,mostlysealedwithglassandgleaminginthemiddaylight,
butwithsomeupperfloorsstillexposedastheworkcontinued.Thebuildingwasto
beaninternationalluxuryhotel,Kadirhadexplainedtomeonourdrivethatday.
ConstructionatthesitewascoordinatedbyaChinesefirm,andinitiallya
middle-agedChinesewomenandheryoungassistantmetusoutsideatrailernear
thesitewhenwearrived.APakistaniforemansoonarrived.Hewasayoungman
whospokefluentEnglishandseemedtobeafriendofJunaid.Ilaterunderstoodthat
hehadarrangedthebidmeetingbetweentheChinesesupervisorandKadirat
Junaid’surging.ThesupervisordirectedtheforemanandherChineseassistantto
giveusatourofthesiteanddescribetheworkthatKadirwouldneedtofulfill.
Weboardedaserviceelevatorandascendedseveralfloors,gettingoffata
highfloorthatwasbusywithmeninbluejumpsuits,mostlyfromBangladesh,asthe
166
foremanexplained.TheassistantaddressedoneapparentlyBangladeshiworkerin
Mandarin,whogaveahaltingbutspiritedreply.Ourgroupandtheworkerlaughed,
andtheassistantcongratulatedhimforhisefforttolearnandspeakhislanguage.
Aroundafewmorecorners,wheremenworkedtofixdrywallaroundsome
exposedmetalbeams,wearrivedatarowofroomsalongahallway,whichhad
exposedconcretefloorsbutwasotherwisemostly-finished.Theroomshadmost
furnishingsandinstallationsalreadycompleted:toiletsandshowerheadswere
installed,thefloorswereoftileandmarble,wallswerepaintedwhite,andwooden
panelingnearthewindowsandabuilt-inwoodendesktopsinthecornershadbeen
installed.Stilltheroomsseemedpoorlykept:athicklayerofgreydusthadformed
onthemarblefloorthroughwhichvarioustrailsofboot-printsran.Thetoiletofthe
firstroomweviewedappearedtohavebeendamagedafterbeinginstalled:the
porcelainwascrackedalongthetopandhandleapparentlybroken.Theyhadlikely
notbeenused,Ithought(sincewaterservicehadnotyetbeenconnectedthrough
thebuilding)butratherhadbeenmistreated.Thedustonthefloorandonthe
fixturesindicatedthatsometimehadpassedsincetheirinstallation.
Weapproachedthewoodwork,andittoohadapparentdamage.Thepanel
waswarped,withthefinishononesidechippingoff.Astheylookedovertheroom,
theassistanthandedKadirandJunaidaworksheetlistingtherangeofrepairsfor
whichKadirwouldbecontracted,describingexistingdamagesinover100guest
roomsliketheonebeforeus.Heexplainedthatthepreviouscontractorwhohad
installedthewoodworkhadmademistakesinmanyoftherooms.Hepointedout
167
someoftheobviousflawsandexplainedthat,thoughtheroomwasworsethan
most,theproblemsintheothersweresimilar.
Kadircarefullyexaminedthewoodworkpanelinganddesktop.He
approvinglynotedtoJunaidthe“quality”ofthewood(“qualitybahuthe”).Hethen
explained,andJunaidtranslatedinEnglish,thatinordertofixithewouldhaveto
removethepieceandreinstalltheanchoringto“reset”thewoodworkproperly.It
wouldtakesometime,hecautioned.Butheassuredtheassistanthehadexperience
withthiskindofwork.TheassistantseemedpleasedandassuredbyKadir’s
commitment.Heledusbackintothehallwayandshowedusafewmorerooms
withsimilarproblems.
HavinggonethroughthedetailstothemutualsatisfactionofKadirandthe
assistant,wereboardedtheelevatortoreturntothesupervisor’strailerfor
negotiations.Onthewaybackdown,KadirandtheChineseassistantjokedwiththe
Indianelevatoroperator,insomebasicEnglish.Kadirseemedhopefulandconfident
goingintothenegotiationswiththesupervisor.Arrivingbackatthetrailerfrom
whichwestartedourtour,thesupervisorinvitedusintoheroffice,whichwas
clutteredwithvariousequipmentandnumerousfilingcabinets.KadirandJunaidsat
downinfrontofherdesk,whileIsatslightlyofftooneside,andthesupervisor’s
assistantstoodattentivelybehindher.
Theconversationbeganinfriendlytones:itseemedtomethatthesupervisor
wasaseagerforadealasKadirwas.Sheexplainedhowtheprojectfacedpressure
toreachcompletionsoon,asworkhadfallenbehindschedule.Uponbeginningto
discussprice,however,thetoneofthenegotiationquicklychanged.Lookingover
168
thesheet,talkingthroughtheworkagainwiththesupervisor,andthenafter
consultingwithJunaidaside,Kadirofferedhispriceof100,000dirhams(AED)for
thefullwork.Thesupervisorappearedaghast.Kadirquicklytriedtoexplain,while
Junaidhelpedtotranslate,thathisintentionwastoremove,correct,andcarefully
reinstallallthemisfitandwarpedwoodwork.Thesupervisorcounteredwithher
contentionthatthedamagesweremostlysuperficial,andquicklyoffered25,000
AEDaspaymentinstead.“It’sjusttouch-ups,”sheimploredrepeatedly,withsome
exasperation,asshemadeapaint-brushinggestureintheairwithherhand,
suggestingthatthedamagecalledonlyforconcealment.
Kadirreactedwithbothdisappointmentandfrustration.Heshookhishead
insomedisbelief,reactingtohercounterofferandagitation.Junaidintervenedand
politelytriedtoarguetheneedformoresubstantiverepairs,buttheagainthe
supervisorscoffed.Shecalledthemboth“crazy”forexpectingtheirpriceinlightof
(inherview)themodestworkrequired.Afterabitmorebackandforth
“negotiation”overthedetails,thegapintheirexpectationswasonlyslightly
bridged:thesupervisoroffered30,000andKadirreducedhisbidto85,000.
Inafinalbidtosavethenegotiation,thesupervisorpartiallyacceptedKadir’s
desiretoprovidedetailedrepair,withamoremodestoffertofixonly10-15rooms
withtheworstdamage.Itwouldlikelyrequireonlyoneweekofworkandtwo
workersfromhiscrew,shesuggested.Shepresenteditasquicktransactionwith
Kadirgroup,forwhichshewouldpay7,000AED.Clearly,theofferundercutKadir’s
hopeandexpectationtosecurealargeworkcontract,andheseemeddejected.In
theend,however,heofferedtothinkaboutitandreplylater.Astheyshookhands
169
thesupervisorseemedhopefulthataquickandsimpletransactioncouldbemade,
whileKadirappeareddeflatedbytheday’soutcome.
InmynotesthatnightIreflectedonmysurprisethatKadirwouldbeso
willingtogiveupevenamodestdeal,givenwhatappearedtobethegroup’s
desperatefinancialstate.Ialsowonderedwhethertheconstructionprojectitself
wasover-budgetandfacingfinancialpressureorindisarray,giventhattheworkto
bedoneinvolvedcorrectinganothercontractor’smistake,whichstillsuggesteda
failureofsupervision.Perhapssuchlate-phaseconstructionwork—suchasthe
“finishing”workthatKadir’steamspecializesin—isoftenburdenedbylimitations
ofover-extendedbudgets.
Twohotelshavesinceopenedonthelargesiteonwhichhebidforwork(see
Image3.1).TwoweeksafterthenegotiationIlearnedthatKadirhadturneddown
thesupervisor’smoremodestworkoffer.OnthedrivebacktoDubaithatday,Itried
toaskwhyhewasuninterestedinthesmallerdeal,oralternatively,whyhewas
unwillingtocompromisemoreonthepriceforthelargerdeal.Thegapbetweenthe
offersforthelargerdealwastoogreat,KadirandJunaidbothexplained,andthe
moremodestcontractwouldnotbeworththeback-and-forthtraveltime,thoughhe
saidhehadhopedtohousetwoofhisworkersatthesitelong-termforthelarger
project,toreducesomeofthesetravelcosts—perhapsanotherindicationofhis
inflatedandgrandiosevisionfortheprojectgenerally.Later,whenthescaleof
Kadir’sbusiness-relateddebtsbecameclearertome,Ialsoappreciatedthatonlya
moresubstantialremunerationwouldhaveallowedhimtopayoffsomeofhislarge
andoverdueloans.Finally,Ifurtherspeculatedatthetimethathispride,asbothan
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171
discussionofImamAli.TheprospectwhichmostexcitedKadir—carefullyrepairing
andrestoringqualitywoodworkasa“finishing”phaseofanalreadyimposingand
gleaminghigh-endluxuryconstruction—eludedhiminthenegotiation.Thelureof
workingonandwithqualitymaterials,toproperlyfixandpreservethem,inspired
himtovaluehisownlaborbeyondwhatthesupervisorwaswillingtopay.The
materialsthemselveshelpedinspireaninflatedconceptionoftheprojectforKadir,
ultimatelytothedetrimentofthedeal.
Highexpectations,faileddeals:parttwo.
IntheweeksafterthefailedAbuDhabideal,Ifollowedupotherresearch
threads.WhenIreturnedtothedesigners’roominApril,excitementforanewbid
appearedtohavedisplacedanylingeringdisappointmentfromthelossoftheAbu
Dhabiproject.Kadirexplaineditwasanevenbiggerproject,atamajornew
apartmentconstructionintherapidlydevelopingsectionofsouthDubai,called
DubaiMarina.Heexplainedthatthegrouphasbeenpreparinga“modelapartment”
todisplaytheir“finishing”work(paintingandpolishing)tothemanagementofthe
complex.Ifapproved,theywouldwinthecontracttofinishovertwohundredother
apartmentsinthedevelopment.
Dayslater,IaccompaniedKadir,Hamid,andSamirfromthecoregroupanda
youngBangladeshimanthatKadirhadhiredasacleanerandequipmentmanagerto
theDubaiMarinasite.Theapartmentcomplexappearedtobemostlycompleted,
andafewunitswerealreadyoccupied.Thecomplexlayatthebaseoftheofafully
constructedislandjustofftheArabianSeacoastline,famouslymadeintheshapeof
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173
andtheBangladeshihelperworkedasateam,thehelperlayingdownadhesivetape
toprotectthewallwhileSamirappliedwoodpolishtothewoodenbaseboard.The
helperwouldthenremovethetapeagain,leavinglargewadspiledonthefloor(see
Images3.3-3.5).
Afterafewhoursoflightwork,thegrouppackedupandleft.Earlythenext
week,Kadircalledmeintheearlymorning,explainedthatthenegotiationhadbeen
moveduptothatday,andinvitedmetojoinhim.Whenwemetwewerequickly
joinedbyanolderPakistanimanwhomKadirdescribedasatechnicalservices
expertandapotentialpartnerandcollaboratoronthedeal.Aswedrovetothesite,
Kadirexpressedconcernthattheworkhadnotbeencompletedtohissatisfaction,
asthedatehadbeensuddenlymovedforwardandhehadnothadtimeforanother
returnvisitwithhisteam.Still,heexpressedconfidenceinthedeal,andspoke
expectantlyaboutitsscale,worthafew“million”dirhams.Thegroupwouldneedto
mobilizevastresources.HedescribedaprocesswhereIcouldhelphimrecruitmore
contractworkersfromIndiatohandlethecontract’slarge-scaledemand.
Wearrivedandwaitedforthesitemanagerinthelobbyofthebuilding.The
doormanwouldnotgiveusthekeyforthemodelapartment,whenKadirrequested
it.Suddenly,ayoungcouplerushedinfromthestreet.Thewoman,whowaswhite
andBritish,requestedthekeysfromthedoorman,whoappearedtobeFilipino,and
hehesitated.Sheyelledathimandherecoiledabit,thenmeeklyproducedthekeys.
Sheloudlyremarkedtoherpartnerthatthestaff“needtobetrained.”Kadirandhis
partnerhumblyinterjectedandintroducedthemselves,asthecouplemadetheir
waytotheelevator.Weallrodeuptotheapartmenttogether.Tooursurprise,other
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177
peoplewerealreadywaitingoutsidetheroom,includinganotherteamoffinishing
contractorsledbyyoungIndianman.
Themanagerandherpartner,whowasBritish-Indian,examinedthework
thatKadirandtheotherteamhadmodeledintheapartment.Shequicklylaunched
intocomplaints.Theproblems,inherview,weretwofold:ithadtakenfartoolong
(overtwomonths,sinceshelastsawtheapartment)togetasmallamountofwork
done,anddespitethattheworkwasshoddy.Atonepoint,shesaid"wearenot
fittingashackhere”—aremarkIinterpretedasracisttowardKadirandtheother
Asianworkersinvolvedinthenegotiation.49
Shefocusedmuchattentionontheheavywoodenfrontdoor.Thetouch-ups
tothedoorweremadeinadifferentcolororqualityoffinishingpolish,she
complained.FrustratedthatKadirandothersmightnotunderstandtheproblem,
shetriedtoexplainittome.Meanwhile,herpartnertalkedtoKadirandtheothers,
andcommunicatedbackthatthepolishdidmatchthequalityofthedoor,butthat
anytouchupwouldfailtofullyblend.Tosolveit,thedoorhadtoberemovedand
fullytreatedwithspraypaintandsealant.“Wellcantheydothat?”,sheblurtedto
herpartner.Yes,theycandoanything,hesaid,butitwouldtakemoretime,asthey
wouldhavetotakeitbacktotheirworkarea.Frustratedbytheprospectofextra
time,sheaskedwhytheycouldnotapplythefinishingtreatmentonbalcony,and
theyansweredthatwouldbeimpossiblebecausetheair-bornsandwouldinterfere
andadheretothewetdoor.
49IndocumentingtheexperienceofAsianmigrantworkersintheGulf,manyanthropologistshaveemphasizedpervasiveformsofracism,overtandtacit,thatthiscommunitycontendwith,asanaspectof“asymmetrical”powerrelations(Longva2009,129,155;seealsoVora2013;Mahdavi2011;Kanna2011;Gardner2010;Sarmadi2013).
178
Intheend,sheagreedtoallowKadirandhisteammoretimetospraypaint
andresealalldoors.Themeetingconcludedonthatnote,andKadirappearedagain
tohavefailedtosealadealthathehadeagerlyanticipated.Aweeklater,KadirandI
drovetopickupHamidandTamiratthesamesite,wheretheyhadbeenspray-
paintingandsealingthedoorsonthemodelunit,inanincreasinglyquixoticpursuit
ofacontract.AsofMay,whenthegroupandIceasedcontact,theyhadnotyet
securedadealontheremainingworkatthecomplex.Monthslater,asIleftDubaiat
theendofmyfieldwork,thegroupstilllivedinthesamesmallroom,having
apparentlyfailedtoachieveanygrandscaleimprovementintheirqualityoflife,or
signsofvisibleenrichment.
Asacoda:bylateApril,withthedealontheDubaiMarinaapartmentproject
stillunresolved,Kadirseemedincreasinglydesperate.Othersinthecommunity
weretryingtocollectonloanstheyhadgivenhim,heexplainedtomeatonepoint.
Inrecentweeks,hisworkershadaskedmeforloansontwooccasions,initiallyas
muchas20,000AED(orjustover$5,000USD).Onthedaybeforemyincidentof
“falling-out”withKadir(describedbelow)heinvitedmetocomealongwithhimto
purchasegypsumsuppliesforasmallervillarenovationjobthathisemployeeswere
workingoninthemiddle-upperincome,JumeirasectionofDubai.Hissupplierwas
basedinAjman,overanhour'sdrivefrom“middle”Dubai,andabitlongerinthe
mid-afternoontrafficweencountered.Again,heseemedtoanticipateasimple
transaction:theseguysknewhimandwouldgivehimagooddeal,heexplainedto
meonthedrivetotheshop.
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182
dramaticeffect—andhandedittothemanager.Inexchangehegotconsiderablyless
gypsumskirtingthanheexpectedandneeded,perhisdetailedexplanationtomeon
thecar-drivethere.
Whilethesettingandstakesofthisinteractionweresmallerscalethanthe
previousdealnegotiationsIchronicledabove,thisonefitthepatternofasharp
reliefbetweenKadir’simagined-in-advancescenariosandtheactually-enacted
outcomes.Inthisdeal,liketheothers,hefacedvocalderisionfromtheopposing
negotiatingparties,ratherthanrespect.Beforeweleft,asKadirwanderedthrough
theworkshop,appearingtoinspectthegypsum-work,themanagerleanedintome
andsaid“youknowhe’safool(be-vaquf),right?”Ishrugged.
Giving:loans,gifts,moralcontracts,socialrelations.
DevelopmentprojectsinDubaicontinuetodemandsignificantcontracted
laborforunskilledandsemi-skilledservices,whichareprovidedbylarge
populationsofimmigrantworkersfromSouthandEastAsia,especiallythe
Philippines,India,Pakistan,andBangladesh.Despitethelargedemand—andthe
abundanceofworkforsmallcompaniesthatprovideinteriordesignwork,technical
services,andcleaningservices—largecontractssuchastheonesKadir’sgroup
pursuedcanbehardtosecure,giventheupfrontcostsnecessarytomakeabid
competitive.Kadirdescribedtomehow,earlierin2011,thegrouphadwonalarge
contractforfinishingwork,butwereunabletotakeitbecausetheycouldnotamass
therequisiteup-frontmoneythatthecontractdemanded;tocover,forinstance,
supplycosts,payworkers’wages,andinsurethegroupwhileonthejob.
183
U.A.E.-basedbanksoffersmallbusinessloanstoexpatriatesasamatterof
policy,butinpracticecompanieslikeKadir’sstandlittlechancetowinthem.As
journalisticanalysisreveals,banksseekprestigious“bigname”borrowers.50Also
absentintheEmiratesarethecommunity-levelenginesofmicrocreditlending
pervasiveinthesubcontinent,whichaimtosupportsmall-scalebusinessneeds
throughpersonalloans.51Theunavailabilityofformalcreditoptionsproducesa
demandforserviceworkandcontractedsemi-skilledconstructionworkthat
exceedslaborsupply.Italsoresultsinarobusteconomyoflendingthrough
informalkinandfriendnetworksthatbuoysbusinesseslikeKadir’s,butwhichalso
imperilssocialrelationsandparticipants’standingsinthecommunity,implicating
bothborrowersandlenders.Awesomeexamplesofwealth(andiconicarchitecture),
coupledwiththeallure,inborrowing,ofgainingsomethingwithoutapparent
expenditure,createsthevirtualworldofaspirationthatKadirandotherexpatriates
enterintoinDubai.
BeginningwithmyinteractionswithKadir’sgroup,andinfurther
interactionsmostlyinlaterphasesoffieldwork,Iwasapproachedbyvariouspeople
intheShiaexpatriatecommunity,my“target”researchcommunity,whorequested
loansfromme.Throughconversationswithothersaboutloans,directlyand
indirectly,Icaughtglimpsesofthewidernetworksofinformallendingamong
friendsandkinextendingthroughthiscommunity.Nadim,forinstance,onceasked
meforaloanonbehalfofAsgar,whosefamilyinPakistanfacedmountingdebt
50SeeMartinaFuchsandMartinDokoupil,“UAEsmallbusinessesfacetightlendingconditions.”Reuters(online).Availableathttp://in.reuters.com/article/2011/02/14/emirates-lending-sme-idINLDE71D1FZ2011021451Foranalysisoftheseenterprises,seeforinstanceRahman(1999)andHuq(2004).
184
followingtherecentdeathofhisfather.Ioffered,asarationaleagainstgivingloans
tomyparticipants,thatareasonabletimeframeforrepaymentwouldlikelyexceed
myresearchtenureinDubai.
Withthisinmind,IaskedSharif,whoworkedatahigher-payingjobthan
NadimorAsgar,whetherhecouldgiveAsgaraloan.Hesaidhewasalreadyover-
extended,withtwooutstandingloanstomembersofthecommunity,oneofwhich
extendedbackyears.Hesmiledasheexplainedthislastdetailtome,perhaps
realizingthatitconfirmedtheoutcomeIhopedtoavoid.Hissmilealsoperhaps
acknowledgedthatalong-deferredloanmayhaveinfactbecomea“gift:”toexpect
repaymentnowwouldbeadelusion.
Still,tosupposethata“loan”operatesinthiscommunitymerelyasa
euphemismfora“gift”—thatwhenaloanisrequestedandtransactedamongpeers
thereislittleexpectationtoreturnit—isanoversimplification.Thatconclusion
wouldignorethepainfulandemotionalburdenInotedboththe“receivers”andthe
“lenders/gifters”feltatdifferenttimesintheloan’slifecycle,aswellasthemoral
andIslamiccodesthattheydiscuss.Onthelatterpoint,shortlyaftermycontact
withKadirandhisgroupceased,Junaidintroducedmetoanaspiringentrepreneur
fromPakistan,whocouldgivemehisperspectiveonthebusinessclimateinDubai.
Meetinghimatarestaurant,hebeganbytalkingaboutthestatusofDubai'sre-
exporteconomy.GivenpoliciesthatlimitthedirectexportofIndianandPakistani
goodstotheU.S.,heenthusiasticallydescribedthepotentialforbusinessestoroute
goodsthroughU.A.E.,ontheirwayfromPakistantoUnitedStates,asago-around
solution.
185
SpeakingtomeinEnglish,heaskedifIhadanyideasforsuchaU.S.-import
business.IfIdid,hecouldprovidecrucial“supportfromPakistan”forme,to
mobilizethenecessaryresourcesfortheventure,heexplainedhopefully.I
explainedthatIhadn’tthoughtaboutitanddidn’thaveanyparticularideas,buthe
persisted.Atonepoint,todemonstratetheeasewithwhichhepreferredtoconduct
business,hetoldmethatheneversecureddealswithsignedcontracts.Instead,
gesturingwithhishand,hesaid“IputmyhandtoQur’an.Ifyouknowwhatthat
means,youcantrustme.”
AsIcontinuedtoexpressmydisinclinationtostartabusiness,his
enthusiasmwanedtowardtheendofourconversation.Outsidetherestaurant,we
walkedthroughthestreetsofBurDubai,andhestartedtodescribehowdifficulthis
financialsituationwas.HefearedhemighthavetoleaveDubai.Joblessformonths,
andwithawifeandtwochildrenbackhomeinPakistan,hehadbeenevictedfrom
hisformer“bachelor’s”roombecausehecouldnolongerpayrent,andnowstayed
withafriendinaneighboringarea.Intheend,heaskedmefora“donation,”andI
gavehimasmallsumofDirhamsfromwhatIhadinmypocket.Hethankedme,and
weagreedtostayincontact;thenheturnedsomberlyandwalkedoff.
Ifthesecurityofawrittencontractliesinthewayit“tethers”aperson(the
borrower)andanevent(theassenttoand“signing”ofanagreement)toamaterial
documentthatisperpetuatedintothefuture,thesecurityofanoralagreementlies
inthe“presence”ofthepersonintheutterance.Thus,anoralagreementinvokes,
relieson,andoftenoverburdenssocialrelations.Gesturessuchasahandshakemay
forgeorstrengthenasocialrelationshipbyfurtherdrawinginthebodyofthe
186
borrowerintheagreement.Alternatively,gesturessuchasputtingone’shandonor
towardtheQur’anbothinvokeone’sgeneralimperativetoethicalactioninIslam,
andstrengthenstherelationshipbetweenlenderandborrowerbyinvokingtheir
sharedmembershipinthesocialcommunityofMuslims.
Still,BillMaurerhasdocumentedtheriseofindustriesaroundMuslim
lending,inplacessuchastheUnitedStates,thepopularityofwhichrevealan
increasingsophisticationamongMuslimconsumersandinvestors,andapreference
forphysicallysignedandsealedcontractsoveroralones:
Scholarlyendorsementisnottheequivalentofpersonalcharisma.Peoplepreferthegreateranonymityaffordedbystandardizedforms,creditchecks,andstandardized“shari’asealsofapproval”overthehandshakeandthesocialconnectionsthatcomefromdealingwithotherMuslims.Theywanttobetreatedlike“realclients,”notjustlikeMuslims.(Maurer2006,13)
Togeneralizeonthisidea:aloantransactionimmediatelycreatesadisbalanced
relationship.Thepreferenceforwritten-contractloansreflects,ontheonehand,a
borrower’sdesiretopreserveandseparatesocialrelationsfromthepotential
adverseeffectsofadeferredorfailedloanrepayment.Conversely,apreferencefor
aninformalloan,suchasJunaid’sfriendsuggestedabove,couldimplythe
borrower’sdisregardforhisrelationshipwiththewould-belender,orput
differently:hiscalculationthattheloan’svalueisworththerelationship’spotential
loss.InthelogicofJamesScott’sanalysisofclassandsocialtensionsinMalaysia,
thisrelatestoanassessmentofthereputational“costofabadname,”intermsof
one’ssocialstandingandfinancialrelianceonothers(Scott2008,24).
Reciprocityandethnographicrelationships.
187
Inasectionabove,IstresshowmyrelationshipwithKadirandhisteam
developed,asdidmanyofmyresearchrelationships,aroundasenseofsharing,
generosity,andgoodwill.However,inapatternalsosimilartosomeofmyother
researchrelationships,Kadirseemedtoevaluateourrelationshipasacalculation
aboutwhatcouldbegained,inanall-or-nothinggamblewherethelossofour
relationshipwasarealisticpotentialoutcome.Theturnourrelationshiptook,as
Kadirandhisemployeesseemedincreasinglyintenttoextractmonetaryloansand
giftsfromme,impactedmeasaquandaryandcrisis,giventhatIadmiredthegroup,
sympathizedwiththeirstruggle,andappreciatedtheirkindnessandgenerosity
towardme.Theyhad,forinstance,fedmemealsandgivenmeaccesstotheirwork
anddowntimeinteractionsformyresearch.Havingworkedcloselywiththem,Ihad
cometofeelinvestedintheirfinancialandworkstruggles,andwantedtohelpthem.
Kadirhadacknowledgedthebroadernetworkofsocialrelationsatstakein
borrowingmoney,andinrequestingalargeloanfromme.Inaconversationwith
meinthecarreturningfromthegypsum-supplystore,hedescribedhowasking
friendsorrelativesformoneycarriedembarrassmentandshame—projectingto
themasenseofbeinganunsuccessfulmanager,andof“failure”(“nākāmī”).The
prospectofruiningarelationshipwithafriendorrelative,whichcouldhavearipple
effectthroughthecommunity,damaginghisreputation,makessucheffortsto
borroworlendperilous.Borrowingfromaclosebutoutside(non-kin,non-
188
community,non-Indian)acquaintancelikeme,however,wouldavoidthepotential
rippleeffectofreputationdamage,shouldsomethinggowrong.52
Specifically,borrowingfrommewouldallowKadirtorepayotherstowhom
hewasindebt.Inanearliercandidmeetingonenightinhisroom,hehadadmitted
thathisgrouphadnothadamajordealsincehehadmovedtheirbaseofoperations
fromaninteriorcityinAbuDhabitoDubaithreeyearsago.Someofhisbiggest
debtswerewitholdfriendsandbusinessassociatesfromthatcommunity.Justdays
beforeourtriptothegypsumretailers,Ioverheardhiminacellphoneconversation
withsomeonewhomhelaterdescribedasanoldassociatefromthatcity.Inthecall,
hedescribeddealsandcapitalthatwereabouttocomehisway(“pēsaānewālahe,”
hesaidrepeatedly),inaneffort,asIunderstoodlater,toreassurethelender.
HamidwasthefirstofKadir’semployeestoaskmeformoney,onan
occasionweeksbeforeIappreciatedthefullpictureofKadir’sdebts.Hamid'sbold
questioninitiallycaughtmeoffguard:askinghowmuchmoneyIhad.Ivaguelysaid
Ihadlittle,andstressedthatIwasastudentandunemployedinDubai.Still,he
likelyassumedIhadaccesstoagreatdealofmoney,ashefirstaskedmefor20,000
dirhams(about$5,500).Inthemoment,andinthedaysafter,Ireflectedonand
reconsideredmyapproachto“reciprocity”infieldwork.Theneedforsomeformof
compensationtoparticipantsisanissueforanyhuman-subjectsresearcher.
52ThisisperhapsareversephenomenonfromthatwhichClaraHan(2012)observesinaneconomicallyvulnerablecommunityinSantiago,Chile.Inheranalysis,timesofeconomicprecarityforcecommunitymemberstorequestsmallloansormaterialassistancefromextendedfamilymembers,requestswhicheffecttheborrower’sshame,butwhicharegenerallyrepaidanddonotstrainrelationships.Bycontrast,totargetfriendsandacquaintancesforcreditismorefraught,asitriskstheappearanceof“begging”formoney.Thus,inthiscommunity(notwithstandingitsstructuralandsocioeconomicdifferenceswiththeUrduShiacommunityinDubai),theclosertherelationtothelender,themoretenablethetransaction.
189
Ethnographers,Ibelievedthenandnow,arebetterpositionedtogivegiftsrather
thanloansinexchangeforresearchparticipation,oftenunabletogivethetimethat
lendingcyclesrequire.Dayslaterwehadreducedtheloanamountto2,000dirhams
($550),anamountIcautiouslyresolvedtogive.Howeverjustaswewereaboutto
executethetransaction,Kadirseemedtosubtlychangethetermsoftherepayment
period,andIbackedoutofthedealasgracefullyasIcould.
ThereafterIresolvedtonotgiveloans,thoughIdidsubsequentlygivesmall
monetary“gifts”(intherangeof50-100dirhams,$14-$28)onoccasionto
informantswhentheyexpressedneed.Inprinciple,Ifiguredthatlendingonafalse
premiseofrepaymentwouldmarkmeassomeoneeasilymanipulated,thereby
complicating(andpotentiallyfurthermonetizing)myresearchrelationshipswith
others.Iadoptedthispolicypartlyontheadviceofafewothertrustedcontactsin
theexpatriatecommunity,whothemselveshadlentmoneytoothersthatwasnever
repaid.Suchventuresresultedinthefractureofseveraloftheirrelationships.
Iwasunawarethen,inApril,howintegratedintotheinformalcredit
economymyresearchrelationshipswouldbecome,andhowcentralitwouldbeto
myunderstandingofexpatriateparticipationinDubai'sdevelopment.Onthelast
daywespoke,Kadiragainaskedmefor1,800dirhams,whichIagaindeclinedto
give.Laterthatnighthecalledmeand,inabelligerentandyellingtone,essentially
“toldmeoff,”andcalledmea“fraud:”“tumachhāadminahīṅho.Bilkulfraudadmi
he.”IwasstillreelingfromtheconversationminuteslaterwhenTamirfollowed-up
withacalltome.Histonewasmorerestrainedatfirst,seemingtoapologizefor
Kadir’scall,whileprovidingsomecontext.HeexplainedthatwhenIhaddeclinedto
190
loanthemoneytoKadirthatday,Kadirwasapparentlyforcedtotellthisfriendthat
hehadfailedtoraisethecashtorepayhim.HisfriendhadyelledatKadir,Tamir
explained.Butthen,Tamir’stoneshiftedaswell,andheseemedtoaccusemeof
stealingitemsfromtheirroom.WhenIstressedthatIhadnottakenthem,hevowed
tocallthepolicetoresolvethematter.Idiscoveredlaterthroughamutualfriend
thatTamirandHamidhadapparentlyalsosuspectedhisneighborsofthealleged
theft,andtheyhadjusthadaloudconfrontationoutsidetheirroom.
Shakenafterthetwocalls,IreachedouttoLatif,whowasthenaclose
contactofmineandsomeoneIhadpreviouslyintroducedtoKadir.Latifseemedto
sympathize.“Intheworld,therearemanywhowilltakeadvantageofyou,”he
cautionedinourphoneconversationthatnight.Headvisedmetoavoidthem,andto
notgiveloanstoanyone.Lessthanthreemonthslater,Iwasthussurprisedwhen
Latifcametomeaskingforan8,000AED($2,178USD)loanforhistechnical
servicesbusiness.“Ifyouwanttohelpme,youcanhelpme,”heexclaimed,
provocatively,afterIhesitated.Iagaindeclinedtheloan,buttriedhardtohelp
facilitatenewjobsforhim,andassistedhimonafewaswell.Myfailuretogivethe
loan,nonetheless,strainedourrelationship,andourcontactdiminished.
AsAsianexpatriates,withlittledemonstrablewealthorassetsinDubai,
peoplelikeKadirstandlittlechanceofsecuringloansfromagenciessuchasbanks.
Furthermore,variousinformantsbemoanedthephysicaldisplacementofmigrant
lifewhichsometimescausedaruptureinthemoralconventionsparticulartosocial
lifeinIndiaandPakistan:aphenomenonhighlightedinsomesituationsofinformal
lending.Onenightshortlyaftermyfall-outwithKadir’sgroup,ImetJunaidoutside
191
themosque,whoofferedmesomeconsolingperspective.HedescribedinEnglishto
mehowpeopleinDubaiadopta“badnature:”thattheyactdifferentlyandforget
howtobegregariousand“helpfultoothers”astheywouldotherwisebeinPakistan.
Islamicgift-givingtraditions.
Ofcourse,conventionsoflendinginDubaiarenotonlystructuredby
increasingly-influentialframeworksadvancedby“Islamicfinance”enterprises,
broadlydefined.Muslimsobserveavarietyofalmsgivingpractices,structured
aroundtheobligationtoservetheneedy,bothlocallyandglobally,andbothinside
andoutsidetheIslamiccommunity.Inthiscontext,aloanthatgoesunrepaid,and
thatovertimebecomesagift,canberationalizedbythelender/giverasaformof
charity.Compensationcanthenbefoundinthes̤awāborspiritualrewardGodmay
grantforsuchanact,buildingonmyanalysisofeffortstocultivatebeneficialactions
amongmembersofthiscommunity,inChapter1.
ThespiritofgivingtotheneedyisrepresentedinvariousIslamicinstitutions
includingzakātandtheShiataxonbusinessprofits,ḵẖums.Outsideoftheseformal
obligations,Ifollowedavarietyofeverydayrequestsforgenerosityinthis
community,andalsonotedtheburden“needy”membersboretonotonly
adequatelydemonstratetheirneed,butalsotoappropriatelyrequestaid.Hamdan’s
emaildigest,forinstance(describedinChapter1),createdamarketplacefor“freeof
cost”itemsdirectedtoward“anymomin53inneed,”andoftenexplicitlyasked
potentialrecipientsto“advise”whytheitemshouldbe“giventoyou.”Toencourage
53Atermtranslatingas“believers,”inthiscontextusuallymeanttoimplyShiafollowersspecifically.
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giving,onesuchemailincludedtwoquotations.ThefirstwasattributedtoFirstShia
Imam,AliibnTalib:“Takeinitiativeincharitableactsanddon'tconsiderthem
insignificant,foritslittleisgreatanditsfewismany.”Thesecondwastakenfrom
Qur’an,ChapterTwo,Verse274:"Thosewho(incharity)spendoftheirgoodsby
nightandbyday,insecretandinpublic,havetheirrewardwiththeirLord.”
Still,invariousinstances,informantsexpresslydisapprovedof“begging”(or
“tasūl”inArabic).Isometimesencounteredbeggars“lurking”—asiftryingtobe
unobtrusive—aroundparkinglotsoutsidetheimāmbārgāhongatheringnights.One
nightafriendandinformant,Latif,andImetamanintheparkinglot,whoaskedus
formoney.LatifrespondedbyaskingifhewasMuslim,towhichherepliedthathe
was.Wincingabit,Latifsaidtotheman:“yeḥarāmihe-begging”(itisforbidden),
butsuggestedthatinsteadhecouldgoinsidetheimāmbārgāhandhaveasnack
(niyāz)withtheothersgatheredthere.Themannoddedandturned,walkingfurther
upthedustyparkinglot,awayfromtheimāmbārgāh.ReflectingJamesScott’s
(2008)analysis,socialsanctionsparticulartothecommunitydictaterightand
wrongwaysbywhichtheneedymaysolicitmaterialormonetaryaidfromothers.
Shiapracticeinthemidstofaspirationalstrivinganddebt.
EvenasKadirandhisgroupfacedrepeatedrejectionsatsuccessivedeal
negotiations,theymaintainedasustainedandsincerecommitmenttoShiaand
generalIslamicpractices,anddebatesoverthelifeoftheImamsandcorrectritual
practiceswereafrequentthemeofconversation.Theyregularlyorganizedsmall
majlisgatheringseveryThursdayafternoon,duringthemonthsIspentwiththem.I
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firstmetthem,infact,whenSaad(apoetwhoseworkIdescribeinthefinalchapter
below)broughtmetoonesuchgatheringtointroduceme.WhenIdescribedmy
interestinUrdunōḥēandmars̤iya(popularShiapoeticgenres),Hamidimmediately
andpassionatelyrecitedanōḥatome.TheirgatheringstypicallyincludedaQur’an
andnōḥērecitation,andgroupdu‘ā(orsupplication)recitations.Towardtheendof
mytimeworkingwiththem,Inoticedthatoutsideguestsjoinedintheweekly
gatheringslessfrequently,andSaadandhisfriendsalsostoppedcomingatacertain
pointaswell:amomentatwhichtheyrealizedthetruescopeofKadir’s
manipulativebusinesspractices,theylaterexplainedtome.
Allmembersofthegroupregularlyattendedgroupnamāz(prayer)atthe
mosqueneartheirhome.AsImentionedabove,Kadirwasdissatisfiedwiththe
roomtheyrentedintheall-male,andmostlySouthAsian-occupied,“bachelor’s”
villa,54andspecificallybemoaneditspoorconstruction.Athinlayerofdrywall,for
instance,separatedtheir“living”roomfromanarrow,dimly-lit,andpoorly-
insulatedhallwaythatranoutsidetherooms,andthatservedasadefactokitchen
area,eachroomhavingitsownstove,perchedonatableinalineagainstonewall.
Theroomssharedacommondish-cleaningareainanexposedcourtyardarea.
Despitetheirdispleasurewiththevilla,theyvaluedtheircloseproximitytothe
mosque,sittingjustoutsidetheirroom’swindow,asthegreatbenefitofthe
arrangement.Theyaffirmedthistomeononeearlymorningduringmystaywith
them,whenweallawoketotheveryloudaẕānbroadcastoverloudspeakersjust
outsidetheiropenwindow.54Onthesocialsignificanceof“bachelor”statusinDubai,asaracializedcategory,seeSarmadi(2013).
194
Whiletheyregularlyattendedgroupnamāzinthemosqueandorganized
smallmajlisgatheringsintheirroom,Inotedthattheyrarelyattendedweeklymajlis
gatheringsattheimāmbārgāh.Inparticular,InoticedthatKadirespeciallywould
oftenonlyattendonoccasionswhenasubstantialniyāzwastobeserved:andeven
then,wouldarrivetowardtheendoftheprogram.ImetsomeothersintheShia
communitywhotendedtoavoidpublicimāmbārgāhgatherings,specificallyciting
theirdisinterestinactivitiessuchasritualweepingandlisteningtopoetry.Nadim,
forinstance,criticizedsuchactivitiesasexcessiveandwasteful,asIdescribedin
Chapter1.Kadirandhisgroupwerelikelydifferentlymotivated:Ibelievetheir
avoidancereflectedsomeuneaseatsocializinginthecommunity,nervousabout
theirbusinessdebts.Theritualofperformingnamāz,eveninalargegroupsetting
suchastheeveningmag̠ẖribisahighlypersonalizedandinternalizedexperience,
comparedtomore“passive”ritualsofsermonandpoetrylistening.Fromthese
interactionsIfoundKadirandhisgrouptobesincereMuslimsandShias,and
observedthemsustaintheircommitmenttokeyritualpracticesevenwhile
becomingincreasinglydisengagedfromthebroadercommunity,asthecrisis
aroundtheirbusinessdebtsdeepened.
Conclusion:NestedUrbanPrecarity
Theunfoldingtimeofdebts—whatGustavPeebles(2010)describesasthe
forgingofpast-presentandpresent-futurelinkages—makesinformaland
interpersonalsystemsoflendingalternatelyproductiveanddestructiveastosocial
relations,comparedwiththeimmediacyofotherimpersonaltransactions.Lifefor
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manymarginalizedexpatriatesinDubaiunfoldsintheprecariousspacedelimitedin
timebyiterativeandinterlinkingtransactionsinborrowingandrepayment—a
precaritycompoundedbythetransienceofexpatriateworkinDubai,andbythe
uncertainfuturesofvisas.TheDubaigovernmentstrugglestointerceptabsconding
expatriateborrowers:thosewhoabandonpropertyandleaveabruptlyinorderto
escapeundesirableemploymentcontractsoroutstandingdebts.
Inthecontextofsuchprecariouslives,borrowingsetsintomotion
aspirationalthinkingonwealthaccumulation,drawingontheimageryandscaleof
developmentprojectsinDubai.ThetrajectoryoftheEmirate’sdevelopmentitself
hasbeenplungedintouncertaintysincetheglobalrecession’sonsetin2008,and
morespecificallythehousingmarketdownturnin2009—eventsthathaveheralded
introspectionbyDubai’sdevelopersandmanagers,criticismbyjournalists,and
reflectionbyscholars(seeKanna2013).Dubai’svulnerabilitytomarketforces,for
instance,hasledtoimagesofDubaiasamirage55orfantasy(Davis2008).The
ascentintofantasyandimagination—andtheverticalspaceoftowers—isconjoined
tothedescentintoground-levelcyclesofvirtualwealthaccumulationviacredit
exchange,sustainingexpatriatelifeinDubaiwhilesimultaneouslystrainingsocial
relationships,evenwhilethecenter,theideal,thegoal,theendpoint,remainsitself
vagueanduncertain.Iconsiderthistheprecarityofaspiration.
Inthischapter,qualitiesofbuiltspacearekeytomyanalysisofanethicsof
strivingparticulartoworkactivitiesofKadir’sgroup:anethicsofactivitythathas
rippleeffectsontheconstitutionoftheirsocialrelationshipsandtheirreligious55Parker,Ian.2005.“TheMirage:TheArchitecturalInsanityofDubai.”NewYorker,October17:pp128–143.
196
practices.ThebuiltenvironmentofDubaiinwhichtheylive,andlabordirectlyon,
createsfortheman“aspirational”relationshipwithwealthaccumulationandthe
pursuitofsuccess.Theiraspirationalethicinworkandeverydaylifedestabilizes
theirsocialrelationships,disruptstheirparticipationincommunalreligious
activities,andimperilstheirabilitytoworkandearn.
Nonetheless,thisaspirationalethic,withitsunstableenergy,perpetuateslife
inDubaiforthemasmundanelife.Disappointmentatthefailureofadealorthe
inabilitytomeetapromisedrepaymentdeadlineisoffsetbytheperpetuationof
othermundaneworkprojectsforinstance,andoftherecitationofpoetryand
Qur’anintheirlivingspace,whichtheycontinuetooccupy.Thefailuretorealize
grandscaleachievements,inotherwords,hasnotproduceditsopposite:abject
failureordestitution.Rather,mundanelifeforthemendures,astheoutcomeofan
ethicofaspirationalstriving.Asstrivingstructuresawayofmundanelife,Inotein
thischapterhowmundanelifenurturesandperpetuatestheworkofstriving.
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4.AnxietyCrimestories,emptyspace,projection,pābandī,z̤ulm
Thischapterexploresavarietyofanxietiesaboutcrime,asexpressedby
membersofthiscommunity,andinlightofasenseofsecurityandpublicorderin
Dubaithatmanyconsidered“false.”Inthefinalsectionofthischapter,Iclosely
analyzeaconversationaboutcrimes—bothrelatedtoDubaiandPakistan—thatI
hadwithtwoPakistaniinformants,AsgarandSharif,in2012.Butthatconversation
wasprefiguredbyotheroccasionsinwhichAsgarexpressedanxietiestiedto
specificlocationsandformsandfiguresinthelate-nightenvironment.Ibeginwith
onesuchdescription.
Asgar’ssharedroomwasaroughlyten-minutewalkfromtheimāmbārgāh
site.Aftermonthsoflate-nightmeetingsaroundtheimāmbārgāhwithmeandour
othersharedcontactsinthecommunity,hebegantoexpresshispreferencenotto
walkhomealone.AfterIrentedacarinmyfinalmonthsoffieldwork,heoftenasked
metodrivehim.Theenvironmentwasfamiliar.Crossingoveramajorroundabout,
ononesucheveninginSeptember2012,weenteredthebusymarketsquarenear
hisroom,knownforavarietyofmechanicsshops,andstoressellingbudgetclothing
andhouseholdgoods.Mostlyclosedafter10pm,aPakistaniḍhābāwasopenlate
withbrightneonlightsilluminatingthestreetandsidewalk.
Aleftturnawayfromthesquareplungedusintoamoredimlylit,potholed,
andnarrownetworkofstreetsandlow-risemostly-residentialbuildings.Ipulledup
ontheroadsidenearhisbuildingandstopped.Sittingforamoment,hegestured
towardafewmenwiththeirbackstous,wearingsalwārqamīẓ—atypicaldressof
IndianandPakistanimeninpublic,thoughespeciallyassociatedwithPakistani
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PathanmeninDubai.Hethenbegantoexplaintomethatthisresidentialareaused
tobepredominatedbyAfricanArabs—bywhichhemeantblackAfricansfrom
placeslikeSudanandEthiopia,andaddedthattheareahadbeenrifewith“crimes.”
Iwasinitiallyconfusedbythereference,buthecontinued.“Ustimese,aōrziāda
beheterhogaya.Phirbhī,yePakistanibradarimai,jog̠unḍelogyaharehtehe,aōrrāt
meghūmtehe.”(“Fromthattime,thingshavegottenmuchbetter.Still,inthis
Pakistanicommunity,thegangsterslivehere,andtheygoaroundatnight.”)Ashe
describedthis,wewatchedastheshadowyfiguresrecededfurtherawaydownthe
road:figurespopulatingacalmandmostlyvacantstreet-scene.Thenheadded,in
English,“youhavetobecareful,”andclarifiedthatthelingeringcriminalthreatin
hisneighborhooddiscouragedhimfromwalkingaroundlateatnight.
IregisteredAsgar’sanxietyinitiallyasavagueunease.Later,inamore
expansiveconversationbetweenAsgar,Sharifandmyself,herootedasimilarsetof
anxietiesmorefirmlyinavarietyofspecificstories,orrumors,ofpurportedcrimes
inDubai.HeandShariffurthertiedthosetoavarietyofotherexperiencesand
anxietiesaboutcrimes,violence,andfirst-handexperiencesofvictimhoodin
Pakistan.Alsoinitially,andinmyinitialanalysis,Inotedthecounterpointbetween
Asgar’sexpressedanxietyaboutcriminalityandthebroadersenseofpublicsafety
inDubai.Manyinthecommunitycommunicatedthelattersensetome,overthe
courseofvariousconversations,andseemedtotakethatsenseforgranted.Still,
centraltomyargumentinthischapterishowthesecurityenvironment,andsense
ofcalmandpublicorderinDubai,createvacatedspacesthatfosterfearful
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imaginationsofcriminality—suchaslate-nightenvironmentthatAsgarandI
observedaswesatinmycar—andintowhichmigrantsprojectarangeoffears.
CriticaltheoristSianneNgaibuildsonaFreudianconceptionof“projection”
asnotasymptomoroutcomeofanxiety,butthatwhich“constitutes”and
“determines”anxiety.Inherformulation,projectionisthe“meansbywhichaffect
[ofanxiety]assumesitparticularform.”Anxiety-as-projectionisthusessentially
spatial,relyingonaconfigurationofbotha“here”anda“‘yonder’onwhichthe
experienceofthreatdepends”(Ngai2009,211-212).Buildingonthis,Iexamine
belowtheroleplayedbytheambienceofimmediatespacestopromptprojections
andconformanxieties.Iespeciallyreturntothisquestioninmyanalysisofcrime-
storytellingamongAsianmigrantsinDubai,attheendofthischapter.
Ithusfocusontheroleofcontrolledenvironmentsofinactivitytoallowthe
foreignworkersinDubaiIdescribebelow—Rafiq,Asgar,andSharif—criticalspace
toformulateandprojectparticularanxietiesaboutcriminality.Theenvironments
whereRafiq,Asgar,andShariftoldcrimestoriestomewerenotablythose
evacuatedofworkactivityandcriminalactivity.Ontheonehand,Iaimtoshowin
thischapterhowtheevacuatedqualityofthesespacesallowforamodeof
“meandering”throughanaccount,andofruminatingonaparticularcriminalevent,
thatItakeasaparticularethicofstorytelling.Thisethicof“reflection”allowsthe
storytellertoconjureunseeneventsandprojectthemintotheimmediatespaceof
thetelling.
Furthermore,theenvironmentofconcealmentandevacuationofactivity
inspireothermodesofstorytellingthataimatgroundingnebulousdetails,vague
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sensations,fearfulaffects,andconcealedactionsinconcretedetails.Theeffortto
groundnebulousideasanddistanteventsinconcretedetailisanotherethicof
storytelling,Iargue.Theeffortispartofabroadereffortamongforeignmigrantsto
regaincontroloverenvironmentsthattheyperceivetobestructuredbyconcealed
forces.Theseforcesincludetheactsofcriminalitythemselvesandtheanti-crime
surveillanceapparatusesofthestate.Moregenerally,theethicof“groundingdetail”
instorytellingispartofamigrantefforttooccupyand“reclaim”evacuatedpublic
spaces.
Finally,Ishowbelowhowtheethicofmeanderingandreflectionin
storytellingallowsformigrantslikeRafiqandAsgartoaligntheanxietiesabout
criminalactivitywithanxietiesrelatedtoemploymentandearninginDubai.Their
modesofstorytellingoccupyspacesandtimescreatedbytheconditionsof
underemploymentandunemployment.Reflection,asanethicofstorytelling,isa
formofethicalactivitythatallowsmigrantstoalignvariousformsofanxietyin
Dubai.Ibeginthischapterbyexploringhowsecrecyandthecultivationoffearare
centralinthedevelopmentofDubai’ssecurityculture.
Dubai’ssecurityculture,publicsafety,andtheconstructiononfear
MarxistcommentatorandhistorianMikeDavishasdescribedhowArabian
Gulfemiratesprofitfromaninternationalfeareconomy.Resourcesandpersonnel
mobilizedfortheAmericanmilitaryeffortsintheMiddleEastandAfghanistan,
transitingthroughGulf-basedhubs,feedAmerica’s(andEurope’s)fear-basedwars.
TheGulfisaspringboardforU.S.armyoperations:allsixGCCmemberstateshost
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U.S.bases,withroughly40,000troupesstationedbetweenthem.Daviscitesnot
onlythemoneytransitpassengersspend,butalsothefree-tradezonesthatacta
neoliberalutopias,allowingforhighvolumegoods-tradingencumberedbyneither
taxesnorunionorganization,andtypicallyutilizingWesterncapitalandcurrencies
(Davis2006,58,63).
Additionally,fearsofimpendingglobaloilscarcity,andofdisruptionsdueto
MiddleEastpoliticalinstability,alsogenerateeconomicgainfortherelatively
secureEmirate,asfuturesmarkettradersreactandoilpricesrise.Thoughoiland
gasproductiononlyaccountsfor2%ofDubai’sGDP,oil-richneighborsAbuDhabi
andSaudiArabiainvestheavilyinDubaiconstructionandotherdevelopment
projects.Specificpoliticaleventsincreasethespeculatedfuturepriceofoil,
promptingproducerstowithholdsupplyinanticipationofhigherfutureprices.The
actualpricethenrisesduetodecreasedsupply.
Dubaiprofitsinathirdwayfromaneconomyofglobalfear.Buildingonan
argumentbegunbypoliticalscientistNooraLori,IexplorehowDubaiharnessesthe
deliberate“vagueness”intheconstructionof“threat”globally,inthecontextofthe
WaronTerror,inordertodefendandperpetuatekafāla:theGulfregionalsystem
wherethenativepopulationischargedwithregulatingtheforeignlaborpopulation.
Politicaltheoristsnotehowvaguethreatscreateconditionsofrelentlessand
pervasivefearinapopulation,anddriveapoliticsfocusedonsecurity(McManus
2011).InthecontextoftheUnitedStates,forinstance,BrianMassumihasdescribed
theterroralertsystemenactedafter9/11asanexampleofabluntapparatustooled
torespondtoandreflectvague,formlesssecuritythreats.Thealertsystem,in
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Massumi’sanalysis,wasdesignedtoharnessthevaguenessofindeterminate
threats,andusethatuncertaintyasatooltocultivateand“modulate”thecollective
fearofthepopulace(Massumi2005,32).Furthermore,inacontextwherestate
securityagenciespresumepervasiveandrelentlessthreats,distinctionsbetween
internalandexternalthreatsbecomelessimportant.AsJohnandJeanComaroff
remark,reflectingonpolicinginpostcolonialSouthAfrica“Receiveddistinctions
betweencrimeandterror,alwaysinchoate,arebeingrevised,”inthepost-Waron
Terrorera(ComaroffandComaroff2008,275).
ToexaminehowpolicinginDubaireliesonandproducesnecessarilyvague
visionsof(foreign)threats,NooraLoriexaminesavarietyofofficialstudies
conductedbytheDubaipolice.Shearguesthatthestudiesworktoassociatethe
existenceofcrimewiththelargepresenceofforeigners,whomadeup88%ofthe
U.A.E.populationin2011.Loriarguesthatthestudiesa)conflatethethreatposed
bythelargemajorityforeignpopulationasbothculturalandcriminal,andb)
correlatepredictedincreasesincrimewithgeneraldemographictrends,ratherthan
withspecificcrimedatatrendsorinstancesofcrimesbyforeigners.Suchcrimedata
is,asapolicy,withheldfromthepublic.Onlythehighestprofilecasesarereported
ontheDubaiPolicewebsite.56
Spectralfiguresof“cultural”-othersinDubai,whomightalsobecriminal,
emergefromthesegeneralizeddescriptionsofthreatstothenation’s“social
security:”tothesecurityoftheEmiratifamily,inparticular.TheAsianfemale
housekeeperisonesucharchetypalfigure,whothreatenstolurejuvenileEmirati56OSAC,UnitedStatesDepartmentofState,“UnitedArabEmirates2014CrimeandSafetyReport,”2014:https://www.osac.gov/Pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15084.
203
malesinto“earlysexualexperiences,”accordingtoonePolicestudy.Crimes
associatedwiththeAsianmigrantmale,anothergeneralizedarchetype,are
themselvesmale-gendered:“robbery,drugtrafficandaddiction…raping,child
abuse,”accordingtoanotherPolicestudy(Lori2011,322-323).Thiscorrelation
betweentheAsianmigrantcommunityandtheincidenceofspecifictypesofcrimes,
despitethelackofactualcrimedata,isechoedintheU.S.StateDepartment’sannual
reportoncrimeandsafetyintheU.A.E.TheDOSclarifiesthat,inabsenceofpublicly
availablecrimedata,theirclaimsarebasedon“opensourcereporting,U.S.Embassy
AbuDhabi’sRegionalSecurityOffice(RSO)reports,informationprovidedbyother
embassyofficials,andprivatecitizens.”Thereportclaimsthat
Reportedcrimes,toincludehomicides,tendtobewithintheexpatriatepopulation,whichispredominatelyAsianandSouthAsian.Theexpatriateworkforceconsistspredominantlyofsinglemen.Themajorityofcrimesattributedtothisgroupconsistofpettytheft,publicoffensessuchasfightingorpublicintoxication,sexualharassment,andrareincidentsofviolentassault.57Constructingthecultural-criminalthreattothenation’s“socialsecurity”in
generalizedtermsandtropes,inthemannerofthepolicereportsforinstance,is
efficaciousforthestate.IthelpslendpopularEmiratisupporttothekafāla
temporarysponsorshipmodelformanagingforeignlabor,forinstance,despite
growinginternationalcriticisms.Bymanagingaculturalandcriminalthreat,thatis,
thegovernmentalsomanagesaneconomicone.Maintainingthetransienceand
impermanenceofthemigrantlaborclassispartlyatooltopreservetheprosperity
57OSAC,UnitedStatesDepartmentofState,“UnitedArabEmirates2014CrimeandSafetyReport,”and“UnitedArabEmirates2013CrimeandSafetyReport.”https://www.osac.gov/Pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15084andhttps://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=13886.
204
ofthenativepopulation,acomponentofadomesticpolicyaimedatreserving
privatesectoremploymentforcitizens.Capacitiessuchasswiftforceddeportations
alsoforestallthepoliticalorganizationofworkersformorerightsandbetter
conditions.Thus,Dubaiparticipatesinaglobaltrendamongnationstoward
managingnebulousthreatstosecurity—whatIconsideraglobalfeareconomy—as
partofitseconomicdevelopmentagenda.
ThesuppressionofcrimedatahelpstheDubaigovernmenttoeffectively
associatethecriminalthreatwithabroadgroup.Ofcourse,thelinkbetweenpolice
secrecyandthecriminalizationofgroupsisfamiliarinanthropologicalstudiesof
policing.DidierFassin,forinstance,linkshisowndifficultygainingresearchaccess
toobserveananticrimesquadintheParissuburbswiththetechniquesofdeliberate
obfuscationinpoliceinterrogations.Inthisexample,thesecrecystrategynotonly
allowsthepolicetocontrolaninterrogationencounterbuttoascribeguiltontoa
personwhoonlyvaguelymatchesadescription.Itisastrategyconsistent,inother
words,withtheproxycriminalizationofgroupsviatheactionsofindividuals
(Fassin2013,2-5,14).
Theconstructionofvaguecultural-criminalthreatstothenationdrives
speculationandfearamongthenativeandWesternexpatpopulationsaboutwhat
theAsianexpatlaborforcemightbedoing,ormightdo.Conversely,Isuppose,the
suppressionofinformationbythestatedrivesformsofspeculationandfearamong
theSouthAsianpopulationaboutwhatthestatemightbedoing,andaboutcriminal
activityingeneral.TheanxietiesthatAsgarandSharifexpressedalsoinflectthe
modelofracialtensionandfearoftheforeignconstructedbythestate’ssecurity
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ideology.Consider,forinstance,theentirelyabsentfigureoftheAfricanArab
deviantmalefromthepresent-dayneighborhoodinwhichAsgarlives,butwhich
nonetheless“haunts”theenvironmentthroughthesenseoflingeringcriminal
activity.ThesetofcrimestoriesandrumorsthatIexploreinthelastsectionsofthis
chapteralsoinvokehighlyspecificculturalothersbelongingtotheforeign
communityinDubai.
ThetensionofDubaiassafebyoutwardappearanceyetunsafebyaninward
andconcealedrealityisregisteredinboththeU.S.StateDepartment’swarningsto
WesterntravelerstoDubaiandinthetestimoniesofmembersofthePakistani
expatriatecommunitylivingthere.Inourinformalconversation,whichIchronicle
attheendofthischapter,Sharifseemedtocapturethecentralenigma,declaring
that“Dubaiissafe,andyetwecan’tsayitissafe.”WhileIexplorethisbroader
fieldworkconversationindepthbelow,Iflaghisstatementhereincomparisonto
thelanguageoftheStateDepartmenttravelwarning:
Whilethereportedcrimerateislow,actualcrimeratesmaybehigherduetounder-reporting.Thehostnationissensitivetomaintainingaverysafeandsecurepublicimagewhichmaydiscourageindividualsfromreportingcrime.U.S.nationalsshouldnotbelulledintoafalsesenseofsecuritythoughduetoalowercrimerate.58
Ontheonehand,Icitethistoshowhowthelogicofformlessthreatssalienttothe
UnitedStatesbecomesimposedontoassessmentsofinternalsecurityelsewhere,
andthenadoptedandimplementedbystatesliketheU.A.E.
58OSAC,UnitedStatesDepartmentofState,“UnitedArabEmirates2014CrimeandSafetyReport,”2014:https://www.osac.gov/Pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15084andhttps://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15071.
206
Butmorespecifically,Ilinkthesenseherethatcrimeratesmightbehigh—
despitereportedratesandtheEmirates’cultivatedsenseofpublicorder—withmy
informant’sconcernaboutanebulousconcealedlifeofcriminality.Inan
environmentwherethe“potential”forafalsesenseofsecurityishigh,Iarguethat
speculationsofconcealedcrimesbecomefantasticthroughtellingsthatcirculateas
crime-story“rumors.”Thecirculationofrumorsreliesontwoformsofabsence:a)
absenceofinformation,andb)publicspacesrelativelyevacuatedofactivity,
includingcriminalactivity—includingthelate-nightstreet-scapearoundAsgar’s
home.Bothtypesofabsenceareoutcomesofstrongstateregulatorycontrol
mechanisms.
Inacontextwherethegovernmentattemptstoa)suppressactualcrimedata
anddetailsofspecificcrimes,andb)attributecriminalorcultural-corruption
potentialtothewideproportionofmostly-AsianforeignworkersintheEmirate,I
considerinthischapterhowmembersoftheforeignlaborcommunitymanagetheir
owninsecurities.HowdoesanenvironmentofsuspicioninDubaiaffectforeigners’
(counter)strategiestomanagetheirownwide-rangingfearsandanxieties?Ianalyze
avarietyofsuchnarrativetellings,andaimtounderstandhowsomemembersof
thebroadAsiancommunityworkinginDubaireacttothetensionbetweenthe
appearanceofoutwardsafetyandtheconcealedlifeofcriminality,itselfa
consequenceofthestate’spolicyofnotreportingcrimestatisticsyetestablishinga
vaguecorrelationbetweendemographictrendsandresultantculturalthreatsand
crimerates.IattempttotracehowmemberssensesafetyinDubai:aseither“true”
or“false,”andasaconsequenceinpartofpoliceattitudesofsuspiciontowardthem.
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Inothercontextsandinstanceswherestateshaverestrictedpublicaccessto
criticalinformationaboutpoliticaleventsandmarkets,anthropologistshavenoted
thepublic’sturntofantasticalassessmentsofconcealedrealities,assessmentsthat
circulateandmagnifyviarumors.VeenaDasnoteshow,inthetwenty-fourhours
followingIndiraGandhi’sdeath,speculationamongthegeneralpopulacewasrife
thatshehadbeenkilledbyherSikhbodyguards.Inthefollowingdaysrumors
circulatedofviolentcrimesbeingcommittedbycelebratorySikhsagainstthe
sympatheticandunsuspectingHinduswhohadharboredthem(Das2007,126).
JohnandJeanComaroffalsonotehowjoblessmeninruralSouthAfricablamed
theirunemploymentontheworkofwitchcraft:thatis,ontheactionsofcertain
elderlywomen(ComaroffandComaroff1999,287).InbothcontextsinSouthAfrica
andDelhi,thecirculationofrumorsandthefantasticalassumptionsofconcealed
events(SikhrapingHindugirlsandelderlywomencursingyoungmen)are
particularreactionstonotmerelythestate’ssuppressionofinformation,butthe
absenceofthestateregulation.
Das’argumentatthisjunctureisparticular.Wordsinpanicrumors,inher
analysis,gainperlocutionaryforce:theycauseorinstigateaction(Das2007,121).
FortheComaroffs,narrativesabouttheactionsofwitchesworkto“translate
translocaldiscourses”—suchastheworkofglobalcapitalismtowidedemographic
wealthgaps—“intolocalcauseandeffects”(ComaroffandComaroff1999,286).
Mightwetakethisasalsoanexampleoftheperlocutionaryforceoflanguage?
Hearingtheserumors,HindusauthorizethemselvestokillSikhs,whilejoblessSouth
Africanmenauthorizethemselvestokillwitches.
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Inthesecontexts,thecirculationofrumorsandenactmentofviolencefillsa
voidcreatedbyarelativeabsenceandweaknessofstateregulatoryforces.By
comparison,inDubai,Iarguethatrumorsflourishintheabsenceofpublic
informationandinthepubliccalmcreatedbyahighly-controlledpublicsphere.
Inthisspacedevoidofconcreteinformationoncriminalactivity,yetfilledwitha
senseofnebulousthreatandtheuncertaintiesassociatedwithtransient
employmentstatuses,therangeofthe“possible”becomeswide.“Anythingcan
happenhere,”oneofmyKarachi-emigrantinformantscommented,inthecontextof
discussingpurportedcrimes.Ultimately,Iwillshowbelowhowthesetellingsare
oftengroundedinprecisedetails.Itakethisasastrategyofrootingeventsina
verifiablereality:onthatreworksformsoftransience,uncertainty,andviolencethat
characterizelifeinbothPakistanandDubai.
Latifandthetempoofdowntimespeculation
DowntimesinDubaifortheShiacommunityarecyclicalovertime:notonly
periodictothedayorweek,butalsototheyear.InMay,Ioncecaughtaparticularly
busyandhard-to-reachinformant—Sajdali—atthecentralDubaimosqueI
frequented,aroundthemiddayprayer.Thiswas,inotherwords,atypicallylightly
attendedandrelaxedprayertimeatthemosqueinthefive-a-daycycle.Hewasbusy
asusual(thoughhehadtakentimetocometomosquefortheprayer)andwe
conversedbriefly.WhenIaskedifIcouldcomebytotalktohimabouthisfamily
historyandcommunityhistoryrecordsfromtheirformerlifeinTanzania,he
demurred,suggestingthehewasgettingbusiernow,andimpliedhehadfamily
209
comingtovisitsoon.“MaybeafterRamadan”hesaid.Themaybe-after-Ramadan
timeframestruckmeasverylong:Ramadanitselfwasstillover2monthsaway.
GiventhattheextendedMuharrammourningandgatheringphaseitselflasted
severalmonths—extendingintothefollowingmonthsofSafarandRabi—meant
thatapproximatelyhalftheyearwassetasideasrelatively“busy,”i.e.filledwith
religiouseventsandsocialobligations.
These“busy”periodsarealsocharacterizedbyrestrictions.Onaweekly
basis,myworkacceleratedaroundThursday(especiallyatnight)andFriday,the
timeofmyinformants’workweekdowntimeandalsoofincreasedreligiousactivity.
IspentaportionofthesetimesduringMuharramandSafar,earlyinmyfieldwork,
drivingwithonePashto-speakinginformantLatif—amanslightlyolderthanme
whohadestablishedhisownsmall“technicalservices”business.Hethus
maintainedasmallcartoconveyhimselfandhissupplies.Inidletimesonthese
days/nights,ourconversationsometimesturnedtowardmusic,suchasPashtofolk
songs,andthequestionoflisteningtoLatif’scarradioforinstance.Onthose
occasions,aswellasthosewhenItriedtoshowhimsomePashtosongsIwas
familiarwith,hesuggestedwe’dbetterwaitafewmonthstolistentosuchthings,
untilafterthemourningperiodended.
LatifwasamemberofaPashtuntribewithbothShiaandSunnifactions,part
ofthebroaderKarlanrigroupoftribesnativeespeciallytoeasternAfghanistanand
WaziristaninPakistan.59Pathansself-identifythroughtheirdescentfromacommon
ancestor,Qais.InPathangenealogies,QaisisadescendantofAfghana,whowasa59ForageneraldescriptionofvariousPashtuntribesinthePakistan’sborderstates—especiallyFATAandKhyberPakhtunkhwa—seeJohnsonandMason(2008).
210
grandsonofKingSaul,thefirstKingofIsraelwhoismentionedintheOldTestament
oftheBible(Caroe1958,5;Ahmed2013,129).Pathangenealogiesfurtherconvey
thatQais,acompanionoftheProphetMuhammad,hadthreesonsandadopteda
fourth,Karlanri.ThefoursonsdesignatefourTribal“families”bywhichPathansare
stillorganizedtoday(Caroe1958,8-22).
Historiographiesandcontemporaryaccountsoftendesignatetribesinthe
Karlanrigroupasthe“hilltribes,”anddescribethemas“wildmountaineers”famed
for“deedsofdaring”(Caroe1958,20,22),andarecalled“themostwarlike”and
“themostconservativeandirascible”amongPathantribes(JohnsonandMason
2008,50).ThehistoricalassociationofPathanswiththemountainregionsof
Peshawarandledtothedevelopmentofanalternatename“Rohilla”todescribe
thembeginningintheeighteenthcenturycolonialIndia—derivedfromthePunjabi
wordrōhmeaningmountain(Caroe1958,439).InhishistoryofPashtunmigration,
especiallyintheIndianOceanregion,RobertNicholsbeginswiththemigrationof
“Rohillas”inthelateeighteenthcenturyfrom“westoftheIndustosettlenortheast
ofNewDelhiintheRohilkhandregion:”partofa“centuries-oldpatternof
migration”insidetheIndiansubcontinentforemploymentas“soldier
entrepreneurs”intheNorthIndianmarket.Nicholsseescontinuitybetweenthese
patternsofout-migrationandthecontemporarytrendsofPashtunworkers
migratingtotheArabianGulfcity-statessuchasDubai,patternsdrivenbyaridity
andunderdevelopmentofregionsofwesternPakistanandeasternAfghanistan
(Nichols2008,3-4).
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LikemanyShiaPathansImetovernearlytwoyearsofresearchinU.A.E.,
Latif’shomewasinParachinar,Pakistan.ThecityishometoamajorityPashtunShia
populationandhasbeenafrequentflashpointinsectarianShia-Sunniconflictsince
the1980s.Itistoday“apotentsymbolofShiasuffering”amongPakistaniShiasand
inIran(Vatanka2012,5;seealsoLodhi1988,813).Hiswifelivedwithhisextended
familyinParachinar.Theirfailure(asofthetimeofmyresearch)tohavechildren
wasasourceofmuchanxietyofLatif,asheconfidedtomefrequently.
MyrelationshipwithLatifbeganjustbeforeRamadan.Iexpressedmy(most
straightforward)interestoffindingPashto-languagemajlisesinDubai,andto
discussdifferencesbetweentheDubaiandPakistanimajlises.Heneededsomehelp
promotinghistechnicalservicesbusiness,andIagreedtocirculateafewofhis
cardstomy(rathernascent)professionalnetworkinDubai,andespeciallytomy
interiordesigncontractorcontacts,withwhomIintroducedhimandsuggesteda
collaboration.IspentʻĀshūrānightwithhiminhissharedroom(theheightofthe
religiously-intensiveseason),androdewithhimthenextdayfortheʻĀshūrā-day
majlis.
Yetintheweeksafterthat,asthemourningperiodwanedabitinintensity,
ourrelationshiprelaxedabit.MostFridayafternoonsinJanuaryandFebruary
2012,IwouldtaketheMetrotraintoitslaststop,atwherehewouldpickmeandup
anddrivemetherestofthewaytohisapartmentinInternationalCity.Ashisother
roommateswerealltaxidrivers60manyofmyvisitsinvolvedlongafternoonhours
60Taxiworkrequires12hourshifts7daysaweek.Thedriversoperateinrelationtomonthlyearningtargets,accordingtotheWesterncalendarmonths.Theymayexceedtheirtargets,though
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siting,watchingUrdu-languagenewsandsoapoperas,andHindifilms,onhis
television,andmeetinghisotherroommates,aroundtheir4-5PMshiftchange.In
thesemomentsof“downtime,”andofwaningreligiousrestrictions,our
conversationsshiftedabit.
Latifwasbothaleaderandanintrovert.WhenImethimheconductedhis
“technicalservices”businessalone.Fourmonthslaterhehadsuccessfullyrecruited
twoyoungPathanmentocomeandjoinhiscompanyasassistants.Onedescribed
himasa“genius”forhisbusinessacumen.Afewmonthslater,whenheraninto
financialdifficulty,anothermemberoftheroom(onwhichLatifwasthe
leaseholder)describedhisbusinessmanagementasfoolish.Aftertwomonthsof
closeinteraction—mostlyweeklymeetingsonThursdayeveningsandFriday
afternoons(duringhisday-off)—itbecamecleartomethathisbiggestconcernwas,
ashedescribedit,hiswife’sinabilitytoconceivechildren.Hehadtakenhiswifeto
seeadoctor,thoughthishadnotyieldedresults.Heconsideredtakingasecondwife
tosolvetheproblem,thoughhealsosaidhedarednot,lestheinfuriatehisfirstwife.
“Butwhattodo?”hewouldask.
Hisdistressoverhisownadvancingageandlackofchildrenseemedto
manifestinamelancholyandgentleaffect.Hishigh-pitchedvoice,forwhichsomein
hisapartmentteasedhim,addedtothisaffect.Thesepersonalcharacteristics,as
wellasourmutualperceptionofDubaiassafe,madeourdiscussionabout
weaponryonedayseemout-of-place.AsweweredrivingintoInternationalCity
fromDubaiafewmonthsafterMuharram,wediscussedsecurityinDubairelativetotheyarepenalizedforunderachievingthem.Onceachieved(ofteninthefinaldaysofthemonth)manytakeafewdaysoff.
213
thatinU.S.citiesandinPakistan.WeagreedthatDubaiwassaferthantheU.S.or
Pakistan.Latifqualifiedthelatterbydescribinghisownarsenalofweaponsthathe
keptathishouseinParachinar.“Allhouseskeepweapons,”hesaid.Ashespoke,his
bodyseemedtoshiftandfaceanimate.Withsomeamusementandexcitement,he
describedseveralRussianmade“Kalashnikov”riffles,andevengrenadesthathe
kept.Iaskedhimifhehadusedhisweaponsbefore.Hesaidhehad,andgaveahigh-
pitchedlaugh:amusementthatagainwasaimedpartlyatmysurprise,orwhathe
suspectedperhapsthatIwouldfindsurprising,especiallygivenoureasyfriendship
andtheoutwardsenseofsecurityinDubai.
DisempoweredinDubaiasanimmigrantlaborer,displacedfromsocial
conventionsofPashtunsociety,andwornbyregularworryabouthismaritaland
familyproblems,hisbodilyaffecttransformedinhiscarashedescribedhis
weapons—aswedrovethroughthemassiveresidentialdevelopmentprojectin
whichhelivedinDubai,passingbywhereapoorly-containedsewagepool
sometimeswaftedbadodorsintotheresidencesfacingit.Despitepervasive
infrastructuralproblems,thisresidentialareawasazoneofrestraintandorderly
conduct,subjecttothesamefeltsurveillancepresenceDubaipoliceuseassecurity
andenforcementtools.
Iinterpretthisepisodebetweenusinthecar—ameremomentamongmany
otherhoursofdrivingaroundDubai,sometimesaimlessly—asnotmerelyawindow
ontoanotherlife,butanout-of-placeentryofamemoryorconditionofan
elsewherelife.Iseehimperforminganaffecttiedtoanexperienceofviolence.Iam
lessinterestedtohighlightthetensionbetweenthisexpressionofviolence
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elsewhereanda)therelaxedcadenceof“downtime”lifeinDubaiandb)thehighly
regulatedenvironment.Rather,Isuggest,followingNgai’sformulationonthe
spatializationofanxiety,thattheimmediatecontrolledenvironmentservestoallow
thesekindsofexpressions.
Theideaalsobuildsonrecentethnographicworkonmundanelifeinthe
aftermathofviolence.InColombia,forinstance,JuanOrrantiahastrackedavariety
of“talesandshortvignettes”toldbymeninatownwhereparamilitaryforceshad
massacredcitizensin2000.Hefindsthestories“brewedintheheatandstillness”of
theenvironmentinwhichtheyaretold,and“foldedinthecrevicesofboredomthat
arepartofthesimplicityoftheeveryday”(Orrantia2009,242;seealsoOrrantia
2012).
Orrantia’sperspectivebuildsonconceptionsofcrisisembeddedinordinary
life(Berlant2011,11).Morespecifically,itreflectshowtheordinaryunfoldsinand
around“banal,”“solid,”or“dead,”builtenvironments,butisalsofilledwithaffective
forcesthatspreadoutwardinto“toomanypossiblescenes”(Stewart2007,127-
128).KathleenStewartpowerfullyconveystheconnectionbetweenordinarylife
andthe“stilllife”ofapaintingorarrestedscene,thetypeoflifeexperiencethatcan
easily“turntheselfintoadreamingscene.”Itcanalsobean“alibiforallofthe
violence,inequalityandsocialinsanityfoldedintotheopendisguiseofordinary
things”(19).Shenotes,forinstance,howeasily“alook,”afacialexpression,can
createaffectiveripplesandsprout“littleseedsofanxiety”(29).
Atthisjuncture,then,ratherthaninterrogatetherelationshipbetween
rumorandaction,Iseektoconsidertherelationshipbetweenanxietyandinaction.
215
Specifically,Iarguethattheenvironmentofpublicorderandthetempoofoff-
seasondowntime,foraworkingforeignerlikeLatifinDubai,fosteranxietiesand
allowsonetoprojectaspectsofviolenceandtraumaofotherplacesintothepresent,
andimmediateenvironment.Inthecentralexamplesintheremainderofthispaper,
theseprojectionsarechanneledthroughstories,narratives,andrumorsrelatedto
criminalviolence.
Rafiq,sectariantrauma,vividdetailsofmemory
InFebruary,asthemourningperiodwanedintogreaterdowntimeandless
socialactivity,Latifsecuredandpaidforhisuncle’svisitvisa.Thiswouldbe,hetold
me,botha“vacation”ofsortsforhisuncleandanopportunityforhimtosearchfor
work.61Idiscoveredlaterthathisuncle—whoI’llcallRafiq—hadworkedinDubai
for5yearsinthelate2000s,asalighttruckdriverandfork-liftoperator,before
returningagaintoPakistan.Hehadhopedtorejoinhisformercompany;upon
arrivinghereconnectedwitholdfriendsandintegratedhimselfbackintothe
company’saccommodation—alternatelystayingthereandatLatif’sapartment.He
toldmeheappliedforajobthere,buttowardtheendofhisvisithadstillnot
connectedwithhisoldmanager,headmitted.
Rafiqwasalsoinneedofsomediversionandrecovery,Latifexplainedtome.
HedescribedhowthatayearearlierRafiqhadbeenkidnappedbytheTalibanon
theroadfromParachinartoPeshawar.Givenmyambitiontounderstandhow
61Iencounteredmanypeoplehadtaken30-dayvisastodothesame,orhadsecuredthemforothers.WhilenationalsofWesterncountriesreceivedvisitvisasforfreeuponarrival,Pakistanihadtopayabout$110USD,asof2012.
216
PakistanilaborersmanagedifficultsituationsinDubairelativetoPakistan,Latif
offeredthatIcouldtalktohim.Ultimately,thisresultedinaone-on-oneinterview
withRafiq,thatLatifalsoattendedandwhichIaudio-recordedonmyphone.For
offeringhisstorytohelpmyresearch,IthentriedtohelpRafiqwithhisjobsearch,
pursuingopenpositionsfortruckdriversononlinejobboards.Unfortunately,by
theendof40days(30dayvisaplusa10-daygraceperiod)hehadnotfoundajob,
andreturnedhome.However,aswereachedthefinal2weeksofhisstay,itseemed
tomethatneitherhenorLatifwereasintentonfindinghimajobasIwas.Perhaps
hisreturnwasaforegoneconclusion,orperhapshistripwasprimarilypersonal,
whereneithersponsor(Latif)norvisitorwasintentonfindingajob.Thesense,in
thiscase,thatLatifwasemotionalordidnotusehismoneywellcontributedtothe
perceptionthathedidnothavegoodbusinesssense.
AswithLatif,ImetRafiqatniyāzattheKhojaimāmbārgāhinDubai;Latif
broughthimandintroducedhimtome.Hewashappytomeetme;thethreeofus
chattedandatetogether,thenagreedtomeetthefollowingday,aFriday.Latifhada
smallgatheringtogreethisuncle.Imethimintheapartmentthenextday.While
Latifpreparedsomefoodwithhisemployees,andtheothermembersofthe
apartmentpreparedfortheirtaxishifts,RafiqandIsatandtalkedquietly:mostly
smalltalkaboutParachinar.Hewasmoresubduedthanthepreviousnight,and
muchquieterthantheothers.At59,hewasonthecuspofbeingunemployable.
Above60,andalmostnoonewillgiveyouajob.62
62Thelawdisallowsnewemploymentvisasorrenewaltoanyoneover65.Inpractice,renewalscontinuethrough65,whereasnewvisasarenotextendedtothoseover60,myinformantsexplained.
217
Rafiqagreedtoaninterview,whichwearrangedforthefollowingweekend.
Latifdescribedhimaskindandgentle,partlywhyheandhisfamilyweresoworried
abouthimduringtheabductionandafterhereturnedhome.Hespokeinour
interviewinaformalanddeliberateUrdu,partlyformybenefitandpartlybecause
itwashissecondlanguage.Herepeatedthingsoften,sometimessayingthingstwo
differentwayssothatIcouldunderstand,andforemphasis.Attheendofhisinitial
narrativedescription,forinstance,hesaid:“giāraādmīkōmārā…mārḍālā,death
kiā,ḵẖatmkiā:”fourdifferentwaysofsayingthatthekidnapperskilled11people.
Healsodescribedintwowayshow,ifoneoftheprisonersbroketherules(ḵẖilāf
varzīkiā)63,hewouldbehit:uskōremanddēgā,mārēgā.Neartheendofour
interview,Rafiqfurtherdescribedintwowayshowthroughouttheordealhefeared
thathetoowouldbekilled:maiṅsōchrahāthākihumlōgōnkōmārēgā,zabarkarēgā.
Authenticityandprecisedetails
TheinterviewoccurredonaTuesdaynightinLatif’sapartment,whenall
othermemberswereoutonshiftsorsleepinginthebedroom.Rafiqwascalmand
mechanicalashespoke,atfirstnarratingthestorytome(andformyrecording)asa
chronologicalsynopsis,intheformofa5-minutemonologue.Hedescribed:Ihad
beenonabustravellingbetweenParachinartoPeshawar.Thebuswasstoppedand
boardedbyarmedgunmenatBaganvillage.64Thepassengerswereremovedfromthe
bus,andthensearchedandrobbed.Threewerekilledonsite.Therestofuswerethen
loadedintothebackofpick-uptruck“oneontopoftheother”(ekdūsrēkēūper)and63Qureshi,BashirAhmad.2005.“Ḵẖilaf.”In64AvillageontheParachinar-Peshawarroad,roughlytenmilesfromtheborderwithAfghanistan.
218
drivenintothenearbyhills.Wewerepackedintoaroomandgivensomefoodand
someuncleandrinkingwater,andthenchainedup.Wesleptlikethatforthefirst
night.Thenthenextdayweweredividedintounevenlysizedgroups,andthegroups
werethensentscatteredtodifferentlocations.Iwasoneamongagroupofthree.We
wereforcedtoworkduringtheday,doingmenialchoressuchascleaning,andwere
chainedup(hathkaṛī)atnight.Thisroutinecontinuedfor3months.Thenthe
Pakistanigovernmentpaidout3crorerupeestothekidnappers.Afterthis,they
released22prisoners,andkilledtheremaining11.
HearingthislastdetailIwassurprised,andaskedwhytheyhadkilled11
moreattheveryend,afterhavingreceivedtheirransommoney.Atthispoint,Latif
spokeup,startingtosay“zabarkarnā”(i.e.forcefulorviolentoppression),bywayof
explanation,andRafiqinterjected“z̤ulm”(meaningtyrannyorcruelty).He
concludedwith:thenthe22whosurvived,includingmyself,returnedhome,butwith
difficulty:wehadbeenboundeachnightforlongperiods,andthusourhandswere
injured.
Hisaccount,ashegaveitinthisfirsttelling,waschronologicalandconcise.
Hespokecalmlyandquietly;theendsofhissentencesoccasionallytaperedintoa
near-whisper:timesinwhichheoftenrepeatedthingstome,tomakehispoint
clear.Heseemedtoincludelittlereferencetohisfeelings(exceptforhisexpression
oftheattackersbeing“tyrannical.”)Ontheonehand,Ibelievethatheconcerned
himself,intellingthestory,withbeingauthentic—perhapsformybenefit.
Specifically,Ibelievehestrovetogroundthenarrativewithnumericaldetailsasa
waytolenditauthenticdetail.Hereisasynopsisofthesamestoryasconstructed
219
throughthenumericaldetailshedeploys(withthetimeelapsedateachmention,
fromthebeginningofthetelling):
Table4.1
Timeelapsed Detaildescribed0:00 March25(thedateoftheabduction)0:05 Therewere3cars0:16 Theykilled3guysimmediately0:52 “itwasn’tapick-up…itwasa4x4pick-up”0:56 theyput11ofusin1pick-up1:58 all11ofusatejustalittlebiryani,thenweleftitalone3:02 wespent1nightatthefirstcenter3:07 thenthenextdayweweresplitintogroups.3inthefirst
group,6inthesecond,8inthethird,etc.4:31 Oneguyamonguswasbeatenveryseverely.On3occasionshe
wasbeatenbecausehehadtriedtoescape.4:50 Wewereheldfor3months4:53 Afterthat,they[Pakistangovernment]gave3crorerupees[for
ourrelease]4:59 Afterthat,theylet22guysgo,butalsokilled11guys65
Inotethathedidnotapproximateanynumericalvaluationhegave(asis
typicalineverydayUrduspeech),butrathergaveprecisenumbers.Iarguethat
coalescingaroundprecisedetails,inthetellingofatraumaticeventlikethis,hasthe
65Laterintheinterview,heclarifiedthateightmenwerekilledintheend.Sincethreewerekilledinitiallyontheroadatthetimeoftheabduction,thetotalliveslostthroughtheordealwaseleven,accordingtohistelling.
220
effectofsuppressinganemotionalresponse,bothfortheactorintheeventandfor
therecollector.Doesitreflectanattentiontonumericaldetailasastrategyfor
organizingoneselfinatraumaticcontext?DidRafiqactivelytrytocountand
accountforhisco-prisonersasawaytomanageadifficultsituation?Ordo
numericaldetailssurvivemorevividlyinmemory?Ordoesanumericaltellingallow
forthesuppressionofmore-expressivepainfulmemoriesfromfeltexperience?Or
donumberslendcredibilitytoanaccountthatmayotherwiseseemfantastic,
extraordinary,ordefybelief?
I’mnotpreparedtodiscountthepossibilityofanyofthesemechanismsor
strategies.ButIbelievethat“fixed”orpreciseorvividdetails(suchasnumerical
accountings,ordetailsofplace)wellupinatellingasawayofgroundingspeech.
Againhere,wemightturntoVeenaDas’sworkonrumor,wherethecritical
challengeisoneoftrustingwordsinrumor,evacuatedofsignature.Sheidentifies
localdetailsthatenterintorumors,throughwhichwordsgainperlocutionaryforce
toeffectlocalviolence.Forexample,thoserumorsbyHindus,aboutSikhskillingthe
Hinduswhoharboredthem,weretiedtoparticularnamedlocalesanddistricts.Das
alsodescribeshowrumors“anchortotheimagesofselfandotherthat[circulated]
inthediscoursesofmilitancy”(Das2007,117).ValentineDanielalsodescribeshow
narrativesofviolencebuildfrom—butalsodepartfromtovaryingdegrees—the
“masternarratives”ofeventsintheSriLankancivilwar(Daniel1996,132-133).
ItakethesepatternsdescribedbybothDasandDanielasstrategiesof
groundinganarrativeinverifiabledetail.Moregenerally,Isuggestthatgrounding
memoriesandtellingsareimperativestrategiesofrecollectioninplaceslikeDubai:
221
thatis,strategiestoovercometheforceofstrongstatecontrolandwidespread
uneaseamongthevastAsianmigrantcommunity.Inacontextwhereverifiable
crimeinformationissuppressedbythestate,andmanycrimeeventsarehidden
fromthemedia,detail,veracity,andbelievabilitybecomekeybenchmarksincrime
stories.
Generalizedtropesasrelationalcredibility
Beyondrecountingpreciseandnumericaldetails,Rafiqstrivestolendhis
experienceandnarrativewhatIconsider“relationalcredibility.”Whilepreciseplace
andnumericaldetailsaimtorootatellinginaconcreteandverifiablereality,
contextualplausibilityaimstoestablishthefantasticmilieuintowhichspecific
eventsarerelated(notgrounded).AfterRafiq’s5-minutemonologuesummaryof
theordeal,wecontinuedforanadditional10minutesofalooserback-and-forth
conversation.Helistenedtomyoccasionalquestions,butansweredtangentiallyat
times,andagaingavescantdetailsofhispersonalexperience.Ratherheseemedto
offeracombinationofnumericaldetailsandcontextualreferences,throughhis
explanationsofgeneralizedevents.
Oneexchangesevenminutesintotheinterviewisinstructive.Afterhisstory
oftheordeal,Iwonderedhowwellhe’drecovered.Lookingathimaswetalked,I
triedtodiscernsignsofanylastingbodilyinjury.Heappearedtobehealthy,I
thought.Iwasabitoverwhelmedafterlisteningtohisdetailedaccountofhis
terrifyingordeal,andbumbledaquestion,towhichhequicklyanswered,then
changedthesubjectabit.
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Brian:“Thesedayslifegoesonforyou,andgoeswellIsuppose?”[Ājkālāpkizindagīphirbhīcheltīhē,aōrṭhīkcheltīhē,na?].Rafiq:“9ofthe11haslostweight…hadbecomeweak.”[giārakīnōwazankamhōgayā…kamzōrhōgayā].Rafiq:“Intheirgroup,therewerePathans,Punjabis,Arabs,Chechens,allpeople.TheywereTaliban.Theywereterrorists.”[UsmēṅPathanthā,Punjabithā,Arabicthā,aōrChechni-wālāthā,pōrālōgthā.YeTalibanthā.Daheshatgardthā.]
Afterexplainingthis,herelatedastoryofasuicidebombingoftheAmerican
ConsulateinPeshawar,perpetratedbya“Turk.”Aboutayearlater,after
reanalyzingtherecording,myInternetsearchfoundreferencestoahighprofile
2010suicidebombingeventattheConsulate—likelyhisreferencepoint,Idecided.I
foundnoevidencesuggestingtheTurkishoriginoftheperpetrators,however.
Detailsabouttheforeignoriginsofterroristsaddtothesensethattheviolent
tyrannicalforcesatworkinruggedcountrysideofFATAinPakistanarealsostrange
andfantastic.
Throughthisexampleandothers,Rafiqwantedmetounderstandthe
audacityofthisgroup’sactions.Hetoldanotherstoryattheend:
Talibanlōgbōltāthā:ēkādmīthā,ēkiskēsātʻauratthā,yekhētmēṅkāmkartāthā.Vobōltāthā“āpʻauratkēūperkyūṅkāmkarteheṅ?”Uskōpukarne,phiruskōkōṛādiā.Mārā.Ādmīkōbhīmārā,ʻauratkōbhīmārā.Dōnōṅkōmārā.Kōṛādiā.Bōltā,“kyūṅkāmkartēhēṅ,iskēūper,khētmēṅ?”“Bāharkyūṅnikālāiskō?”Itnāz̤ulmkartēhēṅ.
[TheTalibanpeoplesaid:therewasaman,andwithhimonewoman,theyworkedfarmland.They[theTaliban]said,“Whyareyoumakingthiswomanwork?”Theycapturedthem,thentheyfloggedthem.Dead.Theykilledtheman,theyalsokilledthewoman.Killedthemboth.Floggedthem.Theysaid,“whydoyoumakeherworkinthefield?Whydidyoutakeheroutside?”Theyarethistyrannical/cruel.]
Fromhistelling,it’sunclearwhetherhiscaptorshadtoldhimthisstoryduringhis
ordeal,orwhetherhehadheardthestorysecondhandfromothersoutsidethe
223
Taliban.Nevertheless,tellingparallelstoriesinthiswayhelpstoestablishthe
veracityofhisownexperience.Againthechallengeisoneoflendingcredibilitytoan
oralaccountinabsenceofverifiable(visualorrecorded)data,especiallygiventhe
skepticismandspeculationthatsurroundsthelifeofcrimeinDubai.ButIalsonote
thisasastrategyofminority“voicing,”giventherelativeinvisibilityofShiasuffering
inPakistan,intheopinionsofmanyofmyinformants,andconsideredinother
scholarship(seeforinstanceNasr2007).
Familiarfears
Whiledescribingfirst-handvictimhoodexperiencesandcriminalactivityin
Pakistan,Iexploreinthenextsectionhowmigrantsrelateandintermixaccountsof
criminalactivityinDubai.ThecontrastsandsimilaritiesthatAsgarandSharifdraw
betweenformsofcriminalactivityinbothplaces,bothexplicitandimplicitintheir
narratives,fitintoabroadersetofconcernsraisedoverthegeo-political
connectionsbetweenPakistanandtheGulfregion.Theseconcernsarose,in
particular,overaseriesofdiscussionIhadwithanothergroupofworking
PakistanisinDubai.Exploringthisothersetofresearchinteractionshelpsme
considerhowlifeinPakistanandDubaimightbestructuredbysimilaranxieties
motivatedbycommonoppressiveforces.
Toframethequestiondifferently,InotehowRafiqrelatedaspectsofhis
kidnappingordealwithtermssuchhathkaṛīandz̤ulm.Otherrelatedterms,suchas
pābandīandmajbūrī,wereusedmoreexplicitlytodescribeexperiencesofeithera)
economicprecarityorb)beingpartofareligiousminority,inDubai.Irepresent
224
howIfoundthesewordscontextuallyembeddedinmyfieldwork,andnotetheir
etymologies,inthechartbelow(seeTable4.2).Still,Iaskhowtheexperiencesthese
termsdescribemightbealignedforPakistaniworkersinDubai,forwhomlifein
bothplacesisstructuredbyformsofstruggleandoppression.
Neartheendofmyfieldworktenure,IjoinedwithasmallgroupofPakistani
ShiaoverseveraleveningsattheircompanyaccommodationinDubai.Their
employerwasamajorportsoperatoranddeveloper.Theirsprawlingcampwas
crowded,segregatedbynationality,andsparse—thesmallroominwhichwemet
wassharedbysixPakistaniworkers.Yetunlikemanyothercompanycampsinthe
Emirates,thisplacewascentrallylocated,allowingresidentworkersfargreater
autonomytocomeandgo.(Manyotherlargecompanies—suchasinthe
constructionsector—housetheirworkersaremotedesert-situatedcamps,thenbus
themtoworksitesdaily.)
Mymeetingswiththiscoregroupofeightmenresembledattimesa
symposiumonPakistanipolitics,especiallyinrelationtoworldpolitics.Myprimary
contactandguidetothecamp,Imran(whoIintroducedintheIntroductionand
Chapter1)workedasanenvironmentalimpactofficerwiththecompany,hada
familybackgroundinlaw,andwasaleaderamongthissmallgroupofmen.Our
discussions,inpart,compelledthemtoworkouttheircommitmentstoPakistan’s
futuredevelopmentasanextensionoftheirownparticipationintheglobal
extractivelaboreconomythatroutesthemthroughDubai.Attimes,inotherwords,
theycomparedbothdevelopmenttrajectoriesandtheirownlifeexperiences
betweenDubaiandPakistan.
225
Table4.2 hathkaṛī z̤ulm pābandī majbūrī
Etymology FromHindi,meaning“handcuffs,”fromhath(hand)andkaṛi(link)
FromArabic,meaning“tyranny”
FromPersian,meaning“restriction”or“boundedness”Frompa-bandmeaning“foot-tie”orfeetshacklesinUrduandPersian
FromArabic,meaning“compulsion”or“constraint.”majbarinArabicmeansforcedorcompelled
Contexts BeingkidnappedbyTaliban.Asmarkingthebody,asincludinganaftereffectofkidnappingexperience
WaytocharacterizeTalibanactionsandmotivations.
UsedprimarilytodescribetherestrictionsagainstShiastogatherandperformmourningritualsinpublic.InAmericathereisnopābandī.InsomepartsofPakistanthereispābandī,forinstanceduetotheTaliban.InDubai,peoplecannotgather,duetopābandī.
1)UsedtoexpressdifficultyoffindingworkinDubai,butalsothestrenuousnessofsuchwork.Thecompulsiontosendmoneyhome.2)Alsousedtocharacterizethesecurityapparatus.Usedtodescribethedrivingrestrictions,suchasdriving“withinthelines”ontheroad.
Characterswhouse
Rafiq RafiqandLatif Varietyofyoungmeninthecommunity
1)PathanemployedinmaintenancejobbyMosquecommittee2)Pathans,upondrivingwithmeonouterDubaihighways
226
OnegroupconversationinearlySeptemberexploredtheproblemof
Americanmilitaryinterventionaroundtheworld.Someargued,forinstance,that
Americanmilitaryactivitieshad“created,”enabled,andemboldenedBinLadento
conducthisownmilitarizedcampaign.Oneparticipantgeneralizedthis
phenomenon,describinghow“whereverAmericansliveintheworld,troubleand
instabilitytakesroot”(jidrbhīrehēgā,uskōtensionrehtē/amrīkan‘awāmneḵẖatr̤e
mēṅdāldiā).Tofurtherillustratehispoint,heexplainedthatpriortotheinvasions
ofIraqandAfghanistan(ḥamlēkarnēsēpehelē),Americanscouldtravelaround
Pakistanandaroundtheworldwithgreatease.Hecitedtheincreasedpresenceof
motorcyclesonroadsinbothDubaiandPakistanasanexampleofhowthepublic
spherewasreshapedinthepost-U.S.invasionperiod:
“AmericansshifttoDubai,nowyouseesomanyscooterseverywhere…InPakistan,atpopularruralheritagesites,Americansusedtogetaroundfreelybypublictransportcarriages(ṭāngēsē),therewerehardlyanyscooters,etc.Notanymore.”
IinterpretthisashissuggestionthatanxiousAmericansavoidpubliccrowds,and
thusfavortheuseofprivatevehiclessuchasmotorcycles.Itakeitasaremarkable
attempttoseeatransformationofpublicspaceinPakistanandDubaiasa
consequenceofheightenedfear,itselfaconsequenceofAmericanmilitaryactions,
inhisview.Itsuggeststhesimilar“shape”ofpublicanxietiesinbothplaces.
LaterthatmonthIhadanextendedconversationwithImranaboutthe
contemporaryconditioninPakistan,especiallyforShiapeople.Heclarifiedhisbelief
that“80%”ofPakistan’sproblemsweredueto“Americaninterests”inPakistan,and
thattheseinterestshaveledtotheoverall“ruin”ofPakistan’s“environment”
(Pakistanpūrāenvironmentbarbādkardiā).Yetheelaboratedabitfurther,
227
presentinganotheroverarching“environmental”factorimbricatingtogetherDubai
andPakistan.
GwadarportisamajordevelopmentinitiativeofthePakistanigovernmentto
capitalizeonPakistan’sstrategicoceanfront.Itwasenvisionedtocreateamajor
IndianOceanentrepôtandfree-tradezoneonPakistan’scoast,tocompetewith
othermajortransitandtradehubssuchasSingapore,Dubai,andBandarAbbas.
ImranhighlightedthewaysitthreatenedDubai’ssalienceasahub.Gwadarisa
naturaldeepseaport,heexplained,whereasDubai’sportwas“created,”excavated
byworkers.Forthisreasonitsdevelopmentrequiredfarlesscapitalinvestment.
Strategically,hecontinued,itislocatedwestofHamuz,andthusofferingtrans-
ocean“supertankers”easieraccess.TheGwadardesignershopedtocapturetraffic
thatwouldotherwiseuseDubaianditstaxfreezone.Forthisreason,Dubai
opposedtheproject,heexplained.Tostymietheproject,Dubaiworkedtoundercut
Pakistan’soverallsecurityandgrowth:
Oncetheprojectstartedup,Dubaibecameinvolved,tobringitdown.Becauseifitsucceeds,thenDubai’seconomygoesdown,andPakistan’seconomygoesup.Butitalsoruinedotheraspectsof[Pakistan’s]condition.BecausetheGulfpeoplesupporttheTaliban.TheSaudis,theEmiratis,theQataris,allsupportedtheTaliban.Uponsupportingthem,thisruinedthegeneralenvironmentofPakistan,effectivelydiminishingtheAmerican’sandothercountries’interestin[developingandusing]theport.[Jabuskōstartkiā,tōismēṅDubaibhīinvolvedhuā,uskōdownkarnēkēliē.Kyūṅ-kiagarvokāmyābhōjātā,tōDubaikīeconomicbhīdownhōtī,aōrPakistankīeconomicūperjātē…Lēkanuskōmazīdḥālātudherḵẖarābkiā.Kyūṅ-kīTalibansupportkiā,Gulfpeople.GulfpeoplesupportedtheTaliban.SaudiArabianpeople,Emiratespeople,Qatarpeople,supportedtheTaliban.aōrvounhōnēsupportkiāuskō,phirPakistanmēṅmazīd…Pakistanmēṅziādahālātḵẖarābhuā.aōrAmericaninterest,bāqīcountries’contract…]
228
ThemaintenanceofDubai’sportdrewImrantoworkhere,asysteminwhichhe
earnsaliving,butinwhichhehasdevelopedhimselftooslowly—asIdescribedin
greaterdetailinChapter1.Butfurthermore,Dubai’ssupportoftheTaliban66
effectivelydestabilizesPakistan’ssecurity,andthuseffectivelydisruptsthe
developmentofGwadar,inImran’sexplanation.Thus,byworkingattheDubaiport,
ImranunwittinglyperpetuatesPakistan’sownslowdevelopment.Totheextentthat
TalibaninterestsandDubaieconomicinterestsalign,Imranseestheexperienceof
lifeunderTalibanoppressionandDubai’slaborregulationsaspartofthesame
fatefulexperience.
Crimestories,spatialization,andprojectioninDubai
Idwellinthischapter,asmyinformantsdo,inthespatialgapscreated
throughtherestrictionofinformationandofbodies—aspectsofbothDubai’s
securitycultureandthesenseofinsecurity.Impactedbysectarianconflictand
neoliberalpolicies,Itracktheformsofstorytellingaroundcrimeandinsecuritythat
rushtomakeclaimsonrealityinhighlycontrolledandsurveilledspaces.Aculture
andstrategyofgovernmentinformation-withholdingmultipliestherangeof
possiblescenarios.AsIinitiallydraftedthischapterinthesummerof2014,
internationalnewsmediareportedrecentviolentconfrontationsfactionsinIsrael
andPalestine.Inthecompetingnarrativesofperpetratorsandvictims,conveyedvia
66Thisviewcouldreflecttheregion’sSunnipolitics,andmoreconcretelytheestablishmentoftheTaliban’sdiplomatic“office”inDoha,announcedin2011andopenedin2013.OnthehistoryofGulfsupportoftheTalibanseeforinstanceGuelke(2006,55)andDeclanWalsh,2010,“WikiLeakscablesportraySaudiArabiaasacashmachineforterrorists,”TheGuardian,December5,Availableonline[accessedFebruary22,2016]:http://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/dec/05/wikileaks-cables-saudi-terrorist-funding
229
newsreports,abombthatdestroysmultiplePalestinianhomesandlivesmaybe
alternatelyattributabletotheIsraeliArmyorHamasaction.
Narrativesgainforceincontextsevacuatedofinformation,people,actions,
images,andthings.JoaoBiehldescribesthepersistenceoflifeinzonesof“social
abandonment”inBrazil:centerswhichacceptdestituteindividualswhoareisolated
fromoutsideworldsandinterredinvaryingstatesofdying(Biehl2013,5-8).
Weakerindividualsclingdesperatelytofoundmaterials—“aemptybottle,apieceof
sugarcane”—aneffort,hebelieves,toavoidtheisolationofanimpendingdeath
(41).Otherswhoaremoreactivecommitthemselvestonarratingtheirpastand
presentlife.Storytellinghereisanactivitythatfillsavoid;thatwhichorganizesa
subjectivecollectivity“intermsoflack”(24).
ToexplorethelifeofnarrativeinDubai’szonesofpublicorderand
information-restriction,Iturnnowtoanotherkeyepisodefromfieldwork.Two
closecontactsandIsatonthestepsbehindthecentralShiamosqueinDubai,onone
Sundaynightofrelativedowntime.Asgarwasinhisearly20s,youngerthanmostin
thistight-knitcirclepeers,intowhichIimmersedmyself.Asgarwasunmarriedin
Dubai,hewastheprimaryfinancialsupportertohisfamilyathome.Hewasthede
factoheadofhouseholdtohisfamily,ashisfatherhaddiedtotwoyearspriorand
hewastheonlymalechild.MotivatedtosupporthismotherandsistersinKarachi,
hehadacceptedhiscurrentjobinDubaithroughthereferralofafriendinKarachi
shortlyafterhisfather’sdeath.
Asgarwasanaccountantemployedwithasmallarchitecturalcompanyrun
byaPakistaniShia.Aroundthetimeofourmeetingonmosque’sbacksteps,hewas
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tryingtoconfrontanissueinwhichhisbosswouldnotlethimapplyforwork
elsewhere.Hisbosswouldnotlethimleavehiscurrentjobnorwouldheallowhim
totrainhimselftotakeonahigherpositioninthecompany.Asgarbelievedhimself
tobesorelyunderpaid;hecouldnotsupporthisfamilyonthisjob,andwas
desperate.Heoftencomplainedthat,eventhoughhisbosswasShia,hewasnot
virtuousorfair.Still,Asgarhadacheerfulandcalmaffect,andwaswell-likedinthe
Shiacommunity,whereheoftenhelpedservesnacksandrecitepoetryatgathering
events.
Asgar,thoughborninPakistan,describedhimselfasIranian,his
grandparentshavingemigratedfromIrantoKarachi,hetoldme.Sharif—ourother
mutualfriendpresentthatnight—alsohadafamilyrecentlysettledinKarachi.
SharifwasPathan;hisfatherhadimmigratedfromSwattoKarachiforanewjob
opportunity.LikeLatif,SharifbelongedtoaPashtotribeintheKarlanrifamilyof
tribes.SharifwasmoresuccessfulandindependentinDubaithanmostinthis
group,havingbroughthiswifeandchildtolivewithhimthereinasmallapartment.
Themosque’sbackdooropenedontoasandylotthatservedasoverflow
parkingandapublicmeetingspace.ThiswasaquietanddarkspaceonaSunday
nightinSeptember,aboutonemonthafterRamadan,afterthebusynightly
gatheringsthattransformedthespacehadended.Thiswasdowntime.Our
conversationbeganasareflectiononrisingrentsintheneighborhoodsnearthe
mosque,whichthenledAsgarandShariftorecapsomeoftheirpersonalandfamily
financialconcerns.Perhapsgiventheenvironmentofoutdoorquietandempty
seclusion,allowingboth“space”oftheconversationtomeanderandthesenseof
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securityofnotbeingoverheard,theconversationcamearoundtothequestionof
securityinDubai.Itwasanopportunityforthemtoworkthroughsomeanxieties
particulartoDubai,particularlythoseaboutunusual,unexplained,orunsettling
events.Yetasthebriefconversationunfolded,italsotiedinanxietiesabout
Pakistan,includingdetailsandreferentsthatqualifiedandcontrastedwiththose
criminalactivitiesinDubai.
Thestoriesbuiltoneachother:onerelatingaDubai-basedeventledinto
anotherreferringbacktoaPakistan-basedevent.Astheystartedtothinkoftheir
ownexamplesaboutinsecurityandcrimeinDubai,theirtellingsbecamemore
animated.Thestoriesbuiltonandreinforcedoneanotherastheyunfolded.At
times,detailsAsgarprovidedseemedtoprompttherecollectionofarelatedstoryor
anecdotefromSharif,andviceversa.Mostlythey“told”thestoriesformybenefit,
addressingme,butinthespiritofbuildingononeanother,theyalsoaddressedeach
other.
Thefirststorybelowbeginsthisway,forinstance.AsgaraddressedSharif
directly,withSharifinterjectingexclamationsthatindicatedinterestedlistening.
“Acchā,Chinesene?”Sharifinterjectsatonepoint,forinstance(implyingsurprise,
similartotheexclamation“youdon’tsay?”inEnglish).Especiallynearthebeginning
oftheconversation,Ialsointervenedandtriedtoprovokethemabit,interjecting
myfeelingthatDubaiwasaverysafeplace—ascomparedtocitieslikeKarachiand
Baltimore—thelatterwhereIhadlivedasagraduatestudentfortheyears
precedingmyresearchinDubai.Sharifagreedbutqualifiedtheclaim:“Comparedto
Karachi,Dubaiis100%safe.Dubaiissafebecauseoftherule,oflawandorder.But
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youcan’tsayit’s‘safe.’Youhavetobecareful.”Laterherecapitulatedthisidea,
saying“Dubaiisverysafe,yetanythingcanhappenhere.”
Below,Ihighlightsomeofelevenkeystoriesorstoryfragmentsfromthe
conversationbetweenAsgar,Sharif,andmyselfonthatnight.Butfirst,letmebegin
byofferinganexcerptfromtheconversationasitactuallyunfoldedasareal-time
narrative.Thiswillhelptoprovideasenseofthelogicalconnectionsbetweenthe
narrativepieces,howtheconversationmeandered,howAsgarandSharifreactedto
eachothers’tellingsandtomyoccasionalinterjectionsandgentleprovocations.
Presentingareal-timesnippetalsohelpsmeillustratehowtheinherent
contradictioninSharif’sgeneralstatementthat“Dubaiissafe,butwecan’tsayitis
safe/wehavetobecareful”manifestedascontradictionsasthenarrativeitself
morphed.InthesectionoftheconversationwhereIbeginmytranscriptionbelow,
SharifbeginsbytalkingaboutcrimesinKarachi.
Sharif:Streetcrimesarevery…verymuchthere.Because…Brian:Streetcrimes?Asgar:Ya.…iPhoneagardēkhliā…[iftheyseeyouriPhone…]Sharif:Itakeonlythismobileoutside,whenIgo,Karachi…Ikeepallmobileandwatchandeverythingthereathome,andItakethis.Ifsomeonecomesandasksmobile,Igivethemonlythis.Asgar:Mērābhītalāshīhōgī…ēkbār,mērīpāsēkhazārrupeethā…[theyalsosearchedmeonce…andIhad1000rupees]Brian:They’llcomewithchāqū…[knife]Sharif:Theykillyou,ifyoudon’tgivehimtheyjust….Ithappenseveryday.Brian:SameintheU.S.InU.S.citiesitalsohappens.Sharif:Buthereitisverysafe,ascomparedtoU.S.Asgar:Becauseofpublictransporthere.InKarachitheycanhijackwholebus.Sharif:InKarachi…wholebus.Brian:Really?Sharif:Ya.Runningbus.Theygothrough…onemangoestothedriver,givethegun…andsays,“keepdriving.”Sohedrives,andtwo
233
personsbehindtheycollecteverythingfromeverybody.Afterthattheytellhimtostop,theyjump,andrun.Brian:Ya…yaKarachiisdangerousIthink.[pauseof10seconds.]Asgar:AndsamehereinSatwa.Ifsomeoneaskyoutostopthecar,don’tstop.Ifheisnotshurṭa[police].Sharif:Satwa?Acchā[OK].
Instorytellinghere,InotehowAsgarandSharifbuildonandreacttoeachotherin
realtime,inawaythatreflectswhatMichaelJacksonnotedofgroupstorytellingas
aformof“dialogicalinterplay”(Jackson2005,358).Ialsonotehowinthecourseof
theconversationalarch,afterconsideringinitiallyconsideringtheprevalenceof
streetcrimesinKarachi,SharifreturnshisattentionbrieflybacktoDubai,saying:
“buthereitisverysafe.”Still,onlyaminutelater,Asgarappearstocontradict
Sharif’ssentiment,whenhesuggeststhatacar-jackingcouldalsooccurinDubai:“if
someoneaskyoutostopthecar,don’tstop.”Ibelievethatthistypeofcontradiction,
madeapparentwhenthestoriestheytoldarepresentedastheyunfoldedinreal
time,reflectsabroaderparadoxofDubaifromthemigrantperspective:aplacesafe
byoutwardappearancebutunsafebyvirtueofconcealedcriminalactivity.
OverthecourseofmyentireconversationwithAsgarandSharifthatnight,
whichlastedroughlyfifteenminutes,heandAsgargaveavarietyofexamplesto
supportthesuggestion—asItookit—thateventhoughthecrimeratewaslow,
strangeandunusualcriminaleventsdofrequentlyoccurinDubai.Similartothe
rangeofstoriesRafiqtoldme,Idividetheirstoriesintoa)thosethatrelateaspecific
event,andb)thosethatconstituteageneralizedcrime-trope:atypeofoccurrence
thatcouldhappenortendstohappen.Storiesinthesecondcategoryaretoldina
subjunctive“could-be”mood,whileinthefirstaretoldinadefinitivepasttense.
234
Examplesinthefirstcategoryarepurportedcrimes,notreportedinthenewsbut
transmittedwithinthecommunityorally,asarumor.Assuchtheircredibilityis
rootedinparticularmaterials,concreteimages,andunsettlingdetails:a“locked
refrigerator”a“rolled-upprayerrug,”aswewillseeintheexamplesbelow.Stories
ofthesecondcategoryarereceived,andoftengeneralized,from“verified”or
verifiablewrittenandmediaaccounts.
ThestoriesAsgarandShariftold,andthecrime-tropestheydescribed,
rangedincompletenessandcomplexity.Somestoriesareonlyfragments,beforethe
conversationshifted,oronepersoninterruptedtheother.I’vetriedtooutlinethe
variousstories,story-tropes,andfragmentsbelow.Inthechart,Ihavepreservedthe
orderinwhichtheyoccurredintheconversation,bynumberingthemalongtheleft
side.Narrativesinthefirstcategoryarealsofilledwithmoreconcrete,material,and
visually-specificdetails,andIhavemadeanefforttohighlightedinboldfacethose
detailsbelowaswell.Mostly,AsgarspokeinUrduandSharifspokeinEnglishinthe
conversation,thoughIpresenttheEnglishtranslationthroughout.
Table4.3
SectionA:Specificinstancesofcriminalevents(bothexperiencedfirst-handandproported)
Story Location
(1)Asgar:Chinesepeopleabductedayounggirl—theEmiratesMallsecuritycameracapturedtheabduction.TheytookhertoInternationalCity[anoutlyingdistrictinhabitedbymostlyAsianmigrantworkersandtheirfamilies],wheretheykeptherinalockedrefrigerator.Therefrigeratorwasfoundinanoutdoortrasharea.Shewasdiscoveredtherewhensomeoneopenedtherefrigerator.
Dubai,Inter-nationalCitysection
235
(3)Asgar:About6-7monthsago—youknowthatmosque,thesteelone?AFilipinoguywasfounddeadthere,rolledupintheoutdoorprayerrugs.Theyunrolledtherugsforfajr[earlymorning]prayersandfoundhisbody.(acentrallylocatedmosquewithinabusybusstationinamarketsquare).
Dubai,Satwabusstation
(6)Asgar:Onceaguystoppedme,withaknife.Ihad1000rupees[roughly10U.S.dollars]onme…
Karachi
(8)Asgar(echoedbySharif):[referringtocentraldistrictinhabitedbymostlySouthAsianMuslimworkingmen]Therearedarkalleys.OtherPakistanisdon’ttalktomethereatnight.Ifyouwearsalwārqamīẓtheywon’tbotheryou.Ifit’saBengali,theywon’trobhim.Becauseoncethey[somePakistaniguys]pickedup/kidnappedaPathan.ThatPathandidn’tseewhoitwas,andhitthem/beatthemup.[Asgarlaughs]Soitwasn’tacrime(crimetōunhōnēnahīṅkiā)andthoseguys[whogothit]didn’ttellthepolice.
Dubai,Satwaresidentialarea
(9)Sharif:Amanwasfoundwithhisthroatslashedinasheeshaparlor,knowntobeaprostitutionhouse,at6inthemorning.TwoMoroccanArabwomen,sexworkers,wereaccusedofthecrime.Thatareaisverydangerousandknownforcrimeslikethis.Inthatspecific2sqkmareayouwillfindmorethan40beautycentersandsheeshaparlors[frontsforprostitution].MostlyArab[African]femalesexworkersarefoundthere.Maybehewasdrunk,becauseit’snoteasytocutthethroatofamale,evenfortwowomen.Thesheeshparlorreopenedthenextday…
Dubai,residentialareaofDeira,nearSharjahborder
SectionB:Generalizedcrime-tropesconveyedas
potentialeventsortypesofevent
Story Location
(2)Sharif(inEnglish):InSharjah,it’sverybad.They[referentindeterminate]enterhomesifyourdoorisnotlocked.Usuallyfamily--thehousewivesareinside.Becausethemanisworking,andthekidsgotoschool,housewivesarealoneathome.Ifthedoorisnotlocked,theygoinside,andrapeandkill.Twoorthreetimes,IsawitinGulfNews.Becausetheycan’thideafamilymurderorwomanmurder.Theywillinvestigatethat,anditcomesinthemedia.
Sharjah(neigh-boringEmiratetoDubai)
236
(4)Asgar:InKarachi,ifthereisacriminalcommittingacrime,hedoesnotfearbeingseenbythepolice.Ratherhecannotlethimselfbeseenbythepublic…Sharif(inEnglish):Becauseifheiscaughtonsite,hewillbekilledthere,bythepeople.Asgar:…withweapons,everyonehasweapons…Sharif:Nonotwithweapons.Withtrash(ganda)andwithstones.Becausetheyknowiftheygivehimtothepolice,theywillreleasehim,aftercollectingbribes.That’swhypeopleareverycrazythere.
Karachi
(5)Asgar:IftheyseeaniPhone…Sharif:Itakeonlythismobileoutside,whenIgooutinKarachi,Ikeepmyothermobiles,mywatch,andeverythingathome.Ifsomeonecomesandasksformymobile,Igivethemthis.Becausethey’llkillyou,ifyoudon’tgiveittohim.
Karachi
(7)Asgar:InKarachi,they[referentindeterminate]canhijackawholebus…Sharif:arunningbus.Onemangoestothedriver,andsays“keepdriving.”Sohedrives,andtwootherpeoplecollecteverythingfromeverybody.Afterthat,theytellhimtostop,theyjump,andrun.
Karachi
(10)Sharif:Evenifyouaredriving,andyouarefollowingtherules,youneverknow…someonecouldcomefromthissideandthatsideofyou,andhityou.Anythingcouldhappen…
Dubai
(11)Sharif:ThesamepeoplewhodocrimesinKarachiandinPakistan,theycomehereandstayvery…human.Theybehavelikehumans.Thesameperson,ifhehadmurdered4-5peopleinPakistan,he’llcomehereandbehave.
DubaiandPakistan
Severalpatternsemerge,Isuggest,whentheinformationisorganizedinthis
way.Focusingonthespecificandpeculiarconcretedetailsdeployedinthestoriesin
theSectionAabove,forinstance,revealsthecentralroleofconcealmentinthe
criminalactsthemselves.Thatspecificcrimesinvolveanelementofconcealmentis,
ofcourse,consistentwiththeideathatcriminalactivitybeliestheoutwardsenseof
publicorderinDubai,andtherelativelylowofficially-reportedrates.Thedetails
suggestAsgarandSharif’sbroaderanxietyaboutwhatishiddeninDubai.That
whichmaybeinsidethelockedrefrigerator,rolledinsideprayerrugs,orconcealed
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behindbeautyparlorstorefronts,mightbesinister,menacing,surprising,and
fearsome,asthespeculativetoneoftheirstoriesconveys.
Anxietyoverconcealedcriminalactsalsoreflectsforeign-migrantanxieties
overthesecrecyofthestate’sregulatoryenterprisesaswell.AsIdescribedabove,
AsgarworriedabouthowhewouldcontinuetosupporthisfamilyinPakistanifhe
couldnotincreasehisincome.Butstill,hehesitatedtotalktohisboss,lestheloose
hisjobcompletely.AsIexplainedinmyintroductiontothischapter,thestateuses
uncertaintyandsecrecyasatooltomanagetheforeignpopulation,partlyby
manipulatingthefearofthenativepopulation.Thestate’skafālasystem
institutionalizesa)employers’controloverworkers’movementandcareer
development,andb)theimpermanenceofforeignworkers.Theideathat“anything
canhappen”inDubai,inotherwords,alsocapturesthesenseofuncertainty
migrant’sfeelovertheiremploymentandresidencystatuses.
Unpredictabilityisathemeacrossthestoriesabove,ofeventslocatedin
Dubai.TheDubai-basedstory8above,forinstance,breaksthegeneralrule
presentedinthePakistan-basedstory5,impliedinstory6andinRafiq’skidnapping
ordeal,oftheimportancetoaccenttovictimhood.Instories5and6above,thisis
theimportancetosubmittothemuggingandgivethethiefwhathewants,lesthe
killyouonthespot.Thispartlyexplainsthehumorinstory8,inwhichthePathan
“doesn’tsee”hisattackersorkidnappersverywell—suggestingthatthePathanwas
notscaredbythem,andperhapsdidn’tseeweapons.Soheattackedthem,Asgar
explainswithsomeamusement:asurprisingturnofevents.Thus,whileallthe
playersinthisinthe#8narrativearePakistani,andsimilareventsplayoutin
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Karachi“everyday,”theoutcomehereinDubai’senvironmentofunpredictabilityis
different.
PurportedcrimesinDubaiare,Iargue,structuredbythisuncertaintyand
unpredictability.Instory9,Sharifspeculatesabouthowtwoladiescouldhave
slashedthethroatofa“fullgrownman.”Sharif’stonesofdisbelief,asAsgartoldthe
storyaboutthecrimeperpetratedbyChineseindividualsinstory1above,suggest
someperplexityoverwhatmotivedthecrime,especiallyinlightoftheluriddetails.
Still,atleastonestoryappearstocombinethesethemesofunpredictabilityand
peculiaritywithmorefamiliarfears.Story3aboveisnotablyembeddedinaworld
ofreligiousmaterials:aglitteringbus-stationmosquemadeofsheetmetal,large
rolleduprugsforgroupprayer,theunsuspectingcaretakersunrollingthemthe
followingmorning.Whoaretheculprits?Comparedtotheotherstories,fewclues
areprovidedhere.
Iarguethattheemphasisonreligiousmaterialsinstory3reflectsparticular
anxietiesaboutreligiousviolencefeltbyAsgarandSharif,andbyLatifandRafiq.
Thoughitisacentralfeatureofthisstory,religiousviolenceisotherwiseforeignto
Dubai.Rather,itisdeeplyrootedintheexperienceofMuslimminoritiesinPakistan,
anexperiencethesemenshare.ThereligioustextureofviolenceinPakistanseems
toinfusethisstory.Itsdetailsareanexpressionofparticular(andfamiliar)
anxietieslocatedelsewhere.
Conclusion:Emptyspaceandnarrativelife
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CriminalsoperatewithimpunityinPakistan.Criminalactsoccurinpublic,
andnarrativerecollectionsfocusonthedaringactsthemselves:hijackingamoving
bus,shootingpeopleonroadside.InDubai,thecriminaleventisoftenunseen,and
thenarrativefocusesonafter-the-factdiscoveries,oftenofadeadbody,forinstance.
Atstakeinthesedistinctionsaredifferentconfigurationsofpublicspace.
RegulationsandpoliceenforcementinDubaicreatesubduedpublicoutdoor
environments,evacuatedofactivities,includingcriminalactivities.Thereisa
counterpointbetweenthisenvironmentanda)the“degenerationanddevastation”
particulartothereligiousandpublicenvironmentsofmodernurbanPakistan,in
general(Khan2010,504),andb)theviolentandluridcontentofthestoriesAsgar
andShariftell.Throughcrimestorytelling,immediateemptiedspacesbecome
populatedwiththeanxietiesofelsewhere,bothofPakistanandofconcealed
criminalityinDubai.
Whatdonarrativesdoinspacesevacuatedofinformationandactivity?Of
course,oraltellingstransgressboundariesofspaceandtime;theybringevents
boundedinparticulartimesandplacesoutsidethemselves.Assuch,tellingsrework
spaceinmultipleways.Thevisualenvironmentweoccupiedonthatnight
transformedbeforeusthroughthisconversation.Thedarkvacantlot,theshadow
castbythelargetreebeforeus,theunevenearth,passingvehicles,areallgathered
upinthestoryandmergedtothosenarratedmaterialsandactions,bychanceand
byco-occurrence.Thesignifiedscometooccupyacommonsignifier:aprocessin
whichthestrangeismadefamiliar.Narrativesworkonspace,reassembling
materialsintonewassemblagesviaanxiouslogics.
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InmyanalysisofthestoriestoldbyAsgar,Sharif,andRafiqabove,Inote
theireffortsto“ground”theirtellingsaboutconcealedordistanteventsinconcrete
details.Iarguethatthisefforttogroundanarrativeindetailisaparticularethicof
storytelling,andalsoareactiontobroaderformsofinstabilitythatmigrantsfacein
Dubai.Inthisway,storytellingworksto“emplace”anxietiesintheenvironmentasa
waytooccupyspaceandsecureknowledgeaboutenvironments:tomakethe
nefariousandmysteriousappearfamiliar.Itake“grounding”asanethicofmigrant
lifeparticulartothestruggleagainstworklifeinstabilitiesandconcealedcriminal
forces.
Ialsoidentify“reflection”asanethicofstorytellingparticulartotheaccounts
ofRafiq,Asgar,andSharif.NarrativemeanderingandreflectionallowsAsgarand
Sharif,forinstance,totransitionfluidlybetweenexamplesrelatedtoDubaiand
thoserelatedtoPakistan,providinganopportunitytoprojectanxietiesofelsewhere
intothereal-timeandimmediatepresent.AsIhaveargued,thisethicofwandering
ruminationinstorytellingisenabledbyanambienceofidlenessparticularto
momentsandphasesdowntime.ForAsgarandRafiqinparticular,Iarguethatthis
ethicofwanderingparticulartostorytellingstructuresotherformsofrumination
aboutthestrugglesofunemploymentandunderemployment,indowntime
momentsandspacesrelatedtothoseinwhichtheytoldstoriesabouttheir
knowledgeofcriminalactivityandexperiencesofvictimhood.Ithusobservethis
ethictostructurevariousactivitiesacrossdomainsofmigrantlifeinDubai.
ThatmemoriesofviolenceinPakistansaturateanxietiesaboutconcealed
nefariousforcesinDubai—forPakistanislivinginDubai—isperhapsnotsurprising.
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JohnBornemanhasexaminedtheworkofdreamsamongmeninSyria,tosubsume
anxietiesandallowtheactorstocontendwithvarietiesofviolenceintheirdaily
lives.Dreams,daydreams,and“reverie”helpedBorneman’sinformants
“contextualizeexperience”andcreate“futurecommunicativepossibilities.”They
createacontrolledspaceinwhichanxietiesaboutrealeventscanbeexpressed
through“stand-in”figuresandsymbols.
Tofurtherconsidertherolesofdreaming,reflection,andimaginationin
inhabitingdowntimeenvironmentsinDubai,Iendbyreconsideringqualitiesof
boredomandstillness,whichIfirstintroducedaboveviatheworkofOrrantiaand
Stewart.WalterBenjamintrackedboredomasanoutcomeofbotha)thetempos
andrepetitiverhythmsofurbanlaborintheindustrialandpost-industrialera,and
b)theambulatoryrhythmsoftheflaneursinParis,characterizedatonepointinThe
ArcadesProjectas“thegreatidlers,thewaterfrontloafersandthevagabonds”
(Benjamin1999,104)Crucially,Benjaminconstructstheboredomoftheflaneurin
relationtotheParisianenvironmentofsedimentarydecay,mud,anddust.Inone
scene,forinstance,organizedunderthesubheading“DustandStifledPerspective,”
hepresentsthefigureofawomanwalkingwithadresswithalongtrain,stirringup
streetdustasshegoes(103).Anotherstronglyconveysthedull,dusty,and
monotonefeaturesofthephysicalenvironment:
Recentlydepositedlimestone—thebedonwhichParisrests—readilycrumblesintoadustwhich,likealllimestonedust,isverypainfultotheeyesandlungs….Hereisthesourceoftheunprepossessingbleachedgrayofthehouses,whichareallbuiltfromthebrittlelimestoneminednearParis;here,too,theoriginofthedun-coloredslateroofsthatblackenwithsootovertheyears.(108)
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Inturn,helaterdescribesthissenseofboredomasthe“fabric”inwhichwe“wrap
ourselveswhenwedream,”andtheflaneur’sambulationasthe“rhythmicsofthis
slumber”(105-106).Isupposethatthereisakinshipbetweentheenvironmentof
thevacantsandlotinDubai,whereAsgar,SharifandIchattedidlyonenight,and
thelimestonedust-cakedstreetsandbuildingsintheParisofBenjamin’searly-
twentiethcenturyflaneur.Inbothcases,thedullandsedimentaryenvironment
producestheaffectofboredomwhichpromptflightsofdreamlikeimagination.
Dovisuallyanddynamically-restrainedenvironmentspromptlinesof
imagination?BuildingontheperspectiveadvancedbyVincentCrapanzano,how
mighttherealimmediateworldbe“entangled”withtheimaginary?Underwhat
conditionsmightelementsorobjectsintheimmediatelandscape—asinalandscape
painting,forinstance—inspiretheviewerto“imagine”whatliesconcealedbeyond
(orwithin)theseobjects(Crapanzano2004,17,24-25)?Thischapterhas
consideredhowtheenvironmentofpublicsecurityandpublicorderinDubai
produceslow-contrast,subdued,andmutedspacesthatstageandinspireanxieties
tiedtoelsewhere.Furthermore,theexampleshaveconsideredhowthevisual
horizonsofconcretethingsanddiscretespacesinthephysicalenvironmentprompt
imaginationsaboutwhatisnotseenandnot-present:thatwhichliesbeyond.
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5.ConstraintSound,noise,containment,partitioning,pitch,wā‘z̤ī
Ilayflatagainstathinmattressonthehardconcretefloor,intotaldarkness.
TheroomIhadoccupiedforoveramonthwascavernous,butIenclosedmyselfat
nightbehindamosquitonet.ThemajlisthatIhadattendedearlierthatnight—ata
SufishrineandimāmbārgāhcentersituatedinthisruralnorthIndianvillage,
perhapsafiveminutewalkfrommyroom—continuedtoringoutover
loudspeakers,reverberatinginsideandoutsidetheroom,loudlybutindistinctly.I
strainedtocatchthewords.
Theshrineitself,perchedonamound,isthehighestpointinthevillage.In
onedirectionfromtheshrine,amarketroadextendsdownthegently-sloping
acclivity,thickly-linedwithshopsandstalls.Myroomlayatthebaseofthisslopein
adifferentdirection,partofanotherwise-vacant“pilgrims”accommodationlodge:a
sparsepropertythatfilledtocapacitywithattendeesontheoccasionoflarge
commemorativeeventsattheshrine—mostespecially,theSaint’sdeath
anniversary.Intheoppositedirectionfromthelodge,fieldsofriceandwheat
extendedoutwardinanextensivepatchworkdottedbyfarmer’shutsandsmall
farmhouses.
AsIlayinthedark,InotedrepeatedreferencestoImamAli—or“AliMōlā,”in
thereferenceofthereciters—butcaughtlittleelse.Theentombedsaint’slineageis
tracedthroughthesixthImam,andthesitefeaturesasmallimāmbārgāhofftoone
sideofthemaintomb.SimilartoShiacommemorativepracticesacrossthe
Subcontinent,thisSufishrineorganizedeventsinhonoroftheearlyImams.This
particulargatheringcommemoratedImamAli’sbirth.
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Thesoundofonevocalperformancebyagroupofmen,accompaniedbya
regulardrumbeat,echoedloudly,butcamethroughjumbledovertheloudspeakers.
Therecitationwaspunctuatedbytheoccasionalsharpstaccatoofdistortionand
feedbacknoise.Giventheotherwisequietlate-nightenvironmentofthedensely
settledvillageandfarmland,Iwonderedhowtheperformancesoundsimpacted
otherresidents.Intheambientvicinityoftheshrine,didresidentsalsostrainto
listen,ordidtheystraintosleep?Weretheperformancesreceivedasmere
backgroundnoise,ornuisance?Wasthebroadcastappreciated,begrudged,or
effectivelyignored?
FouryearslaterinDubai,aconversationwithaPakistaniShiaman,working
asaluxurycarsalesman,promptedmetoreconsideredmyexperienceinthat
village,onthatnightandothers,duringsome“pre-dissertation”fieldworkinthe
summerof2008thatIhadbeenconductingthere.Themanwasaconvertfrom
SunnitoShiaIslam,andjoininghimonedayatanopulentMughal-themed
restaurant,heexplainedwhathaddrawnhimtoShi’ism,andhowhepracticedit.
Despitehisembrace,hechallengedavarietyofconventionsinwhathedescribedas
“traditional”Shiapractice.Asanexample,hecitedthetraditionoforganizinglate-
nightmajlisesoverloudspeakersinPakistan.“Whatabouttheirneighborswhoare
tryingtosleep,”hesaidatonepoint.Heexpressedhispreferenceforthetraditionof
indoorandmore-subduedmajlisesinDubai,whichcorrectedthis“excessive”
impulsetodisruptpublicspace,inhisview.
FocusedonDubai,thischapterexplorestheenvironmentalforcesandspatial
containmentpracticesthatshapeandconfigureaspectsofvocalandbodily
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performanceinShiaexpressivepractices.Ibeginwiththisreferencetomyown
earlierfieldworkinIndiatohelpillustratethesonicaestheticsandethicsof
performanceparticulartoIndiathatcontrastwiththosesalientinDubai.Many
communitymembersmadefrequent“comparative”referencesinordertodescribe,
andmakesenseof,theirparticipationinShiaexpressiveritualsinDubai.More
generally,theyassertedthatrestrictions—thatis,thedegreeofpābandī—inDubai
exceededthoserestrictionsShiasfeltelsewhere:bothinIndiaandPakistan,andin
EuropeandAmerica.
Inthischapter,Iconceive“constraint”asanethicofreligiousexpressive
performancegermanetothecompartmentalizedspaceoftherecordingstudio,and
anethicofworkinlightofthecompressedtimeframesthatstructuredailyroutines.
TheexperiencesofSaadinthefinalsectionsbelow,whoIinitiallyintroducedinthe
IntroductionandChapter1,showhowanethicsofconstraintstructuresboth
domainsoflife.IndescribinganethicsofconstrainttiedtoShiaexperienceand
migrantworklifeinDubai,IbuildonotherkeystudiesintheanthropologyofIslam
thatfocusedontheroleofdiscipline,comportment,andcompartmentalizationin
cultivatingethicalpracticeinIslam.StudieshaveobservedhowtheIslamicaẕān,or
“calltoprayer,”servestopunctuatedailylife(Khan2011,571-572),andhowthe
performanceofṣalātor“prayer”reliesontheexecutionof“afixedsequenceof
movements”(Bowen1989,601).
SabaMahmoodbuildsonFoucault’sconceptionofethicsasasetofbodily
techniquesandspiritualexercises(Foucault1988)toshowhowparticipantsof
Egypt’smosquemovementhonedisciplinedritualpracticesviaan“elaborate
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systemoftechniques”tocultivatepiety(Mahmood2005,31).AndCharles
Hirschkindhasshownhowtheefforttoattuneone’searintheauditionofsermons
buildsonamorebasicformsofIslamicethicaldiscipline,tiedforinstancetothe
recitationandmemorizationoftheQur’an(Hirschkind2006,121).Throughan
ethicsof“containment”or“constraint,”Iarguethatmembersofthiscommunity
adapttheirworkliferoutinesandformsofreligiousexpressiontotheparticular
logicsofregulationandspatialorganizationinDubai.
Containmentascreativeimprovisation
Centrally,thischapteraimstoshowhowexpressivecommemorative
performancesinShiaIslampersistinindoorenvironments.Iaimtoshow,inother
words,howtheythriveinspiteofpublicspaceregulations.Inparticular,Itracehow
thepartitioningofroomsandhomesisaparticularmigrantstrategyinDubaiaimed
atreclaimingspace,mitigatinghighhousingcosts,and“interiorizing”activities.The
partitioningofspaceisastrategyofmigrantlifeinresponsetotheeffectsof
regulatoryandmarketforces.Furthermore,thepracticeofiterativepartitioningof
interiorspace—partitionsofpartitions—reachesitsapogee,fortheShiacommunity
membersIfollowinthischapter,inthespaceoftherecordingstudio,Iargue.
Visuallyandsonicallycontained,expressivepracticesherethriveastheyare
shapedbybotha)asenseofdisciplineandb)aspiritofimprovisationalingenuity,
cultivatedinrelationtoregulationsofpublicspaceinDubai.Putanotherway,inthis
chapterIobservehowthepracticesofpartitioninginteriorspaceenablea
proliferationof“interiorized”Shiaexpressivepractices.Iconsiderbothpractices—
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thepartitioningofinteriorspaceandtheaudiorecordingofpoeticrecitation—tobe
actsofcreativeimprovisationconformedandenabledbythecontainment
imperativesassociatedwiththeregulationofpublicspaceinDubai.Assuch,my
argumentmirrorsthoseofotheranthropologists,abouthowformsofcreative
actionadaptto,andareexpandedby,“rational,bureaucratic,organizational
structure”andformsof“rule-governedbehavior.”Forinstance,considerEitanWilf’s
explorationofthestrategiesofjazzstudentsandeducatorstoadapttheircreative
artisticprocesstothestructuresandlogicsofhighereducationinstitutions.Wilf
trackshowjazzeducators“userule-governedtechniquestoreconfigurestudents’
playingbodiesandthusopenupnewcreativehorizonsintheirimprovisations”
(Wilf2014,12,14).
Relatedly,considerBeatriceJauregui’saccountofjugādinIndia,whichshe
characterizesasatypeof“everydaycorruption.”Shedescribesjugādasaformof
materialornon-materialimprovisationor“bricolage,”67inwhichordinarypeople
appropriatetransactionalmodesmore-typicallyassociatedwiththeexerciseof
officialpower,suchascorruption(Jauregui2014,76-79).Shedescribes,for
instance,amanwholeverageshisown“connection”withintheLucknowpolicein
ordertoavoidpayingabribedemandedbyanotherpoliceofficer.BothWilfand
Jauregui’sstudiesexaminecreativepracticesthatappropriatebureaucratic
structuresandmodesoftransaction.SimilartoWilf’sstudyofjazzeducation,Ifocus
onhowregulationstransformformsofcreativeexpression,suchasShiapoetry
67Here,JaureguireferencesLevi-Strauss’sformulationoftheconcept,asanprocessofbuildingwithrawmaterialsthatarealreadyengineeredandavailableintheimmediateenvironment:aprocessof“reorganization”and“reconstruction”toproducenovelnewarrangementsandcreations.(Levi-Strauss1966,16-22)
248
recitation.AndlikeJauregui’sstudy,Iexamine“partitioning”asatypeofbricolage
thatisbotha)particulartoworkingclasssurvivalandb)incorporatesthelogicof
themaintenanceofpublicorder.Idevelopthisargumentfurtherbelow,asIexplore
theintersectionofcontainmentpracticesandmodesofShiaexpressionparticularin
theIndo-PakistanmigrantcommunityinDubai.
AcoustemologyofShiaexpressiveritual:‘azādārī
Iarguethatafocusonthe“sonic”aspectsofShiaexpressiveritualswill
illuminatehowperformersandparticipantsadapttostateregulatoryforces.Forms
ofShiapoeticrituallooselycategorizedas“‘azādārī,”inSouthAsianculture,are
amongthemostsonically-varied—totheextentthattheyincorporatevocaland
non-vocalsonicproductions—andprovideastartingpointformyanalysis.
Typically,in‘azādārī,regularrhythmicchestbeatingpunctuatestheperformanceof
poetry.Chestbeatsaddapercussiveandsometimes-raucousqualitytothesonic
performance,asparticipantsbeatthemselveswithvaryingdegreesofforcefulness,
dependingontheirown“taste”preferencesandonwhattheregulatory
environmentallows.
Tobegintounpacktherelationshipbetweenenvironmentalforcesand
expressiveperformance,letmefirstexaminemorecloselythissetofnon-tonal
soundsin‘azādārī.Primarily,suchsoundsincludepercussivechestbeats(which
accompanymātamperformance)andwailing(ofaudiencemembersduringnōḥaor
mars̤iyaperformance).Functionally,whatdosuchsounds,ornoises,addtopoetic
recitations?Inoneway,Isupposethatthese“sounds”evokethesonic
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environment—andthesenseofprofoundurgencyandtragedy—attheBattleof
Karbalaitself.Isuggest,inotherwords,thatthesemodern-dayritualsfunctionto
reenactvisceralaspectsofHussain’sparty’sfatefulencounterwiththeYazidis.68
Iheardonemars̤iya69inDubai,forinstance—bothperformedliveand
viewedasaYouTubevideoononeresearchparticipant’sphone—thatdescribesthe
painfulfirst-handexperienceofthewomeninHussain’stent.Thepoemrefersboth
tothetraumaofKarbalaandofthetrialsofcaptivitythereafter.Performedbymen
orwomenandaccompaniedbychestbeats,thisfirstpersonaccountinthepoem
floatsbetweenZainab70andSakina71:
Hāthkānōṅpehē,nīlgālōṅpehēAōrnishānjōSakinakīshānōpehēHarnishānsēyehīārahīhēsadā,bābājān,bābājānShām-e-‘āshurse,shām-o-Kufatak,Meṅnemānganahīṅhekhirāj-eFadak,Mērīchādarsēhē,mērīmānkāsukūn,sūnlēzālimjahān
[HandsonmyearsandbruisesonmycheeksTherearemarksonSakina’sshouldersAndfromeverymarkcomesthecall“ohfather,ohfather!”FromtheeveofʻĀshūrā72totheeveofKufa73IhaveneveroncedemandedmyrightstoFadak74Frommyblanket,andmymother’scomfort,Ihearthetyrantoutside!]
Performedvocallyandthroughhandsclappingchestsandheads,woundsheregain
asonictextureattheintersectionofthestrikeandthevocalizedcry:boththe
68YazidistheCaliphtowhomHussainrefusedtogiveallegiance.Yazid’sarmyinterceptedHussain’scontingentatKarbala,forcefullypreventtheironwardmarchtoKufa,inthemonthofMuharramin680A.D.69AnelegycommemoratingImamHussainand/ortheBattleofKarbalaspecifically.70Hussain’ssister.71Hussain’sdaughter,age4atthetimeofKarbala.72ThetenthdayofMuharram,680CE,thedayofHussain’smartyrdom73ThepartyofcaptivesurvivorsarrivedinKufatwodayslater.74ThevillagethatMuhammadbequeathedtoFatima(Zainab’sfather),thoughthe
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present-dayperformers’criesandwounds,andthoseoftheImam’simmediate
familymembers.ThemuffledcriesoftheladiesandbabiesinHussain’stent,andthe
dullvisceralthudsofarrowsandswordspiercingtheskinofHussainandhisfamily
membersandassociates,“ring”intheformsofchestbeatingandwailingofmodern
Shiarituals,Iargue.Thispoem’sperformance(inthepresent-day)evokesboththe
painfulsonicexperienceofKarbalaanditsaftermath,and“bodies”forthacallto
protestHussain’sfate.Protestiskeyaspectof‘azādārī,whichIexplorefurther
below.
Expressiverange
Disagreementsovertheutilityof“excessive”ritualsinShiapractice,
includingtheritualsassociatedwith‘azādārī,oftenreflecttastepreferences,asI
arguedinChapters2above.Still,manyIworkedwithinDubaiagreedthat‘azādārī
performancesinDubaiaregenerallymoresubduedandrestrainedcomparedto
thoseinIndiaandPakistan.Asaconsequence,manyalsoattestedtoparticipation
ratesatimāmbārgāhsgatheringsbeinglower,partlyinlightofindoorspace
restrictions.Inoted,ontheoccasionofImamAli’sdeathanniversary—amajor
commemorationday—howimāmbārgāhstaffallowedattendeestoenterandfillthe
smallcourtyardareainfrontofoneimāmbārgāhuntilitreachedcapacity,and
thereafterturnedawaypeoplewhobegantocongregateonthesidewalkoutside,
advisingthemtodisperse.
Recitersarelessactiveinpublicsettingsaswell.Saad,areciterofpoetrywho
IintroducedinChapter1andchronicleingreaterdetailbelow,explainedtomethat
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heperformsliverecitationslessfrequentlythanhedidyearsearlierinLucknow,his
homecity.Alternatively,hedescribedhowhetriestoavailtheopportunityto
reservetimeathisfriend’srecordingstudioinSharjahwheneverhehasenough
moneytocovertheproductioncosts.Thoughitstrainedhisworkschedule—given
hislonghoursasasalesmaninasmallshop—hetriestomakearecordingonceper
year,farmorethanhewouldbeabletoaccomplishinIndia,hesaid.
Iaimtoshowbelowhowthestudioenvironmentiswell-suitedtoanethicof
compartmentalizationcentraltothestate’sapproachtopublicspaceregulationin
theU.A.E.Furthermore,Ishowbelowhowintherecordingstudioenvironment,
performersadoptdifferentethicsofvocalproductionthantheydoperforminglive,
especially:pitchdisciplineandtonal“beauty.”Fromthe“forceful”publicsquare
gatherings(markazījulūs)inPakistantothehighly-disciplinedperformancesat
recordingstudiosinDubaiandSharjah—themselvesembeddedinthewider
regulated,partitioned,andinsulatedstructureof“migrant”lifeintheU.A.E.—Shia
expressiveproductionsrunawiderangeofsonicintensity.Inpart,Iarguethatsuch
arangeisenabledbypractitioners’assessmentthatsuchritualshaveindeterminate
value.ForpracticingMuslims,s̤awāb(or“spiritualbenefit”)accruesthrougha
varietytheḥalāl(accepted),mustaḥabb(recommended)andwājib(mandatory)
actionsperformedineverydaylife.
Discussingthisissueamongothers,IsatonenightinlateSeptember,inan
largevacantlotflankedontwosidesbybusyroads,sippingteaandchattingwith
onecentralPakistaniinformant—Imran—whoworkedanearbycamp
accommodation.Hedescribedtheroleandimportanceof‘azādārītomethisway:
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Thebenefitof‘azādārīandmajlishasno“meter.”We’vebeentoldaboutthebenefitofprayer,thebenefitofperformingḥajj,thebenefitofgivingalms…butfor‘azādārīandmajlisthereis“nomeasurement”ofthebenefitgained.Wereallycannotimagineit[brainsēbahutziyāda].
AssessmentsliketheseleadmanyPakistanis,Imranexplains,includinghimself,to
seekoutmātamexperiences.75Howevertheindeterminacyof‘azādārīasa
relativelyunstructuredformofworship(‘ibādat)alsoallowspractitionersgreater
flexibilitytoperformit:forinstance,toadaptitinrelationtoenvironmentalfactors
thatlimitsonicperformance.
Gulfconnectionstotheglobaleconomy,andthefateofShiarituals
IntheUnitedArabEmirates,Iarguethattheregulationofnoiseisaproxyfor
theregulationofShiaritualsingeneral.Furthermore,severalinformantsdescribed
tomehowstateauthoritiesrestrictpublicformsof‘azādārīinanefforttocreatea
business-friendlyandtourism-friendlyenvironment.Civicordinancesreflecta
Westernlogicofnoisecontainment,invokingstandardssetbytheWorldHealth
Organization:acivicpolicyconsistentwithacultivatingpublicorder.Butthelink
betweena)thesuppressionofShiapublicrituals,b)theirproliferationinthe
privatespacesofhomes,mosques,andimāmbārgāhs,andc)theopeningofArabian
Gulfeconomieshasalongerhistoryintheregion.
StatedistrusttowardShiapopulationsinGulfstatesisalegacyofthe
influenceofSaudiWahhabismintheregion:akeypolitical-theologicalalliance
datingtothemid-eighteenthcenturyincentralArabia.Asapoliticalstrategy,Ibn75Thisreferstotheheightenedfinalpoeticphaseofthemajlis,characterizedoftenbyrhythmicchantingandloud/forcefulchest-beatingaccompaniment).
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SaudreestablishedapartnershipwithWahhabi‘ulamā’(religiousleadership)and
ikhwān(militarizedgroups)intheearlytwentiethcentury,tolaunchaphaseof
territorialexpansionthatbeganwithhisrecaptureofRiyadhin1902,andcontinued
throughhisestablishmentofthemodern“SaudiArabian”statein1932,andbeyond.
Withthe‘ulamā’,IbnSaudestablishedanearlyformofthetypeof“clientalistic”
patronagethatwouldcometodefinethestructureoftheSaudistate(Hertog2010,
60).
Particularlyinthe1920s,IbnSaudpursuedanationalunificationpolicythat
aimedtoharnessthespiritofIslamicunificationinWahhabiideology,while
adjustingand“taming”ittobotha)includeShiasintheformationofthenewnation,
andb)facilitateanopentradeeconomywithothersintheregion,inAsia,andthe
West(Commins2009,71-72).TheWahhabidoctrinesupportsaninterpretationof
Shi’ismaspolytheisticandthereforeun-Islamic,creatingaconfrontationbetween
WahhabiforcesandthemajorityShiapopulationsintheeast-centralportionsofthe
ArabianPeninsula,oneintowhichIbnSaudnecessarilyinsertedhimself.In1920,
andagainin1927,ikhwānforcesintheEasternoasistownHasapushedfora
prohibitionagainstShias“prayinginpublic”andpublicly“observingthe
anniversariesoftheProphet’sandhisrelativesdeaths:”thatis,againstthepublic
commemorationofthemartyrdomoftheShia“infallibles”76(Vassiliev2013,298).
Duringthattimeframe,AlSaudforcescounteredandforcefullysuppressedthe
ikhwānfromimplementingtheirmost-zealousambitions:toforcetheconversionof
Shiapopulations.By1928,inanattempttoappeasebothShiaandWahhabifactions,
76Thatis,thetwelveShiaImamsplusFatimahandtheProphetMuhammad.
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AlSaudenactedapolicyto“tolerateprivateShiitereligiousceremonies,”whilestill
prohibitingpublicritualsandlimitingthecommunityinotherways:prohibitingthe
constructionofnewmosquesandreligiousschools,forinstance(Commins2009,
75-76).
TheefforttorestrictShiacommemorativepracticesbyforcingtheminto
indoorprivatespaces—partofabroaderstrategytotemperIslamicpurification
ideologieswithaglobally-connectedeconomicpolicy—survivesthroughthe
present-day.EthnographicaccountsfromSaudiArabiainthemid-2000snotethat
whileShiasperformpublicritualsintheoasiscityQatif,Shiaarestill“discrete”and
performreligiousfunctions“intheprivacyoftheirhomesorintheirmosquesand
huseiniyya”inHasa(Louër2011,222).ThisefforttocontainShiaritualsininterior
privatespacesreflectswhatIobservedinmyownDubai-basedresearch.Still,the
influenceofWahhabipurificationideologyenduresintheregiontoday,asShia
protestswereforcefullysuppressedinBahrainandeasternSaudiArabiaduring
eventsassociatedwith2011’s“ArabSpring”uprising(seeMatthiesen2013).
InApril2012,ImetaBahrainiArabstudent,aShia,whohadimmigratedto
Dubaitopursuebusinesstraining,andnowsearchedofwork.Inalong
conversation,whilesittingbehindtheShiamosqueoneevening,hereminiscedand
registereddisappointmentaboutthefateofmassprotestsinBahrainintheprevious
year.Thoughprotestersemphasizedaunified“Islamic”and“nationalunity”quest
forjustice,tensionswiththeBahrainistatehaveastrongsectariancharacter.
Membersofthemajority-ShiapopulationfeelmistreatedbytheSunniroyalfamily
there,withclosetiestoSaudiArabia,andtheleadershipwerequicktocastthe
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uprisinginthesectariantermsof“Shiathreat,”invokingtheproxy-threatofIranian
influence,forinstance(Matthiesen2013,1,4,19).
MyBahrainifriendmentioneddisapprovinglyhowtheUnitedArabEmirates
hadsenttroopstoBahraintohelpsuppressmassprotests.Still,headmiredthe
Emiratesforcreating“anenvironmentsafeforbusinessdevelopment,”Irecordedin
mynotes.ThesolacethatGulfShias,likemyBahrainifriendinDubai,findinstate
effortstocreatea“business-friendly”environmenthasalonghistory,ifwe
understandthekeyeffortsofAlSaudtotemperWahhabism’s“xenophobic
impulses”tomakeSaudiArabiaviable“intheinternationalarena”(Commins2009,
71-72).Thatviabilityincludedbothprotectingminoritynon-Sunnigroupsand
encouragingforeigninvestmentandtrade.WhiletheShiasfacevaryingdegreesof
politicalmistrustandsuppressionacrossSaudiArabia,Bahrain,andtheU.A.E.,
practicingShiascultivateinteriorspacesinwhichtoperformritualsamideconomic
andregulatorypoliciesdesignedtoforgeandprotectglobalconnections.
‘azādārīasprotest:Theimperativetoreachnon-Shias
Functionally,‘azādārī—aformofexpressiveperformance—isalsoaformof
protest.InthePakistanicontext,‘azādārī’svaluationasprotesttypicallyentailsthe
obligationtoreachnon-Shianeighbors,toconveytheunjusteventsofKarbala.As
myinformantImranexplains,inourlatenightconversation—inawaythatechoes
whatavarietyofinformantstoldme:“Whenweprotest,thepeopleinthevicinity
whodon’tknowaboutKarbalawillaskoneanother,‘whyarethesepeople
performinglikethis?’Inthisway,weconveythemessage.”Whilethelivepublic-
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squareloudspeakerperformancesinPakistanmayreachlargeanddiverselocal
audiences,audioandvideorecordedformsof‘azādārīcirculateviavariousmedia
andarealsowidelyheardandconsumed.InChapter2above,Iexploredhowpeople
usesocialmediaplatformsviamobilephonesandcomputerstoshare,view,and
listentorecordingsof‘azādārī,particularlythosegraphicallyandvisuallyextreme
examples.Inthischapter,Iconsidertheaestheticvaluesandethicaltechniquestied
totherecordingof‘azādārī—theprocessofcapturingtherecitationofelegiesand
percussivebodilyperformances—mostlyasundertakeninthebuiltspaceofone
particularrecordingstudioontheDubai-Sharjahborder,whereIspentseverallate
nightsinSeptember2012.
WhileregulationsinDubaiforeclosethetypeofShiapublicprotesttypicalto
Pakistanicitiesandtowns—cherishedbymanyPakistanisIworkedwithinDubai—
Iarguethattheysupportandfacilitatethetypeofdisciplinedandrestrained
protest-performancecultivatedinrecordingstudiospace.Idocumentfurtherbelow
howspaceinDubaiisnestedandcompartmentalized,aspropertyownersand
rentersdivideandsubdivideindoorspacesviapartitions,inresponsetoboth
soaringdemandinthehousingmarketandinthespiritofcontainmentimperatives.
Ultimately,Ifindthatthesamestateregulatoryfactorsthatforcepublic
performancesof‘azādārīintoenclosedprivateinteriorspaces—muchtothechagrin
ofmyPakistaniinformantslikeImran—alsocreatetheconditionsthatallowfor
newaestheticperformanceandprotesttechniques.Iarguethattheprivatestudioin
DubaireplacesthepublictownsquareinPakistanastherudimentofthenation’s
expansionanddevelopment,andthusasthecentralsiteforminorityandanti-
257
establishmentcontention,claims-making,subject-formation,creativity,andprotest:
inparticular,inthiscase,asthenexusofShiareligiousactivity.Conformingto
performanceconventionsgermanetotherecordingstudioallowShiastoreclaim
spaceinDubai,bothcreatively,andinawayconsistentwiththeidiomsofself-
governanceandself-disciplinetiedtoprojectsofneoliberalism:athemeinmany
recentethnographicstudiesofworkandentrepreneurismintheGulfregion.
NeoliberalisminDubaiandmigrant“self-discipline”
ManyhistoricalandanthropologicalaccountsofDubaitakeneoliberalismas
acentralorganizingprincipleofstatedevelopment(Kanna2011,Vora2013,
Davidson2008a,Davis2006,Buckley2013).AcentraltensioninDubai’s
development—whichmanycommentatorstakeasatensionofneoliberalprojects
generally—isthatbetweenfreedom(ofmarkets)andrestriction(ofcivilliberties).
Dubaimaybeconsideredneoliberalfromvariousperspectives.1)Thediscoveryof
oilinGulfstateslikeDubai,AbuDhabi,andneighboringSaudiArabia,coincided
withtheemergenceofanewglobalcapitalistsystemafterWorldWarII,inwhich
nationsattheindustrialized“core”reorientedproductiontotakeadvantageof
cheaplaboravailablefromdevelopingnations.Inotherwords,thatasmall(and
narrowlydefined)“native”citizenpopulationcametoholdthevastportionof
wealthfromoilrentsisonlypartlyalegacyofhydrocarbonreservesthemselves.
Rather,earlyoilcompanies—andeventuallycorporationsthroughouttheregion—
werealsowellpositionedtotakeadvantageofopeninglabormarketstotheeast
(Hanieh2011,53-55).
258
2)Dubaihaslongbeenconnectedintoregionalandtrans-regionaltrade
networks.Attheturnofthe20thcentury,inabidtoraiseitsprominenceasaport,
therulingMaktoumfamilyeliminatedthetariffsystemonDubai’sport,thereby
offeringanappealingalternativetotheGulf’snorthernrimportssuchasBandar
AbbasandBandarLingah(Davidson2007,34).Theemirate’scommitmenttofree
tradecapitalismexpandedinthe1970swiththedevelopmentoflargefree-trade
zones.
3)ThepoliticalindependenceoftheGulfstates(forinstance,SaudiArabiain
1932,U.A.E.in1971)coincidedroughlywiththediscoveryofoil(1938inSaudi
Arabia,1958inAbuDhabi,1966inDubai).HistorianRogerOwenhasfurthernoted
thatoil’sdiscovery“servedtoreinforce[existingpatternsofrule]byunderpinninga
systemofinterlockinginterests,privileges,andmonopolies”thatstructuredGulf
stategovernance(Owen2008,3).Paternalisticformsofgovernancethusenduredin
theregion,inpart,asaconsequenceofoilproduction.Discretegovernmental
bureaucraciessuchasdefenseandreligiousadministrationarealignedvertically
andcentrallythroughtheruler.IncomefromoilrentsallowedtheGulfleadersto
strategicallyavoidhorizontalalliancesandpartnerships(Hertog2010,10-13).A
further“clientizationofsociety”(Cammettetal.2015,329)istheneffectedintwo
ways.A)Throughkafāla,citizensleveragetheirstatusinordertosponsornon-
citizens’workpermits.B)Nativeworkersdevelopasenseofentrepreneurialspirit
inwork(Kanna2011).
Iargue,asotheranthropologistshaverecently,thattheexperienceofforeign
workersinDubaiisbestcapturedviaafourthcomponentassociatedwithneoliberal
259
projects:theroleoftherationalself-discipliningsubject.NehaVorasuggeststhat
AsianworkersinDubaiareespecially“governedbydisciplinarypractices,”inwhich
theyarecompelledto“policetheirbehaviorandspeech,”andindoingso“perform”
citizenshipandforgebelonginginDubai(Vora2013,3-4,47).Herinterpretation
inflectsanotionofgovernmentasthatwhichtranscendsthepoliticalsphere.In
developingthisnotion,usuallytranslatedas“theartofgovernment,”or
“governmentality,”MichelFoucaultdrewonRenaissance-eracritiquesof
Machiavelli’snotionof“transcendental”politicalpowerinThePrince.Inparticular,
Foucaulthighlightsthe“upwardanddownwardcontinuity”between
thegovernmentofoneself,whichfallsundermorality;theartofproperlygoverningafamily,whichispartofeconomy;andfinally,the“scienceofgoverningwell”thestate,whichbelongstopolitics.(Foucault2009,132)
LikeVora,AhmedKannasuggeststhatpoliticalpowerinGulfstatesoperateas
“disciplinarypower,”inwhichAsianexpatriatesinDubaiarenotmerely“passive
objects:”“SouthAsianexpatriatesappropriatestate-producedneoliberal
constructionsofDubaiandremaketheirplaceinthecityassimultaneouslyagentive
andsystematicallyoppressed”(Kanna2011,16).BothKannaandVoraemphasize
thespiritanddisciplineassociatedwithentrepreneurismintheGulf,anddrawon
AihwaOng’sworkinSoutheastAsia,inwhichshesuggests,herselfbuildingon
Foucault:
“Neoliberalrationality…furnishestheconceptsthatinformthegovernmentoffreeindividualswhoaretheninducedtoself-manageaccordingtomarketprinciplesofdiscipline,efficiency,andcompetitiveness.”(Ong2006,4)
260
Inthisway,neoliberalforcesnotonlyaimtocultivatefreemarkets,butalsorational
subjectsandmarketactors.
Myresearchparticipants—mostlySouthAsianmenlaboringinDubai’s
growthsectors—oftendescribedtheir“feeling”forlivingandworkinginDubaias
“majbūrī,”whichcantranslateascompulsionoroppression,andwhichreflectsa
particularrelationshiptoneoliberalstate.AsIbegantodescribeinmyintroduction
tothisdissertation,andwithrespecttoaccountinginChapter4,majbūrīispartly
thenecessitytoworkandsendmoneyhometosupporttheirfamilies.Majbūrīalso
expressesthefeelingofhavingtolivecarefullywithinstrictrules,lawsandnorms—
oftentypifiedinourconversationsrelatedtoroadrules—setbythegovernment
andenforcedbypolice.Inanfurtherexampleofmigrantlifeinrelationtoroad
rules,IoncewalkedwithNadimonafamiliarroutebetweenthecentral
imāmbārgāhtohisworkcampaccommodation:a20minutes-longwalk.Iobserved
agapintheoncomingtrafficasweapproachedonemainroad,andbegantorush
across.Nadimsuddenlystoppedme,andthenconfrontedmefornotcrossingatthe
designatedcrosswalk,whichwasashortwalkfurtheralongtheroad.“Wemust
followtherulesofDubai,”heexplainedtomeaswewalkedtogethertowardthe
pedestriancrossing.IgesturedtowardafewotheryoungAsianmenandwomen
whoappearedatthatmomenttobewalkingacrosstheboulevardatasectionaway
fromthecrosswalk.IalsomentionedthatIfrequentlycrossedwithoutseekingthe
crosswalk.Hesuggestedthatthe“rules”mightapplydifferentlyforsomeoneofmy
background:aWesterner.ButasanAsianmigrant,hecouldnotaffordtotakethe
chance.
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ThatNadimbelievedAsiansweremorelikelyandfrequentlytargetedby
policeforpublicinfractions(suchasjaywalking)thanWhiteAnglosandEuropeans
reflectsinparttheneoliberalsenseofrationalself-governance,inwhichthestate
determinescertainindividualsandcommunitiestobenaturallyundisciplined,
deviant,andirrational.Forinstance,theU.S.StateDepartmentpublishesadvice
intendedforAmericanstravelingabroad,whichreinforcespopularassumptions—
whichIexploredinthepreviouschapter—of“Asianmigrants”as“highly
concentrated”andpronetocriminality:
Reportedcrimes,toincludehomicides,tendtobewithintheexpatriatepopulation,whichispredominatelyAsianandSouthAsian.Reportingindicatesthatmosttakeplaceintheworkcamps.77Themajorityofcrimeiscenteredinhighconcentrationsoflowincomecontainingtemporarylaborersoriginatingfrompersonnelfromthirdcountrynations.78Theexpatriateworkforceconsistspredominantlyofsinglemen.Therehavebeenreportedcasesofsexualassaultorsexualharassmentofwomen,includingAmericans.79
Thearchetypeofthedeviant,undisciplined,evenlecheroussingleAsianmanasa
socialproblemintheGulfisencapsulatedinthefigureofthe“bachelor”inDubai
(seefurtherSarmadi2013).InthediscourseoftheShiarecordingstudioinDubai,I
foundthisconceptiontobealsoreflectedindescriptionsofUrduspeechaswā‘z̤īor
“loud”and“coarse”—asIdevelopfurtherinmydiscussionofpitchneartheendof
thischapter.
77U.S.DepartmentofState.2013.UnitedArabEmirates2013CrimeandSafetyReport:AbuDhabi.Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=1388678U.S.DepartmentofState.2012.UnitedArabEmirates2012CrimeandSafetyReport:Dubai.Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=1211979U.S.DepartmentofState.2012.UnitedArabEmirates2012CrimeandSafetyReport:AbuDhabi.Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=12117
262
Generally,suchneoliberalmarketsdisenfranchiseworkersbya)
perpetuatingasystemofglobaleconomywherebythecoreadvancesbyextracting
cheaplaborandresourcesfromthedevelopingperiphery(attheexpenseofthe
periphery)andb)denyingthemformalbelonginginthecapitalistorrentierclass,
throughtheinstitutionofnon-citizenship.Tothisextentneoliberalforcesare
consideredaproblem—aformofdiminishment—especiallyfor(foreign)working
classes.Yetthischapteraimstoillustratehowtheneoliberalvaluesofself-discipline
andrestraintoverlapwiththespecifictechniquesofstudiorecordingofShia
commemorationpoetry.IfindthatShiaperformerscreativelyrepurposethe
neoliberalimperativetoself-discipline,particulartoDubai’seconomicenvironment,
inawaythatisconsistentwithrecordingtechniques,andthuswiththetechniques
ofefficaciousreligiousritual.Inantherway,theenvironmentthuscreatesthe
potentialfortheenrichmentoftheformsofminorityreligiousactivitiesthatvarious
restrictionsinDubai(ofnoise,forinstance)aredesignedtosuppress.Exploring
religious“sites,”suchasnōḥarecordingstudios,thatpreservethecultivated
“serenity”ofthepublicenvironmentallowsustoconsidertheworkof“soft”
technologiesofstategovernance:technologiesthatforcerecitersofpoetryto
cultivatedisciplinedvocalandbodilyperformance,asIdescribefurtherbelow.
Fromtheperspectiveofstateregulationofpublicspace,soundandnoise
productionsposeparticularchallenges.InDubai,thischallengeisnotonlya
functionofhighlydiffuseandmulti-directionalcharacterofsoundwaveradiationin
general,butspecificallyoftheconflictbetweensoundregulationandthe
technologiesandlogicofvisualsurveillance.“Security”stateslikeDubairelyon
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ocular-centricapparatusesforinternalregulation—forinstance,viasurveillance
cameras,asIdiscussedfurtherinthepreviouschapter—andthisimpactsthespatial
designofthecity.Forexample,theprototypical“Islamiccity”inSouthAsiaandSub-
SaharanAfricafeatures“narrow”and“convolutedstreetplans”asasecurity
measureandmeansofprotectingthegendereddomesticspaces(Abu-Lughod1987,
160-161).Thisdesignempowerslocalstoregulatesecuritybymore-easily
identifyingandinterrogating“outsiders”(169,172).Dubai,rather,featuresopen
publicspacesdesignedtowelcomeoutsidersandencourageglobalcommerce.Such
designsincludethecavernousspacesofgrandioseshoppingmalls,andthelong
wideboulevardsofDubai,thatspanparalleltothestraightcoastlineoftheArabian
Gulf.Bothdesigntypescreateunencumberedvistaswell-suitedtovisualrecord
keeping,reinforcingavisual-centricapproachtoboththecity’sdesignandinternal
regulation.
Thelogicoftheregulationofnoiseandsound—thatis,viacontainmentand
theconstructionofwalls,asIshowbelow—confoundstheexerciseofvisualrecord-
keepingandsurveillance.Similarly,theneedtocreateunencumberedlines-of-sight
conflictswiththeneedtoconstructsoundbarriers.Notably,bothformsof
regulation—soniccontainmentandvisualsurveillance—functiontocontrolthe
foreignpopulation.Strikingabalancebetweenvisualopennessandsonicenclosureis
anabidingregulatorychallengeforthestateinDubai,inlightofalargeforeign
populationthatthreatenstoerode“Gulf”values,asIdescribedinChapter4.I
supposethattheconflictinglogicslendasenseofurgencytobothformsof
regulatoryexercise.
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Religioussoundsandcolonial/post-colonialstates
Globalhistoriesofnoiserecordtwomajordevelopmentsofthe“modern”era.
Industrializationusheredinmechanicalnoise,especiallyincities.Aninfluential
futuristmanifesto—whichpredictedtheriseofthe20thcenturyavant-gardein
Westernmusic—supposessuchnoisesrepresentaproliferationor“multiplication”
ofmusicalsounds.Aroundthesametime,thedevelopmentofelectronic
amplificationtechnologiessuchastheloudspeakercreatedanewrangeof“impulse”
noise:sporadic,unpredictable,unruly“sharpsounds”suchaspoppingandhissing,
anddistortion“feedback”sounds,associatedwithamplificationandsound-
reproductionitself.Theaggregationofthesenoisestogetherinspacemarkatipping
pointinthe“natural”balancebetween“man-made”soundsandallothersounds,
HillelSchwartzsuggests:
Acrossthelasttwothousandyears,humankindonoccasionhasmatchedthevolumeoftherestofthenaturalworld.Acrossthelasttwohundredwehaveregularlysurpasseditateverypointalongthespectrum:sirensandsteamwhistlesonthehighend,morepiercingthanscreechofparrotsorshriekofsandstorm;klaxonsandloudspeakersatmidpoint,howlingabovewolvesandhighwinds;supersonicjetsandnuclearexplosionsonthelowend,boomingabovecalvingglaciers.(Schwartz2011,37)
Alongthishistoryoftheevolutionofnoise,Schwartzalsomapsanemergentprocess
whereby,overtime,peoplecametoperceivenoiseasubiquitous.
Inparticular,postcolonialurbanenvironmentsincubateawidevarietyofthe
typesofnoiseRussoloandSchwartzidentify,andfostertheirintermixing.
Expressiveformstransformastheydiffusethroughtheseindustrialand
amplificationalnoisescapes.BrianLarkinhaspresentedaspectsofurbanlifein
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Nigeriathatresonatewith,andareresonantin,thecirculationofvideomedia.He
argues,forinstance,thatthedegenerationofthesoundandimagequalityof
Nigerianvideofilmsthroughpiracycreateasonicbackdroptothepervasive
infrastructuralfailures(poweroutages,forinstance)ofthepost-colonialoil-rich
state(Larkin2008,61-62).NaveedaKhanhasdemonstratedhowtheaẕānin
Lahore,PakistanexceedsrecommendedlimitssetbytheWHO(WorldHealth
Organization),posingaproblemforenvironmentalregulationmethodologiesthat
riskclassifyingtheaẕānasnoise(asopposetomeaningfulreligiousspeech),
undifferentiatedfromhigh-decibeltrafficnoise,forinstance(Khan2011,585-586).
ErnstKarel’sworkonthesoundscapeofSouthIndiantempletownsexploresthe
fluidintermixingofreligioussoundingswithtrafficnoise(Karel2013).
Iarguethattheexamplesaboveunderscoreakinshipbetweena)religious
expressiveandsonicformsinpublic,andb)otherformsofurbanclamor,in
postcolonialurbanenvironmentssuchasIndiaandPakistan.Whilepublicreligious
ritualsmaybecomethesubjectsofstateconcernforavarietyofreasons,their
“impact”onoutsideentitiesis“muted”totheextenttowhichsuchrituals“resonate”
withambientanddiversenon-religiousurbannoises.Ifurtherwishtoarguethat
thiskinshipwasforged,inpart,inthesonicenvironmentsoflatecolonialstates,as
theexampleofIndiainparticularreveals.Specifically,whilereligiouspubic
soundingssuchastheaẕānwherenottreatedasunwanted“noise”incolonial
records,examplesaboundinwhichbothreligiousandnon-religiouspublicsounds
werebothconstruedasformsofagitationandthreatstopublicorder.
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Inrelationtoreligioussounds,NaveedaKhan,forinstance,citesevidenceof
aẕānpracticesthatantagonizedSikhneighborsinLahoreinthelate1930s,andof
Hindumusicperformednearmosquesviewedas“intolerable”bysomelocal
Muslims,aboutwhichredressandregulationswassoughtfromthegovernment
(Khan2011,578-580;seealsoDatta1999).Furtherexamplesshowhow
commemorationritualsduringMuharramsparkedcommunalriots,promptinga
colonialstateresponsethatincludedthecreationofnewlawsandtheseparationof
competingritualeventsalongcommunallines.InLucknow,between1907-1908,
andagainin1930s,Shiaritualssuchasachantinginpublicparadesduring
MuharramhelpedsparkedSunni-Shiariots.Thestate’sresponse—issuingnew
regulationstoseparateShiaandSunnipubliceventsduringthistimeframe—ispart
ofthebroaderspiritofBritishcolonialgovernanceto“control”colonialsubjectsvia
their“classification,”ShereenIlahi(2007,189-191)hasargued.Similarly,recordsin
late1880sMumbaireflectgrowingtensionsbetweenShiaMuslimsandHindus,the
latterwho“noisily”participatedinMuharramprocessionsbyactingas“man-tigers”
and“buffoons,”beating“tom-toms”and“frighteningpeople.”SubsequentHindu-
Shiariotswererecordedin1893,afterwhichHinduleadersformedacompeting
GaneshfestivalconcurrentwithMuharram,andpoliceadoptedanewpolicytoonly
grantMuharramprocessionlicensestoMuslims.Hinduparticipantsconceivedthe
newGaneshfestivalasanopportunitytosimultaneouslychallenge“British
authorityandtheMuslimcommunity”(Nejad2015,93-97).
Paralleltotherole,notedincolonialrecords,ofreligioussonicproductions
toinstigateorportenddiscordisananxietyaboutotherformsofIndian“noise”as
267
threateningtolateBritishrule,andapotentialsignalofdiscontent.Forinstance,
WilliamMazzarellahasdescribedthedesireofBritishadministratorstoincorporate
cinema-going,beginninginthe1920s,intoits“civilizingmission”forIndia,whileat
thesametimeconfrontingcinema’sappealtothe“savagesensorium”ofthe
“uncivilized,”anditsconnectiontothe“culture-mobilizingvernacularprotests”
unfoldingacrossIndiaatthetime.ConcernsthatBritishwomenmaybecomeobjects
ofsexualadvances,forinstance,seemsenfoldedintoanxietiesaboutthe(largely
male)Indianaudiences’reaction“kissing”inHollywoodfilmsshownatcinemas:
sceneswhichelicit“screechesandhowls,”“hissingandjeering,”“catcallsand
exclamation,”“hooting,”“shoutingandAh-ahing”(14-15).BrianLarkinalsochartsa
genealogyofstateconcernoverthe“excesses”producedandallowedbythe
cinema—the“assemblageofbuiltspace,film,andsocialpractice”—especially
“mixed-sexactivities”andprostitution(Larkin2008,1-2).Thedouble-edged
potentialofcinematographictechnologiestobothbeadisciplinaryforce,andto
generateexcessesthatnecessitateexternalregulations,isalsoreflectedinJonathan
Sterne’sseminalculturalhistoryofsoundreproductiontechnologies.Whilethe
developmentofsoundreproductiontechnologiesinthenineteenthcenturyindexed
inpartamoderndesiretotamenatureandnaturalsound,heargues,noise
regulationsinthetwentiethcenturyinturnaimedtoregulateexcessesofthose
sonicreproductions(Sterne2003).
Roadsareanothersitetoseethis“double-edged”potentialoftechnological
development:tobe,ontheonehand,arationalizingforce,butalsotoenablenew
activitiesthatpromptfreshconcernsandnecessitatespecialnewregulations.Inan
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earlyexample,RanajitGuhaconveysoneBritishresident’saccountofthe“public
mood”inanorthIndiancitypriortothe1857Mutiny.Theaccountdescribeshow
sepoys(Indiansoldiers)had“thrownofftheircustomaryquietandrespectful
behavior…paradedthepublicroadsinparties…singingatthehighestpitchoftheir
unmelodiousvoices,heedlessofwhoheardthem”(Guha1999,39).Suchnoises
madeinpublic,inotherwords,werepartofactivitiesdeemedinsubordinateof
Britishrule,andcountertothe“self-imposedrestraints”theBritishexpectedfrom
Indians:“Crowdedstreets,noisysinging,“angryscowlsandhaughtyair”were…
suspectintheeyesofthosewhohadthemosttobenefitfromdeference,”Guha
writes(40).
FollowingPascalMenoret,InotedinChapter1howtheconstructionof
modernroadsinSaudiArabia,aftera1973oilmarketboom,wereconceivedbothto
“pushaside”natureandaidthestate’s“disciplinarymechanism”tosuppress
protest.Confoundingintentions,MenoretdefinestheengagementofSaudiyouthsin
joyridingasatypeofpoliticalprotestenabledbytheroadinfrastructureitself
(Menoret2014,8,12).Theconundrummirrorsaspectsoflatecolonial
administrationanddevelopmentofurbanIndia,inwhichroadsbotha)enablefree-
flowing“patternsofcommerceandcirculation”andb)signal“afractured,disputed
modernityandaloomingpotentialfordisorder”(Arnold2012,120).Colonial
recordsincludeevocativeaccountsofurbannoisefromCalcutta,oneofwhich
evokesthetensionbetweenalostsenseof“peace,”perhapsnowconsignedtothe
“slow,orderlypace—eventheinnocence—ofvillagelife”(122):
inthemidstofababelofshoutingandnoisesfromhumans,enginesandmotors,pantingcooliesstaggerundergreatbales,goods-trains
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shuntonsidings,motor-lorrieslumberthroughthe[dock]gates,Fordcarsandbullock-cartsbumpandjerkovertheunevenground.HereisnoneoftheimaginedEasternpeaceandleisure.(126)
Inarelatedexample,aformerBritisharmyofficer,writingabouthisexperiencesin
thelastyearsofBritishrulein1946-1947,lamentsCalcutta’s“dystopiantraffic”asa
“signifierforimminent(ifnotactual)disorder”and“epithetforaonce-orderlyRaj”
(127).
Thesevariousexamplesofreligiousandnon-religioussonicproductionsin
publicspacesshareacharacterrelatedtotheirdefianceofcolonialruleandpublic
order.Theirproliferationandimbricationtogetherinmodernpost-colonialurban
environmentsis,Iargue,alegacyofthissharedtensionwithcolonialrule.Giventhe
burdeninDubaitoa)createanenvironmentconducivetofreetradeand
unencumberedcirculationofgoods,andb)carefullymanageamajorityforeign-
bornAsianpopulation,theDubaistatecomestoresemblecolonialstate:a
“throwbacktoan‘Orient’thatisnolongerpossibleelsewhere”(Kanna2011,3).The
needtopreservefreetradewhilemanagingaforeignpopulationcompelsthestate
tostrictlyregulatethepublicsphere(Davidson2008a,143),andconsequently,to
carefullyregulatepublicnoise.
NoiseregulationandinteriorityinDubai
TheWorldHealthOrganization’sguidetoregulationssuggestthat
“developing”worldpublicnoiselevelsarehigherthanindevelopedregions,and
thatnoiseregulationcomestobeconsideredanenvironmentalregulation“luxury”
forstates(Berglundetal.1999,iii).Theguidealsodefinesnoiseintermsofdecibel-
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levelsthatareinjurioustohealth,butacknowledgesthat“noise”isdetermined
throughassessmentsofsoundas“unwanted.”Theregulationcodeonnoisein
Dubai,enforcedbytheDubaiMunicipality,importsthelanguageandlogicofthe
WHOprescriptions,whileemphasizingpropernoise“containment”techniques.
Consider,forinstance,thelanguageofoneregulation:“Acousticbarriersorwalls
shouldbeconstructedwhennoisecannotbesufficientlyreducedbycarefulsitingof
noisesources.”80Theregulationsalsoinvokethesensitivityofreligioussites,partly
aconcerngiventheimperativetoprotectthesocialenvironmentofArabiaasthe
seatofglobalIslam:thehomeofMeccaandMedina.Anotherregulationdescribes
how:
Anytypeofconstructionordemolitionactivitiesevenifonlyforrelativelyshortperiodsmaysignificantlygeneratehighlevelsofnoisethatcancausedisturbancestoitssurroundingsinanyadjacentsensitivereceptorsorpremisessuchasresidential,hospital,schools,mosque,andsimilarbuildings.81
Thelogicofcarefulseatingandcontainmentofnoisesources,inlightof“sensitive
receptors,”guidestheEmirates’approachtoregulatingindustrialnoise.By
extension,itinformshowShialeadersdesignimāmbārgāhsinDubai,andhowpolice
interveneatgatherings.
AsImentionedabove,andinotherchapters,myinformantstalkedabout
ShiaexperienceinDubaiasstructuredbypābandī,or“restriction,”(fromSanskrit
Pratibandh)aconceptrootedintheEnglishnotionofbeing“bound”orenclosed.In
thiscontext—inparticular,asthecitydevelops—unwantedsourcesofnoise,
80DubaiMunicipality.2011.RequirementsfortheReductionofConstructionandDemolitionNoise.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:https://www.dm.gov.ae/wps/wcm/connect/50bb9616-d361-43f7-bbfe-2bd930526fd7/TG9.pdf?MOD=AJPERES81ibid.
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includingShiapractices,areforcedinward,orareisolatedoutward:behindwalls
andindoors—orthroughcarefulseatingoutward—inawaythatmirrorstherules
forsituatingandenclosingconstructionsitesbehindsoundbarriers.Iarguethatthe
compartmentalizationandisolationofShiaritualsconstrictsparticipants’
opportunitytoreachandinfluenceoutsiders—toeffectivelyprotestthetreatment
ofHussain’sfactionatKarbala—butretainstheopportunityfortheirreligious
developmentasShiapractitioners,viathelogicsofindoorritualperformance,and
toreachothersviarecordingsthatcirculatewidelyoutsideDubai.
Containmentandisolationofmigrantlife
Inoteavarietyofexamplesfrommyfieldworkthatindicatehowbotha)
migrantactivitiesassociatedwithliving,play,andintimacy,andb)large-scale
religiousactivitiestocommemorateShiamartyrdombecomeoutwardlyisolatedor
inwardlycontained,asaconsequenceofpublicspaceregulations,construction
designs,andcreativeconfigurationsofspace.InDecember2010andJanuary2011,I
attendedlargeMuharrammajlisesorganizedinthecity-centerofAbuDhabi,Dubai’s
neighbortotheeast.IncontrasttoDubai’surban“sprawl,”themajorityofAbu
DhabicityliesconcentratedonanislandjustoffthemainlandintheArabianSea.
Organizersofthemajliseshadconvertedaparkinglot,nearamajorshoppingcenter
andlinedbyhigh-risebuildingsontwosides,intoanoutdoorassemblyarea.A
roughlyseven-footblacktarphadbeenerectedaroundtheperimeter,toinsulate
thespace.Therecitationsandsermons,loudandhighlyamplified(thoughnot
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overpoweredordistorted),echoedoffthenearbybuildings,whichincludedahotel
andhospital.
Threeyearslater,severalinformantsinDubaitoldmethatthesitehadbeen
forcedtorelocate.Themunicipalgovernmenthadgrantedthejamā‘tcommitteea
desertland-plotjustoutsideofthecityfortheonce-yearlyMuharramgatherings,
commemoratingthedeathanniversaryofImamHussain.Whereatemporarywall
hadnotfunctionedasanadequateacousticbarrier,a“carefulsitting”ofthenoise
awayfromreverberationsandsensitivereceptorswasenforced.
InDubai,Itrackedworkersinmyresearchwholivedindistantsettlements
attheedgeofthecity,whosepresencetherereflecteddynamicdemographicshifts
followingDubai’s2009realestatemarketcrash.Inthe2000s,demographicstudies
indicatedagrowingpopulationofworkingAsian“migrants”incitycenterareasof
Dubai—offsetbyalso-growing“laborcamps”atremotedesertlocations—andthe
consequentshiftofthelocalpopulationtothe“suburbs.”Tocounterthegrowing
dominanceofexpatriateworkersinthesecitycenterareas,stateauthorities
attemptedtodiscourageroom-sharinginvillas—thetypeoflivingarrangementfor
Kadirandhisgroup—byissuingevictions(Elsheshtawy2010,214,219).The2009
marketcollapsecreatednewopportunitiesforexpatriateworkers—includingLatif
andhisemployeesandafewfriends,whosharedaflattogetherintheInternational
Citydevelopment—tofindcheaperrentsatadistancefromthecity.
Reflectingonthefateofthatdevelopment,onejournalist-researcher
describedInternationalCityasDubai’smost“ham-fisted”attempttobolsterits
“globalmetropolis”self-image.Designedasaseriesoftencountry-themedmixed
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residential-commercial“clusters”—including“England,”“Russia,”“Italy,”“Spain,”
“France,”“Greece,”“Persia,”“China,”“Morocco,”and“Emirates”—thedeveloper
Nakheel“encouraged”nationalsfromthosecountriesto“buyorrentintheir
nationalsection”(Brook2014,378).Finishedinphasesbetween2006-2008,the
developmentfailedtoattractsuchadiverseforeignpopulation,andby2011news
reportschronicledthecomplaintsofsome“residents”thatan“invasion”ofAsian
bachelorsthatweredrivingout“families.”82Bythistime,thedevelopmenthad
alreadybeencriticizedinnewsreportsforshoddyconstructionandplumbing
issues.83Despitethesechallengesandthelongdrivetoandfromthecity,Latif
appreciatedthelowerrentsandthebetteracceptanceofroomsharing;heshared
hisone-bedroomapartmentwitheightotherroommates.Hemadethehalf-hour’s
drivemostThursdaystovisittheimāmbārgāhincentralDubai.WhenIvisitedhim
andhiscolleaguesonoccasionalFridays,Iwouldtakethemetrotraintoitslaststop,
wherehewouldpickmeupinhiscar.Wewouldthendrivethefinal10minutesto
thedevelopment.
Despitesomehighprofilecoverageinthenewsmedia,partlybasedonan
official“onevilla,onefamily”campaignoftheDubaiMunicipalitybegunin2008,84a
varietyofmyresearchinformantslivedinsharedvillaroomsintheareanearthe
82Hilotin,Jay.2011.“InternationalCity:Squalortownship.”GulfNews,February24.Availableonline[accessedJan20,2016]:http://gulfnews.com/news/uae/property/international-city-squalor-township-1.76673883Naylor,Hugh.2010.“InternationalCityawashinsewage.”TheNational,May3.Availableonline[accessedJan20,2016]:http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/environment/international-city-awash-in-sewage84Ferris-Lay,Claire.2008.“Powerbeingcutfrom20villasperdayincampaign.”ArabianBusiness,Dec17.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://www.arabianbusiness.com/power-being-cut-from-20-villas-per-day-in-campaign-41832.html
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ShiaimāmbārgāhincentralDubai.85Furthermore,withrisingrentsin2012,the
practiceof“partitioning”spaceswithinavillaseemedtoincrease.86Newsmedia
reports,thenandnow,oftencharacterizethesepracticesasatypeofrenters’
resourcefulness.Inanefforttooffsethighrentcosts,newsstoriesdetailhow
renters—typicallyAsian—willsubdividesspaceintheirapartmentusingavailable
materials—drywall,plywood,curtains,evencabinetry—andthensubletthe
partitionedspaces.87
Asresidentsandrental-housingseekers,variousinformantsandIengaged
thismarketfirst-hand.Oneinformant,abarbernamedNafeez,oncetookmeinmid-
summertoviewvacantfor-rent“partitions”intheresidentialareaaroundthe
centralimāmbārgāh.LikeKadirandhisteam,Nafeezlivedinasingle-storyvilla,ina
roompartitioned-offononeormoresidesbythindrywall.Hehadencouragedmeto
trytolivenearhim,inthiscentralareaofShiaactivity,andhesupposedaffordable
optionswouldbeavailable.Weviewedonesuchlivingspace,whichcompriseda
longnarrowpartitioned-offareawithaslopingceilingcreatedbyadescending
85NewsreportscitedasimilarandmorerecentcampaigninAbuDhabi,withamoreexplicittitle:“SayNotoBachelorsThrongingResidentialNeighbourhoods–TogetherweEnsureSuperiorLifeforResidents.”See,Sankar,Anjana.2014.“‘Saynotobachelors’campaigninAbuDhabi.”GulfNews,Aug20.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://gulfnews.com/news/uae/general/say-no-to-bachelors-campaign-in-abu-dhabi-1.137435186Kannan,Preeti.2012.“Villa-sharecrackdownasDubairentsrise.”TheNational,July17.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/villa-share-crackdown-as-dubai-rents-rise87Dhal,Sharmila.2013.“SoaringUAErentspushresidentsintobedspaces.”GulfNews,Aug21.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://gulfnews.com/news/uae/general/soaring-uae-rents-push-residents-into-bed-spaces-1.1222814.Seealso:AlSerkal,Mariam.2014.“ViolationsforflatsharinginUAEonrise.”GulfNews,Jan16.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://gulfnews.com/news/uae/violations-for-flat-sharing-in-uae-on-rise-1.1278237.Nair,Deepthi.2015.“Whentenantsactaslandlords.”KhaleejTimes,Oct9.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://www.khaleejtimes.com/business/real-estate/when-tenants-act-as-landlords.
275
staircaseabove.Heseemeddisappointed,andwegaveupthesearchsoon
thereafter.
Ingeneral,Iseepartitioningasacreativepracticeofinteriorspace-usethat
workstoovercometheeconomicconstraintsofahigh-pricedhousingmarket.
PartitioningisviewedasanillegalpracticebytheDubaiMunicipality,88undesirable
totheextentthatitdisplacesfamilies,createsamale-dominatedpublicspaces,and
diminishesthediversityofresidentialneighborhoods.Still,Iarguethattheiterative
segmentationofspaceisapracticethatperpetuatesthecompartmentalizationof
migrantlifeinDubai,andisthusconsistentwiththeimperativesofnoise-
containmentandvisualsurveillanceinpublicspaceinDubai.Forms,instantiations,
andmodesofexpressionofmigrantlifeininteriorspacesaremultipliedasan
outcomeofthesepartitioningpractices.
Incaseswherepracticesarenotadequatelyorfeasiblycontained,asinthe
caseofthelargeoutdoormajlisinAbuDhabi,whichIdescribedabove,theyare
oftenisolatedoutward,Ifind.Practicesofhomeandroomsharing,forinstance,
forcecertainprivateandintimateactivitiesintosecludedpublicspacesoutsidethe
home.Inotedthroughmyresearch,forexample,howcertainactivitiesatpublic
beacheswerealternatelyrestrictedorallowedatdifferenttimesofday.During
daytimehours,Inotedbeacheswerepatrolledbypolicemen,whosometimesacted
undercoveranddressedasbeach-goersthemselves.Duringthesetimes,singlemen
88Municipalitybylaws,forinstance,includeprovisionsforgrantandcancellingpermitsfor“groupoccupation”buildings.DubaiMunicipality.2003.“LocalOrderNo.11:PublicHealthandSafetyoftheSocietyintheEmirateofDubai.”Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://login.dm.gov.ae/wps/wcm/connect/aaf4063b-9372-455a-9562-5b3707b7db5c/Local+Order+No++%2811%29+of+2003+Concerning+Public+Health+and+Safety+of+the+Society+in+the+Emirate+of+Dubai.pdf?MOD=AJPERES
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dressedinstreetclotheswererestrictedfromenteringthebeach,whilefamiliesand
appropriatelybeach-cladsingleswereallowed.Atnight,Inotedonafewvisitshow
beachesattractclandestinelovers:thosewhoseekintimacywhichcanbeachieve
neitherinpublicnorprivate,duetoroomsharing.
Inresearch,IdevelopedarelationshipwithNafeez(whoIfirstintroducedin
Chapter3)andafewofhisfriends,whowerebarbersemployedatashopadjacent
totheShiamosquecentraltotheUrdu-speakingcommunity.Nafeezwasinhislate
twenties,unmarried,andanativetoRawalpindiwhereheispartofanon-Sayyid
caste.ComparedtootherswithwhomIworkedinDubai,Nafeezandhisfriends
more-openlydiscussedtheirpursuitofintimaterelationships.Nafeez,whowas
morereservedthanhismorebrashroommatesandfriends,describedtomeona
fewoccasionshis“Filipinogirlfriend.”Hetoldmehewouldsometimesmeetherat
thebeachlateatnight.
Ononelatesummernight,after1am,IaccompaniedSaad,Nafeez,andhis
friendstothebeach.WhileSaad,Nafeez,andIsatonthebeech,wewatchedasthe
othersjoinedalargegroupofmeninthewater,playfullyinteractingandchattering.
NafeezpointedtooneFilipinocoupleinthewater,commentingtomethatthey
werehavingsex.Nafeezhadteasedonememberofthegroupforhisapparent
pursuitofsexualcontactwithmen,andnowaswewatchedasheinteractedwith
theothersinaclosegroupinthedarkwater.SaadandNafeezcontinuedtolaugh
andmadeteasingremarks.
Irelatethesevariousexamplesinthesection—oflarge-scaleMuharram
majlisesintheAbuDhabidesert,ofmigrantslivinginpartitionedspacesorin
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distantDubairesidentialdevelopments,andoflate-nightintimateandplayfulbeach
activities—toillustratehowthelogicsofspatialcontainmentandisolationapplyto
bothloudreligiousritualactivitiesandtomoremundaneformsofmigranteveryday
lifeanddowntimeactivityinandaroundDubai.
Sonicregulationsandreligioussiteconstruction
Whilereligioussiteconstructionsandpublicsonicproductionsareimmersed
inthesonicenvironmentregulatedbytheEnvironmentalPlanningandStudies
SectionoftheDubaiMunicipality,rulesdonotaddressthesestructuresand
productionsdirectly.Anotherstand-alonebody,withdualpoliticalandreligious
leadershipandtechnicallyoutsidethestructureoftheDubaiMunicipality,hassome
directoversightoverreligioussiteconstructionandreligioussonicproductions:the
IslamicAffairsandCharitableActivitiesDepartment(IACAD).Theirguidetonew
mosqueconstruction,forinstance,includestherequirementthatplannerssubmita
ten-year“Guarantyofinsulationworks,”aswellasa“Guarantyoftheelectrical
equipment”including“soundamplifiers”and“speakers.”89Thedepartmentalso
establishesmaximumdecibellevelsforrecitationsbroadcastoveroutdoor
loudspeakers,suchastheadhānandFridayprayers,andfieldsandrespondsto
complaintsaboutvolumelevelsfromthepublic.AstheGrandMuftioftheIACAD
describes,“Aathan(sic)shouldbeloudenoughtocall[Muslims]toperformtheir
89Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:http://www.iacad.gov.ae/EN/Pages/ConditionsOfBuildingNewMosque.aspx?menuid=170
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mostimportantdutyinlife,whichissalaah,orprayer….Athaanistoinformandnot
todisturb.Ifthespeakers'volumeisnotcorrectlyset,itneedstobecorrected.”90
Nonetheless,policeinterventionsatimāmbārgāhandmajlisgatherings
reflecttheguidelinesofenvironmentalregulations.One1991localorder,for
instance,enumeratesamongthosepotentialnoise-emittersworthyofcontrol“any
gatheringormeeting”atany“residentialpremisesorplaceofassembly.”91During
mytimeinDubai,policebeganenforcingcrowdcontrolafterThursdaynightmajlis
attheimāmbārgāhIfrequented,mandatingthedispersalofcrowdsfromaroundthe
gatheringsiteafter11pm.Theenforcementeffectivelyforestalledthetypeof
gatheringsthathadkeptmeupinmynorthIndianfieldworkin2008.
GiventheemphasisonindoorritualsinShiapracticeinDubai,andthe
constructionstandardsenforcedbytheIACAD,Itracehowleaders,planners,and
designersbecamepreoccupiedwithimāmbārgāhconstructioninthecommunity.
Consider,forinstance,aconversationIhadwithHamid,ayoungworkerinKadir’s
groupwhoIchronicledinChapter3.Heoncedescribedformeanimāmbārgāhhe
helpeddesignandbuild,onareturntripfromDubaitohishometowninIndia,and
showedmeaphotoofthecompletedstructure.Thepolishedwoodofthebuilding
standsincontrasttothewhitewashedpainted-cementnineteenth-century
imāmbārgāhstructuresthatdotthelandscapeinthisnorthIndianstate.Inspiration
90Huang,Carol.2011.“Mosque'sprayercallvolumetobetestedafterresidentscomplain.”TheNational,May8.Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/mosques-prayer-call-volume-to-be-tested-after-residents-complain91DubaiMunicipality.1991.“LocalOrderNo.61:OntheEnvironmentProtectionRegulationsintheEmirateofDubai.”Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:http://login.dm.gov.ae/wps/wcm/connect/b2fa679f-23b8-4d43-b187-51505df5d021/LocalOrder61of1991English.pdf?MOD=AJPERES
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forthistypeofconstruction,Iargue,comesfromthesound-insulatingstyleof
constructionparticulartotheDubai.
Atthetimeofmyresearch,thejamā‘tcommitteeinchargeofthemain
imāmbārgāhusedbythisUrdu-speakingShiacommunityinDubaiwasconductinga
campaigntoraisemoneyforanewsoundandvideoprojectionsystem.Thiswould
beaddedtothealreadysoundproofandinsulatedimāmbārgāhstructure,which
itselfhadbeenrecentlyrenovated.Fundraisingeffortsextendedthroughthe
communityinDubai,andthroughconnectionstothebroaderKhojaShiacommunity
internationallyaswell.AsIbegantodescribeinChapter1above,theKhoja
communityareahighly-mobileout-migrantmerchantcommunity,whoare
originallynativetoGujarat.
Thewell-insulatedandwell-fundedKhojaimāmbārgāhhadareputation
amongmyresearchparticipantsforbeingsubdued.Otherolderimāmbārgāhs,
thoughlouder,stillobservedrulesandconventionsthatfitthelogicandstandardof
containment.OnesattuckedbackoffamainstreetinacentralDubaineighborhood,
beyondasmallparkinglot;asinglestorystructurethatblendswiththesurrounding
bungalows,andtheapartmentbuildingswithstreet-levelshopsthatrisearoundit.
Thereligiousstructureissignifiedbyapolerisingaboveit,cappedwithahandand
blackflag.Woodenshoerackslinetheoutsideoftheimāmbārgāh,sittingempty
duringtheday.Atnightthesurroundingbuildingscastdarkshadowsonthe
imāmbārgāh—whichclaims,inadescriptioninUrduframedonitsentrywall,tobe
theoldestinDubai.Sajdali,whoIchronicledcloselyinChapter1,mentionedtome
thatthiswastheonlypermanentimāmbārgāhwhenhemovedtoDubaiin1974.
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Thesmallparkinglotinfrontoftheimāmbārgāhopensontoanarrowand
busymarketstreet,inanareaofDubaidominatedbothbySouthAsianshopsand
residents.TheU.A.E.’sonlyHindutemple,itselfbuiltinthelate1950s,sitslessthan
onethousandfeetfromtheimāmbārgāhsite.Atnight,thebrightneonlightsof
storesandaKFCwithlargeglasswindowsatonecounterilluminatethestreet,
whichhumswiththeclamorofcarsandthevoicesofshoppersandresidentsmilling
about.Still,thisbuildingiseasytomiss,whichIsuggestispartlyaconsequenceofa
strictpolicy,inscribedontotheexteriorwallabovetheimāmbārgāh’sshoeracks,
whichreadinUrdu:imāmbārgāhkēbāharbēṭhēmana‘hē(“sittingoutsidethe
imāmbārgāhisforbidden”).Thesignensuresthatthecrowdmaynotexceedthe
narrowdoorofthemajlishall,whichnonethelessremainsopenontothedark
parkinglotarea,andawelcomingarealinedwithmats.Evenonagatheringnight,
thespaceremainsbothvisuallyconcealedandsonicallycontainedfromthenearby
marketstreet.
Anotherimāmbārgāhsitsinaresidentialareanearthesamebazaar,justoffa
six-lanemainroad.ItisconstructedininverseproportionstotheKhoja
imāmbārgāhandmostothersIvisitedinDubai,featuringasmallinteriorareaanda
largeoutdoorcourtyard.Theoutdoorareaislinedonstreet-facingsidewithahigh
cementwall,buthasnoceilingotherthanalighttarpoverhangatoneend.The
second-floorbalconiesofresidentialbuildingsacrossthestreetarevisiblefromthe
courtyardarea.Giventheorganizationofloudoutdoormātamatthissite,therituals
andstructureofthesitewouldseemtocontradictthecontainmentconventions
observedbyotherimāmbārgāhsandmajlisgatherings.
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Theimāmbārgāhissituatedaroundacornerfromtwolargehotels.Oneis
knownasasiteofprostitutes;thesidewalkspaceinfrontisflankedbywomen
standing,solicitingandbeingsolicitedbycustomers.Theotherhotelisknownfor
itsAfricandanceclub.Thepulsatingrhythmsoftheclubechomoreclearlyinthe
quieteranddarkerresidentialbackalleysbehindthehotel—theareainwhichthe
imāmbārgāhislocated—thantheydoonthemainstreet.Finallyontheother
adjacentcornerisatalldarkbuildingunderconstruction,drapedalongitssidewith
longtarps.Thesoundsofjackhammeringandclangingmachineryalsoechointhe
alleybehindtheimāmbārgāh.
Likethemajlisactivities,Inoticedthatconstructionworkatthisbuildingsite
wassuspendednightlyaround10pm,reflectingrulescontainedinthe
EnvironmentalSection’sguidelines:
Asnoisefromconstructionanddemolitionactivitiesispredominantlyimpulsiveinnature,itisprohibitedtodojackhammeringandimpactpiledrivingduringnighttimehours.92
Still,whiletheregularrhythmicclamorofmātamperformancesringoutinthearea
aroundthisimāmbārgāh,Ineverobservedpoliceinterveneorheardconcerns
voicedbyorganizersorparticipants.Inrelationtosomanyothernoiseproducersin
theenvironment,especiallythoseofsimilarpulsatingquality—thethumpingofa
nearbydanceclubandthehammeringofmachineryonmetalatanewconstruction
site—thesereligioussoundsareenfoldedintotheambientframeworkofthisareaof
Dubai.ThepermeationofthesoundofShiaritualsintoambientpublicspaceis
92DubaiMunicipality.2011.RequirementsfortheReductionofConstructionandDemolitionNoise.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:https://www.dm.gov.ae/wps/wcm/connect/50bb9616-d361-43f7-bbfe-2bd930526fd7/TG9.pdf?MOD=AJPERES
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unusualfortheregion,givensomeofthehistoryIchartedabove,andtrendsof
policeenforcementInotedinfieldwork.Butopen-airmātamispreservedinthis
locationasanoutcomeofDubai’scommitmenttopromotingglobalbusiness,and
thustoacceptingcertainformsandaffectsofcosmopolitannightlife.Activitiesat
thissitethusreinforcethelinkbetweenthesurvivalofShiaritualsandpromotionof
globalcommerceintheregion.
Despitesinceredoctrinalaversionstoprostitution,music,anddancing,Shia
practitionersatthisimāmbārgāhtacitlyacceptandenfoldhotel-clubsoundsintothe
experienceofperformingreligiousrituals.Thehotelsintheareaareoftenusedas
landmarksamongmyinformants,todescribethelocationoftheseimāmbārgāhs.As
sitesforprostitutionandclub-going,theywerethesubjectofsometimes-intense
derisionandspeculationinmyconversations.Ontheonehand,thisishardly
surprising—thetensionbetweenIslamiclifeandsuchculturalpracticesasdrinking
anddancingisoftenacuteinthisregion,wherepartsoftheU.A.E.andallofSaudi
Arabiastrictlyprohibitalcoholsalesandconsumption,forinstance.Inthis
communitywhererumors,speculation,“backbiting”(ghība),andslanderagainst
fellowmembersiswidespread,speculationsandaccusationsonmemberswho
attendclubs—thatis,drinkinganddancinginpublic,ormerelybeingaroundthis—
areamongthemostominous.Nadimwouldoccasionallybroachthisissuewithme
inaformofasarcasticrepartee,andcharacteristicofinteractionsweoftenhad.
Playfullytryingtoentrapme,forinstance,hewouldsarcasticallyandoff-handedly
suggest,“oh,let’sgotoaclub,”thenwaitformyresponse.Atothertimes,others
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memberswouldslanderhimtomebysuggestingthatheattendedclubsinhisspare
time,thoughIneverhadanyreasontobelieveheactuallydid.
Theplayfullanguageaboutclub-goingcontainssinisterimplications(jokes
andrumorsaboutengaginginprostitutionhavelessseriousimplication,thoughstill
containthesenseofḥarām),andmarksclub-spacesinDubaiwithintensederision,
speculation,andanxiety.Theseareanxietiesaboutorganizingone’sselfand
maintainingself-disciplineinanenvironmentladenwithdistraction.Whiledriving
pastacemeteryonourroutebacktomeetotherfriendsafteroneThursdaynight
majlis,amidaloudconversation,onememberturnedtome:“didyousayṣalawāt[a
blessingtoAllah]uponpassingthecemetery?No?You’resupposeto.”Someinthe
carlaughed,inresponse.
Sotootheimāmbārgāhissituatedinaperfunctoryway“behindthePark
Hotel,”thoughgenerallyalsointhesoundscapeandenvironmentoftemptationand
sin(ḥarām)inDubai,especiallysurroundingdanceclubs.Thefailuretoconnectthe
languageofsinfulclub-goingtotheambientsoundsemanatingoutfromthese
nearbysites—despitetheirvisualspectacleandtheiracknowledgedlandmark
statusintheneighborhood—isanocclusionmadepossiblebythemajlis’ownsonic
force.Forparticipantsatthisimāmbārgāh,thepulsatingsoundsofthesurrounding
urbanenvironment,includingthesoundsofḥarām-activities,aretacitlyenfolded
intothesonicrangeofthereligiousritualitself.
Ethicsofvocalproduction:therecordingstudio
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InDubai,attemptsatsoundinsulationandpracticesofnestedpartitioning
becomesuperlativeinthedesignoftherecordingstudio.AsIsoughttobetter
understandtheaestheticexperienceoflaborandmigrantlifeinDubai,Ipursued
friendshipswithpoetsandrecitersthroughoutmyfifteenresearchmonthsinDubai.
IbecameclosestwithSaad,areciterfromanon-Sayyidcastewhowasbornand
raisedinLucknow,India;aplacewhereItoospentformativeyearsinthestudyof
Urdulanguageandpoeticproduction.Attimesherelatedcertaindetailsoftheplace
tome.Hesaw,forinstance,intheactivityoflate-nightswimmingonDubai’s
ArabianGulfopenbeaches,escapesofhisownintoGomptiRiverasachild,learning
toswim.
WhenImethim,Saadwasinhismid-twentiesandunmarried.Hehadcome
toDubaifiveyearspriortoworkasasalesman.WemetinDecemberoutsidethe
Shiamosque,justashewaspromotinganewalbumofmusicvideorecordingsof
Shiapraiseandmourningpoetry.HeplayedtheDVDformeandsomeofhisolder
PakistaniShiafriendsintheirbarbershopnearthemosque.Thehigh-qualityvideo
imagesfeaturedhimperformingmātamwhilereciting,andgesticulatingalongwith
thestory,interspersedwithdarkandfierystillimagesofabstractscenesfromthe
livesoftheImams.BythefollowingSeptember,hehadsavedenoughmoneyofhis
ownfromhisjobinSharjah,asasalesmaninajewelryshop,andhadraisedsome
fromfriendsandpatronsinDubaiandbackhomeinIndia,toreturntothestudioto
recordanewalbumofnōḥē.
ThestudioSaadused,asIlearnedovermyfirstdaysattendinghisrecording
sessions,hadbeenestablishedandwasoperatedbyanotheryoungmemberofthe
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ShiacommunityinDubai,whoI’llcallGulamAli.Gulamwasinhislatetwentiesand
amemberoftheKhojacommunityandwasamanagerataglobalDubai-basedfirm
inthemetaltradeindustry.LikemanyothersofhisgenerationfromtheKhoja
communityinDubai,GulamwasborninDubai,thoughheandhisfamilyretained
theircitizenshipinTanzania.HehadawifeandtwoyoungchildreninDubai,andhe
spokeEnglish,Arabic,andUrdueachwithnativefluency.
Gulam’srecordingstudioislocatedjustovertheDubaiborderinthenearby-
EmirateSharjah.Heconstructeditinsideasmallone-bedroomapartmentina
multistorycomplex,accessedbyasandyunpavedroadjustoffthemainDubai-
Sharjahhighway.Hehadconvertedthemainlivingroomareaintowhathecalleda
“videoroom,”withagreenscreenatoneend,infrontofdrywallthoroughly
coveringwindows.Itwasaspaceheusedtovideorecordthereciter,inorderto
makeaccompanyingvideosforrecitations.Hehadpartitionedthebedroomintothe
audiorecordingstudio,aspacethatwasfurtherpartitionedinhalfbyawallwitha
largewindowinitscenter.The“recordist”satononesidewhiletheperformer
recitedfromtheotherside.Theglassedwindowbetweenthemwasabit
haphazardlylainandfixedinplace,suchthatitoncecamecrashingdownontothe
recordingequipmentduringasession,onerecordisttoldmeonthesecondday.
Nonetheless,theareaoccupiedbythereciterissoundproofed—toavoid“annoying
theneighbors”—whiletherecordist’sarea,whereIsatduringrecordings,couldnot
containtheplaybackoverthespeakers,Gulamexplainedtome.Thus—inthespirit
ofnoise/soundconcentration—therecordistsusedheadphones.
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Therecordingspaceofacousticdeadness93andslapstick(andslapdash)
structuralbreakdownisalsoonemarkedbyaspecterofinternmentanddeath.For
instance,Saad’sprimaryrecordistfortheinitialsessionsoftheprojecttoldmea
storyonenightduringabreakintherecordingsession.Datuwasaclosefriendof
Saad(whoIfirstintroducedinChapter1),andwasamemberoftheKhoja
communitywithdualKenyanandAmericancitizenship.Hehadlivedformanyyears
intheUnitedStatedandhehadmanyfamilymembersthere.Howeverhewas
unmarriedandlivedaloneinDubai.WhilehehadinitiallymigratedtoDubaifrom
theU.S.forajob,hehadbeenlaidoffandwhenIknewhimhestruggledtofind
work.HethuseagerlyacceptedoccasionalrecordingjobsfromSaadorotherswhen
theysolicitedhishelp.Hisstoryonenightdescribedearlierepisodeinthestudio:
OnenightinRamadanwewererecordingatrack…Iwasontherecordistside,butGulamhadhisiPadandwasbothrecitingwiththeothersandcontrollingthesystemfromthereciter’sside.Thedoorwasclosed;Iwenttothetoilet!Iwenttothekitchenandsmokedacoupleofcigarettes;Iwenttothetoilet.Icomebackhalfanhourlaterandtheretheyareinherenaked!Theyaredowntotheirboxersandshorts.
TowhichIinterjected,partlymissingthepoint:“Oh,becausetheywerehot.”
Buthecontinued,
Therecordingkeptgoingon;theyhadactuallymadetheirwasiyyat(bequethments)toeachother.BecausetheythoughtIhadgonehome!
Thepunchlineofthestoryrelatestothebrokendoorknobconnectingthereciters’
sideofthestudiorecordists’side,wherebythedoorcouldonlybeopenedfromthe
recordists’side.Momentslater,addingthehumorofthesituation,while
93ThankstoPeterMcMurray,whohasdevelopedthisconceptinrelationtoShiasonicexperienceinBerlin.
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contemplatingthestillbrokendoorknobinfrontofus,Datuaskedtheother
recordistifhehadascrewdriver;hedidnot.
Thestudioasaspaceofinternmentanddeathoverlapswithitsconstructed
acousticdeadness,afeatureimportanttoanyrecordingenvironment,though
especially,Iargue,onesituatedinapluralresidentialapartmentcomplexonthe
marginsofcosmopolitanDubai.Entombmentanddeathinthecontextofnōḥē
recordingalsorelatetocentralthemesinthepoeticversesthemselves.Datutold
thisstoryduringabriefbreakinSaad’ssession,whereherecordedanōḥaaboutthe
experienceofHussain’steenagesonAliAkbar(whowasmartyred)atKarbala.The
chorusofthepoemrelateshisdemiseatyoungage:NōjawānītērīAliAkbar,‘ārīya
ḵẖākparragaṛtīhē(“YouryouthAliAkbar,worndowntobareash”).Otherverses
mournhisdeathonthesandybattlefield:Abhīmarnā,nahīṅnūr-e-naz̤ar(“Now
dead,thelightofyourimageisout”).
Therecordingprocessitselfbeginsandendslifeelsewhere.Atvarioustimes
onthefirstdayofrecording,SaadcalledhisrelativeinIndia—whowrotethe
verses—toconfirmtheaccuracyoftheelegiacwords(kalām)ashehadwritten
them(fromdictation).Ultimately,therawmulti-trackaudiofileswouldbesentto
anaudioengineerinPakistanfor“masteringandmixing,”andMP3-CDsofSaad’s
recordwouldbedistributedtoshopsandsoldacrossIndiaandPakistan,Saad
explainedtome.Thesenseofdeathandsonicdeadnessofthestudioenvironmentis
contrastedwiththissenseoftherecordingprocessasrelativelyfree-flowing,
uncontained,andconnectedoutward.
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Theconcernforpitch
AsIdescribedabove,theregulationofadhān(oraẕāninUrdu)pertainsmost
directlytosoundvolumelevels,andisconcernedwiththedisturbanceofothers.In
thissection,IbegintoconsiderhowsoundinIslamicvocalproductionsis
disciplinedinanotherway:tonally.Thecontrastbetweenexcessanddisciplined
soundintherecordingstudioisperhapsbestcapturedintherecordists’and
performers’concernsandstruggleswithpitch,andtherebyinstrumentation.
Inamostbasicsense,concernsoverpitchareconcernsaboutrelativity.It
couldbetheconcernbetweenvariousmembersofanensemblewhodesireto
maintainaunifiedtonalityinrelationtoeachother.Additionally,inboth
monophonicandpolyphonicmusic,concernsoverpitchmightrelatetotheeffortto
maintainthesamepitchortonalityovertime:toendinthesametonalstructurein
whichonebegins.Bothtypesofconcern,overensemblicandtemporalrelativity,
presidedinthenōḥastudiorecordingsessionsIobserved.Bythefifthnightof
Saad’ssession,problemswithpitchseemedtoimperiltheproject’sprogress.
Inpart,pitchconcernsinIslamicexpressiveperformancesareconfounded
bypopularinjunctionsinIslamagainst“music.”Putanotherway,sincemusicis
sometimesconsideredḥarāminIslam,tonalityandpitchinsungpoetic
performancearenotconsistentlyasimportantastheyare,orinthemannerthat
theyare,inWesterntonalsystems.Adhānrecitations,forinstance,runawidegamut
ofrelativepitchaccuracy.DuringmyfieldworkinanorthIndianvillagein2008,I
awokemostmornings,predawn,toastarklyoff-pitchandout-of-tuneadhān,overa
cracklingspeaker.Incontrast,inthecavernousmarbledinteriorsofDubai’slarge
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shoppingmalls,high-pitchedandtunefuladhānsreverberateandresonateagainst
thesmoothsurfaces,unencumberedbyspeakernoise.
AtmajlisgatheringsinDubai,Inotedawiderangeofpitchaccuracyaswell,
inpoeticperformances.Preciseanddisciplinedvocalmodulationsofteninduced
audiences’raptattentionsandexpressionsofappreciation,withexclamationslike
māshāʾAllāh,(“Godhaswilledit”)forinstance.Still,otherrecitationswere
appreciatedforotherreasons.Sajdali,whoIchronicledcloselyinChapter1,recited
onemars̤iyaatthemainimāmbārgāhinMuharram,inwhichhisvoicemodulatedso
faroutofpitchthatitwasdifficulttodiscernthemelody.Halfwaythrough,
however,whentheemotionalchargeoftheelegyincreased,hestartedtocryashe
recited.Hisperformancemorphedtomorecloselyresemblewailing,anaffectthat
fittheheightenedemotionofthepoem,andalsomirroredtheaudience’swailing
responses.
Anxietyoverelementsof“musical”productionimpingingonthenōḥa
recordingprocessleadstosomecreativesolutionsformaintainingpitchand
rhythm.Asmallkeyboard,whichsatinthecorneroftherecordists’sideofthe
studio,satunusedduringthesessionsIattended.Gulamexplainedthatheuseditto
createthe“scale”thatheusedforthevarioustracks.Thisconsistedofasustained
chordofsynthesizedstringsthatdronedunderneatheachtrack—andintheearof
theperformer—inordertohelptheperformerstayonpitchandintherightkey.
Additionally,inordertomaintainaconstantmeterthroughouttherecitation’s
performance,Gulamusedatrackofresonantchestbeats.Forthis,hehadrecorded
himselfandothersstrikinghandsagainsttheirbarechests.Then,inproduction,he
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hadlayeredthosebeatsontopofeachotherintheaudioprogram,andmodified
themtobewelldefinedandsynchronous,tohavesufficientbass-registerresonance,
andtoreverberate.Thetrackisfunctionalfortherecitationrecordingprocess,and
assuchrepresentsacreativeandimprovisationalcircumventionoftheroleof
percussiveinstrumentsinmusic-making.Thetrackalsobecomesacomponentof
thefinalrecording,whereitfillsthe“audiences’”roletoprovidebeatchestsintime
withrecitation.
TroubleforSaad’srecordingprocessbeganasacrisisoveraseriesofoff-
pitchtrackshehadrecorded,overseveralpain-stakinghoursonpreviousnights.On
thefourthdayofmyparticipation,GulamAlinoticedtheclashbetweenSaad’s
versesandthescale,muchtohisexasperation.HeaccusedSaadofnothavingheard
thescaleproperly:“āpnēscalekēsāthnahīṅpaṛha[youdidnotrecitethiswiththe
scale].”Thenpointingatthe“down”volumelevelonthetrackmarked“scale”inthe
ProToolssession,headded“Scalebālkuldownta.Scalekesāthpaṛhnahē,ya.Islī’ē
banārahāhēṅscale,tracksmeṅkarnāhē.[Thescale(trackvolumewasturned)way
down.Recitewiththescale,friend!That’swhywemakethescale,fordoingthe
(vocal)tracks.]”
Datuhadnotheardtheout-of-pitchness,perhapspartlybecausehe’dnot
keptthescaleloudenough,Gulamsupposed.Compoundingtheproblem,however,
waslikelyhis“pitch-deaf”-nessasDatuhaddescribedittomeinconfidenceonthe
secondnight.Onthesecondrecordingnight,Saadalsoremarked,withDatu’s
approval,thatitwas“easiertoreciteliveratherthanreciteinastudio.”He
continued,“ifwearerecitinglive,nobodywillcomeandaskyouifyourpitchishigh,
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yourscaleisdown.[Studiorecording]isverydifficult.”Inalatercarridehomewith
Saad,aftertheconclusionoflatenightrecordingsession,Saadconveyedhis
disappointmentwithDatu’sworkandhisinabilitytodiscerntonalityproblems.Still
Saadworriedabouthisfriendbeingotherwiseunemployed:thereasonhehadhired
Datuinthefirstplace.Heconveyedtomethathefeltconstrainedbyhissenseof
loyaltyanddutytohisfriend.
Whycouldthestandardsofliveperformance(whereensembliccoordination
isalsonecessary)notapplyinthestudio?Inoneway,Isuggestthattheserecordists
andrecitershaveinternalizedandacceptedcertainuniversalstandardsand
conventionsofrecording.WhileDatuandSaadprizethefreedomthatlive
performanceaffordsthereciter,GulamAliinvokes“beauty”todescribetheideal
lackinginSaad’srecording.Gulam’ssofterandon-pitch“dummytrack,”94for
instance,inthestudiocontrastedwithSaad’slouder,moreforceful,andabove-pitch
(sharp)recordingfromdaysearlier.“Āpkyoṅmērādummynahīṅsūna?”[Whydidn’t
youlistentomydummytrack?],heaskedSaadafterlisteningtoSaad’srecordingof
Abtōājā’ō,ImamMahdi[“Nowyoucome,ImamMahdi.”].Tohighlightthecontrast,
heplayedbackhisdummytrackalone,thenplayedSaad’slouderandabove-pitch
version.“Ḵẖūbṣūratīnahīṅhē”[thisisnotbeautiful],Gulamcommented.Later,after
listeningtoAbMadinenahīṅjā[“NowwewillnotgotoMadina”],heremarked,Ab
āpzōrlagāyā[“Nowyou’rebeingtooforceful”].Laughingabitasheplayeditback
forSaad,headded,“iskōsoftkarē,”[“makeitsoft.”]
94Theinitialroughvocaltrackthatactsasaguidetothereciterandisplayedinthereciter’searduringtheactualrecordingsession.
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AtSaad’srequest,theylistenedthroughallrecordingsSaadhadmadefrom
theprevioussessions,inwhichGulamassessedtheirtonalqualities,includingout-
of-pitchness(“scalesēout,”“pitchout,”or“pitchsēbāhar”).Thisexchangeabouthis
NaujawaniteriAliAkbarrecording,inwhichGulamteasedSaadforhistone
problems,isindicative.Athirdmember,Rafiq,ispresent:theleadsingerforSaad’s
chorus,aPakistaniandaccomplishednōḥarecorderhimself.
Rafiq:AchhākyāmāshāʾAllāh.[nicelydone,byGod.]Saad:Pitch,lē,key,scale,vag̠ẖēra?[Pitch,tune,key,scale,etc?]Gulam:ṭhīkhēziādanahīṅhē,lēkanwā‘z̤ībahuthē[It’sok,it’snotabigproblem.Butit’sverypreachy/bombastic]
Thetermwā‘z̤īderivesfromtheArabicwā‘ẓmeaning“preacher”or“admonisher”
(Richardson1829,1626).Asurveyofscholarlyliteraturerevealsthefrequent
occurrenceofwā‘z̤īor“waazi”instudiesofHausa-speakingpopulationsinWest
Africa,wherethewordhasbeenadoptedfromArabicasthegeneraltermfor
Islamicpreaching,oftenasbroadcastoverloudspeakersviacassettetapes(Clough
2006,720;Larkin2014,991-992).InthescholarshiponcontemporaryIslamic
practiceinSouthAsia,onestudyinPakistanaligns“waaz”with“khutba,”amore
familiarUrdutermfor“sermon”(Abbasietal.2011),whileanotherinBangladesh
describesthepracticesofjamā‘tleadersgiving“waazmahfils,”or“publiclectures”
onIslamicthemes(Shehabuddin2008,593).HistoricalstudiesonShiapracticein
SouthAsia,especiallyafewfocusedonBombayattheturnofthetwentiethcentury,
identifywaazasatypeofsermonespeciallyperformedduringtheMuharram
mourningperiod(Masselos1982,47;Chandavarkar2002,193;Kidambi2007,122).
Additionally,somerecentethnographicstudiessuggestthesaliencein“waaz”asa
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centralhomileticcomponentofcontemporaryBohra(ShiaIsmaīlī)ritualsduring
Muharram(Blank2001,82-87;Munaim2014,36-38).Finally,oneaccountof
contemporaryreligiousleadershipinBangladeshidentifies“waazins”asthosewho
performreligiousorations“sentimentally,”andthenequateswaazinwiththemore
familiartermsfor“preacher”inUrdu-usage:“maulana”“muftee,”and“imam”
(Hossain2013,705).
Ithustranslatewā‘z̤ī,inthiscontextofthestudiodiscussion,asanadjective
meaning“preachy”and“bombastic:”asdescribingsomeonewhorecites
passionatelyorloudly.Thesalienceofwā‘z̤asacomponentofBohraShiagatherings
helpsexplainGulam’suseoftheterm,giventhegeographicalproximitybetween
BohrasandKhojasasbothcommunalgroupsnativetoGujaratinWesternIndia.
Still,beyondthisencounterinthestudio,Iheardthistermnowhereelseinmy
research.Gulamsmirksashesayswā‘z̤ībahuthē,andSaadchuckles.Gulam’s
commentextendsfromhisbroadercriticismofSaad’sfailuretouse“soft”and
“beautiful”tones.Ithustakewā‘z̤īasapejorative,andoppositetonotionslike
softnessandbeauty.
Astheconversationcontinues,Saadgeneralizesaconnectionbetweenwā‘z̤ī
andUrduspeechgenerally:
Saad:[laughing],Urduistemālkartēhēṅ,wā‘z̤ībahuthē![laughing]Zabardast![WhenyouuseUrdu,youaregenerallybombastic.Forceful/Fantastic!]Gulam:[laughingquietly,affirming]:wā‘z̤īhōtēhē.Saad:wā‘z̤īhōtēhē,achhābōlā[it’sbombastic,wellsaid]
ThisviewofUrduispartlyanoutcomeoflanguagepoliticsparticulartothisregion,
Iargue:ArabicandEnglisharebothassociatedwithelitecultureandeducation.
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EnglishnōḥēinDubaiaremoretonefulandrestrainedthanUrdunōḥē.Giventhe
contextinDubaiinwhichitisdeployed—acontext,forinstance,inwhichtheAsian
foreignworkerisconfiguredasdeviantandamoralthreat95—itsuggeststhe
unrefinementofUrdulanguage.Gulam’sreferencetowā‘z̤īasaformofteasingSaad
inthiscontextreflectstonaldifferencesbetweentheKhoja-ledgatheringsandthose
attheotherUrduIndo-Pakistaniimāmbārgāhs.IinterpretSaad’sembarrassment
abouthisout-of-pitch-nessinthestudio,inotherwords,tobepartlyanextensionof
hisanxietyabouthisuseofUrdu.HavingbeenbornandraisedinDubai,Englishis
Gulam’sfirstlanguage,andIunderstandSaadtohavesomediscomfortwithhisown
EnglishproficiencyinrelationtoGulam.
Thechallengetostaywithinpitch,Iargue,gainsgreaterforceinDubai’s
environmentofrestriction,containment,anddelimitation(sonicandotherwise)
thanitdoesinthemore“noisy”publicenvironmentsandlargergatherings—and
lessinsulatedprivatespaces—ofIndiaandPakistan.Thestandardsoftherecording
processforceperformersintostrictpitch-consciousness.Assuch,discipliningone’s
voiceintopitchisessentialtothesuccessoftherecording,andthustotheprojectof
reachingawideaudience,whichallShiaelegiacexpressionaimstodo.
Time“constraints:”worklifeandrecording
Iendbyconsideringhowworkpatternsandotherdailyroutinesbecome
structuredthroughthestudiorecordingprocess.Attheendofoneearlyrecording
session,DatuandSaadstoodintheplaybackarea,monitoringtheaudiosnippetsas
95Idevelopedthismorefullyinthepreviouschapter.
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therecordistmadeeditstothem,toalignthemwiththerhythm.Datu,whohadan
alertonhiscellphoneindicatingprayertimings,turnedtoSaadandremarkedthe
fajraẕān(earlymorningcalltoprayer)wasplayingnow.Twentyminuteslater,the
threewearilyagreedtoendthesession,andSaadandDatuwentintothevideo
roomtopray.ItwasnowWednesdaymorning.
Atthetime,Datuonlyemploymentwashispart-timeoccasionalworkasa
recordistatthestudio.ThoughhehelpedSaadfreeofcharge,asaclosefriend,other
recitersoccasionallycontractedDatuforhissoundengineeringassistance.Without
regular“daytime”employment,andinlightofthestill-excessivedaytimeheat,Datu
andIpreparedtoreturntoDubai,tosleep.Meanwhile,Saadpreparedtoreturnto
workathisjewelryshop.Hedescribedhowhewouldsleepafewhoursintheshop
beforetheownerarrivedat9am.Hewasalsoscheduledtoreturnthefollowing
nighttorecord.Giventheirfriendship,Gulamhadwavedhisstudiorentalfeeas
well:Saadonlyhadtothepayforthetimeofhisrecordist.Hethusexplainedtome
thathewouldcontinuetotakewhateveroddtimeswereavailableatthestudio.
WhenIaskedabouthowhewouldmanagehisschedulewithsuchlittlesleep,he
mentionedthathewouldsleeponhisdayoff:Friday.Heshrugged,thensmiledand
added,“al-ḥamdulillāh(praiseGod),Iambusy.”
GulamexplainedtomethatRamadanwasapeaktimeperiodforrecordingat
hisstudio:atimeofalreadyreducedworkschedulesanddiminisheddaytime
productivity,asIdescribedmorefullyinChapter2.Seekingtimestoavailthestudio
spacefromGulamfree-of-charge,SaadacceptedthesefewweeksinSeptember,
thoughthepost-RamadantimeframeforcedSaadtocarefullybalancethetime
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requirementsofsleep,work,andrecording.Afewdayslater,whenIaskedagain
abouthisworkperformanceinlightofthecompressedtime,hesaidonlythatthe
workinthestudiosustainedhim,andcompelledhimto“focus”atworksothathe
couldcontinuehisstudiosessions“inthenameofImamAli,”andcontinuetopayhis
recordist.
Thedemandsofsleep,work,andrecordingmutuallycompressedeachother,
andeliminated“downtime.”Bythetimeofthestudiosessions,IhadknownSaadfor
nearlyayear.Inthattime,hehadalwaysbeenhardtoconnectwith.“Busy,busy,
busy,”Nadimgripedonenightmonthsearlier,aswetriedunsuccessfullytoreach
himonhiscellphone.Still,afterthestudiosessionsbegan,Saadcompletelyavoided
anydowntimemeetings,suchasthosebetweenmyself,Nadim,Asgar,andSaad,
whichIdescribedatlengthinChapter1above.
BetweenthedemandsofGulamtostaywithinpitchandthedemandsto
transitionquicklybetweensleep,work,andrecording,Saadseemeddeterminedto
disciplinehisactions.Iarguethatclearlydelineatedandcompartmentalized
timeframes,andthelogicofspatialcompartmentalizationinDubai,combineto
conformasenseandethicof“compressedlife”foraworkingreciterlikeSaad.Isee
thisasanethicoflifeconformedinandthroughDubai’sparticularenvironmentof
regulationandspatialcontainment.
Improvisationinnōḥastudiorecitation
Iendbyreconsideringhowcreativitycanbeaformofactivityconsistent
withanethicofcontainment.Isupposethattheconversionofaone-bedroom
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apartmentintoasoundinsulatingandpartitionedrecordingstudioisacreativeuse
of(limited)spaceandofavailableconstructionmaterials,andsimilartootherforms
ofpartitioningthatforeignresidentsinDubaiengagein.Ihavealsonotedhowthe
approachtoperformingnōḥēinthespaceofthestudiowashighlydisciplinedbythe
concerntoadheretopitchandregularrhythm,structuredbytheimperativeto
“listen”tothedummy-track,andrepresentedgraphicallybythesoundoscillation
wavesdepictedintheProToolssession.Still,withinthisstructureofconstraintand
pitch-discipline,IalsonotedGulamandotherstoperformimprovisationally,andto
“riff”vocallyoncertainpoeticlines,intheshortbreaksbetweentherecording
sessions,andasawaytodemonstratedifferentrecitationtechniques.Iarguethat
thesepracticesareparticulartothestudioperformanceenvironment,andtoother
enclosedenvironments.TheyresemblethetypeofidlerecitationsIobservedSaad
toengageinwhiledrivingwithmeandothers,inmyanalysisinChapter1.I
considerthisimprovisationalmodeanoutcomeofthecontainedenvironmentsin
general,andtothestudioinparticular.
Atonepoint,Gulamdemonstratedhisownproficiencyasareciter,by
demonstratinghisvisionfortherecitationofAbtōājā’ō,ImamMahdi.AsSaadand
his“chorus”membersgatheredaround,Gulamdemonstratedthetunethathehad
writtenforSaad,butalsoexpandedonit.Inawidelymodulatingtonalpattern,he
“riffed”foraminuteonthearepetitionofthename“ImamMahdi.”Hesmiledashe
improvisedthisline,atonceseemingtodemonstratetoSaadhowthetunecouldbe
performed,andalsotryingtoinspirehimtobeon-pitch.Saadandhischorus
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memberslistenedwithraptattention,andexpressedtheirappreciationvocally:a
reactiontoGulam’svocalandtechnicalprowess.
Urdupoeticrecitationgenerally—religiousandnon-religiousgenres—
featureelementsofimprovisationwithinrule-governedtune-frameworksandasan
exerciseinrecombinationofsettonalcomponents.RegulaQureshidescribesasetof
“mostlyindividuallyimprovisedtunes,”forinstance,intarannum:asecularUrdu
poetrygenre.Assuch,theyare“basedonsimilaroverallmelodicingredientsbut
differingwidelyinindividualoutlineandtonalgrouping”(Qureshi1969,433).I
notehowherdescriptionherereflectsthe“reconstruction”processinbricolage.
Furthermore,Qureshidescribeshowing̠ẖazal,apopularUrduseculargenre,
“considerablevariability”isbasedon“consciousmusicalimprovisationwithina
consciouslyperceivedmusicalframework.”Bycontrast,shedescribeshowin
Islamicpoeticgenres,includingShia“chants,”“thereciter’spersonalityremains
moresubdued,”anddescribesa“generallackofmusicalvariabilityand
performancefeaturesexpressingpersonalstyle”(Qureshi1969,442).Totheextent
thatGulamandotherperformersriffcreativelyonlinesandkeywordsinpoems—
recreationallyandaspartoftherecordingprocess—Iarguethatstudiospaces
enableawiderrangeofcreativeexpressionsthanthatwhichisacceptableinpublic
performanceenvironments.Giventherelativeemphasisonstudiorecordinginthis
Dubaicommunity,Isupposethatformsofcreativereligiousexpressionsflourishin
relationtoDubai’scompartmentalizedenvironments.
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Conclusion
Atamostbasiclevel,Iassociateethnographywithempathy.Ofteninthis
research,asamethodofinquiryintotheexperiencesofmyinformants,Iaimed
projectandimaginemyselfasI“mightbeormighthavebeenunderother
circumstances”(Jackson2013,10,emphasisoriginal).Thecharactersthatfillthis
ethnographyrepresentacross-sectionoftheUrdu-speakingShiacommunityin
Dubai.MyfindingsbothbuildonandexpandonotherGulf-regionethnographiesof
Asianworkingandbusinessclasses.Still,Ichosetofocusonthesmallgroupin
ordertoexcavatethesubtlelinkagesbetweentheirsocial,religious,andworklives.
Amorecross-sectionalstudywithlargerparticipantenrollmentwouldnothave
allowedmetodevelopsuchcloserelationshipswiththesmallgroupofcommunity
membersthatIdid.TheyarethekeycharactersintheethnographyIhave
presentedintheprecedingchapters.
Thisdissertationhastrackedhowfreemarketforcesandstateregulatory
enterprisescreategapsinthebuiltenvironmentofDubai,intowhichforeign
migrantsprojectvariousexperiences.Acoherenceof“experience”particularto
migrantlifeinDubaiowestoethicsthattranscendacrosslifeactivities,andare
madesalientbyvarious“environmentalforces:”economic,regulatory,natural.
Acrossfivechapters,Ihavedwelledinthesespatialgapsinthebuiltenvironment.
Recall,forinstance,the“partitioned-partitions”ofinteriorspace,whichfunctionas
bothmigrantlivingspacesandsoundrecordingstudiosinDubai,andsometimes
alsocarryasenseofinterment,inChapter5.Thesegmentationofspaceviadrywall
partitionsisawaythatmigrantsareabletoreclaimspace.MembersofthisShia
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communitybuildsoundstudiostoperformandrecordpoetry,whichservesto
protestkeyinjusticeperpetratedintheIslamiccommunity.Formsoforganized
publicprotestaredisallowedinDubai.Orconsiderthecalmemptyoutdoorpublic
spacesinChapter4,creationsoftheregulatoryenvironmentandemblematicof
publicorderinDubai,butintowhichmigrantsprojectanxietiesbothabout
concealedcrimesinDubai,andaboutcriminalactivity,violence,andfirst-hand
victimhoodexperiencesinPakistan.
RecalltheparticularexcessesofconstructionexploredinChapters2and3.
Forinstance,thevacantresidentialbuildingsindistantDubailuxurydevelopments,
overpricedforthemarket,andforwhichZakirstruggledtofindrenters.Andthen
thetidyandexpansiveofficesuiteZakir’sfirmoccupied,vacantbyearlyevenings,
whereZakirmanagedarapidflowofimagesonhisFacebookduringidletime.And
recallthehigh-qualitybutpoorly-finishedandinexpertly-installedbuilding
materialsinexpansiveluxuryconstructionprojects:asituationwhichperpetuated
thevacancyoftheseunfinishedspacesbeyondconstructioncompletiondeadlines,
totheconsternationofsitemanagersandowners.AndinChapter1,thinkofthe
builtspacesthatsupportDubai’scosmopolitangrowthandfree-flowofpeopleand
goods—smoothroadsandausterebloodclinics—inwhichmigrantscombine
multiplediscreteambitionsintounifiedandcoordinatedactions.
Ontheonehand,thesespacesarethekeysitesofmigrantself-makingthatI
followedinthisproject.Isupposethatthesespaceshelpconformethicsofactivity
germanetovariouslifedomains.Chapter1,forinstance,tracedthelivesofafew
membersoftheShiaexpatriatecommunityinDubai,forwhomanethicofefficiency
301
inworkplaceenvironmentsandworkritualsmirroredapreferenceforefficient
downtimeandreligiouspractices.Iexploredhowblooddonationworkstoservethe
broadercommunityofDubaiandtoaccruereligiousbenefit(s̤awāb).Chapter2
consideredhowanenvironmentflushwithmobiletechnologies—theU.A.E.hasthe
highestcellphonepenetrationrateintheworld—andwithunusedrealestate
allowsforavibrantvirtualexperiencewith“excessive”religiousritualsviamobile
images.OnFacebook,InotedhowShiausersaimtocurateexcessiveexperiences,
managingachaoticflowofimages,whilefilteringoutundesirableones.Inotehere
howmembersofthiscommunitycultivateanethicof“managedexcess”intheir
engagementofimageryonmobiletechnologiesandcomputers.This“crisis
management”ethichelpsmembersalignformsofreligiousandworklifestruggle.
InChapter3,Inotefirsthowconstructionsinthepost-boomeracontinue,
thoughatadiminishedrate.Thesefuelamarketforservicescontractors,likemy
friendsinthecommunity,whosecompanyprovidepaintingandotherfinishing
services.Specifically,thelureofgrandioseconstructions,andthematerialityof
high-qualitywoodwork,forinstance,drawthemintoinflatedestimationsoftheir
ownwork.Thatis,excessesofscaleandqualityinconstructionsintheenvironment
fuelanaspirationalspiritinthisgroup,partlynurturedinthedowntime
environmentoftheirsharedlivingspace,andcreatetheconditionsunderwhich
theyovervaluetheirwork.Inthisway,theyrepeatedlyfailincontractnegotiations,
inspiteoflingeringlarge-scalefinancialdebt.Theethicofstrivingtheycultivatein
theirworkpropelsanunstableenergythatperpetuatestheirlifeinDubai,anethic
302
thatalsodestabilizestheirsocialrelationships,undercutstheirworkproductivity,
andisolatestheirreligiousactivities.
InChapter4,Iexploredhow,inahighlyregulatedenvironment—
characterizedbypocketsandperiodsofpubliccalmandbyageneralabsenceof
visiblecriminalactivity—speculationsandanxietiesaboutcriminalactivities
flourishinthePakistanimigrantcommunity.Itracedthetellingsandcontentof
crimestoriesthatinformantstoldme,inwhichthey“projected”anxietiesabout
concealedcriminalityinDubaiontoactuallivedexperiencesandanxietiesabout
violenceandcrimeinPakistan.Ethicsofstorytelling—thatis,ethicsof“reflection”
andof“grounding”narrativeindetail—allowmemberstoalignanxietiesabout
worklifeandaboutcriminalactivity.
Finally,inChapter5,IexploretheeffectsofregimesofShiaandmigrant
constraintontheactivitiesofexpressivesonicproduction.Iexaminehowa)the
imperativeonShiastocontainreligiousritualsintheDubai,andb)thedisciplines
germanetostudiorecordinginrelationtopitchandtone,areconsistent.Inthe
struggletomanagevariousformsofconstraint—imposedbyworkschedulesand
thedemandsofstudiorecording—Iexaminehowconstraintbecomesaway-of-life
forreciters.Inthisway,Isee“constraint”or“containment”asanethicoforganizing
spaceandoforganizingone’slifeinDubai.Intheever-multiplyinginteriorspacesof
sonicproductionandmigrantliving—partitionsofpartitions—Iobservedthemto
pursueself-disciplineinlinewith“neoliberal”expectationsandaccumulating
religious“benefit.”
303
GlossaryofKeyUrduandArabicTerms
Word Language Roots/relatedwords
Definition
ʻĀshūrā Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
‘Ashr(“ten”inArabic)
Literally“tenth.”“SacreddayofthetenthofMuharramsanctifiedbyImamHusain’smartyrdom”(Qureshi2005,429)
‘Azādārī Persian,Urdu(fromArabicandPersian)
‘Aza’(“lamentation”or“mourning”inArabic)(Richardson1829,1006)and–dari(“theartof”);Zamindari(“systemoflandholding”)96
Mourning(Emami2006,604),literally,theartorsystemofthepracticeofmourning
‘Ibādat Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Worship(Platts1884,758)
‘Ulamā’ Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
‘Ālim(sing.),‘ilm(“knowledge”inArabic,Persian,Urdu)
Scholars,religiousscholars,theologians(Wehr1979,745)
Aʻmāl Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
‘Amal(“work”inArabic)
Deeds,doings,actions(Platts1884,61)
Azān(Adhān) Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Idhan(“ear”inArabic)
Calltoprayer
Ćehlum Persian,Urdu(fromPersian)
Literally“fortieth,”or“fortiethday”(Platts1884,463)
Fāʼida Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Benefit,usefulness(Platts1884,776)
Hawāla Arabic Hawal(“around”inArabic)(Wehr1979,253)
Literally“billofexchange”(Wehr1979,254)or“transfer”(Richardson1829,
96Merriam-Webster.Zamindari.Availableonline[accessedJuly1,2016]:http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/zamindari
304
585).Imāmbārgāh Urdu(fromArabic
&Persian)Imām(“headofareligion”)(Platts1884,79),-gāh(“place”),‘Īdgāh(Eidprayersite),bandargāh(“seaport”inPersianandUrdu)(Emami2006,154)
Literally“PlaceoftheImams,”functionallyaShiacommunitygatheringcenter97
Jabr Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Force,oppression,constraint,compulsion(Platts1884,375)
Jamā‘t Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Jāmi‘a(“association”inArabic),majma‘(gatheringplaceinArabic)(Wehr1979,160-161)
Community,party,troop(Wehr1979,160)
Julūs Urdu(fromArabicandPersian)
Jels(“tosit”inArabic)
Procession(Qureshi2005,231)
Kafāla Arabic Sponsorship,pledge,security(Wehr1979,976)
Majbūrī Urdu,Persian(fromArabic)
Jabr,jābr,majbūr Compulsion,constraint,oppression(Platts1884,375)
Majlis Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Jels(“tosit”inArabic)
Assembly,congregation(Platts1884,1003)
Mana‘ Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Forbidden,prohibition(Platts1884,1078)
Mars̤iya Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
“Elegy,dirge(asagenrecommemorating
97Here,thedictionarydefinitionislengthyandreflectsthe“imāmbārgāh’s”historicallymore-specificfunction,especiallyinindigenousIndo-PakistaniShiaculture:“TheplacetowhichthetaʻziyaisconveyedandkeptintheMoḥarram,andwhereofferingsaremadetothedead;abuildinginwhichthefestivaloftheMoḥarramiscelebrated,andinwhichservicesareheldincommemorationofthedeathofʻAlīandhissonsHasanandHusain;(thesamebuildingissometimesusedasamausoleumforthefamilyofthefounder)”(Platts1884,79-80)
305
ImamHusain’smartyrdom)”(Qureshi2005,579)98
Mātam Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Grief,mourning(Platts1884,978)99
Mōminīn Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Singular:Mōmin Believers(Qureshi2005,622)
Niyat(Niyah) Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Intention,aim,purpose(Platts1884,1165)
Nōḥa Persian,Urdu(fromPersian)
Lamentation,dirge(Qureshi2005,652)100
Pābandī Persian,Urdu(fromPersian)
Pā(foot),band(boundorclosed)
Restraint,restriction(Qureshi2005,142)
S̤awāb(Thawāb) Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
“Recompense,”“reward(especially,ofobediencetoGod)(Platts1884,369)
Shajara Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Tree,genealogicaltree(Platts1884,722)
Wājib Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Necessary,obligatory(Platts1884,1172)
Wā‘z̤ī Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)
Wā‘ẓ(“Preacher”or“admonisher”inArabic)(Richardson1829,1626).
Preaching(colloquiallypreachiness/bombast)
ZabarKarna Urdu(fromPersian)
Zabardastī(Superiority,
Topracticeviolenceon,to
98“Elegyorheroicnarrative,oftenhighlydramatic,consistingof6-linestrophes.Chantedusuallybygroupinunison.Thechantedmarsiyamaybefollowedbyamarsiyapoeminthestyleofformaloratory”(R.Qureshi1981,45).99“Dirge,simple,highlyexpressivebutpassionate,evenmartialincharacter.Accompaniedbychestbeatsonthepartofthestandingaudience.Concludedbyresponsorialcallsinvokingthemartyrstocontinuouschestbeats”(R.Qureshi1981,45).100“Dirge,simple,highlyexpressiveandlyricalincharacter.Coupletsorstrophesusuallywithrefrain,sungsoloorbyagroup”(R.Qureshi1981,45).
306
oppression,forceinUrdu)
oppress(Platts1884,615)
Z̤ulm Urdu(fromArabic) Zālim(tyrant) Tyranny,oppression,violence(Platts1884,755)
307
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CurriculumVitae
BrianTilleywasbornonMarch7,1983inNewYork,NewYork,U.S.A.He
completedhisBachelorofArtsdegreeinMay2005fromHamiltonCollegein
Clinton,NewYork,U.S.A.,withamajorinAsianStudiesandaminorinMathematics,
receivingdepartmentalhonorsinAsianStudies.Aftergraduating,hecompletedone
yearofethnographicresearchinNorthIndiafundedbyaFulbrightStudentGrant.
HecompletedhisMasterofArtsdegreeinAnthropologyinOctober2011fromJohns
HopkinsUniversityinBaltimore,Maryland,U.S.A.AsagraduatestudentatJohns
Hopkins,hetaughtanundergraduateseminarcourseandwasTeachingAssistant
forthreeotherundergraduatecoursesinanthropology.Hecompletedfifteen
monthsofdissertationfieldresearchintheUnitedArabEmiratesfrom2010-2012,
fundedbygrantsfromtheNationalScienceFoundation,AmericanInstituteof
PakistanStudies,andJohnsHopkinsUniversity.Heservedasaresearchassistantat
theKennedySchoolofGovernmentatHarvardUniversityin2013-2014.He
completedhisPh.D.degreeinAnthropologyinOctober2016fromJohnsHopkins
University.